^^
PRINCETON, N. J. ^*
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BR 148 .A4
Allen, Alexander V. G. 1841-
1908.
Chrls-blan Ins -bl-bu-b Ions
i
XCbe IFntemational
XTbcoIooical Xibtar^.
EDITORS' PREFACE.
Theology has made great and rapid advances in recent
years. New lines of investigation have been opened up,
fresh light has been cast upon many subjects of the deepest
interest, and the historical method has been applied with
important results. This has prepared the way for a Library
of Theological Science, and has created the demand for it
It has also made it at once opportune and practicable now
to secure the services of specialists in the different depart-
ments of Theology, and to associate them in an enterprise
which will furnish a record of Theological inquiry up to
date.
This Library is designed to cover the whole field of Chris-
tian Theology. Each volume is to be complete in itself,
while, at the same time, it will form part of a carefully
planned whole. One of the Editors is to prepare a volume
of Theological Encyclopaedia which will give the history
and literature of each department, as well as of Theology
as a whole.
The Library is intended to form a series of Text-Books
for Students of Theology.
The Authors, therefore, aim at conciseness and compact-
ness of statement. At the same time, they have in view
ii EDITORS' PREFACE.
that large and increasing class of students, in other depart-
ments of inquiry, who desire to have a systematic and thor-
ough exposition of Theological Science. Technical matters
will therefore be thrown into the form of notes, and the
text will be made as readable and attractive as possible.
The Library is international and interconfessional. It
will be conducted in a catholic spirit, and in the interests
of Theology as a science.
Its aim will be to give full and impartial statements both
of the results of Theological Science and of the questions
which are still at issue in the different departments.
The Authors will be scholars of recognized reputation in
the several branches of study assigned to them. They will
be associated with each other and with the Editors in the
effort to provide a series of volumes which may adequately
represent the present condition of investigation, and indi-
cate the way for further progress.
CHARLES A. BRIGGS.
STEWART D. F. SALMOND.
VOLUMES ALREADY PUBLISHED.
An Introduction to the Litera- By S. R. Driver, D.D., Regius Pro-
ture of the Old Testament. lessor of Hebrew and Canon of
Christ Church, Oxford.
Christian Ethics. By Newman Smyth, D.D., Pastor of
the First Congregational Church,
New Haven, Conn.
Apologetics. By A. B. Bruce, D.D., Professor of
New Testament Exegesis, Free
Church College, Glasgow.
History of Christian Doctrine. By G. P. Fisher, D.D., LL.D., Pro-
fessor of Ecclesiastical History, Yale
College, New Haven, Conn.
A History of Christianity in By Arthur C. M'Giffert, D.D.,
the Apostolic Age. Professor of Church History,
'^ Union Theological Seminaxv,
Nev7 York.
C§e Jnternationaf C^eofo^tcaf EiBrarjp.
VOLUMES IN PREPARATION.
Christian Institutions.
The Study of the Old Testa-
ment.
Old Testament History.
Contemporary History of the
Old Testament.
Theology of the Old Testa-
ment.
An Introduction to the Litera-
ture of the New Testament.
Canon and Text of the Nev/
Testament.
Contemporary History of the
New Testament,
Theology of the New Testa-
ment,
The Ancient Catholic Church.
The Latin Church.
Philosophy of Religion.
Comparative Religion.
The Christian Pastor.
Rabbinical Literature.
Theological Encyclopedia.
Life of Christ.
By A. V. G. Allen, D.D., Profes-
sor of Ecclesiastical History,
P. E. Divinity School, Cam-
bridge, Mass. (A'ow Ready.)
By Herbkrt Edward Ryle, B.D.,
President of Queen's College,
Cambridge, England.
B}"- Henry Preserved Smith, D. D.,
late Professor of Hebrew, Lane
Theological Seminary, Cincin-
nati, Ohio.
By Francis Brown, D.D., Profes-
sor of Hebrew, Union Theologi-
cal Seminary, New York.
By A. B. Davidson, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Hebrew, New Col-
lege, Edinburgh.
By S. D. F. S almond, D.D., Pro-
fessor of Systematic Theology
and New Testament Exegesis,
Free Church College, Aberdeen.
By Caspar Rene Gre/jory, D.D.,
Professor of New Testament
Exegesis in the University o£
Leipzig.
By Frank C. Por er, Ph.D , Pro-
fessor of Biblical Theology, Yale
Universit5% New Haven, Conn.
Bj' George B. Stevens.D D., Pro-
fessor of Systematic Theology,
Yale University, New Haven,
Conn.
By Robert Rainy, D.D., LL.D.,
Principal of the New College,
Edinburgh.
By Archibald Robertson, D.D.
Principal of King's College.
By Robert Flint, D.D., LL.D..
Professor of Divinity in the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh.
By A. M. Fairbairn, D.D., Princi-
pal of Mansfield College, Oxford.
By Washington Gladden, D.D.,
Pastor of Congregational Church,
Columbus, Ohio. {In Press.)
By S, Schechter, M.A, Christ's
College, Cambridge, England.
By Charles A. Briggs, D.D., Pro-
fessor of Biblical Theology,
Union Theological Seminary,
New York.
By William Sanday, D.D., Lady
Margaret Professor of Divinity
and Canon of Christ Church,
Oxford.
^be llntcrnational ^bcolooical Xibrarv\
EDITED BY
CHARLES A. BRIGGS, D.D.,
Edward Robinson Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological
Soiiinary, Neiv York;
AND
STEWART D. F. SALMOND, D.D.,
Professor of Systematic Theology and New Testament Exegesis,
Free Church College, Aberdeen.
CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS.
By ALEXANDER V. G. ALLEN, D.D.
International Theological Library
CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS
ALEXANDER V. G. ALLEN, D.D.
PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN THE EPISCOPAL
THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL IN CAiMBRIDGE
AUTHOR OF "the CONTINUITY OF CHRISTIAN THOUGHT," "LIFE OF
JONATHAN EDWARDS," "RELIGIOUS PROGRESS," ETC.
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1897
COPYRIGHT, 1897, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
J. S. Gushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith
Norwood Mass. U.S.A.
This treatise is a summary of the church's history
from the point of view of its institutions. The effort has
been made to show how organization, creeds, and cultus
are related to the spiritual life and to the growth of
Christian civilization. The field covered by the title,
Christian Institutions, is so large that the selection of the
subjects to be treated, and the proportion of space assigned
to each, must reflect to some extent the personality of the
author, obliging him to tell what connected impressions
he has gained from the wide survey. Otherwise the
work would become a small dictionary of Christian an-
tiquities, or a series of brief imperfect monographs.
Hitherto no attempt has been made in a formal manner
to study the institutions of Christianity with reference
to their mutual relationships. Even the term ' Institu-
tions ' requires to be defined. Its expansion to cover
creeds and doctrines, as well as organization and ritual,
must be justified by that growing usfe of the word which
makes it include the prominent features of the church, its
rules of procedure, habits of action, or those related facts
regulating its conduct in the attainment of its end.
The work was begun some five years ago, when, through
the kindness of Augustus Lowell, Esq., it took shape as a
course of Lowell Lectures. Its preparation for the press
was soon after interrupted, and three years elapsed before
it was again resumed, under a sense of pressure in conse-
V
Vi PREFACE
quence of the long delay. To make such a work as this
complete is in the nature of the case impossible. But it
may serve to call attention to a method of dealing with
the subject wherein the dispassionate attempt is made to
penetrate the meaning of usages that seem irrational be-
cause familiarity has dimmed our vision, or an inward
repugnance prevented our doing the justice for which
they plead and wait.
To the Rev. Henry J. W. Allen of Glen Loch, Penn-
sylvania, to Professor P. H. Steenstra, D.D., of Cam-
bridge, and to the Rev. Arthur N. Peaslee of Cambridge,
my thanks are given for valuable aid in revising proof-
sheets and for many important suggestions.
Cambridge, May 6, 1897.
CONTENTS
BOOK I
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
CHAPTER I
PAGE8
Historical Survey .......... 5-20
The organization of the church, not the result of accident, but
reflects deep motives in the Christian life or in Christian civiliza-
tion. The origin of the Christian ministry a matter of controversy
in the sixteenth century. The attitude of Jerome, who denied the
' divine riglit' of episcopacy, and maintained that the elevation of
the bishop above the presbyter was an ecclesiastical arrangement.
The statement of Jerome incorporated in the Canon Law of the
Roman church. To this statement the appeal was made in the age
of the Reformation. The English Reformers influenced by it, as
well as the Puritans. Hence the caution and moderation of the
tone of the English Reformers. A change in the Church of Eng-
land toward the close of the century, and episcopacy by ' divine
right ' asserted by Bancroft, and by Hall, who sought to overcome
the force of Jerome's influence. The Puritans in reply maintained
the statement of Jerome, and identified bishops and presbyters
in the Apostolic age. Jeremy Taylor the first to maintain that
Apostles were originally bishops, but not known by that title. In the
sixteenth century Anglicans had held that the form of church gov-
ernment was not prescribed by Scripture, while Puritans held that
Presbyterianism was of divine appointment. In the seventeenth
century these attitudes reversed, Anglicans maintaining episcopacy
by 'divine right,' while Puritans took Hooker's ground, that the
form was a matter of indifference. The discovery of the Shorter
Greek Recension of the Ignatian Epistles as giving a new direction
to the controversy, but leading to no results. A new impulse
given to the discussion in the nineteenth century by the application
of the principle of historical development. Theories of the origin
of the episcopate maintained by Rothe and by Baur. Contribu-
tion to the inquiry by Ritschl. Renan's contention that ecclesias-
tical organization was influenced by secular models. The important
service rendered by Bishop Lightfoot in vindicating the genuine-
vii
Vlll CONTENTS
ness of the Ignatian Epistles and in other ways. Dr. Hatch ques-
tioned Jerome's statement, which Lightfoot had approved, that
'bishop' and 'presbyter' were at first synonymous terms. Dr.
Harnack demonstrates that the office of ' bishop ' was from the first
distinct from that of ' presbyter.' The discovery of the Didache
furnishes the missing link between the Apostolic age and the time
of Ignatius.
CHAPTER II
Apostles, Prophets, Teachers ...... 21-36
Ignorance of the date of the New Testament writings makes ex-
act statement impossible in regard to changes of organization, but
the difficulty in a measure overcome by classifying these writings
according to generations. In the first Christian generation, the ^
writings of St. Paul furnish the authoritative account of the min-
istry. It was divided into two ranks : the higher, including Apos-
tles, prophets, and teachers ; and the lower, or local administrative
offices. The first and only mention of bishops is in the Epistle to
the Philippians, where there is more than one bishop in the com-
munity. The account of St. Paul in harmony with that given in
the early part of the Acts of the Apostles. The Twelve and the
appointment of the Seven illustrate the higher and the lower grades
of the ministry, — the ministry of the Word, and the ministry of
the tables. Tlie connection of the Seven with the later diaconate.
The prophets occupy the second place in the higher grade. Dis-
tinction between Apostles and prophets. The office of the teacher.
These three classes of officers constituted a ministry at large, and
were not localized. Their separate functions might be united in
one man, as in the case of St. Paul. The Apostolate as limited to
the Twelve. The larger Apostolate, which included St. Paul and
many others. How far the larger Apostolate had been eye-wit-
nesses of the Resurrection. The labors of St. Paul as an Apostle.
Slight information regarding the Apostolic activity of the Twelve.
Appointment to the larger Apostolate ; in the case of St. Paul,
through the agency of prophets 'and teachers. On this larger
Apostolate, and not exclusively on the Twelve, the church was
built as a foundation, together with the prophets, and Christ as the
Corner Stone.
CHAPTER III
Presbyters, Bishops, Deacons ...... 37-45
The first generation of the Apostolic age followed by the age of
the elders or presbyters. 'J'he prominence of the presbyters dis-
closed in the New Te.stament writings of the second generation.
The list of officers given in the Epistle to the Ephesians. Use of
the terms 'evangelist,' 'pastor,' Tiyov/j-evoL. Light thrown by the
CONTENTS ix
PAGES
Pastoral Epistles. The qualifications of the bishops, and their re-
lation to the presbyters. Whether there was a plural episcopate
or a single bishop in the church at Ephesus. The presbyterate, as
it appears in the Second and Third General Epistles of St. John.
CHAPTER IV
The Age of Transition ........ 46-60
To the third generation belong the Epistle of Clement of Rome,
the Didache, the Shepherd of Ilermas, and the Ignatian Epistles.
General characteristics of Clement's epistle. The list of church
officers enumerated. The burden of his message, that all things
should be done in order. His comparison of the Christian minis-
try to the Jewish priesthood. The doctrine of the transmission of
authority through verbal commission. How far his teaching is
sanctioned by the New Testament. Contention in regard to the
episcopal office and how it is to be overcome. The exact nature
of the disturbance at Corinth is not made apparent. The episco-
pate as a life office. Four grades of officers in the Roman
church, when Clement wrote, and the episcopate a plural one. In
the Shepherd of Hernias, the officers of the church are prophets,
teachers, presbyters, bishops, and deacons. The interest of Hermas
centres in the prophets. The Didache alludes to Apostles, prophets,
and teachers as still the officers of the church, but they are on the
eve of vanishing. The prophet may be settled in a community, or
bishops (the plural episcopate) and deacons may be appointed as
a substitute by the congregation. There is no mention of the
presbyter, but bishops and deacons are coupled together, as in the
Pastoral Epistles, in the Epistle of Clement, and in the Shepherd
of Hermas.
CHAPTER V
The Ignatian Episcopate ....... 61-71
Date of the Ignatian writings. Apostles, prophets, and teachers
have disappeared. The object of Ignatius is to exalt the episco-
pate, but not to depreciate the presbyterate. Obedience is enjoined
to the threefold order, — bishops, presbyters, and deacons. The
chief stress laid upon submission to the bishop as standing in the
place of God. The presbyters are always represented as successors
of the Apostles, and in this respect Ignatius is in harmony with
New Testament precedents. The coimection of the bishop with
the Eucharist a vital one in Ignatius' mind. No importance at-
tached to tradition, or to Apostolic authority in urging obedience
to the bishop ; but the authority of Ignatius is a direct message
from the Spirit. His silence regarding the order of prophets diffi-
cult to explain. His scheme a transcendental one. The character
of Ignatius and of the time as throwing light upon his teaching.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER VI
PAGES
Theories regarding the Origin of the Episcopate . . 72-86
(1) The government of the church varied in different places and
at different times in the same place. But beneath the variations
there was principle and unity. (2) The position of James, the
Lord's brother, in the church at Jerusalem as a witness to the Apos- '
tolic origin of the episcopate. But this position was exceptional,
resting on a peculiar basis, and constituting a peculiar type, neither
of which were followed in the Ignatian episcopate. (3) The episco-
pate arose by the localization of the Apostolate. The evidence for
this is lacking ; the calling of an Apostle incongruous with his set-
tlement. The cases of Peter and John. The silence of the Ignatian
Epistles. The Apostle not the prototype of the bishop. (4) That
presbyter and bishop are names used as synonyms in the New
Testament, and that the episcopate was formed out of the presbyt-
erate by elevation. Grounds on which this theory has been ques-
tioned and rejected. Presbyters always mentioned by themselves, "
and where thus mentioned no allusion is made to bishops and
deacons. Significance of the association of bishops with deacons ;
both were connected with the administration of the Eucharist.
The bishop was the financial officer of the local community, to
which, in connection with his relation to the Eucharist, he owed
his prominence in the local community. Growing importance of
the Eucharist in the second century furnishes a clew to the eleva-
tion of the bishop above the presbyter. The function of the pres-
byter was changing. He was originally the bearer of the tradition,
but the appearance of the Rules of Faith and of the Canon of the
New Testament rendered this function superfluous. No complete
picture of the situation can yet be formed, but the outline is clear.
The significance of the elevation of the bishop lies in giving the
foremost place to the administration of ecclesiastical affairs.
CHAPTER VII
The Christian Ministry in the Second Century . . 87-106
At the beginning of the century the bishop was presented as the .
successor of Christ ; at the end of the century he had become the
successor of the Apostles. Explanation of the change. The pres-
byter at first presented as the successor of the Apostles. Why the
presbyter lost this position. The change was owing to the neces-
sity of overcoming the heretics, who appealed to the tradition. To
meet the Gnostics was one object in the formation of the Canon,
and of the Rules of Faith, of which the bishop became the official
curator. The presbyter was no longer needed as a witness to the
tradition. Illustrations of the situation in the utterances of Papias,
of Hegesippus, and in the writings of Irenseus. AVhy Irenasus
seems to use the names 'presbyter' and 'bishop' as synonymous.
CONTENTS Xi
PAGES
Theory of Irenseus regarding the Apostolical succession. Tertul-
lian's presentation of the subject in his Prescription of Heretics ;
his theory of Apostolical succession. The change in the presbyter's
office completed by the end of the second century. The bishop
had absorbed the presbyter's function, which had then become
a purely administrative one, and to the presbyter was assigned a
share in the bishop's original function of administering the Eucha-
rist. In the time of Tertullian, the larger Apostolate had been
forgotten, and the name of Apostle was limited to the Twelve, with
the exception of St. Paul. The passing of the prophets. Mon-
tanism, an effort to restore the office ; conflict between the bishops
and the prophets. The ideal of the episcopate as compared with
the mission of the prophets. The rise of the Catholic church, and
its struggle with Montanism. Weakness in the Montanist concep-
tion of prophecy. The transition of Tertullian from the Catholic
church to the Montanists, an illustration of the movements of the
age. Prophecy was condemned and banished, but the settlement
of the second century not a final one. Effect of the suppression
of prophecy. The office of the Reader, the last relic of the ancient
prophetic order.
CHAPTER VIII
The Age of Cyprian 107-136
The bishop, hitherto the pastor of the local church, begins to pass
over into the diocesan bishop. Explanation of the change. Rivalry
and conflict between bishops and presbyters. Cyprian held the
Roman theory of the transmission of power. The question of
ordination became, in consequence, of the highest importance.
Belief that the Holy Spirit was imparted by ordination in contrast
with the earlier conviction that the antecedent action of the Spirit
justified ordination. Instances of ordination in the New Testa-
ment. Significance of the laying on of hands. Prophets and
teachers received no ordination. No mention of the ordination
of bishops in the New Testament. Absence of allusion to the
method of ordination in writings of the second century; Clement
of Rome, the Didache, the Epistles of Ignatius, are silent as to the
mode of making presbyters and bishops. The ordination of a
bishop in the Apostolic Ordinances ; in the Clementine writings ;
according to the Canons of Hippolytus ; in the church at Alex-
andria. Cyprian's rule for making a bishop. The power invested
in the bishops of the province, and no longer in the congregation.
The bishops, according to Cyprian, constitute the church. His
theory of Apostolical succession. Ordinations by presbyters for-
bidden. The principle adopted that no ordination was valid with-
out the co-operation or sanction of the bishop. Traces of an earlier
usage. Distinctions among the bishops. The later type of bishop
first developed in the great cities. Cyprian vindicates the equality
XU CONTENTS
PAGES
of the bishops, but his conception of the ministry deepens the sepa-
ration between clergy and laity. The Christian ministry is trans-
formed into a priesthood after Jewish analogies. Hence followed
the necessity of altar and sacrifice. Cyprian's theory of Apostolical
succession compared with earlier theories. Growth of the metro-
politan bishops. Efforts to increase the dignity of the episcopate.
Relation of church and state. Cyprian's attitude provoked the
resistance of the state. Significance of the rise of priesthoods.
The Decian and Diocletian persecutions. The coming of Con-
stantine and the changed relations of the church to the state.
Peculiarities of Cyprian's conception of the episcopate in contrast
with the original motive of the olfice. Cyprian a Montanist at
heart ; he endeavored to combine Montanism and Catholicity, with
a result that was impracticable and intolerable. Difference in
attitude and circumstances between the Eastern and Western
episcopates.
CHAPTER IX
monasticism in its relation to the episcopate and to the
Catholic Church 137-178
The episcopate had found its opportunity in the city. Monasti-
cism was a return to the country. The praise of solitude by
Jerome. In its origin, monasticism was indifferent, if not averse,'
to the Catholic church, its priesthood and sacraments. Its key-
note on its ecclesiastical side was the dictum of Jerome that in the
beginning of Christ's religion the bishoi^ and presbyter were of
equal authority. Relation of Jerome to the bishops. That mo-
nasticism may be regarded as the continuation of the Montanist
purpose is shown by their common features. Montanism, Nova-
tianism, Donatism, Monasticism, constitute the line of succession.
The Catholic church stood for solidarity, monasticism for the prin-
ciple of individualism. The Catholic church was too sti'ong to be
overcome by the monastic movement, nor could the latter be sup-
pressed as Montanism had been. In the compromise which was
effected, the Eastern church succeeded in placing the monasteries
under episcopal control, but its bishops were henceforth taken
from the monasteries. Results of this compromise. In the West,
the Eastern system of patriarchates and metropolitans had not
been developed, and under this looser organization a greater oppor-
tunity was afforded to monasticism. The papacy was a compro-
mise between the episcopate and the monastery, leaning more to
the monastic interpretation of life than to the secular as repre-
sented by the bishop. The alliance between the papacy and
mona,sticism, first seen in Gregory the Great, was more fully real-
ized under Hildebrand. In mediating between the episcopate and
monasticism, the papacy fulfilled its highest function. To the
monastery and not to the bishop is chiefly owing the conversion
of Western Europe. In the intellectual development, the monks
CONTENTS Xiii
PAGES
took the lead. Among them are also to be found the greatest
saints. Equally important is their relation to the development of
civilization. The contrast between early monasticism and its later
forms. The secret of its history and of its success is what we
know as individualism, for which the Catholic church had made no
provision under the episcopate. The struggle between the bishops
and the monasteries, or between the ' secular ' and ' religious '
sides of the Mediteval church. In its first phase, the secular won,
and the monks were enrolled in the clerical order. In the next
stage, the monasteries were emancipated from episcopal control.
The monastery won another victory when celibacy was enforced
on the clergy. The bishops gave no support to Hildebrand when
he began his attack on the married clergy. The attempt of monas-
ticism to enforce poverty on the secular clergy ended in failure,
and with this failure Monasticism reached its limit and entered
on its decline. Other causes for its decline. In what ways it had
ministered to its higher purpose. The survival of its spirit. How
the monastic oi'ganization was affected by the decline and fall of
the papacy. The monastic presbyter was then left free with no
episcopal authority which could command his obedience. The
secular clergy took the vow of obedience to the bishop, the monas-
tic clergy to the presbyter-abbot. This circumstance exerted its
influence on the organization of the Protestant churches. The
worsliip, also, of the monasteries was of a different type from that
which was cultivated by the episcopate in the parish churches.
CHAPTER X
The Greek Church — Nationality and the Episcopate . 179-201
It was one function of the episcopate in the Middle Ages to
minister to the growth of the national consciousness. The bishop
became an officer of the state, and for this task was fitted by the
peculiar characteristics of his office. The monkish clergy indiffer-
ent to the welfare of the state. The secular tendency inherent in the
episcopate. National rivalries in the East. Their influence in ecclesi-
astical controversies. Rivalry between Rome and Constantinople.
Effect of these national jealousies and antipathies on Catholic
unity. Schism between the Greek and Latin churches. Con-
demnation of Roman usages at the Second TruUan Council. The
charges against Rome preferred by Photius, the Patriarch of Con-
stantinople. The Azymite heresy. Further alienation of the two
churches in the Image-worship Controversy. Connection between
East and West a nominal one since the fall of the Western Empire
in 476. What significance is to be attached to that date. Charle-
magne's coronation further separates the churches. The principle
of Catholic unity as illustrated in the Eastern church.
XIV CONTENTS
CHAPTER XI
PAGES
The Episcopate and the Papacy 202-230
The process in Gaul by which tlie bishop made the transition from
being the pastor of the local church to the ruler of a large diocese.
The bishops became important personages. Their relations to the
Merovingian monarchs. Question raised as to their appointment.
Decline of the episcopate in the seventh century. The reform came
from the monastery. The process began of subjecting the episco-
pate to the papacy. Revival of the metropolitan oflBce under
Charlemagne. The Capitulary of Frankfort. The effort of the
bishops to escape from the control of metropolitans. The Forged
Decretals ; their motive and their result. Tendency of the episco-
pate toward alliance with the sovereigns. A secular tendency
fexisted in the office from its first appearance. The work of the
bishops in the Middle Ages, of a twofold character, to represent
the church to the state, and to adapt religion to the masses of the
peoples. Their work a successful one. The papacy indifferent to
nationality. Lack of the national patriarchate. Hildebrand's aim
to subordinate nationality to imperialism. The Investiture Con-
troversy. The bishops incline to support the secular authority.
Illustrations in Germany, France, and England. Results of the
Investiture Controversy. The growth of nationality facilitated by
the union of the episcopate with the crown. Theory of relation-
ship of the episcopate to the papacy. The bishops fail the pope in
the effort to exterminate heresy. The monasteries furnish the tri-
bunal of inquisition. The crusade against the Albigenses. The
bishops in sympathy with the crown in the conflict with Boniface
VIII. Great value of the work done by the episcopate in the
Middle Ages. The Council of Constance and the assertion of
the principle of nationality. Decline of the Roman principle of
Catholicity.
CHAPTER XII
The Organization of the Churches in the Age of the
Reformation 231-278
The Reformers did not break up the unity of Christendom. The
revolution had been accomplished before they appeared. The
changes of the sixteenth century governed by the law of develop-,
ment. The Reformers did not aim at external unity, but assumed
the unity of the Spirit as actual, although invisible. They rejected
the Latin theory of Catholicity. The claims of papacy, episcopacy,
and presbytery as presented at the Council of Constance. The
Franciscans a type of ecclesiastical organizations in the age of the
Reformation. The Brothers of the Common Life. Influence of
the monastery on the Reformation in Germany. The New Testa-
ment was substituted for tradition as the supreme authority. In-
CONTENTS XV
PAGES
fluence of this conviction upon human arrangements. Change in
the conception of tlie presbyter's functions. Return of prophecy.
Its relation to reform. It possesses a corrective laclcing in the
second century. Tlie return of the teaclier. Alliance between
prophecy and learning in Germany. Cranmer and Calvin. Change
in the idea of the church. The changed conception of ordination.
Influence of the monastery in the elevation of the presbyterate.
The episcopal and presbyterial vows. Qualifications for the pres-
byterate. The bishops as the defenders of the faith. Value of
their tradition in the eyes of the Reformers. Influence of the doc-
trine of Justificatiou by Faith, in overcoming the corruptions of the
Mediaeval church. Why the episcopate was retained in England
and Sweden, and rejected in Germany, Scotland, Denmark, and
the Netherlands. The situation in Geneva. The influence of
Jerome's statement. Eveiy country was free to choose its form
of ecclesiastical organization. Presbyters led the Reformation in
Germany, in Switzerland, in Scotland ; but in England and Sweden
it was led by the crown with the acquiescence of the episcopate.
Influence of nationality upon the retention of the episcopate.
Countries converted by monastic agency abandoned the episco-
pate. The situation in England. The principles of Wycliffe.
The English Reformation developed bishops as leaders. How the
English church treated the monasteries, and the consequence of
this treatment in its later history. Nonconformity in England.
The larger bearing of the issue between episcopacy and presbytery.
Analogy in Jewish history. The title ' Protestant' not the antithesis
of ' Catholic' How the Protestant Reformers deflned Catholicity.
The use of ' Catholic ' in the creeds. Resemblances between the
Protestant churches and the greater monastic orders of the Latin
church. The evils of Protestantism as compared with its advan-
tages and its blessings.
BOOK II
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS AND THE DEVELOP-
MENT OF DOCTRINE
CHAPTER I
The Catholic Creeds 279-294
The Apostles' Creed ; time and place of its origin. Whether it
was a protest against Docetism. The Rule of Faith given by Ignatius.
The Apostles' Creed as the expansion of the baptismal formula.
Its historical character. Not known in the Eastern church till the
time of Origen. His commentary upon it. The Eastern Creeds :
Creed of Gregory Thaumaturgus ; of the church in Ctesarea ; the
Nicene Creed ; Creed of the Church in Jerusalem ; its later en-
XVI CONTENTS
PAGES
largement as presented to the Council of Constantinople in 381 ;
its approval by the Council at Chalcedon in 451, and its substitu-
tion for the Nicene Creed. The enlargement of the Roman or
Apostles' Creed in the eighth century. Comparison of the Apos-
tles' and Nicene creeds. The controversial character of the Nicene
Creed.
CHAPTER II
The Doctrine of the Trinity — Its Place in History and its
Relation to Human Progress 295-332
The formula of the Trinity grew out of the divine name given in
the baptismal formula. The triune name as corresponding to the
large divisions of religious experience. The religion of nature, the .
religion of humanity, the religion of the inner life. The doctrine
of the Trinity alone among Christian doctrines created no incu-
rable schism. The v^^hole church contributed to its development :
Ebionitism, Gnosticism, and Montanism. Patripassianism. The
theory of emanation. Relation of the doctrine to Greek philoso-
phy. The formula of the Homoousion. Arianism as an interpre-
tation of the relation of church and state. Opposition of the
Roman emperors to the Nicene Creed. Its final proclamation by
Theodosius, as the Catholic faith. The relation of the Homoousion
to the elevation and dignity of man. The teaching of Athanasius.
His conflicts with the Empire. Relation of the Homoousion to the
rise of monasticism. Its influence in Gaul. Hilary of Poitiers.
Arianism among the barbarians, and the reason for its espousal by
them. The Homoousion becomes the supreme issue of the rising
civilization. Gregory of Tours and his conversations with Arians.
The addition of the filioque to the Nicene Creed. The so-called
Athanasian Creed. Time and place of its origin. Its identification
of the Catholic faith with the doctrine of the Trinity. Its damna-
tory clauses. As a war-cry against Mohammedanism. The growth
of freedom in Gaul. The Protestant Reformers retain the three
creeds. In holding to the Trinity, they remained within the pale
of the Catholic church. The Homoousion, the social compact on
which church and state reposed. The Reformers were aware of
its significance and gave it the foremost place in their Confessions
of Faith. The case of Servetus.
CHAPTER III
The Historical Significance of the Miracle . . . 333-345
What is meant by Historical Christianity. The importance
assigned to the miracle in the Apostles' Creed. Comparison in this
respect with the early Eastern creeds. Definition of the miracle .
varies in the two churches. Faith as related to the miracle.
CONTENTS xvii
PAGKB
Results of the miracle upon the idea of God and the freedom of
man. It stands in opposition to the nature-worships. Its promi-
nence in Christianity, and its rejection by Buddhism and Islam has
a deep significance. The miracle in the Middle Ages. Its relation
to the development of the natural sciences.
CHAPTER IV
The Life of the Spirit — The Doctrine of the Atonement —
The Relation of the Divine to the Human . . 346-381
The silence of the Catholic creeds, and its explanation. They
represent the popular form of Christianity as represented by the
episcopate or the ' secular ' clei'gy in contrast with the monastery,
where scientific theology had its development. The coming of
Augustine, and its significance for the inner life of thought and
experience. Individualism and its relation to theological inquiry.
The doctrine of atonement not contained in the creeds, but is
prominent in Protestant Confessions of Faith. How far the doc-
trine was recognized in the ancient church, and the shape which it
took. Ignorance the source of the evil from which man is delivered.
Identification of humanity with Christ. The theory of a ransom
paid to iSatan found in Origen and the later Greek Fathers, but not
as their higher thought. Divergence between the Greek and Latin
churches regarding the idea of God and the nature of man. Augus-
tine the first to identify the Catholic church with the kingdom of
God. Change from Platonism to Ari.stotelianism. In the West,
God was conceived in His essence as will ; herein lies the explana-
tion of the Latin conception of the church and of the papacy, and of
the later Augustinian theology. Augu.stine held the doctrine that
a ransom was paid to Satan, but it was not his complete thought.
A great advance when Anselm taught that the ransom was paid to
God. By his doctrine of atonement Anselm overcomes in principle
the idea of God as absolute will on which the papacy rested.
Later theories of atonement in the Latin church. Comparison
between Calvinism and Augustinianism. The doctrine of atone-
ment in recent Protestant writers. The principle of the Fatherhood
of God. Dr. Bushnell's speculations on the subject. The value of
the altar language. Controversy regarding the Two Natures. Nes-
torianism. Cyril's conception of the relation of the divine and
human. The decision of Council of Chalcedon. Deficiencies of
the controversy. The principle at issue reappears in modern con-
troversies regarding the divine and tlie human element in Scripture.
Dangers of fusing the human with the divine.
xvm CONTENTS
CHAPTER V
PAGES
The Person of Christ in Modern Thought — Difficulty with
THE Miracle — Anglican and German Theology . 382-398
The stress of modern inquiry has been placed on tlie moral
character of Christ. Christ is conceived after the analogy of the
teacher who permeates humanity by his spiritual influence. The
word ' teacher ' as applied to Christ in the New Testament. Diffi-
culty of reconciling this conception of Christ with the miracle.
Causes of the modern repugnance to the miracle. Kesi-stance to the
miracle does not imply its rejection. Rothe's view of the miracle.
The Protestant churches, while accepting the creeds, vary in their
interpretation of them. There is no necessary opposition between
the creeds and the theologies. The doctrine-histories, as supplant-
ing the older method of producing systems of theology. The ,
distinction between creed and doctrine. The Church of England
gives theology expression in commentaries on the creeds. The
Nicene Creed as the formula of Christian unity.
BOOK III
CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
CHAPTER I
Baptism 399-437
Value of the two sacraments, Baptism and the Lord's Supper,
as expressing the essence of the Christian faith. Exalted and posi-
tive tone in speaking of baptism in the early church. The religious
experience of Cyprian. Changes which the rite of baptism has
undergone. The repetition of, forbidden. The formula of baptism.
Baptism in the name of Jesus only. Anonymous treatise on Re-
baptism in the age of Cyprian, and combating his policy. The
meaning of Confirmation. Baptism preceded by an ethical training
in the Catechumenate. Transition from adult to infant baptism ;
an expression of the sanctity of life. The overcoming of infanti-
cide. The doctrine of infant damnation. The Catechumenate pre-
ceding baptism in the early church gives way in the Middle Ages
to discipline after baptism. The 'penitential books' ; their method
and value. "Whosesoever sins ye remit." The inward motive
and the outward act. Substitution in punishment. The doctrine
of endless punishment. Purgatory. The common treasury of
merit. Indulgences. Defect in the Mediseval system of disci-
pline. The unconscious aims of life. Martin Luther. The prin-
ciple of the opus operatum. The system of discipline not retained
in the Lutheran and Anglican churches. Its decline in the Re-
formed church. Ethical modes and standards. The Book of
CONTENTS XIX
PACTS
Common Prayer. The doctrine of Election and the Reformed
church. Tlie doctrine of Justification by Faitli and tlie church
in Germany. Private judgment. The duty toward man and the
duty toward God. Tlie freedom of tlie Christian man. Dangers
which threaten freedom. The progress of the race and of the indi-
vidual. The confession of St. Paul, " 1 have kept the faith."
CHAPTEE II
The Development of Principles avhich \ffected the Cultus 438-465
The line of cleavage in worship. The worship of the monastery
and the ritual of the altar. Fuller development of the sacrament
of the altar in the Eastern church. The Latin doctrine of transub-
stantiation met with resistance in the West. Christian worship
not an imitation of the heathen mysteries. The principles which
undei'lay the nature-worships. The influence of Plato undermined
the mythologies. Its influence on the church. Gnosticism and
Manichseanism. The reaction of heathen religion, and the revival
of the nature-worships. Its influence traced in the ante-Nicene
age. Tertullian. The Apologists on the lack of temples, altars,
priesthood, and images in the early church. The contempt for
Egyptian worship. The expiring heathenism. The place of
Egypt in religious history. Greek religion. Neoplatonism. Its
relation to Gnosticism. Its deterioration and failure to become
a religion. The principle of Monophysitism. The doctrine of the
Incarnation. Athanasius and Cyril of Alexandria. The Anthro-
pomorphic Controversy. The condemnation of Origen. The
sacramental theology. The final victory over heathenism. Con-
trast with the development of the Jewish church.
CHAPTER III
The Christian Cultus 466-514
The weekly cycle. The Christian year. Coincidence of Easter
with the season of spring in the natural year. Epiphany. Its
parallelism with nature. Difference in the interpretation of, in the
Eastern and Western churches. Christmas Day. Why it came so
late. Its relation to Epiphany ; to the Incarnation ; to heathen
contemporaneous festivals. The Christian drama of life. The
consecration of matter. Tertullian on the water of baptism. The
symbol and the thing signified. The physical sign as possessing a
spiritual potency. The elements of bread and wine. The teaching
of Gregory of Nyssa. The worship of saints, images, and relics.
The two conceptions of the Incarnation. Meaning of the expres-
sion, " The Word was made flesh." The resurrection of the body.
The Holy Spirit as the bond uniting the spiritual and the material.
The deification of the flesh. The worship of the Virgin Mother.
XX CONTENTS
PAGES
The reverence for relics. The power of the sign of the cross. The
nature-philosophy. Love of nature in the Oriental church. Bear-
ing upon the detiuition of the miracle. The doctrine of the
Holy Spirit in the Western church. Uionysius the Areopagite.
His personality. Influenced by the Neoplatonic philosophy.
Wherein he ditfers from it. The Heavenly Hierarchy. The prin-
ciple of mediation. The ministry of angels. The Earthly Hie-
rarchy. The number of the Christian mysteries. Significance of
ritual acts. Use of the name ' Jesus ' by Dionysius. His conception
of the symbol and its necessity. But the enlightened soul gazes
upon the reality. Treatise on the Divine Names. The nature of
evil in the thought of Dionysius. The Greek and Latin anthropol-
ogies. Influence of Dionysius in Western Christendom.
CHAPTER IV
The Lord's Supper ........ 515-565
Its relation to the Agape. References to the Agape in the
Didache and in the Epistles of Ignatius. Justin Martyr's account
of the administration of the Lord's Supper. Transference of the
Eucharist from the evening to the morning, and the reasons forv
the change. The Lord's Supper in the writings of Clement of
Alexandria. The final prohibition of the Agape. The Lord's
Supper a protest against Docetism and an ultra-spiritualism which
underrated the body and the material world. In what sense the
word ' sacrifice ' was connected with the Eucharist in the early
church. The essence of sacrifice in the transfiguration of life in
the presence of God. The Clementine liturgy. Tertullian on the
power of simplicity in worship. Transition to an imposing ritual.
The dramatization of the last supper of Christ with His disciples.
The rubrical injunctions of the Clementine liturgy. The eucha-
ristic prayer. The Great Entrance. The oblation of the conse-
crated elements. The worship of the elements before consecration.
The principle of ceremonial worship as given by Gregory of Nyssa.
The commemoration of nature in the Greek liturgies is absent
from the Roman Mass. The invocation of the Holy Spirit, which
in the Greek conception is essential to the transmutation of the
elements, also wanting in the Roman Mass. Description of the
ritual of the altar by Dionysius. Indebtedness of the Oriental
type of worship to the influence of Dionysius. Analogy between
the worship of heaven and earth. The comment of Symeon, Arch-
bishop of Thessalonica, upon the meaning of the Greek rite. Dis-
tinctive features of the Roman Mass. Its penitential character.
It reflects the influences of the age when it was taking form. The
Greek liturgies contain a deeper eucharistic element. God is
represented as the actor and agency in the Greek ritual, while in
the Latin the agency of the priest is more prominent. The ten-
dency of the Greek liturgy toward rhetorical fulness as compared
CONTENTS xxi
with the terseness and brevity of the Latin. Comparison of the
coronation rites in the two churches. The Latin Sacramentum and
the Greek Musterion convey differing ideas which are still perpetu-
ated. The doctrine of intention. Explanation of its origin. The
decision of the Roman church in regard to intention at the Council
of Trent. The value of the ancient liturgies as bearing witness to
the common Christian experience. Decline of creative ritual activ-
ity after the fifteenth century. Deficiency of Greek ritual. Its
hints of higher possibilities have since been realized. Wordsworth
and Dionysius. The revelations of science and of modern art.
The rejection of transubstantiation by the Protestant churches as
final. The true sacrifice must include the worship of God with
the mind as well as with the heart.
Index 567-577
The institutions of Christianity may be classed under
three heads : the Organization of the Church, its Creeds,
and its Cultus or Worship. By the word 'institution' is
to be understood the outward form or embodiment, which
the spirit of Christianity assumes, corresponding to some
inward mode of apprehending the Christian faith. Hence
there is a deep significance in the phases of the ecclesi-
astical organization, as well as in the articles of the creed,
or the divers aspects of the cultus. To detect fluctuations
in the inward apprehension of the divine reality, beneath
the changes of external form, should be the object of any
inquiry into Christian institutions.
There have been two epochs in the history of the Chris-
tian church which have stamped themselves upon its exter-
nal features. In the second century, the process began
of translating Christianity into terms which should be
intelligible in the Roman Empire. The result of this
process is known as Catholicism, whether Greek or Roman.
It included the remoulding of the ecclesiastical organiza-
tion, under the influence of the Roman genius for admin-
istration and government and law. The Roman spirit
dictated the form of the church, and handed it over to
the East as its contribution to the triumph of Christianity
within the bounds of the Empire. But Rome did noth-
ing for theology. It was Greece which contributed the
language and the forms of thought into which should be
rendered the spirit and the meaning of the new religion.
The Greek interpretation of Christianity as a principle of
2 CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS
life or a formula of thought took shape in the Nicene
Creed, which was received by Rome, and became the
watchword of the Catholic faith. And again, the cul-
tus of the church was influenced in its external form by
the spirit of old religion, especially the ancient Mysteries,
in which the deep moral earnestness of a dying world was
seeking expression when Christianity appeared. These
were alike a preparation for the fulness of time : the
Roman genius for government and administration, Greek
philosophy, and the ancient Mysteries of Oriental origin.
They constituted as it were the language which Christian-
ity must adopt, if it was to make the conquest of the
Empire for Christ.
The Roman Empire constituted the world into which
Christianity was born, wherein also it sought and found
its opportunity. There were Christian missions in coun-
tries outside the Empire, in Arabia, in Persia, and it is
said in India, but they left no permanent impression. The
Christian faith did not overcome Arabian idolatry, or Per-
sian dualism, and as to India it left no traces there of its
presence. This is remarkable, because at a later time Islam
entered these countries and either made them its own or,
as in India, established itself by the side of the dominant
faith. But of all these countries it may be said that they
had no immediate future ; they were not, then at least,
called to any high function in the service of humanity.
The open door which admitted to world-wide opportuni-
ties was the Roman Empire. Through that door the
Christian church entered in and took possession.
Although Christianity took form as Catholicism in
such a manner as to be intelligible and impressive to
the ancient world within the bounds of the Empire, yet
beneath the outward garb of Catholicity or its partial form,
there was always working the original spirit ot" Christ's
religion. The organization of the Catholic church was
forced to adapt itself to Monasticism, in which was per-
petuated, in obscure and even obnoxious ways, the purer
purpose of the earlier church as it may be read in the
teachings of Christ and the writings of Apostles and
CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS 3
Apostolic men, — the direct relation of the individual
soul with God. Beneath the terminology of theological
discussions may always be detected the simple issue of
the relation of the Son of God to the Eternal Father.
Beneath the ritual and the rich complexity of the cultus
there is preserved a trace of the original institution of the
Lord's supper, when Christ broke the bread and admin-
istered the cup, as effectual symbols of the food by which
God nourishes His children.
In the rise of Protestantism, which constitutes the second
great epoch in the history of the church, the effort was
made to separate the purely Christian motives from those
forms of Catliolicism, which had become unintelligible
and unprofitable to the new age. The decline of the
mediaeval Catholic church was contemporaneous with the
decline and final disappearance of the Holy Roman Empire
as a factor in human history. Wherever the influence of
the Reformation was felt, there was a change in the organi-
zation of the church in order to the better reflection and
expression of the human spirit, set free from an arbitrary
external authority. There was as deep an instinct at
work in the reorganization of the Protestant churches as
there had been in the second and third centuries, when
Catholicism arose. In the place of administration as the
means of highest grace was substituted the preaching of
the word. The Catholic creeds were retained, but their
interpretation was changed to bring them into closer
harmony with the teaching of Christ and with the higher
and more spiritual consciousness of the new era. The
Catholic ritual and cultus was either abandoned or sim-
plified in varying degrees, but so as to bring into greater
clearness its original germ, the celebration of the Lord's
supper. In place of the worship of the human, was restored
the worship of God in spirit and in truth.
But beneath all these changes there was still retained
by the Protestant churches whatever was true or vital
in Catholicism, so that there was no break in the higher
reality of a continuous life in the Christian ages. The
Protestants claimed, or were entitled to claim, had they
4 CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS
eared to do so, the designation of Catholic, since they
clung to the Catholic doctrine of the Trinity, and in re-
taining the Catholic canon of Scripture preserved their
unbroken succession from the Apostles. If this conscious-
ness of the continuous life of the church was for a while
weakened or obscured, it was in order to a deeper hold
upon the truth which Catholicism had neglected. It
is a characteristic of the present age that it finds its
surest apology for the Christian faith, not only in the
appeal which that faith still makes to the soul, but also
in the fact that God has never left Himself without a wit-
ness in the past, that there has been an unbroken succes-
sion of the sons of God in every generation, who have
borne witness to the power of His Word, handing on to
those who follow the torch of light and truth amid the
surrounding darkness, until humanity should step forth
into the fuller day.
CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS
Book I
THE ORaANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
CHAPTER I
HISTORICAL SURVEY
The form which the government of the church assumes
in any given age is not an accident, but must be regarded
as an outward expression of a spirit working from within
— the embodiment of some intelligible purpose. Just as
a deep significance attaches to the variations of Christian
doctrine, so also there is a meaning in the changes which
have taken place in ecclesiastical organization. They do
not come by chance or as a result of negligence or indif-
ference, nor are they imposed by usurpation upon an
unwilling people. Differing forms of church government
become as it were a language, in which may be read the
peculiar genius of a nation, or the motives which are
supreme at any moment in history, or the diverse inter-
pretations of the Christian spirit, or the varied results
which the churches desire to accomplish. In the history
of ecclesiastical organizations ma}^ be discerned the succes-
sive phases of civilization, no less than the epochs of
growth through which the church as a whole has passed,
in accordance with a law of progress which it is impossible
to evade.
The distinctive form of the ministry in the Apostolic
age slowly gave way in the second century to a type of
organization generated by the necessities of the age which
called for a centralized administration, as the best method
in any community for the attainment of inward harmony.
6 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
A bishop or pastor was made supreme in the local church,
without whose sanction no ecclesiastical functions should
be performed. But this type of government was in pro-
cess of change from the moment of its birth. Beneath the
bishop or pastor grew up the order of the presbyters, who
gradually assumed the more important functions of the
bishop, while the bishop became more closely identified
with the administration of ecclesiastical affairs. But
above the bishoj)s there rose the metropolitans, who in
their turn were subjected in the Eastern churches to the
authority of the patriarch, the impersonation of the cause
of national unity. But the spirit of nationality was not
operative in the Western church at the time when it was
the most potent factor in Oriental Christendom. In the
West, therefore, in place of national unity as the control-
ling motive, there was substituted the unity of ecclesias-
tical empire, where the Bishop of Rome developed slowly
into the Roman papacy. When the Reformation came, in
the sixteenth century, the new-born spirit of nationality
was the expanding force which broke down the papal
supremacy, leaving the nations free to readjust the organ-
ization of the churches in the different states of Europe in
accordance with a truer apprehension of the nature of
Christ's religion, or the best method of promoting its
growth.
The conflicts between the churches from the time of the
Reformation raised the question of the origin of the Chris-
tian ministry. When Papacy, Presbytery, and Episcopacy
were struggling against each other, as if in mortal combat,
the adherents of each of these divergent ecclesiastical poli-
ties sought for its sanction the prestige of Apostolic usage
or authority. The heritage of that age of rivalry and an-
tagonism has descended to our own day, creating presump-
tions and prejudices from which it is difficult to escape,
which may still, consciously or unconsciously, condition the
methods and the results of any inquiry into the origin of
the ministry. It was in England that the controversy was
HISTORICAL SURVEY 7
waged most bitterly between Puritans and Anglicans, as
to wliether presbytery or episcopacy could claim the sanc-
tion of divine right. Into the merits of this controversy
it is not possible to enter here, but a brief summary may
be given of the argument on either side. In order, how-
ever, to appreciate the relative situation of the combat-
ants, it will be necessary to go back for a moment to the
early church, where the first hints are to be detected of a
process which eventually ripened into the open revolt of
the later age.
It was St. Jerome (f 420) who first questioned the divine
right of that form of church government known as episco-
pacy. TertuUian, indeed, some two centuries earlier, had
asserted that the distinction between presbyters and
bishops was a matter of human arrangement; but Ter-
tuUian's defection from the Catholic church weakened
the force of his later opinions. When Jerome lived,
episcopacy in some form had been long established, in
accordance with which those ministers who preached and
ministered the sacraments, and were known as presbyters,
were under the authority of another class of ministers
known as bishops. It was Jerome's contention that
bishops and jji'esbyters were of equal authority in the
beginning of Christ's religion, that the terms ' presbyter '
and 'bishop' were synonymous expressions in the New
Testament, and that the placing of the bishop above the
presbyter was an ecclesiastical arrangement which was
made in consequence of schisms and other disorders in
the churches.
While the statement of Jerome, or his challenge, as it
has been sometimes regarded, awoke no controversy in
the church, yet it is significant to note that his criticism
attracted attention and was not forgotten. In the Middle
Ages, the memory of it was perpetuated in the Corpus
Juris Canonici, in which was inserted his remark about
the original equality of bishops and presbyters.^ It could
1 Cf. Decrrti, Pars I., Distinct. 95, c. 5. The Canon is headed
"Presbyter idem est qui et episcopus ac sola consuetudine presbyteris
episcopi presunt"; and the evidence in support of this proposition is
8 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
not, then, have wholly surprised the learned world in the
age before the Reformation when Marsilius of Padua, in
his Defensor Pads, reaffirmed the statement of Jerome
that in the New Testament bishop and presbyter are con-
vertible designations of the same office. Marsilius, in
advocating the reduction of ecclesiastical power, felt that
he stood on unimpeachable ground, when he affirmed
that existing ecclesiastical arrangements have no sanction
in Scripture.^ To the testimony of Jerome, Wycliffe also
appealed in his Trialogus, where he maintained that the
office of presbyter carried the highest functions of the
Christian ministry, as the preaching of the Word and
the cure of souls. ^
In the revolutions of the sixteenth century, ecclesiasti-
cal episcopacy was abolished by the Lutheran church in
Germany and Denmark, as also by the Reformed church
of Calvin, on the ground that it had no warrant in Script-
ure, seeing that bishop and presbyter were different terms
standing for the same office. Even in the Church of Eng-
land, where the episcopate was retained, the same view
found expression in the utterances of the bishops and others
when the question was propounded, "whether bishops or
priests were first, and if the priests were first, then the
drawn from Jerome: "Item Jeronimus supra epistolam ad Titum, olim
idem presbyter, qui et episcopus, et antequam diaboli instinctu studia in
religione fierant, et diceretur in populis : Ego sum Pauli, ego sum Apollo,
ego sum Caphae, communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae guberna-
bantur. Postquam autem unusquisque eos, quos baptizauerat suos esse
putabit, non Christi, in toto orbe decretum est, ut uuus de presbyteris
superponesetur et scismatum semina tollerentur. Et paulo post: § 1.
Sicut ergo presbyteri sciunt, se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei, qui sibi
propositus fuerit, esse subjectos, ita episcopi nouerint se magis consuetu-
dine quam dispensationis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse maiores, et
in communi debere ecclesiam regere."
1 " Ecce quod in ecclesia unius municipii plures allocutus est apostolus
tanquam episcopus, quod non fuit nisi propter sacerdotum pluralitatem,
qui omnes episcopi dicebantur, propter hoc, quod superintendentes esse
debebant populo." Fol. 239. Marsilius is commenting on Paul's farewell
address at Miletus. Cf. Neander, C/o'/s. His., Vol. IX., p. 44. Bohn ed.
2 " Unum audacter assero, quod in primitiva ecclesia ut tempore Pauli
puffecerunt duo ordines clericorum, scilicet sacerdos atque diaconus.
Secundo dico, quod in tempore ai^ostoli fuit idem presbyter atque episco-
pus ; patet 1 Tim. iii. et ad Titum i." ( Trialogns, IV. 15, p. 296).
HISTORICAL SURVEY 9
priests made the bishop?" The answers to this question
reveal a wide difference of opinion among the bishops and
leading divines who were consulted; some maintaining
that the Apostles, who were depositaries of power be-
queathed to them by Christ, had in turn delegated their
powers to their successors, who were bishops, and that
priests had never been made except by bishops. Others,
among wliom were the Archbishop of Canterbury and the
Bishop of London, thought that bishops may have origi-
nally been made by presbyters or priests, or that it was
a matter of slight consequence, if it had been so. It is
interesting to note in these replies the appeal to Jerome's
statement, as if it carried in it the weight of axiom, "as
Jerome saith in an epistle to Evagrius."^ When the
Puritans, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, questioned the
authority of the bishops, it was on the ground that this
ancient office found no support in Scripture. Instead of
the threefold order of bishops, priests, and deacons retained
in the Church of England, the Puritans held that the
New Testament recognized four classes or kinds of min-
isters, — doctors or teachers, pastors, elders, and deacons.^
Neither Whitgift, the Archbishop of Canterbury, nor
Hooker, who both replied to the Puritans, defended
Episcopacy on the ground that it was expressly set
forth in the New Testament as the only and divine order
of church government. Whitgift thought the church
had been left free in this respect, to adapt its government
to the circumstances of the age or people in which its lot
was cast. Hooker held that order was divine, but that
1 Cf. Burnet, History of the Reformation of the Church of England,
Vol. IV., where the original documents are given. See also The Catechism,
in Becon's Work, Parker Soc. ed., p. 319: ^^ Father. What difference
is there between a bishop and a spiritual minister ? Son. None at all :
their office is one, their authority and power is one. And therefore
St. Paul calleth the spiritual ministers sometime bishops, sometime
elders, sometime pastors, sometime teachers, etc." Becon was chaplain
to Archbishop Cranmer and Prebendary of Canterbury, and wrote in
the reign of King Edward VI. There is ground for thinking that
Cranmer may have changed his opinion on this question.
2 Cf. Contemp. Books of Discipline in Appendix to Briggs, C. A.,
American Presbyterianism.
10 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
no fixed order was prescribed by Scripture. He parried
the criticism on the episcopate, made in the name of
Jerome, by the remark that " things are always ancienter
than their names," and so there may have been bishops
in reality, while yet the names of bishops and presbyters
were interchangeable. The truth of this remark has
been to a certain extent borne out by later research.
It was during this phase of the controversy that the
preface to the ordinal had been set forth by the Anglican
church, in which it is declared that " It is evident to all
men diligently reading Holy Scripture and ancient Au-
thors, that from the Apostles' time there have been
these orders of ministers in Christ's Church, — Bishops,
Priests, and Deacons." The caution and moderation of
this position is apparent when we take into view the
confusion caused by Jerome's statement. It is not af-
firmed that Holy Scripture by itself is sufficient to demon-
strate the existence of the episcopate, but that Scripture
does so when supplemented by ancient authors. Nor is
it declared that the episcopate existed in the age of the
Apostles, but "from their time," which may be inter-
preted as during their time or immediately afterwards.
Had the conviction prevailed that the Apostles ordered
the episcopate, as the permanent divine form of the
church's government, there would not have been this
moderation or even ambiguity of language. We may take
Lord Bacon as representing a widespread and intelligent
sentiment in the Church of England, in the view which
he put forth that Episcopacy is not ojjposed to Scripture,
but that the Scripture does not prescribe any fixed, unal-
terable form of ecclesiastical polity.
But a great change of attitude on this question was
coming over the Church of England, Avhich began to
appear in the later years of the reign of Queen Elizabeth.
It was signalled by the sermon of Bishop Bancroft at St.
Paul's Cross in 1588, in which he amazed the Puritans by
boldly defending Episcopacy on the ground of its divine
institution. Jerome's statement no longer embarrassed
him, for did not Jerome also add, that the bishop had
HISTORICAL SURVEY 11
been placed above the presbyter for the purpose of pre-
venting that confusion which the Puritans were now again
creating by refusing to listen to the bishops ? From this
time it was sought to determine the question of the origin
of the ministry by the closer study of the New Testament,
though among Anglican writers the testimony of the
Fathers was not neglected. In the work of Bishop Hall,
Episcopacy htj Divine Right Asserted^ written in 1640,
and it is said at the suggestion of Archbishop Laud, the
New Testament argument for Episcopacy is based on the
Pastoral Letters to Timothy and Titus, who are regarded
as diocesan bishops possessing the Apostolic sanction,
and therefore of divine origin. What St. Paul had done
for the churches of Ephesus and Crete, the other Apostles
must also have done for the churches which they planted.
That they must have done so is further inferred from the
fact of the universal prevalence of the episcopate in the
age following the Apostles. It would be absurd to sup-
pose that this was a new form of church government set
up after the death of the Apostles by the ancient fathers.
And further it is claimed for this position, that bishops
were spoken of by these fathers, such as Irenoeus and
Tertullian, as successors of the Apostles, and that this
seems to have been the universal belief. By this mode of
argument Hall sought to overcome the embarrassment
caused by Jerome's statement, that in the beginning of
Christ's religion the terms bishop and presbyter were but
different names for one and the same office. As Jerome
had not specified at what time or by what authority the
bishop was distinguished from and elevated above the
presbyter, it was open to affirm that the change had been
made with the authority or divine sanction of the Apos-
tles themselves.^
1 Bishop Hall quoted Clement of Rome, who lived at the close of the
Apostolic age, as asserting distinctly that the Apostles foresaw that there
would be strife about the offices of the church, and had therefore them-
selves appointed men to govern the church, who should take their places
when they were departed. He also alhided to Ignatius, who had told the
church to do nothing without the bishops and to be subject to their
authority as to the voice of God.
12 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Bishop Hall's book on Episcopacy by Divine Right was
answered by Smectymnuus, a joint work of several Puri-
tan writers. Their position, like that of Hall, is interest-
ing for its historical value, as presenting the method
which was to be substantially followed in the controversy
down to the present day. In the reply to Bishop Hall,
the Puritans urged the statement of Jerome, which no
one who carefully read the New Testament could deu}^,
that originally bishops and presbyters were but one oifice.
In Timothy and Titus they saw only the temporary office
of an evangelist, moving from place to place, whose busi-
ness it was to plant or organize churches according to the
presbyterial scheme, in which presbyters (or bishops)
should have the supreme authority. Neither Timothy nor
Titus were called ' bishops, ' nor were they placed perma-
nently at Ephesus or Crete, nor were they ordered while
they remained there to appoint bishops who should be
superior to presbyters, but rather to appoint presbyters, as
they had also received their own office, by the laying on of
hands of the presbytery. From their study of ancient his-
tory they saw also that those who were called bishops in
the second century were not the diocesan bishops of a
later time, but held an office corresponding more nearly
with that of the pastor in charge of a local church.
Many of the most prominent men of the seventeenth
century took part in the controversy, among others John
Milton, whose study of Catholic antiquity for the purpose
of solving the problem of prelacy gave him a sense of its
worthlessness as far as an}^ honest or valuable testimony
was concerned. Ussher and Stillingfleet, Pearson, Ham-
mond, and Jeremy Taylor, and Richard Baxter continued
the discussion, which led to no agreement in opinion.
There was no clear picture of the actual situation in the
early church before the minds of the combatants, nor was
there sufficient knowledge of that distant age to afford
material for such a picture. The facts of history were
mingled with assumptions and a priori interpretations.
Jeremy Taylor suggested a departure from the usual form
of the argument, when he maintained that the Apostles
HISTORICAL SURVEY 13
were originally the bishops but did not take that name,
and that they appointed presbyters (or bishops) and dea-
cons, thus making up the threefold order. When the
Apostles departed, those whom they had appointed to suc-
ceed in the office of oversight gradually came to be known
as bishops, so that the names 'bishop ' and 'presbyter,'
which were at first interchangeable, came to be distin-
guished from each other. But the difficulty raised by
Jerome's statement was not overcome in the seventeenth
century. It was open to Anglicans to infer that bishops
were meant where presbyters were mentioned ; or to Puri-
tans, to maintain that presbyters were to be understood
where bishops were mentioned. But what is most note-
worthy in the long dissension is the reversal of attitudes by
the two parties. It was Puritans, and not Anglicans, wlio
in the sixteenth century maintained that the New Testa-
ment gave divine sanction to a certain fixed ecclesiastical
order. But in the following century the Anglicans moved
on to the Puritan ground, while the Puritans tended
toward the attitude of Whitgift and Hooker, that no form
of church government is authoritatively prescribed by
Scripture, that the form is a matter of indifference pro-
vided that a stable order be maintained. But it was a
loss to the Puritans when they yielded their contention
that the ministry of their churches was by divine right,
or, in other words, possessed the explicit sanction of the
New Testament.
If the Anglicans never quite escaped the embarrassment
caused by Jerome's statement, their opponents also en-
countered an equal difficulty when the appeal was taken
to antiquity and ancient authors. In the earlier stages of
the argument the writings of Ignatius had received but
little notice. So far as his Epistles were known, it was
in the Long Greek Recension, concerning which Calvin
had reflected the sober Protestant sentiment, when he
remarked that " nothing can be more nauseating than the
absurdities which have been published under the name of
Ignatius." But in 1644, Archbishop Ussher published his
edition of the Shorter Greek Recension, then recently dis-
14 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
covered in a Latin version, which consisted of seven letters
only, and these free from the anachronisms and absurd-
ities of the longer recension. The genuineness of this
shorter recension was ably defended by Bishop Pearson.
In these writings, which if genuine belonged to the early
years of the second century (a.d. 110-117), there was no
longer any interchangeable use of the names ' bishop ' and
' presbyter ' ; but three orders were sharply distinguished,
— bishops, presbyters, and deacons. Not only so, but the
authority of the bishop was magnified to an extent far
beyond what Anglican prelates had essayed to go in their
encounters with the Puritans. It was now easy, on the
one hand, to take the leap from the Ignatian Epistles to
the heart of the Apostolic age ; for it seemed impossible
that a revolution in church government could have been
accom]3lished so soon, between the lifetime of the Apos-
tles and the appearance of Ignatius. When the appeal
was thus taken to the fathers of the early church, the only
way open on the Puritan side was to deny the genuine-
ness of the Ignatian Epistles, even in their more reputable
form. Such was the attitude of Daille, a once famous con-
tinental scholar, who was also the author of a treatise
on the Right Use of the Fathers in the Decision of Con-
troversies. The appeal to the ancient church had been
made necessary by the rise of the Independents, who alike
with the Presbyterians and the Anglicans were contending
that Scripture furnished a clear and authoritative account
of the Christian ministry. But the later Independents
found but two classes in the ministry, — pastors (who were
called indifferently bishops or elders or teachers) and
deacons. The rise of the Society of Friends or Quakers
added still further to the confusion, for in the New Tes-
tament they found no trace of an official ministry, while
their attention was chiefly riveted on an order of the
prophets the existence of which was overlooked by the
other churches.
But the interest in the controversy was dying out in the
closing years of the seventeenth century, not to be revived
again until the study of Church History should be taken
HISTORICAL SURVEY 15
up in more thorough and scientific fashion in our own
age. Two important works, however, appeared, as the
controversy waned, which represent the learning and
scholarship of the time: Lord King's Enquiry into the
Constitution^ Discipline, Unity, and Worship of the Primi-
tive Church, published in 1691, — ■ a work which has an
historical interest, since its authority was accepted by
John Wesley when he appointed bishops for the Metho-
dist church in America; and Bingham's Antiquities of the
Christian Church, — -a work of great learning and patience,
of which the first volume ap^jeared in 1708.
II
Under the impulse given to the study of Church History
in the opening years of the nineteenth century, a change
has been wrought in the method of historical inquiry
which has altered the mode of approach to what are
known as Christian Antiquities. The doctrine that a
law of development underlies all institutions, whether
divine or human, has been an inspiration to scholars who
have been engaged in the study of the early Christian
church. In the first enthusiasm created by the applica-
tion of this principle, theories were set forth regarding the
origin of the church and the ministry, which have since
been abandoned. A certain dogmatic tone has character-
ized the work of the Tiibingen School, for example, as
though final conclusions had been reached. The convic-
tion that the organization of the church is the result of
growth, conditioned by human instincts, by the needs of
the age, or by the peculiarities of different countries,
seemed at first a method as fruitful as it was easy, for the
solution of the problems of early Christian history. But
the wisdom acquired by many failures has revealed a more
complex and complicated situation, which makes it no
easy task to unravel the threads of life in the ancient
world. It has therefore been found necessary for the
moment to cease from large generalizations as to how
16 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
results are accomplished, and to confine inquiry to gain-
ing an exact and thorough knowledge of all accessible
materials, as the basis for some larger conclusion which
has not yet been reached. In this modesty of attitude is
the promise of greater things, even though it may take a
lifetime to accomplish some slight contribution to the
picture which is yet to be drawn.
Among those who led in the departure from the older
methods of inquiry, were Rothe and Baur, by both of
whom the episcopate was regarded as holding a vital rela-
tionship to the rise of the Catholic church. Rothe was
so impressed with its almost universal adoption from an
early date, as well as by its prominence and the purpose
it had served, that it seemed to him as if such an institu-
tion could only be accounted for on the ground of an
Apostolic origin, even though it were not the form which
the government of the church had assumed in the Apos-
tolic age. He explained its rise and predominance by a
theory which has found no other advocate, that the Apos-
tles met in council about the year 70, and organized the
church on an episcopal basis. ^ Baur regarded the epis-
copate as the agency by which the Catholic church realized
its unity, when threatened by Gnostic philosophers or by
the Montanist movement, which would have reduced the
church to the dimensions of a narrow sect. The episco-
pate, in his view, was not of Apostolic institution, but
had developed out of the presbyterate in the earlier part
of the second century. Each congregation of believers
had been originally under the charge of a presbyter ; but
as the congregations multiplied in a town or city, one of
these presbyters came to represent the rest, and to stand
at their head. This headship, which was at first of a
representative character, tended inevitably to assume a
monarchical character, until the power to administer sac-
1 Rothe, Die Anfdnge der christlichen Kirche und ihrer Verfassiing,
1837, pp. 354-392. Rothe's explanation was rejected by Baur, Ueber den
Ursprung des Episcopates in der christl. Kirche, 1838, pp. 39 ff. Ritschl
has given a careful examination of Rothe's theory in his Die Entstehung
der altkatholischen Kirche, 2d ed., 1857, pp. 399 ff., and shown that it is
untenable.
HISTORICAL SURVEY 17
raments and ordination, which from the first had inhered
in the presbyterate, was allowed to them only condition-
ally on the permission of the bishop, until at last the
right to ordain was at the council of Ancyra (a.d. 314)
definitely and finally withdrawn. It was Baur's misfort-
une tliat he studied the subject of Christian origins under
the influence of a preconceived theory as to the rise of
the Catholic church; and although his keen insight and
learning have rendered great service to later students, his
conclusions regarding the early organization of the church,
and especially of the episcopate, have not been sustained
by the investigation which his labors have stimulated.
An impartial investigation of the origin of the Catholic
church was undertaken by Ritschl, who recognized a cer-
tain kind of episcopate in the church at Jerusalem in the
Apostolic age, which was not, however, perpetuated.
James, the Lord's brother, who was not one of the Twelve,
assumed the headship of the church at Jerusalem, as
Ritschl suggested, in consequence of his blood relation-
ship to Christ, — a theory which found confirmation in the
circumstance reported by Eusebius, that he was followed
in his office by Simeon, who was a cousin-german of our
Lord. This type of ecclesiastical organization was com-
pared with that adopted by Islam after the death of Mo-
hammed, An attempt at its reproduction in the Catholic
church may be seen in the pseudo-Clementine writings,
where Clement took the headship of the church, with
Rome as its centre, after Jerusalem lost its importance as
a city. According to Ritschl the Catholic type of episco-
pate had its rise among the communities of Asia Minor,
where at first it had a local character, and from thence
spread into Greece and Rome, and finally into Egypt.
Renan, in his treatment of the origin of Christianity,
offered no definite theory of his own as to the rise and
growth of the Christian ministry; but wherever he touches
the subject does so under the influence of a motive which
had not hitherto been operative, — that the government of
the church not only developed various modifications in
response to the changing situations of the hour, passing
18 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
from a pure democracy to a presbyterial form, and from
this changing to episcopacy, but that it was also influ-
enced by the models of secular government, that ecclesias-
tical history can no longer be separated from secular
history, but that both are in organic relationship and form
one living whole. ^ What Renan followed in a general
way as the true method for studying ecclesiastical begin-
nings, Dr. Hatch has pursued in a more definite way and
with more exact results, finding a close analogy between
the form assumed by the various societies among the
Greeks within the Roman Empire and the organization of
the early Christian communities. It was the special con-
tribution of Dr. Hatch to this long inquiry that he pointed
out the character of the episcopate as essentially an
administrative office, possessing that most important
function in every organization, the proper disposition of
its funds, in which respect they resemble the officers of
contemporary Greek societies.^
Among those who have contributed to the study of
ecclesiastical origins, the name of the late Bishop Light-
foot must always be held in deep respect. By his vindi-
cation of the genuineness of the Ignatian Epistles he has
established at least one fixed point in the development of
the ministry, putting an end to the hopeless confusion
caused by the Tiibingen School, with its arbitrary assign-
ments of early Christian literature.^ Not only did Bishop
Lightfoot render this important service, but in his Essay
on the Christian Ministry, he traced the gradual spread of
the Ignatian type of the episcopate, until by the middle
of the third century Episcopacy in some form had become
the uniform mode of government of the Catholic church.
He also called attention to the twofold use of the term
^ Histoire des Origines du Christianisme, Vol. V. ; Les l^vangiles, c.
XV., Vol. VI. ; L'Eglise Chretienne, c. 6 ; Progres de V Episcopal.
2 The Organization of the Early Christian Churches, being the Bampton
Lectures for 1880. Dr. Hatch's work was translated into German by
Dr. Harnack and supplemented with valuable discussions on the origin of
the presbyterate and the episcopate.
8 For a sketch of the Ignatian Controversy, cf. Schaff, Ch. His., II.,
pp. 260 ff. ; also Renan, in introduction to Les Evangiles.
HISTORICAL SURVEY 19
' Apostle ' in the ancient church : its narrower sense, in
which it was finally restricted to the Twelve, being for
the most part later than the larger use in which the title
was applied to the great number of those wlio went forth
everywhere to preach the Word and lay the foundations
of Christian communities. The Apostolate, as he has
shown, was originally an order in the church, whose dis-
tinctive functions did not descend to the later ministry.
The main thesis in Bishop Lightfoot's essay was the
original identity of the names ' bishop ' and ' presbyter, '
from which he drew the conclusion that "the episcopate
was not formed out of the Apostolic order by localization,
but out of the presbyterial by elevation; and the title,
which originally was common to all, came at length to be
appropriated to the chief among them." ^ Bishop Lightfoot
also defined the episcopate as a centralization of authority
in place of the somewhat looser presbyterial government
which preceded it; and he held that the sanction for
the change must, in the nature of the case, have come
from St. John, who was residing in Asia Minor at the
time when the change must have occurred.
A generation has now passed since the Essay on the
Christian Ministry was written, within the last decade of
which there has been a renewed discussion of the subject,
and two important departures have been taken from Bishop
Lightfoot's attitude. In the first place, the famous dic-
tum of St. Jerome, which has held its own for so many
centuries, that bishop and presbyter were originally differ-
ing titles for the same office, has at last been disputed on
critical grounds. Dr. Hatch, who first called attention to
the grounds for questioning this position, has been fol-
lowed by Dr. Harnack, who has offered convincing reasons
for holding that the office of bishop was from the begin-
ning distinct from that of the presbyter, and that, how-
ever great may have been the later increase of the bishop's
prerogatives or the modification of his functions, he still
1 Cf. Essay on the Christian 3Iinistry in Comm. on Philippians, p. 196,
ed. 1891 ; also note on the name and office of an apostle in Comm. on
Galatians, pp. 314 ff.
20 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
retained the same essential quality which marked his first
appearance, and which also from the first differentiated
him from the presbyter. On this assumption, that we
must take names and titles as we find them in the New
Testament or in ancient writers, and that no theory about
the origin of the ministry can be sustained which requires
the explaining away of official designations by making
them equivalent to other terms, or which supplements the
organization as described by any writer with other offices
in order to harmonize it with some hypothesis of what
must have been, — on this simple and natural assumption
the latest inquiries into the origin of the Christian minis-
try have been based.
And, in the second place, the discovery of the Didache,
or Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, which is generally
assigned to the close of the first century, has at last fur-
nished the clew to the true significance of allusions in the
New Testament to the ministry, which have hitherto been
strangely neglected. It reveals the ministry of the
Apostolic age as it was on the point of vanishing' from
the church, and also the connection between that
ministry and the age of Ignatius. Or, in the words of
Dr. Harnack, "What the Didache has done for us is to
supply a missing link in the history of the sub-Apostolic
age."i
1 Cf. Harnack in Expositor, New Series, Vol. V., 1887 ; also Die Lehre
der Zwolf Apostel in Texte und Untersuchungen, von Gebhardt und Har-
nack, Bci. ii., Heft 1, 2 ; 1884. Other articles in the Expositor, discuss-
ing theories of the origin of the ministry by Sanday, Rendel Harris, Gore,
and others, are given in Vols. V., VI., VII. See also an elaborate study
by Reville, Les Origines de V I^piscopat ; J^tnde siir la formation du Gou-
vernenient Ecclesiastique an Seiii de VlSglise Chretienne dans V Empire
Bomain (Premiere Partie), 1894.
CHAPTER II
APOSTLES, PROPHETS, TEACHERS
In any attempt to reproduce the picture of the ministry
in the Apostolic age, or in the age which immediately
succeeded, it is important to classify the literature which
bears upon the subject according to the time when it was
written. The difficult}^ of ascertaining the exact date of
many of the New Testament writings constitutes an obstacle
in the way of positive statement which makes impossible
at present a complete and accurate account of the develop-
ment of the Christian ministry. In the following sketch,
no effort has been made to determine these questions of
New Testament criticism. But in a general way the
literature may be thus classified.
First in the order of time come the writings of St. Paul,
which are the earliest Christian documents, older than the
Gospels in their present form, and prior also to the Acts
of the Apostles, which was written after the death of St.
Paul. But the earlier part of the Acts contains an account
of the genesis of the church which must be associated with
the earlier Pauline Epistles. In this class of the litera-
ture is included the Epistles to the Corinthians, Gala-
tians, Thessalonians, Romans, and Philippians, all of
which contain references to the organization of the church.
In the second class come those documents which are
admitted to be somewhat later in origin than those above
mentioned, and about which doubts have been raised, not
only as to their time, but as to whether tliey were written
by the writers whose names they carry or to whom they
have been ascribed by tradition. Without going into the
question of date or authorship, it may be asserted of them
all that they fall at least so late as the second generation
21
22 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
in the Apostolic age. These writings include the Acts
of the Apostles, the Epistles of St. James, and 1 Peter,
Ephesians and Hebrews, the Second and Third Epistles of
St. John, the Book of Revelation, and, most important of
all for the light they shed, the Pastoral Epistles to Timothy
and Titus. The authorship and time of the Pastoral
Epistles form one of the most difficult subjects in Biblical
criticism, about which opinion is still greatly divided.
They have been placed in the latter part of the second
century; by some tliey are assigned to the close of the
first century; others, still, have no hesitation in ascribing
them to St. Paul.^ If they were written by St. Paul,
their time may be as late as the year 67 a.d. It is
possible, also, as many are inclined to hold, that these
Pastoral Epistles include genuine fragments by the great
Apostle himself, sufficient to justify their connection with
his name.
The third class of documents consists of three important
treatises, which belong to the close of the Apostolic age,
or the early years of the second century, — the Epistle of
Clement of Rome to the Corinthians, the Didache, or so-
called Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, and the Epistles
of Ignatius, to which may be added the Shepherd of Her-
mas, about whose date there is uncertainty. It may be
later than the Ignatian Epistles.
The authoritative description of the ministry in the
Apostolic age has been given to us by St. Paul: '"'' And
God hath set some in the church, first apostles, secondarily/
prophets, thirdly teachers ; after that miracles, then gifts of
1 M. Reville, in his Origines de V Episcopal, places them toward the
close of the first century, and regards the picture of the ministry which
they present as the transition to the Ignatian Epistles. For the jsroposed
reconstruction of dates in the life of Paul, cf. Holtzmann, Neutestameut-
liche Zeitgeschichte, § 16 (1895). The dates given in the text follow the
hitherto accepted chronology but for convenience only, and where no
important issue is concerned.
APOSTLES, PROPHETS, TEACHERS 23
healing, helps, f/oveni?nents, diversities of tonr/ues.^''^ The
value of St. Paul's testimony lies in this, that he Avas
contemporaneous with that which he described; he was
writing to a church which he himself had planted and
nourished; and we know the time when he wrote; it was
about the year 57 A.D. when his Epistle was sent to the
church at Corinth.
Upon this passage it may be remarked that St. Paul
claims for this ministry of the Apostolic church a divine
right or appointment, — it is God who has set these min-
isters in the church. Again, there is a distinct gradation,
first apostles, secondly prophets, thirdly teachers. These
three offices or functions constitute the higher class of the
ministry and have a certain spiritual kinship ; the apostle
preaches, the prophets speak by the gift of inspiration,
the teacher explains the truth with the aid of human
learning. In the lower grade of offices, or what may be
called the administrative functions, two are mentioned in
a general way, without technical designation, which have
evidently the character of germs for the later development
of the ministry, — they are helps and governments. But
there is no mention of the familiar titles of a later day,
— bishops, presbyters, or deacons.
There is another list of ecclesiastical offices given by
St. Paul a few years later, in his Epistle to the Romans
(A.D. 59): "Having gifts differing according to the grace
that was given to us, whether prophecy (^Trpocfirjreiav'), let
us prophesy according to the proportion of our faith ; or
ministry (^SiaKovtav'), let us give ourselves to our ministry ;
or he that teacheth (hthdaKwv), to his teaching; or he that
exhorteth (jrapaKoKoiv), to his exhorting ; he that giveth
(^fieraSi8ov<i), let him do it with liberality; he that ruleth
(Trpoiardfjievo'i}, with diligence ; he that showeth mercy
(eXewf), with cheerfulness" (Rom. xii, 6). Here again
there is no mention of presbyters or bishops or deacons,
though one may see an allusion to presbyters, in those
I. Cor. xii. 28 : Kal ovs fx^v edero 6 debs iv tt) iKK\Tjcrla TrpwTov airocTTb-
Xous, bevrepov ■!rpo(pr}Tas^ rplrov oidacTKaXovs, eireiTa dvvd/xeis, fweiTa xop/cTyuara
iafxaTuiv, dvTi.\7jp.\p€is, KV^ipvrjareis, y^VTj y\u}aaQi>.
24 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
called rulers (jrpoltTTdfxevoL), the foremost men, and to the
bishops and deacons, in the ministry (hiaKoviav). Nor are
the officers classified ; but yet the first to be mentioned
are the prophets. The teacher is also here ; but there is
silence about apostles, as if Rome had not known hitherto
the presence of an apostle. This passage from Romans
lacks the definiteness and impressiveness of the account in
the Epistle to the Corinthians. St. Paul had not when
he wrote visited the church at Rome, and was not as
familiar with its arrangements as with the church at
Corinth, which he himself had planted and to whom he
ministered as an apostle. For this reason his description of
the organization of its church may take on this general tone.
In the First Epistle to the Thessalonians (v. 12) we
have an allusion to a local ministry, to which, however,
no technical designation is given : " We beseech you,
brethren, to know them which labor among you (^Koinoiv-
ra?) and are over you (jrpolarraiievov'^') in the Lord, and
admonish you." The allusion here may be to those who
later became known as the presbyters (irpea^vTepot) or
elders. It is important to call attention to this cir-
cumstance, that St. Paul does not mention ' presbyters '
when writing to the churches which he had founded,
in view of the fact that the writer of the Acts of the
Apostles states so positively that it was the usage of the
apostle to ordain elders in every church (Acts xiv. 23).
It harmonizes the discrepancy if we suppose that the fore-
most men (TrpoicndixevoL) mentioned here and in the Epistle
to the Romans had become known as presbyters when the
writer of the Acts was describing the work of St. Paul.
The Epistle to the Thessalonians may have been written
about the year 53 a.d. Some ten years later St. Paul
wrote to the Philippians, heading his Epistle, " To the
saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philij)pi with the
bishops (eTrio-zcoTrot?) and deacons (Sta/coWt?). These
names for a local ministry destined to be perpetuated in
the church now appear for the first time. They may, how-
ever, be here used in a general way, and not yet as titles
of office, equivalent to overseers or superintendents and
APOSTLES, PROPHETS, TEACHERS 25
helpers. There is more than one bishop in this community,
as there is also more than one deacon. The coupling
together of these two officers may have its significance.
They are again mentioned together in the Pastoral Epistles,
as also in the Didache, as if united by some organic tie
which was wanting in their relation to the presbyters, as
if they had grown out of one common root, while the pres-
byters derived their origin from another source.^
If we now compare the information gained from St.
Paul with the accounts relating to the organization of the
church given in the earlier chapters of the Acts of the
Apostles, we find them in substantial agreement. The
Twelve Apostles are represented (Acts vi.) as conceiving
their mission to be a spiritual one and not as consisting in
the administration of ecclesiastical affairs. When, as we
are told, there arose a difficulty bet^veen the Hellenists
and the Hebrews in the community at Jerusalem, because
the widows of the former did not receive their due share
in the distributions of charity, the Apostles called the
disciples together, and said to them: "It is not fit that
we should forsake the word of God and serve tables.
Look ye out therefore, brethren, from among you seven
men of good report, full of the Spirit and of wisdom,
whom we may appoint over this business. But we will
continue steadfastly in prayer and in the ministry of the
Word." There is here a sharp distinction drawn between
the higher ministry of the Word and the lower ministry
of tables or ecclesiastical affairs, which corresponds with
St. Paul's classification in the First Epistle to the Corin-
thians. There is also in these words a vivid reminder
of the first commission given by Jesus to the Twelve to go
1 It is possible that bishops may liere iiicUide presbyters, as an untech-
nical designation, in accordance with the nsage in Acts xx. 28, where the
presbyters are charged to take lieed to the floclc over whicli the Holy
Ghost hath made them overseers or bishops. But the mention in Philip-
pians is connected with a gift of money made to the Apostle, — a cir-
cumstance which may liave a special significance, in view of the later
development of the bishop as an administrative officer who superintended
the finances of the community. The presbyter is never mentioned in this
connection, but the impression conveyed where the presbyters are men-
tioned is that of moral supervision and discipline. Cf. R^ville, pp. 286 ff.
26 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
forth to the lost sheep of the house of Israel : " And as ye
go, preach, saying, The kingdom of heaven is at hand "
(Matt. X. 7); or again, according to St. Mark, "He or-
dained twelve that they should be with Him and that He
might send them forth to preach " (Mark iii. 14). In
giving this commission to His disciples, Christ was also
ordering the continuance of His own mission: "And He
said unto them, let us go into the next towns that I may
preach there also, for therefore came I forth."
The appointment of the Seven to the ministry of the
tables, raises the question whether we have in this inci-
dent the formal appointment of what is known as the
order of deacons. That it is in some way connected with
the later appearance of the diaconate must be admitted,
while also it may be regarded as a temporary provisional
arrangement to meet some special emergency. The
Seven are not called deacons, nor are they referred to
again in the Acts of the Apostles. Still further, two at
least of the Seven soon left the ministry of the tables for
the ministry of the Word, — Stephen, whose boldness in
preaching waked the first persecution, in consequence of
which "they were all scattered abroad throughout the
regions of Judea and Samaria, except the Apostles " ; and
Philip, better known as the Evangelist, who went down
into Samaria and preached Christ unto them, and to whom
the people gave heed with one accord. The essential
point in the narrative is not, therefore, the formal consti-
tution of an ecclesiastical order, but the recognition of the
Christian ministry as a service (BiaKovia^ which is divided
into a lower and a higher; and, as Chrysostom remarks,
the lower service must needs give way to the higher. ^
1 Cf. Chrysostom, Horn, in Acta Apos. XIV. Chrysostom asks whether
they were deacons who were then appointed, and replies that they were
neither deacons nor presbyters. It was Cyprian of Carthage who fixed
the traditional interpretation, as in Ep. Ixiv. 8, where he is treating the
case of a deacon who resisted his bishop. The deacons should be re-
minded, he says, that Christ himself appointed the apostles, or bishops
and overseers ; while the deacons, after the ascension of Christ, were
appointed by the Apostles as the Tuinisters of their episcopacy. It is God
who makes the bishops ; it is the bishops who make the deacons.
APOSTLES, PllOPHETS, TEACHERS 27
In appointing assistants for tlie administration of affairs,
the Apostles were vindicating their higher function,
which was the preaching of the Word.
II
St. Paul gives the second pLace after the Apostles, in
this higher ministry of the Word, which God had ap-
pointed, to the prophet; and with this high estimate of
the place of prophecy the Acts of the Apostles agrees.
The birth of the Christian church on Pentecost or Whit-
sunday, following the Ascension, is identified with the
pouring out of the Spirit. This mysterious event, whose
first effect was a sense of confusion and bewilderment,
was interpreted by Peter, in the sermon which he preached,
to be the fulfilment of the words of the prophet Joel: "It
shall come to pass in the last days, saith God, I will pour
out of my Spirit upon all flesh ; and your sons and your
daughters shall prophesy, your young men shall see vis-
ions, your old men shall dream dreams ; and on my ser-
vants and on my handmaidens I will pour out in those
days of my Spirit; and they shall prophesy" (Acts ii.
17, 18). If we may distinguish between the apostle and
the prophet, between preaching and the act of prophecy,
the distinction is this, — the apostle is one sent, as the
name implies, a messenger to proclaim the Gospel of
deliverance to those in darkness. The priority is given
to those who thus lay the foundations of Christian com-
munities. Tliey carry a message adapted to this end,
they repeat and reiterate the simple truth which they
have received and have been commissioned to deliver.
They hold firm the tradition which is to bind the world
together. As the reception of it has quickened their own
souls, so the proclamation of it brings life to others ; and
the essence of the message is faith in Jesus as the Son of
God.
But the prophet speaks to those who have been con-
verted by the preaching of Apostles. If the heavens
28 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
might seem to have been closed again after the departure
of Christ, yet the procLamation of His teaching and His
life would still go on, the form of sound words be repeated
and still find an echo in human souls. But primitive
Christianity sought and found a higher confirmation of the
eternal Gospel. To the prophet the heavens were always
open, the Spirit descended upon him, he spoke with
the conviction born of fresh and living insight into
the truth. He might not have known Christ after the
flesh as St. Paul also had not known Him ; and 3^et
know the mind of Christ through the Spirit, even as
some who had listened to His voice had not been able
to do. The prophet had visions in which new truth
was revealed, not contradicting the old, but opening
and expanding its meaning. Such a vision came to
St. Peter, teaching him what he had not learned before,
that he was not to call things common or unclean which
God had cleansed. The Apostle might speak with the
authority of tradition that which he had heard and re-
ceived from others ; the prophet spoke with the authority
of immediate inspiration, telling what he saw by spiritual
insight and knew to be true, even if it had hitherto found
no utterance. What he saw he aimed to make others see.
Thus in prophecy there came into the church a new j)ower
collateral with tradition, which gave the tradition a new
meaning.
And thirdly, as St. Paul tells us, God had appointed
teachers, as part of the higher ministry of the Word. This
also is confirmed in the earlier chapters of the Acts of the
Apostles: "Now there were in the church that was at
Antioch certain prophets and teachers ; as Barnabas and
Simeon that was called Niger, and Lucius of Cyrene, and
Manaen, which had been brought up with Herod the
Tetrarch, and Saul " (Acts xiii. 1). The teacher is the
bond of connection between the church and human learn-
ing. Apollos was a teacher who is sujaposed to have been
familiar with the wisdom of the schools. The Epistle to
the Hebrews is an illustration of the combination between
the new faith and the knowledge which is placed at its
APOSTLES, PROPHETS, TEACHERS 29
disposal. The mission of the teacher was to meet the
awakened intellect, to explain difficulties, to solve the
problems with which the reason was struggling, embar-
rassed by a previous training, confused by rival and con-
flicting systems of philosophy or religion. He gave the
information for which the intellect was hungering, as the
prophet gave the food for spiritual nourishment.
These three offices or spiritual functions — Apostle,
prophet, and teacher — may be said to have belonged to
the ministry at large, and were not at first the exclusive
possession of the local church. They itinerate, going from
place to place, from one Christian community to another,
thus constituting the bond of connection and unity which
welded the first Christian disciples together in one com-
munion and fellowship. While their gifts and functions
were distinct and were held separately, they might also
be conjoined in one person. St. Paul combined them in
an extraordinary degree. As an Apostle, he did more than
they all in planting and superintending churches. But
prophecy was a gift which he greatly prized; "Desire
spiritual gifts," he wrote to the Corinthians, "but chiefly
that ye may prophesy, for he that prophesieth speaketh
unto men to edification and exhortation and comfort."^
And again, as a teacher, the first Christian theologian, his
name stands in the hio^hest rank. It was this rare com-
bination of gifts which explains the influence and authority
of the great Apostle to the Gentiles. There was in St.
John also a similar combination, but his Apostolic activity
yielded in prominence to his gift as a teacher; he alone in
the ancient church received the title of Theologian. In
the second century an attempt was made, as in the spurious
Clementine writings, to present St. Peter as the foremost
teacher of the church, eclipsing St. Paul in his learning,
his knowledge of philosophical systems, and his ability to
confute every antagonist. But though the functions of
1 1 Cor. xiv. 1, 3. The whole chapter is important as giving St. Paul's
estimate of prophecy and also as affording a glimpse of earlj'^ Christian
worship. The prophets are to speak two or three, and the others are to
judge ; ye may all prophesy one by one ; the spirits of the prophets are
subject to the prophets, for God is not the author of confusion.
30 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
prophecy and teaching might be thus combined in one
person, the offices were still distinct, and later history
bears witness to this threefold division of the higher min-
istry of the early church.
Ill
There are certain features of the office of an Apostle
which demand special consideration. The name is applied
to the twelve disciples only once in the Gospel according
to St. Matthew (x. 2) and once in St. Mark (vi. 30). St.
Luke uses it more frequently, saying that the name was
given to them by Christ (vi. 13). The more common
designation was the Twelve. In the first chapter of the
Acts of the Apostles there is contained the intimation
that the number twelve was to form the limit of the num-
ber of Apostles, as if the chosen disciples would fondly
perpetuate the external form of their relationship to the
Master. This may have been one reason for the election
of Matthias to fill the vacancy created by the apostasy of
Judas. But there is no evidence that this method of pro-
cedure was followed when other vacancies occurred, or
that the effort was again made to restrict the number of
the Apostles to twelve. The election of Matthias was also
further based upon his possession of a peculiar qualifica-
tion for the office of Apostle: he had been one of those
who had been closely associated with the disciples while
Jesus went in and out among them, and was therefore
competent to be a witness with them of His resurrection
(Acts i. 8; Luke xxiv. 48). It was as if the heroism,
the divine energy which the work of an Apostle required,
must have its foundation laid deep in this fundamental
conviction of a risen Lord. There is also implied here
a tradition which is to be handed down, which requires
for its attestation the association with Jesus in His earthly
life, the concrete vision with the eye of sense of His resur-
rection from the grave.
But there was another conception of the Apostolate, a
larger and freer conception, which was struggling for
APOSTLES, PROPHETS, TEACHERS 31
recognition in the Apostolic age, not in opposition to but
as supplementing the deficiency of the purpose which
would restrict its limits to the original Twelve.^ It was
St. Paul who first vindicated for himself and others a
right to the title of Apostle, even though he had not been
an eyewitness of the resurrection, nor was he of those
who had companied with the Lord Jesus as He went in
and out among men. As regards temporal things and
earthly scenes, he who has seen with his own eyes or
been present in person at some great transaction has an
advantage over those who hear the report and take the
description at second hand. For the historian who is
recording events, there is gained vividness of conviction
and a deeper sense of reality by visiting the spots where
battles were fought or great assemblies were held. But
in spiritual things another principle intervenes, — the
faith which is the evidence of things not seen. Blessed
are they which have not seen and yet have believed. The
issue raised by St. Paul was whether the vision of sense,
the daily contact and verbal communion with the Master,
were the only conditions of the most successful ministry,
or whether the spiritual insight was not the primary con-
dition for preaching Christ, and the foundation for the
Christian church.
There is given in St. Paul's First Epistle to the Corin-
thians (1 Cor. XV. 5-8) a list of "the appearances of the
risen Christ, in which no distinction is made between the
witness of sense and the witness of faith: "He was seen
of Cephas, then of the twelve ; ^ after that he was seen of
five hundred brethren at once; . . . after that he was
seen of James ; then of all the apostles ; and last of all he
1 For the fullest discussion of Apostles, prophets, and teachers, see
Hamack, Die Lehre der Zioolf Apostel, in the second volume of Texte
u. Untersnch., pp. 111-13G. Also Sohm, Kirchenrecht, I., pp. 38-51 ;
Lightfoot, on The Name and Office of an Apostle, in Comm. on Galatians,
pp. 92-101 ; R^ville, Les Origines de VEpiscopat, pp. 122-140.
2 This usage of St. Paul by which he seems to discriminate "the
twelve" from the Apostles is illustrated again in 1 Cor. ix. 5: "Have we
not power to lead about a sister or a wife as well as other apostles, and
as the brethren of the Lord and Cephas ? "
32 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
was seen of me also." It is to be noted that the Twelve
are not here designated as Apostles, nor is Peter or James
so described. But the term 'all the apostles ' is used in
some comprehensive way as if to include those who were
divinely sent and had given proof of their divine commis-
sion by the fruits of their labors. To this evidence St.
Paul appeals in vindication of his own mission, — he had
labored more abundantly than they all. Among those
who are mentioned in this larger Apostolate are James,
the Lord's brother, Barnabas (Acts xiv. 14), Epaphro-
ditus (Phil. ii. 25, 'vixSiv he ccTroaroXov ; cf. also 1 Thess.
ii. 1), Andronicus and Junia, who were of note among the
Apostles ^ (Rom. xvi. 7). In the same list may be in-
cluded Silas and Timotheus. Of Titus and others, it is
said by St. Paul that if they be inquired of, they are
the Apostles of the churches and the glory of Christ.
There is further evidence for the existence of a relatively
large number of Apostles, in St. Paul's allusion to the
false Apostles; since there could not have been such
fraud or counterfeit in the small communities, if the
Apostolate had been limited to the Twelve (2 Cor. xi.
13 ; also Rev. ii. 2).
The claim might be justly made for some of these Apos-
tles that they had been eyewitnesses of the resurrection,
and on this ground fulfilled the requisite for the office
which the Judteo-Christian conception of it demanded;
but it cannot be made for all who are thus named. This
claim cannot be made for those Apostles who, according
to the Didache, still continued at the close of the first
century to visit the churches.^ In the literature of the
second century, traces may be seen of this twofold use of
1 Cf. Lightfoot, Comm. on Galatians, p. 96, who rejects the rendering
"highly esteemed by the Apostles" as an effort to escape the difficulty
of the larger Apostolate.
2 Cf. Didache^ c. XL, where the reference seems to imply a number of
Apostles, of whose name or character the churches may be ignorant :
" In regard to the Apostles and prophets, according to the ordinance of
the Gospel, so do ye. And every Apostle who cometh to you, let him be
received as the Lord ; but he shall not be allowed to remain more than
one day ; if, however, there be need, then the next day ; but if he remain
three days, he is a false prophet."
APOSTLES, PROPHETS, TEACHERS 33
the term ' Apostle, ' some writers limiting the office to the
Twelve, with the possible addition of St. Paul, while
others take it in the more comprehensive sense; Hermas
puts the number at forty ;i Eusebius speaks of a consid-
erable number of Apostles besides the Twelve.^
St. Paul appealed, in confirmation of his call to the
Apostolate, not only to the vision vouchsafed him on the
way to Damascus, but also to the more tangible evidence,
that he had given the proof of an Apostle in his great and
successful labors. Nor is the statement an empty one in
which he declares, when putting himself in contrast with
the twelve Apostles, that he has done more than they all.
The only Apostle of whose labors and success in planting
churches we have any record in the New Testament is St.
Paul. A dense cloud rests over the lives of the Twelve,
with the exception of Peter and John, which no research
can penetrate. Beyond the circumstances mentioned in
the Acts of the Apostles we have no actual knowledge of
their labors. They filled up their number, they presided
for a while over the church at Jerusalem. They regarded
their distinctive work to be the preaching of the Word,
and in order to this end appointed assistants who should
relieve them from the necessity of administering affairs.
They remained in Jerusalem, after the church had been
scattered in consequence of the persecution which followed
Stephen's preaching, but they felt a responsibility for
Samaria when they heard that it had received the Word of
God through Philip's preaching. They were interested
in the community founded at Antioch, but they do not
assume the control of its affairs. It was not one of their
own number, but James, the brother of the Lord, who
became the leader and president of the church at Jerusa-
lem. They associated with themselves the elders and
brethren when great decisions were to be reached.
Through the darkness they appear faintly, but always as
men of an ideal sanctity of character, as if perpetuating the
1 Hennas, Sim. IX. 15, 16. Clement of Alex, calls Clement of Rome
an Apostle, Strom. IV. Cf. Lightfoot, id., p. 100.
2 H. E., I. 2.
D
S4 ORGANIZATIOIT OF THE CHURCH
divine influence of the Master. At what time they left
Jerusalem, or whether they went out of Palestine, and if
80 whither, these are questions to which no answer based
Upon actual knowledge can be given. There is abundance
of legend which sprang up in the second century regarding
their later labors, but no clear historical evidence.^ As
to Peter and John, there is also no evidence that they
established churches in the Pauline sense of being their
original founders. St. Peter travelled in Palestine ; he
visited the church at Antioch, but he did not found it.
He may have been at Rome not long before his death in
64 A.D., but when he went there, the Christian community
had already been in existence for many years. There is
no reason for distrusting the tradition that St. John, in
his latest years, lived at Ephesus, but the church in
Ephesus had already been planted by the preaching of
St. Paul.
The commission of the Twelve to preach the Word had
been given them by the Master Himself. But in the case
of the larger Apostolate, little information is contained in
the New Testament as to the mode of their appointment.
St. Paul's formal commission came from the prophets and
teachers of the church in Antioch; to whom, as they min-
istered and fasted, "the Holy Ghost said, Separate me
Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have called
them. Then, when they had fasted and prayed and laid
their hands on them, they sent them away "^ (Acts xiii.
1). At a later time, St. Paul received, together with
Barnabas, "the right hand of fellowship" from James,
Cephas, and John, as if the recognition by the Twelve of
his mission to the Gentiles. It is interesting to note how
1 Cf. Diet. Chris. Biog., Article, The Acts of the Apostles (Apoc-
ryphal) for a valuable discussion of the legendary history of the Apostles,
which, taking its rise in the second century, gained a wide circulation, as
also the fullest credence.
■■^ "The conversion of St. Paul," as Bishop Liglitfoot remarks, "may
be said in some sense to have been his call to the Apostleship. But the
actual investiture, the completion of his call, as may be gathered from
St. Luke's narrative, took place some years later at Antioch (Acts xiii. 1).
. . . Hitherto both alike (Barnabas and Saul) are styled only prophets.
From this point onward, both alike are Apostles."
APOSTLES, PKOPHETS, TEACHERS 35
prophets and teachers here combined with Apostles in
sanctioning the origin of the hxrger Apostolate. In the
case of Timothy, who was in some sense an Apostle, — ■
though the name seems to have been withdrawn from him,
and he became known to a later age as an evangelist, —
there was again a commission given in which the pro-
phetic office shared: "Neglect not the gift that is in thee,
wliich was given thee by prophecy with the laying on of
the hands of the presbytery " (1 Tim. iv. 14). That the
other Apostles were commissioned in this or similar ways,
we may assume, but these are the only cases of which the
record has been preserved.
In the planting and training of the Christian church, the
initiative force was the divine Spirit who bloweth where
He listeth. We hear the sound from heaven which shook
the place where the disciples were gathered together, —
the sound as of a rushing mighty wind. As the winds
of heaven scatter the seeds of plants over the surface of
the earth and deposit them at their will in unexpected
places, so also the seeds of truth, in which germinate the
life of the Spirit, were carried abroad by the Pentecostal
effusion, as though the human agency were a matter of
indifference provided the end be accomplished. The
origin of most of the Christian churches, and especially
in its great centres Antioch and Alexandria and Rome,
and afterwards Constantinople, is unknown. Only we
know that the Spirit took the initiative when the Gospel
was to be carried into Europe, when Barnabas and Paul
were commissioned by prophets and teachers to go forth
to their great work. What St. Paul accomplished we
know, who was in labors more abundant than they all,
and 5'et it was not so much the man as the grace of
God that was in him. In this grace the larger Aposto-
late also shared, and not without the recognition of the
Twelve. The names of some of these Apostles have been
preserved, but those of the greater part of them have
perished and been forgotten. But it is to this larger
Apostolate, and not exclusively to the Twelve, as Bishop
Lightfoot has remarked, that the words relate which
3G ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
declare that the Cliurch was built on the foundation of
Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ Himself being the chief
corner-stone. And in that ancient h^rmn, Te Deum, they
are commemorated together before God — "The glorious
company of the apostles" and "the goodly fellowship of
the prophets."
CHAPTER III
PRESBYTERS, BISHOPS, DEACONS
Those epistles of St. Paul to wliich reference has been
made as containing the earliest accounts of the Christian
ministry may be considered as documents which belong
to the first generation of the Apostolic age. In the
decade of the sixties we are entering upon the second
generation where changes are impending, — a period of
transition in the church which affects its organization as
well as the tone of its life and thought. By the year
64 A.D. St. Paul and St. Peter, and doubtless others of the
Apostles and of the Twelve, had gone to their rest. In
these years occur two events which profoundly disturbed
the peace of the church : the persecution under Nero, and
the beginning of the war which led to the destruction of
Jerusalem. The breaking up of the family, as we may
call the Twelve who had been intimately associated with
Jesus, was an event of deep significance for the church,
because it led to the necessity of providing a substitute
for important functions which they had fulfilled. They
had been to the church in the place of tradition, handing
on the words of the Master, able to recall the details of his
teaching and impart it to others in the absence of the
book, before the Gospels had as yet assumed their form or
become widely disseminated. What was true of the Twelve
was also true of their contemporaries, who had come into
personal contact with Christ, though not so intimately as
his chosen disciples. The earlier generation was passing
away, and with it something of the inspired elevation also
which marked the attitude of St. Paul.
The first generation of the Apostolic age as it disap-
peared was followed by the age of the elders or presbyters,
37
38 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
who continue in their degree to bear witness to the things
which they have heard. In the documents of this second
generation there are allusions to ' presbyters ' ; in the docu-
ments of the earlier period these allusions are wanting
altogether. The ' presbyters ' are not mentioned by St.
Paul, at least by name, in his enumeration of church offi-
cers when writing to the Corinthians or the Romans, the
Galatians, the Thessalonians, or the Philippians. But the
writer of the Acts of the Apostles, when describing in later
years the missionary journeys of St. Paul in the land where
these churches were planted, states explicitly that Barna-
bas and Paul ordained them elders (yrpea^vTepov^') in
every church (Acts xiv. 23). There is a difficulty here
to be explained ; but the precedence must be given to
St. Paul's own statement, as the one who founded the
churches, and watched over them, and knew better than
any other their interior organization.
The general impression, then, which is given by these
writings of the second generation is that a class of men
have come into prominence in the administration of the
local churches who are called presbyters or elders. With-
out attempting to fix the exact date when these documents
were written, and without insisting upon any special order
in which they are to be reviewed, it may be sufficient to
recall the allusions made in them to the presbyters as indi-
cating the prominence of their position.
(1) In the latter part of the Acts of the Apostles there
are several of these allusions. The presbyters are asso-
ciated with the Apostles in the government of the church
in Jerusalem as if they stood on an equal footing. When
the brethren at Antioch determined to send relief to the
brethren which dwelt in Judaea, they sent it to the ' elders '
or presbyters by the hands of Barnabas and Saul (Acts xi.
30). These elders are said to have been appointed in every
church by Barnabas and Saul (Acts xiv. 23). At the time
of the great dissension, which turned on the question of
whether the ceremonial law of the Jews was binding on the
heathen converts, Paul and Barnabas and certain others
went up to Jerusalem " unto the apostles and elders about
PRESBYTERS, BISHOPS, DEACONS 39
this question " (Acts xv. 2), and when they reached there
" they were received of the church and of the apostles and
elders " (Acts xv. 4), and " the apostles and elders came
together for to consider of this matter" (Acts xv. 6).
When the decision had been reached, and James had de-
clared his sentence, " it pleased the apostles and elders "
to send chosen men of their company to Antioch with a
letter after this manner : " The apostles and elders and
brethren send greeting," etc. (Acts xv. 22, 23). Again it
is said that Paul and Timothy " as they went through the
cities delivered them the decrees for to keep that were
ordained of the apostles and elders which were at Jerusa-
lem." When Paul was taking his farewell of the church
at Ephesus, he called for " the elders of the church," charg-
ing them to take heed unto themselves, and to all the
flock over which the Holy Ghost had made them overseers
(eVicr/co'Trou?, Acts xx. 17, 28).
(2) In the First Epistle of St. Peter, the Apostle ex-
horts the elders to feed (TroLndvare) the flock of God,
so that *•' when the chief shepherd {ap'x^i7roi/ji,evo<;') shall
appear, ye shall receive a crown of glory that fadeth not
away" (1 Pet. v. 1, 4).
(3) The Epistle General of St. James instructs those
who are sick to call for the elders of the church who shall
pray over them, etc. (James v. 14).
(4) In the Epistle to Titus it reads : " For this cause
left I thee in Crete . . . that thou shouldest ordain elders
in every city, as I had appointed thee " (Titus i, 5),
In all these passages the Greek word for elder is irpea^v-
Tepo<;^ and these are the only allusions to the Christian min-
istry. There is silence regarding prophets and teachers,
as also bishops and deacons. It is also to be remarked
that Peter claims for himself the title or dignity of a pres-
byter, " I who am also an elder " (^avv7rpea/3vT€po<i^.
(5) The Epistle to the Ephesians is in marked contrast
with these and other documents of this class in that it
contains an enumeration of the officers in the church,
which reminds us of the earlier generation, and of St.
Paul's own description of the ministry in his First Epistle
40 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
to the Corinthians : " And he (Christ ) gave some apostles ;
and some prophets ; and some evangelists ; and some pas-
tors and teachers" (Trotyuem? kuI SiSaaKaXov^;, Eph. iv. 2).
If the passage represents an actual situation, it reveals a
change in the ecclesiastical order. The Teacher has de-
scended from the third place in the higher ministry
described by St. Paul, and for him is substituted the
Evangelist, a word which had only a temporary vogue in
the transition from the Apostolic to the post-Apostolic
age ; a designation applied to Timothy, as where he was
told to do the work of an ' evangelist ' ^ (2 Tim. iv. 5), that
is, an assistant to the Apostle, impljdng inferioi'ity to an
Apostle, but superiority to presbyters, bishops, and dea-
cons. The use of the word ' evangelist ' may be regarded
as the first indication that the larger Apostolate was pass-
ing away, that tlie term ' Apostle ' was now beginning to
be restricted to the original Twelve, with whom St. Paul
alone was henceforth to be associated on equal terms.
In this enumeration of church officers, neither presby-
ters, bishops, or deacons are mentioned. But there is a
class of officers called pastors and teachers, who combine
the two functions of pastoral care and teaching. The word
' pastor ' (Troiixrjv) was one of the many tentative terms
in a period of transition which did not win final accept-
ance. The word suggests a double tendency or direction in
1 Philip is called an Evangelist in Acts xxi. 8. For a discussion of the
relation of these terms 'Apostle' and 'evangelist,' cf. Rdville, Orig. de
riSjns., pp. 137 ff. and pp. 244 ff. : " Une espfece de colporteurs des dires
de J^sus et des r^cits concernant sa vie et sa mort, ddpourvus de l'autorit6
que les apdtres tiennent du Christ, terrestre ou glorifi6, et que les proph^tes
tiennent de 1' Esprit divin dont ils sont inspires. Ce n'est pas sans bonne
raison que les rMacteurs des Merits ou furent consign^s plus tard par
^crit les faits et gestes de J^sus et les paroles de lui que la tradition orale
avait conserv^es, furent appelfe ^vang^listes. lis firent en ^crivant la
meme ceuvre que leurs pr^d^cesseurs faisaient en parlant " (p. 140). It is
mentioned as a prerogative of the Evangelist that he appoints presbyters
(cf. 2 Tim. i. 5). But the later bishop did not inherit this prerogative.
According to the usage of the Catholic church a presbyter is not ordained
by the bishop alone, as is the deacon, but by the bishop in conjunction
with the presbyters, who act together in the laying on of hands, — a relic
of the earlier day when the highest distinction of the bishop lay in his
belonguig to the class of the presbyters.
PRESBYTERS, BISHOPS, DEACONS 41
the ministry of the local church. On the one hand, there
is the function of feeding the flock, which recalls the pres-
byter as his duties are defined by St. Paul in his farewell
address at Miletus, "Feed the church of God" (Acts xx.
28); or again by St. Peter when exhorting the presbyters,
"Feed the flock of God" (1 Pet. v. 2, 4). But super-
intendence is also suggested, for which the word is over-
sight, or episcopacy ; as again in the same passage from
St. Paul, " Take heed unto the flock over which the Holy
Ghost hath made you overseers " (eTrtcr/co'TroL'?) ; or St.
Peter, " Ye are now returned unto the bishop and shep-
herd of your souls " (jTotfieva koI eiriaKOTrov). The word
' pastor ' or ' shepherd ' wavers between these two oflicers,
presbyter and bishop, and from its use no exact conclu-
sion can be drawn ^ (cf. Her. Sim. ix. 31).
1 There is another tentative word for tlie ministry in the Epistle to the
Hebrews, which also failed to become domesticated in common use :
"Remember them that have the rule over you" where the Greek is
■fjyov/jLivcov (cf. Heb. xiii. 7, 17). It may be used here in a general way
and not in a technical. The natural affiliation of the word is with the
presbyterate, which, like the Apostolate, had the cure of souls ; they are
further described as those that " watch for your souls " (v. 17). But the
same word is also employed by Clement of Rome in his Epistle to the Corin-
thians, where it refers to officers other than the presbyters, who seem to be
above presbyters and yet are not bishops (cf. Clem. Rom., cc. i. and xxi.).
For this reason they have been identified with the prophets (so Ritschl,
Harnack), an order which .still continued to exist in the earlier years of
the second century. According to the Didache, if the local church ap-
points bishops and deacons, they will be to them for prophets and are to
be honored as such. On the other hand, Weizsacker sees in the Tjyov/jievot,
the superintendents of the local churches, corresponding to the bishops of
the Pastoral Epistles (V. 2, § 2). R6ville also takes a similar view (cf.
pp. 389, 415). In the Acts of the Apostles, the pi'ophets are called
ijyovfj.evoi ; as in Acts xv. 22, where it is said that the Apostles and elders
with the whole church sent chosen men of their own company to Antioch
^with Paul and Barnabas ; namely, Judas surnamed Barsabas and Silas,
chief men (d^Spas ijyovn^vovs) among the brethren ; and in verse 32 it is
said that Judas and Silas were prophets. Cf. Her. Vis. ii. 26 and iii. 9. 7,
where the prophets are also called iiyovfievoi.
No account has been taken here of the Book of Revelation, because its
figurative allusions throw little or no light upon the actual organization of
tlie church. Cf. Lightfoot, Essai/, etc., pp. 199, 290, whose reasoning seems
conclusive: "The angels of the seven churches are not ecclesiastical
officers." So also Weizsacker: "The angels of the seven churches are
not really vclr va7it. They were, from i. 16. 20, spirits and as such always
personified the churches " (Das apost. Zeit, V. 2, § 3).
42 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
(6) As one passes into the atmosphere in which the Pas-
toral Epistles were written, there is the attendant con-
sciousness of a change in the situation of the churches, a
sense of exigency, as though evils were pressing upon
them both from within and without. These ejDistles are
more directly occupied with the question of church organs
ization, as if therein lay a remedy for the dangers of the
hour. In the constitution of the church as it is here
described, there is no longer any allusion to the prophets,
and so far as there is any mention of the teacher, it is
by way of warning, as if the teachers had fallen into dis-
repute (1 Tim. vi. 3-5). The Apostle, also, is absent,
but in his place is a delegate known as an evangelist,
Avho will carry on his work after his final departure. The
presbyters appear now as if officials (1 Tim. v. 17, 19),
and again as if a class in the community, the older men as
compared with the younger ^ (1 Tim. v. 1, 2). The high-
est honor is accorded them ; even the evangelist is not to
rebuke them, but entreat them as fathers ; no accusation is
to be received against them except in the presence of two
or three witnesses. Those presbyters who rule well are to
be accounted worthy of double honor, especially those who
labor in the Word and doctrine. ^ But while the presby-
ters are thus honored, they seem to stand somewhat in the
background and are vaguely drawn. It may have been
that their position and duties were too familiar to need
1 Cf. 1 Pet. V. 5. " Likewise, ye younger (vetirepot), submit yourselves
unto the elder (wpea-^vTipoLs).'''' This same usage is still followed in the
Epistle of the Roman Clement to the Corinthians, cc. i., iii. But it is
quite possible that these two aspects of the presbyter were prominent in
the consciousness of the community at the same time. He was an official
with recognized duties, but had attained this honor as one of a class, the
older members to whom the young owed obedience for a double reason, —
their age as well as their position.
2 Whether these ruling and teaching presbyters are to be identified
with the bishops is a question which the Pastoral Epistles do not in
themselves give sufficient material for determining. The bishop's quali-
fications include aptness to teach and the ability to refute the gainsayers,
but also the gift of ruling. If we hold that they are not identical offices,
then there were in the church at Ephesus these five orders or ranks of
othce : evangelists, teaching elders, ruling elders, bishops, and deacons.
But if they are to be identified, then there are only three ranks, — evange-
PRESBYTERS, BISHOPS, DEACONS 43
definition, or that they were too indefinite for exact descrip-
tion. But however this may be, the qualifications of the
bishop are mentioned at length, as are also those of the
deacons.
In this respect, the First Epistle to Timothy and the
Epistle to Titus stand forth in marked contrast Avith
the other documents which describe the organization of
the church in the second generation, — they assign to the
bishop and the deacon important posts in the administra-
tion of the local church, and the words ' bishop ' and
' deacon ' are not used in a general untechnical way, but
have become the fixed designations of their respective
offices. That the qualifications for these offices should
be mentioned with such emphasis and fine discrimination,
does not, indeed, indicate that these offices are new, but
does show that they have been growing in importance
since the first and sole allusion to them by name made by
St. Paul when writing to the gentile Christian church in
Philippi (Phil. i. 1). Whether there was a plurality of
bishops in the church at Ephesus over which Timothy
was placed as an evangelist, or only one bishop, is per-
haps still an open question. It was a plural episcopate to
which St. Paul referred in the church at Philippi, and it
was still a plural episcopate in the churches of Rome and
Corinth at the close of the first century, as also in the
community described in the Didache. What seems like
an allusion to a single bishop in 1 Tim. iii. 1, 2 (cf. Titus
i. 7), especially in comparison with the plural diaconate
(1 Tim. iii. 8), may be the desire to call special attention
to the grave importance of the office. But however this
may be, there can be no doubt as to the nature of the office
to which the bishop is called. The qualifications which
he must possess are those of a pastor, who is to teach and
rule the church; and to this end he must be endowed with
lists, bishops, and deacons, — and in this case there is plainly a plurality
of bishops. The probability is that bishop and presbyter are not the
same office nor are the names interchangeable, but the bishops are chosen
from the presbyterate for a special work, and while retaining their high
position and honor as presbyters, are yet also known by a special title.
44 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
the higher Christian virtues ; he must have also a good
report in the heathen world outside the church (1 Tim.
iii. 2-7; Titus ii. 6-9). There is a tradition to be main-
tained, a form of sound words to be defended against
those who are perverting the truth. Heretics are to be
resisted, and the mouths of false teachers to be stopped.
According to the Epistle to Titus, the danger is from
Judaizing teachers ; in the Epistles to Timothy it comes
from gentile heathen sources. There is also serious cause
for solicitude from the hostility it may be of the State and
from this present evil world. But whatever may be the
depth or extent of this external danger, it does not intimi-
date the church, but rather rouses in it the spirit of defi-
ance out of which is born the tendency toward a closer,
more centralized organization in order to meet more effec-
tively the impending evil.^
(7) The Second Epistle of John reveals to us a pres-
byter chiefly solicitous concerning the invasion of the
church by heresy and calling attention to the tradition
which was from the beginning as the safeguard against
the danger (2 John 6-10.). The Third Epistle of John
is written by the same presbyter, who also mentions again
that he is a presbyter, as if therein lay his credentials of
honor and authority. There is here the disclosure of a
troubled condition within the church itself, owing to a
struggle for the pre-eminence among its officers : " I wrote
unto the church : but Diotrephes, who loveth to have the
pre-eminence among them, receiveth us not. Wherefore,
if I come, I will remember his deeds which he doeth, prat-
ing against us with malicious words: and not content
therewith, neither doth he himself receive the brethren,
and forbiddeth them that would, and casteth them out of
the church" (3 John, 9, 10). The allusion is obscure,
but is sufficient to indicate that the organization of the
1 Of. Ramsay, The Church in the Boman Empire., on the influence of
the Flavian persecution on the organization of the church and the develop-
ment of the Christian ministry, pp. 252-874. Professor Ramsay follows
the conservative tradition in placing the date of the Pastoral Epistles not
far from the year 67 a.d., p. 365.
PRESBYTERS, BISHOPS, DEACONS 45
church was not fixed without a struggle. The time and
place of both these epistles is unknown. If they fall
within the Apostolic age, it must be in the latest years of
the second generation, as it verges into a new period.
They may serve as a connection with the Epistle of the
Roman Clement to the Corinthians, which reveals a
greater disturbance in the church at Corinth.^
1 If we may sum up the impression produced by this general survey of
the literature of the second generation, it may be said to indicate the pre-
dominance of the presbyter in the organization of the local church. So
also Bishop Lightfoot : " It is clear that at the close of the Apostolic age
the two lower orders of the threefold ministry were firmly and widely
established ; but traces of the third and highest order, the episcopate,
properly so called, are few and indistinct" (Essay on the Christian
Ministry in Comm. on Philippians, p. 195, ed. 1891).
CHAPTER IV
THE AGE OF TRANSITION
There are four important documents belonging to the
earlier years of the post-Apostolic age, or to what may be
called the third of the Christian generations. They are
the Epistle of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians, the
Didache, or Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, the Shep-
herd of Hermas, and the letters of Ignatius. The dates of
the Didache and the Shepherd of Hermas are not definitely
fixed, and therefore the order in which these four treatises
are considered is hypothetical and subject to revision.
The time of Clement's Epistle is about the year 97 a.d. ;
the Ignatian Epistles may be placed between the years
112 A.D. and 117 a.d. The Didache and the Shepherd
of Hermas may have been written earlier or later than the
time of Ignatius ; while this uncertainty must be borne in
mind, it does not greatly modify our knowledge of the
development of the Christian ministry in its more promi-
nent features.
Clement of Rome, who wrote the Epistle to the Corin-
thians, can only with difficulty be identified with the
Clement mentioned by St. Paul as his fellow-laborer
(Phil. iv. 3).^ His epistle has affiliations with the
Epistle to the Hebrews, as shown by his allusions to
1 For a discussion of the character of Clement and his position in the
church at Rome, cf. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, Part I., Vol. I., who
holds that he cannot be identified with the Clement mentioned in Phil,
iv. 3. Lightfoot' s translation has been followed in the critical passages
quoted from Clement. Cf. also Wrede, Untersuchimgen zum Ersten
Klemensbriffe, 1892, who adds much to our insight into this famous
epistle.
46
THE AGE OP TRANSITION 47
the Old Testament and to Jewish ceremonial (cc. xl.,
xli.). In view of later developments in the Roman
church, it is significant that he does not write in his own
name, but in the name of the whole church, an evidence of
the democratic ordering of the community. His super-
scription reads, "The Church of God which sojourns at
Rome to the Church of God which sojourns at Corinth,"
as if his predominant mood were the conviction that here
we have no enduring city. He had been consulted by
members of the church at Corinth about troubles which
had risen among them and liad delayed his reply in con-
sequence of sudden and calamitous events in Rome, — a
reference, it may be, to the disturbances under the Emperor
Domitian. It has sometimes been claimed that we have
here the first instance of an appeal to Rome. But the
letter of Clement is no more evidence for the primacy of
Rome than are the letters of Ignatius an evidence of the
primacy of Antioch. If a certain tone of authority is ap-
parent, the reflex, it may be, of the pride of the Eternal
City, there is also in the writings of Ignatius a conviction
of a higher authority, as if he spoke by immediate reve-
lation of God.
The letter of Clement opens with expressions of admira-
tion and praise for the church at Corinth, its sobriety and
moderation, its magnificent hospitality, its perfect and well-
grounded knowledge, its kindness and charity and willing-
ness to forgive, and the peace which had marked its career.
But there is no reference to St. Paul's Epistles to the
Corinthians, in which a different state of affairs was pict-
ured. The obedience of the Corinthians to the command-
ments of God is specially commended (c. i.) : "you were
obedient to them that had the rule over you (r^'yovfievoa^,
and gave all fitting honor to the presbyters among you "
(Trpea^vrepoL^^. The cause of the disturbance was that
" the worthless rose up against the renowned, the foolish
against the wise, the young against those advanced in
years" (c. iii., veoL eirl tov^ vpeo-^vrepovi^. Clement then
proceeds to enjoin obedience at some length and with
illustrations from the Old Testament, and along with
48 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
obedience, the virtue of humility. Again there is an allu-
sion to the disturbance at Corinth (c. xiv.) as a " detest-
able emulation," caused by " pride and sedition," by men
who aim at exciting " strife and tumults." Against the
authors of sedition is set over, in contrast, obedience to
God, as if the constituted authorities in the church repre-
sented His will : " Let us esteem those who have the rule
over us (^7rporj<yovfxevov<i), let us honor our presbyters (or
our aged men, irpea-^vrepov^), let us train up the young
in the fear of God" ^ (c. xxi.).
The greater part of the epistle is occupied with thus
laying the foundation in general reasoning and exhorta-
tion, for the special message which Clement has for the
church at Corinth. This message is finally introduced
in a manner which indicates that Clement lays claim to
the prophetic ofhce: "Since these things therefore are
manifest to us, and since we have searched into the depths
of the divine knowledge" (c. xl.). What, then, is the
burden of the prophetic injunction?
" We ought to do all things in order, as many as the Master hath
commanded us to perform at their appointed seasons. Now the offei'-
ings and ministrations He commanded to be performed with care, and
not to be done rashly or in disorder, but at fixed times and seasons.
And where and by whom He would have them performed, He Him-
self fixed by His supreme will ; that all things being done with piety
according to His good pleasure might be acceptable to His will.
They therefore that make their offerings at the appointed season are
acceptable and blessed ; for while they follow the institutions of the
Master they cannot go wrong. For unto the high priest his proper
services have been assigned, and to the priests their proper office is
appointed, and upon the Levites their proper ministrations are laid.
The layman is bound by the laymen's ordinances" (c. xl.).
" Let each of you, brethren, in his own order give thanks unto
God, maintaining a good conscience and not transgressing the ap-
pointed rule of his service, but acting with all seemliness. Not in
every place, brethren, are the continual daily sacrifices offered or the
1 This allusion to the rulers and presbyters is followed in the next
sentence by a reference to the young men {viois)^ who were enjoined to
be modest. Hence Lightfoot translates, " submitting yourselves to your
rulers and rendering the older men among you the honor which is their
due," i.e. the presbyters here are a class in the community and not
officials.
THE AGE OF TRANSITION 49
free will offerings or the sin offerings and the trespass offerings, but in
Jerusalem alone. And even there the offering is not made in every-
place, but before the sanctuary in the court of the altar ; and this too
through the high priest and aforesaid ministers" (c. xli).i
We have in this passage the analogy of the Christian
ministry with the Jewish priesthood, which was to be ap-
plied with greater force and exactness by Cyprian in the
third century, and was to become the ruling idea of the
Middle Ages. That which Christ had done away, when
he declared to the woman in Samaria the nature of Chris-
tian Avorship, is now to be restored; "Neither in this
mountain (Gerizim) nor yet at Jerusalem shall men wor-
ship the Father. But the hour cometh and now is when
the true worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit
and in truth." We have here, also, the first intimation of
the sharp line of division which was at a later time to
sej^arate the clergy from the laity.
Clement proceeds, in the next place, to enforce the
Roman doctrine of the transmission of authority through
the unbroken chain of verbal commission :
" The Apostles received the Gospel for us from the Lord Jesus
Christ ; Jesus Christ was sent forth from God. So then Christ is
from God, and the Apostles are from Christ. Both therefore came
i"Ce curieux chapitre, ou la th^se sacerdotale s'affirme pour la
premiere fois dans toute sa erudite, denote que les rebelles de Corinthe ne
voulaient pas se confornier aux instructions de leurs dignitaires pour la
calibration de I'eucharistie et la tenue des agapes, — ce qui explique I'in-
tervention de la police corinthienne. Non seulement lis ne veulent pas
observer les jours et heures fix^s par leurs pasteurs, mais ils ne tiennent
pas compte des regies determinant quelles personnes out le droit de faire
des offrandes, en d'auti-es termes, ils m^connaissent les prerogatives de
leurs dpiscopes. Ils n'ont pas encore accept^ la distinction du Xal'/cis
dvdpwiros oppose aux pretres et aux Invites. Ils out le grand tort d'avoir
conserve le vieil esprit democratique de la communaute paulinienne, de
ne pas se plier aux pretentions de leurs gouvernants et de les destituer,
suivant la vieille tradition helienique, lorsque ceux-ci ne veulent pas 6x6-
cuter les decisions de I'assembieesouveraine. . . . C'est tout simpleraent
un incident, — d'autant plus reniarquable pour nous qu'il est le seul dont
le souvenir est conserve, — d'une lutte qui dut se repeter dans plusieurs
autres eglises grecques et les tendances autoritaires qui se devellopent
chez les presbytres et les episcopes par le fait meme des conditions dans
lesquelles ils exercent leurs fonctions." Reville, His. de VlSpis., pp.
404, 405.
60 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
of the will of God in the appointed order. Having therefore received
a charge, and having been fully assured through the resurrection of
our Lord Jesus Christ and confirmed in the Word of (iod with full
assurance of the Holy Ghost, they went forth with the glad tidings
that the kingdom of God should come. So preaching everywhere in
country and town, they appointed their firstfruits, when they had
proved them by the Spirit, to be bishops and deacons unto them that
should believe. And this they did in no new fashion ; for indeed it
had been written concerning bishops and deacons from very ancient
times ; for thus saith the Scripture in a certain place, ' I will appoint
their bishops in righteousness and their deacons in faith ' " ^ (c. xlii.).
It is important to note here that bishops and deacons are
mentioned together as having some close and peculiar tie,
and that they are specially related to the worship of the
church at stated times and places ; it is their function to
receive and present the offerings. A similar reminder is
found in the allusion to 'bishops and deacons ' in the Epistle
to the Philippians, where they are mentioned in connec-
tion with the acknowledgment of a gift of money to the
apostle; that is, an offering. Bishops and deacons were
again connected in the First Epistle to Timothy and the
Epistle to Titus, where the qualifications for both offices
include a warning against covetousness and the love of
money. The next statement, that the Apostles appointed
the firstfruits of their labors to be bishops and deacons,
is hard to reconcile with the statement in Acts (xiv. 23;
cf. Titus i. 5) that "they appointed presbyters in every
city," as also with the prominence of the presbyters in the
second generation. If there is any authority for Clement's
statement in the documents already reviewed, it must be
in the account mentioned in the sixth chapter of the Acts,
where a trouble arose about the distribution of the funds
or offerings, and the Apostles set apart the Seven, who
should be men of honest report, to the ministry of the
tables. And as the ministry of the tables was clearly
connected with the agape, or earlier form of keeping the
^ The quotation is inexact. Cf. LXX., Is. Ix. 17, Suxrw toi>s SipxovTa^
ffov €v elprivrj Kal toi)s e7rtcr/c67rous ffov iv dLKaiocrvvTi, " I will make thy officers
peace and tliy exactors righteousness." Cf. Lightfoot, Apos. Fathers,
Part I., Vol. II., p. 129,
THE AGE OF TRANSITION 51
Lord's supper, the Seven also must have been closely con-
nected with the worship of the church and the ordering of
its details. The original diaconate of the tables, as con-
trasted with the ministry of the Word, which the Apostles
reserved to tliemselves, may then have expanded into this
twofold order, — the bishops, who preside and have the
function of oversight, and the deacons, who help them in
the fulfilment of their office. The authority of an apostle
for this arrangement may be further indicated in the func-
tion of the ministry, which is designated by St. Paul
'helps' (^avTiX't]fjLyjrei<;^, in his enumeration of the grades
of the ministry as God hath appointed them (1 Cor. xii.
28). The expansion of the "helps" into bishops and
deacons was then a simple and natural process. The
authority of St. Paul may be seen also in his mention of
the diaconia, in his Epistle to the Romans, where they
that minister are exhorted to wait on their ministring.
That those who were thus appointed were the firstfruits
of the Apostolic teaching is a statement warranted by the
account of the appointment of the Seven, as well as by the
nature of the case. But Clement does not assign to bish-
ops and deacons the functions of teaching or of ruling:
they serve the cliurch in the ministry of the tables, — they
present the offerings and perform the service ; for God has
appointed the performance with care of the offerings and
ministrations QTrpoa<^opa<i koL XetrovpyLa^;, c. xl.).
The office of the bishops must have been growing in im-
portance from its first appearance, especially as, with the
increase of the congregations, the offerings also increased,
and the necessity for the orderly performance of the ser-
vice. The questions, therefore, of the mode of appoint-
ment to the office and the duration of its tenure, or whether
it should be for life, became issues of immediate exigency.
On this subject Clement writes:
" And our Apostles knew through our Lord Jesns Christ that there
would be strife over tlie name of the bishop's office. For this cause
therefore, having received complete foreknowledge, they appointed
the aforesaid persons, and afterwards they provided a continuance,
that if these should fall asleep, other approved men should succeed
52 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
to their ministration. Those tlierefore who were appointed by them,
or afterward by other men of repnte with the consent of the whole
Chnrch, and have ministered unblamably to the flock of Christ in
lowliness of mind, peacefully and with all modesty and for a long-
time have borne a good report with all, ; — these men we consider to
be unjustly thrust out from their ministration. For it will be no
light sin for ns, if we thrust out those who have offered the gifts of
the bishop's office unblamably and holily. Blessed are those pres-
byters who have gone before, seeing that their departure was fruitful
and ripe : for they have no fear lest any one should remove them from
their appointed place " (c. xliv.).
Upon this passage it may be remarked that the first
statement in regard to the Apostles' foreknowledge of a
struggle over the episcopate, concerning which Christ had
taught them, is Clement's own inference or theory, and
not borne out by any special source of information to
which he had access. He reasoned from his knowledge of
the working of human nature. He also lays an emphasis
upon the consciousness of this foreknowledge among the
Apostles which may be the result of his own meditation.
But in a general way there are many warnings in the
teachings of Christ and of His Apostles regarding an
unhallowed ambition for high places in the kingdom of
God, or the desire to be lords over God's heritage or the
necessity of humility and of taking the lowest place ; " He
that will be chief among you, let him be your minister." ^
From these allusions Clement may have drawn his infer-
ence. But in regard to one point, which was to become
of supreme interest to the later church, Clement is silent.
Beyond the statement that when the bishops and deacons
whom Apostles had appointed should fall asleep, others
should take their place whom men of repute should ap-
point, with the approval of the whole church, — beyond
this general statement no light is thrown upon the method
of continuing the office of the bishops. These men of
repute may have been the prophets or the presbyters,
whom Clement has already mentioned. It may also be
inferred from Clement's statement about the injustice of
1 Of. Matt. XX. 25 ; Luke xiv. 7 ; 1 Cor. xii. ; 1 Pet. v. 3 ; 1 Tim. iii. 1 ;
3 John 9.
THE AGE OF TRANSITION" 53
dismissing those from the ministry who had performed its
duties in a holy and blameless way, that hitherto the
office of the bishop or of the deacon had not been regarded
as a life office, and was not so regarded in the church at
Corinth by all its members. And one other inference may
be drawn, that the bishops were taken from the ranks of
the presbyters and had, therefore, a double claim to honor
and influence. But it looks as if their highest distinction
still lay in belonging to the presbyterate.
The remaining allusions in Clement's Epistle add noth-
ing to our information regarding the exact nature of the
disturbance in the church at Corinth. We may assume
on his authority that it was a sedition disgraceful and un-
worthy of the Christian profession (c. xlvii.), and that its
leaders, who belonged to the younger part of the congre-
gation, were rightly called upon to repent and submit to
the presbyters set over them (cc. liv,, Ivii.). Clement
does not apparently speak as one who has made diligent
inquiry an^J listened to both the parties in dispute. He
sides with the constituted authorities, whoever they were,
and condemns resistance as sin. There may have been
some movement in the church at Corinth which had a deep
significance for the later development of the ministry, but,
if so, it can only be a remote inference from the informa-
tion which Clement has given. But incidentally we learn
something regarding the organization of the church in
both these places at the close of the first century. There
were in Rome the leaders or rulers of the church (rj'yovixevoL)^
who may have been the prophets ; there were a class
known as the presbyters, from whom the ranks of the
bishops and deacons were recruited; there was still a
plural episcopate at Rome and at Corinth, and the single
bishop had not yet appeared. It may have been that the
sedition of the church at Corinth was an effort to place
the single bishop above the presbyters, and to this end
deprive the presbyters, who had hitherto officiated as bish-
ops, of their office. Clement himself must have belonged
to the leaders or rulers, and have been the foremost man
in the Roman church, as his epistle would indicate that he
54 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
deserved to be, and as tradition has represented him.
After the middle of the second century, when the monarch-
ical episcopate had been established, he was called the
Bishop of Rome, whicli corresponded rightly enough with
the later organization, but is an anachronism if we speak
from the point of view of his own age.
II
The Shepherd of Hermas may have been written soon
after the Epistle of Clement.^ It was a popular book in
the second century, read in the churches for edification,
referred to as Scripture by Irenseus, and regarded by
Origen as divinely inspired. The author was a prophet
who had a message for his age, whose aim was to protest
against the moral laxity of the time rather than against
false teaching. There is no direct description of the min-
istry, nor has the author any special interest in ecclesias-
tical organization, as a cure for the existing evils. There
are incidental references to the ministry, but we encounter
the same difficulty as in earlier documents, when we ask
whether designations are used in a technical or non-tech-
nical way.
(1) Apostles are mentioned in a list of officers, as
among the stones fitted into the temple which is in pro-
cess of erection : " Apostles, bishops, teachers, and dea-
cons " (Vis. iii. 5). But no further allusion is made to
them; there is a possible intimation that they have passed
away.
(2) The prophets still exist as an order, with whom
Hermas has the deeper sympathy. The prophet is spoken
of as occupying the chair while others occupy the seats.
But there are false prophets, and it becomes necessary to
instruct the congregation how they are to tell the false
prophet from the true. The test is a simple one: "He
1 The date of the composition of the Shepherd of Hermas is undeter-
mined. It is placed by Zahn about 97 a.d., by Lipsius about 142 a.d.
Cf. Zahn, Der Hist, den Hennas, 18G8 ; Gebhardt and Harnack, Patres
Apostolici.
THE AGE OF TRANSITION 55
who has the Divine Spirit proceeding from above is meek,
peaceable, and humble, and refrains from all iniquity and
the vain desire of this world and contents himself with
fewer wants than those of other men, and when asked he
makes no reply; nor does he speak privately; nor when
man wishes the spirit to speak does the Holy Spirit speak,
but it speaks only when God wishes it to speak " (Mand.
xi.).
(3) Teachers are mentioned among the officers of the
church, intervening between bishops and deacons. That
they are not to be identified with presbyters may be
inferred from the manner in which the presbyters are
described. If the Shepherd were written at Rome, and
describes the life of the church there, it is not strange that
Hernias should not magnify the office. Rome was never
at any time strong in her local teachers. But Hermas
also has no great interest in theology or in the intellect-
ual aspects of the faith. He divorces piety from the
intellect, and is concerned with moral reform and the cul-
tivation of an inward faith. There is one allusion to
teachers "as praising themselves in having wisdom, and
desiring to become teachers, although destitute of sense."
But the reference here may be to Gnostics. (Sim. ix. 22.)
(4) Presbyters are mentioned as having the government
of the church, or as a privileged class, but whether always
as a class in the community or as individual office-holders
may be doubtful. But Hermas has no liking for presby-
ter or for bishop, speaking of them to their disparagement,
accusing them of self-seeking and ambition : " They are
emulous of each other about the foremost places " (Sim.
viii. c. 7; Vis. ii. c. 4; Vis. iii. c. 1).
(5) Bishops are given in the list of officials (Vis. iii.
c. 5) and also deacons. The bishops are spoken of as
having obtained a special reward according to the revela-
tion which Hermas Avas receiving, while their duties are
also incidentally described:
" Bishops given to hospitality, who always gladly received into their
houses the servants of God without dissimulation. And the bishops
never failed, by their service, the widows and those who were in want
56 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
and always maintained a holy conversation. All these accordingly
shall be protected by the Lord forever. They who do these things
are honorable before God, and their place is already with the angels,
if they remain to the end serving God " (Sim. ix. 27).
But ill this ideal picture of the church in the prophet's
mind there appear " deacons who have stains upon them,
who discharged their duty ill, and who plundered widows
and orphans of their livelihood and gained possessions for
themselves from the ministry which they had received "
(Sim. ix. 26).
There is another passage where Hennas manifests his
dislike of certain officials, who are spoken of as " those
who preside over the church and love the first seats "
(^Tol<; TTpOTj'yov/jLevoL^ tt}? i/CK\r](Tia<i Kol rol^ TrpcoroKadeBpt-
Tat<;, Vis. iii. 9). If we interpret the passage in accord-
ance with the usage of the next generation (Justin, Apol.
Ixvii.), those who are here designated " leaders " or " presi-
dents " may be the bishops, and those who seek the first
seats are those ambitious of the place of presbyters ; as in
the ancient familiar picture of the celebration of the Lord's
supper, where the bishop sits in the centre of the apse
with presbyters on either side. There is also an intima-
tion here that these officials are charged with the dut}* of
instructing the people, which was soon to become one of
their I'ecognized functions and may have begun to be so
already : " Take heed, therefore, children, that these dis-
sensions of yours do not deprive you of your life. How
will you instruct the elect of the Lord, if you yourselves
have not instruction ? " ^
1 Hermas makes one other alhision to the ministry, in Sim. ix. 31 : "If
He find any one of these sheep strayed, woe to the shepherds ! And if
the shepherds themselves have strayed, what answer will they give Him
for their flocks ? " Whether the allusion is to bishops as distinct from
presbyters, or to presbyters as a class, is uncertain. For the earlier use
of the word " shepherd " in connection with the ministry, cf. Acts xx. 28 ;
Eph. iv. 11 ; 1 Pet. v. 2, 4, and ii. 25.
THE AGE OF TRANSITION 57
III
The Didache, or Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, ^ has
a kindred tone with the Shepherd of Hernias, — a certain
archaic quality which bespeaks its great antiquity. If
we are not certain of its place in the chronological order,
yet in the logical order it precedes the writings of Igna-
tius. Its value consists in revealing the process of the
transition from the ministry of the Apostolic age to the
Catholic churcli of the second century. The information
which it gives on the organization of the church has
greatly modified the whole method of treating the origin
of the Christian ministry. Imperfect as the picture may
still be, it is owing to the Didache that its recovery in
outline has been possible. The passages bearing on the
subject read as follows :
" Now whoever cometh and teacheth you all these things, before
spoken, receive him ; but if the teacher himself turn aside and teach
another teaching, so as to overthrow this, do not hear him ; but if he
teach so as to promote righteousness and knowledge of the Lord,
receive him as the Lord. But in regard to the apostles and prophets,
according to the ordinance of the gospel, so do ye. And every apostle
who cometh to you, let him be received as the Lord ; but he shall not
1 Aidaxv tQv Aw8eKa 'ATrocrTdXwv, or the complete title, Teaching of the
Lord through the Twelve Apostles to the Nations. For the fuller discus-
sion of its contents cf. Harnack, Die Lehre des Zwolf Apostel, 1884, who
also gives a condensed synopsis and criticism of its contents in Schaff-
Herzog, Encyc. Art. Didache, at end of the first volume ; English
translations of the Didache, with notes, etc., by Hitchcock and Brown,
1885 ; Schaff, The Oldest Church Manual, 1885, and others. Cf. also
Andov. Rev. 1886, for a study by McGiffert, and Bib. Sac. 1886, by War-
field. The literature on the Didache is already voluminous. Cf. Schaff
for list, with criticism. The earliest date for the Didache assigned by
Harnack is a.d. 70, and the latest 165. The place of its composition is
not determined. Use of it was made by Clem. Alex, and Origen. It is
referred to by Eusebius (H. E. iii. 25) as not to be ranked with books
entitled to a place in the Canon. Athanasius, in his Festal Letters (Ep.
39), mentions it with the Shepherd of Hernias, as suitable to be read for
edification in the churches. It is also connected with the Epistle of
Barnabas, and was worked up into the writings known as The Apostolic
Constitutions. The manuscript containing the Didache was discovered
by Bryennios in 1873 in the Jerusalem Convent in Constantinople. It
was first published in 1883.
58 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
remain more than one day; if, however, there need be, then the next
day ; but if he remain three days, he is a false prophet. But when
the apostle departeth, let him take nothing except bread enough till
he lodge again; but if he ask money, he is a false prophet. And
every prophet who speaketh in the spirit, ye shall not try nor judge ;
for every sin shall be forgiven, but this sin shall not be forgiven.
But not every one that speaketh in the spirit is a prophet, but only if
he have the ways of the Lord. So from their ways shall the false
prophet and the prophet be known. And no prophet who orders a
meal, in the spirit, eateth of it, unless indeed he is a false prophet ;
and every prophet who teacheth the truth, if he do not that which he
teacheth, is a false prophet. But every prophet, proved, true, acting
with a view to the mystery of the church on earth, but not teaching
others to do all that he himself doeth, shall not be judged among you ;
for with God he hath his judgment ; for so did the ancient prophets
also. But whoever, in the spirit, says : Give me money, or something
else, ye shall not hear him ; but if for others in need, he bids you
give, let no one judge him. . . .
" But every true prophet who will settle among you is worthy of his
support. Likewise a true teacher, he also is worthy, like the workman,
of his support. Every firstfruit, then, of the products of wine-press
and threshing-floor, of oxen and of sheep, thou shalt take and give to
the prophets ; for they are your high-priests. But if ye have no
prophet, give it to the poor. If thou makest a baking of bread, take
the first of it and give according to the commandment. In like
manner when thou openest a jar of wine or oil, take the first of it and
give to the prophets ; and of money, and clothing, and every posses-
sion take the first, as seems right to thee, and give according to the
commandment. . . .
"Now appoint for yourselves bishops and deacons worthy of the
Lord, men meek and not avaricious, and upright, and proved ; for
they, too, render you the service of the prophets and teachers. Despise
them not, therefore; for they are the ones who are honored of you,
together with the prophets and teachers" (cc. xi., xiii., xv.).^
From this account it is evident, (1) that the order of
the ministry as described by St. Paul (1 Cor. xii. 28) was
still maintained in some of the churches, so late as the
close of the first or the earlier years of the second century,
but it is seen at the moment when it is passing away.
(2) Apostles, prophets, and teachers are mentioned, but
it would seem as if Apostles were becoming rare, and also
as if the office were growing larger and diviner in the
1 Cf. ed. by Hitchcock and Brown, New York, 1886.
THE AGE OF TRANSITION 59
popular imagination as the years receded. This may be
inferred from the statement that if any one visited the
communities as an Apostle who proved to be false by the
ring of his teaching or life, he was not a false Apostle but
a false prophet. (3) The proj^het occupies the highest
place of honor in the congregation. He not only has a
message to give, but he officiates in the Eucharist as a
high priest; and while others use a formula of prayer in
its administrations, the prophet is to be allowed to give
thanks as much as he will. (4) But the prophetic order
lias begun to be discredited through the number of false
prophets, and every community must be on its guard lest
it suffer imposition. The test is a simple one, whether
for teachers or prophets, — the utterance must be evi-
denced as true by the life; and any Apostle, prophet, or
teacher who exploits his office at the expense of the com-
munity, ordering meals or tarrying too long in one place,
reveals his insincerity. (5) Apostles, prophets, and
teachers constitute at first an itinerating ministry, the
larger bond which unites the scattered communities
into an organic whole. (6) The functions of Apostles,
prophets, and teachers are exclusively spiritual, or relate
to the higher ministry of the Word. But there is a local
ministry, also, whose functions hitherto have been of an
administrative character; these are the bishops and dea-
cons,—the ministry of the tables (Acts vi.) or the
"helps" referred to by St. Paul (1 Cor. xii. 28; Rom.
xii. 7). (7) There are two ways by which the transition
was effected from the earlier to the later form of the min-
istry. Prophets and teachers might remain permanently
with any community, in which case they were to be sup-
ported as worthy of their hire. The firstfruits were to be
theirs, as in the Jewish economy: "for they are your high
priests." (8) But there was another way which might be
followed when it was no longer convenient to receive
prophets and teachers; the congregation might appoint
{X^'-P'^'^^^^W^^'^^^ for themselves bishops and deacons, who
would take upon them the functions of prophets and
teachers and would be the recipients of equal honor. The
60 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
qualifications of those called to these offices are meekness,
the absence of avarice, men upright and proved (cf. 1 Tim.
iii. 2-13). (9) It is to be noted that ' bishops ' are
mentioned, and not a single bishop; it was a plural epis-
copate, as well as a plural diaconate. Bishops and dea-
cons are also mentioned together as having some close
interior relationship (cf . Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. ; Clem.
Rom. c. 42; Pastor, Sim. ix. 26, 27). (10) Bishops
and deacons are manifestly connected with the worship of
the church, the account of which in the Didache immedi-
ately precedes the mention of the organizations. (H) As
in the Epistle of Clement to the Romans, there is silence
as to the exact method by which bishops and deacons are
appointed to their office. The congregation is told to
appoint them for themselves. But the word 'appoint'
(^)(eLpoTovr)(TaTe) signifies a vote by the show of hands.
(12) The absence of any allusion to presbyters is difficult
to explain. It may be that the place they would have
occupied was filled by Apostles, prophets, and teachers,
who preserved the tradition and were guarantees for the
order and discipline of the community. It may have
been that in other churches the transition from the larger,
higher ministry was mediated by presbyters, while in the
churches addressed by the Didache it passed at once to
the local administrative othcers.
CHAPTER V
THE IGNATIAN EPISCOPATE
The date of the Ignatian Epistles may be placed in the
reign of Trajan, between the years 112 and 117 a.d.
Ignatius himself is known as the Bishop of Antioch, from
whence he went on his journey to Rome, condemned to
the beasts, and writing his epistles on the way.^ The
atmosphere of these epistles is free from vague allusions
to officials whom it is difficult to describe or identify.
Teachers may be discovered in the background; they are
mentioned only to be condemned. What the church
needs is no longer teaching, but unity, which will be
attained not by intellectual insight or spiritual sympathy,
but by a closer organization. Prophets also flit dimly
about in the surrounding darkness ; they, too, are needed
no longer; with teachers they have ministered only to
freedom, to variety, or confusion, from which the church
would escape. Antioch was the ancient home of the
prophets, and Ignatius himself may have belonged to
their company. If so, he uses his gift to dethrone proph-
ecy and exalt the ministrations of ej)iscopacy. There
are but few references to Apostles, and no appeal is made
to their authority as determining the order of the ministry.
There is a seeming abruptness in the proclamation of a
threefold ministry in the church, — bishops, and presbyters,
and deacons, — as if it came not by regular historical de-
scent, but by a voice from the open heavens announcing
1 Cf. Liglitfoot, Apos. Fathers, Pt. II. , Vols. I., II. ; Zahn, Ignatius
von Antiochien, 1873 ; also Patr. Ap. Oper., 1870, where the whole body
of Ignatian literature is collected ; Harnack, Die Zeit des Ignatius, 1878 ;
Aub6, His. des Persecutions de VlSglise jusqu^a la fin des Antonins, pp.
186-238 ; Schaff, Ch. His., II., cc. iv. xiii. ; Smith and Wace ; and Herzog,
B. E. Art. Ignatius.
61
62 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
that a new order had arisen and that the older order was
withdrawn as no longer suited to the exigencies of the time.
The object of Ignatius in these epistles is to exalt the
bishop as the head of the local church, in the place of
Christ and of God, The presbyters, whose position and
power in the community has hitherto seemed supreme, are
now relegated to the second rank, but Ignatius is not dis-
paraging their importance. They are mentioned with
bishops and deacons as entitled to honor and obedience,
an integral part of a divine order (Ad Eph. cii. and cxx.).
" As the Lord did nothing without the Father, ... so
neither do ye anything without the bishop and presbyters "
(Ad Mag. cc. vi., vii.). In the church at Magnesia
there is "the admirable bishop, and the well-compacted
spiritual crown of your presbytery and the deacons who
are according to God " (c. xiii.). To the church at Tralles
he writes: "It is therefore necessary that, as ye indeed
do, so without the bishop 3^e should do nothing, but
should also be subject to the presbytery as to the apostles
of Jesus Christ " (Ad Trail, c. ii.). And again: " He who
does anything apart from the bishop and presbytery and
deacon, such a man is not pure in his conscience " (Ad
Trail, vii., xiii.). To the church at Philadelphia he
writes : " When I was among you I cried, I spoke Avith a
loud voice, Give heed to the bishop and to the j^resbytery
and deacons " (Ad Phil. c. vii., cf. c. iv.). The church at
Smyrna is exhorted : " See that ye all follow the bishop,
even as Jesus Christ does the Father, and the presbytery
as ye would the apostles, and reverence the deacons as
being the institution of God " (Ad Sm3a-. c. viii. and
xii.). In the epistle to Polycarp: "My soul be for theirs
that are submissive to the bishop, to the presbytery, and
to the deacons (c. vi.).
But these passages in which Ignatius enjoins obedience
to bishops, presbyters, and deacons in their collective
capacity as the local ministry, are few in number and lack
in impressiveness when compared with those in which the
bishop alone is mentioned as entitled to the absolute obe-
dience which belongs to God.
THE IGNATIAN EPISCOPATE 63
" Wherefore it is fitting that ye should run together in accordance
with the will of your bishop, which thing also ye do. For your justly
renowned presbytery, worthy of God, is fitted as exactly to the bishop
as the strings are to the harp" (Ad Eph. c. iv.). "Let us be care-
ful, then, not to set ourselves in opposition to the bishop in order that
we may be subject to God" (c. v.). "It is manifest, therefore, that
we should look upon the bishop even as we would upon the Lord
Himself" (c. vi.). "Now it becomes you also not to treat your
bishop too familiarly on account of his youth,i but to yield him all
reverence, having respect to the power of God the Father, as I have
known even holy presbyters do, not judging rashly from the manifest
youthful appearance (of their bishop), but as being themselves prudent
in God, submitting to him, or rather not to him, but to the Father of
Jesus Christ, the bishop of us all. . . . Obey your bishop in honor
of Him who has willed us to do so " (Ad Mag. cc. iii., xiii.). " Some
indeed give one the title of bishop, but do all things without him "
(c. iv.). "Since ye are subject to the bishop as Jesus Christ, ye ap-
pear to me to live not after the manner of men, but according to
Jesus Christ who died for us" (Ad Trail., c. ii.). "It becometh
every one of you, and especially the presbyters, to refresh the bishop
to the honor of the Father" (c. xii.). "As many as are of God and
of Jesus Christ are also with the bishop" (Ad Phil. c. iii.). "The
Spirit proclaimed these words, Do nothing without the bishop "
(c. vii.). " To all them that repent, the Lord grants forgiveness if
they turn in penitence to the unity of God and to communion with
the bishop " (c. viii.). " Let no man do anything connected with the
church without the bishop. Let that be deemed a proper Eucharist
which is administered either by the bishop or by one to whom he has
entrusted it. Wherever the bishop shall appear, there let the multi-
tude also be, even as wherever Jesus Christ is tiiere is the Catholic
church. It is not lawful without the bishop either to baptize or to
celebrate a love-feast; but whatsoever he shall approve of, that is also
pleasing to God, so that everything that is done may be secure and
valid " (Ad Smyr. c. viii.). " It is well to reverence both God and
1 In connection with this allusion to the youthful bishop, whom the
aged presbyters honor, one may recall the account of the disturbance in
Corinth, which was said by Clement to have been an uprising of the
young against the elders or presbyters. But now the elders or presbyters
are approved for submitting to the younger. If Ignatius were replying
directly to Clement's epistle, it could not have been done more effectively
(cf. Clem. Ad Cor. cc. iii., xliv.). It is also a striking characteristic of
Ignatius' epistle to the Romans that nothing whatever is said about obe-
dience to the bishop, nor is the bishop mentioned. In this respect it
differs from all the other epistles. It may be that Ignatius was aware
that the Roman church had not as yet the single episcopate. Renan,
who rejected the other epistles as not genuine, admitted that this epistle
might be attributed to larnatius.
64 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
the bishop. He who honors the bishop has been honored by God;
he who does anything without the knowledge of the bishop, serves
the devil" (c. ix.). Writing to Polycarp, the Bishop of Smyrna,
Ignatius enjoins him also in the familiar words, " Let nothing be done
without thy consent" (c. vi.). "If any one reckons himself greater
than the bishop, he is ruined. But it becomes both men and women
who marry to form their union with the approval of the bishop,
that their marriage may be according to God" (c. v.).
These exalted impossible claims for the bishop, in lan-
guage which seems, as Bishop Lightfoot has remarked,
blasphemous and profane, are better understood by con-
sidering another class of passages in the Ignatian Epistles,
which have been too often overlooked as unimportant,
while they actually contain the secret purport of this
transcendental scheme. According to Ignatius, the
bishop stands in the place of Christ and perpetuates his
presence in the church. The presbyters stand in the
place of the Apostles ; they, and not the bishops, are the
successors of the Apostles. In regard to the deacons,
Ignatius is apparently ignorant that their appointment
was by Apostolic authority; they are spoken of vaguely as
by the constitution of God.
" Your bishop presides in the place of God, and your presbytery in
the place of the assembly of the Apostles, along with your deacons,
who are most dear to me " (Mag. c. vi.) . " Ye are subject to the bishop
as to Jesus Christ ... ye should also be subject to the presbytery as
to the Apostle of Jesus Christ" (Trail, c. ii.). "Reverence the dea-
cons as an appointment of Jesus Christ, and the bishop as Jesus
Christ, who is the Son of the Father, and the presbyters as the San-
hedrim of God and assembly of the Apostles " (Trail, c. iii.). " I flee
to the Gospel as to the flesh of Jesus and to the Apostles as to the pres-
bytery of the church " (Phil. c. v.). " See that ye all follow the bishop,
even as Jesus Christ does the Father ; and the presbytery as ye would
the Apostles ; and reverence the deacons as being the institution of
God" (Smyr. c. viii.).
Although Ignatius was indifferent to the authority of
tradition where the ministry was concerned (Ad Phil,
cc. vii., viii.), and like St. Paul attaches the importance
to the spirit rather than the letter, yet in some respects he
throws light on the historical development of the ministry
THE IGNATIAN EPISCOPATE 65
not found in any other writer. In making the presbyters
the successors of the Apostles, he is in harmony with the
earlier documents, which represent the presbyters as
standing on equal terms with the Apostles (Acts xv. 4,
6, 22, 23) in the Apostolic age, or which speak of them
exclusively, as if there were no other officers in the church
(James v. 14), or in which Apostles themselves claim the
dignity of the presbyterate (1 Pet. v. 1). Under the
presidency of James over the church in Jerusalem, those
of the Apostles still living must have taken their place
beneath him as presbyters, if we interpret the situation
according to the later usage. As bearers of the words and
traditions of Christ the presbyters rose naturally to the
highest position. We need not to look to Jev/ish insti-
tutions to explain their origin; they came by a simple,
natural, inevitable law. In virtue of their age they could
render a service in the second generation of the Christian
church which Apostles had rendered also to their own age.
But when the bishop rose to supremacy over the presby-
ters, a new principle was needed to explain and justify
his authority. Ignatius found this principle in his doc-
trine that the bishop stood for Christ Himself; and as
Apostles were subject to Christ, so presbyters were subject
to the bishop. This doctrine is of the very essence of the
Ignatian teaching; it thrilled his imagination as he saw
its deeper spiritual import; he mentions it as often as he
refers to the authority of the bishop, — the bishop stands
in the place of Christ and even of God.
It is further characteristic of the writings of Ignatius
that the Eucharist is there presented, not only as having
a deep spiritual value for the worshipper, but as having
also a certain doctrinal significance in view of an heretical
teaching which, in the mind of Ignatius, imperils the
existence of the Christian faith. Against those who seem
to him to deny the importance of the body of Christ by
dwelling upon His spiritual influence or teaching, or
against those who, in docetic fashion, deny that Christ
has come in the flesh or has ever possessed a human body,
Ignatius adduces the sacrament of the Lord's supper, as
66 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
representing to the church the presence of His body and
blood. The Eucharist is also the pledge and the condition
of the unity of the Christian community in Christ and
in one another. The connection, therefore, of the bishop
with the celebration of the Lord's supper is in the con-
ception of Ignatius a vital relationship upon which its
validity to the worshipper depends. In thus connecting
the bishop with the Eucharist, Ignatius is in harmony
with what Clement of Rome had asserted or with the
picture in the Didache or the hints in the Shepherd of
Hennas.
" Let no man deceive himself : if any one be not within the altar,
he is deprived of the bread of God " (Eph. v.). " Obey the bishop
and the presbytery with an undivided mind, breaking one and the
same bread, which is the medicine of immortality and the antidote to
prevent us from dying that we should live forever in Jesus Christ "
(Eph. XX.). "Take ye heed then to have but one Eucharist. For
there is one flesh, your Lord Jesus Christ, and one cup into the unity
of His blood ; one altar ; as there is one bishop, along with the pres-
bytery and deacons" (Phil. iv.). "They (the heretics) abstain from
the Eucharist and from prayer because they confess not the Eucharist
to be the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ" (Smyr. vii.). "Let that
be deemed a proper Eucharist which is ministered either by the
bishop or by one to whom he has entrusted it. . . . It is not lawful
without the bishop either to baptize or to celebrate a love-feast "
(Smyr. viii.).
But we come still nearer the solution of the problem,
the monarchical supremacy of the bishop as Ignatius
enforced it, if we take into consideration the personality
of Ignatius himself. The character of the man shines
through his writings, an intense spirit consumed with
zeal, a visionary, an enthusiast, a transcendentalist, to
whom the fact is as nothing in the light of the idea; and
yet, withal, a man aiming at practical ends, letting him-
self down from the clouds in order to walk more firmly
upon the earth. He sa3^s nothing of tradition or of Apos-
tolic authority; he is indifferent to the testimony of the
ancients. But he is aware that he is innovating, that
what he proposes is open to criticism, that it may be
thought he is adjusting some compromise, in order to
THE IGNATIAN EPISCOPATE 67
harmonize differences in the church. ^ He seems to be
conscious that the tradition of the church is against him,
but he substitutes Christ in place of the tradition of the
elders: " When I heard some saying, If I do not find it in
the archives I will not believe the Gospel; on my saying
to them, It is written, they answered me, That remains to
be proved. But to me Jesus Christ is in the place of the
archives or charters. His cross and death and resurrec-
tion and the faith which is by Him are undefiled monu-
ments of antiquity; by which I desire through your
jjrayers to be justified" (Phil, viii.).^
In urging upon the churches the monarchical episco-
pate, Ignatius disclaims for himself any Apostolic au-
thority. He deprecates the possibility that he may be
regarded as some great person issuing his orders to the
churches (Eph. iii.). He has not reached such a height
of self-esteem that he issues commands as if he were an
Apostle (Trail, iii.). When writing to the Romans, he
exclaims, "I do not as Peter and Paul issue command-
ments unto you." Whence then comes the authority
with which he speaks ? The only answer is that he speaks
through the Spirit as possessing the gift of prophecy.
There are two passages in which he claims for himself the
direct insight into spiritual things which were character-
istic of the prophet: ^'' I have great knowledge in God, but
I restrain myself lest I should perish through boasting.
For now it is needful for me to be the more fearful and
not give heed to those that puff me up. For they that
speak to me in the way of commendation scourge me "
(Trail, iv.). And again, "Am I not able to write to
you of heavenly things? But I fear to do so lest I should
inflict injury on you who are but children" (Trail, v.).
It was then as a prophet that Ignatius was speaking to
1 The contrast here between Clement of Rome and Ignatius is very
striking. Clement supposed that the Apostles, knowing that there would
be strife over the office of the episcopate, took steps in advance for its
prevention (c. xlii.) . But according to Ignatius, the elevation of the bishop
was announced as a principle or abstract truth, without any foreknowl-
edge of dissensions.
^^ Cf. Lightfoot, Apos. Fathers, Part II., Vol. II., pp. 271, 272.
68 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
the churches, and the burden of his message, " Do nothing
without the bishop," was derived not from tradition, nor
was it suggested by the exigencies of the hour, but it was
imparted to him by the Holy Spirit. Such is tlie claim
made in the following remarkable passage:
" For though some would have deceived me according to the flesh,
yet the Spirit, as being from God, is not deceived. For it knows both
whence it comes and whither it goes, and detects the secrets. For
when I was among you I cried, I spoke with a loud voice : Give heed
to the bishop and to the presbytery and deacons. Now some sus-
pected me of having spoken thus, as knowing beforehand the division
caused by some among you. But He is my witness for whose sake
I am in bonds, that I got no intelligence from any man. But the
Spirit proclaimed these words : Do nothincj without the bishop "
(Phil. vii.).i
The above passages indicate that Ignatius claimed for
himself a direct revelation from God such as Christian
prophets claimed as the warrant of their teaching. It was
the Holy Ghost who was speaking ; Ignatius was but the
mouthpiece of the Spirit's utterance, " Do nothing with-
out the bishop." But in strange and inexplicable contrast
with these claims which Ignatius makes for himself, —
intimations at least that he knew the deep things of God
and could discourse concerning them if he chose, — is the
silence which he maintains in regard to the order of
Christian prophets. He does not mention them, or appear
to be aware of their existence. His home was in Antioch,
where there were in Apostolic days prophets and teachers.
From thence Paul and Barnabas had been sent forth with
Apostolic authority by the commission of the prophets.
St. Paul had declared that prophets were an order in the
church by the divine will and appointment. In Ignatius'
1 It is a mark of the difference between the age of Ignatius and the
fourth century, when the longer Greek recension of his epistles was
written, that the later writer tones down these assertions of Ignatius in
which he claims the gift of prophecy. The expression, " I have great
knowledge in God," is omitted altogether; and the other expression,
" Am I not able to write to you of heavenly thnigs ? " becomes " Might I
not write to you things more full of mystery? " In the later period the
qualifications of a prophet were no longer understood, as the office itself
had long been forgotten.
THE IGNATIAN EPISCOPATE 69
own time there were prophets in the church at Rome, as
is witnessed by Hermas, or in the communities addressed
by the Didache. But not only is he silent as to the very
existence of the prophets, but whenever he uses the word
'prophet,' he applies it to Old Testament seers who had
foreseen the advent of Christ or lived in expectation of
His coming. He was one of the first, if not actually the
first, to reverse the Christian order which places prophets
after Apostles, and to substitute another formula, — proph-
ets and Apostles, — as if the Christian prophet were no
longer to be associated with Apostles as the foundation
on which the church had been built, or were no longer
entitled to honorable mention. In the silence of Ignatius
there is tacit condemnation. The order of the prophets is
growing weak. Ignatius represents prophec}^ as signing
the warrant for its own dissolution. He used his pro-
phetic gift to announce the coming of another regime, the
Catholic order, in which formal prophecy would be done
away. ^
But there are intimations in the writings of Ignatius
that, despite his silence regarding the prophets as an order
in the Christian ministry, he is aware of its existence, and
has his own estimate of its work. When St. Paul a\ as
writing to the Corinthians he complains of their spiritual
incapacity: "Audi, brethren, could not speak unto you
as unto spiritual but as unto carnal, even as unto babes
in Christ. I have fed you with milk and not with meat,
for hitherto ye were not able to bear it, neither yet now
are ye able " (1 Cor. iii. 1, 2). Ignatius employs the
same metaphor in writing to the Trallians. He is able
to write to them of heavenly things, but he fears to do so,
lest he should be o'ivins;' them the strono- meat of the Word,
which might hurt them as babes in Christ (Trail, v.). But
he does not complain of their childish state, or condemn
it with St. Paul as carnal ; he approves of it, as if it
1 Cf. Epis. ad Ma,2;. ix. ; ad Phil, v., ix., with St. Paul's Epistle to
the Ephesians, ii. 20 ; Die Instanz, " I'ropheten und Apostel," loste nun
die alte Instanz, " Apostel, Propheteu und Lehrer ab." Harnack, Dog-
mengeschichte, I. 330.
70 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
were the normal order. What St. Paul regarded as ex-
ceptional, and deprecated as such, Ignatius makes the
rule and the basis of Christian society. The strong meat
is withdrawn for other reasons : Ignatius fears for himself
lest he should be puffed up with pride, if he spoke too
freely from his great knowledge in God (Trail, iv.); but
he has also a deeper source of distrust and dread, lest he
should appear to sanction the teaching of some who are
mingling poison with the food of the Gospel (Trail, vi.).
And yet, so far as he is able, he clothes the incoming order
with what is left of the prophet's authority. His concep-
tion of the episcopate was a transcendental vision such as
only a prophet could conceive. He takes it for granted
that bishop, presbyters, and deacons are so filled with the
life of the Spirit, that when the bishop acts or speaks, he
does so in the name of Christ, and all alike recognize his
deed or utterance as divine.
The difficulties in the writings of Ignatius are greatly
simplified, when it is borne in mind that the episcopate to
which he urges obedience is a local office, the pastorate of
a parish and not an ecclesiastical administration for the
church upon a larger scale, as the later episcopate became.
The Ignatian bishop is in every essential respect the minis-
ter of the local congregation, and the presbyters are his
assistant ministers or curates. ^ This view, which is too
often obscured in the discussion, gives a certain rational-
ity to the purpose of Ignatius, explaining his devotion and
zeal in its advocacy. In the interest of unity, the time, it
seemed to him, had come when the supremacy in the con-
gregation should be vested in one individual man. His
scheme may have defects in its details, it may be one-
1 "The bishop of primitive times was not by any means the potentate
we are apt to think him. There were at first very few Christians in the
country, and these few would come into the towns to worship. Every
town of any size had its bishop ; and if there were several churches they
were served by the clergy whom the bishop kept about him ; they were,
in fact, like our present 'chapels of ease,' and the whole position of the
bi.shop was very similar to that of the incumbent of the parish church in
one of our smaller towns" (Professor W. Sanday, in Expositor, V.,
1887, p. 113 ; cf. also, Cheetham, Ch. His., p. 128).
THE IGNATIAN EPISCOPATE 71
sided and not take sufficient account of actual difficulties ;
it may be too much in the air, as Ignatius conceived it.
But if it could have been realized, it was not without
adaptation to the new age that was coming in, and to the
emergency which was confronting the churches. A time
of intellectual activity, and consequent confusion, was at
hand in which the simplicity of the Gospel was threatened.
It may well be that Ignatius exaggerated the evils, as a
method of enforcing his argument for the necessity of
what seems too often, in his writings, a blind submis-
sion and obedience. But after all these qualifications,
the total picture in the mind of Ignatius has its beauty,
its power, its pathos. It is a plea for unity by a great
soul, a rare personality, a man also on his way to death,
which changes the perspective of human things. In this
spirit we may listen to him as he calls himself a man
devoted to unity. " Nothing is more precious than peace,
by which all war both in heaven and earth is brought to
an end." "Let us do all things as those who have Christ
dwelling in us, that we may be His temples and that He
may be in us as our God, which indeed He is, and will
manifest Himself before our faces." "Have a regard to
preserve unity," he writes to Polycarp, "than which
nothing is better. . . . The times call for thee as pilots
do for the winds, and as one tossed with the tempest
seeks for the haven."
CHAPTER VI
THEORIES REGARDING THE ORIGIN OF THE EPISCOPATE
In the preceding chapter the evidence of ancient docu-
ments bearing upon the early organization of the church
has been brought together with no attemjjt to urge any
one theory by which the many allusions they contain may
be harmonized as features of one consistent and uniform
system of ecclesiastical government. Thei'e are several
theories deduced from this mass of evidence, of which
some brief account may now be given.
In the first place, there is the inference that the govern-
ment of the churches varied in different places, and at dif-
ferent times in the same place, and that there was no one
uniform type which is common to all. In the church at
Jerusalem the Twelve seem to be supreme in the earliest
years, with a superintendence over the other Christian com-
munities in Palestine and Syria. Then they are associated
with presbyters or elders under the presidency of James,
the Lord's brother. In the church at Ephesus there were
at one time Apostles, prophets, and evangelists, with pas-
tors and teachers, and at another moment this church is
represented, as in the Pastoral Epistles, as under the super-
intendence of the Evangelist, Timothy, with presbyters,
bishops, and deacons. The church at Philippi had bishops
and deacons, while the churches addressed by Peter and
James and John appear to have had presbyters only. At
Antioch, in the earliest years, there were prophets and
teachers who took the lead, while in the Antioch of Igna-
72
THEORIES ON TFTE ORIGIN OF THE EPISCOPATE 73
tius there is no mention of them, but the bishop, the pres-
byters, and deacons have taken their place. In the church
at Rome, when Clement wrote, there were rulers and
presbyters, bishops and deacons, but in the same church,
when Hernias wrote, the prophets still maintained a posi-
tion of influence and authority. In the church at Corinth,
as at Rome, there were presbyters, and, as also at Rome,
there was a plural episcopate. But not far from this time,
in the churches of Asia Minor to which Ignatius wrote,
there was but one bishop. In Rome and at Corinth the
presbyters do not appear as subordinate to the bishops,
while according to Ignatius the bishop is supreme. In the
churches to which the Didache was addressed, there were
Apostles, prophets, and deacons, and there were also bishops
and deacons, but presbyters are not mentioned, and there
was no single bishop who was chief over the communities.
The inference that officers do not exist in any particular
church because they are not mentioned must, however, be
drawn with great caution. It is quite possible, for ex-
ample, that there may have been those answering to pres-
byters, in the church at Philippi, where only bishops and
deacons are mentioned ; as also that there may have been
bishops and deacons in communities where only presbyters
are mentioned. Again, the view which sees only variety
and difference in the organization of the local churches,
neglects certain common tendencies and resemblances,
which are vitally related to the development of the min-
istry. Important theological issues, on which depended
the well-being if not the existence of a common Christen-
dom, are involved in the external ecclesiastical form which
the spirit of the church was assuming. It may be true
that it is not yet possible to give a complete symmetrical
picture of the whole situation, as it existed at any moment;
but this should not be so construed as to warrant the
inference that no common principle was at stake, no com-
mon motive which gave homogeneousness amid great
divergencies.
74 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
II
The position of James, the Lord's brother, in the church
of Jerusalem has been regarded as the origin and sanction
of what is known as episcopacy in the later and technical
use of the word. That James occupied some such position
must be admitted. In his office of presidency he was
surrounded by Apostles and presbyters as if an advisory
council, but the narrative gives the impression that the
responsibility of a higher authority rested upon him. Wlien
Peter was set free from imprisonment he requested that
his liberation should be made known to James (Acts xii.
17). It was James who presided in the conference at
Jerusalem, who summed up in his speech the points made
by previous speakers, and then gave the sentence which the
Apostles and brethren adopted (Acts xv. 13, 19). When
Paul made his last visit to Jerusalem, he went in unto
James, and all the elders were present (Acts xxi. 18 ; cf.
Gal. i. 19, ii. 12). The tradition also of the second cen-
tury assigns to James at least the headship of the church
in Jerusalem, if not a more extensive authority.
But there are circumstances connected with the position
of James which give to it a peculiar and somewhat excep-
tional character, so that it can hardly be claimed as a pre-
cedent for later ages, without great qualifications. Passing
over the fact that he is not called bishop in the New Testa-
ment, it must be noticed as an unusual circumstance that
no account should be given of the time and circumstances
of his elevation to his high place. ^ It would be naturally
supposed that one of the Twelve would have been called
to this position. It seems strange that James should not
have been elected in the place of Matthias, when the
Twelve were filling up their number. There are gaps in
the narrative of the Acts of the Apostles, but this is a point
1 Cf. Euseb., H. E., ii. 1 for the tradition in the sixth book of Clement's
Hypotyposeis, where it is said that "Peter, James, and John, after the
ascension of our Saviour, though they had been preferred by our Lord,
did not contend for the honor, but chose James the Just as Bishop of
Jerusalem."
THEORIES ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EPISCOPATE 75
in regard to which silence is very difficult to explain. The
only explanation which seems to suit all the requirements
of the case is that James took the precedence in virtue of
his blood relationship to Christ. He was the Lord's
brother. As such he was known in the ancient church.
There have been efforts to show that he may have been
one of the Twelve ; but in the early church it Avas his
blood relationship which seems to have been regarded as
his highest claim to distinction. In the Greek Euchology
he is distinguished from James the brother of John and
from James the son of Alphseus, and is designated as
James, the Apostle, the brother of God.i He was suc-
ceeded in his position as governor of the church in Jerusa-
lem by Simeon, who was also a blood relation of Christ.^
It is possible that among the tentative visions of the early
church this was one, that there should be a visible head-
ship over all the Christian communities, which should be
continued in the line of relatives of Christ after the flesh,
and whose centre should be the sacred city of Jerusalem.
But if so, the fall of Jerusalem in the year 70, and its
further humiliation and abandonment under Hadrian, made
the dream impossible. The subject, however, is obscure,
and is further complicated by romance mixed with uncer-
tain tradition, to which one does not know how much his-
torical significance to ascribe.^
1 Among many discussions of this intricate point, cf. Lightfoot, Epistle
to the Galatians, on the Brethren of the Lord, pp. 89-127.
2 Cf. Euseb., H. E., iii. 11. "After the martyrdom of James and the
capture of Jerusalem which immediately followed, the report is, that those
of the Apostles and the disciples of our Lord that were yet surviving, came
together from all parts, with those that were related to our Lord accord-
ing to the flesh. For the greater part of them were yet living. These
consulted together, to determine whom it was proper to pronounce
worthy of being the successor of James. They all unanimously declared
Simeon, the son of Cleophas, of whom mention is made in the sacred
volume, as worthy of the episcopal seat there. They say he was the
cousin-german of our Saviour, for Hegesippus asserts that Cleophas was
the brother of Joseph." Cf. also iii. 20, where it is said that Domitian
was alarmed about the relatives of our Lord, as if they aspired to found a
temporal kingdom. This report also came from Hegesippus. In this con-
nection see Matt. xii. 47, Mark iii. '.V2, Luke viii. 20 ; also Matt. xx. 20-28.
^ Cf. the pseudo-Clementine writings, which contain several allusions
to James as the head of the whole church ; Ejns. Fet , whose superscrip-
76 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
The Ignatian episcopate differs from the rule or as-
cendency ascribed to James, in being a local office whose
authority is confined within the community. But not only
does the tradition of the second century give to James an
universal authority ; there are also hints in the New Testa-
ment that his superintendence included Antioch and the
Gentile as well as the Jewish Christians ; that even the
Twelve, including also Peter and Paul, treated him with
a certain deference as the head of the church. It is quite
remarkable that Ignatius is silent regarding any Apostolic
precedent for the local bishop whose authority he is advo-
cating. He must have known, living as he did at Antioch,
something of the history of the church in Jerusalem, but
he urges the independence of the local bishop, as if he had
never heard of any higher authority resident in the sacred
city. It may even be that he is combating in his own
way the possibility of an interference from without with
the supremacy of the local episcopate. It was also the
Ignatian type of episcopate and not that of Jerusalem,
which spread in Asia Minor, in Italy, and in North Africa.
But notwithstanding this wide divergence in type, there is
a certain affinity between them in that the claim is made
for both that they represent Christ: James by virtue of
his blood relationship to Christ after the flesh, the Ignatian
bishop through his relationship to the Eucharist which is
a sacrament of His body and blood. And as the former
stood above Apostles, even the Twelve, so the latter is
elevated above presbyters, who stand in the place of Apos-
tles. Both types of episcopate differ from that which
finally prevailed, which made the bishops the successors
of the Apostles.^
tion runs, "James, the lord and bishop of the Holy Church" ; also Epis.
Clem, ad Jacob. : '' James, the Lord and the Bishop of bishops, who rules
Jerusalem, the holy church of the Hebrews, and the churches everywhere
excellently founded by the providence of God." See also Rec. i. 68, 73 ;
iv. 35. It is all romance, but may have had its influence upon Rome.
1 There was in the church at Alexandria a peculiar kind of episcopate,
having affinities with that of James, to which allusion will be made here-
after. For a discussion of the position of James and of the Ignatian
bishop, cf. Ritschl, Die Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche, pp. 415 ff.
THEORIES ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EPISCOPATE 77
III
The view that the episcopate arose by the localization
of the Apostles finds its strongest advocacy in the Roman
church. There is a tradition that Peter lived at Rome as
its bishop and appointed his successor. This tradition
may have been combated by Protestant scholars since the
Reformation, on dogmatic grounds. But as a result of the
long controversy, it must now be admitted that the Roman
claim is inadmissible, founded on a tradition mentioned
by Eusebius and Jerome, that Peter went to Rome about
the year 42 and remained there till his death by martyrdom
in 64. According to the chronology which is generally
adopted, he could not have gone there before the year 61,
which was the date of Paul's arrival. ^ That Peter visited
Rome is a residuum out of a large tradition, which may
be retained, as also that he died there as a martyr. But
the visit of an Apostle does not constitute his localization
or settlement as a bishop. It is rather in harmony with
the view that the calling of an Apostle forbade his perma-
nent residence in any city. There is another tradition
that St. John in his later years was established at Ephe-
sus, but in this case also he did not reside there as its
bishop ; for, according to a tradition, which is valid, Timo-
thy went there as an evangelist or delegate of St. Paul,
to whom was intrusted the superintendency of its church.
In the case of the others of the Twelve nothing is known ;
the traditions which assign to them various localities are
late and have no historical value.
The theory of the localization of the Apostles introduces
confusion rather than clearness. It is opposed to the con-
1 Cf. Farrar, F. W., Early Days of Christianity, Appendix, 1, 2, 3 ;
Renan, U Antichrist, Appendix; Schaff, Ch. His., I., c. 4; Schmid, J.,
Petrus in Bom ; Herzog, 7?. E. Art. Petrus. In the proposed redati' i;
of the incidents in the later life of Paul, the time of his going to Rome ■ ;
placed by Dr. McGiffert so early as 56 a.d., and his martyrdom in the
year 58, which may also be the year of Peter's visit to Rome, thus allow-
ing a residence at Rome by Peter of some five or six yeai's. Cf. Article,
Peter'' s Sojourn in Pome, in American Journal of Theology, Jan., 1897 ;
also, by same author, The Apostolic Church in Inter. Theol. Lib.
78 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
ception of the Apostolate given in the New Testament,
that the Apostle was a missionary moving from place to
place. In the Didache, while provision is made for
settling prophets and teachers in some local church, no
such contingency is contemplated for an Apostle. And
again, if we admit the theory for the sake of discussion,
it is discredited by well-known facts regarding the episco-
pate, such as the different types of bishops presented in
the second century, the local or parish episcopate in Asia
Minor, or the one bishop at Alexandria with his twelve
presbyters and his superintendency over all Egypt. Rome
also, from a very early period, may have had a conception
of the episcopate different from either of these, which is
suggested in the pseudo-Clementine writings and illus-
trated in a certain consciousness of authority even in the
time of Irenseus.
The silence of the Ignatian Epistles regarding the
residence of St. John in Asia Minor or his activity in
superintending the churches, is a difficulty hard to over-
come. If Ignatius had appealed to the authority of the
beloved disciple, by whom the bishops were appointed
there, it seems as if it must liave carried greater weight
with those to whom he wrote than his appeal to a pro-
phetic revelation. But be this as it may, the tradition
existed at the close of the second centur}^ that St. John
had been the agent for the introduction of the local or
parish episcopate into the churches of Asia Minor. Ter-
tullian wrote, "The order of the bishops, when traced
back to its origin, will be found to rest upon John as its
author. "1 And Clement of Alexandria, writing about
the same time, says that the Apostle John, "when he
returned to Ephesus from the isle of Patmos, went away,
being invited to the adjacent territories of the nations,
here to appoint bishops, there to set in order whole
churches, there to ordain such as were marked out by the
Spirit. "2 But the office of a bishop differs so fundamen-
tally from that of an Apostle, that, as Bishop Lightfoot has
1 Adv. Marc. iv. 5. ^ Quis. Div. Salv. c. xlii.
THEORIES ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EPISCOPATE 79
remarked, "It is not to the Apostle tliat we must look for
the prototype of the bishop."^
IV
The theory, which is identifiecl with the name of St.
Jerome, that ' presbyter ' and ' bishop ' are used in the New
Testament as synonymous, and that the name ' bishop '
was afterwards used to designate the higher officer to whom
the presbyters were subordinate, has been maintained with
great force by Bishop Lightfoot. In the words of the
latter, " The episcopate was formed not out of the Apos-
tolic order by localization, but out of the presbyteral by
elevation; and the title, which originally was common
to all, came at length to be appropriated to the chief
among them."^ The objection to this theory is that it
throws no light on the dilhculties which are encountered
in the effort to trace the origin of the Christian ministry;
while it raises even greater difficulties by making the tran-
sition inexplicable in the writings of Ignatius, where
bishops and presbyters are sharply distinguished. It
^ Essay on Christian Ministry, p. 196.
2 According to Bishop Lightfoot, tlie terms ' presbyter ' and ' bishop '
are used interchangeably in Acts xx. 17, 28, and again in 1 Peter v. 1,2.
In the First Epistle to Timothy (iii. 1-7) the qualifications of a bishop are
meant to apply also to presbyters (v. 17). When St. Paul salutes the
bishops and deacons (Phil. i. 1), by bisliops must be understood presby-
ters, since it is incredible that they should be passed over. Further evi-
dence of the identification of name and office is found in Clement (Cor.
cc. xliii., xliv.) and in the Epistle of Poly carp. The phraseology which dis-
tinguished between bishops and presbyters began to come into vogue in the
early years of the second century, but so late as the time of Iren?eus the
older usage had not entirely disappeared. Cf. Iren. Adv. Haer. iii. 2. 2,
and iii. 3. 1, 2, and 14. 1, 2, where successions of presbyters are mentioned
as preserving the traditions, and again successions of bishops. Bishop
Lightfoot also appealed to Jerome's testimony (Epis. Ixix. , cxlvi.) that
"among the ancients bi.shops and presbyters are the same." Cf. Light-
foot, Com. on Phil., pp. 97, 98. Cf. also Essay, etc., p. 19G. Jerome's
theory, it should be said, was drawn from his study of the New Testament
rather than from any .special knowledge of an age following the Apostles,
when the change was made by which the bishops rose above the presby-
ter. But there was also in Jerome's mind a dogmatic pui'pose which was
supported by his theory and to which allusion will be made hereafter.
80 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
overlooks the possibility of distinctions which would
explain the apparent identity of name and office ; for it
may have been that presbyters exercised one kind of super-
intendence or episcopacy, and bishops another and differ-
ent kind. It is possible that the bishops may have been
presbyters, while all presbyters were not bishops.
The grounds on which this ancient theory has been
questioned and finally rejected by later scholars are as
follows. In the first place, it has been noticed that bish-
ops and deacons are mentioned together in the same con-
nection, and that when they are thus mentioned presbyters
are not mentioned. And conversely, where presbyters
are mentioned, they stand by themselves, and there is no
connected allusion to bishops and deacons. Thus in the
Epistles to the Philippians, St. Paul salutes the bishops
and deacons, but is silent regarding presbyters. In the
First Epistle to Timothy and in the Epistle to Titus, the
qualifications of bishops and deacons are given together,
as if these offices were related, but when presbyters are
mentioned in these epistles, it is by themselves and in
another connection. Clement of Rome says that the
Apostles "appointed the firstfruits of their labors to be
bishops and deacons" (Cor. c. xlii.), but when he speaks
of presbyters, he is speaking upon a different subject and
associates them with the rulers (cc. ii., iii.). According to
the Didache, the local community is told to appoint bish-
ops and deacons, but no allusion is made to presbyters.
A similar connection is seen in the Shepherd of Hermas,
where in one paragraph the deacons are mentioned and in
the next the bishops, as though they were bound together
by some special tie (Sim. ix. 26, 27). There are some
apparent exceptions to this rule, but it remains to be
proved that they are exceptions.^
In the second place, the reason for associating bishops
and deacons is that in some special way they were con-
1 Of. Weizsacker, V. 3, § i. In the Epistle of Polycarp presbyters and
deacons are mentioned, bnt not bishops. Bnt it is possible that, as
Dr. Harnack has suggested, in small commnnities those who were recog-
nized as the presbyters would be one and the same with the bishops. Of-
Expositor, v., 1887, p. 338.
THEORIES ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EPISCOPATE 81
nected with the Lord's supper, which at first took the
shape of the agape, or the common meal, where an offer-
ing was made which was intrusted to the bishop, and in
the distribution of which to the poor the deacons were his
assistants. In the celebration of the Eucharist, as de-
scribed by Justin Martyr, the bishop presides and the
deacons distribute the elements or carry them to the absent
(Apol. c. Ixv.). This usage, which prevailed at Rome in
the middle of the second century, is in harmony with the
allusion of Clement of Rome, where he connects the ap-
pointment of bishops and deacons with an offering to be
presented and a service to be performed (Trpo(T(^opa<i kuI
XetToi//37ia?). The Didache plainly intimates that bishops
and deacons are to be ordained in order to take the place
of the prophet as ministrants in the Eucharist. St. Paul,
then, it may be inferred, salutes the bishops and deacons,
because he is writing to acknowledge a gift of money, or
an offering which had been made to him by the church at
Philippi (Phil. iv. 15-19). That the bishop was tlie
responsible financial officer of the community has received
abundant proof. ^ Not only does he thus appear in these
early documents, but he retained this character at a later
time and through the Middle Ages. He had the care of
ministering to the poor, the widows and orphans, and in
fulfilling his charge was aided by the deacons. Ecclesi-
astical tradition has retained this feature of the diaconate
to our own day. Hence the qualifications for a bishop,
as well as for deacons, are those of a good administrative
officer, possessing an honest report, free from covetousness
and from the love of money.
But the bishop was not only the responsible financial
head of the community, at a time when this department
of Christian activity was foremost in importance, as Dr.
1 The language of Justin Martyr on this point is conclusive. After
describing the method of keeping the Eucharist, he remarks : " They who
are well to do and willing give what each thinks fit ; and what is collected
is deposited with the president (the bishop), who succors the orphans and
widows and those who through sickness or any other cause are in want,
. . . and in a word takes care of all who are in need" (Apol. Ixvii.).
Cf. Her. Sim. ix. 26, 27.
82 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Hatch has shown, ^ but he also had cliarge of the worship
of the church, and especially did he preside at the cele-
bration of the Lord's supper. These two functions of
oversight combining in the bishop gave him from an early
moment great prominence. They were functions closely
affiliated ; for the offering of money or alms was made at
the moment when the service or worship of the Eucharist
was to be rendered. Of the two functions, the presidency
at the memorial feast had most to do with the elevation of
the bishop above the presbyter. In the earliest adminis-
tration of the Eucharist, while it was still an agape or
evening meal,^ the congregation sat down at the table and
one presided. Thus was furnished a living picture and
a perpetual memory of Christ's last supper with his dis-
ciples. But when the congregation became too large to
sit down at the common table, the picture was changed,
yet so as to remain a picture still ; but a dramatization
also in place of the reality. A few were chosen to sit
with the bishop at the table, upon whom also the deacons
waited, and these chosen guests were the presbyters.^
1 The. Organization of the Early Christian Churches, Bampton Lect-
ures, 1880 ; Lecture ii., on Bishops and Deacons. Cf. Uhlhorn, Christian
Charity in the Ancient Church (Eng. Trans.), N. Y., 1883.
2 The love-feast or agape was still the form of the Eucharist in the time
of Ignatius (Smyr. viii.).
"The Christian festival, both in the hour of the day and in the
arrangement of the meal, was substantially a reproduction of Christ's
last night with His disciples. Hence, it was called 'the Lord's supper,'
— a name originally applied to the combined Eucharist and agape, but
afterward applied to the former when the latter had been separated or
abolished" (Lightfoot, Apos. Fathers, Part II., Vol. I., p. 400).
^ Cf. Gebhardt u. Harnack, Texte u. Untersiichungen, Vol. II. 5, p. 11,
for the second of the so-called Apostolic Ordinances, in which tlie pres-
byters are represented as surrounding the bishop in the ministration
of the Eucharist. For an exposition of the influence of the Eucharist
upon ecclesiastical organization, cf. Sohm, Kirchenrecht, Bd. I. (1892),
§§ 9, 11: "Die wesentliche Aufgabe dieses Bischofsamtes war die Ver-
waltung der Eucharistie und, in Zusammenhang damit, die Verwaltung der
Opfergaben" (des Kirchenguts) (p. 84). " Die Diakonen stehen im eucha-
ristischen Gottesdienst als die bereiten Gehtilfen des Bischofs, der Bischof
sitzt. Aber der Bischof kann nicht allein am Abendmahlstische sitzen.
Wie mit dem Herrn Christus die Apostel, seine Jiinger, so muss mit dem
Bischof seine Gemeinde zu Tische (am Altar) sitzen, aber die Gemeinde
ist gros geworden. Die gauze Versammlung findet am Abendmahlstische
THEORIES ON THE ORIGIN OP THE EPISCOPATE 83
In this way was presented to the imagination the last
supper, when Christ presided and the Apostles sat on
either side. This was the second stage in the modifica-
tion of the Lord's supper. The table became a symbol,
and bishop and presbyters fulfilled a symbolic function,
the bishop representing Christ, and the presbyters His
Apostles. For a long time this symbolism endured,
until the sacrificial principle became dominant, when
the table was withdrawn into the sanctuary as in the
Greek church, and shut out from the public gaze; or, as
in the Latin church, the table was transformed into an
altar, and bishop and presbyters became a sacrificing
priesthood. But the ancient usage still survives in ritual
practices, which go back to the days when the bishop sat
at table and was aided in the ministrations of the table by
the deacons. In the Roman church, the Pope alone still
retains the sitting posture behind the altar, when he
receives the bread and wine.^ If the presbyter ofificiates,
he does so in the place of the bishop, and those who aid
him are designated deacons for the time being, whatever
may be their ecclesiastical rank.
We have here the possible clew to what has remained
so long obscure and enigmatical. It may have been for
this reason that James was chosen to preside over the
Apostles in Jerusalem, and thus fulfil, as the Lord's
brother, the injunction to keep the feast in memory of
Christ. It may have been for this reason that in Alex-
andria there was one bishop with twelve presbyters, down
keinen Platz mehr. Daher die Erage : wer sitzt mit dem Biscliof ain
Altar ? . . . Die Antwort auf die gestellte Frage lautet : . . . die geist-
liclien Ehrenpersonen der Gemeinde, also, Asketen, Martyrer, Lelir-
begabte, vor allem und fiir die Kegel, (denn jene Erstgenannten sind
nicht in jeder Versammlung zu linden), die Altesten" (p. 138). See also
Apos. Cons. viii. 12.
1 Cf . a very interesting note in Stanley, Christian Institutions, on the
Pope's posture at the Communion, pp. 206 ff. Luther was greatly dis-
gusted when he learned that the Pope did not kneel with his fellow-sin-
ners, misinterpreting it as an evidence of papal arrogance. As a precious
relic of early usage it illustrates the dignity and conservatism of the papal
oflBce, and bears witness to the consciousness within the church of the
time when the change was made from sitting to kneeling.
84 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
to the middle of the third century. This may have been
the image in the mind of Ignatius, as he presents the
bishop in the place of Christ, and the presbyters in the
place of the Apostles. It was because the Lord's supper
was not only growing in the reverence of the people, but
was gaining a dogmatic significance also throughout the
second century, that the bishop's position as president at
the supper gave him the ascendency, in the Christian im-
agination and in the heathen estimate, over the presbyter.
For in the meantime, also, the function of the presbyter
was changing. The time was already coming when his
testimony to the traditions of the fathers would no longer
be necessary, when, indeed, it would be impossible for
him to render it. Testimony of this kind at second hand
may be valuable, but in the third or fourth degree it begins
to diminish in value. The presbyter as a link with the
past, as vouching for the ij^sissivia verba of Christ and His
Apostles, was giving way to the Rule of Faith and the
Canon of the New Testament. Tlie other functions of
the presbyters had been teaching or exhortation, combined
with moral discipline and the watch over the young.
If the bishop was selected from the ranks of the presby-
ters, as it is necessary to suppose must have been the
case, then the seeming identity of the names of bishop
and presbyter is shown to have been in appearance only.
At the time when presbyters held the highest place, it
would be the highest title of honor belonging to the bishop
that he belonged to the presbyterate, and as such he would
be mentioned. When we consider that the bishop was
the financial administrative head of the community, that
he also had the superintendence of worship, that he had
the supervision of the deacons also, and that the poor, the
widows, and the orphans looked to him for protection,
that in addition to these functions he also possessed the
dignity of a presbyter, it is not difficult to explain the
transition to which Ignatius bears witness. The step
was inevitable by which he rose to supremacy. The won-
der is not that the change came so soon, but that it had
not come earlier. The appearance of the Ignatian bishop
THEORIES ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EPISCOPATE 85
was only retarded by the intensely democratic character of
early Christianity.
In concluding this sketch of the history of the Christian
ministry according to the documents produced in the first
three Christian generations, it must be said again that the
picture is not complete, nor is the material sufficient to
make it complete. The government of the churches may
have varied in different places and at different times in the
same place. In some communities Apostles and prophets
lingered longer than in others, and the local ministry
followed a slower development. In a general way it
may be said that the presbyters were more prominent in
Jewish Christian churches, and the bishops in Gentile
Christian churches, just as the term ' presbyter ' had its
analogy in the Jewish synagogue, while the term ' bishop '
is of heathen origin, and had its counterpart in heathen
organizations. But not much is gained by dwelling on
this distinction. The Christian presbyter differed from
the Jewish presbyter, and it is just that difference which
it is important to seize. The Christian bishop bears but
a faint resemblance to the presiding officer of Greek fra-
ternities. But though the picture may not be complete
in its details, yet the general outline is clear. The min-
istry of the Apostolic age came by divine appointment,
and was divided into two ranks. In the highest rank
was the ministry which was devoted to the preaching of
the Word, and in whose ministrations the whole body of
the Christian communities shared; God hath appointed-
first. Apostles ; secondly, prophets ; thirdly, teachers. In
the second rank came the local ministry, occupied prima-
rily with administrative duties. The names of the officers
of the local ministry were for a time unfixed or general in
their character, but even from an early moment three
titles appear which were destined to be permanent, —
presbyters and bishops and deacons. These titles, bishop
and presbyter, stood from the first for distinct functions,
and while they may seem to be used interchangeably, the
distinction always existed beneath the apparent identity.
The presbyter might perform the functions of the bishop,
86 OEGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
when appointed thereto ; or the bishop, while still a bishop,
might have duties as a presbyter, since, as a rule, he must
have been chosen from the board of the presbyters. Moral
instruction and guidance of the young were the function of
the presbyter; superintendence of the worship, the care
of the funds, and the responsibility for the poor were the
sphere of the bishop, in which he was assisted by the
deacons.
But divine order and appointment is subject to change
and to modification by the exigencies of time and of all
human affairs. The more divine the order, the deeper is
the spirit of life which it enshrines ; and life is revealed
in change and progress, while immobility is death. The
develo23ment of the ministry after the Apostolic age lay
in the appropriation, as far as it was possible, of the func-
tions of the higher ministry of Apostles, prophets, and
teachers by the officers of the local church. In what way,
and to what extent, presbyters and bishops fulfilled these
duties, must be traced in the later history. Even though
the Apostolic office, the prophetic function, and the gift of
teaching could not be transferred in mechanical fashion,
and suffered by diminution and loss in the transition to
the ministry of the Catholic church, yet the change or
development was no less divinely ordered. The church
was to find a great and effectual opening in the Roman
Empire, and its highest duty was to adapt itself to the
new conditions of its existence. The first step was taken
to this end, when the bishop was placed above the presby-
ter, when administration of ecclesiastical affairs became
the highest function and was honored with the highest
rank in the ministry. Ignatius recognized from afar the
coming change, and became the forerunner in its accom-
plishment. How the Ignatian episcopate developed into
the Catholic episcopate becomes the next subject of
inquiry.
CHAPTER VII
THE CHMSTIAISr MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY
At the beginning of the second century the bishop had
been presented in the Epistles of Ignatius as the successor
of Christ. When the century closed, the bishop had
become known as the successor of the Apostles. In this
change is summed up as in an epitome the modification
which the intervening years had wrought in the ecclesias-
tical structure of the early church. As there is here dis-
closed an important difference in the way of regarding the
bishop, so also no less significant a transformation has been
wrought in the status of tlie presbj^ter. When the pres-
byter lost his place and dignity as the successor and repre-
sentative of Apostles, the original function of his office
or rank had also disappeared, and the way was open for
his development in some other direction. In his original
capacity the presbyter had been one of a board or council,
of which also the bishop must be supposed to have been a
member, whose function was a moral oversight and disci-
pline coupled with the responsibility for the preservation
of the Christian tradition. Traces of this early arrange-
ment continued to survive in obscure ways, but no longer
understood, some of which have come down to our own day.
But the office was changing its character in the second
century, although the name and title were still retained.
The presbyterate is henceforth a new office, to be studied
in its new role as it entered upon its development. The
responsibility of vouching for the tradition was transferred
to the episcopate, a prerogative for which the qualification
of age was no longer required. Or, in other words, the
presbyter, in the Ignatian scheme, was to be subject to the
87
88 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
bishop, because the bishop stood in the place of Christ. In
the later adjustment, the presbyter is subject to the bishop,
because the bishop stands in the place of an Apostle.
The explanation of the change is to be sought in the
peculiar circumstances of the second century, which left
their deep impression on the church. The confusion and
distraction of the age gave birth to one supreme control-
ling issue — the necessity of finding some basis for the
authority of Christian teaching, some ground of Christian
certitude. To the average mind, the foundation of the
faith seemed to be shaken by the importation of new and
strange teaching, as by the Gnostic thinkers, who sought
the intellectual solution of problems which were raised
by the contemplation of Christ as a world teacher and
redeemer. The foundations of ecclesiastical order also
seemed to be weakened by the efforts of Montanist proph-
ets, who were aiming at a moral reformation of the church.
In the resistance to these two disintegrating tendencies,
as they appeared, the episcopate changed its form.
Ignatius had not been greatly concerned for the preser-
vation of Christian faith in its purity and vitality, so long
as the bishop could be regarded as the representative of
Christ in every local community; for then Christ Himself
would, as it were, be speaking in every Christian assem-
bly, and His word would carry still its ancient power and
conviction as when He was actually in visible presence on
the earth. Hence, when Ignatius had encountered persons
who refused to believe his teaching, unless it could be
found in the archives or charters, he had summarily dis-
missed their objections by appealing to Christ as the only
archive or charter of the faith: "To me Jesus Christ is in
the place of the archives ; His cross and death and resur-
rection, and the faith which is by Him, are undefiled
monuments of antiquity."
But to the mind of the church leaders in the second
century, confronted with this same objection on a vastly
larger scale, the answer of Ignatius must have seemed
insufficient, as if a transcendental evasion. Instead of
waiving the appeal to the charters, the conviction grew
THE MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY 89
that it must be carried to the charters, and that by the wit-
ness of the archives the faith of the cliurch must stand or
falL This conviction became the ruling idea by the
middle of the second centurj'-, the time when Gnosticism
had reached the greatest extent of its influence. The
Gnostics themselves were also embarrassed by this refer-
ence to the archives. When they were challenged to pro-
duce the authority by which they were teaching doctrines
that contradicted the first principles of the Christian
faith, they fell back upon some secret tradition, which
they averred had been handed down from Christ and His
Apostles; or they appealed to writings which passed
under the name of Apostles ; or they contended that the
true writings of the Apostles had been falsified, and that
they alone preserved the genuine tradition. It was the
Gnostics who first carried the appeal to the writings of
Apostles, i.e. of the original Twelve, as being the necessary
media by which the teaching of Christ had been preserved.
Christian teachers boldly took up the challenge, and from
this time the Apostles grew stronger in the church and in
the popular imagination, as if the divine, infallible au-
thorities on whom the churches built as their foundation.
With the exception of St. Paul, the memory of the larger
Apostolate, of those other seventy, also, whom Christ sent
forth, grew weak and faded away. To this restricted
Apostolate, was now attributed the planting of all the
churches and their primary instruction in its faith and
order. The short summaries of Christian belief which the
churches possessed and cherished, and in Avhich they made
their protest against Gnostic errors, were credited with
Apostolic origin. Collections of the writings of the Apos-
tles began to be made, lists of the books which were to
form the New Testament Canon, from which were excluded
any treatises which could not justly claim an Apostle for
their author. Under the name of Apostles a large ficti-
tious literature had been produced, chiefly by the Gnos-
tics, Gospels attributed to Apostles, Acts of each separate
Apostle. These were eventually condemned as spurious
and found no place in the Canon.
90 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
It was in this exigency that the significance of the
bishop's office took further increase. The bishop in each
community became the voucher for the tradition, or for
the genuineness of the sacred writings. If the Apostles
had provided for the preservation of the faith, by writing,
or causing to be written, records of the sajdngs of Christ,
they must also have provided the guarantees for the integ-
rity of these writings, and these guarantees must be the
bishops. The bishops, as it was also reasoned, must have
been, in the first instance, appointed b}^ the Apostles in
every church which they planted, and thus a succession
of bishops in every parish or community could vouch for
the documents. Scriptures, or Rules of Faith, since each
bishop had in turn received them from his predecessors.
Historical knowledge and research were superseded as
unnecessary in the presence of this great and growing
conviction. So completely did the bishop or pastor of the
local church answer to the needs of the imagination and
the requirements of the emergency, that it became at last
difficult to understand that any other arrangement had
ever existed. What was needed was one trustworthy
man in each community of Christians, who could certify
that the faith, as incorporated in some form of sound
words, had been received by him from his predecessor in
office. Age or length of days was no longer necessary as
a qualification to this end. A process so simple super-
seded the more complex process by which presbyters held
anxious communion with their elders, burdening their
memories with the facts, the words, the discourses, which
had come down through the generations. Such presbyters
were getting rare by tlie middle of the second century;
and there is a natural limit, too, beyond which tradition
thus preserved begins to lose its value. The time comes
when it must be incorporated in letters, in book, or docu-
ment, for whose genuineness the voucher of an institution
is all that is required. When that moment came, some-
where after the middle of the second century, the ancient
presbyter disappeared and the bishop took his place. For
the personal qualification of the individual officer was
THE MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY 91
substituted the administrator, whose qualification lay in
his relation to the institution.
II
There are several living pictures in which this transi-
tion from the age of Ignatius to the age of Irenaeus and
TertuUian may be clearly traced. When Papias, who is
known as the Bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia (f 160 c),
felt called to the mission of collecting the actual words
of Christ, he resorted to the presbyters for information. ^
He is said by Irengeus to have been an ancient man who
was a hearer of John and a friend of Polycarp. He him-
self tells us :
" Whatsoever instructions I received with care at any time from
the elders (TrpeafSvTepoiv) and stored up with care in my memory, 1
shall not be unwilling to put down, along with my interpretations,
assuring you at the same time of their truth. For I did not, like the
multitude, take pleasure in those who spoke much, but in those who
taught the truth ; nor in those who related strange commandments,
but in those who rehearsed the commandments given by the Lord to
faith and proceeding from truth itself. If, then, any one who had
attended on the elders (TrpecrySvTepots) came, I asked minutely after
their sayings, — what Andrew or Peter said, or what was said by
Philip or by Thomas or by John or by Matthew, or by any other of
the Loi'd's disciples : which things Aristion and the presbyter John,
the disciples of the Lord, say." ^
There was another ancient man, Hegesippus by name
(f 180 c), who felt a similar call, but who in seeking to
ascertain whether the churches were keeping the tradition,
resorted not to the presbyters as such for information, but
to the bishops. The verification of the tradition, in his
view, lay in the succession of the bishops, of whom, in
the case of Rome at least, he attempted a list. The pas-
1 The fragments of Papias are given in Routh, Beliq. Sac, Vol. I.
Also trans, in Apos. Fathers, Vol. I., Ante-Nicene Library.
2 For other allusions to the presbyters, cf. Papias, Frag, iv., v., vi.
Some things that Papias gained from the presbyters were trifling in
importance and even puerile. It was his method which is significant.
92 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
sage in which he speaks of the result of his investigationsi
is an interesting one :
"And the church of Corinth continued in the true faith until
Primus was bishop there, with whom I held familiar conversation
(as I passed many days at Corinth) when I was on the point of sail-
ing to Rome, during which time also we were mutually refreshed in
the true doctrine. After coming to Rome I made my stay with Ani-
cetus, whose deacon was Eleutherus. After Anicetus Soter succeeded,
and after him Eleutherus. In every succession, however, and in every
city the doctrine prevails according to what is declared by the law
and the prophets and the Lord " (Eus. H. E. iv. 22).
Not far from the time when Hegesippus wrote, Irenseus,
in his remote home in Gaul, was also alive to the impor-
tance of verifying the tradition. In his letter to Florinus
he has left us a picture of the highest value and beauty,
where, by the chain of personal contact, he himself can
almost make an appeal to the Christ in the flesh for evi-
dence of the truth which he holds. These doctrines which
the Gnostics were teaching, he tells Florinus :
" These doctrines ■were never delivered to thee by the presbyters
before us, those who were the immediate disciples of the Apostles.
For I saw thee when I was yet a boy in Lower Asia with Polycarp,
moving in great splendor at court, and endeavoring by all means to
gain his esteem. I remember the events of those times much better
than those of more recent occurrence. As the studies of our youth,
growing with our minds, unite with them so firmly, I can tell also
the very place where the blessed Polycarp was accustomed to sit and
discourse ; and also his entrances, his walks, the complexion of his life,
and the form of his body, and his conversations with the people, and
his familiar intercourse with John, as he was accustomed to tell, as
also his familiarity with those that had seen the Lord. How he also
used to relate their discourses and what things he had heard from
them concerning the Lord. Also concerning his miracles, his doctrine,
— all these were told by Polycarp in consistency with the Holy Script-
ures, as he had received them from the eye-witnesses of the doctrine
of salvation. These things, by the mercy of God and the opportunity
then afforded me, I attentively heard, noting them down, not on paper,
but in my heart ; and these same facts I am always in the habit by
the grace of God to recall faithfully to mind. And I can bear witness
in the sight of God that if that blessed and apostolic presbyter (Poly-
carp) had heard any such thing as this, he would have cried out, and
have stopped his ears" (Eus. H. E. v. 20).
THE MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY 93
Valuable and beautiful as is this unique testimony to
tradition, it meant more to Irenseus than to the church at
large. The conviction which it embodied could not be
imparted in its full strength to all or any who, unlike
Irenseus, were not links in the living chain. But under
its influence, Irenseus at least was incited to urge the
value of the presbyter as the connecting link with the
past, and the bishop is presented as the guarantee of
the faith, because he holds the rank of the j^resbyter. In
his Treatise against Heretics he speaks of the " tradition
which is preserved by means of the successions of presby-
ters " (iii. 2) ; of the " truth which has come down by
means of the successions of tlie bishoj)S " (iii. 3): "where-
fore it is incumbent to obey the presbyters who are in the
church, those who possess the succession from the Apostles,
together with the succession of the episcopate " (iv. 26, 2).
" Such presbyters does the church nourish . . . for these
also preserve this faith of ours in God " (iv. 26, 5).
There are other passages in Irenteus in which he seems to
assert without qualification that there is no other means
of ascertaining truth, or verifying its possession, except
through the traditions of the presbyters: "When we refer
them (the Gnostics) to that tradition which originates
from the Apostles and is preserved by means of the suc-
cessions of presbyters in the churches, they object to tra-
dition, saying that they themselves are wiser not merely
than the presbyters, but even than the Apostles, because
they have discovered the unadulterated truth " (iii. 2, 2).
These passages, and others of a similar kind, indicate
that the mind of Irenseus vacillated between two methods
of certifying the genuineness of the revelation, — the
aged presbyter Avho vouches for the tradition and the
bishop who, in his official capacity, guarantees the Canon
of New Testament writings or the Rules of Faith. When
the aged presbyter, as in the case of Polycarp, or even in
his own case, was also a bishop, the two methods coa-
lesced, with the result that there is a seeming identifi-
cation between the offices of bishop and presbyter. It was
the appearance, after the middle of the second century,
94 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
of the Rules of Faith expanded from simpler Apostolic
germs to meet the false teaching of the Gnostics, together
with the attempts to fix the Canon of the New Testa-
ment, — these were among the causes which were destroy-
ing the prestige of the presbyter and transforming the
original conception of his office. A youthful bishop was
entirely competent to certify to the records, which he had
received from his predecessors, while presbyters, like Ire-
nseus and Polycarp, who maintained, as it were, a tactual
descent of tradition from the Apostles by the living voice,
were growing rare. The argument of Irenseus, therefore,
culminates in the episcopate, as the bulwark of faith
against the encroachments of Gnosticism. In his writings
is found the first statement of the theory known as the
Apostolical Succession r^
" It is within the power, therefore, of all in every church who may
wish to see the truth, to contemplate clearly the tradition of the
Apostles, manifested throughout the whole world ; and we are in a
position to reckon up those who were by the Apostles instituted
bishops in the churches, and the successions of these men to our own
times. . . . For they were very desirous that these men should be
very perfect and blameless in all things, whom they were also leaving
behind as their successors, delivering up their own place of govern-
ment to these men. . . . Since, however, it would be very tedious in
such a volume as this to reckon up the successions of all the churches,
we do put to confusion all those who, in whatever manner, whether
by an evil self-pleasing, by vain glory, or by blindness and perverse
opinion, assemble in unauthorized meetings, by indicating that tradi-
tion derived from the Apostles, of the very great, the very ancient, and
universally known church founded and organized at Rome by the
two most glorious Apostles, Peter and Paul ; as also the faith preached
to men, which comes down to our time by means of the successions of
the bishops. For it is a matter of necessity that every church should
agree (convenire) with this church on account of its pre-eminent author-
1 That the bishops were oris^inally instituted as successors of the Apos-
tles, has been inferred by Rothe, among others, from a passage in Clem-
ent's £)3tsfZe to the Corinthians (c. xliv.), according to which the Apostles
gave instructions that "when they should fall asleep, other approved men
should succeed to their office." But 'they' manifestly refers to those
whom they had appointed, and not to the Apostles themselves. "They,
the Apostles, appointed the foresaid persons, and afterwards provided a
conthiuance, tliat if these should fall asleep, other approved men should
succeed to their ministrations."
THE MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY 95
ity (^poliorem principalitateiii) , that is, the faithful everywhere, inasmuch
as tlie apostolical tradition has been preserved continuously by these
(the faithful) who exist everywhere. The blessed Apostles, then, hav-
ing founded and built up the church, committed into the hands of
Linus the office of the episcopate. Of this Linus, Paul makes men-
tion in the Epistles to Timothy. To him succeeded Anacletus ; and
after him, in the third place from the Apostles, Clement was allotted
the bishopric. This man, as he had seen the blessed Apostles, and
had been conversant with them, might be said to have the preaching
of the Apostles still echoing and their tradition before his eyes "
(Adv. Haer. iii., c. 3, 1, 2, o).i
A still more forcible and explicit statement of the doc-
trine of Apostolic succession was made by Tertullian
1 It is with the theory of Irenseus that we are here concerned, and not
so much with the facts which he alleges in its support. He goes beyond
the evidence of history when he afltirms that the church at Rome was
founded by Peter and Paul. Paul did not go to Rome till the year
61 A.D., and the church was already planted there when he wrote his
Epistle to the Romans, as also many years before Peter made his
visit to Rome. It is only admissible to speak of their founding the
Roman church in the sense of their having exerted an influence upon it.
The statement that they appointed Linus as the first bishop cannot there-
fore be taken literally. The identification of Clement of Rome with the
Clement mentioned in the Epistle to the Philippians is without sufficient
authority and is disputed by Bishop Lightfoot. It is unfortunate that the
text of the famous passage in which Irenpeus speaks of the Roman church
as having a superior principality, is a Latin translation from a Greek orig-
inal which is lost. For a discussion of the rendering of this passage, cf.
Gieseler, Ec. His., I., p. 150 ; also Neander, Ch. His., Vol. I., p. 284 (Bohn
ed.), who gives the following free translation : " On account of the rank
which this church maintains as the ecclesia U7'bis, all churches, that is,
believers from all countries, must — the must lies in the nature of the
case — come together there; and since now from the beginning Christians
from all countries must come together there, it follows that the Apostolic
tradition has been preserved from generation to generation by the Chris-
tians from all countries who are there united together. Every deviation
from it would here fall immediately under the observation of all."
For a discussion of the early lists of Roman bishops, cf. Lightfoot,
Apos. Fathers, Part I., Vol. I., § 5; Harnack, Die Zeit des Ignatius,
1878 ; Lipsius, Neue Stndien znr Papstchronoloriie in Jahrb. f. Prot.
Theol., 1879, 1880. That there was still a plural episcopate at Rome at
the close of the first century, and that the relation between presbyters
and bishops was not yet fixed according to the Ignatian scheme is plain
from Clement's Epistle to the Corinthians. The list of Roman bishops in
the first century cannot be so well accredited as are these circumstances.
For the lists of bishops in Eusebius, cf. Lipsius, Die BischofsUsten des
Ensehius, in Jahrh. f. Prot. Theol., 1880.
96 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
(f 220 c.) in his famous treatise on The Prescription
of Heretics. Tertullian followed Irenseus in the next
generation, and was moved as IreniBus had been by the
vagaries of Gnostic teaching. According to his argument,
as contained in the Prescription, Christ chose the twelve
disciples to be at His side and destined them to be the
teachers of the nations. After Judas fell. He commanded
the eleven others on His departure to the Father to go
and teach the nations, who were to be baptized into the
Father and into the Son and into the Holy Ghost. Imme-
diately, therefore, did the Apostles, whom this designa-
tion indicates as 'the sent,' go forth upon their mission.
" Having on the authority of prophecy, which occurs in a
psalm of David, chosen Matthias by lot as the twelfth,
into the place of Judas, they obtained the promised power
of the Holy Ghost for the gift of miracle and of utterance ;
and after first bearing witness to the faith in Jesus Christ
throughout Judea and founding churches, the}'^ next went
forth into the world and preached the same doctrine of
the same faith to the nations. They then in like manner
founded churches in every city, from which all the other
churches, one after another, derived the tradition of the
faith, and the seeds of doctrine, and are every day deriv-
ing them, that they may become churches. Indeed, it is
on this account only that they will be able to deem them-
selves Apostolic as being the offspring of Apostolic
churches " (De Prses. Hseret., c. xx.). "From this there-
fore do we draw up our rule. Since the Lord Jesus
Christ sent the Apostles to preach, no others ought to be
received as preachers than those whom Christ appointed ;
for no man knoweth the Father save the Son and he to
whomsoever the Son will reveal Him. Nor does the Son
seem to have revealed Him to any others than the Apos-
tles whom He sent forth to preach " (c. xxi.). "Let the
heretics then produce the original records of their
churches ; let them unfold the roll of their bishops, run-
ning down in due succession from the beginning in such
a manner that their first bishop shall be able to show for
his ordainer and predecessor some one of the Apostles or of
THE MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY 97
Apostolic men, a man, moreover, who continued steadfast
with the Apostles. For this is the manner in which the
Apostolic churches transmit their registers : as the church
of Smyrna, which records that Polycarp was placed
therein ; as also the church of Rome, which makes Clem-
ent to have been ordained in like manner by Peter. In
exactly the same way the other churches likewise exhibit
those whom, as having been appointed to their episcopal
places by Apostles, they regard as transmitters of the
Apostolic seed" (c. xxxii.).
It is evident from these passages that the presbyters
have now finally lost their original function as the bearers
of the tradition, which has been transferred to the bishops
or pastors of the local churches. Since the time of Igna-
tius the churches have been organized on the basis, for the
most part, of one bishop as the head of the community,
and the presbyters have become his delegates to perform
those functions wliich had hitherto belonged to the bishop
alone ; but the bishop has also changed, for he has ab-
sorbed the presbyter's commission of handing down or
guaranteeing the Christian tradition. There Avas an
interchange or exchange of functions by which the highest
purpose of the episcopate is now and henceforth identified
with the guardianship of the faith, while as the congrega-
tions increase in any town or city, the presbyter, at the
bishop's direction, takes the superintendence of the wor-
ship. The distinction is a subtle but most important
one ; it underlies the ecclesiastical arrangements of the
Catholic church, and when its full significance is seen, it
explains the later readjustments of the Christian ministry.
It should also be observed that when the bishop appropri-
ates the presbyter's function of vouching for the tradition,
he does so in his official character, as an administrator of
ecclesiastical affairs. What had hitherto been a spiritual
function requiring spiritual aptitudes of mind and heart,
as seen in Papias or Polycarp or Irenseus, now tends to
become an administrative act, or part of the routine of
official observance. Ireneeus furnishes the illustration,
when he compares the Apostles to rich men depositing
98 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
their money in a bank, from which all may draw, of which
bishops are the cashiers or custodians. But in taking the
superintendence of the worship under the direction of the
bishop, the presbyter is henceforth charged with a spirit-
ual function, in place of that which he had lost, which is
to become the germ of a great development.
It is further to be inferred from Tertullian's statement
that the name of Apostle had now become restricted to the
limited Apostolate of the Twelve. The larger Apostolate,
of which a glimpse, was caught in the Didache as it was
on the eve of its disappearance, is unknown to Tertullian,
even those other seventy also, whom Christ sent forth
with Apostolic commission, whose names, forgotten on
earth, are written in heaven. The identification of the
Apostolate with the Twelve began much earlier than
the age of Tertullian, ^ but in his time it was com-
plete and was bringing forth its fruit in a disposition to
refer all arrangements of ecclesiastical order or internal
discipline or cultus to the authority or initiative of the
Twelve. Thus has finally passed away the first rank of
officials in the spiritual order, as when St. Paul declared
that God had appointed first Apostles ; secondly, prophets ;
thirdly, teachers ; or again Christ gave some Apostles and
some prophets, and some evangelists, and some pastors
and teachers.
Ill
We turn now to the passing of the prophets, who in the
early years of the second century were still seen perform-
ing their peculiar work, and were held in the highest
honor. It is the characteristic of the highest and most
precious of divine gifts and endowments that they are
most easily depraved and stand nearest, as it were, to
the brink of failure. Even in St. Paul's time, when the
prophets are mentioned, cautions are given against the
abuses which wait so closely upon their order. As time
went on these evils had not diminished, counterfeits were
1 Cf. Justin Martyr, A2')ol. xxxix.,
THE MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY 99
current in the churches which called for special diligence
in their detection. In the Didache the communities were
warned against false prophets ; and Hernias, who is the
special champion of their order, is earnest in the exposure
of those who were exploiting the church in their own
interest under the guise of prophecy. But the order of
prophets did not finally disappear until after a loud and
long and bitter protest. The essence of the movement or
sect known as Montanism was an earnest endeavor either
to retain in the churches or else to revive and rejuvenate
the spirit of prophecy.
But prophecy was a spiritual function which hindered
the growth of the Catholic church; it was incompatible
with the orderly administration of worship; it was an
incongruity, to which the pastor or bishop could not be
reconciled. The prophet might at any moment lend the
weight of his utterance to thwarting the plans of the
bishop, who sought practical ends and practical means of
attaining them. If we may speak at all of a great crisis
or revolution in the early church, it appeared at the
moment when the Catholic church became conscious of its
mission through the successful administration of the bish-
op's office. For it was a characteristic of the episcopate
from the beginning, that it studied to cultivate unity in
the congregation as the means of promoting its welfare.
The bishop was not devoted to aspirations which were pos-
sible only for a few ; he kept at heart the welfare of the
whole; he sought to extend the influence of the church,
and primarily to recommend it by its gracious results to
the heathen world. For it was a foremost characteristic
among the bishop's qualifications, that he should be a man
of honest report, and, as the Apostolic Ordinances add, of
a good reputation among the heathen. To meet and con-
quer for Christ the heathen population of the Empire, to
rouse the indifferent, to make the worship intelligible
and attractive to the common people, to teach the young,
to discipline the mind and conscience by the observance
of law, — such was the role of the bishop, such also was
the tendency inherent in the nature of the ofBce. The
100 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Catholic cliurcli was tending, consciously or unconsciousl}',
in its formative process during the second century, toward
Avhat is called the principle of solidarity, the fusion of the
individual into an organic body where the interests of
the few are subordinated to the well-being of the whole.
Against this tendency, which was fast becoming the
ruling motive of Catholicism, the Montanists rose up in
protest and rebellion, invoking the spirit of the prophet,
and of tlie Holy Ghost who speaks by the prophets, to
stem the tide of secularism, which seemed to be sweeping
away the church from its ancient moorings. The true
aim of the church, according to the Montanist conception,
was to build up the individual man into a higher religious
life, to cultivate the higher reaches of Christian piety, to
nourish the spiritually minded with the strong meat of
the Word. The Montanist was indifferent to the growth
of the church by the multiplication of its numbers ; to
keep the church small was to keep it pure. Prophecy
appeals only to the spiritual few, not to the carnal many,
as when St. Paul lamented, in his letter to the Corinthi-
ans, that he was unable to write to them as spiritual, be-
cause they were yet carnal. The utterance of the prophet
was unintelligible except to those who had the spiritual
mind. The canons of prophecy had been laid down by
St. Paul when he said, " The Spirit searcheth all things,
even the deep things of God. The natural man receiveth
not the things of the Spirit of God, neither can he know
them, because they are spiritually discerned " (1 Cor. ii.
10-16, iii. 1-3).
It was, then, in the name of the Spirit that the Mon-
tanists called for a reformation of the church, for a halt,
and a reversal of its movement. The Montanist prophets
issued their reformatory ordinances, rigid and prolonged
fastings, abstention from all worldly amusements, the
avoidance of heathen society and heathen customs, the
condemnation of science and literature and philosophy as
leading to an intellectualism incompatible with piety,
and, in a word, the disapproval of the ordinary life of
men in this world, the marrying and the giving in mar-
THE MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY 101
riage. The end of all things was at hand, and the coming
of Christ was near, — to these convictions, to which the
Catholic church seemed oblivious, the Montanist was
keenly alive. An evil hour was impending, for Avhich
the Christian man should fortify himself by a severe
regime ; and when the persecution fell, he was to stand at
his post and not to flee, to welcome martyrdom as bringing
him home to Christ. But such ordinances as these could
not be enforced upon the generality of men, even if they
were true or desirable in themselves. They were not
contained in the writings of the New Testament, but were
set forth as of inspired authority by Montanists who
claimed the prophetic gift. Not only were they resisted
by the united episcopate of the Catholic church, but the
method of their utterance was condemned as false. For
here we strike the fatal weakness of the Montanist con-
ception of prophecy, that the personality of the prophet
was to be suppressed, in order that the Spirit might play
upon him as a lyre. The Montanist prophets spoke from
the condition of a trance, and their whole conception of
prophecy violated another canon of St. Paul, that the
spirits of the prophet are subject to the prophet. Such
was the crisis when the Catholic church arose to a fuller
conception of its mission, and suppressed a movement
obnoxious in itself and fatal to the vision which it cher-
ished. Under these melancholy circumstances the last
vestiges of the ancient and divine order of the prophets
disappeared from the Catholic church.
Tertullian, after championing the Catholic church as
its most stalwart defender, and after giving the formula
of Apostolic succession as the principle by which its au-
thority could be best maintained, left the Catholic church
and joined the sect of the Montanists. That feature of
the risinof Catholicism airainst which as a Montanist he
rebelled was its tendency to shut up the divine revela-
tion to the letter of a book or charter, instead of leaving
the heavens opened so that God might speak if He would
and impart new life to His church. As a Montanist he
did not feel that he needed the theory of Apostolic sue-
102 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
cession, in order to the certitude of his faith; he thought
of the Holy Spirit as the highest guarantee of the truth,
that Spirit of whom Christ had said that He should come
to His disciples and dwell in them as an abiding guest:
" He shall take of mine and shall show it unto you ; bring-
ing all things to your remembrance whatsoever I have said
unto you." A divine spirit in humanity as the guarantee
of the faith, over against the charters vouched for l)y the
bishops, such was the contrast and the conflict illustrated
by the two phases of experience through which the soul of
Tertullian passed. ^
The Catholic church came to its task, as an ecclesiasti-
cal organization, with a definite purpose, through its suc-
cessful resistance to Gnosticism and Montanism; the term
'Catholic,' as its technical designation, first began to be
employed toward the close of the second century. From
both movements the church gained elements of strength
and direction : from Gnosticism, the recognition of Christ
as having a world relationship, and the need of Greek
culture and philosophy as aids in the formation of a con-
sistent theology; from Montanism, the deeper conviction
of the Spirit's presence and power in the ecclesiastical
organization. There was, indeed, an adjustment of the
issue with Montanism, despite the severe condemnation
which it received. From this time, it came to be believed
that the Spirit was the special endowment of the epis-
copate, manifesting itself through the utterance of bishops
assembled in councils. The older view, that the call to
1 The movement known as Montanism originated in Phrygia soon after
the middle of the second century. Its influence was felt in Asia Minor,
Rome, and Gaul, and in North Africa. The Montanistic writings of
Tertullian reveal the later phase of the movement, which is different
from the earlier type in accepting the Catholic organization under the
episcopate. Cf. Bonwetsch, Die Geschichte des Montanismns, 1881 ; De
Soyres, Montanism and the Primitive Church, 1878 ; Cunningham, The
Churches of Asia, 1880 ; R^ville, TertuUien et le Montanisme, mEev. des
Deux Mondes, 1864 ; Art. Montanismus, by Moeller, in Herzog, B. E. ;
also Ritschl, Entstehung, etc., who first discerned the significance of the
movement. Among earlier writers Neander dwelt on its Phrygian origin,
Baur on its tenet of the nearness of the coming of Christ, as the clew to
its purport.
THE MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY 103
the ministry was but a recognition of the previous quali-
fication of the candidate by the influence of the Spirit,
tended to give way to the view that the ministry re-
ceived the Spirit on the occasion of its appointment to
sacred functions, as the means of their performance. But
while this view elevated the ministry which was now
to take the place of Apostles, prophets, and teachers, yet
it was defective in that it tied the Holy Spirit to the
organized ministry of the church, — that Spirit whose
larger characteristic is that it bloweth where it listeth;
whose sound we hear, but cannot tell whence it cometh
or whither it goeth. This adjustment, therefore, of the
issue with Montanism was not a final one. The obscure
prophet of Phrygia had raised the eternal question of
the ages. On the one hand, administration and order,
the well-being of the church in its collective capacity, the
sacred book, the oral voice of the Master, the touch of
the vanished hand, the perpetuation as of a bodily pres-
ence, some physical chain, as it were, which should bind
the generations together, so that they should continue
visibly and tangibly to hand on the truth and the life
from man to man ; and on the other hand the freedom of
the Spirit, and the open heaven of revelation, individual
opportunity for the fullest development and expression,
the transcendental vision, as with St. Paul, who declares
that "though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet
henceforth know we him no more," the vision by which
each soul may see Christ for himself through direct and
immediate communion with the Spirit of God, that Spirit
whose testimony within the soul is the supreme author-
ity and ground of certitude, who takes of the things of
Christ and reveals them to men with fresh power and
new conviction, who can at any moment authorize ini-
tiations of change and progress, which yet do not and
cannot break the succession of a continuous life of the
Spirit in the churches, — such were the terms of the
real issue between Catholicism and Montanism, which
still wait, after eighteen centuries, for some larger or final
adjustment. If Catholicism erred in one direction, Mon-
104 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
tanism erred in another. It was necessary that prophetism
should retire for a AA^hile in order to its discipline and
purification, until it should regain its self-possession,
and reappear in the fulness of time with all its ancient
authority and prestige. The true mission of the Catholic
church was to train the peoples committed to its charge
till they should be competent and once more worthy for
the reception of God's highest gift to man.
The suppression of the Montanist prophets and the dis-
couragement of the spirit of prophetism in general, seemed
to close an important avenue by which the influence of
the Spirit might continue to act upon the individual
reason and conscience, making them the vehicles of the
divine voice speaking to the churches. Such an avenue
had been open to Ignatius, when he heard the voice of
the Spirit proclaiming, Do nothing without the bishops.
The method which was substituted for this channel of
individual conviction and authority was the utterance of
the bishops in concert, when assembled in councils. But
such an organic procedure in solidarity did not fully meet
the exigencies of human progress. Individual initia-
tive and influence must always precede the action of a
body of men who have met to aflirm the truth. It is also
impossible to annihilate an agency which, like ancient
Cln-istian prophecy, implied the freedom of the individual
man to utter his entire thought with all the impressive
sanctions of deep conviction. Hence, in some respects,
there was but a change of form, and certainly for the
worse, Avhen the individual was henceforth driven to ex-
pression in devious, if not in dishonest, ways. From this
time date those romances of unknown authorships which
purported to be genuine history, of which the pseudo-
Clementine writings are a conspicuous instance ; treatises
also attributed to the Apostles, such as the so-called
Apostolic Constitutions, which altered the organization
of the church in the name of tradition, and introduced
the changes of Catholic usage, which the needs of the
time seemed to demand, by the alleged authority of the
Twelve. The church was at the mercy of that tra-
THE MINISTRY IN THE SECOND CENTURY 105
dition which had been mercilessly invoked to suppress
Gnostic teachers and Montanist prophets. The interpo-
lations in approved writers, the forgeries, which by the
slight change of a word could reverse the plain state-
ments of an author, this method by which much of the
ancient Christian literature has been so manipulated that
it must be approached with suspicion, and tested by criti-
cal inquiry before it can be received as genuine, may be
traced to the suppression of individual freedom as it
sought utterance in the garb of prophecy, the only out-
let which human ingenuity could invent in order to get
a hearing for the truth.
Among- the Minor Orders of the Catholic church there
is an office known as the Reader, which in the light of
modern research has been disclosed as the last relic of the
ancient prophetic order. ^ The Reader stands now next
above the janitor; but in the second century, when the
transition took place from the ministry of the Apostolic
church to the Catholic form of organization, the Reader
occupied a place between the presbyter and the deacons.
Thus the Apostolic Ordinances, which may belong to the
latter part of the second century, describe four orders of
ministers, — bishops, presbyters, readers, deacons. In the
first of these Ordinances, or canons, it is required of a
bishop that he should be "in a position to expound the
Scriptures ; but if he is unlearned, then he must be gentle
1 To Dr. Harnack belongs the credit of this discovery, which in its
significance for the history of the Christian ministry is hardly less impor-
tant than the discovery of the Didache. Dr. Harnack has also first
studied the relationships of the minor orders, and revealed their deep
significance for the growth of the ministry. Cf. Die Qnellen der Soge-
nannten Apostolischen Kirchenoi-dnung, nebst einer Untersuchung uhe.r den
"Ursprung des Lectorats und des anderen niederen Weihen, in Gebhardt
u. Harnack, Texte u. Untersuch., Bd. II., § 5. The so-called Apostolic
Ordinances must not be confused with the later Apostolical Constitutions,
where much that is given in the former work is set aside as no longer
applicable to the changed conditions of the ecclesiastical organization.
See also (Eng. Trans.) Sources of the Apostolic Canons, etc., vnth Treatise
on the Origin of the Beadership, by Wheatly, with Introd. Essatj, by
Owen, London, 1895.
106 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
and filled with love to all, so that a bishop should never
be as one accused of anything by the multitude." The
Reader was a substitute for prophet and teacher at a mo-
ment when bishop and presbyter might be unable to read
or incompetent to preach. The qualifications of the
Reader are given in the third of these Apostolic Ordi-
nances :
" For reader, one should be appointed after he has been carefully-
proved; no babbler, nor drunkard, nor jester; of good morals, sub-
missive, of benevolent intentions, first in the assembly at the meet-
ings on the Lord's day, of a plain utterance and capable of clearly
expounding, mindful that he rules in the place of an evangelist
(€vayyeXL<TTov) ; for whoever fills the ear of the ignorant will be
accounted as having his name written with God."
It is a striking circumstance that the Reader should be
classed here with the order of evangelists, of whom Philip
was one (Acts xxi. 8), and also Timothy (2 Tim. iv. 5),
who are said to be of Christ's appointment : " He gave
some apostles, and some prophets, and some evangelists "
(Eph. iv. 11). In the formal consecration to his ofiice
the Reader was also assigned the compensation for his
work which the prophet had received (a? TLfirjv tmv 7r/?o0e-
Toov),^ and further in the prayer by which he was conse-
crated to his task he was reminded that his office called
for the prophetic endowment : " Give to him the Holy
Spirit, the spirit of the prophet." ^ As bishops and pres-
byters gradually assumed the work of preaching and ex-
pounding the Scriptures, the office of the Reader lost its
importance, till he was no longer a necessary official in
the congregation. Then he was thrust down from his
high position to one next to the lowest among the minor
orders ; but the name was retained, pointing to some
organic change in the structural constitution of the church
by which he had become reduced to a disused rudimentary
member of the body ecclesiastic.
1 Apos. Cons. ii. 28.
2 Apos. Cons. viii. 22, A6s aiircp irveOna dyioy, wvev/jLa irpo<priTwi>.
CHAPTER VIII
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN
The age of Cyprian, which coincides with the first half
of the third century (f 258), witnessed great changes in
the organization of the Catholic church, and these changes
are reflected in the development of the episcopate. The
bishop, who had been hitherto for the most part the pastor
of the local church, was beginning to pass over into the
diocesan bishop ; while the presbyterate, which had at first
been an office connected with the defence of the faith and
with the cure of souls as well as with discipline, was
assuming the bishop's function of administering the eu-
charist. This was the moment when the church was
growing in the cities where the original single community
was expanding into several congregations. Such was the
situation in Carthage, of which Cyprian was bishop.
The expansion of the bishop's superintendence of the
local church in any town or city to what is known as dio-
cesan ej)iscopacy or the bishop's superintendence of a
number of churches, is connected with the influence of
the ancient civilization, where the town or city was the
unit, and not as in modern civilization, the individual.
In the modern church, if a new congregation is to be es-
tablished in any town, the individual members who com-
pose it do not regard themselves as dependent upon the
original community, but call their own minister, and thus
become a distinct organization, as complete in itself as
that from which it has separated. But in the ancient
world, where individualism was undeveloped, the new
congregation would naturally remain under the supervi-
sion of the bishop who represented the unity of the civitas,
and receive from him a pastor, subordinate to his au-
107
108 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
thority and acting as his delegate. For this purpose the
presbyters were utilized whose original function as de-
fenders of the faith had lapsed, and who were now
employed for a practical end in what must be regarded
as an efficient administrative method. As the presbyter
thus fell under the supervision of the bishop, there could
not have been at first any widespread disaffection with
the arrangement, for it brought a new dignity to the pres-
byter when he was thus allowed to assume the important
and honorable function of the bishop in presiding at
the eucharist. His original function as a defender of
the faith was henceforth appropriated exclusively by the
bishop, who became the official curator of the charters, in
his capacity as the one responsible head of the Christian
communities, within the town or municipality. It was this
type of episcopacy which prevailed in the ancient church.
In the fifth century there were some four hundred and fifty
bishops in North Africa alone. In Asia Minor the number
of the bishops, according to Bingham, amounted to four
hundred. Not only were the congregations increasing in
the great cities beyond the power of the bishop alone to meet
their needs, but in rural districts or in the country adjacent
to the cities and large towns, congregations were forming,
which raised the question as to their administration. In
some cases a presbyter was put over them ; in other cases
a bishop was appointed, after the earlier Ignatian usage,
who was known as the country bishop, or x^peTria-Koiro'i}
The situation, therefore, had greatly changed since the
time of Ignatius. The presbyters now threatened to
encroach upon episcopal prerogatives, since they were
taking the place of the earlier bishop and naturally fell
heir to his honors and dignity. But the bishops had also
received a large increase of dignity, as the parish grew
into the later diocese. Hence came a period of rivalry and
conflict. The presbyters seem jealous of the bishops who
draw the deacons more closely to themselves, as if for their
own protection. The third century is an age of schisms
all more or less related to the attempt of the bishops to
1 Cf. Bingham, Chris. Antiq., B. II. 13.
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 109
assert their authority. In Rome, in Carthage, in Egypt,
this issue may be traced in the schisms of Novatian, Fele-
cissimus, or Meletius.
It was under these circumstances that Cyprian became
the Bishop of Carthage, where he carried episcopal pre-
rogative to its highest point, and succeeded in breaking
down the presbyterial combinations which disputed his
authority. Other issues were concerned, of course, beyond
the principle of episcopal authority over the presbyter,
but they were rather the occasions than the causes of con-
flict and controversy. Cyprian stands as the embodiment
of the Roman genius of administration. It was no longer
with him, as it had been in the age of Irenteus, the impor-
tance of the bishop or local pastor, who bears witness to
the common faith and becomes the agent for its preserva-
tion. He was preoccupied with the Roman theory of the
transmission of power, the necessity that it should descend
in definite channels, the impossibility that it could be
appropriated, as some honor which a man might take
unto himself. This had been the attitude of Clement of
Rome, in his Epistle to the Corinthians: God had given
autliority to Christ, Christ in turn had committed it to
His Apostles, these had handed it on to the bishops and
deacons. If presbyters were to have authority to minister
to the congregation, they must derive it from the only
source from which it could be obtained, the episcopate.
Cyprian still continued to pay a seeming deference to the
authority of the people, but it was in appearance only.
The congregation of believers had no power from his point
of view to appoint its officers ; their part in the transaction
was to be henceforth limited to yielding or withholding
their approval. The question of ordination now assumes
the foremost rank. Cyprian believed that in this rite was
imparted to the recipient the gift of the Holy Spirit,
which qualified him for the work of the ministry. It
would have been lamentable indeed if this conviction had
been absent when the transformation took place of the
Christian ministry into a hierarchical administrative
order, whose chief function was to be the sacerdotal
110 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
offering for the people ; nor, indeed, without this convic-
tion could the change have been accomplished. But none
the less was the change significant and momentous. The
earlier ministry had received its formal appointment
because it already possessed the gift of the Spirit, and
the outward act of approval, as in the laying on of hands,
bore witness to the inward qualification. But, manifestly,
an administrative office transmitting power for ecclesiasti-
cal acts could not qualify the recipient for the spiritual
gifts of prophecy or teaching. Because the ministry was
changing to a priesthood, and the performance of a ritual
was to become the work of the clergy, ordination came to
be regarded as the authorization for these functions, and
rose at once to an issue of the highest importance.
In the New Testament there are three instances of ap-
pointment or ordination to the Christian ministry during
the Apostolic age: (1) The Seven were chosen by the
brethren, as men already filled with the Holy Ghost, and
were then appointed (^KaTaarrjcro^iev) by the Twelve, who
also laid their hands upon them (Acts vi. 3-6). (2) At
Antioch certain prophets and teachers were told by the
Holy Spirit to separate Barnabas and Saul for the work to
which the same Spirit had previously called them; and
when they had fasted and prayed, the prophets and teachers
laid their hands upon them. This was an ordination to the
Apostolate (Acts xiii. 2). (3) Timothy was appointed
an evangelist by three concurrent agencies : the gift which
was in him came by prophecy and by the laying on of the
hands of the presbytery (1 Tim. iv. 14), and by the laying
on of the Apostle's hands (2 Tim. i. 6). There is then
a formal ordination to a diaconate of some kind ; there is
an ordination of Apostles, by prophets and teachers, and
an ordination of an evangelist. But there is no reference
to any ordination of prophets and teachers themselves, for
they needed or could have no formal warrant, since they
appealed to the congregation to recognize in them the
THE AGE OP CYPRIAN 111
direct call of the Spirit. They could be recognized or
rejected, but not appointed. There is also an appointment
or ordination of presbyters, but it is not said to be accom-
panied with the laying on of hands. ^ Barnabas and Saul
are said to have ordained (^-x^etporovr^aavre'i^ elders or pres-
byters in every city (Acts xiv. 23); Titus is said to have
been left in Crete in order to ordain (/carao-TT^o-T;?) presby-
ters in every city (Titus i. 5). But there is no mention in
the New Testament of the ordination of bishops or of the
method by which they are appointed. If, as we must
suppose, they were generally taken from the council of
presbyters, it may have been that they were not then
regarded as needing any additional ordination or consecra-
tion for their special work bej-ond their designation or
appointment by the presbyters.
When we turn to the writings of the second century
for information as to the mode of appointment to the
ministry, we are struck by the absence of any allusion to
the subject, even in writers who have the order of the
church at heart. Clement of Rome tells us that the Apos-
tles appointed the firstfruits of their labors to be bishops
and deacons, giving instructions that these bishops and dea-
cons at their death should be followed by other approved
men. Those bishops and deacons therefore who were ap-
pointed by Apostles, or afterward "by men of repute,"
with the consent of the whole church, should not be
unjustly thrust out from their ministration (Ad Cor. c.
xliv.). But who were these "other men of repute"?
1 The laying on of hands is mentioned in the New Testament in three
connections: (1) The healing of the sick; (2) appointment to office;
(.3) as supplementing the rite of baptism, whether of John or in the name
of Jesus only. Cf. Matt. ix. 1.3, xix. 15 ; Mark v. 2.3, vi. 3, xvi. 18 ; Luke
iv. 10, xiii. 3 ; Acts vi. 6, viii. 17, 19, xiii. 3, xix. 6. For its significance
in ordination, cf. Sohm, Kirchenrecht, I., § 7.
In his valuable monograph on Ordination, in Diet. Chris. Antiq.,
Dr. Hatch remarks : "It is difficult to determine accurately the time at
which x^'-poO^'retadai came into general use in reference to ordination, be-
cause the texts of the MSS., especially of writers and councils of the
fourth century, vary so much between x^'-P"'''""^"- ^'^^^ x^'-po^^^^"- ^s to
make the determination of the reading, in the present state of criticism,
as applied to patristic Greek, a matter of great uncertainty" (p. 1502).
112 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
They may have been the leaders (J^^ovfievoi) or the pres-
byters, but can hardly have been the bishops or deacons
themselves. Again, in the Didache, when the prophets
fail who preside at the Eucharist, the congregation is told
"to appoint (jxetporovrjaare) for themselves bishops and
deacons " (c. xv.). Although Ignatius had left his office,
as bishop at Antioch, vacant, when he set out for Rome,
and is concerned that it should be worthily filled, yet he
gives no explicit instructions as to the manner of filling
it, beyond the statement that a conference be called for the
purpose. He urges the church at Philadelphia to send a
deacon to this conference as their representative, remark-
ing also that the nearest churches have sent in some cases
bishops, in others presbyters and deacons (Phil. x.).
That the bishop was to be elected at this council is stated
in the Epistle to Polycarp (c. vii.), but there is silence
in regard to any further solemnities connected with his
election.
In the first of the so-called Apostolic Ordinances, which
represent, according to Dr. Harnack, the transition from
the situation represented in the Didache to that which
was reached by the end of the second century, we have a
nai've description of the making of a bishop in some
remote or rural community: "If there are few men and
not twelve persons who are competent to vote at the
election of a bishop, the neighboring churches should be
written to, where any of them is a settled one, in order
that three selected men may come thence and examine
carefully if he is worthy, that is, if he has a good report
among the heathen, if lie is faultless, if a friend of the
poor," etc.^ From this Ordinance it may be inferred that
if there were twelve men in a community competent to
vote, it was not required that they should go outside the
community for assistance in electing a bishop. One may
1 Texts u. Untersuch. II., § 5, p. 7 (Eug. Trans, by Wheatly, p. 8) :
'Eai' d\iyav5pla VTrdpxV i^o-^ fJ-'/jirov wXijdos Tvyx^fri tu>v Svvafi^vwv tl/rjtplcracrdai
irept iiricFKbiTov evrbs deKadvo avSpGiv, els rds vXrialov eKKX-qcrias, ottov rvyx"-^^'-
Tr€ir7]yvta, ypacpirioaav, 6irws iKecdev eK\€KTol rpeis dvdpes irapayev^iievoi doKip-TJ
doKi/xdcravTes Tbv d^wv 6vTa.
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 113
note, also, that these three invited visitors are not speci-
fied as officers, but are apparently laymen. In the second
of these Apostolic Ordinances, where the duties and quali-
fications of the presbyters are given, they are represented
as placed on either side of the bishop in the celebration of
the Eucharist, but there is also reserved to them the
supreme control in cases of discipline, both of the congre-
gation and the bishop, in the communities which these
documents represent.^
It is possible that another and different precedent for
the making of a bishop was intended in the account given
in the fictitious Clementine writings, toward the end of
the second century, where Peter is represented as ordain-
ing Clement to be his successor. Here, at least, but in
an untrustworthy document, there is a clear and explicit
statement of the procedure :
" But about that time, when he (Peter) was about to die, the breth-
ren being assembled together, he suddenly seized my hand, and rose
up, and said in presence of tlie chui-ch : ' Hear me, brethren and fel-
low-servants. Since, as I have been taught by the Lord and Teacher,
Jesus Christ, whose Apostle I am, the day of my death is approaching,
I lay hands upon this Clement as your bishop ; and to him I intrust
my chair of discourse, even to him who has journeyed with me from
the beginning to the end, and thus has heard all my homilies ; who,
in a word, having had a share in all my trials, has been found stead-
fast in the faith ; whom I have found, above all others, pious, phil-
anthropic, pure, learned, chaste, good, upright, large-hearted, and
striving generously to bear the ingratitude of some of tlie catechu-
mens. Wherefore I communicate to him the power of binding and
loosing, so that, with respect to everything which he shall ordain in
the earth, it shall be decreed in the heavens. For he shall bind what
ought to be bound, and loose what ought to be loosed, as knowing the
rule of the church. Therefore hear him, as knowing that he who
grieves the president of the truth sins against Christ and offends the
Father of all.' " ^
1 Texte u. Untersuch. II., § 5, pp. 36, 37.
2 Ejxis. Clem., 2. That this method was followed in some places may
be inferred from the 7Gth of the Apostolic Canons, forbidding a bishop
to ordain whom he pleases, for it is not just to make heirs of the episco-
pate ; or the 23d Canon of the Council of Antioch in 341, which forbids a
bishop even at the time of his death to appoint his successor. Such
appointments were to be held invalid.
I
114 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
In Alexandria there was another method of appointing
a bishop, which continued until near the middle of the
third century. The one bishop who presided over all
Egypt lived in the great city surrounded by his twelve
presbyters. When his office fell vacant, the presbyters
deputed one of their number to take his place ; or, in the
words of St. Jerome, upon whose testimony our informa-
tion rests, " The presbyters always named as bishop one of
their own number chosen by themselves and placed in a
more exalted position, just as an army elects a general or
as deacons appoint one of themselves whom they know to be
diligent and call him an archdeacon." ^ That there should
have been twelve presbyters, with the one bishop, may
add another illustration to what has been before remarked
concerning the development of the ministry (see ante,
p. 82), that it was inspired by a desire to perpetuate the
scene of the last supper, when Christ presided at the
1 Ep. cxlvi. ad Evangelum : Alexandriae a Marco evangelista usque ad
Heraclam et Dionysium episcopos presbyteri seiuijer uuum ex se electum
in excelsiori gradu collocatum episcopum noiuinabaut, quomodo si excrci-
tus imperatorem faciat, aut diacoiii elegant de se, quern industrium nove-
rint et archidiaconum vocent. "At tlie close of the second century, when
every considerable church in Europe and Asia appears to have had its
bishop, the only representative of the episcopal order in Egypt was the
Bishop of Alexandria. It was Demetrius first (a.d. 190-233), as Euty-
chius informs us, who appointed three other bishops, to which number
his successor Heraclas (a.d. 233-249) added twenty more. This exten-
sion of episcopacy to the provincial towns of Egypt paved the way for a
change in the mode of appointing and ordaining a patriarch of Alexandria.
But before this time it was a matter of convenience and almost of neces-
sity that the Alexandrian presbyters should themselves ordain their chief "
(Lightfoot, Essay on the Christian Ministry, p. 232). The testimony of
Eutychius, the orthodox patriarch in Alexandria in the tenth century,
confirms the testimony of Jerome : Constituit evangelista Marcus una
cum Hakania patriarcha duodecim presbyteros, qui nempe cum patri-
archa manerent, adeo ut eum vacaret patriarchatus, unum e duodecim
presbyteris eligerent, cuius capiti reliqui undecim manus imponentes ipsi
benedicerent et patriarcham crearent, delude virum aliquem insignem
eligerent, quern secum presbyterum constituerent, loco ejus, qui factus
est patriarcha, ut ita semper exstarent duodecim. Neque desiit Alexan-
driae institutum hoc de presbyteris, ut scilicet patriarchas crearent ex
presbyteris duodecim, usque ad tempora Alexandri patriarchae Alexan-
driae. Is autem vetuit, ne deinceps patriarcham presbyteri crearent. Et
decrevit, ut mortuo patriarcha convenient episcopi, qui patriarcham ordi-
narent (Migne, Patr. Graec. CXI., p. 907).
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 115
table, surrounded by His twelve disciples. For this
reason the bishop represented Christ in the thought of
Ignatius, and the presbyters stood in the place of Apos-
tles. But there may have been also in Alexandria a con-
ception of the ministry which, like the Alexandrian
theology, expresses another spirit from that which domi-
nated Rome and the Western church. Clement of Alex-
andria gives a glimpse of this different attitude when,
treating of dignities in the church on earth in their rela-
tion to degrees of glory in heaven, he writes :
" Those, then, also now, who have exercised themselves in the
Lord's commandments and lived perfectly and gnostically according
to the Gospel, may be enrolled in the chosen body of the Apostles.
Such an one is in reality a presbyter of the church, and a true minis-
ter of the will of God, if he do and teach what is the Lord's ; not as
being ordained ^ by men nor regarded righteous because a presbyter,
but enrolled in the presbyterate because righteous. And although
here upon earth he be not honored with the chief seat, he will sit
down on the four and twenty thrones, judging the people, as St. John
says in the Apocalypse. . . . According to my opinion, the grades
here in the church of bishops, presbyters, and deacons are imitations
of the angelic glory and of that economy which, the Scriptures say,
awaits those who, following the footsteps of the Apostles, have lived in
perfection of righteousness according to the Gospel. For these taken
up in the clouds, the Apostle writes, will first serve, then be classed
in the presbyterate, by promotion in glory, — for glory differs from
glory, — till they grow into a perfect man." ^
II
It is in the letters of Cyprian that we get the first
authoritative statement of the method to be followed in
making a bishop, which in substance was to become uni-
versal in the Catholic church:
" You must diligently observe and keep the practice, delivered from
divine tradition and apostolic observance, — which is also maintained
among us, and almost throughout all the provinces, — that for the proper
celebration of ordinations, all the neighboring bishops of the same
province should assemble with that people for which a prelate is
1 X^i-poTovov Revo's, elected. ^ Strom. VI. 13.
116 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
ordained; and the bishop should be chosen in the presence of the
people, who have most fully known the life of each one, and have
looked into the doings of each one as respects his individual conduct." ^
And this, Cyprian adds, was done in the case of "our
colleague, Sabinus ; so that by the suffrage of the whole
brotherhood, and by senterice of the bishops assembled in
their presence, the episcopate was conferred by him." It
is to be noted in this account that there is no mention of
the laying on of hands as the essential feature of ordina-
tion ; the Episcopate is conferred by the sentence of the
bishops. Whether the laying on of hands followed the
sentence of the bishops, is undetermined by the text; but
whether it did or not, ordination in the Cyprianic theory
is not conceived as dependent upon it. If the handing on
of authority by a verbal commission forms the essence
of the ecclesiastical appointment, then the laying on of
hands is reduced to a venerable accompaniment of the
1 Epis. Ixvii. 5. Cyprian is aware that this method does not yet pre-
vail in some provinces of tlie church, and may have known of the usage
in Alexandria. His confident appeal to "divine tradition and Apostolic
observance" in its behalf may find its warrant in the writings of
Ignatius (Ad Phil. c. x.), who calls upon the neighboring churches to
aid in the appointment of a bishop for the church in Antioch. But
Ignatius does not summon the bishops of these churches for this purpose,
but asks the church in Philadelphia to send a deacon, remarking that
other churches have sent in some cases bishops, in others presbyters and
deacons. In the longer Greek recension of the Ignatian epistles, the request
of Ignatius for a deacon from the church at Philadelphia is changed to
the request for a bishop. Another precedent for the Cyprianic rule may
be seen perhaps in the first of the so-called Apostolic Ordinances (see
ante, p. 112). But the Cyprianic rule was also the result of natural
growth and of a sense of the fitness of things. It is in use to-day among
the Reformed churches, as well as those which follow more closely the
ancient order. According to the Canons of Hippolytus, the laying on of
hands is prescribed in making a bishop. When the consent of the people
has been given, Deinde eligatur unus ex episcopis et presbyteris, qui
manum capiti ejus imponat. Cf. Achelis, in Texts u. Untersttch., 6, vi.
Bie dltesten Qnellen des orientalischen Kirchenrechtes. Erstes Buck, Die
Canones Ilippolyti, p. 40. But according to the Apostolic Constitutions,
while laying on of hands is prescribed in the ordination of presbyters and
deacons, as also of the deaconess, the sub-deacon, and the reader, the
bishop is ordained without the laying on of hands, for which is substi-
tuted the open book of the Gospels, held over his head by the deacons.
Cf. B. viii. c. 3.
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 117
transaction. Had the laying on of hands been conceived
as of the essence of the rite, it would surely have been
mentioned by Cyprian. But herein lies a departure from
the Apostolic form of ordination where the laying on of
hands is regarded as of the essence of the rite, for the
ordination consists in the recognition by the human actors
of a call already made and a qualification already imparted
by the Spirit. (Acts vi. xiii. 1, 2.)
In the Cyprianic rule for making a bishop there is both
a method and a principle which inspires the method.
The power to appoint the bishop is vested in the bishops
of the province, and is no longer Avithin the prerogative
of the Christian community. The function of the people
is limited to giving information as to the character of the
man whom the bishops are to ordain ; but it is indispensa-
ble also that the transaction should go on in their presence.
The value of such a method is in guarding more carefully
the entrance to the ministry. The bishops now appear as
a body or consolidated corporation, acting in the interests
of the whole church as well as those of the local commu-
nity. In his treatise on the Unity of the Church, as else-
where in his writings, Cyprian regards the whole body of
the bishops as constituting the church, as the depositar}^
of divine gifts and powers to be mediated through their
agency to the congregation. The practical working of
this doctrine would tend toward the promotion of the
unity of the church, Avhich Cyprian has close to his heart.
In this respect he resembles Ignatius, in making union
with the bishop essential to salvation. The bishops con-
stitute the church , and outside of the church there is no
salvation: "He that has not the church for his mother
cannot have God for his father"; "the bishop is in the
church, and the church is in the bishop; and if any one be
not with the bishop, he is not in the church. "^ In his
argument for the unity of the church Cyprian reflects the
principle of Roman administration; and as, according to
the imperial idea, the unity of the Empire takes its rise
from one man, the sacred person of the emperor; so in
1 Epis. Ixviii. 8.
118 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
the church at large unity must have had its rise in one
man, the Apostle Peter. ^
But there is also a principle here which underlies the
Cj'prianic method of administration. Ecclesiastical power
must be handed down from age to age in uniform and
tangible fashion which is visible to all. While Cy^jrian
dwells on the advantages of his method as contributing to
unity, it is not merely or solely because of this advantage
that it finds its warrant or justification. In the nature of
the case, as Cyprian reasoned, there can be but one method
by which the bishop obtains the qualification for his office :
it must come from those who already hold the power and
are able to confer it. This power the bishops retain in
their own possession. In making a presbyter, they do
not impart their whole power, but only sufficient power
for the presbyterial ofifice. Hence in the nature of the
case a presbyter cannot make a bishop, for he cannot im-
part that which he does not possess. Nor can a presbyter
ordain a presbyter, because this power of ordination the
bishops reserve to themselves. What they impart to the
presbyter is the right to perform certain ecclesiastical acts
which are specified or understood, and any other acts
which he may perform are lacking in validity. There
must have been, therefore, in the church, so Cyprian rea-
soned, from the beginning, apart from any evidence for or
against it, a succession of bishops from the Apostles' time
who have handed down the gifts received by Apostles
from Christ Himself. Otherwise there could have been
no continuous ecclesiastical life. On this theory, Cyprian
stakes the very existence of the church itself.
The tendency of Cyprian's doctrine of a succession of
bishops reaching back to the Apostles was to overcome
that sense of contingency about the ecclesiastical order of
the church, which may be traced in many directions, ac-
cording to which the bishop had been placed above the
presbyter in order to overcome certain special dangers
which assaulted the church; a provisional arrangement for
the well-being of the church, and not a law for its exist-
1 De U)iit. Eccles. cc. 4, 5.
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 119
ence; which did not originate with the divine will, but
sprang out of human emergencies. Cyprian's influence
did not indeed banish from the church this explanation of
the origin of the episcopate. It is felt in the writings of
Ignatius, it is seen in Tertullian, it may be traced in the
Apostolic Constitutions, it was reaffirmed by Jerome and
Augustine, reproduced in the writings of Isidore of Se-
ville, kept alive by its retention in the Canon Law, cher-
ished in the monasteries of the Middle Ages, till in the
Reformation it was operative in the reconstitution of
the Protestant churches. But the principle of Cyprian
so far prevailed that from the fourth century ordinations
by presbyters alone were forbidden.^ It became a feature
of the organization of the Catholic church, that the pres-
ence or approval or co-operation of the bishop was essen-
tial to the validity of the rite of ordination. From the
fourth century, when it may be regarded as a law univer-
sal in its operation, 2 the Catholic church also may be said
to have accomplished the task which was begun by Igna-
tius and attained the end for which it has so long been
laboring. Egypt swung into line with the advancing
march of the triumphant church. In the case of Ischyras,
who lived in the time of Athanasius, as in the earlier
difficulties which Origen had encountered, and notwith-
1 For the 13th canon of the Council of Ancyra, 314 a.d., cf. Hefele,
Konciliengeschichte (Eng. Trans.), I. 212. The Greek text is x'jpe7ri(rK-67rous
IJ.7] e^eivai TrpeajivTipovs ri 5iaK6vovs x^i-poToveiv, dXXd fj.T)5i Trpecr^vr^povs 7r6Xews,
Xwpis Tov iiriTpairrjvai iiird tov eTricrKbwov fxera ypafifxaTuiv iv eripq. irapoiKlq.;
and the literal translation : "It is not permitted to the chorepiscopi to or-
dain priests and deacons ; neither is this permitted to the priests of the
town in other parishes, without the written authority of the bishop of the
place." Cf. Kouth, Eeliq. Sac. IV., pp. 144 ff. ; also Lightfoot for criti-
cism of Routh's interpretation, in Essay, etc., p. 233. In the text of the
Canon adopted by Lightfoot, it reads x^p^'^i-'J'k^^^o^^ 3,nd /x-qd^ irpea^vT^poti,
changes, however, which do not affect the translation as given above. See,
for the manuscript readings, Gore, Christian Ministry, pp. 370 ff.
2 " A bishop ought to be constituted by all the bishops that belong to
the province ; but if this be not practicable, either through pressing
necessity or the length of the journey, three must by all means meet ;
and when they have the consent of those that are absent, signified by
letter, then let them perform the consecration ; and the ratification of
what is done must be allowed in each province to the metropolitan."
Nicene Canons, 4 (a.d. 325).
120 OKGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
standing the confusion and obscurity in which these inci-
dents are involved, we may read the issue plainly enough,
that the Alexandrian church was making its transition to
the Catholic order. ^ In the remote islands of the West,
where, as in the Scotch-Irish churches, the peculiar ar-
rangement existed by which the bishops lived in mon-
asteries under the control of the abbots, still the law
was known and respected that the bishops were responsible
for the ordination of presbyters. When Jerome defined
the difference between a bishop and a presbyter according
to the ecclesiastical law, he reduced the difference to this,
— there was nothing which a bishop did which a presbyter
could not do except the performance of the function of
ordination. 2
But relics of the older usage still continued, as in the
custom by which the bishop addressed the presbyter in
writing as his co-presbyter, or in a still more impressive
fashion, by which, in the ordination of a presbyter, the
bishop does not act alone, but in union with his fellow-
presbyters. Although it is customary in ecclesiastical
language to speak of the bishop as having the power of
1 Cf. Excurs, Katholisch und liomisch, in Harnack, Dogmengesch. I,
400-412: "Die katholische Kirclie ist wesentlich das Werk der klein-
asiatisclien uiid romisclien Kirche. Die alexandrinische Theologie und
Kirclie schliesst sich erst im 3. Jahrhundert voll an " (p. 403). With the
triumph of this ecclesiastical polity, the office of the teacher, which had
been proclaimed of divine appointment by St. Paul, practically came to
an end in Alexandria, where it exi.sted longer than elsewhere, and with
distinguished prestige, as in the cases of Clement and Origen. It shows
the distance wliich the church had travelled in two centuries, that Origen,
who in the Apostolic age would have had a place in the higher ministry of
the word with Apostles and prophets, was in his own day treated as a lay-
man, obliged it may have been to seek the shelter of the presbyterate in
order to continue his work.
" Epis. ad Evangel. According to the Canons of Hippolytits, there is
no difference in the form of making a bishop and a presbyter ; both are
ordained by the same ceremony and by the same prayer ; but the bishop
differs from the presbyter in possessing the right or power of ordination :
" Si autem ordinatur presbyter, omnia cum eo similitur agantur ac cum
episcopo, nisi quod cathedrae non insideat. Etiam eadem oratio super eo
oretur tota ut super episcopo, cum sola exceptione nominis episcopatus.
Episcopus in omnibus rebus aequiparetur presbytero excepto nomine
cathedrae et ordinatione, quia potestas ordinandi ipsi non tribuitur." Cf.
Die Canones liippolyti by Achelis, in Texte u. Untersuch., vol. 6, vi., p. 61.
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 121
ordination, yet in strict parlance it is the bishop's preroga-
tive only when assisted by presbyters. It is doubtful
whether an ordination of a presbyter by a bishop alone
would possess validity from the point of view of ecclesias-
tical law. But the bishops alone admit to the diaconate,
and consecrate to their own order. ^
III
The contribution made by Cyprian to the development
of ecclesiastical order has been often misunderstood,
because it has been taken for granted that the episcopate
whose prerogatives he urged and enforced was the later
diocesan form, as it existed in the Middle Ages, or as it
is found in Germany, France, or England to-day, where a
bishop presides over a large territory, in whose diocese
may be found hundreds of churches, and as many presby-
ters who serve them. But in Cyprian's time the episco-
pate still retained for the most part its original form,
where the bishop was simply the pastor of the local church.
The presbyters with whom Cyprian came in conflict cor-
1 Cf. Can. III. of the Council of Carthage, 398 a.d. ; also Hatch, Art.
Ordination, in Diet. Christ. Antiq. II. 1519. In the Eastern Ordinals,
the presence of the presbyters is required by the ritual, but the bishop
alone imposes hands. According to the Western Ordinal, the presbyters
lay their hands upon the candidate after the bishop : " Pontifex stans ante
faldistorium suum cum mitra et nulla oratione, nuUoque cantu praemissis,
imponit simul utramque manum super caput cujuslibet ordinandi succes-
sive, nihil dicens. Idemque faciuut post eum omnes sacerdotes." So also
the Anglican Ordinal, but witliout specifying whether hands are laid to-
gether or in succession. In the ordination of deacons there are also traces
of the ancient order, when bishops and deacons were coupled together and
mentioned by themselves, as if the deacons stood in some special relation
to the bishop but had no relation to the presbyter. The Roman Ordinal
is explicit in its statement that the bishop is here to act alone. Beneath
the modes of ordination, however, there lies a question about which opin-
ion is widely divergent : Does the essence of ordination consist in the lay-
ing on of hands, or in the precise verbal commission ? The Anglican and
Protestant churches attach a spiritual importance to the laying on of
hands, to which the Roman church does not assent. Cf. Preface to the
Anglican Ordinal, where its importance is recognized, with the Encyclical
of Leo XIII., Apostolirae Curae (1896), § 7, where it is said "the im-
position of hands by itself signifies nothing definite." But in Acts vi. 3-6,
and Acts xiii. 1, 2, it plainly implies tlie recognition of a call and qualifica-
tion from the Holy Spirit.
122 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
respond in some degree with the assistant ministers who
are to be found to-day in the large city church, in which
the work is greater than the pastor can perform, but for
whose oversight he is responsible. So, at least, it was in
North Africa and in Italy and in Asia Minor. But in
Cyprian's time, also, a beginning had been made toward
the transformation of the office of bishop into its later
type of an administrative officer, whose administra-
tive functions are so extensive and absorbing as al-
most to make impossible any attention to his pastoral
office. The germ of this development lay in the episco-
pate from its origin, but its growth was stimulated by
the spirit of Roman institutions and by the constitution
of the ancient city. In some of the Protestant churches
the spiritual functions of the pastor take the precedence,
while the administrative detail is subordinate and may
be intrusted to lay helpers. In the ancient church,
both bishop and presbyter were originally charged with
administrative duties and only gradually and to a lim-
ited degree assumed the functions of preaching under the
stress of changing circumstances. It is hard, if not in
some cases impossible, for an office to change its character,
especially in an age like that of Cyprian, where the op-
portunities of theological education were slight, and the
motives weak which should induce the clergy to a long
course of preparation for their task. In the case of the
presbyter the transformation of his office which, in addi-
tion to attesting the tradition, was originally that of pas-
toral care and discipline, into the modern tj^pe of the
preacher was rendered possible by his resignation to the
bishop of his original function as a defender of the faith
which left him free to develop in some other way. But in
the case of the bishop, the native bent of liis office was not
changed, but rather intensified, and forced by the circum-
stances of history into a further development on the basis
of its original character. Meantime, in the age of Cyprian,
he was still performing the duties of pastor of the local
church, and where the city in which he lived had a large
population and Christian congregations multiplied, he
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 123
delegated his presbyters to serve them, and the office of
bishop grew in consequence in power and dignity.
It was in the greater cities of the Empire, like Rome ^ or
Alexandria or Antioch, and more particularly in Rome,
that the later type of bishop was first developed. It was
natural for the bishops of such cities to assume a tone of
higher authoritj^ as if they almost represented a different
order from the humble bishop or pastor of some small
church in some remote, inaccessible locality. The popu-
lar imagination, which counts for so much under such
circumstances, ministered to this assumption of a superior
dignity. And it was this assumption which Cyprian
resisted. Despite his autocratic character and the exclu-
sive privileges which he vindicated for the bishop, he was
in reality maintaining the equality in office of the bishop
or pastor of the meanest hamlet with the bishop of Rome.
He himself was the metropolitan or presiding bishop in
his own province of proconsular Africa, but he argued for
the weakest and feeblest of his brethren, as having alike
with himself received the divine calling, endowed with
the equal Apostolic power which came through the grace
of orders. Everywhere he saw but one principle of unity
for the church, the one bishop or pastor, with whom the
faithful must be in communion in order to salvation.
The totality of bishops or pastors constituted a solidarity,
which was the essence of the church, and a part of this
solidarity was held by each bishop or pastor, in the inter-
ests of the whole body.^ To elevate, as we should say,
the tone of the clergy, to make these bishop-pastors realize
their responsibility, was the aim of Cyprian. In the in-
terest of this conception, he was emboldened to resist
the attitude of Rome, which even then was aspiring
not merely to precedence, but to authority over the
churches.
1 The growth of the church in Rome, and possibly the number of its
congregations, may be inferred from tlie statement, in Eusebius (H.E. vi.
43), that in the middle of the third century it counted forty -six presbyters,
seven deacons, etc.
2 De Unit. 5.
124 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
The influence of Cyprian in modifying the constitution
of the ancient church is to be seen most directly in the
method which he urged for the appointment of the bishop
or pastor. Before his time, the right of the congregation
to appoint its ministers went hand in hand with the doc-
trine that the ministry was representative of the people,
and received its authority by their sanction. According
to Cyprian, the authority came not from the congregation
or from a ministry which was to be regarded as its repre-
sentative, but from without, from a clergy which had
received its authority from a source external to the people,
— an authority or commission which had been handed
down from their predecessors in a sacred ofifice, and which
could only be imparted by those who possessed it in this
long chain of descent. The voice of the people was
henceforth restricted to giving information as to the
worthiness or unworthiness of those who were candidates
for the office.
This separation between clergy and laity, which tended
to make the clergy an official caste, was deepened into an
impassable barrier by Cyprian's doctrines of the sacerdotal
character of the ministry. In the Christian literature of
the age which preceded him, there may be traces of a
tendency pointing in the direction of that which Cyprian
proclaimed, but they are feeble and uncertain. He was
the first to proclaim without qualification that the Chris-
tian minister, by the authority given in ordination, was
a priest, after Jewish or heathen analogies, not only in
the sense of representing the congregation before God,
but also of representing God and communicating His
gifts to the people. There is a sense, indeed, in which
the Christian ministry must always aj^pear as having a
priestly or mediatorial character, inasmuch as the truth
which they proclaim must, in order to be effective, pass
through the medium of their personality or be affected by
the equation of individual character. But this mediato-
rial quality pertains also to every Christian man who seeks
to influence his brethren. It is a charisma of the Spirit,
which is not official in its character, which can neither be
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 125
given nor taken away by human authority. It was not in
this sense that Cyprian asserted the sacerdotal character
of the ministry. Nothing so vague, so indeterminable by
ecclesiastical law, would have met his purpose or satisfied
the temperament of his mind ; and, let us add, perhaps the
exigencies of the situation. The Christian ministry, as
he conceived it, is a priesthood like the Jewish, differing
from it in this only, that if the one has passed away, the
other is to endure. ^ The threatenings of the older dis-
j)ensation are true of the new law, — the man that will
not hearken unto the priest shall die. The analogy of
Korah, Dathan, and Abiram is invoked as applicable still
to those who, in their abandoned mind and sacrilegious
daring, question the authority of the Christian priesthood.
Such as these are not rejecting the individual, but are
defying God.^ So utterly unhistorical was the mind of
Cyprian, that in seeking for evidence to sustain his posi-
tion, he quoted the words of Christ to the leper that was
healed, "Go show thyself to the priest," as indicating
the establishment of j^riesthood as of perpetual divine
obligation.^
The priesthood, with which Cyprian identified the
Christian clergy, must needs also have an altar and some-
what to offer thereon for the people. The suggestion for
this offering he found in the bread and wine which the
people brought as the material for the Lord's supper.
That offering, which the people had hitherto presented in
their capacity as a royal priesthood, and which had been
consecrated by the pure will, is in Cyprian's teaching the
material for another and higher offering to be made by
the priest alone. " The bishops or pastors come near to
the Lord God, the Holy One, to minister. Purity is
demanded of them and unstained character in order that
tliey may holily and worthily offer sacrifices and may be
heard in the pra^^ers which they make for the safety of the
Lord's people."* It is assumed without discussion that
the congregation, as individuals or as a whole, is incora-
^ Contra Judcens, 17. ^ Epis. ad Eogat. Ixiv.
2 E^yis. ad Cornel, liv, * Epis. Ixvii. 1, 2,
126 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
petent or unfit to offer, nor are they competent to appoint
their rej)resentatives, who offer for them. These are
appointed by God, through agencies of His own desig-
nation, and in which the congregation has no share. Tlie
change seems to have been as complete as it was sudden,
which has made it possible for Cyprian to assume such an
attitude without the necessity of defending it against
resistance. And yet, not many years earlier, Tertullian
had written: "Are not also we laity priests? It is
written. He hath made us a kingdom of priests to God
and His Father. It is the authority of the church which
distinguishes between clergy and laity, which has assigned
in the congregation a special rank and special seats for the
clergy. When there are no clergy, you make the offerings
and baptize and are priests solely for yourselves. When
three are present, there is a church, although they be lay-
men. Because you have the power to exercise the func-
tions of a priest when it may be necessary, you should
also submit to the discipline to which the ]3riests are
subjected." 1 If the laity were no longer conscious, in
Cyprian's time, of desire or ability to make for themselves
the offering before God, it was well that a body of men
should arise who stood ready to offer for them. But from
the tone of Cyprian's writings, it is evident that he made
no effort to keep alive in the congregation a sense of its
duty or privilege. He assumes the obligation of the
bishop or pastor to offer and to sacrifice as the inherent
and distinctive function of his office, for which God alone
has qualified him,^ through the verbal commission of the
episcopate in succession from the Apostles.
1 De Exhor. Castit. c. vii.
2 Of. Lightfoot, Essay on the Christian Ministry, pp. 242-267, who
finds no authority for the sacerdotal conception of the Christian ministry
in the New Testament, and regards it as contradicting the general tenoi
of the Gospel. The first germs of its appearance, which are found at the
close of the second century, developed so rapidly that in the age of
Cyprian "the plant has all but attained its full growth." Cf. also Harnack,
Dogmengesch. I., pp. .386,387, on Cyprian's teaching regarding priesthood
and sacrifice : " Die klerikale Schriftauslegung mit ihren Schrecklicheu
Einfallen hat an Cyprian ihren ersten, und zwar sofort einen sehr virtuo-
sen, Vertreter erhalten. . . . Erst in den verhangnissvollen Decennien,
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 127
IV
In summing up the work of Cyprian, it may be said
that he strengthened the foundations of the Catholic
church by formulating those doctrines of Apostolic succes-
sion and of a mediating priesthood on which was built the
later massive and imposing structure. In his time, also,
the word ' Catholic,' as the designation of the church,
began to come into more general use, though it was not
inserted in the creeds as the object of faith and allegiance
until the fourth century. Cyprian's view of Apostolic
succession superseded the earlier theory first advocated by
Irengeus and in substance adopted by TertuUian, that the
Apostles handed down to their successors, whether pres-
byters or bishops, a teaching received from Christ, and
these in turn guaranteed its genuineness and integrity to
those that followed them. According to this latter view,
adherence to Apostolic teaching is the evidence of a legiti-
mate descent of the ministry from the Apostles. Such
is the view which can still be traced in the older church
of the East, where a departure from what is held to be the
true teaching or tradition is regarded as throwing doubt
upon the validity of a ministry. Such, it may be also
added, is the view which may be held in Protestant
churches, that in adherence to the teaching of the New
Testament, the only tradition which comes from Christ,
there is a spiritual bond — the most real of all bonds —
connecting the ministry, through all the successive gen-
die zwisclicu der septimianischen und der decianischen Verfolgung liegen,
fand dieses statt, und est ist in Abendland wiederum Cyprian, der fiir uns
zuerst die neue Betrachtung und Praxis bezeugt ; ist fiir Cyprian die
Vorstellung asketisclier Satisfactionen eine ganz gelaufige und wird von
ihm ini Interesse der Katholicitat der Kirche ausgebeutet, hat er einen
neuen Begriff vom Opfer im Cultus aufgestellt." M. R^ville finds the
clear statement of the sacerdotal principle in the Epistle of Clement to
the Corinthians, as in the assertion that the ministry possesses a power
and authority not derived from the congregation. Cf. Les Origines de
riSpiscnpat, p. 391 : "L'essentiel ici c'est de constater la premiere appa-
rition de I'id^e sacerdotale et d' observer qu'elle a surgi tout d'abord k
Rome, avant meme la constitution d'un^piscopat monarchique danscette
ville."
128 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
erations, with the Master and His disciples. Such a
succession as this has not been and cannot be broken.
But in Cyprian's time the maintenance of the tradition
was no longer the vital issue. The Gnostic vagaries had
been overcome, and the Canon of the New Testament had
been practically determined; or where doubts remained
regarding the right of any book to an admission therein,
they were destined to yield or disappear in the following
generations. Cyprian's doctrine of Apostolic succession
introduced another element, — the perpetuation of a priest-
hood qualified to sacrifice by a j)ower of verbal commission
which was believed to have been given by Christ to
His Apostles, and by them handed over to the bishops
as their successors. Such a power or commission no man
could take unto himself, nor was an}^ spiritual culture,
however jjure or high, an adequate substitute.
There was in this conception a certain adaptation to the
age and to the institutions of the Roman Empire. It found
a place in the church for the presbyters, changing their un-
certain position into a fixed and definite one, — a priesthood
appointed to stand at the altar and offer an acceptable sac-
rifice to God for the people. The episcopate also rose to
higher dignity when it was regarded as the sole repository
of the power which enabled a priesthood for its function.
There was no question of preaching, for in an adminis-
trative system like Cyprian's, preaching was no longer
the method by which the church was to be strengthened
and consolidated. Nor had presbyter or bishop inherited
the traditions of the preacher. But the bishop could
qualify the presbyter with the right to offer the sacrifice
against all unauthorized intruders. The doctrine that this
power had been transmitted from the Apostles through
their successors grew in popular favor, nor did it meet
with any opposition sufficiently powerful to overcome its
adaptability to the needs of the age. The principle of
Cyprian that only bishops could ordain became the law of
the church, recommended as it was by its analogy with
Roman conceptions of the transmission of power, and by
its practical value also as a working rule, which subjected
THE AGE OF CYPEIAN l2d
candidates for the ministry to a close surveillance, thus
preventing the church from falling into confusion, as
would have been the case if presbyters and bishops could
have been appointed at the will of irresponsible individu-
als, or at the instigation of popular factions. As the free-
dom of the earlier age disappeared, the age of ecclesiastical
administration demanded the suppression of the relics of
the older time or their relegation into harmless insio'nifi-
cance. Hence that principle of Cyprian's, that only
bishops could ordain to the priesthood, or at least that
their approval was necessary in case of ordination, together
with the rule that the presence of neighboring bishops
was necessary when a bishop was to be appointed, this
principle remained to become the corner-stone of Catholic
administration.
Another feature of the work of Cyprian which survived
was his conception of the episcopate as a close corporation.
A body of administrative officers is henceforth identified
with the Catholic church. They are dignified and enno-
bled by the theory that the gift of the Holy Spirit is in
their exclusive possession. Hence they act together in
councils, and their decisions carry the weight of divine
revelation. From these councils, presbyters, deacons,
and laity were gradually excluded as the high estimate
of the bishop's power grew into general acceptance. So
far the work of Cyprian prevailed. But his conception
of the equality of the bishops, for which he gallantly
struggled against the Roman church, did not meet with
the same success. Even in his own time there emerged
from the ranks of the consolidated episcopate individual
bishops who claimed the power of presiding over large
jurisdictions, without whose concurrence the local bishop
was not authorized to act, except in those instances where
ecclesiastical law already had invested him with power.
The words of Ignatius, which had been first applied to the
local congregations, "Do nothing without the bishop,"
were now applied to the higher officer, " Let not the bishop
do anything without his metropolitan."^ There maybe
1 Can. ix, Council of Antioch, 341 a.d. ; Can. xxxiv, Apos. Can.
130 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHUECH
seen in the rise of this hierarchical gradation among the
bishops an endeavor to meet a difficulty which Cyprian
had not fully contemplated. There must be some check
on the bishops themselves, some larger office which with
a wider outlook and a broader sympathy could supplement
the narrow, isolated range of the local episcopate or neu-
tralize its idiosyncrasies. But the office of bishop, which
might have suffered in dignity from the oversight or rigid
autocracy of metropolitans, was saved by another tendency
which began to operate soon after Cyprian's time, that
bishops should no longer be appointed in places where a
presbyter could serve as well. The suppression of the
smaller bishoprics, as in country villages, or in districts
adjacent to cities, by taking from their bishops the power
to ordain, kept pace with the growth of the hierarchy, and
the reason for the change was plainly alleged: lest the
rank of the bishop should suffer in dignity. ^
But now, also, there were defects in the Cyprianic con-
ception of catholicity, which became more apparent as
time went on. Metropolitans of themselves did not con-
stitute a sufficient check upon a body of clergy which had
been emancipated from the control of the congregation and
1 In the sixth of the Sardican Canons (a.d. 343): " It is not allowed to
appoint a bishop in a village or small town, where one priest suffices, in
order that the episcopal dignity may not suffer ; but the bishops of the
province shall only appoint one for those places where there have been
bishops before. If, however, a town is so populous as to appear worthy
of a bishop, it shall obtain one" (Hefele, II. 135). See also the tenth
Canon of the Synod of Antioch (a.d. .341). Council of Laodicea (a.d.
343-381, the exact date is unknown, Can. 57 : "In villages and in the
country no bishops may be appointed but visitors (irepiodevTal) ; and those
who are already appointed shall do nothing without the consent of the
bishop of the town, as also the priests may do nothing without the con-
sent of the bishop" (Hefele, 11. .321).
In the time of Leo the Great, the middle of the fifth century, the process
of restricting the episcopate in the interest of its dignity still continued :
"Let not bishops be consecrated in any place nor in any hamlet, nor
where they have not been consecrated before ; for where the flocks are
small and the congregations small the care of the presbyters may suffice,
whereas the episcopal authority ought to jjreside only over larger flocks
and more crowded cities lest . . . the position of honor, to which only
the more important charges should be given, be held cheap from the very
number of those that hold it" (Leonis, Epis. xii. 10).
THE AGE OF CYPKIAN 131
which acknowledged no responsibility to the state. It may-
be no accidental occurrence that in the later years of Cyp-
rian, there came, under the Emperor Decius, the first great
organized persecution, in which a systematic effort was
ordered in every part of the Empire for the suppression of
the Catholic church. Such a movement on the part of
the state followed inevitably the effort to constitute the
church an imperium in imperio. That Cyprian's attitude
toward the state implied not only independence of the
church from any subjection to the secular power, but even
fostered in the church the tendency toward defiance of the
civil authority, may be inferred from his glowing eulogy
of Cornelius, the Bishop of Rome, who died about the time
of the Decian persecution : " He, intrepid, sat at Rome in
the sacerdotal chair at that time when a tyrant, odious to
God's priests, was threatening things that can and cannot
be spoken, insomuch as he would much more patiently
and tolerantly hear that a rival prince was raised up
against himself, than that a priest of God was established
at Rome."i
The conflict between the church and the Empire may
have been from the first unavoidable, but the motive in
the Decian persecution may be clearly discerned as an
apprehension on the part of the state that a foe had arisen
whicli was undermining its power, and was more danger-
ous to its existence than incursions of the barbarians.
The absolute subjection of Christian people to the bishop,
to whom he was to stand as the law of every action and
the arbitrator and judge in all their differences, whose
weapons for defending his authority were superior to those
of the state because they involved eternal penalties, —
this was a force within the state which disintegrated its
integrity, and if it could not be overcome would involve
the state in bankruptcy. Cyprian, indeed, did not design
his policy with this end in view, but none the less its
tendency was towards an usurpation of the functions of
the state until the latter had become its subordinate instru-
ment for the execution of its decrees. The growth of
1 Epis. li. Cf. Harnack, Dogmengesch. I., p. 380.
132 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Christian morality, the desire for some higher ideal, the
inadequacy of the state for the true functions of govern-
ment,— all these motives were combining to create
imperceptibly another organization which should rise
upon the ruins of the discredited and bankrupt Empire.
From this point of view, the transformation of the Chris-
tian ministry into a priesthood by Cyprian is profoundly
significant. For priesthoods come when they are needed;
they are in waiting for a society which has lost its savor or
is no longer capable of exercising or appreciating its free-
dom. They begin their work beneath the surface with
the very fundamentals of discipline, training people to
the observance of order and law, to subjection to authority.
Such was the lesson which the Empire needed. But it
could not let go its authority and prestige without a
struggle. How clearly the Roman state saw the issue,
was manifested in the method which it pursued ior accom-
plishing the destruction of its rival. Under Valerian
(253-260 A.D.), it directed its attention to the bishops as
its most dangerous enemies, as well as the mainspring of
the church's growth. In the first persecution under
Decius, Cyprian had withdrawn from the danger which
threatened his life as the head of the community at Car-
thage. But when the persecution broke out anew, he
manfully stood at his post and met his martyrdom like a
Christian soldier. Sixtus, also, the Bishop of Rome, like-
wise became a martyr for that cause of the episco})ate, of
which, no less than Cyprian, he was a most prominent
representative.
There followed another great general persecution,
the Diocletian, inspired by the same dread and hatred
which had animated the persecutions in Cyprian's time,
and again it was demonstrated that the Catholic church
was too strong to be suppressed by physical force. But
for what followed, in the age of Constantine, one is hardly
prepared who has taken Cyprian as the ideal and standard
of catholicity. Both state and church reversed their atti-
tude : the Empire accepted Christianity as the state reli-
gion, and the bishops bent before the emperor, submitting
THE AGE OF CYPitlAN 133
to the state as the check upon their authority, which
Christian people as such in the congregation could no
longer exeicise. The significance of this change is so
momentous for the fortunes and history of the episcopate
that it deserves especial consideration.
Among the qualifications for the office of a bishop, as
they were first set forth in the Pastoral Epistles, is the
requisition that "he must have a good report among them
tliat are without." This injunction is repeated in the
first of the Apostolic Ordinances, with even deeper empha-
sis. When a small church, which does not have so many
as twelve men among its members, is about to provide
itself with a bishop, and the neighboring churches have
sent three men to assist them in their task, these delegates
from the other churches are to examine carefully in the
first place whether the candidate "is worthy, that is, if he
has a good report among the heathen." As one dwells
upon the significance of this requirement, it is seen to
involve the question of the relation of the church to the
heathen world, to the world of ordinary life and of secular
affairs. No such demand could have been made as a suit-
able or indispensable preparation for the prophetic ofiice
or the successful fufilment of the work of the teacher.
Indeed, it might have been required as the qualification
for the performance of these high spiritual functions, that
a man must be expected to incur unpopularity, and even
scorn and persecution, as the condition on which he should
undertake his office. Otherwise he could not be free to
proclaim the divine Word which calls for the condemnation
of evil practices, or the enunciation of unwelcome truth
in any form, or the proclamation of the doctrine which
should seem as foolishness to the heathen mind.
The office, then,, of bishop or pastor, in its earliest form,
differed from the ordinary pastorate of the modern cliurches
in its conciliatory character and purpose, so that the bishop
shall recommend the church and the new religion, to those
without as well as within, by the graces and beauties of
the spiritual life, which even the heathen must admire.
Even if he be not apt to teacli by word of mouth, or
134 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
he incompetent to expound the Scripture, none the less
he will appeal to the world of ordinary men, who have
no interest in doctrines or religious controversies, but who
judge a religion by its fruits. St. Paul was a teacher and
a prophet who threatened to turn the world upside down
with the revolutionary doctrines which he proclaimed,
and we must admit that for such men, also, the world has
need. The truth must be spoken whether men, be tliey
heathen or otherwise, will hear or whether they will for-
bear. But there is also another way, and of this way the
bishop or pastor was to be the representative. The church
must adjust itself to the world as it is, before it can suc-
ceed in overcoming the world. Accommodation, adapta-
tion, assimilation — these are words which stand for another
method of accomplishing some higher result for the king-
dom of God. For if the bishop would retain the honor
and confidence of those without, he must deal prudently
and with moderation in his relation to things which can-
not at once be changed ; he must be willing to adopt that
which is in itself harmless or indifferent in heathen
usage; he must not allow himself to become the doc-
trinaire advocate of some theory, one-sided or radical,
which, however powerfully it might recommend itself to
a few, would be a stumbling-block to the many. He
must make the church grow, recommending it to the
unbeliever by holy actions and beneficent fruits, rather
than fly in the face of the world and keep the church
small. He was not only to be honest and above suspicion
as a business man, for he was entrusted with the care of
the finances, but he must seek to recommend the cultus
over which he presided in ways that the heathen could
appreciate. He must adjust himself to the learning of
the schools, tolerating the appropriation of heathen wis-
dom and its fusion with Christian teaching when it con-
tained nothing at variance with the law of Christ. He
must adjust the relation of this world to another in no
one-sided fashion, but so that the world that now is should
be consecrated by a Christian spirit, and not anathema-
tized as an evil order to be done away. And, most impor-
THE AGE OF CYPRIAN 135
tant of all, he must cultivate some attitude toward the
state, some modus vivendi, which would make it possible
for the church to live and grow in the world, even under
secular rulers who did not understand or appreciate its
mission. As a man of affairs, he would necessarily have
an interest in the well-being of the state, seeking to pro-
mote its welfare, upon which also the prosperity of the
church depended.
But all this was, as we know, most obnoxious to those
in the church, who had inherited and cultivated another
attitude, who believed that the destiny of the church was
to be forever at war with the existing order, that every-
thing of heathen origin was in its nature evil, that only
by keeping the church small could it be kept pure, that
heathen learning, science, and art were antagonistic to
the cultivation of piety and the spirit of other-worldli-
ness. To those who held this attitude, and who were
known in the second century as Montanists, it seemed as
though the church had embarked on a dangerous and
perilous enterprise, when it removed the prophet and put
the catholic bishop in his stead. The secularization of the
church was what the Montanist dreaded, and this was the
danger involved in the catholic office of the episcopate.
When we compare the spirit of Cyprian with the more
genial tone of the catholic episcopate in his own or later
ages, it is evident that he was at heart more in sympathy
with the Montanists, who disowned the world, than
with the catholic spirit, which sought to appropriate
whatever miglit contribute to the growth and extension
of the church. Cyprian was the forerunner of that
type of the later Protestantism which separates sharply
between the state and the church, which advocates some
theory in doctrinaire manner of that which ought to be,
and refuses to adjust the church to the life of the state.
To a certain extent he inspired the Western church with
his spirit, and might have been more successful, if he had
not been resisted by the bishops of Rome. His attitude in
the controversies of his age, in which he contended for
strict dealing with those who had lapsed in the perse-
136 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
cutions, or the necessity of re-baptism where baptism had
been j^erformed by a heretic, or in defective form, indi-
cates that, like a true Montanist, he would keep the
church small if he could keep his ideal of its purity. His
effort to mingle Montanism and catholicity, retaining the
exclusive and more obnoxious features of each position,
resulted in a compound which was as impracticable as it
was intolerable. He placed the church in an attitude of
defiance toward the state ; he sought to emancipate the
bishops from all control or check upon their procedure.
But he could not destroy or wholly neutralize that ten-
dency in the episcopate which made the office a mediating
influence between the church and the world. When Con-
stantine held out his hand to the church, the bishops as a
body welcomed his advances, they lent him their counte-
nance and aid and sympathy, they easily became officers of
the state as well as of the church, and for the most part sub-
mitted without reluctance to imperial control. The result
of this attitude of the episcopate in the Eastern church
was the building up of a great nationality, whose centre
was Constantinople, which endured for a thousand years
in the midst of such trials and dangers as hardly any
other nation was ever content to undergo. But in the
Western or Latin church, when the Roman Empire fell in
476, and the bishops lacked the protection of the state,
when there was no higher authority to which they were
amenable, they fell into bondage to a power with which
they had no natural sympathy, but against which they
were not competent to struggle, • — the absolute authority
of the bishops of Rome.^
1 Art. Cyprianns in Diet. Chris. Biog. by E. C. Benson, late Arch-
bishop of Canterbury; Lightfoot, in Essmj on the Christian Ministry;
Articles on Ordination and Priest, by Hatch in Diet. Chris. Antiq. ; also
in his Bampton Lectures, 1880 ; lectures v., vi.; Art. Priester, in Herzog,
R. E. Pearson, Annales Cyprianici ; Dodwell, Dissertationes Cyprianae ;
Poole, Life and Times of Cyprian; Sage, Principles of the Cyprianic
Age, and Vindication of Principles, etc. ; Jameson, C. Isotinins in reply
to Sage ; Gervaise, La Vie de St. Cyprien ; Kayser, Cyprien on Vautonomie
de V Episcopat, in Rev. de Theol. xv. ; Huther, Cyprian''s Lehre von der
Kirche, Haruack, in Dogmengesch. I.; TJettburg, Thnscius Cdcilius.
Cyprianns ; and other monographs by O. Ritschl, Eeinkens, Fechtrup.
CHAPTER IX
MONASTICISM^ IN ITS RELATION TO THE EPISCOPATE AND
TO THE CATHOLIC CHUKCH.
Among the institutions to which Christianity has given
birth there is none more important for its vast influence and
far-reaching consequences than monasticism. Catholicism,
as represented in the episcopate, had reached its full de-
velopment and was at the height of its power when monas-
ticism arose. It was as if the ocean of spiritual life had
been moved to its depths ; for the agitation did not at once
subside, but wave after wave of monastic influence con-
tinued to roll over the church, carrying this peculiar type
of Christianity forward into new fields of exertion, and not
subsiding until it had accomplished its hidden purpose in
the age of the Reformation, after a thousand years had
passed away.
As Catholicism had developed in the cities of the Empire,
so monasticism was a return to the country. Not only had
Christianity found its earliest and largest opportunity in
1 Literature. Ilaniack, Das Monchthum, seine Ideale tmd seine Ge-
srJiichte, 3d ed., 1886 ; Mohler, Geschichte des Monchthums, 1836 ; Monta-
leiubert, Les Moines d'' Occident depuis St. Benoit jusqiCa St. Bernard,
180O; Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques, Beliyieux et 3Iilitaires,
Paris, 1714 ; Hdnrion, Histoire des Ordres Beligienx, 1835. Articles on
Monasticism in Herzog, B. E., by Weingarten, and by Venables in Smith
and Cheetham, Diet. Chris. Antiq. Also Isaac Taylor's Ancient Chris-
tianity, Vol. I. ; Lecky, History of European Morals, Vol. II. ; Newman
on the Benedictine Order, in Historical Essays ; the general Church His-
tories of Neander, Hase, Moeller, Schaff, Fleury, Tillemont, etc. Among
the more important Sources, Athanasii, VitdT^Antonii ; the Greek his-
torians Socrates, Sozomen, Evagrius ; Theodoret, Historia Beligiosa ;
Jerome, Vita Banli, and of other anchorets ; Rufinus, Historia Eremitica,
Sulpicius Severns, Dial. III. ; Cassianus, Instit. and Collat.
137
138 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
towns and cities, but in the city also had the later diocesan
episcopacy been developed as the necessary correspondent
of the political solidarity for which the civic community
stood. But the monks fled from the city as the first condi-
tion of attaining their ideal. Solitude was their aim, and
the country remote from human society or civilization
remained to the last their favorite resort. When civiliza-
tion threatened to approach them as in their later history
in Western Christendom, they emigrated anew in search of
some deeper recess in the wilderness. St. Jerome was no
ascetic of the stricter sort, as to food, or raiment, or disci-
pline. What he sought for was loneliness, where a man
could abide with himself. " Others," he writes, " may
think what they like, but to me the town is a prison, and
solitude is paradise." In a letter to a young man proposing
to become a monk, he says :
" Since you ask me as a brother in what path you should walk, I
will be open witli you. If you wish to take duty as a presbyter, and
are attracted by the work or dignity which falls to the lot of a bishop,
live in cities and walled towns, and by so doing turn the salvation of
others into the profit of your own soul. But if you desire to be in
deed what you are in name, a monk, that is, one who lives alone,
what have you to do with cities which are the homes not of solitaries
but of crowds? Every mode of life has its own exponents. To
come to our own case, let bishops and presbyters take for tlieir exam-
ples the Apostles or their companions, and, as they hold the rank
which these once held, let them endeavor to exhibit the same excel-
lence. And last of all, let us monks take as the patterns which we
are to follow the lives of Paul, of Anthony, of Julian, of Hilarion, of
the Macarii. And to go back to the authority of scripture, we have
our masters in Elijah and Elisha, and our leaders in the sons of the
prophets ; who lived in fields and solitary places and made themselves
tents by the waters of Jordan. . . . After the freedom of their lonely
life they found confinement in a city as bad as imprisonment." ^
We shall not err, if, in endeavoring to fix the character-
istic features of monasticism, we revert to the appearance
it presented in the hour of its birth before changes and
compromises liad modified its external aspect, without,
however, overcoming its essential purpose. In the fourth
century, the age of Athanasius and Constantine, when
1 Epis. ad Paulimim, Iviii. 5.
MONASTICISM 139
monasticism came to the birth, it seemed like a veritable
stampede from the Catholic church, as though that great
creation of Christian energy were no better than the evil
world from which escape was sought. For the thousands of
men and women also who were then taking their flight from
the world practically left the church behind them, carrying
with them no bishops, making no provision for ritual or
sacrament. To these things they were indifferent, if not
averse. Jerome, the most distinguished as well as the
most typical representative of early monasticism, the most
learned man also of his age, and the most finished scholar,
was finally ordained a presbyter; but the ordination was
against his will, and he never, it is believed, officiated in
the sacraments or rites of the church.^ He was willing
that others associated with him should do so ; for himself,
he was called to different and, as he felt, higher duties.
In a letter to Augustine, he contrasts his own work with
that of a bishop, whose function was administration of
ecclesiastical affairs, for which he had no aptitude and, it
must also be said, no admiration. ^
We get the keynote of monasticism on its ecclesiastical
side in the famous utterance of St. Jerome Avhich was
never afterwards forgotten ; to the effect that the names
' bishop ' and ' presbyter ' were used interchangeably in the
New Testament, that in the beginning of Christianity the
presbyter was the equal of the bishop, and that the bishop
was placed above the presbyter because the arrangement
was demanded by the exigencies of an evil time. He goes
on to remind the bishops that this arrangement was of
human origin and not divine, — a circumstance of which
the bishops should be aware as well as the presbyters.^
1 Cf. Art. Hieronymus, in Smith and Wace, Diet. Chris. Biog. His
ordination (a.d. 379) was "against his will, and he never consecrated the
sacrament or officiated as a presbyter" (III., p. 32).
2 Epis. (112) ad Atiguslin. For a vivid picture of Jerome in his rela-
tion to his time, vide Thierry, A., Saint- Jerome, la societe Chretienne a
Borne et V Emigration llomaine en Terre Sainte, 1807. Among Jerome's
letters which give his ideal of Monasticism, are : Epis. (14) ad Heliod.,
Epis. (22) ad Eustoch., Epis. (46) ad 3Iarcell., Epis. (125) ad Rustic.
3 " Sicut ergo presbyteri .sciunt, se ex ecclesiae con.suetudhie ei, qui
sibi praepositus fuerit, esse subjectos, ita episcopi noverint, se uiagis con-
140 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHUKCH
Whether Jerome was right in this contention is not here
the question. The meaning and force of his attitude is not
overcome by the detection of any inaccuracy in his asser-
tion regarding the origin of the ministry. That the terms
' presbyter ' and ' bishop ' were used as synonyms in the
New Testament may be disputed without affecting the nat-
ure of his statement. He is employing an argument when
he seems to be witnessing to historical facts. There is a
latent reasoning in his words to the effect that in the nor-
mal spiritual order the presbyter in his monastic cell is
the equal of the bishop in the great city. He does not
antagonize the existing arrangement, but accepts the law
of the church which has placed the bishop above the pres-
byter. He is courteous and reverent to those whom the
Catholic church designates as his ecclesiastical superiors.
But for himself, he holds his own position to be in the
nature of the case the higher one, and only asks that there
shall be no interference with his work. He reproves those
bishops who seek for popularity or make themselves so ob-
noxious as to be hated.^ He reminds them that the}'' are
not to regard themselves as lords over God's heritage.^
But his strongest indignation was called forth hy the
effort to put the deacons on a footing of equality with
the presbyters. This attempt to depreciate the spiritual
authority of the presbyter was the occasion of his famous
letter to Evangelus,^ in which he asserted and reiterated
and illustrated his position that the presbyters were equal
to the bishops ; that they were charged by the Apostles with
the duty of episcopal supervision ; that even the Apostles
claimed it as an honor to belong to the presbyterate ; and
that traces of this original equality were shown at Alex-
andria, wliere the presbyters consecrated the bishops, so
suetudine quam dispositionis Dominicae veritatis presbyteris esse majores
et in commune debere ecclesiam regere " (Comm. ad Tit., i. 7).
" Apud veteres iidem episcopi et, presbyteri fuerunt, quia illud nomen
dignitatis est hoc aetatis " (Epis. ad Oceanum, Ixix. 3).
"Idem est ergo presbyter qui episcopus, et antequam diaboli in-
stinctu studia in religione fierent. . . . Communi presbyterorum con-
silio ecclesiae gubernabantur " (Comm. ad Tit., i. 7).
1 Epis. ad Oceannm, Ixix. 9.
2 Epis. ad Theoph., Ixxxii. 11. 3 Epis. cxlvi.
MONASTICISM 141
late as the time of Heraclas (a.d. 233-249) and Dionysius
(a.d. 249-265). He qualifies for himself and his compan-
ions the duty of obedience, " refusing to serve under com-
pulsion beneath the shadow of Episcopal authority, men
whom we do not choose to obey." ^ He regards the service
of the tables as inferior to the higher ministry of the
Word, which belongs to the bishop and presbyter alike, as
if the Gospel never could have contemplated placing the
function of administration above the spiritual function of
the teacher of the truth. It is, in other words, the familiar
argument that while bishops may be necessary to the well-
being of a church, they are not necessary to its existence.
And such remained the motive of monasticism throughout
its history in Western Christendom. It never lost its inner
mood of antagonism to the episcopate ; its history is a record
of conflicts with the bishops, of rivalries and jealousies, of
defeats and of victories, till it finally issued in the age
of the Reformation, in organized churches which had no
bishops, where prophecy or the preaching of the Word was
placed above the gift of administration.
In its opposition to the episcopate monasticism is the con-
tinuation of that earlier movement known as Montanism,
against which the rising Catholic church had struggled in
the second century, and in so doing had come to a clearer
consciousness of its own character and purpose.^ Monta-
nism had been subdued, but it was not without a succession
of its own. Novatianism, as it was called, was a schism of
1 Epis. Ixxxii. 11.
2 The points of caffinity between Montanism and Monasticism, by which
the latter is seen as a continuation of the Montanist spirit and purpose,
are (1) their common attitude of renunciation of the world ; (2) their in-
difference toward the state ; (3) their dislike to the Catholic organization
of the church ; (4) their maintenance of the principle of direct relation-
ship with God ; (5) the tendency of individualism, which makes cultiva-
tion of personal piety the supreme aim ; (6) the practical adoption by the
monks of the reformatory ordinances of Montanism, which they pushc d
to further extremes ; (7) a similar doctrine regarding the nature of tlic
church, which became increasingly manifest in the age of the Reforma-
tion; (8) it was in monasteries that preaching was developed, and that
prophetism reappeared after its long silence, as in the " Eternal Gospel "
or in individual prophets who ai'ose in the later Middle Ages, to protest
against the corraption of the church.
142 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
the third century whicli reasserted the fundamental prin-
ciples of Montanism, its theory of discipline, its doctrine
of the church and of its relation to the world, its antago-
nism to the episcopal regime. If the Novatian schism
yielded under the vigorous policy of the Catholic church,
it was only to be followed by another movement known
as Donatism, which set up in the towns and villages of
North Africa a rival church to the Catholic church, resem-
bling it in outward organization, but with an inward motive
which points to an antagonism to catholicity, which neither
argument nor persuasion, kindness, nor even the force of
the state could overcome. The Montanist, the Novatian,
the Donatist, were all alike in this respect, that they did
not believe that salvation depended on adherence to the
Catholic church, that church out of which there was no
salvation as Cyprian had maintained, and as Augustine at
a later time asserted with equal emphasis. In this convic-
tion monasticism also shared, putting the conviction into
practical form, by fleeing to the desert or the cell, in order
to cultivate the religious life, and attain reconciliation
with God.
An antagonism so deep, so radical, and touching all the
relations of life, points to one motive, as the only adequate
explanation, — it was the conflict generated between those
opposite poles of all human thought and activity, which
however hard it may be to define we yet can easily under-
stand, and which have been designated as solidarity and
individualism. The Catholic church stood for solidarity,
for the subordination of the individual to society or to the
fellowship of the church ; it stood for unity as the crying
need of the world in that age, in opposition to the varia-
tions, the divisions, which individualism begets. To the
individual calling for that which would meet his special
need, asking for inward assurance of pardon, which no
external voice or rite could convey, or seeking for a closer
walk with God, the Catholic church offered an organization
which recognized no inherent differences in men, a com-
mon ritual, a common sacrament, where all men as indis-
tinguishable links of a vast chain might find a common or
I
MONASTICISM 143
social salvation. To the soul crying out for God and for
direct access to God as the only satisfaction for its deeper
distinctive needs, tlie Catholic church offered the bishops,
as the bond of unity, to be acknowledged and obeyed,
and, according to the teaching of Ignatius and Cyprian,
representatives of God in every community. That the
Catholic church had an important mission, which could
be accomplished only on the basis of its organization, must
be admitted. It was called to minister to a world where
humanity was conceived as existing in order to the welfare
of the state, where the reverse truth, that the state exists in
order to the highest welfare of the individual, had not yet
been recognized. It met the Empire on its own ground,
binding the peoples together in a higher and stronger soli-
darity than the state could achieve. The purpose of
monasticism was to prepare the way for another concep-
tion of man in his social relations, and another doctrine of
the church, by which unity should be attained, if at all, by
a spiritual fellowship whose bond should be individual
faith and love.
The several efforts which had been made to resist the
authority of the Catholic episcopate had failed, when in
monasticism there came an effort, a spontaneous outburst
on so vast a scale, so intense too in its nature, that it could
not be overcome, with which the Catholic church was obliged
to come to terms. But the Catholic church was now also
too strong for any movement of resistance to its authority
to hope for absolute success. There resulted a compromise,
therefore, between these opposite and almost imcompatible
forces. The Catholic church followed the monks with priest
and sacrament, they were not to be allowed to escape its au-
thority; but within its fold, and under the limitations of a
church within a church, they were at liberty to cultivate the
monastic ideal. The compromise could not have been accom-
plished so easily, if within the church there had not also
been a wide reaction against the methods of ecclesiastical
authority, and a deep sympathy on the part of those who
remained in the church with their brethren who had aban-
doned its protection. Almost all the great men of the
144 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHITRCH
fourth and fifth centuries, those who had attained any indi-
vidual development beyond their brethren, were in sym-
pathy with monasticism and even labored to promote its
victory. Such were Athanasius, the two Gregories, and
Basil, in the East; in the West, Ambrose and Leo and
Augustine.
It is only in the Latin church that monasticism can be
said to have had a career where it revealed its full content
and the possibilities of its endowment, and moved on to
the attainment of its hidden purpose. But before turning
to the work which it accomplished in Western Christen-
dom, we may dwell for a moment on its record in the
Eastern church. The organization of the Catholic church
being more complete in the East than in the West, it was
from the first more difficult for monasticism to reach there
a true and enlarged conception of its function or gain the
liberty which its fulfilment demanded. Its rule of life was
drawn up by a Catholic bishop, St. Basil of Csesarea, by
whom the monasteries were subjected to episcopal super-
vision and control; and from the time that the Council of
Chalcedon also confirmed the authority of the bishop over
monasteries within his jurisdiction, this law became a final
arrangement for the whole church of the East. The result
may be regarded as the victory of the Catholic church over
a movement which was at least indifferent if not hostile to
ecclesiastical authority. But this was only part of the
compromise. If the bishop was to govern the monasteries,
it was fitting that he should be himself a monk, and here
monasticism was victorious and weakened the efficiency of
the church in the East. The bishops were henceforth to
be celibate, educated in the monastery, under the obedience
of monastic vows, and called from the monastery to their
sees.
In this compromise between Catholicism and, monasti-
cism, it is evident that the latter had won a real victory,
while the triumph of the church in subjecting the monas-
teries to episcopal control was merely nominal or yielded
no valuable results. The bishop from this time lost that
character which made him an efficient administrator, who
MONASTICISM 145
could mediate between the church and the world, who, as
a statesman, could take the large view of religious issues
which the nature of the office demanded. The bishops
now tended toward a narrow and bitter partisanship, and,
influenced by monastic fanaticism, they caught that Mon-
tanist spirit of timidity which is always lamenting that the
church is in danger. Henceforth, that genial tone which
had marked the earlier bishops disappeared; the Mon-
tanist tendency which once they had successfully combated,
now weakened the whole system. How could men trained
in the monastery, and such inchoate imperfect institutions
as the Eastern monasteries were, be fitted to govern a
church whose mission was in the world and to the world?
For no opportunity came to the Eastern monks as to their
Western brethren to build up a new civilization. They
never in the East went beyond the contemplative concep-
tion of the monkish ideal. Henceforth, literature and the-
ology alike declined, the church was marked by a one-sided
devotion to ecclesiastical interests, and gradually lost its
sympathy with the large human interests which early catho-
licity had embraced. It may not indeed explain the stagnant
condition of the Eastern church that she so unfortunately
adjusted her compromise with monasticism, but it is evident
that tlie compromise was of such a nature as to rob both the
Catholic church and the monastery of freedom of develop-
ment, and each tended to neutralize the purpose of the
other. From that day to our own there has been but little
development, intellectual or spiritual or moral, in the Holy
Orthodox church of the East. Only through its close
organic relationship with the state, has it been able to
retain its dignity and conserve some limited degree of
spiritual activity.
When we turn to the Western part of the Empire, the
scene is a different one. The system of ecclesiastical or-
ganization as it had developed in the East during the fourth
and fifth centuries had not been applied in the West, nor
had it been possible to extend it there, even if the Councils
of the East had sought to do so. For the church had not
pervaded Gaul and Spain as it had the countries of Asia
146 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Minor, of Egypt, or Syria, wliile Germany and England and
Scandinavia still remained in the darkness of heathenism.
In the East great patriarchs ruled at Constantinople, at
Alexandria, at Antioch, and Jerusalem, to whom metro-
politans were subjected, and beneath the metropolitan stood
the crowded ranks of the ordinary parish episcopate, or the
presbyters rising beneath them. But in the West, the met-
ropolitan system had never been completely applied. There
was also but one patriarch, the limits of whose diocese were
practically whatever he might choose or be able to make
them. The Council of Nicsea indeed had defined the juris-
diction of the bishop of Rome, but later councils which
had gone on perfecting the ecclesiastical organization in the
East had paid but little attention to the West, or, so far
as they had legislated at all, had inclined to recognize a
certain vague supremacy of the bishop of Rome over the
entire West.
If the system of ecclesiastical organization which had
been adopted in the Eastern Empire had been extended in
the West, there should have been independent patriarchs in
North Africa, in Gaul and Spain, in Germany, in England,
and in Scandinavia, as well as in Italy. But even had the
church in the East contemplated the application of this
system in the West, it would have been found impossible
because of the legendary requirement that a patriarchal
see must have been founded by an Apostle. It was hard
enough for Constantinople, a new city built in the fourth
century, to fulfil this requirement ; but she had claimed
St. Andrew as her Apostle, and as she was the capital city
of the East, there had been no disposition to scrutinize too
rigidl}^ her claim. But in the West it was only too evident
that no one of the twelve Apostles could be utilized in this
fashion. Gaul did not claim an Apostle as the original
founder of her churches, but was content with an Apos-
tolic man, St. Dionysius the Areopagite, who had listened
to Apostolic teaching. The British church, which had
ceased to have any influence in England after the Anglo-
Saxon invasion, pointed to no Apostle as its founder.
Spain might have used the name of St. Paul, who had
MONASTICISM 147
declared his intention to go there, but there is no tradi-
tion in the Spanish church of his visit, and for some rea-
son unexf)lained, she endeavored to get possession of the
body of St. James, whose shrine is now said to be at Com-
postello. But whatever this tradition may be worth, it was
not strong enough to create an Apostolic patriarchal see
for Hispania. As for the other countries of the Western
Empire, they had yet to be converted. And so, in the
popular belief, the only Apostolic see in the West was that
of Rome, and she was left to herself to assert and main-
tain her prestige as she was able or as the divine will in
human history enabled her.
When the scene opened in the West, after the barbarian
invasion was over, as in the time of Pope Gregory the
Great (a.d. 590-604), the episcopate was in a depressed
condition, inactive and inefficient. It would not have been,
possible for Gregory to have called the bishops to order as
he did, had the office still maintained itself in its pristine
vigor. The cause of the weakness in the Western episco-
pate was its lack of any centre about which to rally, or
to which it might look for support. In the East after the
Empire had been divided, the old Catholic vision of a
church which knew no distinctions of race or nation had
also vanished, and the great patriarchates practically cor-
responded to national churches. As one by one they fell
under Mohammedan sway, only the Greek church remained
in its integrity, calling itself Catholic and holding the
traditions of the Empire, while in reality a national institu-
tion not aspiring to supremacy over Christendom. But in
the West the nations had not yet arisen, and the tenta-
tive efforts at monarchy were too uncertain in their tenure
to form permanent points of attachment for the episcopate.
The system of governing the church by means of great
synods which might have been a substitute in the West for
the patriarchal sees was also an Eastern institution. All
the CEcumenical Councils had been held on Eastern soil,
and for the most part were attended by Eastern bishops.
Even if a General Council had been desired or demanded
in the West at this period, there was no recognized author-
148 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
ity which could call a council or compel attendance, or pay
the expenses which it would involve. The church had yet
to be organized in the West, and the only germ for the
reorganization, recognized as Apostolic, was the bishop of
Rome. Such were the circumstances under which the
development of monasticism in the West began.
The peculiar feature of the reorganization of the West-
ern or Latin church which differentiates it from anything
known in the church before was the institution of the pa-
pacy. From the point of view at which we are now con-
sidering it, the papacy was a compromise between those
two historic forces, the Catholic or secular side of the
church represented by the episcopate, and the more strictly
religious side represented by the monastery. As a compro-
mise it was vastly more efficient, as there is hardly need
to remark, than the adjustment which the less fortunate
church in the East had been driven to adopt. The papacy
did not arise until after the barbarian invasion had done its
work, antl the task began of reconstructing the order of the
Western church. The papacy of course claims catholicity
as its possession, and even more effectually than the Greek
national church with Constantinople at its head ; for it has
incorporated the word ' Catholic ' into its designation as a
church, which its Eastern rival has failed to do. There is
indeed one sense in which also it seems more catholic than
its Eastern rival, in that it refuses to know distinctions
of race or nation. Such had been the purpose of the
Catholic church when it first appeared, when it was adapt-
ing itself to existence in an empire which had abolished
national distinctions. But if we regard catholicity as that
divine quality in the Christian church which enables it, and
indeed forces it, to adapt itself to the changes of time and
environment, in order the better to fulfil its mission, then
the distinction of catholicity is an imperishable adjunct of
Christian faith, the mark of a living church in every age
or country, wherever adaptation of the external form to
national or race peculiarities, or to the circumstances of
the time, gives it new strength for its work of conquering
the world for Christ.
MONASTICISM 149
The papacy from the time when it first appeared in its
living germ as an institution, in the pontificate of Gregory
the Great, leaned more to the monastic interpretation of
life than to the secular as represented in the episcopate.
Gregory himself had been a monk devoted to his mo-
nastic calling, and sincerely unwilling to leave his mon-
astery when called to be bishop of Rome. There was thus
created an alliance between monasticism and the papacy
which continued to increase in strength during all the ages
of papal domination. But on the other hand, the papacy
was by no means exclusively filled by monks, but great
secular bishops, who had no monastic training, were also
called to fill the office. Perhaps, on the whole, the monas-
tic side of the papacy has left the deeper impression on
the Roman church, as under Gregory the Great, in the
hour when the institution was in its plastic mould, and
again under Hildebrand, who must always be regarded as
the greatest in the long line of Roman pontiffs and the
real founder of papal dominion. But great secular admin-
istrators were not far behind them, such as Innocent III.,
who carried the office to its highest dignity and power.
In thus mediating between these two aspects of Christi-
anit}^ represented by the episcopate and the monastery,
the papacy fulfilled one of the grandest missions which it
has ever been given to any institution to perform. Herein
is partly accounted for the vigor and aggressive activity
of the Latin church as compared with the church in the
East, where the development of both these factors was
suddenly arrested, and a decline ensued to which the lapse
of time has as yet brought no revival.
II
Monasticism was an integral part of the Mediaeval church,
so closely related to its life as an organic institution that
it may not be possible in every instance to trace its peculiar
and special influence. And yet it may also be detached in
thought, as if a separate distinct existence within the church,
an ecclesiola in ecclesia. In this way we detach the papacy,
150 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
and study its rise, its decline, and fall. So, also, the episco-
pate may be traced through the Middle Ages, bearing the
marks which it received at its birth in the Apostolic age,
while serving an institution by which its own peculiar func-
tion was weakened but never lost. The episcopate in the
Middle Agres survived the chano-es and chances of that
strange eventful period, when the leading ecclesiastical
forces of the time were ariayed against it. It survived
and it reappeared at the Reformation in the Church of Eng-
land and elsewhere, somewhat as it may have appeared in
the age of Constantine. What it had accomplished for
civilization, what it had stood for in the general relations
of the time, will be alluded to hereafter. But in passing,
it may be remarked that great as may have been its value
or significance, it has never been regarded as one of the
creative factors of the Mediaeval church. Its r61e seems
subordinate, for its opportunity had not yet come. The
peculiar factors of the Middle Ages ai-e the Papacy, Mo-
nasticism, and Scholasticism. When we turn our attention
to monasticism, asking for the purpose which it served, the
service which it rendered to civilization and to the intel-
lectual development of Europe no less than to religion,
and how it compared in these respects with the episcopate
between which and itself there was a state of prevailing
hostility, if not active warfare, it needs but a slight ac-
quaintance with the history of the early Middle Ages to
recognize that in the conversion of Europe the church was
mainly indebted to the zeal and labors of the monks. In
the accomplishment of this vast missionary enterprise the
initiative appears as coming from the monasteries rather
than from the secular clergy or the bishops. Wherever
we look in the seventh and eighth centuries, we find the
monks engaged in the task of carrying the Gospel to the
heathen ; swarming in every country, in Gaul and Ger-
many, Switzerland, Friesland, and Scandinavia. Ireland
and Scotland led first in the work, two countries in which
the organization of the whole church was monastic, rather
than secular, where bishops indeed existed, but were pas-
sive or inactive, while the church was in reality governed
MONASTICISM 151
by the heads of the monasteries. The first missionary
incentive to the conversion of England came from the
monastery of Monte Casino, where Gregory lived. When
he found it impossible to undertake the work himself, he
sent other monks in his place, and the results of their
mission he followed with paternal care. When the nortli
of England relapsed into heathenism, again it was the
monks who came down from Scotland, the land of mon-
asteries, and reconverted Northumbria.
It was an English monk known as St. Boniface (a.d. 680-
755) who became the Apostle of Germany. He was in-
spired to leave his country for his life work abroad by the
feeling of gratitude to Rome for having sent Augustine for
the conversion of England. In reviewing his influence on
his age, it becomes apparent that even the papacy itself owes
more to St. Boniface than to any other one source, that
without him it could not have extended its sway over
Gaul and Germany. It was the supreme object of his life
not only to convert the heathen to Christianity, but to hand
over the organization of his churches to the control of
Rome. He visited Rome and was made a bishop, and
labored thenceforth to bring the episcopate into subjection
to the Roman see. He himself had been the first bishop
to take the oath of allegiance to Rome. With him began
the conquest of the episcopate by the papacy. He first
organized the fruits of his missionary labors in Germany
upon this principle, and then proceeding into Gaul at the
invitation of its monarch he initiated the process there by
which the episcopate throughout the Frankish monarchy
was finally subjected to the authority of Rome. England
might have' had a different career, and Germany also, if it
had not been for the missionary zeal of a monk at Monte
Casino, whose solitary dream resulted in such vast conse-
quences for Christendom. We have here the alliance of
the papacy with monasticism, as the first step in the rising
civilization, the combination by which Europe was not only
Christianized, but the early Catholic church was reorganized
in its new form. Both institutions, the papacy and the
monastery, have a cosmopolitan character, an indifference
152 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
to the ties of race and country, which makes them at home
among any people and in any land. That the episcopate
stood for an indispensable function in this age of new
beginnings must be affirmed, but a glance at the names
which stand supreme in the missionary annals of the time
shows that the motives to missionary enterprise and the
accomplishment of the task must be credited to the monas-
tery rather than to the episcopate. St. Severinus (f 482),
the patron saint for most of Austria, for Vienna and Bava-
ria ; St. Columba, the Apostle of Scotland (f 597) ; St.
Aidan of Northumbria ; St. Columbanus, the first of Irish
missionaries to the Continent (f 615) ; St. Fridolin, the
Apostle of the Allemanni ; St. Gallus of Switzerland
(f 640) ; St. Kilian, the Apostle of Franconia ; St. Willi-
brord (f 739), the Apostle of the Frisians ; St. Ansgar, the
Apostle of the Scandinavians (f 865) ; these are the names
of great missionaries, some of whom afterwards became
bishops, all of whom derived their missionary zeal from
the monasteries. It was a monk also, St. Wilfrid, trained
at Lindisfarne and then abbot at Ripon, whose influence
told most strongly at the Council of Whitby (a.d. 664),
in bringing the early English church into doctrinal and
ritual harmony with the church at Rome.
Again, in the intellectual development of Europe, the
new incentive came from the monasteries. Learning had
taken refuge within their walls at the moment when it was
threatened with total extinction by the barbarian invasion.
In them was preserved a certain respect for the classical
literature, despite the pietistic influence of Pope Gregory
the Great, who thought any knowledge unnecessary beyond
that of the Bible and the Fathers. The first schools were
connected with the monasteries. There were schools con-
nected with the cathedrals at a later time, but the monas-
tic schools took the lead and the scholars of the early
Middle Ages were their inmates, a Bede and an Alcuin.
In the monasteries of Ireland and Scotland the knowledge
of Greek survived when it had perished elsewhere. Thence
went forth John Scotus Erigena, not a monk perhaps
by profession, but reviving the ancient office of teacher
MONASTICISM 153
with no human ordination. The leading theologians who
carried on the religious controversies from the time of
Charlemagne to Charles the Bald either were monks or
had been trained under a monastic influence. That vast
system of Mediaeval philosophy known as Scholasticism
also originated with the monks. In its many phases, it
was the monks who stood forth as its exponents, from the
time that it took shape with Anselm until it passed over
into nominalism under Occam. At one time nearly all the
professors at Paris, the great theological centre, were men-
dicant monks. When thought first became sceptical, the
monk Abelard was its spokesman ; when it became conser-
vative and reached the height of its peculiar development
and influence, two monks arose, Thomas Aquinas and
Duns Scotus, who are admitted by universal consent to
stand on equal footing with the world's great thinkers.
In a word, the intellectual life of the Middle Ages was
almost the peculiar appropriation of the monastery.
Or if we turn to the religious life, and the culture of piety,
the greatest saints are ranked among the monks. Where
shall we find in any age of the church a man who commands
our admiration for such saintly devotion and purity, such
simplicity of faith, as the Venerable Bede, who declined the
office of bishop, and preferred to be a layman and a monk ?
Bede, and St. Martin of Tours, St. Bernard, St. Anselm, St.
Bonaventura, St. Thomas of Aquinas, and St. Francis of
Assisi, — these may be only the greatest among many who
were great in faith and in love and in good works, so great
that they belong in the calendar of the universal church, so
great in their spiritual attainment that they reflect honor
upon the race. And when Scholasticism fell into decline
in the fourteenth century, when the Christian mind was
confused by the double standard which Occam had set up,
it was monks who came to the rescue, who developed the
content of faith as contrasted with the reason, Eckhart
and Tauler, the founders of that higher type of Mysticism
which prepared the way for Thomas a Kempis, Savonarola,
and the Reformers before the Reformation.
There are other aspects of monasticism in its relation to
154 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
civilization which are equally important, but to which only
a word can be given in passing. In the most direct way
the monks labored to civilize that barbarous age, when
they came forth to assume the lead, by ploughing and sow-
ing, mowing and reaping, hewing down the forests, laying
the foundations of towns and cities, teaching the people the
dignity and sacredness of labor as well as the methods of
agriculture, and all this combined with the teaching of
religion and the practice of charity. Montalembert, who
wrote a panegyric upon monasticism in his Histoi-y of the
Monks of the West, remarks that the English bishoprics
were cradled in the monastery. But it almost seems as if
Western civilization itself were also cradled in the monas-
tery, in that view of life and of the world, which, having
gained the meaning of the spiritual by renouncing the
world, returns to the world again in order to rebuild the
temporal and secular on the foundation and in the interests
of the spiritual. In all this there is something most ex-
traordinary, and at a first glance almost inexplicable. Such
is the feeling of the traveller who pauses for a moment to
gaze at the ruins which the monks have left behind them.
He is impressed with the vastness of the labors they accom-
plished ; he sees the traces of great powers of administra-
tion ; he bows in reverence before the beauty of their work
in architecture and in art ; but he also wonders why they
should have lived as they did ; it seems to him a thing so
remote from modern life that he is content to wonder and
make no effort to explain.
The difficulty in accounting for Western monasticism
lies partly in the stupendous contradiction which the sys-
tem involves between its early motives and history, as we
first make their acquaintance in the ancient church, and
the results accomplished in the Middle Ages, which seem
at every point to reverse these motives and to falsify the
early attitude. In the age when they arose in the fourth
and fifth centuries, the monks appear as fleeing not only
from the world with a contempt for its honors, but from
the Catholic church as well ; they had so little interest in the
well-being of the state that they regarded its downfall with
MONASTICISM 155
indifference ; and not only are they charged with want of
patriotism, but even with assisting the foes of the state in
working its destruction. At that time also, they were icon-
oclasts, almost inhuman in their hatred of the heathens, in
the fanaticism with which they broke down heathen tem-
ples and architectural monuments. They were the stalwart
opponents of heresy ; with a vindictive devotion to anthro-
pomorphic conceptions of God, they forced the bishops into
bitter and angry controversies over differences of doctrine.
It was they who did most to overcome and banish from the
church that higher type of Christian theology represented
by Origen ; they despised heathen philosophy and are im-
plicated in the murder of one of its famous teachers ; they
turned away in disgust and aversion from classical litera-
ture and all intellectual pursuits ; they aimed at an inac-
tive life in order to the practice of contemplation as their
highest duty ; they were indifferent to the extension of the
church or the salvation of society, and were preoccupied
with the salvation of their own individual souls.
And in the Middle Ages all this was reversed. They
struck an alliance with the papacy, helping to develop a
type of ecclesiasticism whose authority over the con-
science was more rigid than the Catholic rule from which
they fled. From having been despisers of the order of
this world, they aspired to become its conquerors and
sovereigns. They became the pioneers of civilization ;
they cultivated literature and philosophy, till they became
the intellectual teachers and leaders of the world. They
became involved in affairs to such an extent that great
abbots and priors were men of large executive capacity
and gave the models of administration for great institutions.
They rejected wealth, and yet vast revenues were at their
disposal, so that, when the moment was ripe, they were able
to give the first impetus to ecclesiastical architecture and
art, and in their devotion to art they have made the modern
world their debtors. In one thing alone were they consist-
ent,— they labored to secure the knowledge and to culti-
vate the sense of immediate and personal relation to God,
in order to the attainment of salvation.
156 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
III
The secret of this strange history is after all a simple
one, — the motive which we know as individualism, in con-
trast and in opposition to solidarity. The Catholic church
had aimed to solidify the church and the world in unity,
and it had begun to appear as if its purpose were already
achieved, when the monks arose to dispute its ideal, to
assert the importance of the individual man as greater than
the institution, as greater than any temple which man could
build, or wherein he might worship. The influence of in-
dividualism, as a superior motive of life, seemed to have
been suppressed and well-nigh extinguished when the
strange phenomenon of monasticism appeared, the harbin-
ger of a vast reaction, in reality the first faint beginning
of a new age. From the Catholic episcopate which stood
in its way, it either emancipated itself, or else labored to
subordinate it to a higher power, which, like the papacy,
should be in sympathy with its own aim. It may be said
of monasticism, in the modern phrase, that during the
Middle Ages it held the balance of power, and while it
was still a living force, used both the episcopate and the
papacy for the accomplishment of its ends.
Individualism may be considered as the highest and rarest
product of human development. It does not come first
in the order of time, but slowly emerges from that situa-
tion in which humanity appears as a solid mass, in which
one man does not differ greatly from another, and where
the interest of the individual is subordinated to the good
of the whole. It is that potential quality which distin-
guishes humanity from the lower grades of the animal
creation. In the lower forms of civilization, it can hardly
be said to exist, but betrays its possibility in the rudest germ,
such as an overpowering selfishness. Solidarity comes first
in the historical and natural order, making possible the
political forms of the tribe or the nation, where all may act
together as one man in self-defence or for mutual support.
When solidarity receives its highest stamp as under Chris-
tian development, it becomes the brotherhood and fellowship
MONASTICISM 157
of human souls bound together by the tie of love, which is
both human and divine. But wherever a solidarity has
been established before individuality has had a chance to
develop its inherent quality, as was the case in the Roman
Empire, or tlie Catholic church of the early centuries,
there external force in some of its many varieties becomes
the bond of unity rather than the charity, which is of
slow growth and must needs be first secured in individual
souls.
The roots of individualism in humanity lie in the cir-
cumstances of birth and death, — that we come into the
world alone, and when we die we must go forth alone into
the vastness of infinite space. We may escape the fears
or the inferences which these facts suggest by denying
the possibility of a future life or by dwelling in the mass
of humanity as indistinguishable atoms, until the sense
of individual responsibility grows weaker and ceases to
trouble us. But the Gospel of Christ places the empha-
sis on immortality beyond any other religion, and it also
asserts the need of an individual and inward preparation
or purification in order to secure its blessed results. The
Gospel everywhere individualizes men as if one single
human soul were valuable enough in the eyes of God to
account for Calvary, as if Christ would have died to save
one solitary individual man. So far as nature is concerned,
the individual counts for nothing, it is the species or genus
which is everything. Thus Tennyson wrote of nature :
" So careful of the type she seems,
So careless of the single life."
But when we rise above nature into the sphere of humanity,
the law of nature seems to be reversed and the law of the
spirit asserts its claim. " With man so far as he is an object
of interest," said the late Mr. Froude, " it is the type which
is nothing, the individual which is everything. Take away
from Ulysses or Hamlet their personal individuality and
leave only what belongs to the race, would you say that
you had preserved the immortal part and thrown away the
unimportant? Tiie immortal part of a man is not that
158 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
which he shares with the rest of his race, but that which
he possesses of his own." Perhaps it would be more true
to say that it is the humanity itself that is revealed and
made a secure possession in the higher stages of individual
development. The two are organically related, the race
and the individual, but the latter is the immediate goal
for which humanity itself may be said to labor. Hence
humanity itself prizes the result of individual achievement
as if its highest product, its flower and crown, a prophecy
also of the ultimate redemption of the race.
When the monastic movement began, there was but
little scope for the development of individualism within
the Catholic church. In every direction in which a man
might turn for an opportunity to develop his capacities and
to manifest his purpose, the approaches were blocked by the
powerful organization whose prestige must also intimidate
the soul. Freedom of thought, freedom of inquiry in the-
ology, which was the only science, had been discouraged
if not prohibited by the later growth of tradition. To
seek for new truth was as absurd as it was impossible ; for
all truth, it was believed, had been given in fixed and
final form by the Apostles, of which the episcopate was
regarded as the curator and depositary. Under these cir-
cumstances, the rising spirit of individualism was driven
into strange and devious ways for the utterance or unfold-
ing of the deeper impulses of the human soul. Something
at least could be done by way of protest if nothing more.
In the three monastic vows of poverty, celibacy, and obe-
dience, we have the external symbols of the movement.
They were not originated by the Christian instinct; they
had served for ages as the mould in which the spirit of the
individual man might be recast when seeking possibilities
of escape from the tyranny of conventional religion, or of
a world which had grown indifferent to spiritual realities.
In taking the vows of poverty and celibacy, the monk flung
defiance in the face of the existing civilization, flouting the
relationships of the state and the family as ties incompati-
ble with the highest freedom and development. But he
also took a vow of obedience, seeking therein a further
MONASTICISM 159
freedom ; for the obedience was to be rendered to one like
himself, in sympathy with his purpose and method. To
these vows there was added, in the Benedictine order, a
restriction which tied the monk to his domicile (^stahilitas
loci'), a necessary restriction in order to overcome the
habit of wandering generated in the barbarian invasion.
With these distinctive features, monasticism came into
conflict with the Catholic church, and in the rivalry and
the struggle which followed was laid the foundation for
the higher civilization of Christendom.
IV
In studying the institutions of the Middle Ages, the
attention is apt to be fastened upon its more striking situa-
tions, such as the conflicts between popes and emperors,
on which the development of the political and social order
seems to hinge, those conflicts between church and state,
which issued in the civil supremacy of the papacy. But
there were other conflicts, whose inward working is more
obscure and where results are less striking, those struggles
of which it is sometimes hard to see any direct result, but
whose issue was the spiritual advance of humanity. From
the beginning of the Middle Ages, we may discern traces
of the antagonism between two types of Christianity, rep-
resented on the one hand by that early Catholic church, of
which the episcopate was the representative, and on the
other by monasticism, whose indirect aim is revealed by its
final outcome, — a conception of the church in harmony
with its essential principle.
Monasticism had been in its origin essentially a move-
ment of the laity as such, in contrast to the clergy, nor
had it sought or desired for its members admission into the
clerical order. Its principle had been the spiritual priest-
hood of the Christian man as somethingf hiorher and more
vitally related to the salvation of the soul than the ecclesi-
astical priesthood. But when the work of converting West-
ern Europe devolved so extensively upon the monastery,
the monks were obliged to receive ordination from the
160 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
bishops for the administration of ecclesiastical rites, until
they finally came by their very profession as monks to be
enrolled in the ranks of the priesthood. Among other
motives which contributed to this result, much was prob-
ably owing to the popular judgment, which attributed to
them a clerical rank and function or demanded it of them.
Enrolment among the clergy thus seemed like a victory of
the Catholic order by which the monks were brought into
close relation to the bishops and under obligation to fulfil
the canonical obedience due from the clergy to episcopal
authority. But the earlier Middle Ages, from the seventh
to the tenth centuries, reveal also on the part of the monas-
teries a decided unwillingness to accept the common con-
struction of such relationship. The vow of obedience to the
head of the monastery was superseding the vow of obedience
to the bishops or making it superfluous. Throughout this
whole period the struggle went on between the bishops
who were seeking, often with the support of the state,
to subject the monasteries to their supervision and control,
and the monks who sought to escape from this control. In
this struggle the sympathy of the papacy was for the most
part given to the cause of the monasteries. The records
of the time abound in instances of hostility between the
two institutions ; the bishops were accused of plundering
monasteries or appropriating their revenues ; episcopal
rights of visitation were increasingly limited, and bishops
were commanded to give ordination when requested without
compensation.^ It was surely an anomalous situation. It
was hard for the monks to serve two masters, one in the
world and from the monastic point of mind living for the
world ; and the other not of the world, — the abbot to
whom he was bound by a special vow of obedience. So
1 Cf. Concil. Tolet. Can. 51, in Mansl, X., where the bishops are con-
demned for treating the monks like slaves, and for regarding the monas-
teries as if their own property ; also Art. Theodore of Tarsus, in Smith
and Wace, Die. Chris. Biog., for a similar situation in England in the
seventh century, where the monastic establishments are seen withdrawing
themselves from the superintendence of the bishops and gaining their inde-
pendence ; also Laurent, Etudes sur VHistoire de VHumanite, V., pp.
292 ff.
MONASTICISM l6l
also was it incongruous for the bishop to see a large
number of his clergy in monasteries not subject to his con-
trol. But the aggressive i^olicy of the bishops ended in
failure. The great monastery of Clugny, founded in the
tenth century, was emancipated from episcopal authority
and placed in immediate subjection to the pope ; and from
this time the new orders of monks to which the later
Middle Ages gave rise in such rich variety were with few
exceptions emancipated from episcopal control. Not only
so, but the greater abbots now aspired successfully to rival
the bishops in dignity and authority : they received from
the pope the right to wear the episcopal mitre, they took
their seats in the councils of princes or in the ecclesiastical
synods, dividing with the bishops the power within the
church and the reverence of the people. One thing only
they did not attain, — the right to confer ordination,
which was still regarded, according to ancient canon law,
as the peculiar function of the episcopate.
If we may regard the entrance of the monks into the
clerical estate as a victory of the episcopate over monasti-
cism by which the latter lost something of its original
character, on the other hand, the next stage in this rivalry
resulted in the triumph of monasticism, by which bishops
and clergy of all degrees were compelled to submit to the
monastic vow of celibacy. It was in the monastery of
Clugny, which by its constitution was the first to be ex-
empted from episcopal authority, that the purpose was
nourished which demanded the universal obligation on the
clergy of the monastic ideal.^ In the Eastern church, as
has been remarked, a compromise had been effected by
which the bishops were to be monks trained in the monas-
1 The organization of the monastery of Clugny, free from episcopal
supervision and under tlie direct control of the papacy, was not the only
innovation which Clugny made in the history of monasticism. Of almost
equal significance was the change which it initiated, of affiliating its houses
as they arose in one great congregation, in contrast with the Benedictine
method, where eacli monastery was independent. Thus monasticism went
through a progressive development : (1) The solitary monk or hermit, —
the anchoretic type ; (2) The community, independent of other com-
munities ; (3) Tlie affiliation of communities in one organic cosmopolitan
organization.
M
162 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
teries, while the lower clergy were allowed to marry. No
such compromise was possible in Western Europe, much
less was it desirable. The life and purpose of the church
in the West were stimulated by the conflict in which each
party sought the victory. When the monks had entered
the order of priesthood, it seemed incongruous that some
of the clergy should be bound to celibacy, which was by
common consent the highest spiritual state, while others,
admitting the ideal, should accept a lower standard. When
the movement began whose aim was to enforce celibacy
upon all the clergy, it was foredoomed to success. Already
had the bishops and clergy been subjected to papal au-
thority by monastic influence, as when Boniface, the
Apostle of Germany, first took the vow of papal obedience
for himself and then organized the church in Germany and
in France in harmony with this principle. Again it was
a monk, educated at Clugny, rising to the papal chair as
Gregory VII., who enforced the obligation to celibacy,
which has ever since remained binding upon the Roman
clergy. Hildebrand may have been moved by other rea-
sons than the desire to extend the monastic ideal. It
was evident enough that the church would be stronger to
carry on the war with the state which Hildebrand was
about to declare, if the clergy were emancipated from" those
secular ties like marriage which bound them in their inter-
ests to dependence upon the secular power.
But in this effort to enforce celibacy upon the secular
clergy, we may see more clearly than at any other juncture
in Mediaeval history, how close and essential was the
alliance of the papacy with the monastic purpose. Hilde-
brand at first resorted to the bishops for aid in carrying
out his decree ; but the episcopate almost as a body ap-
peared as unwilling instruments of his power. The inhu-
manity of the papal attitude, the widespread anguish and
suffering which ensued, — to all this the bishops could not
or would not give their sanction. When the papacy
failed in its appeal to the bishops to enforce the decree
against marriage of the clergy, it turned to the monks and
renewed its ancient alliance. Papal autocracy was now
MONASTICISM 163
reasserted, as the inmost principle of the Catholic church.
The bishops were reminded by Hildebrand that the monas-
teries had been set free from episcopal control, and the
bishops also exempted from the power of metropolitans
in order to their more immediate connection with the
Apostolical see of Rome. The monks responded to this
appeal, travelling over the country in order to denounce
and overcome the vicious lives of the secular clergy. But
the final appeal of Hildebrand was to the laity, who were
urged to withdraw from communion with those secular
clergy who were refusing obedience to the papal decree,
since they were polluting the sacraments and their blessing
would be turned to a malediction. Hildebrand was charged
with teaching the Donatist theory that an evil life in the
clergy vitiated their sacramental acts. He did not, indeed,
in so many words, commit himself to this view, which was
at a later time to become the principle of Wycliffe and
Huss, of the Waldensians and other sects, a lever for
breaking down the authority of the Medieval church.
Hildebrand stood rather upon the principle of obedience to
papal authority as so vital, that any cleric who refused it
separated himself from the church. It is difficult, how-
ever, to see wherein Hildebrand's theory differs from the
ancient Donatism, against which the Catholic church had
protested in the fourth century. But there can be no
doubt that the laity to whom Hildebrand appealed, under-
stood his meaning in the Donatist sense ; they rose up in
wrath against the secular clergy ; and from this time we
begin to note the rise of heretical sects, who declaimed
against the vices of the clergy, who went even further, as
in the inference which they drew that sacraments and rites
were unnecessary. Hildebrand disturbed the peace of the
church ; but his immediate aim was accomplished, celibacy
was enforced, monasticism had now won its greatest vic-
tory, and the Donatist theory of the church had been the
tacit assumption by means of which the victory had been
achieved. That theory meant, what Montanists and also
Novatians had taught, that it is the congregation of faith-
ful men, whose individual faith and holiness confer sane-
164 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
tity upon the organization, and not primarily the holiness
of the church, which is imputed to the clergy or to indi-
vidual members, as had been the teacliing of Cyprian.^
V
The most flourishing period of monasticism is also the
age of the domination of the Latin church. From the
tenth century to the fourteenth the monasteries were still
growing, putting forth new shoots, each new monastic crea-
tion differing in some vital points, or aiming at the common
purpose by some new method, some more stringent effort
to accomplish its ideal. In this respect, the monasticism of
this age finds its parallel in the vigor and variety of the
Protestant sects in the age of the Reformation and the
three centuries which have since elapsed. During this
period also, as in the early Middle Ages, while the episco-
pate was performing a great task, which was of high ser-
vice to the later development of political institutions, yet
it shows no special development within the church, win-
ning no trophies, giving no apparent evidence of aroused
activity. It had practically been shut off from aggressive
work, or from any powerful assertion of its own peculiar
motive by the league between the papacy and monasticism.
The episcopate had been beguiled, if we may use the expres-
sion, by the opportunity held out to it in the Forged De-
cretals of Isidore, of escaping the infelicities of secular
control, but only to fall bound hand and foot by a worse
enemy. Any aspirations of the episcopate for independence
had been further checked by the appointment of two or more
metropolitans in every country, which served as courts of
appeals, so that no one bishop could stand forth as primate
1 Cf. Neander, Ch. His., YII., pp. 125-137 (Bohn. ed.) for a clear
statement of the issues raised by Hildebrand ; also Lea, H. C, Historical
Sketch of Sacerdotal Gelihacy in the Christian Church, pp. 238-249.
In his argument against the Donatists, Augustine had maintained as
the Catholic principle that Christ miglit operate through the sacraments,
however unworthy might be their administrator, Contr. Petilian, I., c. 8.
For an admirable discussion of the controversy with the Donatists, cf.
Neander, III. 258-308. For the heretical sects which rose immediately
after Hildebrand' s time, cf. Moeller, II. 382-390.
MONASTICISM 165
in his own country and lead any movement of ecclesiastical
revolt. Under monkish activity, the episcopate had lost
the credit of converting Europe, and also the benefit which
would have resulted to it from such spiritual self-sacrifice.
In every direction its powers were limited, and the original
theory of the office modified by the practical needs of the
church. Not only from the time of Hildebrand's reign
were the monks exempt from the supervision of the bishops,
but even in cathedral churches a similar movement went
on by which the secular clergy, the dean and canons, were
set free from the bishop's authority. And in a word, the
episcopal office which had claimed to hold directly from
God its origin and authority, was now qualified as coming
by the grace of God and the grace of the Apostolic See.^
The life and vigor of monasticism in this period were
not only manifested in the extension of its power by which
it limited the episcopate, or captured the field of missions,
or took possession of the universities and became the leader
of the intellectual life, but in another direction it sought
to extend itself by colonizing its principles. For any move-
ment which is truly alive must grow and expand, and have
an adequate field for its extension. This field of invasion
monasticism found in the secular side of the church, repre-
sented by the episcopate. After it had won its great
victory in the imposition of the monastic vow of celibacy
upon bishops and clergy, it aimed to extend the application
of another monastic vow, that of poverty, until it should
become the rule of the secular church. The rise of St.
Bernard in the twelfth century (f 1153) marks the in-
creasing tendency to attach importance to poverty, as
somehow essential to the highest spiritual life. Arnold
1 In his work on the Growth of Church Institutions, Dr. Hatch has
traced the process in the secular churcli under episcopal control, by which
the parish priest came to have a tenure of office which was not dependent
on the bishop, as the Ignatian and Cyprianic theories of the episcopate
had originally required. So also the city clergy, and deans, canons, and
prebendaries came to be independent of the bishop. The further influ-
ence of the monastery on the secular church was seen in the establish-
ment of clergy houses for the secular clergy, by which the majority of
them were compelled to live according to a common rule of life. Cf.
pp. 51-56, and pp. 157-172.
166 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
of Brescia (f 1155), to whom Bernard was no friend, was
only applying the teaching of Bernard when he called
upon the hierarchy, the bishops, and clergy to forsake their
property, and embrace the evangelical ideal. Joachim of
Floris (f 1201), whose name is associated with the Eternal
Gosjjel, anticipated that when the age of the Holy Spirit
should begin, the church would be purified by the labors
of the monks and the ideal of monasticism become universal.
All through the twelfth century the idea was taking
deeper root that poverty was Apostolic in its origin and
sanction. Heretical sects combined with reformers and
prophets in demanding its recognition. At last came the
Mendicant orders, and more particularly the Franciscan,
whose foundations were sunk more deeply in this subsoil
of poverty. The Benedictine order and the monastic con-
gregations of the eleventh and twelfth centuries had in-
terpreted the vow of poverty as pertaining only to the
individual monk, while the order itself to which he be-
longed was at liberty to hold property without any limit.
St. Francis had thought to get rid of the laxity and cor-
ruption which this corporate possession of wealth entailed,
by prohibiting the monasteries of his order from holding
property or even enjoying its use. So at least he was
interpreted by the stricter observants of his rule. With
these two orders, the Dominican and the Franciscan, mo-
nasticism culminated, taking on the form and the reality
of cosmopolitan institutions within the Mediseval church.
Not only were they exempted from episcopal control,
but they were allowed by the papacy to usurp the func-
tions of the secular clergy, to take charge of parishes, to
hear confessions and give absolution in the churches of
Christendom wherever their services might be desired.
And the testimony of the time indicates that the friars
or mendicant monks were everywhere acceptable to the
people, more so than the parish clergy. It was a great
object lesson, which the people were not slow in reading,
the vision of those who had forsaken all things for the
following of Christ. Very close also was the alliance
between the papacy and the mendicant monks. Domini-
MONASTICISM 167
cans and Franciscans were its body-guard, carrying its
authority and its presence into every part of Christendom.
On the whole, it may be said that from the time of the
first close association of the papacy with monasticism
under the pontificate of Gregory the Great, its career had
been marked by a constant development, and its persistent
rivalry and conflict with the secular church had been
crowned with success. But at last a check was placed
upon its growth by the very authority which had minis-
tered to its extension and power, and from that time the
movement ceased to put forth new offshoots, or to pursue
with any success its persistent ideal. But when monasti-
cism declined, its patron and support, the papacy, declined
also, and both lost their hold upon the new world that was
arising. They rose together and came into the church
together, and when their work was done, together they
took their departure. It was in the year 1321, while the
papacy was living in its voluntary captivity at Avignon,
that the crisis came, whose full meaning was not at the
time discerned, but which now appears not only as the
dissolution of the partnership between the papacy and
monasticism as living forces, but as the death-blow to
monastic aspiration on the one hand, and on the other
the revelation of the spiritual incapacity of the papacy for
its high office of universal mediation. The crisis had been
lonor in comino-, and more than once when it had been im-
minent, it was postponed or evaded. Soon after the death
of St. Francis in 1226, a division among his adherents in
regard to the possession of property led to violent conten-
tion within the order. The laxer party maintained that
while the order could not hold property which it could call
its own, it might be entitled to the benefit or usufruct of
property, which was to be regarded as given not to the
order, but to the Roman church for the benefit of the order.
Such was the interpretation sanctioned by Pope Nicholas
III. (1279) in a bull which declared that the usufruct
of earthly goods, though not their possession, had been
permitted by the example of Christ and the Apostles.
The decision was followed by a schism in the order, the
168 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHUECH
brethren of the stricter observance forming an independent
community of their own. Even at this time there were
rigorists who took up an attitude of opposition to the
papacy and henceforth disowned it as anti-Christ. But
the final issue was postponed for another generation.
In 1321 the question took such shape that it could
not be evaded. The Dominicans in that year, who had
already practically discarded the mendicant principle, be-
came aware that the Franciscans had formulated their
motive in the dogmatic statement that neither as individ-
uals nor as a society had Christ or His Apostles been in
possession of property. When the Dominicans disputed
this principle, the Franciscans affirmed its orthodoxy, and
the order as a whole in 1322 gave its approval. The case
was now carried to the pope, John XXII., living in wealth
and luxury at Avignon. It was a case which demanded
an answer without delay, and without equivocation : and
the decision was promptly rendered and thoroughly en-
forced in a series of five successive utterances from the pope,
in which the proposition was declared erroneous, that
neither Christ nor His Apostles, either singly or collectively,
had been holders of property. Looking at the question and
its decision from the point of view of the age, the two
sides of the church, secular and religious, the two compo-
nent elements of Mediaeval Christianity which had been
in conflict for centuries, now met on their last battle-field,
and the secular was victorious. The papacy had deserted
its old ally, had made no effort to compromise or neu-
tralize its utterance, but repeatedly and unequivocally
had condemned the principle for which St. Francis stood,
with which a man like Occam, the leading mind of his age,
was also in sympathy. No disaster followed the decision,
no schism, or other evidence that the peace of the church
had been broken. Occam and others like-minded left
Avignon and betook themselves to the Emperor Louis of
Bavaria, preferring and defending his cause against the
pope. For the rest of the century that followed, the Fran-
ciscans of the stricter sort, who could not be reconciled to
the pope's decision, are found in association with heretical
MONASTICISM 169
orders, strange and weird associations, which have only one
element in common, — a certain unrest and dissatisfaction,
a desire for some higher rule of life. Such were the Spir-
ituals, the Fraticelli, the Friends of God, the Apostolici,
monks who could no longer pursue their calling in the
monastery, for the sanction of Christ and His Apostles
had been refused to their ideal. The last aspiration of
the monastic purpose, to identify itself with Christ and
His disciples, had failed ; the world refused to regard
poverty as the true life of man on the earth. A limit had
been set, which hindered the highest monastic ideal from
expanding into universal application.
But from our own point of view an ideal so hopelessly
impossible indicates that monasticism must have already
exhausted its interior force, that its mission to the world
was over. From this time it gave increasing evidence, in
the moral corruption into which it sank, that its work was
done. Had it been upheld by any living motive, it could
not have fallen so low, in the fourteenth century, as the
reiterated charges against it seem to demonstrate. But
enough has been said on this point by many writers who
have pointed out the depth and the extent of the corrup-
tion which now invaded the monasteries in every country
of Europe. These charges may be exaggerated, undoubt-
edly they are ; but making every allowance, the accusa-
tions of vice, of luxury and gluttony, of laziness and
ignorance, it is impossible to overcome. They were made
in the first instance by the friends of the monasteries, in
the hope of their purification. But the efforts of two cen-
turies to restore them to their old efficiency were in vain.
They were suppressed at last, by Henry VHI. in England
with hardly a protest or a murmur, and with the approval
of the people, which not only made possible, but justified,
the act of the king.
Nor since that day has monasticism had any career in
the Christian church. More and more have its opportuni-
ties been restricted, its houses closed, its revenues appro-
priated by the state. In our own age we have seen Italy
and France, Germany and Mexico, carrying on the work
170 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
begun at the Reformation of suppressing monastic establish-
ments.i No great names of world-wide significance, and but
few in the lesser ranks of fame, are connected any longer with
the monastery. Henceforth they do not serve as retreats
for souls inspired with some lofty purpose or dream, in
literature, or art, or science, in the cause of philosophy or
theology, but so far as they may be said to live at all,
they are recruited by those who liave no special mission
to tlie world ; those who have been disillusioned by the
experiences of life may still resort to them, but they take
with them no hope or heart as in the ancient days. Once
again, indeed, it is true, an effort was made with intense
purpose and devotion to bring monasticism to the aid of
the papacy in the hour of its great distress and weakness.
No more chivalrous soul ever lived than Ignatius Loyola,
nor any mind more keen ever came to the rescue of the
Mediseval church. He was wise enough to discover that,
in the founding of a new order, the only monastic principle
which yet remained to be exploited was the vow of obedi-
ence. That vow was now stretched till it included the
intellect and the imagination as well as the conscience,
shutting out the last motive or opportunity for individual
exertion. It is not celibacy, it is not poverty, which, ac-
cording to Ignatius, makes the highest saint, but obedience
so unhesitating and so complete as to annihilate all spon-
taneous individual activity, and so, in the long run, to
defeat the purpose which it seeks to maintain. With the
rise of the Jesuit order, the history of monasticism may
be said to have come to an end.
The great purposes which the monastery had served
during the Middle Ages could be henceforth attained in
1 "The total number of monasteries so suppressed in Italy down to
the close of 1882 was 2255, involving an enormous displacement of prop-
erty and dispersion of inmates. And yet there is some reason to think
that the state did but do roughly and harshly what the church should
have done more gradually and wisely ; for the judgment passed on the
dissolution by Pius IX. himself, in speaking to an I<]nglish l\. C. bishop,
was : ' It was the devil's work ; but the good God will turn it into a
blessing, since their destruction was the only reform possible to them' "
CEncyc. Brit., XVI., p. 715).
MONASTICISM ITl
other and better ways. They had been retreats to which
the individual man could betake himself, who could find
no mission in the world. They had cultivated individual-
ism when the prevailing tendency in the church was
toward an irresponsible solidarity; they had presented object
lessons to the world, of the highest value, as to the worth
of simple manhood, when seen apart from all relationship
which might weaken its dignity or disguise its strength.
But now the times were changing rapidly from the four-
teenth century. Great personalities were wanted in the
world, and there was no longer a necessity for their leaving
it. The opportunities for the individual were increasing
in every direction, and individual aspirations could be cul-
tivated in the world far better than in the monastery.
The most that the monastery had done or could do was
to nourish the germ of individualism, to keep it from per-
ishing from off the face of the earth. But when it came to
the full development of individualism, the monastery proved
a sad and grievous failure, a failure so disastrous and mel-
ancholy that the new world rejected the institution, with
an indignation which has hardly its counterpart in the
history of institutions. For if the individual would put
himself to the fullest test in order to his divine growth, it
must be accomplished by the discipline of relationships
such as the monk rejected as unfit for the spiritual man.
These relationships are twofold, that of the family and that
of the state, through which alone can the highest manhood
be attained. When the monk was condemning these rela-
tions as sinful or impossible for religion, he was flying in
the face of eternal law and of the divine will as written in
human constitutions. His contempt for marriage as a
hindrance to grace may be regarded as the act of one who
knew not what he did, but it was none the less an offence
against both God and man. Its punishment may be seen
to have grown in this case directly out of its nature, for
they who aimed at purity became the scandal of the age for
impurity; striving to be something above men, they fell
below men, and degraded the human ideal. All this be-
came apparent, Avhen at last the state began to appear in its
172 OKGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
conscious dignity, as in the pre-Reformation age which
begins with the fourteenth century. The monk had been
indifferent to the state, or its fortunes, since the first ap-
pearance of monasticism in the ancient church. But the
state which he then neglected or abandoned was a declining
one, the Roman Empire moving onwards to its fall, or else
the feeble condition of statehood or nationality which was
struggling for existence and growth in the Middle Ages.
Under these circumstances, the monk had been at liberty to
feel that his own commonwealth or citizenship was in the
heavens, and that so far as earth was concerned, the true
man was at home in every country. But when the modern
state arose, as in England, such a sentiment could find
little food for its support, if indeed the state had a right to
tolerate the organizations which nourished it. It was
dangerous to the nationality, for it might nourish dis-
loyalty and treason, and the state needed the services as
well as the faith and love of all its citizens.
When the modern state arose, the family regained its
significance as the corner-stone of the structure. The fam-
ily became again the tie which bound the individual in
dependence on the state, for there is no tie so strong and
deathless as this, nor is there a school equal to the family
for training a man in the duties which are necessary to the
existence or well-being of the state. Hence if the state
were to survive and assert its fullest strength, it followed
that monasticism must now be wholly suppressed, as in
England under Henry VIII. Nor was it an accident or
a merely humorous circumstance, that the crisis in English
history in the hour of the Reformation did not hinge upon
any subtle point of dogma, but upon the practical issue,
whether the state should have the power to determine
the marriage question, or whether some power external to
the state, such as the papacy, should continue to retain the
question within its jurisdiction.
Such are among the reasons why an institution like
monasticism, to which humanity owes so much in one age,
should become a desolation and an offence when its day
was done. Bat in one sense it lived in an eternal day
MONASTICISM 173
which knew no decline, which still goes on increasing.
In a most direct and vital way it had prepared for the
Protestant Keformation, as if that had been the end of all
its labors. Its essential principles were then reaffirmed
in order to a higher and larger career, when those methods
were abandoned which time had demonstrated were de-
feating its true mission, which were seen as no longer
necessary to the perfection of a Christian man. Wycliffe
was an opponent of monasticism on principle, and more
particularly of the mendicant monks, as doing injury alike
to religion and the state. But strong as was his dislike
and even contempt of mendicancy, yet he made, in his con-
demnation of monasticism, an exception of the Begging
Friars, as if he recognized in them some higher quality,
which carried the promise of the future. He uttered a
prophecy regarding them, which is extraordinary as fore-
telling an event, which found its fulfilment almost to the
letter, in the coming of Martin Luther : " I anticipate that
some of the friars, whom God shall be pleased to enlighten,
will return with all devotion to the original religion of
Christ, will lay aside their unfaithfulness, and with the
consent of Antichrist, offered or solicited, will freely return ,
to primitive truth and then build up the church as Paul
did before them." ^
VI
In this survey of the history of monasticism from its
rise to its decline, some things become apparent as if they
were the revelation enforced anew of the divine will in
human society. Every direct specific purpose of the monk
seemed in the long run to have been reversed, or to have
proved a failure. He began with indifference to the exten-
sion of the visible church and ended with reviving the primi-
tive order of the Apostolate for the conversion of Western
Europe. His foremost aim was the salvation of his own
soul, and he became the most successful of missionaries for
1 Trialogus, IV., c. 30, p. 340 ; cf. liPchler's Wycliffe and his English
Precursors, p. 323. By Antichrist is meant tlie papacy.
174 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
accomplishing the salvation of others. He left the world
of towns and cities behind him, but where he went the
world followed him and towns and cities sprang up around
him. He started, as did the Montanists, his predecessors,
with an inward i-evolt against the laws of outward nature,
or the ties which bind the body and the soul together ; he
lived in deserts and in dens and in caves of the earth, he
fought the constitution of his being with rigid and pro-
longed physical discipline. And yet it was the monk who
was the first in the modern world, as in the case of St.
Bernard or St. Francis, to acquire the love of nature. In
the contact with nature, which was forced upon him by his
desire to be in solitude and alone with God, there entered
into his soul the healing power of nature through com-
munion with its spirit. Through this communion with
nature, which begot the love of nature, came the prepara-
tion for modern art. From holding the human body as an
evil thing at war with the soul, he came to recognize the
divineness of the human form as the expression of the in-
ward spirit. He lived in the atmosphere of the miracle, a
world of his own creation where all laws might be sus-
pended at the bidding of faith, where the power of the holy
man was revealed as stronger than the forces of life or
death, and thus, as with Albert the Great or Roger Bacon,
prepared the way for modern science which reveals nature
as at the service of man. Monasticism started with a con-
tempt for the human reason, as if intellect were necessarily
at war with piety, and like the Montanist despised philoso-
phy, as incompatible with true religion. But the monas-
teries, when they reached the height of their development,
produced the scholars, the thinkers, the philosophers of
the age. The one supreme object of scholasticism was
to defend the doctrines of the church, but in order to this
end it was necessar}^ to cultivate the reason. When the
process of scholasticism was complete, it ended in what is
known as nominalism, which asserts the importance of the
thinking mind as that which gives reality to human thought.
In its origin, monasticism like Montanism was indifferent to
the welfare of the state, fleeing to the desert to escape its
MONASTICISM 175
control. Its indifference to the political order, the absence
of loyalty to one's country, or the sense of patriotism, had
hastened the downfall of the Roman Empire. The monks
contributed nothing to the cause of nationality : they were
cosmopolitan, equally at home in every country. And
yet it was the monks who were called to rule the world
which they despised. It was a dream in ancient times
that it would be desirable if a philosopher, who lightly
regarded the world, could be brought to govern the world,
sitting on the throne of the Roman Empire ; and it hap-
pened once, in the case of Marcus Aurelius. So in the case
of Hildebrand and of others who succeeded him, monks
ruled over the states of Europe and subjected princes,
kings, and emperors to their sway. They abandoned prop-
erty and took the vow of poverty, but they could not
escape from wealth. Each successive attempt to make the
monasteries poor ended in their being richer than before.
They cultivated obedience as an art, taking a special vow
to obe}^ and the end of the process was individual freedom.
They fought the family and the institution of marriage as
beneath the spiritual man, seeking thus to make the eccle-
siola of their Montanist forerunners something purer than
the larger church, the bride of Christ without spot or
wrinkle or any such thing ; they took the vow of celibacy
and called it chastity, and the result, it is needless to say,
was such disastrous moral failure and collapse as to cast
a discredit upon the system of the monastery from which
it has not yet recovered.
But also beneath these vows and the whole attitude of
monasticism toward nature and the state, there does run
a deeper purpose which could not be defeated, — the ac-
complishment of individual personality. In the ancient
world humanity was regarded as a composite part of or-
ganic nature, while the realization of the worth of the
human soul as having supernatural significance was the
precarious possession of the few. The monk in revolt
against natural law, and in the cultivation of the miracle,
was laying deep the foundation for human personality.
And again in the ordering of the ancient state, there was
176 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
little or no conception of its function as ministering to
individual freedom or development. A man was conceived
as existing for the state, and was merged in the solidarity
of those who were to be governed for the well-being of
the whole. The deep impulse which Christianity gave to
the demand for individual freedom by its assertion of the
infinite value of a human soul drove the monk, if he would
retain the priceless gift, to abandon the state to itself, in
order that he might be free to cultivate his inward being
through his conscious relationship to God.
The working of a similar process may be detected under
the monastic vows of poverty, celibacy, and obedience. So
long as in the old world a man was only entitled to con-
sideration as a man by the possession of property, it be-
came necessary to affirm that manhood could exist and
assert itself by its own intrinsic quality, stripped of every
accessory which in the eye of the law or of society gave him
a fictitious interest or importance. The Roman theory of
marriage had not only gradually brought the institution,
in connection with other causes, into contempt, but by merg-
ing the family in the father, with the right of property in wife
and children and control of human life, weakened if it did
not destroy the possibility of attaining to the consciousness
of individual selfhood. All the institutions of the ancient
civilization needed to be purified and regenerated, reorgan-
ized upon some other basis, and to this end the monk con-
tributed. They had to fight their way against the highest
ideal of the age, the assumption of the monasteries that
they had no spiritual value, to vindicate their worth by
justifying themselves at the bar of a spiritual tribunal.
But it was chiefly in the vow of obedience that the
monk accomplished and realized his freedom. In the
Catholic church obedience also was required, but one could
not choose his master. Men were born into the church,
they no longer joined it, as in the early Christian centu-
ries, of their own free will. The officers of the church,
the bishop or the priest, they had no voice in electing.
It was a vast authoritative system like the Roman Empire,
whose power or decision were not to be resisted or ques-
MONASTICISM 177
tioned. There was only one outlet of relief, and that lay
in the monastery which a man was at liberty to join, choos-
ing the order which he preferred, and having a voice also
in the choice of the abbot whom he was to serve. Under
these conditions there was a freedom in the service which
made it no longer bondage. A solidarity grew up in the
monastery, but it was attained by the free concurrence of
individual sentiment. Thus was preserved in germ, at
least, the conception of the earlier church, when each
Christian community chose its officers and invested them
with authority. When in the course of the Middle Ages
the bishops lost their control of the monasteries and the
monks were exempted from episcopal supervision, they
ceased when ordained to the priestliood to take the vow
of obedience to the bishop, and in its place took the vow
of obedience only to the head of the monastery.
But all this bears closely upon the later history of eccle-
siastical organization. The secular clergy obeyed a bishop,
the monastic clergy obeyed a presbyter. The tendency of
monastic influence was thus to exalt the presbyter to the
rank of the episcopate. The contention of Jerome, that in
the beginning presbyters and bishops were equal, became
the ruling principle of the monastery and left its influence
upon the Catholic church itself. Cyprian had contended
for an episcopate which was a distinct order from the pres-
byterate holding by direct divine right, while the presbyter
held by mediated right through the bishops. The Catholic
church has left the question an open one whether the
bishop or the pope belong to distinct orders from the pres-
byterate or priesthood, or are not rather functions of the
one only and common order of the priesthood. Although
the monasteries were for the most part exempted from
episcopal supervision, and the monastic clergy no longer
took the vow of obedience to the bishop, yet they were still
held in organic connection with the secular church by
common subordination to the papacy. When the papacy
declined and the pope finally lost his authority as in Ger-
many or England, the monk went forth from his monas-
tery, a presbyter still, but over whom there was no authority
178 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
in the church which could ask or rightfully command his
obedience. In Germany and in Switzerland, two countries
in which the monastic influence had been deeply felt from
the time of their first conversion to Christianity, there arose
in the age of the Reformation two churches, the Lutheran
and the Reformed, organized upon the monastic principle
which Jerome had asserted, that in the beginning there was
no difference between the bishop and the presbyter.
And, finally, as the monasteries had their peculiar type
of organization, so also they had their peculiar mode of
worship. In the catholic cultus, the attention had been
fastened on the eucharist, of which the bishop had been
the administrator from the earliest appearance of the
oifice. The development of the ritual of the altar may
be regarded as the work of the episcopate or of the secular
clergy. In the course of its growth, it had gradually
superseded the homiletic worship of the early church,
which consisted in prayer and praise, in the reading of
Scripture, and the word of exhortation. This service, dis-
carded in the secular church, was taken up by the monas-
teries, and attained an extraordinary fulness and rich
complexity, but never losing its original motive, — the
appeal to the individual attention as the condition of its
success. As the Canon of the Mass was a popular service
appealing to the eye with its accessories of color and light,
and not demanding individual faith as the condition of its
efficacy, but rather in itself an effective act, the opus ope-
ratum, representing the work of " Christ for us " ; so on
the other hand, in the monastic worship, the appeal was to
the ear, the reason, and the conscience, whose motive was
the " Christ within us." As the monks had accepted the
ritual of the eucharist developed under the direction of
the episcopate, so in turn the monastery won another
victory, when the daily reading of the Breviary, the mon-
astic book of devotions, was made compulsory upon the
secular clergy.
CHAPTER X
THE GREEK CHURCH — NATIONALITY AND THE EPIS-
COPATE 1
In the Latin or Roman Catholic Church, as it existed
in the Middle Ages, the episcopate appears as subordinate
to the papacy. It not only contributed nothing directly to
the peculiar greatness of the Mediaeval church, but was
rather a foreign or an incongruous element, not wholly
in sympathy with the papacy or monasticism, or with
that peculiar scholastic philosophy which was the out-
come and the crown of the Mediaeval ecclesiastical system.
The episcopate, as it had been conceived by Cyprian,
was so changed in some of its fundamental aspects as
to seem another and different institution. It submitted
to the deprivation of its original claim by which it was
authorized to rule the churches by divine right, or by
the immediate grace of God. Under the papal regime
the bishops practically held their office, only mediately
from God, through the grace of the pope. The bishop
1 Literature. — Finlay, His. of Greece, "Vols. V., VI. ; Gibbon, De-
cline and Fall of the Roman Empire, cc. xlix., liii. ; Milman, Latin
Christianity, B. IV., cc. 7, 8, 9, B. V., c. 3; Stanley, His. of the Eastern
Church; Ffoulkes, Schism between the Greek and Latin Churches;
Thierry, Nestorius et Eiityches, les Grandes Heresies du F« Siecle ;
Church, Influences of Christianity upon National Character, Lect. i. ;
Freeman, The Byzantine Empire in Historical Essays, 3d series, who
discusses the reasons for the low estimate of the later Greek nation or
empire ; Le Beau, His. du Bas-Empire ; Hertzberg, Geschichte der Byzan-
tiner. The Sources are the Byzantine Historians, in Migne, Patr. Gr.,
Nicephorus, Vol. 100, Theophanes, Anastasius, Genesius, Vols. 108, 109,
Georgius Hamartolus, Vol. 110. See also the General Church Histories
and article Greece in Encyc. Brit.
179
180 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
of Rome stood alone, in the sovereign exercise of ecclesias-
tical power by divine right. The bishops were further
weakened by the emancipation of the monasteries from
their control and jurisdiction, as well as by the elevation
of great abbots, who, although presbyters, were in privi-
leged cases designated prelates and allowed to wear the
mitre, which was the symbol of the bishop's office and
power. The secular clergy also had emancipated them-
selves to a certain extei^kt from the authority of the episco-
pate, till the bishop's power, even in his own cathedral church,
had been reduced to a shadow. But notwithstanding this
reduction of his influence, the office of a bishop, even in the
Latin church, still retained dignity and prestige, and even
in the Middle Ages the bishops were still accomplishing a
valuable work, and indeed indispensable, both for the church
and for the world, for which they alone possessed the requi-
site qualitications, — a work which, without their co-opera-
tion, must have assumed some other form, if it had not failed
altogether of its accomplishment. The work of the episco-
pate lay in aiding the consolidation of the secular state ; it
ministered to the national consciousness at a time when
Christendom or the Holy Roman Empire stood in the way
of the development of the modern nation.
This characteristic of the bishop, whether in the Eastern
church or in Western Christendom, which makes him the
natural ally of the secular state, inhered in his office from
his first appearance in the church. It had been a mark
of the Catholic church that it put the administration of
ecclesiastical order above priest or prophet. Hence from
the first the bishop became the bond which united the
church with the world. A preaching clergy or a priest-
hood would magnify its office, and be more at the mercy
of theories or opinions. It would be more likely to de-
preciate this world, in the interest of eternal and spiritual
things. The monkish clergy of the Middle Ages had
no special concern for the well-being of any particular
state, nor were they the firmest props of the rising mon-
archies. But the bishop also magnified his office. His
reverence for ecclesiastical affairs fitted him for the better
THE INFLUENCE OP NATIONALITY 181
performance of the secular functions of the state, with
which he was so often intrusted. He became the medium of
communication therefore between the state and the church,
and tended to counterbalance the exclusive predominance
of the spiritual, which would reduce the temporal power to
bondage and humiliation.
We discern the working of this principle, for which the
episcopate stood, from the first appearance of the office in
the second century. So far was the Catholic church secu-
larized in the third century by the episcopate, despite the
attitude of Cyprian, that its spiritual side was weakened.
When Constantine proposed the alliance of church and
state in the fourth century, the bishops at once became
his most ardent supporters and allies. Not only did
they see nothing incongruous in the closer relationship of
the spiritual and the temporal, but they welcomed it as
a sign of the divine favor, as if the completion of the divine
revelation. 1
It is the sense of nationality, which among all the
divergent principles separating the Greek church from
the Latin church is the most important, tliat has been also
the most fruitful in vast consequences both for church and
state. It is true that other causes lie nearer to the sur-
face, to which is more palpably owing the great schism
between Oriental and Occidental Christendom. While
Greece and Rome had been ostensibly fused together in
the Roman Empire, yet the natural tendencies of Greece
had never been extirpated. It was impossible for the
1 Eusebius of Csesarea may be taken as the type and spokesman of
the majority of the bishops in the East who welcomed the accession
of Constantine as a divine providence, a sign of the divine interposition
in behalf of the church. The Empei'or was to Eusebius a sort of reflec-
tion of the supreme Word ; the monarchy on earth a counterpart of the
monarchy in heaven. As in the reign of Augustus, the Word had come
in the flesh, so in the reign of Constantine, the Word had triumphed over
the world. Cf. Eusebius, Vita Constantini, and his oration at the Tri-
cennalia of Constantine. For his relations with Constantine, cf. Art.
Eusebius^ by Bishop Lightfoot, in Smith and Wace, Die. Chris. Biog.
For what seems too much like the subserviency of the bishops to the
successors of Constantine, see UUmann, Life of Gregory Nazianzen
(Eng. Trans.).
182 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Catholic church to overcome divergences so deep-seated,
so far-reaching in their results, as those which sprang
from the difference of temperament and genius and cult-
ure, which marked the Greek civilization in comparison
with the Latin. But the appreciation of the sacredness
of nationality is, after all, the deepest motive which divided
Eastern Christendom from the Latin church of the Middle
Ages.
Catholicity, if that term can be used to include the organ-
ization of the church or its external aspects, was not a
product of the Eastern mind, but of the Latin, and had
been imported into the Orient after it had secured its
form under Latin influence. It was the Roman spirit
which had first developed the later doctrine of Apostolic
succession, which had converted the clergy into a priest-
hood and separated them from the laity.^ It was Rome
which first possessed a list of bishops claiming to go
back to Apostles, riveting the physical chain of continuity
with Apostolic practice. During the third century the
East accepted the institution of the episcoj)ate in its
Roman modification, but Apostolic succession has never
been to the Greek church quite what it has been to the
Latin mind. According to the Greek construction, the
evidence that one has the succession is to be found in
his holding the pure doctrine, while to the Western mind,
the guarantee of pure doctrine is to be found only among
those who can prove by their external descent that they
hold the Apostolic succession. The Latin church was the
1 That the Greek church has not made the same sharp distinction
between clergy and laity which holds in the Latin church, finds one
illustration among many in the controversy in the ninth century between
Photius, the Patriarch of Constantinople, and the Bishop of Rome. " The
pope's demand, that a law should be passed, forbidding any layman,
after the death of Photius, to be elevated to the patriarchal dignity, was
not complied with. The older examples were once more appealed to ;
it was said that every church, as the Roman, so also the church of Con-
stantinople, had its own peculiar and traditional customs, by which the
letter of the law must be interpreted. On this occasion many of the
bishops declared in a noticeable manner against the idea of a separate
and fixed caste of priests, and against the too sharply marked distinction
between the clergy and the laity" (Neander, Ch. His. VI. 327).
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 183
first to formulate Christianity in a creed or " rule of faith "
of which the type is the so-called Apostles' creed, originat-
ing in Home about the middle of the second century. In
the third century we have the creed imported into the
East, but how differently conceived from the Western
fashion is seen by the form it assumes in the preface of
Origen's treatise concerning First Principles in theology.
The creed of Rome was terse and practical, occupied with
the assertion of historical facts. The Eastern creed is
illumined with an intellectual or sjDiritual inference, re-
vealing the subjective impression of facts upon the mind.
It was also the Roman church which first undertook the
formation of the canon of the New Testament determining
the point at which the line should be drawn where inspira-
tion within the church had come to an end. These were
the external features of the growing Catholic church,
which Eastern Christendom received to develop or modify
in her own way, but did not originate.^
The event which controlled the destiny of the Greek
church was the building of the city Constantinople. Like
so many other moments in history, its significance was not
recognized at the time. There may have been truth in
the various interpretations which the rise of the new city
received, as that Constantine was desirous of escaping
from the heathenism which had its stronghold in the an-
cient capital ; or that it was necessary that the centre of
the Empire should be transferred to the East in order to
meet the dangers which were threatened by the revival
of the Persian Empire. But the full significance of the
event appeared only when its results were manifest. The
rise of Constantinople, says Mr. Freeman, "tended to draw
into it the Hellenic element and concentrate it there, when
before it had been diffused in great cities like Antioch and
Alexandria." The city of Constantinople gave a national
1 Cf. Ilaniack, Dogmengesrhichte, I., pp. 400-412, for Excursus on
Katholisch und Bomisch. The designation of 'Orthodox' is the name
by which the Greek church prefers to be known ; and while claiming
Catholicity, however it may be interpreted, she has left the designation of
' Catholic ' to the sister church in the West.
184 OliGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
centre to Greece, accomplishing for Greece what it had
never been able to achieve under heathen auspices. Names,
indeed, were not changed; it was the Roman Empire with
a new capital as it seemed ; but in reality it was another
step in the dissolution of the Empire. One nation had
been invested with the glory and the prestige which had
been created by the city of Rome. Rome herself, the
mistress of the nations, seemed to have yielded to Greece,
and Empire to have been merged into nationality. What
heathenism could not do, Christianity had done for Greece ;
it had disciplined its people and given them new motives
of energy and a bond of unity. Nor was this a mere tem-
porary process, a passing mood among the changing cir-
cumstances of history. The Greek nation, which began
its career when Constantinople was founded, lasted for
more than a thousand years before its melancholy fall into
tlie hands of the Turks ; which, so far as the lives of the
nations go, is to be counted no ordinary duration. And
further, it continued to exist among evils and dangers so
great, that only some marvellous vitality could have en-
abled it to survive.^
1 "Christianity created in them [the Greek race], in a new and char-
acteristic degree, national endurance, national fellowship and sympathy,
national hope. It took them in the unpromising condition in which it
found them under the Empire, with their light, sensual, childish exist-
ence, their busy but futile and barren restlessness, their life of enjoyment
or of suffering, as the case might be, but in either case purposeless and
unmeaning ; and by its gift of a religion of seriousness, conviction, and
strength it gave them a new start in national history. It gave them an
Empire of their own, which, undervalued as it is by those familiar with
the ultimate results of Western history, yet withstood the assaults before
which, for the moment. Western civilization sank, and which had the
strength to last a life — a stirring and eventful life — of ten centuries.
The Greek Empire, with all its evils and weaknesses, was yet in its time
the only existing image in the world of a civilized state. It had arts, it
had learning, it had military science and power ; it was, for its day, the
one refuge for peaceful industry. It had a place which we could ill afford
to miss in the history of the world. Gibbon, we know, is no lover of
anything Byzantine, or of anything Christian ; but look at that picture
which he has drawn of the Empire in the tenth century, — that dark cen-
tury when all was so hopeless in the West, — read the pages in which he
yields to the gorgeous magnificence of the spectacle before him, and
describes not only the riches, the pomp, the splendor, the elaborate
ceremony of the Byzantine court and the Byzantine capital, but the com-
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 185
In the rise of Greek nationality, where church and state
seemed to be fused into one organism, we have the expLina-
tion of much that is obscure in ancient Catholic history.
A new principle had now appeared in the Catholic church
which was to modify its institutions, leading to schisms
which could not be healed, but illustrating the spirit of
Christianity in profound and wonderful ways. The Catho-
lic church, as Rome conceived it, was from its very nature
a creation, which could not know distinction of race or
nation. But this was a conception of catholicity which
the Greek church declined to receive from the hitherto
victorious West. It may seem an external incident with
no spiritual importance, that a nation should arise out of
the declining Empire, and become, as it were, a spiritual
law unto itself. But it was an event fraught with spiritual
meaning, full of significance for the church, for religion,
for theology, for all that concerns the deeper relations of
human life. The features of catholicity, whether of organi-
zation, of creed, or of cultus, were destined in consequence
to a modification of their inward import, till in some re-
spects they should only faintly resemble, while in others
they should widely diverge from the familiar Roman type.
Rome had conceived of Catholic unity as resting upon an
administrative basis, as having its origin in one man, and
therefore to be maintained and perpetuated in one man
whose undisputed sway should bring unity and harmony to
the church. The first intimation that the Apostle Peter,
as an individual man, was great enough and strong enough
to be the foundation for the Catholic church is given in
the pseudo-Clementine writings, where Peter is spoken of
parative prosperity of the provinces, the systematic legislation, the ad-
ministrative experience and good sense with which the vast machine was
kept going and its wealth developed, its military science and skill, the
beauty and delicacy of its manufactures, — and then consider what an
astonishing contrast to all else in those wild times was presented by the
stability, the comparative peace, the culture, the liberal pursuits of this
great state, and whether we have not become blind to what it was, and
appeared to be, when it actually existed in the world of which it was the
brilliant centre, by confusing it in our thoughts with the miseries of its
overthrow" (Church, Inflrience of Christianity upon National Char-
acter^ \)- 31).
186 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
as " so great a man that he is worth more than the whole
world." ^ Upon some such conviction the Roman church
reposed when it proclaimed Peter as the source from which
Catholic unity took its rise and by whom it was perpetu-
ated through his successors, the bishops of Rome.
So also Cyprian had reasoned in his treatise on the
Unity of the Church. It was to Peter first that Christ
had given the divine commission, and although he had
afterwards invested the other disciples with the same com-
mission and given them an equal power, "yet that he
might set forth unity, he arranged by His authority the
origin of that unity as beginning here from one, and that
one was Peter." ^ This interpretation of the mode and basis
of Catholic unity was never received in the East. Origen
spoke in behalf of its deeper convictions when he rebutted
the position of Cyprian, by maintaining that the words
spoken to Peter were spoken to him as a Christian man,
not as an ecclesiastical administrator ; " they were spoken
to Peter and to every Peter; every Christian man is
Peter." ^ In these two representative utterances the
spirit of the Western and of the Eastern church may still
be compared. The Greek church has never yielded for
one moment in its history to the Latin conception of
catholicity, which makes the unity of the church to con-
sist in Peter or in any of his so-called successors in the
Roman see.*
What the Greek church was attaining for itself when
the spirit of nationality revived in the fourth century, she
conceded also to other countries in the East, which in the
decline of the Empire were beginning to feel, however
feebly, the stirrings of national sentiment. The institu-
1 Clem. Rec, VII. 7. 2 j)^ jj^j;. Ecdes. iv.
3 Comm. on Matt. xvi. 18.
* Cf. Greenwood, Cathedra Petri, Vol. I., for a full discussion of the
Petrine claim ; also R^ville, Les Orig. de VJ^pis., pp. 35-43, who doubts
the genuineness of the passage. Matt. xvi. 18, 19. These verses " appar-
tiennent k une couche secondaire de la tradition ^vang^lique. ... lis
ne peuvent pas etre authentiques sous leur forme actuelle, mais il est pos-
sible qu'ils soient le development on P alteration de quelque parole primi-
tive dans laquelle J^sus reconnaissait en Pierre le premier en date de ses
v^ritables disciples " (p. 39). Cf. Gieseler, Ecdes. His., I., p. 237.
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 187
tion of the 'patriarchate' was the embodiment of the
Greek conception of Catholic unity. It might seem that
the recognition of the great sees of Rome, Constantinople,
Alexandria, and Antioch was simply the natural culmina-
tion of the hierarchy ; that after the bishops of capital
cities in the provinces had been raised as metropolitans to
authority over the other bishops, it was inevitable that the
centralization should go further and develop into the pre-
dominance of the few, who presided in the great centres
of the Empire. But the patriarchate involves another
principle than that of a progressive centralization, or as it
has been regarded, the effort after a closer correspondence
between the government of the church and that of the
Empire. The patriarchate stood for the national principle
which Rome rejected and condemned. Others, like the
bishops of Constantinople or Alexandria or Antioch, might
be willing to receive the title of Patriarch, but Rome re-
fused it, preferring to be known by other designations.
The very word itself contained a suggestion of a principle
to which Rome was averse, —the chief of a race or country.
Had Rome been content to take the place among the
patriarchates, to which it was assigned by the Eastern
church, the course of history in Western Europe would
have assumed a different form. It has sometimes been
thought that had the Eastern church been more alive to
the gravity of the situation, patriarchs would have been
appointed for the remoter and unknown West, Spain and
Gaul, Germany or Britain. But the national spirit had
not as yet arisen in these countries, and Rome represented
the only nationality of which the East was aware. Nor
would it have served any useful purpose to nominate
patriarchs in advance of the national sentiment. A nation
might beget a patriarch, but a patriarch could not create a
nation. In accordance with the prevailing theory of the
age, which referred the origin of all ecclesiastical institu-
tions to the twelve Apostles, Rome claimed St. Peter and
Alexandria St. Mark as their respective founders. Con-
stantinople, not willing to be behind in such a matter,
claimed St. Andrew, the brother of Peter, and earlier called
188 THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CHUKCH
than Peter to the Apostolic college. But so far as the
East was concerned, this was hardly more than an empty
sentiment, which placed the Eastern sees upon an equal-
ity with Rome, and at a later time elevated Jerusalem to
the same dignity. The reality behind the form was the
revival of the national spirit in the declining Roman
Empire.
The Eastern church had acquiesced in the decision of
the Council of Nicsea in 325, which confirmed the prepon-
derance of the three great sees, Rome, Alexandria, and
Antioch, corresponding as it did to what seemed the facts
of the situation. Ancient Greece had been fused with the
Roman Empire as a constituent part, and when the Council
of Nicsea was held had not yet become aware of the high
destiny awaiting her. Egypt and Syria, however, repre-
sented by Alexandria and Antioch, had never been really
incorporated into the Roman Empire. The recognition
given them by the council as 5'««si-independent countries,
on a footing of equality with Rome, though subordinate
in dignity, was a concession to their sense of national im-
portance which reconciled them to their position in one
Catholic church. The trouble came when Constantinople
as the seat of the Byzantine Empire, but in reality as the
centre of the rising Greek nationality, not only claimed a
place among the great sees of Christendom, but demanded
a position between the dignities of Rome and Alexandria,
the second place in rank, as being a new Rome. Such was
the decision of the so-called Second General Council held
at Constantinople in 381. But in advancing this high
claim, the council created implacable hostility in two
directions, for the new patriarchal see. Rome was indig-
nant at an action which violated the first principle of Cath-
olicity as it was conceived in the West, making impossible
the unity and uniformity of ecclesiastical administration
under one man ; she resented also the impertinent intru-
sion of a new see which had no Apostolic foundation.
The rise of Constantinople and her pretensions to high
ecclesiastical dignity was simply what Rome needed in
order to the more clear discernment of her own mission.
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 189
Henceforth the voice of Rome began to be heard, speak-
ing with no uncertain sound ; her opinions grew into decre-
tals, and she Avas ready to chiim universal supremacy.
But on the other hand, the new patriarchate was equally
unwelcome in the East, for it meant the superiority of
Greece, disguised as the Roman Empire, over countries
which, when they had submitted to Roman armies, had at
least not accepted the hated domination of the Greeks.
They could receive Rome as a mistress, they could accept
Greece as a rival, but they would not yield to Greek
supremacy.
From this time, or from the beginning of the fifth
century, the unity of the Catholic church was doomed, as
was also the unity of the Empire. From this time we date
those controversies, about intricate points in theology, only
intelligible to those who were concerned in them, — an evil
weary age, in which ecclesiastical scandals abounded, which
was rife in intrigues and dark suspicions, when the reputa-
tion of good men was destroyed, and even the darker crimes
of murder and implacable hati'eds which were worse than
murder stained the records of the Catholic church. No
period in Christian history is so painful, so unprofitable to
study. If there is any consolation to be found, it lies in
recalling that these strange hatreds among ecclesiastical
persons were not really religious in their nature and ori-
gin, but rather political,^ the last expiring efforts of deca-
1 Cf. Freeman, E. A., in Ed. Bev., 1858, also in Historical Essays,
3d series. The Byzantine Empire. " In the East religion and nationality
are identical. The ordinary course is for a religion to be first formed by
the working of the national mind and then to be adopted as the easiest
definition of nationality. The instincts and tendencies of a race lead it
either to adopt a distinct creed of its own or to modify the creed of an-
other nation into a distinct form. In the East it is seldom that a nation
can openly a-ssert its distinct political existence. Its distinctive religion
is commonly asserted as its outward badge. But if circumstances are
favorable, the religious body thus formed may acquire a political being
and may again become a nation."
"In Egypt and in Syria the nations chafed under the yoke of political
subjection, but could not throw it off. Ages of foreign despotism had
rendered them utterly incapable of military or political action. One field
alone remained where they might still continue to assert their national
indepenlence in a new form. Ecclesiastical controversy formed the in-
190 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
dent nationalities, which had no future, to assert their
independence ; just as quarrels of elderly people, whose
conscience is seared, whose outlook is hopeless, and whose
time is short, surpass all others in bitterness of animosity
and in recklessness of means. Unable to assert their po-
litical independence, Egypt and Syria, to a certain extent
Rome, took refuge in theological formulas, whose diver-
gence in some degree corresponded to national differences
in tradition, thought, or temperament. If they were bound
together by political ties, they were yet at liberty to have
their own religions. It is still painful to recall how Egyjjt
rose up in her angry might, and in her triumph became
responsible for the banishment and death of the saintly
Chrysostom, and succeeded in humiliating Constantinople ;
how, when fluslied with her triumph, she made an alliance
with Rome and succeeded again in humiliating the new see,
through the banishment and death of Nestorius, and above
all, in placing upon him the stigma of heresy, the sorest
thrust at the reputation of her rival. Once again the tide
of war rose high, and a third patriarch of Constantinople
was trampled to death by the feet of an Egyptian mob.
Then the tide turned, the humbled city of New Rome
found an ally in Old Rome, and allowed the Roman bishop,
Leo, to dictate the terms of a theological formula ; and
Egypt, realizing that the battle had gone against her, left
the Catholic church and came up to trouble it no longer.
In the midst of these trials and scandals the Greek na-
tion or church was consolidating her strength even in her
weakness and humiliation. With the aid of Rome she
had overcome Egypt, but the same council which was the
result of the alliance, — the Fourth General Council at
tellectual food of the age. Intellects therefore which under other circum-
stances might have triumphed in the senate house or on the field of
battle, now became the leaders of ecclesiastical sects, the orators of the
pulpit, the victors in provincial or cEcumenical councils. . . . The dis-
satisfied national mind, lacking physical vigor to venture on rebellion, had
full scope to assert its independence in the shape of heresy. As in later
times, the Greeks under Moslem or Catholic bondage consoled themselves
by remaining Orthodox, so the Egyptians under the bondage of Orthodox
Byzantium consoled themselves by becoming Monophysites " (Ed. Eev.,
1858, p. 328).
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 191
Chalcedon in 451, — became the culmination of the rivalry
with Rome, which was finally to issue in schism. In re-
sponse to Pope Leo, who urged upon the Greeks the
supremacy of Rome, as the divinely ordained head of the
church and the successor of Peter, the Greek church took
the step of raising still higher the claim of Constantinople
and placing it on a footing of equality with Rome. She
did not deny the national equality of Rome, but she firmly
rejected its claim to superior authority. Augustine had
died in 430, the year before the Third General Council
met. He had used the customary phrases about the unity
of the Catholic church and its extension throughout the
world ; sects might exist here and there, having some local
reputation ; but the Catholic church existed everywhere
and was to be found in every place : Securus judicat orbis
terrarum. But had he lived twenty years longer, he
would have seen Syria alienated, Egypt departed, and
the foundations laid for the separation of Greece and
Rome. The Catholic unity which he had defended against
the Donatists, continued indeed to exist, but only as a
sentiment survives when the reality has fled. The term
'Catholic' as a distinctive epithet appeared no longer to
the Greek church a thing to be desired or coveted.
She preferred to be known as the Holy Orthodox Church,
a title which is still suggestive of the glory of her earlier
heathen age, when Plato and Aristotle were training the
Greek mind to habits of right thinking. Unlike the
Roman church, she did not assume to be Catholic, in
the sense of being everywhere extended, when it was no
longer true. But also orthodoxy, while cherished in the
West, was never to the Roman mind quite what it has
been to the Greek. It was the hicvhest virtue in the Latin
church to submit in matters of thought, as in other things,
to the obedience of the supreme pontiff. The Roman church
appropriated the name of Catholic, defining it as union
with the See of Peter, from whom unity takes its rise, and
on this ground claiming to be still the Catholic church,
one and universal, in virtue of the mystic significance, the
perpetual appeal and obligation of a great idea.
192 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
II
To trace the gradual process of the schism between the
Greek and Latin churches cannot be here attempted.
Divergent forms of civilization, profound differences of in-
tellectual temperament, the difference of language which
prevented mutual understandings, the inability of Rome
to comprehend the speculative mind of Greece, varying
theological interpretations, whether of creeds or rites, —
all these contributed to make the schism inevitable. But
beneath these differences, and giving to them all their pro-
foundest significance, was the national idea. The Greek
church stood for national independence and the autonomy
of national churches ; the Roman church stood for im-
perialism, the subjection of nations and races in one Catho-
lic organization to one sovereign will. The theological
question of the filioque, whether the Spirit proceeds from
the Father alone or from the Father and the Son, maj',
indeed, be discussed as an independent issue in scientific
theology, but in ecclesiastical history it represents the
national spirit in the Greek church refusing to accept im-
perial dictation, or interference with national freedom by
a foreign power.
The Greek church has been in the main consistent in its
national policy. Although in the rivalry with Rome, the
bishop of Constantinople assumed titles which seem to
indicate the highest arrogance, yet they carried with
them no deep-seated purpose to subject to his will the
national churches of the East. The bishop of Constanti-
nople called himself the ' Universal Patriarch,' but it was
an empty phrase as compared with the aspiration veiled
under the garb of humility, in the title taken by the
bishop of Rome, the ' Servant of the Servants of God.'
The Byzantine church still recognized the other patriarchs
of the East in their national capacity, and always main-
tained that a General Council, in order to possess valid-
ity, must be attested by their approval ; a test which
Rome rejected, evading it by the exigency of events or
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 193
boldly claiming that no council had authority until
approved by the Roman pontiff. In their weak and muti-
lated condition, after the Monophysite schism, the patri-
archs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem continued to
maintain this formal test of the validity of a General
Council. But when, in the seventh century, they had
fallen under Moslem rule, and no longer had freedom
of action, the principle of nationality was narrowed down
to the simple issue between Rome and Constantinople. It
may seem as if Constantinople was the aggressor in the
conflict with Rome, which now ensued ; but it was Rome
which was demanding subjection, not Constantinople. The
one was fighting for supremacy, the other for freedom of
national existence. It was in the interest of national inde-
pendence that at the Second TruUan Council in 692, when
the Byzantine church was perfecting its system of order
and discipline in the shape in which it was to remain for
centuries, the occasion was also taken to condemn the
Roman church for disobedience to conciliar authority as
well as for formal heresy.^
To those who are interested in the significance of
minor issues in ecclesiastical affairs, the Byzantine church
will appear on most of the points in which she then
condemned the church of Rome as having at least a
show of reason and authority. She reproved the Roman
church for rejecting the 28th Canon of the Council of
Chalcedon, which placed the see of Constantinople upon
a footing of equality with Rome. She protested against
the Roman purpose of subjecting the clergy to the rule
of celibacy, although she was inconsistent, when she her-
self enforced celibacy on the episcopate. She insisted
that the regulations of the Apostolic conference in Jeru-
salem were still binding, which prohibited the eating of
things strangled, and of blood, while Rome regarded these
injunctions as only of temporary obligation. She con-
demned the Roman custom of kneeling in the worship of
1 For the Second Trullan Council, or the Concilium Qninisextnm, as it
is also called, cf. ]Mansi, XI., pp. 930-1006 ; Assemani, Bibliotheca juris
OrientaUs, 1766, Vols. I. and V.
o
194 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
the Lord's Day or at the Eucharist, as indicating some
misapprehension of the relation of humanity to God. In
the 80th Canon of the Second TruUan Council, which for-
bids all representations of Christ under the figure of a
lamb, there may be a hint at some usage of the Roman
church, about which little is known, but what informa-
tion concerning which we do possess, would seem to indi-
cate that the sacrificial conception of the eucharist had been
pushed almost to the extent of animal sacrifice, as when
a lamb was placed upon the altar.^ She resented the
Roman custom of fasting on Saturda3^s during Lent as an
indignity done to the ancient Jewish Sabbath, — the peren-
nial feast-day commemorating the joy of the creation. In
all these points, in those even which seem unimportant,
there is to be discerned the trace of an earlier apprehen-
sion of Christianity which differed from the Roman inter-
pretation. The spiritual life which gave birth to these
usages of the elder church may have grown feeble and
inactive, but all the more tenaciously did she cling to
them as if they enshrined some valuable relic, even if its
worth could no longer be estimated.
The Second Trullan Council in 692 was then taking the
first steps in the accomplishment of the schism between
the East and West, by charging the Roman church with
heresy and with insubordination to ecclesiastical authority.
As time went on, the divergence grew wider and deeper,
and other charges were alleged against Rome, which from
the ecclesiastical point of view also possess no slight sig-
nificance. The modification of the Nicene creed, by the
Latin church in the ninth century, was to the Greek mind
an unpardonable offence, an innovation on the ancient
inviolable tradition, which ought not to have been made at
all, but, if contemplated, should have been made by the
concurrent voice of the universal church, an injury, there-
fore, to the very foundations of the faith as the Greek
1 Cf. Gieseler, Ec. His., II., p. 217: "Mentiuntur qiioque, nos sicut
per alia ipsorum conscripta indicator, agnum in Pascha, more Judaeoruni,
super altare pariter cum dominico corpore benedicere et offerre " (Mansi,
XV., 355). See also Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, 1888, p. 300.
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 195
church had received it. And, indeed, it was capable of this
interpretation, an assertion of autonomy on the part of the
revived Roman Empire of the West, corresponding also with
the attitude of Charlemagne in the controversy over image
worship, when the Greek church acted independently of the
Western at the Seventh General Council (787). Another
accusation was now added to the list of Roman heresies
by Photius, the Patriarch of Constantinople (f 891) when
Rome was accused of robbing the presbyters of their inher-
ent rights by confining the administration of the rite of
confirmation to the bishops.^ The Greek church had
always allowed the performance of the rite by the presby-
ter, in contrast with the teaching of Cyprian, that the bish-
ops were the primary depositary of the Spirit, or that the
church was in the bishop. And one other heresy the Greek
church at a later time imputed to the Roman, which as the
latest seemed also the worst to the Greek mind, — the cus-
tom of using unleavened bread in the Eucharist. This
was one of the innovations of Rome, which dates after the
ninth century, the prelude to the coming doctrine of tran-
substantiation, that the bread in the Lord's supper should
not be the bread of common life. The Roman church may
have had its reasons for the change : there was the Jewish
analogy of the Passover, and the connection of the Lord's
supper with the Jewish festival of deliverance was no
1 "One of the leading causes, or at least one of the alleged occasions
of it [the schism between the Greek and Latin churches], was the con-
temptuous way in which the Latins treated the confirmations of the
Greeks. As being administered by simple priests, they considered it
null and void, and reconfirmed the Bulgarians, who had been recently
converted to the faith by Greek missionaries. Photius raises an indignant
outcry against what he describes as an unparalleled sacrilege, and argues
that to deny to the priest the authority to confirm is to deny his priest-
hood altogether. In language highly colored by recollections of the
Areopagite, he says: 'He consecrates the body and the blood of the
Lord Christ, and with these sanctifies again those who were before ad-
mitted to the secret ; how shall he not sanctify by anointing with the
ointment those who are now in course of initiation ? The priest baptizes,
fully accomplishing upon the baptized the purifying gift ; how, when he
is the rightful accomplisher of the purification, will you deprive him of the
guard and seal of it ? ' " (Epis. I., xiii. 7.) Mason, The Relation of Con-
firmation to Baptism, p. 386. Cf. also Hergenrother, Photixis, Patriarch
von Constantinopel, 1867.
196 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
slight point to maintain. But the passionate indignation
among the Greeks which showed itself in unseemly ways,
at what may appear to some so slight a circumstance, does
also indicate that there was a vital difference between the
churches from the first in regard to this great central rite
of the Christian church. To the Greek mind it was indis-
pensable to its true celebration, that the bread of spiritual
life should be transmuted from the bread of ordinary life.
These ritual or theological differences, whatever view
may be taken of them, are bound together in the assertion
of one consistent purpose ; on the one hand the asser-
tion of its independent national existence by the Greek
church, and on the other aspiration for a sovereignty over
the nations by the pope, who as in himself the highest
source and sanction of ecclesiastical law could dispense
with councils or alter their decrees at his will. The
political issue became clearer to the bishop of Rome and
to the Eastern emperor, in the early lialf of the eighth
century, when Leo the Isaurian was conducting his re-
markable correspondence with Pope Gregory II. Already
the pope was preparing to turn away from the East, where
his attempt to assert his sovereignty had ended in failure.
A new and stable monarchy was growing up in Gaul and
although the papacy with its ancient ties and associations
preferred the older civilization out of which it had sprung,
to the barbarous states of the West, and it must have
seemed like humiliation to its ancient lineage that a bishop
of Rome should profess allegiance to barbarian kings ;
yet the emergency was so great when the Lombards were
threatening to take possession of Rome and to merge it
into an united Italy, that the popes bent to the necessities
of the hour, and prepared to sever the connection with the
ancient Roman Empire of the East. There was no longer
anything to be gained by the papacy, in continuing to pay
allegiance to the emperor at Constantinople : no help could
be expected from him in relieving Rome from its distress.
Only the sentiment remained which reverenced the Ro-
man Empire as the immutable purpose of God, — a senti-
ment from which the Roman papacy had originally drawn
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 197
its inspiration. That sentiment was now to change its
form and to take a new lease of life, by which the papacy
would secure in Western Christendom what it had failed
to attain in the Eastern church.
The attitude of Gregory II. when writing to Leo, the
Eastern emperor, shows an independent and defiant spirit.
Leo had been endeavoring to suppress image worship
in the Byzantine Empire, under the conviction that the
Mohammedans had the advantage of the Catholic church
when they condemned the worship of the creature and laid
supreme stress upon the worship of one absolute and sov-
ereign will. But in his effort to secure the abolition of the
images, the Emperor encountered the sharp opposition of
Rome. In reply to the Emperor's threat to chastise the
Pope, and to carry him captive to Constantinople, Gregory
II. assured him it was no longer possible ; it was as im-
possible as to pursue the winds. He threatens the Emperor
with a revolt of the West from his authority if he persists
in his purpose to exterminate worship of images. Finally
he utters the words which express the literal truth of the
situation : " The bishops of Rome are as a wall between
the East and the West." ^
The connection of the West with the Byzantine Empire
had been but a nominal one since the fall of the Western
Empire in the year 476. How much that date may actu-
ally represent is among the undetermined problems of
history. One might do justice to the confusion and con-
tradiction of the time as to what had happened, by recogniz-
ing that as an actual fact the Roman Empire in the West
had been destroyed and its place occupied by barbarian
kingdoms. But the fact went for nothing compared Avith
the sentiment or the idea, — the popular belief that the
Western Empire had not fallen, that the Eastern emperor
still represented the true authority over the West and that
with his consent barbarian princes were allowed to rule in
the West as his deputies. Under the influence of this
sentiment the bishops of Rome had still continued to give
1 For the letters of Gregoiy cf. Baronius, Annul. 73G, 31. See also
Diet. Chris. Biog., Art. Leo III. ; and for councils, Mansi XII.
198 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
their allegiance to the Byzantine ruler. When Gregory II.
was writing to Leo, the last vestige of imperial power in
Italy was fading away, and it is plain from their correspon-
dence that both Pope and Emperor realize the fact. But the
power of a sentiment which dominates and interprets the
fact, till the actual event loses its significance in the light
of an idea or conviction, was never more powerfully illus-
trated than in the transactions of the eighth century. The
Eastern emperor took the step which precipitated the great
change. Leo was one of the most vigorous rulers and far-
seeing of statesmen. Realizing as he did that Gregory's
fealty to himself was at the vanishing-point, he acted be-
fore it was too late ; he withdrew the countries of lUyria,
Greece, and Macedonia, Sicily and estates in Southern Italy,
from papal jurisdiction and placed them under the ecclesi-
astical control of the bishop of Constantinople. It is
strange that they should have been allowed to remain so
long in subjection to Rome. But this event, which increased
the power of the Eastern patriarchate, finally sundered the
ties which bound the Roman bishops to the East.
In the eighth century a new inspiration began to dawn
in the soul of the papacy — a genuine and deep conviction,
it must have been, though owing its source to mixed and
uncertain motives, that God was abandoning the world of
the East and had entrusted the headship of the Roman
Empire to the great monarch of the West. When Charle-
magne had consolidated his power, he appeared as a prince
ruling within the ancient confines of the Empire, but
with a territory vastly larger than the Empire had ever
possessed. The power was his ; the Eastern Empire was
weak and threatened by great dangers ; it must be the
divine will, therefore, that the crown of the Csesars should
be transferred from the East to the West ; the divine
symbol of authority must be made to correspond with the
reality. The bishop of Rome was not the agent of the
transaction, but its spokesman only, acting as a prophet to
declare the will of God. He was simply doing what the
prophet Samuel had done, when he declared the transfer
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 199
of the crown from Saul to David. The new order in the
West reposed upon prophecy for its justification, when the
tangible succession was lacking. Once in the history of
the papacy, the pope himself posed as a prophet to proclaim
the will of God speaking by direct communication from the
heavens. In this way the papacy reconciled itself to the
transfer of its allegiance from the ancient Roman emperor
to the Carolingian king.^ Facts and imaginative senti-
ment, belief in a divine will which ordered human events, —
all these combined to create one of the supreme moments
of history. Western Christendom was advancing into the
future under the inspiration of a great conviction, and the
darkness of the West was illumined as with a divine light.
The Eastern emperor retired into the background, and
from this time ceased to be a factor in the greater history
which Western Europe was to evolve. The Eastern church
as well was gradually ignored or forgotten, till at last it
almost required an effort to realize that it still existed, or
formed any part of Christendom, or was contributing any
service to the kingdom of God.
The history of the Greek church, after the practical con-
summation of the great schism by the coronation of Charle-
magne presents no incidents of importance beyond its
maintenance of the principle that catholicity is consistent
with the existence of national and independent churches,
that catholic unity does not require subordination of
the nations to one imperial and sovereign head. That
became the issue in East and West alike. The bishop of
Rome had taken lessons in the art of ecclesiastical ad-
ministration from the sore experience of his rivalry with
Constantinople. To his mind independent and coequal
patriarchates stood for centrifugal tendencies, which broke
up the unity of the church. Tliere was to be no repeti-
tion of this evil in the Holy Roman Church and Empire
of tlie West.
But in the Greek church we have an illustration, of no
1 On the allegiance of the bishops of Rome to the Eastern Emperor,
cf. Lea, H. C, Studies in Church History, pp. 14-42.
200 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
slight value as an actual experiment, tliat the highest
bond of Cliristian unity is not necessarily an administra-
tive or centralizing ecclesiasticism. The Greek church
had its missionaries and its conquests. The Slavic races
became related to it, as the Teutonic races in the West
were related to Rome. But as the new races in the East
were converted, each was allowed to have the divine
offices in the vernacular, and each to have its own inde-
pendent administration, recognizing only the tie of grati-
tude which bound it in reverence to Constantinople, whose
primacy was of honor, but not of supremacy. The great
event in the history of the Greek church was the conver-
sion of Russia, which so far as territory and numbers were
concerned, placed it upon an almost equal footing with
the Latin church of the East. It is interesting to read the
story which records how Russia was led to choose the relig-
ion of Constantinople, in preference to that of Islam or
of Rome.^ But it is more important here to note how
when the Russian church, having increased in extent and
numbers, desired its own independent government, the see
of Constantinople adopted the plastic principle of the
national patriarchate, as it had developed in the fourth
century, and the new-made Patriarch of Moscow took his
place on a ground of equality with the ancient patriarchal
sees. At a later time, in 1823, when the patriarchate of
Moscow fell into disfavor with the head of the state, an
agreement was easily reached between the Czar and the
Patriarch of Constantinople by which it was abolished and
its powers delegated to a commission of bishops known
as the Most Holy Governing Synod. In like manner,
when Greece achieved its independence and j^referred an
arrangement for the government of its church similar to
that which had been adopted in Russia, the Patriarch of
Constantinople in 1852 recognized the Holy Synod of
Greece as representing this independent branch in the
family of national churches. The principle of the inde-
pendence of the national church was also recognized in
Georgia, in Servia, in Roumania, and in Montenegro. In
1 Stanley, His. of the Eastern Church. Lect. ix.
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONALITY 201
these obscure principalities, as also in Greece, it was the
church which had been, during ages of oppression, the
bearer of the nationality, in which alone the national con-
sciousness and aspiration found expression and was nour-
ished, till independence and freedom had been achieved.
Nor is the bond a weak one which unites these inde-
pendent national churches in the larger organization of
the Greek church, or, as it prefers to be called, the Holy
Orthodox Church of the East. The sense of unity reposes
upon a common creed, whose conservation is the tie of
coherence not only among themselves as independent
churches, but, as it is devoutly believed, with the church
of all ages back to its Apostolic origin. Whatever criti-
cism has been made upon the unintelligent, uncritical ad-
herence to formularies which characterizes the Eastern
church, and although it has been regarded as the cause of
that sterile immobility which weakens her life and efficiency,
yet as a bond of unity, at least, it has been more eifective,
more conservative and enduring, than the ecclesiastical
principle which prevailed in the West, where the unity
takes its rise from the one man who occupies the see of
Peter, in obedience to whom is thought to lie the essence
of the Christian faith. But the comparison between the
organization of the Greek and Latin churches is incom-
plete, until the development of nationalities has been
traced in Western Europe. In the East nationality took
refuge in the church and in theological formulas at the
moment when the Roman Empire was in disintegration.
In the West, the church fled for shelter and protection to
spiritual Rome, an intangible, impalpable sentiment in-
deed, but one which proved more real and powerful, while
its mission endured, than secular Rome in the days of the
plenitude of its power.
CHAPTER XI
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY ^
The office of the episcopate underwent no development
in the Eastern church after the rise of the patriarchate in
the fifth century. It continued to retain its original
character as a mediator between things spiritual and secu-
lar, affiliating easily with the rising nationalities. The
greatest change which it experienced had been when
monasticism arose and forced it into compromises alien to
its original spirit. Among those who best illustrated its
character after this modification were Basil, the two
Gregories, and Chrysostom, all of whom had felt the influ-
ence of the monastic spirit, shown in the cultivation of
preaching as an art, or in a more intense devotion to
theological principles, instead of the more practical views
of the Catholic church and its mission which marked the
office at its birth. Even in the East there were instances
of rivalry between the bishops and" the monasteries, but for
the most parts the law prevailed which subjected the
monastery to the bishop's control. The bishops accepted
1 Cf. for the history of ecclesiastical organization, Monumenta Germa-
nicB Historica, ed. by Pertz or by Boretius ; Jaff^, Bibliotheca Rerum Ger-
manicarum ; for the councils, Mansi and Hefele ; for the Council of
Constance, H. von der Hardt, 3Iagniim ceciimenicum Constantiense Con-
cilium, etc., and Hist. Cone. Const.; Hinschius, Decretales pseudo-isido-
rianm ; Gieseler, Ec. His., Vol. III. ; Milman, Latin Christianity, Vol.
VII.; Creighton, His. of the Papacy; Emerton, Mediceval Europe, with
valuable bibliographical introduction ; Hatch, Growth of CMirch Institu-
tions ; Lea, Studies in Church History; Mulford, TTie Nation; Wells,
The Age of Charlemagne ; Coulanges, The Ancient City; Bryce, The
Holy Roman Empire; Guizot, His. of Civ. in France; Lavisse, VHis-
tnire Politique de V Europe (Eng. Tr. by Gross) ; Laurent, iStudes sur
VHistoire de VHumanite, Vol. V., Les Barheres et le Catholicisme ; Giese-
brecht, Geschichte der Deutschen Kaiserzeit ; Richter, Annalen der Deut-
schen Geschichte ; Hauck, Kirchengesch. Deutsehlands ; the general Church
Histories, among others Chastel, Moeller, Kurtz.
202
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 203
the sovereignty of the state ; and the office of Emperor
assumed a quasi-sacred character, which seemed to justify
not only his superintendence over the external relations of
the church with the Empire, but also his interference or
mediation in theological controversies when they threat-
ened the well-being of the state. There were occasional
conflicts between the sovereign and his bishops, as in the
Image Controversy, when the bishops at times sided with
the emperor in sustaining the iconoclastic princi2:)le or
again resisted him. But the emperor had the welfare of
the church at heart as closely as the bishops, since the
church was only another aspect of the state. There was
no great issue at stake which separated the spiritual from
the secular, or led to antagonisms between church and
state which could not be healed. Stability was thus finally
secured, but progress was sacrificed.
It was otherwise in Western Europe, where the episcopate
had a history and a development which includes marked
changes in the office, conflicts which affected the life of
the state as well as of the church, in which also were in-
volved the interests of morals and religion. It was forced
to confront great obstacles which seemed to hinder its
success ; it had a powerful rival in the monastic orders ; it
was at the mercy at one time of secular rulers, and at an-
other of the papacy. But if it seemed to be threatened
with failure through its secularization, yet it maintained
that distinctive character with which it was endowed at
its origin and in its own important way contributed to the
development of civilization, and ultimately to the elevation
of the church.
After the death of Syagrius, the Roman governor, in the
closing years of the fifth century, Clovis became the head
of a new monarchy in Gaul, and as a Catholic king was
welcomed as a second Constantine. The first change to
be noted is the transition of the bishop from being the
local pastor in the town or city to the ruler of a large
diocese. Although the change was an important one, yet
it was accomplished by causes so natural and inevitable,
springing so directly from the situation and the character
204 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
of the office, that it was not felt as a revolution which
involved still greater changes in state and church. When
the Roman government broke down in Gaul, the bishop
was left as the foremost citizen in the old municipalities,
the bearer of the Roman traditions and culture, to whom
it was natural that the Roman population should look as
its head and protector. He had been accustomed to act as
a financial administrator and as a judge in secular affairs
as well as ecclesiastical, thus gaining qualifications which
fitted him for a larger sphere of authority. The expansion
of the bishop's diocese, which in the ancient church had been
limited by the town or city, or its immediate environment,
was effected by the combination of the municipality with
the Teutonic gau or county ; so that he now claimed juris-
diction over the large territory surrounding his munici-
pality, in which towns and cities were yet to be built, and
where hundreds of parishes were yet to be planted.^ The
bishops were already important personages, invested with
the spiritual reverence of the people as well as with secular
power, when they welcomed the newly converted mon-
arch as the head of the state. The tendency in the
episcopate to an alliance with the earthly sovereign, as
though there were nothing incompatible in the relation, but
on the contrary it had been divinely ordered for their
mutual well-being, was illustrated anew and in a most im-
l^ressive manner. It was fortunate for Clovis, the new king,
that he received this support. He became the Eldest Son
1 Cf. ante, p. 107. " Instead of each newly formed community having
its complete ecclesiastical organization, as had been the case in Asia
Minor and North Africa, the authority of the city bishop was conceived
to extend over all the communities within the district of which the city
was the political centre. For in the fusion of Teutonic with what re-
mained of Roman institutions, the Roman civitas was taken as the centre
of the Teutonic gau, or county, a union of two systems of administration
which was aided partly by the fact that even in Roman times the civitas
had round it a certain area or ' territorium ' (a term which is occasion-
ally used to designate the bishop's diocese of later times), and partly by
the fact that the ga^l, or county, was probably only the revival or the
perpetuation of an earlier Celtic division. ... It was in this way that
the diocese, in its modern sense, came to exist ; the conception of it was
Teutonic, the framework was Roman" (Hatch, Growth of Church Insti-
tutions, p. 14).
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 205
of the Cliurch, and the foundations were laid thus early
for the nationality of France.
These relations of the bishops to the Merovingian mon-
archs continued through the sixth century, despite the
difficulties and the dangers which threatened to break the
alliance. But at this moment were also begotten those
great evils from which the episcopate suffered through
the Middle Ages, and from which it was not able to escape.
The bishops became rich in lands and estates, through the
gifts which were heaped upon them by grateful sovereigns,
or by the piety of individuals, of whose wealth they seemed
to be the most appropriate heirs. Just as the piet}^ of the
time took sliape in the donations to them of every kind
of property, so the piety of the bishops was shown in the
faithful administration of property by which it continued
to increase. Secular lords might prove extravagant and
reckless, with no sense of the value of their estates ; but
the model bishop held his property as a divine possession,
not to be alienated but multiplied, as talents entrusted to
him, which it was his duty to increase many fold. Even
his Merovingian masters, who had enriched him with such
prodigality, began to be alarmed at his growing power.
" Behold," said Chilperic, " our treasury remains poor, be-
cause our wealth is transferred to the churches. No one
has any authority except the bishops. Our dignity is per-
ishing, and has passed over to bishops of the cities." ^
The increasing power of the bishops in Gaul during the
sixth century gave significance to the contentions which
now began as to the method of their appointment. And
another issue, closely connected with the appointment of
the bishops, was the necessity of placing them in subjec-
tion to some authority. When in the age of Cyprian,
and under his influence, the power of appointing bishops
was taken from the congregation, the rule had been
adopted that they should be designated and confirmed
by the bishops of the neighboring provinces. This rule
had been adopted at the Council of Nicsea, when the con-
currence of three bishops was made necessary to a valid
1 Greg. Turon., VI., c. 46.
206 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
appointment. But in Cyprian's time no method had been
provided by which the bishops themselves shoukl be con-
trolled, nor iiad Cyprian felt the necessity of such super-
vision ; for the church had not as yet come into organic
relationship with the state. Ecclesiastical synods, held
twice a year in the province, under the presidency of the
metropolitan bishop, in which the bishops legislated in
freedom, was considered an adequate government for the
church. Such was the method of the early Gallic bishops
in the sixth century. They had their metropolitans,
whose presidency, however, was merely nominal, and in
their councils they enacted canons for the government of
the church, a procedure in which they were aided by the
kings. Councils were not infrequent during the sixth
century, nor do the bishops appear as lacking a sense of
responsibility for the removal of the evils which the age
was generating in church and state alike.
But the situation in the sixth century had greatly
changed since the days of Cyprian, when the bishop was
the pastor, for the most part, of a local church, when he
was yet poor in worldly goods, and had not attained the
combined authority of a secular and spiritual magnate.
If the bishops consented to their endowments by the state,
through which they had come into possession of a great
part of its territor}'-, there must be also some correspond-
ino" obligations to the head of the state. It seemed fittingr
that the monarch should appoint to an office which was
becoming a secular dignity, and by its union with spirit-
ual power threatened, unless brought into subjection to
the state, to be dangerous to the sovereign's authority.
The bishops in vain struggled against the purpose which
made appointments to the episcoj)ate dependent on the
will of the king. They enacted canons in which the
older methods were declared still binding. At the Coun-
cil of Paris (a.d. 615), held in the time of Clotaire II.,
they declared all other methods null and void ; but the
king, in his edict approving the canons, commanded that no
bishop should be consecrated without the royal approval.^
1 Cf. Mansi, X., pp. 539 ff. ; Hefele, IV., p. 440 (Eng. Trans.).
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 207
From this time, and during the seventh century, the
kings designated their favorites for the episcopal chair,
with the result that councils almost entirely ceased to be
held and the church lapsed into indescribable confusion
and moral decay. The bishops too often had no spiritual
qualifications for their office and pretended to none, gain-
ing their position by flattery and bribery and intrigue. In
some cases they may have been without ordination or
consecration, desiring the office only for its emoluments,
and seeking to increase their wealth and power. The
clergy in the parishes were under no discipline, neglecting
their duties, spending their time in rioting and drunken-
ness and sensuality. The situation grew worse under the
mayors of the palace, who supplanted the Merovingian
kings, after the death of Dagobert in 639. Tlie territory
of the church was confiscated by Charles Martel, who
boldly appointed his servants to the sees of bishops and
met no longer with any resistance. The episcopate had
failed to meet the situation and was unable to provide a
remedy.
The first suggestion of reform came not from the episco-
pate, but from the monastery. In its disordered, immoral
condition, the Frankish chui'ch had done nothing for the
conversion of the heathen in those adjacent countries which
now constitute Germany, where the remains of an earlier
Christianity, which were but few, had been almost swept
away. This vast work had been first undertaken by
monks from Ireland and Scotland, who had not felt tlie
influence of Roman civilization, nor as yet been brought
into any organic relation with the Catholic church ; where
bishops indeed existed, but lived in monasteries under
the supervision of the presbyter-abbots. These monasteries
still maintained the Christian faith in its purity and
earnestness, cultivating the missionary spirit to sucli an
extent that the continent soon began to swarm with men
whose object was to proclaim the salvation of Christ.'-
They had done a great part of their work with success,
^ For the work of tlie Irish-Scotch missionaries, cf. Ebrard, Die iro-
schutt. Miasionskirche, 1873; also Kurtz, Ch. His., I., § 78 (Eng. Trans.).
208 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
when they were followed by an English monk, a Saxon by
birth, Boniface (680-755 A.D.), to whom has been assigned
the title of Apostle of Germany. Others labored and he
entered into their labors. It was one part of his aim, of
course, to extend the Christian faith, and he wrouglit
powerfully to this end. But he had other motives as well:
it was the cherished purpose of his life to overcome the
Irish and Scotch missionaries, to organize the church upon
a new basis by subjecting it to the authority of the bishop
of Rome. He went from England, which alone of the
countries of Western Europe was already owing its con-
version to the missionary zeal of a Roman bishop, Pope
Gregory the Great, who little dreamed of the vast results
which were to follow his interest in that remote and prac-
tically heathen land. The conversion of England under
the auspices of Rome was the beginning of a vast pro-
cess, which took centuries to accomplish, and ended in
the supremacy of Rome. Pope Gregory the Great
had taken a most unusual step when he authorized the
consecration of Augustine as the missionary bishop of
Canterbury. His successor after a long interval. Pope
Gregory II., took another unauthorized step when he con-
secrated Boniface as a regionary bishop for Germany. It
was a step which defied the ancient canons and the law of
procedure as it had been laid down by Cyprian and con-
firmed by the Council of Niceea. It meant that in an
emergency Rome felt tied by no precedents, but adapted her-
self to the situation. So also Gregory the Great had acted
most unwarrantably, if the ancient canons were to be ob-
served, when from his elevated point of view, as the waves
of the barbarian invasion were subsiding, he had spoken to
the new world in the West, and called the bishops to order.
Some had listened to him, as in Spain or Illyria or Africa,
but in Gaul his voice had fallen unheeded. He had no
right to speak, but he rose spontaneously and dej^ended
for a liearinof on the ancient sentiment of reverence for
the Eternal City, as well as on the conscience in men
which demanded order at all hazards without regard to
the methods by which it was obtained.
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY' 209
Boniface handed over the fruits of his missionary labors
in Germany to Rome. He was a born administrator, whose
capacity for organization amounted to genius. Germany
was divided into bishoprics before the state existed or
had effected a stable government, — a circumstance which
accounts for much in its later ecclesiastical history. After
the death of Charles Martel (742), Boniface was allowed
by Pepin to reorganize the Frankish church. The records
of councils at this moment may fail us, but the motive
and the method of the unrivalled organizer is clear. His
object was to subordinate the parish clergy by an oath of
allegiance to the bishop,^ and to subject the bishops by
a similar oath to the authority of Rome.^ The ideal sur-
vived, even though he failed in the immediate accomplish-
ment of his aim ; it continued to work as a leaven amid
1 For the subordination of the parish clergy by a formal oath of obe-
dience to the bishop, constituting a sort of feudal relationship, cf. Hatch,
Groioth of Church Institutions, pp. 33, 46. In the ancient church the
presbyter was subject to the wliole body of bishops, legislating in coun-
cil ; in the Middle Ages, each bishop claimed a direct personal authority
over the clergy in his diocese.
2 The oath of Boniface to the bishop of Rome is interesting as reveal-
ing his entire devotion and the spirit in which he worked.
"I, Boniface, bishop by the grace of God, promise to thee, blessed
Peter, prince of the apostles, and to thy vicar, the holy Gregory, and to
his successors, by the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, the holy and
indivisible Trinity, and by thy sacred body, here present, always to keep
a perfect fidelity to the holy Catholic faith ; to remain, with the aid of
God, in the unity of that faith, upon which, without doubt, depends the
whole salvation of Christians ; not to lend myself, upon the instigation of
any one, to anything which can be against the universal church, and to
pi'ove, in all things, my fidelity, the pureness of my faith, and my entire
devotion to thee, to the interests of thy church, who hast received from
God the power to tie and to untie, to thy said vicar, and to his successors :
and if I learn that the bishops are against the ancient rule of the holy
fathers, I promise to have no alliance nor communion with them, any
more than to repress them if I am able ; if not, I will inform my apos-
tolic lord. And if (which God forbid !) I ever, whether by will or occa-
sion, do anything against these my promises, let me be found guilty at
the eternal judgment — let me incur the chastisement of Ananias and of
Sapphira, who dared to lie unto you, and despoil you of part of their
property. I, Boniface, a humble bishop, have with my own hand written
this attestation of oath, and depositing it on the most sacred body of the
sacred Peter, I have, as it is prescribed, taking God to judge and witness,
made the oath, which I promise to keep" (Bonif. Epis. cxviii.). Cf.
Guizot, His. of Civ., U., pp. 175 ff. (Eng. Trans.).
210 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
opposition or neglect, till at last it triumphed in the sub-
jection of all Western Christendom to the sway of ecclesi-
astical Rome.
Boniface died in 755, after having established the
church in Germany and reorganized it in France. He
left good men devoted to their work in the sees which
he founded ; he had also created monasteries, which were
to become centres of inspiration and moral zeal. He had
overcome the Scotch and Irish clergy and driven them
from the field, under the stigma of heresy and schism.
But his immediate purpose of bringing the bishops under
the control of Rome had not been accomplished. The
Frankish monarchy which rose into unity and power,
under Charlemagne proposed to use the church and the
bishops as the means of maintaining order in the state ;
but it was no part of Charlemagne's intention to allow
the bishopric of Rome the supreme control of the church.
He himself was to be the final court of appeal for the
bishops and clergy. In the interest of a better super-
vision of the bishops, he revived the order of Metropoli-
tans, or Archbishops, an office which had failed under the
Merovingian kings to attain any development or to serve
as any check upon the episcopate.^ We may see at a
glance the method of Charlemagne for controlling the
bishops in what is called the Capitulary of Frankfort
(A.D. 794):
" It is enacted by our lord the king and the holy synod
that bishops shall exercise jurisdiction in their dioceses.
If any abbot, presbyter, deacon, monk, or other clerk, or,
indeed, any one else in the diocese does not obey the
person of his bishop, they shall come to his metropolitan
and he shall judge the cause together with his suffragans.
1 "With the growing interference of the Merovingian kings in eccle-
siastical affairs, and the increasing decay of religious life which marked
the end of the seventh and the part of the eighth century, the whole sys-
tem, both of metropolitans and of provincial synods, tended to pass away
in Gaul, and the whirlwind of Arab conquests swept it away in Spain.
There was a growing independence on the part of diocesan bishops, and
consequently a growing disintegration of the church as a whole" (Hatch,
Growth of Church Institutions, p. 126).
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 211
Our counts also shall come to the court of the bishops.
And if there be anything which the metropolitan bishop
cannot set right, then let accusers and accused both come
with a letter from the metropolitan, that we may know
the truth of the matter." ^
To the bishops, who combined with their ecclesiastical
authority the rank and distinction of the secular nobility,
together with the wealth which they were bent on increas-
ing, it must have seemed something like a degradation
when Charlemagne subjected them to the control of the
metropolitan, an arbitrary office as it were, constituted by
the will of the monarch and not founded in any principle
of divine right. There is evidence that the bishops in tlie
time of Charlemagne were beginning to be restive under
this new check upon their freedom, but the Emperor was
too powerful for them to attempt an open resistance.
Under his weak successor Lewis the Pious (814-840
A.D.), whose interest in the church and religious things
was even more pronounced than his father's had been,
while also his secular sway was not so vigorous, the
bishops began to prepare for their revolt. There are
some sinister circumstances in the history of the church
at this period, which cannot be j^assed over in silence.
When the sons of Lewis the Pious rose up in rebellion
against their father, and having thrown him into prison
continued to retain him there in humiliating captivity,
their unfilial conduct was supported by the bishops.
Asfain at a later time when Lothaire II. of Lotharing-ia
wished to put away one wife in order to marry another,
his action was approved and supported by his bishops
whom he won over to his cause, while the pope resisted
and condemned him, standing as the protector of morals
at a critical juncture when failure might have been dis-
astrous to the moral development of Christendom.
The process by which the bishops sought emancipation
from the control of metropolitans, an emancipation which
was also intended to carry with it the deliverance from
imperial authority, is still veiled in mystery, as it also had
1 Cf. Pertz, 3Ion. Germ. His. Legum, I. 72 ; also Hatch, p. 128.
212 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
its origin in a secrecy which studiously avoided the light.
The responsibility for the stupendous forgery known as
the pseudo-Isidorian Decretals was formerly laid at the
door of the papacy for the reason that it resulted in the
consolidation of papal supremacy. But later research jus-
tifies the conclusion that the system of church government
which the Forged Decretals set forth was the finished
product of the monastic ideal first conceived and partly
accomplished by Boniface. The spirit of the system was
anti-national — an effort to detach the bishops from depend-
ence on the secular power, and to make them responsible
to the pope alone. It constituted a strong appeal to the
bishops, for it appeared at a moment when they were restive
under the vigorous authority of metropolitans, as well as
suffering from the evils of secular interference. From the
tyranny of local tribunals it offered an escape to the more
distant impartial authority of Rome. The prominence of
this feature in the Forged Decretals obscures their ulterior
purpose which is the ecclesiastical supremacy of the papacy
in tlie place of metropolitan or conciliar authority. The
result of the system, even so early as the generation fol-
lowing its appearance, betrays its purpose : it was at once
appropriated by the popes, it became the basis of ecclesi-
astical law, it retarded the growth of nationalism, and it
brought the episcopate under the immediate control of
Rome. And yet, though it remained the basis of the
Canon Law for centuries, it could not extinguish the nat-
ural tie which made the bishop the ally of the sovereign
and the supporter of the national purpose.^
1 The best edition of tlie Forged Decretals is by Hinschius ; they are
also given in Migne, Patr. Lat. Vol. CXXX. For the discussion of their
origin and purpose, cf. Wasserschleben, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der fal-
schen Dekretalen ; also, by the same, Die pseudo-isklorische Frage, in
Zeitschrift f. Kirchem-echt, IV. ; and article in Herzog, lit^al Enq/r.
For the so-called Donation of Constantine, which was nearly con-
temporaneous with the Forged Decretals, combining with them in the
foundations for papal authority, cf. Dollinger, Fables and Prophecies of
the Middle Ages, § v.
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 213
II
The time of the Forged Decretals is about the middle
of the ninth century, nearly contemporaneous with the
appearance of the Treaty of Verdun (843), which is
regarded as marking the rise of modern nationalities.
Hitherto in Western Europe there had been many tenta-
tive efforts by the new races to establish stable, enduring
governments, and their failure had been followed at last by
a great monarchy or empire under Charlemagne which
called itself Roman. When the empire of Charlemagne
went down, the day was dawning amid storms and con-
fusion which was to witness the birth of the nations. The
national motive tended to neutralize the influence of the
Forged Decretals. Instead of putting themselves under
papal protection and control, as the Forged Decretals in-
vited them to do, the bishops are henceforth seen gravi-
tating toward the support of the nationality and of the
king as its representative. Since it was necessary and
inevitable that they should come under some control, they
preferred the national alliance, under the will of the sov-
ereign, to that of the papacy. In all this, the bishops
appear again as following a tendency inherent in the office
which tliey held, which was visible in the episcopate from
the second century and more plainly evident in the fourth
century, when they gladly entered into alliance with the
state under Constantine. Hence also, in the Eastern church,
nationality had become the recognized principle of the
ecclesiastical organization, the bishops were its support-
ers, the depositary of the national consciousness in dark
hours until the moment should come for its assertion.
The episcopate in its origin, as has been shown, was not
primarily a ministry of the Word, but rather a ministry of
the tables, and it rose from the supervision of the worship
and the financial responsibility for the local church to the
larger administration of the diocese, with a superintendence
of the parish clergy. Its conservative tendency as an office
and its administrative efficiency had been originally devel-
oped in the controversies with Gnosticism and Montanism,
214 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
when it was called on to resist a one-sided intellectualism
on the one hand and on the other an exaggerated spiritual
aspiration. The intellectual ambition of which Gnosti-
cism was the manifestation, and the effort to fulfil the
counsels of spiritual perfection, together with the desire
for individual freedom represented by Montanism, had at
last found a congenial resort in the monastery after they
had been discouraged or made impossible in the Catholic
church. In the Eastern church, however, where monasti-
cism assumed a more contemplative character than in the
West and had in consequence no history or development,
the efficiency of the episcopate had been reduced by the
requirement that the bishops should be taken from the
monastery. But in Western Christendom the episcopate
appeared throughout the Middle Ages as preserving more
distinctly its original character, and, in its own manner, ful-
filling its mission to the world.
As we study the place of the bishops in Mediceval his-
tory, it may be discerned as one great part of their mission
to meet the sentiment and existing culture of the great
mass of Christian people to whom an experimental knowl-
edge of the Christian faith or its inward appropriation
would have been an impossible or unwelcome task ; and
especially to adjust the Christian faith to the apprehen-
sion of kings and princes to whom the deeper insight into
the inward life of the Spirit was as yet impossible, who
were absorbed in the great world of human and secular
affairs, and to whom Christianity must be presented as
not making too radical exactions upon the conscience, or
requiring too much time or effort of the spiritual imagina-
tion in order to feel its message or obey its demands.
Here lay the work of the bishops in the Middle Ages, to
represent Christianity in sober practical fashion to a world
with but little direct capacity for religious things, which,
if relisrion were made too high or difficult or too contradic-
tory to the natural human moods of the soul, could not
have been retained under its. control. Hence the worship
of the church by which Christianity most directly exerted
a powerful influence over a rude and barbarous age, that
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 215
worship whose control was also still in the hands of the
bishop as in ancient times, was in some way rendered at-
tractive and intelligible to the common people, without
requiring any personal effort in its participation (the opus
operatuiri). Such was the view of St. Bernard of Clair-
vaux, who claimed for himself and the monastery the
privilege of a higher worship, calling for constant effort on
the part of the worshipper to rise to its demands, while he
recognized that the bishop had another and no less impor-
tant task. He comments upon the circumstance that men
will " flock in crowds to kiss the decorated images of saints ;
they are enchained by their admiration of the beautiful
more than by reverence for the saints. The bishops were
obliged to let themselves down to the different degrees of
culture among the men whom they had to deal with ; to
them, therefore, he conceded the right of employing such
sensuous means to excite the devotion of the sensuous mul-
titude. But it was otherwise with the monks, who, dead
to the sensible world, ought no longer to need such out-
ward means of excitement, but should strive rather to
reach the ideal of the purely spiritual worship of God." ^
It belongs to the nature of the administration of ecclesi-
astical affairs with which the bishop was invested, that it
is closely related to, if indeed it can be separated in princi-
ple or practice from, the administration of affairs in the
secular world. The bishop naturally sympathized with
the state in its attempt to build up a strong government,
in so far as it was a practical feasible purpose, or reflected
the popular mood. He was also connected with the state
by other ties ; especially by the large landed property,
which constituted the revenue of his see, and which he
administered with a skill and success which the secular
nobility could not attain. It had fallen to his lot also to
become an administrator of justice, and to cultivate the
judicial faculty. When his office had expanded from the
simpler oversight of the local church into the ruler of a
large diocese, he had acquired a deeper sense of responsi-
1 Neauder, Ch. His., VII., p. .367 (Bohn ed.), and Bernard, Epis. iv. 17 ;
vi. 3.
216 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
bility, as he was also regarded with a greater reverence
than the secular nobility, inasmuch as the bishop rep-
resented two worlds rather than one, — the world which
now is, as well as that which is to come. As in the
monastery the ruling idea was the worthlessness of this
present evil world, so beneath the bishop's attitude there
lay the tacit assumption of the sacredness of the secular
life. For these reasons, the bishops tended to become the
allies of the kings, their best advisers, the strongest sup-
porters of the authority of the crown. The kings could
trust the bishops, not fearing their rivalry, when they
could not always rely upon the disinterested support of
the feudal nobility. The king's purpose commanded the
respect of the bishops and ministered to the welfare of the
church as the bishops conceived it, and the bishop was
therefore working for the church when making possible
the success of the state.
Had the patriarchal system as it prevailed in the Eastern
church been adopted in Western Europe from the time of
its conversion, it would seem as if the growth of nations
might have been facilitated and those evil consequences
avoided which have retarded the European nationalities in
their advance toward freedom and independence. But it
must be remembered also that the Eastern patriarchates of
Constantinople or Alexandria or Antioch were not a crea-
tion of councils or the result of any formal or artificial
attempt to give unity to the hierarchy, but were rather
spontaneous growths which Councils recognized and ap-
proved. From the Eastern point of view, there was a
national patriarch in Rome, but beyond that fact, the vision
of the ancient General Councils, which summed up the
ecclesiastical wisdom of the Catholic church in the fourth
and fifth centuries, did not penetrate. In the metro-
politan sees of Ravenna and Canterbury, Mainz and
Rheims, there were displayed germinal tendencies toward
national primacy and rivalry with Rome, which the papacy
ultimately overcame. Had Pope Gregory the Great, when
England was converted, recognized a patriarchate in Canter-
bury, and authorized a translation of the sacred books and
THE EPISCOPATE AiN'D THE PAPACY 217
the offices of the church into the vernacular, he would have
followed the precedent and the methods which Constanti-
nople had approved when the conversion took place of the
Slavic peoples in the East. If France and Germany, as
they began slowly to realize their national distinctness,
could have been aided in the process of national develop-
ment by primates who would have stood for the national as
well as the religious consciousness, some of the calamities
of their later history might have been prevented.
But such speculative reconstructions of history have no
other value than to afford a contrast to that which actually
took place. The bishop of Rome, who took his first vague
step in the darkness without realizing its consequences for
the papal supremacy, had no desire or intention that Eng-
land should form an independent branch of the Catholic
church, whose patriarch should stand on an equality with
himself. Tentative suggestions of such a system for France
and Germany appear dimly in the dreams of the imagina-
tion of the age ; but they came to nothing through the
opposition of Rome, which conceived of Western Europe
as an ecclesiastical empire under one head, with one com-
mon language for the expression of its law and its worship.
If this may seem like an act of usurpation, or a defiance of
the national purpose, yet there are points of view from
which the action of Rome seems justifiable in the light of
later history, in line with a divine providence watching over
the order of events. It was the result of a natural con-
tempt for the barbarian utterance and its imperfect tongues,
which made Rome unwilling that the now sacred Latin
should be abandoned for the uncertainties and divisions
which the variety of languages would create, a repetition
of what happened at Babel, when the Lord came down
and confounded the speech of the peoples. It is doubtful
whether vernaculars would have gained by this artificial
stimulus or whether the national literatures would have
had so rich a development. The "longer infancy" in
Western Christendom may have contributed to a more solid
enduring growth, the vernaculars slowly perfecting them-
selves until by their own force they should break the un-
218 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
natural bondage in which they were held. And again, to
have mapped out the nationalities of Europe in advance
would have been like an attempt to anticipate the divine
will on the part of the papacy, far worse than any usurpa-
tion of which she has been accused. It was the good fort-
une of Western Christendom, not only that it was left to
subdivide into states in its own way and as the result of
actual experience, but also that in so doing it encountered
tlie opposition of an imperial principle in Rome, against
which it hurled itself in severe and long-continued strug-
gles until the sacredness of nationality had been vindicated,
and it became a richer and more sure possession than it
could otherwise have been.
Two centuries had gone by since the attempt had been
made in the Forged Decretals to detach the bishop from
secular interference and control. The object of this and
kindred documents may not have directly contemplated the
advancement of the papacy to ecclesiastical supremacy, but
that was their tendency and ultimate result. They estab-
lished a presumption and a precedent in behalf of Rome,
which worked like a slow leaven in the intervening
period until Hildebrand came with a more definite purpose
and a clearer conception of the methods to be used in order
to the establishment of the papal see as the supreme
authority over the princes as well as bishops, over the
state as well as the church. To subordinate nationality to
a spiritual imperialism was the aim of Hildebrand, — a
monk bred in the cloister, who, inheriting the monastic
ideal that the spiritual man should despise and reject the
world, came forth to rule the world which he condemned.
He affords the highest illustration of the alliance between
the papacy and the monastery which constituted the lead-
ing feature of the Mediaeval church. Gregory the Great
had been likewise a monk, who looked on the world of
secular interests with a conviction of its utter insignifi-
cance, when compared with the importance of the church
as a divine institution for human salvation. This first
alliance had been cemented and strengthened by another
monk, Boniface the Apostle of Germany, who had con-
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 219
ceived the plan of subjecting the episcopate to the papacy.
Hildebrand was the culmination of the ideal monastic
ambition to subordinate the temporal to the spiritual, and
to gain the control of human affairs for those who re-
garded this world as dross compared with the interests
of eternity.
The obstacles in Hildebrand's way, which must be over-
come before he could attain his purpose, were the rising
nationalities, which by the eleventh century had assumed
their outlines, though very far as yet from having attained
the sense of national unity and independence. Wherever
he looked, in England, France, or Germany, he saw that
the incipient nationality was building upon the church,
using the church through the bishops as the means of
accomplishing its destiny. The custom had become
universal for the king or sovereign to invest the bishop
with the insignia of authority, the ring and the staff, and
to receive an oath of homage or fealty from the bishops
as the condition of their investiture. Nor do the
bishops appear any longer as restive under this arrange-
ment, but rather as if they had at last found in the state
the divinely appointed supplement to their authority.
The natural bent of the episcopate would have apparently
rendered it content with this adjustment, had not the
papacy interfered.
But Hildebrand stigmatized this arrangement by one of
the darkest words in the ecclesiastical vocabulary. It
appeared to him as nothing else than the sin of simony, as
when Peter said to Simon Magus, " Thy money perish
with thee, because thou hast thought that the gift of God
might be purchased with money." No doubt the buying
and selling of ecclesiastical offices, especially of the great
sees and abbacies, Avas a sin and temptation of the age, and
indeed it remained the characteristic vice of the Middle
Ages under the later regime of the popes, not ceasing until
at the Reformation the church was purified, yet so as by fire.
But Hildebrand did not understand simony to mean ex-
clusively or primarily the buying and selling of the gifts
of the Holy Spirit, which were supposed to be vested in
220 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
the ecclesiastical offices. It was simony in his eyes if the
secular authority demanded allegiance of the bishop or
clothed him with the power of ruling in his temporal
domain. Before the spiritual freedom of the church could
be realized in the papacy as its head, the bishops must be
detaclied from that dependence on the secular power
which the secular investiture involved.
The Investiture Controversy is alluded to here only for
the purpose of illustrating the attitude of the bishops.
In every case, they stood by the sovereign at the moment
when Hildebrand precipitated the conflict. They were
loyal to William the Conqueror in England, to Philip I.
in France, and to Henry IV. in Germany. Hildebrand
was discreet with the wisdom of the serpent, when he
chose Germany as the field in which he proposed that
the battle should be fought. Henry IV. was not strong
in the support of his great feudal lords when Hildebrand
attacked him, but he did have the sympathy and counte-
nance of the bishops. It was only after it had become
apparent that the king could not hold his own in the un-
equal struggle with Hildebrand, that the bishops yielded,
and went over to the side that seemed the stronger. The
result might not have been the same in other countries,
had Hildebrand chosen to make the issue there. Ger-
many was not only weak because of the disaffection of
its secular nobles toward the king, but in Germany also
the antecedents of the episcopate had been from the
first, since Boniface parcelled out the territory among
them, more closely related to papal authority and more
deeply affected by papal prestige than in France or in
England.
The case of Anselm in England, as Archbishop of Can-
terbury (11109), fighting for the papal principle in the
wars of the Investiture Controvers}^ against his sovereign,
is another illustration of the natural S3^mpathy of the
bishops as allied with the cause of nationality. Anselm
also was a monk, deeply imbued with the monastic ideal;
but even under so bad a king as William Rufus, who was
sinning against the church by refusing to fill the bishoprics
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 221
in order to appropriate to himself their revenues, — even
under such a king, immoral and vicious, the sympathy of
the bishops was not with Anselm, but with the sovereign,
as their divinely ordered leader, and they left Anselm
to fight his battles alone. Anselm was at last defeated,
because in doctrinaire, monastic fashion he pushed the
issue to such an extent as to refuse to take the oath of
allegiance. But in one respect he was victorious, in the
change which was wrought in England, in consequence
of his struggles, by which the order of making a bishop
was changed. Before his time the investiture by the king
came first, and when homage had been rendered, and he
had been clothed with the symbols of authority, he re-
ceived his spiritual qualification by consecration. Since
then, the order has been reversed, as it is fitting that it
should be ; the spiritual qualification is followed by the
secular, and the king's recognition subordinated to the
ecclesiastical rite.^
It is generally said that the controversy over investi-
ture which Hildebrand began ended in a compromise, in
which the church gained more than the state. So, indeed,
it must have seemed during the period of two centuries
which intervened between Hildebrand and the time of
Boniface VIIL, — the period when the papacy was at the
height of its power. But during this age of papal su-
premacy, when the popes began to claim the right of
appointment to all the more important or richer benefices,
as the trustees of all ecclesiastical property, it was becom-
ing apparent that those states had made the longest strides
toward nationality in which the power of the popes over
the bishops was kept in check by the king. This was the
case more particularly in France and England, where
episcopal elections were more free, or required the con-
firmation of the king. During this period it began to be
assumed as the ground of the papal prerogative, though
it was never formulated as a law or dogmatically asserted
as a principle beyond dispute, that the bishops reigned no
longer by the immediate grace of God, but by the mediat-
1 Cf, Freeman, Beign of William Bufus, Vol. I., c. 4,
222 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
ing will of the pope.^ The Cyprianic theory of the epis-
copate, that each bishop was dejiendent on the divine
law, to which alone he was responsible, grew weak as the
papacy grew stronger on the one hand, or the power of
the priesthood on the other. That the episcopate consti-
tuted an order distinct from the priesthood, was not the
prevailing doctrine ; the bishop was primarily a priest
with certain special functions attached, which constituted
his distinction. The papacy itself was essentially changed
from its original character as the bishopric of Rome.
Under the influence of the two powerful sentiments with
which it was allied, monasticism and ancient imperial
Rome, the office had been so transformed that its early
origin was with difficulty realized by the Christian imagi-
nation. The institution of cardinals eclipsed every other
distinction in the church, tending to depreciate the dig-
nity of the episcopate by creating a higher ambition than
the episcopate could gratify. Even a presbyter or priest,
when vested with the cardinaFs hat, took precedence in the
rank of the hierarchy over bishops who had not attained
that honor.
But amid these depressing circumstances the episcopate
was fulfilling its natural functions, which appear more
rational and liumane, more favorable to the higher civili-
1 Cf. Aquinas, Sent., Lib. II., Dist. 44, Qu. 2: " Potestas superior et
inferior dupliciter possent se habere. Aut ita, quod inferior potestas ex
toto oriatur a superiori; et tunc tota virtus inferioris fundatur supra vir-
tutem superioris, et tunc simpliciter et in omnibus est magis obedien-
dum potestati superiori, quam inferiori : et sic se habet potestas Dei ad
omnem potestatem creatain ; sic etiani se habet potestas Iinperatoris ad
potestatem proconsulis : sic etiam se habet potestas Papae ad omnem
spiritualem potestatem in Ecclesia ; quia ab ipso Papa gradus dignitatum
diversi in Ecclesia et disponuntur et ordinantur ; unde ejus potestas est
quoddam Ecclesiae fundamentum, ut patet Matth. xvi. Et ideo in omni-
bus magis tenemur obedire Papae quam Episcopis, vel Archiepiscopis, vel
Monachus Abbati absque ulla distinctione. Potest iterum potestas supe-
rior et inferior ita se habere, quod ambae oriantur ex una quadam suprema
poleslate: et hoc modo se habent potestates et Episcopi et Archiepiscopi
descendentes a Papae potestate. Papa utriusque potestatis apicem tenet,
scilicet .spiritualis et saecularis." Also Sent., Lib. IV., Dist. 20, Art. 4,
Solutio 3: " Papa habet plentitudinem pontificalis potestatis, quasi Rex
in regno : sed Episcopi assumuntur in partem solicitudinis, quasi judices
singulis civitatibus praepositi,"
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY ZZd
zation and freedom, as well as more truly religious, than
the fierce and bitter conflicts into which the papacy was
plunging. It is a characteristic of the episcopate as a
whole that, when the papal church rose up in its angry
might to suppress the ecclesiastical sects which had been
multiplying rapidly in the twelfth century while popes
were preoccupied with other interests, the bishops did not
make the best inquisitors in the search for heresy. From
the point of view of ecclesiastical order, it was they who
should have taken steps for the defence of the faith, of
which they were the guardians, each in his own jurisdic-
tion ; and the papacy in its first attempts to suppress the
heretical sects had evidently relied on them as the agents
to carry out its purpose. The episcopal synodal courts
were charged by Pope Lucius III., in 1184, with the duty
of exterminating heresy, and bishops who neglected their
tasks were threatened with deposition. But for some
reason the bishops failed to do what was expected of
them, they were inactive or indifferent, or they may have
been preoccupied with other affairs. They had not yet
risen, it is true, to the higher conception of religious toler-
ance, and if their own prerogatives had been at stake, they
might have been found eager to defend them at any cost.
But it is possible also that the humane features of the
episcopal office indisposed them to take the lead in the
cruelties which were to be inflicted on those who had
the right to look to them for protection. Whatever ex-
planation may be assigned for their inactivity, it is clear
that the papacy could not depend on them, or it would
not have turned elsewhere for the materials out of which
to create the tribunals of inquisition. Again it was the
monks, and in close alliance with the papacy, by whom
the supreme effort was made to exterminate heresy in the
thirteenth century, — the Cistercians at first and finally
the Dominicans, on whom Pope Innocent the Great (1190-
1216), and after him Gregory IX. (1232), relied in their
determination to accomplish their awful purpose, the exe-
cution of which forms one of the most fearful chapters in
the annals of human history. Nothing that took place in
224 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
the persecution of the Christians under Roman Emperors
can compare in severity and cruelty and inhumanity, or as
to the number of victims involved, with what was achieved
by the Tribunals of Inquisition for the suppression of her-
esy. Nor was it from the bishops that the enunciation
came of the principles by which the process of extermina-
tion was justified. It was a Dominican monk, St. Thomas
Aquinas, the leading theologian of his age, who taught
that '■'■ Heresy is a sin worthy of death, falsification of
the faith worse than false coining, and deserving not
merely exclusion from the church, but also from the
world." 1
Among the impressive contrasts of history must be
noted the circumstance that the blow to the papacy from
which it never recovered, the beginning indeed of its
downfall, came from that countr}^ where the papal tender-
ness of conscience and solicitude for the faith had found
its chief occasion and manifestation. In the extermina-
tion of the Albigenses, an evil principle was introduced
into the French national temperament, which has been
the precursor of other similar events in the later history of
France. But the immediate effect of this massacre of a
large part of the population of France with the sanction
of the papacy, was to strengthen the French monarchy, to
whom the vacant territory of the Albigenses reverted. It
seems, therefore, like an act of condign retribution, that
when the national sentiment in France had attained sufh-
cient vigor to enable the nation to realize its unity as a
whole, its first act should have been one of defiance toward
the papacy. The story is familiar and need not be repeated.
The significance of the conflict between Philip the Fair of
France and Pope Boniface VIII. consists in this, that it
was the first of a series of national protests which did
not cease until the nations of Western Europe had ac-
complished their emancipation from external interfer-
ence, whether ecclesiastical or imperial, and the modern
world was born in which the nations stand in their free-
dom and independence before God, answerable only to
1 Cf. Moeller, Ch. His., II. 402.
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 225
God and the people. Whatever may have been the de-
ficiency of the episcopate in the crusade against French
heretics from the papal point of view, they were not lacking
in devotion to the French crown, in the long and fierce
contention between the pope and the king. They had
their reprisals at last, after ages of subjection, and although
the French monarchy was afterwards checked and inwardly
hurt by sinister events in its history, yet for what it did
achieve it was, in large measure, indebted to an episcopate
which supported the sovereign and was protected by him,
which defied the papal ban and interdict, demonstrating
that against the spirit of a united nation, realizing its call
from God, no earthly weapons can prosper. With the
conflict between Philip and Boniface, at the beginning
of the fourteenth century when the papacy was defeated,
begins a new chapter in human history. Every leading
event from that time until the Reformation tended to the
diminution of papal power over church and state, and also
to the reduction of its ally, the monastic orders, to impo-
tence and decay.
It is one of the revelations of history that the seeming
appearance of things does not correspond to the reality.
The great institutions of the Middle Ages — the Papacy,
Monasticism, and the Scholasticism which was the prod-
uct of the monastic spirit, are indeed the manifestation of
a life, and represent a stage in the progress of humanity.
And yet they were not finalities in themselves, but rather
temporary agencies which were to be done away in the
fulness of time. Beneath the surface of Mediaeval insti-
tutions a mightier task was in process of accomplishment,
which did not appear as the supreme issue of history until
it was ripe for its manifestation. The building up of the
nation then began to be revealed as the goal of history,^
1 Cf. Mulford, The Nation, cc. xix., xx. The Book of Revelation,
which affirms the undying life of the nations and their sacredness before
God, invoking the destruction of Rome for its sins against the nations,
fell into disrepute after the union of the Catholic church with the Roman
Empire. In the Middle Ages, so strong was the contrast between its
assertion of nationality and the existing situation in which empire was
226 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
and in the independence and freedom of the nation through
the consciousness of its divine calling, the church was to
find its largest opportunity. To this work the episcopate
contributed so directly, that without its aid the great result
might not have been achieved. To support kings, and in-
spire them with a sense of the divineness of their vocation,
was one part of the bishop's work. But they mediated
also between the kings and the people. " Whatever their
class interests may from time to time have led them to do,
let it be remembered that they existed as a permanent
mediating authority between the rich and the poor, the
strong and the weak, and that, to their eternal honor,
they fully comprehended and performed the duties of this
most noble position. To none but themselves would it
have been permitted to stay the strong hand of power, to
mitigate the just severity of the law, to hold out a glim-
mering of hope to the serf, to find a place in this world
and a provision for the destitute, whose existence the state
did not recognize." ^
The bishops represented what in the language of the
Middle Ages was known as the ' secular ' form of Chris-
tianity, while the monastic clergy stood for another type
which was designated as ' religious.' The tendency of the
age was to depreciate the secular as compared with the
religious. The alliance of the papacy with monasticism
was more intimate and genuine than with the episcopate.
It tolerated the existence of nations as necessary evils in
the one family of Christendom. " Herein," says Maurice,
"lay the great contradiction of the Medieeval Church, that
which produced its monstrous corruptions. It thought that
it could exist without distinct Nations, that its calling was
to overthrow the Nations. Therefore the great virtues
which Nations foster. Distinct Individual Conscience, Sense
of personal responsibility. Veracity, Loyalty, were under-
the ideal, that it required, says Renan, feats of exegetical power to over-
come the difficulties which it created. Cf. L'' Antichrist, c. xviii.
1 Kemble, Saxons in England, II., p. 375; for the relations between
the king and the English bishops, cf. Freeman, Beign of William Bufus,
I., c. iv.
THE EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 227
mined by it ; therefore it called good evil and evil good ;
therefore it mimicked the Nations while it was trampling
upon them; therefore it became more bloodthirsty than
any Nation had ever been." ^
In behalf of these virtues the bishops stood, when they
may have seemed only subservient to the whims and pas-
sions of a sovereign. They were to the king a constant
reminder of the kingdom of God, in which the state had
its root and from which it drew its authority. If they did
not aim so high as the monastery, nor seek to enforce the
so-called counsels of perfection, nor identify Christianity
with some one aspect or theory of its nature, yet none the
less was their work a vital one for the interests of the
Christian life. The spirit of tlie episcopate, as it has been
called, may be traced in the parish churches scattered over
all Europe, whose well-being it was their duty to promote,
by careful and loving superintendence. In these religious
homes of the common people of every grade, as well as of
the nobility, we must suppose, despite all the irregularity
or indifference or neglect wdiich may have existed, that
the essentials of the Christian faith were maintained and
1 Social 3IoralUy, p. 180.
" La papaut^ est, par sa nature meme, un danger pour I'ind^pendance
des nations. Chaque nation est souveraine dans les limites de son terri-
toire, peu imports par qui cette souverainet6 est exerc^e. Or la souve-
rainet6 implique le droit de r^gler les int^rets spirituels aussi bien que les
int^rets temporels. Mais comment ce droit s'exercera-t-il, s'il y a au-
dessus des nations un pouvoir qui a le droit de leur commander, non
seulement dans les mati^res purement spirituelles, niais encore dans les
affaires temporelles, quand il plait h ce pouvoir de declarer que la religion
y est int^ressde ? Inddpendance nationale et papaut6 sont done deux
choses incompatibles. Si le pape a la plenitude de la puissance spirituelle,
les nations cessent d'etre souveraines ; si les nations veulent etre souve-
raines, la papaut^ devient impossible. Cela est si vrai que la papaut6 ne
serait pas par venue k s'^tablir si, dans les premiers si^cles de son exis-
tence, elle avait eu en face d'elle des nations fortement constitutes.
L' institution de la papautd remonte k la dissolution du monde romain.
Or sous Perapire, il n'y avait plus de nations ; Rome eut la fatale puis-
sance d'absorber les vaincus et de d^truire leur g^nie individuel. Les
Barbares apportferent le germe de nouvelles nationalit^s, mais il leur fallut
des sifecles pour se d^velopper ; c'est le lent travail du moyen age. Dans
son origine, la papaute n'avait done pas a lutter contre les nations, car
elles n'existaient pas" (Laurent, His. de V Humanite, VL, p. 326).
228 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Christian morality inculcated. As the monasteries sought
to invade the sphere of the secular church, the bishops
resisted their encroachments in the interest of a simpler,
more practical, and more comprehensive estimate of the
religion of Christ. A recent writer has thus characterized
this feature of the work of the bishops : " The episco-
j^ate represents the Christianity of history ; it represents,
further, the Christianity of the general church, as distin-
guished from the special opinions and views of doctrine
which assert their claims in it. Its long lines tie together
the Christian body in time ; they are scarcely less a bond,
connecting the infinite moral and religious differences
which must always be in the body of the church. The
bishop's oiSce embodies and protects the large public idea
of religion, the common belief and understanding; that
which all, more or less, respond to, and recognize as
neither of this party nor of that, and allow a place to, even
if not personally satisfied with it." ^
The Council of Constance, which met in the year 1414,
may be taken as the total picture of the outcome of the
Middle Ages. If the church of the Eastern Empire could
have taken part in its deliberations, it would have been a
picture of a united Christendom. As it was, it represented
the Latin church on the eve of its disruption, bringing as
it were before God and the world the fruit of its labors
for nearly a thousand years. The pope and the emperor
were there, princes also, ambassadors, and the secular no-
bility. The rival forms of Christianity, the secular church
represented by the episcopate, and the monastery repre-
sented by the presbyter-abbots, appeared tliere on an equal
footing. The learning of the age was also recognized as
a constituent factor of the Council in the large representa-
tion of the teachers or doctors of theology. So far as
numbers went, it was the most impressive Council in
Christian history. The ancient General Councils, which
allowed only the bishops to vote, reckoned their attend-
1 Church, E. W., on The Place of the Episcopate in Christian History
ill Pascal and Other Sermons, New York, 1895.
THK EPISCOPATE AND THE PAPACY 229
ance by the hundreds ; at the Council of Constance the
number of clergy is estimated at eighteen thousand. ^
The actual result of Mediaeval development is revealed
at this Council in contrast with the external appearance
of things, as it strikes the eye looking only to the visi-
ble framework of the social organism. It was not the
papacy or the Holy Roman Empire which was the deepest
ground on which the authority of the Council reposed,
but the national idea, now for the fu'st time in the
Western church recognized as the divine basis for ecclesi-
astical organization. The deliberations of the Council
were first held in separate national conclaves, and the
final vote was taken by nations. " When it was proposed
to vote by nations," says Milman, "the decree to that
effect, against which the pope remonstrated, was passed
with irresistible acclamation."
But the Council of Constance is chiefly to be remem-
bered for the conviction which it uttered, in the realiza-
tion of its own greatness, that a power had risen at last
in Latin Christendom, which was higher than the papacy.
" The universal church," said Cardinal D'Ailly, " repre-
sented by a general council, has full power to depose even
a lawful pontiff of blameless character, if it be necessary
for the welfare of the church." In accordance with this
principle, it deposed one pope and elected another. Al-
though the Council was still loyal, in theory at least, to the
papacy, even allowing its proposed reforms to be thwarted
by its adherence to the idea that before proceeding to a ref-
ormation a pope should be elected; yet its final result was
to weaken, if not destroy, the prestige of Rome. From this
time the papal ecclesiastical supremacy may be said to have
1 "The total number of Clergy, not perhaps all present at one time,
was four Patriarchs, Constantinople, Grado, Antioch, Aquileia ; twenty-
nine Cardinals, Italians by birth, excepting five Frenchmen, chiefly of
the creation of Benedict XIII., and one Portuguese; thirty-three Arch-
bishops ; about one hundred and fifty Bishops, including thirty-two titu-
lars ; one hundred and thirty-four Abbots ; two hundred and fifty Doctors ;
one hundred and twenty-five Provosts, and other superiors. With their
whole attendance the Clergy a-mounted to eighteen thousand" (Milman,
Lat. Chris., VII., p. 452).
230 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
come to an end ; for never afterward was tlie papacy able
to address itself with a voice of authority to Western
Christendom. But the great defect and failure of the
council was not so much in its inability to carry reforms
in head and members, as in the fatal limitation of its
vision by which it could not see the imperative necessity
of including within the church universal a Wycliffe or a
Huss. It had not the prophetic gift to recognize the
new age that was dawning, or the power of suppressed
spiritual forces which were threatening a revolution.
When the papacy finally lost its last lingering hold over
the sentiment of Europe, as was made evident in the
throes of the sixteenth century, these forces were set free
to rebuild and reorganize in their own way. The episco-
pate and the presbyterate, or the ruling ideas for which
they stood, had no longer any organic external tie which
should bind them together, as the bishop and the monas-
tery had been held together in the INIiddle Ages. But a
larger fellowship and a deeper and more real organic
bond of unity existed which could not be broken, an in-
visible Headship of the church under whose presence and
authority the seemingly shattered fragments of Catholic
Christendom were still united, as when Gerson, the leader
of the council, proclaimed that Christ Himself was the
primal and perfect Head of the church whose union with
His church was alone indissoluble.^
This was the conviction which inspired and sustained
the Protestant reformers of the sixteenth century, wliether
in England or Germany or Switzerland, that Christ had
now as it were resumed His own headship of the church
without the mediation of any earthly vicars ; and in this
most real of all bonds of organization, the Catholic or
universal church was held in actual and living unity.
1 Von der Hardt, Condi. Const.., I., pp. 76 ft.; Gerson, Opera, II.,
p. 1G2 ; cf. Gieseler, Ec. His., III., pp. 221 ff., for the larger conception
of the Catholic church which was rising in Gerson's mind, — the aban-
donment of Catholicity as defined by Hildebrand : Qjiod catholicus non
habeatur, qui non concordat Bomanae ecclesiae. Dictat. Hildeb., in Jaff^,
mb. Ber. Ger., II. 174.
CHAPTER XII
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCHES IN THE AGE OF
THE REFORMATION
The age of the Reformation was a period of changes
and adjustments, demanded and made possible by the
revolution which had been in process during the two
hundred years which went before. In that revolution the
power of the papacy had been overthrown, and the Holy
Roman Empire had been dissolved. The revolt of Luther
and of Henry VIII. only made apparent that which in
reality had been accomplished by the generations which
had preceded them. The changes of the sixteenth century
were so vital for the interests of Christendom, that in the
popular judgment they have been too closely identified
with the agencies by which the Mediseval fabric was
undone. To correct so misleading an interpretation of
history is one of the duties which calls for the labors of
the historian. There came in the latter half of the fif-
teenth century an age of apparent repose, a lull, as it were,
after the storm, which seemed like a return to the normal
order, political or ecclesiastical. If one dwells on this
moment in the history, it almost appears as if councils
had failed or the protest of kings had led to no result.
From this point of view the Reformers of the sixteenth
century have been represented as self-willed agitators who
were unnecessarily disturbing the peace of society. ^
The papacy had begun to lose its supremacy over the
1 Such is the attitude of Janssen, in his learned and able, but wholly
misleading treatment of the German Reformation, — Geschichte des
dentschen Volkes seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters. For the literature
of the German and Swiss Reformations, cf. Schaff, in Church History^
Vols, VI., VII. See also Fisher, His. of the Beformation,
231
232 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
states of Europe, after Philip the Fair had defied Pope
Boniface VIII., when papal interdicts and bulls of excom-
munication proved inefficient. The silent change which
robbed the papal weapons of their power was the develop-
ment of the national consciousness. Philip led in the
revolt, and German}^ followed, declaring in the Golden
Bull of 1356 that the German emperor was made by the
vote of the electors and not by the papal will. England
contributed Wycliffe to the process by which nations
asserted their autonomy. In the Reformatory Councils
of the fifteenth century, the assertion of the principle that
the authority of the council was superior to the pope had
broken down the ecclesiastical supremacy of the popes over
the churches. Men thought the councils were a failure,
while in reality they had done a work too great for the
imaoination at once to receive. When a General Council
had deposed a pope and elected his successor, a new
authority had risen and been recognized in Christendom,
and the old authority had passed away. With the passing
of the papacy, the Holy Roman Empire had also dis-
appeared. That too had been overcome by the sentiment
of nationality. These things should be borne in mind in
estimating the work of the Reformers. They are charged
with breaking up the unity of Christendom, but what they
really did was to respond to the demand for changes, after
the old order had already become powerless. But it must
be also said that the papacy did not realize the extent
of the revolution, until the changes were actually under-
taken which were demanded by the new order.
It sometimes looks as if the varied forms of ecclesiastical
life which appeared in the age of the Reformation were
accidental or purposeless. But the deeper study of the
peculiarities of the reformed churches shows that in every
case they were following some law of development, some
deep inward principle, which had its roots in the national
life, whose growth was determined by political and geo-
graphical as well as by religious motives. The divine
purpose in history was manifested in the age of the
Reformation no less than in the ancient church when
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 233
otlier and different motives had been the ruling ideas
of history. As in the ancient church, so also in the age
of the Reformation, world-forces were in operation for the
production of results, and not in any case the mere whim
of an individual man.
In the age of the Reformation, the Catholic church,
with its distinctive products, came up for review before
the new tribunals, submitting its institutions, its organi-
zation, its discipline, its cultus, and its doctrine to the
requirements of an advancing Christian civilization. It
was assumed with unanimity in this new age that there
was something higher than Catholic tradition, in the
light of which it must be judged. The appeal was to
be taken, not exclusively to the fathers or to the General
Council of the Catholic church, but to the voice of that
earlier church which spoke in the pages of the New
Testament.
The Reformers were not aiming at external ecclesiastical
unity, as the founders of the Catholic church had done in
the second and third centuries. They were more in sym-
pathy with the principle which the ancient church of the
East had followed, when it rejected the papal claim to
supremacy, together with the Latin doctrine that Catholic
unity consisted in homogeneousness of organization under
the supreme authority of one man. Emerging as the
Reformers did from the authority of Rome, which had
maintained a certain formal unity in Western Chris-
tendom under an ecclesiastical imperialism, there was
no confusion in their vision regarding the value of that
unity, nor any disposition to preserve it. The unity
of the Mediaeval church had not been achieved by any
principle of inward reconciliation between conflicting
tendencies, and it had been finally driven to the use of
force in order to its perpetuation. From the time that
the inquisition had been found necessary to maintain
the ecclesiastical liegemony of Rome, the change had
begun which was to substitute some other conception
of Christian unity. The Reformers had another ideal,
the vision of a higher unity of the Spirit, which bound
234 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
men together in the church which was invisible. That
unit}^ as they believed, was more real than any scheme
of visible homogeneous organization, because it existed
in the divine mind, to be reproduced in this lower world.
It was a unity which could not be broken by the changes
and vicissitudes incident to human development. From
this point of view the Reformers were not dividing
Christendom in the reorganization of the churches, but
rather consolidating a higher unity, which time would
reveal.
The Mediaeval church was the resultant of two tenden-
cies or phases of the Christian spirit, whose opposition had
been held in check by the papacy, — the ancient Catholic
church, whose ecclesiastical organization had been com-
pleted, and whose central doctrine had been formulated
in the age of Constantine, and monasticism, a church
within a church, with a different descent and another
aim. The one had sought to bind men together in
organic unity, to offer a common worship and a common
salvation, wherein the burden was transferred from the
people to a priesthood who mediated in their behalf before
God; the other asserted the responsibility of the individ-
ual soul before God, to such an extent that at first it felt
no dependence upon a common worship, but drove men
into the deserts, where they might atone for sins and seek
the individual assurance of union and peace with God.
In the Eastern church there came no development to
these divergent forms of apprehending the mission of
Christ. But in the West each had its history, there was
conflict between them, — the secular church represented
by the episcopate, and the monastery by the presbyterate.
The tendency of the one was to consolidate the state,
to minister to national unity and independence, to guard
the religious and moral welfare of the great mass of the
people, perpetuating its spirit in the parish churches scat-
tered over the length and breadth of Western Christen-
dom. Monasticism, on the other hand, retained through
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 235
all its changes the spirit in which it originated, offering
a refuge to men and women in their individual capacity,
who were seeking to satisfy some personal need or inward
aspiration. It included elect souls who sought the honors
of saintship, for election was always the monastic prin-
ciple ; and the monk felt a personal call or vocation
which could not find a sphere in the secular church. The
greatness and the wisdom of the papacy lay in the recon-
ciliation of these divergent aims. It was in sympathy
with both, and never entirely identified with either.
Thus there arose a new conception of catholicity to which
the Eastern church was a stranger; a new definition was
given of the Catholic church, by Hildebrand in the so-
called Dictatus, where it is affirmed that no one is a
Catholic who is not in agreement with the Roman church,
— Quod catholicus non habeatur, qui iion concordat Roma-
nae ecclesiae. This conviction has been the soul of Roman
catholicity. It has been a conviction, also, which has
been enforced in great results, so that from the time of
Hildebrand any tendency on the part of the episcopate
toward the formation of an independent national church
was resisted, and for a time overcome, not only by the
subjection of the episcopate to the papacy, as in the
formal vow of its consecration, but by subjecting also
the states of Europe themselves to the civil supremacy
of the Roman pontiff. As a means also to this end, the
monasteries were detached from the jurisdiction of the
bishops, and bound in close, direct dependence upon
the papacy, becoming its agents and representatives
everywhere and allowed free scope for their peculiar de-
velopment. Despite the rivalry and hostility between the
secular and the religious clergy, there grew up strong ties
holding them together in seemingly organic relationship.
Great as were the concessions made by the papacy to the
monastery, as when it gave the title of prelate to promi-
nent heads of monastic houses or invested them with the
mitre as the symbol of episcopal authority, yet it never
conceded what the episcopate claimed as its distinctive
right, — the power of ordination. The presbyterate and
236 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
episcopate were equalized as far as possible, but the bishop
still remained in possession of an authority which was his
before the monastery arose.
But no scheme, however wise or subtly adapted to
existing conditions, is able to control the laws of human
development. Already it was evident before the Re-
formers appeared that the world had not been moving in
accordance with the ecclesiastical constitution of the
Mediaeval church. At the Council of Constance, it was
manifest that these two tendencies, the secular church
and the episcopate on the one hand, and the monastic
church governed by the presbyterate, on the other, had
not been wholly fused into one; that with the decline
of the papacy, or its continued inability to enforce its
will, they were standing forth in characteristic inde-
pendence, ready for any emergency which might befall.
The prerogatives of tire bishops by divine right were
there reasserted; the time, it was said, had come when
they should be distinguished from presbyters by some-
thing more than dress or revenue, hahitu et reditibus.^
But when the claims of the episcopate were boldly
advanced, as by Gerson, another influential voice in the
council spoke for the presbyterate. The Cardinal-Bishop
of Cambray advocated the right of learned presbyters to a
seat and vote in the council by the same law which gave
a place to the bishop or the presbyter-abbot. ^ And other
1 " Etenim quid hodie erant Episcopi, nisi umbrae quaedam ? Quid plus
illis restabat, quara baculus et mitra ? Numquid pastores sine ovibus dici
poterant, cum nihil in subditos statuere possent ? Nempe cum esset in
ecclesia primitiva episcoporum summa potestas, hodie ad id venei'unt, ut
solo habitu et reditibus superarent presbyteros. At nos eos in statu
reposuimus pristino ; nos beneficiorum collationem ad eos reduximus, nos
eis confirmationem electionum restituimus, nos causas subditorum eisdem
reddidimus audiendas, nos eos, qui jam non erant Episcopi, fecimus
episcopos" (Cardinal Ludovicus, at Basle, where he presided, in Aeneae
Sylvii De Cone. Basil, Oper. I., p. 40 (ed. 1667) ; cited in Gieseler,
III., p. 341).
2 When the papal party at the Council of Constance wished that only
the greater prelates, bishops, and abbots should have votes, it was resisted
by Petrus de AUiaco, Cardinal of Cambray, who claimed the right to vote
for lesser dignitaries, and especially for teachers of theology: " Quibus,
et maxinie Theologis, datur auctoritas praedicandi aut docendi ubique
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 237
voices were heard in that prophetic age, arguing for the
supreme power of the bishop of Rome, as alone by divine
right, from whom bishop and presbyter alike derived their
authority. The Council of Constance reflected in advance
the varying attitudes of the coming age. Had the nations
which Avere there represented maintained the national
principle in its integrity, some different result would
have been accomplished. But they were tempted in their
weakness to make separate agreements or concordats with
the papacy, which so far redressed their national griev-
ances, that the day svhich promised so much for national
churches came to its close with diminished prospects of
its attainment. It was from the monastery that the first
effort proceeded which resulted in an independent Protes-
tant church.
II
The Franciscan order appears from several points of
view as the forerunner of ecclesiastical organizations which
took their rise in the sixteenth century. It not only pre-
pared the way for their appearance, but in some respects
also afforded the type they were to follow. In its origin,
terrarura, quae non est parva auctoritas in populo Christiano, sed multo
major quam unius Episcopi vel Abbatis ignorantis et solum titularis"
(Von der Hardt, Con. Const., II., pp. 224 ff.).
And to the same effect tlie words of Philasterius, Cardinal S. Marci :
" And thou, whoever thou art, who claimest that only the greater Prelates,
Bishops, and Abbots should have a voice in a General Council : and thus
excludest Doctors, Archdeacons, Rectors of parochial churches, and other
dignitaries to whom belongs the cure of souls, besides the ecclesiastical
Orders, Priests, and Deacons, say, where do you read that these should
not be admitted ? And if you read the accounts of ancient councils, you
will find that priests and deacons were admitted.
" If you are a Canonist, behold the text of the Canon saying that the
Order of Doctors (teachers) is as if chief in the church of God. That
Order, therefore, and as it were the highest order, you repel, and admit
without distinction Bishops and Abbots, of whom the greater part is
unlearned : Et attende, quod Rex, vel Praelatus indoctus est asinus coro-
natus. Cum illis ergo Doctores admitte, ut illorurn scientiae defectum,
qui tamen auctoritatem habent, istorum scientia et doctrina supple-
ant. . . . Inter episcopos et presbyteros, quantum ad ordinationem
et meritum, Apostolus nuUam differentiam facit" (Von der Hardt, II.,
p. 226).
238 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
it was a lay movement to which the ordinary features of
monasticism were subordinated in order to the execution
of an aim which hitherto the monastic orders had not con-
templated. It passed over into a monastic order against
the will of its founder, and because, if any special work
were to be done within the church, the monastic organi-
zation was the only available method which the times
allowed. According to the conception of St. Francis, the
whole world was to be the parish in which his disciples
were to labor. They were to go forth two by two, accord-
ing to Christ's direction, to preach repentance and salva-
tion, taking no money with them, but dependent on the
voluntary contributions of the people. St. Francis con-
templated the revival of the Apostolate, which should
carry the Gospel into heathen lands, and himself set the
example of a missionary tour. The order grew with as-
tonishing rapidity, admitting priests to its membership,
then under St. Clare establishing the second order, to which
women were admitted, and finally creating a third associ-
ated order, the Tertiaries, as they were called, by which
men and women, married and living in their homes, were
entitled to membership under a special rule. Thus was
afforded a wide popular basis on which the new organization
reposed. The different countries of Europe were desig-
nated as its provinces, but Germany was its favorite home
for missionary work. The papacy endowed it with special
privileges, immunity from all episcopal jurisdiction or
supervision, and permission to its clergy to preach in
every land, to say Mass, or to hear confessions. The
openness of the new order to all living influences of the
time was one of its marked characteristics ; it entered
the fields of scholarship and theology; when nominalism
arose, it gave to it a cordial reception, and when ecclesi-
astical art developed, it became its patron and formed an
appreciative constituency for its appeal. And, again, it
was characteristic of this order that, like the Benedictine
and the Dominican, it honored its founder, and its mem-
bers found nothing incongruous in being called after his
name, — an analogy with some of the Protestant churches,
THE AGE OF THE EEFORMATIOK 239
where the personality of some one great religious teacher
is perpetuated in the popular title of recognition.
Could the Franciscan order have remained upon the
foundation laid by St. Francis himself, it might have
developed into an independent cosmopolitan organization,
ahsorbing into itself the new world-forces which the age
was generating. But its status as a monastic order was
too definitely fixed by the bull of Pope Honorius III. in
1220. It was drawn back and compressed into the familiar
mould of binding monastic vows, along with its great rival,
the Dominican order, which in so many respects resembled
it, and both succumbed, in the age before the Reformation,
to those disintegrating influences which affect institutions
that have done their work and no longer respond to the
deeper needs of a growing world. But the Franciscans
had weakened the secular church by their successful rivalry
with the secular clergy; they had appropriated parish
churches; they had cultivated preaching as an art, and
were thus presenting to Christendom a new model for
an ecclesiastical organization. ^
Another and more direct preparation for the coming of
the reformed churches in the sixteenth century was fur-
nished by the Brothers of the Common Life. They were
an association of clergy living under rule, but not bound
by monastic vows, who established schools and devoted
themselves to preaching, exerting a wide influence in the
Netherlands and in Northern Germany during the fif-
teenth century. They were vehemently opposed by the
mendicant monks, but gained the sanction for their work
of the Council of Constance. In these ways the presbyt-
erate had been asserting itself, disciplining itself also,
emancipating itself from the episcopal or secular church,
when Luther went forth from the cloisters of an Augus-
tinian monastery to become the leader of an independent
organization, which should assume the work of the secu-
lar church, and appropriate its property, acknowledging
1 Sabatier, Vie de S. Francois d' Assise; Bernardin, Vesprit de Saint
Francois d'Assisir; Mrs. Oliphant, Life of St. Francis; Muller, K,,
Die Anfdnge des Minoritenordens und die Bussbruderschaften.
240 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
no jurisdiction or supervision of bishops, after having
taken the momentous step of renouncing the control of
the papacy. 1
Beneath the changes which led to the reconstitution
of churches in the age of the Reformation on a presby-
terial basis, there lay the conviction that herein was a
return to the principles and authority of Apostles as con-
tained in the New Testament. The Canon Law had
given its sanction to the statement of Jerome, which car-
ried not only an allegation as to matters of historical fact,
as that in the beginning of Christ's religion there was no
difference in equality between bishops and presbyters, but
had also asserted that the placing of the bishop above
the presbyter was a human arrangement, required by the
necessities of the time. In the sixteenth century, these
human arrangements of the Mediaeval church had but
little weight when compared with the higher authority
of Christ and His Apostles. But not only was the
change in organization which rejected the episcopate
thus based upon what was believed a divine right, but
other revolutions were in the quiet process of accomplish-
ment which were making such a transformation seem
part of a natural, inevitable law. The priesthood which
Cyprian established in the third century was returning
again to the earlier conception of the presbyterate, when
the cure of souls and the practice of exhortation or preach-
1 For the extent to which the monasteries contributed to the Reforma-
tion in Germany, see Kurtz, Ch. His., II., § 125 (Eng. Trans.) : "The
most powerful herakls of the Reformation were the monkish orders. . . .
Evangelists inspired by a purer doctrine arose in all parts of Germany,
first and most of all among the Augustinian order, which, almost to a
man, went over to the Reformation, and had the glory of providing its
first martyr. The order regarded Luther's honor as its own. Next to
them came the Franciscans ... of whom many had the courage to free
themselves from their shackles. From their cloisters proceeded the two
famous popular preachers, Eberlin of Giinsburg, and Henry of Ketten-
bach in Ulm, the Hamburg reformer Stephen Kempen, the fervent Lam-
bert, the reformer of Hesse, Luther's friend Myconius of Gotha, and
many more. Other orders too supplied their contingent, even the Domini-
cans, to whom Martin Bucer, the Strassburg reformer, belonged. Blaurer
of Wiirttemberg was a Benedictine, Rhegius a Carmelite, Bugeuhagen a
Premonstratensian. ' '
THE AGE OF THE EEFORMATION 241
ing, together with the presbyter's ancient function as a
defender of the faith, were taking the place of sacrificial
rites, which during the Middle Ages had been the work
of a presbyter.
The conception of priesthood had become to the Mediae-
val church its strongest conviction, and had indeed risen
to such transcendent importance, especially after the
dogma of transubstantiation had been sanctioned, that the
priesthood threatened to eclipse all other spiritual distinc-
tions. It was magnified in the monasteries, till other
ranks and gradations in the hierarchy were viewed as
functions of the one order of the priesthood. To offer
the unbloody and stupendous sacrifice of the altar, to bring
down Christ from the heavens, to keep the communication
open between God and man, was a work to which adminis-
trative functions must, in theory at least, be held subordi-
nate. But while the highest distinction of pope or
prelate lay in belonging to the order of the priesthood,
the bishop retained a certain ascendency by the ruling
of the Canon Law, which made his participation essential
to the conferring of this dignity. In the popular, as well
as in the ecclesiastical, estimate, he alone gave the author-
ity to offer the sacrifice by the sacrament of ordination,
handing down the power which, according to the received
view, he himself had received through his predecessors,
who had in the first instance received it from Apostles,
and the Apostles from Christ. According to strict theory,
the sacrament of ordination, both in dignity and impor-
tance, took precedence of all other sacraments, for upon
it the very existence of the church was dependent.
There was a conflict here and a deep contradiction, which
could not have been overcome but by another vast and si-
lent process, which was undermining the postulates of the
Mediaeval church. The doctrine of transubstantiation
had been first called in question by philosophical thinkers,
but the doubt was rapidly spreading among the people.
That doctrine, which may be called the keystone of the
arch of Mediaeval Christianity, could no longer be main-
tained, if the principles of the growing philosophy, known
242 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
as Nominalism, should gain acceptance as a substitute for
the discarded realism of the Schoolmen. And this was
what was coming to pass. It was becoming as difficult
to believe in transubstantiation, as formerly it had been
impossible to resist it. It was ceasing as a doctrine to
hold the imagination any longer in captivity to the
authority of church or clergy.
But meantime other changes of a positive constructive
character were in process, which were to bring their con-
tribution of dignity and significance to the presbyterate
when its former importance as a sacrificing priesthood
should have faded away. The earlier functions of the
Christian ministry, such as prophecy and teaching, were
reappearing in the church at the close of the Middle Ages.
The pre-Reformation age resembles the Apostolic age in
this respect, that there came a revival of prophecy, when
men who felt the evils of the existing situation were
forced to look into the future and interpret the vision
which was accorded to them. At no time during the
Christian ages have such prophets been wholly wanting,
but they multiplied in number and grew stronger in con-
viction and clearer in their vision as the Middle Ages
drew toward their close. St. Bernard of Clairvaux, St.
Brigitta, St. Catherine of Siena, — it is interesting to note
how prominent were women in the prophetic ranks, —
Hildegarde also, Joachim and his school, Roger Bacon
and Dante, Wycliffe and Savonarola, — these were the
leading spirits among many who felt called to prophesy,
to foretell destruction to the existing order or else its
purification yet so as by fire; till at last, in the words of
Dr. Dollinger, "the prophetic expectation became the
common consciousness, the saving anchor of faith, of all
earnest religious spirits."
In the utterances of these prophets there was much which
was not fulfilled, and much also which was fulfilled to
the letter. They agreed in denouncing the low moral con-
dition of the church and of the age, the inefficiency of the
church in meeting the spiritual needs of the people. They
reveal a deeper sense of sin and a deeper consciousness of
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 243
guilt, in which lay the preparation for the greater fulness
of the coming age. It may well have been that the age
was not so much worse than that which preceded it, that
it was the increased sensitiveness to evil and wrong which
made the time seem out of joint. It may have been that
the church was doing its work in some respects as well as
before, but greater, deeper needs and higher aspirations,
which the church did not satisfy, made its deficiencies
more apparent. But whatever may have been the actual
case, the prophets began to dream of the coming of an
Antichrist, whether as pope or emperor, in whom the
evil of the age would be personally concentrated. In them
there was a sense of failure and dread, as of impending
danger, men's hearts failing them for fear, and for looking
after those things which are coming upon the earth.
But while denunciation of existing evils, and porten-
tous threats of disaster to follow, were staple elements in
the prophetic vision, yet they do not constitute its most
important features. It is the positive element of hope for
a greater future that gave the prophets their power and
made vital their appeal to their generation. In the teach-
ing of Joachim and his school, it is the Eternal Gospel
which is to have free scope and be glorified. The age
which is coming in, is to be the age of the Holy Spirit.
That had been the prophecy of Tertullian in the third
century, when he looked to the Montanist prophets for
hope and encouragement. But to Joachim that age of
the Spirit was still in the future, though soon to be re-
vealed. The ages that had gone before, he with Tertul-
lian called the dispensations of the Father and the Son ;
or after Apostles, as the Petrine and Pauline periods.
The new world was to be Johannine, when the Holy
Ghost should be given in abundant measure.
Many of the prophets foretold the decline and fall of
the papacy and of the Holy Roman Empire. Pope and
Emperor were to be the mutual destroyers of each other's
power. To some of them it was given to see the substi-
tute, which already the age was providing, in the rise of
the modern nationalities to freedom and independence.
244 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Thus St. Hildegarde, of Bingen on the Rhine, portrayed
the spontaneous uprising of the German nations rather
than of the Latin peoples. The time was coming when
princes would renounce the authority of the popes, when
separate countries would rally around their own church
rulers, and the power of the pope be limited to Rome.
She also foretold the secularization of church property
and a return to a condition where avarice and love of
money would no longer be the besetting sin of the
ecclesiastical orders. But while the prophets were right
in depicting the greatness of the transformation that was
at hand, they did not see how it was growing out of the
existing order by eternal law, so that when the change
should come it would seem like an easy and natural tran-
sition, which had been prepared of old, the will of God
from the foundation of the world. ^
The strength of pre-Reformation prophecy lay in its
transcendental character. It spoke out from the instincts
within the soul, from the depths of Christian feeling,
whose inner motive was an awakened conscience. It
trusted itself with entire abandon to the intuitive process,
which sees and knows as by some mysterious endowment
of the soul. In these respects it resembled what we per-
ceive in the prophets of the post-Apostolic age. And
herewith was connected the same evil and danger which
then led to the suppression of the prophets as disturbing
the order and unity of the church. But a corrective was
at hand in the sixteenth century which the second century
had not been able to supply. The force which was to
purify prophecy, without diminishing its confidence in a
certain divine insight into the truth of Christian revela-
tion, lay in the coming of the teacher to take his place by
the side of the prophet, bringing with him the stores of
1 For a comprehensive picture of prophets and prophecy in the later
Middle Ages, cf. Dollinger, Fables and Prophecies of the Middle Ages,
Eng. Trans., to which the editor, the hxte Professor H. B. Smith, has added
a vahiable list of references ; also Gebhart, Ultalie 3Iystique, Histoire de
la Bennissance Eeligieuse ait Moyen Age; Rousselot, Histoire de VEvan-
gile Eternel ; Renan, Nouvelles Etudes; Freger, Gesch. d. dtsch. 3Iysti/c.,
Vol. I., also the general Church Histories of Gieseler and Moeller.
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 245
human learning and the accuracy of a laborious and
patient scholarship. The Revival of Learning, in the
age before tlie Reformation, was preparing an ally for
prophecy in the scholar, which should prevent the
prophet from speaking at random with an undisciplined
reason or intelligence, or from the point of view of a
single individual -without responsibility for the well-
being of the community. Human learning, accurate
criticism, the restoration of corrupted texts, a knowledge
of man as revealed in history and of the working of the
human soul under other conditions of life, — in all these
so far as they recorded the slightest accents of the Holy
Spirit, as well as in the New Testament, which was the
Word of God to the church in every age, the teacher was
to be proficient, and guard the prophet or the preacher
from inward failure or from outward disaster.
Such an union of the prophet and teacher appeared in
its complete form when Luther, with his powerful will,
combined with absolute confidence in the truth as it was
revealed to him in inward anguish and long-continued
struggles, was accompanied by Melanchthon, the greatest
scholar of his day. Preceptor Giermaniae, whose learning
and moderation constituted a check upon the bold, unquali-
fied utterance of his friend and master. It was character-
istic of Melanchthon, that he received no ordination and
never entered the pulpit of the preacher, recalling in this
respect the function of the teacher in the ancient church,
when Justin or Origen or Jerome were content to do their
work without any other ordination than that with which
their calling endowed them. In this alliance between
prophecy and learning, the church in Germany led the way.
Nor has that land of scholars ever failed to furnish allies
for the work of investigation, which prophecy needs for
its stimulus, its purification, and its enlargement. Its
scholars have dared to differ from Luther, as Melanchthon
did, while yet holding him in honor and in reverence.
They have made mistakes, and sometimes grievous ones,
but have been ready to acknowledge them when convinced
that they were wrong. By their mistakes, as well as by
246 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
positive contributions, tliey carry on the process of the
search for truth, with no other reward than that which the
search for truth can bring.
But in this respect Germany did not stand alone in the
Reformation. The English Cranmer possessed the open
mind of the scholar, a diligent student and a friend of the
new learning, and bringing to the aid of the Church of
England his ample knowledge, his wide sympathy, and
his prophetic insight. In Calvin, also, who united in
himself the two functions of prophecy and teaching, was
illustrated in the Reformed Church the same combination
which marked elsewhere the progress of the Reformation.
Whether as a commentator or a theologian or a student
of history, Calvin presented to his age the principle
embodied in himself, that prophecy, in order to its success
and permanence, must never neglect the alliance with
human learning. It was because the Roman church
dropped behind at this vital moment, that she lost her
hold on the growing intelligence of Northern Europe.
Ill
The doctrine of the Atonement was invested with a
deeper meaning and a new importance in the age of the
Reformation. It had been developed in the monastery,
the highest outcome of monastic aspiration ; but as repro-
claimed by Luther, by Calvin, and by English Reformers,
substantially in the form which Anselm had given it, it
became the basis of hope and deliverance for every man.
It implied that men were emancipated from the fear of
divine punishment, from the torture of an evil conscience
laboring under the conviction of sin, because God Himself
granted His pardon to every man in virtue of the atoning
work of His Son. In the procurement of this grace of
the divine love no agency intervened, but the individual
soul must secure it, if it was to be secured at all, by
direct approach to God through the faith in Christ, which
could alone appropriate the heavenly gift. Men who
had been set free from the terrors of the law and from
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 247
the fear of God by the love of God, had attained deliver-
ance from all other evils which would be made manifest
in God's good time. In this doctrine, which has some-
times seemed to a later age as if overdone by the Reformers,
we have the keynote of the religious and social order
which succeeded to the prestige of the papacy or the
grandeur of the Holy Roman Empire. It stood for the
restoration to the people of the authority with which God
had invested them. Its result was to change the idea of
the church, which was no longer conceived as existing in
its sanctity apart from the people who composed it; but it
was the congregation of faithful men, who by faith had
appropriated the merits of the death of Christ.
It was in the method of apprehending the significance
of ordination, that the organization of the Protestant
churches revealed the influence of this principle.^ The
Gospel of Christ, as the Reformers conceived it, consisted
essentially in the reproclamation of the message of deliver-
ance from sin and its consequences by the atoning sacrifice
of Christ, offered once for all. In response to the need
for this proclamation, the preacher had appeared. But
the qualification for the work of preaching the Gospel
of truth could not be handed down in succession, or the
gift imparted by any ministerial commission. It was one
thing to empower a priesthood to offer the sacrifice of the
Mass ; it was another thing to fit the preacher for his task.
In ecclesiastical language, the matter of ordination was
now found in the call of the Spirit and His operation
within the soul of the ordinand ; the form lay in the
imposition of hands, as the expressive symbol of recog-
' The words in the Latin Ordinal, Accipe Spiritmn, etc., which have
also been retained in the English Ordinal, have been sometimes inter-
preted to mean that the Holy Spirit is then imparted in order to qualify
the candidate with the power of absolution, and hence importance has
been attached to this formula, as if it were essential to the constituting a
priesthood. But it has been shown that they were not introduced into
the Latin Ordinal until the thirteenth century. For collections of early
Latin Ordinals, cf. Morinus, De Sacris Ecclesiae Ordinationihus, and Mar-
tene, De A iitiquis Ecclesiae liitihus. See also, for discussion of this point,
Lefroy, The Christian Ministry, pp. 391 ff.
248 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
nitioii, before God and the people, of an antecedent divine
act. Beneath this conception of ordination, as also beneath
other rites or sacraments, was the tacit assumption that the
action of the Holy Spirit must have done its initial work
in order to justify the human procedure.^
It is at this point that the wide divergence is manifest
between the new and the old order. There were varia-
tions and differences in the churches reorganized in the
Reformation ; in some cases the power of appointing a
minister or pastor was believed to lie in the congregation,
while in other cases greater significance attached to the
action of the clergy, as specially empowered by the Spirit
to act for the congregation. On this point the church
in Germany differed from the church at Geneva. The
later Independents or Congregationalists here took issue
with the Presbyterians. But in all cases it was the
Spirit which qualified, and the act of ordination which
ratified. It had been the teaching of Thomas Aquinas,
who in this resj^ect represented the inmost purjDose of
1 Dorner, His. Prot. TheoL, I., p. 274 ; Hagenbach, His. of Doc, III.,
§ 256 ; for summary of Luther's teaching on ordination : Gieseler,
Ec. His., Vol. IV., § 46; Kurtz, Ch. His., Vol. II., § 142; Richter,
Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchenverfassung in Deutschland, and
LeJirbnch des katholischen und evangelischen Kirchenrechts ; Rietschel,
Luther und die Ordination ; Stahl, Die Kirchenverfassung nach Lehre
und Becht der Protestanten. " Die Ordination ist Auf nahme in den ' geist-
lichen Stand.' Gewiss giebt es einen 'geistlichen Stand' audi in der
evangelischen Kirche. Auch fiir die evangelische Kirche ist es zweifellos,
dass die Geistesgaben (Charismen) verschieden sind. Alle Christen sind
' Geistliche ' ; im engeren Sinn sind ' Geistliche ' die vor Anderen durch
Geistesgaben Ausgezeichweten. Im kirchlichen Sinn sind 'Geistliche'
(dem 'geistlichen Stande ' a.ngehorig) die Ordinierten, d. h. diejenigen,
deren sonderliche Geistesgabe kirchlich anerkannt ist. Nur diese sind
im stande, in der Kirche als Geistliche aufzutreten. Nur diese konnen
daher in der Kirche das offentliche Predigtamt verwalten. Allen anderen
fehlt der con-seusus, die voluntas ecclesiae. Die Ordination ist die Bezeu-
gung der gottlichen (durch das Charisma gegebenen) Berufung zum
Lehramt (der Wahlder Urzeitentsprechend) mit nachfolgender Handauf-
legung" (Sohm, Kirchenrecht, I. 497). Calvin distinguished between the
divine call to the ministry and the human call, as by the public order
of the church, which is ordination. Of the first call, he remarks that
" those whom the Lord has destined for this great office he previously
provides with the armor which is requisite for the discharge of it, that
they may not come empty and unprepared" {Instit., B. IV., c. 3, § 11).
THE AGE OF THE KEFOliMATION 249
the Latin church from the time of Cyprian, that in the
sacrament of orders, the virtue and the excellency, that
is, the spiritual power, came through the ministrant
himself ; while in the other sacraments the gift was
derived from God, not from the ministrant.^ The Latin
church was here involved in the anomaly of holding that
ordination, which was the sacrament by which the church
existed and was maintained, owed its power and validity
to a human agency, but this same human agency qualified
for a priesthood which could mediate the divine power
as in the sacrament of baptism or of the altar. The
reformed churches escaped from this strange anomaly by
referring the initial act which maintains the church and
the ministry to the continuous direct agency of the Holy
Spirit.
The Lutheran and Genevan forms of church govern-
ment, while claiming a divine sanction, reflect also the
monastic experience and practice; whether in the demo-
cratic scheme proposed for the church in Hesse, by Lam-
bert, a Franciscan monk, which resembles the earlier
Benedictine order in making each local church indepen-
dent or sufficient in itself; or in the plan of government
by presbyterial consistories advocated by Calvin, which
reflects the later organization of great monastic orders
with many houses affiliated under a common constitution.
Again, the influence of the monastery is seen in the
restoration to the presbyter of the episcopal dignity of a
defender of the faith. In the Roman ordinal for making a
presbyter, the candidate underAvent no examination before
1 Cf. Thomas, Summa, p. iii ; Sxippl. Q. 34, Art. 5: "Quia hoc quod
confertur in aliis sacramentis, derivatur tantum a deo, non a ministro,
qui sacramentum dispensat, sed illud quod in hoc sacramento traditur,
sell, spiritualis potestas, derivatur etiain ab eo qui sacramentum dat,
sicut potestas imperfecta a perfecta. Et ideo efficacia aliorum sacra-
mentorum principaliter consistit in materia, quae virtutem divinam et
significat et continet, ex sanctificatione per ministrum adhibita. Sed
efficacia huius sacramenti principaliter residet penes eum, qui sacra-
mentum dispensat, materia autem adhibetur magis ad denionstrandam
potestatem, quae traditur particulariter ab habente earn complete, quam
ad potestatem causandam, quod patet ex hoc, quod materia competit usui
potestatis." Cf. also Harnack, Dogmengesch., III., pp. 520 ff.
250 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
the people as to qualifications for his office, no inquiry-
was made into his religious experience or theological
belief; those who presented him certified to his fitness,
and he himself, after having been empowered to offer the
sacrifice of the Mass, took but one voav, — that of obedience
to his bishop. But in the rite of consecrating a bishop,
the examination was elaborate and minute, taking up the
creeds as a whole as well as in their separate articles.
The presbyter was here regarded as receiving these truths
by assent to authority, while in the case of the bishop, as
the defender of the faith, there was required a more
interior knowledge and as it were an inward persuasion.
Hence the presbyters took no vow to defend the faith,
while in the bishop's consecration this vow is prominent
and emphatic. It is assumed also that the bishop is
acquainted with the Scripture, and will employ it for
maintaining the faith. But in the Protestant churches
it became a primary feature in the ordination of a pres-
byter, that he should be carefully examined on the con-
tents of Christian doctrine before his certification to the
people as competent for the work of the ministry.
How greatly the situation had changed in the sixteenth
century from what it had been in the second century is
shown in this, that the prerogative of the bishops to be
the guardians of a deposit of faith received by tradition
from the Apostles had lost its hold on the Christian mind.
Irenyeus had urged the claim, and so had Tertullian, and
both had applied the principle to the church at Rome, in
which the faith had been preserved in its purity. But to
have urged that argument in the age of the Reformation
would have seemed to the Reformers like mockery. The
faith as they held it had been covered up with additions,
obscured and neutralized not only by the see of Rome, but
by the bishops in union with Rome. In the consecration of
the bishop in the Latin church, while the first interrogation
called for his vow to teach the people, both by word and
example, what he found in Holy Scripture, the next inter-
rogation called for his assent to the traditions of the
orthodox Fathers, and to the decretals and constitutions
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 251
of the holy and Apostolic see of Rome. But it was now
the ruling idea of any reform, that the faith and doctrine
of Christ must be sought alone in the New Testament,
and to this end the decretals and constitutions of Rome
must be rejected. And again, among the traditions of
the church but little had been handed down in regard to
what it was so important to know, — the formation of the
books of Scripture, the time when, or the authors by
whom, they had been written. And not only so, but the
Latin church had preserved the Gospel only at second
hand in the translation of the Latin Vulgate, nor was it
eager to assist in the task of restoring the original Greek
text in which the words of life had originally been given.
But further, the Reformers were placing the axe at the
root of the tree from which had grown the Mediaeval epis-
copate, with its territorial sovereignty and power, when
they proclaimed the doctrine of justification by faith. It
was the bishop Cyprian who had first announced the prin-
ciple, in his treatise on alms-giving, that salvation was
aided and pardon more easily secured by gifts to the
church. That principle had become the ruling idea of
the church in the Middle Ages, boldly proclaimed with-
out resistance or scruple. It had enriched the bishops
with lands and patrimonial estates as the foundations of
their wealth and social dignity. The States of the Church
in Italy had been accumulated in similar fashion. The
monasteries had sought to achieve poverty as an ideal,
but they had failed, because the working of this prin-
ciple inevitably brought to them the wealth which they
shunned. Successive generations of devout men, aiming
at the regeneration of the monastic life by a more rigid
enforcement of the vow of poverty, had not succeeded,
because they could not banish the test of piety which was
everywhere accepted, — that to give to the church was to
lay up treasure in heaven. St. Francis of Assisi was the
first to illustrate a higher principle, though he failed to
secure its adoption in the order which he left behind him.
Not to lay up treasure in heaven, but to do good on earth
for its own sake, and to make acts of charity out of pure
252 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
love for human souls, without the motive of securing
one's own salvation, was his aim; and so exceptional was
his career, in that alms-giving, alms-seeking age, that his
followers had looked upon him as a second Christ.
Wycliffe also recurs to the mind in this connection as
struggling against the evils which the wealth of the
church was creating. He sanctioned the effort to restore
this wealth again to the state, where it properly belonged.
It was no robbery of God in his opinion, when the money
or land which had been given to the church in the name
of God was appropriated by the state; for Christ had
invested the state alone with dominion to rule, and had
entrusted to the church the function of ministry or service.
All the attempts to overcome this principle and motive,
which claimed its warrant in the sacred text, that those
who had houses or lands and sold them and brought the
proceeds and laid them at the Apostles' feet, these diverse
and long-continued efforts to overcome a conception of
religion which tended toward its deterioration, may have
been contributing silently to that end. But it was in the
doctrine of justification by faith, as Luther proclaimed it,
that the counter motive was found, whose acceptance at
once placed the church upon another basis. Just as the
evils and corruption which permeated the church, which
were making its hierarchy a scandal and offence in the
later Middle Ages, had sprung from the principle that the
giving of money contributed to salvation; so the doctrine
of Luther, which he drew from St. Paul, tended wherever
it was received at least to check this abuse. As a doctrine
it had other and positive aspects, not alluded to here.
But it had the negative effect of discrediting the theory
and practice of indulgences, as it also stopped the drain
on secular property for the enrichment of the church. Of
Luther and of Zwingli and of Calvin, it may be said that
they made no money by their profession, and died alike in
poverty. It was a remark about Calvin, attributed to one
of the popes, that nothing could be done with such a
man, because he did not care for money.
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 263
IV
In two of the countries of Europe where the Reforma-
tion prevailed, the episcopate was retained, — England and
Sweden; in all the other countries, Switzerland, Ger-
many, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Scotland, it was
rejected. It becomes necessary then to inquire why it
should have been preserved in some countries and aban-
doned in others, seeing that the principles of the Reforma-
tion prevailed in all alike, in England and in Sweden no
less than in Switzerland or Germany.
It has sometimes been maintained that there were pecul-
iar difficulties in the Swiss and German situation which
made it impossible to retain the episcopate, even if its re-
tention had been desired. On this ground English writers,
such as Hooker and Lord Bacon, explained or apologized
for the orofanization of the Continental churches. In this
view there is truth, but not to the extent that the German
Reformers could not have secured the ordination of their
ministers by bishops if it had been really desired or thought
essential. Several of the bishops in Germany gave in
their adherence to the Reformation, three at least, — the
number required by the Council of Nicsea for making
a bishop, — and these were allowed to hold their office till
their death. But they were not called upon to exercise
their prerogative of ordination, nor do they appear to
have insisted on its necessity to a valid ministry. Me-
lanchthon, and to a certain extent Luther, had no objection
to the episcopate, as exercising a function of supervision
over the churches, if it could have been based upon human
right, y?«rg humano, and wot jure divino. But Melanchthon
went further, and would not have objected to the papacy,
if the office could have been regarded as one created
by the suffrages of Christian people. ^ Nor did Calvin
have any dislike for the office of bishop as such. On
the contrary, he rather approved on the whole of the
organization of the church in the second and third cen-
1 Cf. Hagenbach, His. of the Beformation, II., p. 234; and Gieseler,
Ec. His., IV., §46,
254 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
turies, when the bishop was the pastor of the local church,
with presbyters and deacons for his assistants, remarking
upon the system, that those who introduced it did not
stray far from the divine enactments of Scripture.^ But
he did not think the system was drawn from the New
Testament or could claim its sanction. The situation at
Geneva was peculiar. For many years its magistrates and
citizens had been engaged in a struggle for liberty, in
which they were resisting the power of the prince bishop,
to whom the city belonged. When they had been success-
ful in this effort, it was hardl}^ conceivable that they should
have regarded it as important to reintroduce episcopal
authority by setting up another bishop. The political
situation was bad enough as it was, but this might have
made it worse and put again in jeopardy the liberty of
the city.
It was assumed by the Continental Reformers that epis-
copacy, as it then existed, had no warrant from Scripture
or from Apostolic usage. That alone would have deter-
mined the question. The doctrine of Jerome had done its
work, that in the beginning of Christ's religion there had
been no distinction between the bishop and the presbyter.
The teaching of Jerome acted as a solvent of the old
ecclesiastical order, carrying as it did not only the state-
ment of the supposed fact, but also an argument, that in
the nature of the case there was no inherent superiority
of the bishops over the presbyters. It had been a matter
of ecclesiastical arrangement, which as it had once been
done could be undone, should circumstances demand it. It
seemed to the Reformers, to Luther, to Zwingli, and
Calvin, that the time for a change and a reversion to the
earlier order had now com^. But in England, also, the
Reformers were familiar with Jerome's principles, and, as
in the case of Cranmer, were influenced by them, and yet
not to the extent of rejecting the episcopate. The case
of the Old Catholic church, as it is called, in our own
day, which on separating from Rome at once took steps to
provide for an episcopal succession, or of the Jansenist
1 Jnstit., B. IV., c. 4, § 1.
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 255
church in Holland, which attached a like importance to
the office and became the source from which the Old
Catholic movement received consecration for its bishops,
may serve to indicate that the difficulties in the way in
Germany or in Switzerland were not insuperable, had it
been thought essential to preserve the office of the episco-
pate as a higher order than the presbyterate. The qaes-
tion, therefore, why in some countries the episcopate was
retained, and in others rejected, calls for a further exami-
nation of the actual situation.
The sixteenth century exhibits as its most deep and
characteristic principle an inward freedom and voluntari-
ness, which affected the life of the nations no less than the
spirit of the churches. For a moment, the world seemed to
have been left free to make its choice, when all the hidden
influences which had been at work for ages could manifest
their fruit, the outcome for which, consciously or indi-
rectly, they had been laboring. It was the great day of
manifestation, when the long and weary process of develop-
ment had reached its limits, when the nations, as well as
interior movements within the church, were to come bring-
ing their honor with them, their contribution to the fort-
unes of humanity. It was a day of national as well as
of ecclesiastical reform, which had been made possible
by the decline of the papacy. That revolution by which
tlie papacy was overthrown, included in its range all
other changes, an event so momentous that it affected
alike the fortunes of the episcopate in the national
churches, no less than those of the presbyterate in the
monastery. It marks the extent of the change in the atti-
tude of the papacy, that it was forced to submit the ques-
tion of its own continued existence, or its retention in
some modified form, to the will of the princes. It was
to become from henceforth a voluntary institution, which
the nations were at liberty to receive or reject at their
pleasure, and, as it seemed at the moment, on their own
terms. Its subsidence as a world-power had left standing,
and as it were confronting each other, these two distinct
and divergent types or ideals of the Christian church, the
256 ORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH
secular or national represented by the episcopate, and the
religious or individual represented by the presbyterate.
In Germany and Switzerland the Reformation was
begun by presbyters, relying on their divine right, inde-
pendent of pope or bishop, but responsible alone to God.
The bishops nowhere, with the possible exception of
England, appear as leaders in the movement for ecclesi-
astical readjustment. Their position was a difficult one,
for they were bound by the oath taken at their consecra-
tion to maintain "the traditions of the orthodox fathers
and to hold in reverence, to teach, and to obey the sacred
decretals of the Apostolic see, and to exhibit their faith
in and their subordination and obedience to the blessed
Apostle Peter, to whom God had given the power of
binding and loosing, and to his vicar the Lord Pope, and
his successors." ^ The presbyters, when they left the
monasteries, as Luther had done, were set free from their
oath by the light of a conviction which rendered such an
oath null and nugatory before God. The presbyterate,
which was to arise spontaneously under Calvin, was
limited by no oath to any allegiance. But the episcopate
was bound not only to the papacy, but also to the state.
If it was to escape, as a bod}^ or to relax the rigidity of
its vow, it must be by the agency of the secular authority,
by the influence of the elevating principle of national
unit}^ and independence.
When the countries of Europe were called upon to
choose in the great alternative, Italy and Spain, Austria
and France, decided to abide by the old ecclesiastical
order, reducing, however, the papacy to a primacy so far
as the national interests were concerned. But even in
1 Interrogatio
Vis traditiones Orthodoxorum Patruin, ac Decretales sanctae et Apos-
tolicae sedis Constitutiones veiieranter suscipere, docere, ac servare ?
Volo.
Interrogatio
Vis beato Petro Apostolo, cui a Deo data est potestas ligandi, ac sol-
vendi ; ejusque Vicario Domino nostro, Domino N. Papae N. suisque
successoribus, Itomanis Pontificibus ; fidem, subjectionem, et obedien-
tiam, secundum canonicam auctoritatem, per omnia exbibere ? Volo.
THE AGE OF THE PtEFORMATIOK 257
these countries, the revolution showed its influence in
raising anew for prolonged and painful discussion the
question whether the bishops held by an immediate divine
right or by the mediate grace of the pope. With the ex-
ception of Italy, the tendency of the bishops in these
countries was to reclaim their lost prerogatives and in-
sist on the divine right of episcopacy; in this demand
they were aided and abetted by their respective sover-
eigns. The question came up for discussion at the Coun-
cil of Trent, when through the agency of the papal legates
it was finally waived, so that no decision was formally
decreed. But it is not with these countries which decided
to adhere to the Latin obedience that we are chiefly con-
cerned, except so far as they illustrate the voluntary prin-
ciple that the episcopate was retained wherever the king
and bishops were united in a common national purpose.
Among the northern nations who rejected the papal
authority, this same conjunction of monarchy and ej^isco-
pacy is to be seen, those countries alone retaining the epis-
copate in which the Reformation was led by the king, with
the acquiescence, if not the cordial support, of the bishops.
Such was the case in England, where the king moved first
with the co-operation of the laity, as in Parliament, and
where the bishops supported the king, acknowledging the
changed order by which the king took the place of the
pope, holding their allegiance to their sovereign as higher
than their allegiance to the pope. In one other country
alone was there a similar attitude: in Sweden the king
was allowed to have his will in the reconstruction, and
there also, though not with cheerful acquiescence, the
bishops submitted, and the order of the episcopate was
allowed to remain. In Scotland, there was at first an
alliance between the king and the bishops in the interest
of the papal allegiance. But the kingship in Scotland
had never been fortunate in its history; and when the
monarchy proved a failure after the death of James V.,
or Avas not able to overcome the incidents in its career
which had ministered to its weakness, the nobility took
the lead, and the episcopate was rejected. The case of
258 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
the Netherlands is peculiar, where a strong nationality
was ultimately developed. Here there were great leaders
supported by the popular will, but kingship did not exist.
When Philip II. endeavored to bind the country more
closely to his authority by the multiplication of bishops,
there was begotten a new motive of resistance to his pur-
pose ; and when the Netherlands attained their freedom,
the episcopate had disappeared. In Denmark, the bishops
resisted the king's desire to change the ecclesiastical
status, and here the episcopate was lost, or subsided into
a merely titular position, retaining the name, but not the
functions, of their order. Switzerland had given birth to
two Reformers, Zwingli and Calvin, both of whom built
upon the divine right of the presbyterate, both of Avhom
held the monastic ideal of the church, as the congregation
of those whom God should elect. But in the Swiss Con-
federacy, which received the call to nationality earlier
than the surrounding states, there was no king who stood
as the focus and centralization of the national conscious-
ness, and hence there was no national support for the epis-
copate upon which it could rely when its prerogatives
were assaulted.
As to Germany, she lagged behind the other nations in
her advance to nationality. It had been her misfortune,
in some respects, that during the Middle Ages she had
been so closely united to Italy by the theory of the Holy
Roman Empire. Her emperors should have been her
kings, by the consolidation of whose power the state
would have realized its unity. But as in Italy the pope
had been sufficiently powerful to keep the state divided,
so in Germany his influence, or the influence of a theory,
had kept the emperors weak, and a stable hereditary mon-
archy had not been attained. The emperors had aimed to
get control of Italy in harmony with the theory which
made them her kings, and thus their attention was diverted
from their proper work, till Germany was allowed to divide
into numerous independent states, and the power of its
sovereign was reduced to emptiness. The episcopate in
Germany had also a peculiar history. It had been set free
THE AGE OF THE KEFORMATION 259
from the control of the metropolitans under the Carolin-
gian rulers, only to attain still greater freedom and inde-
pendence when the Carolingian monarchy gave way to
the feudal regime. The great archbishops and other
bishops of Germany were secular lords, having the rights
of absolute authority within their domains, with powers
of administering justice, regulating coinage, seeking the
aggrandizement of their wealth and power by war upon
their neighbors, or, when commerce and trade increased in
their cities, robbing the merchants and burgesses by unjust
taxation. Where episcopal sees constituted independent
principalities, and were sufhciently strong to resist inva-
sion, they survived; but within the territories of princes
who accepted the Reformation, their secular possessions
were appropriated by the prince, and the bishops disap-
peared. Their allegiance to the emperor might have pre-
served their order even in these states, but the emperor had
only a nominal authority and could not enforce his will.
This close relationship of dependence between the epis-
copate and the royal authority, which becomes so apparent
in the age of the Reformation, illustrates more clearly
the nature and work of the episcopate in the Middle Ages.
To a large extent the bishops had been doing the work of
the state, at a time when the state was still in its infancy,
unable to fulfil its true functions. They performed the
duties which afterwards were to be devolved upon the
secular JLidge or magistrate. Their connection with secu-
lar affairs had reacted upon their religious duties. They
were binding together the secular and the sacred in an
organic relationship, preparing the nation, when it should
come of age, to recognize the sacredness of its calling,
illustrating and enforcing the important truth, that the
spiritual life was not to be detached from the duties which
bind men to their neighborhood or country, but is rather a
motive which consecrates all the relations of life. We
may still trace their work in the episcopal cities in which
they ruled, in the vast cathedrals which their religious
zeal or ambition suggested and their enormous wealth
enabled them to realize. In schools and charitable insti-
260 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHUIICH
tutions, in university foundations, we may read what the
bishops were when at their best. But it was one of the
nobler aspects of their office to represent to the monarch
and to the common people an idea of religion which was
not overstrained, or whose aspirations were not so high
and unearthly as to discourage or intimidate. They sailed
lower in their flight than their monastic rivals, and if
they fell, they did not fall so low. If in some countries
they disappeared, they bequeathed the result of their
labors to be incorporated into the secular domain. The
state appropriated their tasks when it reached its majority,
but the spirit in which it had been done still survived and
was represented in other agencies. It is easy to mis-
represent them, and, by taking individual instances as
representing their order, to underrate the importance of
their contribution to religion, as well as to Christian
civilization. But however unworthy individual bishops
may have been, or inadequate their appreciation of their
duties, we are always nearer tlie truth, Avhen we take the
higher estimate than the lower, that which redounds to
their credit rather than that which signals their failure.
It is true of kings and of princes, of monks and abbots,
of popes, also, and of bishops, that when weakness strikes
them wliich they cannot overcome, it is a sign tliat their
work has been done, or that other forms of administra-
tion are needed in order to suit the needs of an advanc-
ing world. If the bishops became inefficient or seemed
unnecessary, it was in part because the state was begin-
ning to assume their secular functions. In some cases,
and chiefly in England, they were enabled to make the
transition to a different conception of their order, by the
aid of the state ; in others they failed to do so, and their
office was abolished. In some cases, as in Germany and
Switzerland, Scotland, the Netherlands, and Denmark, the
episcopate not only appeared as unnecessary, but as in-
compatible with the spirit of the Reformed churches.
But in England the episcopate was transformed by its
emancipation from the control of the papacy, as well as
by other adjustments, and, thus set free, devoted its ener-
THE AGE OF THE KEFORMATION 261
gies anew to the support and defence of the crown in the
most difficult period of its history. The result in Eng-
land was not only a stable monarchy, a nationality which
has outstripped others in the race, but a stable ecclesias-
tical institution also in the established Church, which
has never failed to reflect and to promote the interests of
the state, as well as the religious life of the people.^
It may throw some further light upon the question why
the episcopate was retained in certain countries and re-
jected in others, if we look at the situation in Western
Europe at the moment of its conversion to Christianity.
It is not without significance to find that in those coun-
tries which had been Christianized before the monasteries
arose, such as Italy, France, and Spain, the Reformation
of the sixteenth century was not demanded ; they adhered
to the Latin church and to the episcopate which had been
a constituent element in its original constitution. But
wherever the monks had travelled, especially those from
the Irish-Scotch monasteries, with their peculiar appre-
hension of the religion of Christ, there an influence had
been exerted which was never entirely lost. In this way
subtle forms of spiritual influence may have entered into
the life of the people, to reappear again when all memory
of their origin had long been lost. Scotland had from the
first a monastic form of Christianity, in which bishops were
not prominent, and when the Reformation came, it accepted
the monastic ideal of the church. The influence of the
monks in Switzerland and Germany had laid the founda-
tion of the church and had been perpetuated in powerful
monastic foundations as well as by a monastic episco-
pate. So it was also in the Netherlands, converted by
1 The question of the relation of church and state underlies the pres-
ent ecclesiastical situation, and to one who goes beneath the surface it
appears as fraught with living issues and involving the solution of exist-
ing difficulties. The opinion of Rothe and Dr. Arnold, that the state is
the final form which Christianity will assume, has been more recently
asserted V)y Seeley in Natural Beligion, c. iv. : " Under the modern state
there lurks an undeveloped church ; . . . Every community is in one
aspect a church, as in another it is a state " (p. 189).
262 OKGANIZATION OF THE CHUliCH
monastic preachers, where bishops had always been few
in number.
England, also, it is true, had been converted by the
agency of the monastery, after the country, which had
once been Christian, had lapsed into heathenism in con-
sequence of the Anglo-Saxon conquest. And again at a
later time, when Northern England had fallen away from
the church, it had been reconverted by the monks who came
from Scotland. But it is a peculiarity of English history
that its kings were not only consulted as to the introduc-
tion of Christianit}'', but their approval, their co-operation,
and even their initiative action appear as an element in the
process of England's conversion. This was true of England
as it was not of Germany, where the royal power hardly
existed when the work of its conversion began. In Eng-
land the germs of nationality through kingship had taken
earlier and deeper root than in other purely Teutonic
countries. That in England also monasticism never be-
came as influential, despite its early opportunities, as in
other countries, may be inferred from the circumstance
that England never gave birth to any great monastic order,
as- well as from the ease with which the monasteries were
swept away in the sixteenth century.^ Her monastic
houses were importations from abroad. Some of her chief
monastic ornaments, such as Alcuin or Occam, migrated
to other homes. Twice, indeed, in English history, great
monks appear as closely connected with the throne, —
Dunstan (f 988), who was a statesman and for a time
seems to have controlled the state, and then Anselm
(f 1109), whose ultramontane attitude prepared the way
for England's subjection to the papacy. But in the long
survey, it is England's kings and their policy which forms
the leading feature of English history, while monasticism,
which at heart remained indifferent to nationality, as it
had been in its origin, does not attain the power or promi-
1 For a sketch of English monasticism, see Gairdner, Early Chroni-
clers of Europe ; England. Cf. also Gasquet, Henry VIII. and the Eng-
lish Monasteries, and Dixon, History of the Church of England, Vol. I. ;
both of whom write in the interest of the monasteries.
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 263
nence which its early introduction might seem to have
deserved. 1
It is in harmony, then, with the spirit of English tradi-
tions, that her greatest Reformer, in some respects the
greatest man whom she has produced, should have issued
forth from the secular church rather than from the monas-
tery. The influence of Wycliffe may not be directly
traced in the English Reformation, while at the same time
the leading principle of his conception of reform was
embodied in the legislation of the sixteenth century. He
had taught more clearly and forcibly than any one who
preceded or followed him the divine authority of the
secular power. He had been the defender of the pre-
rogatives of Parliament in its conflict with the pope. His
alliance with the state was most intimate and real, because
it sprang from the deep religious conviction that the king
was clothed with the dominion of Christ. It was his con-
viction that one source of the evil which afflicted the church
sprang from the temptations of the wealth which was pos-
sessed by bishops and clergy and by the monasteries. He
taught that the church should be poor in imitation of its
Master. He did not lay down, as Luther did, a principle
which overcame the difliculty at its source, but he believed
that the state, acting as Christ's representative, had the
divine right to take from the church its property, whenever
it was misused. Since the state possessed the dominium
of Christ, while the ministerium was the function of the
1 "From the earliest period in England," says Makower, "church
and state remained in intimate union. It is true, occasions arose when
the archbishop of Canterbury openly opposed the king. Such dissen-
sions, however, were of a personal and transient character ; there were
no real and la.sting controversies as to the relation of state and church.
As a rule, the king, with the assistance of the archbishoiJ of Canterbury,
directed alike the secular and the ecclesiastical administration of Eng-
land " (Constit. His. of the Ch. of Eng., p. 8).
The history of Scandinavia furnishes an analogous case with Eng-
land, since there also the king invited the missionary monks into the
country and labored with them for its Christianization. Here, too, as in
Sweden, the king and the bishops together accepted the Reformation, and
the episcopate was retained. But Scandinavia was retarded in its advance
toward nationality by the loss of so large and energetic a part of its popu-
lation in the Norman invasion.
264 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
church, preaching and the cure of souls appeared to him
as the true work of the Christian ministry, from which
it had been withdrawn by the extraneous duties it had
assumed, the discharge of which belonged rather to the
state than to the church. From this point of view the
distinction between bishop and presbyter lost its im-
portance to his mind. Like the later Reformers on the
Continent, he was influenced by Jerome's principle of the
parity of bishops and presbyters in the age of the begin-
nings of the church. The English Church retained the
episcopate at the Reformation, but in other respects it
followed the purpose of Wycliffe. He had made bitter
war in his later years against the endowed monastic orders ;
and as he met with their resistance, as well as that of the
mendicant orders, he carried his opposition still further,
and condemned the principle of mendicancy as false to the
teaching of Christ. His opposition to monasticism was
grounded also on its indifference or hostility to the royal
power, or its alliance with the papacy, whose aim was
to lower the royal dignity by robbing it of its divine right.
It is a significant fact that the second step in the English
Reformation, after the papacy had been rejected, Avas the
abolition of the monasteries, and the appropriation of their
property by the state. In this we may recognize the influ-
ence of Wycliffe's teaching, as well as the natural result
of England's peculiar history as a nation.
The interest which attaches to Wycliffe has grown
deeper in recent years, as his writings have been more
clearly studied, and especially his unpublished manu-
scripts. A sense of the greatness of his personality has
increased, of his representative character as a comprehen-
sive mind in whom his age found its most ample reflection.
He went deeper also than his contemporaries could follow ;
indeed, his principles seem to ally him with the modern
socialistic conception of refoi-m. He appears at times to
be one-sided and extreme in his passionate opposition to
great evils imbedded in corporate ecclesiastical institu-
tions. He was claimed by the later Puritans as their
forerunner and representative, because of his principle of
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 265
the parity of the ministry, and for other reasons, but in
reality he belonged to another cause, the sacredness of the
state and its organic relation to the church — that doctrine
which has been the mainspring of what is highest and
most attractive in English history, which was reaffirmed
with deeper emphasis at the Reformation, and which still
survives in the English Church, as one source of its
strength, as that which differentiates it to some extent in
principle from the other Protestant churches. ^
V
The English Reformation differed from the contemporary
reforms on the Continent, in that it was a movement led by
king and Parliament, with the co-operation of the episco-
pate. Among the bishops there was practical unanimity
of conviction and action, when after the long preparation
of centuries a king arose who, as the representative of the
national will, stood ready to sever the connection between
the English nation and the bishop of Rome. With one
exception, the bishops supported the king and rejected as
no longer binding the ordination vow, which the English-
man Boniface had been the first to take, of obedience and
subjection to the papacy. In view of the many similar
antecedents and precedents in English histor}^ it seems
impossible to conceive that they should have taken any
other course. The national purpose then demanded the
rejection of papal authority, and with that demand the
episcopate, which had always been the support and
the bearer of the national idea, was in close and natural
sympathy.
The English Reformation differs further from the move-
ments led by Luther and Calvin in that to a bishop and
' Amono; the many histories of the Church of England, one of the
latest and best is Perry, His. of the Ch. of Eng., 3 vols., 1862. Among
others may be mentioned the works of Burnet, Strype, Heylin, Fuller,
Maitland, Hook, Ma.ssingberd, Short, Carwithen, Southey, Soames,
Blunt, Wakeman, and Hunt, His. of Beligious Thought in England.
For the pre-Reformation history, Bede, Ussher, Stillingfleet, Soames,
and Collier. See also Art. Church of England by Perry in Enc- Brit.,
Vni., pp. 370 ff.
266 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
not a presbyter was assigned the task of revising the
standards and of reforming doctrine, discipline, and
worship. The large-minded and scholarly Cranmer, an
adherent of the new learning and in sympathy with the
spirit of the age, reflected in himself the prevailing
ideas of his time, accepting the doctrine of justification
by faith, the doctrine of election also, and rejecting the
ideas of transubstantiation and priesthood. In these re-
spects, the English Reformation was conducted on lines
similar to those followed in Germany and Switzerland.
But yet there was a divergence even here, since in all
that was done, whether in rejecting the old or accepting
the new, the concejjtion of a national church was a dis-
tinct motive, the welfare of the nation was a spiritual
principle, and the appeal was to national authority as the
divine warrant by whose sanction reforms were made.
But it is in the treatment of the monasteries that the
peculiar features of the English Reformation most dis-
tinctly appear. The monks not only did not share in the
great movement, but for the most part were in opposition
to the policy of the king. The secular church had devel-
oped in England to such an extent, and with such deep
hold upon the people, that when the king stood ready to
abolish, at one stroke as it were, that whole side of
Mediaeval Christianity, it was accomplished without diffi-
culty, without protest or resistance. In Germany or in
the Netherlands and Switzerland there was a more com-
plete fusion of the 'religious ' and the 'secular ' ; the mon-
astery united with the secular clergy in one common aim
and result, the monastic spirit, however, possessing the
ascendency. But in England the monastic clergy were
not consulted; place was made for them in the secular
church as it might be found convenient; they appear as
conquered subjects, resigned to a will which for a time
they were powerless to dispute. Whether any other ad-
justment was possible, need not be here discussed. The
Reformers of the English Church had gone a long way
toward reconciling the monastic spirit with the secular
ecclesiastical order, when they made the worship which had
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 267
been developed in the monastery the basis of the revised
ritual, giving henceforth in all the parishes the foremost
place to the Morning and Evening Prayer, and thus recog-
nizing the appeal of monastic worship to the intelligence
of the individual worshipper. Unless some such change
had been accepted, the peaceable reform of the church
could not have been accomplished. In this way the
Church of England swung into line with the leading ten-
dencies of the age, recognizing the spirit and the result of
monastic Christianity, the priesthood of all Christians, as
manifested in one common sacrifice of prayer and praise.
But still the violent suppression of the monasteries
remained as bearing witness to the employment of force
in effecting the reform. Admirable as was the reform in
itself, there remained an element in the kingdom which
had not been consulted in its adoption. When the state
proceeded, as in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, to use the
bishops as the agents of the crown in enforcing uniformity
of worship, there came an outbreak of resistance, which
showed that the monastic spirit still survived. While
Germany was convulsed with theological controversies,
there was maturing in England the preparation for a great
schism, — the severest ordeal through which England had
ever been called to pass, the motive of which was no other
than the ancient hostility of the monastic presbyterate
against the secular episcopate. It was not that the Puri-
tans objected so much, after all, to the order of the Book
of Common Prayer, although they did object; what they
most deeply resented was its enforcement by the bishops.
There was no longer any outlet for their dissatisfaction,
as in the Middle Ages there had been, when the papacy
mediated between bishop and presbyter. The issue which
Jerome had raised about the original equality of bishop
and presbj^ter now came up for discussion and ventilation
as never before in the history of the church. Neither side
could convince the other, and neither would make conces-
sions, nor could a compromise be reached until both parties
had tested their strength in a prolonged and bitter struggle
for the supremacy.
268 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
When James I. espoused the cause of the bishops, as in
his famous remark, "No bishop, no king," what had been
originally a religious movement was passing into political
warfare, in which the parties contested for the possession
of the state. In that conflict, the issues and the results
were vital. The emigration to New England began, with
the avowed purpose of setting up "a church without a
bishop, and a state without a king." The bishops clung
more closely to the king, in proportion as the issue seemed
to involve the abolition of the monarchy altogether. They
paid dearly for their adhesion to the sovereign, but it was
in keeping with their traditions since English history
began, that they should support the throne in its emergen-
cies. It was not with them a question of whether the
king was right or wrong; they stood by his side as the
bearer of a sacred principle, — the divine life of the state,
which was struggling in mortal throes. The first result
of the struffffle was the disestablishment and overthrow of
the church, which for a generation lay prostrate at the feet
of victorious Puritanism. Then came a change, when the
king was brought back, and the church was restored. But
the issue was not over until the Revolution in 1688, which
brought the final compromise, — religious toleration for
individuals and for churches who rejected the authority
of the episcopate. Since then the English Nonconforming
churches have taken the place of the ancient monasteries,
building upon the same principles outlets of activity and
refuge in which individualism may assert itself, when it
can find no other vent. When a man is emerging into
the knowledge of himself, and wishes to exercise the fun-
damental prerogative of manhood in making a choice, it is
in the things of religion that he first feels the obstacles in
his way. There are those who prefer to be born into a
church, and are grateful for the privileges which the
absence of choice in the matter has brought them. There
are those, on the other hand, who find that the essence of
religion involves one supreme determination of the will.
To such in England, nonconformity still offers the pos-
sibilities which in the MedicEval church created a rich
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 269
variety of monastic orders. It is the tendency of the
Church of England to minister to individual freedom on
the basis of the solidarity of the state; the tendency of
the Nonconformist churches is to create groups of soli-
darities on the basis of individual freedom and agreement
in religious opinion.
The conflict between the episcopate and the presbyterate,
which has now been traced in brief outline from its origin,
must not be dismissed without a word as to certain larger
bearings which it involves. It has not been a conflict con-
fined to the Christian church. When we turn to Jewish
history, the same issue may be detected in the long strug-
gle from the time of the rise of Jewish monarchy till its
decline. The question then took the shape of a rivalry
between the prophet and the king. In the Jewish theoc-
racy, where church and state were one, the king had the
function of ecclesiastical oversight, while the prophet
was to declare the Word of God to all alike, without
distinction of rank. Should prophetism be placed above
royalty, or royalty above prophetism, or were they co-
ordinate powers which, when they came in conflict, must
settle their differences as best they could under the uni-
versal solvent — the well-being of the nation ? In the
Northern kingdom, prophetism had gained the advan-
tage over the kings. The Northern state was founded by
the advice of prophets, and dynasties were displaced at
their pleasure, with the result that monarchy was weak-
ened and the state came to a premature end. In the
Southern kingdom a different modus vivendi was reached,
where the prophet appears more as a co-ordinate authority
subject to the king, and yet free to proclaim his conviction.
In the Southern kingdom there were conflicts also, but
occasional glimpses are given of a happier adjustment.
David appears no less a king, when he accepts the word
of the prophet which was condemnation of his evil-doing;
and the prophet, while he approaches the king in free-
dom, reverences also an authority which is divine and
co-ordinate Avith his own. So it was with Hezekiah and
270 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Isaiah. But when the kingdom of Judah began to decline
kings appeared who aimed to suppress the freedom of the
prophet in uttering his entire message from God. And
it is not only in Judah, but in every history of every
state, that the same eternal issue is forever arising, and
upon its solution depend the fortunes of the nation.
Such is the essence of the struggle in the Christian
church from its foundation. There is, on the one hand,
the function of preaching, which demands freedom of
utterance. The teacher must speak with all boldness the
lesson of the hour, adjusting the form of the proclamations
of the message from God in accordance with human learn-
ing and the changes which time and progress demand.
On the other hand, there is the function of administration
of ecclesiastical affairs, in the interest of growth and of
order, of unity and peace. Which shall be supreme over
the other, when their interests conflict? Or is their true
relation one of co-ordinate authority? In the Catholic
church, from the time of Cyprian and by his agency, the
effort was made to place the function of administration
above preaching or prophecy. In the Eastern church, the
state appears as exercising important episcopal functions,
and the church with bishops and presbyters is in such
close sympathy with the state that the issue rarely rises
to the surface. In Western Europe, with the rise of
monasticism and the growing consciousness of the church
as distinct from the state, the question of bishop and pres-
byter became a vital principle. The papacy mediated
between them, and for a long period with such success
that the secular episcopate and the monastic presbyterate
were held together in one great organization. When the
papac}' lost its power or capacity for successful mediation,
the two elements of Mediseval Christianity fell apart, and
have since remained under different forms of church gov-
ernment, with no visible organic unit3\ In the present
day the question has arisen whether the settlement of the
Reformation was a final one.^
1 It throws light upon the Oxford Movement, if it is regarded as a mo-
nastic protest within the Church of England against its secular aspect as
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION" 271
The question of administration embarrassed the Ger-
man Reformers. Luther handed over to the state the
function of episcopal supervision, which in turn intrusted
its duties to a consistory of clergy. The arrangement was
not intended to be permanent, but was regarded as meet-
ing the existing emergency. But both Melanchthon and
Luther felt that while they had provided the highest place
for the preaching of the Word, they had not adequately
provided for the oversight and administration of eccle-
siastical affairs. In the Reformed Church, the function
of preaching also assumed the place of highest honor,
while administration appears as somewhat subordinate,
inasmuch as it is shared by the ministry with the ruling
elders met together in synods. ^ In the Church of Eng-
land, the presbyter was restored to a footing of equality
with the bishop, in so far as the function of preaching was
treated as the highest prerogative of the ministry. The
English form for making a presbyter was modelled after the
Latin form for making a bishop. In both cases in the
Anglican ordinal there is an examination of the ordinand
before the congregation ; to the presbyter is restored the
privilege, which was his in the Apostolic age, of defending
the faith ; to both alike is handed the Bible as the object of
study and the source of authority in teaching. But the
rank of the bishop, who has the functions of ordination and
the established church which, during the eighteenth century, had been pre-
dominant. This point of view is confirmed by the language of its leader,
the late Dr. Pusey, who writes regarding the bishops : "I am not dis-
turbed, because I never attached any weight to the bishops. It was per-
haps the difference between Newman and me : he threw himself upon the
bishops and they failed him ; I threw myself on the English Church and
the Fathers as under God her support" {Life, Vol. III., p. 163).
1 In his system of church government, Calvin assigned the higher dig-
nity to the pastors and teachers who preach the Word and administer the
sacraments. But he also provides in an explicit way for the function
of administration of ecclesiastical affairs, which consists of two depart-
ments, — government and care of the poor : ' ' By these governors I under-
stand seniors selected from the people to unite with the bishops [i.e.
presbyters, for the terms ' bishop,' 'presbyter,' 'pastor,' and 'teachers' are
regarded by Calvin as synonymous] in pronouncing censures and exer-
cising discipline. . . . From the beginning, therefore, each church had
its senate, composed of pious, grave, and venerable men, in whom was
lodged the power of correcting faults" (Instil., B. IV., c. 3, § 9).
272 ORGANtZATION OP THE CHURCH
confirmation, and of supervision also, as the executive of
ecclesiastical law, is higher than that of the presbyter.
He is ordained like the presbyter, but is further conse-
crated to his episcopal office.
From one point of view the form of ecclesiastical organ-
ization was regarded by the Reformers as a matter of
supreme importance, inasmuch as the rejection of papal
headship was deemed essential to the constitution of a pure
church. This was a common tie which bound the Protes-
tant churches together in mutual sympathy. Beyond this
point there was little discussion of the form which organi-
zation should assume, nor was the outward form regarded
as essential, so long as the true doctrine was maintained.
Hence the Church of England regarded the ministry of the
Continental churches as valid, and those who had not
received episcopal ordination were allowed to minister in
her parishes.^
VI
The word 'Protestant' was not regarded in the sixteenth
century as the antithesis of Catholic. Rather did the
Reformers, English, German, and Swiss, claim the word
'Catholic' as a true and fitting designation of the Protes-
tant churches. They had rejected the Roman definition of
1 "During the reign of Elizabeth and James I., the clergy of non-
episcopal churches outside England were, in the opinion of the day, ac-
counted regularly ordained priests ; under Elizabeth, and temporarily
after the restoration of episcopacy under Charles II., priests who had not
been ordained by bishops were allowed to officiate even within the
Church of England" (Makower, Constitutional History of the Church of
England, § 18, who also cites the evidence). Cf. also Keble's Preface to
his edition of Hooker's Works ; Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, in Commen-
tary on the Thirty-nine Articles, Art. V. ; Lord Bacon in Works, Spedding,
Ellis and Heath ed., VIII. 87; Archbishop Bramhall, in Introduction to
Works; citations to the same effect, from Bridges, Bishop of Oxford;
Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury ; Cooper, Bishop of Lincoln ; Bishop
Cosin, Archbishop Ussher, and others, in Goode, On Orders. For the
ordination of the Scotch bishops in 1611, cf. Spotiswood, His. of Church
and State in Scotland; episcopal consecration was then given to pres-
byters who had not received episcopal ordination. See also Collection
of Becords appended to Burnet, History of the Reformation, Bk. III.,
§ 21, for the discussion of the question of Orders in the reign of Henry VIII.
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 273
catholicity, as consisting in union and agreement with
Rome ; but the Greek etymology of the word gave them
their favorite definition, — that the Catholic church was
universal in the sense of including all faithful disciples
of Christ in every age and place, in this world and in
another. Hence they denied that the Roman church was
or could be catholic in the true sense, and affirmed that
catholicity was the essential mark of Protestantism. In
this sense they recited the creeds which called for faith in
the Holy Catholic Church. With this church they were
sure they were united in the deepest way and by ties that
could not be broken.^
But there was another sense, a more exact and historical
sense, in which the Protestant churches could claim posses-
sion of catholicity. They received in common the Canon
of Scripture as containing the teaching of Christ and His
1 The two creeds, the ' Apostles' ' and ' Nicene ' as they are called, were
retained by all the Protestant churches. But in Germany, the word
' Catholic ' was translated into its equivalent Christliche, by Luther in his
Small Catechism; in the Heidelberg Catechism it reads allgemeine christ-
liche Kirche. Cf. Calvin, Institutes, IV. 1, §§ 1, 3, for his commentary on
the creed, where he vigorously contends for the necessity of union with
the Catholic church understood in this larger sense. The Church of
England retained the word ' Catholic ' in the creeds, as elsewhere in her
oifices, but it was defined in the Prayer for all Conditions of Men, as " all
those who profess and call themselves Christians," and again as in the
Litany, " the holy church univei'sal " ; in Canon 55, of the Canons of 1604 :
" Ye shall pray for Christ's Holy Catholic Church, that is, for the whole
congregation of Christian people dispersed throughout the whole world."
Cf. The Catechism in Becon, Works, p. 42 (Parker Soc. ed.), for a rep-
resentative statement of the Anglican doctrine in this period : " Father.
Why is this church called ' Catholic ' or universal ? Son. Because it is
not bound to one certain place, kingdom, or empire, but is dispersed
throughout the whole world; so that in all places God hath His elect and
chosen people which believe in Him, call on His holy name and worship
Him according to His word even in spirit and in truth." Jewell, Bishop
of Salisbury, also contended for the catholicity of Protestant doctrines,
as given by Christ and His apostles, as well as for the translation of
'Catholic' into 'universal' as its true equivalent. Cf. Works, I. 426;
II. 1030. Other Church of England writers took the same view : " il/. To
what purpose dost thou call this church Catholic? S. It is as much as if
I called it universal" (Nowell, Works, p. 173 [Par. Soc. ed.]); " Assuredly
that man will never be a good Catholic whom well-collated Scriptures can-
not bring to adopt a Catholic opinion " ( Whitaker, Works, p. 480) ; " Eo-
mana ecclesia nan est Catholica ecclesia'^ (Whitgift, Works, III., p. 622).
T
274 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
Apostles. Luther raised doubts regarding certain books
of the New Testament, but the Lutheran Church, as well
as the Reformed Church and the Church of England, took
the New Testament as the authoritative source of Chris-
tian truth. 1 Hence they could claim an Apostolic succes-
sion, according to the definition which had been given of
it by Irenseus ^ in the second century, when the Christian
faith was denied by the Gnostic and other teachers, and
when the test and foundation of catholicity consisted in
holding by the teaching which had descended from the
Apostles. There is also still another historical applica-
tion of the term 'Catholic ' to the Protestant churches,
which is justified by their attitude in the age of the
Reformation, and to which reference will be made in a
later chapter. ^
1 Cf. Thirty-nine Articles, Art. VIII. : "The Nicene Creed, and that
which is commonly called the Apostles' Creed, ought thoroughly to be
believed and received ; for they may be proved by most sure vrarrant of
Holy Scripture."
2 Cf. ante, p. 94.
3 There are various private interpretations of catholicity, all of which,
however they may differ, agree in regarding the word as the desig-
nation of the ideal or perfect church, but for none of which can be
claimed any universal sanction. Such was the Vincentian theory
originating in Gaul in the fifth century, which postulates as the test of
Catholic truth. Quod semper, ubiqiie et ab omnibus ; a canon, to say the
least of it, very difficult of application. Coleridge was the author of a
certain popular use of the term ' Catholic ' : " The present adherents of the
Church of Rome are not, in my judgment. Catholics. We are the
Catholics. We can prove that we hold the doctrines of the primitive
church for the first three hundred years. ... A person said to me
lately, ' But you will for civility's sake call them Catholics, will you
not ? ' I answered that I would not tell a lie upon any, much less upon
so solemn an occasion. The adherents of the Church of Rome, I repeat,
are not Catholic Christians. If they are, then it follows that we Protes-
tants are heretics and schismatics, etc." (Table Talk, April 29, 1823).
According to Bishop Ken, the Catholic church maintained its existence
until the schism between the Greek and Latin churches. The High
Anglican view asserts that episcopacy is of the essence of catholicity.
This view was first broached by some of the Caroline divines in the
seventeenth century in opposition to the Puritans, and has been reas-
serted by the leaders of the Oxford Movement, e.g. Newman and Pusey.
For its statement and defence see Gore, The Church and the 3Iinistry ;
also Tracts for the Times, passim. Others again of the same school regard
the epithet ' Catholic ' as distinctive of the church before the Reformation,
and therefore as the antithesis of ' Protestant.'
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 275
The Protestant world, differing as it does in so many
aspects, whether in doctrine or organization or worship,
from the Mediaeval world out of which it grew, does
yet retain a striking resemblance, in external appear-
ance at least, to the Christendom which it superseded.
The larger divisions of Protestantism still perpetuate
the various attitudes of monasticism, so far as they were
expressions of certain permanent tendencies in religion,
each of which needs and seeks the shelter of institutional
life, all of which together, and no one of them apart from
the rest, are competent to represent the workings of the
soul under the tuition of the Spirit. It was the wisdom
of the papacy, and its signal service to humanity, that it
recognized them all and tolerated them all, — not only the
greater orders, but those seemingly countless divisions
and subdivisions which we cease to follow, so minute are
their ramifications, but each standing nevertheless for
some one special doctrine of the faith or historic fact
in the life of Christ, some single truth which the world
seemed in danger of neglecting. And if a human in-
stitution like the papacy could rise to such an expanded
view of the demands of the religious life, and conserve
their utterance, much more can the Protestant world,
always under the headship of Christ and sharing in His
life, recognize this unity amidst great diversity. From
this point of view we may remind ourselves how the di-
visions of Protestantism still retain reminders of a world
which they have outgrown. In the Lutheran Church
may be traced the spirit of the Augustinian order, with
which its origin was so clearly connected, — the reverence
for Augustine and for that theology and type of piety with
which his name is forever associated. The Reformed
Church has points of affinity with the Dominican order, — in
its wide diffusion in every land, in the importance which,
like the Lutheran Church, it attaches to doctrine and to
preaching, but also to organization, upon which it lays a
deeper stress. The Methodist Church is almost a reproduc-
tion of the Franciscan order, and Wesley as it were the suc-
cessor of Francis of Assisi, taking the world for his parish.
276 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
with his ardent love of souls, differing from the Reformed
Church on those points in which the Franciscan differed
from the Dominican, and pre-eminently in all that relates
to or flows from the doctrine of the freedom of the human
will. The Church of England perpetuates more distinctly
the secular church of the Middle Ages, but in its capacity
as a national church has included more than one variety
of monastic attitude. In the High Anglican school may
be seen the reproduction of the spirit of Clugny, with its
doctrine of church authority, and its love of a rich, elab-
orate ritual or its devotion to an imposing architecture ;
or, on the other hand, in the Low Church party, as it is
called, we catch the tone of Bernard of Clairvaux, who
regarded ritual with indifference and impressed upon the
Cistercian order the sin of spending money upon the
details of gorgeous rites, or the adornment of the houses
for the worship of God with meaningless architectural
decoration, who gave the inward experience of religion
the highest place, accompanied only with the worship
which is in spirit and in truth. The Congregational
Church, which has been prolific in offshoots organized on
the same principle of the independence of the local church,
appears like a reversion to the earlier and simpler organi-
zation of the Benedictine order, when each monastery was
independent and complete in itself, — an order which has
rivalled, if not surpassed, the Dominican in learning and
scholarship and in devotion to Christian literature. It
would be impossible to enumerate them all, but the Bap-
tist Church may be mentioned with its logical insistence
upon what theories imply, with its endeavor to secure
a more complete discipline and realization of all that a
Protestant church involves, with its recognition in an
emphatic way of the significance of the Old Testament in
its relation to the New, — in this attitude there is a sug-
gestion of one of the larger but more rigid monastic orders,
the Carmelite, which claimed as its founder a great prophet
of the older dispensation, Elijah upon Mount Carmel, an
order whose extensive membership exhibited a devotion
and enthusiasm for their monastic foundation which is not
THE AGE OP THE REFORMATION 277
surpassed in monastic annals. And how many other lesser
orders there were, who had learned the truth that God
speaks to the soul in silence, and that in silent prayer and
silent worship the Spirit is active, helping the infirmi-
ties of men in those groanings which cannot be uttered.
If the monastic orders were one under the headship of the
papacy, these Protestant orders are quite as surely one
under Christ, holding to the Catholic faith also, of which
the essence is the God-man, a divine-human leader, Jesus
the Son of the living God.
It requires only the exercise of the spiritual imagination
to see and to feel that the Protestant world is the product
of world-forces which are still active, that the evils which
we bemoan have not yet bred essential weakness in its
constitution, or impaired it by failure or decay. A recent
writer, who was familiar with the history of the church
before and since the Reformation, has enumerated these
evils: "The loss of that organic unity which served in
bygone days as a powerful evidence in aid of Christian
truth; the intermission of fraternal fellowship between
communities related to each other, not by blood and lan-
guage merely, but in some essential points by creed; the
sad dismemberment of families; the multiplication of
parties, schisms, and factions rising out of religious preju-
dice and often issuing in religious wars ; the growth of
mental habits leading either to indifferentism on one side
or to interdicted speculations on the other; the diffusion
of an egotistic, self-complacent, and subjective spirit, mak-
ing light of all ecclesiastical traditions and exciting con-
troversies whose vibrations are still felt in almost every
part of Europe, — these were some of the immediate and, it
may be, necessary accompaniments of struggles which then
rose between the ancient and modern modes of thought, be-
tween the Mediseval and Reforming principles." "But,"
he continues,
" While confessing and deploring such results, we should, on
the other hand, reflect that, in the present stage of man's existence,
great advantages must generally be jiurchased by corresjoonding sacri-
fices ; and that if we fairly balance gain with loss, the Reformation is
278 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH
to be esteemed among our very choicest blessings. It recovered vphat
is far more precious than ecclesiastical unity, — the primitive and
Apostolic faith. From it accordingly has dated a new era in the
moral progress of the Western nations, and the spiritual development
of man. It has replaced him in the liberty wherewith Clirist had
made him free. It has unloosed the trammels that oppressed not
only his understanding but his conscience. It has led to the rejection
of that semi-Judaism in thought and feeling, which, however it was
overruled for good in training the barbaric nations of the north, was,
notwithstanding, a melancholy relapse into the servile posture of the
Hebrew, as distinguished from the free and filial spirit that should
characterize the children of God. Above all, the Reformation vindi-
cates for our Blessed Lord the real Headship of the Church, exalting
Him as the one source of life and righteousness, and thereby placing
saints, and priests, and sacraments in their true subordination. Per-
sonal faith in Him, the Reconstructor of humanity, the living Way
unto the Father, was now urged with emphasis unequalled since the
age of St. Augustine; and this quickening of man's moral conscious-
ness imparted a new stimulus to individual effort. Doubtless many
wild exaggerations followed, and still follow, in the track of the great
movement, partly owing to the natural waywardness of men, and
partly to the irrepressible force of the revulsion caused by hatred of
the ancient superstitions. Yet in spite of all such drawbacks, it is
manifest that the reformed are, as a rule, entitled to rank higher than
the unreformed communities, surpassing these not only in the vigor
of their intellectual faculties and their material prosperity, but also
in the social, moral, and religious elevation of the people. Exactly
whei'e the leaders of the Reformation were true to their first princi-
ples, and struggled to preserve the middle way, — in which the doctrine
of authority is made consistent with individual freedom, — in the same
proportion we behold their labors crowned with rich and permanent
success ; and exactly where the seed they scattered found a peaceful
and congenial soil, we recognize the most intelligent and manly, the
most truthful, upright, and magnanimous people in the world." ^
1 A History of the Christian Church during the Reformation, by
Charles Harclwick, 31. A., late felloio of St. Catherine's College, Divinity
Lecturer at King''s College, and Christian Advocate in the University of
Cambridge, 2d ed. revised by Francis Procter, M.A., London, 1865,
pp. 10-12. See, also, Fisher, Professor G. P., History of the Reformation,
c. XV., on the Relation of Protestantism to Culture and Civilization,
which contains many profound reflections on the significance of the
Protestant attitude.
Book II
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS AND THE DEVELOP-
MENT OF DOCTRINE
CHAPTER I
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS ^
In" the foregoing discussion of the organization of the
church, differences in the ecclesiastical order appear as
related to the development of Christian civilization, as
well as to the fuller and richer assertion of the Christian
life. The conflicting motives of solidarity and individu-
alism, of imperialism which knows no distinction of race
or country, and of nationality which brings freedom to
those of common kindred, have been cherished by the
antagonistic tendencies in ecclesiastical institutions, until
they were revealed in their full significance in the age of
the Reformation. We must judge of institutions by the
results they have created. In their final manifestation
may be read more clearly than in their professed aim or
their formal declaration of principles what has been the
deeper, though often unconscious, motive of their exist-
ence. The life of Luther and the later intellectual history
of Germany is a commentary on monasticism, inter-
preting its higher spirit better than the rules of the
Benedictine order. The Anglican Reformation and the
later history of England best disclose the purposes of
1 Schaff, Creeds of Christendom ; Hahn, Bibliothek der Symhole nnd
Glaubensregeln der apostolisch-katholischen Kirche ; Caspari, Qnellen
zur Geschichte des TcmfsymhoJs ; article on Creeds by Swainson in
Diet. Chris. Biog., also his Literary History of the Nicene and Aj>ostles'
Creeds; Harvey, History nnd Theology of the Three Creeds; Lumby,
History of the Creeds; Heurtley, Harmonia Syrnbolica ; Hefele, History
of the Councils.
279
280 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
the episcopate in its bearing upon religion and civiliza-
tion. The Reformed Church, from its centre at Geneva
growing into a cosmopolitan organization, which was at
home in every country, is a disclosure of the purpose at
which monasticism was aiming, but was unable to accom-
plish in consequence of its limitations. Only in the long
process of the ages is the meaning revealed of much which
seems incongruous or alien to the Christian spirit. In a
modified form the institutions still persist, which in their
Mediseval analogies seem foreign and repulsive to the
modern mind.
In turning now to the ancient creeds, the same questions
call for an answer. Why they took the shape they did.
What relation they sustain to that increasing purpose
which exists beneath the surface of consciousness, and
reveals its presence and its power in the great historical
moments of human manifestation. What the creeds affirm
has its connection with the political and social aspects of
life, no less than with the religious, or may carry as in a
germ the content of philosophical or speculative attitudes
toward the world. While they are primarily the state-
ments of simple personal faith, or of historical facts in the
life of Christ, whose recitation in worship serves a religious
end, they may also be the war-songs of great victories in
which the fate of civilization was at issue. What the
creeds omit is significant also, as well as what they con-
tain. When the age of creed-making was over, it was
followed by an age when systems of theology were devel-
oped, expanding the content of the human soul in its
relation toward God with a fulness and richness which
has found its adequate symbol in some vast cathedral. If
the creeds may be regarded as the products of the Catho-
lic church, as the expression of the episcopate seeking
that Avhich was common and necessary for all the world ;
systems of theology, on the other hand, were first devel-
oped by monks as in the Middle Ages, by the presbyterate
inheriting the traditions of the ancient teacher, an Origen
or a Jerome, building indeed upon the creeds, but more
concerned about their deeper interpretation. The modern
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS 281
Protestant churches surpass the ancient Catholic church
in possessing not only the creeds, but the results of theo-
logical inquiry, embodied in Confessions of Faith. The
Catholic church dwelt mainly upon the theology of the
incarnation, but when raonasticism arose another issue was
slowly developed, which finally took form as the theology
of the atonement. The incarnation speaks to man in his
relations to the race of humanity ; the atonement is the
application of the incarnation to the needs of the individ-
ual soul. There are two small books whose influence has
been out of all proportion to their size, the two most rep-
resentative books in Christian literature, — Athanasius, De
Incarnatlone Verbi, and Anselm, Cia- Deus Homo, one
written by the patriarchal bishop of a national church, the
other by a monastic presbyter in his lonely cell.
There are three creeds, which out of many have survived
by gaining the support of popular recognition, none of
which are strictly entitled to the names by which they are
known, — the Apostles' Creed, the Nicene Creed, and the
Athanasian Creed. Of these the only one which can be
said to possess oecumenical authority is the so-called Creed
of Nicaea, which was set forth with the formal approval of
the Council of Chalcedon in 451 a.d., which to-day is re-
cited in the liturgies of the Greek and Roman and Anglican
churches, and which, if not in liturgical use in the Lutheran
and Reformed churches, retains their confidence and ap-
proval. The Apostles' Creed is unknown in the Greek and
Oriental churches and has never had the sanction of con-
ciliar authority. The creed called after Athanasius is a
symbol still more restricted in its use, and since the Refor-
mation has failed to commend itself to the popular mind.
Its historical significance lies in the fact that it boldly iden-
tifies the Catholic faith with the doctrine of the Trinity.
The Apostles' Creed ^ is the oldest of the three, and its
1 Rufinus, Expositio in Symbohim Apostolorum, in Migne, Patro.,
XXI. ; Ussher, De Symbolo Apostolico ; M. Nicholas, Le Symhole cles
282 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
date, in its original form, may be placed about the middle
of the second century. In its structure it is the expansion
of the baptismal formula, — the name of the Father, the
Son, and the Holy Ghost. This creed first read as follows :
" I believe in God the Father Almighty ; and in Jesus Christ His
only Son, our Lord ; who was born of the Holy Spirit and Mary the
Virgin ; under Pontius Pilate was crucified and buried ; on the third
day He rose from the dead ; He ascended into heaven ; He sitteth
on the right hand of the Father ; from thence He shall come to judge
the living and the dead ; and in the Holy Spirit ; the holy church ;
the forgiveness of sins ; the resurrection of the flesh." ^
Nothing is known regarding the origin of this creed,
beyond the fact that it was originally written in Greek.
The time when it was written is a matter of inference, but
may be regarded as established. Whether it originated at
Rome or was imported from Asia Minor is uncertain.
Why it should have taken the shape it did, or whether it
reflects the theological moods of the hour, are questions not
determined with certainty. In the New Testament there
are given brief confessions which reveal no traces of con-
troversy, or of protest against erroneous conceptions. Such
was Peter's confession : " Thou art the Christ, the Son of
the living God " ; or the baptismal confession in Acts viii.
37, whose genuineness is doubtful : " I believe that Jesus
is the Son of the living God "; or again the form of words
Apotres ; Westcott, Apostles' Creed ; Baron, Greek Origin of Apostles'
Creed ; Kattenbusch, Das Apostolische Symbol ; seine Entstehung, sein
geschichtliches Si7in, seine ursprilngliche Stellung in Kultus ii. in der
Theologie d. Kirche, 1895.
1 Cf.' Iren., C. Haer. 1, c. 10, § 1 ; Tertull., Praes. Haer., c. xiii. The
creed of Cyprian is much briefer, and is a reduction probably like that of
Novatian, neitlier of them giving the creed in full, but taking it for
granted. Cf. Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, II., pp. 20, 21 ; also Hahn,
Bibliothek der Symbole, etc., p. 74. For the origin of the Roman creed,
cf. Caspari, III., pp. 267 ff. Dr. Hort suggested its Oriental origin on
the ground of the expression nopoyei'T}s vlbs, in his Two Dissertations,
etc. In the lately discovered Apology of Aristides, a Christian philoso-
pher at Athens in the reign of Antoninus Pius, may be found the mate-
rials, which, when placed together as by Professor Rendel Harris, closely
resemble the Roman symbol, and must be nearly contemporaneous with
it. Cf. Apol. in Greek version, cc. 14, 15, in Vol. IX., in Ante-Nicene
Fathers, ed. Chris. Lit. Co. ; cf. also Scott, The Nicene Theology, p. 328.
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS 283
given by St. Paul : " I delivered unto you first of all that
which I also received, how that Christ died for our sins
according to the scriptures and that he was buried and
that he rose again the third day according to the script-
ures." Whether or not the Apostles' Creed contemplated
the existing situation in the church, or its object was to
overcome Gnosticism and Montanism by the assertion of
fundamental Christian teaching, it was adapted to this end
and may be regarded as the characteristic utterance of the
Catholic church when it realized its great mission to the
world. In the writings of Ignatius (110-117 a.d.) there
is an earlier confession of faith closely resembling the
Apostles' Creed, whose object was to overcome that mode
of thinking known as Docetism, which denied the objective
reality of the person of Christ, refusing to believe that He
possessed a human body, or that He actually died upon the
cross. Hence Ignatius dwelt upon historic facts in opposi-
tion to the transcendental scepticism :
"Jesus Christ, who has descended from David, and was also of
Mary ; who was truly born and did eat and drink. He was truly
persecuted under Pontius Pilate ; He was truly crucified, and truly
died, in the sight of beings in heaven and on earth and under the
earth. He was also truly raised from the dead."^
The Apostles' Creed furnishes also the model which
was universally followed, — the expansion of the baptismal
formula. About the threefold name of Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost clustered the statements regarding the dis-
tinctive work of each, which, as in the rules of faith given
by Irenseus and Tertullian, might vary without affecting
the substance of the creed. The distinctive feature of the
Apostles' Creed was in the historical character of the ex-
pansion connected with the name of Christ. Herein lay its
value, that it professed to deal with actual events or facts
capable of being fixed as to place or time, of which the
report might be attested by those who knew, and further
might be handed down in tradition from one man to
another. It was this feature of the creed which com-
1 Cf . Ad Trail, ix. ; also Ad Mag. xi. ; Ad Smyr. i.
284 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
mended it to the Western churches, whether in Italy,
Gaul, or North Africa. It required no profound intellect-
ual preparation in order to its comprehension ; it spoke the
language of no speculative school ; it did not deal with
theories about the person of Christ, but laid the stress on
the supreme circumstances in the life on earth of the in-
carnate Son of God, His birth, His death, His resurrection,
and His ascension to the Father.
There is no evidence that this creed was known in the
Eastern churches before the time of Origen. Clement of
Alexandria (f 220) makes no reference to it, nor does he
seem to be aware of its existence. But Origen (f 254)
had been to Rome and while there may have become
acquainted with it, as also with the belief that it had been
composed by the twelve Apostles, from whom it had de-
scended by the continuous succession of the episcopate.
In writing his theological treatise on First Principles^
Origen gives the Roman Creed in its distinctive features,
but with a free rendering of his own, to adapt it to a
somewhat different theological atmosphere. He also in-
terprets the creed as if its design were to overcome Gnos-
tic or Docetic heresies, amplifying its tel^se expressions by
saying that Christ was truly born and did truly suffer, did
truly die and truly rise from the dead. The difference in
tone and spirit between Rome and Alexandria is also
apparent in Origen's conviction that the interpretation of
the creed is a matter of vital importance. Over against
the claim of tradition he vindicates the right of free theo-
logical inquiry:
"The holy Apostles, in preaching the faith of Christ, delivered
themselves with the utmost clearness on certain points which they
believed to be necessary to every one, even to those who seemed some-
what dull in the investigation of divine knowledge; leaving, however,
the grounds of their statements to be examined into by those who
should deserve the excellent gifts of the Spirit, and who, especially by
means of the Holy Spirit Himself, should obtain the gifts of language,
of wisdom, and of knowledge; while on other subjects they merely
stated the facts that things were so, keeping silence as to the manner
or origin of their existence, clearly in order that the more zealous of
their successors, who should be lovers of wisdom, might have a sub-
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS 285
ject on which to display the fruit of their talents, — those persons, I
mean, who should prepare themselves to be fit and worthy receivers
of wisdom." ^
The origin of the creeds in the Eastern church is obscure.
They are later than the Roman creed, and there is a cer-
tain resembhince between them ; but whether they have
followed it or have expanded the baptismal formula with-
out knowledge of it is uncertain. The Eastern creeds
betray the influence of the rising controversy on the re-
lation of tlie Son to the Father. They began to appear
toward the close of the third century and from that time
until after the middle of the fifth century there was an
epoch of creed-making which rivals in activity and fertility
the period in Protestant history which followed the Refor-
mation. While the church in the West had but one creed,
that of Rome, which is substantially reproduced by Ire-
ngeus and Tertullian and others, the Eastern church was
more independent and its creeds may have many centres.
The oldest of these is that of Gregory Thaumaturgus
(c. 233-270), a disciple of Origen and Bishop of Neocaesarea.
Its tone is profoundly theological and in this respect it is
representative of the many Eastern creeds of later date.
In Bishop Bull's translation it reads :
" There is one God, Father of Him who is the living Word, sub-
sisting Wisdom and Power and Eternal Impress. Perfect Begetter
of the Perfect, Father of the only begotten Son. There is one Lord,
Alone of the alone, God of God, Impress and Image of the Godhead,
the operative Word ; Wisdom comprehensive of the system of the
universe, and Power productive of the whole creation ; true Son of
true Fatlier, Invisible of Invisible, and Incorruptible of Incorruptible,
and Immortal of Immortal, and Eternal of Eternal. And there is
one Holy Ghost, who hath his being of God, who hath appeared
through the Son, Image of the Son, Perfect of the Perfect ; Life, the
Cause of all them that live ; Holy Fountain, Holiness, the Bestower
of sanctification, in whom is manifested God the Father, who is over
all and in all, and God the Son, who is through all. A perfect Trin-
ity, not divided nor alien in glory and eternity and dominion." ^
1 Origen, De Princip. in Pref. 3.
2 Cf. Art. Gregorius Thaumaturgus in Smith and Wace, Diet. Chris.
Biog. for discussion of genuineness of this creed. It is defended by Cas-
pari in appendix to C^iiellen, etc. Tor the creed of Lucian of Antioch
286 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
A peculiar interest attaches to the creed of the church
in Cgesarea because it was presented by Eusebius, its bishop
at the Council of Nictea, as a summary of the Christian
faith, which " we received from the bishops before us in
our first catechetical instruction and when we were bap-
tized." This creed was as follows :
" We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things
both visible and invisible, and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of
God, God of God, Light of Light, Life of Life, the only begotten Son,
the First-born of eveiy Creature, begotten of the Father before all
worlds, by whom also all things were made. Who for our salvation
was made flesh, and lived amongst men, and suffered, and rose again
on the third da)', and ascended to the Father, and shall come in glory
to judge the quick and the dead. And we believe in One Holy
Ghost." 1
Such was the basis of the famous symbol known as
the Nicene Creed. But this creed of Caesarea was not
acceptable to the Council because the Arians professed
themselves willing to receive it. It was therefore amended
by additions which the Arians were unwilling to accept
and thus took form as the original creed of the Council
of Nicoea. With the additions and certain minor changes,
it was as follows :
" We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things
both visible and invisible.
" And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the
Father, only begotten that is to say of the substance of the Father, God
of God, Light of Light, very God of ver>i God, begotten not made, being
of one substance ivith the Father [^ofxoovaLov tw Trarpt], by whom all
things were made, both things in heaven and things in earth, who
for us men and for our salvation came down and was made flesh, and
was made man, suffered, and rose again on the third day ; went up
into the heavens, and is to come again to judge the quick and the
dead.
" And in the Holy Ghost.
" But those that say ' there was when He was not,' and that ' He
came into existence from what was not,' or who profess that the Son
(t c. 112) see Mansi, Cone, III. 398, Hefele, II., p. 77 (Eng. Trans.), and
Schaff in Ch. His., II., p. 537.
1 Of. Athanasius, De Deer. Syn. Nic. .32 ; Socrates, H. £"., i. 8; Hort,
J)issert., p. 56 I Stanley, His. of East. Ch., pp. 226 ff.
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS 287
of God is of a different 'subsistence,' or 'substance,' or that He is
created, or changeable, or variable, are anathematized by the Catholic
church." 1
There is another ancient Oriental creed to which a deeper
interest attaches than to the creed of Csesarea as given
by Eusebius : the creed of the church at Jerusalem, which
first appears in the Catechetical Lectures of Cyril (c. 350),
though its age must be greater than the date of its first
appearance. Within recent years the important discovery
has been made, that what is now known and recited as the
Nicene Creed rests for its base upon the creed of the
church of Jerusalem, which has been revised and enlarged
and in its final shape has superseded the creed of Nicaea.
It has been for age's the received view, that the original
creed set forth at Nicaea was expanded at the Second
General Council held at Constantinople in 381 by the
addition of all that follows the sentence, ' I believe in the
Holy Ghost,' with which the Nicene symbol terminated, as
also by the other additions in the body of the creed. But
it has now been established on critical grounds that the
Second General Council did not touch the creed of Nicsea
but reaffirmed it as it was first proclaimed, as if it were
intended to remain an unique document permanent and
unalterable. What happened at Constantinople which may
have given rise to the view that the Nicene Creed was
there enlarged, as well as reaffirmed, was the presentation
to the council by some individual, probably the bishop
Cyril of Jerusalem, of a creed or confession of faith, whose
object was to show that he was in sympathy with the
Nicene faith. Cyril of Jerusalem had for some years been
affiliated with the semi-Arian school, who were unwilling
to approve the ' Homoousion.' At some moment, previous
to the meeting of the council, he had given in his adherence
to the Athanasian doctrine, and in a creed which was en-
1 Mansi, VI. 957. For the additions to the creed, see Hort, Dissert.,
pp. 54 ff., and for a comparison of the creeds of Csesarea and Nicsea, pp.
138, 139. It was Dr. Hort's opinion that the Nicene Creed was regarded
by the council as a theological formula, and not intended for a baptismal
confession or for use in public worship (p. 108).
288 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
larged on the base of the original creed of Jerusalem he
may have borne witness to the change in his attitude. The
creed of Jerusalem about the year 350, as found in Cyril,
read as follows :
" We believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven
and earth, and of all things visible and invisible ; And in one Lord
Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father,
very God before all ages, by whom all things were made ; who was
made flesh and became man ; was crucified and was buried ; rose on
the third day; and ascended into the heavens, and sitteth on the right
hand of the Father ; and will come again in glory to judge the living
and the dead; whose kingdom shall have no end; And in one Holy
Ghost, the paraclete, who spake in the prophets. And in one baptism
of repentance for the remission of sins ; and in one holy Catholic
Church ; and in the resurrection of the flesh and in life everlasting."
When and by whom this creed was afterwards enlarged
remains uncertain ; it may have been by Cyril himself, as
Dr. Hort has suggested, but in its enlarged form it is
found for the first time in the Ancoratus of Epiphanius,
written about the year 374, and this enlarged form was
designated by him as the Nicene Creed. It looks as if this
creed of Epiphanius had been growing in popular use,
and when presented by Cyril to the Council at Constan-
tinople as evidence of his orthodoxy, it was approved.
This creed which Cyril presented in 381, and which is
found substantially in the Ancoratus, and which the Coun-
cil approved, was as follows :
" We believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven
and earth and of all things visible and invisible.
" And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the only begotten,
of the Father, begotten before all ages ; Light of Light, very God of
very God, begotten not made, consubstantial with the Father, by
whom all things were made ; who for us men and for our salvation
came down from heaven, and was incarnate of the Holy Ghost and
Mary the Virgin, and was made man ; He was crucified for us under
Pontius Pilate and suffered and was buried ; and rose again the third
day according to the scriptures ; and ascended into heaven and sitteth
on the right hand of the Father ; and shall come again with glory to
judge the quick and the dead; whose kingdom shall have no end.
" And in the Holy Ghost, the Lord, the Life Giver, who proceedeth
from the Father, who with the Father and the Son together is wor-
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS 289
shipped and glorified, who spake through the prophets. In one holy
Catholic and Apostolic Church ; we acknowledge one baptism for the
remission of sins ; we look for the resurrection of the dead and the
life of the world to come. Amen."
This creed, which Cyril is supposed to have presented to
the Council at Constantinople as his personal confession of
faith and on the presentation of which he was acquitted
by the council of any accusation or suspicion, has become
known in history as the Nicene Creed. When the confusion
between these creeds began, or at what time the creed of
Cyril was substituted for the Nicene symbol, has not been
determined. In 431, at the Council of Ephesus, no men-
tion was made of any other creed than that set forth at
NicaBa in 325, which was recited in its original form and con-
firmed. The same Council also formulated the resolution
that " no one should be allowed to present or write or com-
pose any other creed than that which was definitely framed
by the holy fathers at Nicaia with the aid of the Holy Spirit,"
under penalty of deposition or anathema QCanon vii.).
But at the Fourth General Council held at Chalcedon in
451, tlie creed of Jerusalem, enlarged as it may have been
by Cyril or as found substantially in the Ancoratus of
Epiphanius, was presented to the assembled bishops as a
creed which had been composed and authoritatively put
forth by the one hundred and fifty fathers at Constan-
tinople, seventy years before. There was discussion and
opposition when the creed was thus presented,^ but all that is
important to note here is that the Council of Chalcedon still
distinguished between the creed of Nicrea and that which
was now called the creed of Constantinople, though allow-
ing the latter to take its place by the side of the former.
At some moment unknown in the age that followed the
Council of Chalcedon, the latter creed was substituted for
the former, and invested with all the dignity and authority
of the Council of Nicsea, and thus has come down in
history .2
1 Of. Mansi, VI., pp. 630 ff. ; VII., pp. 22 ff.
2 Of. Hort, Dissprtation nn the Constantmopolitan Creed; Harnack,
in Herzog, B.E., Vol. VIII., Art. Konstantinopolitanisches Symbol,
290 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
The expanded creed triumphed in the churches and
superseded the older creed of Nicsea by virtue of its own
intrinsic merit. Its association with the church of Jeru-
salem is more precious than the tie of relationship between
the original creed of Nicsea, and the church at Csesarea.
But it also has its close connection with the first great
Christian council, in that it quotes from the creed of
Nicaea its most striking clause, " Light of Light, very God
of very God, begotten not made, of one substance with the
Father." It is a more complete creed in consequence of
its introduction of the doctrine of the Two Natures, as also
in its expansion in the latter part of the doctrine of the
Holy Spirit. It assimilates the early Roman creed with the
creeds of the East, and thus furnished a symbol acceptable
to the entire church ; and there was a gain when the anathe-
mas appended to the symbol of Nicaea were dropped as
incongruous with the spirit of devotion. It does not
bristle with the language of theological controversy as
did the creed which it supplanted. It possesses a musical
rhythm and melodious diction, where the older creed read
somewhat roughly in consequence of the injection of purely
theological phrases.^ It sang itself, as it were, into the
heart of the church, and became a constituent part of the
language of devotion, at the moment of high exaltation in
the ritual of the Eucharist.
The creed which had won its way in the East to general
acceptance and become known as the Nicene Creed, proved
equally acceptable in the West, supplanting for a time at
least the Roman symbol known as the Apostles' Creed.
The history of the latter is obscure. It fell into disuse at
Rome, as it appears, and when next encountered, it has
been enlarged by several additions. It seems probable
that the revision was made in Gaul, where, in its final
shape, it is first found in the writings of Pirminius, a
"Who concludes that this creed, attributed to Constantinople, was pre-
sented by Cyril in his personal defence ; also Swainson, The Xicene and
Apostles^ Creeds, and Art. Creed in Smith and Wace, Diet. Christ. Biog.
1 One of the theological phrases of the Nicene Creed was omitted
altogether, toOt' €<ttIv eK ttjs oiiaias tou Trarpos, which had been inserted
for the purpose of defining the foregoing woi'ds " the only begotten Son."
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS 291
Gallic abbot (f 758). In this shape it returned again to
Rome, it was incorporated in the Breviary, and is known
to-day as the Apostles' Creed. As it stands in Pirminius,
the clauses of the creed are separately assigned to the
Twelve Apostles as follows :
" Petrus : Credo in Deum Patrem omnipotentem Creatorem coeli et terrae.
Joannes: Et in Jesum Christum Filium ejus unicum Dominum nostrum.
Jacobus dixit : Qui conceptus est de Spiritu sancto, natus ex Maria vir-
(jine. Andreas ait : Fassus sub Pontio Pilato, crucijixus, mortuus et
sepuUus. Philippus dixit : Descendit ad inferna. Thomas ait: Tertia
die suiTexit a 7nortuis. Bartholomaeus ait: Ascendit ad coelos, sedet ad
dexteram Dei Palris omnipotentis. Matthaeus ait : Inde venturus judi-
care vivos et mortiios. Jacobus Alphaei dixit : Credo in Spiritum
sanctum. Simon Zelotes ait : Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam. Judas
Jacobi dixit: Sanctorum communionem, remissionem peccatorum. Item
Thomas ait : Carnis resurrectionem, vitam aeternam." ^
These two creeds, which have now become known as
the Apostles' and the Nicene, have undergone no change
or revision since they received their final shape, the one
in the eighth century, and the other in the fifth. But as
has been shown, they are in substance older than their
present form ; they have their roots in remotest Christian
antiquity ; they seem almost coeval with the birth of the
Christian church. The circumstances or conditions which
attended their first utterance, as expansions of the baptis-
mal formula, cannot be traced. These circumstances must
have differed in the Eastern church from those of the
West, — a difference which is reflected in the tone of the
creeds, that of the East being more theological and specu-
lative, while that of the West is practical and concrete.
The one gives the prominence to the Christian idea or
thought, the other to the historical facts, and thus they
1 The Treatise of Pirminius, in which the creed thus enlarged is con-
tained, is entitled De singulis libris Canonicis scnrapsus (i.e. Collectio),
and is given in Migne, Patrol. Lat., Vol. LXXXIX, 1030 ff. For other
legendary assignments of the parts of the creeds, cf. Hahn, pp. 67 ff.
The additions to the early form of the creed consist in the phrases,
'Maker of heaven and earth,' 'He descended into hell,' 'the com-
munion of saints,' the Insertion of 'Catholic' as a designation of the
church, and the words ' the life everlasting.' See Harnack, Das Apost.
Glaubensbekenntniss, p. 28.
292 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
supplement each other when taken together. " A religion
that is a true religion," as Coleridge has said, " must con-
sist of ideas and facts both ; not of ideas alone without
facts, for then it would be a mere philosophy; nor of
facts alone without ideas of which those facts are the
symbols, or out of which they arise, or upon which they
are grounded, for then it would be a mere history."
The difference in tone between the two creeds may
explain in part why it was that after the Apostles' Creed
had been supplanted at Rome and the Nicene Creed had
been given the place of honor in the eucharistic office,
the Apostles' Creed, after its expansion in Gaul, should
have returned again to Rome and resumed its ancient im-
portance. The moment when the Apostles' Creed was thus
restored to Rome may coincide in a general way with the
growing alienation between the Eastern and Western
churches, when the church in the West was feeling an
increasing sense of its own importance, when it even took
the liberty of adding to the Nicene symbol the filioque,
and of formulating anew, for its own use, the Catholic
faith, as in the creed commonly called the Athanasian.
While the Nicene Creed may possess a certain external
authority which the Apostles' Creed cannot exhibit, inas-
much as it can claim the sanction of General Councils, yet
the Apostles' Creed without this sanction has been re-
ceived in the West as of equal prestige. While the Apos-
tles' Creed is unknown in the Greek church, yet in
Western Christendom it has become the baptismal Con-
fession of Faith, and surpasses the Nicene symbol in its
wide and almost general acceptation. It has become the
creed of the laity, the briefest form in which the Christian
faith has been presented.
The Nicene Creed has a grander and more majestic
tone : it embodies the consciousness of victory of the
Catholic faith ; it recalls, as one recites it, the eventful
moments in the history of the church. But it is theological
and controversial even in the moderated form in which it
has come down to us from the Fourth General Council.
Its opening note, " I believe in 07ie God," recalls the chal-
THE CATHOLIC CREEDS 293
lenge of Christianity to the many gods of heathenism, and
the long conflicts, the persecutions, which the church en-
dured, until at last it became manifest that the one God
was supreme in all the earth. The declaration of the one
Lord Jesus Christ as consubstantial or of the same essence
with the Father recalls the Arian controversy, in which
this truth was denied. The emphatic language, "who came
down and was incarnate by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin
Mary and was made man," was a challenge to the heathen
world. The word ' incarnate ' is a reminder of other
controversies, about the double nature of the person of
Christ, when the patriarchs of Constantinople and Alex-
andria— the theological schools of Antioch and Alexan-
dria— were unable to agree as to the meaning of the
incarnation, and the church was rent with dissensions which
finally ultimated in schisms which have not yet been over-
come. Another obscure and difficult controversy may be
hinted at in the clause, "• whose kingdom shall have no
end," which reminds one of some of the more painful in-
cidents in the progress of the conflict between Athanasius
and his opponents. Again, a subtle theological principle
is indicated in the clause which speaks of Christ as the
"Light of Light" (^<i>(o<; eV ^I'fUTo's), in which the essence
of Deity seems to be postulated as Light, which is and
always has been the fundamental conviction of the Ori-
ental church, as compared with the later theology of the
West, which laid the stress upon the Will of God as the
inmost of the divine attributes ; or, still further, these
three clauses, now so difficult to interpret by any one un-
familiar with ancient theosophic development, which, when
they are translated literally, read, God from or out of God,
Light out of Liglit, Very God out of very God, a reminder
of the theories of emanation or evolution, which embar-
rassed ancient speculative systems, and which were over-
come by the Christian doctrine of the incarnation, till
these words as originally interpreted carried no longer
their ancient emphasis, but have become equivalent to
the coequality of the Son with the Father. And, again,
in the doctrine concerning " The Holy Ghost, the Lord
294 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
and Giver of Life," one remembers that the clause " who
proceedeth from the Father, who, with the Father and
the Son together (or coequally), is worshipped and glori-
fied " bears its protest against those who reduced the Holy
Spirit to a creature, — supernatural, it is true, but called
into existence by the Son ; or, in " the one baptism for the
remission of sins," the attention is called to painful dis-
cussions which agitated the church in the third century,
as to whether the baptism by heretics was valid.
From these reminders of religious controversy or these
enduring associations of conflicts and of victories in the
Catholic church, the Apostle's Creed carries us back to
an earlier age in which they had not as yet arisen, — the
atmosphere of peace and simplicity. In its undogmatic
character, it appeals more directly to the universal Chris-
tian instincts. Even in those clauses which were added
to it in Gaul, by Firminius or by some other writer, which
the Nicene Creed does not contain, — " He descended into
Hades," and "the communion of saints," — there is no
association with controversy ; they are the vistas of the
spiritual imagination, whose significance has never been
authoritatively defined or about which opinion has dif-
fered, but in which all may find the elements of divine
hope and consolation.
CHAPTER II
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY — ITS PLACE IN HISTORY
AND ITS RELATION TO HUMAN PROGRESS
It is the distinctive feature of ancient theology, that it
fastened upon the Person of Christ as the essence of the
Christian faith. We can conceive that a different course
might have been followed, — that either the ethical teach-
ing of Jesus as given in the Sermon on the Mount, or else
the experience of St. Paul, which gave prominence to the
atoning death of Christ in order to the forgiveness of sin,
might have been regarded as the central dominating prin-
ciple of the new religion. These important and vital
aspects of Christianity were not, indeed, neglected by the
ancient cliurch, but they were subordinated to what was
held as the supreme issue, — - the Person of Christ, as con-
centrating in Himself the new life and the light that had
come into the world. Those passages in the evangelical
narratives which arrested attention, as the most marvel-
lous words that had ever fallen from human lips, were
such as these — " Come unto me all ye that are weary and
heavy laden and I will give you rest'"'; '■'■ Where tivo or three
are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst
of them^\' "/am the way and the truth and the life^\- "/
am the light of the world "; " / am come that they might
have life, and that they might have it more abundayitly.^''
The doctrine of the incarnation of God in Christ, and the
doctrine of the Trinity which gives it expression, became
therefore in Greek theology, from the first, the all-absorb-
ing tlieme, whether to the heart of faith or to the Christian
intellect seeking for some adequate formula in which to
embody the fulness of its conviction. But such a con-
295
296 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
viction in regard to the person of the founder of the Chris-
tian faith could not have existed without leaving deep and
permanent impression upon Christian institutions. And
it must also have had, in the nature of the case, an influ-
ence upon human progress and the development of the
social order. For this reason the leading doctrines of
Christianity demand a survey, however brief and cursory,
in a history of the institutions which have been the out-
growth of the Christian spirit. It may not be possible to
demonstrate the connection as having the relation of cause
and effect, but at least it can be shown that the faith in
Christ as the incarnate and coequal Son of God has never
lost its hold upon the Christian consciousness, that it has
been the antecedent of the changes which have modified,
if not created, our modern civilization. i
The formula of the Trinity grew, like the Catholic creeds,
out of the declaration of the divine name as given in the
New Testament, — the Father, the Son, and the Holy
Ghost. In the writings of St. Paul, the threefold name
appears at every turn, with every variety of utterance and
application. It was the formula of benediction, — the love
of the Father, the grace of Christ, the fellowship of the
Spirit. It was the rule of the religious life, — through Him
(Christ) we have access by one Spirit unto the Father.
The three are presented as distinct, and yet associated in
unity ; the language used in speaking of each implies distinct
personality ; but unity is assumed as if they were one.
They are represented as having distinct functions, but
there is no scrupulous effort to maintain uniformity or
consistency when describing their work ; to each alike is
ascribed the work of creation, of redemption, and sanctifica-
tion, and yet it is also primarily the Father who creates,
the Son who redeems, the Spirit who sanctifies. As the
threefold divine name appears in the New Testament, so
also it appears in the litei'ature of the early church. There
is distinction and discrimination, but unity is assumed.
There is a certain gradation of rank, — it is the Father,
^ For an interesting discussion of tliis point in some of its phases, cf.
Bois, Le Dogme Grec et la Civilization, 1893,
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TMNITY 297
the Son, and the Holy Ghost, but the three appear as co-
equal in the possession of divine attributes.
The triune name of Deity in the Christian revelation cor-
responds with the large divisions of religious experience as
they have been known in history, or as they existed in the
Roman Empire at the coming of Christ. The ancient re-
ligions recognized a divine life in nature, some overarching
providence which controls human destiny. If this divine
life were identified with outward nature, or believed to
be embodied in natural phenomena, we have the nature-
religions as they are called, in which the various forces of
nature were deified, or its most striking objects appeared to
the imagination as worthy of worship. Sun, moon, and
stars became objects of reverence in which some deity
dwelt; there was a spirit in the ocean and in rivers, in
mountain or forest, or in the under-world. Such was the
Egyptian religion in its origin and history, where the divine
life was worsliipped as indwelling in the animal creation.
There were, however, other religions, in which the con-
science was more active, and the effort was made to sepa-
rate the Divine Being from the work of His hands. Such
was Judaism, whose history was one of conflict with the
nature-religions, till it triumphed over the temptations they
offered by the growing conviction that nature was under
the power of God as its Creator, and by the steadfast re-
fusal to identify Deity with His creation. But even be-
neath the nature-religions a similar effort may be detected
to gain unity by postulating some central force to which
the phenomena of nature were subordinated.
There was another religious attitude, of which Greek re-
ligion is the type, which magnified men and worshipped
great heroes, calling them sons of God, holding them to be
embodiments in some special degree of the divine life.
While Greek religion did not disown the worship of nat-
ure as containing a divine life, yet it had risen so far
above the nature-worships, that its favorite divinities were
deified men, who had wrous^ht g^reat deeds in human his-
tory, or were distinguished above their fellows by the pos-
session of rare endowments. Thus it contained the germ
298 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
of the truth that humanity exhibits in some higher, closer
way than outward nature the manifestation or revelation
of divine power and will.
There was a third attitude, which Avas never v/ithout its
witnesses in any of the forms of old religion, which may
be defined, in a general way, as the recognition of some
divine voice speaking in the mysterious depths of the human
soul, disturbing the inner life and manifesting itself in
strange and even repulsive ways, — those inward motions
of the human spirit, which do not rest contented with the
manifestations of Deity in outward nature or in the favored
sons of humanit}^, which do not seek to appease the divine
by external offerings in sacrifice, but which prescribe the
offering of the inward self as the only oblation which God
demands. St. Paul has given the phrase which describes
the tumultuous life of the spirit within a man when moved
by the divine, — "the groanings which cannot be uttered."
Hence, every religion has had its devotees, who seek the
satisfaction which the soul demands in isolation and con-
templation, in the mortification and torture of the body.
That which was ultimately to be highest in religion assumes
at first the aspect of what is lowest, most irrational, or most
repulsive. Such are the forms of monasticism in every age
and country.
These three attitudes in religious history follow this
order of development, — that the nature-religions come first,
then follows the recognition of the relation of Deity with
humanity as closer and higher than that which nature
sustains, and lastly comes the effort to find the relation of
God to the inner spirit of the individual man as something
•deeper and more important than any external revelation
of the divine. These three attitudes appear as distinct
and separate, each complete in itself; they have given birth
to religions, which have satisfied the religious instincts of
peoples and races, as though each in itself were an adequate
expression of human aspiration. They not only existed in
the ancient world, but they still exist in the modern world,
distinct and separate, each claiming to be an adequate
sphere and motive for human existence. The study of
THE DOCTKINE OF THE TKINITY 299
external nature which gives birth to science, is a pursuit so
absorbing and so rich in its results and achievements that
all else appears as secondary or unimportant. But there is
another sphere of human interest and inquiry, which, to its
votaries, far surpasses in importance and its vast conse-
quences the study of nature ; and that is the study of
human history, which includes not only the course of
events, but the biographies of great men, in whom history
seems to be impersonated. If science reveals God as mani-
fest in nature, history reveals the Deity as the controlling
will in the career of humanity as a whole, until the convic-
tion grows of some remoter purpose of the Divine to which
the whole creation moves. These spheres are so distinct
and separate, that rarely or never does one arise who is
equally at home in both. The scientific student who has
penetrated deeply into the secrets of nature can with
difficulty enter that other realm of the historian, who
explores the significance of events and circumstances or
gets a glimpse of the glory of man and the wonders he has
wrought ; while the historian may remain blind to the
significance of external nature in its relations with hu-
manity. But there is also a third attitude in the modern
world which may take a double form whose aspects seem
to have no relation. There is the department of literature
and poetry and art, whose significance lies in the inner
revelations of the contents of the human spirit, disclosed
not so much in event and circumstance of history as in
the motions of an inner life, whose deepest source is
enveloped in the mystery of the human personality. Or
in its other aspect it is the sphere of personal and individual
religion, the deeper culture of the life of God in the soul
of man, which gives birth to many subtle varieties and
shades of religious experience. It is rare that any one
preoccupied with the demands of literature, or seeking
satisfaction for the questionings of the soul, can feel
entirely at home in the sphere of the student of science
or of human history. What they take from these depart-
ments they take on trust, appropriating as they are able,
but are not competent to speak with authority. Nor does
300 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
the Cliiistian heart, absorbed in the exercises of piety,
greatly concern itself with the revelation of God in nature
or in history, but often shrinks from them as if they
endangered the inward communion of the soul with God.
Other illustrations may be drawn from Christian his-
tory, which reveal, as still existing and productive, that
tendency in the older world to beget religions which shall
stand for these distinct conceptions of the one divine
revelation. In the eighteenth century what prestige and
potency was attached to the so-called religion of nature,
which was based on or deduced from the observation of
natural order and law, at a moment when the new-
born natural sciences were in the first flush of triumphant
vigor. Under the influence of the religion of nature
as then expounded and practised, historical Christianity
was losing its meaning and value, and seemed threat-
ened with extinction. Again, there are to-day Christian
churches, and notably the Church of Rome, which in
reactionary mood asserts historical Christianity as of pri-
mary importance, but subordinates the religion of nature
and the personal or individual apprehension of the teaching
of Christ, till they find no adequate expression within its
fold, till science and free inquiry are placed under the
ban, if they assert their original birthright, — the one as
endangering the supernatural, the other as resting upon
mere subjectivity, as it is called, with no basis or authority
in the revelation of the divine. Thus the modern world
is divided as was the ancient world, and yet beneath the
threefold assertion of the divine activity there lurks the
conviction of a deeper unity, and efforts are made not with-
out success to assert it. It may never come to pass that
those living under the influence of one of these forms of
revelation will be able to do justice to all that is contained in
the others ; but yet against the inborn persistent tendency
which not only distinguishes but separates, wliich constantly
tempts the advocates of one phase of religion to declare that
those who differ from them are worshipping a different God,
there is the undying protest of the formula of the Trinity,
" I believe in one God."
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 301
If the course of Christian history discloses the enduring
tendency to distinguish between the revehition of the
Father in creation, and in the order of the visible world,
the revelation of the Son in the redemption of humanity
as a process revealed in history, or the revelation of the
Holy Spirit in the inward life of the individual soul, as
though either of these might constitute a religion without
the others, so also does the history of the church reveal the
threefold consciousness and will and purpose in unity, as
if no one of the three were to be excluded or subordinated
to the others. These three agree in one. Beneath the
diversity there is an underlying unity which, if it be
not denied, still asserts its claim, and at least keeps the
problem forever real. When unity is sought for by the
customary methods of suppression, the higher unity is
reasserted by division and schism. In the ancient church
also when the effort was made to overcome the nature-
religions as by the first Christian apologists, who failed,
however, at the same time to do justice to the divine life
as revealed in nature, the principle inherent in those old
religions came back, and entering the church in unsus-
pected wa3^s revolutionized its cultus. When in the an-
cient church there was a tendency toward the suppression
of the inner personal life by external authority, when
prophetism was discouraged and finally banished, there
arose in monasticism a protest in behalf of the inner life
of the Spirit and its coequal importance when compared
with the interests of historic religion, — such a protest as
the world has not witnessed before or since. Thus the
conflicts of the church and its inner revolutions attest the
coequality of the three distinctions in the one divine essence.
Natural religion or the Fatherhood of God, historical Chris-
tianity or the worship of the Son, the inward experience
wrought by the Holy Spirit, these three also agree in one.
But no one of them is complete without the others.^
1 Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui dedisti famulis tuis in confessione
verae fldei aeternae Trinitatis gloriam agiioscere, et in potentia majestatis
adorare Unitatem : quaesumus ut ejusdam fidei firmitate ab omnibus
semper muniamur adversis (Miss. Sar., In die Sanctae Trinitatis).
302 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
The doctrine of the Trinity ^ differs from other Christian
doctrines, in that it appears in history as the one doctrine
about which the Catholic church was agreed, whose procla-
mation caused no schism. The definition at a later time of
the Two Natures in the Person of Christ was followed by
two successive schisms, the Nestorian and the Monophysite,
which have never yet been overcome ; but the doctrine of
the Trinity ultimately triumphed without dividing the
church, and the opposition to it gradually faded away.
This doctrine also appears as one to whose development
every part of the church contributed, — Gaul in the person
of Ireneeus ; North Africa as represented by Tertullian ;
Italy by Hippolytus, Callistus, Noetus, and Dionysius ;
Egypt by Clement and Origen, and finally by Athanasius.
The Eastern church further participated in the discussion,
as in the work of Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, and Gregory of
Nj^ssa; and in the West, there were Hosius of Cordova,
Hilary of Poitiers, and Augustine. But even further:
when the process was complete, it appeared that those
who had been regarded as heretics had also, by insisting
upon partial truths, kept before the mind of the church
the diverse elements which constituted the problem to
be solved, no one of which could be passed over without
injury to the final solution. Thus the various forms
of Ebionitism, which was the perpetuation of Judaism
within tlie church, persisted in maintaining the worship
of the Father as the one and only God, subordinating
Christ till He appeared as one of the prophets, filled with
1 Cf. the histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret and Evagrius ;
the writings of Fathers Athanasius, Hilary, Basil, Gregory of Nazianzus,
Gregory of Nyssa, and Augustine ; Petavius, De Trinitate ; Bull, Defensio
fidei Nicaenae. ; Waterland, Vindication of ChrisVs Divinity; Liddon,
Bampton Lectures, 1866 ; Coleridge, Literary Bemains in Works, Vol. V.
(Am. Ed.) ; Maurice, in Beligions of the World and in other writings;
Dorner, Person of Christ; Shedd, History of Doctrine, Vol. I. ; Scott,
Origin and Development of the Nicene Theology; Gwatkin, History of
Arianism; Steenstra, The Being of God, as Trinity and Unity; Gordon,
G. A., The Trinity the Ground of Humanity ; Meier, Geich. d. Trinitdts-
lehre ; B&ur, Dreieinigkeitslehre ; Schultz, Die Lehre v. d. Gottheit Christi ;
Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, II. 183-302. See also in general the Doctrine-
histories, and General Church Histories, Hefele on the Councils, Gibbon,
Decline and Fall, etc.
THE DoCTiimE OF THE TRINITY 303
the divine power beyond other men, yet not rising above
the pLane of humanity. But before the process was over
even Ebionitism showed a tendency, as in the case of Paul
of Samosata, to exalt Christ to the honors of divinity.
The Gnostics, who were for the most part hostile to Judaism,
inclined to place the eternal Father in the background,
dwelling with supreme interest upon the Sonship of Christ
in time and eternity and especially in the dispensations
of human history. And again, it was the mission of the
Montanist prophets to keep alive the doctrine of the Holy
Spirit as the highest form of the divine revelation, and this
at a moment when the devotion to Christ and to historical
Christianity threatened to impair the vision of the Spirit's
influence.
Again, in the early stages of its development, the
doctrine of the Trinity suffered from one-sided efforts,
now to maintain the unity, at the expense of distinction
and diversity within the divine nature, and, on the other
hand, from the tendency to magnify the distinctions so as
to weaken the unity. The doctrine known as Patripas-
sianism or Sabellianism was not without its attraction and
deep inward appeal when it so identified the Father and
the Son that God the Father was represented as djdng
upon the cross ; for the world was hungering for the truth
that absolute Deity was in sympathy with man and had
come to his relief. But there was a deeper undercurrent
of conviction, which refused to identify the eternal Son
with the eternal Father; for there is another demand of
the soul, calling for the assurance that in the inmost depth
of the Godhead, at the source and fountain of all exist-
ence, there should be rest and peace ; sympathy indeed, and
participation in all that affects humanity, but without pain
or suffering, — the promise and the pledge of immutable
Deity that the final outcome, after all the fears and the
storms of life, was endless bliss.
But the greatest obstacle to be overcome in formulating
the Christian idea of God was the prevalence of the phil-
osophical assumption, inherent in all systems of ancient
tlioiiglit, that what proceeded forth from God must be
304 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
inferior to God. Such was the tlieor}'^ of emanation, the
ancient equivalent for the modern word ' evolution,' which
infected the speculations of Gnostics or Neoplatonists, —
that what came from God was stamped with the badge of
weakness and imperfection in varying degree, so that the
manifestation of life in all the grades of universal exist-
ence was forever deteriorating in its divine quality from
one stage to another of imperfection, until humanity and
this world were reached in the lowest stage, and most
remote from Deity. It mattered not that all things shared
in the divine life to some extent, so long as this depress-
ing doctrine held sway, whose effect was to separate man
from God. So long as this doctrine prevailed, no recon-
struction of the religious or social order was possible. Until
it had been overcome humanity was exposed to oppression
and tyranny without redress. The church Fathers, Ter-
tullian and Hippolytus, Clement and Origen, none of
them quite escaped its influence, as shown in a tendency
to place the Son, or the Logos which emanates from God,
in subordination to the highest Deity, as if some lower
God. Such, at least, was their theory, which they con-
tradicted in practice by worshipping the Son as coequal
with the Father. But these same church Fathers, as well
as heathen thinkers, were also striving to escape the con-
sequences of their thought ; so that Athanasius, when he
appeared, came as the climax and culmination of many
efforts, the long process of the centuries. With the
doctrine of the 6/xoov<tlov, that the Son is " the only be-
gotten, that is of the essence of the Father," and con-
substantial with the Father, there came the final and
essential abandonment of heathen principle of emanation.
Again, it was characteristic of the controversy about the
relation of Christ to the Father, that while it was begun
under the influence of Greek philosoph}^ and indeed never
wholly lost its dependence upon Greek philosophical no-
menclature, yet, as time went on, there was a tendency to
translate the language of Greek philosophy back again
into the simpler terms of common life as they were used
in the Gospel narrative. TertuUian employed the term
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 305
' Son ' (u/09) as a substitute for the word X6709, and was
followed by Origen, who employed the word 'generated'
instead of 'emanated.' The difficult expressions, Xoyo^;
ivBcddero'i and A.0709 7rpo(j)opLK6<;^ which embarrassed earlier
thinkers, yielded to the idea of an eternal Sonship, as the
correlative of eternal Fatherhood. So long as it was a
question of the schools, debated only by those trained to
philosophical discrimination and capable of drawing subtle
distinctions, the controversy did not affect the life of the
church nor disturb its peace. But a new issue arose,
which was also a clear and simple one, when Arius ap-
peared with a new teaching unheard of in the church
before, that the Son was created in time and by the will
of the Father, a being supernatural indeed, but inferior to
the Father and of a different essence. Then was born the
formula of the ofioovaiov tm Trarpi, which was simple and
intelligible to the popular mind, and destined to be fruitful
in vast results, — the Son is coequal with the Father.^
II
The coming of Constantine, the alliance of the Catholic
church with the Roman Empire, the rise of Arius and
of Athanasius are contemporaneous events. It is proba-
ble that, in the nature of the case, even if we could not
trace the internal relationship between these events, there
is some deep inward connection, in the light of which their
interpretation gains clearness and significance. Arianism
may be regarded as a tacit understanding of the terms
on which the union of church and state reposed. The
1 For a just criticism of the Nicene theology in its formal aspects, cf.
Fairbairn, The Place of Christ in Modern Theology, c. iv., §5. "In
contending for the Deity of the Son, it too much forgot to conceive the
Deity through the Son and as the Son conceived Him. . . . The church,
when it thought of the Father, thought more of the First Person in rela-
tion to the Second than of God in relation to man ; when it thought of
the Son, it thought more of the Second Person in relation to the First
than of humanity in relation to God" (p. 91). These defects, which
appear in formal controversy, tend to disappear in the worship. But
they could not be fully overcome until the Third Person had revealed
Himself in the inner experience of humanity in the slow courses of history.
306 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
fundamental tenet of the Arian creed may be regarded
as an act of submission to the Empire ; the Arian theology
and its view of Christ were so far in harmony with the
principle of Roman imperialism as to support the claims
of the emperors to absolute authority. On the other hand,
the Nicene faith, and more particularly Athanasius as its
exponent, stand for resistance to the Empire, and in the
last analysis of causes, it was the doctrine of the Trinity
or the coequality of the Son with the Father which com-
pleted the disintegration of Roman power and resolved the
Empire into its original fragments.
Constantine, it is true, gave his approval to the teaching
of Athanasius, and by his authority helped to gain a nomi-
nal victory for Athanasius at the Council of Nicsea. But
hardly had he done so, when he withdrew his sanction
from the Nicene symbol and co-operated with the enemies
of Athanasius, who were seeking to destroy his influence.
Whether Constantine's acquiescence in the Nicene faith
was ever more than a formal act, or whether he changed
his faith and became an Arian, may be uncertain ; but at
least he came to believe that Athanasius was disturbing
the peace of the Empire, and in this conviction he was not
mistaken. In his later years, Constantine was associated
in close intimacy with members of his own family who
were hostile to the Nicene formula, with bishops like Euse-
bius of Csesarea who disliked it, or Eusebius of Nicomedia
who rejected it; and by the latter he was finally baptized
in his last sickness. To his son Constantius, who became
sole emperor in 350, Athanasius was a persona non grata^
as he had been to his father. Constantius did what lay in
his power to make Arian ism the creed of the church. The
Emperor Julian (361-363), although a heathen, indifferent
toward parties in the church, could not be indifferent to
Athanasius, and regarded him with aversion as a man dan-
gerous to the peace of the Empire. The Emperor Valens
in the East (364-378) became an active and bitter perse-
cutor of the adherents of the Nicene Creed. Those bishops
who dared defy the emperors in the strength of some new-
born courage were men who championed the principle of
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 307
the Homoousion^ — Basil and the two Gregories, and in the
West Ambrose, who had sat as a pupil at the feet of these
Eastern teachers. The doctrine of the Trinity did not
finally triumph until the new city of Constantinople rose to
power and made itself felt in the counsels of the Empire.
The proclamation of the doctrine of the Trinity as the
true Catholic faith by Theodosius in 380 was followed, in
381, by the declaration that Constantinople was the New
Rome, second only in dignity to the ancient capital of the
Empire. But the rise of Constantinople was the signal for
the rise of other nationalities in the East, and for Rome also
in the West, and from that moment may be dated the down-
fall of the Roman Empire. The doctrine of the Trinity, or
of the coequality of the Son with the Father, was incompati-
ble with the spirit of empire resting on force for its sanction;
it promoted individual liberty and national freedom, but it
meant the ultimate destruction of an imperial despotism.
The Arian conception of Deity was identical with the
thought of God upon which imperialism rests for its sanction.
The God whom Arius proclaimed was not the constitutional
sovereign of the universe, whose will was in harmony with
truth, and goodness, and justice, as men could read those
qualities in human experience, but was rather the arbi-
trary absolute will, unconditioned and without relationship,
incomprehensible to man ; a will which no insight could pen-
etrate, which called for absolute unhesitating submission.
Arianism was further in harmony with the usage of Roman
imperialism, in that it deified a creature, for such was Christ
in the Arian scheme, — a creature who did not share in the
divine essence or nature, who did not know the God who
called Him into existence, but was simply the agent for
the execution of a higher will. But such was the principle
of Roman imperialism also, which authorized the deification
of the Roman emperors, who were sent into the world to
enforce obedience to the will which sent them, and when
their work was done were to be honored with a place at the
banquet of the gods.^
1 The teaching of Arius, as preserved by Athanasius in quotations from
the writings of Arius, known as the Thalia, is as follows : " God was not
308 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
The teaching of Athanasius is comprised in one simple
conviction, that in Christ God had entered into humanity.
Since God was eternally the Father, there must have been
an eternal Son, and this Son was coessential and coequal
with the Father. There was no deification of Christ in
the thought of Athanasius, for Christ shared in the divine
essence with the Father. But there followed in the mind
of Athanasius, as an inevitable inference from the doctrine
of the incarnation, the deification of men, of that whole
race of humanity which God in Christ had taken into
organic relationship with Himself.
The writings of Athanasius and of the Greek Fathers
who carried on his work bear witness in a striking way to
the significance of the doctrine of the coequality of the
Son with the Father, which had been set forth at Nicsea,
as if therein were involved the principle of human freedom,
in every form, whether national or individual, the eternal
ground and sanction of the dignity of man. There have been
other teachers who have proclaimed these truths in later
days, but none has surpassed, and few have dared to rival,
the exalted language in which Athanasius and his com-
peers proclaimed the divinity of human nature. Only at
a moment of exalted enthusiasm, before the inevitable
decline which overtakes all human movements, could
words like those of Athanasius have been coined — "He
always a Father ; once God was alone and not yet a Father, but after-
wards He became a Father. The Son was not always ; He was made out
of nothing ; once He was not ; He was not before His origination ; He
had an origin of creation. For God was alone, and the Word as yet was
not nor the Wisdom. Then wishing to form us, thereupon He made a
certain one and named Him Word and "Wisdom and Son that He might
form us by means of Him. The Word is not the very God ; though He
is called God, yet He is not very God ; by participation of grace. He, as
others, is God only in name. The Word is alien and unlike in all things
to the Father's essence and propriety. Even to the Son the Father is
invisible ; the Word cannot perfectly either see or know His own Father.
He knows not his own essence ; the essences of the Father and the Son
and the Holy Ghost are separate in nature and estranged and discon-
nected and alien and without jjarticipation of each other ; utterly unlike
from each other in essence and glory unto iniinity " {Oral. I., c. 2).
For the Creed of Arius, at a later time presented to Coustantine, and
which is reticent about the points in dispute, see Socrates, H. E., i. 26 ;
Sozomen, H. E., ii. 27 ; Schaff, II., p. 28, and Hahn, p. 292.
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 309
was made man that we might be made God." ^ Or again,
" The Word was made flesh that we, partaking of His Spirit,
might be deified." ^ " For man had not been deified if
joined to a creature {i.e. the Arian conception of Christ)
or unless the Son were very God." ^ " He has become
man that He might deify us in Himself."^ "For as the
Lord, putting on the body, became man, so we men are
deified by the Word as being taken to Him through His
flesh and henceforward inherit life everlasting." ^ This
apprehension of the result of the incarnation, which Atha-
nasius never tires of enforcing, is not limited by any prin-
ciple of election, but is presented as if the consequences of
the incarnation extended to all. " He first sanctified Him-
self that He might sanctify us all. The Spirit as a precious
ointment is poured forth from Him over all humanity. " ^
" The world, taken with guilt, lay under the condemnation
of the law ; but the Word took the judgment up into Him-
self, and suffering in the flesh for all He bestowed salva-
tion upon all." '^ Or in the words of Gregory of Nyssa :
" That Deity should be born in our nature, ought not I'easonably
to pi'esent any strangeness to the minds of those who do not take too
narrow a view of things. For who, when he takes a survey of the
universe, is so simple as not to believe that there is Deity in every-
thing, penetrating it, embracing it, and seated in it? For all things
depend on Him who is. If, therefore, all things are in Him and He
in all things, why are they scandalized at tlie plan of Revelation,
when it teaches that God was born among men, that same God whom
we are convinced is even now not outside mankind? For although
this last form of God's presence amongst us is not the same as that
former presence, still His existence amongst us equally both then
and now is evidenced ; only now He who holds together Nature in
existence is transfused in ws, while at that other time He was trans-
fused throughout our nature, in order that our nature might by this
transfusion become itself divine, rescued as it was from death, and
put beyond the reach of the caprice of the antagonist. For His return
from death becomes to our mortal race the commencement of our
return to the immortal life." ^
^ De Incar., § 54. * Epis. Ix. Ad Adeph. 4.
2 De Decretis, c. iii. 14. s Orat. III. c. Ar., § 26, § 34.
3 Orat. II., c. Ar., § 70. 6 Orat. I. c. Ar., §48.
■^ Orat. II. c. Ar. § 69, and I. § 60.
8 Cat. Mag., c. xxv. ; cf. also Greg. Naz., Epis. ad Cled., c. i.
310 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
So deep a conviction, expressed in language so emphatic,
and shared also by the great church teachers of the age
could not have existed without leaving some impression
both on the church and the world. We have here the
motive which strengthened Athanasius in his resistance
to the Roman Emperor. He has sometimes been regarded
as a theologian fighting in behalf of a dogma, which when
riveted on the church limited its intellectual freedom. But
his true character is that of a national hero, fighting for
the liberty of simple manhood, — a man who has realized
his freedom and dignity as a man by the power of the
incarnation and henceforth will defy princes and the whole
tyranny of the Empire, in the cause of the emancipation
of his brethren. The same characteristic is seen in the other
Greek Fathers, in Basil, in Gregory of Nazianzus, or Gregory
of Nyssa, in Ambrose also in the West and in Chrysostom,
all of whom had caught the same spirit. These men alike
felt their superiorit}^ as free men who had been redeemed
in Christ, to the Roman emperors. They boldly asserted
their superiority ; they hesitated not to reprove the heirs of
the Caesars ; they threatened them with the divine punish-
ment for their injustice or iniquity. In this way was the
doctrine of the incarnation or the coequality of the Son
with the Father invalidating the power of the Roman
Empire, as also the theory that the will of the Emperor
was the highest and only source of authority.
From this point of view the period of fifty years which
followed the Council of Niceea reveals the meaning of
the o/xoovaiov as it cannot be revealed by theologica,! com-
mentaries, or by weary analysis of phrases, or argumen-
tative terms, which the combatants in the controversy
employed. It was a struggle of the Empire, in the persons
of the Roman emperors, to subdue one man, who felt him-
self a man of God and a man in Christ, by the power of the
incarnation. The heathen empire had attempted to exter-
minate the Christian church as an organization and had
failed. The Christian empire attempted a seemingly easy
task when it proposed to subdue one solitary individual
man, but the result was a failure. The same task was
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 311
attempted again in the age of the Reformation, when the
power of the revived Holy Roman Empire of the West
was unable to compass the destruction of Luther. The
analogy between these two men, and the situations which
they represented, is so close as to reveal in both cases one
common motive, — the freedom of the individual man, and
the freedom of the state, through which individual liberty
is made a real possession.
From this point of view, the deep interest of Athana-
sius in the cause of the rising monasticism becomes more
clear. For monasticism, under its most obscure and re-
pugnant forms, was still a movement toward individual
freedom, to be accomplished by flight from the haunts
and associations of despotic authority, whether political
or ecclesiastical, as well as by the more immediate com-
munion of the soul with God. The eminent champions
of the Nicene faith were all of them in sympathy with the
monastic principle. Basil and the Gregories made their
preparation for the ministry under monastic training.
Ambrose was its sturdy defender in the West, where also
Athanasius endeavored to win favor for the new institu-
tion which was at first regarded with fear and dislike.
The Life of St. Antony., which may have been written
by Athanasius himself,^ breathes the air of an emanci-
pated manhood, through the power of the incarnation.
St. Antony taught the people, it is there said, that " the
Son of God was the Eternal Word and Wisdom, of the
essence of the Father.'" The independent spirit of the
founder of monasticism, as he is called, is brought out
in the story of his relations to the Roman emperors, as
if it were felt at the time that it had some special sig-
nificance :
" And the fame of Antony came even unto kings. For Constantine
Augustus and his sons Constantius and Constans, the Augusti, wrote
letters to him, as to a father, and begged an answer from him. But
1 Vita S. Ant., c. 69. For a summary of the discussion regarding the
authorship of the Vita, of. Robertson, Proleg. to the writings of Atha-
nasius in Sdcct Library of Nicene and post-Xicene Fathers, Vol. IV.,
pp. 188 ff. Among recent writers wlio have pronounced in favor of the
312 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
he made nothing very much of the letters, nor did he rejoice at
the messages, but was the same as he had been before the emperors
wrote to him. But when they brought him the letters, he called the
monks and said, ' Do not be astonished if an emperor writes to us, for
he is a man ; but rather wonder that God wrote the law for men, and
has spoken to us through His own Son.' And so he was unwilling to
receive the letters, saying that he did not know how to write an
answer to such things. But being urged by the monks because the
emperors were Christians, and lest they should take the ground that
they had been spurned, he consented that they should be read, and
wrote an answer approving them because they worshipped Christ, and
giving them counsel on things pertaining to salvation ; not to think
much of the present, but rather to remember the judgment that is
coming, and to know that Christ alone was the true and Eternal
King." 1
III
The work of Athanasius was resumed, not in Italy or
in North Africa, but in Gaul. Already had Gaul been
closely connected with the East by the missions wliich car-
ried to it the Christian faith, and by Irenseus, who, taking
up his residence there, had brought with him something
of the spirit of the Eastern church. But in the fourth
century, also, Gaul possessed a theologian in Hilary of
Poitiers, who was at once original and profound, — capa-
ble of entering into the subtle distinctions of controversy,
while yet maintaining the pre-eminence of the spiritual
issues of life. Like Athanasius, he regarded the question
of the one Godhead with the triune distinctions not as
an ingenious problem of the speculative mind, to be
solved by metaphysical reasoning, but as a practical issue
involving the freedom and the elevation of humanity.
With Athanasius, he recognized that the doctrine of the
coequality of the Son with the Father was the inmost
kernel of Christian thinking, but of even higher impor-
tance for the Christian life, because it carried with it the
implication of the nobility of the human soul. He re-
sembled Athanasius in the inferences which he drew from
Athanasian authorship are Harnack, MoUer, and Eichhorn. The objec-
tions are given in Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism^ pp. 98 ff., and in Farrar,
Lives of the Fathers, I., pp. 385, 386.
^ Vita, c. 81.
THE DOCTKINE OF THE TRINITY 313
the incarnation of God in Christ. To Hilary, the incar-
nation was a witness of a certain inward adaptability of
the human for the union with the divine. The Eternal
Son was to him the divine image in every man, the
idea or pattern of every human soul. Hence the incar-
nation must have been part of God's eternal plan for the
revelation of Himself to man. That which Christ had
accomplished in Himself, the elevation of humanity into
the divine essence, was also henceforth the destiny of
human souls. In Christ, as Hilary taught, humanity as a
whole had been reborn, and in its identification with Christ
all mankind had died and risen again, to sit down hereafter
with Him upon His throne. The existence of such a man
in Gaul, at a critical moment in history, must have left an
influence behind which could not be effaced. He went
into exile at the imperial command, a living illustration
of the truth which possessed him, the realization of a free
manhood under the power of a great conviction.^
After the fall of the Empire, the new races in Western
Europe are found adhering to the Arian creed in opposi-
tion to the Nicene symbol. It may seem like a contingent
circumstance that they clung to Arianism, as though they
could not have understood the subtle argument or the fine
distinctions by which Athanasius and his disciples sup-
ported the Homoousion. But it had not been by argument
alone that the doctrine of the coequality of the Son with
the Father had become the formula of the Catholic church,
and been proclaimed as the definition of catholicity.
Rather it had been a profound conviction, which argument
had purified and deepened or adapted to the intellectual
methods of the age, — a conviction of the true relationship
of humanity with God, which the influence of Christ had
1 For an exposition of Hilary's thought, cf. Dorner, Person of Christ
(Eng. Trans.), Div. I., Vol. 2, pp. 399-420 : " We have, in the first place,
to remark in general the high estimate he formed of the nobility of the
human soul. It is not of foreign substance, like the body, which is taken
fi'om the earth, but springs from God, and is a likeness of the image of
God (imaginis Dei exemplum) of the First-born of the creation. By its
thoughts and their infinite speed, the spirit imitates the omnipresence
of God." Cf. also Smith, The Church in Boman Gmil ; Art. Hilary,
by Semisch, in Herzog, Beal Encyc, and Reinkens, Hilar, v. Poitiers.
314 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
implanted in the soul. The Arian formula commended
itself to the new races in the West as a badge of difference
and distinction, by which they might maintain their sepa-
rateness and superiority over the conquered Roman popu-
lation, by which also it was hoped to build up a barbarian
empire in the place of the Roman on whose ruins they
had trampled.^ The Arian formula stood to the barbarian
peoples of the West for the rude conviction that Deity is
primarily in its essence omnipotent power and absolute
will ; as the same formula had also stood in the Roman
world for an act of submission to the imperial will of the
Roman Emperor. The purpose of the barbarians to sub-
stitute another empire, based on the power of conquest,
was defeated ; and in the obscure history of the time it is
evident that the watchword of freedom was the Nicene
faith, that until the new races had received it, they could
not take the first step toward building up a permanent order
or overcome the repugnance of the Catholic population,
with which it was essential they shouldsomehow become
reconciled. The dark scenes in which the Ostrogothic
kingdom expired in Italy indicated that there was a fatal
weakness at the sources of its power which no skill or
wisdom or good intentions could overcome.^ Once more,
as in the days of Athanasius, it became the supreme issue
between Barbarism and Romanism, whether Christ were
equal with the Father because sharing in the eternal di-
vine essence, or were rather some supernatural delegate to
declare the divine will.
It is hard to believe that rude, barbarian warriors, like
Clovis, were sensible to these spiritual distinctions. But
when Clovis accepted the Nicene faith, he was hailed by
the bishops in Gaul as a second Constantine who had
1 " The fact of the Arian doctrine being more easily apprehended, and
hatred to the Romans, procured the confidence of the Germans in Arian-
ism ; and it soon obtained the reputation of being as generally the Christ-
ianity of the Germans as Homoousianism of the Romans." Gieseler, Ec.
His. /. 461.
2 Cf. Hodgkin, Theoderic, in the Heroes of the Nations series, for the
purpose to build up a monarchy which should include the peoples holding
the Arian creed ; also his Italy and her Invaders.
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 315
come to the rescue of the church. That he was in-
structed as to the significance of his new creed, and was
aware, at least, of its social importance, is apparent from
the writings of Gregory of Tours, who has preserved the
reports of conversations held with the Arians. These dis-
cussions are interesting as disclosing, despite their crudity,
the intensity of conviction as well as the aggressive zeal of
the Catholic Christian. Thus there came to the King Chil-
peric an ambassador named Agila, who, in passing through
Tours, combated the doctrine of the church :
" That," said he, " was an impious statement of the ancient bishops,
which declared that the Son was equal to the Father ; for how could
he be equal to the Father who himself affirmed. My Father is greater
than I. He who does the will of another, as Christ did, is inferior to
Him whose will he obeys. It is not right that he should be regarded
as coequal with the Father, who called himself inferior, who bemoaned
to his Father the liarduess of his death, to whom at the last moment
he recommended in death his spirit." ^
We note in the discussion, as it proceeds, the negative
attitude of Agila, chiefly concerned in denying that which
the Catholic affirmed. Leaving out of the question the
truth of the issue at stake, one is impressed with the posi-
tive richness and beauty which the Nicene doctrine, as
Gregory enforced it, lends to this present world. The
Arian Agila, who was no mean opponent of the Catholic
bishop, is entangled and weakened by negations : " The
Son was not equal to the Father" ; "There was a time when
the Son did not exist " ; " He only became the Son of God
from the time when he became man." Gregory was, at
least, inspired to utter great positive aiSrmations : " The
Son of God was the Wisdom of God, His light. His truth.
His life, His justice ; since these are essential to the Deity,
God Himself could not exist without the Son ; if the Son
affirms inferiority, it is the expression of the grace of his
humility, for he also says, "I and my Father are one";
it does not make him inferior to God that he obeys the
divine will, for the Father is in the Son as the Son is
in the Father ; if he laments his death in prayer to his
1 Greg. Tur., V. 44.
316 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
Father, yet he also prays, "Glorify Thou Me with the
glory which I had with Thee before the world was " ; to
which cry the Father responded : " I have already glori-
fied Thee and will glorify Thee again." To the words of
the Evangelist which Gregory quoted, the Arian made
no answer : " In the beginning was the Word, and the
Word was with God, and the Word was God, — that
Word which has been made flesh and has dwelt amongst
us."
The argument then turns to the Holy Spirit, whom
Agila affirms to be a creature inferior to the Son as well
as to the Father, because it is declared that He is sent by
both, and he who is sent is inferior to those who send him.
But Gregory warns him of the sin of speaking against the
Holy Spirit. The Son of God has come to prepare in this
world of sin a place in which the Spirit of purity might
dwell. Henceforth, it is He who actuates all things, giv-
ing to each one severally as He wills, and, therefore, ex-
ercising the divine function, one with the Father in
kingdom and majesty and power. Agila finally withdrew
from the colloquy, complaining that, at least, it was no
crime to think as he did, as though Gregory had been
abusing his creed. But hard and bitter words passed be-
tween them before they separated, the Arian declaring
that he would die before he would accept the communion
from a priest of the Catholic church; and Gregory declar-
ing it to be profanity to dispense the sacred emblems to
the dogs. But Gregor}^ adds that, later, when Agila was
enfeebled by sickness, he was converted of necessity to
our religion.
Another of these archaic pictures of the new world of
the sixth century, which reveals how the thought of men
was moving, has been preserved by Gregory. An Arian
named Ophila came from Spain, bringing presents to King
Chilperic, and who, on arriving at Tours on Easter Day,
proclaimed himself, in response to Gregory's inquiry, as
of the same religion. But the bishop noticed that while
he came to the cathedral and assisted in the ceremonies of
the sacrament of the altar, he did not partake of the sacri-
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 317
fice, and Gregory was convinced that he carried a lie in
his right hand. The conversation began after dinner,
when Ophihi remarked in reply to Gregory's further ques-
tioning, that he believed in the Father, the Son, and the
Hol}^ Spirit as constituting one power. " Why, then,"
said Gregory, "did you not commune with us?" "Be-
cause," said Ophila, " you do not respond as you ought in
the Gloria ; for we say with Paul the Apostle, ' Glory to
the Father by the Son,' and you say, ' Glory to the Father
and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.' The Son has
announced the Father as He to whom glory is due : ' To
the King eternal, immortal, invisible, the only wise God,
be honor and glory for ever and ever.' " Gregory, in reply,
contends that the Arian formula deprives the Son of His
glory, as if He could not share in the glory of His Father,
because He had revealed the Father to the world. It had
been necessary that God the Father should send His Son
into the world in order to show forth God in person, so
that they who had refused credence to patriarchs and law-
givers and prophets, should at least believe in His Son.
Many, it is true, had not accepted Him ; He came to His
own and His own received Him not ; but as many as re-
ceived Him, to them gave He power to become the sons of
God, even those who believe in His name. Wherefore it
is necessary to say, " Glory to God the Father who has sent
His Son ; Glory to God the Son who has redeemed the
world by His blood ; Glory to God the Holy Spirit, who
sanctifieth the man who has been redeemed." To overcome
the fear of Ophila, that equal glory rendered to the Son
was reducing the glory due to God, Gregory appealed to
the evangelical narrative where God Himself appears as
glorifying the Son, in response to the petition of the Son,
" Glorify Thy Son, that Thy Son also may glorify Thee." ^
One may linger over these scenes in the early morning
of Western civilization, as carrying the germ of a great
future, as also indicating the character it was to assume.
Men appear as living in the light of great convictions
which dispel the surrounding darkness. The nomenclat-
1 Greg. Tiir., VI. 41.
318 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
ure of Greek philosophy in which the discussion of the
Trinity had first been clothed has here yielded to the
simpler language of Scripture or of human relationships.^
The exaltation of Christ implied the exaltation of human-
ity. Ignorant and brutal as were the kings of the new-
monarchy that was rising in the West, yet they were not
incapable of seeing the difference between the Arian and
the Nicene theologies.
IV
The Arian creed disappeared from Gaul, and from West-
ern Christendom, as it had also yielded in the East, not
in consequence of persecution, but from an inability to
hold its own against the rising enthusiasm which waited
upon the Nicene faith. While it is true that political
necessity seemed to require the new rulers in the germi-
nating nationalities of the West to accept the doctrine of
the coequality of Christ with the Father as the condition
of the recognition of their authority by the Roman popu-
lation, yet this does not account for their devotion to the
Nicene faith, which led them to go beyond the standards
of the Eastern church in the effort to do honor to the name
of Christ. The addition of the filioque to the Nicene
Creed,2 by which the Holy Ghost is declared to proceed
1 "Hilary tells us that he heard the Nicene Creed for the first time
only when he was about to go into exile, long after his baptism, and
even when he had been some time a bishop. But with the guidance only
of the evangelical and apostolical tradition, he had ever believed that
which the homoousion lays down and that which the homoiousion, if
truly understood, equally implies" (Smith, The Church in Roman Gaul,
p. 195).
2 Cf. Pfoulkes, The Church'' s Creed and the Crown''s Creed; Mansi,
XII., for the synods at which the question of the filioque was discussed ;
Art. Creeds, by Swainson, in Diet. Chris. Biog. The origin of the
filioque is still obscure, but its formal insertion in the creed known as
the Nicene coincides with the conversion of the Gothic king, Reccarcd,
in Spain, where, at a synod held at Toledo in 589, it was approved and
signed by the king and bishops present, and ordered to be recited at the
Mass before the distribution of the elements. From Spain the creed
thus amended passed into Gaul and into England. It was approved by
Charlemagne and his bishops in 706 at the Synod of Friuli, and again at
a council held in Aix-la-Chapelle in 809. Mr. Ffiiulkes was right in affirm-
ing it to be the Crown's Creed instead of the Church's Creed ; it was the
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 319
from the Father and the Son, may have its political aspects
as the national banner which divided and distinguished the
West from the Eastern Empire, but it also reveals the de-
sire for a stronger assertion of the dignity of the Son by
which His coequality with the Father should be more com-
pletely proclaimed, and the last seeming trace of inferiority
obliterated.^
If this interpolation of the creed betrays the influence
of national motives, so also does the hymn Quicunque vult,
also known as the "Symbol of St. Athanasius," which con-
denses into rhythmic formulas the dialectic distinctions of
a long and complicated theological controversy. Its exact
date and also its authorship have not yet been finally
determined, but the probability increases that, in its origi-
nal form, it belongs to the first half of the fifth century.
The suggestion of Waterland, that it was written by the
bishop Hilary of Aries (f 449), has recently been reasserted
with a strong array of evidence.^ Hilary was claiming for
the metropolitan see of Aries an authority over all the
appropriation of the Catholic faith by the Western states in their inde-
pendent national capacity. But the pope Leo III., Charlemagne's con-
temporary, ordered the creed to be recited at Rome in its uninterpolated
form, though not denying the truth of the Jilioque.
1 The doctrine of the Spirit's relation to the Son, as implied in the
Jilioqiie, had already found expression in writers of the Eastern church —
as in Cyril of Alexandria, and also more fully in Augustine's book on the
Trinity, before it was incorporated into the creed as recited in Spain.
Its interpolation may have been at first an accident, or through ignorance
of the exact wording of the creed. Cf. Art. Holy Ghost, by Swete, H. B.,
in Diet. Chris. Biog.
2 Cf. Burn, The Athanasian Creed and its Early Commentaries, 1896.
The creed is divided into two parts, the first dealing with the Trinity, the
second with the Incarnation. In this respect, it differs from the Apos-
tles' and Nicene creeds, which are expansions of the baptismal formula
and are divided into three parts. In determining the time of its origin,
the negative considerations must have weight, that it contains no refer-
ence to the subject of the Two Wills in Christ, which was defined at the
Sixth General Council in 680, nor to the Adoptionist controversy in Spain
from 785 ; from which it nmst be inferred that it was written, as Caspari
has maintained, before the seventh century. While the early history of
the creed is in some respects still uncertain, it is probable that it under-
went changes by addition, till it was known in its present form in the
eighth century when it assumed a greater importance than in the earlier
period of its formation, in consequence of political motives ; yet it is
evident that theological as well as political motives are connected with
320 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
churches of Gaul, the anticipation, as it were, of a
national patriarchate, and was defying the claims of the
bishop Leo the Great of Rome to any control in his juris-
diction. He was also quite competent to have written
the creed, in virtue of his careful education as well as of
his known theological attitude. He was connected, as was
Vincentius, his contemporary, with the monastery of Lerins,
and Vincentius quoted from the creed, as it then existed,
passages which it still retains. The well-known attitude
of Vincentius toward the Augustinian theology, as having
no place in the Catholic faith, is reflected in the pointed
language of the opening clauses of the Athanasian Creed,
which is twice repeated afterward, to the effect that the
Catholic faith is identical with the doctrine of the Trinity,
from which the inference of Vincentius follows that specu-
lations about the fall and original sin and predestination
are novelties which have no vital relationship to human
salvation, or the well-being of the Catholic church.^ From
its origin. It is suggestive that the ancient Roman Creed should have
had its adherents in Gaul at this time wlien it was no longer recited
at Rome, and that its final expansion into its present form as the
Apostles' Creed should have been made in Gaul and not in Rome. The
Athanasian Creed resembles the enlarged Roman Creed in its incor-
poration of the phrase, "He descended into hell," but in place of the
familiar formula of the Roman Creed, "Conceived by the Holy Ghost,
born of the Virgin Mary," is substituted, " God of the Substance
of the Father, begotten before the worlds ; and Man of the Substance of
His Mother, born into the world." The creed closes with what may be
regarded as a qualification or explanation : it is not the acceptance of
dogma which determines salvation, but the character of the life : " They
that have done good shall go into life everlasting and they that have done
evil into everlasting fire." It is possible that the Athanasian Creed, even
in its own home in Gaul was misliked on account of its numerous and
subtle distinctions and its reminders of controversy, and that for this
reason the ancient Roman symbol was again revived and enlarged in
order to overcome its use. The revival of the Roman symbol may have
also its ecclesiastical significance, as a bond of unity with the Roman
church. Cf. Art. Quicunque in Diet. Chris. Biog.; Ommany, The Early
History of the Athanasian Creed; Lumby, His. of the Creeds.
1 In one of its clauses also the Athanasian Creed records a protest
against the rising tendency in Greek and Latin Christianity alike, as
shown in the sacrament of the altar, to reconvert Christ into the flesh
and to worship the body. Of the Person of Christ it is here said that He
is one Christ, although He be God and man, " One ; not by conversion of
the Godhead into flesh; but by taking of the Manhood into God.'"
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 321
this point of view the Athanasian Creed, in its original
form, may have been not only the symbol of a national
aspiration, but may also be regarded as a protest in behalf
of simplicity, the creed, as it has been called, of a liberal
Christianity in that distant age.
To the modern mind, construing this creed as a formal
document, its historical associations have become obscured,
till it no longer interprets a vast spiritual movement,
in which modern society, civil as well as religious, was
taking its rise. Not only is its terminology misleading,
in consequence of the changes which time has wrought
in the significance of the Latin word persona,^ but as a
creed, when it is regarded as such, its opening statement
seems impossible and irrational if not inhuman, — " Who-
soever will be saved ; before all things it is necessary,
that he hold the Catholic Faith ; which Faith except every
one do keep whole and undefiled, without doubt he shall
perish everlastingly " ; or its concluding statement, —
" This is the Catholic Faith, which except a man believe
faithfully he cannot be saved." But these words assume
another and a different meaning, when, no longer inter-
preted apart from their historical associations, they are
listened to as a voice from the inmost being of an age and
a people who were in mortal combat with enemies whose
triumph would have been fatal to human progress and free-
dom. So, at least, it seemed then, and there is reason for
believing that the fear was based on real grounds. We
must judge of what might have been from that which has
1 The word persona, as used in the Athanasian Creed, carried at first
the meaning of function or office, nearly equivalent to the Greek Trp6(xu)irov.
Thus in early English it became parson. But the modern English person
is equivalent to an individual, and thus is very remote from the original
Latin persona, and its use in the creed accounts in some measure for the
popular tritheistic view of the Deity. Upon this word person, as thus
used, Canon Liddon has remarked in his Bampton Lectures: "In the
common language of the Western church, these distinct forms of being
(in the Divine Essence) are named Persons. Yet that term cannot be
employed to denote them without considerable intellectual caution "
(p. 32). If the word jipj'son, as used in this creed, may be taken as the
equivalent of personality, which is something lai-ger than mere indi-
viduality, it would not inadequately represent the force of the Greek
virda-Tdais as understood by the Greek Fathers of the fourth century.
Y
322 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
been. The Nicene faith prevailed and so has a Christian
civilization, which has moved steadily forward, despite
great obstacles, into the light and the liberty of the chil-
dren of God. Not only against Arianism, whicli denied
that God had taken humanity by the power of the incar-
nation into close organic relation with Deity, was the
Catholic church contending, but in this same period, it
was girding itself for the final conflict with Islam, which,
if it had prevailed in Western Europe, would have de-
stroyed the fairest prospect in the world's history. Living
in the consciousness of these dangers, a creed may become
something more than a theological formula, it may be a
banner, a war-song or a triumphal hymn. In its glori-
fication of Christ as the son of God and coequal with the
Father, whom truly to know is life eternal, a creed like
this becomes the expression of the Christian heart in oppo-
sition to the Mohammedan formula, — " Far be it from
God that he should have a son." The rise of the Athana-
sian creed into confessional importance coincides with the
age of the Saracen invasion of Gaul, and with the great
victory on the plains between Tours and Poitiers in 732,
when the Mohammedans were driven back and Christian
Europe was saved from the great calamity which threatened
it. The analogies, therefore, of the Quiciinque vult are to
be found, not in the Apostles' or the Nicene Creed, so
much as in the song of Miriam on the crossing of the Red
Sea, or the hymn of Deborah on the conquest of the foes
of a chosen people, or the war-cry of the ancient psalmist:
" Let God arise and let His enemies be scattered ; let them
that hate Him, flee before Him." It was in this spirit that
the so-called " Symbol of St. Athanasius " became the
emblem of hope and deliverance.^
^ The late Mr. Maui'ice (F. D.) was an ardent advocate of the Atbana-
sian Creed, although thinking its recital unwise, in view of the prevailing
dislike to what are called its " damnatory clauses." He maintained that
these clauses were capable of a truer interpretation: "The name of the
Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, is, as the fathers and
schoolmen said continually, the name of the Infinite Charity, the perfect
Love, the full vision of wliich is that beatific vision for wliicli saints and
angels long even while they dwell in it. To lose this, to be separated
THE DOCTltlNE OF THE TRINITY 323
There is nothing in the history of the Middle Ages to
indicate that the motive was ever reversed or overcome,
whose influence first became apparent when the Nicene
symbol was accepted as the social contract for the adjust-
ment of relations between the Christian church and the civil
order. When the Roman Empire accepted the Nicene faith,
its dissolution, as empire based upon force, began, and the
formative process also appeared which tended toward na-
tionality as its ultimate goal. The revival of ancient sen-
timent under the form of the Holy Roman Empire was
confined in its influence chiefly to Germany and to Italy,
from this, to be cut off from the Name in which we live and move and
have our being, is everlasting death. . . . But who incur tliis separa-
tion ? I know not. You and I, while we are repeating the creed, may be
incurring it. The Unitarian may be much nearer the Kingdom of Heaven
than we are. He may in very deed less divide the substance, less con-
found the persons, than we do. For I feel myself that when I fall into
an unchristian, heartless condition, I do divide the substance, I do con-
found the persons inevitably, even though I may be arguing ingeniously
and triumphantly for the terms that denote distinction and union " {Life
and Letters, Vol. II., p. 413).
QUICUNQUE VULT
Whosoever will be saved : before all things it is necessary that he
hold the Catholic Faith. Which Faith except every one do keep
whole and undetiled : without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.
And the Catholic Faith is this: That we worship one God in Trinity,
and Trinity in Unity; neither confounding the Persons : nor dividing
tlie Substance. For there is one Person of the Father, another of the
Son : and another of the Holy Ghost. But the Godhead of the
Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, is all one : the glory
equal, the majesty co-eternal. Such as the Father is, such is the Son :
and such is the Holy Ghost. The Father uncreate, the Son uncreate :
and the Holy Ghost uncreate. The Father incomprehensible, the
Son incompi-ehensible : and the Holy Ghost incomprehensible. The
Father eternal, the Son eternal : and the Holy Ghost eternal. And
yet they are not three eternals : but one eternal. As also there are
three incomprehensibles, nor three uncreated : but one uncreated and
one incomprehensible. So likewise the Father is Almighty, the Son
Almighty : and the Holy Ghost Almighty. And yet they are not
three Almighties - but one Almighty. So the Father is God, the Son
is God : and the Holy Ghost is God. And yet they are not three
Gods : but one God. So likewise the Father is Lord, the Son Lord :
and the Holy Ghost Lord. And yet not three Lords but one Lord.
For like as we are compelled by the Christian verity : to acknowledge
824 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
and it was also accompanied in the divine providence by
the rise of the papacy, which became its mortal antagonist
and strove, not unsuccessfully, to neutralize its power.
The papacy stood for law as the larger environment witliin
which liberty must make its home. When the modern
states arose at the Reformation, the papacy fell, but the
larger freedom of humanity was still co-ordinated with
law, that law of national life which had its origin and
guarantee in the consciousness of a free people. If re-
ligious and civil liberty seemed to have been retarded in
their growth in that ancient Gaul whose national represen-
every Person by himself to be God and Lord; so we are forbidden
by the Catholic religion : to say, There be three Gods or three Lords.
The Father is made of none : neither created nor begotten. The Son
is of the Father alone : not made, nor created, but begotten. The
Holy Ghost is of the Father and the Son : neither made, nor created,
but proceeding. So there is one Father, not three Fathers ; one Son,
not three Sons : one Holy Ghost, not three Holy Ghosts. And in this
Trinity none is afore, or after other : none is greater, or less than
another; But the whole three persons are co-eternal together: and
co-equal. So that in all things, as is aforesaid : the Unity in Trinity,
and the Trinity in Unity is to be worshipped. He therefore that will
be saved : must thus think of the Trinity.
Furthermore, it is necessary to everlasting salvation : that he also
believe rightly the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ. For the
right Faitli is, that we believe and confess : that our Lord .Jesus
Christ, the Son of God, is God and Man ; God, of the Substance of the
Father, begotten before the worlds : and ALan, of the Substance of his
Mother, born into the world ; Perfect God and perfect Man : of a
reasonable soul and human flesh subsisting; Equal to the Father as
touching his Godhead : and inferior to the Father, as touching his
JNlanhood. Who although he be God and Man : yet is he not two,
but one Christ; One; not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh:
but by taking of the INIanhood into God ; One altogether ; not by con-
fusion of Substance : but by unity of Person. For as the reasonable
soul and flesh is one man : so God and Man is one Christ ; who
suffei-ed for our salvation : descended into hell, rose again the third
day from the dead. He ascended into heaven, he sitteth on the right
hand of the Father, God Almighty : from whence he shall come to
judge the quick and the dead. At whose coming all men shall rise
again with their bodies : and shall give account for their own works.
And they that have done good shall go into life everlasting : and they
that have done evil into everlasting fire. This is the Catholic Faith :
which except a man believe faithfully, he cannot be saved.
THE DOCTKINE OF THE TKINITV 325
tatives, Hilary of Poitiers, Hilary of Aries, and Gregory
of Tours, gave promise of its first arriving at its goal, yet
it was France which struck the first blow at papal suprem-
acy, offering the first illustration to Europe of national
unity and independence. And if, afterwards, France Avas
inwardly hurt by the selfish alliance with the papacy, or
misled, as in the age of the Reformation, from her true
purpose by dreams of aggrandizement and of empire, yet
this was only a delay and not a defeat of the national pur-
pose. The postponement only made the moment more
awful, when at last the nation was driven to achieve by
force what its kings in union with the hierarchy had at-
tempted to stifle or suppress. The calamities and horrors
of the French Revolution were the price Avhich the nation
was called upon to pay for the privilege of writing upon
its portals the national motto, — Liberty, equality, and
fraternity.
V
In the age of the Reformation the various churches put
forth Catechisms and Confessions of Faith which, while
supplementing the Catholic creeds, were not intended to
disown or supersede them. These Confessions or Articles
of Religion are to a great extent occupied with the state-
ment and elaboration of convictions which the Catholic
creeds do not express. There had grown up from the time
of Augustine, and under the influence of his teaching, a con-
ception of man and of his relation to God, and also, at a later
time, a doctrine of atonement, which, while revealing deep
motives in human experience, yet found no corresponding
expression in the ancient Catholic church which gave birth
to the creeds. The comparative stud}' of these Confessions
of Faith has dwelt so long upon their teaching in reference to
these later theological tenets, that one important feature has
been overlooked which is a common characteristic, — that
they unite in affirming the Catholic doctrine of the Trinity,
as handed down in the Catholic creeds. The Reformers,
whetlier in Germany, in England, or Switzerland, not only
had no intention of leaving the fold of the Catholic church,
326 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
or any misgivings that they had done so, but they had
the distinct purpose of remaining within it, and of plead-
ing their cause on the basis of their retention of pure and
genuine Catholicity. Indeed it was because they still
held the Catholic faith, that it was possible to gain the
support of kings and princes as it was also impossible that
the Latin church should treat with them on any other basis
than that they were still within the pale of Catholicism.
In order to understand the relation of the Reformers
to the Catholic church, we must revert to that early
period, when by heathens and Christians alike the Roman
Empire was believed to be eternal. Within that Empire
the church had arisen, at first in conflict with it and
then embracing, transforming, and renewing it. When
Constantine made his alliance with the Catholic church,
no terms of treaty or agreement were formally acknowl-
edged ; the two powers came together in friendly rela-
tionship, the church ministering to the state, and the state
protecting the church. But hardly had the alliance been
made when the Arian controversy arose which shook the
Empire and the church to their foundations. The imme-
diate result of the controversy was to place the Empire, in
the persons of its emperors, for nearly two generations in
hostility to Athanasius and the Nicene formula. Those
years constitute the crisis of the Empire, the period of its
revolution and transformation, until it came to rest for its
authority and permanence, its inward unity and peace,
upon a Christian principle. And that principle was given
in the Nicene symbol, — the coequality of the Son with the
Father. This was the social compact, as it may be called,
which defined the basis and rights of Christian society ; and
on this basis the church entered upon its formal alliance
with the state, while the Empire in turn became Christian
or was only another aspect of the Catholic church.
The social compact by which the Roman Empire con-
sented to become a Christian empire, resting upon the
Nicene faith as the primary canon of civil as well as of
ecclesiastical law, was promulgated by the three emperors,
Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, in the year 380.
THE DOCTIilNE OF THE TRINITY 327
According to this decree, the Nicene doctrine of the
coequality of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost is declared to
be the Catholic faith. Those who accept this faith are
alone to enjoy the privilege of being known as Catholics.^
Henceforth the term ' Catholic ' was no question of per-
sonal or private interpretation. Efforts to appropriate this
renowned historical designation in the interest of some
restricted view of the church, whether of its usage or its
organization, whether in ancient days or in our own, have
no value and certainly no prestige compared with the defi-
nition which gave a new foundation for Christian society.
The doctrine of the Trinity was ratified by succeeding
emperors, and particularly by Justinian, with whose sanc-
tion it was incorporated in the Justinian Codex, as it stood
already in the Code of Theodosius, taking the precedence
of all other laws or decretals.^
This definition of Catholicity was further ratified by popu-
lar sentiment as well as by Christian conviction. When
the barbarians overran the Empire, they were powerless
to build up states within its fold until they had accepted
the Catholic formula. The difference between Barbarie
and Romanic was reduced to one single point, — whether or
not the Son was consubstantial with the Father. It was
an open question with the leaders of the new races, whether
to overthrow the Empire or to build within it upon its old
foundations. When it was finally decided that they should
1 Inippp. Gratiarius, Valentinianus et Theodosius AAA. ad populum
urbis Constantihopolitanae.
Cunctos populos quos clemaotiae nostrae regit imperium, in tali volu-
mus religione versari, quam divitium Petrura Apostolum tradidisse Ro-
raanis, religio usque nunc adhuc ab ipso insinuata declarat quamque
pontificem Damasum sequi claret, et Petrum Alexandriae episcoporum,
virum apostolicae sanctitatis, hoc est, ut secundum apostolicam discipli-
nam evangelicamque doctrinam patris et filii et spiritus sancti, unam dei-
tatem sub pari maiestate, et sub pia trinitate credamus. Hanc legem
sequentes Christianoruai Catliolicorum nomen iubemus amplecti, reliquos
vero dementes vesanosque iudicantes, haeretici dogmatis infaniiara sus-
tinere, divina priraum vindicta, post etiam motus animi nostri, quem ex
caelesti arbitrio sunipserimus, ultione plectendos.
D. Ill K. Mart. Thessalonica Gratiano V. et Theodosio AA. conss. a.
380.
^ Codex Justin., I., c. 1 : De summa Trinitate et cle fide CathoUca.
328 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
remain and accomplish their work within, they accepted
the social compact as enjoined by Roman law, and in
accepting the doctrine of the Trinity were reconciled and
fused with the Roman population. The Athanasian Creed,
so-called, still retains a deep historical interest, because of
its identification of the Catholic faith with the doctrine
of NicaBa. In the later Middle Ages there had been set
forth another definiton of catholicity, as in the so-called
Blctatus H'ddehrandiyii, — that it consisted in union with
the Roman church. That definition played its part for a
while, but when the study of Roman law was revived from
the thirteenth century, every student was confronted with
the older definition of catholicity as embodied in the
Theodosian and Justinian codes, and the way was thence-
forth open to renounce the papacy without breaking the
continuity of the Catholic church.
The Reformers were keenly alive to the importance of
abiding by this social compact, on which the Empire and
the church alike rested for their authority. To have re-
jected it would have made them social outlaws. Princes
could protect them, as still within the Catholic church, so
long as they held by this definition of catholicity; for
kings and princes also went back to Roman law, and no
longer to the papacy, for the sanction of their own
authority and the justification of their procedure. The
Roman law, which nowhere recognized the papacy, but
did recognize the Catholic church, thus became a lever
for the removal of abuses and a warrant for reform. The
evidence that the Reformers were aware of their strong-
hold, in this definition of catholicity, and were conscious
that the}^ still formed a constituent part of the Catholic
church despite their rejection of Mediaeval usages, is
shown in the unanimity of their action in placing the
doctrine of the Trinity in the foreground of their Con-
fessions of Faith. Thus in the Augsburg Confession, the
earliest of Protestant compendiums of belief, the first Arti-
cle of the Chief Articles of Faith, relates to the Trinity :
" The churches with common consent among us do teach that the
decree of the Nicene Synod concerning the unity of the divine essence
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 329
and of the three persons is true and without doubt to be believed : to
wit, that there is one divine essence which is called and is God, eternal,
without body, indivisible (without parts), of infinite power, wisdom,
goodness, the Creator and Preserver of all things visible and invisible ;
and that yet there are three persons of the same essence and power,
who also are coeternal, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. And
they use the name of person in that signification, in which the eccle-
siastical writers (the Fathers) have used it in this cause, to signify
not a part or quality in another, but that which properly subsists."
The Thirty-nine Articles of Religion of the Church of
England also begin with a statement entitled, " Of Faith
in the Holy Trinity " :
" There is but one living and true God, everlasting, without body,
parts, or passions ; of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness, the
Maker and Preserver of all things both visible and invisible. And
in unity of this Godhead there be three persons, of one substance,
power, and eternity : the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost."
The Institutes of Calvin takes the form of a commentary
upon the Apostles' and Nicene creeds, which leads him in
the early chapters of his work to a discussion of the doc-
trine of the Trinity. The object of his argument is to
show that the doctrine has the warrant of Scri^jture, but
he was not averse to accepting the terminology of the
ancient Catholic church, but defended the speculative
language in which the doctrine had been defined, as only
another form of expression for the teaching of the New
Testament.^ But in making Scripture the final authority
for the doctrine of the Catholic creeds, Calvin did not
stand alone. It is declared in the Thirty-nine Articles
that these creeds are to be " received and believed because
they have the most sure warrant of Holy Scripture."
Such also was the conviction of Luther and Melanchthon,
nor was any voice raised among the Reformers in behalf
of the authority of tradition or the infallibility of general
1 Instit., I., c. 13, § 5. After calling attention to the difficulty of
interpreting the terminology of the Fathers and their variations of state-
ment, he remarks : " The modesty of these holy men should be an ad-
monition to us, not instantly to dip our pen in gall and sternly denounce
those who may be unwilling to swear to the terms which we have de-
vised." And again : " Say, that there is a Trinity of Persons in one
Divine essence, you will only express in one word what the Scriptures say."
330 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
councils as the sole ground on which the doctrine of the
Trinity rested for its support. Yet there is evidence that
on this point none of thera were indifferent to the value
of the tradition, but felt additional confidence in the
strength of their attitude in consequence. In holding to
the tradition of the universal Christian society which was
the Catholic church or the Holy Roman Empire, their
position was secure against all their foes.
This point is of peculiar importance as showing that in
every country where the Reformation prevailed, there was
an unbroken consciousness of unity with the Catholic
church, when catholicity was taken in its authoritative
interpretation, as it had come down through the ages.
There was no sense of innovation as if new churches or
new forms of Christian society were to be established.
There was no revolution in the fundamental constitution
of the Catholic church, whatever might be the changes of
external form, so long as the ancient charter of catho-
licity was preserved which defined the Catholic faith as
identified with the Nicene doctrine of the coequality of
the Son with the Father. It is this underlying conscious-
ness which explains some features of the age, which would
otherwise be inexplicable — some of which also must be
mentioned only to be condemned. When Cranmer drew
up the Reformatio Legum Eeelesiasticarum^ which was in-
tended to take the place of the Roman Canon Law, it was
plainly modelled after the Codex Jiistinianus^ as, for exam-
ple, in the common title of the first book. Be Summa Trini-
tate et Fide CatJioUca, which was followed by the command
of the king to all his subjects, to accept the Christian faith
as identified with the doctrine of the Trinity.^ In the
^ Cf. c. 16, Epilogus : " Caeterum quoniam perlongum esset, et plane
opus valde laboriosum, omnia nunc distincte scribere quae Catholica Me
sunt credenda, sufficere judicamus quae breviter de summa Trinitate, de
Jesu Christo Domino nostro, et de salute per eum humano generi parta
diximus."
C. 17: ^'- Pereunt qui Catholicae fidei adversantur vel ab ea deficiunt.
Hoc ipsum tamen silentio praeterire non possumus, eos omnes niisere
perire qui orthodoxam Catholicamque fidem amplexi noluiit ; et longe
gravius eos esse damnandos qui ab ea semel agnita et suscepta defece-
runt." Cf. ed. Card well, Oxford, 1850.
THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY 331
preface to the Second Helvetic Confession, written by Bul-
linger in 1596, the most elaborate of the Swiss Confes-
sions, the imperial edict of Theodosius,^ is quoted in full, a
challenge, as it were, to the Roman church and the Council
of Trent, that the Swiss church stood upon the basis of gen-
uine catholicity according to its only authoritative exposi-
tion.2 To the same effect is the language of Luther himself
in his preface to a treatise on the Three Creeds : " I have
ex ahundanti caused to be published together in German
the three symbols or Confessions which have hitherto
been held throughout the whole church ; by this I testify
once for all that I adhere to the true Christian church
which up till now has maintained those symbols." ^
It was this attitude of the Reformers toward Catholic
tradition which led them carefully and anxiously to dis-
criminate their movement from sectarians as they were
called and particularl}'- from Anabaptists, who broke with
the principle of Catholic society by their denial of the
doctrine of the Trinity. That the Anabaptists were a
common terror to all the Reformers is shown by their em-
phatic condemnation in the various Protestant Confessions
1 See ante, p. 328.
2 Cf. Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, II., p. 235.
3 Die drei Si/mbola, in Walch, X., p. 1198 ; also cited in Ritschl, Die
christl. Lehre d. Rechtfertigung u. Versohnung (Eng. Trans., p. 130);
which also contains a valuable discussion of the relation of the Re-
formers to the Catholic cimrch. "It must at once be admitted," says
Ritschl, "that the Reformers themselves hardly ever expressed a clear
consciousness of the fact that, by their recognition of the doctrine of the
Trinity, they were hokUng the legal standing-ground given them by the
Roman Empire. They only knew that in virtue of this confession they
were maintaining the ground of the Catholic church. Neither can it
be doubted that the said doctrine was originally accepted by the Re-
formers in virtue of church tradition, and not in virtue of the specific
authority of Scripture. It was their constantly widening separation
from the Roman church that first made it necessary for them to base this
doctrine on Scripture, as soon as its defence (chiefly on account of
Michael Servetus' denial) came to be a work of special importance to
them." See also Harnack, DogmengeschicMe, III., pp. 720 ff. and 735
ff., for Luther's relation to Catholicity. "Luther rechnete sich und sein
Unternelimen stets in die eine Kirche, die er allein kannte, in die katho-
lische Kirche (wie er sie verstand) ein. Er behauptete, dass diese Kirche
ihm den Rechtstitel zur Reformation selbst gebe " (III., p. 735).
332 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
of Faith.^ But there was a melancholy story connected
with this determination to adhere to the Catholic faith
which cannot be forgotten, which may be explained while
it cannot be palliated, — the burning of Servetus for his
denial of the doctrine of the Trinity. This much at least
may be said, as throwing light upon the tragedy, that
Servetus, in an age when as yet religious tolerance was
unknown, when the Reformers were united as one man in
clinging to Catholic truth as the only possible basis for a
Christian society, the one condition which made a reforma-
tion possible; Servetus appeared to be recklessly en-
dangering not only the prospects of the Reformation but
the foundation of Christian as well as of social order.
Only some such extraordinary conviction can explain the
approval which Melanchthon and others lent to an act
which has never since ceased to be a cause for mourning
and repentance. But whatever may be said of Calvin's
personal attitude in this transaction, it must be admitted
that the other Reformers were not moved by sinister or
hypocritical motives or by blind and timid conservatism
when they upheld the Catholic tradition against what
seemed to them like the hand of anarchy raised to destroy
the social fabric.^
1 The second of the Thirty-nine Articles of the English church was
influenced by opposition to Anabaptist negations. Cf. Hardwick, His.
of the Articles.! pp. 88, 96 ; also Augsburg Confession, Arts. I., IX. ;
Calvin, Instit. I., c. 1.3, §§ 22, 23.
2 Cf. Willis, Servettis and Calvin; Dardier, Michael Servet d''apres ses
plus recents biographes; and for a summary of the case, Trechsel, Art.
Servetus, in Herzog, B. E., with literature.
CHAPTER III
THE HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MIRACLE
The Catholic church, from the second century to the age
of the Reformation, laid the greater stress upon the revela-
tion of the Son, and although it struggled to maintain its
hold upon the revelation in outward nature and in the hu-
man spirit, it was successful only in varying and imperfect
measure. A glance at the external form of the Catholic
creeds reveals the situation as in a picture. In the expan-
sion and amplification of the divine name, the fullest treat-
ment is accorded to the Son. Of the Father, it is predicated
that He is the " maker of heaven and earth," to which was
added later " and of all things visible and invisible." Con-
cerning the Holy Spirit nothing was directly affirmed in
the Apostles' Creed, and the original creed of Nicsea ended
with the words, " I believe in the Holy Ghost." In the
course of the fourth and fifth centuries, during which
there were deep searchings of heart as to the office and
work of the Spirit, the clauses came to be added which
defined the working of the Spirit: "The Lord and the
Giver of Life, who proceedeth from the Father, who with
the Father and the Son is worshipped and glorified, who
spake by the prophets." The greater fulness of assertion
in regard to the Son, in all the creeds alike, corresponds
with the stress which was laid upon His peculiar work,
whether in the Eastern or the Western church, whether in
organization or doctrinal controversy, or in worship and
cultus. This is what is sometimes called historical Chris-
tianity, to which is still accorded a certain pre-eminence
of authority in the Greek and Latin churches, as though
the Protestant development of doctrine, life, or worship
were a departure from the normal standard of catholicity.
333
334 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
In this attitude of these ancient churches there is still
preserved, it is true, an element which the modern churches
have not preserved with equal force. The Sonship of Christ
stands for human redemption, for human history, for the
development of man, and for the solidarity of the race, in
the power of the incarnation. Human history practically
begins with the coming of Christ, from whose entrance
into the world and into humanity, it is fitting that time
should be dated in the Christian centuries. The interest
of the Middle Ages lies in history, as it centres in humanity
in itself, not in its relation with nature, or in the evolution
of human thought. Philosophy passes lightly over the
long period from the time when Greek philosophy came
to an end, until its revival with the coming of Descartes.
The study of nature was neglected from the time when
Neoplatonism arose in the third century, with its exclu-
sive interest in man, until it was resumed in feeble and
sometimes grotesque ways in the age which preceded the
Reformation.
In assigning importance to the miracle, the Catholic
creeds were reflecting the impression which the life of
Christ had made upon His first disciples. The evangelical
narratives, in this respect, are in harmony with the creeds,
abounding as they do in every page with the wonderful works
of Christ: His supernatural birth, His power over disease,
His command of natural law, and His final conquest over
death. The Gospel is presented as having its birth in
miracle and its whole environment in a miraculous atmos-
phere.^ Hence a peculiar interest attaches to the Roman
symbol, afterwards to be known as the Apostles' Creed,
that without apology or explanation it inserted the miracle
in the life of Christ as a constituent part of the Christian
revelation. It was otherwise in the Eastern church,
where, as in the rule of faith given by Ignatius or the
comment of Origen on the Roman symbol, the introduction
1 In this respect, an analogy is seen in Jewish history, where the era
of prophecy is introduced with miracle, which also marks the rise of
Judaism to its greatest height as a divine revelation, as well as the source
of its influence in the moral and spiritual life of man.
HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MIRACLE 335
of the miracle is made subordinate to a theological motive,
the endeavor to overcome the ultra-spiritualism of Gnos-
tic teachers, who denied that Christ possessed a human
body. Hence, as with Ignatius, the epithet truly, which
qualifies every miraculous affirmation, — Christ was truly
born, truly suffered, truly died, and truly rose from the
dead. But the Roman creed has no qualification, as
if the Gnostic dream had not been heard of, or were not
worth noticing, — " He was conceived by the Holy Ghost;
born of the Virgin Mary ; suffered under Pontius Pilate ;
was crucified, dead, and buried ; on the third day rose again,
and ascended into the heavens."
In the creeds of the Eastern church the same importance
was not at first attached to the miracle as such, but rather
was it subordinated to theological ^r other issues. The
creed of Gregory Thaumaturgus makes no allusion to the
miracle. In the creed of Ctesarea, in the early creed of
Jerusalem, In the creed of Nicsea, the miracles mentioned
are the resurrection and the ascension. The Eastern
church reflected the Oriental feeling towards nature, and
interpreted he miracle in its own way, according to
its peculiar bias. Its relation to nature has been closer and
more sympathetic than in the West, where Roman influence
prevailed, whose object was to subdue men to law and gov-
ernment, rather than to cultivate tlie harmony between
man and his external physical environment. But in the
fifth century the Eastern and the Western creeds coalesced ;
what was distinctive in the Roman symbol was adopted
into the creed which became known as the Nicene ; and
this creed, in turn, was received in Rome and throughout
the West.i
1 For opinion in regard to the miracle in the ancient church, cf. Origan,
Contra Celsum, who subordinates its value as testimony, to the evidence
of the Spirit, treating the miracles as symbols or allegories of a higher
.truth, and regarding the words of Clirist as having been fulfilled in the
moral miracle, — the disciples of Christ have done greater miracles than
their Master. On the whole, it cannot be said that Origen magnified the
miracle. Cf. Patrick, The Apology of Origen, pp. 309 ff. and .321, and
Bigg, Christian Flatonists of Alexandria, p. 26.3. For a view of a similar
kind, cf. Athanasius, De Incar. (c. 29). Augustine looked at the miracle
more distinctly as an expression of the divine will, and saw in the creation
336 CREEDS* AND DOCTRINES
It is difficult if not impossible to define the miracle,
because it stands for the mystery of human existence. Its
manifestation is on the border land where humanity is seen
in its twofold relationship, involved on the one hand in
the fortunes of physical nature and on the other revealed
in its exaltation as sharing in the life of the Son of God.
Hence, the miracle cannot be defined in terms of the physi-
cal life alone, nor can it be defended wholly by evidence
which appeals to the senses. There is a point of view
from which it may still be said that no amount of testi-
mony can prove a miracle. Faith must here be conjoined
with the evidence of the senses.^
The miracles of Christ are represented as calling for
faith in Him before they can be wrought. Hence, it is
said of a certain place which He visited, that "He could
do there no mighty works because of their unbelief."
an act analogous to the miracle, -which indeed became the supreme miracle,
the prophecy and justification of later miracles. Cf. De Civ. Dei, X. 12 ;
XXI. 6, 7, 8. Anselm finds the possibility of the miracle like Augustine
in the creation, as the free act of the divine will. Cf. De Concept. Virg.,
c. 11. Aquinas distinguished between the real miracle and the wonder, or
the subjective estimate of miracles. His definition of a miracle may stand
for the later Mediseval opinion : " Dicendum, quod miraculum proprie dici-
tur, cum aliquid fit praeter ordinem naturae ; sed non sufiicit ad notionem
miraculi, si aliquid fiat praeter ordinem naturae alicujus particularis, quia
sic, cum aliquis projicit lapidem sursum, miraculum faceret, cum hoc sit
praeter ordinem naturae lapidis. Ex hoc ergo aliquid dicitur esse miracu-
lum, quod fit praeter ordinem totius naturae creatae ; hoc autem non
potest facere nisi Deus, quia quidquid facit angelus vel quaecunque alia
creatura propria virtute, hoc fit secundum ordinem naturae, et sic non est
miraculum. Unde relinquitur, quod solus Deus miraculum facere possit"
(Pars i.,Q. 110, art. 4).
1 "The essential question of miracles stands quite apart from any con-
sideration of testimony" (Powell, Study of Evidence, p. 141) ; and again,
the acceptance of the miracle depends i;pon "a religious principle of
faith, and not an assent of the understanding to external evidence"
(Powell, Order of Nature, p. 367).
"Die Ueberzeugung dass ein Wunder geschehen sei, bzw. dass man
ein Wunder erlebt habe, ist eine freie, religiose und gegeniiber aller
wissenschaftlichen Exorterung gleichgiiltige. Sie ist auch bei andern '
nicht durch Demonstrationen und Experimente, sondern nur durch
den Einfluss der personlichen Autoritat und der eigenen Frommigkeit
und Ueberzeugungskraft hervorzurufen. Ohne religiose Motive und reli-
giosen Sinn ist sie iiberhaupt sinnlos oder nackter Aberglaube " (Borne-
mann, Unterricht in Christentum, p. 129).
HISTORICAL SIGNIFICAJSrCE OP THE MIRACLE 337
When Jesus walked on the sea and Peter, attempting to
follow, began to sink, he was rebuked by Jesus : " O thou
of little faith." To the Syro-Phenician woman, the words
are : " Great is thy faith ; be it unto thee even as thou
wilt." Or, again, in the case of the young man possessed
by an evil spirit, Jesus reproaches his disciples for not giv-
ing relief : " O faithless and perverse generation " ; and
when the disciples asked for the cause of their failure, the
answer was : " Because of your unbelief ; for if ye have
faith, ye shall say to this mountain, Remove hence to
yonder place, and it shall remove; and nothing shall be
impossible unto you " (Matt. xvii. 20). The instance of
the feeding of the multitude is prefaced with the same
accusation: "O ye of little faith, why reason ye among
yourselves, because ye have no bread?" (Matt. xvi. 8).
Not as wonders appealing to the sense of the marvellous,
do the miracles possess their deepest significance : " A
wicked and adulterous generation seeketh after a sign ;
and there shall no sign be given unto it."
The evidence for the miracle of the resurrection of
Christ must be sought in the faith of the disciples, and
in their testimony so far as it is an evidence of their
faith ; otherwise, the witness, which they allege, is marked
by variation or contradiction, such as always waits upon
human testimony. The highest evidence for the miracle
is found in a certain conviction perpetuated within the
church, which, as a living institution, becomes the heir of
spiritual influences and bears testimony as no eye-witness
can do. Such faith is seen in the process of its quickening
transition, in the rule of faith given by St. Paul : " For I
delivered unto you first of all that which I also received,
how that Christ died according to the Scriptures, and
rose again on the third day according to the Scriptures."
From this point of view, the revolution, for it was noth-
ing less, is explained and justified by which the Jewish
Sabbath was subordinated to the Lord's Day or the Chris-
tian Sunday, whose weekly recurrence becomes a standing
monument, witnessing to some objective fact in human ex-
perience. The Easter festival, whose annual commemora-
338 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
tion is almost coeval with the birth of the church, becomes
another monumental evidence to the mysterious event in
which the Gospel had its rise, a strong supplementary
evidence to the victory over the doubt of Thomas, or the
appeal of the empty sepulchre ; for in these festivals is
deposited the faith of humanity. Without that faith, they
would long ago have vanished as a dream. ^
While, then, it is difficult to define the miracle, and
while the evidence which substantiates it is not of a kind
which demonstrates its actuality to the cool inquirer seek-
ing for scientific proof, yet we may approximate a true con-
ception of the miracle by studying its place in history and
the function it has subserved. It was one primary result
of the miracle that in the ancient church it helped to
disentangle Deity from the outer world with which, in
pantheistic fashion. He was identified or confused. The
miracle revealed God as above nature and distinct from
1 That faith is essential to the recognition of the miracle does not
imply that inquiry into the evidence for every miracle or alleged miracle
should be discouraged in the interest of faith. On the contrary, the
closest scrutiny and the most careful weighing of evidence should be
welcomed. Credulity and the superstition which the unthinking accept-
ance of the miracle has begotten are evils to be deplored. The one
miracle on which the attention must be concentred is the resurrection
of Christ, partly because of its transcendent interest, partly because the
evidence is more abundant. For the negative criticism on the resurrec-
tion, consult Martineau, The Seat of Authority in Beligion, who fails,
however, to trace the evidence in the experience or organization of the
church. See also Baur, Kirchengeschichte der drei ersten Jahrhunderte,
p. 39 (Eng. Trans., p. 42); in Ewald, His. of Apos. Age, Vol. VI., Gesch.
d. Volkes Israel, pp. 52 ff. ; and in Keim, Gesch. Jesu von Nazara. For
the admissions of these and other writers, see a very striking summary
in Schaff, His. of the Chris. Church, I. , pp. 183 ff. The vision-hypothesis
is not sufficient to meet all the implications of the historical situation.
It is an extraordinary circumstance that there was no cult of the tomb
of Jesus in the early church, as also that the eucharist (cf. the Iguatian
Epistles) from the first was a substitute for the reverence whicli is sliown
and felt in other cases for the sepulchre. The discussion of the concrete
reality of the miracle calls for a knowledge of the thought and experience
of the church, and the most careful psychological analysis, without which
facts cannot gain their full meaning. There is an analogy with the sci-
ence of political economy, which, though dealing with the concrete and
the actual visible transaction, is yet better carried on by the closest
metaphysical reasoning, and calls for ability in the detection of logical
sequences.
HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MIRACLE 339
nature, while yet indwelling in it. Deity was greater
than His work in the whole created universe, for He was
represented by the miracle as not bound by its forces,
but, in His freedom and independence, at liberty to tran-
scend its laws. This was the weakness and the misery
of the nature-religions, that they could not escape the
inference that Deity was but part of the natural order,
which were involved together in some mysterious process of
emanation. The desire to separate Deity from the physi-
cal world was manifested from the first appearance of
the Christian church, but the Gnostic speculations are a
commentary on the method followed when this result was
sought without reference to the miracle. The Gnostics
condemned with an anathema the physical universe as
a Godless sphere, while tlie Catholic creeds proclaimed
Deity as the free Creator of heaven and earth.
The miracle stands also for the motives which inspire
humanity in its active contest with the powers of sin and
evil, whether as latent in nature or in the body, which hold
humanity captive in the life of nature. The miracle in-
spired men with a sense of their divine endowment, as
created in the image of the freedom of God, enabling them to
believe in their divine capacity for heroic, impossible deeds.^
It was the trumpet call to men to rouse themselves from
their lethargy where they lay supine at the feet of nature,
1 Cf. Cherbuliez, UArt et la Nature, §§ 17, 18, for many suggestive
remarks on the emancipation of man from nature by the power of the
arts. "Architecture, statuaire, peinture, musique, et poesie, chaque art
a sa fa9on particulifere de travailler h la d^livrance de notre imagination
et ^ la glorification de I'homme. . . . Tous les arts tendent h une double
fin; tous les arts sont une protestation contre la nature qu'ils imitent"
(p. 220).
"Les individus sont pour la nature un jouet dont elle s'amuse quelques
heures et qu'elle met au rebut. La sculpture lui arrache ce jouet dcs
mains, et aprfes I'avoir transform^ par son travail, elle la met au d^fi de
le briser. Elle substitue k la chair p^i-issable une mati^re compacte,
r^sistante, fifere et pr^cieuse, capable de durer autant qu'une esp6ce ou
qu'une id^e. Elle le glorifie encore en hissant son image sur un pi^destal
qui 1' Eloigns de la terre et du haut duquel il regarde les sifecles couler h
ses pieds. ... La sculpture est, de tous les arts, celui qui a le plus fait
pour accroitre I'importance des individus et pour que Phomme se sentit
r^gal de la puissance qui le d^truit. Mais la nature ne s'en doute point:
elle est trop occup^e a faire et k d^faire des mondes " (pp. 220, 221).
340 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
wliicli they worshipped, and in the name of the Son of
God to take possession of the earth and subdue it. When
we regard the miracle in its historical significance, it be-
comes the symbol of the pre-eminence of spirit over nature.
There is implied, in the miracle, it must be admitted, a
consciousness of antagonism between the spirit in man and
all else in nature which is not man ; and thus is begotten
a conflict, which, whatever the evils it engendered, has
been the condition of human progress. When Christianity
entered the world, it encountered the tendency in the
popular heathenism to worship nature, to deify its forces,
to regard its tendencies, however immoral, as constituting
the law for man, or precedents for action, whether human
or divine. In that class of writings known as Apologies, in
which the Christian intellect first displayed its awakened
activity, it was against the nature-worship, the mytholo-
gies of old religion, that the early Fathers directed their
assaults. If we would interpret the spirit and purpose of
the Catholic church in its fairest form, and in its promise
for the future, it is to these Apologies we must go, as in-
dicating how radical was the opposition between the new
faith and the old decaying order. The Apologies and the
Creeds are contemporaneous in their origin. In the one
we have the exposition of the folly and the immorality
of mythologies which were the symbolical rendering of the
life of nature ; in the other the life of One whose whole
career is represented as above nature, the Christ of the
creeds whose life is set forth as in its origin transcending
natural law, and in its close culminating in events which
defy nature and seem to violate its inmost secret. The
law of death was broken, which had all their lifetime held
men in bondage ; even the law of gravitation appeared
to be suspended, which made this earth the sole focus of
human interests, the final home of humanity, to whose
inner centre all things tended ; and another centre of human
aspirations was created, because Clirist had not only risen,
but ascended to His Father and to our Father, to His God
and to our God.
The prominence of the miracle in the New Testament,
HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MIRACLE 341
and in the creed and cultus of the Catholic church, con-
stitutes a problem which calls for solution in any effort to
interpret Christianity or its history ; especially in view of
the fact that Judaism did not give it an equal prominence
and that Buddhism and Islam should have rejected it.^
Some meaning, some practical result, must surely be in-
volved in the circumstance that historical Christianity
should have thus exalted the miracle, and yet have been
the religion associated with the world's highest civiliza-
tion, whose forces are still unspent and whose aspiration
is far beyond its present achievement. In no other reli-
gion has the miracle been so incorporated in the organic
expression of religious faith as in the institutions of the
Lord's Day and the Christian Year. If the miracle be
regarded as a revelation to man, not only of the freedom
of the divine will, but also as the prophecy of his own
freedom and of his relation to nature as its lord, which it
is given him to read and to study but also to improve and
perfect and subdue to his will, as it were so much material
at his disposition, — if the miracle has ministered to the
sense of his dignity and power and divine calling, then
one can undei'stand why Christian history should have
been a greater history than before had been known, and
indeed that history itself should be almost the creation of
the Christian spirit.
The influence of the miracle, and of the belief in the
1 "The Buddhist legends are full of miracles which Buddha and his
disciples are reported to have done ; some of these are precisely analogous
to the miracles of the Gospels, but most of them are more extraordinary ;
and yet, in the canonical writings of the Buddhists, the words are pre-
served in which the founder forbade his disciples to work miracles, even
if the people should call out for signs and wonders ; the true miracle, he
said, was that they should go and hide their good works before men, but
confess before them their sins. In the same way, the Mohammedan
legend narrates a great number of miracles of Mohammed, and yet he
himself says in the Koran that he is a man like other men and he con-
siders it unworthy of himself to work miracles, and appeals to the great
miracles of Allah : the rise and the going down of the sun, the rain which
fertilizes the earth, the plants which grow and the souls which enter into
human existence without any one's being able to tell whence they come ;
these are the true signs and miracles" (Pfleiderer, Phil, of Bel., IV.,
p. 83 [Eng. Trans.]).
342 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
possibility of the miracle, may be read in the experience
of the Middle Ages. It appealed to the imagination and
thus enlarged the range of life. To the inmates of the
monastery, ignorant of the laws of nature and insensible to
its beauty, to whom the natural order was evil and under
the control of an evil agency, the miracle was a compensa-
tion so great that they did not feel their limitations. The
emancipated spirit became a law unto itself, creating its
own environment, revelling in the sense of freedom and
power. The world was to them what they made it in
imagination. In that subjective world of the Mediseval
aspiration, the laws of nature were no hindrance, the prin-
ciple of gravitation was scouted, new senses and faculties
seemed to be added to the soul so that men could ascend
like the angels, rivalling the birds in their flight, surpass-
ing the brute creation in physical strength. As they came
and went, the obstacles of dead matter offered no interfer-
ence. The power of a saint, even in his grave, could be
exerted to heal disease. Future events could be foretold.
It was believed that men had returned from the other
world and revealed its mysteries. The belief in the miracle
created a world as beautiful in its way as that of the old
mythology. These wonders of earth and air were instead
of literature and art, the substitutes for poetry and science,
and contain the germs of them all. If this experience
which has now forever passed away has any lesson for us,
it is in the revelation of man to himself, the protest of the
soul against dead necessity and a blind fatalism. It is not
a question here, whether any or how much actual objective
reality corresponded to the miraculous dream of the monk,
or whether the supernatural halo with which the people
invested the head of a holy man was justified by the out-
ward fact. We are dealing with what humanity has be-
lieved, and with the influence of that belief upon human
development. At least the belief itself grew out of the
objective reality of the miraculous Christ of the creeds,
The effect of the miracle was to concentrate attention
upon the greatness and dignity of a redeemed humanity.
To this result ministered the separation of man from
HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MIRACLE 343
nature. In the revolt against nature as evil, man came
into closer relationship with himself. " It appears to be
a law," as an eminent American naturalist has observed,
"that you cannot have a deep sympathy with both man
and nature. Those qualities which bring you near to the
one, estrange you from the other."
In the miracle, and in the history of tlie miracle, we may
trace the preparation for modern science. The study of
nature with the determination to know its secrets, which
dates from the age of the Renaissance, was not wholly a
new departure with a distinct origin of its own, but appears
rather as a Christian product, drawing its inspiration and
success from Christian motives. No other religion has
been so associated as has the Christian with scientific de-
velopment. Indeed, science only exists where Christian
institutions have prepared the way for its advent ; and it
builds upon the conviction which the miracle has aided to
develop, that nothing is impossible to man in his struggle
with nature in order to clothe himself with its power and
to subdue its forces to the control of the human will, till
it becomes the fulfilment of the words of Christ : " And
greater works than these shall ye do, because I go unto
my Father." There is, of course, the trite objection that
Christianity checked the first beginnings of science in
Greek civilization, by calling attention away from this
world to another, preoccupying the soul with a future
world, compared with which this present world and out-
ward nature were but emptiness and vanity. But it was
the heathen mind and not the Christian which first grew
weary of the study of nature and sought in another world
the interest which this world no longer afforded. It was
Neoplatonic philosophy, or Gnostic thinkers draAving
their inspiration from heathen sources, which brought the
development of the old world to its close. The doctrine
that nature was evil, and matter the source of evil, was in
its origin a heathen conception. The church fought this
dark conception as it was able by the doctrine of the Father
as the creator of heaven and earth. If the church was not
able at once wholly to overcome the conviction that the
344 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
world was evil, yet it was within the church as some for-
eign substance, which never gained formal approval as a
dogma, an incumbrance from which the church sought to
rid itself from the moment when it affected the popular
belief. How Christian thought labored to this end, and
how especially the Christian cultus resisted it, will be
shown in later chapters.
But it must also be admitted that it would have been a
misfortune for the natural sciences, if they had risen and
flourished on the basis of the old consciousness that nature
was divine, before man had been fully revealed as distinct
from nature or as having spiritual possibilities which tran-
scend the range of the natural order. So long as natural
forces were deified, the human mind could not come to
their study apart from prejudice, or from misleading pre-
sumptions. So long as man regarded himself as part of
nature and had not yet attained by painful experience the
consciousness of possessing a human soul, he would have
been in no position to subdue nature to himself, to conquer
the earth and make it his own. Nature would have ex-
erted a tyranny over him as in those lands where human
beings worship the animals which prey upon them, or have
feared to rescue a drowning man from the waters for dread
of offending the deity of the waters who may demand him
for a sacrifice. Strange and evil have been the dreams
begotten by the worship of nature, — unspeakable cruelties,
monstrous imaginations, which have rendered human life
a perpetual nightmare, on which tyrants have flourished
and every form of evil has increased and magnified, till life
became a burden and it only needed a Buddha to found a
religion upon that premiss in order to bring relief. The
consequences of the popular belief in the Middle Ages,
that the world was in possession of the devil, may have
been a temporary hindrance to civilization by discouraging
enterprise, by creating fears of the ocean, of the mountain,
or of the forest, but it was better so than to lie down
supinely at the feet of nature, to resign the struggle to
which man lias been called by his constitution as a spiritual
beinof. It was an inherent element in the religion of ancient
HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MIRACLE 345
Scandinavia, that humanity was at perpetual warfare with
the powers of nature, in the heavens above as in the earth
beneath ; and with this conviction the Christ of the creeds
coalesced in essential harmony, who in His birth and in
His death, as in all His intervening years, illustrated the
superiority of spirit, and became the prophecy of its ulti-
mate redemption from nature's power.^
1 For a summary of the history of opinion regarding the miracle, cf.
Kostlin, Art. Wuuder, in Herzog, E. E. Among other interesting and
important discussions of the subject may be mentioned Mozley, J. B.,
Lectures on Miracles; Buslmell, Nature and the Supernatural ; Rothe,
Zur Dogmatik in Studien und Kritiken, 1858 ; Newman, on Ecclesiastical
Miracles, who lias been met by Abbott, in Philomythus, with a severe but
just criticism, and by Twistleton, TJie Tongue not Essential to Speech ;
Duke of Argyle, Reign of Laiv ; Isaac Taylor, Ajicient Christianity.
Among writers of the eighteenth century are Middleton, Warburton, and
Hume. For the popular scientific estimate of the miracle, Lecky, His.
of nationalism, c. ii. ; Origen, C. Celsum, for the objections to the miracle
in the second century ; for the attack of Spinoza, Tract. Theol. Polit.,
c. vi.; Schleiermacher, Christ. Glaube, § 14, gives the modern religious
attitude, which finds no aid for piety in the miracle. For the most recent
comprehensive discussion of the miracle, see Bruce, Miraculous Element
in the Gospels, and Apologetics, cc. iii., iv., v.; also Fisher, G. P.,
Supernatural Origin of Christianity.
CHAPTER IV
THE LIFE OF THE SPIRIT — THE DOCTRINE OF THE
ATONEMENT — THE RELATION OF THE DIVINE TO THE
HUMAN
I
The Catholic creeds assert the Divine Name, — the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, as that which sepa-
rates and distinguishes Christianity from Judaism and
from every form of heathen thought, while it also em-
braces in comprehensive unity all that was true in both
Judaism and heathenism.^ But they are silent, with an
impressive silence in which is heard no echo of the con-
troversies which have disturbed the later history of the
Christian church. Opinion has been divided by theories
of the incarnation ; there have been different judgments
regarding the relation of the divine and the human, men
have disagreed about the results of the fall, the nature and
consequences of original sin, the freedom of the will, the
principle of election, the nature and method of atonement.
These have been the points on which controversies have
turned, about which there has been eager inquiry ; they are
all of them questions of importance and deepl}^ related to
the well-being of the church and to the faith and hope of
the individual man. But the Catholic creeds do not deter-
mine them ; they may be read into the creeds, but cannot
be found in them. From the point of view of this majes-
tic silence, it might seem as though on these points differ-
ences were inevitable, and were alike included and found
1 That the doctrine of the Trinity embraced the fundamental ideas of
heathenism and Judaism in regard to the being of God, doing justice alike
to plurality and unity in the divine essence, is asserted by John of Damas-
cus, De Fide Orthod., I., c. vii. ; cf. also, for a similar view, Greg. Nyss.,
Cat., 0. iii.
346
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 347
a common shelter under the all-comprehensive revela-
tion of the Divine Name. The Catholic creeds reveal
the unity of Christendom, despite its divergences and
divisions ; they represent an elevation from which the
differences have disappeared, or are as though they had
no existence. They may be recited in good faith by Nes-
torians and Eutychians, Duoph3^sites and Monophysites,
Augustinians and Pelagians, Protestants and Catholics,
Calvinists and Arminians. They represent the Catholic
side of the church, its "secular" aspect, as it was called
in the Middle Ages, in contrast with the "religious" or
monastic aspect. They are impersonal in their origin, but
they reflect the work of the bishops or pastors in their
parishes, not of the monk in his cell. They stand for
historical Christianity, as it is called ; and in form and
in essence their origin is almost coeval with the birth of
the Catholic church.
But this silence of the Catholic creeds, while from
one point of view it constitutes a signal merit, reflects
also the religious deficiency of the age which produced
them. They exalt one phase of the divine revelation,
the Son of God manifested in the world and in human
history ; but the fuller revelation of the Fatherhood of
God in external nature, and the revelation of the Holy
Spirit in the inner experience of the individual soul,
these were spheres to which the ancient church was almost
a stranger. But it is in these two spheres of the threefold
revelation that the modern world has dwelt and still is
dwelling. The ancient Fathers found a difficulty in defin-
ing the work and office of the Holy Spirit, partly because
they were preoccupied with the office and work of the Son
of God, partly because the work of the Spirit could not be
understood, till after many generations had devoted them-
selves to the study of the life within the soul. The Spirit
of God was to lead the church into the fuller truth, tak-
ing of the things of Christ and showing them unto men,
bringing back all things to their remembrance, whatsoever
Christ had said unto them. Slowly and painfully and by
the bitter experience of life, struggling with the eternal
348 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
mystery, has the Spirit of God been fulfilling the promise
of the departing Christ. The experience of many centuries
could not have been anticipated in the age when the doc-
trine was proclaimed of the coequality of the Spirit with
the Father and the Son. He of whom it was said in the
Nicene Creed that He was to be " glorified with the Father
and the Son, as the Lord and Giver of Life, who spake by
the prophets," had much to reveal to the individual man,
before it was possible that the full significance of His divine
office could be even approximately understood.
But again, the ancient church was shut out as by the
divine will from the fuller knowledge of external nature and
the laws of God as written in the visible creation. The
first beginnings of natural science in the Greek world led
up to nothing. There was no interest in the study of
nature, after the Catholic church became supreme. The
love of nature still survived in the Oriental church, and
begot a receptiveness for its beneficent influences. But
what the church Fathers knew regarding nature and its
deeper secrets, was what they could gain by superficial
observation with the unaided natural vision. The eter-
nal majesty and uniformity of law, the infinite wisdom
and care and love disclosed in perfecting the details of
animated existence, the fuller knowledge of the laws
of nature by which it has been subjected to the service of
man, — these were not revealed to them, but the natural
world in which they lived was a meagre, inadequate con-
struction of their own, feebly reflecting the greatness, the
goodness, and the glory of God. It was something that
in the Oriental church the love of nature still survived,
a fact which was destined to color its later development.
In the Western church, fear of nature became the motive
which shut men out from its study, as if to penetrate its
secrets was dangerous presumption and destructive to
spiritual life. Hence in the West a greater opportunity
was offered to cultivate an acquaintance with the inner
experience of the soul. But while this process went on
of exploring the inner contents of the spirit as they were
brought to light by religious contemplation, yet still,
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 349
throughout the Middle Ages, it was the miracle in which
they chiefly rejoiced, as attesting the power of the human
soul. The Lives of the Saints have little to tell us con-
cerning their personality or their actual history, but they
revel in the miraculous power which a holy man must
exhibit, as the evidence of his superiority to otlier men.
Of the spii'itual beauty and perfection of the character of
Christ as it has at last shone out again to the modern
world, the Mediaeval church was ignorant; it was con-
cerned with Christ chiefly in His eternal relationship, His
supernatural power. His world affiliation as the redeemer
and the final judge.
A change was in process from the close of the fourth
century which indicates that great popular wants re-
mained unsatisfied. The symptoms of the change Avere
the sudden rise of the worship of the Virgin Mother,
regarding which the creeds are silent, but whose rapid
spread no creeds could hinder, till it became a most
influential motive in the development of the cultus ; and
the rise of monasticism, which by the close of the fourth
century had become a potent factor in ecclesiastical life.
It is with the latter, with tlie influence of monasticism in
the development of the Life of the Spirit, that we are
now concerned. The influence of the worship of Mary is
more closely related to the development of worship in
the Eastern church, from whence it was carried into West-
ern Christendom.
In the monasteries, it was the study of man, in his
inner being and in his relation to God, which became
the absorbing theme. Monasticism resumed, at first in
feeble and uncertain ways, the task which had been in-
terrupted, when Montanism was suppressed or its life
driven inward to find outlet in some other form. Monas-
ticism was also to prove the continuation of the efforts
of condemned Gnostic teachers to build up all human
knowledge into sj'stems of theology. But it differs from
Montanism and from Gnosticism in this respect, that the
Catholic creeds have been laid as the foundation on
which it must build. It may go beyond them, but it will
350 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
not contradict them in a formal manner; it may not do
justice to them; it may even fail to preserve their true
spirit, but it will be an unconscious perversion, not a
formal denial of their meaning. The essential character-
istic of monasticism in its work for theology was that it
turned the attention inward to the discussion of issues
that sprang from personal religious experience or aspira-
tion, as compared with the Catholic creeds which were
exponents of an objective impersonal faith, which dealt
with humanity as a whole or in solidarity, which might be
introduced with " I believe " or " We believe."
Such was the controversy about the Two Natures in the
Person of Christ, which lasted for two centuries before it
came to a close, and then it was settled for a part of the
church but not for the whole, and was also destined to
reappear in other forms. In this controversy about the
inner content of the divine nature, as compared with, or
related to, the human nature, the leaders on each side
came forth from the monastery, — Nestorius, an Anti-
ochian monk, who became patriarch of Constantinople,
and Cyril, the patriarch of Alexandria, who had been
trained in the monastery of Nitria. Eutyches also was a
monk, who by his teaching regarding the body of Christ
plunged the church into deeper waters of controversy.
The leaders of the Monophysite party of the sixth cen-
tury were monks, and so also was Leontius of Byzantium,
who succeeded in giving a Monophysite interpretation
to the decision of Chalcedon. In the following century,
Sophronius and Maximus, who took the most prominent
part in the IMonothelete controversy, were inmates of the
monastery. John of Damascus was a monk who gave the
final expression to the orthodox theology of the Eastern
church.
The coming of Augustine (f 430) marked an epoch in
the Western church. He held the monastic theory of life,
and by his influence impressed it upon the Latin church ;
but more than this, he contributed the ideas and principles
which were henceforth to be the staple material not only
of religious controversy, but of profound inward struggles,
THE DOCTKINE OP ATONEMENT 351
issuing in a new world of religious experience. No such
book as his Confessions had hitherto been written, which
narrates the inward life of the soul, its fears, its doubts,
its hopes, which contains the conversation of the soul with
its Maker. Oriental Christian literature is singularly-
devoid of what are known as devotional books which
reveal the stirrings and emotions of the individual soul.
Its piety tends to assume a conventional or objective im-
personal form, or is clothed with a deep reserve, beneath
which it is impossible to penetrate to the heart in its
inmost moods. Augustine is almost the only man in the
ancient church who has given us the revelation of himself,
whom we may be said to know personally, as modern
biography enables us to know our contemporaries. We
know things about Athanasius or Cyril, but in the case
of Augustine we know the man. With him individuality
as a new force may almost be said to have been born, and
to have passed from him into the monasteries of the West,
where it was to be cultivated by inward piety, by the
personal struggle of the soul for communion with God.
The questions which Augustine raised had never
troubled the church in the East, such as the nature of
sin, the fall and its consequences, the mode of escape, in
what consists the grace of God which alone can bring for-
giveness and freedom and salvation, the election by God
of those whom He wills to save ; these were the issues
which passed over into the Western monasteries to be
wrought up into theological systems and to reappear in
the Confessions of the Protestant churches. It was by
a monk, Pelagius, that the teaching of Augustine was
resisted in the interest of a form of piety conscious of
no inward struggles and resting upon an ethical basis,
instead of an emotional. It was in the monasteries that
the disturbing influence of Augustine's teaching in regard
to the inability of a man to contribute to his own salvation
was first experienced, as at Adrumetum in North Africa,
where the monks fell into distress of spirit and despaired of
salvation. Again in the monasteries of Gaul, at Massilia
and at Lerins, Augustine's teaching found its champions
352 CR*EEDS AND DOCTRINES
and its opponents. Notwithstanding the modification of
Augustine's tenets by the practical working of the Latin
church, predestination, which is only another word for
individualism, has been for the most part the doctrine
of the monasteries, in contrast with that other stream
of tendency which is content with the Catholic creeds.
As individualism developed in the Middle Ages, it struck
an alliance with the reason in dialectics, giving birth to
those monastic systems of theology, the counterparts of
the great secular cathedrals, whose vast proportions and
minute detail are at once the wonder and the despair of
an age which has rejected them. As the great doctors
in the Middle Ages produced each his Summa, so theo-
logical teachers in Protestant churches which have in-
herited most directly the traditions of the monastery,
have continued to produce Systems of Divinity whose
scope is the presentation of the whole field of Christian
thought so far as it may be apprehended by the individual
mind. Modern systems of philosophy also are continua-
tions, in some of their aspects, of the method which
Augustine originated for the Western world, when he
plunged into the recesses of his spirit and laid bare its
contents to the gaze of all. This inward process of indi-
vidual thought and feeling has passed into poetry and
modern literature, commenting on the same issues in their
manifestation in the every-day life of the world, which
once constituted the fascination of theological systems,
the freedom of the will or the chains of necessity, the
consequences of sin and the manifestations of hereditary
evil, the working out of one's destiny, the principle of
predestination by which one is taken and another left.
II
In the history of the doctrine of the Atonement may
be read the process of human emancipation from the
dread of Satan or of God, the two sources of fear which
kept in bondage the Mediaeval world. In the silence
of the Catholic creeds upon the subject of the Atone-
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 353
merit, as compared with the emphatic assertion which
was given to this doctrine in the Protestant Confessions
of Faith, we may note the distance which the Christian
world has travelled, as well also as the way which it has
taken, since the ancient church made its profession of
Christian faith. The death of Christ is mentioned by the
ancient symbols, but in connection with His birth. His
resurrection and ascension as forming an incident in His
incarnate life. Whatever the ancient church may have
held regarding the transcendent import of the death upon
the cross, as set forth by individual writers or as embodied
in its liturgies, the creeds, at least, make no application of
it to the individual soul seeking to appropriate the redemp-
tion which has been accomplished and is offered in Christ.
In the Apostles' Creed the forgiveness of sins is mentioned,
but in connection with the belief in ' holy church,' a pro-
test, it may be, against the Montanist teaching, that no
forgiveness on earth Avas possible to one who, having tasted
the gift of life, should afterward fall away. In the Nicene
Creed, belief is enjoined in " one baptism for the remis-
sion for sins," a possible allusion to the controversies in
Cyprian's time, when the bishop of Carthage maintained,
against the higher conviction of the age, that when baptism
had been performed by a heretic, even with the approved
formula, it should be repeated in order to admission into
the Catholic church.
The doctrine of the Atonement is vitally related to the
development of thought and religious experience which
ultimated in the Protestant Reformation, as also a divid-
ino- line ever since between the Protestant churches and
the old Catholic order. Its prominence in the Confessions
of Faith in the age of the Reformation ; the importance
attached to it by the Reformers, Luther, Zwingli, and
Calvin ; the controversies which have since been w^aged
on its nature and method; the significance given to it
anew by Wesley, when examining the foundations of his
belief ; its hold upon the religious experience in the Evan-
gelical Awakening in England or America, — these and
other indications point to some deep conviction for which
2 a
354 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
the doctrine stands, despite the variations in its statement
or the difficulties attending its elucidation. Any full dis-
cussion of so important a point belongs to the history of
doctrine ; but the larger bearings of the subject are so
closely related to the institutions of the church, that they
must be briefly reviewed in order to a deeper appreciation
of the meaning of Christian history.
The ancient church, like the modern, regarded the com-
ing of Christ as bringing a deliverance to man, in which
lay the source of the deepest gratitude of the soul toward
God. The consciousness of deliverance from the evil
which presses most heavily upon the soul may be traced
in every religion, taking form and expression according to
the experience of fears and suffering begotten by the differ-
ent types of evil with which the history of the world has
made us familiar. Such a motive lay in the background of
Jewish religion, when the great deliverance at the crossing
of the Red Sea, by which a people were redeemed from
slavery and born into a nation, became the inspiration of
later faith and hope, recalled annually in the great fes-
tival of the Passover. The Christian church accepted the
Passover as an enduring type of the greater deliverance
wrought by Christ, — the redemption of humanity and not
merely of a nation. The Eucharistic feast and the annual
keeping of the Easter festival bear witness to the con-
sciousness of a deliverance from sin, and from the power
of sin, from the evil agencies by which humanity has been
kept under the dominion of sin. From this point of view
the deliverance wrought by Christ is seen as the object
and the effect of His incarnation, and is the answer to the
question with which the Christian mind in every age has
been consciously or unconsciously wrestling, Why did He
become man, — Cur Dens Homo?
The largest and most inclusive answer to the problem,
which the church of the Catholic creeds was practically
unanimous in rendering, set forth the ignorance of man
as the source of the evils in which he was engulfed and
out of which he vainly sought to escape, his ignorance of
the true nature of God and of His relation to the world;
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 355
ignorance of the true constitution of man and of his
high destiny. Christ came as the enlightener, the light
which came forth from the eternal light, to recreate or
to rejuvenate humanity, to disclose to men their true
relationship with God. In ways which could not be de-
fined, He broke the power of sin and overcame its deadly
fascination. It was assumed that the soul was made for
God, and that when light was revealed, man by the
inner law of his being would respond to light. To know
the truth, was to be set free; the knowledge which
acted through the mind upon the conscience and the
heart, involved obedience : This is life eternal to know
God and Jesus Christ ivhom He has sent. In this way
the world Avas reconciled unto God and God unto the
world.
While the ancient Catholic church put forth no formal
theory for the expression of its conviction in regard to the
deliverance which Christ had wrought, yet a theory did
exist which lends unity and depth, as well as consistency,
to the variety of utterances on the mystic significance
of the death of Christ. It was assumed by Athanasius
that in the incarnation Christ had identified Himself
with humanity in all its fortunes, so that His life be-
came a representative one, so that all men had been
reborn or recreated in Him, all had died in Him and
with Him to sin, all had risen in Him to the life of the
Spirit in God. " He sanctified Himself, in order that He
might sanctify us all." ^ " He took perishing man into
Himself, renewing him by a lasting renewal into eternal
life." ^ He endured death for us as man in order that He
might present Himself to the Father in our behalf. "As
He died for us, so also has He been exalted on our behalf,
in order that like as all died in the death of Christ, even
so we might all be unutterably exalted in Him." ^ " His
death was a ransom for the sins of men and a death
of death. He took the judgment up into Himself and,
1 Or. I. c. Ar., 46. 2 Or. IV. c. Ar., 33.
3 Or. I. c. Ar., 41 ; cf. also Dorner, Person of Christ (Eng. Trans.),
Div. I., Vol. II., pp.341 ff.
356 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
suffering in the flesh for all, He bestowed salvation
upon all," ^
This conception of the redemptive work of Christ,
which identifies humanity in its fortunes with its Head
and Leader, is brought out with even greater distinctness
by Gregory of Nyssa: "Just as the principle of death took
its rise in one person and passed on in succession through
the whole of human kind, in like manner the principle of
the resurrection life extends from one person to the
whole of humanity." ^ " Since there was needed a lifting
up from death for the whole of our nature. He stretches
forth a hand, as it were, to prostrate man, and stooping
down. He came so far within the grasp of death as to
touch a state of deadness, and then in His own body to
bestow on our nature the principle of the resurrection, . . .
as though the whole of mankind was a single living
being," so that the resurrection principle of this member
" passes through the entire race by virtue of the continuity
and oneness of the nature."^
Beyond this conviction of the solidarity of the race in
Christ, the thought of the ancient Greek Fathers did not
go. In most of them, with minor qualifications, this
principle was assumed. Out of it had grown the doctrine
of the incarnation that He who was the Head and Leader
of humanity must be God, since only God is competent to
be the leader of man ; but also man, since the race needs
in its leader one who is identified with his followers.
When this truth of the incarnation had been gained, its
influence was felt in intensifying the belief in His power
to emancipate men from the evil and corruption of sin.
As a doctrine of atonement, it may be seen underlying the
later theories about the method bv which God reconciles
the world to Himself, even though its explicit statement
may be lacking. We may trace it in Anselm's famous
argument, or in the discussions of the later Scholastics, or
in the teaching of the Reformers, that the sins of men are
imputed to Christ, whose righteousness in turn is imputed
1 Or. I. c. Ar., 51 ; II. 69. 2 (j^t. Mag., c. xvi.
3 Cat. Mag., c. xxxii.; cf. also Greg. Naz., Or., XXIV. 4 ; XLV. 28.
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT " 357
to believers. One may read its presence also in hymns
which have become the deepest expression of the soul, as
it faces the mystery and the crisis of death :
" Rock of Ages, cleft for me,
Let me hide myself in Thee."
But this doctrine of the identification of Christ with
humanity as the mode of deliverance from sin and of
reconciliation with God, might be construed in different
ways, as the question was asked to whom did Christ make
the offering of Himself, or what was the power which held
humanity in thraldom from which it was delivered by the
ransom which He paid. From an early moment there are
traces of the belief that an evil spirit held the human
race in his grasp. This had been the teaching of the
Gnostics, and although they had been condemned and
banished from the church their influence remained as an
evil leaven to affect its thought. The Catholic creeds
had indeed escaped the contagion, but they were not
sufficient to prevent the infiltration into the Christian
mind of a sentiment which was widespread in the con-
temporary world. In the writing of Irenseus there are
suggestions, however faint or confused, that the deliver-
ance or redemption of man implied that an evil spirit
had captured the human race, and that Christ had set
it free, since the devil's rule was an usurpation, founded
upon deceit and fraud, since also the sovereignty of the
universe belonged to God. Irenteus may not have taught
explicitly that Christ paid a ransom to the devil,^ but
1 Cf. Adv. Haer., V. 1, 1 ; 21, .3. There is uncertainty whether Ire-
nseus taught that Christ acted upon the minds of men, and thus set them
free from Satan's power, or whether He acted in some fashion to induce
Satan to relax his hold. Cf. Baur, Die chrbtliche Lehre von der Versohnunrj ,
pp. 30 ff. ; also Ilarnack, Dngmengeschichte, I. 520, 521 : " Dem Irenaeus
liegt nochder Gedanke anwirkliche Rechte des Teufels an den Menschen
ebenso fern, wie der unsittliche Einfall, dass Gott seine Erlosung durch
einen Betrug voUzogen habe." On the other side, cf. the doctrine histo-
ries of Gieseler, Thomasius, and Dorner. Thomasius finds traces of the
Anselmic theory in Irenseus ; cf. Dogmeju/eschlchte, III. 17(i. If Irenaeus is
interpreted in harmony with his remarks, V. 21 , he taught that the redemp-
tion of humanity was accomplished by the successful resistance of Christ
to the temptations of Satan during the forty days in the wilderness.
358 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
the early hints of this theory are to be found in his
writings. It was a theory so consonant with current
ideas that it was destined to wide acceptance as a con-
trolling element in the popular consciousness. That
Christ had redeemed man by paying a ransom to the
devil for his deliverance was never, indeed, the formal
dogmatic teaching of the ancient church. But most of
the leading writers recognized some degree of truth in
the theory. Origen gave expression to it so forcibly
that he has been sometimes held responsible for its cur-
rency in the church. Even Gregory of Nyssa, despite
his strong and clear enunciation of the higher truth,
that humanity is redeemed by its solidarity with its
Head, also countenanced the idea of some transaction by
which the devil was deceived and lost his hold upon
the world. ^ The same thought was countenanced by
Augustine,^ though it does not express the fulness of
his mind upon the salvation by Christ, and from him it
passed into the theology of the Latin church. Its original
source was not in Christian revelation, but rather in the
contagion of the darker moods of paganism, in the period
from the decline of the Empire to its fall, when the con-
viction was bred that the anger of the gods was the ex-
planation of the evil hour which had fallen upon the
world. ^
So long as the belief that Christ had ransomed men from
the power of the devil was associated with or subordinated
to the positive and larger conviction of the solidarity of
the race in Christ, it might be regarded as an unimportant
speculative tenet, which had no vital relationship with
Christian experience, and as such it appears in the writ-
ings of Origen or Gregory of Nj^ssa. But in the church of
Western Europe, this larger conviction faded away, if in-
deed in Italy or North Africa it had ever been held as it
was held in the Eastern church. The work of Christ in the
redemption of humanity was therefore reduced in its scope
1 Cat. Mag., c. xxiii. 2 2)e Trin., IV., c. 1.3.
^ Of. Cyprian. Ad Demetrianum ; and Augustin. De Civitate Dei, for
the influence of this conviction on the church.
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 359
from an actual deliverance to a potential or possible one,
the realization of which must be sought and obtained
within the church.^ But other changes also were in
process of accomplishment in the Latin church after the
fourth century, which were modifying the Christian out-
look upon the world. One of' these related to the con-
ception of the Catholic church, which was identified by
Augustine with the kingdom of God.^ Instead of being
regarded as an agency for promoting or realizing the divine
will, which existed independently and found embodiment
in other forms, as, within certain limits, in the state, or in
systems of thought or ethics, whose origin was apart from
the Christian faith, the church became to the Latin mind
the sole representative of God's direct activity and inter-
est in the world. When the papacy had developed its
supremacy, the true church of God in the world was held
to consist only of those in communion with the pope. A
theory like this was incompatible with the older principle,
that humanity itself, the race as a whole, had been redeemed
in Christ.3
A change so fundamental as this implies some corre-
sponding change in philosophical attitude. It was the
transition from Platonism to the Aristotelianism which
was destined to become from henceforth the accepted
philosophy of the Latin church. According to Plato, the
idea exists primarily in the divine mind and is always so
far distinct from and independent of its embodiment, that
the earthly form can never be identical or conterminous
with the divine idea. Such had been the philosophical
1 Dorner, Person of Christ, Div. II., Vol. I., pp. 1-11.
2 "Augustine was led," says Dr. Harnack, "in liis controversy with
the Donatists and as an apologist, to idealize the political side of the
Catholic church, — to grasp and elaborate the idea that the church is the
kingdom of Christ and the city of God. Others before him may have
taken the same view, and he, on the other hand, never forgot that true
blessedness belongs to the future ; but still he was the first who ventured
to teach that the Catholic church, in its empirical form, was the kingdom
of Christ." (Cf. Art. MlUennhim, in Encijc. Brit., XVI., p. 317.)
3 It is characteristic of tlie Church of England, in the age of the
Reformation, that it reverted to this belief. Cf. Church Catechism : "He
hath redeemed me and all mankind."
360 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
motive of the earlier church down to the fourth century.
But such a conception implies constant movement and
progress, or even revolution, in order to the attainment
of some unfulfilled ideal. With Aristotle, on the other
hand, the idea is imbedded in the institution, apart fi-om
which it does not exist,- and where alone it can be
studied. Hence the institution is consecrated as divine
and final, and must develop from within, instead of
through the concentrated gaze upon an ideal which is for-
ever above and beyond the present attainment, or in the
mind of God. Remote as these philosophical theories may
seem, they are also closely connected with the practical.
It is often said that the knowledge of God is essential as
the primary requisite to the knowledge of man : that it is
easier to know God than it is to know ourselves. But the
Aristotelian method begins with the knowledge of man.
Hence the foundations of the Latin church were laid in
anthropology rather than in theology, as in the Pelagian
controversy, while in the Eastern church the thought had
revolved incessantly about the idea of God.^
Connected with this change in the conception of the
church was a profounder change in the thought regarding
God. This also was wrought out for the first time in the ex-
perience of Augustine. During the Pelagian controversy,
he was led to attach a supreme importance to the will of God
as also to the will in man, which was in marked divergence
from the Eastern theology, where the supreme stress was
laid upon the mind and character of God, upon the nature
of God rather than His will. Religious thought in the
East had for centuries revolved about that expressive
word ' Logos,' which, however difficult it may be to define,
stands in general for the mind of God, the reason of
God, or the wisdom of God, in which mind, or reason, or
1 "For three centuries or more Platonic idealism had been supreme.
Aristotelian realism was now on the point of displacing it. The signs of
the change can be noticed in theology and in politics. In one sense it
was necessary as a condition for the development of medisevalism. The
institutions of the past, which carried with them the noblest and symbol-
ized the old order, were now emptied of their true life" (Bishop AVest-
cott, in Eeliglons Tho^ight in the West, p. 222).
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 361
wisdom humanity shares in virtue of its constitution in
the divine image. This Logos, coeternal with God, had
become incai-nate in the Son of man. As the Nicene Creed
had defined Him, He was Light proceeding forth from or
generated by Light ; the Light of Light. The Eastern the-
ology had not indeed failed in its own way to adjust the
divine will with the divine reason, but so that the will
should be always conceived as the executive of the reason.
It was taken for granted also, that, in man, to illuminate
his reason was to secure the obedience of his will. It had
been a characteristic of Arius that he was out of sympathy
with this conception, that his view of God and of Christ
and of the nature of religion placed the will of God in the
foreground and left the interpretation of the divine mind
as something with which man had no concern or for which
he had no capacity, — an anticipation, as it has often been
remarked, of that strange religion which was afterwards to
take its rise in the deserts of Arabia, whose prophet had
no other function than to declare the divine will, and in-
spire his followers to enforce it by the sword.^
The Roman church may be said to have begun its inde-
pendent career and to have received its most distinctive
motive with this change in the conception of God, by which
the divine will was placed, as it were, above the divine
mind, beyond also the range of the human mind to in-
terpret the significance of the divine action in the world.
God's will was to be seen and known in the institution
of the church to whose hierarchy, and more especially
to the bishop of Rome, it had been given to make known
His decrees and enforce their obedience. Leo the Great
came forward with his proclamation that it was the divine
1 When Mohammedanism was making its conquests in Egypt and
Syria, thei-e arose a controversy in the Eastern church in the seventh
century, which was undoubtedly impressed with the influence of Islam.
It was then discussed whether there were in Christ two wills or one.
Beneath the discussion lay the assumption, foreign to the Eastern mind,
that His work of redemption had been accomplished by an act of His
will. The controversy was the least important in which the Eastern
church had engaged, and the final decision was formulated at the Sixth
General Council, with the co-operation of the bishop of Rome.
362 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
will alone, not any human arrangement, such as the
dignity of cities, which had given the supreme authority
over the church to the bishop of Rome. The controversies
of the East about the Logos, or the mind and character
of God as revealed in Christ, had already become unfa-
miliar. Augustine had written an important treatise on
the Trinity, but he was unacquainted with the process of
thought out of which had emerged the formula of the
Council of Nicsea. The church Fathers in the East had
endeavored to reconcile the triune distinction with the
unity of God, but Augustine reversed the method and
found the problem to be, how to reconcile the conviction
of the one God with the triune existence.^ The incarnation
of Christ receded into the background and the church
stepped forward into the vacant place. The spirit of the
Roman Empire and of Roman law, which was identified
with the will of the Roman Emperor, now took possession
of the Roman church, transmuting its representatives into
law-givers and its gospel into the New Law. A new age
was beginning, of which the purpose and the justification
was the training of the peoples under the lead of a priest-
hood into the obedience of law.^
1 Cf. Harnack, Grundriss der Dogmeiigeschichte, p. 153.
2 On the difference between the Greek and Latin churches, at this mo-
ment of their divergence, cf. Dorner, Person of Christ (Eng. Trans.), Div.
II., Vol. I., pp. 270 ff. : " The (Roman) church and its ministers were not
[as is the case in the Greek church down to the present day ; for example,
even in connection with the Holy Eucharist] looked upon as the instru-
ments by which the living and ever-present Christ, discernible as it were
by the eye of faith, accomplishes His work in individuals, — that work
which He has reserved in His own hands ; but Christ, when He had
founded the institution, which is His kingdom, retired, as it were, after
a Deistic fashion, into the background, and to the foreground advanced
the present authorities, who represent Him in His absence." For the
Deistic tendency in Augustine, which separates God from the world, so
that He acts upon it from without, instead of from within, cf. A. Dorner,
Augustinus, sein theologisches System, etc., pp. 392 ff. and for other
references see Register of, under Deistische Biclituny. Cf. De Civitate
Dei, IX., c. 17: "Is that sentiment of Plotinus forgotten? — 'We must
fly to our beloved fatherland. There is the Father, there our all. What
fleet or flight shall convey us thither? Our way is to become like God.'
If, then, one is nearer to God the liker he is to Him, there is no other
distance from God than unlikeness to Him."
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 363
The teaching of Augustine regarding God and His
relation to the world and to humanity gradually changed
the conception of the nature of the deliverance which
had been wrought by Christ. There was much in the
earlier thoufjht of Aug^ustine which was in conflict with
the conception of Deity which he reached in the Pelagian
controversy, and which also passed over ultimately into
the possession of the Mediseval church. The earlier view,
which he attained when he was making the transition
from heathenism to the church, had been substantially
in harmony with Neoplatonic speculations, by which the
world was in some sense an emanation from Deity and man-
kind was still related in some organic waj^ to the highest
God. In the Pelagian controversy, he took his departure
from moral considerations, according to which Deity ap-
peared as absolute and sovereign will, from whom humanity
was separated by the original sin of Adam, and not only sep-
arated, but the whole race was condemned in consequence
to endless punishment. The decree of the divine and
sovereign will henceforth appears as the highest agency in
redemption or deliverance ; for only those whom God elects
and visits with His grace are capable of salvation from the
impending doom. In Augustine's own experience this had
been the sole determining principle which satisfied his rea-
son and his heart, as he reviewed the sore struggles, the
long and painful hesitation, the sudden emergence into light,
the consciousness he had attained of the love of God and
communion with His will. He still preserved the for-
mal principle of a deliverance fi'om the power of Satan
by the death of Christ, but it becomes subordinate to the
consciousness of an individual deliverance wrought by
God Himself, who had Himself imparted the faith and
the love, and by whose act of sovereign will alone, with
no merit of his own, the deliverance from sin and its
consequences had been effected. It was the value of Augus-
tine's position, if it could have been adopted as he under-
stood it, that it brought each individual soul face to face
with the infinite will, and after the struggles of submission
were over, it entered into loving relationship with God.
364 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
But this doctrine, so novel to the church of the fifth
century, had many vicissitudes to undergo and obscura-
tions also before it was accepted. It can hardly be said
of it that it was ever received in its fulness by the
church of the Middle Ages. It carried with it the awful
implication that the whole heathen world was shut out
from the scope of the decree of divine election ; or the
still more dreadful inference that children dying unbap-
tized were forever lost to the beatific vision, for which
loss it was but slight compensation to concede that their
punishment would be slight, or their condition a tolera-
bly happy one. Even those who were baptized, however,
could not be sure that the divine will had decreed their
regeneration in the laver of baptism ; for regeneration, as
Augustine held it, did not invariably accompany the rite.
But regeneration was to be had only in and through bap-
tism, and in this way he connected his latest teaching with
the institution of the church, which was the kingdom of
God in the world.
The Eastern church rejected this whole line of teaching,
as firmly as it rejected the papal supremacy. Even in
the West it encountered great opposition, as in Southern
Gaul, where the influence of Irenseus or of Hilary still sur-
vived. An effort was there made, as by Vicentius of
Lerins, to read Augustine out of the Catholic church, as if
in heretical fashion he had denied the Catholic teaching of
antiquity. But the doctrine of God as sovereign will, who
had decreed existing institutions as the expression of His
will, and the enforcement on the conscience of His retrib-
utive justice, was called for by the age in its moral
decline or its revolutionary throes. But even among
those who accepted the teachings of Augustine there
were inward misgivings and painful doubts, as if the
foundations of faith had been disturbed. The idea of
God, as will, acting contingently, whose decrees were not
determined by any principle of justice which human rea-
son could discover, created alarm and deep inward uncer-
tainty, which no exposition of the Augustinian teaching
could remove. The result was, therefore, to magnify the
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 365
importance of the institution of the Catholic church, which
now stepped in as a mediator between the soul and God,
adjusting in its own way, and mainly by means of the
sacrament of penance, the relationship with God, which
the intimidated soul was no longer competent to adjust
for itself.
From the time of Gregory the Great the Latin church
was occupied with the solution of the problem which
Augustine had raised, — How to escape tlie punishment
which the divine will ordains for human sinfulness. There
had entered into the conscience of man a sense of contra-
diction and misery never again to disappear, which the
church endeavored to allay, but never with complete suc-
cess. The theory was still held as theory, that Christ
had delivered man from the grasp of the devil, but man
himself had the growing consciousness that he was not
the weak being which such a theory involved, — a mere
prey of hostile external forces ; a consciousness that he had
failed in his service toward God, and that his own will was
resisting the divine will, and that herein lay the cause of the
misery and sin. It was, then, a great moment in the history
of the church when Anselm arose to restate the issue and to
express the deeper instincts of his age. Anselm saw, in
the light of his knowledge of God as sovereign will, that
the old conception of the world as subject to Satan, from
whom it had been released by the death or resurrection of
Christ, besides involving the unworthy principle that the
devil had been tricked in the transaction, was no longer
the deliverance which spiritual men with an awakened
conscience demanded. The deliverance which was de-
manded was from God Himself.
The treatise of Anselm, entitled Cur Deus Homo^ must
be regarded, not only as exhibiting the capacities or the
methods of the speculative mind, but as proceeding from the
inmost depths of the Christian heart. We may turn over
his sentences as ingenious exercises in metaphysical reason-
ing, weigh the exact significance of words and phrases and
in so doing lose at the same time their spiritual import.
There were, indeed, deficiencies in his thought. He was
366 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
inclined to acquiesce in the popular mood of his age, which
regarded the escape from the punishment of sin as the
highest deliverance which the redemption in Christ accom-
plished. He erred in his analogy of Deity with some feudal
over-lord whose dignity and honor have been wounded by
human sinfulness and demand reparation. In his compari-
son of sin to debt, he did not follow out the parable of Christ
to its legitimate conclusion or discern its deeper and diviner
application. But the positive value of Anselm's work lies
in calling- attention to Christ as the incarnation of God in
humanity, as one with God and one with man, so that as
man he pays the debt of human sinfulness,^ while as God
he frees us from the dread of God. As Christ delivered
the ancient world from its dread of demoniac agencies, so
He delivered the Mediseval world from the unnatural dread
of God which the church was engendering. The escape
from God was shown by Anselm to consist in fleeing to God.
Thus the Cur Deus Homo^ proceeding not from the secu-
lar church of the liierarchy, dealing with sacrament and
penance and priestly absolution, as the means of deliverance
from sin ; but from the cell of the monastery, where the
problem was in solution by the more interior processes of
the soul, exhibits Anselm as the forerunner of Luther,^
1 In his treatise of De Imar., cc. 5, 6, 7, 8, Athanasius appears as
anticipating, in some respects, tlie attitude of Anselm. But tlie treat-
ment is incidental and not worked out, and, moreover, is subordinate
to another thought, — the solidarity of the race in Christ. No one
can be said to have taught any truth which he does not labor directly
and with special emphasis to enforce. But these incidental hints are
always suggestive. Cf. Thomasius, Christi Person^ III., pp. 191 ff.
2 "Anselm von Canterbury, vielleicht der bedeutendste aller mittelalter-
lichen Theologen. Zwar hat er mit Augustin die Notwendigkeit des
Autoritatsglaubens betonend (Proslog. 1, 1, 227 : neque enim qunprn
intelligere, ut credam, sed credo, ut intelligaw ; cf. de fide trinit. I, 2QZ :
si potest [Christiamis~\, intelligere, deo gratias agat ; si non potest, non
inmittat cornua ad ventilandnm sed suhmittat capiit ad venerandum), als
Ziel der neuen dialectischen Theologie sich gedacht : rationahili necessi-
tate intelligere esse oportere omnia ilia, quae nobis Jides catholica de
Christo credere praecipit (cur deus homo i, 25 ; i, 400) ; zwar ist schon
sein Theologisieren oft nur ein ratione solvere qiiaestiones, satisfacere
objectionibiis : allein er hat weit mehr gethan, als die Tradition formalis-
tisch zu verarbeiten. Er hat auch nicht nur exampla meditandi de
ratione fidei (Proslog. prooem. i, 223) gegeben, wie das de divinitatis
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 367
who was toi'turecl by the inability to escape from the fear
and the dread of God, until he found release in the convic-
tion of justification by faith.
Anselm lived in the beginning of the age of papal
domination extending from Hildebrand to Boniface VIII.
(1050-1300), when the principle of papal absolutism was
asserted without qualification, — that the pope had been
placed by the will of God above kings and bishops. The
will of the pope was then affirmed to be the source of law
for church and state, wliile the pope himself stood above
the law which he ordained, enforcing it or granting dis-
pensation from it at his pleasure. He was not only The
Vicar of Christ, but, as Innocent III. declared. The Vicar
of God, to whom belong the earth, the universe, and all
that dwelt therein. Over against this attitude may be
placed the meditations of Anselm in his monastery at Bee,
to whom it was revealed that the conception of Deity
inspiring the papal monarchy was untrue. Even God
Himself did not possess the absolute power that the pope
was claiming, for omnipotence and bare will were not the
ultimate factors in Deity, but were limited by the require-
ments of the divine nature. There were things which
God could not do by the exercise of His will ; He could
not forgive sin except by some interior adjustment in His
nature, some expensive process wherein the justice de-
manding satisfaction should be reconciled with the love
which yearns to save. Anselm was an ultramontanist in
his devotion to the papal cause, while yet he was under-
mining the lowest foundations of papal authority. He
introduced a principle into Mediaeval theology, from which
henceforth it could not escape. If we cannot trace its
essentia Monologium (1, 141-223) mit seinem kosmologischeii, das Pros-
logion seu alloquium de del existentia (1, 223 bis 232) init seinein onto-
logischen Gottesbeweise ; seine lihri duo cur dens homo? (i, 360-342) sind
trotz ihres Formalismus ein genialer Versuch. alle kirchlichen Dogmeu
in einen centralen Gedanken zusaminenzufassen (cf. Boso's Sclilussge-
standnis : per unins quaestionis, quam proposnimus, solntionem, qnidquid
in novo veteriqne testamento continetur, prohatum intelligo. i, 432 ; vgl.
§ 23, 3); ja mehr als dies: sie sind die wiclitigsten der Mittelstufen
zwisclien August in und der Reformation " (Loofs, Leitfaden fur seiner
Vorlesungen ilber Dogmengeschichte, p. 157).
368 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
relation as cause to effect, yet the history of thought and
of institutions was from this time a commentar}'- upon its
growtli, until his idea of God was finally acknowledged as
the basis of all government, secular or ecclesiastical, —
that truth, justice, and love are placed above the will
which enforces them in the world. Thus was won another
victory for humanity in the name of the Son of God,
coequal with the Father, without whose co-operation even
the Divine Fatherhood could not be made manifest for
human redemption.
The peculiar teaching of Anselm on the nature and
exact process of the atonement was not accepted in the
age which followed him. No later writer among the
Schoolmen, with the exception of Bonaventura, fully ac-
cepted his conviction of an absolute necessity in the being
of God for a satisfaction of the divine justice in order that
sin might be pardoned. St. Bernard even still clung to
the earlier view that a ransom was paid to Satan. But if
the result of Anselm's thought was not accepted, y^et his
method of inquiry prevailed, that called for a study of
the nature of God and the answering nature of man, the
effort to get beneath the formula and justify it at the bar
of human reason. Many were the questions arising in
consequence of this method whose origin may be traced
to Anselm's meditations. Was the death of Christ an
expression of God's hatred for sin ; or was it, as Abelard
taught, a manifestation of His love, a divine appeal to the
human soul ? Was the death of Christ an actual penalty,
a punishment inflicted upon Him as the substitute for man
and equivalent to the punishment that justice demanded
for all human transgressions ; or was it not rather, as
Aquinas taught, that the offering of Christ was a propi-
tiation of the heart of Deity, to be accredited to the
human family which Christ represented, wherein also the
sin of man might be covered? Why could not God have
forgiven man as one man forgives another? What is for-
giveness ? Does pardon take away the consequences of sin,
or only remove the consciousness of guilt, reconciling the
sinner to God, but leaving him still to endure its penalty?
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 369
Or must it be held, as Duns Scotus taught, that these ques-
tions are insoluble ; that so far as reason can discern, any
sinful man, aided by the divine grace, could make satisfac-
tion for his own sins, if God were willing to accept it ; that
there is no interior fitness between Christ's work and the
end to be accomplished? God might, if He had chosen,
have reached His purpose in some other way. He might
have accepted some other substitute than Christ, or have
forgiven sin without any vicarious offering, if it had
pleased His absolute will.^
It is not with the answers to these questions that we
are here concerned, but with the questions themselves, in
so far as they are the result of monastic meditations upon
the problems of theology. They indicate that thought is
becoming subjective, going beneath the surface of formal
theology or ritual observance ; that new foundations are
placed for speculative philosophy and psychology, as also
for literature and art. As the papacy did not fall until the
idea of God on which it rested had been abandoned, so the
Renaissance was impossible without this interior process,
this deeper search into the moods of the human soul.
In the Protestant Reformation an equal prominence was
attached to the two great principles having their origin
and development in the monastery, — the doctrine of pre-
destination first asserted by Augustine, and the idea of
God as set forth by Anselm. The one stood for individual-
ism in opposition to the unthinking tyranny of solidarity,
and the other broke down the theory of the abstract om-
nipotence of God, — the motive and the model for human
usurpations. Thus the doctrine of an atonement, whose
blessing was no longer placed in the hands of the hierarchy
to distribute, but was mediated by individual faith, became
1 For exposition and criticism of the Anselmic and later teaching on
the Atonement, cf. Ritschl, Die christliche Lehre von der Bechtfertigung
unci Versohnung, 1870 (also Vol. I. in Eng. Trans., A Critical History of
the Christian Doctrine of Justification and Beconciliation, Edin. 1872) ;
Baur, Die christliche Lehre von der Versohnung in Hirer geschichtlichen
EntwicJdung, etc. ; Schwane, Dogmengesch. d. mittleren Zeit ; Shedd,
Historii of Doctrine, Vol. II., and other doctrine and general church
histories.
370 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
the safeguard of human liberty. The Calvinistic theology
has sometimes appeared as more severe and rigid than
the Augustinianism upon which it builds. But if it is
considered in the age when it arose, Calvinism marks an
advance upon the attitude of Augustine, who knew no doc-
trine of atonement such as was evolved in the Middle
Ages ; to whom God's will was absolute, undetermined
by any motive in the divine nature which man could dis-
cern. The words of Augustine, beautiful and true as they
are when taken as an expression of devout feeling, — Da
quod juhes etjiihe quod vis, — -become untrue, and a source of
danger when regarded as an intellectual formula, the dogma
of the unconditioned will. Thus the teaching of Augus-
tine harmonized with Roman imperialism, and made possible
the career of the papacy and of the Latin church. While
something of this defect still inhered in the teaching of
Calvin, it was in a measure neutralized by the prominence
he gave to the atonement. The Reformed church which
he organized became the unwearied antagonist of every
form of imperialism, not only ministering through the
doctrine of election to the sense of individual importance
and freedom, but upholding a justice in the divine nature
that requires the conformity of the divine will ; and must
therefore be followed by every human ruler who claims to
rule in the name of God. In the age of the Reformation,
when the will of God was made the lever of deliverance
from the absolutism of the papacy, more than ever was it
necessary to affirm that the divine will was determined by
the divine nature. To get rid of contingency in Deit}^
was to take the first step toward constitutional forms of
human government.
The history of the doctrine of the atonement since the
Reformation shows the same characteristics, the same vicis-
situdes of opinion, that marked its discussion in the Middle
Ages. In proportion as its legal aspects have been urged
whereby the sacrifice of Christ became a vicarious penalty
demanded by the divine justice, there has been a ten-
dency to assert its moral aspects as they are called, — the
reconciliation of man to God, rather than the reconcilia-
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 37l
tion of God to man. The older language thus seemed
obnoxious or irrational, when it spoke of the punishment of
Christ, or of penalty endured by Him, or of His vicarious
substitution, or the equivalence of His sufferings as the
God-man for human punishment. Grotius endeavored to
mediate between these attitudes by dwelling upon analogies
of human government. In the eighteenth century the
Deists were unanimous in holding that no atonement was
necessary, that repentance was the sole condition for
obtaining the divine forgiveness. But the interest in the
doctrine was quickened again in the Evangelical Awaken-
ing, becoming a staple element in popular preaching, and
giving rise to a rich as well as most voluminous literature.
In New England more particularly, from the time of Jona-
than Edwards, in Scotland, in England under the influence
of Wesley, in Germany since the revival led by Schleier-
maclier, has the belief in the atonement of Chiist gained a
deeper hold in the Christian consciousness, illustiated and
enforced as it has been by argument drawn from human
experience in every age. Two writers in particular have
added contributions to the rich complexity of interpreta-
tion which envelops this eternal mystery of the soul, —
the late McLeod Campbell of Scotland, who regarded tlie
atonement made by Christ as consisting in His rendering
an adequate repentance for human sinfulness rather than
in undergoing an equivalent penalty ; so that His " confes-
sion of sin is a perfect Amen in humanity to the judgment
of God on the sin of Man." The late Mr. Maurice took a
new departure in liis treatment of the great theme by his
persistent appeal to the Fatherhood of God as constituting
the controlling idea of all human thought about the atone-
ment for sin.
In the light of this truth of the Fatherhood of God,
speculative theories about the divine nature and its demands
have been readjusted in accordance with an analogy, which
the ignorant man may read with as unerring instinct as the
erudite theologian. The will of God throughout the uni-
verse, and as related to every man, becomes henceforth a
fatherly will, not to be escaped by man, but from which the
372 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
soul no longer desires to escape, since in the execution of
that will lies the hope of the individual's salvation no less
than the realization of the redemption for all mankind.
The atonement of Christ becomes, therefore, not only the
process wherein the reconciliation of God with the world
is revealed and maintained, but it becomes still further the
ruling principle of the Christian life, in Avhose imitation
by each man for himself, but also for every other man, lies
the soul's salvation. Christ offered Himself in life and
death as a voluntary sacrifice to the will of the Father, and
thus establishes the method incumbent on those who would
approach Him. The law of sacrifice becomes thus the
universal law for man. But it is not a law that God
imposes, without having Himself first participated in its
inmost essence. For it had been illustrated in the bosom
of God from all eternity, in the relationship of eternal
Fatherhood with the coeternal and coequal Son. In this
way is secured more firmly, what the ages have been
struggling after. The punishment of sin becomes a reme-
dial agency ; the divine sympathy is assured to humanity
in its suffering ; and beneath all events and circumstances
of life, the divine will pursues its fatherly course of lifting
men above themselves, above the conviction of sin and
guilt, into the spiritual and moral life of God.^
1 The modern literature on the Atonement is too voluminous to be
given here ; but mention may be made of Maurice, Doctrine of Sacrifice.,
deduced from the Scriptures, 1872 ; Davies, Llewellyn, The Woi-k of Christ,
or the World reconciled to God, with a preface on the Atonement Contro-
versy ; Jonathan Edwards, Satisfaction for Sin, Vol. I. (Worces. ed.),
p. 582, which contains the suggestion afterwards worked out by Campbell
in his Nature of the Atonement; also Bushnell, The Vicarious Sacrifice
and Forgiveness and Laio ; Bruce, The Humiliation of Christ ; Dale, The
Atonement; Park, Edward A., Introdtictory Essay to The Atonement, a
Series of Essays, etc. Among recent German writers is Hofmann, Der
Schriftheweis, 1860. For the controversy which his theory created in
Germany, cf. Deutsche Zeitschrift fur christliche Wissenschaft, etc. , 1860,
and Jahrbiicher fur deutsche Theologie, 1858. For the attitude of the
Oxford School, see Tracts for the Times, Article on Religious Beserve,
and Oxenham, The Atonement, which indicate a disposition to reveit to
the earlier attitude of the Catholic church before theories had been devel-
oped. A similar tendency is seen in Correspondence of A. Knox tvith
Bishop Jehh, the earlier pioneers of the Oxford movement.
THE DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT 373
As one contemplates the many and conflicting theories
of the atonement, or the vast amount of profound and
subtle thought expended in efforts at its elucidation since
the time of Anselm, the vitality of opinions which seem to
have been refuted, the apparent impossibility that common
agreement should be reached, — in view of this one is
tempted to look with more complacency upon the liturgies
of the ancient church, — the work of the bishops in their
capacity of pastors dealing directly with the 'people and
not dominated by monastic aspiration. In the ritual of
the altar, no effort is made to explain the great transac-
tion on Calvary, but it is held up before the people as if it
needed or could have no explanation, or as though the
simple event in itself spoke with direct plainness and power
to the Christian heart. The late Dr. Bushnell experienced
this passing mood, which has, however, a representative
significance, when at the close of his book on The Vicari-
ous Sacrifice he urged the retention of the altar language,
notwithstanding that it had been "so long and dreadfully
misapplied by the dogmatic schemes of expiTition and
judicial satisfaction." In the objective symbols of the
altar, there might be a cure for the wearied self-conscious-
ness forever seeking to square the fact with the theor3^
To the altar men could turn, " with confession and tender
worship, without thinking, for the time, of anything but
what is before us and is done for us." Without constant
recourse to the objective forms of worship as creating a new
element of peace and reconciliation, there was danger of
turning the Christian oblation into a philosophy of Christ,
a gospel without an atmosphere, our very repentance ham-
pered by too great subjectivity, our subjective applications
of Christ confuted and inefficacious. The language of the
Christian heart, as exemplified in objective form, might go
deeper than theories, as when it commemorates the death of
Christ, "• who by His one oblation of Himself once offered,
has made a full, perfect, and sufficient sacrifice, oblation,
and satisfaction for the sins of the whole world." But in
the further experience of the same writer, there is a con-
tinuance of the parable ; for he again resumed his inquiry,
374 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
undaunted by his misgivings, with the result that he
qualified the conclusions of his previous inquiry and
gained a deeper insight into the mystery of the ages.
Ill
The doctrine of the Atonemeiit, in its various statements
and its historical development, may be regai'ded as the
application of the truth of the incarnation to the inmost
wants of the individual soul. It has also other aspects,
as in its bearing upon human freedom, the deliverance of
man from the fears haunting the imagination and the
conscience. In all its phases, it presents humanity as
looking to Christ for redemption. But as a doctrine, its
history has been confined to the church in Western
Christendom, where personality has had a larger, freer
development than in the East. It has been pre-eminently
the doctrine of the monastery, where the individual desire
to appropriate the salvation of Christ has always been a
powerful motive. Its development since the Reformation
has been in those Protestant churches whose connection is
closest with the monastic principle of predestination, and
where individualism has been the religious basis. The
Church of England as a national church has sanctioned no
special interpretation of the doctrine of atonement. Like-
wise in the national churches of the East, there has been
little or no interest in the inquiry, and thought upon this
subject remains where it was left in the age which pro-
duced the Catholic creeds. But the Eastern church, as
will be seen hereafter, was working out the same issue in
a different way.
There is one problem, however, in the history of the-
ology, wherein all the churches alike have been con-
cerned, which from the time when it first emerged in the
ancient Catholic church has never ceased to be a fruitful
source of controversy. On this question also the creeds
are silent, suggesting, indeed, the conditions of the prob-
lem, but offering no reconciliation. It is the question of
the relation between the divine and the human ; how they
THE HUMAN AND THE DIVINE 375
shall be defined ; in what way they are to be distinguished ;
whether they have any mutual affiliation or kinship ; what
are the canons of judgment for determining whether ideas,
acts, processes, or results are human or divine. This ques-
tion enters alike into all the departments of Christian life,
Christian thought, and Christian worship, and lies beneath
the principles of ecclesiastical organization.
The problem was first broached when it was newly real-
ized that in the incarnation of Christ the human and the
divine had met together. But the effort to determine how
the human and the divine were related in the person of
Christ revealed deep divergences of attitude in the ancient
church of the fifth century, that no formula could recon-
cile. In what is known as Nestorianism, there may have
been perpetuated something of the influence of Jewish
thought, — that Semitic tendency which, placing the stress
upon the ethical, regards man essentially in his difference
and separation from God, and is unable, therefore, to bring
together the divine and the human in the incarnation of
Christ except in some formal or, as it were, mechanical
alliance. Whatever Nestorius may actually have held,
his name has become a synonym for a doctrine of the
incarnation, allowing to Christ two natures, a human and
a divine, yet not regarding them as interpenetrating each
other but as remaining distinct and separate, allied but not
united. The Person of Christ, thus conceived, becomes
something non-natural, without close organic relation to
humanity. The incarnation becomes the alliance of the
divine personality with some individual man, and the
redemption of humanity by the entrance into it of a
divine life can no longer be conceived or understood.
Such was the estimate placed upon the teaching of Nes-
torius by Cyril (f 444), his antagonist, the patriarch of
the great church of Alexandria. The moral character of
Cyril has met with unqualified condemnation, but as a the-
ologian it must be admitted, however reluctantly, that he
possessed no small capacity; at least he discerned that
there was something wanting in the view of Nestorius,
which he set himself to supply. According to Cyril's
376 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
view, the divine Word permeated human nature ; humanity-
was taken up into the divine ; there was mutual interpene-
tration, so that the human claimed the divine as its own,
while human weakness and infirmity became the predicates
of the divine. So complete was the identification or fusion
of the divine with the human, that there existed no longer,
after the incarnation, two natures, but the human had
been o-lorified and transmuted, till there remained but one
nature in reality, — of the God who had become fiesh and
had been made man.^
The history of the controversy in the ancient church
over this issue, lasting for more than two hundred years,
cannot be considered here. It was a history full of
vicissitudes, of movements leaning now to one side and
now to the other, illustrating the law of action and reaction.
It was an Oriental controversy, but twice the Western
church intervened, at the Council of Chalcedon in 451
and at the Council of Constantinople in 680, when the
existence of the human, under Cyril's influence in danger
of disappearing in the divine, was reasserted. The formu-
las of Chalcedon and Constantinople inspired by Rome,
declared that the divine and the human were not to be
mingled or confounded, while yet they were not to be
separated or divided. The tendency in the West was
toward a qualified sympathy with the School of Antioch,
of which Nestorius had been an inadequate representative.
But the tendency in the East gravitated toward the atti-
tude of Cyril, — that the distinction between the divine
and the human had disappeared in the one personality
of the God who became man. Twice had this monophy-
site tendency also found expression in the councils of the
church, as at Ephesus in 431 and again at Constantinople
in 553. But the formula of Chalcedon asserting the two
distinct natures in the one person, carried a weight hard
for the Orientals to endure. To rescind it was found
impossible after many efforts, but by means of a subtle
dialectic, giving to it an interpretation in harmony with
the Oriental spirit, it ceased to be a source of annoyance.
1 Cf. Dorner, Person of Christ, Div. II., Vol. I., pp. 55 ff.
THE HUMAN AND THE DIVINE 377
The Eastern cliureh thus escaped the dualism between the
human and the divine, but it also obscured the distinction
between them, and thus weakened the motives of human
progress.
There were many defects in the controversy, as in the
failure to define the terms ' nature ' and ' person,' nor was
there a common understanding of what unity between
them implied. The real content of the human nature had
not yet been opened up to the ancient world, by the
meditation, the anxious study, the inward experience
of the man}^ centuries which were to follow. There
was an unconquerable tendency in both parties, the An-
tiochian and the Alexandrian, to define spiritual things
in the terms of sense, so that nature was somehow con-
ceived, whether in God or man, as a ^wasi'-physical essence.
The importance of the ethical was lost sight of in the
failure to consider the essence of the divine nature as
love. National ambitions, race prejudices, ecclesiastical
rivalries, also complicated the issue. But apart from all
these evils, defects, and failures, this problem of the ages
was clearly enough conceived, and the actors recognized
their true affinities, whenever the opportunity presented.
The discussion of the relation between the divine and
human in the person of Christ inevitably involved the ap-
plication of the same issue in all the relations of humanity
to God, where the divine and the human meet. It was
assumed in the Pelagian controversy by both parties, by
Augustine as well as by Pelagius, that whatever was
ascribed to the human agency in the matter of salvation
was so much taken from the divine. The ideas of God
and man were so far mutually exclusive that, to the mind
of Augustine, no less than to that of Pelagius, what was
done by man, whether in conversion or in human history,
appeared to be so much done without God ; what was
done by God seemed like "a hand from behind the clouds
suddenly thrust into the web of human affairs." From
this point of view, the development of the ecclesiastical
organization could not be regarded as divine or authorita-
tive, in so far as it was an adaptation to human needs and
378 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
springing from the demand for their satisfaction ; but a
divine warrant and origin for the government of the
church must be sought and somehow found in an explicit
injunction proceeding from Christ through His Apostles, or
the church was a merely human affair, of man's suggestion
and arrangement. Thus the Roman church could not con-
ceive that the divine will in human history might operate
through human agency, thus sanctioning for a time the
centralized authority of the bishop of Rome, as a means of
unity and peace ; but it was compelled if it would exhibit
a divine claim, to fall back upon the words of Christ to
Peter, with a forced interpretation having no necessary
connection with the process of history.
It would be impossible to illustrate here the working of
this principle, first exhibited in the ancient controversy
about the Two Natures in the Person of Christ. Every-
where it is apparent in the interpretation of life; it was
assumed in the monastery as the ground theory on which
religion rested, and became the motive of resistance to
the authority of the state or of the secular church, that
what was of human origin could not be divine. The dan-
ger which the Roman church has always chiefly feared
is Pantheism, the commingling of the human with the
divine ; while the error against which the Oriental church
has guarded is Deism, the separating of God from man.
But in the Protestant churches, also, the same controversy
goes on with unabated interest, as it has done since the
Reformation.
In the still debated question regarding the divine and
the human element in Holy Scripture, we have the anal-
ogy with ancient controversy, the bond of connection
which unites the modern with the ancient cliurch in a
common consciousness. Ever since the Bible became the
authoritative utterance of the divine will, as with the
Protestant churches, there have been these two attitudes,
one maintaining its exclusive divine character and origin,
and the other contending for the recognition of the human
element, as if revelation must be made through human
nature and experience. It has been maintained that the
THE HUMAN AND THE DIVINE 379
Bible is a book of which God is the author, in such a
sense that no human moods, weaknesses, or errors are to be
found within its pages ; as if God had dictated its very
words to amanuenses, whose faculties were in abeyance,
while they recorded the divine oracle. Whenever piety
and devotion have been at the highest degree of fervor,
the reverence for the unique character of the Bible as the
Word of God has grown more intense and uncompromising,
accompanied with a deep hostility against those who find
in every book of Scripture a human element that has
colored its teaching or through whose medium the divine
has spoken. A resentment as fierce as the hatred of Cyril
for Nestorius has been shown toward those who seek to
trace the historical or geographical environment of the
sacred writers, or who find in their utterance the evidence
of contemporary thought, or the influence of contemporary
systems of philosophy, or the intrusion of prevailing con-
ceptions of God and man, and of their relations to each
other. After three centuries of discussion, men are still
propounding definitions of inspiration or drawing distinc-
tions between inspiration and revelation, seeking some
basis of compromise wherein the infallible revelation of
the sacred Scriptures may be harmonized with the results
of human research, as it seeks to study the personality
of the men who wrote and the circumstances of the age
which influenced them. But at the end of three centu-
ries opinion is still divided. The new generation which
has fed upon the truth in the Bible, as the veritable food of
life, and in its purely religious preoccupation has been
shut out from the intellectual sphere where scholars labor,
is inclined to regard the work of Biblical criticism as a
belittling and degrading of the Word of God, as though it
were aiming to rob mankind of its most precious treasure,
the supernatural Word, spoken from the heavens to this
lower world.
The danger of such an attitude is not at first apparent.
But as we study the controversy in the ancient church,
the analogy of the dangers becomes more clear. There
are points of view from which it is important to maintain
380 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
the distinction, but not the separation, between the human
and the divine. For when a place and activity is denied
to the human, as in the Person of Christ, or when God
alone is regarded as the author of the Bible to the exclu-
sion of the human agency, then there follows the strange
result, — that the human, which has been thus disowned
in theory, suddenly appears as in reality enthroned in the
place of the divine. In the ancient church, it became cus-
tomary in Cyril's time and afterward to speak of Christ as
if He had no human nature, and then men said God had
been born, God had suffered or thirsted or hungered, God
had died on the cross. They spoke of the mother of God,
the brothers of God, the grandparents of God. Jerome
said of a certain woman that she was the sister-in-law of
God. What in reality was happening was the loss of the
humanity of Christ, His removal from human sympathy and
comprehension into some unreal sphere, followed by the
emergence of substitutes of every kind to fill the vacant
place of the divine but also human mediator. So, also, if
the Bible were to be made a book exclusively divine, and
inspiration implied the suppression of the human agency,
it would quench all other literature at its source ; because
when God was speaking, who would care to listen to the
utterance of man. And not only so, but there would also
result, as in the Monophysite conception of the Person of
Christ, such a deification of the human intellect, as that
the thought and the reason of man would be substituted
for the divine Word. The human inference and human
judgment, in which Scripture abounds, the local and the
transitory elements in a progressive revelation, would be
mixed and confounded with the unchanging Word of
eternal life, till the very principle of revelation would be
endangered, if not lost altogether. There is danger, of
course, that Biblical criticism may be pursued in so one-
sided a manner that the Bible may come to be regarded as
the subjective working of the human mind, varying from
one age to another, with no standard by which its products
should be tested. The predominance of either of these
tendencies is guarded against not only by the zealous
THE HUMAN AND THE DIVINE 381
insistence upon the distinction between the human and
the divine, but also by their association, inseparable and
indivisible, in that mysterious process wherein the revela-
tion is made to the world.
A beautiful light has been shed by poetry upon the
entanglements of theological controversy, revealing that
hostile disputants who could find no ground for harmony
have, after all, been reflecting opposite phases of the same
movement, — that instinct in every devout soul, coming
to the knowledge of itself by the love of God and yet
fain to renounce itself in the passionate adoration it ren-
ders to the divine. Thus George Herbert writes, in lan-
guage recalling the confusion of theological distinctions
between the divine and ■ the human, and yet suggesting
the method of their reconciliation :
" Lord, Thou art mine and I am Thine,
If mine I am ; and Thine much more,
Than I or ought or can be mine.
Yet to be Thine, doth me restore ;
So that again I now am mine,
And with advantage mine the more.
Since this being mine, brings with it Thine,
And Thou with me dost Thee restore.
If I without Thee would be mine,
I neither should be mine or Thine.
O be mine still ! Still make me Thine ;
Or rather make no Thine or mine."
CHAPTER V
THE PERSON OF CHRIST IN MODERN THOUGHT — DIFFI-
CULTY WITH THE MIRACLE — ANGLICAN AND GERMAN
THEOLOGY
The points at issue in the doctrinal controversies of the
ancient church were these : How had the divine entered
into humanity in the Person of Christ ; and How had the
redeemed humanity of Christ become the world's posses-
sion. To these questions Cyril of Alexandria had returned
representative answers, in harmony with the tendencies of
the aofe. The human nature of Christ had been infused
with the life of the divine Logos, the divine nature had
also appropriated as its own the weaknesses of the human
nature, till there resulted one divine personality, uniting
God and man in organic indissoluble fellowship. The
Logos did not unite Himself with one individual man, in
order to form the Person of Christ, but the alliance was
with human nature itself as a living conscious entity,
while yet impersonal. Hence it could be held that hu-
manity as a whole had been redeemed in the power of the
incarnation, to share henceforth in the life of the Son of
God. The appropriation of this divine humanity by the
church and by each individual man, did not depend upon
personal inquiry or self-conscioas effort, but was mediated
through the eucharist, wherein was offered participation
in the glorified humanity of Christ, in the bread and the
wine transmuted by the agency of the Holy Spiiit.
In the modern church the same issues abide, but the
mode and result of their determination is in contrast with
the method and conclusion of the ancient church. In
place of the ancient tendency to discuss the Person of
Christ in an abstract way, as some geometrical figure
might be explained, where spiritual things are conceived
382
THE PERSON OF CHRIST 383
in accordance with physical analogies, there has been sub-
stituted the concrete historical inquiry. Attention has
been increasingly concentrated upon the actual life of
the Son of God, as it was lived in the flesh, till Christ
has become again the possession of the church as has not
been since the days when His disciples stood in His pres-
ence and listened to His teaching, or witnessed His deeds
of love and mercy. In this study of the Person of Christ,
the stress of thought and inquiry has been laid upon His
moral character. His human insiglit and sympathy. His
spiritual elevation ; and above all His consciousness of
entire and perfect union with the Father, yet with no
sense of guilt or confession of sin, or cry for forgiveness,
— characteristics making His career unique in the reli-
gious history of man. In the Lives of Christ put forth in
such profusion, or in the modern pulpit finding in the
personality of the Christ of the Gospels an exhaustless
source of interest and power, it is the moral character of
Christ and His spiritual teaching that constitute Him the
leader and the head of the race of man.
In this endeavor to study the inner life of Jesus, the
modern church has the advantage of eighteen centuries
of His influence as a force in human history, or of His
redemptive power in inward experience, — forming, as it
were, His spiritual psychology, as it is also the further
continuous revelation of the Spirit. The Sermon on the
Mount is read with a new and deeper sense of its mean-
ing as the transcendent revelation of His personality. He
is seen as in Himself the embodiment of the beatitudes
He pronounces, — the meekness that inherits the earth,
the quality of mercy in its highest perfection, the pov-
erty of spirit to which belongs the kingdom of God, the
purity that lives face to face with the vision of God.
As the peacemaker, he is pre-eminently the Son of God.
His soul, which hungers and thirsts after righteousness, is
filled with the fulness of God. In the courage with which
He faces the premonitions of persecution for righteous-
ness' sake, He becomes the supreme ideal of martyrdom for
the cause of truth and the redemption of man. This is the
384 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
Christ who speaks the parable of the Prodigal Son, the
rarest exhibition of divine love which human language
can portray, which, if all the rest of His teaching were
lost, would still remain as the highest Gospel ever pro-
claimed to a world weary and hopeless under the burden
of sin ; the Christ who speaks the parables of the faithful
servant, of the good Samaritan, of the shepherd who knows
his sheep and calls them all by their names. It is He who
sympathizes with the human humiliation of the soul in the
presence of God, as in the story of the Publican who
would not so much as lift up his eyes unto heaven. Again
it is the Christ who cleanses the temple in the name of
His Father, and who denounces the religious zealots and
bigots of His age and of every age, — those who care more
for the formulas of religion tlian for its essence, who perse-
cute good men and multiply human sorrow and suffering
in the belief that they are doing God's service. He is not
of the world, but He reads the world and estimates its
beauty and worth. His insight into the soul is marvel-
lous, as in the beautiful instances of the woman at the
well of Samaria ; the woman whom He acquits and com-
mands to go and sin no more ; or in the commendation of
the woman who in faith and humility would fain eat of
the crumbs that fall from the Master's table ; or of the
centurion who had faith while still a heathen ; or of the
widow, who, in placing her mite in the treasury, put in
more than they all.
Again with what divinely beautiful tact He deals with
Nicodemus who came to Him by night; or with the young
ruler who hesitates to sacrifice his wealth, while yet he
would fain make the sacrifice of himself ; or Zacchseus,
the despised and hated tax-collector whose righteousness
he recognizes as genuine and whose house he honors by
his presence. And what words are those spoken to the
savage robber who hung with him upon the cross. This
is the Christ also whose love for little children, and appre-
ciation of their worth, might have seemed enough to redeem
humanity had He said no more. He declares the love and
special providence of God as extending to the lily of the
THE PERSON OF CHRIST 385
field and as watching over tlie birds of the air, and His
argument is that such love must be profoundly concerned
therefore with the experiences of the sons of men, who
are made in the image of God. He gave to His disciples,
asking to be taught how to pray, a form of sound words,
which every man in all the world might use, — so brief
and so simple that a child may comprehend it and yet so
profound that it contains as it were the philosophy of all
religion, and so vast in its scope that there is no need of
any other petition. Or once more that divine presence as
it shines through the tragedy of His crucifixion, when, de-
serted by His disciples. He faces the agony alone, sustained
by the presence and the love of the Father, into whose hands,
at the last moment, with confidence unshaken. He com-
mends His spirit.
It was a defect in the attitude of the ancient Catholic
church, especially after the fourth century, that it lost the
conception of Christ as the teacher, dwelling almost ex-
clusively on His priestly function as exhibited in the sacri-
fice of Himself upon the cross. From the time when the
office of teacher disappeared from the ranks of the Chris-
tian ministry, the function of Christ as the teacher also
suffered an eclipse. But in the Four Gospels, it is as the
teacher that Christ is presented, who by His teaching
enters into humanity as a reconstructing, redeeming power.
More than forty times in the Gospels is He called or ad-
dressed as the Teacher (AtSacr/caXo'?), a word whose full
significance escapes in the rendering of it by Master, in
the received and revised versions of the New Testament.^
It was through His personality, His life, and His doctrine
as a teacher, that His own spirit entered into human lives,
as an inspiring, purifying force. The conception that hu-
manity, in the language of the schools, is an actual entity
and, like some physical entity, may be infused with a
higher divine potency, becomes indeed a sj^mbol of some
1 Cf. Young, Analytical Concordance of the Bible, under Master. "In
the Gospels the word Aidd<rKa\o$ occurs forty-eight times, and yet in
our English version we find it rendered by the word ' Teaclier ' only twice
and by the word ' Master ' forty-six times " (Morison, J. H., in Memoir of,
p. 237).
2c
886 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
greater reality, — a prophetic preservation in ritual, until
the fuller truth has been restored. The entrance of God
into human nature as a redeeming power, first in the per-
son of Christ, and then passing into the body of humanity
or into the church, follows the methods of human influence
and development. As a recent wiiter has finely said :
" This is the office of Chi'ist to the soul of every man. Entering
so deeply, purging away everything that is impure or wrong, and yet
so tenderly calling out and fostering in us every true and delicate affec-
tion, coming to us with principles so uncompromising and sevei'e,
reaching into the inmost recesses of our being, and yet coming not
to destroy but to fulfil . . . not to destroy the smallest virtue which
even in its lowest eiforts gives some indication of the law of heaven
and of every great achievement; not to quench even the feeblest hope,
which, though enveloped in smoke and darkness, is still a prophecy
of good struggling upward toward fulfilment in some better, more
satisfying, experience, — so Christ addresses Himself to each one of
us. Every faculty of our nature, by its appropriate exercise in Chris-
tian living. He would train, educate, refine, and strengthen, till God's
purpose in our creation begins to be fulfilled in us. He lays His con-
secrating hand upon us, even in our common labors, and sets us apart
for the highest end and fulfilment of our being. He reaches down
into the inward soul of man, and, quickening it with His own divine
love, makes that the controlling power within us, and thus exalts and
sanctifies our work." ^
With this vision of Christ, and this conception of His
redemptive work as a power in the soul of humanity, whose
influence grows with the ages, communicating itself from
man to man as by the contagion of life, the modern mind
has been so absorbed and preoccupied that the Christ of the
Catholic creeds seems to many like a remote and artificial
product of the ecclesiastical imagination. For the Catholic
creeds are not only silent where the modern mind demands
expression and amplification, but the Christ they present,
with His miraculous environment. His supernatural birth,
His resurrection from the grave. His ascension to the
Father, and His coming again to judgment, is not the Christ
whom they have learned to love and to worship. The two
conceptions seem almost incompatible. The miracle has
1 Morison, J. H., in Memoir of, p. 219.
THE PERSON OF CHRIST 387
become to many an offence and a stumbling-block, and even
when not denied, it has been cast into the background
of the consciousness in order that it may not check the
growth in the soul of adoration for the Christ, who repre-
sents the glory and perfection of human nature, whose
exaltation as revealed in Him they worship as divine.
There are many who can make their own the confession of
Peter, " Thou art the Christ the Son of the living God,"
for whom the Nicene or Apostles' creeds possess no spir-
itual or ethical appeal.
The difficulties in accepting the miracle not only spring
from its seeming lack of sufficient evidence to attest its
reality, but from other and deeper sources, in the minds
of many who would fain accept the Christian revelation.
The ancient Catholic cliurch found no difficulty with the
miracle, but at the time when the creeds took form, much
was hidden from the gaze of that elder world to be re-
vealed in overflowing measure to its latest descendants.
To the revelation of God the Son in humanity, upon which
the Catholic church reposed, has been now added the fuller
knowledge of the revelation of God the Father in the visi-
ble creation, as in the discoveries of natural science ; and
of the revelation also of God the Holy Spirit, as in all the
phases of religious thought and its correspondent inward
experience, through the labors of the monastery in the
Middle Ages, the work of Biblical scholarship in the in-
terpretation of Scripture, in the higher literature, in phi-
losophy and in poetry, as well as in the steady growth
of free inquiry in theolog3\ In one or other of these two
spheres of the divine revelation many are living to-day,
oblivious of the claims of the presence of God in human
history. If one dwells in the revelation of the divine
life in outward nature, there is to be found there no mir-
acle, but rather a principle which seems to make the
miracle impossible, — the uniformity and unalterableness
of the divine will, the immutability of God, the sense of
eternal, unchanging law. To the religious heart, as well
as to the man of science, there is here a truth which
the spirit needs and liungers after, amid the perplexi-
388 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
ties and the confusions bred by the opening up of the
mysteries in the life of the human soul. Or one may
live so long, and so exclusively in the sphere of the
inner life, the world of subjective impressions, where ab-
stract thought and inward experience reign supremely,
that he estimates and interprets life by some individual
standard ; he becomes incompetent to go out of himself ; he
cannot escape himself; he becomes a law unto himself, and
all which he cannot appropriate or understand becomes as
if it had no meaning or reality. From the point of view
of the natural sciences, the miracle in history becomes
impossible ; from the point of view of the inward sub-
jective experience, it becomes unnecessary. In neither'
sphere is there any revelation of the miracle. No man
now encounters the miracle; no one pretends to work
the miracle ; false pretensions are easily exposed ; what
seemed like miracles to other ages are often reduced to
the manifestations of known law, — whence the inference
that the miracle was never at any time more than a
dream, some objective form given to the working of the
human imagination.
It is a truth, amid the confusions of controversy, some-
times found difficult to receive or apply, that fundamental
ideas may still be operative while the intellectual formulas
enshrining them may be rejected as obnoxious or untrue.
We may take, for example, such an institution as monasti-
cism, which seems to have passed away and whose origin,
history, and inward life are now studied as a curious
inquiry ; it may be denounced in some of its aspects justly
enough as barbarous or inhuman, as injurious to human
progress; while yet its essential purpose lives on, its out-
look upon life is maintained, its spirit perpetuated as in
the great divisions of Protestant Christendom. Its formal
disappearance is explained by the fact that it changed its
form in order to some higher and purer development and
on a larger scale. The doctrine of justification by faith,
whose meaning in the age of the Reformation there was no
difficulty in understanding, the lever, as it were, by which
the papal authority over the individual reason and con-
THE PERSON OF CHRIST 38D
science was removed, has in later times been found hard
to explain and has often been condemned as untrue, or
if not wholly rejected has given rise to various attempts
at modification and adjustment; while yet it is also true,
that it has now entered into the religious life so deeply,
as the essential constituent of faith and hope, that, like
the atmosphere we breathe, it is taken for granted, with
no thought given to its mode of working ; or it is clothed
in otlier forms of expression, literary and philosophical,
as well as in the language of common life, so that it has
become disguised and is not recognized as the principle
in whose light every man must live and under whose con-
solation he dies. The doctrine of the atonement has been
fruitful in theories, and the source of much controversy ;
it has been by many in this later age rejected as unneces-
sary, if not spurned as doing injustice to God and dishonor
to man ; in the nature of the case, it has been argued, no
atonement was required. And yet again, those who deny
the doctrine may still live by the light it has shed and
the results which it has accomplished. For wherever any
one believes that access to God is open to the individual
soul, that no barrier exists between Deity and humanity
making forgiveness impossible, there the doctrine of atone-
ment has done its work and has entered as a constituent
element into the atmosphere of the religious life. It may
be said, therefore, of the miracle, and always pre-eminently
of the great miracle recorded in the Catholic cieeds, that
the consciousness of dislike or of inward resistance does
not imply its rejection.^ As in the illustrations above men-
1 In his Bmnpton Lectures on 3Iiracles, when treating of the "Influ-
ence of Imagination on Belief," Canon Mozley calls attention to the
consciousness of resistance in the mind to events unlike the order of
nature. We resist many things which we know to be true. " If I take
mere resistance for denial, I am confined in every quarter of ray mind."
"I conclude, therefore, that I may resist and believe at the same time."
" Resistance is not, therefore, disbelief, unless by an act of my reason I
give it an absolute veto."
"Such a reply," he continues, "would be both true in itself and also
a caution against a mistake which both older and younger minds are apt
to fall into, that of confounding the impression of resistance to a miracle
with the veto of reason. Upon the facts of the Gospel history being first
390 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
tioned, the miracle has been so incorporated in the history
of Christendom, that those who reject it still furnish the
evidence of its power.
It must be admitted that the causes creating dislike
or resistance to the miracle are not easily met. What
was once so plain as to be almost self-evident, requiring
no careful array or scrutiny of proof, is now confronted
with objections which seem insuperable. The mind of
the later age is confused, and the confusion appears in
efforts to reduce the miracle to the domain of natural law,
or else to present it as still the working of law, although
unknown. By some it is defended as the evidence of
the truth of a revelation, and by others the objection is
strongly urged that revelation, if true, commends itself to
the wants of the soul and needs no other evidence. Curi-
ous questions are raised as to when the age of miracle
ended, or why it should have been discontinued. The
credulity or the tendency to absurd exaggerations of the
miraculous sentiment in the Middle Ages are imputed
to those who first held to the faith in the resurrection of
Christ. By some it is maintained that a miracle is, in
the nature of the case, impossible; b}^ others that it is
not incredible, but is lacking in scientific proof. And
again, that sense of antagonism between- the spiritual
man and outward nature, prevailing in the early church
and throughout the Middle Ages, has now given way not
only to a sense of reconciliation, but to a love of nature
which has become so widely the passion of the modern
world, as to make the miracle repugnant, if it is meant
as a violation of the laws of nature. The human soul
struggling with the problems of thought or aspiring after
realized, they necessarily excite this resistance to a greater extent than
they did when they were mainly excepted by habit ; but this resistance
is in itself no disbelief, though some by the very mistake of confounding
it with disbelief at last make it such, when in consequence of this mis-
conception they begin to doubt about their own faith. Nor is it dealing
artificially with ourselves to exert a force upon our minds against the
false certainty of the resisting imagination, — such a force as is necessary
to enable reason to stand its ground, and bend back again that spring of
impression against the miraculous which has illegally tightened itself into
a law of the understanding" (pp. 72, 73),
THE PERSON OF CHRIST 391
moral perfection, or the man engaged in the close, hard
struggle for existence, with its clashing of human wills
and antagonistic human interests, alike take refuge in the
repose of nature, the order and the peace which come
from obedience to uniform law, and to this mood the
miracle is a disturbance and intrusion.
The controversy over the miracle has now lasted nearly
two centuries, and has not yet reached its limit. It
has not been, however, without its results, which have
affected science no less than theology. There have been
many efforts to reconcile these two antagonists, but they
have proved of no avail. At this present moment in the
controversy, it does not appear that the Christian church
in its various forms has relaxed its hold upon the miracle ;
on the contrary, the crowning miracle of the resurrection
has grown in the popular recognition, although no evidence
has yet been adduced in its behalf which satisfies the scien-
tific mind. It looks as though it were wiser for the present
to accept the contradiction, as in itself containing the larger
truth, while we wait for its reconciliation. There is but
one oriound on which the miracle can be defined and main-
tained, — it is not so much an evidence of the truth of the
revelation, as in itself the revelation, a constitutive element,
as Rothe has said, in the manifestation of God to man.^
1 " Daher ist mir das Wunder ein constitutive Element der gottlichen
Manifestation selbst, eben als das 'Zeichen' in welchem der iiber den
Naturlauf erhabene Gott sich in der Geschichte unzweideutig wahrnehm-
bar macht. . . . Ich sage unbedenklicli mit Martensen, ' Der Begriff der
heiligen Geschichte ist unzertrennlich von dem Begriff des Wunders' "
(Rothe, Zur Dogmatik, in Studien und Kritiken, 1858, p. 24).
While Rothe vs^as strenuous in affirming the necessity of the miracle
as a constitutive element in the divine revelation, yet he regarded its
place in history and its results as so secure that he could write in a tone
of genial comprehensive inclusiveness for those who, following Christ,
rejected or found difficulty with the miracle :
" Let us beware of wishing to force those who are already in possession
of revelation to admit its miraculous origin and to make their salvation
depend on this belief. It is already much if the light of divine revelation
shines upon them, and if they walk illuminated by this sun. If their
convictions clash against miracles, I say to them : My friends, I do not
wish to impose the faith in miracles upon you. Bencficln non ohtrialun-
tur. Are you not able to accept them ? Well, then, let them alone. It
is for you to see how you will, without their aid, explain history and the
392 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
The evidence for its actuality, as recorded in the creeds,
must be sought in the history of the church, as well as in
the faith and testimony of the New Testament. If the
miracle be a reality in the life of Christ, it becomes the
key unlocking the mystery of the larger purpose of human
life, as revealed not only in the church, but in the higher
qualities of Christian civilization, — the struggle to over-
come nature and subdue it to human progress, to assert
the freedom of the human spirit, constituted after the
image and the freedom of the divine personality.
In the foregoing discussion of the Catholic creeds as re-
lated to monastic theology many points have been omitted
illustrating the richness and many-sidedness of the pro-
cess of human thought working upon the contents of the
divine revelation, as compared with the brevity, the sim-
plicity, the silence or the reserve of the creeds. Not only
are the creeds silent upon the absorbing issues of original
sin, the freedom of the will, the doctrine of predestination,
and the nature of the atonement ; but they give no defini-
tion of the church, whether it depends upon forms of
ecclesiastical organization or whether variation in organi-
zation, such as that created by the papacy, affects its
validity ; they make no reference to Scripture as the Word
of God or the authority for faith ; they offer no theory of
the method of revelation or inspiration ; of conversion and
regeneration, in what they consist or how they are to be
distinguished, of these also there is no mention ; the nature
and working of divine grace is also omitted ; the Lord's
Supper, which has been so vital an element in the Christian
life, is passed over, and the doctrine of transubstantiation
so prominent in the Mediaeval church ; and as to the last
things, the intermediate state, the later ideas of purga-
course of events which we only understand by their means. For my
part, I do not admit miracles from a sort of dogmatic cupidity, but in a
historical interest ; because, in presence of certain incontestable facts, I
cannot do without miracles as furnishing the only truly rational explana-
tion, not because they make gaps in history to my eyes, but because they
rather help me to cross over yawning abysses." Quoted in Lichtenberger,
History of German Theology in the Nineteenth Century^ p. 521.
THE PERSON OF CHRIST 393
tory, the doctrine of endless punishment, in place of these
is the simple confession of Christ's second coming in glory
to judge both the quick and the dead, and the avowal of
faith in the life everlasting, in the world which is to
come.
The only theory in any degree explaining the form of
the creeds, their contents as well as omissions, is the com-
mon understanding of the age Avhen they appeared, that
catholicity consisted in holding the faith in the triune
God, brought home to men in the light of the incarnation ;
that in this faith, not in modes of organization, not in sys-
tems of doctrine, lay the essence of the Catholic church.
The divisions of Christendom date from the moment when
monasticism appeared and the age of theological contro-
versy began, whether in the East or in the West. But as
monasticism was essentially the principle of individualism,
where the human mind appears as seeking for the deeper
significance of Christian truth in its widest application to
the needs of the personality, so the creeds stand and have
ever since remained the confession of the churcli in its
totality or solidarity, the utterance of the " secular "
cliurch, as it was known in the Middle Ages in contrast
with the " religious " in the monastery, where theology
had its development.
It would be a mistake to suppose, as with Vincentius of
Lerins, that the Catholic faith is in opposition to the in-
ward and individual development of theology, as it began
with Augustine ; or that Protestant theologies inheriting
the methods and traditions, as well as the spirit, of the
great monastic theologians of the Middle Ages, in their
desire to make theology the one complete, all-embracing
science, have in so doing departed from Catholicity or vio-
lated its essential principle. Against any such inference
all the churches alike in the age of the Reformation pro-
tested. Each put forth its supplementary confession of
faith; the Roman church no less than the Anglican, the
Lutheran, or the Genevan ; the Greek church also was
affected by the same mood, and set forth extensive and
elaborate confessions. It was as thougfh out of the long-
394 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
interior process of religious reflection in the monasteries,
each church was rescuing whatever was adapted to its
spirit or its needs, so that nothing should be lost. The
existing situation is a difficult one to grasp or to define.
But it practically amounts to this, that the range of choice,
whether of individual or national preference, has been en-
larged since the Reformation, till, instead of two churches,
the Latin and the Greek, there are man}^ ; and one may
hold the Nicene Creed with the commentary which he pre-
fers, — the Thirty-nine Articles, the Trentine definitions,
the Augsburg Confession and the Formula of Concord, or
Calvin's Institutes and the Westminster Catechism.
It is no easy task to harmonize these varying confessions
with their contradictory attitudes and intricate distinctions,
yet the attempt is now made at least to bring them to-
gether in some comparative estimate. While the task of
the Mediseval and Protestant theologians has not been
abandoned, and systems of theolog}^ continue indeed to
be produced, yet they are forced to compete with a new
method of theological inquiry which is known as the His-
tory of Doctrine. Since the last century has this new
method of treating theology grown into increasing favor,
until the question is before us, as it was never before the
Christian world in any other age, What is the meaning of
these diverse attitudes in religious thought ; in what rela-
tion do these differing results of theological belief or in-
quiry stand to each other ; what has been their genesis and
their development? From this new method of procedure,
much of the highest valtie has already proceeded, and more
is yet to come. Already do the doctrine-histories form by
themselves alone a large library, each of them contributing
to the common inquiry. The student of theology now pro-
duces his History of Doctrine, as the Protestant theologian
once produced his System of Divinity, or the scholastic
philosopher contributed his Summa. The new method is
in some respects a better one than the method it threatens
to supersede ; for it demands the effort to enter into the
thought of other ages ; it calls for the dispassionate love
of inquiry for its own sake, instead of resting content with
THE PERSON OF CHRIST 395
justifying some one particular phase of theological develop-
ment.
From the point of view of the doctrine-histories, the
distinction between the creed and the theologies tends to
disappear. But the distinction between creed and doc-
trine is an important one. It is not necessary to hold that
they are mutually exclusive of each other, but something
is sacrificed when they are put upon the same footing.
In this respect the Church of England stands alone among
the churches, in according to the Catholic creeds the high-
est place of honor, calling for their recitation, in the ver-
nacular, as the Roman church does not do, in the Morning
and Evening Prayer, as well as in the Communion Office,
in the rites of baptism, visitation of the sick, or burial
of the dead. The Church of England differs from the
other churches, whether reformed or unreformed, in pos-
sessing no one name in the history of theological thought
which is to her what John of Damascus has been to the
Greek church, or Aquinas to the Latin church, Luther to
the German church, or Calvin to the various branches of
the Reformed church. Her theological confession in the
Thirty-nine Articles is meagre compared with the West-
minster Confession, the voluminous definitions of Trent,
the Orthodox Confession of the Greek church (1643), or
the Longer Catechism set forth in 1839 for use in Russia.
It is a circumstance, in itself a commentary on her atti-
tude, that no history of doctrines has been put forth by
any representative of the Church of England. While the
Germans elaborate their Dofjinenf/eschichte, and labor for
its perfection, the tendency of English theology is to seek
expression under the categories of the Catholic creeds.
In the doctrine of the Nicene symbol is contained the
Christian formula which, to-day, as in the ancient church
or in the age of the Reformation, is the comprehensive
formula of Christian unity. " What all the churches,"
says Coleridge, " of the East and the West, what Romanist
and Protestant, believe in common, that I call Christian-
ity." But this common element is the confession of the
divine name. Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, the three as
396 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
One, and coequal in the one divine essence. The diffi-
culties which this Christian formula of the divine name
encountered in the ancient church have not 3'et been
solved; they are only experienced with deeper intensity
and involve deeper conflicts with the growth of humanity
and the progress of time. The Greek Fathers found the
problem to consist in how the Three could be One. The
great Latin Father Augustine, who was unfamiliar with
the process of thought in which the Greek Fathers were
laboring, reversed the problem and strove to understand
how the One could be Three. The deficiency in Greek
theology lay in the fact that it did not know and could
not anticipate the revelation of the Spirit, as it was to be
given in its fulness in the course of time. Hence its
external objective character. It was too much a thing of
the intellect, apart from Christian piety, or from an actual
experience ; it saw and worshipped the Trinity in eternity,
but not so clearly revealed in time. Augustine gave the
first impetus to the subjective mood of the soul, wherein
the Spirit works, who convinces of sin, of righteous-
ness, and of judgment. But he maintained the unity, not
by a full recognition of the work of the Father and the Son,
but by subordinating it to the work of the Spirit. It was
characteristic of his thought, that he found no place for
the revelation of God in nature and the creation, nor for
the revelation of the Son in the history of humanity ; but
he lived in an age when the interest in nature had disap-
peared, and when belief in histor}^ had suffered a rude
shock, as the course of human development, by the bar-
barian invasion which was overturning authority and lay-
ing waste the provinces of the Empire. He sought refuge
within, and clung to the God which spoke within the soul.
Such was the imprint he left upon Medi;eval theology.
To the modern world it has been given to discern the
threefold revelation corresponding to the threefold Name.
But the difficulty with every thinker, as with ever}^ de-
vout heart, is to realize that the three are One. It is
beyond the power of any individual man to live at once
and with equal ease in each of the threefold divisions of
THE PERSON OF CHRIST 397
human interest and activity. We are still apprehensive of
the work of science, as though it might demonstrate results
in conflict with the purpose of historical development, or
with the personal needs of the soul. We dare not wholly
trust ourselves to believe that history is the record of a
process of divine revelation, and, as a whole, carries with
it a deep responsibility for the individual soul. The char-
acteristic of our theology is still too much its subjectivity
drawn from the monastery, as if it were solely an inward
personal process whose problem must be solved by the
individual reason, rather than by the larger reason of the
race. But any scheme of thought which does justice to
the divine Name, must grant an equal place, first, to the
revelation of the Father unveiled to science by the study
of the visible world ; secondly, to the revelation of the
Son — which is the revelation also of the Father in the
Son — of whom patriarchs and lawgivers, heroes and kings,
are types, who guides the life of nations in their secular
no less than their ecclesiastical activity; and thirdl}^, the
revelation of the Spirit, who worketh where He listeth, in
literature, poetry, and art, but more supremely in the con-
science and in religious experience, the end of whose revela-
tion is to lead us into all truth, of whom it is better said
by Western than by Eastern confessions, that He " pro-
ceedeth from the Father ayid the Son." But now these
three are held apart; the working of the Spirit appears
too often to the scientific mind devoted exclusively to
the study of nature and of external physical laws, as an
unreal meaningless dream, an interference with the well-
being of humanity; so also to the historical mind con-
templating history as a succession of outward facts or
achievements, the inward life of man is but the play of
the imagination ; while to the theologian, too often, nature
is a closed book and the history of the world and of the
church possesses no divine weight of meaning or purpose.
There is jealousy and estrangement, suspicion and con-
tempt, where unity should prevail, because indeed it
already exists. This at least is the teaching of the Catho-
lic creed that the Three are One, for the One has revealed
398 CREEDS AND DOCTRINES
Himself as threefold personality. Or as it has been
summed up in the brief reduction of what the creeds were
given to teach, where the claims of individualism are
recognized and supported, while yet they are reconciled
with solidarity : " I learn first to believe in God the
Father, who has made me and all the ivorld ; secondly, in
God the Son, who has redeemed yne and all mankind;
thirdly, in God the Holy Ghost, who sanctifieth me and all
the people of Crod."
Book III
CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
CHAPTER I
BAPTISM 1
There are two features or institutions of Christianity
which, more than any others, reveal its meaning and pur-
pose, — the sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper.
They stand forth as monuments against the Christian
horizon at every point of time or space, even across the
span of eighteen centuries. If we coukl imagine that the
Christian church, in tlie course of distant ages, shoukl
vanish from the eartli as ancient heatlien religions have
done, and some inquirer should try to interpret its secret
by reading its remains, it would not be its creeds or con-
fessions, its organization, its architecture, or its ritual that
would best reveal the secret of its life, for these have
varied with the moods and exigencies of the hour ; but
its two sacraments, which are not dependent upon hu-
1 Cf. Smith and Cheetham, Diet. Chris. Antiq., Art. Baptism; Bing-
ham, Antiq. of Chris. Church, Bks. X., XL, XII.; Martigny, Diet, des
Antiq. Chret., Art. Bapteme ; Lichtenberger, Encyc. des Sciences Beliej . ;
Wetzer and VVelte, Kirchen-Lexikon, Art. Tanfe ; also Wall, His. of
Inf. Bap. ; Dale, Inquiry into the Meaning of BaTrrt'fw; for some of the
more important Sources, see Didache, c. vii. ; .Justin, ApoL, cc. 61, 05;
Tertullian, De Bap.., De Coron. Mil. 3, De Bes. Cam.., c. 8; Cyprian,
Epis. 04, 68, 69, 70; Cyril, Cat. Mag. i., xvl. 26 ; Apos. Cons. iii. 15-17,
vii. 22, 39; the controversial literature which in the modern church has
turned (1) on the method of baptism, and (2) on the recipients, is too
voluminous to be cited here. For valuable remarks on the points at
issue, cf. Bunsen, Christianity and Mankind, Vol. II., and Coleridge,
Aids to Beflection, Aphorism xxiv.
399
400 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
man speech for their significance, which appropriate tlie
physical elements of external nature as the most forcible
expositions of the Christian idea: the water standing
for purification, the bread and the wine for the suste-
nance of life : humanity purifying itself in order to sit
down at the banquet of the Eternal. Into these sacra-
ments, in the successive eras of history, men have read
their hopes, their fears, their aspirations, till they have
become summaries of the Christian life. Much that is
irrational, or puerile, or superstitious, has gathered around
these venerable rites, temporary accretions, local associa-
tions, heathen notions it may be, as well as passing phi-
losophies. We need not seek to determine the exact method
or degree of these influences ; for such things are hidden
from our view. But the appeal which these sacraments
carry to the very elements of external nature, in order to
make themselves felt and understood, has given them
vitality and significance in the rudest ages. They not
only bind together the Christian world into one organic
whole ; as Coleridge expressed it, they are not so much
parts of Christianity, but rather they are Christianity
itself, — the one the initial conversion or light, the other
the sustaining, invigorating life. A line can only begin
once, so that there can be no repetition of baptism ; but a
line may be endlessly prolonged by continual production ;
hence the sacrament of love and life goes on continually.
Curious minds may seek to antedate the origin of these
venerable rites, carrying it back into pre-Christian ages,
even to savage customs before the beginning of history.
But we must learn to outgrow the fallacy that the origin
of an institution neutralizes its validity; for certainly no
cruder, grosser origin could be demonstrated than is now
set forth by the scientific principle of evolution for the
origin and descent of man. If Jews or heathens can be
shown to have anticipated such rites as these, it only con-
firms their significance. We have got beyond the old
apologetic, which sought to prove that Christianity in its
doctrines, or ethics, or practice was something entirely
new to the world. Its coincidences with other religions
BAPTISM 401
or older ethical systems are so many fresh illustrations of
its truth.
The doctrine of baptism in the early church is exalted
and positive in its tone. It was spoken of as " the begin-
ning and source of the Christian graces," " a new creating
wave," "a water of life," " a second birth into a new man,"
"a union with immortality." But this language applies
to adult baptism, which was at first the prevailing, if not
the exclusive, custom. Previous to the administration of
the rite, the candidate had undergone a process of reli-
gious education and discipline, lasting from two to three
years, and known as the Catechumenate. Nothing could
have been devised more impressive to the imagination, or
calculated to stir the soul more profoundly, creating some
inward revolution, than the immersion beneath the puri-
fying wave, as the culmination of years of waiting and
expectation. What the rite of baptism may have been
as a factor in ethical progress may be inferred from the
experience of Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, who was con-
verted from heathenism. Writing to his friend Donatus,
he says :
"While I was still lying in darkness and gloomy night, wavering
hither and thithev, tossed in the foatn of this boastful age, and uncer-
tain of my wandering steps, knowing nothing of my real life and
remote from truth and liglit, I used to regard it as difficult, in respect
of my character at that time, that a man should be capable of being
born again : . . . that a man quickened to a new life in the laver of
saving water should be able to put off what he had previously been ;
and although retaining his bodily structure, should himself be changed
in heart and soul. How, said I, is such a conversion possible that
there should be a sudden and rapid divestment of all which, either
innate in us, has been hardened in the corruption of our material
nature, or acquired by us, has become inveterate by long-accustomed
use? . . . These were my frequent thoughts. For as I myself was held
in bonds by the innumerable errors of my previous life, from which
I did not believe I could possibly be delivered, so I was disposed to
acquiesce in my clinging vices ; and because I despaired of better
things, I used to indulge my sins, as if they were actually parts of me.
But after that, by the help of the water of new birth, the stain of
former years had been washed away, and a light from above, serene
and pure, had been infused into my reconciled heart ; after that, by
the agency of the Spirit, breathed from heaven, a second birth had
2 D
402 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
restored me to a new man, — then, in a wondrous manner, doubtful
things at once began to assure themselves to ijie, hidden things to be
revealed, dark things to be enlightened, w"hat before had seemed dif-
ficult began to suggest means of accomplishment, what before had
been thought impossible to be capable of being achieved ; so that I
was enabled to acknowledge that what previously, being born of the
flesh, had been living in the practice of sins, was of the earth earthy,
had begun to be of God and was animated by the Spirit of holiness." ^
In this beautiful description Cyprian does not stop to
distinguish between the long inward preparation and the
outward act in which it terminates. Such is the manner
of rhetoric in every age. But the stress of the description
is ethical, — the transition from the death of sin to the life
of righteousness.
The rite of baptism has undergone many changes in the
lapse of time ; immersion, which was the prevailing mode
in the ancient church, has given place to sprinkling or
pouring ; the baptism of infants means something differ-
ent from the baptism of an adult ; and yet beneath the
variations the essential idea and purpose of baptism has
been preserved. In the ancient church and in the Middle
Ages, it was held to be necessary to salvation, — - a neces-
sity so great that if a running stream was not convenient
for immersion, pouring might suffice ; or even the sands of
the desert, if water could not be had ; the baptism of
blood in martyrdom might be an equivalent, where the
actual rite was wanting. The universal necessity for
baptism in some form was so imperative, that in the case
of those who had died without it, there was an obscure
practice of baptizing for the dead ; and even in the Jewish
and pagan under-worlds the rite might still be adminis-
1 Epis. i., Ad Donatum. Cf. Stanley, Christian Institutions, c. 1.,
who traces the analogy between such an experience as Cyprian describes
and the regenerating influences in modern life. " With us these changes
are brought about by a thousand different methods ; education, afflictioii^
illness, a new field of usefuhiess, — every one of these gives us some
notion of the early baptism in its better and more permanent side " (p. 10).
See also Stanley, Life and Letters, II., p. 148: "Marriage is the only
event in modern life which corresponds to what baptism was in the
ancient church, — a second birth, a new creation, old things passing away,
all thin<rs becomine; new."
BAPTISM 403
tered. If these notions are now regarded as superstitions,
yet the principle for which they stood lives on in the
modern church, — an inward purification as the condition
of entering into spiritual life.
While the Apostles' Creed and the Athanasian Creed
are silent concerning the sacraments, yet in the Nicene
Creed a clause has been inserted declarinor that there can
be but "one baptism for the remission of sins." The state-
ment points to a deep and almost universal conviction,
which also still abides, however its spirit may be evaded,
that baptism is a rite which ought not to be repeated ; or
else its dignity, its majesty, its transcendent import, would
suffer diminution. So deep was this conviction, combined,
it is true, with other notions, that the church decided to
hold baptism as valid, without regard to its agents, even
though performed by heretics, by laymen, by nurses. When
administered in sport, as by Athanasius when a boy, it
should be allowed to stand.
After the third century the formula of baptism was the
name of the Trinity, and baptism otherwise performed was
declared invalid. But in the early church, as also in the
Apostolic age, there is evidence that the baptismal formula
of the name of Jesus only was not unusual.^ There are
difficulties connected with this circumstance which have
not been explained. But the fact remains that, in the
time of Cyprian, so important a personage as Stephen, the
bishop of Rome, defended the validity of baptism when
performed in the name of Jesus only,^ and was opposed
with great vehemence, as well as with every argument he
could command, by the bishop of Carthage. In the con-
troversy between Cyprian and Stephen we may trace the
obscure hints of some crisis through which the church was
passing. Those baptisms which had been performed in the
name of the Lord Jesus must be either legitimated or con-
demned as invalid. To follow the latter course, as Cyprian
1 Cf. Acts ii. 38; viii. 16; x. 48; xix. 5; with Matt, xxviii. 19; and
Didache, c. viii.
'^ Cf. Cyprian, JE'^j/s. Ixii. 17, 18; Ixxiii., Ixxiv. ; and see also Augustine,
Contra Donat., V., c. 23.
404 • CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
proposed, was not only to follow Montanist theories, but to
shut out from salvation those in the early church who had
been baptized after what had since come to be regarded as
a defective formula. The attitude of Rome was wiser than
that of Cyprian. In a treatise belonging probably to the
age of Cyprian, entitled De Hebaptismo, we may discern
the process of the transition, the bridging of the gulf
created by the ecclesiastical temper that was demanding the
fulfilment of the letter. This unknown writer reveals to
us the existence of an attitude in that hour of the triumph
of the sacerdotal principle, of which otherwise we should
have little evidence, at least in the church of the West. He
urges the baptism of the S^Dirit as more important than the
baptism by water. He pleads eloquently for the freedom
of the Spirit, who, while He accompanies the formal rite,
may also act independently, coming in advance even of the
baptism by water (Acts x. 44, 47), and imparting His
gifts before the ecclesiastical recognition is given. No
matter liow defective the form of baptism in its formula or
in its agent, there must be no rebaptism ; but if the Spirit
be invoked, as in the rite of laying on of hands, in what
was called Confirmation,^ all deficiencies are overcome.
But he will not admit that the formula of baptism which
invoked the name of the Lord Jesus only is defective.
Whether the invocation of that name in baptism be made
by heretic or Catholic, it carried with it the potency as-
cribed to it by St. Paul when he said that there was no
other name under heaven given among men whereby we
1 The origin and history of Confirmation are in some respects still
obscure. Whether the rite consists in anointing with oil, or in laying on
of hands ; whether it is part of baptism and should be administered in
connection with it, or postponed as a distinct rite to a later period ;
whether it should be performed by the presbyter, or by the bishop only,
are points of difference in the usage of the Greek and Latin churches. In
the Anglican and Lutheran churches, the rite has been retained but no
longer as a sacrament, and now corresponds with what baptism stood for
in the early church. It has not been retained in the Reformed Church,
but a profession of faith before the congregation has become its substi-
tute. Cf. Art. Confirmation, in Herzog, Benl Encyc. ; Smith and Cheet-
ham, Diet. Chris. Antiq. ; Calvin, Instit. Bk. IV., c. 19; Mason, Baptism
and Confirmation.
BAPTISM 405
must be saved ; or, again, He hath given Him a name
which is above every name, that in the name of Jesus
every knee shall bow, of things in heaven and things in
earth. To rebaptize, as Cyprian urged, any one over
whom the name of Jesus had been invoked, whether by a
heretic or by one sound in the faith, was to do dishonor
to Christ and imperil the existence of His church. Only
this large and truly catholic attitude could have saved the
church at such a crisis. To have rejected the baptism per-
formed by heretics in the name of Jesus, would have been
to call in question the validity of all the ecclesiastical rites.
Who could be sure, so late as the middle of the third cen-
tury, whether baptism had been always administered by
those in Apostolic descent and with the formula of the
Trinity ? Not only was it uncertain, but many possibilities
made it certain that the reverse was true. It became neces-
sary, if the Catholic church was to exist at all, that the bap-
tisms of the past should be legitimated, however stringent
might be the provisions for the future. The unknown
author of the treatise on Rebaptism discloses the method
of rescuing the church from the disaster into which Cyp-
rian's policy would have plunged it, — recourse to the
Holy Spirit, whose invocation over any baptism, together
with the laying on of hands, was the act of faith supple-
menting all supposed or actual deficiencies.^
The thought and the practice of the ancient church
regarding baptism has been often and unstintedly con-
demned because of its unethical and superstitious char-
acter, or its heathen affiliation in attaching a magical
potency to water as the means to a spiritual result. But
it must be borne in mind that from the first it was also
accompanied by an ethical training in the Catechumenate.
The coexistence of a teaching church is invariably as-
1 In his treatise, De Spir. Sane, Ambrose (t 397) seems aware of the
significance of this issue regarding baptism. "He who is blessed in
Christ is blessed in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the
Holy Spirit, because the name is one and the power is one ; . . . So they
were baptized in tlie name of Jesus Clnlst ; . . . For when it is said, in
the name of our Lord Jesus Clirist, the mystery is complete through the
oneness of the name" (c. iii.).
406 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
sumed also in the later administration of the rite, nor has
the administration of baptism been allowed to outstrip the
advance of the ecclesiastical organization, as though other-
wise baptism would lose its efficiency. To this statement
there are some apparent exceptions. There is a report
that the Jesuits, in their excessive zeal, were accustomed
to shake the sacred drops upon the heads of children
as they passed, muttering the Christian incantation ; it is
even said that on one occasion they locked the doors of
the building where the heathens were assembled, and
administered baptism by the aid of a sprinkler. But if
these cases be more than inventions, they only bring
out in stronger relief the prevailing order, which has
always associated baptism with a moral education as the
condition of its validity. One exception there is, but in
appearance only, — the case of children or others at the
hour of death, in the confidence that the training inter-
rupted on earth will be resumed beyond the skies.
Again, it has been truly said that the primary aim of the
Catholic church never appears as predominantly ethical,
but rather the enforcement of institutional ideas, — the
doctrine of the Trinity and the divine humanity, the
solidarity of a race redeemed in Christ, and the kingship
of God in the world. But these ideas constitute the soil
or the medium for moral growth. It is also true that
ethical culture is better promoted indirectly rather than
by making it the direct and ostentatious aim. But what-
ever moral training the church has given was originally
connected with baptism, or else has grown out of it as its
inevitable consequence. So that the rite has never lost
its significance as presenting the necessity for inward
purification.
Among the many variations accompanying the history
of baptism, the most important was the transition from
adult to infant baptism. It is possible that infant baptism
was practised to some extent from the first, or even that
it was administered by the Apostles. But there is no de-
monstrative evidence on this point to which we can appeal.
That the prevailing custom in the early church was adult
BAPTISM 407
baptism is admitted. Evidence that a change was taking
place is abundant in the third century. This change is
one of the most significant that has passed over the his-
tory of the church. Adult baptism stood for the principle
of individualism, demanding intelligence as the condition
of repentance and faith, and the personal vow of obedience
as the ground of its proper administration. But the social
aim of the church, looking to the welfare of all, taking
men in their collective capacity as a whole, the need for
an institution representing the solidarity of the Christian
world in its common hopes and fears, — this necessity
influenced the transition from adult to infant baptism.
The principle of individualism, the characteristic of the
church of the first three centuries, was passing into des-
uetude. The church had a work to do for the people
which they could not do for themselves. The obliga-
tion of humanity to the church became universal. It
was to become no longer a question of "joining the
church " as the expression goes ; the union of individuals
no longer created the church. The world of man was
henceforth to be created within the church ; infants from
their birth were to be received into its fold. The transi-
tion at least bore witness to the faith that all men were
capable of receiving a divine nurture, and that education
is the divine method of evoking the image of God in man.
Whether such a change was justifiable or not is a ques-
tion that has been much discussed. It may be assumed
as the prerogative of the church that it has the divine
right to adapt its institutions to the changes of life.
In accordance with this principle, a deep Christian instinct
must be further assumed as underlying the requirement
that the baptism of the infant should be performed at the
earliest possible moment — the conviction of the sanctity
of human life from the moment of its appearance. It may
be that this conviction could not have become universally
potent if it had not been associated with another belief,
that the salvation of the child was imperilled by any delay.
To this usage of infant baptism must be traced the ex-
tinction of the practice of infanticide, so common in the
408 CHEISTIAN WORSHIP
old world as to be regarded with no disapproval, and
prevailing in the highest society in the Roman Empire at
the coming of Christ. Such a custom could not be broken
up by denunciation or by legislation, or by the permeation
of a gradual moral influence ; it required an immediate
act enforced by the most powerful sanctions. The doctrine
of infant damnation is, indeed, the most horrible in the
category of human beliefs ; but it may have been the de-
graded form in a conventional theology of an unreasoning
instinct, that tended originally to promote the value of
a human soul, or to kill the hard indifference, the cruel
stolidity, which exposed children to death, at the whim
of parental authority. It is a truth whose confirmation
is abundant in the history of the church, that those beliefs
or institutions that seem irrational or absurd or unworthy
of the Christian spirit, have come into vogue in order to
kill some deeper evils, not otherwise to have been de-
stroyed.
And, again, it is clear that if the church was to gain any
hold upon the society of the old world, which was to pass
away, or upon the new races that were to take their place,
it must receive them into its fold as they were. It was
no time to wait until they had experienced what is called
conversion. The institution of the Catechumenate, which
carefully trained the individual, as a preparation for bap-
tism, had begun to decline when the heathens from the
age of Constantine were flocking into the church in large
numbers. It was impossible to apply this method of
training before baptism to the new races as they were
converted to Christianity. They believed they could
enter the church by baptism as they entered the Empire
by conquest. When Clovis was converted in the sixth
century he had some doubts as to whether his people
would follow him. But when tliey were consulted, they
replied that they were ready, and with their leader they
went down by thousands into the regenerating wave. Of
them all it was proclaimed alike that they were children
of God, members of Christ, and inheritors of the kingdom
of heaven. In other words, they shared in a divine hu-
BEPENTANCE 409
manity, constituting their title to the blessings that the
church might hold in store. Their redemption had been
potentially accomplished by the revelation of Christ, which
showed what humanity was, or might become ; this poten-
tial redemption was to be made actual within the church,
if the church fulfilled the obligations it had assumed.
And at least the effort was made to fulfil them. The
training which hitherto had preceded baptism was now
placed after the rite, and was known as Discipline. A
vast educational system was developed, by which the
church sought to implant the first principles of moral
culture. So great importance was attached to discipline
that it was finally enumerated among the sacraments
which are necessary to salvation. The sacrament of bap-
tism must be made effective by means of the sacrament of
penance.
II
The Mediaeval church differed from the church of the
first three centuries in placing the ethical training and
discipline after baptism, instead of before baptism, as the
indispensable means of its recei^tion. The fourth century
is the age of transition when the Catechumenate began
to yield as an institution to a system known as penitential,
whose object was to meet the needs of the offender who
had sinned after baptism. What is known as the sacra-
ment of penance came to rival in importance and necessity
the baptismal rite. Thus there grew up a system of disci-
pline which, while it was the creation of the hierarchy,
was also a response to popular religious needs. ^ To this
system of discipline the clergy also were amenable, and,
1 On the subject of Discipline, cf., in general, Acts of Councils and
Gapitnlaries of Charlemagne ; Migne, Patro. Lat., Vol. XCIX. for the Peni-
tential Books ; Haddan and Stubbs, Conncils and Eccles. Documents
rel. to Great Britain and Ireland; Smith and Cheethain, Arts. Penance,
Penitential Books; Bingham, Bk. XIV.; Wetzer and Welte, Kirrhen-
Lexikon, II., Bussdisciplin ; Lea, His. of Auricular Confession and Indul-
gences in the Latin Church (1896); Wasserschleben, Bussordnungen d.
abendldnd. Kirche; Marshall, Penitential Disripline of the Primitive
Church; also Gieseler, Ec. His., II., and Schaff, Ch. His., IV.
410 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
indeed, in theory it was so devised as to bear more heavily
upon the priesthood than on the people. Where the
layman was punished lightly by fine, the priest was liable
to deposition or excommunication. Such was the theory,
even if not carried out into practice. The papacy strove
for exemption from the possibilities of humiliation under
such a system, and may be said to have stood above
the system until at the last moment, when discipline was
beginning to f)ass away, the popes themselves, as at the
Reformatory Councils in the fifteenth century, were
brought into subjection to its control.
In what are known as the " penitential books," we have
the first rude treatises in ethics. Taking them in rela-
tion to their age, they aim at inculcating those duties
that relate to the well-being of the social order. The
sins most hurtful to society were, for the most part, those
known as mortal sins. As society was constituted in the
church, heresy became the greatest sin because it seemed
like a deadly blow to the life of the ecclesiastical order on
which social regeneration was depending. But the peni-
tential books are not without the recognition of offences
injurious to the personality more than the social order.
When the system of discipline first began to be developed,
its application was chiefly, if not exclusively, to sins open
and known, which brought scandal upon the church.
From open sins the transition was easy and natural to
secret sins known only to the offender. The working of
the human conscience led inevitably to the confessional,
it was a method of relief sought by the people, quite as
much as imposed upon them from without. It never
could have arisen, of course, in an age when the sense
of individuality was strong; for a deep personality rebels
against the lifting of the veil that shrouds the sanctuary
of the inner life. The confessional was at first a voluntary
method of seeking relief. It is well to recall that even
under this milder form a great man like St. Jerome pro-
tested against the growing conviction that the priest could
grant absolution, or that his intervention was needed be-
tween the soul and God. But Leo the Great stated what
REPENTANCE 411
people were already inclined to believe, that only through
sacerdotal mediation could pardon be secured. The hu-
man race in that age had begun to be afraid of dealing
directly with God ; in its weakness and fear, it was
experiencing the mood of the ancient Hebrew people
gathered together in fright at the foot of Horeb, or ad-
dressing the lawgiver as he came down from the mountain :
" Speak thou to us ; let not God speak to us or we die."
The hierarch}^ of the Latin church took charge of this
whole department of human life because in those days
no state any longer existed strong enough to enforce
obedience to moral law ; nor was the moral capital of
the old Roman world sufBcient for the emergency. The
order of the civil state was yet among the possibilities
of the distant future. The disasters of the social revolu-
tion in the age of the invasion of the barbarians had made
the moral situation worse even than before. Thus the
German people, who had moral convictions and moral
codes before they entered the Empire, had degenerated
in consequence of their contact with the Empire into an
indescribable moral degradation. Their leaders felt no
restrictions of law or authority, exhibiting their brutal
or sensual impulses without restraint, and the corruption
of their followers was a matter of course. Under these
circumstances, any power was to be welcomed which could
insure order, or create the sentiment of wrong, or rouse
the conscience to the dread of evil. The most fearful
penalties the imagination could conceive were not too
strong to be invoked in the attempt to develop the moral
sense. In view of the situation, it may have been in-
evitable that the penitential systems should be enforced
by all the terrors at the command of the clergy. In acting
as the substitute for the state, the church had no punisli-
ments at her disposal except those appealing to the
spiritual imagination. Perhaps, also, it was necessary and
desirable that the human soul should be turned inside out,
as it were, in the confessional in order to know itself and
be known in its evil capacity and its dark proclivities. The
state now does what the church attempted then. When a
412 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
man becomes liable for his offence to the civil law, there is
no respect for his personality at the hands of lawyer or
judges. The inner life is ruthlessly invaded, the sacred
sense of reserve is forced to give way as almost the worst
punishment the offender can be called upon to endure.
Something like this was the function of the confessional in
the Middle Ages. The sacredness of the individual life,
whose citadel should be held secure from intrusion, whose
only confessional should be the Word of God, the pulpit
of the preacher, or the revelation of literature, was then
violated without protest or murmur.
As the desire or the necessity for the confessional
developed, the language of Christ was recalled, as its
divine justification : " Whosesoever sins ye remit shall be
remitted; and whosesoever sins ye retain they shall
be retained ; Whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall
be loosed in heaven, or whatsoever thou shalt bind on
earth shall be bound in heaven." Sublimer words were
never uttered if we take them in their truest, which is
also their largest, meaning. They proclaim the endow-
ment of humanity in the life of the spirit with the power
of discerning moral truth ; they constitute the commission
of the Christian preacher ; they imply the unchanging
essence of moral distinctions, so that the moralitj'" of earth
is one with the morality of heaven. The verdict of the
conscience becomes the verdict of God. Much as these
words may have been or still are perverted by false limita-
tions, the j)rinciple they contain may yet be traced in
the discipline of the hierarchy, in the days of its power and
in its better aspects, when it stood for the conscience of
man. However great or numerous the misapplications of
the ethical ideal may have been in the Middle Ages, the
truth was never entirely obscured. What humanity in
the main then condemned as wrong has ever since been
condemned ; and the condemnation has been ratified in
heaven. The consensus as to what constitute the moral
duties of life has not varied in essentials ; with some
qualifications there is also substantial agreement in the
ethical codes of the world.
REPENTANCE 413
The chief interest in the study of discipline does not
lie in seeking for the justification either of its principles or
methods ; about these we are now substantially agreed ;
we say that it may have been necessary for the age, and
so dismiss the subject. There is another line of in-
quiry which is more interesting, — to note the defects in
the penitential system and trace them to their remoter
causes. Some inherent evil there was in the method
adopted for grounding men in moral distinctions. The
penitential books gave lists of offences, graded for the
most part after some external or social standard, from
the most heinous down to the least venial. Over against
each offence stood the amount of penance required, either
in fasting or stripes, which might also be commuted into
money payments. In such a system the outward act, and
not the inward motive, could alone be estimated. No
mortal man could weigh the inner motive and assign a
penance relatively exact. The monk Abelard, in the
twelfth century, proposed to the world a new principle,
whose tendency was toward individualism as contrasted
with solidarity, when he said that the essence of sin lay
in the motive. But the church did not accept the sugges-
tion, and, indeed, it could not, without abandoning its
social aim, the object of its existence. And, again, if the
motive is that which it is most important to reach, still it
remains true that the outward act must be estimated to some
extent apart from the motive ; or that the motive must be
artificially estimated as the most heinous whose result hurts
most deeply the constitution of the social order. It was
also through the consciousness of the outward act, that
the painful experience must be gained of the strength and
persistency of the evil motive. But at this point the
discipline was weak, revealing a great gap ; it called for
some profound modification at its very root, which should
bring the soul into relation with Him unto whom all
hearts are open. The social aim was not exhaustive;
there was a wide range of duties, a higher aspiration,
which the penitential system did not and could not reach.
The defect of ecclesiastical discipline was revealed in
414 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
this — that too often those suffered the heaviest punish-
ment at the hands of the church who were innocent before
God, or, indeed, might merit the divine approval.
It was another evil in this method of discipline that
the custom of fines for the various offences, a custom
the church adopted because it found it already in vogue
among the German peoples, bore more hardly upon the
poor than on the rich. A man with money at his dis-
posal could do penance for sins with ease, which it would
take a poor man a lifetime to expiate. Nor could they
rid themselves, in that age, of the idea that the punish-
ment of a substitute was as effective as the actual
suffering of the offender himself. Even the Venerable
Bede in England, the most spiritual man of the eighth
century, admitted that if a man was not able to execute
his penance, another might do it for him. We need no
better illustration of how profoundly the principle of
solidarity was imbedded in the Mediaeval consciousness.
It was still another defect in the system that the punish-
ments assigned to offences were of an arbitrary character,
not growing directly out of the evil itself ; and because
they were or seemed arbitrary and external to the soul,
the inference was natural that to escape from the punish-
ment was a clear gain. We are studying here the history
of ethical culture, where it is as important to note the
defects as it is to do justice to the good it may have
wrought ; and at this point we reach the deepest interest
the system possesses. For if humanity appears as sub-
mitting to an ethical training from without, it also appears
as going through a mighty and prolonged effort to over-
come that principle in its moral training which assigned
arbitrary penalties as the results of sin.
The first step toward this end was taken by the church
itself, when it set forth baptism as the escape from original
sin whose consequence was endless punishment. The
motive of endless punishment as a deterrent from sin was
used so sparingly in the ancient church, and especially by
the Greek Fathers, that in many cases it is doubtful whether
the doctrine was actually held. It was in the Latin church
REPENTANCE 415
that the appeal was taken to it, as by Tertullian and Cyp-
rian, but chiefly by Augustine, to whose powerful person-
ality the doctrine was essential, as the shadow cast by
the conviction of the iDossibilities of an endless life. The
experience of Augustine teaches us that the doctrine of
endless punishment is the accompaniment of the awakened
conscience of the individual ; that its force is most strongly
felt by one who aspii-es most deeply after the love of God
and union with the divine. The attempt to realize all that
salvation means inevitably leads the sensitive soul to fore-
cast the significance of its loss. What otherwise might
have been a precarious tenure thus becomes converted
into the deeper consciousness of actual irreversible pos-
session. In this aspect of tlie doctrine can be understood
the circumstance that it should be more forcibly urged in
those ages or in those institutions where individualism
has been predominant, than in the Mediaeval church, which
was the exponent of solidarity. Very moderate was the
employment of this appeal in the Middle Ages, as com-
pared with the Protestant churches where the cultivation
of the personality was the predominant aim ; and where
the doctrines of election and, at a later time, of conversion
called upon the individual to sound the lowest depths of
his spiritual nature in order to measure his attitude toward
God. It was in the monasteries of the Middle Ages, also,
that this doctrine of endless punishment became the accom-
paniment of religious experience rather than in the secular
church, where it was reserved for those who defied the
church's authority, a terror for the few who were in
danger of falling out of the ranks of solidarity within the
church, rather than for those who professed submission to
its decrees. Hence it did not weigh heavily upon the pop-
ular consciousness, where the sense of individual responsi-
bility was weak, and where baptism was regarded as the
escape from its operation as an arbitrary divine enactment.
It served to intensify the sense of difference between the
church and the world outside Avhich lay in darkness — that
heathen world doomed to this awful destiny.
Within the Latin church of the Middle Ages purga-
416 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
tory was the real source of fear and dread; and human
instincts began from an early hour to work for the over-
throw of this conception of punishment in so far as it did
not grow out of sin by a necessary law, but was regulated
by the enactments of the church. Even the system of
ecclesiastical discipline here appears as aiding or abetting
the popular instinct. As the penalties themselves were
arbitrary and external to the soul, so also the relief was
alike arbitrary and external which was known as indul-
gences. The church professed at first to deal only with
the temporal penances, imposed by its own authority. If
a man was unable to pay, or a lifetime was not sufficient to
expiate his offences, the church in her discretion might
remit the penalty either in whole or in part. That seemed
rational and might be just. The principle was tried on a
large scale when the Crusades first began, and its results
seemed to justify its adoption.
But the church had not assumed that temporal penalties
covered the whole case. There was to be another reckon-
ing with God hereafter, wherein she could not interfere.
She could grant absolution, but it was conditional in form,
having the efficacy of devout prayer that the sin for which
the priest exempted the oiJender on earth might also be
forgiven by God. For the great majority of souls within
the church, purgatory was the destination, — a place where
venial sins were expiated, a period indefinite in extension,
of whose nature there was no attempt at rigid definition,
beyond the certainty that its punishments would at some
moment come to an end. If humanity had found an escape
from endless punishment by methods that seemed arbitrary
or external, such as baptism or the doctrine of atonement,
there was no reason why some method of escape should
not be also devised from the pains of purgatory. These
too partook of the same arbitrary character as other pun-
ishments ; there was no inward necessity why they should
not be abridged or averted altogether.
The conviction grew up in the popular mind that the
church was equal to the emergency of delivering souls
from purgatory. No ecclesiastical council formulated the
REPENTANCE 417
principle. It was the mind of Europe, the imagination
of a whole people, investing the church with all divine
prerogatives. It began to take form at the moment when
the church was winning her victories over emperors and
princes, when Innocent the Great asserted the authority
of the papacy in every country in Europe. The church
could not but accept the honor and the power with which
she was being clothed anew, adding to her dominion
on earth the dominion over heaven. The theological
principle by which the penalties of purgatory were to be
overcome, was set forth by Thomas Aquinas, and it re-
flects the inmost life of the Middle Ages, — the principle
of solidarity in its final culmination or apotheosis. The
members of the church constituted a great whole, they
were members of Christ, and therefore of one another; it
was therefore possible that the merits of one might be
transferred to another, and the deficiencies of some be
made good by the redundant virtues of their favored
brethren. There were- the saints, for example, who had
not only fulfilled the church's requirements, but had by
their life of painful self-abnegation created a superfluous
accumulation of merit for which there was no use unless it
could be brought into a general circulation or deposited to
the credit of those who had fallen into spiritual poverty or
destitution. If this common treasure of human merit was
not vast enough to stand the drain upon its resources,
when it was thrown open to all, it could be made to ex-
pand into infinite resources, because it was unfailingly
supplied by the infinite merits of Christ. And this inex-
haustible treasury was at the disposal of the church to be
distributed at need and according to her discretion. This
whole story of indulgences reads like some fairy tale, as if
humanity, instead of being spiritually poor and bankrupt,
had suddenly become rich beyond the power of the imagi-
nation to measure, waking up to find itself the heir of
Christ and of the saints. When we are tracino- the origin
o o
of some of our most cherished convictions, the sacredness,
the dignity, the grandeur, the nobility of human nature, —
the conception of humanity as an ideal, worth laboring and
418 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
suffering for, in the mind of some so glorious as to be
a substitute for God, we must revert to this moment
in the Middle Ages, when the enthusiasm for humanity,
as it were, became the one controlling motive in life,
and went beyond the bounds of moderation and dis-
cretion.
At the very moment when this exercise of indulgences
was producing an unwonted excitement, at the beginning,
that is, of the fourteenth century, Dante was writing his
Divine Comedy. He was in downright opposition to the
temper of the age, to the attitude of the church. He met
the fate of all those who try to stem the current of a popu-
lar conviction. He was showing men that punishments
were not arbitrarily assigned by some external authority,
but grew out of evil as its inevitable consequence, and the
nature of the evil might be seen reflected in the misery
which it created. Hell and purgatory and heaven corre-
sponded to an inward condition of the soul. But the age
did not heed the teaching of Dante, nor for centuries was
that voice from the depth of the Middle Ages to command
the audience of the world.
When a man who has been poor suddenly becomes rich,
with a wealth allowing the full gratification of his whim
or imagination, we are interested in noting whether
he will stand the test, in what ways he will proceed to
indulge his sense of power. Humanity in the Middle
Ages was coming into the supposed possession of spiritual
wealth in an inexhaustible treasury, at the same moment
when the wealth begotten of trade and commerce was
transforming the world. The heavenly and the earthly
treasures were placed in competition. The idea of a com-
mutation in money payments, which had always been
recognized in the ecclesiastical discipline, now revived
with unwonted force. The wealth obtained by industry
was turned over into heavenly securities. On the whole,
we must admit that humanity behaved with credit to itself ;
that the vision, before it disappeared, leaving emptiness
and bitterness in its stead, does reveal humanity as inclined
to respond to ideal ends, as the highest, most characteristic
KEPENTANCE 419
aim of its existence. There was almost a spiritual panic,
as men in their eagerness hastened to take possession of
their spiritual treasury. There was, of course, a selfish
desire to buy their own pardon, their own deliverance from
purgatory ; but the strongest motive, the most pathetic
aspect of the whole business, was the desire to release their
friends, their parents, their wives, their children, from the
unknown world of human anguish and suffering.
One may note, in this curious phase of Mediaeval re-
ligious experience, the common characteristic of all the
phases of the deeper life of the Mediaeval church. The
social aim predominates. The duties of life sj)ring out
of our solidarity as a race, duties to the church, to the
social order, or to one another. The highest expression
of this social aim was seen when the sense of the bond
uniting humanity on earth with humanity in the invisible
world, led to one great effort to emancipate that part of the
race which was suffering in purgatory. It was as though
the church on earth led another crusade for the object of
recovering the human soul from the sepulchre of terrors
in which it was entombed.
It is not necessary to touch upon the evil side of this
subject of indulgences. Its history is familiar and needs
no fresh exposition. The whole system of ecclesiastical
discipline was working badly in the age of the Renais-
sance. Instead of moral improvement, moral corruption
seemed to be its outcome. For two hundred years there
went on an increasing protest against the abuses it en-
gendered. But it would be a mistake to think that the
discipline had wrought only evil. It was very much with
the penitential system of the church as it was with the
professions of the monastic life. The monks aimed at
poverty and inevitably grew rich; defeating their direct
end, no doubt, but yet retaining tlie perfect ideal of
man, as having a real existence apart from the fictitious
surroundings of his life. The system of discipline had
contributed to the social structure, grounding it in the
principle of Christian solidarity. There was vastly moi'e
humanity in the Middle Ages, a kindlier relationship and
420 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
sense of dependence among classes of society, than in the
age which followed.
What, then, was the hidden cause of the abuses, the
failures and corruptions, under which the world was
laboring and complaining in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, before Luther appeared ? It was not altogether
that the church had failed to accomplish its mission, but
that, by accomplishing its mission, it had brought human-
ity to a point where the lack of some higher motive was
felt than the church could at once supply. It was the
work of the German people to supply this motive ; they
became the bearer of what seemed like a new revelation,
in reality the restoration of an older truth, for which,
under the imperial regime of Latin Christianity, there had
been no place or opportunity. The Germans were called
to this task by a divine Providence, so ordering their
political history that, when other nations were on the
eve of national independence and prosperity, for Ger-
many there was reserved division, defeat, and humiliation.
Germany had entered more deepl}' than any other country
in Europe into the Medii val ideal. Italy itself had not
been so overcome by tl^ presence in its midst of the spir-
itual head of the church, as had Germany by the doctrine
of the Holy Roman Empire. It was German emperors,
not French or English kings, that had suffered the
deepest humiliations at the hands of the papacy. From
the time when the Empire lay prostrate, after the last
representative of the Hohenstaufen dynasty had died
ignominiously on the scaffold, Germany began to turn its
attention to the interior life of the soul, in order to find
in its inward experience the consolation which it needed.
The characteristic movements in Germany in the four-
teenth and fifteenth centuries are religious, when else-
where they are political or secular. The most typical
German man before Luther appeared was Eckhart, the
mystic philosopher ; the most typical book was the Imi-
tation of Christ, where it is no longer humanity offering
consolation or pardon to itself as in priestly absolution,
but the voice of God is heard once more, speaking imme-
REPENTANCE 421
diately, speaking in the first person, the " I am," in the
depth of the soul. These were among the most direct
precursors of Luther, to whom he owed most, from whom
he borrowed most. Germany more than any other country
had exploited the significance of ecclesiastical discipline.
Indulgences had found their greatest demand in Germany,
tlieir sale had been prolonged there when it was unfruitful
elsewhere. But discipline was just that feature of Medi-
Eeval Christianity letting us down most deeply into the
recesses of spiritual or human experience, the most inward
process of the soul. It Avas concerned with the conscious-
ness of evil, the need of repentance, the desire for pardon ;
in a word, purification, reconciliation, and everlasting
peace. This was the absolute truth also for which Luther
was seeking when he entered the monastery of Erfurt.
The highest aims of life are sometimes the unconscious
ones. Luther had no other apparent object than to gain
what the church had to offer, the same sense of pardon and
reconciliation for which the thousands who had preceded
him had sought. He was exhausting in the convent cell
the resources of the church in ministering to the soul. The
inward distress which he experienced, from which he could
not escape, was the symbol of a vast and mighty revolution,
whose purport he was long in realizing. Humanity, even
in its fairest and purest attitude, could not bring relief. He
had touched the weak spot in the whole method of Mediae-
val discipline and education. When, according to the
theory, he ought to have been satisfied, he became more
profoundly dissatisfied ; when he had done all that could
be done for reconciliation and pardon, he was further from
its attainment than when he began his expiation. His soul
was expanding on its Godward side, and the higher he
stood, the larger grew the ideal and its obligation, till it
seemed to assume infinite proportions. The duty toward
man might be approximately felt or fulfilled, it was cer-
tainly definite and clear -, but the duty toward God knew
no limit to its range, to seek for its fulfilment was to forever
enlarge its scope. In this emergency of the soul, there
was no man that could help him, and even the church had
422 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
failed him. There is nothing like this, at once so awful
and so sublime, in the history of Christian experience. It
was the beginning of a new era, — when one man came
forth out of the heart of humanity who was forced to
stand alone, who could no longer rely on the solidarity of
the race to save him, who in his spiritual isolation con-
fronted the whole world, the Empire as well as the Church,
who, when humanity failed him, threw himself upon God,
and stood by the strength of a righteousness which was
not his own, except in so far as his longing after it made
it his own. Such is the principle of individual salvation,
the doctrine of justification by faith.
The defect in the statement of Thomas Aquinas,
whereby he had justified the doctrine of indulgences, was
also the defect of Medieval ethics and ethical training,
the assumption that there was a limit to human obligation,
that it was possible for the saint to do all that was required
of him. Here lay the source of corruption, which was
generating the abuses of the age. It was a check to the
advance of humanity, because it gave no room for expan-
sion, reducing life to a dreary, dead monotony. Luther
saw that complete fulfilment of human aspiration was not
feasible, because man was connected through Christ with
a world of infinite possibility. Justification by faith was
the only alternative. Peace with God was attained uot b}'
fulfilment of obligation, but by aspiration for the divine.
The longing after goodness was the ultimate promise of
its attainment. To have faith in Christ, was what God
demanded, and faith was the germ of the righteousness
which justified. Faith brought the soul into union and
communion with God in Christ, the highest result which
man could achieve on his Godward side.
Ill
In the complex system of Mediaeval discipline, with its
adjustments and compromises as developed in the process
of time, there may be discerned a twofold tendency and
result. In the first place, it had bred a scrupulous anxiety
FAITH 423
about personal salvation carrying with it a heavy hurden
of responsibility, a sense of uncertainty, an inward condi-
tion of irritation with the vexatious penitential methods ;
and all this enhanced by the requirements of the church,
which from the thirteenth century made confession to
a priest obligatory upon every one who would remain in
the fellowship of salvation. But, on the other hand, there
kept pace with this system the opposite method, which
laid stress upon the opus operatum principle in the sacra-
ment of the altar, whose effectiveness, according to the
theory, required no effort on the part of the worshipper.
Any one might participate in its benefits simply by his
presence, by putting no obstacle in the way of its bene-
ficial action. But it was a growing characteristic of the
age before the Reformation, that the ritual of the altar
was losing its hold upon the reason or its charm for the
imagination. The doctrine of transubstantiation, which
was the crude Latin equivalent for the subtler view of
the Greek Fathers, could no longer justify itself to the
awakened mind seeking to escape from dependence on
physical methods of realizing a spiritual result. A re-
turn to the fundamental principles of the Platonic philos-
ophy was making the presuppositions of Mediaeval cultus
irrational and impossible.
But the principle of the opus operatum^ however irra-
tional its presentation in the sacrament of the altar, yet
represents the groping after a spiritual truth demanded by
the inmost necessities of the religious life. It stands for
the conviction that God is responsible for human salva-
tion, that the burden rests primarily upon Him rather than
on the individual soul, that He voluntarily assumes the
burden and Himself supplies the soul with the food of
life ; or, as the Psalmist has said of the whole animal
creation, " These all seek their meat from God ; what
thou givest them they gather ; thou openest thine hand
and they are filled with good " ; or, again, the words of
Christ, " The birds of the air sow not, neither do they
reap, nor gather into barns ; yet your heavenly Father
feedeth them." At the moment, then, when the Reforma-
424 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
tion made its protest against the penitential system of
the Roman church, which kept the soul in uncertainty
and anxiety about its salvation, burdening it with petty
exactions and routine metliods ; and when also the coun-
teractive principle in the opus operatum of the sacrament
of the Lord's Supper had lost its force and meaning, Luther
came to the rescue with his doctrine of justilication by
faith only, and Calvin with his doctrine of election by
sovereign divine decree, — convictions which alike throw
the burden upon God and set man free from the harass-
ing exaction of a diseased and morbid conscience, made
diseased by an unnatural effort which was defeating its
own end.i
It was the standing complaint against the doctrine of
justification by faith, even in the age of the Reformation,
that it did not call for works, that it tended toward moral
laxity or indifference, even if it did not encourage a
tendency to sin. The Reformers themselves became sen-
sitive lest the doctrine should be abused and perverted
from its true significance. It was also true of the doctrine
of election, that it begot the inference that so long as a
man was predestined to salvation by the divine will, his
own conduct could not affect the result whether it were
good or bad. But the same objections applied with even
greater force to the prevailing view of the sacrament of
1 For Luther's doctrine of justification by faith, cf. his earlier treatises,
in the years immediately following the posting of the Theses : An den
christl. Aflel deutscher Nation ; De Captivitate Bahylonica Ecclesiae ;
and Von der Freiheit eines Christenmannes, in Werke, ed. Walch ; also
his Tischreden, ed. Forstemann and Bindseil ; where one gets the setting
of the doctrine in its more flexible forms. Cf. also Harnack, Dogmen-
geschicJite,Ill.,vp. (391 ff. ; Dorner, His. of Prot. Theol, Vol. I. ; Mtiller,
St/mbolik. Vergleichende Darstellung der christlichen Hanptkirchen nach
ilirem Griindzuge und iliren wesentUchen Lehen-Saussererungen. Among
the lives of Luther, Kostlin, Martin Lttther''s Leben u. s. Schriften.
Among the best English estimates of Luther are essays by Tulloch in
Leaders of the Beformntion ; Carlyle in Heroes and Hero Worship ; and
Froude in Short Studies. The best English life is by Beard. Luther
kept himself apart from the humanists, but they welcomed his appear-
ance and his teaching — a prophecy of the destiny of his doctrine of
justification, wlien it should be appropriated by the transcendental school
in philosophy, and made the ruling principle in ethical culture.
FAITH 425
the altar, that faith was not necessary to its participation,
that even the wicked man received the body of Christ,
and pressed it with his teeth, no less than the faithful
soul, whose gaze was fixed on Christ.
All the Protestant churches in the Reformation, Lu-
theran, Anglican, and Calvinist, made their protest against
the sacerdotal discipline of the Middle Ages, rejecting
its principle and its method. They would fain, indeed,
out of the force of long association, have retained some
reminiscence of its operation, but it was feeble and soon
vanished. In the Reformed Church, another form of dis-
cipline had been substituted, which Calvin had drawn in
its leading outline at Geneva. The Calvinists had not
reacted so much against discipline in itself, as against the
sacerdotal method of the Middle Ages. It lingered
longer in the Reformed Church, Avhere, however, it was
not sacerdotal but the self-discipline of the congrega-
tion ; even there also it was doomed to vanish as incon-
gruous with higher methods for the cultivation of the
spiritual life. But in the Anglican and Lutheran churches
no substitute had been provided, and the idea of a disci-
pline of the laity at the hands of the clergy disappeared.
It was not in keeping with the spirit of individual emancipa-
tion and freedom, the liberty of the children of God, into
which the Reformation ushered the modern world. But it
must be borne in mind that the penitential system did not
disappear until the modern state had arisen, and regained
the functions of which it had been deprived by the imperial
church. The state now takes cognizance of those sins
injurious to the social order or hindering its free develop-
ment, which it once fell to the priesthood to punish in the
confessional. Marriage, confessedly one of the most diffi-
cult of social problems, has now become a civil rite,
without losing its religious character in the eyes of the
church. Education, upon which the well-being of the state
depends, is now in the control of the state, as it should
be, and no longer the exclusive prerogative of the clergy.
There are moments when the church feels that the state
may not be fulfilling its moral functions to the best advan-
426 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
tage, but the remedy does not lie in a return to Mediaeval
methods, but rather in bringing the force of religious ideals
to bear upon the state, in order to the clearer recognition
and the better exemplification of its ethical purpose.
The religious world which the Reformation expanded
and elevated is the richer for the variations displayed
by the churches in their ethical modes and standards.
For these variations were of deep significance, as is also
the common unity which underlies them. The Lutheran
principle was justification by faith ; the Calvinistic idea
was God's decree. While the former accepted the doctrine
of election, yet it did not place upon it an equal emphasis;
and while Calvin held firmly to justification, yet it was in
some different way from Luther, so that justification by
faith has never been to the Reformed Church what it has
been to the Germans. The Church of England, as became
a comprehensive church for the nation, gave an equal place
to both tenets, incorporating them into her Articles of Re-
ligion. But neither of these principles has furnished the
exclusive inspiration for faith and morals in the Anglican
church. It has given, in practice, a greater prominence to
the method of religious nurture in the Book of Common
Prayer, which, placed as it is in the hands of every
member of the church from childhood to age, as though it
possessed equal authority with Scripture, tends to build
up the institution of the church and magnify its impor-
tance, while beneath its use lies another conception of the
j)rinciple involved in justification by faith and in election,
— the great doctrine of the priesthood of all Christians.
By this one effective act, the Church of England ele-
vated the laity to an equality with the clergy. In succes-
sive Acts of Parliament enforcing the use of the Prayer
Book by the will of the nation, was cemented the alliance
between church and state, wherein the church has con-
tinued to minister to England's power and greatness.
In the Reformed Church the doctrine of election has
ministered in another way to human civilization. It has
been a levelling force, by which social distinctions and the
pride of caste have been overcome. All men stand alike
FAITH 427
before God, in virtue of a principle taking precedence
of every other, that human salvation is the direct imme-
diate work of God. In its first working, when this prin-
ciple is to be seen to best advantage, it was an invitation
to men to rise from the humiliation of human tyrannies,
to go forth free from an ecclesiastical discipline which
hampered and belittled the soul ; it was an offer of escape
from the anxiety and uncertainty about one's spiritual
condition, whereby men were kept in bondage to an eccle-
siastical hierarchy. All this was accomplished by the con-
viction which had long been growing, the most popular
conviction in the age of the Reformation, tliat God
Himself and He alone was responsible for eternal des-
tinies. The call that came to man was to gird himself
for the accomplishment of the divine will in this present
world. Too long had the world been gazing at unreality,
preoccupied with a ritual whose splendors were an antici-
pation of a world to come, but seducing men into a mood
of indifference or inaction, when gigantic evils were call-
ing for redress.
The Reformed Church differed from the Lutheran in
the manifestation of a deep-seated antagonism to Medieeval
ritual, while the German church was primarily a })rotest
against the spirit and the method of jNIediwval discipline.
Both motives in the Anglican church were subordinated to
nationality. While all three of these movements accepted
the doctrine of a personal election, and thus threw back upon
God the responsibility for man, it was the Reformed Church
which made this conviction its one supreme controlling
motive. If in later times this motive has been so con-
ceived or perverted as to reverse its original purpose, yet
it may still be contemplated, in its first acceptation, when
in the age of the Reformation it became the signal of
revolt against the imprisonment of man whom God had
predestined to spiritual freedom and to the enforcement of
His will in human society. The Reformed Church resem-
bled the Latin church in assuming a cosmopolitan charac-
ter, which made it at home in every land. It subordinated
nationality, and the subjective aspirations of the soul, to a
428 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
divine objective call to subdue human opposition to the
divine will. It is seen in its most distinctive aspect when
engaged in this task, whether at Geneva or in the Nether-
lands, in France, in Scotland, or the Puritan struggle in
England. It was capable of affiliation with the national
purpose, as in the Netherlands or in Scotland ; but under
this coalition it tended to change its character, and to
assume the more moderate comprehensive mood of a
national church. But, as it is revealed in history, the
Reformed Church has not, like the Anglican, promoted and
consolidated a powerful and dominant nationality. It has
also met with a check in its inherent tendency to produce
sects and divisions, as has not been true of Anglicanism or
Lutheranism, more closely identified as they have been with
national interests. But beneath all its divisions, however
diverse, there still runs the same undercurrent of convic-
tion, which in times of quiet and repose turns inward and
produces the storms and the conflicts of religious experi-
ence. Yet it only slumbers and waits for its opportunity
to manifest itself anew in its original form, when methods
of discipline that the human will may devise, threaten
to defeat the plan of the divine discipline or nullify the
calling and the vocation of God.
The doctrine of justification by faith has found its fullest
exposition in the land which gave it birth. The organiza-
tion of the German church may seem inferior when com-
pared with the organization of the Church of England, or
with the system of government which Calvin set forth as
having the warrant of divine authority. There were ob-
stacles in Germany to the free exercise of gifts of adminis-
tration which did not exist so powerfully elsewhere. The
organization of the German church seems too much like a
makeshift adopted in haste, or bent to the conditions or
necessity or expediency — some temporary arrangement
until a more perfect order could be had. But Luther did
not possess the organizing genius of Calvin, nor was he
chiefly interested in matters of administration. As in the
arrangement of the cultus, he was indifferent to the form;
for his assurance was strong that the doctrine of justifica-
FAITH 429
tion, if it could be implanted in the heart of the people,
would be the geim of a life which would clothe itself with
an expressive manifestation. It may be, however, that this
doctrine does not lend itself easily or naturally to the pur-
poses of an institution. It still remains what it was when
it first took shape in Luther's soul, the last refuge of the
individual soul, the hope and the inspiration of man in
his deepest moods, the highest consolation in life, and
the surest support in the hour of death. In this respect
Luther stands as a type of the German people, giving ex-
pression to its inmost soul. " There has never been a
German," said DoUinger, " who so intuitively understood
his fellow-countrymen, and Avho in return has been so
thoroughly understood, nay, I should say has been so com-
pletely imbibed by his nation, as this Augustinian friar
of Wittenberg. The mind and the spirit of the Germans
were under his control like the lyre in the hands of a
musician."
But if the Germans have not built up a great institu-
tion as the expression of their religious life, on the other
hand they have not been dominated by one to the limita-
tion or suppression of individual freedom. In England
there was a tendency to repress religious freedom, as
under the Tudors and the Stuarts, except in so far as it
accorded with the interests of national policy. Those who
were in sympathy with this policy were free, but for those
who were not, it seemed like a worse tyranny than papal
authority. But in Germany, where political or national
freedom was sacrificed through exiofencies which could not
be escaped, religious freedom was secured to a greater
degree than elsewhere in Christendom. No imposing in-
stitution, like the national Church of England, intimidated,
with its prestige or splendor, the consciousness of the Ger-
man people. Luther was greater than any organization
which the Germans could construct. In accepting his
principle of "private judgment," which is the inevitable
deduction from the premisses of justification by faith, the
Germans have exemplified the value of individual freedom,
in ways which have made the religious world their debtor.
430 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
Private judgment is but another name, perhaps not the
best one, for that process which Luther went through in
the monastery, when he felt the force of Christian history
entering his soul, and leaving its stamp upon his person-
ality. Most men are content to leave the concerns of the
soul to be managed for them by others ; to give their assent
to Avhat is declared by some supposed competent authority
to be true, or withhold their assent, if it pleases them to
do so. But Luther was not content with the acknowledg-
ment of the facts of Christian history, as imparted by cate-
chetical instruction, but was bent upon the process of
interpreting those facts, till he read in them their deepest
response to his own personal needs. He entered into the
experience of humanit}^ making it his own, and was thus
prepared to state what he believed. Thus he came to the
truth for himself. Such a process had not been seen, in
such completeness, since St. Paul made the transition from
Judaism to the Christian church. Personal conviction,
which is only another name for private judgment, does
not mean that a man picks and chooses what he likes from
the treasure house of Christian faith and tradition, but that
he allows the stream of human experience to flow through
his soul and to produce its legitimate result. This inward-
ness, this force of conviction, has been the mark of German
thought and of German religion, as it has not been, to an
equal extent, of any other church or people. Luther stands
for the principle that each man must find out the truth for
himself, if so be that he feels himself called to the endless
search ; and his disciples have illustrated the depth, the
extent, the exhaustiveness, of the process required to
this end. If a man would know, in the fullest sense of
knowledge, what it is that he believes, he must know what
the church has believed in every age, and the ground on
which its belief has rested.
To read the history of the past is to study one's own
inward and possible experience. The thinkers and the
scholars of Germany have not been untrue to the method
of their leader. Failures are to be expected in such a
method, but thej^ contribute in the long process to the end
FAITH 431
to Ibe achieved. Schleiermacher and Neander, Gieseler,
Rothe, Dorner and Baur, Ritschl, Harnack or Wellhau-
sen, these in theology; Leibniz and Kant, Hegel and,
Lotze, and many others in philosophy ; even Goethe in
the realm of purely human culture, are alike disciples of
the monk of Wittenberg. The principle of modern phi-
losophy, that the world of event or thought or experience
must be brought to a focus in the individual consciousness,
as the ground of reality and truth, is, after all, but the
confirmation of Luther's struggle in his cell at Erfurt,
when he was wrestling with Mediaeval discipline, and
demonstrated its inadequacy as the method for training
the human soul. Whatever may be the deficiencies of the
German church as an institution meeting the people's
need, yet it has had its mission and its compensation in
the contribution it has made to the universal welfare of
humanity. Some influence still clings to Germany, an
inheritance, it may be, from the days of Mediaeval imperial-
ism when she was allied with the papacy, leading her
to seek after universal ends and impelling the individual
to expand himself, if he would achieve his freedom, to the
measure and the standard of the race of man.
Luther rejected the Mediaeval discipline, with its sacer-
dotal directorship for the soul, in order to set man free for
the fulfilment of his duty toward God. But to define what
this relationship toward God requires is beyond the power
of reason or imagination. The soul is in danger of losinof
itself in the infinite expanse, when God is taken into the
calculation of human obligation and responsibility. But
from this obligation there is no escape by seeking again to
find satisfaction in the apparently simpler task of the duty
toward man ; for human relationships have their Godward
aspect and their infinite outlook. The m^'stics were not
far from the truth when they felt that they knew God
better than they knew themselves ; when they argued from
God to man, as from the known to the unknown. What
God requires, as Eckhart thought, is only that the soul
should open itself to receive Him, the sacramental pas-
sivity which imposes no bar to the divine activity. The
432 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
ideal of a Christian man in his freedom, as Luther conceived
it, demands the adjustment of the duty toward God with
the duty toward man :
" I say, therefore, that neither pope, nor bishop, nor any man, has
the right of imposing a single syllable upon a Christian man, unless
it be done by his own consent ; and whatever is done otherwise is
done in the spirit of tyranny."
But he recognizes another aspect of Christian freedom :
"A Christian man is a free Lord over all things and subject to no
one, and a Christian man is a ministering servant of all things and
subject to every one. On the one hand, he has the perfect freedom
of a king and priest set over all outward things ; but, on the other
hand, he yields complete submission in love to his neighbor, which as
consideration of the weak his very freedom demands."
All this is good and true, and, though indefinite, is still
a formula for the solution of the problem that demands
the reconciliation between the duty toward God and the
duty toward man. The Latin church had constituted its
discipline mainly with reference to the fulfilment of tliose
duties involved in the relationsliip of men with each
other in the social order. Tliat social order had then
taken shape as the Roman church, with the papacy as its
head ; and to this social organization even the duty toward
God was regarded as subordinate. From this point of view,
the sin of heresy was the deadliest sin, because it endan-
gered the existence of this social order. The Latin church
had recognized a certain qualified escape from a social
pressure which would have annihilated individual freedom,
by the constitution of the monastery, where the duty toward
God of self-cultivation in its higher reaches, as they were
then conceived, might be realized. In the age of the Re-
naissance, the expansion of the individual ideal had become
so vast and so multiplex, that the monastery was outgrown
and cast aside as an inadequate provision rather ham-
pering than helping a man in the fulfilment of his duty
toward God. For the duty toward God demands the abso-
lute freedom of the individual in order to the obedience of
his divine vocation, the recognition of the call which comes
FAITH 433
to every man's conscience to develop to the utmost the
gifts with which God has endowed him. In poetry, in art,
in the rising science, in philosophy, and in literature, in
statecraft, in trade and commerce, there were openings for
the individual vocation, which had hitherto been unknown.
The revelation of man to himself has been ever since the
ruling idea of the modern world, with a richness and
glory of manifestation it is impossible to enumerate or
describe, in comparison with which the ages that go before
seem empty and barren. The doctrine of justification by
faith has been not only the basis of the modern religious
life, but it has been translated into a larger formula envelop-
ing every vocation in life with a divine halo in so far as it is
fulfilled in a spirit of sincerity and of devotion to ideal ends.
But in our own age, there has risen a social ideal whose
form is yet indeterminate, which, like the Mediaeval order,
threatens individual freedom under the specious pretexts of
emancipation from the burdens of personality or of false
economic systems. Under its prevalence, the belief in a
personal God and the sense of personal immortality would
be weakened, as? also the recognition of the duty toward
God. The possession of wealth and its employment for
ideal ends, apart from purely social obligations, is regarded
with jealousy and suspicion. There exists an uneasy con-
sciousness, as though the duty toward man now called
for the sacrifice of the duty toward God. Self-culture,
whether intellectual or aesthetic, is for the moment
hindered or embarrassed, or pursued with a sense of
inward contradiction. The joyousness of an inward free-
dom is giving way to inward confusion and to vague
fears, incompatible with the highest individual devel-
opment. A similar mood found expression in Walther
von der Vogelweide, who died in 1230, on the eve of
the transition to a higher order ; of whom it was said
that he knew above all others to give the fittest word for
the movements of the German spirit. At that moment
when the old order was drawing to a close he was commun-
ing deeply with his own heart ■ " Anxiously did I consider
with myself how one ought to live in this world. But no
2r
434 CHRISTIAN "WORSSI?
advice wag 1 able to obtain, how one should appropriate
to himself three things, in order that he should possess
the fulness of his power. Two of these things are honor
and wealth, which often do injury to each other. The
third is God's grace, worth more than the other two.
These three things I would fain have as my own within
a shrine. But alas! it cannot be that riches and honor and
the grace of God should come together in a single life."
There is danger to-day lest ecclesiastical organizations
should stand in the way of the divinely ordered develop-
ment of the individual man. Among those who would
fain pursue a divine call to the utmost bounds, there is
a fear lest the church should hamper freedom and restrict
opportunities until a man should be less a man within its
fold than if he maintained himself outside its range. But
the ecclesiastical attitude, which is restricting the divine
within too narrow limits, is a temporary mood. The
social development also must grant individual opportunity,
unless it would become a tyranny worse than that from
which Luther suffered, and escaped by the doctrine of
justification by faith. In the confusion of the moment,
amid the groping and the uncertaint}^ the vague desires
that can fasten on no adequate ideal, it is something to
recall the story of Luther, in whose experience is somehow
revealed the secret of life. He has presented an ethical no
less than a religious ideal, Avhich is no abstraction, wherein
we believe, even if we cannot describe or define. Human-
ity must realize its destiny in relationship with nature and
with society on the one hand, and with God on the other.
The obligations by which the individual life is perfected
may take shape in plain and simple duties to our fellows,
but they stretch away into the infinite, including the true,
the good, and the beautiful, when we consider our duty
toward God. In escaping from the horrors of his prison
house at Erfurt, Luther has emancipated us from our nar-
rowness, our seclusion, our petty fears. Henceforth we
should have the courage to stand with firmer feet upon
God's earth, realizing ourselves and the divine endowment
of our human nature.
FAITH 435
The history of the human race from the ethical point of
view assumes a discouraging aspect, if judged alone by
the results that have been accomplished. It is true of
humanity as a whole, as it is of the individual, that it is
justified by faith only. The goal of perfection is in the
remote future, so distant that it is almost lost to our view.
If we condemn human order or society too strongly in the
unreformed period of Christian history, bringing into the
unrelieved light the hideous picture of its abases, the same
method, when applied to our modern civilization, reveals
the failure to redress great evils or attain the highest
good. It is desirable to show, if it can be shoAvn, that
the human race lias never at any moment altogetlier
wasted its time. If the progress has been slow, it has
been real. If we are discouraged when we consider the
time it has required to take even one short step in advance,
the remedy for the depression is to dwell on the persist-
ency of the ideal and its expansion, as the sign of a
progress which can be measured in no other way.
The truth that we are justified by faith is then the deep
inward principle of the spiritual life and the ground of
Christian hope, whether for ourselves or others. It is be-
cause it lies so deep beneath the surface of our ordinary
consciousness, not because it is denied or underrated, that
its proclamation is so rarely heard in formal manner. It
is only in great crises of history that it emerges into
dogmatic affirmation ; twice only in the history of the
Christian church that the appeal has been taken to it in
order to new and higher stages of human development, —
those moments which produced St. Paul and Martin Luther.
The one opened the doors of the church to the Gentile
world, and undid Jewish legalism ; the other, alone and
single-handed, resisted the most powerful religious organi-
zation the world has ever seen, and led forth the people
who were able to follow. Both of them underwent a trial
of religious experience threatening to rend their inmost
being, before they struggled out of darkness into light,
the sword piercing their hearts, that the thought of many
hearts might be revealed.
436 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
In the final test of things, tlie last solitary tribunal
of the soul, the man who has known Christ, as God has
revealed Him, cannot fall back upon what he has actually
accomplished as his justification before God. It is not by
works of righteousness which we have done. That which
has been achieved is so slight, compared with that which
ought to have been or might have been, that in the self-
review it almost disappears. Have we grown better, have
we made progress, can we measure the progress in moral
attainment by any practical, trustworthy standards, has the
world progressed, and, if so, what are the tests by which we
judge, what is meant by this perpetual self-accusation of
failures and transgressions of which we are conscious,
how much has the world itself accomplished in comparison
with evils yet remaining to be overcome, — when we ask
these questions, in deep and sad sincerity, there is but one
answer, but one consolation : if we have not succeeded in
doing much, yet we have not lowered the ideal or been
recreant to the heavenly vision. Notwithstanding the
failure or the lapse, wilful or unconscious, it is much to be
able to say, " I have loved righteousness and hated in-
iquity." Hildebrand and Luther here stand upon a common
ground. The most that the individual man or the race can
offer before God as an acceptable sacrifice, is not works that
have been done, but Christ, the inspirer and finisher of our
faith. When the fight has been fought and the course has
been run, this is the only justification for saint or for sin-
ner, for humanity as a whole, or individual man, that
Christ has never been disowned, — the confession of St.
Paul, I have kept the faith.
The sense of personal responsibility, if unrelieved, might
become a burden too heavy to bear. This sense and this
burden have grown out of the doctrine of baptism, out of
catechetical instruction, penitential books, systems of disci-
pline, a compulsory confessional, and modes of penance and
absolution. The Mediaeval church lightened the burden
with the doctrine of the opus operatum in the sacrament of
the altar. When that failed, Luther proposed the principle
of justification by faith ; Calvin and his discii)les found com-
FAITH 437
fort in the divine decree of election by which God assumed
the responsibility of human salvation ; of which it is said,
in Article XVJI. of the Thirty-nine Articles, that it is full
of " sweet, pleasant, and unspeakable comfort " to such as
rightfully receive it. The formulas of the Reformation
may have fallen into disuse, but their spirit remains, and
has at last found its supreme and final utterance in the
doctrine of the Fatherhood of God.
CHAPTER II
THE DEVELOPMENT OF PRINCIPLES WHICH AFFECTED
THE CULTUS
In the liistoiy of the Christian cultus or worship may-
be traced the same line of cleavage which runs through the
history of ecclesiastical organization or through the de-
velopment of Christian doctrine. The contrast between
administration and prophecy, the episcopate and monasti-
cism, the interests of the " secular " as contrasted with the
" religious " aspects of the church, the Catholic creeds and
the large systems of theological thought developed in the
monastery and assuming expression in the expanded con-
fessions of the Reformation age, — this same contrast
manifests itself in the sphere of the worship. The pre-
vailing tendency in the cultus of the first three centuries
was homiletic or intellectual, appealing to the conscience
and the reason ; while the disposition which asserts the
essential importance of the physical symbols and which
found its supreme expression in the Eucharist was held in
abeyance. In the ancient church, it was the boast of the
Apologists that there was neither temple nor sacrifice nor
altar, but a spiritual worship consisting in the offering
of a grateful heart to a purely spiritual being, of whom
no image could be framed. After the fourth century this
order was reversed, the material symbols assumed the pre-
dominance, the homiletic service was discontinued in the
parish churches as a distinct form of public worship ; the
Eucharist became the sole embodiment of the Christian
aspiration for union and communion with God.
The monasteries of the Middle Ages were characterized
by a distinctive worship of their own, no less than by a
peculiar and independent organization. They took up the
438
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 439
homiletic service of prayer and praise and of preaching
or exhortation, developing its features into a system rich
and minute in its details, the intellectual or ethical ele-
ment still retaining the predominance ; while in the secu-
lar church, the sacrament of the altar was clothed with
all the accessories of beauty and s^Dlendor and dramatic
power which the Christian imagination could devise.
Both aspects of the worship appear in a certain organic
relationship in the Middle Ages ; the monastery accepted
the secular cultus, while the homiletic worship was recog-
nized in varying degrees by the secular clergy. But this
adjustment did not obscure the distinction between these
divergent aspects of Christian worship.
The Eastern church, as compared with the Latin, gave a
fuller development to the sacrament of the altar. While
the Latin church was struggling in the throes of the bar-
barian invasion, wrestling with the issues born of the
Augustinian theology, or fulfilling the task of converting
the new peoples to the Christian faith, the Oriental church,
supported by a stable government, was devoting itself to for-
mularizing the principles of sacramental worship, grounding
them in a nature-philosophy which would give consistency
and unity to the mysteries of the cultus. No such task was
undertaken by the Latin church, nor would it have been
wliolly congenial to the spirit of the West. The doctrine
of transubstantiation was indeed appropriated from the
Orient, but after a mode differing from the Oriental inter-
pretation, diverging from it so widely, indeed, as to be
almost a Latin creation, when it took its final shape in the
Fourth Lateran Council (1215). It was a characteristic
of the Eastern church that the nature-philosophy which
underlay the development of the Christian Mysteries, was
acceptable to the Oriental church, as the inmost expression
of the Oriental temperament. But when in the ninth
century the doctrine of transubstantiation first gained
formal expression in the Western church, it encountered
strong and intelligent opposition at the court of Charles
the Bald. The treatise of Ratramnus, Oti the Body and the
Blood of the Lord, written at the request of the Emperor
440 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
in order to combat the obnoxious teaching of transub-
stantiation first propounded by Radbertus, still remains,
after centuries of discussion, a classic on the subject of
the Eucharist.^ Opposition to the doctrine of transub-
stantiation was again made by Berenger, a monk in the
eleventh century, who agreed with Ratramnus in den}^-
ing that any change was effected in the elements of bread
and wine and in asserting that Christ is spiritually present
to the believer only and received into the soul by faith.
With this view, Hildebrand, the reigning pope, was in
sympathy. These typical protests are sufficient to show
tliat the mind of the Latin church was divided, even in the
Middle Ages ; while in the East no opposition was raised
to the teaching of nature-philosophy that physical elements
may be transmuted into spiritual potencies.
This divergence in the inmost consciousness of the Latin
church, even in the age of its supremacy, was not overcome
by the later mysticism, which sought to interpret the
dogma of transubstantiation in harmony with the demands
of reason or to reconcile it with spiritual aspirations after
inward communion with God. In the age preceding the
Reformation, the doctrine was either denied, or else rele-
gated to the sphere of an exoteric worship, symbolic of
some higher truth. In the age of the Reformation it was
condemned and rejected as false to the reason and to the
Word of God, in all the Protestant churches. The revo-
lution then accomplished in the cultus was deeper and
more extensive than any changes in organization. The
1 Cf. Migne, Pat. Lat., Vol. CXXI. This treatise has been often
translated. In the tenth century, its substance was worked up into a
homily by ^Ifric, Archbishop of Canterbury (995-1005), which was set
forth by authority " to be spoken unto the people at Easter before they
should receive the Communion." It was reissued by Parker, Archbisliop
of Canterbury, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, with the title, "The
Sermon of the Paschal Lambe." The original treatise of Ratramnus
(Bertram) was studied by Ridley and Cranmer, and through them has
passed over into the communion office of the Church of England. It was
the teaching of Ratramnus that the body of Christ in the Eucharist was
not the body which was born of Mary, that no change took place in the
elements in consequence of consecration, but in a spiritual sense they
become, by means of the faith of the recipient, the body and the blood of
Christ.
PRINCIPLES OF THE CDLTUS 441
accretions of religious symbolism from the fifth century,
together with the philosophy which inspired them, had
lost their meaning and their attraction. The worship of
the saints and their invocation was forbidden ; images and
relics were cast foi'th from the sanctuaries ; the cultus of
the Virgin Mother, the stimulus to the most enthusiastic
devotion of the Middle Ages, was abandoned; the sacra-
mental principle was restated in a spiritual form which
nullified the tendency to regard physical acts as in them-
selves possessing spiritual validity. The church of the
first three centuries, neglected and almost forgotten in the
long regime of the sacramental and sacerdotal theologies,
then became the court of final appeal and a higher stand-
ard for worship, when as yet there was no priesthood or
altar or sacrifice, in the sense those words had carried in
the Latin church. The homiletic service regained its
ascendency and the Eucharist was restored to its early
simplicity. Any attempt to penetrate into the inner mean-
ing of the Christian cultus must take into account these
revolutions in its history.
It has been generally assumed that the change in the
nature of Christian worship, by which it assumed what
is called a magical character, and of which there are in-
timations in the early church before the fully developed
system appeared, was effected under the influence of
motives derived from a heathen source. Illustrations
have been multiplied from pagan ritual that reveal a
close and striking affinity with the later Christian Mys-
teries. But it cannot be proved that there was any
conscious purpose to imitate or reproduce the heathen
worship. The similarity, so apparent in the prolonged
fastings, the purifications, the lustrations, the special dress,
the efficacy of outward acts for spiritual ends, the reli-
gious enthusiasm and sensuous forms of devotion, and at
a later time the lights and the incense, — these admitted
resemblances to heatlien worship need not and indeed
442 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
cannot have been the result of intentional imitation, nor
has it yet been possible to trace the imitation to any one
particular Mystery among the many forms of heathen
cults. The feeling of antagonism to heathen mythology
was too strong to allow of conscious imitation. But it
must be admitted that converts from heathenism, fresh
from the moral or spiritual influence exercised by the
heathen Mysteries, may have brought with them a ten-
dency to translate Christian rites into heathen equivalents,
as also that certain writers may have employed the ter-
minology of the Mysteries in describing the significance
of Christian ceremonies.^ The explanation of the change
which took place in Christian worship is not to be found
so much in tracing points of affinity between Christian
and pagan ritual as in the search for some principle
common to both alike, some deeper and widely prevailing
tendency whence the later Christian Mysteries were devel-
oped as they appear after the latter part of the fourth
century; a tendency which in the pre-Christian age had
given birth to the heathen Mysteries.^
From its first appearance in the world, the Christian
church could not escape the influence of ruling ideas
begotten in the great cycles of human thought. Beneath
the life of ever}^ age there flows a stream of tendency
modifying the currents of human existence, creating also
counter currents, so that opposite and contrasted move-
ments may have a common source. The strongest motive
in the first formative period of Christianity proceeded
1 " Crowds were pressing into the church, mostly ignorant and undisci-
plined, some rich and wilful. They brought with them the moral taint,
the ingrahied prejudices of their old life. We learn from many sources
that the same incongruous blending of the Gospel with pagan supersti-
tions, which recurred during the conversion of the Northern barbarians,
existed in some degree in the second and third centuries" (Bigg, Chris-
tian Platonists of Alpxanch-ia, p. 84).
2 For a valuable discussion of the ancient Mysteries and their connec-
tion with Christianity, cf. Anrich, Das antike Mystcrieniiiesp.n in seinem
Einfluss auf das Christentum, who dismisses the view as untenable, that
there was intentional borrowing from heathen sources, or an adapta-
tion to heathen usages, as the origin or explanation of the Christian
rites.
PRINCIPLES OP THE CULTUS 443
from the influence of Plato, whose contribution to reli-
gious history lies to a large extent in the attitude he
assumed toward the generating principle of the nature-
religions. These religions had indeed been weakened by
the conquests of the Roman Empire, for they were national
religions with local deities ; and when these deities were
proved too weak to defend their respective territories
against the might of Roman arms and Roman gods, they
lost prestige and were discredited in the estimation of
their worshippers. But previous to the Roman conquests,
the process of disintegration had begun, destroying faith
in the conviction out of which the nature-worships had
proceeded. The nature-religions rested upon the belief
that the world was good, that a divine life permeated
the visible universe, wherein man also shared. In this
common divine life Deity, humanity, and outward visible
things were commingled together in one organic whole.
Hence had followed the deification of the forces of nature,
as so many impersonations of the divine life. Upon this
principle were built up the ancient mythologies in which
the processes of nature were objects of human worship.
But these religions were weak in that they failed to
develop the sense of personality in man or to constitute
a foundation for the moral life. They had been supple-
mented by the so-called Mysteries, where the effort was
made, in some of them at least, to find in nature the
confirmations of man's immortality, or to banish the
dark fears which made the future life unenviable and
unattractive.
The aim of Plato had been to call attention away from
nature, as no longer the source of the liighest revelation, and
to turn man's thought within, to the study of himself. It
is significant that Socrates should have been put to deatli
for disturbing the people's confidence in its religion. The
accusation goes to the heart of the Socratic philosophy.
Socrates, as it has been said, was not one wlio learned
anything from trees or fields, or the beauty and order of
this visible world. He had not, indeed, wholly abandoned
the popular religion, but he was emancipating himself
444 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
from its inward motive, from that pantheistic conception
of nature in which Deity and humanity commingle with
nature as forms alike of one common divine principle.
He was bent on self-knowledge as the true aim of human
learning, and the study of nature was useless because it
did not help a man to become more intelligent or more
virtuous. Plato therefore stands for the beginning of a
new departure in human thought : the study of the inner
life of man, the development of the consciousness of self-
hood which distinguishes and separates man from his
environment in the physical order. Plato affirmed a deep
kinship between God and man, but in the life of nature
as distinct from man, like Socrates, he had little interest ;
the natural sciences languished wherever his influence was
felt. It was part of the teaching of Plato that in matter,
or in the substance of which the visible world was com-
posed, lay the source of misery and evil. Bat such a
doctrine tended to kill the conviction that the world was
good, and to destroy faith in the visible world as the
manifestation of the divine.
TJiis tendenc}', inherited from Plato, was an accumulat-
ing force, gathering volume from many tributaries in the
human consciousness, until it may be said to have cul-
minated in the second century of the Christian era.
Persian dualism contributed its quota to this stream of
tendency which was develoj)ing in man the sense of evil
in himself and in outward nature. The remoter influence
of Buddhism may possibly be detected also, wherein nature
was regarded as unmixed evil and religion was designed
to afford escape from its control. The influence of the
Platonic philosophy tended to deepen the self-conscious-
ness in man by its introversive method, till the only relief
from the sense of evil within or without was in looking
away from this world to another where the spiritual ideal
reigned supreme, unhindered in its manifestation by the
grossness of matter, which in this lower world choked
its full expression. There followed a disenchantment in
the human spirit with its visible abode, and the happy
life with its unconsciousness of self, whose embodiment
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 445
had been the glory of ancient art, disappeared, never again
to be entirely restored.
The most important feature of the early Christian specu-
lative thought was the Gnostic teaching, by which matter
was reg-arded as the source of evil and the outAvard world
anathematized as an evil thing. The most typical heresy
was Docetism, the assertion that Christ did not possess
a human body. The Gnostic philosophy was a represen-
tative movement, whose teachers were unanimous in hold-
ing that the physical, visible world was too evil and the
human body too gross to be the creation of God, or fit for
His indwelling. The truly divine could not come in con-
tact with matter without suffering degradation. Gnosticism
was at its height in the second century, to be followed in the
third century by a kindred movement known as Manichfean-
ism, which, while in its origin a nature-religion, was working
at the same problem, the disentanglement of man from
the impurity of life involved in the natural order. Salva-
tion, in both the Gnostic and Manichsean systems, was an
ascetic process aiming at the deliverance of the soul from
the bondage of matter, by abstention from those rela-
tionships of life in which the tie was close between the
spiritual and the physical.
Gnosticism and Manichseanism mark the extreme limit
of the movement whose object was to depreciate nature
in order to the elevation of man. So far had this move-
ment gone in the direction of criticism and dissolution
of old religion, that a prevailing scepticism was a charac-
teristic of the age in which Christianity appeared. But at
the moment when the decline of religious faith reached its
lowest point, when the mythologies had fallen into dis-
credit with intelligent heathens, at this same moment may
be traced the beginning of a reaction on the part of the
depressed and dying nature-worships. The reaction is
seen in the first century, revealing itself in a religious
unrest and dissatisfaction, that sought relief in the restora-
tion of the principle of a divine life in nature, whereby
body and soul, the spirit and its material abode, stood
in organic relationship to each other. The influence of
446 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
the reaction was more clearly manifest in the middle of
the second century, the moment when Gnosticism was
also at its height, when the evil influences springing from
what seemed like an ultra-spiritualism threatened the dis-
integration of the social order, no less than the destruc-
tion of the hopes and the happiness of man in this lower
world. It is this conflict between such extreme antago-
nistic attitudes which, while it confuses tlie mind seeking
to trace the development of Christian institutions, is yet
the source of light amidst the confusion, and explains the
contradictions of tlie age. In this struggle the sympath}^
of the church was divided, but, on tlie whole, the spiritual
movement initiated by Plato predominated in Christian
doctrine and in Christian worship, until the middle of the
fourth century.
II
The beginning of the reaction, which involved in its
fortunes Greek philosophy no less than Christian theology,
may be traced in the popular demand during the second
century for the nature-worships of the East.^ Egj^pt
sent forth the veiled Isis on her travels, whose cult spread
widely and rapidly throughout the Empire. The worship
of the Great Mother, a Phrygian deity, became so popular
that she was assigned a place among the national deities
of Rome. Baal and Astarte also came to this solemn
assembly of gods who were repairing their injured reputa-
tions ; the Dea Syra and El-gabal, whom Roman emperors
received into the highest honors. The worship of Mithras,
in which the Sun was adored as the source of a divine
^ Cf. Apologies in early Christian literature, especially the writings of
Clement of Alexandria ; Plutarch, De Iside et Otiride ; R^ville, La Reli-
gion Hi Rome sous le Severes ; Boissier, La Religion Romnine dWuguste
aux Antonins ; Lenormant, Recherches Archeologiques a Eleitsis, and in
Mhnoires de VAcad. des Liscriptions, 1861 ; Cox, Mythology of the Aryan
People; Brown, Dionysiak Myth.; Lajarde, Recherches sur le Culte de
Mithras; Hatch, The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages; Alden, God
in His World. See also DoUinger, The Gentile and the Jew; Preller,
Romische Mythologie ; Keim, Rom und das Christenthiim ; Tylor, Primi-
tive Culture.
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 447
light, surpassed all other natural cults in the splendor of
its ceremonials. These all had their priesthoods with their
gorgeous vestments, their rituals and their festival days ;
nor were they, some of them at least, without a moral pur-
pose, as revealed in exercises for the purification of the
worshipper. The scepticism about the gods, that had
marked the early years of the Empire, gave way to an
excess of religious sentiment, to what is known as supersti-
tion ; reason became subordinate to instinct, or took refuge
in a vague, mysterious naturalism.
It seems irrational that men should have returned to the
discarded superstitions of the nature-worships, until we
recognize that in this widespread movement there was an
almost frantic attempt to retain a conviction of the good-
ness of Deity, as it was revealed in the external world.
Spiritual religion was insufficient, so long as it was indif-
ferent to visible nature, nor could it maintain itself while
it anathematized the physical order as evil, or refused
to recognize the creation as divine. There are signs of
the influence of this reaction within the church also,
where God had been defined as spirit, to be known only
by the spirit in man. In the growing importance attached
in the ante-Nicene age to physical acts, such as the magi-
cal efficacy of the water in baptism, the material elements
in the Lord's supper, or the sign of the cross made upon
the body ; in the high estimation assigned to the ecclesi-
astical organization now passing over into a priesthood
that should rival and surpass in its mystic endowments
the priesthood of natural religion, — in these are symptoms
of a blind desire to counterbalance the onesidedness of
spiritual religion as it appeared in the Montanist sect, or
in the teaching of Gnostic theologians who resolved Chris-
tianity into a school of thought. Even those who, like
Tertullian, carried the exclusively spiritual to its furthest
consequences, attempted to right themselves by the asser-
tion of the sacredness of matter or of the divine power
inhering therein, by which it might become the bearer to
the soul of spiritual gifts. The doctrine of the resurrec-
tion of the flesh, advocated by Tertullian with such ear-
448 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
nestness and even vehemence, was the growing symptom
of an impending change whose aim was to restore to
humanity some divine gift of which it had been robbed.
The world was unwilling to believe that the natural
order of the universe was evil, the work of malignant
demons, or that it was doomed to destruction by fire, as
philosophers and theologians had taught. The most irra-
tional superstitions of the nature-worship awakened a
response in those who shrank from this cold and hopeless
negation.
In the earliest form of Christian literature, known as the
Apologies, the Christian Fathers were not only defending
the church against the misunderstandings or the malicious
accusations of heathenism ; not only were they maintain-
ing Christian princij)les and setting forth rational and con-
sistent statements of Christian truth, which, supported as
they were by the employment of heathen philosophy, might
appeal to the heathen mind. But they had another aim,
negative and indirect, yet of the foremost importance, — to
expose the absurdities and immoralities of heathen mythol-
ogy, reappearing in the revival of heathenism under the
sanction of the popular nature-worships. In their resist-
ance to these evil manifestations they make their appeal
to spiritual religion, in behalf of a worship correspond-
ing to the idea of God as a spirit. Disti'acted as the
Apologists were by diverse tendencies, in the midst of
which they sought to preserve the balance of truth, yet
their predominant motive is spiritual, rational, and ethical
under that influence proceeding from Plato whose object
was to rescue man from his absorption in nature and
restore him to his higher self. Tertullian forms perhaps
the chief exception among them. With his j)assionate
nature and susceptible spirit, hungering for the satis-
faction of blind instincts that impelled him in contrary
directions, he appears at one time as the violent oppo-
nent of the nature-religions, and again sanctioning as
Christian teaching the principles of which these religions
were the outgrowth. But no one protested more strongly
than he against the gross immoral symbolism which was
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 449
justified by its adherents as having the sanction of the
mysterious life of external nature.
The charge brought by the heathens against the Christian
faith was its lack of the accessories necessary to constitute a
religion: it had no temples, no altars or priesthood, no sac-
rifices or images. In the mode of defence adopted by the
AjDologists to vindicate the church against this miscon-
ception of true religion, may be discerned the prevailing
attitude of the Christianity of the first three centuries.
They urged a spiritual conception of God as an incorporeal
being, without body parts or passions, who called only for
a spiritual worship, which should consist in the homage of
a grateful heart, and the offering of a righteous character.
Temple and altar, sacrifice and image, from these they
shrank as if they had been debased by their heathen as-
sociations or were injurious as well as unnecessary to the
spiritual imagination. Had the Christians built churches
and clothed their religion in the customary garb with which
the heathens were familiar, they might not have been sub-
jected to the same extent to heathen persecutions ; for the
worst misunderstanding with popular heathenism would
have been avoided. When the Roman general Pompey
penetrated the sacred shrine of Jewish religion, he was
surprised to find it empty. But the Christians not only
had no correspondent to the Holy of Holies in the Jewish
temple ; they eschewed even the Jewish sacrifice as not
acceptable to God. Thus Justin Martyr, writing to the
Jews, in his Dialogue with Trypho, remarks: "It was for
the sins of your nation and for their idolatries, and not
because there was any necessity for such sacrifices, that
they were enjoined." A similar view was taken by Barna-
bas and by the author of the Epistle to Diognetus. But
the Apologists, who defended the superiority of the Chris-
tian faith, even vindicated the absence of altar and sac-
rifice as though the essential characteristic of spiritual
religion demanded their prohibition :
" Those who charge us with atheism," writes Athenagoras (c. 177),
"have not even tlie faintest conception of what God is, they are
foolish and utterly unacquainted with natural and divine things, and
2g
450 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
measure piety by the rule of sacrifices. ... As to our not sacrificing ;
the Franier and Father of this universe does not need blood, nor the
odour of burnt offerings, nor the fragrance of flowers and incense,
forasmuch as He is Himself perfect fragrance, needing nothing either
within or without ; but the noblest sacrifice to Him is for us to know
who stretched out and vaulted the heavens, and fixed the earth in its
place like a centre, who gathered the water into seas and divided the
light from the darkness, who adorned the sky with stars and made
the earth to bring forth seed of every kind, who made animals and
fashioned man. . . . We lift up holy hands to Him; what need has
He further of a hecatomb? . . . Yet it does behove us to offer a
bloodless sacrifice and the service of our reason" (Apol. c. xiii.).
Minucius Felix, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, also
meets the accusation that the Christians have neither
temples, altars, nor images with a similar reply :
" What image of God shall I make, since if you think rightly man
himself is the image of God ? What temple shall I build to Him,
when this whole world fashioned by His work cannot receive Him?
And when I, a man, dwell far and wide shall I shut up the might of
so great majesty within one little building ? Were it not better that
He should be dedicated in our mind, consecrated in our inmost heart?
Shall I offer victims and sacrifices to the Lord, such as He has pro-
duced for my use, that I should throw back to Him His own gift? It
is ungrateful when the victim fit for sacrifice is a good disposition,
and a pure mind, and a sincere judgment. Therefore he who culti-
vates innocence supplicates God; he who cultivates justice makes
offerings to God ; he who abstains from fraudulent practices pro-
pitiates God ; he who snatches man from danger slaughters the most
acceptable victim. These are our sacrifices, these are our rites of
God's worship ; thus among us, he who is most just is he w^ho is most
religious" {Apol. c. xxii.).
Even so late as the beginning of the fourth century, the
apologist Arnobius can still urge the arguments of Athe-
nagoras and Minucius Felix against the necessity of tem-
ples and altars, sacrifices, lights, and incense in order
to the worship of God. It is true, he remarks, that the
Christians repudiate these things because they think and
believe that such honors are scorned by Deity (Adv. Gren-
tes, cc. i., ii., iii. ff ., and c. xxv.). And again, Lactantius,
writing in the early part of the fourth centur}^ maintains
that only incorporeal sacrifices are becoming to offer to an
incorporeal being :
PKINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 451
"He needs not a temple, since the world is Ilis dwelling; He needs
not an image, since He is incomprehensible both to the eyes and to
the mind ; He needs not earthly lights, for He was able to kindle the
light of the sun, with the other stars, for the use of man. What then
does God require from man but worship of the mind, which is pure
and holy? ... It is justice only which God requires. In this is
sacrifice; in this the worship of God" (Instit. cc. Iviii., Ixviii.).
But these utterances belong to the church of the first
three centuries. Another motive was destined to become
influential, which should so reverse the spirit and the
action of the Christian church, that not only would lan-
guage like this become unfamiliar and unwelcome, but it
would even appear as hostile to the principles of Christian
worship in a later age.
In this assault upon heathenism, no religion fared worse
at the hands of Christian apologists or heathen satirists
than the religion of ancient Egypt. It was in Egypt that
the nature-worship had been most fully developed and had
degenerated into the most puerile and senseless forms.
Clement of Alexandria compared the women of his time,
who lived only to adorn themselves, with the ornaments
of Egyptian temples concealing repulsive objects in their
innermost shrine :
"Their temples with porticos and vestibules are carefully con-
structed, and groves and sacred fields adjoining; the halls are sur-
rounded with many pillars ; and the walls gleam with foreign stones,
and there is no want of artistic painting; and the temples gleam with
gold and silver and amber, and glitter with parti-coloured gems from
India and Ethiopia, and the shrines are veiled with gold-embroidered
hangings.
" But if you enter the penetralia of the enclosure, and, in haste to
behold something better, seek the image that is the inhabitant of the
temple, and if any priest of those that oifer sacrifice there, looking
grave, and singing a paean in the Egyptian tongue, remove a little of
the veil to show the god, he will give you a hearty laugh at the object
of worship. For the deity that is sought, to whom you have rushed,
will not be found within, but a cat, or a crocodile, or a serpent of the
country, or some such beast unworthy of the temple, but quite worthy
of a den, a hole, or the dirt. The god of the Egyptians appears a
beast rolling on a pui'ple couch." ^
1 Paedag., B. III., c. 2. Cf. Juvenal, Sat. xv. 1.
452 CHRISTIAN WOKSHiP
And yet out of Egypt, despised and forsaken, was to
proceed a nature-philosophy whose aim was to justify
the principles on which the worship of nature was based,
resolving religion again into magic and theurgy. Egypt,
indeed, was the home from whence the deepest inspiration
for the heathen reaction proceeded. She had witnessed
the decline of her worship and the contempt into which
it had fallen, but she still nourished it with a sense of
pride and superiority, justified by the contemplation of its
history ; and above all, as the outward symbols were neg-
lected, she plunged into reverie over their secret inner
significance. In the Hermetic books, there occurs a pas-
sage, at once a lament and a prophecy, — the last wail as
it were over an expiring heathenism, accompanied with
the imperishable conviction of its truth :
"Art thou ignorant, O Asclepius, that Egypt is the image of
heaven, or rather that it is the projection here below of the whole
order of heavenly things. And yet, as tlie sages have foreseen, there
is one point which it is necessary you should know : a time will come
when it will seem as if the Egyptians had in vain observed the wor-
ship of the gods with so great piety, and as if all their holy invoca-
tions had been sterile and unheard. The deity will leave the country
and reascend to heaven, abandoning Egypt, its ancient sojourn, leav-
ing it bereaved of religion and deprived of the presence of the gods.
When the stranger occupies the land, not only will they neglect sacred
things, but, what is still worse, they will forbid and punish by law
religion and piety and the worship of the gods. Then this land, con-
secrated by so many chapels and temples, will be covered with death
and tombs. O Egypt, P^gypt ! there will remain of thy religion only
vague accounts which posterity will no longer believe — words graven
upon stone, wliich will relate thy piety. . . .
" Thou weepest, O Asclepius ! but there will be even sadder things
than these. For Egypt herself will fall into apostacy, the worst of
evils. She which was once the holy land, beloved of the gods for her
devotion to their worship, will become the perversion of the saints,
the school of impiety, the model of every kind of violence. Then
man, filled with disgust for things, will no longer have for the world
admiration or love ; he will turn away from this perfect work, in the
weariness of his soul ; he will feel only contempt for this vast uni-
verse, this immutable work of God, this glorious and perfect constitu-
tion, this multiplex harmony of forms and representations, where the
will of God, fertile in wonders, has brought everything together in
one unique sjjectacle, in one harmonious synthesis worthy of perpetual
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 453
reverence and praise and love. But they will prefer darkness to light,
they will find death better than life, and no one will retain regard for
heaven" (^1^/ Asdep. ii. 8).
Ill
An important place must be assigned to Egypt in the
history of man's religious development. It had attained
the conviction of the immortality of the soul through the
belief in a resurrection of the body ; it insisted on an ethi-
cal standard as the test of human life in some final judg-
ment. Beneath its gross irrational cultus there lay vague
conceptions of the unity of God and His spiritual character,
— that hidden wisdom cherished by its hierarchy wherein
it was believed there lay the explanation and justification
of the outwardly repulsive features of its mysterious wor-
ship. Situated at the junction of the continents of Africa
and Asia, it had combined in its religion the tendencies of
two races. From Africa came the worship of the animal
creation, the most striking manifestation of the life of nature,
in a land where the luxurious development of the forest or
the vegetable world was unknown. From the remote East
came the pantheism that merged God and humanity with
outward nature. The transition, never completely accom-
plished, whereby Egypt endeavored to recognize in some
degree the distinction between matter and spirit, was assisted
by the peculiar character of its civilization, where man was
called to the struggle with nature in order to his ph3^si-
cal subsistence. Nature in Egypt presents no charm to the
eye ; it is a valley with a river and low hills in the horizon,
a picture that makes no forcible appeal to the imagina-
tion. Hence humanity was not overawed or intimidated by
the aspect of nature, but rather found its task in so order-
ing and improving the physical situation as to increase the
facilities of human support. To utilize the sacred river,
to take advantage of its moods and subordinate them to
human welfare, was a task which cultivated a sense of the
distinction between man and his environment, as also a
sense of some divine harmony and fitness uniting them in
a common sacred life.
454 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
At this point the religious development of Egypt halted.
Greece seized from it the conception of the human as the
culmination of the natural order, — a principle manifested
in its literature, its religion, and, above all, in its art.
Egypt was overloaded with the complexity of its prob-
lem. Its priests had glimpses of some higher truth not
to be imparted to the multitude, or, if the attempt was
made at expression, it was by means of symbols and hiero-
glyphs, concealing also the thought for which they stood.
Egypt never produced a great literature. It had no
Homer in song, no Plato in philosophy, no sacred books
which could rival those of the Jews or of the Aryan races
in India.^ In place of these was the uninterpretable
symbol which belonged to its monuments as an integral
part, hinting at the divine life in nature, while also it
buried its meaning in obscurity. The sphynx has been
called the most distinctive symbol of Egyptian culture,
whose eternal silence points to the recognition of a mys-
tery in life, over which some veil is drawn that conceals
while it reveals, where no formula of human speech is
competent.
Neoplatonism was a movement which, in its latest
phases, appropriated what was most characteristic of
Egyptian religious culture. It combined Greek thought
with Egyptian nature-philosophy, ending in results not
clearly contemplated in its origin. In its relation to
the age when it appeared, it has been summarized by
Zeller : " Self-dependence and the self-sufficingness of
thought made way for a resignation to higher powers, for
a longing for some revelation, for an ecstatic departure
from the domain of conscious mental activity. Man re-
signed the idea of truth within for truth to be found only
in God. God was removed into another world, and stands
over against man and the world of appearances in an ab-
stract spiritual world. All the attempts of thought have
but one aim, — to explain how it was that the finite pro-
ceeded from the infinite, and under what conditions its
1 For the literature of Egypt, its sacred books and hymns, of. Renouf,
Beligion of Ancient Egypt (Tlie Hibbert Lectures, 1879), cc. 5, d.
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 455
return to God is possible. But neither one nor the other
of these problems could meet with a satisfactory solution." ^
There is an affinity between Neoplatonism and the
Gnostic schools in the Christian church, in that both held
to a descending line of spiritual potencies proceeding
forth from God, in their lowest range approximating the
nature of what was evil and thus more closely related
to man. But Neoplatonism differed from Gnosticism in
not sharing with it the conviction that the world was evil,
nor was it bent upon the exploiting of the evil or magnify-
ing its sway. It sought to explain the origin of evil with-
out the Gnostic anathema upon the creation. Although
it held from Plato that matter was evil, yet it dwelt upon
the power of the divine to associate matter with form,
thus imparting to it a divine significance and potency, and
redeeming it from its pristine negation and impotency.
Matter thus redeemed enters into relationship with mind
and thought. The tendency of Neoplatonism was toward
the consecration of the world by the recognition of those
features that carried suggestions of the divine creative
thought and goodness. At this point it easily affiliated
with the mystic lore of the Egyptian hierarch3\ At this
point, also, it discriminated itself from the teaching of
Origen, who had gone too far in the excess of a spiritual-
izing tendency, to whom this world appeared as a penal
institution, and the human body as a prison house for the
immortal soul.
As Neoplatonism developed, it became more and more
identified with tendencies against which Plato would have
revolted. It was assuming that to be true which Plato
had denied when he asserted the supremacy of reason, and
led in the attack on the nature-mythologies. In its later
phases it commingled matter and spirit, finding in matter
the agency for accomplishing the highest spiritual results.
Even Plotinus had admitted that the beatific vision was
made possible by the physical trance, or by influences
brought to bear upon the body. What had happened
to Plotinus but rarely was reduced to a system by
1 Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics, Reichel's Trans., p. 35.
456 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
his followers. A method was devised by magical and
theurgic practices, giving the vision as often as it was
desired. From being a system of philosophy, with a
religious tendency, it passed over or degenerated into a
religion whose object was to restore the nature-worships
and revive the discredited mythologies. Its defence of
the traditional religions was grounded in the conviction
that they contained a vital element to which Christianity
was a stranger, — the doctrine that the world was good and
not evil, that God was immanent in the physical universe,
revealing Himself and His goodness in the organic life of
nature.
This change in Neoplatonism may have been mediated
or hastened by its contact with the religion and religious
philosophy of Syria and Egypt. It is to be noted also
that this change coincides in time with the revival of
the Greek Empire, when Greece had found a national
centre at Constantinople, and was aspiring to rule the
world in the place of Rome. Against this aspiration the
provinces of Egypt and Syria revolted, with the result
that national schisms had followed the theological con-
troversies. The revival that came to the nature-worships
affected the religion of Egypt, whose mysterious inner
teaching, held in deposit by its priesthood, was now again
imparted to Greek philosophers, as the supplement to the
one-sided assertion of the spiritual, in God or man. The
essence of Egyptian religion lay in its conviction of the
revelation of God in the organic life of nature. In the
Hermetic Books the material world is represented as if
infused with spiritual potency, till the distinction between
spirit and matter has almost disappeared. " Is the world
good, O Trismegistus ? " is the question Asclepius asks
of his teacher ; and the response is simple and emphatic,
" Yes ; the world is good." God is the source whence it
has proceeded ; it shares in the goodness which is the
essence of God, each object in its degree, and according to
its kind.
Neoplatonism did not become a religion, or fulfil its lofty
aspiration of meeting the widest range of human needs.
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 457
and thus become a substitute for the Christian church. It
answered, however, a purpose in its day by restoring a
conviction of the divine order and goodness in the world
of external nature. It threw a veil of sanctity over the
life of man, and imparted a divine suggestiveness to
human incidents and experience, binding together nature
and spirit in some divine relationship whereby the natural
ministers to the spiritual, and spirit interfuses or pene-
trates the natural. Some eternal law of correspondence
was believed to bind the soul in harmonious ties with its
material abode in the visible world. The declining poly-
theism seemed for a moment to have found its justification
in the reason, against the assaults of a one-sided spiritual-
ism. But these promises failed to be realized. There was
not a sufficient basis in Neoplatonism for a religion. But
whatever it held of truth, or adaptedness to its age, did
not die, but passed over into the Christian cult, and more
especially its conviction that in outward nature there was
a veritable revelation of God to man.
IV
The failure of Neoplatonism to become a world religion
was as conspicuous as it was complete. The Emperor
Julian attempted to restore the worship of the gods, but
the world of his time did not respond to his efforts or share
in his enthusiasm. The gods of old religion had been dis-
credited, by the long process of criticism ; the mythologies
were weak beyond the power of revival. Heathenism
lacked the organization that the church had developed ; it
lacked also the principle of unity and simplicity, for which
the world was hungering. To bring together all the
heathen religions, with their vast number of deities, differ-
ing in name and character, and to unite them in one great
pantheon, to reconsecrate their separate shrines, and all
this by means of the great philosophical principle that they
contained a revelation of God in the organic life of nature,
was an imposing scheme, but it fell by its own weight.
Christ liad conquered because in Him, as the centre and
458 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
head of humanity, as well as the principle of life for the
whole created universe, there lay the unity and the sim-
plicity which the world demanded. But, on the other
hand, the church was now beginning to assert, in emphatic
ways of her own, the neglected truth that in the substance
of the visible creation there was some kinship with Deity,
as well as in the spirit and the reason of man. In this way
Neoplatonism passed over into the Catholic church and
became the inspiring principle of its ritual. Rome liad
bestowed upon the church her gift of organization and
administration ; Greece had lent her philosophy and intel-
lectual culture ; Egypt, with Syria, came last and furnished
the motive of the cultus or worship, by whose agency the
last vestiges of heathenism were overcome.
It was in the latter part of the fourth century that the
transition was made. Egypt was the land where the doc-
trine known as INIonophysitism had prevailed, — that the
humanity of Christ was absorbed into His divinity, and
the body of Christ was worthy of worship, together with
His spirit, in one common adoration. The emphasis upon
the body of Christ, as deified matter, was the essence of
the heresy of Eutyches, which the Egyptian church cham-
pioned as the logical sequence of its principle. In the
expression now coming into vogue, that Mary was the
Mother of God, is involved the new motive that the flesh
of Christ, no less than His spirit, is taken up into His
divine life as the Son of God, and becomes the bearer to
the world of His redemptive power. When Nestorius
protested against the application to Mary of the title
0eoToVo9, it became evident that the term had already
won the suffrages of the faithful, and was too deeply rooted
in their devotion to be overcome. In the anathemas
which Cyril launched against Nestorius, it was the ever-
recurring refrain to each proposition, " the Word was
made flesh." Like Luther when he disputed with
Zwingli, not condescending to explain but reiterating
the phrase " hoc est corpus rneum,'^ so Cyril does not
interpret but affirms the sacred but condensed formula.
'O Xo'709 crap^ iyevero.
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 459
As the words had been interpreted in the earlier period,
or as they have been understood in the church since the
Reformation, they mean that humanity Avas united with
divinity in the one person of Christ as the God-man.
Thus Athanasius had written : " To say the Word
became flesh is equivalent to saying that the Word
became man."^ The Athanasian Creed, as it is called,
protests against the notion, as Athanasius also protested,
that in becoming man the Word was transmuted into
flesh : " He is one Christ, not by conversion of the God-
head into flesh, but by taking of the manhood into
God." But Cyril did not guard himself against the grow-
ing popular conviction that the divine was transmuted
into flesh — the preparation for the later belief in the
doctrine of transubstantiation. Under the influence of
Cyril's teaching, a physical Christology was taking the
place of the earlier spiritual apprehension of the incar-
nation.2 In the teaching of the first three centuries and
in the writings of Athanasius the incarnation was con-
ceived as a spiritual process and spiritual result. Tlie
divine nature and the human nature were united in the
one personality of Christ as the God-man. But in the
tendency that was invading the church from the time
of Cyril, the conjunction of Deity with Mary was what
struck the popular imagination. In the earlier thought,
the miraculous birth of Christ had been viewed as a means
to an end, — the attainment of a perfect humanity with
which the divine nature should be united. But the con-
ception that now began to prevail construed the means
as the end, — the conjunction of the supernatural with
the natural or physical in the womb of the Virgin be-
came in itself the supreme act invoking the highest rev-
erence.'^ In the earlier age, as also in the thought of
^ Epis. ad Epictetum, lix., c. 8.
2 Dorner, Person of Christ, Div. II., Vol. I., pp. 73 ff.; also Harnack,
Dogmeugeschichte, II., p. 330.
3 There was from this time a growing tendency in the Catholic church,
both in the East and in the West, to exalt the Virgin Mnther to an
equality with Deity. For its various manifestations, cf. Tyler, Primitive
Christian Worship. Among the significant products of this mood was
460 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
Athanasius, the inspiring motive was the union of God
with the human spirit, the divine reason with the human
reason. In the new age beginning with Cyril, the
motive had changed; what was sought for was the
union of Deity with matter, or of God with the human
body. According to the earlier apprehension of the mode
by which the incarnation effected human redemption, it
was the personality of Christ that entered into history
as an abiding force, an influence of the divine spirit
upon the human spirit, an ever-growing force in the
whole sphere of human life, spreading by contact of
man with man, till humanity should be lifted up out of
sin and death into the life of righteousness and true
holiness. But from the age of Cyril the new motive
that began to operate, sought for some physical en-
trance of the incarnation into the human body, as
though the earlier thought had been vague or unreal
because invisible or intangible. It was the growing be-
lief from the fourth century that the influence of the
incarnation was mediated to humanity through the sac-
rament of the altar wherein the body of Christ, the
body which had been born of the Virgin, was the indis-
pensable means for the distribution in the world of His
life-giving power.
A corresponding change was also taking place in the
thought regarding God. The belief of the first three
centuries that God was a spiritual incorporeal being ^ was
yielding to the popular demand which could not grasp the
idea of God unless He were conceived as possessing bodily
form. It was in the latter part of the fourth century,
when Christian thought was undergoing its great transi-
tion, that the attacks first began to be made upon the
teaching and reputation of Origen. The assault pro-
the Te Denm of Mary, where her name was substituted for that of God,
and the Psalter of Mary, where the same substitution gave her the higliest
divine honors.
1 The apparent exception among the early Fathers was Tertullian, who
asserted that God possessed a body. " Quis eniin negabit, deum corpus
esse, etsi deus spiritus est ? spiritus eniui corpus sui generis in sua elfigie "
{Adv. Prax. c. 7). Cf. Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, I., p. 487.
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 461
ceecled from Alexandria, which was then feeling the
influence of the revived nature-philosophy, stimulated
by Neoplatonist thought, and by the added force of
Syrian mysticism. Because Origen had taught in spir-
itual language that the Son did not see the Father, as
men see each other in the flesh, the Scetian monks raised
the cry that Origen had taken away their Lord. What
is known as Anthropomorphism, that God exists in human
form, was now making its way in the church, in opposi-
tion to the uniform utterance of the early Fathers that
God is a spirit. Because Chrysostom, the patriarch of
Constantinople, protected the Nitrian monks who were
not in S3anpathy with this materialistic conception of
God, Theophilus, the patriarch of Alexandria, made war
against him till he succeeded in procuring his banish-
ment and his death in exile. The Origenistic Contro-
versy, as it is called, has sometimes seemed so puerile
and unworthy, that it has been passed over as a side issue
not closely concerning the fortunes of the church. Gib-
bon did not deign to examine the religious motives at
issue, but contented himself with exposing the villany
of the bishops of Alexandria. It is, however, in these
obscure passages in church history that the symptoms
must be sought of deeper and inward transformations.
The controversy over Origen, first raised by Egyptian
monks, went on till Jerome was involved with the bishop
of Jerusalem and with Rufinus in an angry contention
concerning this and other features of Origen's theology.^
1 Cf. Hieron. Epis. ad Pajiimachium, Ixxxiv., and for the grounds of
Theophilus' opposition to Origen, Hieron. Epis. xcii., xcvi. Cf. also Art.
Origenistic Controversies in Diet. Chris. Biog. For the later opposition
to Origen in the sixth century, see Mansi, IX., pp. 487 ff. ; Hefele, Condi.
Gesch., Vol. VI. ; also Walch, Gesch. d. Ketzer, Vol. VII. The character
of Theophilus is not beyond reproach, but one may see that in his con-
demnation of Origen he was maintaining the rising sacramental theology
which has its root in the belief in the sacredness of matter. Hence he
objects to Origen's view that this world had its origin in a penal system,
in order to expiate the sins of another stage of existence, and that the
body of man is a punishment for prenatal sin. He emphatically condemns
Origen's principle that the Hnly Spirit cannot influence matter or animal
life, because this would destroy the validity of ba^jtism and the eucharist,
462 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
Rufinus, who had transhited Origen in happier days, fell out
with Jerome and their friendship was severed ; but the life
of Rufinus was henceforth a sad and anxious one. Ominous
mutterings came from the bishop of Rome, indicative of a
fierce temper toward Origen and those who would extend
his influence, prophetic of the days when the inquisition
should be the method of extirpating unwelcome opinions.
Nor should Epiphanius be forgotten, whose mission was to
stir up disaffection from which the church never recov-
ered. In methods like these was the influence of Egypt
felt. Political or national jealousies combined to give the
Egyptian principle (Monophysitism) a stronger promi-
nence and a deeper hold upon its adherents. But apart
from all these considerations, stands out the significant
rites whose potency does not depend upon self-consciousness. In all this
one may trace the Egyptian principle, as seen in the Hermetic Books, or
in the later Neoplatonists. Theophilus also asserts that Origen' s prin-
ciple of contempt for matter brings marriage into disrepute. Jerome
takes the same ground against Origen, complaining of his denial of the
resurrection of the flesh or of using in place of it the word 'body,' by
which some may be misled into thinking that he meant flesh. In his
letter to Pammachius he makes the issue clear, that the opposition to
Origen is based upon his exalted, one-sided spiritualism, which detaches
the soul from the tabernacle of flesh in order to its redemption : " For
my part, I will hold fast in my old age the faith wherein I was born again
in my boyhood. They (the Origenists) speak of us as clay-towners, made
out of dirt, brutish and carnal, because, they say, we refuse to receive
the things of the spirit ; but of course they themselves are citizens of
Jerusalem and their mother is in heaven. I do not despise the flesh in
which Christ was born and rose again, or scorn the mud which, baked
into a clean vessel, reigns in heaven. And yet I wonder why they who
detract from the flesh live after the flesh, and cherish and delicately nurt-
ure that which is their enemy. Perhaps, indeed, they wish to fulfil the
words of Scripture, ' Love your enemies, and bless them that persecute
you.' I love the flesh, but I love it only when it is chaste, when it is
virginal, when it is mortified by fasting. I love not its works, but itself,
that flesh which knows that it must be judged, and therefore dies as a
martyr for Christ, which is scourged and torn asunder and burned with
fire." For the anathemas against Origen, attributed to the Fifth General
Council, cf. Mansi, IX. .S95. See also Hefele, in loc, for a discussion of
the question whether they were actually put forth by this Council.
Hefele thinks it doubtful, if not improbable. The spirit of the anathemas
is denunciation of Origen for not attaching sufficient importance to the
flesh or body, whether in the case of Christ or the future life of the saints.
Cf. Harnack, DogmPugoschirMe, II. 394, who holds that Origen was con-
demned at the Fifth General Council.
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 463
fact that the church had adopted the doctrine of the
sacreduess or sacramental quality of matter, as a ruling
principle of its cultus, and was at war with what seemed
the one-sided spiritualism of its earlier history.
In the doctrine of the sacredness of matter, whether
actual or potential, the Catholic church completed her
working scheme and was henceforth equipped for her
task. !She then entered upon the f idness of her career as
a world power, with a more complete message for the age
wherein it was her lot to be cast. The idolatry of heathen
religions from this time rapidly disap^^eared in its external
form or manifestation, swallowed up in the imposing cul-
tus which overpowered the imagination till heathen rites
became meagre and insignificant in the comparison. The
religion that began with a simple faith in order to the vic-
tory over the world, was now clothed as an institution with
more than the administrative power of Rome ; as a system
of thought, it had robbed Greece of its philosopliical teach-
ing and learned to use its dialectics for the illustration of
its own doofmas ; and at last it had causrht the secret of the
charm which heathen worship exercised over the imagi-
nation of its votaries. In heathen ritual the church had
found its most obstinate opponent; for heathenism con-
tinued to survive in its sentiments of worship long after
it had been deprived of its political prestige, or when it
could no longer justify itself to the eye of reason. All the
greater then seemed the final victory when the church pro-
duced a ritual eclipsing the splendor or significance of
heathen mythology, presenting some higher form corre-
sponding to that for which human instincts were seeking,
when they sought to revive the heathen ritual and restore
the physical worship of the ancient deities.
This movement within the church, which reversed its
attitude, substituting a ritual for the earlier spiritual wor-
ship and relegating the early church to oblivion, as through
the condemnation of Origen, has its analogue in Jewish
history, where the same issue was involved from the time
of the monarchy and the greater prophets ; but where the
opposite result was finally attained. The record of the
464 CHRISTIAN WOllSHIP
Kings of Jiidali reveals the purer worship of Jehovah as
at a disadvantage compared with the attractions of Baal
and Moloch or the immoral tendency of the groves and
high places which led Israel to sin. Those who did
what was right in the sight of the Lord were few in num-
ber compared with those who would have combined the
worship of Jehovah with that of the false gods ; but they
persisted in their struggle against the fascinations of
heathenism till at last they conquered, though at a fear-
ful sacrifice. Their nationality was lost, their hopes and
prospects for this world, at the moment when they had
attained the higher end after the Babjdonian captivity
and had eliminated idolatry forever from their religion.
The same attitude toward the worship of the creature
had been preserved in the early Christian period, when
the Jewish prohibitions against images and their worship,
or creature-worship of any kind, were regarded by the
church teachers as of perpetual obligation. When the
Catholic church in the fifth century adopted the worship
of images, making it a necessary and constituent part of
its devotion ; when the devotion to the creature, to Mary
and the saints, rivalled if it did not surpass the honors
given to Christ, — it was hopeless to expect any longer
that Christianity as it was now understood could appeal
to the Jewish mind. What stood for truth to the one
had become error to the other. The conception of heresy
had been reversed; the first principles of the Christian
cultus were the heresies of orthodox Judaism. Not only
did Judaism become irreconcilably opposed to the Catholic
church, but in the deserts of Arabia preparation was made
for a new religion, whose chief characteristic would be its
hatred of idolatry, to whom the images of the Catholic
church would be an abomination calling for the vengeance
of God. But if the church could no longer appeal to
Judaism, or if Mohammedanism was to rise up in protest
against her idolatry, yet within the limits of the Roman
Empire she worked with greater intensity and greater
apparent success. Grseco-Roman and Egyptian heathen-
ism, their mysteries, their cult, were destroyed and disap-
PRINCIPLES OF THE CULTUS 465
pearecl forever, superseded by Christian ritual. The silent
protest against this transformation of Christian worship
became audible in later years, in the ei^orts of the em-
perors to put down Catholic idolatry, but it was then too
late. Mohammedanism had already taken possession of
the fairest territory of the Eastern church and was ulti-
mately to get possession of its centre, the great Christian
city of Constantinople. In all this there may be an alle-
gory, some deeper teaching than is written in books, or is
disclosed on the surface of events.
2 H
CHAPTER III
THE CHRISTIAN CULTUS ^
The cultus of the Catholic church, as distinguished
from the simpler worship of the earlier Christian church,
may be described as one vast effort to put a leligious
stamp upon both time and space, and thus to conquer for
Christ the visible and invisible worlds. The appropriation
of time by the church and its consecration to the ends
which the church proposed is known as the Christian
Year. It began with the recognition of the weekly cycle,
when the first day of every week commemorated the resur-
rection of Christ, when Wednesday was kept as the day
of His betrayal, and Friday of His crucifixion. It was a
distinct loss that the Seventh Day, or the Jewish Sabbath,
gradually fell into disuse ; for it represented the commem-
oration of the creation of all things by God, when God
rested from His work which He had created and made —
a point of attachment to the natural order, in keeping
with the Catholic purpose. But the antipathy to Judaism,
the necessity also of distinguishing Christianity in some
marked way from the earlier religion out of which it
seemed to have emerged, prevented the retention of the
Jewish Sabbath. In the substitution of Sunday, the Dies
iSolis, there is, however, the recognition of a kindred
principle, so that the worship of the Sun, hitherto so
1 Martene, De Antiquis Ecclesiae Bitihus, Vol. III. ; Bingham, Antiq.
Bk. XX. Smith and Cheetham, Diet. Chris. Antiq., Arts. Christmas,
Epiphany, etc.; Usener, ReligionsgeschicMliche Untersuchungen ; Creu-
zer, Symbolik und Mythologie der alten V'olker ; Duchesne, Origenes du
Culte Chretien.
466
CONSECRATION OF TIME 467
prominent in the nature-religions, is henceforth to be
transformed and elevated by the superior power of the Sun
of Righteousness. The Greek church for a long time con-
tinued to observe both days, with almost equal honor, while
in the West the subordination of the Sabbath was so great
that it seemed to the Greek church like a profanation. In
the older church the custom prevailed of standing in prayer
on the Sabbath and on Sunday, and of keeping the Sabbath
during Lent as a festival day ; but in the West it became
a penitential day, when men knelt in prayer, unobservant
of the joy and glory of the creation, with which the day
was associated in the history of Judaism.^
From the weekly cycle the Catholic church passed to the
annual cycle, forming the nucleus of the Christian year by
the observance of Easter. The coincidence of Easter with
the return of spring in the natural year is one of the points
of attachment between the spiritual and physical order,
and from the earliest time served to give the day a
deeper hold on the Christian imagination. The sentiment
that in the heathen world had rallied about the chang^es
of the seasons, or had found in the Eleusinian or other
Mysteries a religious expression, gained in the observance
of Easter a point of contact, by which the transition could
be made to the Christian ritual.^ Easter would not have
1 The Roman use of kneeling in prayer on the Sabbath was condemned
by the Greeks at the Concilium Quinisextum, G92. Among modern
Protestant churches there is one, the Seventh-day Baptists, which contends
for tlie restoration of the Sabbath, as a day appointed by an irreversible
divine decree. The contention has a certain theological significance as
raising the issue of the mode of divine revelation. The higher honor
given to Sunday is in harmony with the spirit of the New Testament and
has the consensus of all the Christian ages.
2 Cf. Hatch, Hihbort Lectures, 1888, pp. 28.3 ff., for the connection
between the Greek Mysteries and Christian usages. In these scenic repre-
sentations of the Eleusinian Mystery was symbolized "the earth passing
through its yearly periods. It was the poetry of Nature. It was the
drama which is acted every year of summer and winter and spring.
Winter by winter the fruits and flowers die down into the darkness,
and spring after spring they come forth again to new life. Winter after
winter the sorrowing earth is seeking for her lost child ; th"e hopes of men
look forward to the new blossoming of spring. It was a drama also of
human life. It was the poetry of the hope of a world to come. Death
gave place to life. It was a purgatio animae, by which the soul might
468 CHRiSTiAiSr worship
been the day it has been to the Cliristiaii heart, if the faith
in the resurrection of Christ from the dead had not been
supplemented and confirmed by the natural joy and ex-
hilaration attending the resurrection of the life of the
visible world, till it is sometimes hard to say whether the
anticipation of Easter is a spiritual or a natural emotion.
The life of nature constitutes a tangible basis for Christian
hope, while the spiritual resurrection glorifies and conse-
crates the external order, as though it were designed and
adapted for the furtherance of man as a spiritual being.
The next great festival after Easter was the Epiphany,
celebrated at the opening of the natural year (January 6).
It stood for the manifestation of light to the world,
when Christ after His baptism began to teach and to preach.
From the Eastern church, where it originated, it was
carried to the West in the early part of the fourth century.
As first observed in the East, it had a twofold char-
acter : it commemorated in a subordinate way the birth
of Christ, while it placed the chief stress upon that im-
pressive moment of His baptism when Christ began His
mission as the light of the world, by the proclamation of
the truth ; so that His birth and the preceding years of His
life were but a preparation for the fulfilment of the incar-
nation, as also His manifestation was addressed to the reason
and the conscience. But when the Feast of the Epiphany
was carried into the West, its interpretation was so changed,
that it almost lost its identity with the festival as it was
kept in the East. In the Western interpretation, the
manifestation of Christ is no longer presented as the ma-
tured consciousness of His mission, for which baptism
was the inauguration ; but the visit of the Magi to the
infant Christ is substituted as the real epiphany or mani-
festation, when nature also appears as in sympathy with
the new revelation, and a star in the heavens discloses a
be fit for the presence of God. Those who had been baptized and in-
itiated were lifted into a new life. Death had no terrors for them. The
blaze of light after darkness, the symbolic scenery of the life of the gods,
was a foreshadowing of the life to come " (p. 288).
CONSECRATION OF TIME 469
Saviour to the world. The idea of revelation as light,
which was the favorite conception of the Eastern church,
becomes to the West a physical light, and the manifestation
of Christ is in and through the miracle. Epiphany has
always been a greater festival to the Eastern church than
to the Western, and even the observance of Christmas in the
East has never quite superseded it in the popular devotion. ^
It had its affiliation also in the Eastern church with the
natural order. In Gregory of Nyssa, we find the same
recognition of the parallelism with nature in the Festival
of Lights which crowned the Easter festival :
" When the length of the day begins to expand in winter time, as
the sun mounts to the upper part of his course, we keep the feast of
the appearing of tlie true Light divine, that through the veil of the
flesh has cast its bright beams upon the life of men ; but now when
the luminary has traversed half the heaven in his course, so that
night and day are of equal length, the upward return of human
nature from death to life is the theme of this great and universal
festival which all the life of those who have embraced the mystery of
the Resurrection unites in celebrating. . . . There is some account
to be given of both those seasons, how it is that it is winter time when
He appears in the flesh, but it is when the days are as long as the
nights, that He restores to life man, who because of his sins returned
to the earth from whence he came. . . . Has your own sagacity, as of
course it has, already divined the mystery hinted at by tliese coinci-
dences : that the advance of night is stopped by the accessions to the
light, and the period of darkness begins to be shortened as the length
of the day is increased by the successive additions ? For thus much
perhaps would be plain enough, even to the uninitiated, that sin is
near akin to darkness; and in fact evil is so termed in Scripture.
Accordingly the season in which our mystery of godliness begins is a
kind of exposition of the divine dispensation on behalf of our souls.
For meet and right it was that, when vice was shed abroad without
1 In Russia, "the services of Christmas Day are almost obscured by
those which celebrate the retreat of the invaders on that same day, the
25th of December, 1812, from the Russian soil. . . . 'How art thou fallen
from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning ! ' This is the lesson ap-
pointed for the services of that day. ' There shall be signs in the sun,
and in the moon and in the stars, and upon the earth distress of nations
with perplexity. Look up and lift up your heads, for your redemption
draweth nigh.' This is the Gospel for the day. ' Who through faith
subdued kingdoms, waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of
the aHens.' This is the epistle" (Stanley, Lectures on the Eastern
Church, p. 394).
470 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
bounds, the day whicli we receive from Him who placed tliat light in
our hearts should increase more and more. . . . But the feast of the
Resurrection occurring when the days are of equal length, of itself
gives us this interpretation of the coincidence, — that we shall no
longer fight with evil only ujwn equal terms, vice grappling with vir-
tue in indecisive strife, but that the life of light will prevail, the gloom
of idolatry melting as the day waxes stronger." ^
In the development of the Christian year, it is a cir-
cumstance difficult to explain that Christmas Day should
not have been introduced until after the middle of the
fourth century. It had its origin at Rome, where it is
first mentioned by the bishop Liberius in 360. From
Rome it was carried to the East about 380, and in 386
is eulogized by Chrysostom as the chief of festivals. Its
first mention in Alexandria is in the time of Cyril, or the
earlier part of the fifth century. Although its observance
spread rapidly after its first introduction and it rose into
prominence in the popular devotion, yet there was opposi-
tion to it in the East on account of the change of the
birthday from the Gth of January to the 25th of December,
while among the Armenians it was never received, but
the earlier usage was maintained. While Epiphany and
Easter go back for their oi-igin to the second century, and
it is not till two hundred years later that the observance
of Christmas is mentioned, yet from the moment of its
first observance it grew rapidly in importance, especially
in the West, till it rivalled the glories of the festival
of Resurrection.
Any answer to the question why Christmas came so late
takes us into the inmost thought of the ancient church
and into the heart of the divergence between the Eastern
and Western churches in their apprehension of the common
faith. In the late introduction of Christmas Day and in
the transformation of festivals by which Epiphany lost in
the West its original character may be read more clearly
than in the doctrinal controversies the thought of the
church from the close of the fourth century. In the pre-
^ Epis. ad Euseb. Cf. also his homily for the Festival of the Epiphany
on The Baptism of Christ.
CONSECRATION OF TIME 471
ceding period the attention of the church had been con-
centrated on the spiritual character of Christ as the divine
Word revealing the mind and nature of God. The objec-
tive events in the life of Christ which had been foremost
in the consciousness of the church were the transaction
on Calvary when the sacrifice was offered for man's salva-
tion, His resurrection from the dead, and His ascension to
the Father. That the birth of Christ was not made equal!}'-
prominent is evident fi'om the fact that it is not mentioned
in the creed set forth in the great Council of Nicsea.
That the birth of Christ was subordinated in importance
to His spiritual manifestation is evident also from the
original idea of the Feast of Epiphany, where the matured
consciousness of His mission is seen to coincide with the
outward voice from heaven which proclaims Him to the
world as the Son of God, in whom the Father is well
pleased. At His baptism, when He first began to preach
His message of human deliverance, the incarnation was
complete for which the preparation had begun in His
miraculous birth or conception. The festival of Epiphany
attached the higher importance to this spiritual idea of the
incarnation ; and although the Festival came to include
the commemoration of His birth, yet its strongest appeal
to the spiritual imagination was the manifestation of Christ
at His baptism as the Light of the world. ^
1 Of. the Expositor, November, 1896, for The Disconrse of Ananias of
Shirak upon Christmas or llie Counter upon the Epiphany of our Lord and
Savionr. Ananias lived in the early part of the seventh centnry. He
gives the argument for retaining the birthday of Christ on the 6th January,
coinciding with His baptism. Ananias attributes the origin of Christmas
as a festival independent of Epiphany to Cerinthus, the heretic. "If so, we
can understand tlie hesitation of the orthodox church to adopt our modern
festival of Cliristmas. Probably the real significance of the early union
of the Nativity with the Baptism is that the Baptism was regarded as
itself the true Birth of Christ. Docetic opinion may have been too strong
in the earliest church to permit of His carnal or earthly birth being cele-
brated at all. Sometime in the fourth century the very early reading in
Luke iii. 23, Thou art my beloved Son, This day have I begotten Thee,
was erased from nearly all codices ; no doubt because it was the strong-
hold of those who liad declared the Baptism alone to be the true nativity
of .Jesus Christ" (F. C. Conybeare, in prefatory note to Discourse of
Ananias, etc.).
472 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
In the Western church there was from the first a deeper
importance attached to the birth of Christ, as is evident
from its mention in the Apostles' Creed. It was Leo, the
bishop of Rome (440-460), who first taught in a represen-
tative way the dogmatic significance of the Cliristmas
festival, with whom also the Roman bishops began for the
first time to exercise the functions of a preacher. In his
homilies for Christmas Day, Leo does not present the in-
carnation as a progressive spiritual process, taking its
initiation in the miraculous birth, and revealed in the
growing favor of the youthful Christ with God and man, —
a process first manifested in the baptism, and culminating
in the agony of the garden •, but rather the incarnation was
in itself complete in the birth, or in the act of His concep-
tion. Upon this principle the Festival of Epiphany was
readjusted in the Latin church ; the incident of the bap-
tism was dropped, the manifestation of Christ in His
infancy was substituted for the manifestation at His bap-
tism, when as a new-born child lying in the manger He
exerted His kingly power, disclosing the divinity of His
origin to the Wise Men from the East while still in His
mother's arms. Leo does not draw the inference that wor-
ship is due to the Virgin Mother, but gives the principle
on which the worship will be based in his glorification of
Mary as the agent who shared with Deity in accomplish-
ing the transcendent act of the incarnation.
The influence of the Latin church in the East, whose
earlier traces may be seen in the third centur}^, was at
its height when Leo was allowed to dictate the decision at
the Council of Chalcedon in regard to the relation of the
Two Natures in Christ. While that decision was received
as final by the Eastern church, yet it never reflected the
inner mood or aspiration of the Oriental mind. At heart
the Eastern church remained Monophysite. After various
attempts had been made by imperial edicts to set aside the
formula of Chalcedon, the result was finally accomplished,
not by its abrogation, but by a reversal of its interpretation
through a subtle dialectic ; till it no longer constituted an
obstacle to the development of the cultus in the East on
CONSECRATION OP TIME 473
a Monophysite basis. ^ While in the West the Duophysite
principle prevailed, as in the theology of Augustine, becom-
ing the inward motive of Latin ecclesiastical institutions,
in the dualism between church and state, or the religious
and the secular ; on the other hand, the Eastern church
pursued its own peculiar career, unhampered by the Latin
dualism. The distinction between the human and the
divine was, in consequence, so obliterated that the state
became of almost equal sanctity with the church ; the
distinction between the secular and the religious had no
force in controlling the development of its institutions.
In the West, the ?iexus between the divine and the human
was conceived as accomplished by an act of the divine
will, which brought together and held together conflicting
attitudes. In the East, the bond of union was a certain
inward fitness or organic affiliation by which the human
passed over into the divine or was endowed in its own
right with a god-like quality and power. It is this diver-
gence which is manifested in the differing conceptions of
the two festivals, Epiphany and Christmas Day.
The festival of Christmas may have been in its origin
an adaptation of heathen festivals, reflecting the influence
of the commemoration of the birthday of Mithras, or it
may have been a counter festival set up in opposition to
the heathen custom, with the design of supplanting it. It
is hardly possible in view of its late origin that it was
established independently and that the coincidence with
the great day of the Sun, Natalis Livicti Solis, was jiurely
accidental. On the one hand there is the protest of Leo
in his Homilies that Christmas has nothing to do with the
worship of the Sun, the warning that Christians should be
on their guard against the foolish errors of heathendom,
1 For the method and the influence of Leontius of Byzantium in
reversing the interpretation of the formula of Chalcedon, cf. Harnack,
Dogmengeschichte, II. 383 ff. ; and Loofs, Leontius von Byzanz und
die gleichnamigen SchriftsteUer der griechischeii Kirche^ in Texte u.
Untersiich., Vol. III. A similar instance of the reversal of interjaretation
of a theological document is seen in Newman, Tract XC, by which the
Articles of Religion of the English Church were harmonized with the
Tridentine teaching. Cf. ante^ p. 351.
474 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
lest tlie joys of the Christian festival should lead them
back to the darkness where men paid honor to the lumi-
naries that minister only to the carnal sight. But there
were those, on the other hand, who rejoiced in the coin-
cidence by which at the darkest moment in the natural
year the Sun began his return to the world again with the
promise of light and life to the physical world, and that
at this moment the Sun of Righteousness should be com-
memorated in the spiritual Christian year. Thus Pru-
dentius in his hymn on The Birthday of Christ:
" Quid est, quod arctum circulum
Sol jam recurrens deserit?
Christusne terris nascitur
Qui lucis auget tramitem ? " ^
Or again, Paulinus of Nola:
" Nam post solstitium, quo Christus corpore natus
Sole novo gelidae mutavit tempora brumae,
Atque salutiferum praestans mortalibus ortum,
Procedente die, secum decrescere noctes
Jussit." '^
^ Cathemerinon, XI.
2 Poema, XIV. Cf. Sinker in Art. Christmas in Diet. Chins. Antiq.,
for these and otlier citations. The following passage from a sermon,
attributed wrongly to Ambrose, may stand for a widely prevalent senti-
ment; "Bene quodammodo sanctum hunc diem Natalis Domini Solem
navnm vulgus appellat, et tanta sui auctoritate id confirmat, ut Judaei
etiam atque Gentiles in banc vocem consentiant. Quod libenter amplec-
tandum nobis est, quia oriente Salvatore, non solum humani generis salus,
sed etiam solis ipsius claritas innovatur " {Serin. 6 in Appendice, ed.
Bened, cited by Sinker). It has been suggested that the date 25th
December may have been reached by an inference from the general
belief that the creation took place in the spring, and that the new spiritual
creation was also in the spring. The Annunciation of the Virgin, fixed
on the 25th March, may have been the date from which Christmas was
calculated in the West. There were those in the West who found no
difficulty in keeping both the heathen and the Christian festival. Cf.
Labbe, Condi. VI. 1170, where the practice is condemned. See also
Schaff, Ch. His., III. 394 ff., and Herzog, B. E., Art. We.ihnnchten. That
the twenty-fifth day of December was the day on which Christ was born
is not known and cannot be inferred from any evidence in our possession.
It is, of course, not impossible that tradition may have retained the day,
but if so, there are no allusions to it before the fourth century, and the
fact that the Eastern church should have kept the 6th January militates
against this view. Modern scholars are divided in opinion as to whether
CONSECRATION OF TIME 475
The consecration of time in the Christian year was a
process not completed until every day of the year was
devoted to the commemoration either of some feature in
the life of Christ or of some saint in the long roll of
apostles or prophets, martyrs or teachers. One-half of
the year was occupied with the thought of Christ — from
Advent till Ascension Day. The four weeks before
Christmas were a preparation for the right reception of
the coming of the Lord ; the forty days before Easter
were spent in fasting, after the analogy of Christ in the
wilderness. A great drama was always enacting which
lifted the imagination above the sordid events of ordinary
life or the narrow interests of the individual, as if human-
ity were living in Christ, as if in His life all other lives
were included. The great week before Easter set forth
the events of His betrayal. His last supper with His dis-
ciples, His crucifixion, and His burial, constituting the
crisis of the drama, when Christian feeling rose to its
intensity and was prepared for the transcendent act of His
resurrection. Heathen mythologies and mysteries lost
their interest or found their fulfilment in a scheme like
this, answering to every instinct of the natural man, but
lifting him also into a higher range of sentiment and an all-
embracing unity, in comparison with which the dreams of
Neoplatonists seemed meagre and unreal. The greater
festivals were intensified not only by the long anticipation
that preceded them, but each great festival had its octave
in which its day was prolonged, and to Easter were given
forty days when the joys of Easter were the predominant
mood. In Ascension Day were dissipated the dark depress-
ing moods of heathenism or of Judaism, which had peopled
an under-world with empty shades. A higher world was
revealed in the heaven above, where Christ had sat down in
triumph at the right hand of the Father.
In this great creative process wherein the Catholic
church was winning its final victory, the church also
Christ was born in December or in February. In behalf of the earlier date
are the names of Jerome, Baronius, Ussher, Petavius, Bengel, Seyffarth ;
in behalf of the later are Scallger, Hug, Wieseler, and EUicott.
476 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
commemorated herself and her origin in the coming of
the Spirit at Whitsuntide, coincident with the Jewish
Pentecost. In the six months that follow, there are
traces of the existence of a design, that, as one half of
the year had been devoted to the commemoration of
Christ, so the other half should reproduce the life of the
church, — its foundation as by the Apostles, its militant
stage as it undergoes trial and persecution, and its tri-
umphant life as it continues unbroken in another world.
It is in harmony with this design that the Sundays are
counted from Pentecost; that the Festival of St. Peter
and St. Paul should be celebrated on the 29th of June,
representing the planting of the church ; that the martyr*
Laurentius, about whose death there hung impressive
memories, should be remembered on the 10th of August;
and that in the fall of the year, a day should be given to
the Archangel Michael and All Angels who stand for the-
life of the church in glory. As the season deepens, in
the time of the completed harvest, was fixed the day of
All Saints (November 1st), to be followed by the day of
All Souls, the day of the great majority of human spirits
who have passed away from the earth. But if there were
such a design, it was obscured and defeated by tlie increas-
ing number of saints for whom a place must be found, who
invaded the half-year of Christ; and especially by the
ever-growing devotion to Mary, who gradually appropri-
ated a place for herself in every part of the ye'dv. This
overloading of the Christian year tended to weaken at
last its power and its hold upon the church, becoming too
complicated a system for the mind to follow. But the
grandeur of the scheme in itself bears witness like other
Christian institutions to the power of the life of Christ
perpetuating itself in the world.
II
The development of the Christian year, as the appropria-
tion of time to the service of the church, was accompanied
by another process, the consecration to the same end of
CONSECRATION OF MATTER 477
the elements of this material world. The doctrine that
matter was evil, a doctrine so powerful and so prevalent
in the early church, that it could not be overcome by
an affirmation of the reason or by any argument, had
entered the church as a first principle, in the teaching of
Montanists as well as Gnostics ; it had been assumed by
asceticism and had contributed to the monastic movement ;
it lay at the root of the depreciation of marriage and the
exaltation of celibacy to an equality with the angelic life.
With one breath the church accepted it ; with another she
rejected it. There had arisen a reaction in the church
against the teaching that matter was evil and the human
body a tabernacle of vileness, a reaction which had gone
so far as to condemn Origen and to banish Arianism ; but
it had not gone far enough to eradicate the principle itself.
Whatever might be the working of the natural human
instinct as revealed in worship, where the heart spoke in
opposition to the head, there still remained an intellectual
conviction that the world had fallen into the possession of
the devil, and that the redemption wrought by Christ had
been accomplished by paying some ransom to the devil in
order to induce him to forego his grasp. The contamina-
tion of the material world by these adverse associations, or
its exposure to the malign influence of countless demons,
as the dethroned gods of heathenism came to be regarded,
was met by a series of consecrations forming a list of grow-
ing exceptions to the prevalent evil order. The cultus
of the church bears witness to such a method, in the pro-
cess by which, in ever-increasing degree, it appropriated
the forces or elements of nature for the advancement of
the spiritual life, or by consecrations of material things
gradually hallowed a space or sphere for the residence of
the spiritual man.
This process began very early in the second century and
may be said to be contemporaneous with the rise of the
Catholic church ; for one sees no traces of it in the ac-
credited teaching of Christ or in the writings of St. Paul.
It is to be found also, as is most natural, in those who are
most deeply influenced by the doctrine that material nature
478 CHKISTIAN WORSHIP
is evil ; that the order of this present world has no rela-
tion to the well-being of the soul. When a man goes too
far in one direction, he seeks to right himself by going
in the opposite direction. Such an one was Tertullian,
who, while holding the ascetic principle in its extremest
form, was among the first to proclaim the spiritual agency
of material things. In his treatise on Baptism, — a
storehouse of suggestions for the process of ritual and
sacramental development, he seems to be aware of the in-
consistency of his attitude ; but all the more bold is he and
uncompromising in his assertion of what his spirit needed
and demanded. He is aware that the Catholic church
might be regarded as appropriating the features of the
nature-religions, and no one was more familiar with them
than he ; but he turns the argument against them by the
naive statement that in the nature-religions the devil is at
work imitating the rites of the Christian faith. ^
The modern mind has become so accustomed to distin-
guish between the symbol and the truth which it signifies,
that it is difficult to enter with any sympathetic apprecia-
tion into the feelings or thoughts of those in the ancient
church who not only confused the sign with the reality,
but boldly declared that the elements of the physical world
were endowed by God with spiritual power. It is only
when we realize that the Catholic church had undertaken
the task of a mediator to the heathen Avorld that we com-
prehend its motive in the development of a vast sacra-
mental system, where physical nature and the human
spirit are tied together as by a necessary inevitable bond,
for the work of human salvation.
It formed no part of the belief of the earlier church that
external matter as such might possess spiritual gifts. Or
if there are allusions which may be interpreted in this way,
they may also with equal propriety be interpreted in har-
mony with the principle which distinguishes between the
symbol and that for which it stands. When Christ com-
1 Cf. Justin Martyr, Apol. c. Ixvi., where he speaks of "the wicked
devils who have imitated in the mysteries of Mithras " the sacrament of
the Lord's Supper,
CONSECRATION OF MATTER 479
pares Himself to a vine and His disciples to the branches,
or is said to be the rock from which flow living waters,
there is no difficulty in interpreting the language as poetic
or symbolical. The earlier church was rich in symbolic
imagery, but its face was set in a different direction from
that in which the Catholic church was travelling. It was
looking away from this world to another, nor did it aim
at the conquest of existing institutions or religions or phi-
losophies. So far as it had a philosophy, it was compressed
in the belief in the second coming of Christ, as an event
near at hand, and about to bring the final satisfaction to
all human needs and aspirations.
But one of the deeper issues of speculative thought in
the Roman Empire was the adjustment of man to nature ;
a reaction, it may have been, from a Stoicism attach-
ing no importance to the outer world, but concentrating
its interest in the inner life of the soul ; or from Platonism,
with a kindred tendency, more bent upon adjusting the
relation of man with God than with his physical environ-
ment. The world could not acquiesce without a shudder
in the dark conviction of another school of philosophers,
who pronounced the creation to be wholly bad. At the
moment, then, when the revival of the nature-religions
was bringing a certain relief to many through the feel-
ings rather than through the reason, enabling them to
regard nature as not alien to the spirit, we meet a similar
tendency in the rising Catholic church, to connect hopes
and aspirations which might otherwise seem vague and
fleeting with the permanency of the life of nature, conse-
crating the body and the physical senses to the assistance
of the spirit.
TertuUian declares plainly that the water of baptism
possesses the power of sanctifjang the soul, after it has
been consecrated by the action of the Holy Spirit. He
recognizes, indeed, that there are those to whom such a
conviction will seem irrational. In the use of water he
discerns a symbolic purpose. It seems as if he qualified
his words so that actual spiritual efficacy should not be
attributed to water, or were taking refuge in a non-com-
480 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
mittal phraseology, when he says : " After the waters have
been in a manner endued with medicinal virtue, through
the intervention of the angel, the spirit is corporeally
washed in the waters, and the flesh is in the same spiritu-
ally cleansed." ^ But there was one text in the Old
Testament which impressed the poetic mind of Tertullian
as having more than a passing value, where, in the account
of the creation, it is said that " the spirit of God moved
upon the face of the waters." There was in his nature
a certain materialistic tendenc}^, at war with his ultra-
spiritualistic mood. He did not refuse credence to a
report he had heard, that some woman had seen the
human soul. He was not averse to thinking that God
possessed a body. He felt that sin and evil contaminated
the human body, and that it must be cleansed in order to
operate harmoniously with the purified spirit. Of the
anointing oil, he speaks to the same effect : it runs down
the body according to its carnal nature, but it profits the
spirit, in that we are freed from sin.^ In the laying on of
hands also there may be " a sublime spiritual modula-
tion." ^ In such ways do the " pleas of nature " combine
with the "privileges of grace."
Tertullian is interesting and suggestive, more than many
of the ancient Fathers, because in him is revealed the pro-
cesses through which the age was passing. The contra-
dictions of his nature find expression in the varying
attitudes of his experience. He cannot be said to affirm,
in a dogmatic way, the principles of the later sacramental
theology, bat he was testing them, as it were, in the
crucible of his soul, finding them in vogue already in the
Catholic church, wherein he had sought admittance as
1 Be Bap., c. iv. : " All waters, therefore, in virtue of the pristine
privilege of their origin, do, after invocation of God, attain the sacra-
mental power of sanctification ; for the Spirit immediately supervenes
from the heavens, and rests over the waters, sanctifying them from Him-
self ; and being thus sanctified, they imbibe at the same time the power
of sanctifying." But again : " Not that in the waters we obtain the Holy
Spirit, but in the water under the influence of an angel and prepared for
the Holy Spirit." Cf. also Be Bap.., c. vi.
2 Be Bap. , c. vii. 3 j)^ j^^^p ^ (,_ yjii^
CONSECRATION OF MATTER 481
a venture of faith. One cannot dismiss his treatise on
Baptism without recalling the pathetic eloquence of its
closing prayer : " Therefore, blessed (friends), whom the
grace of God awaits, when you ascend from that most
sacred font of your new birth, and spread your hands for
the first time in the house of your mother, together with
your brethren, ask from the Father, ask from the Lord,
that His own specialties (and) distributions of gifts may
be supplied you. 'Ask, saith He, and ye shall receive.'
Well, you liave asked, and have received ; you have
knocked, and it has been opened to you. Only, I pray,
that when you are asking, you be mindful, likewise, of
Tertullian the sinner."
The disposition to identify the symbol with the thing
signified, or to make material elements the agencies for
inducing spiritual effects, however widespread it may
have been, must also have encountered scepticism and
opposition, or Tertullian would not have labored so hard
to demonstrate, whether to himself or to others, its ration-
ality. While the symbolism of material things might be
suggestive and impressive, yet it seems like a long step
to reach the conclusion that the external application
of water or of oil could have any part in the inward purifi-
cation of the spirit. But for this step the Catholic church
was making preparation from an early moment in its his-
tory. Nearly two hundred years had elapsed after Ter-
tullian wrote, when we find the church Fathers still labor-
ing with the same scepticism or opposition, but also more
strongly convinced of the possibility that matter might
receive a spiritual endowment for the regeneration of the
inward nature. In his Lectures on the Mysteries, the bishop
Cyril of Jerusalem fell back upon faith, which he urges
on his catechumens as the means of attaining the con-
viction that the physical sign carried an inward potency.
The oil, he says, used in the exorcism at baptism possesses
a charm for driving away of hostile influences. Or again,
the chrism, the oil used in the service of Confirmation, he
declares, is not plain ointment, but it is a gift of grace
from Christ, and by the coming of the Holy Spirit "is
482 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
made fit to impart His divine nature." And yet Cyril in
such sentences as these may be using only the exaggerated
language of the heart, whose love is capable of transfigur-
ing the commonest object; for he also adds the intelligible
sentence, that while the ointment is symbolicall}' applied
to the forehead, the soul is sanctified by the Holy and life-
giving Spirit.
But when he speaks of the elements of bread and wine
in the Lord's Supper, his language does not waver. He
calls on his hearers to regard them not as bare elements,
but as the body and the blood of Christ. The senses may
suggest their material nature, " yet let faith establish thee.
Judge not the matter from the taste, but from faith be
fully assured without misgiving that the body and blood
of Christ hath been vouchsafed thee." ^ Or again, " trust
not the judgment of thy bodily palate, but trust to faith
unfaltering, for they who taste are bidden to taste, not
bread and wine, but the antitypical body and blood of
Christ." 2
Another Avriter contemporaneous with Cyril of Jerusa-
lem was Gregory of Nyssa (350-394 c). A special interest
attaches to the views of both tliese men regarding the
symbol, because they lived in the age when the liturgy
was in the process of development. In a sermon on the
Baptism of Christ, preached on the Day of Lights (Epiph-
any), Gregory takes occasion to speak of the Mysteries,
which cleanse both body and soul. In his audience there
Avere the uninitiated as well as believers, which gives him
the opportunity to explain or recommend what is not in-
telligible or attractive to the unbelieving mind, — the
relation of the physical to the spiritual in the work of
regeneration. " This gift of regeneration," he says, " is
not bestowed by water, for in that case the water were a
thing more exalted than all creation ; but by the command
of God and the visitation of the Spirit, that comes sacra-
mentally to set us free. Bat water serves to express the
cleansing.' But after having thus plamly set forth the
use of water as a symbol of spiritual purification, accord-
1 My stag., III. 3. 2 My stag., IV. 6.
CONSECRATION OF MATTEE 483
ing to the analogy of cleansing the body in the bath, he
turns to the deeper consideration of the subject, and then
we lose his meaning in what is sometimes called the sacra-
mental phraseology, where it is impossible to say whether
he means to be understood literally or not, — whether thei'e
is an objective reality and efficacy in the sacred symbols
or whether they represent some subjective process in the
regenerated mind :
" Man, as we know full well, is compound, not simple : and therefore
the cognate and similar medicines are assigned for healing him who
is twofold and conglomerate ; for his visible body, water, the sensible
element ; for his soul, which we cannot see, the Spirit invisible, in-
voked by faith, present unspeakably. For ' the Spirit breathes where
He wills and tliou hearest His voice, but canst not tell whence He
cometh or whither He goeth.' He blesses the body that is baptized
and the water that baptizeth. Despise not, therefore, the divine
laver, nor think lightly of it, as a common thing on account of the
use of water. For the power that operates is mighty, and wonderful
are the things that are wrought thereby. For this holy altar, too, by
which I stand is stone, ordinary in its nature, nowise different from
the other slabs of stone that build oixr houses and adorn our pave-
ments; but seeing that it was consecrated to the service of God and
received the benediction, it is a holy table, an altar undefiled, no
longer touclied by the hands of all, but of the priests alone and that
with reverence. The bread, again, is at first common bread, but when
the sacramental action consecrates it, it is called and becomes the body
of Christ. So with the sacramental oil; so with the wine; though
before the benediction they are of little value, each of them, after the
sanctification bestowed by the Spirit, has its several operation. The
same power of the word, again, also makes the priest venerable and
honorable, separated, by the new blessing liestowed upon him, from
his comnumity with the mass of men. While but yesterday he was
one of the mass, one of the people, he is sutldenly rendered a guide, a
president, a teacher of righteousness, an instructor in hidden mys-
teries ; and this he does without being at all changed in body or in
form; but while continuing to be in all appearance the man he was
before, being by some unseen power and grace transformed in respect
of his unseen soul to the higher condition. . . . Learn, then, that
hallowed water cleanses and illuminates the man." ^
1 In the language of Cyril of Alexandria (t 444) we find a still more
emphatic assertion of this principle : "By the agency of the Holy Ghost
the water perceived by the senses is metamorphosed into a certain divine
and ineffable power : " Aid rrji tov irveifiaTos evepyela^ to alffdrjTov vdup
irpbs deiav tlvo, Kal diropp-qrov avaffTOLX^i-ovraL Sxivap-LV (^In Joan. 3, 5).
484 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
Gregory recognizes that his explanation still leaves
something unexplained, for he takes refuge in the mys-
tery of the origin of physical life, as analogous to the birth
of the life in the Spirit ; so that if anj- one still feels that
he does not comprehend, he may be reminded that he also
does not understand the generation of life in the natural
order. And there the matter must be left.
The passage which has just been quoted is a remarkable
one as affording a cle^y to the interpretation of the litur-
gies, especially those of Oriental origin. Whatever diffi-
culties are felt in the latter are found here ; whatever
merits or attractions the liturgies contain the language
of Gregory also possesses. He is describing the mood,
the attitude toward outward nature, which dominated the
Catholic church in its devotions, where the intellectual
entanglements of the age were forgotten, as the heart
went forth in the worship of God. But beneath the lan-
guage of both, there runs an intellectual principle, even
though it is not seen or should be disowned ; there is a
philosophical assumption, concealed but no less operative,
which it is important to discern. The defect in Gregory
which vitiates his reasoning, confusing both himself and
his readers, is a failure to distinguish between the action
of the human imagination and the power of God. The
human mind possesses the capacity to transfigure common
objects under the influence of some great passion. What
tlie heart feels under the spell of deep and quickened emo-
tion, sometimes finding expression in poetry, but here in
worship, is projected forth as if an external realitj^ exist-
ing apart from the imagination, and as owing its origin to
the exclusive action of the spirit of God. In theological
language, this is known as Monophysitism — the doctrine
of the one nature, in which the human and the divine are
fused together and the human is submerged in the divine.
What was detected and condemned by the reason as an
error in theology, was not recognized when transplanted
to the sphere of worship, where the heart reigns supreme.
The liturgy had already taken shape before tlie tendency
which inspired it had been cleaiiy revealed to the reason ;
THE SPIRITUAL AND THE MATERIAL 485
the spirit of the hour was too strong to be suppressed, as
in its creative activity it was moulding the forms of the
cultus under whose influence the Catholic church was
henceforth to move and live and have its being.
Ill
The worship of saints, and of the images and relics of
saints, becomes fi-om the fourth century an important
feature of the Catholic cultus. Its origin is easily con-
nected with those universal human instincts which find
expression in every age. The recognition of great men as
benefactors of humanity in whom there seems to dwell a
certain godlike quality ; the need as it were of human
leaders and heroes whom men in honoring honor also
themselves ; the desire to possess and to see their likeness,
as if the soul in them shone forth through the body; the
feeling that one comes nearer to them by something which
they have touched and handled; the reverence which is
felt for their ashes, — all these are alike characteristic of
men always and ever}- where. Even in our own age, the
positivist who worships humanity bears witness to the
instinct out of which has grown much of the ancient
polytheism and mythology.
But in the Catholic church of the fourth century, this
tendency toward the worship of saints and images and
relics was part of a larger movement having its roots in
the past, in the conflicts of thought and feeling begotten
by the schools of Greek philosophy. The worship of
saints and relics was only the consequence of that reac-
tion against the Gnostic doctrine that the natural order
is evil. Platonists, Stoics, and others who had distin-
guished between spirit and nature, body and soul, God
and the creation, as divided by some impassable gulf, were
included in the same reaction. A new Platonism had
reasserted that the world was good, and had endeavored to
restore the unity of things, avoiding the dualism and dis-
harmony which had resulted from the acceptance of the
tenet that matter was evil or was unworthy of association
486 CHEISTIAN WORSHIP
with the spirit. The Christian Fathers followed the move-
ment, as though seeking to restore again that earlier un-
conscious mood Avherein ancient Greece had revelled, and
had developed the glories of its art, when man was but
part of his environment, and the advice of Socrates that
men should seek to know themselves had not as yet
brought the sense of inward contradiction.
Hardly had the doctrine of the incarnation been so
stated and secured by Athanasius as to become the pos-
session of the church, when it was drawn into the strong
current of this powerful reaction and subordinated to a
purpose Athanasius had never contemplated. The belief
in the incarnation produced indeed an inward mood of
exultation, for it involved the redemption of nature and
of humanity from the stigma of evil. The victory over
Arius was equivalent to the assertion that the world was
good ; for Arius had taught that an incarnation of God
was impossible on account of the unworthiness of the ma-
terial creation to be so closely associated with the divine.
But Athanasius had not foreseen how his teaching would
be warped from its true intent by this intenser mood which
now seized upon his doctrine and, changing its spirit, made
it the instrument of a revolution in cultus and in theology.
He himself had protested against the worship of the flesh,
or of images, as a heathen degradation.^ He had dwelt
upon the spiritual aspect of the incarnation, as the revela-
tion of the inmost mind and character of God ; and upon
its evidence as addressed to the spiritual faculty, not to
sensuous perception. When he cited the expression " the
Word was made flesh," he had also carefully defined its
meaning ; not as indicating that the Word was transmuted
into flesh, but rather as an equivalent expression for " the
Word was made man." ^
But it was just that expression, the Word tvas made fie sh,
upon which the imagination seized, as language needing
no paraphrase ; in its literalness, it hinted at the idea of
^ Cf. De hicar., cc. 11-18 ; also Epis. ad Epictetum, Or. III. c. Ar., 25,
II. 16.
2 Epis. ad Epictet.
THE SPIRITUAL AND THE MATERIAL 487
some infusion of spirit into flesh by which the flesh was
also deified and became tlie instrument of man's salvation.
The doctrine that the body of Christ was deified henceforth
became the foundation stone of the Catholic cultus, involv-
ing the principle that a life-giving influence proceeded
from His body which is imparted to men as the food of the
soul in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper; involving also
the apotheosis of the Virgin Mother, as the source whence
He had drawn His life-giving body ; and involving also the
worship of the bodies of the saints in whom His life had
been manifested.
So early as the time of Tertullian (f c. 220 a.d.), this
tendency toward the deification of matter had found ex-
pression in the Catholic church. In his treatises on The
Flesh of Christ and on The Resurrection of the Flesh,
Tertullian was fighting both heathens and heretics, who
vilified matter and despised the body, or who refused to
admit that Christ had possessed an actual body (Doce-
tism). In his opposition to this attitude he almost fell into
a materialism which could speak of spirit in the terms of
matter. This tendency was nourished also by the Chris-
tian custom of burying the dead, in place of the heathen
usage of cremation, — a custom out of which grew much
that was most beautiful and attractive in Christian piety,
while also it became the germ of great abuses, the rally-
ing-point of much of the later development of the Catholic
cultus. It deepened the faith in the immortality of the
soul, by the importance it attached to the human body,
which the usage of cremation sacrificed ; and it ministered
to the doctrine of the communion of saints. The resurrec-
tion of the flesh, of the same body which had lain in the
grave and seen corruption, was, however, to Tertullian one
of the things which he believed, without reason, or, as he
says, even against reason, just because it was impossible
and absurd.
In the church Fathers of the latter part of the fourth
century, and more particularly Cyril of Jerusalem and
Gregory of Nyssa, there is an effort to ground these
convictions of Tertullian in a materialistic philosophy.
488 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
A greater significance is attached to the body and to
the senses, as the agencies on which the mind is de-
pendent. Gregory of Nyssa inclines to reverse the atti-
tude of Athanasius, who had held that the senses are the
instrument played upon by the mind,^ and maintains that
the mind works by means of the senses.^ Tlie Holy Spirit
is conceived as the bond which unites the two spheres, the
physical and the rational, in some organic fashion. Since
it is the function of the Spirit to sanctify the man whoU}^,
He must needs act upon body as well as soul, penetrating
by His power the water, the oil, the bread, and the wine,
and bending them to a spiritual efficacy for the body, as
well as acting more immediately for the purification of the
inner life. On this basis it is not difficult to understand
how Cyril of Jerusalem could affirm, that " even though
the soul is not present, a virtue resides in the body of the
saints, because of the righteous soul which has for so many
years dwelt in it, and used it as its minister." ^ Such was
the formula for the worsliip of the bodies of the saints,
and of their relics, whicli became more interesting, more
real because more tangible, than the worship of God in
spirit and in truth.
This tendency to confuse the material and the spiritual
till they become practically identified, culminates in the
teaching of Gregory of Nyssa in regard to the eucharist.
His ruling principle is that when Christ assumed a body,
He deified the flesh and everything kindred and related to
it. But since the human body subsists by meat and drink,
therefore wlien one looks on bread he is, in a way, looking
upon the human body. And when this principle was applied
to Christ, the body into which God entered, since it par-
took of the nourishment of bread, was, in a certain meas-
1 Contra Gentes, § 31. ^ j)g jjom. Op., cc. viii., x.
3 Cat., XVII. 16. Cf. also Greg. Naz. to the same effect in Adv.
Julian, Or. III. The church Fathers of the latter part of the fourth cen-
tury were almost unanimous in accepting this principle ; cf. Schaff, Ch.
His., III., p. 457. Even Origen, while admitting that this growing ten-
dency to the worship of relics, including the body of departed saints, was
an error, yet thought that a right instinct lay beneath it. Cf. Con.
Celsum, IV. 59.
THE SPIRITUAL AND THE MATERIAL 489
ure, tlie same with bread, inasmuch as bread changes into
flesh. Hence it follows, that since the body of Christ
maintained by bread was transmuted by the indwelling of
God the Word into tlie dignity of Godhead, so the bread
which is consecrated by the Word of God is changed into
the body of God the Word. What is true of the bread is
true also of wine, since the body requires liquids for its
nourishment as well as solid food :
" Since, then, seeing that Godhead containing flesh partook for its
substance and support of this particular nourishment also, and since
the God who was manifested infused Himself into perishing humanity
for this purpose, viz. that by this comnmnion with Deity mankind
might at the same time be deified, for this end it is that, by dispensa-
tion of His grace, He disseminates Himself in every believer through
that flesh, whose substance comes from bread and wine, blending
Himself with the bodies of believers, to secure that, by this union
with the immortal, man too may be a sharer in incorruption. He
gives these gifts by virtue of the benediction by which He trans-
elements (yu,€Tao-Toixetwo-as) the natural quality of these visible things
to that immortal thing." ^
In the further development of the cultus the church
reflected the influence of the same tendencies which pro-
duced the Christian year. The church was placing its
stamp upon matter and space as well as time, upon the
external world of visible nature as well as upon the inner
life of the spirit. It peopled space with an arni}^ of saints,
who were believed to share in the divine omnipotence and
omniscience, with Mary the Queen of Heaven as their
head and summit. The spaces left emjjty by the de-
thronement of heathen deities and heroes were refilled
with Christian martyrs and confessors, ascetics and theo-
logians, with all who had reflected lustre on the Catholic
church. In sacred acts of worship, at its most solemn
moments, Mary and the saints were associated with God,
as those to whom alike a common confession of sin should
be made, and from whom alike pardon was invoked. The
new Christian mythology was a purer and higher thing
than that which it supplanted ; it gave richer food for the
1 Cal. 21a(j., XXVII.
490 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
imagination, but, like the old mythologies, it had a ten-
dency to obscure the Deity, to relegate to the background
the great first cause, till it became difficult for the popular
mind any longer to conceive His presence or activity. In
moments of emergency the first appeal was to Mary or
the saints. But whatever the defects of this substitute for
the pagan mythologies, it was successful at last in remov-
ing the traces of the nature-religions, even though it were
accomplished by tlie assimilation of the principle out of
which they had grown.
The Catholic church was also putting its stamp, by
means of the cultus, upon the external world. In so doing,
it practically sacrificed or abandoned the truth for which
Plato and Greek philosophy had been struggling, — that the
spirit was superior to matter, belonging to some higher
order in the grades of existence. The spirit henceforth
became dependent upon the agency of matter for its salva-
tion; matter was no longer vilified nor contempt thrown
upon it as in the earlier age. The doctrine known as
the opus operatiwi, according to which the outward act
is effective for salvation, so that the sacrament may work
its result for the spirit apart from its participation in Christ
by faith, was the issue of the deification of matter ; just
as contact with a relic, the bone or the clothing of a saint,
acted directly upon the soul without its special conscious-
ness or effort to appropriate the good. The only point to
be determined was the question of validity, whether of
sacrament or relic, and that determination rested in turn
upon some virtue communicated to matter, through a tan-
gible relationship, not, according to the theory, begotten
by the self-conscious spirit. Just as in the ancient nature-
worships, where inanimate things were reverenced as di-
vine, and animals occupied the most sacred shrines of
temples, so in this Christian materialism, in which the
spirit was submerged in a physical process, the Catholic
church seemed to revel without reference to the claims
of the reason or in defiance of them. Churches were
built over the graves of saints, in order to their high-
est consecration. At last it became a law that a church
THE SPIRITUAL AND THE MATERIAL 491
should not be consecrated without the possession of some
relic, whose hallowed power, derived from the body of
a saint, lent sanctity to the structure, and the ground
on which it rested. If one penetrated to the inmost source
of this physical sanctity, the result might seem as incongru-
ous as when in Egyptian temples a cat or a crocodile,
reposing in its sacred penetralia, was disclosed to the in-
quiring eye. In the Catholic church it might be a frag-
ment of clothing, or a piece of bone, or a bit of wood.
Such was the power of the relic, that when the Persians
stole the Holy Cross, the Roman Emperor Heraclius went
to war for its recovery.^ The essence of the miracle in the
Oriental church consisted in the sympathy of nature with
man, as lending her agencies to his spiritual betterment ;
in contrast with the earlier conception of miracle, in the
Latin world, in which man is resisting nature and over-
coming the laws which bind him in chains to the low and
hopeless uniformity of its career. All the evils which
beset and threaten the body from without, and through
the body endanger the life of the spirit, may be banished
by a simple physical act in the sign of the cross. " Make
this sign," says Cyril, " at eating and drinking, at sitting,
at lying down, at rising up, at speaking, at walking, in a
word, at every act. . . . When thou art going to dis-
pute with unbelievers, concerning the Cross of Christ, first
make with thy hand the sign of Christ's cross and the
gainsayer will be silenced." ^
1 For the discovery of the Holy Cross, cf. Socrates, H. E., I. 17, and
Sozomen, H. E., II. 1. Both writers belong to the fifth century. Euse-
bius does not mention it, which is significant. Its first mention is
apparently by Cyril of Jerusalem (cf. Cat., IV. 10 [c. 350]), who says
that since its discovery the whole world has been filled with jiieces of it.
'^ Cat., IV. 14, Xl'll. 22. Cf. also Tertullian, De Res. Car. c. viii.,
where he says : " The flesh is the very condition on which salvation
hinges. Since the soul is, in consequence of its salvation, chosen to the
service of God, it is the flesh which actually renders it capable of such
service. The flesli, indeed, is washed, in order that the soul may be
cleansed ; the flesh is anointed, that the soul may be consecrated ; the
flesh is signed (with the cross), that the soul too may be fortified; the
flesh is shadowed with the imposition of hands, that the soul may be illu-
minated by the Spirit," etc. The anticipation by Tertullian of so many
of the features of the later Catholic cultus seems to point to the conclu-
492 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
The sign of the cross was but one of a series of
physical acts by which spiritual results were secured.
Benedictions and consecrations innumerable, whether be-
stowed on man or on objects and places in the visible
external world, had the effect of divinizing the environ-
ment of life, as though heaven itself were being repro-
duced in this lower world. Churches and all things
related to them, vestments and altar books and bells, the
holy water, the private houses also and the cemeteries, were
redeemed from the curse of a world which had once lain in
bondage to Satan, and were secured or exempted from all
assaults of evil agencies. There were sacred places wher-
ever a saint had lived or died, and especially Jerusalem,
where the footprints of the Saviour still remained miracu-
lously preserved, with the crowning sanctity of the Holy
Sepulchre. To worship in these places was to be in closest
contact with the spiritual world. The sacred water and
oil, the bread and the wine, the contact of consecrated
hands in the sacraments of confirmation, ordination or
marriage, the holy unction in sickness and in death, — all
these conveyed a sanctifying influence at every stage or
turn of life. They were the means by which the Holy
Spirit was imparted, that Spirit which fused together in one
common life God and the natural world.
The development of the nature-philosophy which re-
gards the elements and forces of the material world as
sion that in his reaction from the one-sided spiritualism of Greek phi-
losophy, or as represented in the West by the ethical teaching of Marcus
Aurelius, Seneca, Epictetus, and others, which despised the body, he
turned to the church for relief, bringing with him a tendency toward a
materialistic interpretation of the church's attitude, which must have
helped to create in the church what did not before exist. That instinct
which TerLullian sought to gratify in the Catholic church carried others
into the nature-religions of the East, which were then becoming popular
in the West. Tertullian betrays a consciousness of the similarity between
his own position and that of the adherents of the nature-religions, but his
defence is never quite satisfactory. That he found his position untenable
is shown by his desertion of the Catholic cultus, which he had done so
much to create, for the ultra- spiritual sect of the Montanists, — a typical
career, which reveals the deepest symptoms of the age.
THE SPIRITUAL AND THE MATERIAL 493
ministering to human salvation was the peculiar work of
the Oriental mind in the Eastern church. The distinctive
principle in this philosophy is the action of the Holy Spirit,
whose function is primarily conceived as that of a media-
tor between external nature and the human soul. Such
was the view of Cyril of Jerusalem and Cj-ril of Alexan-
dria, Gregory of Nyssa and Ephraim of Edessa, — writers
whose influence upon the cultus was most profound. It
is the Holy Ghost who mingles with the waters of baptism
and is blended with the bread of the Holy Eucharist.
In proportion as the worship of the church found its
chief expression in the sacrament of the altar, did this
doctrine of the Spirit prevail. Its influence in the Eastern
church tended to destroy the belief that Satan had this
world in his grasp. This dark conviction was not met, as
in the Western church, by a jJi'ocess of thought, elabo-
rating the doctiine of atonement, but it seems to vanish
without argument, as under the spell of some mighty
enchantment. Hence we note in the Greek Fathers of
this period the sense of the beauty of nature. The Cappa-
docians more particularly gave expression to their love of
nature in a way almost modern in its tone, but which
forms an exception in patristic literature. Even the Em-
peror Julian under the kindred influence of Neoplatonism
has shown in his letters a deep and sincere apprecia-
tion of the beauty of scenery, describing it with the eye
of an artist. Again this doctrine of the Spirit modified
the conception of the miracle in the Eastern church.
It is the Holy Spirit working in, with, and under the forces
of nature, who accomplishes the miraculous birth of Christ
and His resurrection from the dead. So also in the sacred
rites of the church in baptism, in the chrism, and in the
eucharist, the same action of the Holy Spirit is continued
and perpetuated. There is no violation of the laws of nat-
ure, no transcending of nature by the human spirit or by the
divine will, which in the Western conception of the mir-
acle was the predominant thought. The application of the
atonement, the realization of the redemption through Christ,
consists in the interpenetration of physical nature by the
494 CHUISTIAN WORSHIP
Holy Ghost. Thus the incarnation of Christ is mediated
to the individual man by participation in His deified body
given in the eucharist, rather than by the power of his
divine personality entering into human lives and remould-
ing the human consciousness.
The church in the West received a certain influence
from the cultus of the Eastern church, but it did not
receive this doctrine of the Holy Spirit ; it apprehended
the divine action in the world as exceptional or accom-
j)lished by specific acts of the divine will, or by the impar-
tation of the divine power to the human will. The
tendency in the West was to regard the Holy Spirit as an
inward agent for the purification of the soul.^ Hence there
came also in the West a theological activity and an intel-
lectual life to which the East was a stranger after the cult
had established its ascendency over the imagination. The
Spirit which searcheth all things, even the deep things of
God, was a sword of division in the Western church pene-
trating the inmost nature of man, but destined to bring
forth a higher result, when its work should be manifest in
the fulness of time. But the Western church appropri-
ated in its own way many of the results of the nature-phi-
losophy which had been developed in the Oriental world.
The worship of Mary, of saints and images, relics and
sacred places, consecrations of material things, all these
found a sphere in the devotion of the Latin church ; but
the principle of the nature-philosophy was never entirely
domesticated in Western Christendom.^
1 Cf. Augustine, De Fide et Symbolo, c. 19; also Swete, H. B., Art.
on Holy Ghost in Diet. Chris. Biog.
2 The following passage from a Latin writer in tlae thirteenth century
indicates at once the agreement and yet the divergence between the
Eastern and the "Western cults : " Observe that when a person in confir-
mation is blessed on the foi-ehead, and when salt, and water, and palls,
and vestments, and the like be consecrated, the hands are held over
them, because there is a certain virtue in consecrated hands, wliich is, as
it were, stirred up when benediction is poured out over anything with
the hands suspended in this way. Whence the Apostle admonishing
his disciple Timothy, saith : ' I put thee in remembrance that thou stir
up the gift of God which is in thee by the laying on of my hands.' So
tliat devotion may be stirred up in the body by the suspension of hands,
just as in the heart by the effect. For virtue existeth not only in ani-
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE 495
IV
The foundations had already been laid for Catholic rit-
ual, its corner-stone had been sunk deep in material nature,
in order to what seemed a more real and tangible spiritual
structure, when an unknown writer emerged in the East
who completed the preparation and clothed the growing
cultus with an unearthly and almost ineffable splendor ;
justifying its inner principle by a philosopliical appeal,
which went to the heart of his age and has ever since
exerted a wide and profound influence in the Catholic
church. His time may have been the latter part of the
hf th century ; he was first heard of in the year 532 at
a conference in Constantinople when reference was
made to his writings ; he is known in history as Diony-
sius the Areopagite.^ In accordance with a literary cus-
tom whose honesty was not then questioned, he wrote in
the name of that Dionysius whom Paul converted at
Athens, addressing his books or letters to Timothy,
to Titus, or to Polycarp, as his fellow-presbyters in the
Apostolic age. After writing his books, he went, accord-
ing to tradition, into the West, where he became the
Apostle of Gaul and the founder of the church in Paris.
At that remarkable scene pictured by legend, when the
Apostles came together from all parts of the world to the
bedside of the dying mother of Christ, Dionysius came also
among them, that he might have " the spectacle of that body
mate things but also in inanimate, whence some do affirm that by the
virtue of a church, if any one entereth therein from devotion, his venial
sins be forgiven. Again, the hands are thus held in cases of exorcism
especially, as if the priest by the bodily act would put to flight and
threaten the devil by the virtue of the consecration of his hands" (Du-
randus. Bat. Div. Offic, II. 9, 16. Cf. Symbolism of Churches and
Church Ornaments, Neale and Webb, p. 151).
1 It has been generally assumed that the time of the Dionysian writ-
ings was the latter part of the fifth century or the earlier part of the
sixth. But in recent years this date has been questioned, and his time
carried back to the latter part of the fourtli century. Harnack and
others agree m this earlier date, but suppose tliat his writings have since
undergone great modification. For a review of the discussion cf. Diony-
sische Bedenken, by Draseke, in Studien u. Kritiken, 1897.
496 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
which was the beginning of life and. the recipient of God."
The teacher of Dionysius was also there, Hierothius by-
name, who, it is said, surpassed all others, except the
Apostles, in his inspired utterances of praise and song,
as if some divine power were making him its oracle.
Nothing is known of the life of the man who has played
the r61e in ecclesiastical history of Dionysius the Areopa-
gite. His personality was so identified with his thought
that he may have preferred to submerge it, in order to the
^propagation of his peculiar philosophy. There is, how-
ever, an incident mentioned in his letter to Polycarp which
may have an autobiographical value. From this letter it
appears that Dionysius was a fellow-student with one
ApoUophanes in the Egyptian city of Heliopolis at the
time of the passion, and both were witnesses of the eclipse
of the sun and of the total darkness which attended the
yielding up of the life upon the cross. At the moment when
these portents took place, when both also were ignorant
of the great tragedy in Jerusalem, ApoUophanes, moved
by some divine afflatus, exclaimed to his friend, " These
events must be the accompaniments of some divine trans-
action." 1 The remark of ApoUophanes has been repro-
duced ui several versions. According to one of these,
ApoUophanes exclaimed, " It is a crisis in the affairs of
heaven " ; and Dionysius replied, " Either the God of
nature suffers or the fabric of the world is broken up." ^
Or again, " Either the divinity suffers or sympathizes with
some sufferer." ^ Or according to another version, " The
unknown God is suffering in the flesh." * But each ver-
sion contains the same idea, — the sympathetic connection
between spirit and nature, which is one of the fundamental
principles of the Dionysian philosophy. The inference is
a simple one, that Dionysius, so called, was impressed by
the narrative of the portents which accompanied the cru-
cifixion and drew from it an argument in behalf of his
1 Epis. viil., §§2, 3.
2 Cf. Westcott, ReUgious Thought in the West, p. 155. " Aut Deus
naturae patitur aut mundi machina dissolvitur."
^ 'H rd deiov iraffxei, r) to wa(Txi>vTi (TVfxirdcTxfi-
* '0 dyvwcrroi iu crapx^ ■7rd(rxet 0e6i.
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE 497
conviction, or it may have been a transition link between
his heathen attitude and his Christian faith. The as-
sumption by this unknown writer of the name Dionysius
is in itself an epitome of the substance of his thought, —
the connection of Athens and Jerusalem, the welding to-
gether of Greek speculation modified by Egyptian mys-
teriosophy with Christian devotion.
This unknown writer, who, for convenience, may be
called Dionysius, was familiar with the Neoplatonic
philosophy, the inner principle of which becomes the
foundation of his system ; he moves in the Christian
sphere with freedom after his discovery that the Catholic
theology and ritual might be easily adapted to the cherished
principles of an earlier training. He accepts the Neo-
platonic principle of mediations by means of heavenly poten-
cies, constituted in grades descending from the highest
to the lowest, until a grade is reached which, communi-
cating with men in this lower world, superintends and
inspires the process by which humanity is raised to share
in the divine life and light. He accepts the principle that
all divine truth must come by mediation, by impartation
from the higher to the lower. ^ In some points his teaching
has even a reseinblance to that of Arius, as in his often-
repeated affirmation that absolute truth, God as He is in
Himself, cannot be known by man, who must be content
to receive the .knowledge of the divine under human
limitations, adapted to his earthly intelligence. Upon
this point he is most emphatic, that divine manifesta-
tions are not and have never been made directly or
immediately by God to men. In evidence of this position,
he adduces the words : " No man hath seen God at any
time." But those other words of Christ, which underlie
the Athanasian theology, he does not quote : " He that
hath seen me, hath seen the Father." All revelation must
come through the mediation of celestial powers, who impart
truth to men, in relativity, as they are able to receive it.^
If any one should think to pass beyond the human limita-
tion, or rashly attempt to gaze upon the reality, he would
1 De Coel. Hier., c. iv., § 3. ^ De Eccles. Hier., c. ii., § 3.
498 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
only be blinded by the glare and made incapable of vision.
There is much in the writings of Dionysius as true and
elevating as it is beautiful, but in this assumption of a
revelation relative and not absolute, mediated and not
direct, is concealed the motive that reconciled men to
things as they were, and made the highest freedom and
most real progress impossible. Its tendency was to sub-
jugate humanity to the mediation of the visible church,
in Eastern Christendom, as in the West the same result
was accomplished by the assertion of the priesthood, which
developed into the absolute power of the papacy.
But Dionysius has caught, too, that other principle for
which the Neoplatonists were also struggling, — that the
world is good. His treatise on the Celestial Hierarchy
opens with these words, as the keynote of his special mes-
sage, — " Every good gift and every perfect gift is from
above and conieth down from the Father of lights." It is
further evident that, like the dying heathen philosophy,
the range of his thought was taking in world relations,
when he repeats its well-known formula, that " all things
are from God and to God." At this point he makes his
Christian departure. Where heathen teachers did not and
could not follow him, and so failed to establish a reli-
gion, he invokes Jesus as the fatherly light, the true light
which lighteth every man that cometh into the world, the
source also of light by whom we have access to the Father.
That principle of unity which Neoplatonisra could not
attain, centres in Jesus, running alike through all the
hierarchies of heaven, filling and sustaining them all,
ordering their gradations, but also ordering and inspiring
the earthly hierarchies, and communicating to these also
the same divine gift, in measure according to their rank,
or as they are able to receive it. From this preamble, he
turns to another ruling idea of his system, ^ — that the divine
light cannot illuminate men except as it is veiled in
symbols. The physical creation has been designed by the
Father's wisdom in order, through the inherent fitness of
things, to become the mediator of spiritual light and truth.
The ritual of the church and its grades of ministers are
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE 499
of divine institution, an imitation of heavenly hierarchies,
differing from them in this, that the earthly order deals
with sacred pictures and material things that it may raise
men to that spiritual meaning which is without type or
symbol, as in the heavenly hierarchies. It is impossible,
Dionysius repeats it, that the human mind should reach
the immaterial or spiritual except through the mediation
of the visible symbol, whose correspondence with the
spiritual is divinely ordered, as when the beauty of visible
things becomes a type and revelation of the invisible
beauty, or the sweetness of odors perceptible by the senses
a suggestive emblem of divine gifts, or the physical light
an image of the heavenly light. The verbal expositions of
truth correspond to an inward banquet of the soul ; the
graded ranks of the ministry speak of law and harmonious
order in sacred things ; the communion of the holy euchar-
ist of participation in Jesus. These material symbols are
given for the deification of men, according to human
capacity ; and by deification is meant, sharing in the life
and fellowship of God ; but they are also temporary, pre-
paring for the sublimer grandeurs of the heavenly order.^
Such is the preamble to the treatises of Dionysius on
the Heavenly and the Earthly Hierarchies. It has a tone
of authoritative conviction, as of a master conscious of
possessing truth which the church of his time needed but
did not yet possess, as if he were bringing to his age a
message whose proclamation he felt sure would receive no
doubtful welcome.
The treatise on the Heavenly Hierarchy requires here
but a brief consideration ; for though Dionysius abounds
in eloquent exposition, as he dwells on the graded orders
of celestial power, he cannot get beyond the limitations of
his own or human ignorance.'-^ The importance of the
1 Cf. De Eccles. Hier. c. iv., § 3. In the treatise on Mystic Theology
this thought is further developed, — that the symbolism of the ritual is a
concession to human weakness, and even in this world is outgrown by
those who are advanced in spiritual culture.
2 "As though intoxicated with nature and given up to ecstasies, these
men (Dionysius and others) ignored the ethical nature of God ; and yet
at the same time imagined themselves able to advance an infinitely more
500 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
treatise for the development of ritual lies in the assertion
of the principle that heaven and earth are connected by
a common life and common worship ; that the church on
earth is reproducing in its ministry and rites the sacred
drama as it is performed by those who stand about the
throne of God ; always, of course, with the qualification,
according to the lower capacities of human powers. In
his speculations regarding those celestial intelligences
which are higher than man, the mind of the pseudo-Diony-
sius was chiefly impressed with the mystic imagery of the
Book of Ezekiel, the seraphim and cherubim of the Old
Testament, and in the New Testament with those visions
of the Book of Revelation in which are symbolized the
glories and perfections of the upper world. He consti-
tuted in imagination the heavenly hierarchies by adding to
angels and archangels, already familiar to his mind, the
cherubim and seraphim of the Old Testament, and with
these he combined the potencies alluded to in the Epistle to
the Colossians, — thrones and dominions and principalities
and powers. These, nine in all, he divided into groups of
three, a sacred number, placing in the highest rank, in close
proximity to God, seraphim and cherubim and thrones ;
next below these stood dominions, virtues, powers ; and
beneath these, principalities, archangels, and angels. The
ano-els are the lowest in the scale and are commissioned to
mediate with humanity, to hand down to the world the
truth and light so far as they have received it. By the
time that angels are reached in the heavenly hierarchy,
there is a vast remove from Deity Himself, and the revela-
tion which they make is meagre compared with the direct
vision of tliose nearest the eternal throne. In the larger
sense of the word 'angels' all the heavenly powers are in-
cluded as a convenient Avay of speaking. But the angel
of communication with the world stands in the lowest
rank of tlie lowest grade of the heavenly hierarchy.
There were two sources from whence Dionysius drew in
his arrangement of the heavenly hierarchy ; one was Neo-
sublime conception of God " (Dornei", Person of Christ, Div. II., Vol. I.,
p. 157).
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE 501
platonism, which conceived the going forth from God in an
ever-decreasing degree of the divine life and capacity, until
in the lowest order a being was found sufficiently below
the higher powers, and yet sufficiently above man, to hold
contact with the world of human existence which stands at
an almost infinite remove from Deity. The other source
was the Old Testament. He passed over the great age of
Hebrew prophecy, when the " Word of God " came directly
to the soul of the prophet, preferring the later phase of Jew-
ish history, after the return from Babylon, when it was no
longer the " Word of God," but an angel who brought
the message the prophet was to proclaim. It was a feat-
ure of the age in which Dionysius lived, as it was of the
age after the captivity, that there was no longer the " open
vision"; the day of prophecy was spent, the day of com-
mentators and mediators was at hand. But even so, the
system of Dionysius was a vastly higher thing than Neo-
platonism ; for Jesus, who is the author and inspirer of all
the hierarchies in heaven and earth, who is also coequal
with the Father, is conceived as having become incarnate
in this lower world, redeeming it from the evil of a
remote insignificance and connecting it in close organic
relationship with the highest. This one idea of the in-
carnation, which the Neoplatonist stubbornly refused to
accept, gave the life and the unity to the scheme of
Dionysius, that prevented it from degenerating into an
empty abstraction.
The principle of mediation runs through the hierarchies
as an organic law; to receive and to give is the function
of spiritual life. Seraphim alone receive directly from the
infinite source, and impart in turn to cherubim, so far as
the latter can receive ; and what cherubim can give is
handed on to the thrones. From this higher threefold
grade, the fire of divine life is imparted in reduced degree
to the next grade in descent, and so on to the lowest.
Virtues receive from dominations and bestow on powers ;
the powers connect through principalities with the lowest
hierarchy, which in turn gives to archangels, and they to
angels. This is the essence of hierarchy as Dionysius
502 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
defines it — "a supreme order, and wisdom and energy,
in imitation of God, so far as is attainable, and fitted for
the divine illuminations granted to it by God, in due pro-
portion in order to the divine imitation." ^ Dion^^sius
struggles in vain to define or to discriminate between the
distinctive qualities of each threefold order in the heav-
enly hierarchy with this exception, that he finds an uniform
law pervading all things : the lowest potency in each grade
represents purification ; the middle potency stands for illu-
mination; and the highest for perfection, in the particular
degree or capacity assigned to it. This law also he makes
control the earthly hierarchies.
Before turning to the earthly hierarchy, two things may
be noted in regard to these speculations for which Dio-
nysius claimed the sanction of the Apostles, and under
which claim they were received by the church down to the
Reformation as having an equal authority with Scripture
itself. They represent human speculation about the un-
known and the unknowable, which has no clear warrant
of ancient Hebrew prophecy, or of Christ and His Apos-
tles. But they also filled up the void created by the
dethronement of heathen deities, giving food for the
spiritual imagination, peopling heaven with pure intel-
ligences, symbolizing those higher virtues for which men
strive but never entirely attain. The influence of these
speculations about angels has been immense, but it is
chiefly through poetry that the influence has been felt in
later times. Dante referred to Dionysius as
" That taper's radiance, to whose view was shown,
Clearliest, the nature and the ministry
Angelical."
Spenser and jNIilton more particularly have reproduced
what Dionysius originated. In the woodcuts which illus-
trate the missals of the Middle Ages, angels are hovering
over the rites of the earthly altar, as at their higher altar
l"E<m fiiv Upapx^-o-i kut' ifii, rd^is lepcL, Kal iwi(rTrifj.r], Kal ivipyeia irpos
rb deoidis is icpiKTov dcpofxawv/jLevri, Kal Trpos ras iuSidoinevas avTT] deddev
i\\dfx\j/<Tei% dva\6yu3s eni to deop.liJ.T]Tov dvayofievi] (Z)e Coel. Hier., C. iii.,
§!)•
DIONVSIUS THE AEEOPAGITE 503
they perform the transfigured ritual of heaven. In the
Sarum Missal is the petition '"'• Supplies s te rogamus^ om-
nipotens Deus, jube liaec perferri per manus sancti angeli
tui in sublime altare tuum, in conspectu divinae inajestatis
tuaey In the Trisagion of the present English office, is
also retained the angelic commemoration, " Tlierefore with
angels and archangels and all the hosts of heaven." But
it is also to be noted that the worship of angels never
became a feature of the Catholic church. There are traces
of it at the time when the worship of saints was becoming
an established usage, but they soon disappeared. As God
and Christ retreated into the background of the popular
religion, it was Mary the Virgin, the confessors and mar-
tyrs, the heroes of the time, not angels or archangels, who
won the confidence of humanity. The poet Lessing gave
the reason why the angel, with his supernatural purity and
intelligence, has never received the homage of the Catholic
church ; a fellow-man is dearer to the heart of man than
any angel :
" Denn, Daja, glaube mir, dem Menschen ist
Ein Menscli nocli iniiner lieber als ein Engel." ^
There are also allusions in the New Testament that
did not weigh with Dionysius as he constructed the
heavenly hierarchies and fixed the place of man on earth
beneath the angel. "• Know ye not," says St. Paul, " that
we shall judge the angels ? " And again it is said of the
transcendent majesty of human redemption, that it is
" a thing which the angels desire to look into," as if
there were here some greater and more glorious experi-
ence than angelic existence can reveal. To have had
the darker experience of sin and a fall, and then to have
risen, may conceal possibilities for humanity grander than
those can know who have never been called to the conflict
and victory with evil. It was one of the speculations of
an early Gnostic theologian, that redeemed humanity would
be raised in the world of aeons above all other created
beings, in consequence of its triumph over sin. The
1 Der Nathan der Weise, 1 Aufz., 1 Auft.
504 CHllISTIAN WORSHIP
opinion has also been advanced, in order to explain the
existence of fallen angels, that they revolted when they
learned that it was to be their mission to minister to hu-
manity, since, when its consummation was accomplished, it
was to appear moi'e glorious and exalted than the angelic
order. These considerations, which are out of place in the
Dionysian scheme, may point to some defects in his system
that will be more apparent hereafter.
The earthly hierarchy is the continuation of the heav-
enly, a ladder reaching down from heaven to earth on
which angels are descending and by which it is divinely
appointed that men should rise to the knowledge and
possession of the life in God. The earthly corresponds
to the heavenly hierarchy in its constitution, and is divided
into three ranks or orders. The first or highest grade
includes the three mysteries or sacraments: (1) baptism,
(2) the eucharist, and (3) the chrism or anointing oil.
In the second rank is the threefold ministry : (1) bishops,
(2) presbyters, and (3) deacons. Beneath these, in the
lowest rank, are (1) the catechumens, who are in training
for the sacred rite of baptism; (2) the holy laity, who
have been admitted to the divine communion; and (3) the
monks, who, by the chrism, are initiated into a higher
life and, so far as their receptivity allows, are being per-
fected in God.
Each of these threefold hierarchies is conceived as a
supreme divine law, as the channel or receptacle of this
divine wisdom, and as charged with the divine energy,
each in its order or capacity, — of all which the end
is assimilation to God. The same law pervades their
operations as in the heavenly ranks ; purification, illumi-
nation, and perfection is the method of each separate
order. In baptism is the purification of the body and
the soul from evil ; in the communion of the eucharist
is admission to the common life of God, so that men
come therein to the knowledge of God ; in the chrism
there is perfection, symbolized by the perfume of the
anointing oil, the latter deserving the highest place
as representing more fully Christ, the anointed of God.
DIONYSIUS THE AKEOPAGITE 505
In the order of the ministry, the deacon (Xeirovpjo'i')
superintends the process of purification, tlie priest (I'ejoev?)
administei's the eucharist (^Koivcovia re koi crut'afi?), which
brings illumination, and to the bishop iiepdp^r]<i) belongs
the gift of perfecting the illuminated, for lie alone con-
secrates the chrism wliich brings to pei-fection. In the
lower ranks of the laity the catechumens are under the
training of the deacon in order to purification, the holy
laity are led by the priest to the illuminations, and to the
monks alone of the three is given a special consecration
by the chrism, in order to their perfection by a life of
isolation from the world and by exclusive contemplation
of divine things.
Sacraments, ministry, and laity are then alike included
in the hierarchic order and energy ; physical agencies, no
less than human personalities, combine to the spiritual
result. The term used for this combination of the sen-
suous or material with the spiritual is Mystery (^fjLvarijpiov),
the Greek equivalent for the Latin sacraynentum. The
word ' mystery ' was at this time used so vaguely that the
exact number of the mysteries remained undetermined,^
and miofht include the creeds or formulas of doctrine.
By Dionysius the number of the mysteries was fixed at
six, — baptism, the eucharist, the chrism or confirmation,
ordination, consecration of monks, anointing of the dead.
This arrangement was afterward modified in the Greek
church, and the mysteries became seven in number by the
omission of the consecration of monks and the introduc-
tion of marriage and penance. Dionysius has described
in detail in his book on the Earthly Hierarchy the cere-
monies connected with each mystery in order to its proper
performance. A special supernatural importance attaches
to each ritual act or slightest ceremonial variation ; for
the physical symbol is everywhere allied with the spiritual
purpose, as if indispensably necessary to its accomplish-
ment. Dionj^sius therefore becomes the founder of rit-
1 " Die Zahlung war selu'willkiirlich ; Mysterium war jedes Siniiliche,"
bei deiii etwas Heiliges gedacht oder genossen werden sollte " (Harnack,
Grundriss, etc., p. 173).
506 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
ualisin. He embodied in his system the suggestions of his
forerunners, the conti'ibutions of Cyril of Jerusalem and
Cyril of Alexandria, and more particular!}? the deeper prin-
ciples of Gregory of Nyssa, between whose thought and
his own there is a striking similarity. The tendency of
such a system was to grow continually more subtle and
intricate by the additions of commentators, by the discov-
ery of new correspondences between the phj^sical and the
spiritual, until the ritual became, like the Egyptian mys-
teries which it supplanted, an almost unintelligible per-
formance, the key to which the priesthood was supposed to
possess, but Avhich in reality had been lost.
The teaching of the Two Hierarchies commended itself
to the Catholic church, although the treatises of Diony-
sius were first utilized by the Monophysites, whose ap-
peal to them created suspicion among the orthodox. But
the system was so consonant with the prevailing tenden-
cies of the age, it lent such lustre and significance to
the ritual and to the clergy, that it could not fail to meet
an universal response. But there are also features in the
fuller thought of Dionysius which do not harmonize with
what has been called the sacramental theology, either in
that age or in subsequent periods. There are glimpses
of a tendency purely spiritual, and not material or eccle-
siastical, vistas opening up to the view some larger ranges
of religious speculation which the popular mind could
not follow. It is very significant, for example, that Dio-
nysius almost invariably uses the human name of the
Saviour even in his most exalted and sublimated ap-
peals. It is Jesus who is coequal with the Father, Jesus
who has created the hierarchies of heaven and earth, and
it is the life and spirit of Jesus which ranges through them
all, imparting their energy and validity, as though the
name of Jesus were at once human and divine, the name
at which every knee should bow. Another unexplained
feature in his method, is his substitution of other designa-
tions for the clerg}? than the customary ones of bishops,
priests or presbyters, and deacons. Again he insists upon
the importance of holy life among the clergy almost in
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE 507
Montanist or Donatist fashion, as an essential element in
making the ritnal expositions effective. For this is part
of that life of Jesus diffused among the hierarchies, with-
out which they lose their power. And still further, he
magnifies the importance of homiletical expositions of the
meaning of the sacred rites, to be made by the higher
clergy, as if in their words alone resided the mystic effi-
cacy through which the hearers are brought into union
and communion with God. In this way he neutralizes in
some measure the tendency in his system toward a me-
chanical theory of the sacraments that makes the physical
act effective without the intelligent or conscious co-op-
eration of the worshipper. This feature in the writings
of Dionysius, which assigns a high importance to homi-
letical instruction in its appeal to the mind or conscience,
appears in his comment on the eucharist, where he seems
to intimate that the communion with God wherein lies
illumination takes place in the sacrament before the dis-
tribution of the symbols of bread and wine.
In his view of the essential nature of symbolism, also,
Dionysius stands by himself. The conception that the
symbol expresses, more clearly than words can do, the
deeper spiritual functions of God in the regeneration of
the soul, whether it be true or not, is not the concep-
tion he adopts in his ritual expositions. Rather the
sj^mbol is obscure in itself, veiling the truth in darkness,
until its clearer exposition is reached in language. This
character of the symbol springs from the very nature of
that process of emanation by which all things in the
spiritual or the visible world have gone forth from God.
Since this is conceived as a descending process, it reaches
its lowest stage when the divine life is driven to express
itself in corporeal or material forms. The visible creation
is good and is filled with the divine life according to its
capacity, but this capacity is, after all, so inadequate
that visible things conceal the Deity as truly as they
reveal Him. There is, according to Dionysius, in all this
another purpose, serviceable to the church. The veil
upon nature, or the interpretation of nature as an allegory,
508 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
prevents the profanations of the divine mysteries by the
vulgar or the uninitiated. Only within the church, and by
sacred expositions of which the clergy are capable by special
divine illumination, is the veil withdrawn and the mystery
of nature disclosed. Between this teaching and the inter-
pretation of the ancient nature-worships, especially by the
Egyptian priesthood, the resemblance is obvious. But at
any rate it is a higher teaching than the opus operatum
conception of the sacraments, which descends rapidly to
magic, theurgy, and the lower aspects of religion without
resistance or protest. Traces of this doctrine of Dionysius
still linger about the Oriental liturgies, wherein they differ
from the Latin, making them obscure to one wdio comes to
them with Latin presuppositions.
From this view of the symbol or the veiled revelation
of God in nature, the departure of Dionysius was easy
in another direction, as when he teaches that to the
spiritual enlightened soul the symbol is no longer neces-
sary, but it gazes directly, without the aid of media, upon
the divine reality. Even in his treatises on the Two
Hierarchies he cannot suppress this conviction, though
his object there is to commend the symbolical worship
of the church. The splendor of the divine light is re-
vealed without the symbol to men inspired, and their
intellectual insight knows no concealment.^ In their
degree and according to their capacity, they resemble the
celestial hierarchy, acted upon from within, no longer like
the multitude who are moved by the things without.
This doctrine is brought out more clearly and strongl}^
in the treatise on Mystic Theology, whose object is to show
that men may approach more closely to God in proportion
as they escape from their dependence on the physical or
bodily conditions, shunning all signs and symbols of the
divine, in order to rise to the vision of the reality and
the more intimate knowledge of God. A formal in-
consistency like this would seem to indicate that Dio-
nysius held to the distinction of the esoteric and the
exoteric, — the one for the few enlightened souls, the other
^ De Eccles. Hier. c. iv., § 6.
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE 509
for the unintelligent multitude who were gathered within
the church. And here again may be noted the influence
of, or the coincidence with, the teaching of the later Greek
philosophy, and the initiations of the Egyptian priesthood.
The merits and the deficiencies of Dionysius appear
in their most striking form in his book on The Divine
Names, in some respects the most important treatise in
the later Greek theology, after the age of Cyril. It is a
profoundly speculative work, but does not profess to be
so ; rather, it starts with the explicit statement that noth-
ing can be known of the names of God or of the nature of
God except through Scripture. The name of God stands
for the revelation of the divine character, as when it was
asked, What is Thy name ? with the answer, Wherefore
dost thou ask after m}^ name ?
"There are many names of God, as when they introduce Him, say-
ing, I am that I am, — life, light, God, truth, or as when those who
are wise with the wisdom of God, raise to Him, the Maker of all
things, a hymn of praise from all created things, as the good, the
beautiful, as the wise, the beloved, as God of gods and Lord of lords,
as the Holy of holies, as eternal, He who is, as the author of the ages,
as the giver of life, as wisdom, as mind, as AVord, as knowing and as
having in highest degree all treasures of all knowledge ; as power and
as ruler, as king of kings, as the ancient of days, but not aged, or
mutable; as salvation, justice, sanctification, and redemption; in His
greatness surpassing all things and as subtility in the air. And they
also say of Him that He exists in minds, and in souls and bodies and
in heaven and in earth, and at once the same in the same, in the
world, around the world, above the world, supercelestial, supersub-
stantial, sun, star, fire, water, spirit, dew and cloud, even the stone,
the rock, all things which are, and nothing of the things which are.''^
But these names of God also conceal while they reveal.
The divine existence transcends all existence : His unity,
which it is beyond the power of the mind to conceive,
transcends all intelligence ; His goodness cannot be ex-
pressed by words, His essence is above essence. His mind
inconceivable, and His word cannot be uttered. He must
be conceived as the negation of word and mind and name.
His existence has no analogy in other existence. He is
1 De Div. Nom. c. i., § 6.
510 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
the author of being in all and yet Himself without being
because above all being.^ But it is characteristic of the
method of the book on The Divine Names, that he no
longer celebi'ates the ritual of the Hierarchy, as the mode
of coming to the knowledge of God. He has risen now to
a height where spirit must meet spirit alone. Prayer is
the means of approach to God, and this not because God
is absent or at a distance from us, but because through
prayer we are present to God in mind and spirit : not so
much that God approaches us, as that we realize His
presence, and thus draw nigh to God.^
The treatise on The Divine Names so magnifies and as
it were revels in the immanence of God, from whom all
things proceed, in whom they exist, sharing in the divine
goodness and beauty and wisdom, that it becomes a serious
question, how evil can exist at all in such a divine crea-
tion. Dionysius boldly faces the question^ by denying its
existence altogether. Evil is simply the absence of the
good : it is defect of existence, privation, want, feebleness
or frailty ; but it has no positive being and in the nature
of the case cannot have, for all existing things or entities
are from God, who is goodness and love, beauty and truth.
There can be no rival power to His power which could
impart actual existence to evil. The cause of all things is
good; therefore the principle and end of all things, even
those having the marks of evil, things impotent or infirm,
is also good.* Evil as evil is not an entity ; does not
exist in things, not even in demons, but is rather lack of
power, imbecility ; for even they seek good in so far as
they desire to be, or to exist and to know, but through
defect of the true appetite they do not reach the good.^
The familiar comparison is that of cold, which is the want
of heat, or of darkness, which is the want of light. When
the day darkens at its close, nothing is added to what
existed before, but something has disappeared. And so
when man is withdrawn from the world, since all life
1 De Div. JVom. c. i., § 1. ^ De Div. Nom. c. iv.
2 De Div. Nom. c. iii. * De Div. Nom. c. iv., § ol.
^ De Div. Nom. c. iv., § 34.
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE 511
comes from the eternal life, and since by participation in
the divine life alone, here and everywhere, are all forms of
life sustained, it follows that those in whom the life here
has been deficient, who have failed through weakness to
reap the true results of life, shall return again to the one
life and again become alive. ^
We have here, in sharp contrast, the difference between
the Greek anthropology and the Latin. In the one, man
appears as weak and frail, and the Fall is the result of human
feebleness ; in the other, man appears not only as weak, but
as vicious ; in the one, he is presented as the object of the
divine compassion, as making by his situation a touching
appeal to the divine aid and mercy, which responds readily
in the fulness of its power; in the other, he is an object
of the divine condemnation, because of his self-willed and
vicious purpose, nor can he be a recipient of the divine
mercy, until some obstacle has been overcome which pre-
vents his immediate reception into the divine favor.
According to Dionysius, there is no obstacle, and no
atonement ; the sacrifice offered in worship is an obla-
tion of gratitude and thanksgiving ; there is no original
sin in the Latin or Augustinian conception of the phrase.
The failure of man to see or attain the good is attribu-
table to the freedom of the will, not to the lack of freedom ;
and the remoter cause of the departure of the will from
rectitude, is weakness which the divine goodness aims to
strengthen, or ignorance which the divine enlightenment
aims to overcome.
It is among the consequences of the Dionysian system,
that it so harmonizes man with his natural environment
and with God, as to reduce any contradiction in life to
a nullity. The stimulus to struggle is weakened, as well
as the power to subdue the forces hostile to his well-
being. The history of the Western church was one of
prolonged antagonism between the spiritual and the secu-
lar, between church and state, between man and outward
nature, in which an evil agency was believed to be active,
if not supreme. But in the East there was for the most
1 De Dili. Norn. c. vi., § 34.
512 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
part harmony in the relations between cliurch and state.
Only when the state proposed to take away the images,
did the monkish element rise in fanatic opposition. And
again, the Dionysian teaching, that in contemplation and
in prayer does man rise above the ritual and come by
devotion to a knowledge of God which the intellect
cannot attain, had also its effect in elevating the men of
contemplation, the monks, to the high places of honor in
the church, although they still remained in the ranks of
the laity. In the West there was bitter and continual
rivalry between the episcopate and the raonasteiy, the
victory leaning now to one side, now to the other. But
there was no such antagonism in the East. The holy laity
who had received consecration as monks, and who bj^ prayer
contemplated the divine reality, constitute the sacred class
out of whom the bishops are chosen, as it is becoming that
those should be, who are to preside over the worship of
the people.
It does not, indeed, follow that the Dionysian teaching
is responsible for the stagnation which has characterized
the Eastern church ; for this immobility, this lack of prog-
ress, may be partly owing to other causes. Unlike the
West, the Empire of Constantinople did not receive the
influx of a new people, who were ultimately to become
the founders of a higher civilization, and who came
bringing with them a native stock of endowment, quite as
valuable as the training they were to receive at the
hands of the Latin church. Nor was the West shut in by
the fanatical adherents of a lower religion like Islam, who
were incapable of conversion, and on whom the human
appeals of Christianity made no impression. Under hap-
pier auspices, the teaching of Dionysius, representing so
universally the spirit of the Eastern church, might have
led to other results. As it was, however deficient that
teaching may have been in achieving the true psychology
of man, or in stimulating his powers to their full develop-
ment, yet in its doctrine of God it rose to a height which
the Latin church never equalled. It got rid of the idea
of the creation as evil, or as held in bondage to an evil
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE 513
2)ower; it presented God as the source of unity, and though,
in His inmost essence. He was still represented as incom-
prehensible, yet the devout mind could trace the centripe-
tal movement of all the lines of activity to His central
being, in whom " all the radii of the vast circle of life con-
verge." It was no slight result to have attained this con-
clusion. And again the ritual system of Dionysius stood
to his own age, as well as to subsequent times, in place
of those richer modern develojjments, which it lacked any
longer the power to create, — poetry and painting, music,
science, and the healing art, substitutes to the modern
world for the mysterious ceremonial of the altar.
It was the system of Dionysius also which did for the
Western church a work it was unable to do for itself.
Not until the ninth century, when his books were trans-
lated into Latin by John Scotus Erigena, did the influence
of this Eastern mysticism begin to tell upon Latin thought.
The Latin litui'gy had already received its form and char-
acter, and Latin theology had been developed upon an
Augustinian basis, when the poetry of Dionysius came
as an enlarging, elevating, and softening spell upon
Latin severity and its crude literalism. More, even, than
Augustine was Dionysius held in repute by the school-
men in the Middle Ages. To Aquinas and to other com-
mentators upon his books, he contributed that charm not
indigenous to the Latin mind, which it owes to its de-
spised rival of the East. Through Aquinas his influence
passed into the soul of Dante, thus becoming the founda-
tion of modern culture, ever and anon reappearing, when
life grows dull and sordid, to reinvest it with a divinei-
meaning. But wherever his influence was felt, it carried
with it a twofold result ; on the one hand it increased
the interest in the ritual, and on the other it prepared
the mystics of the later Middle Ages for the emancipation
from ritual observance, or the relegation of it to harmless
subordination. 1
1 The best edition of the works of Dionysius is contained in Migne,
Fatr. Gr., Vol. III., followed in Vol. IV. by the Commentary of Maximus.
Among his disciples in the Latin church after John Scotus Erigena, who
2 L
514 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
first translated his writings about the middle of the ninth century, were
Peter the Lombard, Hugo of St. Victor, Robert Grossetete, Bishop of Lin-
coln, Albert the Great, and Dionysius the Carthusian. On the indebtedness
of Thomas Aquinas, of. Migne, IlL, Obs. XII. 90, for a list of passages
cited by Thomas from his writings (ut sicut Doctor Angelicus ex illo sole
magnum sapientiae lumen accepit). The study of Dionysius was cher-
ished by the mystics of the fourteenth century, and was also cultivated
by the scholars of the Renaissance ; not, however, for the pui-pose of
quickening an interest in the declining fortunes of the Mediteval ritual,
but for his philosophy of nature and his fusion of the natural with the
spiritual. In the fifteenth century. Dean Colet, of St. Paul's, published
paraphrases of the Hierarchies with comments (Eng. Trans., 18G9). In
addition to Bishop Westcott's admirable study of Dionysius in his Belig.
Thought in the West, cf. articles in Diet. Chris. Biog., with a list of the
literature, and Herzog, Real Encyc. See also Kanakis, J., Dion., der
Areop, nach seinem Character als Philosoph., 1881.
CHAPTER IV
THE lord's supper 1
The last half of the fourth century was the beginning
of an age of ritual activity, in the course of which the
Lord's Supper was transformed into the Mass of the
Roman church, or into the imposing drama of the Oriental
Mystery. To this process Cyril of Jerusalem, Basil, Greg-
ory of Nyssa, and Chrysostom contributed. The doctrine
of Cyril of Alexandria regarding the incarnation also in-
fluenced the development of the sacrament of the altar,
combining with a mysteriosophy, as it has been called, to
which Syria and Egypt contributed. During this period
creative theological activity declined; the mind of the
church became weary of incessant controversy, and scep-
tical of the power of the human reason to attain the truth.
For reason was substituted tradition, to which the appeal
was henceforth taken ; while ritual became to the devout
imagination a substitute for philosophy, science, art, poetry,
and literature.
1 For the earlier sources of the liturgies, of. Apos. Cons., Bks. II., VII.,
VIII. ; Cyril, Mijstrujogic Catechism ; the writings of Chrysostom, in
Bingham, Chris. Antiq., Bk. XIV.; Dionysius, De Eccles. Hier. in
Migne, Patrol. Gr., Vol. II.; the collections of liturgies in Assemani
and Daniel ; Brightman, Liturgies, Eastern and Western, Vol. I., The
Eastern Liturgies; Swainson, The Greek Liturgies; art. Liturgies, in
Diet. Chris. Antiq., with full bibliography ; Eenaudot, Liturgiarium
Orientalium Collectio ; Goar, Euchologion, sive Eituale Graecorum ; Bun-
sen, Analecta ante-Nicaena, Vol. III., and Hippohjtus and his Age, Vol.
IV.; Neale, His. of the Holy Eastern Church, Introd., Vols. I., II.;
Palmer, Origiues Liturgicae; Freeman, Principles of Divine Service,
Koestlin, Geschichte des christlichen Gottesdienstes ; Harnack, 'J'h., Christ-
liche Gemeindegottesdienst ; Probst, Liturgie d. drei ersten christlichen
Jahrhunderte ; Harnack, Gesch. d. altchristl. Literatur, Vol. I. ; Steitz,
Die Abendmahlslehre der griechischen Kirche in ihrer geschichtlichen
EntioicJdung ; Gass, St/mholik der griechischen Kirche; Hotting, Die
Lehre der dltesten Kirche vom Opfer im Lehen und Cultus der Christen.
515
516 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
The two forms of worship which had existed from the
first in close relationship were gradually separated and fol-
lowed independent careers. The homiletic service, con-
sisting of prayer and praise, the reading of Scripture and
exhortation, was mainly developed in the monasteries, espe-
cially after the introduction of the Horse, when each day,
no less than the year, was stamped with the purpose of
devotion. Thus was produced the Breviary of the Roman
church, the Horologium of the Greek church. Beyond the
adaptation of this type of worship to the growing calendar
of the Christian year, and the introduction of the writings
of church Fathers for the purpose of edification along with
Scripture, for which the early church also contains
the precedent, no new principle was introduced into the
homiletic worship. This type of worship was the expres-
sion of religious experience in its uniform as well as its
changing phases, bringing also the conscience and the
intellect into relation with the service of God. Its
tendency was toward a rich and dense intricacy of de-
tail, which involved the necessity for reduction in order
to practical availability. As the reservoir of religious
experience, the Breviary was filled with legends and
miraculous stories, reflecting the spirit of the age. The
recitation of the Psalter, at first one of its leading feat-
ures, and also the use of Scripture, were to a large extent
superseded by what must then have seemed the more
interesting extracts from the homilies of the Fathers or the
Lives of the Saints. Whatever its defects, and the}^ were
many and great, the Breviary stood as a distinct mode of
worship, in its essential characteristic recognized at the
Reformation as of the highest importance. It became
therefore the prevailing order of worship in the Protes-
tant churches, leading to the subordination of the Lord's
Supper. The English and the Lutheran churches retained
more of the forms of the Breviary than did the Reformed
church, where worship was confined to prayer, praise. Script-
ure reading, and the sermon, while the recitation of the
Creed, the Psalter, and of the Lord's prayer was omitted.
But in the extemporaneous prayer of the Reformed church
THE lord's supper 517
and in the sermon is still retained the continuation of the
method which gave the Breviary its interest and its power.
The expression of a living religious experience with the
adaptation of religion to the passing incidents of life tlms
again became an important element of Christian worship. ^
The eucharist was the service for the people as a whole
and in their collective capacity. It was developed by the
bishops in their parishes to meet the needs and impress
the imagination of those who had neither time nor disposi-
tion for the cultivation of a subjective or inward piety. It
represented the " Christ for us " rather than the " Christ
in us." After the sixth century, the term '•liturgy,' which
in the early church included both forms of worship, was
restricted to the eucharist alone. In order to measure
the extent and the depth of the transformation of the eu-
charist, it is necessary to dwell for a moment on the wor-
ship of the early church in the first three centuries.
The Lord's Supper was at first organically related to an
institution known as the Agape or Love-feast. A certain
obscurity still hangs about the agape, some points relating
to it being undetermined ; but the main point is clear,
that the eucharist was associated and in some places iden-
tified with it, as the ordinary evening meal. The first
step in the transformation of the Lord's Supper was its
separation from the agape, and its transference from the
evening to the morning, a change accomplished by the time
of Justin Martyr or about the middle of the second cen-
tury. But the agape still continued to be a social Christian
feast, observed in different ways and, as at Alexandria in
1 Cf. Art. Breviary, in Diet. Chris. Antiq., and in Herzog. B. E. ; tiie
Breviaries of Salisbury and Aberdeen, tlie Quignonian, Mozarabic, and
Roman; Palmer, Orif/ines Liturfficae ; Tracts for the Times, Vol. III.;
Freeman, Principles of Divine Service ; works on the Book of Common
Prayer by Proctor, Cardwell, Luckock, Daniel, Stephens, Huntington,
W. R., and others; Kliefoth, Litnrcjische Ahhandhingen ; Richter, Die
evanffelischen Kirrhenordnumjen des sechszehnten Jahrhiniderts ; Jacobi,
Die Litnrgik des Reformataren ; Lohe, Agende fur christliche Gemeinden
des hitherischen Bekenntnisses.
518 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
the third century, still connected with or followed by the
eucharist. The last stage in its history is marked by the
action of councils in the latter part of the third and dur-
ing the fourth century, prohibiting its celebration in the
churches and finally suppressing it altogether. Not until
this had been accomplished was the way fully open to sub-
stitute another conception of the Lord's Supper which be-
came the basis of the Catholic liturgies. But the agape did
not disappear without leaving traces behind of its hold upon
the popular sentiment. In the candles which blaze upon
the altar in the full light of day, there may be the reminder,
the protest also, it may be, of the time when candles were
required for the consecrated evening meal. In the simple
ceremony of saying Grace at meals survives the prayer of
the earlier usage in the celebration of the eucharist, when
the spirit of Christ's command was perpetuated in the
power of simplicity. This do, in remembrance of me.
The agape was not an institution devised or created by
the early church, but must be regarded as the continuation
as well as the commemoration of Christ's last supper with
His disciples. It is first mentioned by St. Paul ^ (1 Cor. xi.),
who seeks to correct the abuses of the rite generated by the
unspiritual mind, which resolved it into a mere occasion
for satisfying hunger with no appreciation of its sacra-
mental purpose. But St. Paul did not propose its aboli-
tion because of the abuse, but enforced its spiritual character
by giving to the church of Corinth an account of its origi-
nal institution. He also endeavored to regulate that other
form of Christian worship, the homiletic service of prayer
and praise and exhortation, where the prophets introduced
disorder in their eagerness to speak ; but he did not propose
the suppression of the prophetic office in the interest of
orderly administration.
The account of the Lord's Supper which is given in the
Didaehe is a description of the agape :
" Now concerning the Eucharist, thus give thanks : Jirst concerning
the cup. We thank Thee, our Father, for the holy vine of David Tliy
1 Cf. also 2 Peter, ii. 13; Jude, 12.
THE lord's supper 519
servant which Thou hast made known to us through -Jesus Thy ser-
vant; to Thee be the glory forever. And concerning the broken bread ;
We thank Thee, our Father, for the life and knowledge which Thou
hast made known to us through Jesus, Thy servant ; to Thee be the
glory forever. Just as this broken bread was scattered over the hills
and having been gathered together became one, so let Thy church be
gathered together from the ends of the earth into Thy kingdom ; for
Tliine is the glory and the power through Jesus Christ forever. But
let no one eat or drink of your Eucharist except those baptized into
the Lord's name ; for in regard to this the Lord hath said : Give not
that which is holy unto the dogs.
'■'■Now nfler ye are filled thus do ye give thanks: We thank Thee,
holy Father, for Thy holy name, which Thou hast caused to dwell in
our hearts ; and for the knowledge and faith and inunortality, which
Thou hast made known to us through Jesus Thy servant ; to Thee be
glory forever. Thou, Almighty Master, didst create all things for
Thy name's sake : both food and drink Tliou didst give to men for
enjoyment, in order that they might give thanks to Thee. But to us
Thou hast graciously given spiritual food and drink and eternal
life through Thy servant. Before all things we thank Thee that
Thou art powerful ; to Thee be glory forever. Remember, Lord,
Thy Church, to deliver it from every evil and to make it perfect in
Thy love, and gather it from the four winds, the sanctified, into Thy
Kingdom which Thou hast pi-epared for it ; for Thine is the power
and glory forever. Let Grace come and let this world pass away.
Hosanna to the Son of David ! AVhoever is holy let him come : Who-
ever is not let him x-epent. IMaranatha. Amen. But permit the
prophets to give thanks as much as they will."
Ill the Ignatian Epistles the eucharist is identified with
the agape : " Let that be deemed a j^roper eucharist which
is administered by the bishop or by one to whom he iias
entrusted it. . . . It is not lawful without the bishop
either to baptize or to celebrate a love-feast." ^ The allusion
in the Epistle of Pliny to Trajan is indefinite ; the time
is not given, but the language describes the agape ; the
Christians were accustomed to meet on a stated day, before
sunrise, when they sang a hymn to Christ as to a god, tak-
ing a vow, also, to abstain from all evil practices. Then
they separated, and again they met for the purpose of
1 In the Longer Greek Recension this passage is amplified and the dis-
tinction made between them : " It is not lawful without the bishop either
to baptize or to offer or to present sacrifice, or to celebrate a love-feast"
{Ad Smijr. c. viii.).
520 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
taking food of an ordinary and harmless character.^ The
first intimation of the Lord's Supper as a rite distinct from
the agape is contained in the Apology of Justin Martyr
about the middle of the second century ; but whether
Justin is describing the usage at Rome, or in Palestine, is
uncertain. He does not mention the agape, but in the
account which he gives of the worship, the eucharist fol-
lows a service at which the Scriptures were read, prayers
were offered, and there was a sermon or exhortation.
" Ou the day called Sunday, all who live in the city or in the
country gather together to one place, and the memoirs of the Apostles
or the writings of the prophets are read, as long as time permits ;
then, when the reader has ceased, the president verbally instructs
and exhorts to the imitation of these good things. Then we all rise
together and pray, and, as we before said, when our prayer is ended,
bread and wine and water are brought, and the president in like man-
ner offers prayers and thanksgivings according to his ability, and the
people assent by saying Amen. And there is a distribution to each,
and a participation of that over which thanks have been given, and
to those who are absent a portion is sent by the deacons. And they
who are well to do and willing, give what each thinks fit, and what is
collected is deposited with the president, who succors the orphans and
widows and those in sickness or want, the prisoners and the strangers
among us." ^
Justin has also left another account of the eucharist,
where it follows the baptism of a catechumen, who is
brought to the place where those called the brethren are
assembled, when prayers are offered " for ourselves and the
baptized person, and for all others in every place. The
prayers ended, we salute one another with a kiss :
" There is then brought to the president or leader among the
brethren bread and a cup of wine mixed with water; and he, taking
tliem, gives praise and glory to the Father of the univei'se through
the name of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, and offers thanks at con-
siderable length for our being considered worthy to receive these
things. And when he has concluded the prayers and thanksgiving,
all the people express assent by saying Amen. And when the presi-
1 " Quod essent soliti state die ante lucem convenire, carmenque
Christo quasi dec secum invicem . . . quibus peractis moreni sibi disce-
dendi fuisse, rursustjue cneundi ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum tamen
atque innoxium " (Epis. x. 96).
2 Apol. c. Ixvii.
THE lord's supper 521
dent has given thanks and the people have expressed assent, those
wlio are called by us deacons give to each of those present to partake
of the bread and wine mixed with water, over whicii the thanksgiving
was pronounced, and to those who are absent they carry away a
portion." ^
The reasons for the transference of the eucharistic ser-
vice from the evening to the morning are obscure. It may
have been that the prohibition of secret societies by Trajan
was a motive for the change, but other motives must have
combined toward this result which are not given. It may
have been that for a while and in some places the agape
was discontinued, but it was still observed in North Africa
in the time of Tertullian.^ In the account which he has
given in his Apology^ it appears as a service complete in
itself, having an eleemosynary character, but revealing no
trace of its earlier connection with the Lord's Supper. So,
also, at Rome, in the earlier part of the third century,
according to the recently recovered Canons of Hippolytus,
the agape was kept as a charitable feast. Beyond its
mention in these Canons in the same connection with the
eucharist, there is no trace of any other affiliation be-
tween them. But the careful provision there made for
the orderly observance of the agape points to the motive
which had led to its separation from the eucharist. Fear
of scandal, the base insinuation of heathen suspicions,
actual abuses, inability of the Christian people themselves
to observe the divine injunction, and thus rightly keep the
feast in remembrance of Christ, were among the potent
causes which led first to the separation of the eucliaiist
from the supper, and then to the final suppression of the
agape .^
1 Apol. c. Ixv. 2 j^pol. c. xxxix. Cf. Cyprian, Epis. Ixii., c. 16.
3 "Si agape fit vel coena ab aliquo pauperibus paratur KvpiaKfj tempore
accensus luceruae, praesente episcopo svirtiat diaconus ad accedendum
Episcopus autem oret super eos et sum qui invitavit illos. Et uecessaria
est pauperibus evxapi.a-Tia quae est in initio missae. Missos autem facial
eos, ut separatim recedant, antequam tenebrae oboriantur. Psalmos
recitent antequam recedant.
" Edant bibantque ad satietatem, neque vero ad ebrietatem, sed in
divina praesentia cum laude Dei.
" Ne quis multum loquatur neve clamet, ne forte vos irrideant, neve sint
522 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
In the time of Clement of Alexandria, nearly contem-
j)oraneous with the time of the Canons of Hippolytus,
the agape still maintained its original character as the
form in which the eucharist was celebrated. Clement
makes no distinction between them. His book, The In-
structor, is based upon the principle that in the Lord's
Supper the great Teacher was giving the model of
every meal ; with which also agree the words of St. Paul,
" Whether ye eat or drink, do all to the glory of God."
The agape in Alexandria was not, as in Rome, a supper
for the poor, but the evils accompanying it sprang from an
opposite character : it was a banquet of the rich, and its
simplicity and purity were threatened by the variety and
richness of the food. Hence the agape becomes Clement's
text for a dissertation on the right conduct of life ; he
quotes St. Paul's condemnation of the abuses caused by
not discerning the Lord's body, but, like St. Paul, he
does not propose the abolition of the evening meal, seek-
ing rather for its purification, till it reaches the high
standard set by Christ.^ From Clement's account, it may
be inferred that the agape, or Lord's Supper, was kept
weekly in the churches on the evening of the Lord's day,
and also daily in private houses.^ In the latter case, where
scandalo homiuibus, ita ut in contumeliam vertatur qui vos invitavit cum
appareat, vos a bono online aberrare.
" Si quis viduis coenam parare vult, curet, ut habeant coenam et ut
dimitantur, antequam sol occidat" (cc. xxxii., xxxiii., xxxiv., xxxv., Die
Canones Hippolyti, von Dr. P. H. Achelis, in Texte u. Untejsuch., B.
VI,, H. 4. Cf. also Apos. Cons. II. 28).
1 Paedag., II. c. 1.
2 Paedag., II. 1, and II. 10; Strom. VII. 7. For a discussion of the
subject, cf. Bigg, Christian Platonists of Alexandria, pp. 102-106 : "All
that Clement says upon this subject is of the highest value to those who
wish to recast for themselves a faithful image of the church life of the
end of the second century. But of all his phrases, the most important
ai'e those which assure us that the ordinary evening meal of a Christian
household was in a real sense an agape. It was preceded by the same
acts of worship ; it was blessed by a thanksgiving ; it was a true Eucha-
rist. The house father is the house priest. The highest act of Christian
devotion is at the same time the simplest and most natural. Husband,
wife, and child, the domestic slave, and the invited guest gathered round
the domestic board to enjoy with thankfulness the good gifts of God,
uplifting their hearts in filial devotion, expanding them in brotherly love
THE loed's supper 523
no bishop or presbyter could have been present, the head
of the househokl must have presided at the feast.
The agape continued to be held, until after the middle
of the fourth centur}^, in the West as a charitable supper
for the poor ; ^ in the East, at Alexandria, as an ordinary
evening meal with which the Lord's supper was connected.
But the evils which waited upon it, even when the admission
to the rite was more carefully guarded, as by the Catechu-
menate, must have greatly increased when the heathens
were flocking into the church without any adequate prepara-
tion. The rise of monasticism also must have generated an
influence hostile to its continuance in the East.^ After the
middle of the fourth century, its observance in the churches
was forbidden by the influential Council of Laodicea (Can.
28).^ The prohibition coincides Avith the new age of
ritual activity, which was bringing in a stately ceremonial.
An incongruity was felt between the archaic simplicity of
the primitive supper and the solemnity and splendor of
the new churches. But opinion was still divided. The
Synod of Gangra, in the latter part of the fourth century,
reflects the sentiment in its favor: "If any one despises
those Avho in the faith solemnize the agape, and for the
honor of the Lord invite their brethren to it, and will take
no part in these invitations because he lightly esteems the
matter, let him be anathema" (Can. 11). The custom of
and kindness. To us the word Eucharist has become a term of ritual,
whose proper meaning is all but obsolete. To the Greek it was still a
word of common life, thanksgiving — the grateful sense of benefits
received, of good gifts showered by the good Father on mind and heart
and body. ' He that eateth eateth unto the Lord and keepeth Eucharist
to God ... so that a religious meal is an Eucharist (uis elvat tt/k SiKaiav
Tpo(pr]v evxapia-Tiav)'' " (p. 105). Of. Spitla, Die urcliristlichpn Traditionen
iiher Ursprung und Sinn des Abeyndmahls, 1893, Band 1., for a valu-
able discussion of the words of institution given in the Gospels and by
St. Paul ; also of the agape and the conception of sacrifice held in early
churcli.
1 Cf. Augustin, Go7i. Faustina^ XX. 20; Confess., VI. 2; also Ep is.
xxii. , where he gives his reasons for suppressing the feast, especially as
kept at funerals.
2 Even Tertullian when he became a Montanist became averse to the
agape ; cf. De Jejnn, c. xvii.
3 Cf- Apos. Cons., Can. 3.
524 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
receiving the communion fasting, which may be owing in
part to a protest against tlie agape, was sanctioned at the
Synod of Hippo in 393 : " The sacrament of the altar shall
always be celebrated fasting, except on the anniversary of
its institution, Coena Domini''^ (Holy Thursday). With
this injunction there went also prohibition of meals in the
churches, unless for bishops and clergy or when necessary for
the refreshment of guests ; but to these meals the people
were not to be admitted (Can. 28, 29). In the fifth
century the agape, as the form of the Lord's Supper, still
existed ; but it had become an exception to the prevailing
custom of holding the eucharist: "There are several cities
and villages in Egypt," says Socrates, " where, contrary to
the usages established elsewhere, the people meet together
on Sabbath (Saturday) evening and, although they have
dined previously, partake of the mysteries " (^H. E.^ VII. 19).i
The agape was finally prohibited in the Second Trullan
Council (692), but how deep had been its hold on the
popular affection is seen in the custom in the Oriental
church, which still prevails, of distributing to the people,
in connection with the eucharist, bread which has been
blessed, but not consecrated upon the altar.^
II
The agape possesses a special importance because it is
the commentary on the Lord's Supper, contemporaneous
with its institution. It tells us how the early genera-
tions of Christian believers interpreted the words, " This
is my body. Do this in remembrance of me." In the
evening meal, at the close of the day, the first disciples
1 This statement is confirmed by Sozomen in his important enumera-
tion of the differences iu ecclesiastical usage in the fifth century: "The
EgyjJtians in the neighborhood of Alexandria, and the inhabitants of The-
bai's, hold their religious meetings on the Sabbath (Saturday), but do
not participate of the mysteries in the manner usual among Christians
in general ; for after having eaten and satisfied themselves with food of
all kinds, in the evening, making their oblations, they partake of the
mysteries" {H. E., V. 22).
^ For the history of the agape, of. articles in Herzog, R. E. ; Diet.
Chris. Antiq. ; Binterim, DenkwUrdigkeiten, II., Pt. II., pp. 3 ff.
THE lord's supper 525
met together, praying over the bread and the cup, eating
and drinking in remembrance of the Master. As He had
eaten of the food which the earth supplies for human
sustenance in a spirit of consecration to the will of His
Father, so His disciples had at their command the same
food which had nourished the body of Christ. If it were
eaten in His spirit, whose meat and drink Avas to do the
Father's will who had sent Him, then the food of common
life, the bread and the wine, were transmuted by faith into
elements that ministered also to spiritual life, and made
them one in body and spirit with Christ.
But there were difficulties to be encountered in the
early church, which it required an effort to overcome,
in order to keep this spiritual feast. The ascetic mood
which despises the body, as a hindrance to the spirit, or
a prison house in which the spirit is confined, was wide-
spread in the ancient world and was destined to change
the simple faith of the first disciples. An exaggerated
one-sided spiritualism characterized the age, springing
from its philosophy and affecting the best and noblest
characters of the time. It may be felt in the Meditations
of Marcus Aurelius, or in the TJioughts of Epictetus, as a
transcendental mood which regards the union of body and
soul as an accident, bringing with it evils onl}' to be sur-
mounted by the renunciation of the body and, as far as
possible, of the visible world. On the other hand, this
same mood begot a reaction toward Epicureanism tending
to promote the cultivation of the body and the gratifi-
cation of the senses, and doubtful of any higher reality.
While the church felt the influence of these attitudes of
thought and life in the world of the time, yet in neither of
these attitudes is to be found the supreme difficulty con-
fronting the Christian mind. It was the Gnostic teachers,
the Docetists, who brought home to the church most closely
the evil tendency, that not only made a true eucharist
impossible, but resolved Christ Himself into a transcen-
dental dream. The denial of a human body to the Saviour
might not have seemed so dangerous an error, or might
have been more easily refuted if it had not been for the
526 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
belief in the resurrection, that made it impossible to
point to the tomb or the grave as the visible evidence that
Christ had once possessed an actual body and was not
merely the manifestation of some celestial intelligence.
But no stone marked the s]3ot where He was buried; there
was no cultus of the tomb. The attitude of the first
disciples, who stood gazing up into heaven for the body of
their Master, was typical of the earlier church; and to this
mood Docetisni could appeal with force when the words
of consolation spoken by the angel no longer availed:
"Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gazing up into heaven?
This same Jesus which is taken up from you into heaven
shall so come in like manner as ye have seen him go into
heaven." When the belief in the speedy return of the
Saviour in visible form faded away, as was the case in the
second century, the eucharist became its substitute, hence-
forth the object of the devotion and reverence that would
otherwise have centred in a sacred tomb. Although He
had risen and ascended, yet His body was still on earth,
for the material elements composing that body were still
furnished to His disciples in the memorial supper ; as
when He gave them the bread and said : " Take, eat, this
is my body."
Ignatius, the bishop of Antioch, in the early part of the
second century, was the first to attach a doctrinal signifi-
cance to the Lord's Supper. His motive was to resist
Docetism, the fear of which runs through his Epistles, as
an error fatal to the Christian life or the existence of the
church. So important was the eucharist in the thought of
Ignatius and so strenuously does he present it as the bond
of faith and Christian communion, that at times it seems
to have been his chief motive in writing, to urge obe-
dience to the bisliop as the means of securing the right
observance of tlie Lord's Supper. Tlius his crowning argu-
ment against the Docetists and their denial of a real body
to the Saviour, lies in pointing to the bread and wine in
the eucharist, by which believers feed upon the body of
Christ as the bread of immortality. The Lord's Supper is
the evidence that Christ possessed an actual body. These
THE lord's supper 527
false teachers abstain from keeping the feast and the reason
for their abstention is because they do not confess the eu-
charist to be the body of Christ (^Ad Smyr. c. vi.). To
keep witli the bishop is also to hold by the eucharist, which
it was the bishop's peculiar function to administer (c. viii.).
The teaching of Ignatius regarding the bread and wine
has been sometimes interpreted as the first indication of
the coming belief in transubstantiation. But although this
comparatively late dogma can make use of the language of
Ignatius, yet the teaching of Ignatius does not imply the
later meaning. Indeed, his words can only be explained
on the principle that the material food which nourished
the body of Christ is still with us as the food of life, and
that by the consecration of this food through the remem-
brance of Christ, eating and drinking the bread and wine
in His spirit, our bodies become the same with His body,
or, in other words, we feed upon His body and drink His
blood. Thus he remarks in bold unqualified language : " I
desire the bread of God, the heavenly bread, the bread of
life which is the flesh of Jesus Christ ; . . . I desire the
drink of God, namely His blood, which is incorruptible
love and eternal life " (^Ad Rom. c. vii.). The principle
underlying the thought of Ignatius is again revealed in
another passage, where metaphor and reality are distin-
guished wliile they are combined, as, when referring to
his approaching martyrdom he exclaims : " I am the wheat
of God, and let me be ground by the teeth of the wild
beasts, that I may be found the pure bread of Christ " (Ad
Rom. c. iv. ). The language of Ignatius has not hardened
into a formula. Beneath it we may detect the subtle pro-
cess of the spiritual imagination.
Similar language, with a corresponding freshness of
spiritual apprehension, is found in the Didache, in the
allusion to " the broken bread which was once scattered
over the hills and having been gathered together has be-
come one " (c. ix.) ; or in the consciousness of the analogy
between earthly and heavenly food: "Food and drink
Thou didst give to men for enjoyment, in order that they
might give thanks to Thee ; but to us Thou hast graciously
528 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
given spiritual food and drink and eternal life " (c. x.).
Nor does Justin Martyr go beyond this teaching, although
he gives it in condensed form, without the statement of the
process on which it rests : " For not as common bread and
common drink do we receive these ; but in like manner as
Jesus Christ our Saviour, having been made flesh by the
word of God, had both flesh and blood for our salvation,
so likewise have we been taught that the food which is
blessed by the prayer of His word, and from which our
blood and flesh by transmutation are nourished, is the flesh
and blood of that Jesus who was made flesh *' (^Apol. c. Ixvi.).
And again the language of Irenieus implies the same anal-
ogy between the bread of ordinary life and the bread from
heaven : " For as the bread, which is produced from the
earth when it receives the invocation from God, is no
longer common bread, but the eucharist, consisting of two
realities, earthly and heavenly , so also our bodies, when
they receive the eucharist, are no longer corruptible, having
the hope of resurrection to eternity " (^Adv. Haer. iv. 18, 5).^
The Lord's Supper was not regarded as a sacrifice in the
technical sense of the word by any of the church writers
1 For other passages illustrating this same mode of speaking, cf . Clem.
Alex., Paed., I. 6, II. 2 ; Strom., IV. 25. Origen, more clearly than any
other church Father, enforced the distinction between symbol and thing
signified, while the others were occupied with enforcing the analogy.
Cf . his Horn. XI. on Matt. The words of TertuUian reflect the conscious-
ness of the analogy, and yet of the symbolism: " Christus enim panis
noster est, quia vita Christus et vita panis. . . . Panis est sermo Dei
vivi, qui descendit de coelis. Tum quod et corpus ejus in pane censetur :
Hoc est corpus meum " (De Orat., 6). See also the passage from Gregory
of Nyssa, cited ante, p. 489. For a discussion of these and other refer-
ences to the eucharist, cf. Anrich, Das antiJce Mysterienwesen, pp. 179 ff.
The emphasis placed by Ignatius upon flesh and boclij, in his opposition
to Docetism, runs through all his Epistles. To his statement of the Rule
of Faith, which strikingly resembles the Roman creed, he adds the
words, " He ate and drank." Cf. Ad Trail, c. ix. ; Ad Smyr. cc. i., ii. ;
also Ad Eph. cc. vii., xxi. ; Ad Mag. cc. i., xiii. ; Ad Trail, cc. ii., viii. ; Ad
Phil. cc. iv., V. ; Ad Smyr. cc. i., ii., iii., v., vi. Irenseus employs the
same argument, — the Eucharist is "the consistent declaration of the
fellowship and union of the flesh and si^irit" (C. Haer., iv. 18, 5). For
the general character of Ignatius' theology, his conception of Christ, his
use of the term 'flesh,' and, in a word, his personal religious attitude,
cf. Von der (inltz, Ignatius von Antiochien, als Christ und Theolog.
THE lord's supper 529
of the first three centuries, with the exception of Cyprian,
the bishop of Carthage. In the language of common life,
upon which the Jewish and heathen conceptions of sacri-
fice had left a certain imprint, they indeed spoke of the
bread and wine furnished for the agape as an offering or
oblation {Ovcrla^ ava(f)opd^ Trpoacfiopd, sacrijiclmn^ ohlafio^, but
there was also contained in this use of familiar words an
accommodation to a higher conception of sacrifice and
always a protest implied against the lower conception.
They seem also to have been aware of the ambiguity of lan-
guage, as well as the danger of its perversion, and guarded
against the danger by explicit statements of the true nature
of sacrifice. The only sacrifice acceptable to God, they
were agreed in holding, is a heart consecrated to God,
obedience, righteousness, and prayer, which only a spiritual
priesthood can offer. If in one place Justin Martyr speaks
of the Christians " who in every place offer sacrifices to Him,
that is the bread of the eucharist and the cup of the eu-
charist," ^ he elsewhere explains, " Now, that prayers and
giving of thanks, when offered by worthy men, are the
only perfect and well-pleasing sacrifices to God, I also
admit. For such alone Christians have undertaken to
offer, and in the remembrance effected by their solid and
liquid food, whereby the suffering of the Son of God
which He endured is brought to mind." ^ Irenseus closes
his discussion of the nature of Christian sacrifice with a
statement as beautiful as it is clear and comprehensive:
" It is also his will that we, too, should offer a gift at
the altar, frequently and without intermission. The altar,
then, is in heaven, for toward that place are our prayers
and oblations directed ; the temple likewise is there, as
John says in the Apocalypse, ' And the temple of God
was opened ' ; the tabernacle also : ' For behold,' he says,
' the tabernacle of God, in which He will dwell with
men.' " 3
Still more emphatic is the statement of Clement of Alex-
andria :
1 Dial. c. Tryph. c. xli. '^ Dial. c. Tryph. c. cxii.
2 Con. Haer. iv. 17, 18.
2 M
530 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
" We rightly do not sacrifice to God, who, needing notiiing, supplies
all men with all things ; but we glorify Him who gave Himself in
sacrifice for us, we also sacrificing ourselves; from that which needs
nothing to that which needs nothing; and from that which is impassi-
ble to that which is impassible. For in our salvatiou alone God does
delight. . . . And neither by sacrifices nor offerings, nor on the
other by glory and honor, is the Deity won over ; nor is He influenced
by any such things." ^
There is, indeed, a certain difference in tone between the
langfuag'e of Clement and on the other hand of Justin and
Irenseus, when speaking of the eucharist, or of oblation
and sacrifice. The earlier Alexandrian School was content
with the inward spiritual recognition of divine things,
while Justin and Irenseus betray the Oriental tendency
which called for the expression of the inner mood by the
external act. But, speaking generally, the idea of sacrifice
in the church of the first three centuries was the idealiza-
tion or transfiguration of human life before God, holding
it up before him as evidence of an inward appreciation
and obedience, and more particularly the offering of the
bread and the wine, in the Lord's Supper, as a thankful
recognition of the union of body and spirit, wherein the
spirit consecrates all food to the highest end, and earthly
elements nourish the body, which in turn ministers to the
consecrated spiritual life. Nor was this idea ever effaced
from the Oriental liturgies, however it may be obscured by
a complicated ceremonial. The doctrine of Cyprian, which
constitutes the exception to this teaching, never gained a
complete hold upon the Oriental churches. Cj-prian com-
bined a doctrine of Cliristian priesthood after the analogy
of the Jewish priesthood, with a doctrine of sacrifice, also
conceived after Jewish analogies. He does not guard
against misinterpretation of his language as Justin or
Irenseus had done, or qualify the popular use of terms
by the statement of the spiritual principle. His language
is literal and explicit and becomes the foundation of the
Roman Mass. The Lord's passion is the sacrifice which we
offer, — Passio enim Domini sacrijicium est quod facimus?
1 Strom., VII., c. S. See also similar expressions regarding sacrifice, by
Minucius FeUx, Anobius, Athenagoras, Lactantius, etc., cited ante, p. 450.
2 Epis. Ixiii. 17
THE lord's supper 531
III
The liturgy in the eighth book of the Apostolical Con-
stitutions may be taken as representative of the worship
of the Eastern church in the latter half of the fourth cen-
tury. Two hundred years had then elapsed since Justin
recorded the mode of conducting worship in the earlier
church. The ritual in Justin's time was simple, and rubri-
cal directions were few. What Tertullian had said re-
garding the mode of administering baptism applied with
equal force to the administration of the Lord's Supper:
" There is absolutely nothing which makes men's minds more ob-
durate than the simplicity of the divine works which are visible in
the act, when compared with the grandeur which is promised thereto
in the effect ; so that from the very fact that with so great simplicity,
without pomp, without any considerable novelty of preparation,
finally without expense, a man is dipped in water, and, amid the utter-
ance of some few words, is sprinkled and then rises again, not much
the cleaner, the consequent attainment of eternity is esteemed the
more incredible. I am a deceiver if, on the contrary, it is not from
their circumstance, and preparation, and expense, that the solemnities
of idols or the mysteries get their credit and are built up. Oh,
miserable incredulity, which quite deniest to God His own properties,
simplicity and power." ^
By the middle of the fourth century all this had been
reversed. Splendor and impressiveness characterized a
ritual which had become rich in all the accessories of wor-
ship. It had been the boast of the early church that it
had neither temple nor sacrifice nor altar ; it was the pride
and joy of the later church that it could exhibit to the
heathens temples and sacrifices and altars surpassing their
own in all that makes a powerful appeal to the sensuous
imagination. The formula of the earlier church had been
that God stood in no need of sacrifices or offerings, and
therefore it was unbecoming to present them to Him.
The later church carefully retained the formula, but re-
jected the inference. Although He did not need them,
yet were they acceptable and well-pleasing in His sight.
1 De Bap. c. 11.
532 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
The transition from simplicity to a complicated and im-
posing ritual is difficult to trace, and the connecting
links have not yet been recovered. There was no discus-
sion of ritual motives, as there was of theological jjrinci-
ples. The acts of councils throw but little light on the
process whereby the change was accomplished ; they may
record conclusions, but do not reveal the process of their
attainment nor the consciousness of their significance.
The ritual of the church, according to the familiar com-
parison, was an underground stream, emerging, after the
age of Constantine, in a powerful river, making a channel
at its will, which no acts of councils can control, against
whose current all resistance was in vain.
In the absence of definite information as to the succes-
sive steps of ritual advance, we must turn to principles
whose working can be clearly traced, even when not con-
fessed, acting like deep instincts with an unconscious influ-
ence. The first of these principles is the tendency toward
dramatization of the Lord's Supper, as the most effective
method of reacliing the popular imagination. It was the
last supper of Christ with His disciples that still remained
the central point about which revolved the deepest Chris-
tian feeling. The other method of worship, the homiletic
service so prominent in the early church, had gradually
disappeared to give way for the ritual of the altar as
including what was most essential for human salvation.
To this rite the name of ' liturgy ' began to be exclusively
applied, although in its earlier use the word stood for
any form of Christian worship or service. The tendency
to dramatize the Last Supper began at a very early period,
when the congregations having become too large to sit
down at the table, the bisliop and his presbyters surrounded
it after the exam[)le of Christ and His disciples. But this
simple form of drama yielded to another and different
type, when the idea of oblation and sacrifice had been
developed. The passing away of the agape became the
occasion of a great transformation. In that simple rite
the contributions of the people for the common table were
accepted and blessed as offerings, and were known as obla-
THE lord's supper 533
tions. When there was no longer occasion for these con-
tributions, the bread and the wine intended for the eucha-
rist, as distinct from the supper, became invested w^ith a
new meaning and a higher solemnity.
In the Clementine Liturgy, as it is called, contained
in the Apostolical Constitutions, it is manifest that these
transformations have already been accomplished. This
liturgy was a private compilation from sources which
have not been wholly determined ; there is no evidence
that it was used as a public form of worship ; or that it
was intended as such ; but it was the work of a creative
mind which left its influence upon the church, becoming in
its main outlines the type to which the Eastern liturgies
of a later age conformed.^ The time when it was set forth
may be the latter part of the fourth century, or even earlier.
It may be taken as the picture of the worship in the great
see of Antioch, in the* age of the Emperor Constantius.
Its theology is somewhat uncertain ; it reflects the influence
of the Apollinarian heresy, with, possibly, a tinge of semi-
Arianism, but its attitude toward Christ is reverential in
the highest degree. It is given as following a service for
the consecration of a bishop, and its opening rubrical direc-
tions suggest a scene where preparation is made for some
great solemnity :
" Let the children stand at the reading-desk and let a deacon stand
by them that they be not disorderly. Let the deacons walk about
and watch the men and the women that no tumult be made, and that
no one nod, or whisper, or slumber. Let the deacons stand at the
doors of the men and the sub-deacons at those of the women, that no
one go out nor a door be opened even for one of the faithful at the
time of the oblation. But let one of the deacons bring water to wasli
the hands of the priests, which is a symbol of the purity of the souls
that are devoted to God."
The injunction is then given by the deacons for the de-
parture of the unbelievers, the catechumens, the penitents,
and the hearers ; the faithful who remain are exhorted to
1 On the identification of the compiler of the Clementine liturgy with
the pseudo-Iiiiiatius, wlio was the author of the Longer Greek Recension
of the Ignatian Epistles, cf. Brightman, Liturgies, Eastern and Western,
pp. xxvii ff.
534 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
have nothing against any one, to come in sincerity, and
to stand upright before the Lord witii fear and trembling
to make the offering:
" Then let the deacons bring the gifts of bread and wine to the
bishop at the altar, and let the presbyters stand at his right hand and
at his left as disciples stand before the Master. But let two of the
deacons on each side of the altar hold a fan made of some thin mem-
brane, and let them silently drive away the small animals that fly
about, that they come not near tlie cups. Let the High Priest pray
by himself, and let him put on liis shining garment and stand at the
altar and make the sign of the cross upon his forehead with his
hand."
At this point begins what in the Greek liturgies is known
as the Anaphora, the Sursum Corda ^ of the Latin Mass :
" Let the High Priest say : The grace of Almighty God, and the
love of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost
be with you all ; to which all the peof)le are to respond with one
voice, And with thy spirit. The High Priest: Lift up your mind;
and the people: We lift it up unto the Lord. The Priest: Let us
give thanks unto our Lord God ; the people : It is meet and right so
to do. Then let the High Priest say: It is very meet and right
before all things to sing an hymn to Thee, who art the true God, who
art before all things, from whom the whole family in heaven and
earth is named."
Such is the beginning of the long prayer,^ which with-
1 " One result seems to follow from the comparison between one copy
of these liturgies and another ; it is this, that we must look to the Anaph-
ora in each, commencing with the Apostolic Benediction and conclud-
ing with the Lord's Prayer, as containing the only ancient parts of the
service" (Swainson, The Greek Liturgies, p. xliii).
2 That prayer in the early church was to a certain extent the free
utterance of the impassioned heart must be inferred from the language of
the Didache (c. x.), where it is said that the prophets are permitted to
give thanks as much as they will, et)xap'<'''''f'»' Sera d^Xovaiv ; also from the
allusion of Justin (Apol. c. Ixvii.), where the president is sakl to offer
prayers according to his ability, oar] dvvdfiis avTuj. In the Clementine
liturgy, says Brightman (p. xxxiii), "Liturgical formulae are not re-
garded by the compiler as rigidly fixed ; . . . at some points he gives
only the drift of the prayers without prescribing a formula." Cf. also
Duchesne, Origines chi Culte Chretien, p. 171 : " Le sacramentaire l^onien
donne lieu de croire que I'improvisation, ou du moins 1' intercalation de
phrases pr^par^es par P officiant lui-meme, etait encore pratiqu^e au
sixifeme si6cle."
THE lord's supper 535
out any break proceeds to glorify God, in His wisdom
and goodness and power, and then at some length and
with much detail to commemorate the creation of the
whole world, and the goodness which is revealed in its
adaptability to man. The creation of man, the garden of
Eden, and the Fall are next mentioned, and the beginning
of the process of redemption. After the leading features
of the Old Testament history in the successive stages of
the process of I'edemption have been rehearsed, there fol-
lows the Cherubic Hymn, as the preparation for the re-
countal of the story of the Incarnation :
" For these things, glory be to Thee, O Lord Almighty, whom
innumerable hosts of angels, archangels, thrones, dominions, princi-
palities, authorities, and powers, with their everlasting armies, do
adore, saying together with thousand thousands of angels and ten
thousand times ten thousand of angels, — saying incessantly and with
constant and loud voices, — and let all the people say it with them:
Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Hosts, heaven and earth are full of
Thy glory. Glory be to Thee, O Lord most high."
The incidents of the life of Christ leading up to His
crucifixion are then given ; He is glorified in His redeem-
ing work as a preparation for the climax of the office, —
the sacred words of the institution of the Supper, when
He broke the bread and took the cup. The language of
the prayer grows more intense and intimate in the inter-
cession which follows for the living and the dead, till it
finally concludes with the angelic hymn, the Gloria in
Excelsis^ the preliminary to the distribution of the ele-
ments. To the waiting congregation in the attitude of
standing, the bishop in turn gives the elements, saying
" The body of Christ," and the deacon gives the cup
with the words, " The blood of Christ, the cup of Life."
And while the communion is in process is said the thirty-
fourth Psalm, and a more exquisite Psalm could not have
been chosen : " O taste and see, that the Lord is gracious.
Blessed is the man that trusteth in him." After the dis-
tribution of the elements, a shorter prayer follows, and
the office concludes with the benediction, which has a
tendency, as in later Oiiental liturgies, to expand itself,
536 CHlllSTIAN WORSHIP
until it has been illustrated anew what the blessing of
God may mean.
The most important feature of the Clementine liturgy,
and also constituting its chief ritual innovation, is the
oblation of the elements of bread and wine, after their con-
secration by the recital of the words of Christ at the insti-
tution of the Supper. The word ' oblation ' had liitherto
been used in a general and untechnical way, to cover the
contributions of the people for the agape, or it had been
applied to the sacrament also in a similar way, especially to
the eucharistic prayer, as in itself a sacrificial offering. But
when the distinction began to be made between the lesser
and the greater oblation, the former became equivalent to
what is now called the offertory, while the " greater obla-
tion " consisted exclusively in the bread and wine which
were placed upon the altar. Connected with it, was what
is known in the Eastern church as the Great Entrance,
when the clergy enter the church bearing the sacred ves-
sels on their way to the sanctuary. The Little Entrance,
on the other hand, and the comparison is significant for
the change that has taken place, consists in previously
bringing in the sacred books, to which is no longer assigned
the pre-eminence. The prayer of the oblation runs as fol-
lows in the Clementine rite :
"We offer to Thee, our King and God, according to His constitu-
tion this bread and this cup, giving Thee thanks through Him that
Thou hast thought us worthy to stand before Thee and to sacrifice to
Thee ; and we beseech Thee that Thou wilt mercifully look down
upon these gifts which are here set before Thee, O Thou God, who
standest in need of none of our offerings. And do Thou accept them
to the honor of Thy Christ, and send down upon this sacrifice Thine
Holy Spirit . . . that he may show this bread to be the body of
Thy Christ and the cup to be the blood of Thy Christ, tliat those who
are partaking thereof may be strengthened for piety and may receive
the remission of their sins, may be delivered from the devil and his
deceits, may be filled with the Holy Ghost, may be made worthy of
Thy Christ, and may obtain eternal life upon Thy reconciliation to
them, O Lord God Almighty."
In the earlier worship, the oblation, so far as that word
may be used in a technical sense, was made before the
THE lord's supper 537
consecration of the elements ; in the later ritual, it fol-
lowed their consecration. ^ By this change, the Lord's
Supper was transformed into a sacrifice, in the narrower
sense of the word ' sacrifice,' or as it was popularly under-
stood by Jews and pagans. In this respect the Greek
mystery and the Latin sacrament agree, that they make the
oblation of the consecrated elements the climax of the
divine ofhce. But at this point, also, of their closest
resemblance, the widest possiljle divergence in practice
occurs, indicating a radical difference in the manner of
contemplating the eucharistic solemnity. In the Latin
Mass, the priest elevates the elements after their consecra-
tion as a symbol of the sacrifice, an indication of the tran-
substantiation of the bread and wine into the body and
blood of Christ ; this is the moment when the congregation
kneels and worships. In the Eastern church the most
imposing moment in the service is not that Avhich follows
the consecration of the elements, but is connected with the
Great Entrance, when the congregation fall down in the
1 It is possible tlaat the compiler of the Clementine liturgy may have
drawn upon older material for the idea of the prayer of oblation. In the
Anaphora of the Ethiopic Church Ordinances there is a prayer after the
consecration of the elements, which contains the oblation, but not in
such emphatic form : " Remembering therefore His death and His resur-
rection, we offer Thee this bread and this cup, giving thanks unto Thee for
that Thou hast made us meet to stand before Thee and do Thee priestly
service. We beseech Thee that thou wouldest send Thine Holy Spirit on
the oblation of this church : give it together unto all them that partake
(for) sanctification and for fulfilling with the Holy Ghost and for con-
firming true faith, that they may laud and praise Thee in Thy Son Jesus
Christ, through whom to Thee be glory and dominion in the holy
church both now and ever and Avorld without end. Amen." Bright-
man, I., p. 190; cf. also Die Canones Hippolyti, in TextP, etc., pp.
48, 54. Egypt may have been the source from which the principle
of the oblation came. But in the Antiochene worship as described by
Chrysostom, whose time is contemporaneous with the compiler of the
Clementine rite, it is doubtful whether there was a specific form of the
oblation. But cf. Brightman, p. 474, for the reconstructed office in use
by Chrysostom ; Hammond, The Ancient Liturgy of Antioch, p. 15 ;
Bingham, Bk. XV., c. 3. In the reformed communion office of the
Church of England the oblation after consecration was omitted, as in the
other Protestant churches. In 1662, the word 'oblation' was restored in
the Prayer for the Church Militant, but as thus used it applies to the ele-
ments before consecration.
538 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
very path of the jJi'iests and worship while the elements are
still unconsecrated and have not yet been placed upon the
altar. The difference is profoundly suggestive. It can
only be explained on the ground that the real transformation
takes place in the mind of the worshipper, who recognizes
in the purpose to consecrate in formal manner the bread
and wine an antecedent divine action by which the mate-
rial gifts of God, the food and drink, reveal the divine
goodness and the divine life in the natural order. Out of
this conviction had grown the sense of the value, the
mystic importance of the Lord's Supper. In this popular
reverence paid toward the elements of bread and wine,
while as yet common food, there may be a trace of the ear-
lier worship which associated them with the body of Christ,
before the impressive ceremonial had been introduced, trans-
forming the agape into the mystery of the altar .^
IV
The Clementine liturgy, although marking a great ad-
vance in the direction of dramatic worship, is still charac-
terized by simplicity when placed in comparison with the
later liturgical development. After the custom of the
earlier worship, the sacrament was restricted to the faith-
ful, and the distribution of the consecrated elements
was conceived as an essential feature of every celebration
of the Lord's Supper. In the later usage, these features
disappeared. The rite was thrown open to the whole
congregation, although the injunction was still repeated,
which called upon unbelievers, catechumens, and others
to depart; all might be witnesses, but for the majority of
the congregation, tliere was no participation of the sacred
elements. Again, the ritual acts and directions are few in
number in the Clementine liturgy ; no regulations are
given for the entrance into the sacred edifice or for the
bringing the bread and the wine to the altar; the long
prayer flows on with no break in its homiletic unity and
1 Cf. Neale, Translations of the Primitive Liturgies, pp. xxvii, 11,
109, 135 ; also Hammond, Liturgies, Eastern and Western, p. xxxvii.
THE lord's supper 530
impressiveuess through rubrical emphasis or separation of
its parts.
The liturgies continued to develop in the centuries that
followed mainly on the line of what is called ceremonial-
ism. The specification of ritual acts crowded out more and
more the homiletic element, till the liturgies finally de-
veloped through the combination of dramatic and cere-
monial motives, into an intricate religious service, Avhose
meaning was almost lost in the bewildering maze of
symbolic presentations. The ceremonial motive was the
adaptation or reproduction of the court etiquette of an
Oriental monarch, as the standard for symbolizing or
dramatizing the soul's approach to God. Gregory of
Nyssa in his treatise on the Holy Spirit has stated the
principle in explicit language, and illustrated its action :
"Inasmuch as men when approaching emperors and potentates for
the objects Avhich tliey wish in some way to obtain from those rulers,
do not bring to tlieiii their mere petition only, but employ every pos-
sible means to induce them to feel pity and favor towards themselves,
clasping their knees, prostrating themselves on the ground, and put-
ting forward to plead for their petition all sorts of pathetic signs to
wake that pity, so it is that those who recognize the true Potentate,
by whom all things in existence are controlled, when they ai-e suppli-
cating for that whicli they have at heart, some lowly in spirit because
of pitiable conditions in this world, some with their thoughts lifted up
because of their eternal mysterious hopes, seeing that they know not
how to ask and that their humanity is not capable of displaying any
reverence that can reach to the grandeur of that glory, they carry the
ceremonial used in the case of men into the service of the Deity.
And this is what worship is, that worshij) I mean which is offered for
objects we have at heart along with supplication and humiliation."
When this principle was fully recognized and applied, it
influenced every aspect of the ritual. It was as if the
heavenly king were holding a reception upon earth present
indeed although invisible, as the Oriental liturgies imply ;
present in the person of his delegates, the priesthood, accord-
ing to the Latin conception. Whatever does honor to an
earthly sovereign is therefore required on the occasion of
God's worship, — the formal entrance to tlie sanctuary,
which represents His presence, the imposing procession.
540 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
the magnificent vestments,^ the accessories of light and
music, perfume and color, and on the part of the officiants
the punctilious performance of a religious etiquette. Great,
indeed, was the loss and the injury when the true worship
of the Father was obscured in its essential principles as
Christ had given them. In this ceremonial dramatization
of the soul's relations with God was an exaggerated for-
mality incompatible with worship in spirit and in truth.
But it miay not have been without an educational influence.
It was something that souls shut out from the presence or
sympathy of the earthly sovereign were still able at their
will to enter the presence of the King of kings. There
was thrown around the worship dignity and majesty, as
well as beauty and splendor, and religious functions were
kept in accordance with good taste — so rare a gift that it
might seem to serve as a substitute for piety. As it was
the function of the bishop to regulate the ritual of the
altar for his diocese, we may trace his influence as a medi-
ator, in bringing something of the habits and environment
of royalty, in whose presence he was accustomed to stand,
to bear upon the elevation and refinement of the people.
1 There is a reference to the dress of the clergy in the o7th of the
Canons of Hippolytus : " Quotiescunque episcopus mysteriis frui vult,
congregentur diaconi et presbyteri apud eura, induti vestimentis albis
pulchrioribus toto popiilo, potissimuni autem splendidis." But the cau-
tion is added : " Bona autem opera omnibus vestimentis praestant." In
the liturgy in the 8th book of the Apostolical Constitutions, the high priest
is said to put on his "shining gannent" {Xaixirpav ea-0i]Ta fxerevdi/s). Cf.
also Jerome, in Ezek., c 44: " Religio divina alteram habitum habet in
ministerio alteram in usu vitaque conununi " ; also in ^-Idi'. Pelagianos,
i. 9, where he remarks that it would not be an offence to God if he were
to wear a comelier tunic, or if the clergy were to be dressed in white.
For a discussion of these passages cf. Marriott, Vestiarnm Christianiim,
c. iv., who concludes that the early dress of the clergy was not distinc-
tive in shape, during the first four centuries, but was white in color ;
they honored the occasion of the sacred rites by putting on their best
clothes. The transition to a distinctive dress in the Western church was
made in the Middle Ages, when the clergy, having retained the ancient
Roman dress which was in marked contrast with the prevailing dress of
the laity, justified and explained tlie difference on the theory of its Levi-
tical origin ; c. viii. See also Bock, Gesch. d. litttrgischen Gpumnder des
Mittelalters ; also Macalister, Ecclesiastical Vestments, with literature in
Appendix III., and Stanley, Christian Institutions, c. viii.
THE lord's supper 541
The deepest theological influence exerted upon the
Oriental worship was inspired by the belief concerning
the Holy Spirit, set forth by Eastern church writers in
the latter half of the fourth century. It has often been
remarked that the thought of the ancient church concern-
ing the office of the Holy Spirit was left incomplete. In
one sense the criticism is true. The Eastern church never
gained the conception of the Spirit as working within the
soul which has been fruitful in Western Christendom,
and more particularly in the modern church. But none
the less did its writers have their own peculiar conception
of the Spirit's working, — a conception that was not lack-
ing in definiteness and power. They regarded the Holy
Spirit as the bond organically uniting the spirit within a
man and the mysterious divine life in outward nature, —
that nature which has a voice for the human heart, if only
it could be interpreted aright. Hints of this conception
are given by Cyril of Jerusalem, in his Catechetical Lect-
ures, as, when speaking of the water of baptism, he says,
that " whatever the Holy Ghost has touched is surely
sanctified and changed" ; or by Cyril of Alexandria, in his
teaching that " by the action of the Holy Spirit the ele-
ments of bread and wine are metamorphosed into the body
and blood of Christ." Gregory of Nyssa more particularly
developed this conception of the Spirit, as having a close
relation to the visible creation :
" The creation is guided by the Spirit, while the Spirit gives guid-
ance ; the creation is governed, while the Spirit governs ; the creation
is comforted, while the Spirit comfoi-ts ; the creation is in bondage,
while the Spirit gives freedom." ^
The effect of this teaching was reflected in the Oriental
liturgies, in the consciousness they reveal, that the sun-
dered harmony between man and nature has been re-
stored, in the conviction that the world is good, that the
Avhole creation must be glorified before God in devout
thanksgiving, as an essential condition of all true worship.
After the Anapliora, the next step, says Cyril of Jerusalem,
1 Ad Simplicium ; cf. De Bap. Christ,
542 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
is to commemorate the creation : " We make mention of
heaven and earth and sea, of sun and moon, of stars,
and all the creation rational and irrational, visible and in-
visible." ^ A prominent feature of the encharistic prayer in
the Clementine liturgy is the emphatic and beautiful com-
memoration of nature, external nature and this visible
world. The story of the creation is rehearsed in detail,
and the beauty of the kosmos is acknowledged in eloquent
language. God is praised for having beautified the world
and for our comfort rendered it illustrious with sun and
moon and choir of stars which forever praise His glorious
majesty. The water is commemorated also for drink and
cleansing, the air for respiration and for sound, the fire for
our consolation in cold and darkness, the navigable ocean
and the land with the animal creation, the sweet-smelling
and healing herbs, the fruits of the earth, tlie order of the
seasons, the courses of the clouds and the winds which blow
when commanded by God. For all these things praise is
given to Him in the eucharistic prayer, as though it formed
an indispensable element in worship to acknowledge the
glory and the beauty and especially the goodness of God in
the visible world of external nature. So also Dionysius the
Areopagite in his outline of the eucharistic office makes
the hierarch first celebrate the works of God before pro-
ceeding to consecrate the divine gifts. In his own words
or in those attributed to him :
"The commemoration of Thy gifts, O Lord, exceeds the power" of
mind, or speech, or thought, nor can human lips or minds glorify
Thee as Thou art worthy to be praised. For by Thy word the
heavens were made, and by the breath of Thy mouth all the supernal
powers, all the lights which are in the firmament, sun and moon, the
sea and the dry land, and whatever in them is. Things which have
no voice by their silence, and those endowed with speech, praise Thee
perpetually through word and song, because Thou art by nature good
and in Thy incomprehensible essence above all praise. This visible
creation related to the senses praises Thee, O Lord, as well as that
higher intellectual world above the conditions of sensuous perception.
Heaven and earth glorify Thee, sea and air proclaim Thee, the sun in
his course praises Thee, the moon in its changes venerates Thee.
^ My stag., V. 6.
THE lord's supper 543
Troops of archangels and hosts of angels, powers elevated above the
world and above all human faculty, send their benedictions to Thy
throne, sweet songs and pure, free from all earthly stain, joining all
in one eternal hymn of praise : Holy, Holy, Holy." ^
It is at this point that the Greek liturgy differs funda-
mentally from the Latin Mass, wherein no recognition
is made of the goodness of God in the visible world, or
the beauty and the joy of the whole creation. The West-
ern world was a stranger, at the moment when the Latin
liturgy was in process of formation, to the peculiar reli-
gious philosophy developing in Alexandria and Syria, that
combination of theosophical and naturalistic tendencies
in union with Christian ideas, which, issuing out of the
old religions, formed a new mysteriosophy as it has been
called, the basis of the Christian mysteries of the Oriental
church. Hence also the Roman liturgy does not contain
the Invocation of the Holy Ghost after the recital of the
words of Institution, found in every Eastern liturgy, and
regarded as essential to the mystic or sacramental trans-
elementation of the bread and wine. From the point
of view of the Greek church, the Roman sacrament of
the altar is lacking in an element at once vital and indis-
pensable. The Greek conception is more akin to the Prot-
estant view, that asserts the necessity of faitli in order to
any helpful reception of the sacrament. In the Prayer to
the Holy Ghost in the liturgy of the Armenians, we may
discern the fuller thought implied in the more condensed
forms of other liturgies :
" By Thee and through Thee, did the offspring of the patriarchal
family of old, called seers, declare aloud and plainly things past and
things to come, things wrought and things not yet come to effect.
Thou, O energy illimitable, whom Moses proclaimed Spirit of God
moving on the face of the waters, by Thine immense brooding and by
Thy tender sheltering of the new generations under the overspreading
of Thy wings madest known the mystery of the font ; who after the
same pattern spreading first the liquid element as a veil on high didst
in lordly wise form out of nothing, O mighty, the complete natures
of all things that are. By Thee all creatures made by Thee shall be
renewed at the resurrection, the which day is the last of this existence
1 Liturgia, 8- Dio7i., in Migne, Patrol. Gr., III. 1125.
544 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
and the first of the land of the living." And again, in the form of
Invocation in the same litm-gy : " We adore and we beseech Thee,
O good God, send upon us and upon these gifts here set forth, Thy
coeternal and consubstantial Holy Spirit, ... by whom blessing this
bread and this wine Thou wilt make them truly the body and blood
of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ." ^
The development of the Oriental type of ritual was still
further influenced by the writings of Dionysius.^ He con-
ceived the two sacraments as vehicles of one vast mystic
spiritual force, including in its common potency confirma-
tion or the chrism, ordination, monastic consecration, and
the unction of the dead. Under the influence of this su-
preme conviction, the usages of worship were presented as
1 Cf. Brightman, I., pp. 417, 439.
2 In the account which Dionysius has given of the liturgy of his own
time it was still comparatively simple, and, with the exception of incense,
did not differ greatly from the worship described by Cyril, Gregory, or
Chrysostom :
"The hierarcli, having finished his prayer by the altar, begins by in-
censing it, and then makes the circuit of the holy building. Returning
to the altar, he begins to chant the psalms, all the ecclesiastical orders
joining with him in the sacred psalmody. After this, the lesson from
Holy Scripture is read by the minister ; and when it is ended, the Cate-
chumens, together with the penitents and those possessed, are ordered to
depart from the sacred enclosure, those only remaining who are worthy
of the sight and the communion of the sacred mysteries. Of the lower
ranks of the ministry, some are standing near the closed doors of the
sanctuary, while others perform some functions pertaining to their order.
Those who hold the highest place among the deacons (leitourgoi) assist the
priests in bringing to the altar the sacred bread and the cup of blessing,
chanting at the same time, together with the whole assembly, the universal
hymn of praise. Then the divine hiei-arch completes the sacred prayers
and announces to all the peace ; and when they have made the mutual
salutation, there follows the mystic recital of the names inscribed in the
holy diptychs. The hierarch and priests having washed their hands, the
hierarch stands at the middle of the holy altar surrounded by those chosen
from among the deacons together with the priests. After the hierarch
has celebrated the marvellous works of God, he consecrates the divine
mysteries and offers to the view the things celebrated beneath the sym-
bols reverently exhibited. When he has thus exposed to view the gifts
of divine power, he partakes of the communion himself and then invites
the others ; and when he has received and given to others the divine com-
munion, he closes with a sacred act of thanksgiving. But while the com-
mon people liave seen the mysteries under the veil of the symbol, he
himself is led, always by the Holy Spirit, through spiritual contempla-
tion, and, as becomes a hierarch, to the intellectual types of the cere-
monial in their original purity" (Z)e Eccles. Hier., c. iii. 2).
THE lord's supper 545
parts of a great whole, and invested with a deeper meaning.
Other church writers of this age, when speaking of the
symbols of bread and wine, vacillated in their views and
utterances, at times seeming to recognize the distinction
between the symbol and the thing signified ; and again
apparently disowning the distinction in a desire to maintain
that the consecrated elements were a perpetuation of the
body of Christ, an avenue for the entrance into humanity
of the life-giving power of His incarnation. But while Di-
onysius never lost sight of the distinction between the sym-
bol and the higher reality, yet he interpreted the distinction
in his own way, endowing the symbol with an independent
mystic power, that made it indispensable to a true worship.
In his thought, the symbol possessed a sensible or physical
correspondence with the spirit, at once the evidence of the
existence of the spiritual and also its representation. It
was his aim to raise the initiated to a fuller conception of
the spiritual truth for which the symbol stood. The priest-
hood shares witli the symbol in being one of the elements
in a secret divine process, but is not endowed with power
in itself to transmute, as in the Latin conception, the mate-
rial food into the higher divine reality. The priest is him-
self but a higher symbol, and likewise the instruction he
imparts to the people. The priesthood, the homiletic
teaching, and the bread and the wine, — these three con-
stitute the sacrament, all alike expressions of a secret, yet
everywhere active, divine process.^
But the chief indebtedness of Oriental ritual to Diony-
sius lay in the consciousness he inspired or strengthened,
that the revelation of heaven to the world, dimly fore-
shadowed in heathen mysteries, was opened to the Chris-
tian worshipper at every moment in the sacred liturgy.
The liturgy was no human work, but an organic part of
Christian revelation. All that went on in the worship
of the church on earth was a reproduction, actual and
1 "Die consecrirten Elemente selbst werden als Symbole behandelt.
Die realistische Anschauung des Chrysostomus findet sich bei Dionysiiis
nicht. Der Realisinus liegt sozusagen in der Stabilitat und Integritat
des liturgischen VoUzuges " (Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, II. 437).
2n
546 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
real in its degree, however imperfect, of the worship of
the heavenly hosts. In the commentary of Symeon, Arch-
bishop of Thessalonica, who lived in the fifteenth century,
who was also a devout student of Diouysius, we have
the interpretation of the Eastern liturgy, when its long
development was at last complete. Some conception may
be given, in the following condensed abridgment, of the
spirit of Oriental worship:
" The descent of the bishop from his throne to begin tlie divine
office is a figure of the condescension of the Son of God. The pres-
ence of Christ on earth, His manifestation even to His death and
descent into hell, are represented by the priest going toward the West
as far as the doors of the church. The deacons, standing by the
bishop, typify not only the apostles, but the holy angels ministeiing
in the mysteries of Christ. The coming forth of the priests from
within the Bema after the recital of the opening prayers represents
the descent of the angels at the ascension of Christ. At the Little
Entrance, when the deacons go two by two in procession bearing
torches and carrying the Holy Gospels, the priests following and
chanting the invitation to worship, or when the deacon gives the
invitation to stand while the Gospel is read, in all this is shadowed
forth the resurrection and ascension of Christ. But the bishop in the
procession is a type of Christ Himself manifested to the disciples.
The nave of the church is a type of earth ; and the holy Bema, or
veiled sanctuary, is the figure of heaven. The doors of the Bema
opening for the entrance of the clergy and closing again recall the
words, ' Lift up your heads, O ye gates, and the King of glory shall
come in.' The incensing the holy table figures the descent of the
Holy Spirit. The signing of the Gospel by the bishop in the form of
a cross with a double taper teaches the doctrine of the incarnation
and the double nature ; but when it is signed with a threefold taper,
there is to be understood the doctrine of the Trinity. When Christ
Himself is speaking, as in the reading of the Gospel, the bishop lays
aside his omophorion, which is otherwise a symbol of the incarnation.
The washing of the hands manifests the irreproachable purity of the
hierarchy. In the Great Entrance which next follows, when there
is full procession of readers, deacons, and priests bearing the
lamps and the holy vessels, there is typified the second coming of the
Lord in glory ; and at the same time the burial of Christ who is to
be hereafter the beatific vision. This is the moment when the
people cast themselves at the feet of the clergy, worshipping the
good gifts of God in the bread and wine. The bishop goes within
the Bema, and the doors are closed, because it is not fitting that the
mysteries be disclosed to the people. The bishop alone is without
intermediary in approaching the holy table, and through him even
THE lokd's supper 547
the priests must be admitted into the participation of the awful
mysteries. The kiss of peace which is then given represents the love
■which exists in heaven. That the veil should be placed over the
elements until the recital of the Creed indicates the necessity of con-
fessing a true faith in order to see Christ within the veil. After the
Triumphal Hymn has been sung, the celebration of the mysteries
begins. When the words of institution have been said and the Holy
Ghost invoked to bless the elements, theia Christ lies upon the altar
in His very essence, at whose sight the celebrant becomes bold for the
intercessory prayer, commemorating also, at the time of the obla-
tion, the Virgin Mother and the saints, who with the people are
united by means of the one great sacrifice. There are other symbolic
acts to be performed befoi'e the communion : the elevation of the
bread, which is Christ upon the Cross ; the commingling of water
with the wine, a reminder of the water and the blood ; the bread
broken and placed crosswise, which is Jesus crucified ; warm water
added to the cup, a sign that the body of Christ, after death, still
retained its life-giving power. In the exhibition of the elements to
the people, the veil is still upon them, for it is not lawful that the
people should gaze on them directly. After the communion, the-
symbolism points to the ascended Christ. Most of the people have
not communed, for they are not worthy. And yet they should be
sanctified, and their sanctification must be by means of material things,
since the soul is united with the body. Therefore bread blessed in
the sacristy, but not consecrated on the altar, is distributed to
the congregation." 1
V
The Byzantine liturgy is the national liturgy of Antioch,
Alexandria, and Jerusalem as well as of Constantinople.
It is used also in Greece and Russia, Servia, Bulgaria,
and Roumania. Even the heretical churches of the East
have approximated its order. Its origin and the history
of its growth have not yet been fully traced. There
is no objection to the tradition that it received some
influence from Basil and from Chrysostom, but what or
how great that influence was is not 'definitely known. In
its present form it is not their work, but the result of a
long period of growth. There are many Oriental liturgies
in some respects resembling and in others differing from it,
but the majority of them are no longer in use, and their
1 Cf. De Sacra Liturgia, in Migne, PatnA. Gr., CLV., 273 ff.
548 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
origin and history are obscure. The resemblance between
these liturgies may be explained by tlieir indebtedness
to some common source. As the ancient creeds have
for the most part a common framework, because they are
expansions of the baptismal formula, so these ancient
liturgies have their common ground in the institution of
the Lord's Supper. But the history of Christian worship,
also, within certain limits, shows a tendency toward uni-
formity. As in an age when solidarity is the prevailing
motive there is a tendency in fashion which leads to
uniformity in dress throughout the civilized world, so
in the matter of Christian worship it would seem that a
common instinct drew men together, that they would
fain worship alike, whatever their differences might be, —
a conviction that there must be some right method of ac-
ceptable worship, incumbent upon all to follow. In this
way may be explained the fact that the Bj^zantine liturgy
has become the prevailing standard in the East, and that
the Roman Mass has at last succeeded in supplanting
other uses in Western Europe, where the Galilean, the
Mozarabic, and the Ambrosian liturgies have either been
prohibited or reduced to an occasional performance.^
The differences between these two rites have already
been suggested, but they are so important as to demand
further consideration. ^ The first and in some respects
1 Anglican liturglolooists have maintained tliat the Gallican liturgy
was derived from Epliesus, whence it was carried into Gaul. For a
criticism of this theory, cf. Duchesne, pp. 84 ff., who holds that it came
through Milan, which from the latter part of the fourth century took the
lead among the churches of Western Europe. These Western liturgies,
especially the Gallican and Ambrosian, show faint traces of an Eastern
origin. Cf. Hammond, Liturgies, Eastern and Western, for comparative
tables.
^ Cf. Isidore of Seville, De Libris et Officiis Ecclesiasticis ; Durand Guil-
laume, Bationale Divinotnm Officiornm ; Miiratori, Litiirgia Bomana
Vetiis ; Martene, De Antiqnis Ecdesiae liitibns ; Rock, Hierugia, or the
Holy Sacrifice of the 3Iass ; Bellarmine, De Sacramento Eucharistiae ;
Moehler, SymboUk ; Duchesne, Origines dn Culte Chretien; Ch. Rohault
de Fleury, La Messe, Etudes archaeologique siir les monuments ; Hahn,
Die Lehre von den Sac.ramenten in ihrer geschichtlichen Eiitwicklimg
innerhalb der abendUindischen Kirche, bis ziim Council von Trient; also
Herzog, Beal Encyc, XIII., Art. Sacramente ; Art. Sacraments, in Diet.
Chris. Antiq.
THE lord's supper 549
the most striking of these divergences dates from the
hour when they had their origin, — a monument to the
deeper moods of humanity in the great crisis of its his-
tory. The Greek liturgy is eucharistic in the fullest
sense of the word, the expression of religious joy and
gratitude, a sustained hymn of praise and thanksgiving,
wliile the Latin liturgy is penitential, with an undertone
of sorrow, and pervaded by a cry for deliverance from
existing or impending evil. In the Greek litui-gy, one is
walking in the light of a revelation which diffuses happi-
ness and peace ; in the Latin, one is laboring under the
conviction of sin, the sense of a divine law which has been
broken. In the one, the attitude in worship is standing, as
the proper attitude for receiving the revelation ; in the
other, the only position is kneeling, as becoming suppliants
in sorrow and liumiliation. The Latin liturgy retains, in-
deed, the Ter-sanctus and the Gloria in Excehis ; but while
music can do much to neutralize its prevailing mood of
depression, it cannot wholly overcome the penitential chant
of the Agnus Dei, which is the very core of the office, nor
the Psalm with which the Mass is begun : " Why art thou
cast down, O my soul, and why art thou dispirited within
me ? " In the Greek liturgy the world is good, and God is
" the good Lord and the lover of men " ; the creation is
in itself a subject of grateful commemoration and praise ;
but the Latin rite is silent about the goodness of the natu-
ral order and sparing of its epithets ; its hope is in the un-
deserved mercy of the Almighty and Eternal God. The
Greek liturgy is not wanting in expressions of i-epentance
and in prayer for deliverance from sin -, but sin is con-
ceived as resulting from the feebleness of man, or from
a want of true knowledge, — a weakness which the divine
forgiveness stands ever ready to reinforce, an ignorance
which the divine light must dispel. Humanity in its very
feebleness is always making a mute but successful appeal
to the divine sympathy. But in the Latin rite there is a
suspicion of some deeper source of the evil and misery,
the consciousness of wilful transgression of the divine
commandment, disturbing the soul, difficult to reach and
550 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
to subdue, forever invoking penalty and inevitable con-
sequence. The one liturgy has measured the depth of
human joy in tliis world, the other has sunk its plummet
deep in the waves and storms of human agony.
While these divergences may be traced in part to the
constitutional difference in temperament between Oriental
and Occidental peoples, yet there is also another cause
to be sought in the influences of the time when the
liturgies appeared. Although there are no liturgical
manuscripts dating from the age when the liturgies are
assumed to have taken form, yet there is no ground for re-
jecting the tradition that the liturgy of Constantinoijle is
indebted to Basil and Chrysostom in the fourth century, or
that the Roman liturgy received some impression, accord-
ing to tradition, from the hands of Leo the Great, and of
Pope Gelasius in the fifth century, and still later, from Pope
Gregory the Great. It is significant that the Greek tradi-
tion goes back a century earlier than the Latin, pointing
to a later liturgical development in the Roman church.
The Roman use has not caught that spirit of triumphant
joy and gi-atitude which the events of the fourth century
produced in the Eastern church. Indeed, the victory of
Constantine meant rather desertion and humiliation to
ancient Rome. The building of Constantinople and the
transfer of the Capital from the Western to the Eastern
empire, meant victory and enthusiasm for the East, and
greater strength and permanence of its political constitu-
tion ; while, for the West, it meant the weakness of ex-
posure to impending barbarism. Constantinople stood for
the triumph of Greece over the city which had held her in
bondage for centuries. The religious significance of these
events is also important. The victory of Constantine
as interpreted in the East meant that the long duel, as it
were, between the heathen deities and the Christian God
was over ; that God had vindicated His power, and had
visibly manifested His love and protection for His people.
But heathenism in the West still had its stronghold in the
neglected, abandoned city. Again, the triumph of Athana-
sius was mainly an Eastern victory, as was the controversy
THE lord's supper 551
regarding the incarnation. It was mostly Eastern writers,
Athanasius himself, Basil, and the two Gregories, whose
persistent energy and powerful eloquence, springing from
deep inward conviction, at last won the cause so vital
to the interests, not only of the church, but of humanity.
Nothing in the history of the cliurch ever went so deep in
motives or in results as the Nicene victory. But in all
this the Western church, for the most part, participated
indirectly, as compared with its Eastern rival. The sense
of exhilaration and of gratitude Avhich is among the most
powerful of religious emotions, the assurance of the lov-
ing care of God, the conviction that, after all, the world
is good, sentiments which penetrate and dominate the
Eastern ritual, are not unrelated to this external order of
events in the processes of time.
When the Latin liturg}^ began to take form, it Avas Pope
Leo the Great, if we follow the tradition, who is first
recorded to have left an imprint upon it. But the time of
Leo (440-461) corresponds with the evil hour when the
barbarian general was marching upon Rome, with all the
impending horrors of its capture. Leo went forth for its
relief, strengthened by faith in the invisible presence of
the Apostles, Peter and Paul. It was a great deliverance,
wrought, by God, yet manifestly through the agency of
the priesthood, as represented by the bishop of Rome.
With the age of Leo coincides the beginning of the Latin
church in its independent career, as also the first assertion
of the Roman papacy. The Latin liturgy bears the traces
of deliverance from evil, but also a consciousness that the
source of the evil still exists, and has not been wholly
removed. In the age of Pope Gelasius, toward the close
of the fifth century, there was another humiliation for the
West, when the young Augustus resigned his crown, and
Italy passed under the rule of a barbarian conqueror. In
the century that followed, while the empire in the East
rose to the height of its power under Justinian (527-565),
the West was a prey to the hordes of barbarous peoples
that swept over it in wave after wave of invasion. It
was no creative mood, whether for liturgy or doctrine,
652 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
that such events inspired. While the East was eagerly
receiving the philosophy of Dionysius, which reconciled
man as a spiritual being with his environment in the
physical creation, and the last vestiges of the old Gnostic
teaching that the world was evil had disappeared, Rome
was receiving, year by year, fresh lessons on the muta-
bility and tlie vanity of all earthly things. Only the
church of God remained for its consolation. We may re-
call the language of Gregory the Great as he looked forth
from his retreat when the waters were at last subsiding,
who may also have left an impression upon the Roman
liturgy in harmony with his experience : " What is it
that can at this time delight us in this world? Every-
where we see tribulation ; everywhere we hear lamen-
tation. What is it, brethren, that can make us contented
with this life ? Let us honestly despise this present world
and imitate the works of the pious as well as we can."
Again it is a characteristic of the Oriental liturgies, that
the divine action appears more prominently tlian the
human. It is the power of the divine presence that
operates in the transaction of the ritual, of whom the
priesthood is but the mouthpiece. It is God who is the
actor in all sacramental ordinances, while the priest de-
clares His action to have been performed, or prays for its
performance. In the office for holy baptism in the Rus-
sian church, " Form thy Christ within him " is the pra3'er
for the candidate ; or in absolution, " Behold, my child,
here stands Christ invisible, and He receives thy prayer
of penitence " : or again in ordination, " Not by the laying
on of my hands but by the descent of Thy rich mercies
is grace given to those who are worthy of Thee." " From
the throne of the glory of Thy kingdom come and sanctify
us. Thou that sittest above with the Father, and art here
invisibl}^ present with us," is the prayer that precedes the
delivery of the elements.^ In the Alexandrian liturgy (St.
Mark's) the priest declares to his assistants, " The Lord
shall bless and minister with you." ^
1 Bjerrins, Offices of the Oriental Church, pp. 69, 91, 106, 118.
2 Neale, Primitive Liturgies, p. 28.
THE lord's supper 553
One misses emphatic expressions like these, in the Latin
ritual ; instead there is the anxious importance attached
to the action of the priest, as a delegate commissioned in
the place of Christ or of God. In the Mass, the recogni-
tion of a divine presence in the rite is postponed until the
priest by the recital of the formula of institution has
brought down Christ upon the altar. Hence the petitions
in the Missal wliere the priest prays exclusively for him-
self that he may be adequate to perform the divine mystery,
are more numerous and specific than in the Eastern litur-
gies, and indeed in the original Clementine liturgy, they
are wanting altogether. The Greek liturgies betray rather
an anxiety for the people that they should understand
and be inwardly impressed with the meaning and impor-
tance of the divine action. Hence their tendency was
toward rhetorical fulness, the expansion of formulas by
amplification until the wealth of their meaning should be
disclosed. The Latin condensed the forms of absolution
and benediction into the briefest possible compass ; the
Greek expanded them, until all that was involved in the
divine forgiveness or the divine blessing should be realized
by the people ; as though God Himself could not act in the
great transaction without the intelligent participation and
sympathy of the congregation. But the words of the Latin
liturgy do not, and were not intended to, enlighten the
mind of the hearer or arouse his spiritual and moral nature :
they are rather a mechanical means to an end, where
rhetoric would be an offence and the expansion of formu-
laries would only delay the great consummation. While the
Latin liturgy, like the Greek, is dramatic in its construction,
yet its predominant purpose is pragmatic, — ■ the perform-
ance of a transcendent act. And to this end the words to
be used by the priest require no emphasis to make them
impressive. They are charged by their simple and ra[)id
recital with supernatural power. In the Latin Mass the
priest seems to stand alone, overawed by the majestic func-
tion intrusted to him by the divine will and condescension,
supi-emely solicitous that he shall not fail to perform it
aright through any hidden weakness of his own ; in the
554 CHRISTIAN WOESHIP
Greek rite, not only is God present though invisible, and
Himself responsible for the transmutation of human food
into a divine sustenance, but angels ascending and de-
scending are witnesses of the mystery and Jesus Himself,
the head and inspirer of the heavenly and the earthly hie-
rarchies, is the confidence and support of the faithful.
Angels also are not absent from the Latin rite, but their
function is, when the act of transubstantiation has been
accomplished by the priest, to bear away the new sacrifice
and to present it before the throne of God.^
The difference between the Latin and the Greek concep-
tion of the sacred rites of the church, and pre-eminently of
1 An illustration of the divergence in principle between the Latin and
Greek rites is clearly seen in the oflSces of coronation. According to the
Latin use the prince receives the crown from the bishop, who is delegated
to act in the place of God, and who therefore appears in the transaction
with a dignity which reflects the majesty of the King of kings. "Cum
hodie per manus nostras, optime Princeps, qui Christi Salvatoris nostri
vice in hac re fungimur (quam vis indigni) sacram unctioneni et Regni
insignia sis suscepturus. " Or again, at the giving of the sword : '• Accipe
gladium de altari sumptum per nostras manus, licet indignas" ; and at
the bestowal of the crown : " Accipe coronam regni quae, licet ab indig-
nis, Episcoporum tamen, manibus, capiti tuo imponitur."
In the Greek rite according to the Russian church, the situation is
reversed ; God is acting directly and the agency of the bishop is subor-
dinate. The prince ascends the throne in the centre of the church as his
first act, instead of the last, as in the Latin ceremonial — the evidence
that the service which follows is an act of recognition of what the divine
will has already ordained. While all around him kneel, even the officiat-
ing metropolitan, he alone remains standing. He himself places the
crown upon his head, he takes up the sceptre, and it is he who makes
the coronation prayer that he may be endowed with wisdom for his great
work. The address of the bishop at each step is in the nature of a dis-
claimer of any priestly power in the transaction : " With this visible and
corporal adornment of thy head is clear proof that Christ invisibly crowns
thee head of the Russian Empire." And once more, after he has taken
the sceptre: "God hath crowned this God-given, God-adorned, most
God-fearing autocrat and great monarch Emperor of All the Russias.
Take thyself the sceptre and ball of the empire, the visible image of the
sole sovereignty over the people, given by the Most High for their govern-
ment, promotion, and every desirable well-being." Only when all these
acts have been performed, comes the priestly anointing, which in the
Latin rite precedes the others. From a ritual point of view, the Eastern
rite devolves the responsibility of the coronation upon the immediate
action of God, and the Latin upon the priest who acts in the place of
God.
THE lord's supper 555
the eucharist, is further revealed in the designation by
which they are commonly known. In the Latin Vulgate,
sacramentum is the translation of the Greek fivarrjpiov.
Both these words are heavily and unmistakably charged
with an antecedent meaning derived from the inner depth
of divergent civilizations and cultures. The oath of alle-
giance in the sacred engagement entered into by the Roman
soldier stands for what was most profoundly important
in the consciousness of the Latin people, — the binding
sanctity of engagements where the vital interests of two
parties are concerned. On the other hand, the word 'mys-
tery' had associations with heathen religions in their lower
as well as their better form, with philosophical speculations
also, grounded in the most solemn convictions of the
Oriental mind. Two more characteristic words could not
have been chosen, for representing and translating the
varying apprehensions of the Christian faith. Trans-
formed though they were by Christian usage, it was im-
possible that there should not cling to them something
of the meaning and force which led to their adoption,
or made their use necessary, in order that the heathen
mind might comprehend the purpose of the new religion.
At first these words were used in a general way, so that
they included doctrines and confessions of faith as well
as external acts and rites. But their application came
for the most part to be restricted to the external repre-
sentation of the faith in a symbolic ritual. The words
'sacrament' and 'mystery' borrowed, it is true, from each
other, until sacramentum became to some extent synony-
mous with ixvarrjpiov; but the difference between the
present Latin Mass and the Greek liturgy still points
back for its origin to the distinct conceptions embodied
in these venerable words. In East and West alike these
terms 'mystery' and 'sacrament' came finally to include
seven distinct rites ; but they also retained something
of their primitive significance. In the seven 'mysteries'
of the Greek church, there is implied a conjunction of
the physical with the spiritual operated by the Holy
Spirit; in the Latin church they still retain the char-
556 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
acter of sacred engagements as by a solemn irrevocable
vow.
In its conception of the sacraments, as in its theology
and its organization, the Latin church lays the stress upon
the will as that which is most distinctive in God or man.
From the time that Augustine's religious experience be-
came the normal standard of Latin Christianity, this
question of the human will and the divine will became the
ruling issue in every department of ecclesiastical life. Not
the nature of things, not the reason of things, was the ulti-
mate appeal, but an infinite will whose decree was final,
and a human will, endowed by the divine will with some
superhuman power. To this question of the will, and
its prerogatives, are chiefly owing the difficulties and the
controversies about the sacrament of the Lord's Supper
in the Latin church. The Greek church has not been
troubled with an issue from which the Latin church has
never been entirely free, — the question of what constitutes
the validity of the sacrament. The problem was raised by
the Donatists, who insisted that the moral character of the
officiant must have some connection with the validity of
sacred rites. The same question was raised by the action
of Hildebrand when he practically occupied the Donatist
position in order to enforce his decree of the celibacy
of the clergy, and from that moment the issue became in-
creasingly prominent in the Latin church. In the Protes-
tant churches, so changed is the definition of the sacrament,
that the difficulties regarding what constitutes validity
have faded away, and the question itself has become almost
unintelligible to the Protestant mind.
A certain conception of the function of the human will
combined with the Roman temperament — to which obedi-
ence is the primal virtue, and the desire for the enforce-
ment of order the highest ideal — to give to the Roman
priesthood from the first a peculiar character, fundament-
ally different from the sacerdotal principle embodied in the
Greek ritual. Hence the Roman priest refused to be
reduced to a mere machine in ecclesiastical functions, but
insisted on the power delegated to him by God in order to
THE lord's supper 557
the valid performance of sacramental acts. In the Greek
liturgy it is the power of God acting directly which con-
stitutes the valid sacrament. This action of the divine
agency culminates when, after the recital of the words of
institution, the Holy Spirit is invoked to complete the
mystic process. The absence of this invocation in the
Latin rite makes the momentous instant to coincide with
the utterance of the words Hoc est corpus meum. But
unless the priest who recites the formula possesses some
personal power which gives vitality to the language, he
becomes a mere animated machine for the utterance of an
incantation. In the Greek liturgy the responsibility is
thrown upon God, the Holy Spirit ; but in the Latin Mass
it becomes, according to the prevailing interpretation, a
heavy burden on the shoulders of the priesthood which
claims to act, by the divine will, in the place of God.
The question of the validity of orders, therefore, becomes of
supreme importance. Whether the priesthood can be sure
that it possesses the power is a point involving the
validity of the sacrament. These questionings and scruples
come to a focus in an issue, haunting the Latin church
with a dread uncertainty which in ordinary times may not
be apparent, but rises like a ghostly visitant whenever the
discussion goes below the surface, or some vital conse-
quence may be at stake. In ecclesiastical language, this
difficult}^ is known as the doctrine of intention.
It was in the age of scholastic theology, when more
distinctions were generated than the mind could receive
or harmonize, that the question came up for discussion
as to what constituted the validity of the sacrament of the
altar. In the thirteenth century, when the papacy was in
the plenitude of its power, and the priesthood also was fully
conscious of its dignity and its mighty prerogatives, the
formula of absolution was changed from a prayer to the
positive declaration: "I absolve thee"; the dogma of
transubstantiation was set forth for the first time by an
imposing council ; and the priesthood claimed the power
of " making the bod}^ of Christ." This was the moment
when the question was raised by the scholastic philoso-
558 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
pliers, whether the priest, since he possessed this power,
ought also to have a conscious will or intention to exer-
cise his power. In the age of the Schoolmen the question
still remained a speculative issue, and its consideration
showed a certain vagueness and irresolution ; but the
tendency of opinion was to affirm the necessity of priestly
intention, as elevating the priest above a mere puppet
mechanically performing a ceremonial act. To this con-
clusion the influence of Thomas Aquinas contributed,^ who
with his master, Albertus Magnus, is the founder of the
later Roman doctrine of the Mass, — that the consecration
of the elements by the priest and not the faith of the
recipient constitutes the essence of the rite.^
What had been a speculative question in the schools
assumed a practical character in the age of the Re-
formatory Councils when heretics were multiplied, with
whom it was an axiom that to God alone belonged the
power which the priesthood claimed. In order to meet
this growing scepticism, disowning with a special vehe-
mence the power of the priest in the sacrament of the
altar, or asserting that an evil character vitiated all sacra-
mental rites, the doctrine of intention was virtually pro-
claimed by the Council of Constance (1418), with the
approval of Pope Martin V., in the condemnation of
those who held that a wicked priest, if he used the due
1 Sentent. IV., Dist. 6, Art. 2 and Summa III., Qu. LXIV., Arts. 8, 10.
2 " Under the supreme authority of Aquinas, the doctrine of intention,
which had been so long struggling for recognition, found a secure lodg-
ment in the theological structure. Durand de Saint-Pour^ain, who wrote
about half a century later, treated it as an accej^ted fact that without
intention the words of the sacrament are an empty formula. He illus-
trates the absolute necessity of a specific intention by a celebrated propo-
sition, which has been authenticated by its adoption in the Rubrics of the
Roman Missal. If, he says, a priest has eleven wafers before him to con-
secrate, and thinks there are only ten, but intends to consecrate them all,
they will all be consecrated ; if he intends to consecrate only ten, and
fixes his mind on one to be excluded while he repeats the formula, then
only that one remains unconsecrated ; but if he does not exclude one,
then none are consecrated, for the intention with regard to each one is
imperfect" (Lea, H. C, in an article in The Independent, New York,
Nov. 20, 1890, reprinted in Mruj. of Chris. Lit., Dec. 1800, which contains
an important discussion of this question, with a full citation of references).
THE lord's supper 559
matter and form and had the intention of doing what the
church does, could not perform a valid sacrament.^ Again
at the Council of Florence (1439) Pope Eugenius IV. re-
affirmed more positively the principle that the absence of
intention made the sacrament imperfect.^ But there were
even graver difficulties in the way than the opjDOsition of
heretics who boldly denied the church's teaching. In the
age of the Reformation the spirit of doubt had so far
invaded the church itself that Latin theologians were in
a quandary, whether it were safer to affirm or deny the
doctrine of intention. On the one hand, the church itself
was distrustful of its priesthood because of the existence
of a Protestant sympathy within its fold. If intention
were necessary and if the priest had the power to with-
hold his intention or had become sceptical about the mys-
tery of the altar, it lay also in his power to invalidate the
sacraments upon which the existence of the church de-
pended. Who could tell, so long as the priest was silent,
whether intention were present or absent? The conviction
was in the air that the faith of the believer gave value to
sacramental acts. It might then, at least, be inopportune
at a time when a large part of Western Christendom had
already broken away from the papal fold to reassert the
doctrine of intention. At the Council of Trent the
bishop of Minori urged the bishops assembled to abandon
the doctrine. He gave a picture of the results that
might follow if the doctrine were affirmed. There might
be a knavish priest who had no intention to administer
true baptism to a child who should afterwards become a
bishop in some large city and there ordain a large number
of the clergy. Since he was not baptized, he is not or-
dained, nor are they ordained who are promoted by him.
In that great city, therefore, there will be neither eucharist
nor confession, millions of nullities of sacraments by the
malice of one minister in one act only.^ On the other
1 Cf. Harduin, Coll. Cone, VIII. 915.
2 Harduin, Coll. Cone, IX. 4.S8.
3 Cf. Sarpi, History of the Council of Trent (Eng. Trans, by Brent),
11. , pp. 240 ff.
560 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
hand, in the Catholic reaction led by the Jesuits, who
pushed every Latin tendency to its logical conclusion,
the doctrine that the priest must exercise his intention
was a vital one for the restoration of his waning importance.
Such was the dilemma to which the Latin church was re-
duced in the time of its extremity. Under these circum-
stances the Council of Trent took the most prudent action
which the exigency permitted. It did not affirm the doc-
trine, but it anathematized those who denied it : " If any
one shall say, that, in ministers, whilst they effect and
confer the sacraments, there is not required the inten-
tion at least of doing what the Church does, let him be
anathema." ^
The difficulties attending the study of the ancient litur-
gies are so great as to seem almost insuperable. To secure
accurate texts is the first step as well as of highest impor-
tance. But in order to their comparative study after
the texts have been obtained, qualifications are called for
in the student which are rarely found in combination.
Those who are otherwise fitted for the task lack interest in
its pursuit, while those who cultivate an interest in litur-
giology are too often wanting in the severe training, the
ample knowledge, the wide sympathy, which the subject
demands. None the less is the subject an important one.
In the search for truth, the inquiry into the meaning of
creeds and doctrines is but part of the process to which
we are called if we would do justice to the contents of the
Christian soul in the historical development of the Chris-
tian faith. But even on the surface of their investigation,
the ancient liturgies have much to offer. All alike, those
in use and those neglected and forgotten, contain the
essence of Christian piety, — the heart of man going forth
toward God, with the consciousness of a divine response ;
the devotion to Jesus as the revelation of God in human
form; the sense of sin, the need of redemption from its
^ Condi. Trident, Sess. vii., c. 11 : " Si quis dixerit, in ministris, dum
sacramenta conficiiint et conferunt, non requiri intentionem saltern faci-
endi quod facit ecclesia, anathema sit."
THE lord's supper 561
misery and guilt, the assurance of pardon, the identifica-
tion of the sinner with the sacrifice on Calvary as in some
unutterable way the sinner's hope and confidence ; the
desire for righteousness of character ; the weakness plead-
ing for divine protection in the ordering of the world ;
the recognition of a brotherhood of human souls within
the church ; the need of Christian sympathy, of charity
for the sick, the poor, and the unfortunate ; the disclosure
of heaven to this lower world and its close organic relation
through faith in Christ with the life that now is, the sure
conviction of immortality and of future blessedness ; such
are the positive elements finding expression in the ancient
worship of the church, never wholly obscured or made
inoperative by ritual congestion. In this worship there is
a bond of connection, making the Christian world feel its
kinship with the past, as it can be felt in no other way,
as though we also were still sustained and invigorated by
the prayers of the ages, so that when faith grows weak,
there may be here a refreshment, the sense of oneness with
the children of God in every generation.
The spiritual imagination which produced the ancient
liturgies lost its creative power after the fifteenth century,
since when there has been no further liturgical develop-
ment. Just as work suddenly stopped on the great cathe-
drals, leaving them unfinished, as if the workmen had
been called away to some other task, so at the same time
the liturgies ceased to grow, becoming monuments of a
past rather than teachers of a living age. They were
rejected by the Protestant world, as incompatible with its
spirit. So deep was the protest, so complete the condem-
nation, that they no longer possessed sufficient interest to
become even objects of curious research. It is only within
recent years that the attention of Protestant scholarship
has been turned to them.
The causes for this neglect lie in their inadequacy to the
hiofher needs of the modern world. The new agfe ushered
in at the Reformation demanded an expression in worship
stimulating to the intellectual and moral nature, inspiring
man with courage for fresh conquests, for reclaiming the
2 o
562 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
whole world in the name of God. The Greek liturgies,
were they to be reintroduced, might act on the modern
world as an anaesthetic, checking the progress of humanity ;
for they have no word for the intellect seeking to under-
stand God or interpret His ways with man. They repre-
sent Deity as indwelling in nature, but that earlier view of
the Greek Fathers, which dwelt upon the divine imma-
nence in the reason, they abandoned after the condemna-
tion of Origen had secured the banishment of free inquiry
in theology. Of the three reverences enjoined by Goethe,
they acknowledge two, — the reverence for what is above,
and for what is beneath, but they lack the reverence for
what is within. Hence they do not appeal to reason, bent
upon the endless search for truth. They make an ethical
appeal indeed, but subordinate it to other issues ; hence they
do not rouse but rather soothe the conscience. They point
to another world, and therein lie their value and power;
but they do not impel men to demand the transformation of
this lower world in accordance with the heavenly pattern.
But nothing which the Greek liturgies possess as in a
symbol has been forfeited by their disuse. Hints of higher
possibilities which they conserved have now ripened into
actualities. Science has resumed the task of consecrating
and redeeming the world of outward nature, by a deeper
reading of its secrets, — those thoughts of God about which
Dionysius dreamed uneasily, turning over in his mind the
significance of the physical symbol. The poet Wordsworth
has illustrated with almost divine fulness the meaning of
nature, and interpreted its voice for man, — the fulfilment
of the conviction of Dionysius and others that the Holy
Spirit was the bond of communion between man and the
world of external nature. In the ages when the liturgies
were growing, the higher forms of art had disappeared.
Above all, there was no poetry, the highest of the arts and
the bearer of the revelation of the soul to itself. In com-
parison with Dante or with Milton, the poetic mood of
Dionysius in the Hierarchies seems empty, as though he
failed because his imagination had no concrete material for
the construction of the fabric he saw as in a glass darkly.
THE lord's supper 563
There are other deficiencies in Greek ritual for whicli a
hint must suffice. The liturgies were the outcome of a
determined struggle to regain the earlier Greek convic-
tion of the beauty and the goodness of the natural order,
as the basis of religion and of life. Origen had been
condemned because he bore witness to the evil existing;: in
the visible creation. But the modern scientific mind, bent
on reading the deepest secrets of nature, is not so sure as
was Dionysius and others that there is no evil in nature,
nor will it, in optimistic fashion, shut itself out from dark
suggestions that nature may conserve processes that are
immoral, or that it lacks the seal of perfection or of fin-
ished work. The conviction grows that nature is given
to man as so much material whereon to expend his ener-
gies, lifting it to some higher ideal conception. The evil
in man may have its reflex in nature, as though the crea-
tion were ordered to reflect the constant struggle for the
victory over evil, whether within or without the soul.
The growth of modern art, one of the deepest character-
istics of the modern age, is inspired by the belief tliat the
artist is endowed with a measure of the divine insight
and creative skill, in order to the rej^resentation of things
as they should be, and not as they are.
If the Greek ritual is inadequate, so also is the Latin.
The Protestant mind has finally and forever rejected the
idea that the priest, whether with or without the exercise
of his intention, can " make the body of Christ." On that
point the history of worship turned in the age of the Ref-
ormation. The Mediseval presuppositions regarding the
spiritual life, whence proceeded the question of what con-
stitutes validity in sacraments, are now so remote that
they seem unintelligible, as belonging to some foreign
sphere without relation to the life of the spirit fed by the
bread of heaven. The superessential bread for which we
pray cannot depend upon the question of the intention of
a human priesthood. If there be transubstantiation of the
bread and wine, it is wrought by the faith of the congre-
gation, in the strength imparted by the Holy Spirit, taking
of the things of Christ and showing them unto us. The
564 CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
Greek ritiical comes nearer the truth at this point, however
liturgiologists may regard it as an incongruity, when the
worship of the gifts of God as good anticipates their con-
secration on the altar.
It is possible that the Protestant world now stands on
the eve of some transition, waiting for the manifestation
of its full content in a consummate act of worship. It has
been said that worship is one of the lost arts ; but if so, it
is not to be found by compressing the spiritual wealth
secured by the Protestant Reformation in the providence
of God into the moulds of ages inferior to our own.
Rather must we go forward, taking all that the past can
offer in so far as it can harmonize with a greater ideal, but
reconstructing in some more comprehensive way the wor-
ship and the conception of the sacrifice acceptable to God.
In this waiting moment there may be spasmodic attempts
to escape the uncertainties of the hour by restoring ancient
forms not without their charm for the passing moods of
the soul. As in architecture, for want of a creative ca-
pacity there has been a return to the styles of other ages,
so in ritual a similar tendency has been witnessed. But
Protestantism has a future yet to be revealed, as it has
also resources f whose significance it is hardly yet aware.
What remains to be done is to gather up in one inclusive
act of sacrifice all that these modern ages have contributed
to the knowledge of God, to consecrate and transfigure in
His sisfht all that the heart and the reason hold as ines-
timably dear and precious. From this sacrifice cannot
be withheld any contribution made by the human mind
toward the solution of the mystery of existence. The
sacrifice will include every department of human interest
and inquiry, — music, art, and poetry, as well as science,
philosophy, and theology. It will include the life of the
whole church in every age. It will be a Christian sacrifice,
for Christ Himself will be the supreme offering of human-
ity to God, — He in whom are hid all the treasures of
wisdom and knowledge, in whom dwelt all the fulness of
the Godhead bodily.
The early Christian church had glimpses of such a
THE lord's supper 565
sacrifice : it was to be a bloodless sacrifice, a reasonable
offering: the presentation of the mind to God with all
that it discerns of the mind of God, the true, the beau-
tiful, and the good. " The noblest sacrifice to God," said
Athenagoras, in his Apologij^ " is for us to Icnow Him who
is the creator of the world and of man." "What then
does God require," said another Christian writer of the
same period, " but the worship of the mind which is pure
and holy." This worship of the mind, wanting in ancient
ritual, has been enjoined by Christ Himself, as when He
urged the love of God with all the heart and soul and
mind. In the light of this injunction, that the worship
of the mind is essential as is the worship of the heart,
is seen more plainly the meaning of those other words,
which cannot be too often repeated : " God is a spirit ; and
they who worship him, must worship him in spirit and
in truth."
INDEX
Abelard, on the motive, as compared
with the outward act, 413.
Agape, the, 517 sq. ; iu the description
of St. Paul, 518 ; in the Didache, 519 ;
in the Ignatian Epistles, ib. ; its de-
cline and suppression, 523, 524.
Ambrose, on Baptism, 405.
Ananias of Shirak, on the Epiphany,
471.
Ancyra, Council of, its canon prohibit-
ing ordination by presbyters and
chorepiscopi, 119.
Anglican ordinal, on the threefold
ministry, 10.
Anrich, on the influence of the Greek
Mysteries, 442.
Anselm, as illustrating the Monastic
attitude in the Investiture Contro-
versy, 221 ; influence of his Cur Deus
Homo, 281 ; on the miracle, 336; his
doctrine of atonement, 3G5.
Antony, Life of, 311 ; his letter to
Constantine, 312.
Apostles, their functions spiritual not
administrative, 25, 30; their restric-
tion to the Twelve, 30 ; larger con-
ception of their ofHce, 31 sq. ; their
work in planting churches, 33 sq. ;
the picture of, in the Didache, 57 sq. ;
disappearance of the office, 98 ; writ-
ings falsely attributed to, 104.
Apostles' Creed, in its original form,
282; its historical interpretation,
283; its later additions, 291.
Apostolate, the, how regarded in the
time of Tertullian, 98; as limited to
the Twelve by Tertullian, ih.
Apostolic succession, 4; Irenreus' the-
ory of, 94; Tertullian's theory of,
96; as formulated by Cyprian, 127;
differing estimates of, in the Greek
and Latin churches, 182; in what
sense held by the Reformers, 274.
Apostolical Constitutions, the Liturgy
in the eighth book of, 531 sq.
Aquinas, on the relation between the
episcopate and the papacy, 222 ; on
the sin of heresy, 224; on ordina-
tion, 249; on the miracle, 336; on
indulgences, 422.
Arianism in the Roman Empire, 306
sq. ; among the barbarians, 313 sq.
Aristotelianism, supplants Platonism,
360.
Arius, his conception of Deity, his
tenets as given in his Thalia, 308.
Athanasian Creed, 318 sq., 323, 324,
459.
Athanasius, his book, De Incarna-
tione, 281 ; his persecution by Roman
emperors, 306; the essence of his
teaching, 308 ; his relation to monas-
ticism, 311 ; on the Word becoming
flesh, 459.
Athenagoras, on the nature of true
sacriflce, 450.
Atonement, the doctrine of, in the age
of the Reformation, 246, 352 sq. ; in
the thought of Athanasius, 355; as
implying redemption from the power
of Satan, 357, 358; influence of, felt,
when not acknowledged, 389.
Augustine, on the teaching of the
Donatists, 164; on the universality
of the Catholic church, 191 ; on the
miracle, 335 ; his influence upon the
Latin church, 351 ; his Confessions,
ib.; stimulates individualism, 352;
on the Trinity, 362; on predestina-
tion, 363.
Augustinianism, in comparison with
Calvinism, 370; in its relation to the
idea of God, 377.
Bancroft, defence of episcopacy on
the ground of its divine right, 10.
Baptism, 399 sq. ; an essential prin-
ciple of Christianity, 400; illus-
trated by Cyprian's experience, 401 ;
changes in method of, 402; as ad-
ministered by laymen, 403; in the
name of Jesus only, 403 sq. ; anony-
5G7
568
INDEX
mous treatise ou the repetition of,
404, 40.5 ; as accompanied by the
catechumenate, 406 ; transition from
adult to infant, 407 sq. ; infant, as
overcoming infanticide, 408.
Basil, bishop of Caesarea, his influence
on Eastern monasticism, 144.
Baur, theory of the episcopate, 16.
Becon, Catechism on bishops, 9.
Bede, the Venerable, on substitution
in punishment, 414.
Bernard of Clairvaux, his devotion
to poverty, 165 ; on the difference
between the monastic and the popu-
lar devotion, 215.
Bigg, C, on pagan superstitions, 442;
on the Lord's Supper at the end of
the second century, 522.
Bishops, see Episcopate ; controversy
regarding, in the Anglican church,
8 sq. ; their close connection with
the deacons, 25, 26, 43, 50, 51,
108 sq. ; plurality of, 25, 43, 60;
growth of their importance, 51 ;
their mode of appointment, 52 ; as
drawn in the Shepherd of Hermas,
55; their function, 59; exalted by
Ignatius, 62-64 ; alone to celebrate
sacraments, 63 ; as the successors of
Christ, 63, 64, 84, 87, 115; as the
successors of the Apostles, 87 ; as the
centres of unity, 66, 70, 117 ; at
first pastors of the local churches,
70, 121 sq. ; not synonymous with
presbyters, 79 sq., 139 sq.; associated
with deacons, 80; their connection
with the Lord's Supper, 81 sq. ; as
financial administrators, ib.; in the
place of Apostles, 88 ; as voucliers for
the documents, 90, 97 ; as alone en-
dowed with the Spirit, 103, 104, 129;
as heads of dioceses, 107 sq. ; their
mode of appointment. 111 sq. ;
method of making, given in detail
by Cyprian, 115 sq. ; appointment
of, by bishops alone, 117, 128 sq. ;
equal authority of, 123 ; persecution
of, by the state, 131 ; as mediators
between the church and the world,
133 sq. ; relation of, to the monas-
teries, 144 sq. ; opposition of, to
celibacy, 162; exi^ansion of their
dioceses, 204.
Boniface, the Apostle of Germany,
151, 162; influence of, in reorganiz-
ing the church iu Western Europe,
208; his oath of allegiance to the
pope, 209.
Book of Common Prayer, 426.
Bornemann, definition of the miracle,
336.
Breviary, the book of the monastery,
178, 516.
Brothers of the Common Life, 239.
Buddhism, its rejection of the miracle,
341.
Burial, custom of, 487.
Bushnell, on the Vicarious Sacrifice,
373.
Caesarea, the creed of the church in,
286.
Calvin, 246, 249; on the government
of the church, 271; on the doctrine
of the Trinity, 329.
Calvinism, as the antagonist of abso-
lutism, 370.
Campbell, J. McLeod, on the atone-
ment, 371.
Canon Law, the, Jerome's statement
on episcopacy, cited from, 7, 8.
Canon of the Mass, a popular service,
178.
Canon of the New Testament, 89, 93.
Canons of Hippolytus, their form for
making bishops and presbyters, 120.
Catechumenate, importance of as re-
lated to baptism, 405; as yielding
to the penitential system, 409.
Catholic, first use of the term, 102;
claimed by the West, 148.
Catholicism, as defined in standards
of the English church, 273, and in
other Protestant churches, ih. ;
claimed by the Reformers, 273.
Catholicity, popular use of the term,
1 ; Protestant claim to, 3 sq. ; in
some of its aspects a Latin creation,
182 ; as defined by the Roman church,
235 ; its authoritative historical defi-
nition, 327.
Celibacy, in the Eastern church, 161 ;
its enforcement in the West by mo-
nastic influence, 162 sq.
Ceremonialism, principle of, 539.
Chalcedon, Council of, action on the
Roman claim, 193; definition of the
two natures, 376; its decision re-
versed by dialectic, 473.
Charlemagne, as Roman Emperor, 198 ;
his view of the relation between
church and state, 210.
INDEX
569
Cherbuliez, on the emancipation of
man from nature, 3o9.
Chilperic, on the wealth of the bishops,
205.
Chorepiscopi, the, supi^ression of, 108,
130.
Christ, as the Son coequal with the
Father, 308 ; the person of, 382 sq. ;
as the teacher, 385, 386.
Christian ministry, the, historical sur-
vey of, 5 sq. ; classification of New
Testament writings in their relation
to its origin, 21, 22; as presented in
the epistles of St. Paul, 23 sq.
Christian year, the, 466 sq.
Christianity, extension of, 2.
Christmas, date of its origin, 470 ; why
it came so late, 471.
Chrysostom, on Acts vi., 26.
Church, R. W., on the influence of
Christianity in building up Greek
nationality, 184 ; on the place of the
episcopate in history, 228.
Clement of Alexandria, on the grades
of the ministry, 115; on Egyptian
worship, 451 ; on the Lord's Supper,
522; on the nature of sacrifice,
530.
Clement of Rome, 46-54 ; appealed to
by Corinth, 47 ; enjoins obedience,
47 ; compares clergy to Old Testa-
ment priests, 48 sq. ; on transmission
of authority, 50, 51 ; criticism of his
theory, 52 sq. ; compared with Igna-
tius, 63 n. 1, 67n. 1.
Clementine writings, on James, 75 n. 3.
Clergy, separation of, from laity,
124 sq. ; identified with Jewish
priesthood, 48, 124 sq.
Clovis, relation of, to the episcopate,
204.
Clugny, 161 sq.
Coleridge, S. T., on the use of ' Cath-
olic,' 274 ; on the sacraments, 400.
Confessional, the, 410, 412.
Confirmation, different views of, in
Greek and Latin churches, 404.
Constance, Council of, its relation to
nationality, 228 sq. ; as reflecting
opinion in regard to the organization
of the church, 2.36.
Constantine the Great, significance of
his victory for Christian worship,
550.
Constantinople, influence of its rise
ujion the Greek church, 183 sq. ;
First Council of, its ax)proval of the
creed of Cyril, 289.
Conybeare, F. C, on Ananias of
Shirak, 471.
Coronation, difference in the Latin
rite of, compared with the Greek
rite, 554.
Corpus Juris Canonici, its citation of
Jerome's statement, 7 n. 1.
Cranmer, 246.
Creeds, the Catholic, 279 sq. ; silence
of the, 392.
Cremation, as compared with the cus-
tom of burial, 487.
Cultus and mysteries, 2, 438 sq.
Cyprian, on appointment of deacons,
26 ; his theory of the transmission
of power, 109; his direction for
making a bishop, 116, 117 ; his the-
ory of ordination, 118 ; his doctrine
of apostolic succession, 118 ; his con-
ception of the episcopate as constitut-
ing a solidarity, 123; his resistance
against the Roman claim, ib. ; his
assertion of sacerdotal character of
the ministry, 124 sq. ; his view of
the Lord's Supper as a sacrifice,
125 ; his attitude toward the state,
131 ; his strict dealing with the
lapsed, 136 ; his treatise on the unity
of the church, 186; his treatise on
almsgiving, 251 ; his religious experi-
ence at baptism, 401 ; his conception
of sacrifice, in the Lord's Supper,
530.
Cyril of Alexandria, on the person of
Christ, 377; on the metamorphosis
of water, 483.
Cyril of Jernsalem, his influence on
the creed, 287 sq. ; on the inward
efficacy of external acts, 481.
Daille, on Ignatius, 14.
Dante, on the nature of punishment,
418.
Deacons, see Diaconate ; as described
in Shepherd of Hermas, 55 sq. ; in
Dldache, 5, 8.
Decius, persecution of the church by,
131.
Denmark, why the episcopate was
rejected in, 258.
Development, as applied to organiza-
tion, 15.
Diaconate, its origin and function, 25,
26; Chrysostom's comment on the
570
INDEX
received view of its appointment,
26.
Dictatns Hildehrandini, 235, 328.
Didache, the influence of its discovery
on the question of church organiza-
tion, 20; word 'apostle' in, 32; its
value as showing the transition from
the Apostolic age to the age of Igna-
tius, 57 sq. ; date of, 57 ; conclusions
from, 58-60; cited on the Lord's
Supper, 518, 519.
Diocletian persecution, 132.
Diouysius the Areopagite, 497 sq. ; his
time, ib.; his personality, 496; re-
flects Neoplatonic influence, 497,
498; on the heavenly hierarchy,
499; on the ministry of angels,
502 sq. ; on the earthly hierarchy,
504 sq. ; on the mysteries, 505 ; his
use of the name ' Jesus,' 506 ; on the
nature of symbolism, 507 ; on the
names of God, 509; on the nature
of evil, 510; influence of, in the
West, 513 ; on the commemoration of
nature, in worship, 542 ; on the order
of M'orship in the Eucharist, 544.
Discipline, 409 sq. ; hidden cause of
weakness in, 420; rejected at the
Reformation, 425.
'Divine right,' 7, 10, 11, 13.
Docetism, the typical heresy of the
early church, 445 ; its relation to
the Lord's Supper, 525 sq.
Doctrine histories, their method, 394,
395.
Dollinger, on Luther, 429.
Dominicans, desertion of mendicancy
by, 168; as the agents for extermi-
nating heresy, 223.
Dorner, A., on the deistic tendency in
Augustine, 362.
Dorner, J. A., on the teaching of
Hilary of Poitiers, 313; on the dif-
ferences between Greek and Latin
churches, 362.
Egypt, its place in religious history,
453, 454.
Eleusinian Mystery, 467.
Endless punishment, 414.
England, its retention of the episco-
pate, 2.57 ; Church of, in the age of
the Reformation, 265 sq.
Epiphany, festival of, 468 sq. ; its in-
terpretation, ib. ; how regarded by
Gregory of Nyssa, 469.
Episcopacy, controversy regarding, be-
tween Anglicans and Puritans, 7 sq. ;
change of attitude in defending, in
seventeenth century, 13.
Episcopate, the, theories regarding
the origin of, 67 sq., 72 sq. ; plural,
43, 53, 60; Ignatian, 61 sq. ; mo-
narchical, 66-68; Ignatian, a local
office, 70; Ignatian, compared with
that of James, 76; theory that it
arose by localization of the Apostles,
77 sq. ; its identification with the
presbyterate, 79 sq. ; Jerome's the-
ory of, 79 ; the, influence upon of the
formation of the Canon of New Testa-
ment, 88 sq. ; condition of, in the age
of Cyprian, 107 sq. ; diocesan, devel-
opment of, 121 sq. ; its efficiency as
affected by monasticism, in the East-
ern church, 144, 214 ; not one of the
creative factors of the Mediaeval
church, 150 ; its struggle with the
monastery, 160 ; its modification
by the papacy, 177, 179: as the
natural ally of the state, 180; its
situation in the Merovingian period,
207 ; its distinctive characteristics,
as compared with the presbyterate,
213 sq. ; its work in the Middle Ages,
215 ; in its relation to nationality,
219; in the Investiture Controversy,
220 ; its relation to the papacy, 221 ;
its failure as an agent for extirpating
heresy, 223 ; its work in history, 226,
228 ; as represented in the Council of
Constance, 236 ; its retention in the
Reformation, 253 sq. ; its associa-
tion with royalty, at the Reforma-
tion, 257 sq.
Eucharist, see Lord's Supper; its
early connection with the episco-
pate, 65, 82 sq. ; celebrated by the
bishop alone, 63 ; opposed to Docet-
ism, 65 ; a picture of the last supper,
82, 115; celebrated by i^resbyters,
107 sq.
Eusebius of Caesarea, on the accession
of Constantine, 181 ; on James the
Lord's brother, 74 n. 1, 75 n. 2.
Evangelists, their relation to the Apos-
tolate, 40, 42.
Fairbairn, A. F., on the defects of
Nicene theology, 305.
Forged Decretals, 212.
Francis of Assisi, his conception of his
INDEX
571
order, 238, 239; on the motive of
charity, 251.
Franciscans, the, rise of, 166 ; conflicts
among, 168 ; their type of organiza-
tion, 237 sq.
Frankfort, Capitulary of, 210.
Freeman, E. A., on the relation be-
tween religion and nationality, 189.
Froude, J. A., on the value of indi-
vidualism, 157.
Gelasius, Pope, influence of, on the
Roman liturgy, 551.
Germany, its relation to nationality,
258.
Gerson, his defence of the presbyter-
ate, 236.
Gnosticism, its doctrine of the world
as evil, 445.
Gnostics, the, influence of, on church
organization, 88 sq.
God, change in thought regarding,
under the influence of Augustine,
361 sq. ; the fatherhood of, 371 ;
change in thought regarding, in
fourth century, 461.
Goethe, on the three reverences, 562.
Great Entrance, the, in the Greek
church, 536, 537.
Greek church, the, as differing from
the Latin, 182.
Gregory the Great, 147, 149 ; his action
in consecrating Augustine, 208 ; in-
fluence of, on Roman liturgy, 552.
Gregory II., attitude of, toward Leo
the Eastern emperor, 197 ; his rela-
tions with Boniface, 208.
Gregory VII., 162 ; sacramental theory
of, 163.
Gregory of Nyssa, on the deification
of man, 309; on the meaning of the
Epiphany, 4()9 ; on the consecration
of matter, 483; on the body of
Christ, as related to bread and wine,
4S9: on ceremonial worship, 539.
Gregory Thaumaturgus, the creed of,
285.
Gregory of Tours, his conversations
with the Arians, 315 sq.
Hall, on episcopacy by divine right,
11, 12.
Hardwick, C, on the Protestant Ref-
ormation, 278.
Harnack, on the early relations of
bishop and presbyter, 19, 20; on
Apostles, prophets, and teachers, 31 ;
on Irenseus' doctrine of atonement,
357 ; on the significance of the
reader among the Minor Orders,
105 ; on Cyprianic priesthood, 126
n. 2 ; on Augustine's view of the
church, 359.
Hatch, E., on the organization of the
church, 18; on the laying on of
hands. 111; on the limitation of
episcopal authority, 165 ; on the ex-
pansion of the bishop's diocese, 204 ;
on the Eleusinian Mystery, 467.
Hegesippus, on the succession of
bishops at Rome, 92.
Ilegoumeiioi, use of the term in Epis-
tle to the Hebrews, 41 ; in Clement's
Epistle to the Corinthians, 53.
Henry VIII. , suppression of the mon-
asteries by, 172.
Herbert, George, on the relation of
the divine and the human, 381.
Heresies, relation of, to nationality,
190.
Heresy, as endangering the social
order, 410, 433.
Hernias, Shepherd of, the ministry as
presented in, 54 sq.
Hermetic Books, on the decline of
Egyptian religion, 452.
Hesse, the organization of the church
in, 249.
Hilary of Aries, 319.
Hilary of Poitiers, his teaching on the
incarnation, 312.
Hildebrand, his enforcement of celi-
bacy, 162; by means of Donatist
principles, 163 ; his relation to na-
tionality, 218; his conception of
catholicity, 2.35.
Hippolytus, Canons of, cited on the
Agape, 521.
Holy Spirit, the, as the inspirer of the
prophets, 28 ; reformation in the
name of, by the Montanists, 100 sq. ;
as the special endowment of the
episcopate, 102; the invocation of,
at the consecration of the reader,
106; His antecedent action in ordi-
nation, 110 sq. ; function of, in or-
dination, 247 ; as the bond between
man and external nature, 541 ; invo-
cation of, in the Greek liturgies,
543 sq. ; wanting in Roman liturgy,
ib.
Horooousion, significance of, 313, 314.
572
INDEX
Hooker, on the episcopate, 10.
Humanity, deification of, 308 sq.
Ignatian Epistles, how regarded in the
seventeenth century, 14.
Ignatius, purpose of, to exalt the
bishop, 62 sq. ; his references to the
threefold order of the ministry, 62;
his estimate of tradition, (57; his
doctrine of the Eucharist, G5 ; his
character as a man, in its relation
to his purpose, 66; disclaims for
himself any Apostolic authority, 67 ;
exalts the bishop in his capacity as
a prophet, 68 ; silence of, regarding
the order of prophets, 68, 69; com-
parison of, with St. Paul, 70; his
plea for unity, 71 ; on the connec-
tion of the bishop with the Euchar-
ist, 84; on the Rule of Faith, 283;
his subordination of the miracle to
a theological motive, 335 ; on the
significance of the Lord's Supper,
526 sq.
Incarnation, controversy regarding
the, 376 sq.; Cyril's doctrine of, 458,
459.
Individualism, as the motive of the
monastery, 156 sq. ; finds expression
in the doctrine of predestination,
352.
Indulgences, 419.
Institutions, definition of, 1.
Intention, the doctrine of, 557 sq.
Investiture Controversy, 219 sq.
Irenseus, his letter to Florinus, 92; on
the traditions of the presbyters, 93 ;
his doctrine of Apostolic succession,
94.
James (St.), the Lord's brother, 17, 33,
74 sq., 83 ; in pseudo-Clementine
writings, 75 ; in Clement of Alex-
andria, 74; in Eusebius, 75; extent
of his authority, 76.
Jerome, on the origin of the episco-
pate, 7,8; on the names ' bishop '
and ' presbyter ' as synonymous,
10 sq., 79 sq. ; on ordination of
bishops, at Alexandria, 114; on the
purpose of monasticism, 138 ; on the
equality of bishop and presbyter,
139 sq., 177 ; influence of his prin-
ciple of the equality between bishop
and presbyter, in the age of the
Reformation, 254, 267; his con-
demnation of the errors of Origen,
462.
Jerusalem, creed of the church in, 288.
Jesuits, the, their organization, 17U;
at the Council of Trent, 560.
Joachim, on the principles of the
Eternal Gospel, 243.
John (St.), his relation to the origin
of the episcopate, 78.
John XXII., on apostolic poverty, 108.
Judaism, in its opposition to nature-
worship, 464.
Justification by faith, as operating,
when not recognized, 389; the com-
plaint against, 424.
Justin Martyr, on the Eucharist, 81 ;
on sacrifice, 449; on the Lord's
Supper, 520; on the Christian sacri-
fice, 529.
Lactantius, on the worship of God,
451.
Laurent, on the relation of the papacy
to nationality, 227.
Laying on of hands, 110, 111, 116, 117 ;
in Anglican and Roman ordinals, 121.
Lea, H. C, on the doctrine of inten-
tion, 558.
Leo the Great, on the significance of
Christmas, 472 ; influence of, on the
Roman liturgy, 551.
Leo the Isauriau, relation of, to the
schism between Greek and Latin
churches, 198.
Lessing, on the worship of angels, 503.
Lewis the Pious, the rebellion against,
211.
Lightfoot, Essay 07i the Christian
Ministry, 18, 19; on the terms
' bishop ' and ' presbyter ' as synony-
mous, 19, 79; on St. Paul's call to
the Apostolate, 34; on the ministry
at the close of the Apostolic age, 45 ;
on the claims of Ignatius for the
episcopate, 64 ; on the relation of
the bishop to the Apostle, 79; on
ordination of bishops at Alexandria,
114 ; on the sacerdotal conception of
the ministry, 126.
Liturgy, the, use of the word, 517; in
eighth Book of Apostolical Consti-
tutions, 531 sq. ; the recognition of
nature in, 541 ; the Greek, in its
difference from the Latin, 543; in-
debtedness of, to Dionysius, 545.
Loofs, on the teaching of Anselm, 366.
INDEX
573
Lord's Supper, the, 515 sq. ; as related
to the agape, 517 sq. ; its transfer-
ence to the morning, 521 ; not at
first regarded as a sacrifice, 528,
529 ; dramatization of, 532.
Lothaire II., supported by the bishops
against the pope, 211.
Loyola, Ignatius, 170.
Ludovicus, Cardinal, on the power of
the episcopate, 236.
Luther, on the friars, 173; influence
of his doctrine of justification, 252;
on the doctrine of the Trinity, 331 ;
relation of, to the Mediaeval disci-
pline, 421 sq. ; on the freedom of the
Christian man, 432.
Lutheran church, as expressing the
German spirit, 429.
Makower, on the relation of church
and state in England, 263.
Marriage, relation of the state to, 172.
Marsilius of Padua, on bishop and
presbyter, 8 ; reference of, to
Jerome's theory, 8.
Mary, the mother of Christ, 459; the
worship of, 472, 487, 489, 494.
Mason, A. J., on Confirmation, in the
Greek church, 195.
Mass, the Latin, differences between,
and the Greek office, 548 sq. ; prag-
matic rather than dramatic, in its
construction, 553.
Matter, the doctrine of the evil of,
445 sq. ; its consecration by the
church, 477 sq.
Maurice, F. D., on the value of nation-
ality, 227; on the atonement, 371.
McGiffert, on St. Peter in Rome, 77
n. 1.
Melanchthon, the representative of the
teacher, 245 ; on the episcopate, 253.
Metropolitan, the, appearance of, 129.
Milton, on the value of antiquity, 12.
Ministry, the classification of, by Puri-
tans, 9.
Minori, the bishop of, on the doctrine
of intention, 559.
Minucius, Felix, on the nature of wor-
ship, 450.
Miracles, historical significance of,
333 sq. ; unconscious influence of,
389; modern difficulty with, 390.
Mohammedanism, its expulsion from
Western Europe, 322 ; no recognition
of the miracle in, 341.
Monasticism, 2, 137 sq. ; as a return to
the country, 138 ; relation of, to Mon-
tauism, 141 ; alliance of, with the
papacy, 149, 155, 160, 162, 167 ; agency
for converting Europe, 150 sq. ; in-
tellectual importance of, 152 ; reli-
gious attitude of, 153 ; contradictions
of, 154 sq., 174 sq. ; motive of, indi-
vidual, 156 sq. ; vows of, 158 sq. ; in-
dependent of episcopal authority,
141, 160 sq. ; in its origin a lay
movement, 159 ; extension of its vow
of poverty, 165 sq. ; decline of, 167 ;
its loss of living motive, 169; sup-
pression of, 169 sq. ; its vow of obe-
dience, 170; its relation to life, 171;
deeper purpose of, 175 ; influence of,
on organization, 177; its type of
worship, 178; its alliance with the
papacy in exterminating heresy, 224 ;
in its relation to the German Refor-
mation, 239, 240; as related to the
changes at the Reformation, 261 sq. ;
its influence relatively weak in Eng-
land, 262 ; its treatment by England
in the Reformation, 266; its lead-
ing types preserved in Protestant
churches, 275 sq.
Monophysitism, as seen in theories of
revelation, 380, 458; acceptable to
the Eastern church, 472; its influ-
ence on the cultus, 484.
Montalembert, on the English episco-
pate, 154.
Montanism, a protest in behalf of the
prophets, 100; issue with Catholi-
cism, 103; suppression of, 104; its
affinity with monasticism, 141.
Morison, J. H., on the office of Christ,
386.
Mozley, Canon, on resistance to mira-
cles, not implying their rejection,
389.
Mysteries, the Greek, relation of, to
Christian worship, 442 sq. ; the Chris-
tian, 505.
Nationality, relation of, to organiza-
tion, 5 sq. ; influence of, upon the
church, 6; its predominance in the
Greek church, 181; as the supreme
motive in the schism between the
Greek and Latin churches, 192; as
the principle of organization in the
Oriental church, 200; as promoted
by the bishops, 219.
574
INDEX
Nature, in its relation to the mii'acle,
339 sq. ; tlie appreciation of, in the
ancient churcli, 493; under tlie in-
fluence of the Holy Spirit, 541 ; rec-
ognition of, in the Greek liturgies,
541 sq.
Nature-worships, revival of, in the
Roman Empire, 446 sq.
Neoplatonism, 454 sq. ; its relation to
Gnosticism, 455 ; under Egyptian and
Syrian influence, 456; its failure to
become a religion, 457.
Nestorianism, 375.
Nestorius, connection between heresy
of, and national aspirations, 190. ,
Netherlands, the, rejection of the
episcopate in, 258.
Newman, on the Thirty-nine Articles,
in Tract XC, 473.
New Testament documents, classifica-
tion of, 21 sq.
Nicrea, Council of, its canon for the
consecration of a bishop, 205.
Nicene Creed, its original form, 286 ;
the creed substituted for it, 290;
characteristics of this substitute,
293 ; accepted by the Roman Empire,
326.
Obedience, chief Jesuit vow, 170; the
means of freedom, 176.
Oblation, the earlier use of the word,
536; its technical use in Clementine
liturgy, 536, 537.
Offerings, time and manner of, fixed
by Christ, 48 ; made by the bishop,
52.
Old Testament, quoted as authority
by Clement, 48, 50; cf . 59.
Opus operatum, the principle of the,
423, 490.
Ordinal, Anglican, preface to, 10.
Ordination, Cyprian's theory of, com-
pared with that of Clement, 109 ;
instances of, in New Testament, 110 ;
absence of allusion to, in writings of
the second century, 111 sq. ; no light
thrown upon, by Clement of Rome,
111; or by Ignatius, 112; in the
Didache, 112 ; part of the presbyter
in, 12 sq. ; rule regarding, in Apos-
tolic Ordinances, 112 ; possible pre-
cedent for, in Clementine writings,
113; method of, at Alexandria, 114;
regulation of, in Cyprian, 116; ob-
jection of monks to, 139; acceptance
of, by Western monks, 159; change
in conception of, at the Reformation,
247 sq.
Organization of the church, theories
regarding, at the Reformation, 6 sq. ;
in the present day, 15 sq. ; differed
in different places, 72 sq., 85 ; at the
end of the third generation, 85 sq.
Origen, on the interpretation of the
Apostles' Creed, 284 ; his view of the
miracle, 335.
Origenistic controversy, the, 461, 462.
Oxford Movement, the, as showing a
monastic tendency, 271.
Papacy, the, its rise and early oppor-
tunity in Western Europe, 145 sq. ;
origin of, a compromise, 148; allied
to monasticism, 149, 160, 162, 167 ;
as trustees of ecclesiastical property,
221 ; causes of its decline, 225.
Papias, consults the presbyters when
collecting the traditions, 91.
Paris, Council of, its declaration re-
garding the mode of ejiiscopal elec-
tions, 206.
Pastor, 40 sq.
Pastoral Epistles, date and authorship
of, 22, 42-44 ; importance of pres-
byters in, 42; bishop and deacon
distinct in, 43.
Patriarchal system, 216.
Patriarchate, not developed in the
West, 146 ; contrasted with the
papacy, 148.
Paul (St.), passages in Epistles of,
bearing on the origin of the minis-
try, 22 sq., 39 sq., 42 sq. ; his call to
the Apostolate, 31 sq. ; his appoint-
ment to the Apostolate, 33, 34; on
the Lord's Supper, 518.
Paulinus, on the birthday of Christ,
474.
Pelagian ism, 377.
Penitential Books, 410.
Peter (St.), his residence at Rome,
77.
Pfleiderer, on the absence of miracle
in Buddhism and Mohammedanism,
341.
Philip the Fair, in his relation with
the papacy, 224.
Photius, protest of, against the Roman
church, 195.
Pirminius, of Gaul, his expansion of
the Roman Creed, 291.
INDEX
575
Pliitonisni, its influence on the early
church, 443 sq. ; as undermining the
principle of the nature-religions,
448.
Pliny, letter of, to Trajan, 519.
Plotinus, on the beatific vision, 455.
Post- Apostolic age, 46-60; literature
of, 46.
Poverty, attempt to impose the vow
of, upon the secular clergy, 1(55 sq. ;
papal interpretation of, 167.
Prayer, attitude in, 467 ; a free utter-
ance, 534; of the oblation, 536; to
the Holy Ghost, in the liturgy of
the Armenians, 543.
Preaching and prophecy, relation of,
27.
Predestination, larger significance of,
42(), 427.
Presbyterate, the, transformation of
its office, 84, 87, 90, 94, 97, 108; as
represented at the Council of Con-
stance, 236 ; its restoration to
equality vpith the episcopate at the
Reformation, 250; at the Reforma-
tion, 256.
Presbyters, of equal authority with
bishops, 7, 8; references to, in ear-
lier New Testament writings, 37 sq. ;
in the second generation, 38-44 ;
their first appearance in the Apos-
tolic age, 37 sq. ; as described in the
Pastoral Epistles, 42 ; in the Epistle
of Clement, 47 ; ordination of, 40 ;
their functions, 40, 41 ; as described
in Shepherd of Hermas, 55 ; how the
true is to be known from the false,
55, 57 sq. ; mentioned in Bidache,
60; as successors of the Apostles,
64 sq. ; as bearers of the tradition,
65, 84; the name used interchangea-
bly with bishops, 79 sq. ; their rela-
tion to the bishop in the celebration
of the Eucharist, 82 sq. ; change in
the functions of, 84, 87, 97 ; their sub-
ordination to the bishop, 88 sq., 108 ;
consecration of bishop by, at Alex-
andria, 114; forbidden to ordain,
119 sq.
Private judgment, as illustrated by
Luther, 430.
Prophecy, appeal to, in the organiza-
tion of the church by Ignatius, 68;
employed by the popes, in the transi-
tions of the Middle Ages, 198; its
return in the age before the Refor-
mation, 242 sq. ; as supplemented
by the work of the teacher, 245 ; in
Jewish history, 269.
Prophets, their place as an order of
the ministry in Apostolic age, 27 sq.,
57, 61, 67 sq.; function of, 28, 29;
St. Paul's estimate of, 29; their
appointment of St. Paul to the
Apostolate, 34 ; account of, in the
Bidache, 58, 59; as they ajjpear in
the writings of Ignatius, 68, 69;
causes for the decline of the order,
98 sq. ; their relation to Montanism,
100; succeeded by the Readers, 105;
as not requiring ordination, 110, 111.
Protestantism, relation of, to catho-
licity, 3; not the antithesis of
Catholicism, 272; its analogy with
Medifeval monastic organizations,
275 sq.
Prudentius, on the birthday of Christ,
474.
Purgatory, deliverance from, 416 sq.
Puritans, their recognition of four
classes of ministers, 9; their answer
to Hall, 12; their theory of 'divine
right,' 13.
Pusey, E. B., his opinion of the bishops,
271.
Quicunque Vult. See Athanasian
Creed.
Ratramnus, treatise of, On the Body
and Blood of the Lord, 439, 440.
Reader, the, last relic of the prophetic
order, 105, 106.
Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticuin,
330.
Reformation, the, influence of, on or-
ganization, 3, 6, 231 sq. ; the fulfil-
ment of nionasticism, 137 ; cf . 164 sq.,
173.
Reformed Church, in its difference from
Lutheran and Anglican churches,
427.
Renan, on the rise of the Christian
ministry, 17.
Revelation, threefold form of, 297 sq.,
387, 396, 397.
Reville, on the time of the Pastoral
Epistles, 22 ; on the use of the term
'Evangelist,' 40; on the sacerdotal
tendency in Clement of Rome, 49.
Ritscbl, on the origin of the episco-
pate, 17 ; on the doctrine of the
576
INDEX
Trinity, as the principle of Catholi-
cism, 331.
Roman church, its early influence, 95.
Roman Creed. See Apostles' Creed.
Roman Empire, influence of, upon
Christianity, 1, 2.
Rothe, R., explanation of the rise of
episcopacy, 16 ; his definition of the
miracle, 391.
Rule of Faith, 89, 93 sq.
Sabbath, the Jewish, 466.
Sacerdotalism, in Cyprian, 124 sq. ;
in Clement, 126; in the Mediaeval
church, 241.
Sac7-amentum, the Latin equivalent
for the Greek 'mystery,' 505; its
significance as compared with Mus-
terion, 555.
Sacrifice, see Lord's Supper ; in what
sense the term was applied to the
Lord's Supper, 529.
Sanday, Professor W., on the primitive
bishop, 70.
Schaff, P., on the miracle, 338.
Scotland, its rejection of the episco-
pate, 257.
Scriptures, the, as containing a divine
and human element, 378 sq.
Seeley, on the modern state, 261.
Servetus, his denial of the doctrine of
the Trinity, 332.
Seven, the, in Acts vi., 26, 50 sq.
Shepherd of Hernias, the, its date, 54;
its enumeration of church offices,
54 sq.
Sign of the Cross, the, 491.
Simeon, head of the church at Jeru-
salem, 75.
Sinker, article of, in Diet. Chris.
Antiq., 474.
Socrates, 443.
Sohm, R., on the connection of the
Eucharist with the rise of the bishop,
82 ; on ordination in the Lutheran
church, 248.
Stanley, A. P., on the pope's posture
at the Communion, 83 ; on analogies
with baptism, 402.
Switzerland, its rejection of the epis-
copate, 258.
Symeon of Thessalonica, on the inter-
pretation of the Greek liturgy, 546.
Taylor, Jeremy, on the origin of the
threefold ministry, 13.
Teacher, office of the, 28, 29, 40, 42,
55, 57, 61, 120, 244, 245 ; allusions to,
in Shepherd of Hermas, 55; reap-
pearance of the office at the Refor-
mation, 245.
Tertullian, on organization, 7 ; his
statement of Apostolic succession,
96 sq. ; as a Montanist, 101 sq. ; on
the priesthood of the laity, 126 ; on
the sacredness of matter, 447, 448;
on the water of baptism, 479 sq. ; on
the importance of the flesh, 492 ; on
simplicity of worship, 531.
Theodosius, the Emperor, edict of,
promulgating the Nicene Creed, 326,
327.
Transubstantiation, decline of its hold
on the imagination, 241 ; denial of,
439, 440.
Trent, Council of, its decision on the
doctrine of intention, 560.
Trinity, the doctrine of, 295 sq. ; as
a summary of divine revelation,
297 sq. ; the proclamation of, as
causing no schism, 302; its relation
to Greek philosophy, 304; why it
may not have been acceptable to
Roman emperors, 306; its national
significance, 314 ; as the principle
of catholicity, 327 ; accepted as
such by the Reformers, 328 sq. ;
in the Augsburg Confession, ih. ;
as set forth in Cranmer's Reforma-
tio Legum Ecclesiasticarum, 330;
significance of its denial by Serve-
tus, 332.
Trullan Council, the Second, con-
demnation of Roman usages, 194.
Tubingen School, the, its view of or-
ganization as development, 15, 18.
Twelve, the, as distinguished from the
larger Apostolate, 31 sq. ; historical
evidence regarding their activity,
33, 34 ; disappearance of, 37.
Two Natures, the, controversy regard-
ing, 375 sq.
Unity of the church, principle of, as
held by Cyprian, 186; as related to
nationality, 201.
Verdun, Treaty of, 213.
Vestments, 540.
Vincentius of Lerins, his relation to
the Augustinian theology, 320; as
quoting from the Athanasian Creed,
INDEX
577
ib. ; his opposition to Augustine's
teaching, 364.
Wesley, appointment of bishops by, 15.
Westcott, on Platonic idealism, 3U0.
Whitgift, ground of defence for epis-
copacy, 9.
Worship of saints, underlying princi-
ple of, 485 sq.
Wycliffe, on the function oi the pres-
byter, 8 ; reference to Jerome's the-
ory, ib. ; prophecy of, concerning
the mendicant monks, 173; on the
property of the church, 252; as the
type of English Reformer, 263,
264.
Zeller, on Neoplatonism, 454.
The edition of the Greek and Latin Fathers to which references are made
is Migne's Putrologia. The indebtedness for translations is to the edition
of the Ante-Nicene, the Nicene, and Post-Nicene writings published by the
Christian Literature Company, New York.
2p
AN INTRODUCTION TO
The Literature of the Old Testament
By Prof. 5. R. DRIVER, D.D.
Canon of Christ Church, Oxford
New Edition Revised
Crown 8vo, 558 pages, $2.50 net
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without being hurried or unclear, and treats the various critical prob-
lems involved with admirable fairness and good judgment."
—Prof. C. H. Toy.
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great subject, can scarcely be overestimated." — The London Times.
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for the student who desires to understand what the modern criticism
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" It contains just that presentation of the results of Old Testa-
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the divine inworking m the religious life of the Hebrews, and of the
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By NEWMAN 5MYTH, D.D., New Haven.
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tian schools and seminaries as a text-book."
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Apologetics ;
Or, Christianity Defensively Stated.
By ALEXANDER BALMAIN BRUCE, D.D.,
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tion of Christ," " The Kingdom of God," etc.
Crown 8vo, 528 pages, $2.50 net.
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Slje littenational Critical Commrntarj
on tl)e ^oig Scriptttres of tl)e (S)lb anb
ISiem (?l£stament0.
EDITORS' PREFACE.
There are now before the public many Commentaries,
written by British and American divines, of a popular or
homiletical character. T/ie Cambridge Bible for Schools,
the Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students, The
Speaker s Commentary, The Popular Commentary (Schaff),
The Expositor s Bible, and other similar series, have their
special place and importance. But they do not enter into
the field of Critical Biblical scholarship occupied by such
series of Commentaries as the Kurzgefasstes exegetisches
Handbuch zum A. T; De Wette's Kurzgefasstes exegetisches
Handbuch zum N. T; Meyer's Kritisch-exegetischer Kom-
mentar; Keil and Delitzsch's Biblischer Comtnentar iiber das
A. T; Lange's Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk ; Nowack's
Handkotmnentar zum A. T. ; Holtzmann's Handkommentar
zum N. T. Several of these have been translated, edited,
and in some cases enlarged and adapted, for the English-
speaking public ; others are in process of translation. But
no corresponding series by British or American divines
has hitherto been produced. The way has been prepared
by special Commentaries by Cheyne, Ellicott, Kalisch,
Lightfoot, Perowne, Westcott, and others ; and the time has
come, in the judgment of the projectors of this enterprise,
when it is practicable to combine British and American
scholars in the production of a critical, comprehensive
EDITORS PREFACE
Commentary that will be abreast of modern biblical scholar-
ship, and in a measure lead its van.
Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons of New York, and Messrs.
T. & T. Clark of Edinburgh, propose to publish such a
series of Commentaries on the Old and New Testaments,
under the editorship of Prof. C. A. Briggs, D. D., in America,
and of Prof. S. R. Driver, D.D., for the Old Testament, and
the Rev. Alfred Plummer, D.D., for the New Testament,
in Great Britain.
The Commentaries will be international and inter-con-
fessional, and will be free from polemical and ecclesiastical
bias. They will be based upon a thorough critical study of
the original texts of the Bible, and upon critical methods of
interpretation. They are designed chiefly for students and
clergymen, and will be written in a compact style. Each
book will be preceded by an Introduction, stating the results
of criticism upon it, and discussing impartially the questions
still remaining open. The details of criticism will appear
in their proper place in the body of the Commentary. Each
section of the Text will be introduced with a paraphrase,
or summary of contents. Technical details of textual and
philological criticism will, as a rule, be kept distinct from
matter of a more general character ; and in the Old Testa-
ment the exegetical notes will be arranged, as far as
possible, so as to be serviceable to students not acquainted
with Hebrew. The History of Interpretation of the Books
will be dealt with, when necessary, in the Introductions,
with critical notices of the most important literature of
the subject. Historical and Archaeological questions, as
well as questions of Biblical Theology, are included in the
plan of the Commentaries, but not Practical or Homiletical
Exegesis. The Volumes will constitute a uniform series.
THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY.
The following eminent Scholars are engaged upon the
Volumes named below : —
Genesis.
Exodus.
Leviticus.
Numbers.
Deuteronomy.
Joshua.
Judges.
Samuel.
Kings.
Chronicles.
Ezra and
Nehemiah.
Psalms.
Proverbs.
Job.
Isaiah.
Jeremiah.
Daniel.
Minor Prophets.
THE OLD TESTAMENT.
The Rev. T. K. Cheyne, D.D., Oriel Professor of the
Interpretation of Holy Scripture, University of Oxford.
The Rev. A. R. S. Kennedy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew,
University of Edinburgh.
The Rev. H. A. White, M.A., Fellow of New College,
Oxford.
G. Buchanan Gray, B.A. , Lecturer in Hebrew, Mans-
field College, Oxford.
The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., Regius Professor of
Hebrew, Oxford. [jVow Ready.
The Rev. George Adam Smith, D.D., Professor of
Hebrew, Free Church College, Glasgow.
The Rev. George Moore, D.D., Professor of Hebrew,
Andover Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass.
\_N oiv Ready.
The Rev. H. P. Smith, D.D., late Professor of Hebrew,
Lane Theological Seminary, Cincinnati, Ohio.
The Rev. Francis Brown, D. D., Professor of Hebrew
and Cognate Languages, Union Theological Seminary,
New York City.
The Rev. Edward L. Curtis, D.D., Professor of He-
brew, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
The Rev. L W. Batten, Ph.D., Professor of Hebrew,
P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia.
The Rev. Charles A. Briggs, D.D., Edward Robinson
Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological
Seminary, New York.
The Rev. C. H. Toy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, Har-
vard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., Regius Professor of
Hebrew, Oxford.
The Rev. A. B. Davidson, D.D., LL.D., Professor of
Hebrew, Free Church College, Edinburgh.
The Rev. A. F. Kirkpatrick, D.D., Regius Professor of
Hebrew, Cambridge, England.
The Rev. John P. Peters, Ph.D., late Professor of
Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia, now
Rector of St. Michael's Church, New York City.
W. R. Harper, Ph.D., President of the University of
Chicago, Illinois.
THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY. — Continued.
THE NEW TESTAMENT.
St. Mark. The Rev. E. P. Gould, D.D., Professor of New Testa-
ment Literature, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia.
\_Now Ready.
St. Luke. The Rev. Alfred Plummer, D.D., Master of University
College, Durham. \_Now Ready.
Harmony of The Rev. William Sanday, D.D., Lady Margaret Pro-
the Gospels. fessor of Divinity, Oxford, and the Rev. Willoughby
C. Allen, M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford.
Acts. The Rev. Frederick H. Chase, D.D., Fellow of Christ's
College, Cambridge.
Romans. The Rev. William Sanday, D.D., Lady Margaret Pro-
fessor of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford,
and the Rev. A. C. Headlam, M.A., Fellow of All Souls'
College, Oxford. \_Now Ready.
Corinthians. The Rev. Arch. Robertson, D.D., Principal of King's
College, London.
Galatians. The Rev. Ernest D. Burton, A.B., Professor of Nevir
Testament Literature, University of Chicago,
Ephesians The Rev. T. K. Abbott, B.D., D. Lit., formerly Professor
and Colossians. of Biblical Greek, Trinity College, Dublin.
Philippians The Rev. Marvin R. Vincent, D.D., Professor of Bibli-
and Philemon. cal Literature, Union Theological Seminary, New York
City. \_Now Ready.
Hebrews. The Rev. T. C. Edwards, D.D., Principal of the Theo-
logical College, Bala; late Principal of University
College of Wales, Aberystwyth.
St. James. The Rev. James H. Ropes, A.B., Instructor of New Tes-
tament Criticism in Harvard University.
The Pastoral The Rev. Walter Lock, M.A., Dean Ireland, Professor
Epistles. of Exegesis, Oxford.
Peter and Jude. The Rev. Charles Bigg, D.D., Leamington, England.
Revelation. The Rev. Robert H. Charles, M.A., Trinity College,
Dublin, and Exeter College, Oxford.
Other engagements will he announced shortly.
^Ttt |tttjcrnati0ual ©vitical dTiommtutavij,
" A decided advance on all other commentaries^ — The Outlook.
DEUTERONOMY.
By the Rev. S. R. DRIVER, D.D.,
Regius Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford.
Crown 8vo. Net, $3.00.
" No one could be better qualified than Professor Driver to write a critical
and exegetical commentary on Deuteronomy. His previous works are author-
ities in all the departments involved; the grammar and lexicon of the Hebrew
language, the lower and higher criticism, as well as exegesis and Biblical the-
ology; . . . the interpretation in this commentary is careful and sober in the
main. A wealth of historical, geographical, and philological information illus-
trates and elucidates both the narrative and the discourses. Valuable, though
concise, excursuses are often given." — The Congregationalist.
" It is a pleasure to see at last a really critical Old Testament commentary
in English upon a portion of the Pentateuch, and especially one of such merit.
This I find superior to any other Commentary in any language upon Deuter-
onomy." — Professor E. L. Curtis, of Yale University.
" This volume of Professor Driver's is marked by his well-known care and
accuracy, and it will be a great boon to every one who wishes to acquire a
thorough knowledge, either of the Hebrew language, or of the contents of the
Book of Deuteronomy, and their significance for the development of Old Tes-
tament thought. The author finds scope for displaying his well-known wide
and accurate knowledge, and delicate appreciation of the genius of the
Hebrew language, and his readers are supplied with many carefully con-
structed lists of words and expressions. He is at his best in the detailed
examination of the text." — London AthencEum.
" It must be said that this work is bound to take rank among the best com-
mentaries in any language on the important book with which it deals. On
every page there is abundant evidence of a scholarly knowledge of the litera-
ture, and of the most painstaking care to make the book useful to thorough
students." — The Lutheran Churchman.
"The deep and difficult questions raised by Deuteronomy are, in every in-
stance, considered with care, insight, and critical acumen. The student who
wishes for solid information, or a knowledge of method and temper of the
new criticism, will find advantage in consulting the pages of Dr. Driver." —
Zion's Herald.
glxiC Juttrnati0uat CH^ritltal CC^ommetttavjj.
"We believe this series to be of epoch-making importance T
— The N. Y. Evangelist.
JUDGES.
By Dr. GEORGE FOOT MOORE,
Professor of Hebrew in Andover Theological Seminary.
Crown 8vo. Net, $3.00.
" The typographical execution of this handsome volume is worthy of the
scholarly character of the contents, and higher praise could not be given it."
— Professor C. H. Toy, of Harvard University.
" This work represents the latest results of ' Scientific Biblical Scholarship,'
and as such has the greatest value for the purely critical student, especially on
the side of textual and literary criticism." — T/ie Church Standard.
" Professor Moore has more than sustained his scholarly reputation in this
work, which gives us for the first time in English a commentary on Judges not
excelled, if indeed equalled, in any language of the world." — Professor
L. W. Batten, of P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia.
" Although a critical commentary, this work has its practical uses, .\nd by
its divisions, headlines, etc., it is admirably adapted to the wants of all
thoughtful students of the Scriptures. Indeed, with the other books of the
series, it is sure to find its way into the hands of pastors and scholarly lay-
men."— Portland Zion's Herald.
" Like its predecessors, this volume will be warmly welcomed — whilst to
those whose means of securing up-to-date information on the subject of which
it treats are limited, it is simply invaluable. " — Edinburgh Scotsman.
" The work is done in an atmosphere of scholarly interest and indifference
to dogmatism and controversy, which is at least refreshing. ... It is a noble
introduction to the moral forces, ideas, and influences that controlled the
period of the Judges, and a model of what a historical commentary, with a
practical end in view should be." — The Independent.
" The work is marked by a clear and forcible style, by scholarly research, by
critical acumen, by extensive reading, and by evident familiarity with the
Hebrew. Many of the comments and suggestions are valuable, while the
index at the close is serviceable and satisfactory." — Philadelphia Presbyterian.
" This volume sustains the reputation of the series for accurate and wide
scholarship given in clear and strong English, . . . the scholarly reader will
find delight in the perusal of this admirable commentary." — Zion's Herald.
"ght %nUvnntiomxX Critical CH^ommcutavyi^
" IVe deem it as needful for the studious pastor to possess himself
of these volumes as to obtain the best dictionary and encyclopedia.'^
— The CONGREGATIONALIST.
ST. MARK.
By the Rev. E. P. GOULD, D.D.,
Professor of New Testament Exegesis, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia.
Crown 8vo. Net, $2.50.
" In point of scholarship, of accuracy, of originality, this last addition to the
series is worthy of its predecessors, while for terseness and keenness of exegesis,
we should put it first of them all." — The Congregationalist.
"The whole make-up is that of a thoroughly helpful, instructive critical
study of the Word, surpassing anything of the kind ever attempted in the
English language, and to students and clergymen knowing the proper use of
a commentary it will prove an invaluable aid." — The Lutheran Quarterly.
" Professor Gould has done his work well and thoroughly. . . . The com-
mentary is an admirable example of the critical method at its best. . . . The
Word study . . . shows not only familiarity with all the literature of the sub-
ject, but patient, faithful, and independent investigation. ... It will rank
among the best, as it is the latest commentary on this basal Gospel." — The
Christian Intelligencer.
" It will give the student the vigorously expressed thought of a very thought-
ful scholar." — The Church Standard.
" Dr. Gould's commentary on Mark is a large success, . . . and a credit to
American scholarship. . . . He has undoubtedly given us a commentary on
Mark which surpasses all others, a thing we have reason to expect will be true
in the case of every volume of the series to which it belongs." — The Biblical
World.
"The volume is characterized by extensive learning, patient attention to
details and a fair degree of caution." — Bibliotheca Sacra.
"The exegetical portion of the book is simple in arrangement, admirable
in form and condensed in statement. . . . Dr. Gould does not slavishly follow
any authority, but expresses his own opinions in language both concise and
clear." — The Chicago Standard.
" In clear, forcible and elegant language the author furnishes the results of
the best investigations on the second Gospel, both early and late. He treats
these various subjects with the hand of a master." — Boston Zion^s Herald.
"The author gives abundant evidence of thorough acquaintance with the
facts and history in the case. . . . His treatment of them is always fresh and
scholarly, and oftentimes helpful." — The New York Observer.
" // is hardly necessary to say that this series will stand first
among all English serial commentaries on the Bible T
— The BiblicXl World.
ST. LUKE.
By the Rev. ALFRED PLUfinER, D.D.,
Master of University College, Durham. Formerly Fellow and Senior Tutor of
Trinity College, Oxford.
Crown 8vo. Net, $3.00.
In the author's Critical Introduction to the Commentary is contained a full
treatment of a large number of important topics connected with the study of
the Gospel, among which are the following : The Author of the Book — The
Sources of the Gospel — Object and Plan of the Gospel — Characteristics,
Style and Language — The Integrity of the Gospel — The Text — Literary
History.
FROM THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
If this Commentary has any special features, they will perhaps be found in
the illustrations from Jewish writings, in the abundance of references to the
Septuagint, and to the Acts and other books of the New Testament, in the
frequent quotations of renderings in the Latin versions, and in the attention
which has been paid, both in the Introduction and throughout the Notes, to
the marks of St. Luke's style.
" It is distinguished throughout by learning, sobriety of judgment, and
sound exegesis. It is a weighty contribution to the interpretation of the
Third Gospel, and will take an honorable place in the series of which it forms
a part." — Prof. D. D. Salmond, in the Critical Revitiv.
" We are pleased with the thoroughness and scientific accuracy of the inter-
pretations. ... It seems to us that the prevailing characteristic of the book
is common sense, fortified by learning and piety." — The Herald and Presbyter,
"An important work, which no student of the Word of God can safely
neglect." — The Church Standard.
"The author has both the scholar's knowledge and the scholar's spirit
necessary for the preparation of such a commentary. . . . We know of
nothing on the Third Gospel which more thoroughly meets the wants of the
Biblical scholar." — The Outlook.
" The author is not only a profound scholar, but a chastened and reverent
Christian, who undertakes to interpret a Gospel of Christ, so as to show
Christ in his grandeur and loveliness of character." — The Southern Church-
man.
"■ It is a valuable and welcome addition to our somewhat scanty stock of
first-class commentaries on the Third Gospel. By its scholarly thoroughness
it well sustains the reputation which the International Series has already
won." — Prof. J. H. Thaver, of Harvard University.
This volume having been so recently published, further notices are not yet
available.
*' J*'or the student this new commentary promises to be indispen-
sable.''— The Methodist Recorder.
ROMANS.
By the Rev. WILLIAM SANDAY, D.D.,
Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford,
AND THE
Rev. A. C. HEADLAH, M.A.,
Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford.
Crown 8vo. Net, $3.00.
" From my knowledge of Dr. Sanday, and from a brief examination of the
book, I am led to believe that it is our best critical handbook to the Epistle.
It combines great learning with practical and suggestive interpretation." —
Professor George B. Stevens, of Yale Universily.
" Professor Sanday is excellent in scholarship, and of unsurpassed candor.
The introduction and detached notes are highly interesting and instructive.
This commentary cannot fail to render the most valuable assistance to all
earnest students. The volume augurs well for the series of which it is a mem-
ber."— Professor George P. Fisher, of Yak University.
"The scholarship and spirit of Dr. .Sanday give assurance of an interpreta-
tion of the Epistle to the Romans which will be both scholarly and spiritual."
— Dr. Lyman Abbott.
" The work of the authors has been carefully done, and will prove an
acceptable addition to the literature of the great Epistle. The exegesis is
acute and learned . . . The authors show much familiarity with the work
of their predecessors, and write with calmness and lucidity." — New York
Observer.
" We are confident that this commentary will find a place in every thought-
ful minister's library. One may not be able to agree with the authors at some
points, — and this is true of all commentaries, — but they have given us a work
which cannot but prove valuable to the critical study of Paul's masterly epis-
tle." — Zioti's Advocate.
" We do not hesitate to commend this as the best commentary on Romans
yet written in English. It will do much to popularize this admirable and
much needed series, by showing that it is possible to be critical and scholarly
and at the same time devout and spiritual, and intelligible to plain Bible
readers." — T/ie Church Standard.
" A commentary with a very distinct character and purpose of its own,
which brings to students and ministers an aid which they cannot obtain else-
where. . . . There is probably no other commentary in which criticism has
been employed so successfully and impartially to bring out the author's
thought." — N. Y. Independent.
"We have nothing but heartiest praise for the weightier matters of the
commentary. It is not only critical, but exegetical, expository, doctrinal,
practical, and eminently spiritual. The positive conclusions of the books are
very numerous and are stoutly, gloriously evangelical. . . . The commentary
does not fail to speak with the utmost reverence of the whole word of God."
The Congregationalist,
Date Due
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