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Presented to the 

LIBRARY of the 


Legislative Library 

.l.<'rsan(i nookiellera, 1 


JOURNALS '■'''^^ 

■.' '* WITH 




Biographies of his Contemporaries 




'^ ''^^V.?J #^ PITTSBURGH 

f);^?"""'" J. R. WELDIN & CO. 




Introductory Memoir 9 

Gist's Three Journals 3' 

Christopher Gist 88 

Notes to Christopher Gist's First Journal of 1750-51 90 

Notes to Gist's Second Journal, 1751-52 i37 

Notes to Christopher Gist's Third Journal, 1753 i47 

A Journal Descriptive of Some of the French Forts 148 

The Montours 'S^ 

Andrew Montour '59 

George Croghan *76 

Thomas Cresap 202 

General James Grant 207 

Guyasuta 2'° 

Treaty of Lancaster 217 

Ohio Company 220 

Walpole Grant 241 

Wm. Trent & Co 245 

Captain Trent 249 

John Peter Salley 253 

Scheme for a New Settlement 261 

Robert Orme 267 

Extracts from Analysis of Map ; . . . . 271 

Pownall's Account of Lead Plate 273 

Ensign Ward's Deposition 275 

Letters and Speeches to Indians 279 


The riches realized by Spain and Portugal in the sixteenth 
century from their newly acquired possessions in America 
excited amongst enterprising Englishmen a determination to 
establish colonies in that part of the Northern Continent 
extending from Canada to Florida, claimed for England in 
right of its discovery by the Cabots ; also, to seek new dis- 
coveries, and especially a short passage through the interior 
of the country to the South Sea. 

In April, 1585, colonists were sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh, 
and in the following month of August they landed on the island 
of Roanoke, on the eastern border of the present State of North 
Carolina, and there commenced the first English settlement in 
America. After exploring the neighboring rivers and sounds, 
they were induced by the relation of the Indians respecting 
the river Meratue (Roanoke) to attempt its exploration and 
endeavor to reach the head thereof, which the natives told 
them sprang from a huge rock near the sea, thirty or forty 
days' voyage westward, and " in that abundance that it forth- 
with maketh a most violent stream." 

In March, 1586, Governor Ralph Lane, with two boats and 
forty men, ascended the river about one hundred miles (near 
to the present town of Halifax), hoping, as he afterwards 
wrote, for the discovery of a gold mine or a passage to the 
South Sea ; but they were assailed by hostile Indians and so 
nearly starved that " they ate their two mastiff dogs boiled 

a (9) 


with Sassafras leaves, and were compelled to return." ' Their 
voyage is memorable for being the earliest attempt by 
the English to explore the interior of America from the 
Atlantic westward. The relation of the Indians to the col- 
onists has been stigmatized by historians as "extravagant 
tales, which nothing but cupidity could have credited."'' 
Now as the Roanoke, by its meanderings, is four hundred 
miles in length, thirty to forty days would be required to 
ascend to its source. Its various head springs, on the main 
ridge of the Alleghenies, in Montgomery County, Virginia, 
are scarce a mile from the waters of the Kanawha, or New 
River, and but eight miles from its main channel. The rela- 
tion of the Indians was, in this respect at least, true, for the 
Roanoke does "forthwith make a most violent stream;" 
issuing by numerous creeks from this elevated tract and unit- 
ing into one body, it soon becomes the "rapid Roanoke," and 
on reaching Salem, in Roanoke County, " has fallen one thou- 
sand feet in little more than twenty miles." ' 

The natives, probably, meant, if their " tales " were rightly 
interpreted, that the head of the Roanoke was near another 
stream whose waters flowed to another and distant sea. The 
city, rich with gold and pearls, they called Chaunis Temocatan, 
was Mexico or Tetuan, its ancient name. 

Discouraged by the prospect, the colonists abandoned their 
settlement and returned to England, with the fleet of Sir 
Francis Drake, in the following month of June. Subsequent 
attempts by Raleigh and some of his associates to re-estab- 
lish the colony at Roanoke failed disastrously, almost ruining 
the fortune of the illustrious author of the project. 

1 Hakluyt's " Voyages," Vol. III. Lane and Harriot's Relation. 
» Bancroft's " History of the United States," Vol. I, p. 99. Burke's 
"History of Virginia," Vol. I, p. 56. 
« Martin's "Geographical Gazetteer of Virginia," p. 53. 



Twenty years later, on May 14, 1606, the first permanent 
settlement by the English in America commenced at James- 
town, on the Powhatan or James River, and a week thereafter 
Captain Christopher Newport, with Captain John Smith and 
a company of twenty-three persons, sailed in a shallop from 
"James Fort " up the river, "with a perfect resolution not to 
return, but either to finde the heade of this ryver, the lake 
mentioned by others heretofore, the Sea againe, the moun- 
taynes Apalatsi or some issue."' 

They reached the Falls, at the site of the present city of 
Richmond, and on an islet in the river erected a wooden cross 
and proclaimed King James "with a greate showte.'" The 
Governing Council in England had instructed them that the 
"Discovery of the South Sea (Pacific) as the certain and 
infallible way to immense riches was an object of which they 
were ever solicitous and intent." ' 

The successful establishment of the colony was of much 
less importance than searching for mines of gold or explora- 
tions westward by means of navigable rivers. In the summer 
of the following year Captain John Smith explored the Chesa- 
peake Bay to the Susquehanna, entering into all the rivers 
and inlets as far as he could sail, of all of which he constructed 
an admirable map. In the fall of the same year Captain 
Newport returned from a visit to England with a private com- 
mission " Not to return without a lump of gold, a certainty 
of the South Sea, or one of the lost colony of Sir Walter 
Raleigh." He also had a large barge built, in five pieces, for 
convenience of carriage beyond the Falls, to convey them to« 
the South Sea. With a number of boats and one hundred 

1 Captain Newport's " Discoveries," 1607. British State Paper Office. 
"Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society," Vol. IV, p. 40. 

2 Id., p. 47. Smith's "Virginia," Vol. I, p. 151. 
' Smith's "Virginia," p. 43. 


and twenty men he ascended the river to the Falls, and thence 
explored by land about forty miles farther on the south side 
of the stream to two towns of the Monacan Indians, return- 
ing, wearied and disappointed, by the same path after an inef- 
fectual search for rich mines. The " quartered boat " was 
too cumbrous to be carried around the Falls, as Smith states, 
by even five hundred men, sarcastically adding " that if burned 
to ashes one might have carried her in a bag." ' The desire 
for further exploration seems to have subsided for many 
years ; wars with the natives, their own dissensions, a con- 
stant struggle for the means of subsistence, and the cultiva- 
tion of tobacco occupied the attention of the colonists. In 
1624 the petition of the Virginia Company to the House of 
Commons enumerates among other advantages accruing to 
England in their view and expectation, by the success of the 
colony, is the " no small hopes of an early and short passage 
to the South Sea, either by Sea or Land." 

The prevailing illusion respecting the short distance across 
the continent was not entirely dispelled until near the close 
of the century and after the discovery and exploration of the 
Mississippi by the French became generally known. 

Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia, was informed 
by the Indians, in 1648, " that within five dayes journey to the 
Westward and by South there is a great high mountaine, and 
at foot thereof great Rivers that run into a great Sea ; and 
that there are men that come hither in ships, (but not the 
same that ours be) they wear apparell and have reed caps on 
their heads, and ride on Beasts like our horses, but have much 
longer ears, and other circumstances they declare for the cer- 
tainty of these things." ^ These rivers, doubtless, were those 

> Smith's " History," Vol. I, p. 201. 

.2 «j^ Perfect Description of Virginia," 1649, Vol. Ill, of Tracts, p. 13. 
Also in Massachusetts Historical Society Collection, Vol. IX, Second 
Series, p. 105. 


now known as the Kanawha, Kentucky, Cumberland and 
Tennessee, whose waters flow from the western slope of 
the Allegheny Mountains to the Ohio and Mississippi and 
into the Gulf of Mexico, long before frequented by Spaniards. 
Governor Berkeley made preparations for discovery in person, 
with a company of fifty horse and fifty footmen, but abandoned 
the enterprise, probably in consequence of the disastrous 
results to the king in his contest with the Parliament engag- 
ing his attention — Berkeley being a firm Royalist. 

The author of a tract — entitled " A Perfect Description of 
Virginia, etc.,"' published in London in 1649, wrote, that "for 
their better knowledge of the Land they dwell in, the Planters 
resolve to make a further Discovery into the Country, West 
and by South up above the Fall, and we are confident upon 
what they have learned from the Indians to find a way to a 
West or South Sea by Land or rivers, and to discover a way 
to China and East Indies, or unto some other Sea that 
shall carry them thither ; " and that " Sir Francis Drake was 
on the back of Virginia in his Voyage about the World in 37 
degrees just opposite to Virginia, and called Nova Albion. And 
now all the question is only how broad the Land may be to that 
place from the head of James River above the Falls, but all 
men conclude if it be not narrow, yet that there is and will be 
found the like rivers issuing into a South Sea or West Sea on 
the other side of those Hills, as there is on this side, when 
they run from the West into an East Sea, after a course of 
150 miles," 

Prior to Governor Berkeley's administration, Walter Austin 
and others obtained from the Assembly, in 1642, the passage of 
an Act, authorizing them " to undertake the discovery of a new 
river or unknown land, bearing west, southerly from Appo- 

1" Force's Tracts," Vol. II. Massachusetts Historical Collection, 
Vol. IX, Second Series, p. 105. 


matake River."' It does not appear, however, that any attempt 
at exploration was made until the year 1650, when Edward 
Bland having petitioned the Assembly and obtained like 
authority in August and September of that year, in company 
with Edward Pennant, Abrahame Wood and Sackford Brew- 
ster, two Indian chiefs as guides, and two servants, explored 
southwest from Appomattox (now Petersburgh) to the Falls of 
Roanoke, or as they named the rapids, Blandina, above and 
near the present city of Halifax, North Carolina, and not far 
above the point on that river reached by Raleigh's colonists, 
sixty-five years before. This discovery was deemed of such 
importance as to occasion, in the year following, the publica- 
tion in London of a narrative of the journey. In 1652 Col- 
onel William Clayborne, Captain Henry Fleet, and their associ- 
ates, were authorized by the Assembly to make discoveries, 
"and take up lands by pattents and enjoy benefits and trades as 
they shall find out in places where no English have ever been 
and discovered." The same day "the like order is granted 
to Major Abra Wood and his associates." 

In the following year, the Assembly authorized any per- 
sons "to discover the Mountains, Provided they go with a 
considerable partie and strength, both of men and ammuni- 
tion."^ No farther attempt at exploration seems to have been 
made until the year 1669, when John Lederer, a German Sur- 
geon, commissioned by Governor Berkeley to make discoveries, 
on March 9th, with three Indians, left the Falls of Pemen- 
cock (Pamunky) on York River, from an Indian village called 
Schickehanini — probably the old Indian town near the now 
noted "White House."* The next day he passed through the 
marshy grounds between the Pamunky and head-waters of 

'"Laws of Virginia," p. 267. 

^ " Oldmixon's British Empire in America," Vol. I, p. 382. 

5 Jefferson, 1751. 


the Matenenenhah (Mattepony), in the present King William 
County, and crossed the Pamunky at its head/ formed by the 
confluence of the North and South Anna Rivers, in Hanover 
County.'' Continuing along the South Anna River, on the 
13th he reached the first spring of the Pamunky,' a head of 
the South Anna, near the present Gordonsville. On the 14th 
he discovered from a high hill,* the "Apelatean" Mountains' 
to the west. Next day, the iSth, they passed over the South 
Branch of the Rappahannock, or Rapid Anne River," and on 
the 17th reached the Blue Ridge, in the present county of 
Madison. He ascended to the top of the mountain and found 
it very cold, with much snow ; noticed the high mountain ranges 
westward and the Atlantic Ocean southeastward ; descended 
and returned by the course he went out. 

On the 20th of May, 1670, Lederer began his second expe- 
dition, in company with one Major Harris,' twenty Christian 
horsemen and five Indians. They marched from the Falls of 
James River to the Monakin^ village, probably the same as 
marked on Fry and Jefferson's Map of 1751, on James River, 
in the present county of Cumberland, and continued westward 
one hundred miles farther to what he calls "the south branch 
of James River," and which " Major Harris vainly supposed 
to be an arm of the Lake of Canada," as he observed it ran 

» In 1656. 

^ The peninsula between these two rivers he mentions bears the name 
of Tottopottemen, a great Indian king, slain in battle for the whites 
against their Indian enemies. 

' A small creek that still bears this name. 
, * Southwest mountain in Orange County. 

5 Blue Ridge. 

^ In Orange County. 

' Major William Harris of the Regiment of Charles City and Henrico 

* Tuscarora. 


northward, " and was inclined to erect a pillar in memory of 
the Discovery." It seems evident from the description, dis- 
tance given and his map, that they had reached the James 
River, at its bend to the north, a few miles east from the 
the present city of Lynchburg, in Campbell County. Here he 
parted from his company, excepting one Susquehanna Indian, 
and then went south to the Roanoke, to the Island and town 
of Akenatzi^ where he was well received. Here he met four 
strange Indians, survivors of fifty who had come, Lederer 
says, "from some land by the Sea to the northwest," (probably 
the great Lakes.) He calls them Rickahickans and states that 
" they were treacherously killed in the night by the Indians of 
Akenatzi." He conjectured that these strange Indians came 
from an arm or bay of the Sea of California, which he sup- 
posed stretched up into the continent. From Akenatzi he 
journeyed southward into Carolina and thence returned to 

These strange Indians, or Rickahickans, doubtless were 
fugitives of the tribe known as Eries, or the Nation of the 
Cat, whose country was on the south shore of Lake Erie. 
They were conquered and destroyed as a nation by the Iro- 
quois in 1654-5. 

The Fathers call the tribe Riguehronnous, or those of the 
Cat Nation.'' The considerable number of the defeated Eries 
or Rickahickans appear to have reached Virginia in 1655, 
about which time the Iroquois completed their conquest.' A 

1 On " Fry and Jefferson's " Map the Occoneachy is laid down at the 
junction of the Staunton (Roanoke) and Dan Rivers, in the present Meck- 
lenburg County. See also " Byrd's Journey to the Land of Eden." Rich- 
mond, 1866, p. 5. 

2 "Jesuit Relations," 1660, p. 7, Vol. III. Id., 1661, p. 29. 

» See Charlevoix's " History of New France," Vol. II, p. 266 and note. 
Parkman's "Jesuits in America," pp. 438-441. 


special law was passed to remove by force "the new-come 
western and inland Indians drawn from the Mountaines and 
lately sett downe near the falls of James River to the number 
of six or seven hundred.'" 

Captain Edward Hill, at the head of lOO men, assisted by 
Tottopottemen, King of the Pomukies, with lOO warriors, 
attacked the Rickahickans. The allies were defeated, Totto- 
pottemen slain. Captain Hill was cashiered for his conduct 
and his estate charged with the cost of procuring a peace 
with the Rickahickans. It is probable that with the fugitive 
Eries were some of the Neutres and Hurons, kindred tribes, 
and also routed by the Iroquois.' 

On August 30th of the same year, Lederer again set out, 
in company with Captain Collet, nine Englishmen and five 
Indians. They first went to the Falls of Rappahannock, near 
the present Fredericksburg ; next day they passed the junction 
of the Rapid Anna, in Culpepper County, and keeping 
along the north side of the Rappahannock, on the 26th reached 
the Blue Ridge, in the present county of Rappahannock; 
there they ascended the summit of the mountain, observed 
and noted the great mountain range east and west. The cold 
prevented them from proceeding any farther, and they re- 
turned, having penetrated much farther northwestward than 
any one previously. Inconsiderable as the distance may now 
seem, Lederer was convinced those persons were in error 
who supposed it but eight or ten days' journey from the At- 
lantic to the Indian Ocean, and that an arm or bay of the Sea 
of California extended up into the country. Nor were there 
to be found on the west of the mountains large rivers, like 

' Hening, p. 402. 

' Hening, p. 423, Burke's "History of Virginia," Vol. II, pp. 104-107. 
See also Galletin, in " Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society," 
Vol. II, p. 73. Evan's "Analysis," 1755, p. 13. 


those on the east. His opinions evidently were changed by 
the information obtained from the unfortunate stranger or 
Erie Indians. 

In the year 1671, under authority of Governor Berkeley, a 
commission was granted by Major-General Abrahame Wood, 
"for ye finding out of the ebbing and flowing of ye water 
behind the mountains in order to the Discovery of the South 
Sea." Accordingly, Thomas Batts, Thomas Woods and 
Robert Fallam, with Jack Nesan, servant, and Perecute, 
chief of the Appomattox Indians, as guide, left the town of 
Appomattox, near where Petersburgh now stands, on the 
first day of September, 1671, and travelling westward, on the 
4th arrived at the " Sapong Town," in the present county of 
Charlotte, near the little Roanoke River ; there they were 
joined by seven Appomattox Indians and a Sapon also, as a 
guide, and by nightfall of the day following, the 5th, they 
reached the " Hanohaski " ^ Indian town, on an island in the 
Sapon River, (evidently the Long Island in the Roanoke, op- 
posite the mouth of Seneca Creek, in Campbell County). On 
the next day they recommenced their journey, leaving Thomas 
Woods at the Indian town " dangerously sick." 

On the 7th they came in sight of the mountains (the Blue 
Ridge, in Bedford County) ; on the 8th and 9th they passed 
along the Roanoke River and over the Blue Ridge. Arriving 
at a town of the Totero Indians "encircled about with 
mountains" (probably near the site of Salem in Roanoke 
County), they remained three days, resting. On the 12th they 
" set forward afoot leaving their horses at the Totero town," 
and travelling south and north, as the path went, over several 
high mountains and deep, descending valleys. Several times 
crossing the Roanoke River, by four o'clock in the afternoon, 
Perecute's ague and their own weariness made them encamp 
1 Akenatzi ? 


" by the side of the Roanoke, very near the head thereof, at 
the foot of a very high peat mountain."' 

On the 13th they ascended a very high and steep mountain 
(probably Craig's Creek Mountain, in Craig County) and con- 
tinuing a northwest course over mountains (evidently Potts' 
and Peters' Mountains) and " many small streams and rich 
meadows with grass above a man's hight," they came to a 
very steep descent, where they found a great current that 
emptied itself, as they supposed, into the great river " Nuth- 
uardly ; " they encamped in the evening by the side of this 
"great current" (probably the Greenbrier River). On the 
14th, their path continued north by west (in the present 
County of Greenbrier) ; they saw " to the southwest a curious 
prospect of hills like waves," and " Mr. Batts supposed he saw 
houses, but Mr. Fallam rather took them to be white cliffs," 
as doubtless they were the limestone cliffs on New River ; 
" they marched about twenty miles this day." 

On the 15th "they came to a large current, it emptied 
itself W. and by N. as they supposed into a. great river," (prob- 
ably the Meadow or main fork of the Gauley River, between 
the counties of Nicholas and Fayette). On the i6th they 
travelled ten miles, when " they had sight of a curious river 
like the Thames at Chelsea, but had a fall that made a great 
noise ; its course was North and they supposed ran west about 
certain pleasant mountains which they saw to the westward." 
Here they found Indian fields with cornstalks in them and 
understood afterward three Mohetans (Monakens or Tusca- 
roras) had lived there not long before. They found the river 
broad as the Thames at Wapping. They supposed by the 
marks that it flowed there about three feet, but ebbed very 

1 Probably the North Mountain, in the county of Montgomery. 

2 Clayton, 1688. Force's Tracts, Vol. Ill, p. 20. 


On the 17th they proclaimed the King in these words : 
" Long live King Charles ye 2d King of England Scotland 
France Ireland and Virginia and all the teritory thereunto 
belonging ; deffender of ye faith." Guns were fired and with 
a pair of marking irons they marked trees " ist C R " for his 
Sacred Majesty ; " 2d W B " for the governor ; " 3d A W " for 
the Major-General, Abrahame Wood ; another for Perecute, 
and also for the rest of the company. 

They had reached the Kanawha at the Great Falls, eighty 
miles from the Ohio River. On their return to the town of 
the Toteros they found a Mohetan (Tuscarora) Indian, who 
was sent to inquire the object of their journey ; satisfying 
him with a little powder, he informed them they had been 
from the mountains half way to that town, and at the next 
town beyond there was a level plain with abundance of salt. 
(This description applies correctly to the locality, as the Falls 
are about half way by the road from Sewall's mountain to the 
Salines, above Charleston, where there are wide river bot- 

They left the Toteros on the 21st and on the 24th reached 
the Hanahaskis (Long Island) where they found Mr. Woods 
was dead and buried. Continuing homeward by the Sapong 
town and the Appomattox town they arrived safe at Fort 
Henry on the 1st of October. This journey is remarkable 
for being the very earliest exploration, by the English, to the 
waters of the Ohio, and about the same time of the discovery 
of that stream claimed by La Salle at the Falls of the Ohio. 

It has been incorrectly noticed by various authors : Bev- 
erley's " History of Virginia, 1722," p. 62. Burke's ditto, as 
in Beverley. In Coxe's "Carolina, Florida and the River 
Mississippi," published in 1722, it is stated, p. 120, that Colo- 
nel Wood, inhabiting at the Falls of James River from the 
year 1654 to 1664, discovered at several times several branches 


of the great rivers Ohio and Meschacehe, " and further that 
he was possessed, about twenty years ago, of the Journal of 
Mr. Needham, employed by the aforesaid Colonel." Campbell's 
" Virginia," pp. 268, 9. See also " State of the British Colo- 
nies in North America, 1755," p. 118. 

The Kanawha was first known to the whites as " Wood's 
River," so called for Colonel Abrahame Wood, the originator 
of the expedition which discovered it. (" Contest in America, 
by an impartial hand," London, 1757, p. 176.) On Fry and 
Jefferson's Map of Virginia of 1751 it is marked "Great Ken- 
haway," called also "Wood's River" and "New River," 
North American Review, January, 1839. Parkman's "Dis- 
covery of the Great West." Introduction, p. 20, " The Jour- 
nal and Relation of a New Discovery made behind the Apu- 
leian Mountains, to the West of Virginia Plantations." Gene- 
ral Papers, State Paper Office, i, 21. "New York Colonial 
History," Vol. Ill, p. 193. 

No further attempt at discovery or exploration westward 
was made for many years, although away at the north, in 
1677, Wentworth Greenhalgh journeyed westward from Al- 
bany to the Seneca villages, near the Genesee River. Nar- 
rated in the " New York Colonial History," Vol. Ill, p. 250. 
In 1709, and for several years subsequent, it was not known 
that the Potomac River flowed through the Blue Ridge.^ 

In August, 17 16, Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, with a 
company of about fifty persons, gentlemen, rangers, Indians 
and servants, made his famous transmontane expedition of 

Proceeding from Williamsburgh to Germantown, ten miles 
below the Falls of Rappahannock (the present Fredericks- 
burgh), and thence by easy stages, with much feasting and 
parade, on the thirty-sixth day the party reached the summit 

'Byrd MSS., Vol. II, p. 125. Richmond, 1866. 


of the Appalachian Mountains (Blue Ridge), at the pass now 
known as the " Swift's Run Gap," in the counties of Madison 
and Rockingham ; thence they descended to the Shenandoah 
River, which they named the " Euphrates ; " crossed it, re- 
turned, and encamped on the right bank, at "Spotswood Camp," 
named for the Governor. Returning, they arrived at home on 
the 17th of September, after an absence of sixteen weeks, 
Four years afterwards the new county of Spotsylvania was 
formed, with the Shenandoah for its western boundary.' 

Colonel William Byrd, one of the most intelligent and ac- 
complished men in Virginia, wrote in 1729 that "we hardly 
know anything of the Apalatean mountains that are no where 
above two hundred and fifty miles from the sea," ^ and farther 
"that the Sources of the Potomac, Roanoke and even of the She- 
nandoah are unknown to the Virginian authorities ; although 
woodsmen tell them they head in the same mountains with a 
branch of Mississippi." Colonel Byrd calls this "conjectured 
Geography." ' 

In 1728 Colonel Wm. Byrd and the Commissioners of Vir- 
ginia and North Carolina surveyed the dividing line between 
these two provinces from Currituck Inlet, on the Atlantic, 
westward in a straight line two hundred and forty-one miles 
to Peter's Creek, in the present county of Patrick. Twenty- 
one years later, in 1749, Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson, with 
the Commissioners of North Carolina, surveyed the line 
ninety miles further, to " Steep Rock Creek," the White Top 
or Laurel Fork, of Holston River, in the present county of 
Grayson, and in 1779 Dr. Thomas Walker and Daniel Smith 

•Journal of John Fontaine, in the " Memoirs of a Huguenot Family," 
New York, 1872. Jones' " Present State of Virginia," 1724, p. 14. Camp- 
bell's " History of Virginia," i860, p. 387. Hening's " Statutes of Vir- 
ginia," Vol. IV, p. 77. 

2 Burke's "History of Virginia," Vol. Ill, p. 114. 

'Byrd's "Virginia," Vol. I, p. 137. Richmond, 1S66. 


continued the survey of the line from Steep Rock Creek to 
the Tennessee River. The boundary-line between the States 
of Kentucky and Tennessee, from the Tennessee River to the 
Mississippi, was run in 1819.' 

In the report made in August, 1737, of the " Proceedings 
of the Commissioners to Lay out the Bounds of the Northern 
Neck " ' of Virginia, or Lord Fairfax's Grant, it appears that 
they employed Colonel Wm. Mayo, who, at the head of a 
party of surveyors, in 1736, explored and surveyed the Co- 
hongoronta, or Potomac, up to its head spring, in a ridge of 
the Alleghenies, at the southwest point of the boundary 
between Virginia and Maryland. Near it they found waters 
flowing northward into the Monongahela River, the southern 
fork of the upper Ohio. At that point, " the spring head of 
the Potomac, the Fairfax Stone was placed by the Commis. 
sioners at a subsequent survey in 1746." ' 

The first of our American race who seem to have pene- 
trated the canebrakes of what has since been termed Ken- 
tucky, were Dr. Walker and Christopher Gist, both of Vir- 
ginia, and James Smith, of Pennsylvania. Thomas Walker 
was born in King and Queen County, Virginia, in 17 10. 
He studied medicine and became a skilful physician. His 
home was at Castle Hill, Albemarle County. He was an ex- 
tensive land speculator. In 1748 he went on a tour of dis- 
covery down the Holston. In the month of March, 1750, in 
company with five others, he started upon a trip to explore 
the country west of the back settlements of Virginia. Be- 
fore his return he penetrated far into the present State of 

* " History of the Dividing Line," in Byrd, Vol. I. 

' Fry and Jefferson's Map of Virginia. " Report of Survey." Hen- 
ing's " Statutes," Vol. IX, p. 562. 

'Byrd, Vol.11. Mayo's Map, 173. Faulkner's Report, in Kercheral's 
" History of the Valley of Virginia." 


Kentucky. His party in April erected a small cabin in what 
is now Knox County, the first one probably ever built by an 
American within the limits of that State. " Walker's Settle- 
ment" is noted on some of the old maps. He died at 
Castle Hill, in 1794. He ranked high in Virginia, as»is 
proved by his frequent appointments under that colony. He 
was with the Virginia troops at the defeat of Braddock, in 
175s, of which he gave a graphic description to Judge Yeates, 
in August, 1776, on the battle-field. He was a member of 
the Virginia Assembly in 1758. In 1768, Commissioner from 
Virginia at the Treaty held at Fort Stanwix with the Indians 
of the Six Nations. In 1769 he was appointed, with Colonel 
Andrew Lewis, Commissioner, relative to settling a boundary- 
line with the Cherokees. He was at the head of the Com- 
mittee of Louisa County, May 8, 1775 ; also member of the 
Virginia Committee of Safety, and Delegate to the Conven- 
tion of Virginia, 1775-76, and to the House of Burgesses, in 


To reconcile the conflicting statements relative to the pre- 
cise year of the first visit of Dr. Thomas Walker to the east- 
ern part of Kentucky is a difficult but not hopeless task. It 
appears that in 1747 Dr. Walker, with a small party, Colonel 
James Wood, Colonel James Pattin, Captain Charles Camp- 
bell, and others, having large grants of land to the west of 
the mountains, explored as far as Powell's Valley, in the 
present Lee County, southwestern Virginia, near the great 
Laurel Ridge of the Alleghenies, which he named the Cum- 

Misled by information as to the distance of the Ohio River 
and the correct course to be taken to reach it expeditiously, they 
turned northeastwardly and came to the heads of the Totery 
or Big Sandy River, in Buchanan County, which they named 
Frederick's River, after the Prince of Wales, (now Russell's 


Fork). Continuing the same course, they struck on the next 
Fork, which they named Louisa, a designation it still retains ; 
(on Evans' Map of 1755 it is made to flow to the Kanawha) 
passing thence eastward, after a toilsome journey along the 
foot of the mountain range and stream, in Giles and Bland 
Counties, called Walker's, to the New River, and thence to 
Albemarle County. 

Lewis Evans, in his "Analysis of a Map of the Middle 
Colonies of 1755," says : "As for the branches of the Ohio, 
which head in the New Virginia, I am particularly obliged to 
Mr. Thomas Walker for the intelligence of what names they 
bear and what rivers they fall into northward and westward;" 
and at page 29 he mentions Louisa as a branch of the Ka- 
nawha, and so places it on the accompanying map. 

The Valley of the Ohio remained unexplored and almost 
unknown for near two centuries after the discovery of Amer- 
ica in 1492.* 

The Spaniard, Hernando De Soto, reached the Mississippi 
in 1 541, pausing with his forces on the eastern bank of the 
mighty stream but a few days, to build boats to cross it and 
continue westward in his fruitless search for a land abound- 
ing in gold and silver.' Jean Nicollet was the first to reach 
the waters of the upper Mississippi. In 1639 he ascended 
the Ottawa from the St. Lawrence;' thence across Lake 
Huron and through the Straits of Mackinaw to Green Bay, 
and up the Fox River to the portage across the Wisconsin 
River, but no further. The route by the Ottawa was usually 
taken by the French missionaries and fur traders, until 1669- 
70, when they first traversed Lake Erie by its northern shore 
and thence by the Detroit River to Lake Huron. 

* " Jesuit Relations," 1640. 

' " Histoire de la Colonie Franfaise," i866. 

* Charlevoix. 


The Ohio, the " Beautiful River " of the Iroquois, was dis- 
covered by Robert Cavalier— the Sieur de la Salle— in 1670- 
71. He was a native of Rouen, France; came to Canada and 
engaged in the fur trade. Being an ardent and indefatigable 
explorer and ambitious to discover new countries, he was 
authorized by Talon, the Intendant (Justice) of Canada, to 
explore southwest and south for the discovery of a passage 
to the South Sea. Among the Iroquois near Lake Ontario, 
in the present Western New York, he found a Shawnee 
prisoner who informed him of the Ohio. 

Procuring a guide from the Onondagas, he proceeded to 
the Allegheny River and descended it and the Ohio as far as 
the Falls, at the site of the present city of Louisville, Ken- 
tucky.' Then, deserted by his men, he returned through the 
forests to Canada, subsisting on game and roots, and be- 
friended by the Indians he met on his way.' Three years 
later (1673) Marquette and Joliet reached the Mississippi by 
way of the Fox and Wisconsin rivers.^ They descended it 
as far as the mouth of the Arkansas and then returned." 
They saw the Ohio at its junction with the great river and 
noted it on their map and in their journal as the Oubaskison 
(Wabash), coming from the country inhabited by the Chouo- 
nans (Shawnese) in great numbers. 

In 1682 La Salle made his great voyage of discovery, de- 
scending the Mississippi from the Illinois to its mouth ; on 
his way he remained a short time at the mouth of the Ohio, 
which was noted as being more than five hundred leagues in 
length, and the river by which the war parties of the Iroquois 
descended to make war against the Southern Nations. 

' Gravier. 
« Ferland. 
8 La Salle. 
* Charlevoix. 



On the shore of the Gulf of Mexico La Salle, with great 
ceremony, proclaimed possession taken for Louis XIV of all 
the country watered by the Mississippi, St. Louis, Ohio. Al- 
legheny, and their tributaries. For more than fifty years after 
Its discovery by La Salle, the Ohio above the Wabash was 
unavailable to the French as a route to the Mississippi 
owmgto the hostility of the Iroquois, in whose country ii 
had its source. 

Early in the eighteenth century emigrants from Canada 
came by way of the Lakes to the head of Lake Michigan 
and thence to the Illinois and Mississippi, or by the Maumee 
and Wabash, forming settlements along these rivers and also at 
Detroit and its neighborhood, while the Ohio remained still 
m an unknown wilderness and of minor importance. As late 
as i;so to 1756 it was considered by the French authorities 
as a tributary of the Wabash, and it is so mentioned in 
official documents and laid down on most of their maps 

In 1726. by consent of the Iroquois, the French reconstructed 
the fort at Niagara, which they had abandoned in 1688 
By 1728-9 the Shawanese were settled along the Allegheny 
to which region they were drawn chiefly by the measures 
adopted by the Marquis Vaudreuil in 1724. 

The way being now open, in 1729 M. de Lery. Chief En- 
gmeer of Canada, with a detachment of troops, crossed from 
Lake Erie to the Chautauqua Lake and thence to the Cone 
wango Creek and the Allegheny River, descending it and the 
Ohio. They made a careful topographical survey of the 
course of the rivers, with observations of the latitude, longi- 
tude and distances as far as the Great Miami. 

The French, down to the surrender of Canada to the British 
m 1763, derived their right against that of the Iroquois to' 
the Ohio country, asserting it to be theirs by virtue of its dis- 
covery by La Salle, and of their resorting to it when no other 


Indians occupied it but their allies, the Shawanese, with 
whom the Iroquois were at war. The latter tribe claimed it 
by reason of their conquest of the Shawanese, and the 
English claimed that it was ceded to ttiem by the Six Nations 
at the Treaty of Lancaster, 1744. It is remarkable, however, 
that the French never made any attempts to form settlements 
on the Ohio ; confining themselves to the Wabash, Illinois, 
Mississippi and Detroit. 

In 1753 Forts Presque Isle (Erie, Pennsylvania) and Le 
Boeuf (now Waterford, Erie County, Pennsylvania) were 

In 1754 Forts Franklin (at Venango, now Franklin) and 
Du Quesne (now Pittsburgh) were built, and in 1756 the erec- 
tion of Fort Massac (now in Massac County, Illinois) com- 
pleted the chain of forts deemed essential by French policy 
for the connection of Canada and Louisiana and the main- 
tenance of possession of the Valley of the Ohio. 

The steady increase of the English settlements towards 
the AUeghenies, the great numbers of their traders through, 
out the country west of the mountains, and, above all, the 
immense land grants on the waters of the Ohio by the British 
King and the Council of Virginia, incited the French to vig- 
orous measures. Accordingly, Captain Celeron de Bienville 
was dispatched by Governor de la Galissonniere, in 1749, to 
expel the English traders and take military possession of the 
Ohio country. With a detachment of two hundred soldiers 
and thirty Indians he proceeded, by way of Chautauqua Lake 
and the Conewango Creek, to its junction with the Allegheny 
or Ohio as he called it. There he buried a leaden plate, on the 
29th of July, with a suitable inscription, as a monument of 
having retaken possession of the said river Ohio and branches 
and the lands thereon. This plate was stolen by the Seneca In- 
dians, probably directly after its deposit, and sent to Colonel 


William Johnson. (Governor Clinton's letter to Governor 
Hamilton.') Letter of Governor Clinton to Board of Trade, 
and fac-simile of the plate, with its "devilish writing," as the 
Indian chief called it, who took it to Colonel Johnson. 

Celeron, with his flotilla, proceeded down the river, deposit- 
ing plates at different points, generally at the mouths of 
streams emptying into the main river. The inscriptions on 
the plates were all alike, except the name of the place and 
date of deposit. A number of them were found in after- 
years ; one, at the confluence of the Allegheny, Monongahela 
and Ohio, at Pittsburgh, was dated, August 3, 1749, at the 
" Three Rivers." (MSS. copy of plate by Governor Pownall 
in my possession.) Another was found in 1798 near Marietta, 
at the mouth of the Muskingum. It bore date August 16, 
1749, at the entrance of the river " Yenangue." " The last 
discovered was at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, near 
Point Pleasant, in April, 1846. It was dated August 18, 1749, 
at the entrance of the river Chinodahichatha. (See fac- 
simile and account of in the " History of Western Virginia," 
by de Hass, 185 1, p. 50).' On his way down Celeron encamped 
for a few days at Logstown, eighteen miles below Pittsburgh, 
from which he expelled the English traders, by whom he sent 
letters to Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania, dated the 6th 
and loth of August, and explained the object of his mission.* 

In 1750 and 1751 Christopher Gist, the Agent of the Ohio 
Company of Virginia, explored the greater portion of the 
region now included within the boundaries of the States of 
Ohio, Kentucky and West Virginia, and parts of Western 
Maryland and Southwestern Pennsylvania. These explora- 

> " New York Colonial History," Vol. VI. 
2 Hildreth's" Pioneer." 
' See " Fort Pitt " for complete history. 
♦" Colonial Records." 


tions were the earliest made, so far west, for the single object 
of examining the country, as they are the first also of which 
a regular journal was kept. The result of Gist's journeys, 
however, was not made known generally, being in the interest 
of a great Land Company; but in 1776 the Journal of 1750 
was published by Governor Pownall, in London, in the Appen- 
dix to his " Topographical Description of North America." 
At that time but few copies of that work could have found 
their way to America, and at the close of the Revolutionary 
War it seemed to have become comparatively scarce and is 
now but little known. The second Journal has never before 
been printed here or elsewhere. The third, 1753, was printed 
for James Mease, by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 



RSON MAP, 1755. 







You are to go out as soon as possible to the Westward of 
the great Mountains, and carry with you such a Number of 
Men, as You think necessary, in Order to search out and 
discover the Lands upon the River Ohio, & other adjoining 
Branches of the Mississippi down as low as the great Falls 
thereof : You are particularly to observe the Ways & Passes 
thro all the Mountains you cross, & take an exact Account 
of the Soil, Quality, & Product of the Land, and the Wide- 
ness and Deepness of the Rivers, & the several Falls belong- 
ing to them, together with the Courses & Bearings of the 
Rivers & Mountains as near as you conveniently can : You 
are also to observe what Nations of Indians inhabit there, 
their Strength & Numbers, who they trade with, & in what 
Comodities they deal. 

When you find a large Quantity of good, level Land, such 
as you think will suit the Company, You are to measure the 
Breadth of it, in three or four different Places, & take the 
Courses of the River and Mountains on which it binds in 
Order to judge the Quantity : You are to fix the Beginning 
& Bounds in such a Manner that they may be easily found 
again by your Description ; the nearer in the Land lies, the 



better, provided it be good & level, but we had rather go 
quite down the Mississippi than take mean broken Land. 
After finding a large Body of good level Land, you are not to 
stop, but proceed farther, as low as the Falls of the Ohio, 
that We may be informed of that Navigation ; And You are 
to take an exact Account of all the large Bodies of good level 
Land, in the same Manner as above directed, that the Com- 
pany may the better judge where it will be most convenient 
for them to take their Land. 

You are to note all the Bodies of good Land as you go 
along, tho there is not a sufficient Quantity for the Com- 
pany's Grant, but You need not be so particular in the Men- 
suration of that, as in the larger Bodies of Land. 

You are to draw as good a Plan as you can of the Country 
You pass thro : You are to take an exact and particular 
Journal of all your Proceedings, and make a true Report 
thereof to the Ohio Company. 

1750. — In Complyance with my Instructions from the Com- 
mittee of the Ohio Company bearing Date the 1 1* Day of 
September 1750 

Wednesday Oct' 31. — Set out from Col° Thomas Cresap's at 
the old Town on Potomack River in Maryland, and went along 
an old Indian Path N 30 E about 1 1 Miles. 

Thursday Nov i. — Then N i Mile N 30 E 3 M here I was 
taken sick and stayed all Night. 

Friday 2. — N 30 E 6 M, here I was so bad that I was not 
able to proceed any farther that Night, but grew better in the 

Saturday 3. — N 8 M to Juniatta, a large Branch of Susque- 
hannah, where I stayed all Night. 

Sunday 4. — Crossed Juniatta and went up it S 55 W about 
16 M. 

Monday 5. — Continued the same Course S 55 W 6 M to 


the Top of a large Mountain called the Allegany Mountain, 
here our Path turned, & we went N 45 W 6 M here we en- 

Tuesday 6 Wednesday 7 and Thursday 8. — Had Snow and 
such bad Weather that We could not travel for three Days ; 
but I killed a young Bear so that we had Provision enough. 

Friday 9. — Set out N 70 W about 8 M here I crossed a 
Creek of Susquehannah and it raining hard, I went into an 
old Indian Cabbin where I stay'd all. Night. 

Saturday 10. — Rain and Snow all Day but cleared away in 
the Evening. 

Sunday 11. — Set out late in the Morning N 70 W 6 M 
crossing two Forks of a Creek of Susquehannah, here the 
Way being bad, We encamped and I killed a Turkey. 

Monday 12. — Set out N 45 W 8 M crossed a great Laurel 

Tuesday 13. — Rain and Snow. 

Wednesday 14. — Set out N 45 W 6 M to Loylhannan an 
old Indian Town on a Creek of Ohio called Kiscominatis, 
then N I M NW i M to an Indian's Camp on the said Creek. 

Thursday 15. — The Weather being bad and I unwell I 
stayed here all Day : The Indian to whom this Camp be- 
longed spoke good English and directed Me the Way to his 
Town, which is called Shannopini Town : He said it was 
about 60 M and a pretty good Way. 

Friday 16. — Set out S70 W 10 M. 
. Saturday 17. — The same Course (S 70 W) 15 M to an old 
Indian's Camp. 

Sunday 18. — I was very sick, and sweated myself according 
to the Indian Custom in a Sweat-House, which gave Me Ease, 
and my Fever abated. 

Monday 19. — Set out early in the Morning the same Course 
(S 70 W) travelled very hard about 20 M to a small Indian 


Town of the Delawares called Shannopin on the SE Side of 
the River Ohio, where We rested and got Corn for our 

Tuesday 20 Wednesday 21 Thursday 22 and Friday 23.— I 
was unwell and stayed in this Town to recover myself ; While 
I was here I took an Opportunity to set my Compass pri- 
vately, & took the Distance across the River, for I under- 
stood it was dangerous to let a Compass be seen among these 
Indians: The River Ohio is 76 Poles wide at Shannopin 
Town : There are about twenty Families in this Town : The 
Land in general from Potomack to this Place is mean stony 
and broken, here and there good Spots upon the Creeks and 
Branches but no Body of it. 

Saturday 24. — Set out from Shannopin's Town, and swam 
our Horses across the River Ohio, & went down the River S 
75 W 4 M, N 75 W 7 M W 2 M, all the Land from Shan- 
nopin's Town is good along the River, but the Bottoms not 
broad ; At a Distance from the River good Land for Farming, 
covered with small white and red Oaks and tolerable level ; 
fine Runs for Mills &c. 

Sunday Nov 25.— Down the River W 3 M, NW 5 M to 
Loggs Town ; the Lands these last 8 M very rich the Bot- 
toms above a Mile wide, but on the SE side, scarce a Mile 
wide, the Hills high and steep. In the Loggs Town, I found 
scarce any Body but a Parcel of reprobate Indian Traders, 
the Chiefs of the Indians being out a hunting : here I was 
informed that George Croghan & Andrew Montour who were 
sent upon an Embassy from Pensylvania to the Indians, were 
passed about a Week before me. The People in this Town, 
began to enquire my Business, and because I did not readily 
inform them, they began to suspect me, and said, I was come 
to settle the Indian's Lands and they knew I should never 
go Home again safe ; I found this Discourse was like to be of 


ill Consequence to me, so I pretended to speak very slight- 
ingly of what they had said to me, and enquired for Croghan 
(who is a meer Idol among his Countrymen the Irish Traders) 
and Andrew Montour the Interpreter for Pensylvania, and 
told them I had a Message to deliver the Indians from the 
King, by Order of the President of Virginia, & for that Rea- 
son wanted to see M Montour : This made them all pretty 
easy (being afraid to interrupt the King's Message) and 
obtained me Quiet and Respect among them, otherwise I 
doubt not they woud have contrived some Evil against me — 
I imediately wrote to M Croghan, by one of the Trader's 

Monday 26. — Tho I was unwell, I prefered the Woods to 
such Company & set out from the Loggs Town down the 
River NW 6 M to great Beaver Creek where I met one Barny 
Curran a Trader for the Ohio Company, and We continued 
together as far as Muskingum. The Bottoms upon the 
River below the Logg's Town very rich but narrow, the high 
Land pretty good but not very rich, the Land upon Beaver 
Creek the same kind ; From this Place We left the River 
Ohio to the SE & travelled across the Country. 

Tuesday 27. — Set out from E side of Beaver Creek NW 6 
M, W 4 M ; up these two last Courses very good high Land, 
not very broken, fit for farming. 

Wednesday 28. — Rained, We could not travel. 

Thursday 29. — W 6 M thro good Land, the same Course 
continued 6 M farther thro very broken Land ; here I found 
myself pretty well recovered, & being in Want of Provision, 
I went out and killed a Deer. 

Friday 30. — Set out S 45 W 12 M crossed the last Branch 
of Beaver Creek where one of Curran's Men & myself killed 
12 Turkeys. 


Saturday Dec' i. — N 45 W lo M the Land high and tolera- 
ble good. 

Note; by M' Gist's Plat he makes these 2 Courses N 45 W lo M, & N 
45 W 8 M, to be W 8 M and N 45 W 6 M. 

Sunday 2. — N 45 W 8 M the same Sort of Land, but near 
the Creeks bushy and very full of Thorns. 

Monday 3. — Killed a Deer, and stayed in our Camp all Day. 

Tuesday 4. — Set out late S 45 W about 4 M here I killed 
three fine fat Deer, so that tho we were eleven in Company, 
We had great Plenty of Provision. 

Wednesday 5. — Set out down the Side of a Creek called 
Elk's Eye Creek S 70 W 6 M, good Land, but void of Timber, 
Meadows upon the Creek, fine Runs for Mills. 

Thursday 6. — Rained all Day so that we were obliged to 
continue in our Camp. 

Friday 7. — Set out SW 8 M crossing the said Elk's Eye 
Creek to a Town of the Ottaways, a Nation of French Indians ; 
an old French Man (named Mark Coonce) who had married 
an Indian Woman of the six Nations lived here ; the Indians 
were all out a hunting ; the old Man was very civil to me, but 
after I was gone to my Camp, upon his understanding I came 
from Virginia, he called Me the Big Knife. There are not 
above six or eight Families belonging to this Town. 

Saturday 8. — Stayed in tlie Town. 

Sunday 9. — Set out down the said Elk's Eye Creek S 45 W 
6 M to Margarets Creek a Branch of the said Elk's Eye 

Monday Dec 10. — The same Course (S 45 W) 2 M to a large 

Tuesday 11. — The same Course 12 M killed 2 Deer. 

Wednesday 12. — The same Course 8 M encamped by the 
Side of Elk's Eye Creek. 

Thursday 13. — Rained all Day. 


Friday 14. — Set out W 5 M to Muskingum a Town of the 
Wyendotts. The Land upon Elk's Eye Creek is in general 
very broken, the Bottoms narrow. The Wyendotts or little 
Mingoes are divided between the French and English, one 
half of them adhere to the first, and the other half are firmly 
attached to the latter. The Town of Muskingum consists of 
about one hundred Families. When We came within Sight 
of the Town, We perceived English Colours hoisted on the 
King's House, and at George Croghan's ; upon enquiring the 
Reason I was informed that the French had lately taken 
several English Traders, and that M' Croghan had ordered 
all the White Men to come into this Town, and had sent 
Expresses to the Traders of the lower Towns, and among the 
Pickweylinees ; and the Indians had sent to their People to 
come to Council about it. 

Saturday 15 & Sunday 16. — Nothing remarkable happened. 

Monday 17. — Came into Town two Traders belonging to 
M Croghan, and informed Us that two of his People were 
taken by 40 French Men, & twenty French Indians who had 
carried them with seven Horse Loads of Skins to a new 
Fort that the French were building on one of the Branches 
of Lake Erie. 

Tuesday 18. — I acquainted M' Croghan and Andrew Mon- 
tour with my Business with the Indians, & talked much of a 
Regulation of Trade with which they were much pleased, and 
treated Me very kindly. 

From Wednesday 19 to Monday 24. — Nothing remarkable. 

Tuesday 25. — This being Christmass Day, I intended to 
read Prayers, but after inviting some of the White Men, they 
informed each other of my Intentions, and being of several 
different Persuasions, and few of them inclined to hear any 
Good, they refused to come. But one Thomas Barney a 
Black Smith who is settled there went about and talked to 


them, & then several of them came ; and Andrew Montour 
invited several of the well disposed Indians, who came freely; 
by this Time the Morning was spent, and I had given over 
all Thoughts of them, but seeing Them come, to oblige All, 
and offend None, I stood up and said. Gentlemen, I have no 
Design or Intention to give Offence to any particular Sec- 
tary or Religion, but as our King indulges Us all in a Liberty 
of Conscience and hinders none of You in the Exercise of 
your religious Worship, so it would be unjust in You, to 
endeavour to stop the Propagation of His ; The Doctrine of 
Salvation Faith, and good Works, is what I only propose to 
treat of, as I find it extracted from the Homilies of the Church 
of England, which I then read them in the best Manner I 
coud, and after I had done the Interpreter told the Indians 
what I had read, and that it was the true Faith which the 
great King and His Church recomended to his Children : the 
Indians seemed well pleased, and came up to Me and returned 
Me their Thanks ; and then invited Me to live among Them, 
and gave Me a Name in their Language Annosanah : the In- 
terpreter told Me this was a Name of a good Man that had 
formerly lived among them, and their King said that must be 
always my Name, for which I returned them Thanks ; but as 
to living among them I excused myself by saying I did not 
know whether the Governor woud give Me Leave, and if he did 
the French woud come and carry me away as they had done the 
English Traders, to which they answered I might bring great 
Guns and make a Fort, that they had now left the French, and 
were very desirous of being instructed in the Principles of 
Christianity ; that they liked Me very well and wanted Me to 
marry Them after the Christian Manner, and baptize their 
Children ; and then they said they woud never desire to 
return to the French, or suffer Them or their Priests to come 
near them more, for they loved the English, but had seen little 


Religion among Them : and some of their great Men came 
and wanted Me to baptize their Children ; for as I had read 
to Them and appeared to talk about Religion they took Me to 
be a Minister of the Gospel ; Upon which I desired M' Mon- 
tour (the Interpreter) to tell Them, that no Minister coud 
venture to baptize any Children, until those that were to be 
Sureties for Them, were well instructed in the Faith them- 
selves, and that this was according to the great King's 
Religion, in which He desired his Children shoud be instruc- 
ted & We dare not do it in any other Way, than was by Law 
established, but I hoped if I coud not be admitted to live 
among them, that the great King woud send Them proper 
Ministers to exercise that Office among them, at which they 
seemed well pleased ; and one of Them went and brought 
Me his Book (which was a Kind contrived for Them by the 
French in which the Days of the Week were so marked that 
by moving a Pin every Morning they kept a pretty exact 
Account of the Time) to shew Me that He understood Me, 
and that He and his Family always observed the Sabbath Day. 

Wednesday Dec' 26. — This Day a Woman, who had been a 
long Time a Prisoner, and had deserted, & been retaken, and 
brought into the Town on Christmass Eve, was put to Death 
in the following manner : They carried her without the Town, 
& let her loose, and when she attempted to run away, the 
Persons appointed for that Purpose pursued her, & struck Her 
on the Ear, on the right Side of her Head, which beat her 
flat on her Face on the Ground ; they then stuck her several 
Times, thro the Back with a Dart, to the Heart.scalped Her, 
& threw the Scalp in the Air, and another cut off her Head : 
There the dismal Spectacle lay till the Evening, & then Barny 
Curran desired Leave to bury Her, which He, and his Men, 
and some of the Indians did just at Dark. 

From Thursday Dec' 27 to Thursday Jan" 3 1751. — Nothing 
remarkable happened in the Town. 


Friday Jan 4. — One Teafe (an Indian Trader) came to 
Town from near Lake Erie, & informed Us, that the Wyen- 
dott Indians had advised Him to keep clear of the Ottaways 
(these are a Nation of Indians firmly attached to the French, 
& inhabit near the Lakes) & told Him that the Branches of 
the Lakes are claimed by the French ; but that all the 
Branches of Ohio belonged to Them, and their Brothers the 
English, and that the French had no Business there, & that 
it was expected that the other Part of the Wyendott Nation 
woud desert the French and come over to the English Inter- 
est, & join their Brethren on the Elk's Eye Creek, & build a 
strong Fort and Town there. 

From Saturday 5 to Tuesday 8. — The Weather still contin- 
uing bad, I stayed in the Town to recruit my Horses, and 
tho Corn was very dear among the Indians, I was obliged to 
feed them well, or run the Risque of losing them as I had a 
great Way to travel. 

Wednesday 9. — The Wind Southerly, and the Weather 
something' warmer : this Day came into Town two Traders 
from among the Pickwaylinees (these are a Tribe of the 
Twigtwees) and brought News that another English Trader 
was taken prisoner by the French, and that three French 
Soldiers had deserted and come over to the English, and sur- 
rendered themselves to some of the Traders of the Pick 
Town, & that the Indians woud have put them to Death, to 
revenge their taking our Traders, but as the French Prisoners 
had surrendered themselves, the English woud not let the 
Indians hurt them, but had ordered them to be sent under 
the Care of three of our Traders and delivered at this Town, 
to George Croghan. 

Thursday 10. — Wind still at South and warm. 

Friday 11. — This Day came into Town an Indian from over 
the Lakes & confirmed the News we had heard. 


Saturday 12. — We sent away our People towards the lower 
Town intending to follow them the next Morning, and this 
Evening We went into Council in the Wyendott's King's 
House — The Council had been put off a long Time expecting 
some of their great Men in, but few of them came, & this 
Evening some of the King's Council being a little disordered 
with Liquor, no Business coud be done, but We were desired 
to come next Day. 

Sunday Jan'" 13.— No Business done. 

Monday 14. — This Day George Croghan, by the Assistance 
of Andrew Montour, acquainted the King and Council of 
this Nation (by presenting them four Strings of Wampum) 
that the great King over the Water, their Roggony [Father] 
had sent under the Care of the Governor of Virginia, their 
Brother, a large Present of Goods which was now landed safe 
in Virginia, & the Governor had sent Me to invite Them to 
come and see Him, & partake of their Father's Charity to all 
his Children on the Branches of Ohio. In Answer to which 
one of the Chiefs stood up and said, " That their King and 
" all of Them thanked their Brother the Governor of Virginia 
" for his Care, and Me for bringing them the News, but they 
" coud not give Me an Answer untill they had a full or gen- 
" eral Council of the several Nations of Indians which coud 
"not be till next Spring : & so the King and Council shaking 
" Hands with Us, We took our Leave. 

Tuesday 15. — We left Muskingum, and went W 5 M, to. 
the White Woman's Creek, on which is a small Town ; this. 
White Woman was taken away from New England, when she 
was not above ten Years old, by the French Indians ; She is 
now upwards of fifty, and has an Indian Husband and several 
Children — Her name is Mary Harris, she still remembers 
they used to be very religious in New England, and wonders 
how the White Men can be so wicked as she has seen them 
in these Woods. 


Wednesday i6. — Set out SW 25 M, to Licking Creek — The 
Land from Muskingum to this Place rich but broken^ — Upon 
the N Side of Licking Creek about 6 M from the Mouth, are 
several Salt Licks, or Ponds, formed by little Streams or 
Dreins of Water, clear but of a blueish Colour, & salt Taste 
the Traders and Indians boil their Meat in this Water, 
which (if proper Care be not taken) will sometimes make it 
too salt to eat. 

Thursday 17. — Set out W 5 M, SW 15 M, to a great Swamp. 

Friday 18. — Set out from the great Swamp SW 15 M. 

Saturday 19. — W 15 M to Hockhockin a small Town with 
only four or five Delaware Families. 

Sunday 20. — The Snow began to grow thin, and the 
Weather warmer ; Set out from Hockhockin S 5 M, then W 
5 M, then SW 5 M, to the Maguck a little Delaware Town 
of about ten Families by the N Side of a plain or clear Field 
about 5 M in Length NE & SW & 2 M broad, with a small 
Rising in the Middle, which gives a fine Prospect over the 
whole Plain, and a large Creek on the N Side of it called Sci- 
odoe Creek. All the Way from Licking Creek to this Place 
is fine rich level Land, with large Meadows, fine Clover Bot- 
toms & spacious Plains covered with wild Rye : the Wood 
chiefly large Walnuts and Hickories, here and there mixed 
with Poplars Cherry Trees and Sugar Trees. 

From Monday 21 to Wednesday 23 — Stayed in the Maguck 

Thursday 24. — Set out from the Maguck Town S about 
1 5 M, thro fine rich level Land to a small Town called Har- 
rickintoms consisting of about five or six Delaware Families, 
on the SW Sciodoe Creek. 

Friday 25. — The Creek being very high and full of Ice, We 
coud not ford it, and were obliged to go down it on the SE 
Side SE 4 M to the Salt Lick Creek — about i M up this Creek 


on the S Side is a very large Salt Lick, the Streams which 
run into this Lick are very salt, & tho clear leave a blueish 
Sediment : The Indians and Traders make salt for their 
Horses of this Water, by boiling it ; it has at first a blueish 
Colour, and somewhat bitter Taste, but upon being dissolved 
in fair Water and boiled a second Time, it becomes tolerable 
pure Salt. 

Saturday 26. — Set out S 2 M, SW 14 M. 

Sunday 27. — S 12 M to a small Delaware Town of about 
twenty Families on the SE Side of Sciodoe Creek — We 
lodged at the House of an Indian whose Name was Windaug- 
halah, a great Man and Chief of this Town, & much in the 
English Interest. He entertained Us very kindly, and ordered 
a Negro Man that belonged to him to feed our Horses well ; 
this Night it snowed, and in the Morning tho the Snow was 
six or seven Inches deep, the wild Rye appeared very green 
and flourishing thro it, and our Horses had fine Feeding. 

Monday Jan^ 28. — We went into Council with the Indians 
of this Town, and after the Interpreter had informed them of 
his Instructions from the Governor of Pensylvania, and 
given them some Cautions in Regard to the French, they 
returned for Answer as follows. The Speaker with four 
Strings of Wampum in his Hand stood up, and addressing 
Himself as to the Governor of Pensylvania, said, " Brothers, 
" We the Delawares return You our hearty Thanks for the 
" News You have sent Us, and We assure You, We will not 
" hear the Voice of any other Nation for We are to be directed 
" by You our Brothers the English, & by none else : We shall 
" be glad to hear what our Brothers have to say to Us at the 
" Loggs Town in the Spring, and to assure You of our hearty 
" Good will & Love to our Brothers We present You with 
" these four Strings of Wampum This is the last Town of 
the Delawares to the Westward — The Delaware Indians by 


the best Accounts I coud gather consist of about 500 fight- 
ing Men all firmly attached to the English Interest, they are 
not properly a Part of the six Nations, but are scattered 
about among most of the Indians upon the Ohio, and some of 
them among the six Nations, from whom they have Leave to 
hunt upon their Lands. 

Tuesday 29.— Set out S W 5 M, S S M, to the Mouth of Sciodoe 
Creek opposite to the Shannoah Town, here We fired our 
Guns to alarm the Traders, who soon answered, and came and 
ferryed Us over to the Town — The Land about the Mouth of 
Sciodoe Creek is rich but broken fine Bottoms upon the River 
& Creek— The Shannoah Town is situate upon both Sides 
the River Ohio, just below the Mouth of Sciodoe Creek, and 
contains about 300 Men, there are about 40 Houses on the S 
Side of the River and about 100 on the N Side, with a Kind 
of State-House of about 90 Feet long, with a light Cover of 
Bark in w"" they hold their Councils — The Shanaws are not a 
Part of the six Nations, but were formerly at Variance with 
them, tho now reconciled : they are great Friends to the 
English who once protected them from the Fury of the six 
Nations, which they gratefully remember. 

Wednesday 30. — We were conducted into Council, where 
George Croghan delivered sundry Speeches from the Gov- 
ernment of Pensylvania to the Chiefs of this Nation, in 
which He informed them, "That two Prisoners who had been 
" taken by the French, and had made their Escape from the 
" French Ofificer at Lake Erie as he was carrying them towards 
" Canada brought News that the French offered a large Sum 
" of Money to any Person who would bring to them the said 
" Croghan and Andrew Montour the Interpreter alive, or if 
" dead their Scalps ; and that the French also threatened 
"these Indians and the Wyendotts with War in the Spring " 
the same Persons farther said " that they had seen ten French 


" Canoes loaded with Stores for a new Fort they designed on 
the S Side Lake Erie. M' Croghan also informed them of 
several of our Traders having been taken, and advised them 
to keep their Warriors at Home, until they coud see what 
the French intended which he doubted not woud appear in 
the Spring — Then Andrew Montour informed this Nation as 
He had done the Wyendotts & Delawares " That the King of 
" Great Britain had sent Them a large Present of Goods, in 
" Company with the six Nations, which was under the Care 
"of the Governor of Virginia, who had sent Me out to invite 
"them to come and see Him, & partake of their Father's 
"Present next Summer" to which We received this Answer — 
Big Hannaona their Speaker taking in his Hand the several 
Strings of Wampum which had been given by the English, 
He said " These are the Speeches received by Us from your 
" great Men : From the Beginning of our Friendship, all that 
"our Brothers the English have told Us has been good and 
" true, for which We return our hearty Thanks " Then taking 
up four other Strings of Wampum in his Hand, He said 
" Brothers I now speak the Sentiments of all our People ; 
"when first our Forefathers did meet the English our Bro- 
" thers, they found what our Brothers the English told them 
" to be true, and so have We— We are but a small People, & 
" it is not to Us only that You speak, but to all Nations— We 
" shall be glad to hear what our Brothers will say to Us at the 
" Loggs Town in the Spring, & We hope that the Friendship 
" now subsisting between Us & our Brothers, will last as long 
" as the Sun shines, or the Moon gives Light — We hope that 
" our Children will hear and believe what our Brothers say to 
" them, as We have always done, and to assure You of our 
"hearty Good-Will towards You our Brothers, We present 
"You with these four Strings of Wampum" After the 
Council was over they had much Talk about sending a Guard 


with Us to the Pickwaylinees Towns (these are a Tribe of 
Twigtwees) which was reckoned near 200 Miles, but after 
long Consultation (their King being sick) they came to no 
Determination about it. 

From Thursday Jan 31 To Monday Feb*^ 11. — Stayed in the 
Shannoah Town, while I was here the Indians had a very 
extraordinary Kind of a Festival, at which I was present and 
which I have exactly described at the End of my Journal — 
As I had particular Instructions from the President of Vir- 
ginia to discover the Strength & Numbers of some Indian 
Nations to the Westward of Ohio who had lately revolted 
from the French, and had some Messages to deliver them 
from Him, I resolved to set out for the Twigtwee Town. 

Tuesday 12.— Having left my Boy to take Care of my Horses 
in the Shannoah Town, & supplied myself with a fresh Horse 
to ride, I set out with my old Company viz George Croghan 
Andrew Montour, Robert Kallandar, and a Servant to carry 
our Provisions &c NW 10 M. 

Wednesday 13. — The same Course (NW) about 35 M. 

Thursday 14. — The same Course about 30 M. 

Friday 15. — The same Course 15 M. We met with nine 
Shannoah Indians coming from one of the Pickwaylinees 
Towns, where they had been to Council, they told Us there 
were fifteen more of them behind at the Twigtwee Town, 
waiting for the Arrival of the Wawaughtanneys, who are a 
Tribe of the Twigtwees, and were to bring with them a Shan- 
noah Woman and Child to deliver to their Men that were be- 
hind : this Woman they informed Us had been taken Prisoner 
last Fall, by some of the Wawaughtanney Warriors thro a 
Mistake, which had like to have engaged these Nations in a 

Saturday 16. — Set out the same Course (NW) about 35 M, 
to the little Miamee River or Creek 


Sunday 17. — Crossed the little Miamee River, and altering 
our Course We went SW 25 M, to the big Miamee River, 
opposite the Twigtwee Town. All the Way from the Shan- 
noah Town to this Place (except the first 20 M which is broken) 
is fine, rich level Land, well timbered with large Walnut, Ash, 
Sugar Trees, Cherry Trees &c, it is well watered with a great 
Number of little Streams or Rivulets, and full of beautiful 
natural Meadows, covered with wild Rye, blue Grass and 
Clover, and abounds with Turkeys, Deer, Elks and most Sorts 
of Game particularly Buffaloes, thirty or forty of which are 
frequently seen feeding in one Meadow : In short it wants 
Nothing but Cultivation to make it a most delightfuU Country 
— The Ohio and all the large Branches are said to be full of 
fine Fish of several Kinds, particularly a Sort of Cat Fish of 
a prodigious Size ; but as I was not there at the proper Season, 
I had not an opportunity of seeing any of them — The Traders 
had always reckoned it 200 M, from the Shannoah Town to 
the Twigtwee Town, but by my Computation I could make it 
no more than 1 50 — The Miamee River being high, We were 
obliged to make a Raft of old Loggs to transport our Goods ■ 
and Saddles and swim our Horses over — After firing a few 
Guns and Pistols, & smoaking in the Warriours Pipe, who 
came to invite Us to the Town (according to their Custom of 
inviting and welcoming Strangers and Great Men) We entered 
the Town with English Colours before Us, and were kindly 
received by their King, who invited Us into his own House, 
& set our Colours upon the Top of it — The Firing of Guns 
held about a Quarter of an Hour, and then all the white Men 
and Traders that were there, came and welcomed Us to the 
the Twigtwee Town — This Town is situate on the NW Side 
of the Big Miamee River about 150 M from the Mouth there- 
of ; it consists of about 400 Families, & daily encreasing, it is 
accounted one of the strongest Indian Towns upon this Part 


of the Continent — The Twigtwees are a very numerous Peo- 
ple consisting of many different Tribes under the same Form 
of Government. Each tribe has a particular Chief or King, 
one of which is chosen indifferently out of any Tribe to rule 
the whole Nation, and is vested with greater Authorities 
than any of the others — They are accounted the most power- 
ful People to the Westward of the English Settlements, & 
much superior to the six Nations with whom they are now 
in Amity : their Strength and Numbers are not thoroughly 
known, as they have but lately traded with the English, and 
indeed have very little Trade among them : they deal in much 
the same Comodities with the Northern Indians. There are 
other Nations or Tribes still further to the Westward daily 
coming in to them, & 'tis thought their Power and Interest 
reaches to the Westward of the Mississippi, if not across the 
Continent ; they are at present very well affected to the Eng- 
lish, and seem fond of an Alliance with them — they formerly 
lived on the farther Side of the Obache, and were in the 
French Interest, who supplied them with some few Trifles 
at a most exorbitant Price — they were called by the French 
Miamees ; but they have now revolted from them, and left 
their former Habitations for the Sake of trading with the 
English ; and notwithstanding all the Artifices the French 
have used, they have not been able to recall them. 

After We had been some Time in the King's House M' 
Montour told Him that We wanted to speak with Him and 
the Chiefs of this Nation this Evening upon which We were 
invited into the long House, and having taken our Places 
M' Montour began as follows — " Brothers the Twigtwees as 
" We have been hindered by the high Waters and some other 
" Business with our Indian Brothers, no Doubt our long Stay 
"has caused some Trouble among our Brethren here, There- 
" fore We now present you with two Strings of Wampum to 


" remove all the Trouble of your Hearts, & clear your Eyes, 
"that You may see the Sun shine clear, for We have a great 
" Deal to say to You, & We woud have You send for one of 
" Your Friends that can speak the Mohickon or the Mingoe 
" Tongues well, that We may understand each other thoroughly, 
"for We have a great Deal of Business to do" — The Mo- 
hickons are a small Tribe who most of them speak English, 
and are also well acquainted with the Language of the Twig- 
twees, and they with theirs — M' Montour then proceeded to 
deliver Them a Message from the Wyendotts and Delawares 
as follows " Brothers the Twigtwees, this comes by our Bro- 
" thers the English who are coming with good News to You : 
" We hope You will take Care of Them, and all our Brothers 
" the English who are trading among You : You made a Road 
"for our Brothers the English to come and trade among You, 
" but it is now very foul, great Loggs are fallen across it, and 
"We would have You be strong like Men, and have one 
" Heart with Us, and make the Road clear, that our Brothers 
" the English may have free Course and Recourse between 
*' You and Us — In the Sincerity of our Hearts We send You 
"these four Strings of Wampum, to which they gave the 
usual Yo Ho — Then they said they wanted some Tobacco to 
smoak with Us, and that tomorrow they woud send for their 

Monday Fely i8. — We walked about viewed the Fort which 
wanted some Repairs, & the Trader's Men helped Them to 
bring Loggs to line the Inside. 

Tuesday 19. — We gave their Kings and great Men some 
Clothes, and Paint Shirts, and now they were busy dressing 
and preparing themselves for the Council — The Weather 
grew warm and the Creeks began to lower very fast. 

Wednesday 20. — About 12 of the Clock We were informed 
that some of the foreign Tribes were coming, upon which 


proper Persons were ordered to meet them and conduct Them 
into the Town, and then We were invited into the long House ; 
after We had been seated about a Quarter of an Hour four 
Indians, two from each Tribe (who had been sent before 
to bring the long Pipe, and to inform that the rest were com- 
ing) came in, & informed Us that their Friends had sent 
these Pipes that We might smoak the Calamut Pipe of Peace 
with Them and that they intended to do the same with Us. 

Thursday Feb'' 21. — We were again invited into the long 
House where M' Croghan made them(with the foreign Tribes) 
a Present to the Value of ;^ioo Pensylvania Money, and 
delivered all our Speeches to Them, at which they seemed 
well pleased, and said, that they would take Time and con- 
sider well what We had said to Them. 

Friday 22. — Nothing remarkable happened in the Town. 

Saturday 23.— In the Afternoon there was an Alarm in the 
Town which caused a great Confusion and running about 
among the Indians, upon enquiring into the Reason of this 
Stir, they told Us that it was occasioned by six Indians that 
came to war against Them, from the Southward : three of 
them Cutaways, and three Shanaws (these were some of the 
Shanaws who had formerly deserted from the other Part of 
the Nation, and now live to the Southward) Towards Night 
there was a report spread in Town that four Indians, and four 
hundred French, were on their March and just by the Town : 
But soon after the Messenger who brought this News said, 
there were only four french Indians coming to Council, and 
that they bid him say so, only to see how the English woud 
behave themselves ; but as they had behaved themselves like 
Men, He now told the Truth. 

Sunday 24. — This Morning the four French Indians came 
into Town and were kindly received by the Town Indians ; 
they marched in under French Colours, and were con- 


ducted into the long House, and after they had been in about 
a Quarter of an Hour, the Council sate, and We were sent for 
that We might hear what the French had to say to them — 
The Pyankeshee King (who was at that Time the principal 
Man, and Comander in Chief of the Twigtwees) said. He 
woud have the English Colours set up in this Council as well 
as the French, to which We answered he might do as he 
thought fit. After We were seated right opposite to the 
French Embassadors, One of Them said, He had a Present to 
make Them, so a Place was prepared (as they had before done 
for our Present) between Them and Us, and then their 
Speaker stood up, and layed His hands upon two small Caggs 
of Brandy that held about seven Quarts each, and a Roll of 
Tobacco of about ten Pounds Weight, then taking two strings 
of Wampum in his Hand, He said, "What he had to deliver 
Them was "from their Father (meaning the French King) 
"and he desired they woud hear what he was about to say to 
"Them;" then he layed them two Strings of Wampum down 
upon the Caggs, and taking up four other Strings of black 
and white Wampum, he said, "that their Father remembring 
"his Children, had sent them two Caggs of Milk, and some 
" Tobacco, and that he now had made a clear Road for them, 
"to come and see Him and his Officers; and pressed them 
" very much to come ; then he took another String of Wampum 
in his Hand, and said, "their Father now woud forget all lit- 
" tie Differences that had been between Them, and desired 
"Them not to be of two Minds, but to let Him know their 
"Minds freely, for He woud send for Them no more" — To 
which the Pyankeshee King replyed, "it was true their 
" Father had sent for them several Times, and said the Road 
"was clear, but He understood it was made foul & bloody, 
" and by Them— We (said He) have cleared a Road for our 
" Brothers the English, and your Fathers have made it bad, 


" and have taken some of our Brothers Prisoners, Which We 
"look upon as clone to Us, and he turned short about and 
" went out of Council " — After the French Embassador had 
delivered his Message He went into one of the private Houses 
and endeavoured much to prevail on some Indians, and was 
seen to cry and lament (as he said for the Loss of that 

Monday Feb'' 25. — This Day We receieved a Speech from 
the Wawaughtanneys and Pyankeshees (two Tribes of the 
Twigtwees) One of the Chiefs of the former spoke " Broth- 
" ers. We have heard what You have said to Us by the Inter- 
" prefer and We see You take Pity upon our poor Wives and 
"Children, and have taken Us by the Hand into the great 
" Chain of Friendship ; therefore We present You with these 
" two Bundles of Skins to make Shoes for your People, and 
"this Pipe to smoak in, to assure You that our Hearts are 
"good and true towards You our Brothers ; and We hope that 
" We shall all continue in true Love and Friendship with one 
"another, as People with one Head and one Heart ought to 
" do ; You have pityed Us as You always did the rest of our 
"Indian Brothers, We hope that Pity You have always shewn, 
"will remain as long as the Sun gives Light, and on our Side 
" you may depend upon sincere and true Friendship towards 
" You as long as We have Strength " — This Person stood up 
and spoke with the Air and Gesture of an Orator. 

Tuesday 26. — The Twigtwees delivered the following 
Answer to the four Indians sent by the French — The Cap- 
tain of the Warriors stood up and taking some Strings of 
black and white Wampum in j;his Hand he spoke with a 
fierce Tone and very warlike Air — " Brothers the Ottaways, 
" You are always differing with the French Yourselves, and 
" yet You listen to what they say, but We will let You know by 
" these four Strings of Wampum, that We will not hear any 


" Thing they say to Us, nor do any Thing they bid Us ' ' — 
Then the same Speaker with six Strouds two Match-Coats, 
and a String of black Wampum (I understood the Goods 
were in Return for the Milk and Tobacco) and directing his 
Speech to the French said, "Fathers, you desire that We 
" may speak our Minds from our Hearts, which I am going to 
" do ; You have often desired We shoud go Home to You, 
" but I tell You it is not our Home, for We have made a Road 
" as far as the Sea to the Sun-rising, and have been taken by 
" the Hand by our Brothers the English, and the six Nations, 
" and the Delawares Shannoahs and Wyendotts, and We as- 
" sure You it is the Road We will go ; and as You threaten 
" Us with War in the Spring, We tell You if You are angry 
" We are ready to receive You, and resolve to die here before 
" We will go to You ; And that You may know that this our 
" Mind, We send You this String of black Wampum." After 
a short Pause the same Speaker spoke again thus — " Brothers 
" the Ottaways, You hear what I say, tell that to your Fath- 
" ers the French, for that is our Mind, and We speak it from 
" our Hearts. 

Wednesday 27. — This Day they took down their French 
Colours, and dismissed the four French Indians, so they took 
their Leave of the Town and set off for the French Fort. 

Thursday 28. — The Crier of the Town came by the King's 
Order and invited Us to the long House to see the Warriors 
Feather Dance ; it was performed by three Dancing-Masters, 
who we're painted all over with various Colours, with long 
Sticks in their Hands, upon the Ends of which were fastened 
long Feathers of Swans, and other Birds, neatly woven in the 
Shape of a Fowls Wing: in this Disguise they performed 
many antick Tricks, waving their Sticks and Feathers about 
with great Skill to imitate the flying and fluttering of Birds, 
keeping exact Time with their Musick ; while they are danc- 


ing some of the Warriors strikes a Post, upon which the 
Musick and Dancers cease, and the Warrior gives an Account 
of his Atchievements in War, and when he has done, throws 
down some Goods as a Recompence to the Performers and 
Musicians ; after which they proceed in their Dance as before 
till another Warrior strikes y" Post, and so on as long as the 
Company think fit 

Friday March i. — We received the following Speech from 
the Twigtwees the Speaker stood up and addressing himself 
as to the Governor of Pensylvania with two Strings of 
Wampum in his Hand, He said — " Brothers our Hearts are 
"glad that You have taken Notice of Us, and surely Brothers 
"We hope that You will order a Smith to settle here to 
" mend our Guns and Hatchets, Your Kindness makes Us 
" so bold to ask this Request. You told Us our Friendship 
" should last as long, and be as the greatest Mountain, We 
" have considered well, and all our great Kings & Warriors 
"are come to a Resolution never to give Heed to what the 
" French say to Us, but always to hear & believe what You 
" our Brothers say to Us — Brothers We are obliged to You 
"for your kind Invitation to receive a Present at the Loggs 
" Town, but as our foreign Tribes are not yet come, We must 
" wait for them, but You may depend We will come as soon 
"as our Women have planted Corn to hear what our Brothers 
"will say to Us — Brothers We present You with this Bundle 
" of Skins, as We are but poor to be for Shoes for You on 
" the Road, and We return You our hearty Thanks for the 
" Clothes which You have put upon our Wives and Children " 
— We then took our Leave of the Kings and Chiefs, and they 
ordered that a small Party of Indians shoud go with Us as 
far as Hockhockin ; but as I had left my Boy and Horses at 
the lower Shannoah Town, I was obliged to go by myself or 
to go sixty or seventy Miles out of my Way, which I did not 


care to do ; so we all came over the Miamee River together 
this Evening, but M' Croghan & M' Montour went over again 
& lodged in the Town, but I stayed on this Side at one Robert 
Smith's (a Trader) where We had left our Horses — Before the 
French Indians had come into Town, We had drawn Articles 
of Peace and Alliance between the English and the Wa- 
waughtanneys and Pyankeshees ; the Indentures were signed 
sealed and delivered on both Sides, and as I drew them I 
took a Copy — The Land upon the great Miamee River is 
very rich level and well timbered, some of the finest Meadows 
that can be : The Indians and Traders assure Me that the 
Land holds as good and if possible better, to the Westward 
as far as the Obache which is accounted lOO Miles, and quite 
up to the Head of the Miamee River, which is 60 Miles 
above the Twigtwee Town, and down the said River quite to 
the Ohio which is reckoned 150 Miles — The Grass here 
grows to a great Height in the clear Fields, of which there 
are a great Number, & the Bottoms are full of white Clover, 
wild Rye, and blue Grass. 

Saturday March 2. — George Croghan and the rest of our 
Company came over the River, We got our Horses, & set 
out about 35 M. to Mad Creek (this is a Place where some 
English Traders had been taken Prisoners by the French.) 

Sunday 3. — This Morning We parted. They for Hock- 
hockin, and I for the Shannoah Town, and as I was quite alone 
and knew that the French Indians had threatened Us, and 
woud probably pursue or lye in Wait for Us, I left the Path, 
and went to the South Westward down the little Miamee 
River or Creek, where I had fine traveling thro rich Land 
and beautiful Meadows, in which I coud sometimes see forty 
or fifty Buffaloes feeding at once— The little Miamee River 
or Creek continued to run thro the Middle of a fine Meadow, 
about a Mile wide very clear like an old Field, and not a Bush 


in it, I coud see the Buffaloes in it above two Miles off : I 
travelled this Day about 30 M. 

Monday 4. — This Day I heard several Guns, but was afraid 
to examine who fired Them, lest they might be some of the 
French Indians, so I travelled thro the Woods about 30 M ; 
just at Night I killed a fine barren Cow-Buffaloe and took out 
her Tongue, and a little of the best of her Meat : The Land 
still level rich and well timbered with Oak, Walnut, Ash, 
Locust, and Sugar Trees. 

Tuesday 5. — I travelled about 30 M. 

Wednesday 6. — I travelled about 30 M, and killed a fa", B r. 

Thursday 7. — Set out with my Horse Load of Bear and 
travelled about 30 M this Afternoon I met a young ]\Ian (1 
Trader) and We encamped together that Night ; He happened 
to have some Bread with Him, and I had plenty of Meat, so 
We fared very well. 

Friday 8. — Travelled about 30 M, and arrived at Night at 
the Shannoah Town — All the Indians, as well as the white 
Men came out to welcome my Return to their Town, being 
very glad that all Things were rightly settled in the Miamee 
Country, they fired upwards of 150 Guns in the Town, and 
made an Entertainment in Honour of the late Peace with the 
western Indians — In my Return from the Twigtwee to the 
Shannoah Town, I did not keep an exact Account of Course 
or Distance ; for as the Land thereabouts was every where 
much the same, and the Situation of the Country was suf- 
ficiently described in my Journey to the Twigtwee Town, I 
thought it unnecessary, but have notwithstanding laid down 
my Tract pretty nearly in my Plat. 

Saturday March 9. — In the Shannoah Town, I met with 
one of the Mingoe Chiefs, who had been down at the Falls of 
Ohio, so that We did not see Him as We went up ; I in- 
formed Him of the King's Present, and the Invitation down 


to Virginia — He told that there was a Party of French In- 
dians hunting at the Falls, and if I went there they would 
certainly kill Me or carry Me away Prisoner to the French ; 
For it is certain they would not let Me pass : However as I 
had a great Inclination to see the Falls, and the Land on the 
E Side the Ohio, I resolved to venture as far as possible. 

Sunday 10 & Monday ii. — Stayed in the Town, and pre- 
pared for my Departure. 

Tuesday 12. — I got my Horses over the River and after 
Breakfast my Boy and I got ferryed over — The Ohio is near 
% of a Mile wide at Shannoah Town, & is very deep and 

Wednesday 13. — We set out S 45 W, down the said River 
on the SE Side 8 M, then S 10 M, here I met two Men be- 
longing to Robert Smith at whose House I lodged on this 
Side the Miamee River, and one Hugh Crawford, the said 
Robert Smith had given Me an Order upon these Men, for 
two of the Teeth of a large Beast, which they were bringing 
from towards the Falls of Ohio, one of which I brought in 
and delivered to the Ohio Company — Robert Smith informed 
Me that about seven Years ago these Teeth and Bones of 
three large Beasts (one of which was somewhat smaller than 
the other two) were found in a salt Lick or Spring upon a 
small Creek which runs into the S Side of the Ohio, about 
15 M, below the Mouth of the great Miamee River, and 20 
above the Falls of Ohio — He assured Me that the Rib Bones 
of the largest of these Beasts were eleven Feet long, and the 
Skull Bone six feet wide, across the Forehead, & the other 
Bones in Proportion; and that there were several Teeth 
there, some of which he called Horns, and said they were up- 
wards of five Feet long, and as much as a Man coud well 
carry : that he had hid one in a Branch at some Distance 
from the Place, lest the French Indians shoud carry it away 


— The Tooth which I brought in for the Ohio Company, was 
a Jaw Tooth of better than four Pounds Weight ; it appeared 
to be the furthest Tooth in the Jaw, and looked like fine Ivory 
when the outside was scraped off — I also met with four Shan- 
noah Indians coming up the River in their Canoes, who in- 
formed me that there were about sixty French Indians en- 
camped at the Falls. 

Thursday 14. — I went down the River S 15 M, the Land 
upon this Side the Ohio chiefly broken, and the Bottoms but 

Friday 15.— S 5 M, SW 10 M, to a Creek that was so high, 
that We coud not get over that Night. 

Saturday 16.— S 45 W about 35 M. 

Sunday 17. — The same Course 15 M, then N 45 W 5 M. 

Monday 18.— N 45 W 5 M then SW 20 M, to the lower Salt 
Lick Creek, which Robert Smith and the Indians told Us was 
about 15 M above the Falls of Ohio ; the Land still hilly, the 
Salt Lick here much the same with those before described — 
this Day W6 heard several Guns which made me imagine the 
French Indians were not moved, but were still hunting, and 
firing thereabouts : We also saw some Traps newly set, and 
the Footsteps of some Indians plain on the Ground as if they 
had been there the Day before — I was now much troubled 
that I could not comply with my Instructions, & was once re- 
solved to leaye the Boy and Horses, and to go privately on Foot 
to view the Falls ; but the Boy being a poor Hunter, was 
afraid he woud starve if I was long from him, and there was 
also great Danger lest the French Indians shoud come upon 
our Horses Tracts, or hear their Bells, and as I had seen good 
Land enough, I thought perhaps I might be blamed for ven- 
turing so far, in such dangerous Times, so I concluded not to 
go to the Falls ; but travell'd away to the Southward till We were 
over the little Cuttaway River — The Falls of Ohio by the best 


Information I coud get are not very steep, on the SE Side 
there is a Bar of Land at some Distance from the Shore, the 
Water between the Bar and the Shore is not above 3 feet 
deep, and the Stream moderately strong, the Indians fre- 
quently pass safely in their Canoes thro this Passage, but are 
obliged to take great Care as they go down lest the Current 
which is much the strongest on the NW Side shoud draw 
them that Way ; which woud be very dangerous as the Water 
on that Side runs with great Rapidity over several Ledges of 
Rocks ; the Water below the Falls they say is about six Fath- 
oms deep, and the River continues without any Obstructions 
till it empties itself into the Missisippi which is accounted 
upwards of 400 M — The Ohio near the Mouth is said to be 
very wide, and the Land upon both Sides very rich, and in 
general very level, all the Way from the Falls— After I had 
determined not to go to the Falls, We turned from Salt Lick 
Creek, to a Ridge of Mountains that made towards the Cutta- 
way River, & from the Top of the Mountain We saw a fine 
level Country SW as Far as our Eyes coud behold, and it was 
a very clear Day ; We then went down the Mountain and set 
out S 20 W about 5 M, thro rich level Land covered with 
small Walnut Sugar Trees, Red-Buds, &c. 

Tuesday March 19. — We set out S and crossed several 
Creeks all running to the SW, at about 12 M, came to the 
little Cuttaway River : We were obliged to go up it about i 
M to an Island, which was the shoalest Place We coud find 
to cross at, We then continued our Course in all about 30 M 
thro level rich Land except about 2 M which was broken and 
indifferent — This Level is about 35 M broad, and as We came 
up the Side of it along the Branches of the little Cuttaway 
We found it about 150 M long; and how far toward the SW 
We coud not tell, but imagined it held as far as the great 
Cuttaway River, which woud be upwards of 100 M more, and 


appeared much broader that Way than here, as I coud dis- 
cern from the Tops of the Mountains 

Wednesday 20. — We did not travel, I went up to the Top 
of a Mountain to view the Country, to the SE it looked very 
broken, and mountainous but to the Eastward and SW it 
appeared very level. 

Thursday 21.— Set out S 45 E 15 M, S 5 M, here I found a 
Place where the Stones shined like high-coloured Brass, the 
Heat of the Sun drew out of them a Kind of Borax or Salt 
Petre only something sweeter ; some of which I brought in to 
the Ohio Company, tho I believe it was Nothing but a Sort 
of Sulphur. 

Friday 22. — SE 12 M, I killed a fat Bear, and was taken 
sick that Night. 

Saturday 23. — I stayed here, and sweated after the Indian 
Fashion, which helped Me. 

Sunday 24.— Set out E 2 M, NE 3 M, N i M, E 2 M,SE 5 
M, E 2 M, N 2 M, SE 7 M to a small Creek, where We 
encamped in a Place where We had but poor Food for our 
Horses, & both We and They were very much wearied : the 
Reason of our making so many short Courses was. We were 
driven by a Branch of the little Cuttaway River (whose Banks 
were so exceeding steep that it was impossible to ford it) into 
a Ledge of rocky Laurel Mountains which were almost impass- 

Monday 25.— Set out SE 12 M, N 2 M, E I M, S 4 M,SE 2 
M, We killed a Buck Elk here and took out his Tongue to 
carry with Us. 

Tuesday 26.— Set out SE 10 M, SW i M, SE i M, SW i 
M SE I M, SW I M, SE I M SW I M SE 5 M killed 2 
Buffaloes & took out their Tongues and encamped — These 
two Days We travelled thro Rocks and Mountains full of 
Laurel Thickets which We coud hardly creep thro without 
cutting our Way. 


Wednesday 27. — Our Horses and Selves were so tired that 
We were obliged to stay this Day to rest, for We were unable 
to travel— On all the Branches of the little Cuttaway River 
was great Plenty of fine Coal some of which I brought in to 
the Ohio Company. 

Thursday 28. — Set out SE 15 M crossing several Creeks of 
the little Cuttaway River, the Land still full of Coal and 
black Slate. 

Friday 29.— The same Course SE about 12 M the Land 
still mountainous. 

Saturday 30. — Stayed to rest our Horses, I went on Foot, 
and found a Passage thro the Mountains to another Creek, or 
a Fork of the same Creek that We were upon. 

Sunday 31. — The same Course SE 15 M, killed a Buffaloe 
& encamped. 

Monday April i. — Set out the same Course about 20 M. 
Part of the Way We went along a Path up the Side of a little 
Creek, at the Head of which was a Gap in the Mountains, 
then our Path went down another Creek to a Lick where 
Blocks of Coal about 8 to 10 In : square lay upon the Surface 
of the Ground, here We killed a Bear and encamped. 

Tuesday 2.— Set out S 2 M, SE i M, NE 3 M, killed a Buf- 

Wednesday 3.— S i M, SW 3 M, E 3 M, SE 2 M, to a small 
Creek on which was a large Warriors Camp, that woud contain 
70 or 80 Warriors, their Captain's Name or Title was the Crane, 
as I knew by his Picture or Arms painted on a Tree. 

Thursday 4. — We stayed here all Day to rest our Horses, 
and I platted down our Courses and I found I had still near 
200 M Home upon a streight Line. 

Friday April 5. — Rained, and We stayed at the Warrior's 

Saturday 6. — We went along the Warrior's Road S i M, SE 
3 M, S 2 M, SE 3 M, E 3 M, killed a Bear. 


Sunday 7.— Set out E 2 M, NE i M, SE i M, S i M, W i 
M, SW I M, S I M, SE 2 M, S i M. 

Monday 8.— S i M, SE i M, E 3 M, SE i M, E 3 M, NE 2 
M, N I M, E I M, N I M, E 2 M and encamped upon a small 
Laurel Creek. 

Tuesday 9 & Wednesday 10. — The Weather being some- 
what bad We did not travel these two Days, the Country be- 
ing still rocky mountainous, & full of Laurel Thickets, the 
worst traveling I ever saw. 

Thursday 11. — We travelled several Courses near 20 M, 
but in the Afternoon as I coud see from the Top of the Moun- 
tain the Place We came from, I found We had not come upon 
a streight Line more than N 65 E 10 M. 

Friday 12. — Set out thro very difficult Ways E 5 M, to a 
small Creek. 

Saturday 13. — The same Course E upon a streight Line, 
tho the Way We were obliged to travel was near 20 M, here 
We killed two Bears, the Way still rocky and mountainous. 

Sunday 14. — As Food was very scarce in these barren 
Mountains, We were obliged to move for fresh Feeding for 
our Horses, so We went on E 5 M, then N 20 W 6 M, to a 
Creek where We got something better Feeding for our Horses, 
in climbing up the Clifts and Rocks this Day two of our 
Horses fell down, and were pretty much hurt, and a Paroquete, 
which I had got from the Indians, on the other Side the 
Ohio (where there are a great many) died of a Bruise he got 
by a Fall ; tho it was but a Trifle I was much concerned at 
losing Him, as he was perfectly tame, and had been very brisk 
all the Way, and I had still Corn enough left to feed Him — 
In the Afternoon I left the Horses, and went a little Way 
down the Creek, and found such a Precipice and such Laurel 
Thickets as We coud not pass, and the Horses were not able 
to go up the Mountain till they had rested a Day or two. 


Monday 1 5. — We cut a Passage through the Laurels better 
than 2 M, as I was climbing up the Rocks, I got a Fall which 
hurted Me pretty much — This Afternoon as We wanted Provi- 
sion I killed a Bear. 

Tuesday 16. — Thunder and Rain in the Morning — We set 
out N 25 E 3 M. 

Wednesday 17. — This Day I went to the Top of a Moun- 
tain to view the Way, and found it so bad that I did not care 
to engage it, but rather chose to go out of the Way and keep 
down along the Side of a Creek till I coud find a Branch or 
Run on the other Side to go up. 

Thursday 18. — Set out down the said Creek Side N 3 M, 
then the Creek turning NW I was obliged to leave it, and go 
up a Ridge NE i M, E 2 M, SE 2 M, NE i M, to the Fork 
of a River. 

Friday 19.— Set out down the said Run NE 2 M, E 2 M, 
SE 2 M, N 20 E 2 M, E 2 M, up a large Run. 

Saturday 20. — Set out SE 10 M, E 4 M, over a small Creek 
— We had such bad traveling down this Creek, that We had 
like to have lost one of our Horses. 

Sunday 21. — Stayed to rest our Horses. 

Monday 22. — Rained all Day — We coud not travel. 

Tuesday 23.— Set out E 8 M along a Ridge of Mountains 
then SE 5 M, E 3 M, SE 4 M, and encamped among very 
steep Mountains. 

Wednesday 24.— SE 4 M thro steep Mountains and 
Thickets E 6 M. 

Thursday 25.— E 5 M, SE I M, NE 2 M, SE 2 M, E i M, 
then S 2 M, E I M killed a Bear. 

Friday 26.— Set out SE 2 M, here it rained so hard We 
were obliged to stop. 

Saturday 27 Sunday 28 & Monday 29.— These three Days 
it continued raining & bad Weather, so that We coud not tra- 


vel — All the Way from Salt Lick Creek to this Place, the 
Branches of the little Cuttaway River were so high that We 
coud not pass Them, which obliged Us to go over the Heads 
of them, thro a continued Ledge of almost inaccessible 
Mountains, Rocks and Laurel Thickets. 

Tuesday 30.— Fair Weather set out E 3 M, SE 8 M, E 2 
M, to a little River or Creek which falls into the big Conha- 
way, called blue Stone, where we encamped and had good 
Feeding for our Horses. 

Wednesday May i. — Set out N 75 E 10 M and killed a Buf- 
faloe, then went up a very high Mountain, upon the Top of 
which was a Rock 60 or 70 Feet high, & a Cavity in the 
Middle, into which I went, and found there was a Passage 
thro it which gradually ascended to the Top, with several 
Holes in the Rock, which let in the Light, when I got to the 
Top of this Rock, I could see a prodigious Distance, and 
coud plainly discover where the big Conhaway River broke 
the next high Mountain, I then came down and continued my 
Course N 75 E 5 M farther and encamped. 

Thursday 2 & Friday 3. — These two Days it rained and We 
stayed at our Camp to take Care of some Provision We had 

Saturday 4. — This Day our Horses run away, and it was 
late before We got Them, so We coud not travel far. We 
went N 75 E 4 M. 

Sunday May 5. — Rained all Day. 

Monday 6. — Set out thro very bad Ways E 3 M, NE 6 M, 
over a bad Laurel Creek E 4 M. 

Tuesday 7. — Set out E 10 M,to the big Conhaway or new 
River and got over half of it to a large Island where We 
lodged that Night. 

Wednesday 8. — We made a Raft of Logs and crossed the 
other half of the River & went up it S about 2 M — The Con- 


haway or new River (by some called Wood's River) where I 
crossed it (which was about 8 M above the Mouth of blue 
Stone River) is better than 200 Yards wide, and pretty deep, 
but full of Rocks and Falls — The Bottoms upon it and blue 
Stone River are very rich but narrow, the high Land broken. 

Thursday 9. — Set out E 13 M to a large Indian Warrior's 
Camp, where We killed a Bear and stayed all Night. 

Friday 10.— Set out E 4 M, SE 3 M, S 3 M, thro Mountains 
cover'd with Ivy and Laurel Thickets. 

Saturday 11. — Set out S 2 M, SE 5 M, to a Creek and a 
Meadow where We let our Horses feed, then SE 2 M, S i M, 
SE 2 M to a very high Mountain up on the Top of which was 
a Lake or Pond about % oi a. Mile long NE & SW, & ^ of 
a Mile wide the Water fresh and clear, and a clean gravelly 
Shore about 10 Yards wide with a fine Meadow and six fine 
Springs in it, then S about 4 M, to a Branch of the Conhaway 
called Sinking Creek. 

Sunday 12. — Stayed to rest our Worses and dry some Meat 
We had killed. 

Monday 13.— Set out SE 2 M, E i M, SE 3 M, S 12 M to 
one Rich'' Hall^ in Augusta County this Man is one of the 
farthest Settlers to the Westward upon the New River. 

Tuesday 14. — Stayed at Rich" Hall's and wrote to the Presi- 
dent of Virginia & the Ohio Company to let them know I 
shoud be with Them by the 15'" of June. 

Wednesday 15.— Set out from Rich" Hall's S 16 M. 

Thursday 16. — The same Course S 22 M and encamped at 
Beaver Island Creek (a Branch of the Conhaway) opposite to 
the Head of Roanoke. 

Friday 17.— Set out SW 3 M, then S 9 M, to the dividing 
Line between Carolina and Virginia, where I stayed all Night, 
the Land from Rich Hall's to this Place is broken. 

Saturday 18. — Set out S 20 ,M to my own House on the 


Yadkin River, when I came there I found all my Family 
gone, for the Indians had killed five People in the Winter 
near that Place, which frightened my Wife and Family away 
to Roanoke about 35 M nearer in among the Inhabitants, 
which I was informed of by an old Man I met near the Place. 
Sunday 19. — Set out for Roanoke, and as We had now a 
Path, We got there the same Night where I found all my 
Family well. 

Christopher Gist. 




JULY 16"" 1751. 

After You have returned from Williamsburg and have exe- 
cuted the Commission of the President & Council, if they shall 
think proper to give You One, otherwise as soon as You can 
conveniently You are to apply to Col° Cresap for such of the 
Company's Horses, as You shall want for the Use of yourself 
and such other Person or Persons You shall think necessary 
to carry with You ; and You are to look out & observe the 
nearest & most convenient Road You can find from the Com- 
pany's Store at Wills's Creek to a Landing at Mohongeyela ; 
from thence You are to proceed down the Ohio on the South 
Side thereof, as low as the Big Conhaway, and up the same 
as far as You judge proper, and find good Land — You are all 
the Way to keep an exact Diary & Journal & therein note 
every Parcel of good Land, with the Quantity as near as You 
can by any Means compute the same, with the Breadth, 
Depth, Course and Length of the several Branches falling 
into the Ohio, & the different Branches any of Them are 
forked into, laying the same as exactly down in a Plan thereof 
as You can ; observing also the Produce, the several Kinds 
of Timber and Trees, observing where there is Plenty and 
where the Timber is scarce ; and You are not to omit proper 
Observations on the mountainous, barren, or broken Land, 
that We may on your Return judge what Quantity of good 
Land is contained within the Compass of your Journey, for 
We woud not have You omit taking Notice of any Quantity 



of good Land, tho not exceeding 4 or 500 Acres provided 
the same lies upon the River Ohio & may be convenient for 
our building Store Houses & other Houses for the better 
carrying on a Trade and Correspondence down that River. 

175 1. — Pursuant to my Instructions hereunto annexed from 
the Committee of the Ohio Company bearing Date 16* July 

Monday Nov' 4. — Set out from the Company's Store House 
in Frederick County Virginia opposite the Mouth of Wills's 
Creek and crossing Potomack River went W 4 M to a Gap in 
the Allegany Mountains upon the S W Fork of the said 
Creek — This Gap is the nearest to Potomack River of any in 
the Allegany Mountains, and is accounted one of the best, 
tho the Mountain is very high, The Ascent is no where very 
steep but rises gradually near 6 M, it is now very full of old 
Trees & Stones, but with some Pains might be made a good 
Waggon Road ; this Gap is directly in the Way to Mohongaly, 
& several Miles nearer than that the Traders commonly pass 
thro, and a much better Way. 

Tuesday 5. — Set out N 80 W 8 M, it rained and obliged Us 
to stop. 

Wednesday 6. — The same Course 3 M hard Rain. 

Thursday 7. — Rained hard and We coud not travel. 

Friday 8. — Set out the same Courses N 80 W 3 M, here 
We encamped, and turned to see where the Branches lead to 
& found they descended into the middle Fork of Yaughaugh- 
gaine — We hunted all the Ground for 10 M, or more and 
killed several Deer, & Bears, and one large Elk — The Bottoms 
upon the Branches are but narrow with some Indian Fields 
about 2000 Acres of good high Land about a Mile from the 
largest Branch. 

From Saturday 9 to Tuesday 19. — We were employed in 
searching the Lands and discovering the Branches Creeks 


Wednesday 20. — Set out N 45 W 5 M killed a Deer. 

Thursday 21. — The same Course 5 M the greatest Part of 
this Day We were cutting our Way thro' a Laurel Thicket 
and lodged by the Side of one at Night. 

Friday 22. — Set out the same Course N 45 W 2 M and cut 
our Way thro a great Laurel Thicket to the middle Fork of 
Yaughyaughgaine then S down the said Fork (crossing a 
Run) I M, then S 45 W 2 M over the said Fork where We 

Saturday 23. — Rested our Horses and examined the Land 
on Foot, which We found to be tolerable rich & well timbered 
but stony and broken. 

Sunday 24. — Set out W 2 M then S 45 W 6 M over the S 
Fork and encamp'd on the SW Side about i M from a small 
Hunting Town of the Delawares from whom I bought some 
Com — I invited these Indians to the Treaty at the Loggs 
Town, the full Moon in May, as Col° Patton had desired Me ; 
they treated Me very civilly, but after I went from that Place 
my Man informed Me that they threatened to take away our 
Guns and not let Us travel. 

Monday 25. — Set out W 6 M, then S 45 W 2 M to a Laurel 
Creek, where We encamped & killed some Deer. 

From Tuesday 26 to Thursday 28. — We were examining 
the Lands which We found to be rocky and mountainous. 

Friday 29.— Set out W 3 M then N 65 W 3 M, N 45 
W 2 M. 

From Saturday 30 to Friday Dec' 6. — We searched the Land 
several Miles round and found it about 15 M from the Foot 
of the Mountains to the River Mohongaly the first 5 M of 
which E & W is good level farming Land, with fine Meadows, 
the Timber white Oak and Hiccory — the same Body of Land 
holds 10 M, S, to the upper Forks of Mohongaly, and about 
10 M, N, towards the Mouth of Yaughyaughgaine— The Land 


nearer the River for about 8 or 9 M wide, and the same 
Length is much richer & better timbered, with Walnut, 
Locust, Poplars and Sugar-Trees, but is in some Places very 
hilly, the Bottoms upon the River i M, and in some Places 
near 2 M wide. 

Saturday 7. — Set out W 6 M and went to an Indian Camp 
and invited them to the Treaty at the Loggs Town at the full 
Moon in May next ; at this Camp there was a Trader named 
Charles Poke who spoke the Indian Tongue well, the Indian 
to whom this Camp belonged after much Discourse with Me, 
complained & said " my Friend You was sent tp Us last Year 
" from the Great Men in Virginia to inform Us of a Present 
" from the Great King over the Water, and if You can bring 
" News from the King to Us, why cant You tell Him some- 
" thing from Me ? The Proprietor of Pensylvania granted 
" my Father a Tract of Land begining eight Miles below 
" the Forks of Brandy Wine Creek and binding on the said 
" Creek to the Fork and including the West Fork & all its 
" Waters on both Sides to the Head Fountain — The White 
" People now live on these Lands, and will neither let Me 
" have Them, nor pay Me any Thing for Them — My Father's 
" Name was Chickoconnecon, I am his eldest Son, and my 
" Name is Nemicotton— I desire that You will let the Gov- 
" ernor and Great Men in Virginia know this — It may be 
" they will tell the great King of it, and he will make M' Pen 
" or his People give Me the Land or pay Me for it — This 
" Trader here Charles Poke knows the Truth of what I say, 
" that the Land was granted to my Father, & that He or I 
" never sold it, to which Charles Poke answered that Chicko- 
" connecon had such a grant of Land, & that the People who 
" lived on it coud get no Titles to it, for that it was now 
" called Manner Lands — This I was obliged to insert in my 
" Journal to please the Indian. 


Sunday Dec' 8. — Stayed at the Indian Camp. 

Monday 9.— Set out S 45 W i M, W 6 M to the River 
Mohongaly — at this Place is a large Cavity in a Rock about 
30 Feet long & 20 Feet wide & about 7 Feet high and an 
even Floor — The Entrance into it is so large and open that it 
lets in Plenty of Light, and close by it is a Stream of fine 

From Tuesday lo to Friday 13. — We were examining the 
Lands which for 9 or 10 M, E is rich but hilly as before 
described, on the E Side the River for several Miles there 
are fine Bottoms a Mile wide and the Hills above them are 
extraordinary rich and well timbered. 

Saturday 14. — We had Snow. 

Sunday 15. — Crossed the River Mohongaly which in this 
Place is 53 Poles wide, the Bottoms upon the W Side are not 
above 100 Yards broad, but the Hills are very rich both up and 
down the River, and full of Sugar Trees. 

Monday 16. — Spent in searching the Land. 

Tuesday 17. — Set out W 5 M the Land upon this Course 
hilly but very rich for about a Mile and a half, then it was 
level with good Meadows but not very rich for about a Mile 
& a half more, & the last 2 M next to Licking Creek was 
very good Land ; upon this Creek We lodged at a hunting 
Camp of an Indian Captain named Oppaymolleah, here 
I saw an Indian named Joshua who spoke very good English ; 
he had been acquainted with Me several Years, and seemed 
very glad to see Me, and wondered much where I was going 
so far in those Woods ; I said I was going to invite all the 
great Men of the Indians to a Treaty to be held at Loggs Town, 
the full Moon in May next, where a Parcel of Goods, a Present 
from the King of Great Britain, would be delivered Them by 
proper Commissioners, and that these were the Goods which 
I informed them of last Year, by Order of the President of 


Virginia, Col° Lee, who was since dead, Joshua informed 
Them what I said, and they told Me, I ought to let the Beaver 
know this, so I wrote a Line to him by Joshua, who promised 
to deliver it safe, and said there was a Trader's Man who 
coud read it for him — This Beaver is the Sachemore or Chief 
of the Delawares. It is customary among the Indian Chiefs 
to take upon Them the Name of any Beast or Bird they 
ancy, the Picture of which they always sign instead of their 
Name or Arms. 

Wednesday i8. — Stayed at the Camp. 

Thursday 19,— Set out W 3 M, S 45 W 2 M, W i M to a 
Branch of Licking Creek. 

Friday 20. — Set out W i M, S 45 W 6 M and encamped. 

From Saturday 21 to Tuesday, Jan'^ 7. — We stayed at this 
Place, We had a good Deal of Snow & bad Weather — My 
Son had the Misfortune to have his Feet frost-bitten, which 
kept Us much longer here than We intended however We 
kill'd Plenty of Deer Turkeys &c and fared very well — The 
Land hereabouts very good but to the W and SW it is hilly. 


Wednesday Jan'>' 8 — My Son's Feet being somewhat 
better, We set out S 30 W 5 M, S 45 W 3 M, the Land 
middling good but hilly — I found my Son's Feet too tender 
to travel, and we were obliged to stop again. 

From Thursday 9 to Sunday 19. — We stayed at this Place 
— While We were here We killed Plenty of Bear Deer & 
Elk, so that We lived very well. 

Monday 20. — We set out W j M — here we were stopped 
by Snow. 

Tuesday 21. — Stayed all the Day in the Camp. 

Wednesday 22. — Set out S 45 W 12 M, where we scared 
a Panther from under a Rock where there was Room enough 
for Us, in it We encamped & had good Shelter. 



From Thursday 23 to Sunday 26.— We stayed at this Place 
& had Snow and bad Weather. 

Monday 27.— Set out S 45 W 6 M, here We had Snow & 

From Tuesday 28 to Friday 31.— Stayed at this Place, the 
Land upon these last Courses is rich but hilly and in some 
Places Stony. 

Saturday Feb i.— Set out S 45 W 3 M, S 45 E i M, S 2 M, 
S 45 W I M, crossed a Creek on which the Land was very 
hilly and rocky yet here and there good Spots on the Hills. 
Sunday 2.— S 45 W 3 M, here We were stopped by Snow. 
From Monday 3 till Sunday 9.— We stayed at this Place 
and had a good Deal of Snow & bad Weather. 

Monday 10.— Set out S 45 W 8 M— The Snow hard upon 
the Top & bad traveling 

Tuesday 11.— The same Course S 45 W 2 M, then W i M, 
S 45 W 4 M. 

Wednesday 12.— Killed two Buffaloes and searched the 
Land to the NW which I found to be rich & well timbered 
with lofty Walnuts, Ash, Sugar Trees &c but hilly in most 

Thursday 13.— Set out W i M, S 45 W 2 M, W 2 M, S 45 
W 2 M, W 2 M— In this Day's Journey We found a Place 
where a Piece of Land about 100 Yards square & about 10 
Feet deep from the Surface had slipped down a steep Hill, 
somewhat more than it's own Breadth, with most of the 
Trees standing on it upright as they were at first, and a good 
many Rocks which appeared to be in the same Position as 
they were before the Ground slipt : It had bent down and 
crushed the Trees as it came along, which might plainly be 
seen by the Ground on the upper Side of it, over which it 
had passed — It seemed to have been done but two or three 
Years ago — In the Place from whence it removed was a 


large Quarry of Rocks, in the Sides of which were Veins of 
several Colours, particularly one of a deep yellow, about 3 
Feet from the Bottom, in which were other small Veins 
some white, some a greenish Kind of Copperas : A Sample 
of which I brought in to the Ohio Company in a small 
Leather Bag N° i — Not very far from this Place We found 
another large Piece of Earth, which had slipped down in the 
same Manner — Not far from here We encamped in the Fork 
of a Creek. 

Friday 14. — We stayed at this Place — On the NW Side of 
the Creek on a rising ground by a small Spring We found a 
large Stone about 3 Feet Square on the Top, and about 6 or 
7 Feet high; it was all covered with green Moss except on 
the SE Side which was smooth and white as if plaistered 
with Lime. On this Side I cut with a cold Chizzel in large 


FEB^ 175 1 


Saturday 15.— Set out S 45 W 5 M, rich Land but hilly, 
very rich Bottoms up the Creek but not above 200 Yards 

Sunday 16.— S 45 W 5 M thro rich Land, the Bottoms 
about ^ of a Mile wide upon the Creek. 

Monday 17. — The same Course S 45 W 3 M, W 3 M, S 45 
W 3 M, S 20 W 3 M, S 8 M, S 45 W 2 M over a Creek upon 
which was fine Land, the Bottoms about a Mile wide. 

Tuesday Feb'' 18. — S 10 M over the Fork of a Creek S 45 
W 4 M to the Top of a high Ridge, from whence We coud 
see over the Conhaway River — Here We encamped, the Land 
mixed with Pine and not very good. 

Wednesday 19.— Set out S 15 M, S 45 W 6 M to the Mouth 


of a little Creek, upon which the Land is very rich, and the 
Bottoms a Mile wide — The Conhaway being very high over- 
flowed some Part of the Bottoms. 

Thursday 20. — Set out N 45 W 2 M across a Creek over a 
Hill, then S 80 W 10 M to a large Run, all fine Land upon 
this Course — (We were now about 2 M from the River Con- 
haway)— Then continued our Course S 80 W 10 M, the first 
5 M good high Land ; tolerably level the last 5 thro the 
River Bottoms, which were a Mile wide and very rich, to a 
Creek or large Run which We crossed, & continued our 
Course S 80 W 2 M farther & encamped. 

Friday 21. — The same Course S 80 W still continued 8 M 
further ; then S 2 M to the Side of the River Conhaway, then 
down the said River N 45 W i M to a Creek where We en- 
camped — The Bottoms upon the River here are a Mile wide, 
the Land very rich — The River at this Place is 79 Poles 

Saturday 22.— Set out N 45 W 4 M, W 7 M, to a high Hill 
from whence We coud see the River Ohio, then N 45 W 12 
M to the River Ohio at the Mouth of a small Run where We 
encamped. The Bottoms upon the River here are a Mile 
wide & very good, but the high Land broken. 

Sunday 23. — Set out S 45 E 14 M over Letort's Creek — 
The Land upon this Creek is poor, broken, & full of Pines — 
Then the same Course S 45 E 10 M and encamped on the 
River Side upon fine rich Land the Bottoms about a Mile 

Monday 24.— Set out E 12 M up the River all fine Land 
the Bottoms about i}4 Miles wide, full of lofty Timber : then 
N 5 M crossing Smith's Creek. The Land here is level & 
good, but the Bottoms upon the River are not above }4 a 
Mile wide— then N 45 E 8 M to a Creek called Beyansoss 
where We encamped. 


Tuesday 2$. — We searched the Land upon this Creek 
which We found very good for 12 or 13 M up it from the 
River — The Bottoms upon it are about }4 a Mile wide, & the 
Bottoms upon the River at the Mouth of it a Mile wide, and 
very well timbered. 

Wednesday 26. — Set out N 45 E 13 M to the River Ohio at 
the Mouth of a Creek called Lawwellaconin ; then S 55 E 5 
M up the said Creek — The Bottoms upon this Creek are a 
Mile wide & the high Land very good & not much broken, & 
very well timbered 

Thursday 27 Friday 28 & Saturday 29.— Rained and we 
coud not travel — Killed four Buffaloes. 

Sunday March i and Monday 2. — Set out N 30 E 10 M to 
a little Branch full of Coal then N 30 E 16 M to Nawmissipia or 
Fishing Creek — My Son hunted up this Creek (where I had 
cut the Letters upon the Stone) which he said was not above 
6 M in a streight Line from this Place — The Bottoms upon 
this Creek are but narrow, the high Land hilly, but very rich 
and well timbered. 

Tuesday 3. — Set out N 30 E 18 M to Molchuconickon or 
Buffaloe Creek. 

Wednesday 4. — We hunted up and down this Creek to ex- 
amine the Land— The Bottoms are % oi a. Mile wide & very 
rich, a great many cleared Fields covered with white Clover, 
the high Land rich, but in general, hilly. 

Thursday 5. — Set out N 30 E 9 M to a Creek called Nee- 
mokeesy where We killed a black Fox & two Bears — Upon 
this Creek We found a Cave under a Rock about 150 Feet 
long & 55 feet wide ; one Side of it open facing the Creek, 
the Floor dry — We found it had been much used by Buffaloes 
& Elks who came there to lick a kind of saltish Clay which I 
found in the Cave, and of which I took a sample in a Leather 
Bag N . 2. 


Friday March 6.— We stayed at the Cave— Not very far 
from it We saw a Herd of Elks near 30 one of which my Son 

Saturday 7.— Set out N 30 E 7 M to the Ohio River— The 
Bottoms here were very rich and near 2 M wide ; but a little 
higher up, the Hill seemed very steep, so that We were 
obliged to leave the River & went E 6 M on very high Land ; 
then N 9 M thro' very good high Land tolerable level to a 
Creek called Wealin or Scalp Creek where We encamped. 

Sunday 8. — We went out to search the Land which We 
found very good for near 15 M up this Creek from the Mouth 
of it, the Bottoms above a Mile wide & some Meadows — We 
found an old Indian Road up this Creek. 

Monday 9. — Set out N 45 E 18 M to a Creek — The same 
Course 3 M to another Creek where We encamped — These 
Creeks the Traders distinguish by the Name of the two 

Tuesday 10. — We hunted up and down these Creeks to ex- 
amine the Land from the Mouths of Them, to the place 
where We had crossed near the Heads of Them ; in our Way 
to the Conhaway — They run near parallel at about 3 or 4 M 
Distance, for upwards of 30 M— The Land between Them all 
the Way is rich & level, chiefly Low Grounds & finely tim- 
bered with Walnuts, Locusts, Cherry Trees, & Sugar Trees 

Wednesday 11. — Set out E 18 M crossing three Creeks all 
good Land but hilly then S 16 M to our old Camp, where my 
Son had been frost-bitten. After We had got to this Place in 
our old Tract, I did not keep any exact Account of Course 
and Distance, as I thought the Rivers & Creeks sufficiently 
described by my Courses as I came down. 

Thursday 12. — I set out for Mohongaly crossed it u|)on a 
Raft of Logs from whence I made the best of my Way to Po- 
tomack — I did not keep exactly my old Tract but went more 


to the Eastward & found a much nearer Way Home : and am 
of Opinion the Company may have a tolerable good Road from 
Wills Creek to the upper Fork of Monhongaly, from whence 
the River is navigable all the Way to the Ohio for large flat 
bottomed Boats — The Road will be a little to the Southward 
of West, and the Distance to the Fork of Mohongaly about 
70 M — While I was at Mohongaly in my Return Home an 
Indian, who spoke good English, rame to Me & said — That 
their great Men the Beaver and Captain Oppamylucah (these 
are two Chiefs of the Delawares) desired to know where the 
Indian's Land lay, for that the French claimed all the Land 
on one side the River Ohio & the English on the other Side; 
and that Oppamylucah asked Me the same Question when I 
was at his Camp in my Way down, to which I had made him no 
Answer — I very well remembered that Oppamylucah had 
asked me such a Question, and that I was at a Loss to answer 
Him as I now also was : But after some Consideration " my 
Friend " said I, " We are all one King's People and the different 
" Colour of our Skins makes no Difference in the King's 
" Subjects ; You are his People as well as We, if you will 
" take Land & pay the King's Rights You will have the same 
" Privileges as the White People have, and to hunt You have 
" Liberty every where so that You dont kill the White Peoples 
" Cattle & Hogs — To this the Indian said, that I must stay at 
that Place two Days and then he woud come & see Me again. 
He then went away, and at the two Days End returned as he 
promised, and looking very pleasant said He woud stay with 
Me all Night, after He had been with Me some Time He 
said that the great Men bid Him tell Me I was very safe that 
I might come and live upon that River where I pleased— that 
I had answered Them very true for We were all one King's 
People sure enough & for his Part he woud come to see Me 
at Wills's Creek in a Month. 


March — From Thursday 12 to Saturday 28. — We were 
traveling from Mohongaly to Potomack for as We had a good 
many Skins to carry & the Weather was bad We traveled but 

Sunday 29. — We arrived at the Company's Factory at 
Wills's Creek. 

Christopher Gist. 

This Day came before Me Christopher Gist & made Oath on 
the holy Evangelists that the two Journals hereunto annexed, 
both which are signed by the said Christopher Gist ; the first 
containing an Account of his Travels and Discoveries down 
the River Ohio & the Branches thereof, for the Ohio Company 
in the Years 1750 & 1751 together with his Transactions 
with the Indians and his Return Home. And the other con- 
taining an Account of his Travels and Discoveries down the 
said River Ohio on the SE Side as low as the Big Conhaway 
made for the s' Ohio Company in the Years 175 1 & 1752 & 
his return to Wills's Creek on Potomack River (as in a Piatt 
made thereof by the said Christopher Gist and given in to the 
said Ohio Company may more fully appear) are just & true 
except as to the Number of Miles, which the said Christopher 
Gist did not actually measure and therefore cannot be certain 
of Them, but computed Them in the most exact Manner he 
coud & according to the best of his Knowledge. Given 
under my Hand this Day of 175 



Wednesday 14 November, 1753. — Then Major George 
Washington came to my house at Will's Creek, and delivered 
me a letter from the council in Virginia, requesting me to 
attend him up to the commandant of the French fort on the 
Ohio River. 

Thursday 15. — We set out, and at night encamped at 
George's Creek, about eight miles, where a messenger came 
with letters from my son, who was just returned from his peo- 
ple at the Cherokees, and lay sick at the mouth of Conego- 
cheague. But as I found myself entered again on public busi- 
ness, and Major Washington and all the company unwilling I 
should return I wrote and sent medicines to my son, and so 
continued my journey, and encamped at a big hill in the forks 
of Youghiogany, about eighteen miles. 

Friday 16. — The next day set out and got to the big fork of 
said river, about ten miles there. 

Saturday 17. — We encamped and rested our horses, and 
then we set out early in the morning. 

Sunday 18. — And at night got to my house in the new set- 
tlement, about twenty-one miles ; snow about ancle deep. 

Monday 19. — Set out, cross Big Youghiogany, to Jacob's 
cabins, about twenty miles. Here some of our horses strag- 
gled away, and we did not get away until eleven o'clock. 

Tuesday 20. — Set out, had rain in the afternoon ; I killed a 
deer ; travelled about seven miles. 

Wednesday 21. — It continued to rain. Stayed all day. 

Thursday 22. — We set out and came to the mouth of Tur- 
tle Creek, about twelve miles, to John Frazier's ; and he was 
very kind to us, and lent us a canoe to carry our baggage to 
the forks, about ten miles. 

Friday 23. — Set out, rid to Shannopin's town, and down 

















Allegheny to the mouth of Monongahela, where we met our 
baggage, and swimmed our horses over Allegheny, and there 
encamped that night. 

Saturday 24. — Set out ; we went to king Shingiss, and he 
and Lawmolach went with us to the Logstown, and we spoke 
to the chiefs this evening, and repaired to our camp. 

Sunday 25. — They sent out for their people to come in. 
The Half-King came in this afternoon. 

Monday 26. — We delivered our message to the Half-King 
and they promised by him that we should set out three nights 

Tuesday 27. — Stayed in our camp. Monacatoocha and 
Pollatha Wappia gave us some provisions. We stayed until 
the 29th when the Indians said, they were not ready. They 
desired us to stay until the next day and as the warriors 
were not come, the Half-King said he would go with us 
himself, and take care of us. 

Friday 30. — We set out, and the Half-King and two old 
men and one young warrior, with us. At night we encamped 
at the Murthering town, about fifteen miles, on a branch of 
Great Beaver Creek. Got some corn and dried meat. 

Saturday i December. — Set out, and at night encamped at 
the crossing of Beaver creek from the Kaskuskies to 
Venango about thirty miles. The next day rain ; our Indians 
went out a hunting ; they killed two bucks. Had rain all 

Monday 3. — We set out and travelled all day. Encamped 
at night on one of the head branches of Great Beaver creek 
about twenty-two miles. 

Tuesday 5. — Set out about fifteen miles, to the town of 
Venango, where we were kindly and complaisantly received 
by Monsieur Joncaire, the French interpreter for the Six 


Wednesday 5. — Rain all day. Our Indians were in council 
with the Delawares, who lived under the French colors, and 
ordered them to deliver up to the French the belt, with the 
marks of the four towns, according to desire of King Shingiss. 
But the chief of these Delawares said, " It was true King 
Shingiss was a great man, but he had sent no speech, and," 
said he, " I cannot pretend to make a speech for a King." 
So our Indians could not prevail with them to deliver their 
belt ; but the Half-King did deliver his belt, as he had deter- 
mined. Joncaire did every thing he could to prevail on our 
Indians to stay behind us, and I took all care to have them 
along with us. 

Thursday 6. — We set out late in the day accompanied by 
the French General and four servants or soldiers, and 

Friday 7. — All encamped at Sugar creek, five miles from 
Venango. The creek being very high we were obliged to 
carry all our baggage over on trees, and swim our horses 
The Major and I went first over, with our boots on. 

Saturday 9. — We set out and travelled twenty-five miles 
to Cussewago, an old Indian town. 

Sunday 9. — We set out, left one of our horses here that 
could travel no further. This day we travelled to the big 
crossing, about fifteen miles, and encamped, our Indians went 
out to look out logs to make a raft ; but as the water was high, 
and there were other creeks to cross, we concluded to keep up 
this side the creek. 

Monday 10. — Set out, travelled about eight miles, and 
encamped. Our Indians killed a bear. Here we had a creek 
to cross, very deep ; we got over on a tree, and got our goods 

Tuesday 1 1. — We set out, travelled about fifteen miles to 
the French fort, the sun being set. Our interpreter gave the 
commandant notice of our being over the creek ; upon which 


he sent several officers to conduct us to the fort, and they 
received us with a great deal of complaisance. 

Wednesday 12. — The Major gave the passport, showed his 
commission, and offered the Governor's letter to the com- 
mandant ; but he desired not to receive them, until the other 
commander from Lake Erie came, whom he had sent for, and 
expected next day by twelve o'clock. 

Thursday 13. — The other General came. The Major deliv- 
ered the letter, and desired a speedy answer ; the time of 
year and business required it. They took our Indians into 
private council, and gave them several presents. 

Friday 14. — When we had done our business, they delayed 
and kept our Indians, until Sunday ; and then we set out 
with two canoes, one for our Indians, and the other for our- 
selves. Our horses we had sent away some days before, to 
wait at Venango, if ice appeared on the rivers and creeks. 

Sunday 16. — We set out by water about sixteen miles, and 
encamped. Our Indians went before us, passed the little 
lake, and we did not come up with them that night. 

Monday 17. — We set out, came to our Indians' camp. 
They were out hunting ; they killed three bears. We stayed 
this day, and 

Tuesday 18. — One of our Indians did not come to camp. 
So we finding the waters lower very fast, were obliged to go 
and leave our Indians. 

Wednesday 19. — We set out about seven or eight miles, 
and encamped, and the next day 

Thursday 20. — About twenty miles, where we were stop- 
ped by ice, and worked until night. 

Friday 21. — The ice was so hard we could not break our 
way through, but were obliged to haul our vessels across a 
point of land and put them in the creek again. The Indians 
and three French canoes overtook us here, and the people of 


one French canoe that was lost, with her cargo of powder 
and lead. This night we encamped about twenty miles above 

Saturday 22. — Set out. The creek began to be very low 
and we were forced to get out, to keep our canoe from over- 
setting, several times ; the water freezing to our clothes ^ 
and we had the pleasure of seeing the French overset, and the 
brandy and wine floating in the creek, and run by them, and 
left them to shift for themselves. Came to Venango, and 
met with our people and horses. 

Sunday 23. — We set out from Venango, travelled about 
five miles to Lacomick creek. 

Monday 24. — Here Major Washington set out on foot in 
Indian dress. Our horses grew weak, that we were mostly 
obliged to travel on foot, and had snow all day. Encamped 
near the barrens. 

Tuesday 25. — Set out and travelled on foot to branches of 
Great Beaver creek. 

Wednesday 26.— The Major desired me to set out on foot, 
and leave our company, as the creeks were frozen, and our 
horses could make but little way. Indeed, I was unwilling 
he should undertake such a travel, who had never been used 
to walking before this time. But as he insisted on it, I set out 
with our packs, like Indians, and travelled eighteen miles. 
That night we lodged at an Indian cabin, and the Major was 
much fatigued. It was very cold ; all the small runs were 
frozen, that we could hardly get water to drink. 

Thursday 27. — We rose early in the morning, and set out 
about two o'clock. Got to the Murthering town, on the 
southeast fork of Beaver creek. Here we met with an Indian, 
whom I thought I had seen at Joncaire's, at Venango, when 
on our journey up to the French fort. This fellow called me 
by my Indian name, and pretended to be glad to see me. He 


asked us several questions, as how we came to travel on foot, 
when we left Venango, where we parted with our horses, and 
when they would be there, etc. Major Washington insisted 
on travelling on the nearest way to forks of Alleghany. We 
asked the Indian if he could go with us, and show us the 
nearest way. The Indian seemed very glad and ready to go 
with us. Upon which we set out, and the Indian took the 
Major's pack. We travelled very brisk for eight or ten miles, 
when the Major's feet grew very sore, and he very weary, and 
the Indian steered too much north-eastwardly. The Major 
desired to encamp, to which the Indian asked to carry his 
gun. But he refused that, and then the Indian grew churlish, 
and pressed us to keep on, telling us that there were Ottawa 
Indians in these woods, and they would scalp us if we lay out ; 
but to go to his cabin, and we should be safe. I thought 
very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the Major know 
I mistrusted him. But he soon mistrusted him as much as I. 
He said he could hear a gun to his cabin, and steered us more 
northwardly. We grew uneasy, and then he said two whoops 
might be heard to his cabin. We went two miles further ; 
then the Major said he would stay at the next water, and we 
desired the Indian to stop at the next water. But before we 
came to water, we came to a clear meadow ; it was very light, 
and snow on the ground. The Indian made a stop, turned 
about ; the Major saw him point his gun toward us and fire. 
Said the Major, " Are you shot? " " No," said I. Upon 
which the Indian ran forward to a big standing white oak, 
and to loading his gun ; but we were soon with him. I would 
have killed him ; but the Major would not suffer me to kill 
him. We let him charge his gun ; we found he put in a ball ; 
then we took care of him. The Major or I always stood by 
the guns; we made him make a fire for us by a little run, as 
if we intended to sleep there. I said to the Major, " As you 


will not have him killed, we must get him away, and then we 
must travel all night." Upon which I said to the Indian, " I 
suppose you were lost, and fired your gun." He said, he 
knew the way to his cabin, and 'twas but a little way. "Well," 
said I, " do you go home ; and as we are much tired, we will 
follow your track in the morning ; and here is a cake of 
bread for you, and you must give us meat in the morning." 
He was glad to get away. I followed him, and listened until 
he was fairly out of the way, and then we set out about half a 
mile, when we made a fire, set our compass, and fixed our 
course, and travelled all night, and in the morning we were on 
the head of Piney creek. 

Friday 28. — We travelled all the next day down the said 
creek, and just at night found some tracks where Indians had 
been hunting. We parted, and appointed a place a distance 
off, where to meet, it being then dark. We encamped, and 
thought ourselves safe enough to sleep. 

Saturday 29. — We set out early, got to Alleghany, made a 
raft, and with much difficulty got over to an island, alittle above 
Shannopin's town. The Major having fallen in from off the 
raft, and my fingers frost-bitten, and the sun down, and very 
cold, we contented ourselves to encamp upon that island. It 
was deep water between us and the shore ; but the cold did 
us some service, for in the morning it was frozen hard enough 
for us to pass over on the ice. 

Sunday 30. — We set out about ten miles to John Frazier's, 
at Turtle creek, and rested that evening. 

Monday 31. — Next day we waited on queen Aliquippa, who 
lives now at the mouth of Youghiogany. She said she would 
never go down to the river Alleghany to live, except the Eng- 
lish built a fort, and then she would go and live there. 

Tuesday January i, 1754. — We set out from John Frazier's 
and at night encamped at Jacob's cabins. 


Wednesday 2. — Set out and crossed Youghiogany on the 
ice. Got to my house in the new settlement. 

Thursday 3. — Rain. 

Friday 4. — Set out for Will's creek, where we arrived on 
Sunday January 6. 



Christopher Gist was of English descent. His grand- 
father was Christopher Gist, who died in Baltimore County 
in 1691. His grandmother was Edith Cromwell. They had 
one child, Richard, who was Surveyor of the Western Shore 
and was one of the Commissioners for laying off the town of 
Baltimore. In 1705 he married Zipporah Murray, and Chris- 
topher was one of three sons. He was a resident of North 
Carolina when first employed by the Ohio Company. He 
married Sarah Howard. He had three sons, Nathaniel, 
Richard and Thomas, and two daughters, Anne and Violette. 
Nathaniel was the only son that married. With his sons, 
Nathaniel and Thomas, he was with Braddock on his fatal 
field of battle. Urged by bribes and the promise of rewards, 
two Indians were persuaded to go out on a scouting expedi- 
tion. As soon as they were gone, Christopher Gist, the 
General's guide, was dispatched on the same errand. On the 
6th both Indians and Gist rejoined the army, having been 
within half a mile of the fort. Their reports were favorable 
and the army advanced. After Braddock's defeat he raised a 
company of scouts in Virginia and Maryland and did service 
on the frontier, being then called Captain Gist. 

In 1756 he went to the Carolinas to enlist Cherokee 
Indians for the English service. For a time he served as 
Indian Agent. He died in the summer of 1759, of smallpox, 
in South Carolina or Georgia. Richard Gist was killed in the 
battle of King's Mountain. Thomas lived on the plantation. 



Anne lived with him until his death, when she joined her 
brother Nathaniel in Kentucky. Nathaniel was a Colonel 
in the Virginia Line, during the Revolutionary War, and 
afterwards removed to Kentucky, where he died early in the 
present century. He left two sons, Henry Clay and Thomas 
Cecil. His eldest daughter, Sarah, married the Hon. Jesse 
Bledsoe, United States Senator from Kentucky. His grand- 
son, B. Gratz Brown, was the Democratic candidate for Vice- 
President in 1872. The second daughter of Colonel Gist mar- 
ried Colonel Nathaniel Hart, a brother of Mrs. Henry Clay. 
The third daughter married Dr. Boswell, of Lexington, Ken- 
tucky. The fourth married Francis P. Blair, and they were 
the parents of Montgomery Blair and Francis P. Blair. The 
fifth married Benjamin Gratz, of Lexington, Kentucky. 



October 31, 1750. — Colonel Cresap was an Agent and 
member of the Ohio Company, see Biographical Sketch in 
the Appendix. "Old Town." So called for a town or 
village of the Shawanese Indians, who abandoned the 
upper Potomac region in the years 1727-9, and removed to 
the Ohio and Allegheny rivers. It is in Old Town, District 
of Allegheny County, Maryland, fifteen miles southeast of 
Cumberland, on the north side of the Potomac, and opposite 
to Green Spring Station, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railway. 

November 3. — Gist's route from Old Town lay by the 
Warrior's Path, along the base of the Great Warrior Moun- 
tain, on the eastern side, passing through the present district 
of Flintstone, Allegheny County, Maryland, and the town- 
ships of Southhampton, Monroe and Providence, in Bedford 
County, Pennsylvania, reaching the Juniata at the Warrior's 
Gap, near the village of Bloody Run, eight miles east of the 
present town of Bedford ; there he entered the old Indian 
path leading westward. From the Juniata, where Bedford 
now stands, two paths led to the Ohio (Allegheny) ; the upper 
directly north to Frankstown, thence northwest to Venango 
(now Franklin) ; the lower path led west to Shannopin's Town 
(now Pittsburgh) ; the latter was the route taken by Gist.' 

' Hutchins' Map, 1778; Scull's ditto, 1770. " Traders' Table of Distances 
to the Ohio ;" " Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. V, p. 750. "Ac- 
count of the Road to Logstown," by John Harries, in 1754, " Pennsylva- 
nia Archives," Vol. II, p. 135. 



MAP, 1775 


November 5-9. — In Shade Township, Somerset County, 
Stony Creek,' a branch of the Conemaugh River ; the path 
crossed it near the present Stoyestown, in Somerset County. 

November 11. — The North and East Forks of the Quema- 
honing, a branch of Stony Creek ; these streams here flowing 
northeastward, misled Gist into supposing they emptied into 
the Susquehannah ; they are so erroneously laid down from 
his notes on Fry and Jefferson's map of 175 1. Que-Mahoning 
from Curoa (pine trees,) and Mahonink (a stream,) on which 
there is a Salt lick.^ 

November 12. — The ridge of the Alleghenies known as 
Laurel Hill. 

November 14. — This old Indian town stood on the wide and 
fertile bottom land on the north side of the Loyalhanna 
Creek, a large branch of the Kiskiminitas River. The present 
town of Ligonier, in Westmoreland County, occupies the 
same spot, fifty-one miles east of Pittsburgh, marked " Loyal 
Hannin Old Town — fifty miles to Shannopin's Town," on a 
map presented to the Governor and Council of Pennsylvania, 
by John Pattin (Indian Trader), and Andrew Montour (a Six 
Nation Chief and Interpreter), March 2, 1754.' Laurel-hanne, 
signifying the middle stream in the Delaware tongue.* The 
stream here is half way between the Juniata at Bedford and 
the Ohio at the Forks. 

November 16. — The path here left the Loyalhanna and by 
a northwest course passed through the Chestnut Ridge, at 

1 In the Delaware tongue "Ach'sin-hanac " or " Stony Stream." 
' Delaware. 

* "Colonial Records," Vol. V, pp. 747, 750. 

• Heckwelder in " Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society for 
1872," p. 28. McCuIlough, "Narrative and Incidents of Border Life," 
Lancaster, 1841, p. 81. See also "Trumbull on Indian Geographical 
Names," Vol. II, p. 12. " Collection of the Connecticut Historical Society." 


the Miller's Run Gap, and reached the creek again, at the 
Big Bottom, below the present town of Latrobe, on the Penn- 
sylvania Central Railway ; there the trail forked, one branch 
led northwest down the creek to the Kiskiminitas River, at 
Blacklegs Indian town, by the mouth of the creek of the same 
name ; thence it continued down to the Kiskiminitas Old 
Town, at Old Town Run, about seven miles from the Al- 
legheny River. The other branch, or main trail (travelled by 
Gist), led directly westward to Shannopin's Town, by a 
course parallel with and a few miles north of the Pennsylva- 
nia Railroad. The courses stated by Gist for the i6th and 
17th November are manifestly wrong; the distances are 
given much more correctly.' 

November 17. — This camp was Cockey's Cabin, its owner a 
Delaware Indian, well known by the traders. It was on 
Bushy Run, a branch of Turtle Creek, near the place of the 
two days' battle between the army under Colonel Bouquet 
and the Indians, led by Guyasuta (Kiashuta), August sth and 
6th, 1763, about three miles north of Penn Station, on the 
Pennsylvania Railroad, and twenty-three miles east of Pitts- 
burgh.' Shannopin's Town, on the bank of the Allegheny 
River, now in the city of Pittsburgh, between Penn Avenue, 
Thirtieth Street and the Two Mile Run, in the Twelfth 
Ward. It was small, containing about twenty wigwams, 
fifty or sixty natives and twenty warriors.' It was much 
frequented by the traders. By it ran the main Indian trail 
from the east to the west. In April, 1730, Governor Thomas, 

' See " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 750-1. " Pennsylvania Archives," 
Vol. II, p. 135. Scull's Map, 1770. Hutchins', 1778. Evans and Mitchell's, 


•■'"Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, p. 135. "Bouquet's Expedition, 

Philadelphia, 1765." "Virginia State Papers, 1875." 
3 " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 702 ; id., Vol. VII, p. 561. 


at Philadelphia, received a message from " the Chiefs of ye 
Delewares at Allegaeniny, on the main road," taken down 
(written) by Edmund Cartledge, and interpreted by James 
Le Tort, both noted traders. Among the names signed to 
the message is that of " Shannopin his X mark." The mes- 
sage of the chiefs was to explain the cause of the death of a 
white man, named Hart, and the wounding of another, Robin- 
son, down the Ohio, occasioned by rum. The bringing of 
such great quantities of liquor into the woods they desired 
the Governor to prevent, as well as to limit the number of 
traders. Shannopin's name appears signed to several docu- 
ments in the State Archives.' He made a speech to Conrad 
Weiser, at Logstown, September 15, 1748.'' He was present 
at the Conference held at Philadelphia, August i, 1740, be- 
tween the Proprietary, Thomas Penn, Governor Thomas, the 
Provincial Council, and the Delaware and Mingoe Indians, 
from Ohio, Allegheny, Shamokin, etc' Shannopin died 
about the year 1749.* 

November 21. — The width of the river here is about the 
same as stated in the journal, although the banks have been 
partly washed away by freshets. 

November 24. — "At Shannopin's there is a fording place 
in very dry times and the lowest down the river."* In the 
first half of the last century the Allegheny River was gener- 

' " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. I, p. 255 ; do., p. 341. 

* " Journal of Weiser," Historical Society of Pennsylvania Collection, 
Vol. I, p. 29 ; " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 355. 

•'' " Colonial Records," Vol. IV, p. 441. 

• " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 5 19. See also " Journals of Assembly," 
1754, pp. 295 and 299. "Colonial Records," Vol. V, pp. 746, 751, etc. Lon- 
don Magazine for June, 1754. Evans and Mitchell's Maps, 1755. Fry 
and Jefferson's Maps, 1751. 

' " Analysis of Map of the Middle Colonies," by Lewis Evans, 1775, p. 25. 


ally called the Ohio, of which it is the head branch. "The 
Ohio" by the Senecas. Allegheny is the name of the same 
river in the Delaware language. Both words signify " the fine 
or fair river." Post was a Moravian missionary amongst the 
Ohio Indians for many years.* He was twice married among 
them and thoroughly understood various Indian dialects. 
He was often employed on Indian affairs by the colonial 
authorities. On the map prefixed to "Washington's Journal 
of 1753-4, London, 1754," reprinted by Joseph Sabin, New 
York, 1865, the Allegheny is marked " The Ohio or Allegheny 
River," and the main stream " The Ohio or the Fair River."'' In 
the language of the different tribes of the Iroquois, or Six Na- 
tions, there are some variations of the word Ohio, none of its 
meaning. In the Seneca, Cayuga and Mohawk dialects it is 
0-heeyo; in the Onondago and Tuscarora 0-hee-yee; in the 
Oneida 0-hee, the same as Allegheny — "fair or beautiful" — 
which the French rendered " La Belle Riviere."' The early tra- 
ders in Kentucky and on the Ohio called it Allegheny, or Ohio, 
as they happened to trade most with the Iroquois or Delawares. 
On the map of Cornelli, " North America with the New Dis- 
coveries of the Year 1688," published at Venice in 1690, the 
main part of the Ohio is laid down and inscribed " R Ohio or 
la Belle Riviere, said by the savages to have its source near 
the Lake Frontenac " (Ontario). In the " Proces Verbal " 
(Declaration) of the taking possession of Louisiana, at the 
mouth of the Mississippi, by the Sieur de la Salle, April 9, 

' Christian F. Post in liis Second Journal, 1758, London, 1759, p. 17, re- 
printed in Appendix to Proud's " History of Pennsylvania," 1798, Vol. II ; 
also in Craig's "Olden Time," Vol. I. 

2 See also " Weiser's Journal, 1748." " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 349. 
" Collection Pennsylvania Historical Society," Vol. I, p. 23. 

■' " Morgan's League of the Iroquois," p. 394. "Collection of the Con- 
necticut Historical Society, Vol. II, p. 13." 




Mew Madrid <V 

LEWIS EVANS' MAP, 1755-1775. 



1682, the names " Ohio " and " Alighin " are both evidently 
given to the same stream." After crossing the river from 
Shannopins, Gist's route was by the old path which ran by 
the line occupied now by East and West Ohio Streets, in 
Allegheny City, to Beaver Avenue, thence along it and 
down the river bank to Sewickley, twelve miles below Pitts- 

November 25. — Logstown. This once noted Indian and 
French town stood on the first and second bank on the north 
side of the Ohio River, immediately below the present town 
of Economy, eighteen miles from Pittsburgh, in Beaver 
County, Pennsylvania ; the well-known German settlement, 
of which George Rapp was the head, established there in 
1824. Logstown Run, a small stream, and the bar in the 
river perpetuate the name and locality. The town was first 
described by Conrad Weiser in the Journal of his visit to it 
in August, 1748.' William Franklin (son of Benjamin), 
afterwards the Royal Governor of New Jersey, was one of 
Weiser's company." The Shawanese established themselves 
here, probably soon after their migration from the Upper 
Potomac country and Eastern Pennsylvania, in 1727-30. In 
the summer of 1749 Captain Bienville de Celeron, in com- 
mand of a detachment composed of eight subaltern oflScers, 
six cadets, an armorer, twenty soldiers, one hundred and 

' This document, preserved in the French Archives at Paris, is printed 
in Sparks' " Life of La Salle," Appendix, p. 194. " American Biographies, 
New Series, 1864, Vol. I ; also in " Monette's Valley of the Mississippi," 
Vol. I, p 144. "Historical. Collection of Louisiana," by B. F. French, 1846, 
p. 49, Vol. L 

'' " Collection of the Pennsylvania Historical Society," Vol. I, p. 23, 
etc. " Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. V, p. 348, etc. 

'"Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, pp. 10-15. Evans' "Analysis of 
Map of the Middle Colonies, 1755," p. 10. 


eighty Canadians, thirty Iroquois and twenty-five Abanakis, 
descended the Allegheny and Ohio rivers, from Canada, for 
the purpose of taking military possession of the country.' 
Their route from Lake Erie to the Allegheny was by the old 
Portage to the head of Chautauqua Lake ; thence down the 
lake to the outlet, through to the Chenango Creek, and by it 
to the Allegheny. In evidence of the French king's claim, 
leaden plates, with suitable inscriptions, were deposited at 
various points along the rivers. A number of them were 
found in after years. ^ The French arrived at Logstown on 
the 9th or loth of August, encamped and remained about two 

Contrecceur, to whom Ensign Ward surrendered the little 
fort at the Forks of the Ohio, April 17, 1754, where Pitts- 
burgh now stands, and who named it Du Ouesne, was one of 
Celeron's officers. Coulon de Valliers, to whom Washing- 
ton capitulated at Fort Necessity, in June of the same year, 
was another. He was a brother of Jumonville, killed in a 
previous contest with Washington's troops. George Crog- 
han arrived at Logstown just after the French departed.' He 
had a Trading House there, in which Weiser lodged during 
his visit the previous year.* Washington and Gist remained 
here five days while on their way to Venango and Le 
Boeuf, in 1753.^ Washington was again here in 1770 on 
his way to the Kanawha.^ In June, 1752, a treaty was 

' See " Fort Pitt." 

^ See fac-simile of one in Craig's " Olden Time," Vol. II; of another 
in "New York Colonial History," Vol. VI, p. 611, also in Hildreth's 
"Pioneer History " and De Hass' " Indian Wars of Western Virginia," 
1851. " Magazine of American History," March, 1878. 

3" New York Colonial History," Vol. VI, p. 531 ; do., Vol. VII, p. 267. 

* "Weiser's Journal." 

' Journals of Washington and Gist, 1754. 

^ Journals in Sparks' " Life of Washington," Vol. 2, Appendix ; also in 
Craig's "Olden Time," Vol. I. 


made here between the Indians and the Commissioners 
of Virginia, Fry, Lomax and Patton. Gist was present, 
George Croghan also. Arthur Lee, in his " Journal of 
1784," mentions Logstown as " formerly a settlement on both 
sides of the Ohio."' A settlement on the south side of the 
river is called Indian Logstown in " Western Navigation," 
edition of 1814, p. 76.^ George Croghan, in his Journal of 
1765, describes Logstown as "an old Settlement of the 
Shawanese, situated on a high bank on the north side of the 
Ohio River, a fine fertile country around it." An error in 
printing " south " for " north " has occasioned some contro- 
versy. His description better applies to the north side, and 
is so written in the manuscript.' The tract on the south side 
appears to have been surveyed for Alexander M'Kee in 1769,* 
and was advertised for public sale by the agents of the State 
"at Pittsburgh, on the 12th day of October next." Three 
hundred acres of land, on the south side of the Ohio, located 
by Alexander McKee, including his house and improve- 
ments opposite Logstown and confiscated as the property of 
the said Alexander McKee.' Tanacharison, the Half King, 
with Monakatoocha and a number of that tribe (Six Nations) 
lived at Logstown in 1753-4." 

On December 2, 1758, soon after the capture of Fort Du 
Quesne, the Moravian Missionary, Christian Frederick Post, 
arrived there and found it deserted by its late inhabitants. 
" In this town," he states, " there is forty houses, all built 

'"Life of Lee," Vol. II, p. 384. 

'' See also Cumming's "Western Tour," Pittsburgh, 1816, p. 80. 
' Craig's " Olden Time," Vol. I, p. 403. Butler's " History of Ken- 
tucky," second edition. Appendix, p. 459. 
* " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. IV, p. 346. 
' Pennsylvania Gazette, Septembers, 1784. 
" " Washington's Journal, 1754." 


for them by the French and lived in by about one hundred 
and twenty warriors."' In Post's original Journal, London, 
1759, p. 57, reprinted in Proud's "History of Pennsylvania," 
Vol. II, Appendix, and in Craig's " Olden Time," Vol. I, he 
relates, December 2, 1758 : " I with my Companion Kekus- 
cund's son came to Logstown situated on a high hill. On the 
East End is a great Piece of low land where the old Logs- 
town used to stand. In the new Logstown the French have 
built about thirty Houses for the Indians. They have a large 
Corn Field on the South Side where the Corn stands un- 
gathered." (Extract from the "Deposition" of Major Edward 
Ward, taken at Pittsburgh, March 10, 1777, before the Com- 
missioners of Virginia, Wood and Simms.) In the year 1752, 
and before his surrender to the French, " that about one-third 
of the Shawanese Inhabited Logstown on the West side of 
the Ohio and tended Corn on the East side of the river — and 
the other part of the nation lived on the Scioto river."^ The 
reader will observe on the Map that the Ohio River here 
makes a bend and runs in its course nearly due north. The 
traders' stores, here and elsewhere in the Ohio Valley, were 
sacked and plundered by the Indians on the outbreak of Pon- 
tiac's War, in 1763. Some of the traders were killed.'' In 
the original manuscript account and affidavit of losses suf- 
fered by George Croghan and Company, in 1753, appears the 
item : " One Store House at the Logstown Twelve miles 
from Fort Du Quesne on the north west side of Ohio ;£iSO." 
After the capture of Fort Du Ouesne and erection of Fort 
Pitt, in 1758, Logstown dwindled to insignificance, although 
some traffic was carried on there with the Indians. General 

' Journal in " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. Ill, p. 560. 
^ " Virginia State Papers Calendar," p. 278. 

" " Colonial History of New York," Vol. VII, p. 724. " Plain Facts," 
p. 59. Parkman's " Conspiracy of Pontiac," Vol. II, pp. 6, 10. 


John Gibson had a small trading establishment there in 1777.' 
From the beginning of the war of the Revolution it had 
neither trade nor inhabitants ; Fort Pitt absorbed both. 

The site of the town and the surrounding scenery is very 
picturesque. In the account of Colonel Bouquet's Expedi- 
tion against the Ohio Indians, in 1764, occurs this passage : 
" Friday, October 5. — In this day's march, the Army passed 
through Loggstown, situated seventeen miles and an half, fifty 
seven perches by the path from Fort Pitt. This place was 
noted before the last war for the great trade carried on there 
by the English and French, but its inhabitants abandoned it 
in the year 1758. The lower town extended about sixty 
perches over a rich bottom to the foot of a low, steep ridge, 
on the summit of which, near the declivity, stood the upper 
town, commanding a most agreeable prospect over the lower 
and quite across the Ohio, which is quite five hundred yards 
wide here, and by its majestic, easy current adds much to the 
beauty of the place."'' 

Remains of many of the houses are noted in the draught 
of the survey executed for the State of Pennsylvania.' Por- 
tions of some of the most substantial buildings were visible 
in the early part of the present century. For the location of 
Logstown see Evans' Map of 1755. Fry and Jefferson's ditto, 
175 1. Hutchins' Map in "Bouquet." Large Map of ditto, 
1778. Map of the Ohio River, by General Victor Collot, 1796. 

A town named Montmorin was laid out on a large scale on 
the site of Logstown in 1788. It only existed on paper. Adver- 

'" McDonald's Sketches," p. 202. Arnold's "Campaign Against 
Quebec," Munsell's e'dition, 1877, p. 6. 

'' " Historical Account of Bouquet's Expedition," Philadelphia, 1765, p. 
10. Robert Clarke Co's. Reprint, Cincinnati, 1869, p. 45. 

' Land Office Records. Tracts numbers 18 and 19 in Leet's " District 
of Depreciation Lands." Howell's Map of Pennsylvania, 1792. 


tisement in the Pennsylvania Gazette, No. 3,005, March 12, 

On the plain, a short distance below, the army under Gen- 
eral Wayne, known as the " Legion of the United States," 
encamped from November, 1792, to the 30th of April, 1793. 
The place was called Legionville. 

. November 26. — Where the town of Rochester now stands, 
on the east side of the Beaver, at its junction with the Ohio. 
Barny Curran was an old Indian trader. He was employed 
by Washington on his mission to Venango, in 1753.^ Great 
Beaver Creek, named for King Beaver ; in the Delaware 
tongue Amahkhanne or Beaver Stream. 

November 27. — Gist crossed the Beaver to the west side, 
where, on the bottom land, now occupied by the town of 
Bridgewater, stood the small, but long noted, Indian town, 
Sarikonk or Soh-kon, a Delaware word signifying "at the 
mouth of a stream " (outlet). 

On the elevated table-land adjoining the bottom, and at the 
west end of the present county town of Beaver, another 
Indian village was built by the French, in 1756. Both are 
thus described in the " Historical Account of Bouquet's 
Expedition," original edition, 1765, p. 10 : "About a mile 
below its (Beaver Creek) confluence with the Ohio stood 
formerly a large town, on a steep bank, built by the French, 
of square logs, with stone chimneys, for some of the Shawa- 
nese, Delawares and Mingo Tribes, who abandoned it in the 
year 1758, when the French deserted Fort Du Quesne. Near 
the fording of Beaver Creek stood about seven houses, which 
were deserted and destroyed by the Indians after their defeat 
at Bushy Run," August 6, 1763, "when they forsook all their 
remaining settlements in this part of the country." 

' Journal, 1754, p. 2, " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 440. " History of 
Western Pennsylvania," 1846, p. 40. 



King Beaver and Shingiss, his brother and successor, and 
noted warrior and war chief of the Delawares, resided here 
until the Spring of 1759, after the erection of Fort Pitt, when 
they removed to Kuskusky.' They afterwards removed to 
Muskingum. "Shingis Old Town " is mentioned in the deed 
from the Six Nations to the State of Pennsylvania, executed 
at Fort Stanwix, October 23, 1784, and now in the State 
Archives ; also printed in the Minutes of the General Assem- 
bly for 1784-5, p. 320. 

The Act of Assembly of September 28, 1791, authorized 
the Governor to have surveyed, at the mouth of Beaver Creek, 
" two hundred acres of land in town lots, at or near the 
ground where the old French town stood," now the Borough 
of Beaver. 

Fort Mcintosh was built here in 1778, by the troops under 
General Lachlan Mcintosh. These Indian towns, Soh-kon 
and Shingoes, were prominent places of rendezvous for war- 
riors, and the scene of much cruelty and bloodshed during 
the Indian and French wars. The Indian trail from Shan- 
nopins here divided, the lower (taken by Gist) led to Tusca- 
rawas, the upper, along the west bank of the Beaver to Kus- 
kuskis town, on the Mahoning, six miles above the forks of 
Beaver, where Edenburgh, Lawrence County, now stands. 
Old Kuskuskis stood on the Shenango, between the Forks 
and the mouth of the Neshannock (where New Castle now 
stands), on the wide bottom on the west side. Kuskuskis 
was divided into four towns, some distance apart. ^ Portions 

' Letter of Colonel Hugh Mercer to R. Peters, " Colonial Records," 
Vol. VIII, p. 305 ; id., pp. 307, 309, 313. " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. 
Ill, p. 634. 

""Christian Fred. Post's Journal," September, 1758. Hugh Gibson's 
" Narrative," Massachusetts Historical Collection, Vol. VI, Third Series, 
p. 144. General Wm. Irvine's Letters in " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. 
XI, p. 518, etc. " Western Annals," p. 358. 


of the path along the west bank of the Beaver and Mahoning, 
worn deep into the soil, were plainly visible and often seen 
by the writer about thirty years since, and some he is credibly 
informed yet remain. 

Christian Fred. Post, Moravian Missionary, sent by the 
Governor of Pennsylvania and General Forbes to prevail on 
the Indians of the Upper Ohio to withdraw from the French 
interest, was at Soh-kon, in August, 1758, and again in the 
following month of November. At first roughly received, he 
was finally successful. (See his first and second Journals, 
published in 1759; reprinted in Proud's "History of Penn- 
sylvania," 1798, Appendix to Vol. II. Also, in Craig's "Olden 
Time," Vol. I, and (but not so full) in "Pennsylvania Ar- 
chives," Vol. Ill, pp. 520, 560, 563.) 

Post states : " At Beaver Creek there is thirty-eight houses, 
all built by the French for the Indians ; some with stone 
chimneys. When all their men are at home they can send 
out one hundred warriors." Hugh Gibson was a prisoner at 
Soh-kon in 1757. Narrative before referred to. (See also 
Hutchins' Map, 1778. Map in "Bouquet." Evans' Map, 1755. 
Howell's Map, 1792. Heckwelder in " Bulletin of Pennsyl- 
vania Historical Society," Vol. I, p. 129.) 

November 27. — From Shingis town the trail left the river, 
taking a northwest course, passing near the present village of 
West Salem, Pennsylvania, to a point a little southeast from 
New Lisbon, Columbiana County, Ohio, on nearly the same 
line as the present road from Beaver to New Lisbon.' 

Captain Hutchins was the chief-engineer in the army of 
Bouquet, and has laid down the line of each day's march and 

1 See Howells' and Hutchins' Maps, especially the beautiful map of 
Hutchins in the original, a Philadelphia edition of " Bouquet's Expedition 
Against the Ohio Indians, in 1764." 


encampment minutely. The route of the army was by the 
old Indian trail travelled by Gist. 

November 30. — To the northwest corner of the present 
Wayne township, Columbiana County, Ohio, after crossing 
the west or " last branch " of the Little Beaver Creek, having 
crossed the middle and east branches the preceding day. 
Little Beaver Creek, or Tank-amahk-hanne, in the Delaware 

December i, 1750. — To a point near Hanover, on the Pitts- 
burgh and Cleveland Railway, in Columbiana County. 

December 2. — A little south of Bayard, in the same county. 

December 4, 5. — Near Oneida, in Carroll County, now 
known as Big Sandy Creek, a branch of the Tuscarawas. The 
Indians applied one name, " Elk's Eye," to the three streams; 
in modern times known as the Big Sandy, Tuscarawas, and 
Muskingum. On Evans' Map of 1755 and Hutchins' of 1778 
the Big Sandy is named Lanianshicolas, now the Nimishicolas, 
and correctly applied to a branch. " The Delawares say the 
elks were so plenty on that river and so tame the Indians 
could come so near as to see into their eyes, so they called 
the river Mooskingung or Elk's Eye." Zeisberger, the Mora- 
vian Missionary, in the " Bulletin of the Pennsylvania His- 
torical Society," Vol. I, p. 34 : Elk's Eye, on account of the 
number of elks feeding on its banks. Loshiel's " History of 
Moravian Missions, 1794," p. 6 : " Mooshingung, that is Elk's 
Eye River. Elk in their language being called Moos." ' The 
words are mostly Narragansett, " Moos-soog " — the great ox, 
or rather a red deer. Muskingum is usually but incorrectly 
defined — water clear as an elk's eye. 

December 7. — This town of the Ottoways stood near the 

'Rev. David Jones' Journal, 1772; original edition, pp. 68, 84. 
Sabin's Reprint of ditto, New York, 1865, pp. 90-111, etc. 


junction of the Big Sandy and Tuscarawas, on the west side 
of the latter and just above the present town of Bolivar. At 
this period but a small number of the Ottawa tribe remained 
in Eastern Ohio. By Hutchins' Maps of 1764 and 1778, and 
Evans' Map of 1755, they appear to have had a village on the 
Cuyahoga River, and " Ottowas Old Fort " is marked on the 
head of a branch of the White-woman's Creek, in the north- 
ern part of Richland County, from which was a four-mile 
portage to the waters of the river Huron. About fifty years 
since the Ottawa tribe held large reservations of land on the 
waters of the Maumee. In 1760 this village was known as 
King Beaver's Town, its occupants being Delawares. 

Major Robert Rogers, on his way from Detroit to Fort 
Pitt, arrived there on January 13, 1761. He mentions "the 
number of warriors in this town is about one hundred and 
eighty." ' 

Bouquet's army, in 1764, made their twelfth encampment 
here, after leaving Fort Pitt, from which Captain Hutchins 
computed the distarjce to be one hundred and sixteen miles. 
They found "Tuscarawas a place exceedingly beautiful in 
situation, lands rich, and on the northwest side an entire 
level plain, upwards of five miles in circumference," and "from 
the number of ruined houses, supposed the Indians who 
inhabited the place and are with the Delawares to have had 
about one hundred and fifty warriors."'' This is a noted spot 
in the early history of Ohio. Christian Fred Post, the Mora- 
vian Missionary, established a station on the north side of the 
Tuscarawas, in the present Stark County, in the year 1761, 
and erected, it is claimed, the first house in Ohio." Fort 

' Journal, 1760-1, p. 234. 

^ "Journal of Bouquet's Expedition, 1765," p. 13, original edition. 
' " Heckwelder's Narrative," p. 61. " Life of Zeisberger," by De 
Schweinitz, p. 256. " Beatty's Journal," 1766, p. 40. 


Laurens, the most western military post erected by the 
Americans during the Revolution, stood just below the site 
of Tuscarawas town. 

The Greenville Treaty Line, of 1795, extended from the 
mouth of Cuyahoga " to the crossing place above Fort Lau- 
rens, thence westerly to Laramie's store," on a branch of the 
Great Miami, in the present Shelby County. It marked the 
boundary between the lands of the Indian tribes and those 
they ceded to the United States.' The great Indian trails 
radiated from this point in various directions. 

December 9. — Margaret's Creek. The trail crossed it in 
the present Franklin Township, Tuscarawas County, near 
Strasburgh. This stream was named for Margaret Montour, 
usually called " French Margaret," the daughter of Madame 
Montour. This stream was afterwards called Sugar Creek ; 
it empties into the Tuscarawas at Dover. 

December 10. — A branch of Margaret's Creek. 

December 11. — To a point in Buck's Township, Tuscarawas 

December 12. — Near the mouth of White Eyes Creek, in 
Coshocton County. 

December 14. — This was a large and important town of 
the Wyandots, on the Tuscarawas, the head branch of the 
Muskingum River, within a mile from the "Forks," where 
Coshocton now stands. Marked " Old Wyandot Town " on 
Hutchins' Map, in Bouquet, 1764 ; Owendot's Town on Dr. 
Mitchell's Map of 1755. This town was abandoned by the 
Wyandots prior to 1760, probably soon after the capture of 
Fort Du Quesne, in 1758. They were there in 1756.' Gist 

• " Treaty of Greenville, August 3, 1795." American State Papers, Vol. 
V, p. 562. State Maps of Ohio, 1815, 1831 and 1869. 

'•' Letter of Colonel John Armstrong to Governor Denny, December 22, 
1756. Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. Ill, p. 83. 


mentions Muskingum as though it was the name of the town. 
He should have written "a town of the Wyandots at the 
Muskingum," the latter being an Algonquin or Delaware 
word. The Indians do not, like the whites, give every town 
or village a name, but they are known by the name of the place, 
the locality, head chief, etc. "They preferred to describe a man 
or a river or town, by some quality or remarkable feature 
rather than designate the object by a name.' Thus Chilli- 
cothe towns in Ohio — Upper, Lower and Old — simply meant 
towns of the Chillicothe tribe of the Shawnese.'' Soh-kon, out- 
let (a village) at the outlet. Shannopin, from the head chief, 
Kittanning. Kittan, great, ung-on, or at the great river.' 
The Wyandots, or Hurons, were ancient occupants of Cen- 
tral and Eastern Ohio and Northwestern Pennsylvania, to 
which region they retreated from Canada, to escape the fury 
of the conquering Iroquois, or Five Nations, in the middle of 
the seventeenth century.* The Wyandots are called Tionon- 
aties, Petuns or Petuneuae, Tobacco Indians, from their indus- 
trious habit of cultivating that plant. Petun (obsolete French 
for tobacco derived from the Brazilian) being a nickname 
given to them by the French traders.' In the Mohawk dialect 
of the Iroquois the name for tobacco is 0-ye-aug-wa. " In the 
Huron of La Hontan, Vol. II, p. 103, Oyngowa ; and in Cam- 
pinus " History of New Sweden," in the Mingo. 

' " Transactions of the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio," 
Vol. I, p. 23s. 

^ John Johnson, in Butler's " Kentucky," last page, Appendix. 

'' See Trumbull on " Indian Geographical Names," Connecticut Histori- 
cal Society, Vol. II, p. 43, etc. 

*" American Antiquarian Society Transactions," Vol. I, p. 271-2; id. 
Vol. II, p. 72. Charlevoix's " History of New France." 

' " Historical Magazine," Vol. V, O. S., 1861, p. 263. 

" Gallatin's" Synopsis American Aboriginal Archives," Vol. II, p. 484. 


The flotilla of Celeron, before mentioned as on its way down 
the Ohio, arrived at the mouth of the Muskingum on the 15th 
of August, 1749, and on the i6th they buried a lead plate in 
the western bank of that stream, bearing the inscription 
" Riviere Yenangue," and on the map of Father Bonnecamp 
— a Jesuit mathematician who accompanied the expedition — 
the Muskingum is marked " R. Yanangue konan. " On Bel- 
lin's Map, in Charlevoix's original edition, 1744, it is named 
Chenangue. The meaning clearly is from the Iroquois ; from 
Ynango — tobacco — and Konan people, or river on which the 
tobacco people — Wyandots or Petuns — have a town, referring 
to the town at which Gist had now arrived. 

Colonel John Johnston, for many years United States Agent 
for the Ohio Indians, in his valuable "Specimens of the 
Wyandot Language," gives the signification of Muskingum 
as " a place of residence ; " but again erroneously states it to 
mean a town on the river side in the Delaware. " The Shaw- 
nese," he adds, " call it Wakitama Sepe, which has the same 
signification." * 

De Witt Clinton, in a letter to the American Antiquarian 
Society, in 1827, erroneously supposed the town, to which allu- 
sion is made, to be " the celebrated remains of an ancient town at 
Marietta." He is also in error, in the same letter, in the sup- 
position that the leaden plate deposited at the mouth of the 
Muskingum, found and dug up in 1798, to " have been origi- 
nally deposited at the mouth of the Venango (French Creek) 
above Pittsburgh." He was misled by the similarity of the 
name Yznangue with Venango, as it is now written. The 
date on the plate should have undeceived him. However, 
Venango was an old village of the Wyandots, or Tobacco In- 
dians. Washington, in his Journal of 1753, mentions it as the 

' American Antiquarian Society, Vol. I, pp. 297, 298. 


site of an old Indian town ;' and it is probable that wherever 
the name Chenango occurs in early times or on early maps, 
it indicates the site of a town of the tobacco tribe — Wyandots 
— or of a place where Indian tobacco was cultivated.' 

The claim of the Wyandots to Central Ohio was admitted 
by the United States, who made them compensation therefor.' 

The Wyandots released to Pennsylvania, at the latter 
mentioned treaty, their claim to the western portion of that 
State. There was a Wyandot town on the Big Beaver, on the 
east side, nineteen miles above its mouth. On its site the 
Moravians, in 1770, erected their town of Friedenstadt.'' 

The name of "Little Mingoes," applied by Gist to the 
Wyandots, I have not observed elsewhere. The Wyandots, 
or Hurons, were of the original Iroquois stock (or Mengine 
changed to Mingo). 

Croghan's Trading House, here mentioned, was afterwards 
(1753) with the goods stored in it, seized by the French. In 
the original MS. account of losses suffered by George Crog- 
han & Co., occasioned by the French, during his trades in 
the Ohio country, appears this item : " One store House at 
Muskingum ;£'i50." Croghan's affidavit is attached to it, dated 
at Carlisle, April 24, 1756. Four traders were captured — 
Joseph Falkner of New York, Luke Erwin of Pennsylvania, 
Thomas Burk of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and John Pattin of 

'Journal, original edition, p. 17. 

2 See "Transactions American Antiquarian Society," Vol. II, p. 535. 
Hildreth's" Pioneer History of Ohio," 1848, p. 22. "American Magazine," 
March, 1878, in which is the map of Celeron's Route, by O. H. Marshal, of 

^ Declaration annexed to the Treaty at Fort Harmar, in 1789. " American 
State Papers, Indian Affairs," Vol. I, p. 7. Treaty of September 29, 1817, 
Vol. II; do.. Treaty at Fort Mcintosh, etc. 

* Lochiel's " History of Missions. " De Schweinitz's " Life of Zeis- 


Chester County, Pennsylvania. The first two were in the 
employ of George Croghan & Co. Pattin was seized at Fort 
Miami. Erwin, Burke, and Falkner, were captured at a place 
called " Argentout " (Wyandot), near the little Lake Otsan- 
derkat (Sandusky Bay), the former stronghold of the Huron 
Chief Nicholas, who in 1747 rebelled against the French and 
built himself a Fort there.' 

The traders were captured by orders of Celeron, Comman- 
der at Detroit, '^ to which place they were taken and confined 
in the fort for five months, then taken to Niagara and Quebec. 
At the latter place Falkner was left, on account of sickness ; 
the other three were sent to Rochelle, France, and there 
imprisoned for three months, then liberated and returned to 
America. Pattin's goods, to the value of eight or nine hun- 
dred pounds, were seized when he was captured.' 

December 17. — The " New Fort" which the French were 
building on one of the branches of Lake Erie, and to which 
Croghan supposed the French took the captives, is erroneously 
stated by Mr. Bancroft to be Fort Sandusky. There has 
been much uncertainty respecting the location of the 

1 Letter of the Marquis de la Jonquiere to M. Rouille. Also from same 
to Governor Clinton of New York. New York : Colonial History, Vol. 
VI, p 733 ; ditto, Vol. X, p. 240. Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. V, p. 
556. See the examination and depositions of the prisoners, by the Governor 
of Canada, La Jonquiere, at Montreal, in June 1751, in " The Conduct of 
the Ministry, a Memorial, etc.," pp. 92-106. English edition, 1777. 
French original edition, 1756, pp. 89-100. See Pennsylvania Colonial 
Records, Vol. V, p. 522. 

^ New York Colonial History, Vol. X, p. 251. 

^ See his petition to the Assembly of Pennsylvania for relief. Journals of 
Assembly, October 17, 1752. Letter of Earl of Albemarle, from Paris, 
March i, 1752, to the Earl of Holderness. New York Colonial History. 
Vol. X, p. 241. John Pattin's " Narrative of his Captivity, 1750," Pennsyl- 
vania Historical Society. 


French Fort Sandusky and also of the British Post 
subsequently erected. In the French official reports, from 
1748 to 1763, there is no mention of any fort at Sandusky 
(excepting that of the Huron Chief Nicholas), while the Posts 
at Detroit, Miami and Niagara are frequently referred to, and 
detailed accounts of their condition given.' 

There is no mention of a fort at Sandusky in Colonel James 
Smith's Narrative. He lived and hunted with the Indians 
along the south shore of Lake Erie, from the Cuyahoga to 
the Maumee, during the five years of his captivity — 1755 to 
1760.^ Nor is there anything said of Fort Sandusky in the 
journals of Major Robert Rogers, who was sent with a detach- 
ment of troops, by General Amherst, in 1760, to Detroit, to 
receive the surrender of that and all other western posts held 
by the French, in accordance with the terms of the capitu- 
lation of Canada, by Governor Vaudreuil.' 

The Fort of the Huron (Wyandot) war chief, Nicholas, 
was probably on what is now called Cherry Island, in the 
marshes, between Green Creek and the Sandusky River, 
about two miles above the mouth of the latter. It now con- 
tains but a few acres of good land, above overflow, and is the 
most inaccessible of the islands in the vast Sandusky marshes, 
and only to be reached by canoes or small boats. Neverthe- 
less, Nicholas, apprehensive of French attack, with the 
assistance of their Indian allies, early in the Spring of 1748, 

' " Memorial of De Galissoniere on the Canadian Posts, December 10, 
1752 ;" New York Colonial History, Paris, Vol. X, p. 230. " Dispatch of 
Longueil to Rouille, April, 1752; " id., pp. 245-251. 

' " Smith's Narrative " Ohio Valley, Historical Series : R. Clarke & Co., 

"Journals of Rogers, London, 1765 ; also, " Journals of George Croghan, 
Fort Pitt to Detroit,i76o-i," in Massachusetts Historical Collection ; Fourth 
Series, Vol. IX, pp. 362, 366. 


burned his fort and village, and with 119 warriors of his na- 
tion, men, women and baggage, took the route to White 
River.' This probably is the fort "Junundat, built in 1754," 
marked as on the east side of the Sandusky River, near the 
Bay, on Evans' Map of 1755, and Pownall's of 1776. If this 
location is correct, the Wyandot fort and village must have 
been on Peach and Graveyard Islands, directly at the mouth 
of the river, on the east side. On these same maps Fort 
Sandusky is laid down on the west side, opposite Junundat. 
Both river and bay being very erroneously delineated on Dr. 
Mitchell's Map, published by authority of the British Govern- 
ment, in 1755 : " Sandusky usurped by the French in 1751 is 
marked at the river's mouth on the west side ; the river itself 
is named Blanc." 

On the map of D'Anville, Paris, 1755, "Sandousche" is 
marked on the west side of the river Blanc, at its mouth, and 
on the English map of the same date, the location is the 
same, marked "Fr. Fort Sanduski." On the map of M. 
Bellin, the French Geographer Royal, Paris, 1755, the "Fr. 
Ft. Sanduski " is placed at the west side of the mouth of 
the river and noted as an old or " Ancient Fort abandoned ; " 
and in the " Remarques sur la Carte," published with the 
Atlas, the author, in describing the country around Lake 
Erie, observes that " where the river flows into the end of the 
Bay of Sandusky, we (the French) have a fort and habitation." 
" The French go in three days from Fort De Troit to Fort San- 
doskes, which is a small pallisaded Fort with about twenty 
men, situated on the south side of Lake Erie and was built 
in the latter end of the year 1750." From narrative of John 
Pattin, Indian trader, of his captivity in 1750.'' Among the 
"King's Maps and Drawings," .in the Library of the 

' "French Journal of Occurrences in Canada," 1747-8; "New York 
Colonial History," Vol. .X, pp. 162, 178; id., Vol. VI, pp. 706, 733. 
^ Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 


British Museum, the writer found and had copied a large 
and finely executed MS. map of Lake Erie and the Allegheny 
River, with the British Posts of Presque Isle, Le Bceuf, Ve- 
nango, and Fort Pitt, made about 1760. 

A fort destroyed is laid down on the northwest shore of 
Lake Sandusky, about two miles east of the entrance to the 
Little Portage, or Indians' carrying place, and a half mile in 
length between Sandusky Bay and the mouth of the Portage 
River, where Port Clinton now stands. This was on the usual 
route taken by the Indians and French from and to Detroit 
and the North. " The French erected a post here (Sandusky) 
in the year 1754 and abandoned it in the year 1759. This post 
was established principally with a view of keeping up the 
communication with Detroit, Fort DuQuesneand Presque Isle 
and of assisting parties of warriors residing northward of Lake 
Erie, when on their way to, and returning from, the frontiers of 
the different States."^ The earlier date of the erection of the 
French Fort at Sandusky, 1^50, as stated by Pattin, seems to 
be the correct one, as well as its location near the " Little 
Portage," where a " Fort destroyed " is marked on a small 
sketch of the bay, the location of the Indian villages and the 
British block-house, made by an officer, m 1761, and now 
with the "Bouquet" MSS. in the Library of the British 

In the latter part of 1761 the British erected a block-house 
on the south shore of Sandusky Bay, at the mouth of Mills 
Creek.^ " The block-house at Sandusky is finished ; Lieuten- 
ant Meyer and Ensign Paully remain yet there with thirty 

' MS. account of the country and " Route from Fort Pitt to Sandusky 
and thence to Detroit," by Captain Thomas Hutchins, 1761. Library of 
Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia. 

^ Letter of Colonel Bouquet to General Amherst, from Fort Pitt, De- 
cember 2, 1761. 


men."' Lieutenant Meyer commanded during tiie erection of 
the fort. Its location is correctly marked on the map of Cap- 
tain Thomas Hutchins, of 1778. Also on his map in the 
historical account of Bouquet's Expedition of 1764. Cap- 
tain Hutchins was then an engineer in the British service. 
He was at Fort Sandusky in 1762.' 

The reader doubtless remembers that the British Fort San- 
dusky shared the fate of many of the western posts, being 
captured and destroyed by the Indians during the Pontiac 
War of 1763. 

December 25, 1750. Christmas Day. — This, no doubt, was 
the first Protestant religious service ever held within the limits 
of the present State of Ohio. The first Protestant sermon 
was preached by the Rev. Charles Beatty, on the 21st of Sep- 
tember, 1766, at Newcomerstown, about sixteen miles farther 
up the Muskingum. The Rev. George Duffield preached in 
the afternoon of the same day, at the same place. These 
ministers were Presbyterian Missionaries, sent out by the 
Synods of New York and Philadelphia.' On the 14th of 
March, 1771, the Rev. David Zeisberger, Moravian Mission- 
ary, preached his first sermon in Ohio, in the same town.* The 
Rev. David Melluse, Missionary from Connecticut, preached 
here in September, 1772.' 

' " Diary of Sir William Johnson," in Appendix to Stone's Life of Sir 
William, Vol. II, p. 466. Letter of Colonel Bouquet to General Monck- 
ton, from Fort Pitt, July 24, 1761. Massachusetts Historical Collection, 
Vol. IX, Fourth Series, p. 434, and same to the same, August 12, 1761, id., 
p. 438. 

- Letter of Colonel Bouquet to Ensign PauUy, April 3, 1762, in Gazette, 
Philadelphia, April 27, 1791. Treaty of Greenville. 

■' " Beatty's Journal of a Two Month's Tour West of the Allegheny 
Mountains in 1766," London, 1768, pp. 55-56. 

• " Life of Zeisberger," by E. DeSchweinitz, 1870, p. 366. 

» "Journal of Missions, Hartford, 1773," of Thomas Burney, see note to 
February 24. 


January 4, 1751. —Michael Taaf, or Teaff, was a partner in 
the Indian trade with William Trent and George Croghan. 
He resided on the Susquehanna, a little below Harris' Ferry.* 

January 9, 1751. — This English trader captured was John 
Pattin, taken at Fort Miami.^ 

January 14. — The answer of the King and Council was, 
given to George Croghan and Andrew Montour for the 
Governor of Virginia, at Logstown, May 29, 1751. They 
say, they are now at war with the Southern Indians ; may 
be soon struck by the French, so that it is not in their 
power to go down to hear what their great Father, the King 
of Great Britain has to say. They expect that their Father's 
speeches will be sent here where their brothers of Penn- 
sylvania have kindled a Council Fire.** 

January 15. — Reaching the Whitewoman's Creek, about 
four miles west of the present town of Coshocton. Mary 
Harris, the white woman, doubtless was the same person who 
was captured at the assault and burning of Deerfield, Massa- 
chusetts, by the French and Indians from Canada, February 
29, 1704. A list of the killed and prisoners is given in the 
Appendix to the fourth edition of the "Captivity and Deliv- 
erance of the Rev. John Williams, of Deerfield, Massachu- 
setts, 1758." The name of Mary Harris is marked among 
those still absent. It appears she left the village, where Gist 
saw her, and returned to Canada, as in a " Memoir of the 
Rev. John Williams, by his grandson, Stephen W. Williams, 
Northampton, Massachusetts, 1853," it is stated, on page 
121, that "as lately as the year 1756 Mary Harris, who was 
one of the female prisoners and a child at the time of the 
capture of the town, resided at Cahnawaga " (near Montreal). 

' " Colonial Records," Vol. VI, p. 150. 
•^ See note to December 17th, antff. 
< " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 537. 


" She was at that time a married woman and had several 
children, one of whom was an officer in the service of France." 
The Cahnawagas, or French Mohawks, frequented the 
country, both north and south of the Ohio. Their chief town 
was at the rapids of St. Louis, near Montreal, where a num- 
ber of the tribe yet reside, 1879.' Whitewoman's Town is 
marked on Dr. Mitchell's Map of 1755 as well as Gist's 
route, from his notes referred to in the sketch of the Ohio 
Company. The town is also marked on the Map of Evans, 
1755, and appears to have been situated about opposite the 
mouth of Killbuck Creek, in the present County of Coshoc- 
ton, which location agrees with Gist's. Whitewoman's 
Creek is also called the Walkending — a Delaware name. 

January 16. — The trail led in a southwesterly direction, 
through the present Coshocton County, passing near Dres- 
den, in the County of Muskingum ; thence to the Licking 
Creek, crossing it at Clay Lick Station, Hanover Township, 
Licking County, on the Central Ohio Railroad, six miles 
east of Newark. 

January 17. — In the southern part of Licking County. At 
the time of Gist's visit this swamp was of great extent, part 
of the locality is known as the Licking Reservoir of the Ohio 
Canal, the construction of which commenced here in 1825.^ 
This was the " Great Buffalo Swamp" of Smith's narrative, 
where he hunted with the Indians in 1755 or 6 and where 
they made salt.' 

' See " Narrative of Colonel James Smith," pp. 16, 32, 52, 107 and 
Appendi.x, p. 172. " Bouquet's Expedition," R. Clarke & Co., pp. 63, 75, 
153. Deposition in appendix to these notes. 

' Ohio Canal Doc, 1828, p. 105. Niles' Register, Vol. XXVIII, p. 22. 

'"Colonel James Smith's Captivity," page 21. See also "Historical 
Sketch of Licking Township," by Isaac Smucker. Pioneer Paper, No. 3, 
Licking County Pioneer Association, Newark, Ohio, 1869. 


January 19. — Hockhockin, now Lancaster, Fairfield County, 
the "Standing Stone" or Ach-sin-sink of the Delawares, is a 
rocky eminence near the town. Visited by the Missionary, 
the Rev. David Jones, in 1773. He mentions in his Journal : 
" February 9th, at the Standing Stone. This town consists 
chiefly of Delaware Indians. It is situated on a creek called 
Hock-hock-in.' Hack-hack is a Delaware word, and signifies 
a gourd with a neck; also applied to bottles.'' Hockhocking, 
from the shape of the creek,' resembling that of a bottle. 
John Brickell's account : he was for five years a prisoner 
among the Delawares in Ohio.'' Marked " Hockhocking or 
French Margaret's," town on Evans' Map of the Middle 
Colonies, 1755. Mitchell's ditto, Pownall's of 1776, ditto. 
French Margaret was a daughter of Madame Montour. It 
is probable she resided here at one time. 

January 20. — Maguck. In the Pickaway plains, between 
Scippo Creek and the Scioto River, in Pickaway County and 
township, three and one-half miles south of Circleville ; 
"the small rising in the middle" was called "Black moun- 
tains " by the natives.^ William Trent got to the Maguck 
July 3, 1752." " The Delawares informed me the lower Shawa- 
nese had removed off the river (Ohio) up the Sciota to a 
great plain called Moguck."' At the time of Gist's visit only 

'Journal, p. 64, original edition, Burlington, New Jersey, 1774. Sabin's 
reprint. New York, 1865, p. 86. 

^ Heckwelder, "Historical Account of the Indian Nations," p. 56. 
Narrative of ditto, p. 144. 

■' About six miles above Lancaster. 

'American Pioneer, Vol. I, p. 38-43. Howe's "History of Ohio," pp. 

' Howe's " Ohio," p. 402. 

"Journal, R. Clarke & Co., 1871. 

' "Journal of Christopher F. Post, November 28, 1758," Pennsylvania 
Archives, Vol. Ill, p. 560. 


a portion of the Delaware tribes had removed to the Ohio 
country from Pennsylvania. 

The Shawanese occupied the land on the Scioto in the 
latter part of the preceding century and also the country 
along the lower Cumberland River, in Kentucky, first called 
the Shawnee River ; they were compelled to remove in their 
wars with the Iroquois or Five Nations. Some of the tribe 
went south, but the greater part emigrated to the upper Poto- 
mac and to Pennsylvania, along the Susquehanna and its 
branches.' " You Shawanese look back toward Ohio the 
place from whence you came and return thitherward for now 
we shall take pity on the English and let them have all this 
land." "The Delaware Indians sometime ago bid us Depart 
for they was Dry and wanted to drink ye land away, where- 
upon we told them Since some of you are gone to Ohioh we 
will go there also, we hope you will not Drink that away 

They gradually removed westward, Delawares and Shawa- 
nese from 1728 to 1755, first to the Allegheny and Ohio rivers 
and thence to the Muskingum and Scioto, by permission how- 
ever of the Wyandots.' 

The wild rye was a coarse, natural grass, much used for fod- 
der by the early settlers.* Scioto, deer. Where deer are 

' Pennsylvania Colonial Record, Vol. IV, p. 337. Hazard's "Pennsyl- 
vania," Vol. V, p. 115. 

2" Shawnee Chief's Message to Governor Gordon, 1732," Pennsylvania 
Archives, Vol. I, p. 329. Report of Committee, November 22, 1755. 
Journals of Pennsylvania Assembly, p. 517. 

" " Treaty of the United States with the Wyandots at Fort Harmar, in 
1789." American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 7. New York 
Colonial History, Vol. IX, p. 1035. Albert Gallatin in "Transactions of 
American Antiquarian Society," Vol. Ill, pp. 49,68, 69. Shea's "Dis- 
coveries in the Mississippi Valley," 1853, p. 41, note. 

*Ohio Gazetteer, 1841, p. 360. 


plenty.' Deer, Scaenoto, Magua.^ Zeisberger and other 
Moravian Missionaries.^ The language of the Hurons 
and Wyandots comes near the Magua.^ John Johnston 
observes in "Howe's History of Ohio," p. 600, that "the 
Sci-on-to River was named by the Wyandots, who formerly 
resided on it ; signification unknown." On p. 599 of the 
same volume he gives specimens of the Wyandot language ; 
in the list deer is — Ough — Scanoto.^ In the Onondaga 
tongue deer is Skan-o-do." The Wyandots or Hurons, and 
Iroquois or Five Nations, were of the same original stock. 

The Rev. David Jones, in his Journal of 1772, p. 4, says : 
"The name which the Shawnese give Sciota has slipped my 
memory, but it signified Hairy River. The Indians tell us 
deer were so plenty when they came to drink, the stream 
would be thick of hairs. The name Ona-Sciota, mountains 
in Southeastern Kentucky, on Evans' Map of 1755 and 
Hutchins of 1778, doubtless meant mountains where deer 
are plenty. 

January 24. — It is evident from the text of the Journal that 
Gist did not cross to the west side of the Scioto, where he states 
Harrickintom's town to be located, and such is the conclusion 
of Governor Pownall in his edition of Evans' Map, 1776, on 
which Gist's route is laid down and this town placed on the 
east side of Scioto. On Dr. Mitchell's Map of 1755 the same. 
On Evans' original Map of 1755 and Hutchins' of 1778 it is 

' "Lagard's Dictionary of the Huron Language," Paris, 1633. 

2 Mohawk. 

< Vocabulary in the " Bulletin of the Pennsylvania Historical Society," 
Vol. I, p. 42- 


^ Also in Transactions American Antiquarian Society, Vol. I, pp. 293- 

" Schoolcraft, Gallatin's Vocabulary. 


placed on the west side. It seems to have stood a little below 
the site of the present city of Chillicothe and nearly opposite 
the mouth of Paint Creek. 

January 25. — Salt Lick Creek empties into the Scioto, 
on the east side, in Jefferson township, Ross County. The 
" Scioto Salt Works," the first and for several years the only 
manufactory of salt in this part of Ohio, were on this creek.' 
"This river (Scioto) is furnished with salt on an eastern 
branch." ' 

January 27. — This town stood on the east branch of the 
Scioto, in the present Clay township, Scioto County. Win- 
daughalah was a great war chief during the French wars. 
His name implies an ambassador. He was a prominent 
counsellor in peace times. He lived at Tuscarawas in 1762, 
where he had the figure of a water lizard tatooed on his face 
above the chin ; he was then named Swe-gach-shasin.' This 
chief appeared at a Conference, held at Pittsburgh, July 5, 
1759, between George Croghan, Deputy of Sir Wm. Johnston, 
Superintendent of Indian Affairs in North America, Colonel 
Hugh Mercer, Commander of the Garrison of Fort Pitt, offi- 
cers, etc., and the Indian chiefs and warriors of the Six Na- 
tions, Shawanese, Delawares, and Wyandots.* Also at a 
Conference held at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, between Gover- 
nor Hamilton, the Council of the Province and the chiefs of 
the Ohio Delawares, Shawanese, Tuscarawas, Ottawas and 
Miamis, and the Six Nation chiefs and others from the North, 
in August, 1762. 

At Pittsburgh, with " White Eyes " and other chiefs, in 
June, 1774.^ He was present at the Treaty of Fort Mcintosh, 

'"American Pioneer," Vol. I, p. 97. 
^ Evans, Analysis of Map, 1755, P- 3°- 
' Heckwelder's " Indian Nations," p. 198. 

* Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, Vol. VIII, p. 383, etc. 

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. IV, p. 531. 


on the Ohio, where Beaver, Pennsylvania, now stands, in 
January, 1785, and then with other chiefs, representing the 
Delawares and Wyandots, executed a deed to the State of 
Pennsylvania for the remainder of their lands within that 
State. Being the oldest, Chief Windaughalah, or the " Coun- 
cil Don," signed first.' He also appeared at the Treaty held 
at Fort Finney, at the mouth of the great Miami, in January, 
1786, between the United States and the Shawanese. Win- 
daughalah being active in persuading that tribe to make 
terms with the Government.^ At this time this distinguished 
chief must have been quite old. The famous head chief 
and warrior of the Delawares, Buckongahelas, was his son. 

January 29. — The lower Shawanese Town was situated 
where the present town of Alexandria, opposite Portsmouth, 
at the mouth of the Scioto, now stands, and also on the south 
shore of the Ohio River, directly opposite,'' to which the 
Shawanese on the north side were compelled to remove, within 
a few years after Gist's visit, in consequence of a great flood 
in the Scioto destroying the town at its mouth. George 
Croghan was there at the time ; the water was near fifty feet 
above the ordinary level.'' This town was a noted place for 
Indian trade.' 

In the original MS. account of "losses occasioned by the 
French and Indians, driving the English Traders off the 
Ohio," in 1754, made by George Croghan, at Carlisle, April 
24, 1756, appears this item of property seized belonging 
to William Trent, George Croghan, Robert Callender and 
Michael Teaff, Traders in Company : 

'See "Minutes of the Pennsylvania Assembly, 1785," p. 327. 
^Craig's "Olden Time," Vol. II, p. 455, etc. 
■' In the present Green County, Kentucky. 

* Croghan's Journal, in Appendix to " Butler's History of Kentucky," 
Second Appendix, p. 462. 
*" Evans' Analysis of Map of 17SS," P- 30. 


" One large store House on the Ohio opposite to the mouth 
of the River Scioto where the Shawanese had built their new 
Town called the Lower Shawanese Town, which House we 
learn by the Indians is now in the possession of a French 
Trader ;^200." 

The Shawanese removed to the plains of Scioto in 1758 
and sent for those of their tribe, at Logstown, to join them.' 
On Hutchins' large Map of 1778 the town at the mouth of 
the Scioto is marked "Old Lower Shawnee Town," and the 
place to which they removed is laid down " Lower Shawnee 
Town," situated on both sides of the Scioto, on the " Plains." 
There it became known as Upper Chillicothe, or Old Chilli- 
cothe and " Pluggy's Town," four miles below Circleville, on 
the west side of the river. ^ Some of the log cabins and 
stone chimneys of the town, on the Kentucky side of the 
Ohio, were standing in June, 1773, when Captain BuUit and 
the McAfee Company passed down the Ohio.' Dr. Davidson 
mentions it as a French village.' Traces of this town were 
visible in 1820.^ 

" We are glad that the Shawanese who were our enemies 
did make their application to you last fall, for protection and 
that you sent them hither to endeavour to make peace with 

' "Post's Journal." Dr. Franklin's Tract, "The Walpole Grant; or, 
Ohio Settlement, 1772," original edition, p. 22. 

2 Pownall's Map, 1776. Evans' ditto, 1755. Dr. Mitchell's ditto. Note in 
Appendix to Colonel Smith's Narrative. 

' Note on p. 53, Davidson's " History of the Presbyterian Church in 

* " Evans' Analysis of Map of 1755," p. 30. 

^ See Collins' "History of Kentucky, 1874." Palmer's "Travels in the 
United States and Canada, 1817," p. 65. 

" " Answer of the Five Nations to Governor Fletcher, at Albany, July 
4, 1693." New York Colonial History, Vol. IV, p. 42. 



January 30. — The two prisoners were Maurice Turner and 
Ralph Kilgore, in the employ of John Frazer, a trader, living 
at the old Indian town of Venango, on the Allegheny River." 
They were captured about twenty-five miles from the Miami 
Town, in May, 1750, by seven Indians in the French interest, 
who took them to Detroit, which " then had one hundred 
and fifty houses, stockaded all around." They were set to 
work for a farmer in the neighborhood, for three months, 
when the commander of the Fort being superseded, by Cele- 
ron, he took them with him to Niagara. While there they saw 
Jean Coeur with the goods intended for Ohio. On their way 
to Quebec they escaped from the guard in the night, between 
Niagara and Oswego, reached the English fort at the latter 
place and thence got to Sir William Johnston's " in a miserable 
condition," and thence by way of New York to Philadelphia.^ 
In the original MS. deposition of Turner,' taken at Phila- 
delphia, June 28, 1756, he states that "he and Kilgore were 
taken by seven French Indians who robbed him of fifty 
Pounds worth of Wampum and Silver work,"- and Turner 
was again captured and robbed, in April, 1753, below the Falls 
of the Ohio ; he escaped, with a French deserter, after being 
taken to Logstown.* 

February 11. — Marriage and cohabitation with women 
amongst the savage tribes throughout the world present many 
similar features, curious, and often beastly, customs. A tem- 
porary interchange of wives is not uncommon among the 

' " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 659, 660. 

' Examination of Turner and Kilgore, by the Governor and Council, 
October, 1750. " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol, V, p. 482. Letter 
of Sir William Johnston to Governor Clinton, id., p. 481, and also in " New 
York Colonial History,'' Vol. VI, p. 599. 

* Among Colonel F. Etting's "^Traders' Papers." 

* MS. deposition. 


Indians of the far North.' A similar dance, etc., by a small 
party of Iroquois near Fort Cumberland, in 1755, is described 
in Sargent's " History of Braddock's Expedition," p. 376. It 
is stated ° that in the Iroquois Canton of Tsonnontonon ' a 
plurality of husbands prevails. 

February 12 to 17. — To make the courses and distances 
stated in the Journal reconcilable, Gist passed through the 
present counties of Scioto, Adams, Highland, Fayette, Madi- 
son, Clarke and Champaign to West Liberty, in the northern 
part of Logan County, about 140 miles from the mouth of the 
Scioto ; there he crossed the Mad River,* thence southwest to 
the Twigtwee town — about twenty-five miles as he gives it. 
His object being to examine the country occasioned his not 
taking a more direct course, which would have been forty miles 
less. The Twigtwees, or Pickawillamy Town, stood on the 
west bank of the Great Miami, at the mouth of Laramie's 
Creek, on the south side, in the present county of Miami, 
about two and a half miles north of the present town of Piqua.* 
Howe erroneously places it at the point where Laramie's store, 
or Fort Laramie, afterwards stood, fourteen miles farther 
north. By the French accounts the Miamis, in 171 8, had a 
thousand warriors." In 1736 about six hundred fighting men.' 
At the Treaty of Greenville, in 1795, the Miamis claimed to 
have had undisputed occupation from time immemorial of all 

' Mackenzie's Voyages. 

'' Jeffry's " History of the French Dominions in America," London, 
1750, p. 71. 

•'' Senecas. 

* Supposed by him to be the Little Miami, which heads about forty 
miles farther south. 

' Evans' and Mitchell's Maps, 1755. Pownall's, 1776. Hutchins', 1778. 
« Memoir in the "Colonial History of New York," Vol. IX, p. 891. 
'jid., p. 1057. 


the country between the Scioto and the Wabash and from 
Detroit to Chicago.' 

In the Fall of 1747 the Miamis seized the French Fort 
Miami, plundered and partly burned it.' In July, 1748, the 
chiefs and deputies from the Miamis held their first Confer- 
ence and Treaty with Pennsylvania at Lancaster. A number 
of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese and chiefs of other 
tribes were present. The Miamis then claimed to have, with 
their allies, twenty towns and one thousand warriors.' Dis- 
patches received from Governor Vaudreuil by the French 
Ministry state that the English have succeeded in carrying 
a revolt among the Miami tribes settled on the Rock River* 
and the Wabash.' 

February 18. — This fort was an Indian fortification, not a 
traders' ; they, however, used it for their protection, as many 
as fifty of them sometimes lodging within it." Pattin and 
near sixty other traders lodged in "cabins" within a fort 
belonging to the Miamis, whose chief's name was La Dem- 
oiselle. It is probable the cabins and the Long or Council 
House were stockaded, making a very defensible structure. 
It was called La Demoiselle Fort in the dispatches of the 
Marquis de Longuere to the Minister.' " You told us you 
discovered on the Great Miami traces of an old Fort. It was 
not a French Fort, Brother, it was a Fort built by me." ' 

' Speech of Little Turtle, American State Papers, Vol. I, p. 570. 

* " New York Colonial History," Vol. X, p. 140. 

8 " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol. V, pp. 307-9, September 18, 

* Big Miami. 

^ Paris Document, " New York Colonial History," Vol. X, p. 220. 

* French Memorial, Paris edition, 1756, p. 97. London edition, 1758, p. 

' " New York Colonial History," Vol. X, p. 245. 
8 That is, " By my Tribe or Nation." 


Reply of the Miami chief, Little Turtle, to General Wayne, 
at the Treaty of Greenville, August, 1795.' The ruins of this 
fort were observed by the army under General Harmar, which 
crossed the Miami here on October 10, 1790.'- At the Treaty 
at Fort Harmar, in 1789, this point is referred to as "at the 
mouth of the branch of the Big Miami," where the fort stood 
which was taken by the French in 1752/ 

February 22. — The Treaty referred to in the biographical 
sketch of George Croghan was dated as executed this day.* 

February 24. — This fort was attacked and captured by a 
force of about two hundred and forty Indians, led by two 
Frenchmen, June 22, 1752. The old King, called Brittain, 
was taken, killed and eaten, near the fort, in the presence of 
his tribe. In the attack one white man and fourteen Indians 
were killed, and five whites were taken prisoners.* Thomas 
Burney and Andrew McBryar, traders, were in the fort at the 
time of the attack, but escaped in the night. The other whites 
were captured. Burney was afterward killed at Braddock's 
defeat, July 9, 1755, and McBryar taken prisoner.* 

" The Indians are not habitual Cannibals ;" after a victory, 
however, it often happens that the bodies of their enemies are 
consumed at a formal feast. A superstitious rite to incite 
them to warlike deeds.' The British Ministry made much of 

' American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 576. 

2 Letter of General Harmar to the Secretary of War, Nov. 23, 1790. 

' American State Papers, Vol. I. 

* See " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 524, and see post 
March i. 

' Thomas Burney's Account and Message from the Twigtwees to Gov- 
ernor Hamilton, August, 1752. Colonial Records, Vol. V, p. 599. Assembly 
Journals of Pennsylvania, p. 234. 

* " MS. Accounts of George Croghan & Co., 1750," in which it is stated 
that they lost goods, in the hands of Burney and McBryar at the taking 
of the Twigtwees Town, to the value of ^331, 155. 

' Parkman's " Pontiac," Vol. I, second edition, p. 234-257. 


this affair in all of their statements respecting the origin of 
the war of 1754. On Dr. Mitchell's official Map of 1755, Pick- 
waylinees is described as an " English Fort, established in 
1748." ' It is obvious, as the " French Royal Geographer " ob- 
served, that the French established in the neigborhood* 
would not have permitted the erection of an English post 
here.' The hostile force did not keep possession of the fort. 
William Trent was in it a few days afterwards.* The Miamis 
afterwards returned to the French alliance ; and it is stated 
their fort was again attacked, although unsuccessfully, by the 
Shawanese, Delawares and other Indians, in the English in- 
terest, assisted by a few traders. Soon afterwards the Miamis 
left the Big Miami, retiring to the Wabash and the Maumee. 
The Shawanese took their place, since known as Upper 

February 2$. — The Wawaughtanneys, or as the French cal- 
led them, Ouatemeous — the most ancient of the Miami tribes. 

February 26 — Twigtwees — as the Six Nations called the 
Miamis, the French called them Ouitaneous." 

February 27. — The French fort, Miami ; about forty-five 
miles from Pickwaylinees and where the City of Fort Wayne, 
Indiana, now stands.' 

March 2. — This point on "Mad Creek" is about seven 
miles west of Springfield, in Bethlehem township, Clarke 

' See also "Contest in America," by an impartial hand, 1757, pp. 221- 
237. Evans' Map, 1755 ; Hutchins', 1778. 

" At Fort Miami, etc. 

' Remarques sur la Carte de TAmerique, Paris, 1755, p. 120. 

■* Journal, Logstown to Pickawillamy, 1752. Clarke & Co., 187 1. 

s Howe's Ohio, Miami County, p. 363. 

" Shea's " Charlevoix, American Antiquarian Collection," p. 63, Vol. II. 

' "French Memoire," 1756, p- 98; English edition, p. 103. See also 
Dillon's " History of Indiana." Brice's ditto of Fort Wayne. Hutchins' 
Map, 1778. Arrowsmith's, ditto, 1796. 


County, at the junction of the old road from Laramie's store, 
with the Springfield and Dayton road, or turnpike, where the 
village of West Boston stood, five miles west of Springfield. 
Piqua, a town famous in Shawanese Indian annals, was built 
here, subsequently. It was destroyed by the army under 
George Rogers Clarke, in 1780. Tecumseh was born here 
about 1768." The traders captured here, were those before 
mentioned, January 30, Turner and Kilgore. 

March 3-8. — It seems probable Gist did not leave the 
valley of the little Miami until in the present County of 
Warren, thence Northeast to the mouth of Scioto. ' The 
Mingoes, a name generally applied to Indians of the Iroquois 
tribes or Six Nations. The Menguaes, or Mengwe, were, how- 
ever, a distinct but kindred tribe of the Iroquois, with whom 
they were continually at war, for over a century, until their 
final subjugation in 1672-5, when their remnant, known as 
Conestogas, was incorporated with their conquerors." Their 
country extended between the lower Susquehanna and the 
Delaware. They were known by the different names of Min- 
guaes, Susquehannas, Andastes and Gandastogues or Cones- 
togas.' Dr. O'Callaghan, editor of the "New York Colonial 
History," erroneously restricts the name "Mingo" to the 
" Iroquois of the Ohio." Dr. Shea also, in note to " Private 
Diaries of Washington; Tour of the Ohio," p. 224, N. Y. i860: 
" The Conestogas were formerly a part of the Five Nations, 
called Mingoes, and speak the same language to this day."* 

' According to Drake's " Life of Tecumseli." 

^ Speecli of Cannesatego at the treaty of Lancaster, 1744. " Colonial 
Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. IV, p. 708, etc. Colden's " History of the 
Five Nations," third edition, 1755, Vol. IL 

' "The Fall of the Susquehannocks," by S. F. Streeter ; "Historical 
Magazine," Vol. I, 1857, p. 65. Alsop's " Maryland," 1666. 

' "Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. Ill, pp. 101-204. Pro- 
ceedings of Provincial Council, at Philadelphia, October 3, 1722 ; and in 
Evans' "Geographical Essays," an analysis of Map, 1755, p. 11. Note. 


"The Confederates, otherwise called Iroquois, Five Nations, 
Six Nations, Minguaes and Mingoes." As Dr. Shea correctly 
observes,' "Gallatin erroneously placed them, (the Andastes 
or Mingues), on the head waters of the Ohio, and having been 
followed by Bancroft has misled many." - 

March 12. — Crossed the Ohio to the south shore, in the 
present County of Greenup, Kentucky, thence to a point 
near the present town of Vanceburgh. 

March 13. — Hugh Crawford's name first appears in the 
list of Indian traders licensed in 1747-8.' He was trading 
among the Miamis in the winter of 1749-50. They sent a 
message by him to the Governor of Pennsylvania.* In 1755 
he made the first settlement, or improvement at the " Stand- 
ing Stone," now the town of Huntingdon, Pennsylvania.' 
Crawford's House is marked at the mouth of Standing Stone 
Creek, west side, on Scull's Map of Pennsylvania, 1759.'' He 
was an Ensign in the ist Battalion, ist Pennsylvania Reg- 
iment, 1757.' Served in General Forbes' campaign, 1758. 
In March, 1759, he was in command of a detachment of 

' "Historical Magazine," for 1857, Vol. II, p. 294. 

'' See "History of United States," Vol. Ill, p. 245, and Map; also 
"Transactionsof American Antiquarian Society," Vol. II,p. 73, and Map. 
See also " Discoveries in New Netherlands," and Map. " Report of Cap- 
tain Hendrickson," i6i6. " Holland Documents ; New York Colonial 
History," Vol. I, p. 13. Vocabulary of the Minguae's Language, and note 
in Campanius' "History of New Sweden," original edition, Stockholm, 
1702, p. 182, etc.; Du Ponceus' translation, Philadelphia, 1834, p. 148. 
"Captain John Smith's Explorations," 1608, and Map, in his "General 
History of Virginia," 1629, Richmond edition, 1819, p. 182, etc., of Vol I. 
Map of Virginia, De Laet, 1640. 

' "Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, p. 14. 

* " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 437. 

^ Lytle's " History of Huntingdon County," p. 71. 

^ See also Judge Huston's " Land Titles of Pennsylvania," p. 338. 

" Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II, p. 336. 


troops at the "Breastworks," on the branch of Stony Creek, 
now known as " Breastworks Run," near Stoyestown, Somer- 
set County, Pennsylvania.' At the outbreak of the Pontiac 
War, in the Spring of 1763, he and a boy were captured by 
the Indians at Cedar Point, Maumee Bay, Lake Erie. Six 
men of the party were killed.'' He was interpreter and 
conductor of the Indians in running the western part of 
Mason and Dixon's line, in 1767.^ For his services in that 
business he received a "grant of preference" for five hun- 
dred acres of land, in January, 1768, from Governor Penn. 
It was one of the "Gist Tracts," in the present Fayette 
County.* Crawford died in 1770. Salt Lick or Spring, since 
known as the Big Bone Lick, in Boone County, Kentucky, 
about one and one-half miles from the Ohio River, at the 
mouth of the creek, twenty-five miles below the great Miami 
and eighty-six miles above Louisville. So called from the 
bones of the Mastodon, or Mammoth, found there, first by 
the French, in 1729.° George Croghan visited the Lick in 
1765.' He removed some of the bones and sent them to 
Peter Collinson in London.' See also letter from Dr. VVm. 
Clarke, of Cincinnati, to Thomas Jefferson, in 1806, in refer- 

' MS. letter, March, 1759, to Colonel Bouquet, from Hugh Crawford, 
respecting the health of his men. " Bouquet Papers." 

' Letter from Thomas Calhoon, at Tuscarawas, May 28, 1763. 

' Manuscript Journal of Mason and Dixon, Library Pennsylvania His- 
torical Society. "History of Mason and Dixon's Line," by James Veech, 
1857, p. 42- 

♦ Note to p. 96 of "Monongahela of Old," James Veech. 

' Bellin's Map of 1754, in Charlevoix's "History of New France," Vol. 
I, and Bellin's " Remarques sur la Carte de I'Am^rique," 1755, p. 121 

" Journal in Butler's "History of Kentucky," second edition, Appendix. 

' " Description of the Mastodon, or Mammoth, of Ohio," pamphlet by 
A. C. Bown, M.D., Amsterdam, 1809. 


ence to his explorations here. He states that he had at one 
time five tons of the bones.' Renewed and deep explorations 
in 1876 brought to the surface quantities of these remains. 

March 14.— About the site of Washington, Mason County, 
four miles south of Maysville. 

March 15.— Probably the Licking River at the Lower Blue 
Licks. He had travelled thus far by an old trail from the 

March 16.— Through the present counties of Hamilton, 
Nicholas, Scott, and Franklin, to the Kentucky River, or near 
it, above Frankfort. 

March 18.— The Lower Salt Lick, now known as Salt 
River. It is possible Gist reached it at the Licks, since called 
Bullit's Licks, three miles from the river, in BuUit County, 
near Shepherdville, and about eighteen miles southeast from 
Louisville, at the Falls. The courses he gives in the Journal 
would take him to this point, although his distances do not. 
He must also have misunderstood Smith, as Salt River is 
below and not above the Falls. It seems more probable that 
the farthest point he reached westward was the branch of Salt 
River, since known as Floyd's Fork ; there was a Salt Lick 
on it in early times, where Floydsburgh, in Oldham County, 
now stands.'^ The ridge of mountains he ascended is a low 
range or elevation, extending from Oldham eastward to the 
Kentucky River. 

March 19. — The creeks he crossed are now named Bullskin, 
Gist's, and other branches of Brashear's Creek, in Shelby 
County; their course is southwest. He reached "the little 
Cuttawa," or Kentucky River, about where the city of Frank- 
fort now stands, crossed at the island above, thence southeast 

' Appendix to Cramer's "Navigator," Pittsburgh, 1814. Cuming's 
"Western Tour in 1807-9." Pittsburgh, 1810, p. 409. 
2 See Munsell's State Map of Kentucky, 1816. 


through the present counties of Woodford and Fayette to the 
border of Clark. The Kentucky River is here called the 
" Little Cuttawa,"' and such appears to be the name by 
which it was first known, from the fact that the Indian trail 
or war-path to the Country of the Catawbas, in the Carolinas, 
led from the lower Shawnee town, opposite the mouth of the 
Scioto, southward to the Warrior Branch, or North Fork, of 
the Kentucky River, thence up the river to the "war gap" 
in the mountain ridge,* thence southwest to the Shawnee or 
Cumberland River, thence south to the Cumberland Gap, 
thence to and by way of the French Broad River to the 
Catawba country.' Kentucky or Kentuckgin, Kantuchy, 
Kentucke, from Ken-ta-ke, a Mohawk'' word signifying 
" among the meadows," ° so applied with the usual correct- 
ness of descriptive names by the Indians to the country 
through which the Kentucky River flows — the woodland 
meadows being its characteristic feature." John Johnston, 
who was for many years Agent for Indian Affairs in Ohio, 
states that " Kentucky is a Shawnee word, meaning, at the 
head of a river."' In the Shawnee language Meadows is 
M'shish-kee-we-kut-uk-ah.* In Evans' "Analysis of Map of 
I7S5>" P- 29, this river is described as "having high clay banks, 

' Catawba. 

* In Clay and Perry counties. 

' See Lewis Evans" Map, 1755. Pownall's, 1776. Hutchins', 1778. Fil- 
son's Map of Kentucky, 1784. Munsell's State Map of ditto, 1816. 

■* Iroquois or Six Nations. 

^ List of names of places given to Dr. Hough, by an intelligent Indian 
of the Cahnawagas, or French Mohawks, of the tribe near Montreal. 
Hough's " History of St. Lawrence County," New York, 1858. 

" In a Mohawk Vocabulary, in the "American Aboriginal Archives," 
Vol. II, p. 486, Meadows is Ye-e-an-ty-yk-ta. 

' " Archives Americana," Vol. I, p. 279. Howe's " Historical Collection 
of Ohio," p. 600. 

* Vocabulary in Schoolcraft's "American Aboriginal Archives," Vol. 
II, p. 474. 


abounds in Cane and Buffaloes and large Salt Springs, its 
navigation interrupted with some shoals, but passable with 
Canoes to the Gap where the war path goes through the Oua- 
siota mountains," which Evans deems " a very important 
pass." Evans' information respecting the country was 
obtained from Alexander Maginty and Alexander Lowry, 
well-known and intelligent traders from Pennsylvania.' The 
name Kentucky first appears in the Deposition of Alexander 
Maginty, taken at Philadelphia, before William Allen, Chief 
Justice of Pennsylvania, on the I2th of October, 1753, wherein 
he states that on the preceding i6th of January, when return- 
ing with six other traders from the Cuttawas, in Carolina, 
they were attacked and taken prisoners by seventy Cahna- 
wagas, or French Praying Indians, from the river St. Law- 
rence, at a place about twenty-five miles from the Blue Lick 
town and on the south bank of the Cantucky River, which 
empties itself into the Allegheny River, about two hundred 
miles below the lower Shawnee Town.'' The captives were 
beaten and plundered of their goods, taken to Fort Miami, 
thence to Detroit, Niagara and Montreal. Two of their num- 
ber were sent to France ; one escaped. Maginty, with the three 
remaining prisoners, were redeemed by Colonel Schuyler and 
the other commissioners of Indian affairs, at Albany, paying 
the Indians about seventy-two pounds. In Maginty's peti- 
tion to the Pennsylvania Assembly for relief, the river is called 
" Kantucqui," a western branch of the Ohio." In the Treaty 
of Greenville, 1795, Article III, it is mentioned as theCuttawa 
or Kentucky River; also on Hutchins' Map, 1778, and in 
Morse's Gazetteer of North America, 1798, Kentucky River "is 

' Analysis, p. 10. 

- " Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. V, pp. 627,663. New York 
Mercury, August 19, 1754. 

•' Assembly Journal of Votes and Proceedings for 1753, October 16, 
p. 272. 


sometimes called Cuttawa," p. 260. In the Walpole Grant of 
Vandalia, in 1773, it is mentioned as the " Louisa Catawba, or 
Cuttawa."' By the " Great Cuttawa River" Gist probably 
means the Cherokee River, now the Tennessee. Hendrick 
Apamans, a Mohican chief, speaks of the " Cherokees or Kut- 
toohwoh" in his interesting " Narrative," 1794, Vol. II, part i, 
p. 128. Memoirsof the Pennsylvania Historical Society, 1827. 
On the map, in the Tract attributed to General Oglethorpe, 
London, 1733, the Tennessee River is marked " Cussetaolias 
Hochelepe" River. George Croghan, in his Journal, on May 
31, 1765, mentions, "passed the mouth of the river Kentucky 
or Holsters River," "A fine level country;" so Daniel Boone 
described it. The beautiful level of Kentucky.' 

March 20. — This mountain is the low ridge in Clarke 

March 21. — To the Kentucky River, near the mouth of Red 
River, between Clarke, Estill and Madison Counties. The 
" shining stones " doubtless were iron ores, with a little sul- 
phur, abundant here.' This was the point reached by Daniel 
Boone on his first visit to Kentucky, in 1769, eighteen years 
after Gist.* 

March 24. — Along the North Fork of the Kentucky River, 
in the present counties of Lee, Perry and Letcher, coal abun- 

April I. — Through the Pound Gap, or Stony Gap, as some call 
it, about twelve miles southeast of Whitesburgh, in Letcher 

' MS. and " Plain Facts," 1781, p. 156. Butler's " History of Kentucky," 
second edition, pp. 24, 504. Hall's " Sketches of the West," Vol. I, p. 251, 
and Introductory Chapter to this volume, part relative to Dr. Thomas 
Walker's explorations. 

2 " Narrative " in Filson's " History of Kentucky," 1784, p. 326. 

^ See Collins' " History of Kentucky." 

* Boone's " Narrative," in Filson, p. 326. Collins' " History," Vol. II, 
p. 495- 

' Collins' " History of Kentucky," Vol. II, pp. 462, 579. 


County, Kentucky ; then he struck the head of the Pound 
Fork of the Big Sandy River, in Wise County, Virginia. Coal 
is abundant in this county and has many surface indications.' 

April 3. — On the stream called Indian Creek, the middle 
head fork of the Big Sandy, in Wise County. The Crane 
was a totem or badge of one of the Miami tribes ; ^ also of the 
Wyandots.' A common practice among the Indian tribes, 
with war parties at a distance from home, was to paint on trees 
or a rock figures of warriors, prisoners, animals, etc., as intel- 
ligible to other Indians as a printed handbill among whites.'' 

April 7. — On Guesse's Creek or River, a branch of Clinch, 
in Wise County, Virginia. This stream was probably named 
for our explorer — Gist being often mispronounced " Guess." 
On the map of Kentucky, in Imlay's "History," third edition, 
1797, Gist's Creek, a branch of Brashear's, in Shelby County, 
is marked Guesse's Creek. ^ 

April 23.— Along the New Garden ridge, dividing Buchanan 
and Russell counties. 

April 27-29. — In Baptist Valley, Tazewell County. From 
the 7th to this day — the 29th — Gist was slowly toiling along on 
his general course, east and northeast, in the valley of Clinch 
River, on the south side of the ridge dividing the heads of 
the Big Sandy from the Clinch, which stream he evidently 
supposed to be the Cuttawa or Kentucky. 

' Madison's Map of Virginia. State Map of Virginia. Lloyd's Map, etc. 

a " New York Colonial History," Vol. IX, pp. 621, 1057. 

^ Howe's " History of Ohio," Wyandot County. Kirchval's " History of 
the Valley of Virginia," p. 67. Howe's Historical Collection of Virginia, 
Tazewell County. Morris' " Narrative," p. 491. 

* For a curious instance of their conveying defiant notice in this manner 
to their enemies, the French, see Schoolcraft, "American Aboriginal 
Archives," and Colden's "History of the Five Nations," Vol. II, Chap- 
ter XII. 

= See Martin's " Geographical Gazetteer of Virginia," pp. 434-35, and 


April 30. — The Blue Stone River, in Abbs Valley, Tazewell 
County, northeast of Jeffersonville. In 1756 and subsequent 
years the Indians from north of the Ohio made frequent in- 
cursions against the settlers in Western Virginia, by way of 
Kentucky or Big Sandy rivers, and then by the Blue Stone to 
the Kenhawha or New River.' 

May I. — In Mercer County, the "very high mountain," 
upon the top of which was a rock, sixty or seventy feet high, 
to the top of which he climbed, is on the west side of New 
River. The eminence Gist paused to climb was not the 
"Hawk's Nest," as erroneously stated by Mr. Bancroft.'' 
That grand precipice overhangs the east bank of New River, 
in Fayette County, at least fifty miles north of the ridge 
ascended by Gist. The Kanawha " breaks through the next 
high mountain below the mouth of Greenbrier River, in 
Raleigh and Greenbrier counties." 

May 7. — This stream is usually called " Kanhawha " below 
the junction of the Gauley and New Rivers. Respecting the 
origin of the names Kanhawha and New River or Woods 
River, see note to Gist's second "Journal." 

May 8. — He reached and crossed the New River, below the 
mouth of Indian Creek,' which is eight miles in a direct line 
above the mouth of the Blue Stone. 

May 9. — On the stream well known as Indian Creek, at the 
mouth of Drooping Lick Creek, in Monroe County, about mid- 
way from the Red to the Salt Sulphur Springs. 

May 10. — Peters' Mountain. 

May II. — Big Stony Creek, in Giles County. The "Lake 
or Pond " is on the summit of Salt Pond Mountain, in the 

' Howe's " Historical Collection of Virginia," p. 490. Bicldey's " History 
of Indian Wars of Tazewell County," 1852, p. 191. 
2 " History of the United States," Vol. IV, p. 82. 
' In Monroe County. 


same county, and about ten miles east of Parisburgh. " The 
water is fresh, clear and inhabited by fine trout." ' Produces 
but few fish.^ " The Lake is three-quarters of a mile long 
and will average a third of a mile in width.' This agrees 
with Gist's estimate of its dimensions. -Pollard also states 
that " it has never been inhabited by fish ... all placed in 
it disappeared." ■* Sinking Creek is also in Giles County ; this 
stream sinks, a mile or more before reaching the New River, 
by an underground passage or channel. 

May 13. — Richard Hall's, at or near where Christiansburgh 
now stands, in Montgomery County. 

May 14. — Thomas Lee was the President of the Council 
of Virginia. 

May 15. — This day he reached a point at or near Little 
River, in the present Floyd County. 

May 16. — " Beaver Island Creek." He encamped by its 
main branch, now called Big Reedy Island Creek, in the 
present Carroll County. 

May 17. — At the "Flower Gap," on the dividing line between 
the present counties of Carroll, in Virginia, and Surry, in 
North Carolina. 

May 18. — On the north side of the Yadkin River, and on 
the west side of the stream marked Saw Mill Creek, near and 
west of Reddies River, near the present town of Wilkesbarre, 
in Wilkes County, North Carolina,^ on which Gist's place of 
residence is marked.* 

1 Howe's " Historical Collection of Virginia," p. 278. Boyes' State Map 
of Virginia, 1859. " Gazetteer of Virginia," p. 346. 

2 Kirchval's " Valley of Virginia," p. 343, where it is also stated tliat 
"the pond has risen twenty-five feet since 1804." 

3 Pollard's "Virginia Tourist," 1870, p. 146. 
••Id., p. 141. 

5 See Fry & Jefferson's Map of Virginia, 1751-55. 

" See also map engraved for Jefferson's " Notes on Virginia," and Price 
& Strothers' State Map of North Carolina, 1808. 

Lone I, 

^(urnan "''^^ 


Al<rom (quinj -■ 


^G, 1756. 


November 4, 1751. — The Ohio Company's store-house stood 
on the south bank of the Potomac, directly opposite to the 
present city of Cumberland, Maryland, in Frederick (now 
Hampshire) County, Virginia. It was built in the year 1750, 
by Hugh Parker, the Factor of the Company, on land pur- 
chased for them from Lord Fairfax by Parker and Colonel 
Thomas Cresap. The main building was constructed of timber, 
a double house and two stories in height ; it stood on the bank, 
a short distance east of the present residence' of Captain 
Perry, fronting and near the river.'' The name of "Caicutuck 
or Wills' Creek " first appeared on Fry & Jefferson's Map of 
Virginia and Maryland, 175 1. It is accurately laid down, but 
not named, on Mayo's Map of the Survey of the Potomac in 
1736. The gap in the Allegheny Mountains is four miles 
west of Cumberland, where the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad 
crosses the National Road at "Braddock's Run," as the south- 
west fork of Wills' Creek has been called since 1755; Brad- 
dock's route and the National Road as at first constructed 
being on the same track as that of Gist.' 

November 5. — To a point about three miles west of the 
present town of Frostburgh, in Garrett County, Maryland, on 
the National Road. 

> 1877. 

2 Copy of drawing in the King's Library, British Museum, made for W. 
M. Darlington, 1874. London Board of Trade MS. Fry & Jefferson's 
Map of Virginia, 1751. Sparks' "Washington Letters," Vol II, p. 15. 
" Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, p. 134. 

' " Braddock's Expedition." 

'0 ('37) 


November 8. — Little Meadow Run and other small streams, 
heads of Castleman's River, or the middle fork of the Youghi- 
ogheny ; on the west side or foot of Little Meadow Mountain, 
and about twenty miles west of Cumberland, in Garrett 
County, Maryland, and Elk Lick Township, Somerset County, 

November 20-21. — Crossing Negro Mountain into Addison 
Township, Somerset County, Pennsylvania. 

November 22. — The Youghiogheny River has three heads or 
forks : the main, or south fork, rises in Preston County, West 
Virginia, near the spring-head of the Potomac; the middle 
fork, or Castleman's River, rises in Garrett County, Maryland, 
and the north fork, or Laurel Hill Creek, rises in Somerset 
County, Pennsylvania. The name first appears, marked 
"Spring heads of Yok-yo-gane river a south branch of the 
Monongahela," on a "Map of the Northern Neck in Virginia, 
the Territory of Thomas Lord Fairfax according to a late sur- 
vey drawn in the year 1737 by Wm. Mayo."' It next appears 
on Fry and Jefferson's Map of Virginia and Maryland, of 175 1, 
as the " Yawyawganey River." Gist seems to have reached the 
middle fork this day, above Lost Run, in the northwest part 
of Addison Township, Somerset County, Pennsylvania, thence 
crossed into Upper Turkey-foot Township. 

November 24. — Crossed the south fork at Turkey-foot, or 
Three Forks, near the present town of Confluence, in Somer- 
set County, where the three branches of the Youghiogheny 
unite ; thence proceeding, he encamped about the head of 
" Gabriel's Run," in Henry Clay Township, Fayette County. 
The name Youghiogheny — Youghanne — was evidently given 
to this stream by the Indian tribe of the Kanhawhas, Conoys 
or Canawese, who, in the beginning of the last century, in- 
habited the country around the heads of the Potomac and 

' " History of the Dividing Line," and other Tracts, Richmond, 1866, 
Vol. II, p. 117, etc. 


back of the great mountains in Virginia.' They were of the 
same nation and language as the Nanticokes, of the Algon- 
quin, Lenape or Delaware stock. Yough — four — and hanne 
— stream or rapid-flowing stream. As before mentioned, the 
three head branches of this river join at the point and form a 
fourth or main stream.' 

November 25. — To the Licks, on Stony Fork of Big Sandy 
Creek, in Wharton Township, Fayette County, and near the 
National Road. 

November 26-29. — I" George's and South Union townships, 
Fayette County. 

December 6.^The upper forks of the Monongahela are 
formed by the junction of Cheat River, in Fayette and Green 
counties, near the southern boundary-line of the State. The 
general course of Gist from Wills' Creek to the Monongahela 
was to the north of the road subsequently opened for the Ohio 
Company, in 1752-53, by Gist and Cresap, they employing In- 
dians for that purpose. The troops under Washington, in 1754, 
greatly repaired it as far as Gist's plantation, and in 1 75 5 it was 
widened and completed by General Braddock's army to within 
about six miles of Fort Du Quesne.' The reader will readily 
observe that Gist deviated continually from a direct path, in 

' See notes on the Kanawha Post. 

* Smith's " History of Virginia," 1629. Richmond edition, 1819, Vol. I, 
p. 147. " Hakluyt Society," 1849, p. 96. " Roger Williams' Key," p. 22. 
Heckwelder, " History of the Indian Nations," 1819, pp. 26-74. John 
Eliot's "Indian Grammar," Massachusetts Historical Collection, Vol. 
IX, Series 2, p. 260. Dr. Edwards' " Indian Language," id., Vol. X, p. 
129, Connecticut Historical Society, Vol. II, pp. 4-12, etc. Gallatin's 
" Synopsis of the Indian Tribes." "Transactions of the American Anti- 
quarian Society," Vol. 1 1, pp. 52-56, and Vocabulary, same volume, p. 359. 

■' Resolutions of the Ohio Company, at a meeting held at Stafford Court 
House, June 21, 1749. Also at Ocquoquan Ferry, December, 1750, and in 
March, 1753. MS. 


order to explore the country thoroughly, pursuant to his in- 

December 7. — This Indian owner of this camp was the well- 
known Delaware, Nemacolin. The creek was called by his 
name in early times, but subsequently changed to Dunlap's.' 
It empties into the Monongahela, at Brownsville.'^ Nema- 
colin was the principal of the Indians employed by Gist and 
Cresap to blaze and clear the road before mentioned. He was 
intelligent and trustworthy." A letter from his father, 
Checochinican, the chief of the Indians on the Brandywine, to 
Governor Gordon, June 24, 1729, is in the "Pennsylvania 
Archives," Vol. I, p. 239. It seems the Indians had sold 
their lands on the Brandywine, reserving a part on the head 
of the creek, by a writing, which was burned, with the cabin 
wherein it was deposited. The mill-dams of the white settlers 
destroyed their fishing, and they were otherwise " crowded 
out " — as usual to the present day.* Charles Pokes's name 
appears in the list of Indian traders in 1734.' On Mayo's 
Map, of 1737, his name is marked, with those of four other 
settlers, at the north bend of the Potomac, where Hancock, 
Maryland, now stands.' In 1774 he lived on Cross Creek, 
West Virginia, about sixteen miles from the Ohio River, 

' An old trader. 

''" Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. XII, p. 347. " Shippen Papers," p. 
163. "American Pioneer," Vol. II, p. 60. 

■'Jacobs' "Life of Cresap," 1828, p. 28. 

* See " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. XII, p. 281. " Colonial Records," 
Vol. Ill, p. 269. "Votes of Assembly," 1726, Vol. II, p. 481. Smith's 
" History of Delaware County," pp. 235, 240. Gordon's " History of 
Pennsylvania," p. 194. Hazard's " Pennsylvania Register," Vol. I, p. 


^" Colonial Archives," Vol. I, p. 425. 

' See also " Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. V, p. 760. 


where Wellsville is now situated. He was still living in 
Shelby County, Kentucky, in 1799.' 

December 9.— River Monongahela, said to be from the 
Shawnee Mehmonauangehelak. Falling-in-Bank River.' 
"The Cavity in a Rock" was probably on the river bank, on 
the east side, six miles from Brownsville, up the river, on the 
farm now owned by Captain Jacobs ; in the original patent it 
is called the Cave Tract, " Menangihilli ; " this word implies 
"high banks breaking off in some places and tumbling down."' 
The correctness of these definitions is doubtful, the banks of 
this river do not " fall in " or " break off " more than those of 
the Ohio, Allegheny, and many other streams, nor is it known 
that they ever did, and the Indians invariably gave accurate 
descriptive names. It may be, however, that the banks at 
some point on the river "fell in" on some occasion, to com- 
memorate which, the Indians applied the name.* 

December 15.— Crossed the Monongahela to the west side, 
below the mouth of the Youghiogheny. 

December 17.— OppaymoUeah, a Delaware Chief, appeared 
at the conference held at Fort Pitt, in April and May, 
1768, by George Croghan, Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs, 
the Commissioners of Pennsylvania, Alexander McKee, 
the Commander, and officers of the garrison, with 
the chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, Delawares, 
Wyandots and others residing on the waters of the Ohio. 
1 103 Indians were present, besides their women and children.' 

' See his Deposition in Appendix to Jefferson's " Notes on Virginia," 
edition of 1801, p. 368. 

2 See note to "Washington's Tour to the Ohio," p. 244. 

8 John Heckwelder, " American Philosophical Society," Vol. IV, new 
series, 1834, p. 376. 

< The name Monongahela first appears on the map of William Mayo, 
in 1737, and next on the map of Fry and Jefferson, 1751. 

5 "Colonial Records," Vol. IX, p. 54, etc. 


Joshua was a Delaware also. In December, 1759, he and 
Tangoochqua (Wissameek) or Catfish, were sent as messen- 
gers from the Delawares on the Ohio, to Philadelphia, with a 
message to the Governor and Council of Pennsylvania.' The 
Beaver, or Tamaque, was the King or Head Chief of the 
Delaware tribe on the waters of the Ohio. He resided at 
Soh-kon, (mouth of Beaver Creek), afterwards at Kuskuskis, 
near the Forks, and in 1764, at the Forks of Tuscarawas.^ 
He frequently appeared at conferences held at Fort Pitt, and 
also at Philadelphia. He was the brother of Shingiss and 
Custaloga. He died about 1770, on the Muskingum, where 
the Moravian town of Gnadenhutten was built two years 
afterwards, near the present town of New Philadelphia.^ 

January 8, 1752. — To head of Fish Creek, Marshall County, 
West Virginia, and Green County, Pennsylvania. 

January 22. — To a point in Wetzel County, West Virginia, 
between Little and Big Fishing Creek. 

January 27. — To a point over south side of Fishing Creek, 
Wetzel County. 

February i. — At Middle Island Creek, near Middlebourne, 
Tyler County. 

February 2. — Three miles south of Middlebourne. 

February 10. — On McKun's Fork of Middle Island Creek, 
Pleasants County. 

February 11. — Hughes River, near Hainesville, Ritchie 

February 14. — This stone stood on the creek bottom, 
opposite the slip in the hill, on the left hand or Parish Fork 
of Standing Stone Creek. Within the past ten years^ oil 
having been found there the stone was broken up to make 

■ 1 " Colonial Records," Vol. VIII, p. 415. "Archives," Vol. Ill, p.S7S- 
2 Journals of C. F. Post, 1758. " Bouquet's Expedition Against the 
Ohio Indians," 1765. 

* Pennsylvania Historical Society, Vol. 1, pp. i47-iS3- 

* 1877. 


walls for steam boilers. The inscription cut on it no doubt, 
had long previous been effaced by the lapse of time or in- 
crusted over by lime. The date cut by Gist, February, 175 1, 
was in accordance with the old style of computation, by which 
the year began on the 25th of March, instead of the ist of 
January, to which it was changed throughout the British 
Dominions, by law, in 175 1, the new style to commence on 
January i, 1752. Why Gist cut the date 1751 instead of 1752 
is not easy to explain, especially as his Journal is kept by the 
new method of computing time. 

February 15.— Near Wirt, C. H., (Elizabeth,) the creek is 
the Little Kanawha. 

February 16. — On the head of Lee's Creek, Wirt County. 

February 17. — To Poplar Fork of Thirteen-Mile Creek of 
the Big Kanawha, after passing through Jackson County. 
The Kanawha River derived its name from a tribe of 
Indians, who formerly inhabited the country on its waters, 
and also on the upper Potomac. These tribes were destroyed 
by the Iroquois or Five Nations about the close of the seven- 
teenth century, and their remnants incorporated with their 
conquerors. At the Treaty of Lancaster, in 1744, the 
Iroquois Chief, Tachanoontia, Said : "All the world knows we 
conquered the several nations living on Susquehannah, 
Cohongownton, (Potomac), and on the back of the great 
mountains in Virginia. The Conoy-uch-rooch (people), the 
Coh-no-was-ronaw, feel the effect of our conquests being now 
a part of our nations and their lands at our disposal," and, 
again, "as to what lies beyond the mountains, we conquered 
the nations residing there, and that land, if the Virginians 
ever get a good right to it, it must be by us."' Mr. Gallatin 

' " Treaty of Lancaster," printed by B. Franklin, at Philadelphia, 1744, 
Vol. II, pp. 57-71; also in Colden's "History of the Five Nations," 3d 
edition, 1755, Vol. II, pp. 57, 71. " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol. 
IV, p. 712. Albert Gallatin's " Synopsis of the Indian Tribes." 


supposes the tribes on the Potomac and Kanawha to be dis- 
tinct or different, although their names are near alike. 
Evidently they were kindred tribes of the same nation. 
John Heckwelder says : " The Conoys are the people we call 
Canais, Conoys, Canaways, Kanhawas.^ In Pennsylvania 
they were called Canawese." 

February i8.— Over the Southern Fork of Big Mill Creek, 
thence to the top of the ridge near the Spruce Fork of Thir- 
teen-Mile Creek. 

February 19.— Probably Big Buffalo Creek, in Putnam 

February 20.— Across Little Buffalo Creek to head of 
Arbuckle's Creek, thence north, across Thirteen-Mile Creek, 
in Mason County. 

February 21.— Probably encamped at the mouth of Ten- 
Mile Creek. 

February 22. — High Hill, the Kanawha Ridge, about eight 
miles northeast from Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the 
Kanawha River, thence to the river Ohio, at the mouth of 
Ten-Mile Creek. 

February 23.— Le Tort's Creek, a small stream, empties into 
the Ohio, thirty miles above Point Pleasant, so called for 
James Le Tort, an early trader with the Indians on the Ohio. 
He was a French Huguenot, and lived near Philadelphia in his 
childhood; afterwards on the banks of the Susquehanna, 
and built a cabin about 1720, at Le Tort's Spring, where 
Carlisle, Cumberland County, Pa., now stands.^ He was often 
employed as interpreter by the Provincial authorities. Trad- 
ing on the Allegheny and Ohio, from 1729 to 1739, he appears 

' " Historical Sketch of the Indian Nations," p. 26. 
' " Rupp's History of Cumberland County," p. 389. " Hazard's Regis- 
ter of Pennsylvania," Vol. IV, p. 389, also Vol. XV, p. 82. 


to have had a trading camp or station at this point, since well 
known as Le Tort's Rapids or Falls.' 

February 24.— Smith's Creek. Big Mill Creek, in Jackson 
County. Probably so named for Robert Smith, the trader, 
met by Gist, on the Miami, in the month of March. He had 
been trading in the Ohio country for some years previous." 
The creek here called Beyansoss is Big Sandy Creek, in Jack- 
son County. 

February 26.— " Lawwellaconin." Pond Creek, in Wood 

March i.— "The little branch full of coal" is probably the 
head of the middle fork of Tygart's Creek, in Wood County. 
Naumissippia or Fishing Creek, another name for the Little 
Kanawha. Naemas, Fish, Sipia River or Creek, in the Dela- 
ware tongue.' 

March 3. — Molchuconickon or Buffalo Creek, now Middle 
Island Creek, in Pleasants and Tyler Counties. The name 
Buffalo is yet applied to one of its branches ; the distance is 
greater to this stream from the little Kanawha than it is here 

March 4. — Probably reached a point near the present Mid- 
dlebourne, Tyler County. 

March 5. — Neemokeesy,' now Fishing Creek. 

March 7. — To the Ohio River, probably a few miles below 
Fish Creek, in Marshall County ; then east and north across 
Big Grave Creek to Wheeling Creek, about the junction of 
the North and South Forks. Wheeling is from a Delaware 

' " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. I, pp. 255-301, etc. " Rupp's History 
of Lancaster County," p. 512. " Colonial Records," Vol. IV, p. 237. 
^ See Gist's first Journal, March ist, 13th. 
' See Fry and Jefferson's Map. 

* See Gist's statement relative to distances at the end of the Journal. 
' Naemas, Fish. 


Indian word " Wihe," or " Wie," (a head), ung or unk, (place or 
locality), place of a head. A prisoner taken and put to death 
by the Indians and his head stuck upon a sharpened pole.' 
There was another " Wheeling " on the upper branch of the 
Mahoning Creek in Armstrong County, Pennsylvania." 

March 9. — The first creek here mentioned is now called 
Buffalo Creek. It empties into the Ohio at Wellsburg, in 
Brooke County. The second is Cross Creek. Directly op- 
posite to it, on what was formerly called "The Indiansideof the 
Ohio," is " Indian Cross Creek." These were the two creeks 
of the Indians and traders. A noted Indian path led down 
along the creek on the west side to the crossing place at its 
mouth. There the Indians crossed to the creek on the east 
side of the Ohio and took the path along its shore, hence the 
name of Cross Creeks. At a later time, these creeks were 
by some known as the " Two Upper Creeks," while " Short 
Creek," above Wheeling and " Indian Short Creek," opposite, 
were called the " Two Lower Creeks." " 

March 10. — In Brooke County, West Virginia, and in Wash- 
ington County, Pennsylvania. 

March 11. — " Crossing Three Creeks," branches of Buffalo 
Creek in Washington County ; thence south to the " camp " 
of December 21 to January 8, near the heads of Dunkard and 
Ten-Mile Creeks, in Greene County, Pennsylvania. 

' Pennsylvania Historical Society, Vol. I, p. 131. American Antiquarian 
Society, Vol. II, p. 312. Schoolcraft, "American Aboriginal Arcliives," 
Vol. II, p. 470. 

* Hutchins' Map. 

^Hutchins' large Map, 1778. George Croghan's Journal, 1765, in Ap- 
pendix to Butler's "History of Kentucky," second edition. Winter- 
botham's " America," Vol. 1, p. 189. 

JOURNAL, 1753. 

November 14. Wills Creek empties into the Potomac. 

November 15. — Conegocheague, a branch of the Potomac; 
signifying, " indeed, a long way." 

November 23. — Shannopins Town, now Pittsburgh. 

November 24. — King Shingiss, a noted Indian warrior, 
" a terror to the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania." 

November 27 — Half King Scarrooyady, often mentioned 
by Croghan, Montour and others. He died at Paxton, Oc- 
tober 5, 1754. His friends imputed his death to French witch- 
craft. Letter of Governor Morris to Governor Dinwiddle. 

December 11. — Fort Le Boeuf. 




January, 1755. 

About a Year and a half ago I with 120 private Soldiers 
and our officers embarked in old France for Canada. 

Our Vessel! was a Frigate of forty Guns and another Frigate 
of 30 Guns sailed at the same time with a company of Soldiers 
to relieve the Garrison at the Mouth of the Mississippi. After 
a short Voyage we disembarked at Quebeck, where we were 
permitted to stay three weeks to refresh ourselves. 

The regular Troops in that City did not exceed 300, but I 
was told that there were many Parties and Detachments 
quartered up and down the Country all round that Place. 

Being joined by a Company of 50 Men from that Garrison 
we went in Batteaus to Montreal under the Command of 
Lieut. Carqueville and there we spent the last Winter. 

At our arrival there was a Company of 50 men in the City 
where we were quartered, so that in all we made 220 exclusive 
of Officers. Very early in the Spring we were joined by near 
400 more who were drafted out of the several Companies that 
Garrisoned the Forts and were posted on the Frontiers of 
Canada. Easter Tuesday we embarked to the number of six 
or 700 in about 3CX) Batteaus or Canoes (not Barken) and took 
with us a large quantity of Barreled Pork and Meal in Baggs ; 
the Bags weighed sixty or 70 lb each, and I believe there 

' MSS. "America and West Indies." P. R. O. 



might have been 1500 of them, how many of the Pork there 
were I never heard nor could I guess, but I believe the Canoes 
that were not laden with Flour carried five or six Barrels at 
least, each of them, and the Batteaus received 17 or 20. We 
were three weeks going from Montreal to Lake Ontario keep- 
ing the shore close on board because of the rapidity of the 
Stream, and at Night we went ashore, excepting a few that were 
left with the canoes, that were fastened to stakes or trees on 
the shore. 

Then we had our Biscuit, which was laid in for the Voyage, 
delivered to us, with i lb of Pork to each, and kindling large 
fires we cooked our Provisions for next day and slept around 
the Fires, each of us being provided with a blanket. We kept 
along the southeast shore of Ontario Lake, and passed so near 
to the English Fort called Conquen or Oswego that we could 
talk to the Centinels. 

When we came to the Fort at the Falls of Niagara, we 
landed all our Provisions in which service the Garrison at the 
Fort assisted and carried them on sleds that were there at the 
fort, to a little Log House (called le petit Fort de Niagara) 
three Leagues beyond Niagara Fort, where we put them aboard 
other Batteaus and Canoes that were there ready to receive 
them. At our arrival at Niagara there were at that Fort 
25 private men, commanded by Lieut, de la Perrie, but 
Monsieur Contrecoeur was also then in the Fort, and had 
the Chief command, there was also a Sergeant's Guard at the 
little Fort. The Fort at Niagara is no more than an Emmen- 
ence surrounded with Stockadoes or Palisades, which stand 
about fourteen feet above the ground very close together, 
and are united or fastened together by three pieces of long 
scantling that is put transversly on the inside at the distance 
of three feet or so from each other. TheSe Stockadoes 
enclose an Area near 300 paces square on which is built a 


House for the Commandant, Barracks for the Men and a 
Smith's Shop, it is not rendered defensible by any out work 
or even a Ditch and there are not mounted in it more than 
four Swivel Guns. As soon as we had put our Provisions on 
board at the little Fort that I mentioned,' we proceeded to 
Lake Erie with Captain Contracoeur, who had himself now 
taken the Command of all the Troops in those Canoes. We 
kept along the Eastern Coast of this Lake to Fort Presqu' isle 
which I apprehend is about 50 Leagues from Niagara. 

This Fort is situated on a little rising Ground at a very 
small Distance from the water of Lake Erie, it is rather 
larger than that at Niagara but has likewise no Bastions or 
Out Works of any sort. It is a square Area inclosed with 
Logs about 12 feet high, the Logs being square and laid on 
each other and not more than sixteen or eighteen inches 
thick. Captain Darpontine Commandant in this Fort and his 
Garison was 30 private Men. We were eight days employed 
in unloading our Canoes here, and carrying the Provisions to 
Fort Boeuff which is built about six Leagues from Fort 
Presqu' isle at the Head of Buffaloe River. This Fort was 
composed of four Houses built by way of Bastions and the 
intermediate Space stockaded. Lieut St Blein was posted 
here with 20 Men. Here we found three large Batteaus and 
between two or 300 Canoes which we freighted with Provisions 
and proceeded down the Buffaloe river which flows into the 
Ohio' at about twenty Leagues (as |I conceived) distance 
from Fort au Boeuff, this river was small and at some places 
very shallow so that we towed the Canoes sometimes wading 
and sometimes taking ropes to the shore a great part of the 
way. When we came into the Ohio we had a fine deep water 
and a stream in our favour so that we rowed down that river 
from the mouth of the Buffaloe to Du Quesne Fort on 
' Allegheny. 


Monongehela which I take to be 70 Leagues distant in four 
days and a half. 

At our arrival at Fort Du Quesne we found the Garison 
busily employed in compleating that Fort and Stockadoing it 
round at some distance for the security of the Soldiers Bar- 
racks (against any Surprise) which are built between the 
Stockadoes and the Glacis of the Fort. 

Fort Du Quesne is built of square Logs transversly placed 
as is frequent in Mill Dams, and the Interstices filled up with 
Earth ; the length of these Logs is about sixteen Feet which 
is the thickness of the Rampart. There is a Parapat raised 
on the Rampart of Logs, and the length of the Curtains is 
about 30 feet, and the Demigorge of the Bastions about 
eighty. The Fort is surrounded on the two sides that do not 
front the Water with a Ditch about 12 feet wide and very 
deep, because there being no covert way the Musqutteers 
fire from thence having a Glacis before them. When the 
News of Ensign Jumonville's Defeat reached us our com- 
pany consisted of about 1400. Seven hundred of whom were 
ordered out under the command of Captain Mercier to attack 
Mr. Washington, after our return from the Meadows, a great 
number of the Soldiers who had been labouring at the Fort all 
the Spring were sent off in Divisions to the several Forts 
between that and Canada, and some of those that came down 
last were sent away to build a Fort some where on the Head 
of the Ohio, so that in October the Garison at Du Quesne 
was reduced to 4CX3 Men, who had Provisions enough at the 
Fort to last them two years, notwithstanding a good deal of the 
Flour we brought down in the Spring proved to be damaged, 
and some of it spoiled by the rains that fell at that Time. 
In October last I had an opportunity of relieving myself and 
retiring, there were not then any Indians with the French 
but a considerable number v/ere expected and said to be on 
their March thither. 



About the year 1667 a French gentleman named Montour 
settled in Canada. By a Huron Indian woman he had three 
children — one son and two daughters. The son, Montour, 
lived with the Indians, and was wounded in the French ser- 
vice, in a fight with some Mohawks, near Fort La Motte,^ on 
Lake Champlain, in 1694. He deserted from the French, and 
lived with "the farr Indians" — the Twightwees (Mianiis) and 
Diondadies (Petuns or Wyandots). By his assistance Lord 
Cornbury prevailed on some of these tribes to visit and trade 
with the people of Albany in 1708. For his endeavors to 
alienate the " upper nations " from the French, he was killed 
in 1709 by the troops under Lieutenant le Sieur de Joncaire, 
by orders of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, 
who wrote that he would have had him hanged, had it been 
possible to capture him alive. 

Of the two daughters of the Frenchman, Montour, one 
became conspicuously known as Madame Montour.* She was 
born in Canada about the year 1684, captured by some war- 
riors of the Five Nations when she was but ten years old, 
taken to their country and brought up by them. It is prob- 
able that she lived with the Oneidas, as, on arriving at matur- 
ity, she was married to Carondawana, or the " Big Tree," 
otherwise Robert Hunter, a famous war-chief of that nation. 

' " New York Colonial History:" Fort St. Anne, or La Motte, erected 
1666, on the upper part of Lake Champlain. 

2 " Massachusetts Historical Collection." " New York Historical Col- 



He was killed in the wars between the Iroquois and Catawbas, 
in the Carolinas, about the year 1729.' 

The Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, John and Thomas Penn, 
expressed much concern for his death to some of the Indians 
who visited Philadelphia in September, 1734. Madame Mon- 
tour was there also, and, for having underrated the rank or 
station of the Oneida visitors, she seems to have been angrily 
and unjustly charged by a prominent chief of the Six Nations, 
Hetanguantagetchy, before the Council at Philadelphia, in the 
month of October following, with spreading false reports. He 
said, further, that her "old age only protected her from pun- 
ishment," and that they " must resent it and hope to get rid 
of her." 

Madame Montour first appeared as interpreter at a confer- 
ence held at Albany, in August, 171 1, between the sachems 
of the Five Nations and Robert Hunter, the royal Governor 
of New York (from 1709 to 1719). Probably at that time 
Carondawana received, or took, the Governor's name, by 
which he was frequently known afterward. To adopt the 
name of a prominent white man was, by the Indians, consid- 
ered a high compliment and a bond of friendship. 

The war between the Tuscaroras and the people of North 
Carolina, commenced in September, 171 1, was still raging in 
the summer of the following year. The Five Nations in New 
York became restless and uneasy ; it was feared by the Gov- 
ernor and Assembly that, instigated by the French, the 
Northern Iroquois would join the Southern, and embroil the 
colonies in a general Indian war." 

The Five Nations informed the Governor that they desired 
"to interpose amicably in the matter." Distrusting their 
sincerity, and to " dissuade them from this fatal design," by 

' Marshe's Journal. 
' " New York Colonial History." 


means of "presents and promises," the Assembly and Gover- 
nor, in June, 1712, directed Colonel Peter Schuyler to "pro- 
ceed to the Onondaga Country forthwith, taking with you 
Laurence Clause the Interpreter, Mrs. Montour and her hus- 
band and such others as you shall see fit." 

At Onondaga he was to assemble all of the Indian sachems 
who could be got together for a conference on the subject of 
his mission. Any fresh " Surmises or Jealousies of the In- 
dians" were to be overcome by his "own wisdom, with due 
regard to her Majesty's interest and honour and ye quieting ye 
minds of ye Indians." 

The complete subjugation of the Tuscaroras, after a pro- 
tracted struggle of two years' duration, removed all apprehen- 
sion of trouble with the Five Nations. In the year 1714 the 
Tuscaroras migrated north, and were received into the Iro- 
quois Confederacy as the Sixth Nation.' 

The influence of Madame Montour among the Indians was 
so great, and adverse to the French, that the Governor of 
Canada repeatedly endeavored to persuade her to withdraw 
from the English and remove to his Dominion, offering higher 
compensation as an inducement, but without success until 
the year 1719, when he sent her sister to prevail on her to 
remove to Canada. Apprehensive of her doing so, to the 
injury of the province to which she had been so serviceable, 
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs sent for her to Albany, 
when it appeared that she had not received a farthing of her 
stipulated pay for twelve months. The Commissioners prom- 
ised that she should receive thereafter "a man's pay from the 
proper officer of the four Independent Companies posted in 
the Province,"' and the business was thus satisfactorily 

1 Dr. Hank's " History of North Carolina." 
'' MS., Secretary of State's office, New York. 


Madame Montour was present at Philadelphia in July, 1727, 
as interpreter, at a conference held by Governor Gordon with 
several chiefs of the Five Nations. Again, in October, 1728 ; 
her husband, Carondawana, otherwise Robert Hunter, was 
there also. She retained her father's name after marriage, 
and was usually mentioned as "Mrs. Montour, a French 
woman, wife to Carondawana, or Robert Hunter." She ap- 
pears to have lived among the Miamis, at the west end of 
Lake Erie, at one time prior to 1728.' To one of that nation 
her sister was married. Her residence in 1734 was at the vil- 
lage on the Susquehanna, at the mouth of the Loyalsock 
Creek, on the West side, where Montoursville, Lycoming 
County, Pennsylvania, now stands. It was known as Otstu- 
ago,* Ots-on-wacken, or French Town. 

On Evans' Map of Pennsylvania, of 1749, the village is 
marked "French T.," and the creek, the "Ostuega." There, 
in March, 1737, Conrad Weiser, Indian agent and interpreter, 
on his way to Onondaga with a message from the President 
of the Council of Pennsylvania, James Logan, lodged at 
Madame Montour's, who, he states, is a " French woman by 
birth, of a good family, but now in mode of life a complete 
Indian." She treated Weiser and his companions kindly, 
supplying them with food, although she had but little to 

In the fall of 1742 Count Zinzendorf, the Bishop and head 
of the Moravian Church, with a large party, and among them 
Conrad Weiser, visited the village of Oztenwacken, where he 
was received with military salutes and hospitably welcomed 
by Madame Montour and her son, Andrew. " He preached 
there in French to large gatherings." Madame Montour was 
deeply affected when she saw Zinzendorf and learned the 

' " Colonial Records." 

'' Otsteara, " Rock,'" in the Iroquois tongue. 



object of his visit. She had entirely forgotten the truths of 
the Gospel, and, in common with the French Indians, believed 
the story originated with the Jesuits, that the Saviour's birth- 
place was in France, and His crucifiers Englishmen. Count 
Zinzendorf appears to have visited Oztenwacken subse- 

In June and July, 1744, the great treaty between the Six 
Nations and the provinces of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Vir- 
ginia was held at Lancaster. Madame Montour was present 
with two of her daughters. Witham Marshe, Secretary to the 
Maryland Commissioners, relates in his journal that he visited 
her at her cabin and obtained the particulars of her life. She 
told him that she had several children by the famous war 
captain, who had been killed in the war with the Catawbas 
fifteen years previous, that since she had not married.' Marshe 
describes her as genteel, of polite address, and had been 
handsome. Her two sons-in-law and only son were away 
south, to war against the Catawbas. In June, 1745, Spangen- 
burgh, Zeisberger, and other missionaries of the Moravians, 
accompanied by Conrad Weiser on their way to Onondaga, 
stopped for a few days at Shamokin (now Sunbury), on the 
Susquehanna. They visited Madame Montour, who was 
living on the island with one of her daughters.^ She appears 
to have left Oztenwacken permanently, as there is no evi- 
dence of her residing there afterwards. Zeisberger found 
that village deserted and in ruins in 1748. The smallpox had 
desolated the valley. There is no further direct account of 
Madame Montour. It seems, however, that she was not living 
in 1754. Some time prior to that year she became blind, but 
was sufficiently vigorous to ride on horseback from Logstown, 
on the Ohio, to Venango in two days, a distance by the path 

' Massachusetts Historical Society. 
' Moravian Historiral Society. 


of over sixty miles, her son Andrew on foot, leading her horse 
all the way. Of her children but three can be identified with 
any certainty ; one of the two daughters who were with her 
at the treaty of Lancaster in 1744, and two sons, Andrew, 
alias Henry, and Louis. Her daughter, known as " French 
Margaret," was wife to Keterioncha, alias Peter Quebec, and 
living near Shamokin when Shikillimy lived there in 1733, 
probably on the island where Zeisberger and Spangenburgh 
visited her and her mother in 1745, as before related. Another 
of her daughters is mentioned as a sister of Andrew Montour's, 
and one of the converts at the Moravian Mission, at New 
Salem, Ohio, April 14, 1791, and that she was a living polyglot 
of the tongues of the West, speaking English, French and 
six Indian languages. She must have been at least seventy 
years of age at that time. 

Madame Montour evidently was older than she told Marshe, 
at Lancaster in 1744, as she was at Albany in 171 1 as Mrs. 
Montour — her old age referred to in 1734 as her protection — 
and blind before 1754.' "It is probable that she was captured 
prior to 1696, after which year the raids of the Iroquois into 
Canada ceased for some time. That she was very young 
when captured, is clear. She could not have been less than 
sixty years old at the time of the treaty of Lancaster in 1744, 
and probably was older, and if but ten years of age when 
taken, as she said, the year of her captivity was 1694, and of 
her birth 1684. Of the many errors respecting this noted 
woman, the most prominent are, first, the frequently repeated 
statement that she was the daughter of a former governor of 
Canada." " This story originated with herself, or it may have 
been told by her savage captors to enhance the value of their 
prize. There never was a governor of Canada named Mon- 

' Dussieux, Canada. 
' Marshe's Journal. 


tour, and the letter of Lord Cornbury, of August 20, 1708, 
before cited, is conclusive as to her origin, taken, of course, 
in connection with her own statement to Secretary Marshe. 
Second, that she was living at the time of the American 
Revolution, and also confounding her with her granddaughter, 
Catherine of Catherine's Town, near the head of Seneca 
Lake, New York, destroyed by the army under General 
Sullivan in 1779. She is not mentioned in any work of 
original authority, as Catherine, but invariably as Mrs. or 
"Madame Montour." Highly colored accounts have been 
given respecting her association with the ladies of Phila- 
delphia, who evidently, owing to her intelligence and previous 
history, treated her with considerate kindness and nothing 
more. From the authorities of the province she received 
such presents and compensation for services as were usually 
given to prominent Indian visitors. Those who knew her 
best, related that she was habited and lived like the Indians.' 
Her French blood doubtless imparted a vivacity of manner 
to her, the like of which is observed at this day among the 
people of mixed French and Indian ancestry in Canada and 
along our northern frontier. 

' Colonial Records. 


Andrew Montour, eldest son of Madame Montour, first 
appears as captain of a party of Iroquois warriors marching 
against the Catawbas of Carolina in 1744. He fell sick on 
his way to James River and was obliged to return toShamokin.' 
In May, 1745, he accompanied Weiser and the Chief Shich- 
illany to Onondaga with a message and instructions from the 
Governor of Pennsylvania, to induce the Six Nations to send 
deputies to a Peace Conference with the Catawbas at Wil- 
liamsburgh, Virginia ; also to urge them to compel the Shaw- 
nese, with Peter Chart ier at their head, to make restitution 
for the robbery of Pennsylvania traders, incited thereto by 
the French.' In June, 1748, he was introduced by Weiser to 
the President and Council of the Province at Philadelphia, 
and highly commended as "faithful and prudent;" "lives 
amongst the Six Nations between the branches of the Ohio 
and Lake Erie." * 

In July, following, he was interpreter at a Treaty at Lan- 
caster, between the Provincial Authorities and the Six Nations, 
Shawnese, Miamis, etc.* In August, 1748, he accompanied 
Weiser on his mission to Logstown. In May, 1750, arrived at 
George Croghan's House at Pennsboro, Cumberland County, 
from Allegheny, and joins in the Conference held on the 17th 
with some Six Nation and Conestoga Chiefs. 

' Marshe's Journal, Vol VII. Letter of C. Weiser to James Logan. 

'' Colonial Records, Vol. IV, p. 778. 

' Colonial Records, V^ol. V, p. 290. 

* Colonial Records, Vol. V, p. 307., id., p. 349. 



Governor Hamilton recommended him to the Assembly as 
a discreet person of influence with the Indians in keeping the 
French from alienating them from the British and deserving 
of recompense, to which the Assembly assented. He re- 
ceived £(j2 1 5 J. On September 20, a message to the Governor 
from the Miamis and Hurons was delivered to Secretary 
Peters by Andrew Montour. The Assembly having voted a 
present of ;^ioo to be given to the Twigtwees (Miami) Indians, 
the Governor directed Croghan and Montour to hasten to 
Ohio with it, which he called a small present ; but they were 
both sick and therefore detained. Before they were able to 
start on their journey news came of active French movements 
and of their capturing two English traders, Turner and Kil- 
gore, in the Ohio country, and also of the death of Con- 
estoga, the great Chief of the Six Nations, an Onondaga and 
firm friend of the English, while his successor was strong in 
the French interest and a Roman Catholic. Therefore, the 
Governor gave orders to Croghan and Montour to stay until 
he should learn the resolution of the Assembly, to whom he 
communicated the alarming information. That body re- 
sponded by voting ;^ioo as a present of condolence to the Six 
Nations on the death of Conestoga, ;^ioo more to be given 
to the Miamis, and ;^500 "to the natives at Ohio" in suitable 
goods and to be sent as soon as possible. 

Croghan and Montour set out on their journey, arriving at 
Logstown on the Ohio on November 15. Of course, they 
took no goods for the present ; they were yet to be purchased 
and the Indians to be notified to assemble to receive them. 

Not later than March Croghan arrived and wrote that the 
French, under Jean Coeur, had five canoe loads of goods up 
the Allegheny, and was, the Indians said, very generous in 
making presents to all the chiefs he met with. At Logstown 
they found thirty warriors of the Six Nations on their way to 


war with the Catawbas. But few of the chiefs of the Indians 
were seen, being absent hunting. He further wrote to the 
Governor that " Montour takes a great deal of pains to pro- 
mote the English interest among the Indians, and has great 
sway among all those nations." The Indian goods were pur- 
chased ; the transportation to the Ohio cost ;^230 — very 
costly — but it could not be done for less, as the Governor in- 
formed the Assembly. Pack-horses then, and for near half a 
century afterward, were the only means of transportation. 

Croghan and Montour proceeded on to the Muskingum 
River, where, at a large Wyandot town (near the site of the 
present Coshocton, Ohio) Croghan had a trading house. Here 
they remained some weeks and were joined by Christopher 
Gist, the agent of the Ohio Company of Virginia. Croghan 
and Montour held frequent councils with the Indians, deliver- 
ing the message from the Governor of Pennsylvania promising 
the presents to be delivered in the Spring at Logstown. They 
proceeded to the Shawnee towns at the mouth of the Scioto, 
and also on the south, or Kentucky, side of the Ohio, where, 
at a Council with the Shawnese, Croghan delivered speeches 
from the Governor of Pennsylvania to the chiefs of the nation 
and informed them that the escaped traders who had been in 
prisons of the French, brought news that the French had of- 
fered a large reward for Montour and himself if alive, or for 
their scalps if dead. Montour also informed them, as he had 
done the Wyandots and Delawares , that the King of Great 
Britain had sent them a large present of goods.' 

Montour was called by the French, a French Canadian de- 
serter. Croghan, Montour, Gist and Robert Callender then 
proceeded to Pickawillamy, chief town of the Miamis.' It was 
situated on the Big Miami. Among other proceedings, Cro- 

' " Conduct of the Ministry." 
^ " Conduct of the Ministry." 


ghan presented them with a gift of the value of i'loo. Mon- 
tour delivered them a message from the Wyandots and Dela- 
wares. On March 3 Gist left them for the lower Shawnee 
Town, while they took the path to Hockhocking. 

While at the Miami Town, articles for a treaty of peace and 
alliance were entered into between the English and Miamis, 
drawn up by Gist, signed, sealed and delivered on both sides.' 

Conrad Weiser was selected to deliver the goods at Logs- 
town, but declined, and, highly recommending Croghan and 
Montour as every way qualified, the Governor appointed them 
to transact the business. The goods were valued at ;£'7oo. 

When Croghan reported the matter of the treaty of peace 
and alliance made with the Miamis, he said it was done at the 
request of the Indians, he consenting rather than discharge 
them at so critical a time. The Governor reproved him for 
acting in public matters without authority, but received it and 
ordered its entry on the Books of Minutes. 

On May 18, 1751, Montour and Croghan arrived at Logs- 
town with the promised presents for the Indians, of whom a 
great number were assembled— Six Nations, Delawares and 
Shawanese. They welcomed the messengers by firing guns 
and raising the English colors. Two days afterward Jean 
Coeur, with one other Frenchman and forty Six Nation war- 
riors, arrived from the head of the Ohio. Jean Coeur held a 
council with all the Indians in the town on the following day, 
and urged them to turn away all the English traders from 
their country, otherwise they would be visited with the dis- 
pleasure of the Governor of Canada.^ To which a Six Nation 
chief directly replied, emphatically refusing the proposition of 
the French. On the 27th Croghan and Montour held a con- 
ference with the chiefs of the Six Nations, and agreed upon 

' " Colonial Records." 

^ " Virginia State Papers," p. 245. 


the speeches to make the day following to the Delawares, 
Miamis, Wyandots and Shawanese, when the promised pres- 
ents were to be delivered. Accordingly, on the 28th, the 
treaty was held; George Croghan delivered the speeches; 
Andrew Montour acted as interpreter for Pennsylvania. Some 
ten traders were present. The Beaver, of the Delawares, and 
chiefs of other tribes responded, among other things saying 
they hoped "our brother would build a strong-house on the 
River Ohio," that, in case of war, a place of security might be 

Croghan and Montour left on the 30th. On his arrival at 
Pennsboro, Croghan wrote to the Governor, sending a copy of 
the treaty, with an account of the proceedings. All, he said, 
had been conducted to the great satisfaction of the Indians. 
Mr. Montour, he wrote, had exerted himself very much on this 
occasion. " He is very capable of doing business, and is 
looked upon by all the Indians as one of their chiefs." He 
adds that, as Andrew has devoted all his time to the business, 
he hopes the Governor will recommend him to the Assembly 
for proper recompense, and that " Mr. Montour is now at my 
house and will wait on you when a time is appointed." 

In communicating the account of the proceedings of Cro- 
ghan and Montour to the Assembly, the Governor said Mr. 
Montour was in town by his orders, to receive a recompense 
for his services, and that he must do him the justice to say 
that it appears he has well performed the business entrusted 
to him, and hopes the Assembly will pay him to his satisfac- 
tion. Montour was paid ;^8o in full for his services. 

Montour, being very desirous of living "over the Blue 
Hills," had often applied to the Governor for permission, 
which was given after a good deal of consideration and con- 
sultation with Mr. Weiser and Mr. Peters.' It was thought 

' " Colonial Records." 


proper, as numbers had lately gone to settle there, and others 
were daily crowding into those parts, that Andrew Montour 
should be furnished with a commission under the Lesser Seal 
to go and reside there, in order to prevent others from settling 
or from dealing with the Indians for their consent to settle. 
Montour was granted a commission under the Lesser Seal to 
go and reside over the Kittochtinny Hills, at such place as he 
might judge most central and convenient. His duty was to 
warn all settlers off and report them to the Governor. The 
place fixed upon by Montour was at the mouth of the stream 
called Montour's Run, in the present Perry County. On the 
same day that Montour received his commission he waited on 
the Governor, and requested permission to interpret for the 
Governor of Virginia at the ensuing treaty, to be held at 
Logstown, on the Ohio. The leave was granted, together 
with a kind message from the Governor, to be delivered to the 
Indians at Ohio. 

In May following, the Commissioners of Virginia — Joshua 
Fry, L. Lomax and James Pattin — held a treaty with the 
Indians at Logstown. Christopher Gist, George Croghan 
and Andrew Montour were present, the latter as interpreter. 
The object of the treaty was to obtain from the Indians, if 
possible, a confirmation of the treaty of Lancaster of 1744, by 
which, the Virginians claimed, the Indians had ceded to the 
King of Great Britain the right to all the lands in the colony 
of Virginia.* 

The Indians afterwards hearing the construction put upon 
this deed, disowned it, and it was the object of the Confer- 
ence at Logstown to have the treaty explained and their 
objections removed. In a private Conference held on the 
9th of June, with the Half King and the other chiefs, they 
acknowledged themselves satisfied. For Montour's services 

' " Plain Facts," pp. 38-42. 


in this transaction, the Ohio company, at a meeting at Alex- 
andria, September, 1752, resolved "to allow him thirty pistoles 
for his trouble at Logstown, in May last, on account of the 
company, and that if he will remove to Virginia and settle 
on the company's lands, and use his interest with the Indians 
to encourage and forward our settlements, that the company 
will make him a present of one thousand acres of land to live 
on, and will make him a legal title for the same." ' 

In 1753, the Six Nations of Ohio chose him as one of their 
counsellors, and observed all the ceremonious forms usual on 
admitting members of council. He visited Onondaga early 
this year, 1753, by request of the Governor of Virginia, to 
invite the Six Nations to send a deputation to a treaty to be 
held at Winchester. He returned, and being in Philadelphia, 
informed Secretary Peters that the Six Nations were averse 
to either the French or English settling or building forts at 
Ohio, and wished them to quit their country. He said he 
was going a second time to Onondaga by request of the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia and Mr. Peters. In August, 1753, Montour 
was with Captain William Trent, at the forks of the Ohio, 
when Captain Trent viewed the ground, selecting the spot 
on which to build the fort. "Captain Trent and French 
Andrew, the heads of the Five Nations, the Picts, the Shaw- 
anese, the Owendats, and the Delawares, for Virginia," writes 
John Frazer, Indian trader, then residing at Turtle Creek, 
near the ground to become so famous two years later as "Brad- 
dock's Fields." In September a treaty was held at Win- 
chester, Virginia, between Col. Fairfax and Chiefs of the Six 
Nations. Lord Thomas Fairfax was present the first day, 
when the Indians, over eighty in number, were received with 
considerable ceremony. Col. Gist, William Trent and George 
Croghan were present. Andrew Montour was interpreter, 

' "Colonial Records." 


and also efficient in arranging the business.' The Indians, by 
the Half King, Scarrooyady, declaring that they took back the 
consent they had given at Logstown, in May, to any settle- 
ment of their country, but they desired a strong house to 
store goods in. The Virginia authorities promised the Indians 
to supply them with ammunition to defend themselves against 
the French. George Croghan, William Trent and Andrew 
Montour were appointed to distribute it at the Ohio. After 
the close of the Conference at Winchester, the Indians took 
their way to Carlisle, where they met the Commissioners of 
Pennsylvania, Mr. Peters, Isaac Morris and Benjamin Frank- 
lin, and held a conference with them, having been encouraged 
to make the visit by the frequent solicitations of Andrew Mon- 
tour.* The Conference at Carlisle lasted four days, with the 
usual ceremonies ; the Indians repeated their determination 
given at Winchester, respecting keeping settlements from ex- 
tending west of the mountains, and as to the strong house 
which the Governor of Virginia intends to build on the Ohio, 
they thought that intention occasioned the Governor of 
Canada to invade their country, but as soon as they knew his 
intention, " as he speaks with two tongues, they (the Indians) 
well know what to do;" evidently they were unsettled in 
their minds respecting the "strong house," but as to settle- 
ments west of the Allegheny hills, there could be no doubt 
they were decidedly opposed to it. Towards the close of the 
Conference Scarrooyady, the Oneida chief, said it was with a 
great deal of pleasure he informed them "that you may 
believe that what Andrew Montour says to be true between 
the Six Nations and you, they have made him one of their 
counsellors and a great man among them and love him dearly." 
Scarrooyady gave a large belt to Andrew Montour, and the 

> "Plain Facts."( 

^ Report of Commission. 


Commissioners agreed to it. In January, Montour was at 
Shannopin's Town and Logstown with Croghan and James 
Pattin, where, between the drunkenness of the Indians and 
the presence of a detachment of French soldiers, with whom 
they had high words, their situation was dangerous. In 
February, Montour was at Philadelphia and underwent a close 
examination by the Governor and Committee of Assembly 
relative to the location of Shannopin, Logstown and Venango. 

1754. — George Washington, having sent for Montour to 
meet him at Ohio, the latter wrote to Secretary Peters, from 
his residence on Sherman's Creek, on the i6th of May, 1754, 
urging the immediate necessity of Pennsylvania sending men 
and arms to join the Indian Allies, to resist the impending 
French invasion. Ward had surrendered the little fort at 
the Forks of the Ohio, on the 17th of April, to Contrecceur. 
Croghan and Montour proceeded to the Monongahela, and 
there on the 9th of June found Washington ; and Montour 
was with him at his surrender of Fort Necessity, July 3, 
1754. He had a company under Washington, of both Whites 
and Indians. On the 21st of July, Montour wrote to the 
Governor of Pennsylvania, from Winchester, saying that the 
Half King and Monakatootha, with a body of Six Nations,* 
had gone to Aucquick to settle, where the other Indians, as 
fast as they can get off from the French, are to join them ; 
and as there is a large body of them and no ground there to 
hunt to support their families, they expect the Governor to 
provide for their families, as their men will be engaged in the 
war. On August 31st he met Weiser at Harris' Ferry, on 
his way to a great meeting at Aucquick. 

1755. — During the campaign of Braddock, that General 
wrote, on May 20, to Governor Morris, that he had engaged 
between forty and fifty Indians from the frontier of the pro- 

' " Colonial Records." 


vince, to go over the mountains, and would take Croghan and 
Montour into service.' Montour was at Philadelphia on the 8th 
of August, acting as interpreter with Weiser and a few Indians, 
who had been in the fatal defeat of Braddock. Scarroyady 
commented, with great severity, on the pride and ignorance 
of the great English General. On the French and Indian 
invasion of the settlements, in 1755, after Braddock's defeat, 
Montour was active and zealous in gaining intelligence of 
their movements! 

He was at Shannopin, with Scarroyady, in October, and 
warned John Harris of his great danger; "there were forty 
Indians out many days, and intended to burn my house, 
and destroy myself and family." At Shamokin,'' "painted as 
the rest " of the Indians, he warned the inhabitants, that an 
attack might very soon be expected. He had been at the 
Big Island, with Manoquetotha, at the request of the Dela- 

1756. — Andrew Montour, with Scarroyady, one of the chiefs 
of the Oneida Nation, was sent on a mission, to the Six 
Nations, by Governor Morris. They passed up the Susque- 
hanna, to Onondaga ; on their way, while among the hostile 
Delawares, their lives were in great danger. Montour and 
Scarroyady met the Provincial Council, in their chamber in 
Philadelphia, on March 27th, when they made full report of 
their mission to the Six Nations. They had been present at 
Fort Johnston, at a conference held with the Six Nation 
chiefs, and Sir William Johnston, February, 1756. The chiefs 
expressed great resentment at the conduct of the Delawares, 
etc. The Council decided to offer rewards for Indian scalps. 
The Provincial Assembly highly commended the conduct of 
Montour and Scarroyady. 

' " Colonial Records." 

* Shamokin is at the Forks of the Susquehanna, on the east side. 


On the 19th to the 2ist of April a conference was held at 
Philadelphia, at the house of Israel Pemberton, between the 
Quakers of Philadelphia and the heads of the Six Nations. 
Weiser and Montour were interpreters. On the 20th the 
Indians had a long conference with the Governor. "They 
put Andrew Montour's children under his care ; as well the 
three that are here, to be independent of the mother, as a boy 
of twelve years old, that he had by a former wife, a Delaware, 
a grand-daughter of Allompis." They added that he had a 
girl among the Delawares called Kayodaghscroony, or Made- 
lina, and desired she might be distinguished, enquired after, 
and sent for, which was promised. John Montour's name 
(one of Andrew's children, in the care of the Province) appears 
in the " Items of Accounts, votes of Assembly," 1758, p. 75 ; 
this boy was the same, afterwards living on, and claiming the 
Island, near Pittsburgh, now Neville ; possibly the same who 
died in 1830. 

On May loth, Montour was interpreter, at a meeting at 
Fort Johnston, between Scarroyady and other Oneida chiefs, 
and Sir Wm. Johnston. In June, he was at the camp on 
Lake Onondaga, as interpreter. 

On the 2Sth of July Sir William Johnston held a confer- 
ence, at Fort Johnston, with the chiefs of the Six Nations, 
Shawnese, Delawares, Mohickons, etc. After the usual cere- 
monies, he told them, that as Lord Loudon, the new 
Commander-in-Chief, had not arrived, he would have some 
Six Nation warriors go to Canada, to try whether the edge 
of the hatchet he sharpened at Onondaga would cut. Some 
chiefs sang the war song. Montour was appointed the captain 
of a party of Indians. He rose up and sang his war song. 
Some warriors joined his party, and the war dance was 
danced." Some of these warriors, forty-eight in number, 

' " New York Colonial History." 


indulging too freely in rum, squandered all of their outfit. 
Scarroyady and Montour came to the council room, at Fort 
Johnston, on the 14th of August, and Sir William Johnston, 
for the second time, fitted them out with arms and clothes, 
in place of those they had sold to some River Indians and 
Tuscarawas. News having arrived of the capture of Oswego, 
by Montcalm's army. Sir Wm. Johnston spoke to the two 
war parties, and desired them to march to General Webb's 
rendezvous, at the Oneida carrying place. August 26th that 
General, however, beat a rapid retreat to the Flats. On the 
lOth of September, Montour appears as interpreter at Fort 
Johnston. On the 20th of September Sir Wm. Johnston, 
with all the Indians he could gather, with Croghan and Mon- 
tour, marched to the relief of the army besieged at Fort Ed- 
ward. He was ordered back by General Webb, and reached 
Fort Johnston on the 2d of November. 

1757. — At Fort Johnston, on the 12th of September, 
Andrew Montour appears as interpreter at a meeting of Sir 
William Johnston, a few Mohican and Seneca chiefs and four 
Cherokee Indians.' "Sir William lighted the Calumet of 
Peace, and after smoking a whiff, passed it to the Cherokee 
Deputies, holding it to them while each drew a whiff," and 
then Mr. Montour, "handed it round to every Indian present." 
After delivering belts and long speeches, etc., at several 
meetings, they left on the 20th. In November Croghan and 
Montour were despatched to the German Flats, by Sir Wm. 
Johnston, to call upon the Oneidas there, to explain why they 
had not given warning of the raid and massacre, shortly be- 
fore committed by the French and their Indian allies, on the 
German inhabitants. They met the Oneida Sachems, at 
Fort Harkimer, on the 30th November; they held a confer- 
ence with some Germans and returned as reported.^ 

1 "New York Colonial History," Vol. VII. 
•' "Colonial Records," Vol. VIII, 1758. 


In October, at Easton, was held a great conference between 
Governor Denny, the Provincial Council, Committee from 
the Assembly, and Indians of the Six Nations. Croghan as 
Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs, Weiser as Provincial In- 
terpreter, Montour as Interpreter for the Six Nations and 
Delawares. October 21, Montour, Croghan and others signed, 
as witnesses, the Deed of Confirmation for Lands. The 
treaty closed on the 25th ; it was very important, as General 
Forbes was then moving near to Fort Du Quesne, and a great 
object was to soothe the Indians, by presents, and to settle 
the complaints of the Delawares, respecting their lands. 
Immediately after the close of the last Treaty at Easton, 
Montour and Croghan left for the Ohio, where, at Saukon, the 
Indian village at the mouth of the Beaver, on the 29th of 
November, they met Christian Fred. Post, who had just come 
down the creek from Kuskuskis.' At Saukon they met and 
conferred with King Beaver, his brother, Shingiss, and the 
chiefs and warriors, respecting General Forbes' message to 
them; that General, with the army, was now at Fort Du- 
Quesne, having captured it on the 24th. 

On December 3d they reached Logstown, and on the 3d 
the island, since known as Killbuck or Smoky Island, opposite 
Pittsburgh, where they encamped. On the 4th they got over 
late, there was snow, and the river running with ice. Croghan, 
Montour, and Col. John Armstrong held conference with Col. 
Bouquet, the Indians, etc' 

On the 5th, Post seems to have had an altercation with 
Croghan and Montour, relative to the Indians' talk. On Feb- 
ruary 8th, 1759, Secretary Peters, at the request of General 
Forbes, held a conference at Philadelphia with the Six Nation 
Chiefs and other Indians from Bowlunee, on the Upper 
Allegheny, Andrew Montour, interpreter. On the 20th he 

' " Post's Second Journal, 1758." 
' " Pennsylvania Archives," 1759. 


informed the Secretary that the Indians were dissatisfied. 
They said it was absolutely necessary Andrew should return 
to Ohio with them, but he told them he was an officer, subject 
to the General, and could not go without written orders from 

These Indians wished to know the intentions of the Eng- 
lish, and what was done at the Easton Treaty, etc. In July a 
great conference with all the Indian tribes of the Ohio was 
held at Pittsburgh, by George Croghan, Deputy Agent, Col. 
Hugh Mercer, commanding Fort Pitt, Captain William Trent, 
Captain Thomas McKee,^ Captain Henry ; Montour, inter- 
preter. It lasted from July 4th to nth, 1759. King Beaver 
was the principal speaker of the Indians. Guyasuta (Kiashuta), 
was present. 

Another conference was held at Pittsburgh, on October 
24th, between General Stanwix, the officers, George Croghan, 
William Trent, McKee, Captain Henry, Montour interpreter. 
Six Nations, Shawanese, Wyandots, Miamis, and Delawares. 
Captain Montour lit the Pipe of Peace left here by the 
warriors of the Ottawas, handing it to General Stanwix and 
the other officers of the army, and Indians, to smoke, then 
acquainted the Indians by whom the pipe was left, and upon 
what occasion, showing them the belts left at the same time. 
At the camp before Pittsburgh General Moncton held a con- 
ference with the Western Indians on August X2th, 1760,' 
Captain Andrew Montour, interpreter, George Croghan, 
Deputy Agent. 

On September 4th Montour arrived at Presqu' Isle with 
Shingiss.'' Canada having capitulated, an expedition was 

' " Colonial Records." 

^ For many years Chief Indian Trader on tlie Susquehanna. He built 
Fort McKee. Alexander McKee was his son. 
■' " Pennsylvania Archives," 1760. 
* Massachusetts Historical Society. 


fitted out to take possession of the different French posts on 
the lakes, Detroit, etc. On November 4th the Flotilla, of 
nineteen whale-boats and batteaux, sailed. The shore party 
consisted of forty-two Rangers, fifteen Royal Americans, and 
twenty Indians, Six Nations, Shawanese and Delawares, 
under the command of Captain Montour, the shore party 
commanded by Captain Brewer, the whole land and water 
forces under Major Robert Rogers. Croghan commanded one 
of the boats. Detroit was surrendered, after some parley, on 
November 29th.' 

On December 8th Major Rogers and Captain Montour, 
with a party of Indians set off to take possession of Mackinaw. 
After proceeding on their voyage about ninety miles to a 
point on the west side of Lake Huron, they found it im- • 
possible to get through the ice. To go by land the Indians 
declared was impossible without snow-shoes, so much to 
Rogers' mortification they returned, reaching Detroit on the 


On May 22d, 1761, at a conference held at the State House, 
Philadelphia, between the Governor and several Indians from 
Allegheny, Andrew Montour was interpreter. Governor 
Hamilton held a conference at Lancaster, August 23d, 1762, 
with the Northern Indians, Andrew Montour was State 

1763. — The Pontiac war was now raging." 

Andrew Montour was at Fort Augusta (Shamokin), on his 
way up the west branch of the Susquehanna on July 23d, 
1763, returning August 7th, with news of the Indians' attack 
on Loyalhanna, Ligonier and Fort Pitt being reported 

' " Massachusetts Historical Collection." 
' " Pennsylvania Archives." 
' " Colonial Records. " 


December 19th, Captain Montour delivered to Governor 
John Penn an address of welcome from the Conestoga 
Indians at Conestoga Town, Lancaster County. 

1764. — Against the hostile Delawares, residing on the 
upper Susquehanna, Sir William Johnston sent a party of 
nearly two hundred Indians — Six Nations, Tuscarawas and 
Oneidas, and a few Rangers — under the command of Captain 
Montour.' In the middle of February they left their castles 
with the intention of falling upon the towns of the Dela- 
wares and Shawanese, lying near the forks and branches of 
the Ohio and Susquehanna. They seized here in their en- 
campment a party of forty Delawares under the command 
of the famous Captain Bull, a son of the ill-fated Teedyus- 
cung. Captain Bull was a remarkable Indian and in capacity 
as leader had done considerable damage during the war. The 
prisoners were sent by way of Fort Stanwix, to Johnston 
Hall. Captain Bull and thirteen of the warriors were sent 
by way of Albany to New York, and there confined in jail. 
The others were distributed among the friendly Indians to 
supply the places of lost relations — an Indian custom.* 

On April ist. Captain Montour, with 140 Indians and 
some Rangers, set out for Kanestio, and after passing 
several high creeks and rivers, they destroyed two large 
towns, which were built of square logs. After this Montour 
proceeded to Kanestio, where they destroyed sixty good 
houses and killed a number of cattle. 

1768. — A conference was held at Fort Pitt between George 
Croghan, Deputy Agent of Indian Affairs, and the chiefs and 
warriors of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawnese, and Mun- 
cies, residing on the Ohio River. "Henry" Montour, inter- 

' Stone's " Life of Sir William Johnston." 
i " New York Colonial History." 


On October 24th the great Congress with the Indians at 
Fort Stanwix opened. Andrew Montour was one of the 
interpreters ; the others were John Butler and Philip Phillips. 

1769. — A tract of land, at the junction of Loyalsock Creek, 
on the west branch of the Susquehanna, in the present 
county of Lycoming, was surveyed November 3, 1769, for 
Andrew Montour, called Montour's Reserve. It contained 
880 acres. 

It seems also that " Henry " Montour claimed, settled on, 
and built a house on a tract of 600 acres on or near Chillis- 
quaque Creek, about four or five miles above Fort Augusta. 
The Indian name of Montour was " Sattelihu." 

At the time of the visit of Zinzendorf to Shamokin, in the 
autumn of 1742, he met Andrew for the first time, and thus 
describes him : " His cast of countenance is decidedly Euro- 
pean, and had not his face been encircled with a broad 
band of paint, applied with bear's fat, I would certainly have 
taken him for one. He wore a brown broadcloth coat, a 
scarlet damasken lappel waist-coat, breeches, over which his 
shirt hung, a black Cordovan neckerchief decked with silver 
bugles, shoes and stockings, and a hat. His ears were hung 
with pendants of brass and other wires plaited together like 
the handles of a basket. He was very cordial, but on address- 
ing him in French, he, to my surprise, replied in English." 


George Croghan was the most conspicuous name in the 
Western annals, in connection with Indian affairs, for twenty- 
five years preceding the Revolutionary War. He was a 
native of Ireland, and received an ordinary education in 
Dublin. Came to America in 1743 or 1744. In 1746 he 
resided in East Pennsboro Township, Lancaster, (afterwards 
Cumberland County), five miles west of Harris' Ferry, now 

In March, 1749, he was appointed by the Governor and 
Council one of the Justices of the Peace and Common 
Pleas for Lancaster County. He engaged in the Indian 
trade, going as far as the southwestern border of Lake 
Erie in 1746 or 1747. 

In 1748 he had a trading house at Logstown, on the Ohio, 
and afterwards trading establishments at the principal Indian 
towns. ^ 

France claimed the vast country west of the Alleghenies, 
watered by the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. She was now 
attempting to establish her claim by the establishment of 
military posts from the lakes to the Mississippi and along the 
Allegheny and Ohio rivers. 

The Indian tribes in this region, numerous and warlike, 
were to be conciliated. Croghan early saw the importance of 

' " Pennsylvania Archives." Evans' Map of the Middle Colonies, 
1749. Rupp. 
' " Weiser's Journal." 



detaching them from the French by means of presents and 
more favorable trade. His suggestions on the subject were 
wisely heeded by the President and Council of the Province 
of Pennsylvania, and they accordingly appointed him, in 1747, 
their agent, to deliver presents of goods to the Ohio Indians.' 

In April, 1748, he met the Indian chiefs at Ohio, returned 
thanks of the President and Council of Pennsylvania for the 
French scalp they had sent down last spring, and delivered 
the present of goods for all their brethren, settled in and 
about Ohio, powder, lead, vermilion, knives and tobacco, to 
the amount of ;^224.5.o. He further stated that a proclama- 
tion had been issued, strictly forbidding all traders from 
carrying strong liquors into the Indian country under severe 
penalties. The chiefs returned thanks for the presents, 
approved of the suppression of the traffic in liquor, but as 
they had recently induced some nations of Indians in the 
French interest to leave them, and as they had never tasted 
English rum, they hoped some would be sent to them.' They 
significantly added "We send you this French scalp as a 
token that we don't go to visit them for nothing." 

In August, 1749, he was sent west by Governor Hamilton 
in consequence of rumors of the French approaching the 
Ohio, and to secure the Indians to the English interest.' He 
reached Logstown soon after Cdleron, with the French 
troops, had left. The increasing intrusion of white settlers 
on the unpurchased lands of the Indians west of the Susque- 
hanna, in spite of the laws, of the Governor's proclamation, 
and the threats of the Indians themselves, determined the 
government to expel them by force. 

Accordingly, in May, 1750, a large company, headed by 

' " Colonial Records," 1747. 
" "Colonial Records," Vol. V. 
» " New York Colonial History." 


Secretary Peters, George Croghan and the other magistrates 
and sheriff of the new County of Cumberland, visited the 
settlers on the Big Juniata, Sherman's Creek, the Path Val- 
ley, Big Cove, Auchquick Creek and other places, removed 
their household goods and burned the log cabins ; doubtless 
by these effective measures preventing an Indian war.' 

In November of the same year he was dispatched, in com- 
pany with Andrew Montour, to the Miamis, to renew the 
chain of friendship and deliver them a present. On their 
way out, at Logstown, on the Ohio, the few chiefs then there 
told him "their brothers, the English, ought to have a fort on 
this river to secure the trade, as they expected war with the 
French in the spring."^ 

At Muskingum he met Christopher Gist. They travelled 
together to Piqua. There Croghan delivered the message and 
presents, and made a treaty, for which the Governor censured 
him, as done without authority, although he said he believed 
Croghan intended well. The latter in his account says the 
Assembly rejected the treaty and condemned him for draw- 
ing an additional expense on the Government, and the Indians 
were neglected.^ The treaty admits two tribes, Ottawas and 
Pyankeskees, to the friendship and alliance of the King of 
Great Britain and his subjects, as the other tribes of the 
Miami's had been. Signed by George Croghan, in the pres- 
ence of us, Christopher Gist, Robert Callender, Thomas T. 
K. Kinton, three Miami chiefs, Andrew Montour, John J. P. 
Peter, a Delaware and a Shawnese chief present. The 
Governor sent them a message of approval three months 

' " Assembly Journals," 1750. 
'' "Colonial Records," \'ol. V. 

' " New York Colonial History," Vol. VII. " Pennsylvania Assembly 
* " Colonial Recoi^ds," Vol. V, pp. 524-34. 





In May, 1751, he was at Logstown with Andrew Montour, 
having been commissioned to deliver to the Ohio Indians the 
provincial present, and friendly messages. Jean Cceur, the 
French Agent and interpreter, was there. At the council he 
was menaced by the chiefs, who ordered the French from 
their lands. They delivered Croghan a speech for the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, in which they requested he should 
build a strong house on the Ohio River soon. Governor 
Hamilton communicated to the House of Assembly, Croghan 
and Montour's account of their proceedings, in a special 
message, and recommended the building of a strong trading 
house on the Ohio, and offered, on the part of the proprie- 
taries, to bear a portion of the expense. The Assembly de- 
clined, and preferred the proprietary would contribute to the 
expense of the presents to the Indians. That body also 
asserted that the danger from the French, and the Indians' 
request to erect a strong trading house, was misunderstood 
or misrepresented by Croghan. So the matter was dropped.' 

In the latter part of April, 1752, Governor Hamilton, at 
Philadelphia, received a letter from Croghan, written at the 
Shawnese town, February 8th, and enclosing a message from 
the Shawnese to the effect that they intended to war against 
the French in revenge for the thirty Miamis killed by them, 
and wanting to be assured of the friendship of the English.' 

In October, 1753, a large deputation of chiefs and warriors 
of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawnese, Wyandots and 
Miamis, held a treaty with the Commissioners of Pennsyl- 
vania, at Carlisle. George Croghan was present.' 

These Indians held a treaty at Winchester, in September, 

' Votes of Assembly. "Colonial Records." "New York Colonial 
History," Vol. VII, p. 268. 
" " Colonial Records," Vol. V. 
' " Colonial Records," Vol. V. 


with Virginia. Conferences with the Indian chiefs were 
generally held up to 1754, at George Croghan's house at Penns- 
boro. The road through the pass on the mountain, about six 
miles north of Carlisle, and the same distance west of Cro- 
ghan's, is marked "Croghan's Gap" on Evans Map of 1749, 
and all others to a recent date, when it seems, changed to 
Sterrits Gap. 

In 1753 Croghan built a house at Aughwick or Aughquick 
Old Town, doubtless the site of an old Indian town, now in 
the borough of Shirleysburgh, Huntington County, Pa., 
called Croghan's Fort — Fort Shirley, by Governor Morris in 
1756, — when it was enlarged and stockaded.' One of the chain 
of forts established in consequence of the defeat of Braddock. 
About twenty miles from the settlements Fort Lytellton was 
built. Fifteen miles northeast of Fort Shirley, near the 
mouth of a branch of the Juniata, called Kishequokilis, a 
third fort was erected, called Fort Granville. From Fort 
Granville towards Susquehanna, at the distance of fifteen 
miles and about twelve from the river, another fort was 
established, called Pomfret Castle. 

Croghan also, this year, 1753, held a tract of nearly 400 
acres near the present Bedford town, surveyed by the Deputy 
Surveyor, Armstrong, and obtained a grant from the Six 
Nations of a tract in Aughwick. 

February 3, 1754. — Again Croghan wrote to Governor Ham- 
ilton, and Richard Peters, Secretary, urging the building of 
a strong log trading house or stockade, — in reality a fort, but 
inexpensive. He mentions that Mr. Trent has just come out 
with the Virginia Guards and brought a quantity of tools and 
workmen to build a fort, and as he could not talk the Indian 
language, "I am obliged to stay and assist in dividing the 
goods." This was the commencement of the fortification at 

' "Pennsylvania Archives." 


the Forks of the Ohio, which Ensign Ward was obliged to 
surrender, when partly finished, to the superior force of 
Contrecceur, in April. During the past winter Croghan had 
a large number of Indians at Aughwick under his charge. 
The Assembly of Pennsylvania adjourned on March 9th, 
without making, but refusing to make, any appropriation for 
the defense of the Province. 

On March 13, 1754, Governor Hamilton wrote to Governor 
Dinwiddle : " Ever since I had the honor to write you I have 
been laboring indefatigably with my Assembly to induce them 
to act vigorously on the present critical juncture of affairs at 
Ohio, and to grant such supplies as might enable us to resist 
the invasion of the French." In another letter of the same 
date he wished Governor Dinwiddle to inform him as to the 
situation of the French forts, as he believes those at the 
Forks of the Monongahela to be really within the bounds of 
Pennsylvania. Governor Dinwiddle replied March 21st : "I 
am from all hands assured Logstown is far to the West of 
Mr. Penn's grant and the Forks of the Ohio also." ^ 

" In January I commissioned William Trent to raise one 
Hundred men ; he had got Seventy and had begun a Fort at 
the Forks of the Monhongialo. His Majesty sent me out Thirty 
Pieces of Cannon, Four-Pounders, with Carriages and all 
necessary Impliments, with Eighty Barrells of Gun Powder." 

December 6, 1754. — This message was received from the 
Assembly : "As we apprehend, the Governor will agree with 
us in the necessity of regulating that Expence (Indian Allies), 
with all possible economy, and as George Croghan (whose 
accounts we have allowed) seems resolved to remove from 
Aughquick, and the Indians by that means will be left with- 
out any proper Person to take the necessary Care of providing 
for their Subsistence, we recommend it to the Governor's 

' " Colonial Records." 


Consideration whether it might not be more convenient for 
the Indians themselves, and less Expence to the Province, if 
they were invited to move nearer our Back Inhabitants, till 
by Hunting or otherwise, they may be able to subsist them- 
selves with Safety." 

In a letter to Governor Morris, December 2, 1754, he gives 
the reasons for wishing to leave Aughquick. "All the Prom- 
ises made those Indians or any Expectations they have of this 
government Doing anything for them, they always expect to 
be fulfilled by me, and as it is not in my power to do any- 
thing for them, I think it proper one of the Interpreters 
should be sent here to take care of them, they imagine I 
have received orders from your Honour to supply them with 
such things as they want. I think it is my Duty to acquaint 
your Honour what I know of the Indians Sentiments and what 
they expect of this Government, which is as follows. The 
Ohio Indians in general puts their whole dependence on 
this government in regard to the Expedition, as soon as 
this government moves they will unite all their force and 
attack the French." 

R. Peters, in a letter to George Croghan desires him to 
make his opinion known to the Assembly relative to remov- 
ing the Indians from Auchquick, "and insist that a stockade 
be made this winter." In George Croghan's answer to Mr. 
Peters as to the best method of moving the Indians he writes, 
" I think it would be of very ill consequence, for I think they 
are full near the Inhabitants already; there was one White 
Man killed this summer already by an Indian in a drunken 
frolic, and if they lived among them there would be con- 
stantly rioting and quarrelling. I don't know what will 
become of the Back parts unless there be a Stockade Fort put 
up this side the Blue Hills, as certainly the Indians who come 
to the Virginia Camp are Spies come to view the Country 


and know our strength, for I am certain there is a great body 
of French and Indians at the French Fort on Ohio." 

In a letter of December 23, 1754 to Governor Morris, he 
writes : " I am obliged to advertise the Inhabitants of Cum- 
berland County, in your honour's name, not to barter or sell 
Liquour to the Indians, or to any persons to bring amongst 

Croghan always took an important part in all conferences 
and treaties with the Indians.' 

Croghan was one of the Commissioners appointed to open 
a road to the Ohio for the use of troops. May 12, 1755, the 
Governor wrote to Braddock : "Agreeable to your request, 
immediately upon my return from Alexandria, I sent to 
George Croghan, the person entrusted with the management 
of the Indians in this Province, to join you with as large a 
body of Indians as he could." General Braddock, in his 
answer, writes : " I have engaged between forty and fifty 
Indians from the Frontier of your Province to go with me 
over the Mountains, and shall take Croghan and Montour into 

Letter from George Croghan to Governor Morris, May 20, 
175s : "Tomorrow what Indian women and children came to 
Fort Cumberland with me will be sent back to Aucquick by 
order of the General, the Men entirely go with the General, 
and the General insists on my going with him, so that it is 
out of my Power to provide for those Women and Children. 
The messengers I sent to the Shawnese, Twigtwees and 
Owendots, are not yet returned but I hear they are coming, 
so that I hope they will join the General before the Army gets 
to the Ohio." After the defeat of Braddock, Croghan re- 
turned to Aughquick. The Indians held a conference at 
Philadelphia and complained of the ignorance of the General 
and the haughty way he had treated them. 

' " Colonial Records." 


Letter of Croghan to Charles Swaine, from Aughquick, 
says : " He had seen an Indian from Ohio, sent to give him 
warning that he might save his scalp, which he says would be 
no small prize to the French, and he desires me, as soon as I 
see the Indians remove from Susquehanna back to Ohio, to 
shift my quarters, for he says that the French will, if possible, 
lay all the back frontiers in ruin this Winter." " I am glad I 
have no hand in Indian affairs at this critical time." 

November 12th, Croghan writes to Hamilton : " Permit 
me at this Critical Time to give you information of the designs 
of the Enemy. I would have written to the Governor but he 
has not thought proper to desire me to give him any accounts 
of Indian Afifairs since the defeat of General Braddock. The 
Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese, Wyandots and Twig- 
trees have held a Conference and determined to proceed 
against the Frontiers of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania 
this winter." 

1755. — Orders were sent to Captain George Croghan "to 
proceed to Cumberland County and fix on proper places for 
erecting three stockadoes, viz. : One back of Patterson's, one 
upon Kishecoquillas, and one near Sideling Hill, fifty feet 
square, with a block-house on two of the corners and a 
barrack within, capable of lodging fifty men." 

December 17. — James Hamilton wrote to Governor Morris : 
" Since you left us, Conrad Weiser, James Galbraith and 
George Croghan have been in town, and have been fully 
examined by the Councils upon all the Points we thought 
necessary to be known. The Country is everywhere alarmed. 
I have given George Croghan a Captain's Commission. He 
is to raise the men immediately and superintend the building 
of Stockades." 

Governor Morris gave to Governor Hardy this character of 
Croghan : " There were many Indian traders with Braddock, 


ff/ (M/iJ /ry /he C/rtrm/nce. e¥ 

(^»ruAF /Su Quesne/ 


C^ti.edf 6f mi./ram f^ an'^ina/ t^Me f^cM< ^t»nf ^iee^^antten. 


41 -> ^r-^"^ 






,a ND VIRGINIA, 1755. 

*^ iM>u^ ej Q'n.f'^t^A. ^..yilt^O^ 


and among others Croghan, who acted as a Captain of the 
Indians under a Warrant from General Braddock, and I never 
heard any objections to his conduct in that capacity. For 
many years he had been very largely concerned in the Ohio 
trade, was upon that river frequently, and had a considerable 
influence among the Indians, speaking the Language of several 
nations, and being very liberal or rather profuse in his gifts 
to them which, with the losses he sustained by the French, 
who seized great quantities of his goods, and by not getting 
the debts due to him from the Indians, be became Bankrupt, 
and since has lived at a place called Aughwick, in the Back 
parts of this Province, where he had generally a number of 
Indians with him, for the maintenance of whom the Province 
allowed him sums of money from time to time. After 
this he went by my order with those Indians and joined 
General Braddock ; since Braddock's defeat he returned 
to Aughwick, where he remained until anact of assembly 
was passed here granting him a freedom from arrest for 
ten years ; this was done that the Province might have the 
Benefit of his Knowledge of the woods and his influence 
among the Indians. A Captain's commission was given to 
him and he was ordered to raise men for the defence of the 
Western Frontier, which he did in a very expeditious manner, 
he continued in the command of one of the Companies he 
had raised, and of Fort Shirley about three months, when, 
having a dispute with the Commissioners about some accounts 
between them, in which he thought himself ill-used, he re- 
signed his commission. I hear he is now at Onondago with 
Sir William Johnston." 

At a Council held at Philadelphia, December 14, 1756, the 

Governor informed the Council that Sir William Johnston 

had appointed Mr. Croghan to transact Indian affairs in this 

Province. Mr. Croghan was of opinion that there should be 



a conference held with the Indians as early as possible in the 
Spring. He was instructed by Sir William Johnston to pro- 
ceed to Philadelphia as soon as he could, or to any part of 
that Province where the good of his Majesty's Indian interest 
might require. He was to endeavor to find out the dispo- 
sition of such Indians as are still living in those parts and 
try all means to convince them it is their interest to continue 
friends with the English, and to seek out the Delawares and 
Shawanese and induce them to join his Majesty's army. 

During January, 1757, Mr. Croghan dispatched two of the 
Conestogas to Ohio with messages to the Six Nations, 
Delawares and Shawanese. March 29 he wrote from Harris' 
Ferry "that on arriving there he found 160 Indians, chiefly 
Six Nations. Teedyuscung had gone to the Seneca Country 
and he expected him soon with not less than 200 Indians." 
He asked for clothes for them, which request was granted by 
the Council. The conference with the Indians asked for by 
George Croghan was held in the court-house at Lancaster, on 
Monday, May 16, 1757. Mr. Croghan thought it necessary 
that presents should be made to the Cherokees, to consist of 
such articles as Mr. Croghan might think those warriors stood 
most in need of, particularly arms. This request of Mr. 
Croghan was granted and he was appointed to distribute the 
presents. The Sachems made the following speech : " As 
we have finished the business for this time and we design to 
part to-morrow, you must be sensible that we have a long 
journey and a hilly country to pass over, and several of our 
old men very weak, we hope that you will not send us from 
your frontiers without a ' walking-stick,' (meaning a keg of 

In September, 1757, Croghan was at Fort Johnston, New 
York, attending conferences between Sir William Johnston 
and the Six Nations and Cherokees. Previous to that he had 
been sent by Johnston to the German Flats. 


June 30, 1758. — He marched with a division of the Indians 
to join General Abercrombie. Sir William Johnston was with 
him and nearly 4CK> Indians, amongst whom there were some 
of all the Five Nations. 

A conference was held in the town of Easton on October 
8, 1758, at which George Croghan was present. This con- 
ference continued until the 26th. 

On March 28, 1759, Mr. Croghan, in conference with the 
Governor, gave it as his opinion, that there should be no invi- 
tations sent fixing the time of meeting for the Ohio Indians. 
If any further invitation was necessary, it should be general, 
intimating that we expected to see them, and leave the par- 
ticular time to themselves, not knowing what time would suit 
the Indians, who were so far distant one from another. Mr. 
Croghan said further, that the Indians in town were exceed- 
ingly uneasy, and desired an audience of General Stanwix, 
on which the Governor wrote a letter to the General, desiring 
him to give the Indians an audience and to make them pres- 
ents to their satisfaction. 

July, 1759. — A conference was held at Pittsburgh by 
George Croghan, Deputy Agent. Col. Hugh Mercer, a num- 
ber of officers of the garrison and chiefs of the Six Nations, 
Shawanese and Delawares were present. Captain Croghan 
held a private conference, relative to the price of goods and 

May, 1760. — Croghan wrote to R. Peters, recommending 
to him six Mohock Indians, who had come to Fort Pitt with 
Montour, and informing him that several Indian Nations seem 
bent on carrying on a war against the Southern Indians, but 
are deterred by scarcity of ammunition. A conference was 
held at Pittsburgh, on the 12th of August, by Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Moncton, with the Western Nation of Indians, at which 
Deputy Agent Croghan was present. Croghan accompanied 


Major Rogers to Detroit, to receive the surrender of that and 
the other posts of the French in the west. Captain Croghan 
kept a journal of this expedition, which has been published. 
July, 1760. — He accompanied Colonel Bouquet, from Fort 
Pitt to Venango, with a detachment 0/ troops. During the 
Pontiac War, Croghan was active ; he was with Captain 
Ecuyer, during the investment of Fort Pitt by the Indians. 
After it was relieved by Bouquet, he resigned out of the service, 
intending to sail for England ; he wrote thus from Carlisle, 
October 11, 1763: "I know many people will think I am 
wrong, but had I continued, I could be of no more service 
than I have been this eighteen months past, which was none, 
as no regard was had to any intelligence I sent, no more than 
to my opinion." General Gage, succeeding Amherst, ordered 
Croghan to remain. Sir William Johnston, in 1763, sent him 
to England, to confer with the ministry, about an Indian 
boundary line. In this voyage, he was shipwrecked on the 
coast of France. 

February 28. — He was present at an Indian conference, at 
Fort Pitt, a journal of which has been published. 

While on his way, in 1765, to pacify the Illinois Indians, he 
was attacked, June 8, wounded and taken to Vincennes, but 
was soon released, and accomplished his mission. In May, 
1766, he made a settlement, four miles above Fort Pitt. He 
continued to render valuable service in pacifying the Indians, 
until 1776. He was an object of suspicion to the Revolution- 
ary authorities, in 1778, but as he continued to reside on his 
farm, he was doubtless unjustly accused. 

George Croghan's settlement was undoubtedly the first, 
except Gist's, within the County of Allegheny. The house 
stood on the bank of the Allegheny River, a few rods from 
the late residence of Judge McCandless. Two ancient apple 
trees mark the exact spot, on the draft of survey. The White 


Mingo Castle is marked on the north side of the river, at the 
mouth of Pine Creek. At his residence here, he held fre- 
quent conferences with the Indians, some of whom were 
frequently there when he was at home. In Washington's 
"Journal of a Tour to the Ohio River," in 1770, is entered, 
October 18, "Dined with Col. Croghan." 

In the MS. copy of Land Office Survey, in June, 1769, 
for George Croghan's tract of 1,352 acres, the White 
Mingoes' Castle is laid down on the north side of the river, 
opposite to the land surveyed, and near the mouth of Pine 
Creek, on the east side. Clarkson's Diary, of 1766, refers to 
this " Indian Settlement of the Mingoes," and as the " White 
Mingo's Town," in Schoolcraft's "American Abridged Ar- 
chives," Volume IV, pp. 269-271. It was, however, a much 
older place of resort by the Indians. The present Kittanning 
road, from half a mile above the mouth of Pine Creek, direct 
to Kittanning, was the old Kittanning path of the Indians, 
and so called by the older white settlers, within the memory 
of the writer. In 1753-4, William Trent and George Croghan, 
partners in the Indian trade, had a storehouse above the 
mouth of Pine Creek ; also fenced fields of Indian corn and 
numbers of large canoes and batteaux, all of which were 
seized by the French in 1754.' 

Pine Creek empties into the Allegheny River, on the north 
side, five Miles above the site of Fort Pitt, near the present 
towns of Sharpsburgh and Etna. Indians of the Six Nations 
appear to have built the town at this point, soon after the erec- 
tion of Fort Pitt. It was known as the " White Mingo Town," 
from the head chief. These Indians came from the " Mingo 
town," on the northwest side of the Ohio, about three miles 
below the site of the present city of Steubenville, near the 
mouth of Indian Cross Creek and "Mingo Junction," of the 

I MS. affidavit of Croghan, and others, Carlisle, 1756. 


Pittsburgh, St. Louis and Pittsburgh and Wheeling railways. 
It was a town inhabited chiefly by the Senecas, called with 
others of the Six Nations, " Mingoes."' Washington visited 
it in October and November, 1770, on his way to and from 
the Kanawha. He states that it then had about twenty 
cabins and seventy inhabitants of the Six Nations. Accord- 
ing to Thomas Hutchins, it was the only Indian village, in 
1766, between Fort Pitt and the Falls of the Ohio. It then 
contained sixty families. The Monsies were a tribe of the 
Delawares, speaking a somewhat different dialect. Their 
settlement was probably the Sewickly town on Evans' Map of 
1755, and Scull's of 1770, where the town of Springdale now 
stands, twelve miles above Pittsburgh, on the northwest 
side of the Allegheny River. Conrad Weiser passed a night 
there. John Conolly and Captain Ed. Ward were relatives 
of George Croghan ; their exact relationship is not known. 
Susannah, wife of General Prevost, was his only child ; she 
died at Milgrove, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, March, 
1791. Her heirs tried to recover part of his property, but 
were unsuccessful. The history of George Croghan, the In- 
dians' friend and generous protector, is the history of the 
Indians of Pennsylvania; — their conferences, treaties, and 
treatment by the white usurpers.'' George Croghan's house, 
on the Allegheny, was erected in 1759-60 ; burned by the 
Indians during their outbreak in the Summer of 1763 ; rebuilt 
on the same spot ; was standing the beginning of this century. 


Whereas Johonisse, Scarayoday and Teedyuscung chiefs or 
sachems of the Six united Nations of Indians did by their deed 

' George Croghan's Journal. 

' See Ecuyer's Journal in " Fort Pitt." 


duly executed having date the 2d day of August A D 1749 for 
the consideration therein mentioned grant bargain and sell to 
George Croghan in fee a certain tract of land Beginning on the 
eastern side of the river Ohio to the northward of an old Indian 
town called Shannopins Town at the mouth of a run called 
the Two mile run and running thence up the said two mile 
run to where it intersects with the heads of the two mile 
springs where it empties into the Monongahela river, thence 
down the said two mile springs the same course thereof 
into the said river Monongahela, thence up the said river 
Monongahela to where Turtle creek empties itself into 
the said river, thence up the said creek to the first forks 
thereof, thence up the north or northerly branch of the said 
creek to the head of the same, thence north or a northerly 
course until it strikes Plumb Creek, thence down said 
Plumb creek until it empties itself into the river Allegheny 
and thence down the said river Allegheny to the place of 
beginning where the aforesaid two mile run discharges itself 
into the said river Ohio containing by estimate Forty thousand 
Acres be the same more or less as by the same deed more fully 
appears. And whereas said Chiefs or Sachems fully repre- 
senting the six united Nations aforesaid in full council assem- 
bled at Fort Stanwix did by their Deed Poll duly executed 
bearing date the nth November 1768 for the consideration 
therein mentioned, granted and conveyed to his most sacred 
Majesty George III king of Great Britain, for the benefit and 
behoof of said George Croghan all the before mentioned tract 
of land ; for part of which said lands George Croghan made 
application unto the Secretarys office at Philadelphia April 
1st 1769 and obtained a special grant for part of the same 
from the Proprietor of Pennsylvania as appears from the 
records of the Land Office at Philadelphia, reference being 
had thereto may more fully appear, which application with 


surveys were made and returned to the Surveyor Generals 
Office at Philadelphia. And whereas said George Croghan 
by Indenture 20th April 1776 granted and conveyed to said 
Thomas Gerty 476% Acres part of the aforesaid land. Be- 
ginning at a Black Oak on the Eastern bank of the river 
Allegheny and running thence north to a Sycamore in a small 
island on Crab Tree run now commonly called Plumb Creek, 
thence down to a Sycamore at the junction with the Allegheny.' 


Virginia, April 10, 1753. 
May it please your Honour 

I have received a letter just now from Mr. Croghan wherein 
he acquaints me that fifty odd Ottawas, Conewagos, one 
Dutchman and one of the Six nations that was their Captain 
met with some of Our people at a place called Kentucky on 
this side Allegheny river about one hundred and fifty miles 
from the lower Shawanese Town, they took eight Prisoners, 
five belonging to Mr Croghan and me, the others to Lowry, 
they took three or four hundred Pounds worth of goods from 
us, one of them made his escape after he had been a Prisoner 
three days, three of John Finleys men are killed by the little 
Pict Town and no account of himself, they robbed Michael 
Teaffs People near the Lakes, there was one Frenchman in 
Company, the Owendats secured his People and five horse 
loads of Skins. Mr Croghan is coming thro' the Woods with 
some Indians and Whites and the rest of the White men and 
the Indians are coming up the river in a body though 'tis a 
question whether they escape, as three hundred Ottawas were 

' See Treaty at Fort Stanwix. 


expected at the lower Town every day and another Party of 
French and Indians coming down the river, the Indians are 
in such confusion that there is no knowing who to trust. I 
expect they will all join the French except the Delawares, as 
they expect no assistance from the English. The Low Dutch- 
mans name that was with the Party that robbed our People is 
Philip Philips, his mother lives near Col. Johnsons, he was 
taken by the French Indians about six years ago and has lived 
ever since with them ; he intends sometime this summer to 
go and see his mother, if your Honour pleases to acquaint the 
Governor of New York with it, he may possibly get him 
secured by keeping it secret, and acquainting Col. Johnson 
with it and ordering him to apprehend him ; if the Dutchman 
once come to understand it, they will contrive to send him 
word to keep out of the way. 

I intend leaving directly for Allegheny with provisions for 
our People that are coming through the woods and up the 
river. I am your Honours 

most obedient humble servant 

William Trent. 
[Endorsed James Hamilton.] 


Fort Pitt, January 24, 1763. 
Dear Sir 

Since I wrote you last there has little happened here in 

my department worth mentioning. Some Shennas came 

here and delivered up four prisoners and yesterday some 

Chiefs arrived on the other side y' River, who have brought 

four more which will be delivered up to-morrow and those 

Chiefs tell me they are to stay and hunt here about till y" 

last is brought up in y" spring. 


Captain Ecuyer will write you y° news of this place. Y" 
gentlemen here are all bucks ; nothing but Flutes and assem- 
blys, we really live in great harmony. 

Sir, I have taken y' Liberty to draw on you for ;^ioo in 
favour of John Welsh for which and y' £ioo to Capt. Basett 
you will please to keep y' warrant which I expect y' General 
has granted for y'' small account of ;^ 18000 which I was in 
advance and sent by you. 

I am dear Sir with great esteem and regard 
y' most humble servant 

George Croghan. 

Fort Pitt, March 19, 1763. 
Dear Sir 

I am sorry that Col. John Armstrong has not returned 
y four Tracts run out for you last fall with y' Tract 
of y' big spring on Vinord Creek, which are all done. I have 
wrote him to return them as soon as possible ; as to y' Tracts 
on Vinord Creek you may depend on it I will have them run 
out next month when I shall be at Bedford. 

As to the other affair my Brother is now on y' spot with y" 
Indian and diging y° produce of which I will send you on my 
arrival at Bedford where I expect to be by y' first of April. 

As I shall not have y' pleasure of accompanying you down 
y' river, I think it my duty to give you my opinion of that 
tour, with respect to making any settlement. I dare say you 
will find that the French has not purchased any more Land of 
the Indians than just what they have occupyed and that you 
will find y' Indians will not stand tame Spectators and see set- 
tlements made in their Country without first having some con- 
sideration given them for it and I am of opinion the French 
will do every thing in their power privately to give y' Indians a 


bad impression of us so that your hands should be open with 
respect to presents you should have at least fifty Indians from 
hence with you of y"' diferent Nations and such as is of con- 
sequence amongst these Nations, with whom I will send 
young Mr. McKee who is a modest young man and one you 
can depend on as a good interpreter. You will find y" Cher- 
okees our enemies tho' they seem quiet on y' frontiers of 
Carolina, and what obliged them to be so is nothing else than 
y' war which y° Western Nations has carryed on against them 
with great Spirit this two years past, they have been this 
winter endeavouring to accumodate maters which if they 
should do may give us more trouble than we may expect. 
I am Dear sir with esteem and regard 

y' Most Humble servant 

George Croghan. 
[To Col. Bouquet.] 


Fort Pitt, March 19, 1763. 
Dear Sir 

I was favoured with yours of the 22d February and observe 

the Generals resolution with respect to giving any presents to 

y' Indians this way, which was no more than I expected. I was 

fully determined to give as little as possible to y' Indians here 

this winter and I dare say when you see y" accounts you will 

see that nothing has been given on y^ kings account which 

could have been avoided. Indeed I believe it has cost me 

near ;^ioo out of my own pocket in trifels which I did not 

chuse to trouble Captain Ecuyer with nor could I avoid doing 

it myself without letting y' service suffer. Since y' reduction 

of Canada the several Indian Nations this Way has been 

very jelous of his Majestys growing power in this Country 


but this last account of so much of North America being 
ceded to Great Britain has almost drove them to despair, and 
by leters from Major Gladwin and Captain Campble it appears 
that y' Indians over the Lakes are full as many there as on 
this Side. As to y" News how they may behave I cant pre- 
tend to say, but I do not aprove of General Armhursts plan 
in distresing them too much at wonst as in my opinion they 
will not consider Consequences if too much distrest, tho' Sir 
Jeffrey thinks they will. Some time ago I wrote to Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson and let him know that if Sir Jeffrey Amhurst 
did not give me leave to go to England to solicit a restitution 
for y= great depredations committed on me by the King of 
Frances Subjects in y' beginning of y'= war, that I would re- 
sign which I expect will be y" case as I am pretty certain Sir 
W J will give me leave to resign as he must think there is no 
occasion for an Agent here on Sir Jeffrey Armhurst present 
plan, so that I expect every day to hear that both Sir W and 
Sir Jefif has aproved of my quiting y' Service as it will save 
something to y' Nation. 

Enclosed I send you the small Account of £i2i7. 19. 6. 
with two other vouchers from Capt. Campble which I must 
Request y" feavor of you to prefer to Sir Jeffery ; if he con- 
descends to pay it, pray receive y" money and give me Credit 
for it. If he should not aprove of those Vouchers I can do 
no more I must content myself with the loss thereof. 

Nothing would give me greater plesher than to go down 
this River as you are honoured with the Command, but for 
two very weatey rasons I cant think of it first my own affairs 
will oblige me to go to England as soon as possible, y' 
Secondly is that I am certain Sir Jeffery Armhurst will not 
alow a sufisent quantity of presents to satisfye the Great 
Number of Indians and before I wold attempt to undertake 
y= Negocieatory Maters with a Number of Indian Nations 


who has never been aquainted with us but allways under y° 
influences of the French without I could do it with repetation 
to my self and ease to you. I will run y' Resk of loosing 
every thing I have depending in England and content my- 
self at y' tail of a plow, some where on y" frontier. 

Captain Ecuyer and my self has done every thing in our 
power to get as many Vouchers as was posable here for y 
Account which you will receive from Captain Ecuyer by this 
Express. I am dear Sir with great Esteem and 

Regard y' Most Humble Servant 
George Croghan. 

Carlisle, June 8, 1763. 
Dear Sir 

By this Express you will receive y' Inteligence of Mn 
Colhoon by which it apears that y° Dalaways have all 
declared against us, as you have known my opinion on this 
head, some time ago, I need say Nothing now on ye subject 

as it will not bear Laffing at as usual by his . I have 

wrote Sir William Johnson and inclosed a Copy of y' Intelli- 
gence which you will plese to forward. 

Plese to acquaint Governor Hamilton that I have heard 
this Evening that Col. Bird and Captain McKee have not 
proceeded to dispossess the New England people having 
received an account from Fort Augusta that y" Indians on 
Susquehanna have summoned y' Garrison to remove or that 
they would cut them off. 

I will proceed tomorrow for Bedford and endeavour to get 
some men to escort y' Powder and Lead up there. 

I am D' S' 

y Most Humble Servt 
George Croghan. 


Shippensburgh, June ii, 1763.' 

Yesterday and this Day a report prevailed in this County 
that all the People in the Path Valley were murdered by the 
Indians and their Houses burned, and that Fort Ligonier was 
likewise taken and burned, the people in General was flying 
from their Habitations but just now I received a letter from 
Bedford by which I find that the Indians had not prevailed 
against Ligonier, tho' they had fired some Shot at the Fort, 
and two men is corhe from the Path Valley, who say that no 
Indians has appeared there as yet but say the People there 
are very much alarmed. 

I have endeavoured to settle the minds of the People as 
much as possible and most of them are returned to their 

As I was apprehensive that some scouting Party of Indians 
might come down and burn Fort Lyttleton in order to shut 
up the Communication and in order to quiet the Inhabitants 
I have engaged twenty five Men at 45' per month with one 
(officer) to command them, to garrison it for one month and 
furnished Provisions and some Powder and Lead for them, 
which I hope will meet with General Amhersts approbation 
and requests the favour of you to make him acquainted with 
it. If he should aprove of this step I hope he will (give 
orders) for paying the expences or continuing them longer (as 
he may) think proper. Tomorrow I set off with them to 
Fort Lytleton, and request you will let me know the Generals 
answer, that if the Expence of these Men (should fall on) 
myself I may discharge them when the month is out. 

The Justices of this County has been these three Days 

endeavouring to get some Volunteers to escort the Powder 

and Lead to Bedford, but could not get any. It is at Loudon 

and I believe I shall be obliged to hire men there to escort it 

' This document very much mutilated and stained. 


up. Pray mention these Expences to the General as it will 
fall very heavy on me if he should not approve of it and pay 
the expences. It appears to me from all the Letters I have 
from Fort Pitt that no Indians seem to have committed any 
Hostilities thereabouts but the Delawares, and from the 
( ) speeches of the Beaver and his Council to Calhoun 

it seems as if they intend to deny that they were conserned 
with this great Breach of faith Should their ( ) miscarry 

and not be able to accomplish their design and so solicit their 
pardon. As to the Accounts of Detroit being attacked by 
the Ottaways and Cheepaways we have nothing for it but 
what the Delawares tell us and by all accounts from Susque- 
hannah and Mr. Hunter's Letter to Col. Burd from Fort 
Augusta it appears to me that the Susquehannah Indians 
was not aquainted with the (combat) about the 2d or 3d of 
this Month when a Delaware Indian brought the accounts 
from Ohio to the great Island but it is probable that the 
other nations will join the Delawares if they are successful 
against the small out Posts and then no doubt they will fall 
upon the Frontiers without they meet a sufficient check soon. 
As to Detroit if those nations which the Delawares say had 
attacked it prove so, it must fall, as the works are very large, 
without the French engage heartily and assist the Troops, 
which I fear they will not, as I have been convinced near 
these twelve months past that the French at the Ilinois has 
been spiriting up the Indians to cut off our out Posts ; all 
which Intelligence you know I sent to General Amherst. 

I had no doubt the French at Detroit were privately con- 
cerned with the designs of the Ottaways and Cheepaways as 
they have great influence over those Nations. 

(Signature illegible.) 

To Col. Henry Bouquet. 


Fort Bedford, June 17, 1763. 
Dear Sir 

I just now received your favour of y' 14th. As the man 
who carry s it to Carlisle is just setting off, I have only time to 
acknowledge y' receipt of it. I wrote you from Shipensberge 
y' eleventh, to which I must refer you for my opinion of the 
Indians behaviour at this time till I hear from Fort Pitt ; as no 
Express has come down this twelve days, I have reason to 
think y' place is invested, so that none can safely escape them ; 
but they can no longer continue there, in my opinion than 
y" few cattle there abouts, which may fall into their way can 
suport them. The Dallaways in my opinion are y° people 
who has begun this Indian war, and if y' Ottaways and Cheep- 
ways has attackt Detroit I believe it will be found that y° 
French was acquainted with their designs. I imagine 
y Dallaways will remove over y" Lakes or over the Missis- 
sippi, perhaps this may be a stroke of Policy in the French 
to get as many Indian Nations as they can to go to y' country 
over Mississippi, which they have to people as well to make 
themselves respectable with their Indian Allies as to secure 
as much of the Indian Trade as they can. The Dallaways you 
are sensible have not behaved so well as they did before Post 
went among them, to his Majesty's Troops and since the last 
Treaty at Lancaster, they may be said to have behaved with 
insolence ; this you are well acquainted with and I wish y' 
Quakers may not find that their interfering with Indian affairs 
may have done more hurt to his Majestys Indian Interest and 
given them a greater dislike to his troops than any settle- 
ments that I or any other people have made there. 

I am of opinion that if the Six Nations knew any thing 
of this Eruption, they kept it secret in order to break off any 
connections between us and y' Dallaways, as I am certain 
they have been for some years past very jealous of the Dalla- 


ways being raised so high by y° Quakers of Philadelphia ; how- 
ever time will evince to y° publick whether I have acted with 
imprudence in my Department or not as far as I was limited. 
I wish y* General would permit me to send one of those 
Indians here for intelligence, as it is the only way left us to 
find out who are concerned against us, for was I now at Fort 
Pitt I could not have so good an opportunity. 
I am dear Sir your most 

Humble servant 

George Croghan. 





October 31, 1750. — Colonel Thomas Cresap was the earliest 
permanent settler in Western Maryland. H e established him- 
self at Old Town in 1742 or 3. At the treaty made at Lan- 
caster, Pennsylvania, with the Six Nations, in June, 1744, the 
Chief Cannassatego in his speech said : " We are willing to 
renounce all right to Lord Baltimore of all those Lands lying 
two miles above the uppermost Fork of Potowmack or Cohon- 
goruton river near which Thomas Cresap has a Hunting or 
Trading Cabin, by a North line to the bounds of Pennsyl- 
vania." ' 

Cresap's cabin or fort was on or near the site of an old town 
of the Shawanese, a portion of that tribe inhabiting in and 
about the northern part of the river Potomac from 1698 to 
1728-9, when they removed to the Ohio and Allegheny and 
placed themselves under the protection of the French.^ On 
the map constructed by William Mayo for Lord Fairfax, in 
1737, the bottom lands on this part of the Potomac are marked 
" Old Shawnee fields deserted." Also on Fry and Jefferson's, 
and Scull's maps. Its locality is marked on Dr. Mitchell's map 
of 1755 " Shawnee Old Town." In the Table of Distances 
to Ohio in 1754,'' the first is " New Store at the mouth of 
Wills creek on Potomack to Cressaps fifteen miles." The 
name Old Town is yet retained ; it is in Old Town District 

' " Treaty at Lancaster with the Six Nations." " Colonial Records." 
* " Report of Assembly, Journals of lyss" 
' " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, p. 134. 



of Allegheny County, Maryland, fifteen miles southeast of 
Cumberland, on the north side of the Potomac and opposite to 
Green Spring station, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railway. 

Colonel Thomas Cresap was a native of Skipton, in York- 
shire, England. He emigrated to Maryland about the year 
1720, when he was but fifteen years of age. He first settled 
at Havre de Grace, at the mouth of the Susquehanna River. 
Lord Baltimore, the Proprietary of Maryland, claiming to 
extend the boundaries of that Province to the fortieth degree 
of latitude, Cresap obtained a Maryland warrant for 500 
acres, and about the year 173 1 removed to the locality of his 
grant, over twenty miles north of the present boundary-line 
between Pennsylvania and Maryland, at the ferry-landing op- 
posite the " Blue Rock," about five miles below the present 
town of Wrightsville, on the Susquehanna, in York County. 

Cresap' s house is marked on Evans' map of Pennsylvania, 
1749. His house was the most northerly situated of the 
Maryland claimants, of whom he was the leader, being a man 
of great strength, courage and indomitable resolution. 
Violent and bloody collisions frequently occurred between the 
Pennsylvanians and Marylanders. On November 24, 1736, 
Cresap's house or fort was surrounded by an armed company 
of twenty-three men, headed by the Sheriff of Lancaster 
County with a judge's warrant.' After a sharp conflict 
Cresap's capture was only effected by burning the house. He 
was ironed, taken to Philadelphia and there imprisoned for 
near two years. Reprisals by the authorities of Maryland 
speedily followed. 

This bitter border warfare was allayed by an order of the 
King, in Council, May 25, 1738. The prisoners of both 
Provinces were released and a provisional boundary-line es- 
tablished in 1739." It continued to be the subject of protracted 

*" Pennsylvania Archvies." 
' " Pennsylvania Archives." 


litigation between the Penns and Lord Baltimore before the 
High Court of Chancery, in England. The controversy was 
conclusively settled by amicable agreement and the running of 
the famous Mason and Dixon's Line, in 1769, and its comple- 
tion, in 1784. A full and complete history of this boundary 
controversy would make a large but interesting volume.' 

Col. Cresap was by nature well adapted for a leader in border 
contests. He seemed as one "born unto trouble," certainly 
he never shunned it. Originally a carpenter, afterwards a 
surveyor, planter and Indian trader, as well as Indian fighter.'' 
He made an excellent map of the western boundary of Mary- 
land for Lord Baltimore, which is now in the possession of 
the Maryland Historical Society. Soon after his return from 
captivity, in Philadelphia, in 1737 or 8, he removed to a tract 
of land on the Antietam Creek, in the present Washington 
County, Maryland, and engaged in the Indian trade and failed. 
He then fixed his residence at Old Town, or Skipton, as he 
named it. He was an agent for the Ohio Company and also 
a member of it.' This Company made the first English 
settlement at Pittsburgh, before Braddock's war ; and it was 
through their means and efforts that the first road was made 
through the Allegheny Mountains. The war placed Col. 
Cresap in a perilous situation, and he removed his family to 
Conococheague ; he had to fight his way, being attacked by a 

' See the printed " Case of Messieurs Penn and the people of Pennsyl- 
vania and the three lower Counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex on 
Delaware, in relation to a series of Injuries and Hostilities made upon 
them, for several years past, by Thomas Cresap and others by the Direc- 
tion and Authority of the Deputy Governor of Maryland." To be heard 
before the Honorable Lords of the Privy Council for Plantation affairs at 
the Cockpit, White Hall, on Thursday 23d February 1737. "Colonial 
Records." " Pennsylvania Archives." 

^ " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. l,pp. 311-52. 

•'' See " Sketch of the Ohio Company." 


party of Indians. He soon raised a company of volunteers 
and marched to attack the Indians ; his son, Thomas, was 
killed in their first skirmish. Soon after, peace was made and 
he returned to his farm at Old Town. 

Col. Cresap's literary attainments were small, but by indus- 
try and application he obtained a sufficient knowledge of sur- 
veying to be entrusted with the surveyorship of Prince George's 
County, and frequently represented his county in the Legis- 
lature. When he was upwards of eighty he married for the 
second time. He had five children — three sons and two 
daughters. His youngest son was Michael, who was repre- 
sented by Mr. Jefferson, most probably unjustly, " as infamous 
for his many Indian murders and the massacre of Logan's 
family." ' 


Presented by Gen. Gibson's Daughter to Wm. Robinson. 

Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 1797. 
Dear Sir: 

I took the liberty the last summer of writing to you from 
hence, making some enquiries on the subject of Logan's Speech, 
and the murder of his family, and you were kind enough in 
your answer among other things, to correct the title of Cresap 
who is said to have headed the party, by observing that he 
was a Capt and not a Col. I trouble you with a second letter 
asking if you could explain to me how Logan came to call him 
Col. If you have favored me with an answer to this it has 

' See " Biographical Sketch of the Life of the late Captain Michael Cre- 
sap," by Jacobs. 


miscarried, I therefore trouble you again on the subject, and 
as the transaction must have been familiar to you, I will ask 
the favor of you to give me the names and residence, of any 
persons now living who you think were of Cresap's party, or 
who can prove his participation in this transaction either by 
direct evidence or from circumstances, or who can otherwise 
throw light on the fact. A Mr Martin' of Baltimore has ques- 
tioned the whole transaction, suggesting Logan's Speech to 
be not genuine, and denying that either Col or Capt Cresap 
had any hand in the murder' of his family. I do not intend to 
enter into any newspaper contest with Mr Martin ; but in the 
first republication of the notes on Virginia to correct the 
Statement where it is wrong and support it where it is right. 
My distance from the place where witnesses of the trans- 
actions reside is so great, that it will be a lengthy and imper- 
fect operation in my hands. Any aid you can give me in it 
will be most thankfully received. I avail myself with great 
pleasure of every occasion of recalling myself to your recol- 
lection, and of assuring you of the sentiments of esteem and 
attachment with which I am 

dear Sir, your most obedt and 
humble Servt 

Th. Jefferson. 

' Luther Martin, Attorney-General of Maryland, married a daughter of 
Captain Cresap. 



An extensive landed estate, with a castle and village, at the 
confluence of the Avon and Spey, Parish of Inveravon, Banff- 
shire, Highlands of Scotland, where a large district of the 
present counties of Elgin and Banff — ancient Morayshire — 
was long known as the country of the Grants or people of 
Strathspey, one of the most ancient Highland clans. The 
chiefs and most of the clansmen were Whigs, and supporters 
of the House of Hanover, in opposition to the Stuarts. After 
studying law James Grant entered the army in 1 741, as En- 
sign, at the age of twenty-two, and became Captain in the ist 
Battalion, ist Royal Scots, October 24, 1744. In 1747 he 
was appointed aid to General James St. Clair, Ambassador 
to the Courts of Vienna and Turin. David Hume, the histor- 
ian, was Secretary to the Embassy. Captain Grant served in 
the wars in the Netherlands. 

In January, 1757, he was commissioned Major of the new 
77th Regiment, ist Battalion, known as Montgomery High- 
landers, commanded by Lieutenent-Colonel Archibald Mont- 
gomery, afterwards Earl of Eglintown. They were ordered to 
America, and sailed from Cork, Ireland, and arrived at Halifax, 
America, in August.' Sailed for Charleston, South Carolina, 
arriving there September 29th, having been ordered there with 
a portion of the Royal Americans, in apprehension of an attack 
by the French, from the West Indies. In 1758 the regiment 
arrived at Philadelphia from Charleston, South Carolina, and 

' " Pennsylvania Gazette." " Scot's Magazine." 



encamped beyond the new barracks. A few days afterwards 
they were reviewed by General Forbes, in the presence of a 
great number of people, who were highly gratified by the dis- 
play, the fine militaryappearanceof the troops and the novelty 
of their dress. General Forbes, in command of the Southern 
Department, was engaged in assembling an army in Philadel- 
phia, intended for the capture of Fort Du Quesne. 

1758. — In September, Major Grant was sent with eight 
hundred men to reconnoitre the fort. Dividing his force, to 
draw the enemy into an ambuscade, he was himself surprised 
and defeated, with a loss of a third of his party killed, wounded 
and missing. Grant and nineteen officers were captured.' He 
became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 40th Foot in 1760, and was 
appointed Governor of East Florida. In 1761 he was des- 
patched by General Amherst, with a force of thirteen hun- 
dred Regulars, against the Indians of Carolina.' 

Grant succeeded to the family estate on the death of his 
nephew. Major William Grant. In 1772 he became Brevet- 
Colonel ; in 1773 he was returned to Parliament for Wick- 
burghs, and at the general election of the year after for 
Sutherlandshire. In December, 1775, he was appointed Col- 
onel of the S5th Foot. In 1776 Grant went as a Brigadier to 
America, with the reinforcement under General Howe. He 
commanded two British brigades at the battle of Long Island, 
was employed by Lord Howe on special services in New 
Jersey, accompanied the army to Philadelphia, and commanded 
the 1st and 2d Brigades of British at the battles of Brandy- 
wine and Germantown.' 

In May, 1778, he was sent with a strong force to cut off 
Lafayette, but was unsuccessful. He commanded the force 

1 See letter in " Fort Pitt." 

' Cherokees. 

' Letters of Grant. 


sent from New York to the West Indies, which captured St. 
Lucia in December, 1778, and defended the island against an 
attempt to recapture it, made by a French force under the 
Count d'Estaing. 

Grant became a Major-General in 1777, Lieutenant-General 
in 1782, General, in 1796. He was transferred from the 55th 
to the nth Foot, in 1791, and was Governor, in succession, of 
Dumbarton and Stirling Castles. He was noted for his love 
of good living and became immensely corpulent. 

He died at Ballindalloch, April 13, 1806, in his eighty-sixth 
year. Having no descendants his estate went to his grand- 
nephew, George Macpherson, who assumed the surname of 

' Anderson's " Scottish Nation." 


A Seneca chief, one of the Indians who accompanied 
Washington from Logstown to Venango and LeBoeuf as a 
guard in 1753, mentioned by Washington as the young 
hunter and by Gist as a "young warrior." After the defeat 
of Braddock the Indians generally went over to the French. 

Guyasuta with a party of twenty Senecas visited Montreal 
with Joncaire, the interpreter. At the castle of Montreal 
the Indians were received in the council chamber with much 
ceremony by the Governor of Canada, the Marquis de 
Vaudreuil, and council. Guyasuta, chief and orator of the 
Senecas, addressed Vaudreuil. They remained all winter in 
the neighborhood, it being too late to return home. He was 
with the Indians when they, with the French, defeated Grant, 
in 1758. 

Guyasuta, two other chiefs and sixteen warriors of the Six 
Nations, a large number of Delawares, Shawanese and 
Wyandots assembled at Pittsburgh in July, 1759, and held a 
conference lasting a week, with George Croghan, Sir William 
Johnson's Deputy Indian Agent, Colonel Hugh Mercer, com- 
mandant, and the officers of Fort Pitt. Most of the Indians 
had been allied to the French, and this was their first treaty 
with the English subsequent to the capture of Fort Du 
Quesne, in November preceding. 

In August, 1762, at the conference with the western 
Indians at Lancaster, Thomas King, in behalf of the chiefs 
of the Six Nations in his speech before the council said : 
" We want a little lad that lives among you ; he is Kiasuta's 



(Guyasuta) son. The father ordered that he should live at 
Philadelphia, in order to learn English, to be an interpreter. 
We think by this time he has learned it, and we now think it 
time for him to come home. His relations that are present, 
desire that he may now go home with them." On August 27th, 
the Governor replied : " The little boy, Kiasuta's son, is, I 
hope, on his way here, having sent for him to Philadelphia." 

At a treaty held at Fort Pitt, in May, 1768, Keyashuta 
(Guyasuta) rose with a copy of the " Treaty of 1764 with Col. 
Bradstreet" in his hand, and addressing the commissioners 
said: "By this treaty we agreed that you had a right to 
build forts and trading-houses where you pleased, and to 
travel the road of peace from the sun rising to the sun setting. 
At that treaty the Shawanese and Delawares were with me, 
and know all this well, and I am surprised they should speak 
to you as they did yesterday." He had been present at this 
treaty with fifteen warriors, and was one of the orators ; 
Turtle Heart, Custaloga, and Beaver were the others. He 
desired the several nations " to be strong in complying with 
their engagements, that they might wipe away the reproach 
of their former breach of faith, and convince their brothers 
the English that they could speak the truth," adding that he 
would conduct the army to the place appointed for receiving 
the prisoners. 

On November 9, Col. Bouquet, attended by most of the 
principal officers, went to the conference-house. The Senecas 
and Delawares were. first treated with. Kiashuta and ten war- 
riors represented the former ; Custaloga and twenty warriors 
the latter. Kiashuta addressed the conference and was an- 
swered by Col. Bouquet. In Washington's "Tour to the Ohio 
in 1770" : " When encamped opposite the mouth of the Great 
Hockhocking we found Kiasutha and his hunting party 
encamped. Here we were under a necessity of paying our 


compliments, as this person was one of the Six Nation chiefs 
and the head of those upon this River. In the person of 
Kiashuta I found an old acquaintance, he being one of the 
Indians that went with me to the French in 1753." 

May, 1774. — -A meeting was held at Col. Croghan's house, 
Ligonier, at which were present Guyasutha, White Mingo 
and the Six Nation Deputies. Guyasutha was one of the 

July, 1776, he was present at a conference at Fort Pitt and 
was one of the orators. He was in command of one of the 
parties of Indians that in July, 1782, made the attack on 
Hannastown and burned it. 


An Ancient Chief of the Seneca Nation, on the Borders 
OF Pennsylvania, as given in charge by him to one of 
THE Sachems of that Nation in the Year 1790, to be 
Delivered to the Friends of Philadelphia. 

Brothers: The Sons of my beloved Brother Onas.' When 
I was young and strong our country was full of game, which 
the Good Spirit sent for us to live upon. The lands which 
belonged to us were extended far beyond where we hunted. 
I and the people of my nation had enough to eat and always 
something to give to our friends when they entered our 
cabins ; and we rejoiced when they received it from us ; hunt- 
ing was then not tiresome, it was diversion ; it was a pleasure. 

Brothers : When your fathers asked land from my nation, 
we gave it to them, for we had more than enough. Guyasuta 
was amongst the first of the people to say, " Give land to our 
brother Onas for he wants it," and he has always been a 
friend to Onas and to his children. 

• Penn. 


Brothers : Your fathers saw Guyasuta when he was young ; 
when he had not even thought of old age or weakness ; but 
you are too far off to see him, now he is grown old. He is 
very old and feeble, and he wonders at his own shadow, it is 
become so little. He has no children to take care of him, 
and the game is driven away by the white people ; so that 
the young men must hunt all day long to find game for them- 
selves to eat ; they have nothing left for Guyasuta ; and it is 
not Guyasuta only who is become old and feeble, there yet 
remain about thirty men of your old friends, who, unable to 
provide for themselves or to help one another, are become 
poor and are hungry and naked. 

Brothers: Guyasuta sends you a belt which he received 
long ago from your fathers, and a writing which he received 
but as yesterday from one of you. By these you will remem- 
ber him and the old friends of your fathers in this nation. 
Look on this belt and this writing, and if you remember the 
old friends of your fathers, consider their former friendship 
and their present distress ; and if the Good Spirit shall put 
it in your hearts to comfort them in their old age, do not dis- 
regard his council. We are men and therefore need only tell 
you that we are old and feeble and hungry and naked; and 
that we have no other friends but you, the children of our 
beloved brother Onas. 


To Colonel George Morgan. 

On or about the 9th of November last I was sent by Gen- 
eral Hand to Connewago, a Seneca Town on the Allegany 
River, with a friendly Message to the Six Nations. I arrived 
there the 14th of November and after executing my orders 
waited there till the 24th of the Month. During my stay 
there, Conengayote or the White Mingo, returned from Nia- 
gara with a Horse load of Goods, which he told me he had 
purchased for Horses he had stole from near Ligonier in Penn- 
sylvania about the month of last, at which time he and 

his Party killed four Men. On or about the 23d of November 
Co, CO, caw, can, keteda or the Flying Crow, with twenty five 
Warriors of the Senecas of the Turtle Tribe, among whom 
were Joneowentashaun and Coneotahanck or the Leaf, (War 
Chief) arrived at Connewago with two scalps, and a Woman 
they had taken Prisoner about fifteen days before from near 
Ligonier aforesaid. On conversing with her and with the 
Indians, I was informed that the Indians had killed and scalped 
her Husband, Forbes, and had beat out the brains of their 
only Child against a Tree in the Road. 

Kushgwehgo or Full Face, and twenty seven others of the 
Senecas of the Eagle Tribe, had been to war against the 
people of Pennsylvania East of the Alleghany Mountain (I 
understood in Bedford County) ; they were out eighteen days 
when I arrived at the Town ; they were daily expected back 



when I came away. Two Prisoners the Senecas had taken 
from Pennsylvania they had put to death in one of their 
upper Towns. 

Old Keyashuta (Guyasuta) is now among our warmest 
Enemies. He and the others say they have been deceived or 
treated ill at Fort Pitt, and that the Americans intend to cheat 
them of their Lands, for which reason they have now deter- 
mined to join the King of England's Troops agreeable to the 
repeated Invitations of Col. Butler and the Commanding 
Officer at Niagara &c, who have on that condition promised 
to supply them and their women and children with every 
necessary ; wherefore they were determined to exert them- 
selves in committing Hostilities against the Frontier Inhabi- 
tants early in the Spring, with all their Abilities and this I am 
persuaded they will do unless Keyenguatah, (General Schuy- 
ler's great Friend) who fought on the side of the English at 
Fort Schuyler, should alter his conduct and order them to sit 
still ; for they have agreed to be directed by him and so have 
all the Six Nations. The Indians had not heard of General 
Burgoyne's defeat or of his Army's being made Prisoners, nor 
would they believe me when I informed them thereof. Keya- 
shuta informed me that a Party of seventy two, consisting of 
Indians and twenty five Whitemen from Detroit, and some 
Delaware and Munsies from Guyahoga, had been to war 
against the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania (I understand north 
of Ligonier) and had taken two Scalps at a Fort near Con- 
nemaugh, where they lost the Commanding Officer who was 
killed from the Fort. Joneowentashaun told me the English 
had lately erected a Store House at Guyahoga, to supply all 
the Indians in that Neighbourhood with every necessary to 
enable them to commit Hostilities against the Frontier In- 
habitants of Pennsylvania and Virginia. 

The Indians after consulting together, informed me that I 


must go with them to Niagara, to which I pretended to con- 
sent, and finding that to be their resolution I made my Escape 
and arrived here the 27th of November. 
In the presence of 

John Boreman. 


Simon X Girty. 
Pittsburgh, January 17th, 1778. 

The Chief Guyasuta's interest in the farm,* now in O'Hara 
township, was purchased by General O'Hara. In a letter-book 
of General O'Hara' s, mention is made of provision sent to 
Guyasuta, who seems to have lived continuously at that farm 
during his last years, and was buried there in the Indian 
Mound, by General O'Hara. The name is spelled in many 
ways — Kayashuta, Guyashutha, Guashota, Kia-shuta, Keya- 
shuta, Kiyashuta, Kiasolo. 

Mr. Craig writes in the "Olden Time": " We recollect 
him well, have often seen him about our father's house, he 
being still within our memory, a stout active man." There 
is a picture of his grave in " Fort Pitt." 

' The residence of the family of William M. Darlington. M. C. D. 


At a Council held at Philadelphia, on October 14, 1736, by 
Thomas Penn, Governor and Proprietary of Pennsylvania, 
James Logan, the President, and members of the Provincial 
Council, with the Chiefs of the Six Nations, the Indians 
requested that a letter be written to the Governors of Mary- 
land and Virginia, requesting compensation for their lands 
claimed by right of conquest, and upon which the white set- 
tlers had intruded, along the Cohongoronto or Potomac, and 
west of the great Allegheny mountain ridge, on the frontiers 
of Virginia ; that being the boundary claimed by the Indians as 
agreed upon with Governor Spotswood in 1722.' This demand 
was renewed, and pressed by the Indians at the treaty held 
at the same city in 1742; Canassetego, the great chief of the 
Onondagas, saying that if not compensated for their lands, 
they would take payment themselves. 

The threatening attitude of the powerful Six Nations or 
Iroquois, the war with France, and the necessity of conciliat- 
ing the Indians, occasioned the famous Treaty of Lancaster, 
in 1744, between the Confederated Tribes and the Prov- 
inces of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania.' 

Thomas Lee and Colonel William Beverly were the Com- 
missioners of Virginia; Edmund Jenings, Philip Thomas, 
Col. Robert King, and Col. Robert Colville, of Maryland. 
Governor Thomas, of Pennsylvania, presided. (Thomas Lee 
was Judge of the Supreme Court, and Councillor of State ; 

' " New York Colonial History." 

' " Colonial Records." Colden's " Twelve Nations." 

»S (217) 


William Beverly, Lieutenant of the county of Orange).^ 
There was a warm discussion, and on the part of the Indians 
at least, a great display of eloquence. 

The Virginia Commissioners said to the Chiefs : " Tell us 
what Nations of Indians you conquered any lands from in 
Virginia, how long it is since and what Possession you have 
had ; and if it does appear, that there is any land on the Bor- 
ders of Virginia that the Six Nations have a Right to we are 
willing to make you satisfaction." The Chief, Tachanoontia, 
proudly answered: "We have the Right of Conquest, a 
Right too dearly purchased and which cost us too much Blood 
to give up without any reason at all as you say we have done 
at Albany. All the World knows we conquered the several 
Nations living on the Susquehannah, Cohongoronto (Potomac) 
and on the back of the great Mountains in Virginia. They 
feel the effects of our conquests, being now a part of our 
Nation and their lands at our disposal." He admitted that 
the Virginia Colonists had conquered a certain tribe he 
named and " drove back the Tuscaroras and on that account a 
right to some part of Virginia ; but," he continued, " as to 
what lies beyond the mountains we conquered the Nations 
residing there ; and that land if the Virginians ever get a 
good right to it, it must be by us." 

The Commissioners replied, " that the great King holds Vir- 
ginia by right of Conquest, and the bounds of that Conquest 
to the westward is the great Sea." "Though great things are 
well remembered among us," said the Indians, "yet we don't 
remember that we were ever conquered by the Great King, 
or, that we have been employed by that Great King to conquer 
others ; if it was so, it is beyond our memory." 

After much feasting, drinking, and bestowal of presents by 
the whites, the Indians agreed to release their claim to what 

' Virginia State Papers. 


is now Western Maryland, to Lord Baltimore, "as far as two 
miles above the uppermost Fork of the Potomac or Cohon- 
goronto river near which Thomas Cresap has a Hunting or 
Trading Cabin," (at Old Town, fourteen miles east of Cum- 
berland), in consideration of ;^300, payable in goods. With 
the Commissioners of Virginia they agreed for ;^200 in gold, 
and goods to the value of /'aoo more, to " immediately make 
a Deed recognizing the King's right to all the Lands that are 
or shall be by His Majesty's appointment in the Colony of 
Virginia," together with a written promise of further remun- 
eration as settlements increased westward. With the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania they confirmed former treaties and 
received a present of goods to the value of .^300. The deeds 
were signed and the money paid and the merchandise deliv- 

It was not until the year 1768 that the Six Nations, by the 
Treaty at Fort Stanwix, relinquished all their rights to the 
country on the east and south side of the Ohio River, from 
the Cherokee River (Tennessee), to Kittanning, above Fort 
Pitt, and also east of a specified line described in the deed, 
continued to Wood Creek, near Fort Stanwix, in consider- 
ation of the sum of ;^ 10,460. 7. 6. sterling. At the same time 
it was agreed that no old claims under the treaties of Lan- 
caster and Logstown should be allowed." It was after the 
Treaty of Lancaster that large tracts of land were granted 
to the Ohio Company. 

' " Treaty of Lancaster," printed by Franklin, 1744. 
^ " New York Colonial History." 



August 21, 175 1. — Notwithstanding the Grants of the 
Kings of England, France or Spain, the Property of these 
uninhabited Parts of the World must be founded upon prior 
Occupancy according to the Law of Nature ; and it is the 
seating and cultivating the soil and not the bare travelling 
through a Territory that constitutes Right ; and it will be 
politic and highly for the Interest of the Crown to encourage 
the seating the Lands Westward as soon as possible to pre- 
vent the French ; which I hope will be accomplished as the 
Freedom and Liberty of our Government will so much sooner 
invite into the British Colonies, Foreigners. We have not 
been able to prevail with the northern Indians to come to 
Fredericksburg to accept of his Majesty's Present, and the 
Reason they offer is, the immense Distance and the Death of 
several of their Great Men, which they attribute to the Jour- 
neys they have taken to the Places where Conferences have 
been held, but they acquaint us at the same Time that they 
will meet any persons the Government think proper to send 
to Log's Town, a Place not far from our back Inhabitants, 
where they frequently hold their Councils ; this I communi- 

' MSS. from Record Office, London. 



cated to his Majesty's Council, who with myself approved of 
it, and this Fall I shall send a Messenger to acquaint them 
that I purpose next May to send Commissioners to meet 
them at the Place they desire ; and at the Conference I shall 
endeavour to obtain a confirmation of the Grant of the Lands 
made to his Majesty at the Treaty of Lancaster, in Order to 
give the Company an Opportunity of surveying the large 
Tract of Land his Majesty was pleased to grant to them. I 
shall at the same Time, make a remonstrance to them of the 
inhuman treatment they have shewn to some of our back In- 
habitants, by robbing and plundering their houses, and last 
June because a poor woman would not with patience see her 
House robbed of every thing in it, they in a most horrible 
Manner murdered her. These outrages have been committed 
upon our shewing too much lenity to them, and will be a 
means of drawing upon ourselves much more ill Treatment 
if not properly resented, and therefore in as mild Terms as is 
consistent with the nature of the thing I shall insist that the 
offenders be given up to Justice. 


Williamsburg, June 12, 1750. 
My Lords: 

I have lately received a letter from the Governor of New 

York dated the 8th of April, proposing my prevailing with 

the Catawbas, an Indian Nation bordering on the Carolinas, 

to meet the Six Nations at Albany to confirm the peace 

Governor Sir William Gooch made between them, which 

has been broke by both Parties, and further the French are 

' MSS. from Record Office, London. Letter from Col. Lee, President 
of the Council and Commander-in-Chief of Virginia. 


at this time assiduous in their Endeavours to incite the several 
Nations that are dependent on, and friends to the English, to 
a war with one another, and make large presents to the Indians 
on the Ohio. I have accounts from other hands that the 
French have endeavoured to persuade those Indians to drive 
the English Traders from thence, which being refused, the 
French threaten to treat them as enemys, so that the Mohocks 
expect a war with their Father Onantio ; as they call the Gov- 
ernor of Quebec' I have received His Majesty's present for 
the Indians of the Six Nations, and several of their Tribes on 
the Ohio, and have taken the best methods I could think of, to 
bring those Nations to Fredericksburg in their Colony, and I 
have invited the Catawbas to meet them, to make a peace 
personally, which has never been done yet, and is the reason 
that it has been of no effect. When the Indians hearts and 
Eyes are Open, on receiving the King's present, I hope to 
secure their affections to the British Interest in General, and 
persuade them to be friends, and faithful subjects to His 
Majesty, and as this is the antientiest and most central Colony, 
it will save an expence by having future treatys here, espe- 
cially, when the business to be transacted relates to the 
affairs of this Colony." 


In the year 1609 a new charter was obtained (for Virginia) 
in which all the Lands, Countries and Territories were granted 
in that part of America called Virginia, from the Cape or Point 
Comfort, two hundred miles Northward, and two hundred 
miles southward along the sea-coast ; and all that space and 

' " Cfleron's Expedition." 


circuit of land, lying from the sea-coast of the Precinct afore- 
said up into the main Land throughout from sea to sea west 
and north west, and also all the Islands lying within one hun- 
dred miles along the coast of both seas. 

The French claimed the Lands along the Mississippi. 
Monsieur de la Sale was the first Frenchman, that discovered 
the Mississippi, who in the year 1682, with Monsieur de Tonti 
and others from Montreal travelled through the Nation of the 
Iroquois, called now the Six Nations, to a nation of Indians 
named Illinois, living on an east Branch of Mississippi, of the 
same name with the Nation, but he called it Seigne bay. On 
this river he built a Fort, which he named Lewis, according 
to Tousels account, but Hennepin calls it Crevecoeur. 

Monsieur de la Sale went down this river to the Mississippi 
and down it to the mouth, which he found to be in the Bay of 
Mexico. He then returned by Canada to France, and obtained 
from the King ships and men in the year 1684 to discover 
the Mouth of the Mississippi by sea, but he missed it, and 
landed on the Continent to the south west. From thence he 
made some journeys into the country to look for the river, but 
was murdered by some of his own men without finding it. In 
the year 1742 one John Howard received a commission from 
our Governor to make discoveries westward, and with four or 
five others set out from the branches of James river, and came 
to the New river. There they made a Boat with Buffaloes 
Hides, and went down, till they found the river impassable on 
account of Falls. Leaving it they travelled south westerly a 
considerable way to another river, which proved to be a south 
branch of the New river, for they made another boat and went 
down to that river, and with it to the Allegany' river. 

Howard and his men proceeded down this river a long way, 
by their reckoning above eight hundred miles, to the Missis- 
sippi, and went down it a great way till they were surprised 

' Ohio. 


by about ninety men, French, Indians and Negroes; were 
made Prisoners and carried to New Orleans. They set out 
from the branches of the James river March the i6th, came to 
Allegany May the 6th, to Mississippi June the 7th and were 
taken July the 2d. In all this time and large tract of country 
they had seen nobody till they were taken, but about fifteen 
Indians in several Companies and they too were chiefly if not 
all of the Northern Nations. 

John Peter Salley, one of the men who went with Howard, 
mentions in his Journal three French Towns on an Island in 
the Mississippi above the mouth of the Owabache. 

Howard and his men had been confined a long time at New 
Orleans, when after the French War broke out he and one or 
two of them were shipped for France, but on the Voyage 
were taken by an English Ship, and carried to London. The 
rest of them made their escape out of prison, and through 
great difficulties got to South Carolina, and thence to Virginia. 

The first Peace the Colony of Virginia made with the In- 
dians was at Albany by Col. Coursey in the year 1677, which 
after some breach made by the Indians was renewed in the 
year 1679 by Col. Kendal, and again in 1684 by Lord Howard, 
Governor of Virginia. This peace was soon broken and re- 
newed by Col. William Byrd and Col. Edmond Jennings in 
the year 1685. When we began to take up Lands and settle 
beyond the Blue Ridge, the Six Nations grew uneasy ; the 
Indians claimed the Land as theirs. This brought on the 
Treaty of Lancaster in the year 1744. 


In 1748 John Hanbury, a Merchant of London, Thomas Lee, 
President of the Council of Virginia, with a number of others, 
mostly prominent Virginians, formed the " Ohio Company." 

' Copied from the Mercer Papers, which belonged to the Ohio Company. 



The King granted them two hundred thousand Acres of Land, 
to be taken on the South side of the river Allegheny, other- 
wise the Ohio, between the Kiskiminites Creek and Buffalo 
Creek, and between Yellow Creek and Cross Creek, on the 
North side ; or in such other part of the Country west of the 
Allegheny Mountains as they should think proper, on Condi- 
tion that they should settle one hundred families thereon 
within seven years, and erect and maintain a Fort. On com- 
pliance therewith, the Company was to become entitled to 
Three hundred thousand Acres more, adjoining the first grant. 
The Company bought and sent out a large Cargo of goods 
from England in 1749-50, and built a Store House opposite 
the mouth of Wills Creek, now Cumberland, Maryland, from 
which place to Turkey Foot, or the Three forks of the Youg- 
hioghany, they had a road opened in 175 1. In 1750 they 
employed Christopher Gist to explore and examine the Coun- 
try west of the Mountains. He was a Native of Maryland, 
like his Father Richard, a Surveyor. A man of excellent 
character, energetic, fearless and a thorough woodsman. 


Members of the Ohio Company. 
Arthur Dobbs Esqr Ex'' of Law" Washington 

John Hanbury Augus" Washington 

Samuel Smith Richard Lee 

James Wardrop Nath""' Chapman. 

Capel Hanbury Jacob Giles 

Robert Dinwiddle Esq' Thomas Cresap 

The Exec, of Thomas Lee late John Mercer 
President and Governor of Vir- James Scott 
ginia 2 shares Robert Carter 

John Taylor Esq George Mason 

Prestly Thornton Esq 



To THE Kings most Excellent Majesty in Council. 
The Humble Petition of the Ohio Company Sheweth, 

That your Petitioners upon Intimation given by several 
Nations of Indians residing near the Ohio and other Branches 
of Mississippi and near the Lakes westward of Virginia, that 
they were desirous of trading with your Majesty's Subjects 
and quitting the ffrench ; and knowing the vahie of those 
Rich Countrys which were given up and acknowledged to be 
your Majesty's undoubted right by the Six Nations, who are 
LawfuU Lords of all these Lands by Conquest from other 
Indian Nations, at the treaty of Lancaster on the 2'"' day of 
July 1744. Your petitioners being sensible of the vast con- 
sequence of securing those Countrys from the ffrench, did in 
the year 1748, form themselves into a Company to Trade with 
the Indians and to make settlements upon the Ohio or Alle- 
ghany River, by the name of the Ohio Company. That the 
Company in the beginning of the year 1749 Petitioned your 
Majesty, wherein they set forth the vast Advantage it would 
be to Britain and the Colonys to anticipate the French by 
taking possession of that Country Southward of the Lakes, to 
which the French had no Right, nor had then taken possession, 
except a small Block house Fort among the Six Nations, be- 
low the falls of Niagara, they having deserted Le Detroit fort 
Northward of Erie Lakes, during the War and retired to 

The Reasons for securing the same being mentioned at 
large in their said former Petition, and in which they prayed 
that your Majesty would give orders or Instructions to your 
Governor of Virginia, to make out to your Petitioners five 
hundred thousand Acres betwixt Romanittoe and Buffaloe 
Creeks on the South side of the Allegany or Ohio River, and 
between the two Creeks and Yellow Creek on the North side 


of that River, upon the Terms and with the Allowance there- 
in mentioned to which they beg leave to Refer. 

That your Petitioners in pursuance of the said Petition, 
obtained an order from your Majesty to your Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor of Virginia dated March the i8th 1749, to make them a 
grant or Grants of Two hundred thousand Acres of Land be- 
tween Romanetto and Buffaloe Creeks, on the south side of the 
Ohio, and betwixt the two creeks and Y.ellow Creek on the 
North side thereof, or in such part to the Westward of the 
Great Mountains as the Company should think proper for 
making settlements and extending their trade with the Indians, 
with a Promise if they did not erect a Fort in the said Land, 
and maintain a sufficient Garrison therein and seat at their 
proper Expense a hundred families therein in seven years, the 
said grants should be void. And as soon as these terms were 
accomplished, he was ordered to make out a further Grant or 
Grants of three hundred thousand Acres, under like Conditions, 
Restrictions and allowances as the first 200,000 Acres, adjoin- 
ing thereto and within these limits. These orders were de- 
livered to the Honourable'William Nelson on the 12th of July 
following (1749) and upon producing them before the Gov- 
ernor and Council, they made an entry in the Council Books, 
that the said Company should have leave given them to take 
up and survey 200,000 Acres within the Place mentioned in 
your Majestys said Instructions and Order. That your Peti- 
tioners upon their entry in the Council Books, sent to Great 
Britain for a Cargo of Goods to begin their Trade, and pur- 
chased Lands upon the Potomack River, being the most 
convenient place to erect Store Houses, and in September 
following (1749) employed Gentlemen to discover the Lands 
beyond the Mountains, to know where to place their surveys. 
But they not having made any considerable progress, the 
Company in September 1750 agreed to give Mr. Christopher 


Gist ;^I50 certain, and such further handsome allowance as 
his service should deserve, for searching and discovering the 
Lands upon the Ohio and its several Branches as low as the 
falls on the Ohio, with proper Instructions. He accordingly 
set out October 1750 and did not return until May 1751, after 
a tour of 1200 Miles in which he visited many towns and found 
them all desirous of entering into strict friendship and Trade 
with your Majestys Subjects. 

That your Petitioners at their General Meeting in May 1 75 1 , 
judging it necessary for their Trade and passage to the Ohio, 
to have a Grant of some Land belonging to Maryland and 
Pennsylvania, wrote to Mr. Hanbury to apply for the same to 
the Proprietors, and laid out and opened a wagon road thirty 
feet wide from their Store house at Wills Creek, to the three 
branches on Ganyangaine River, computed to be near Eighty 
Miles ; and applied to the President and Masters of William 
and Mary College for a Commission to a Surveyor to lay out 
the Lands, as they pretend they had a right to do, proposing 
to begin the survey after receiving Mr. Gists Report. 

Your Petitioners finding by the said Gists Journal that he 
had only observed the Lands on the North side of the Ohio, 
and finding that the Indians were unwilling that they should 
then settle on the Miami River, or on the north side of the Ohio, 
and the Land lying too much exposed and at too great a dis- 
tance. They employed the said Gist to go out a second time 
to view and examine the land between Mohongaly and the 
Big Conhaway, Wood or New River on the south East side of 
the Ohio, which employed him from the 4th of November 
175 1 to the March following 1752 ; but he could not finish his 
Plan and report before October 1752, at which time the Com- 
pany gave in a Petition to the Governor and Council, praying 
leave to survey and take up their first 200,000 Acres between 
Romanettoes, otherwise Kiskominettos Creek, and the fork of 


the Ohio and the great Conhaway, otherwise New River, 
otherwise Woods river, on the south side of the river Ohio in 
several Surveys. The Governor and Council having not 
thought fit to comply with the prayer of the said Petition, to 
allow your Petitioners to survey their Lands in different Tracts 
as would best accomodate the settlers and secure their fron- 
tiers from attacks, the President and Masters of the College 
also refusing to give out a Commission to a Surveyor ; and 
the late Governor and Council having made out large Grants 
to private persons Land-gobbers, to the amount of near 
1,400,000 Acres. Immediately, even the same day, after your 
Majestys Instructions for ipaking out your Petitioners Grant 
and Surveys, became publicly known where the Lands were 
not properly described or Limited, nor Surveyed, by which 
means their several Grants might have interfered with the 
Lands discovered and chosen by the Company, your Peti- 
tioners now laid under difficultys in surveying and letting 
• their Lands and Erecting the fort, tho' your Petitioners have 
been at very great Expence and are willing to be at a much 
greater, to secure those valuable Countrys and the Indian 
Trade. That your Petitioners apprehend from these Ob- 
structions, and the Delay and Expence attending Surveys, and 
from the suits that may be commenced upon account of the 
Grants made out to other Persons since the Instructions given 
by your Majesty to grant to your Petitioners the Land men- 
tioned in the said Instructions which may occasion longer 
Delays. The Company may be prevented from fulfilling their 
Covenant of settling the Lands and Compleating their Fort 
in the time specified by the said Contract. And as boundaries 
to large Grants are much more natural and easy to be ascer- 
tained by -having Rivers for their Limits, and streight Lines 
or Mountains to connect them from River to River, and at 
much less ExpenCe and delay in fixing them. Therefore your 


petitioners pray, that upon Condition your Petitioners shall 
enlarge their settlements and seat 300 families, instead of one 
hundred by their former Contract, and in consideration of 
their erecting two forts, one at Chartiers Creek and the other 
at the Fork where the great Conhaway enters the Ohio and 
maintain them at their own expence. That your Majesty will 
be graciously pleased to enlarge their Grant under the same 
Exemption of Rights and Quit Rents as in the former In- 
structions, and to fix the Bounds without any further delay or 
Survey, from Romanettos or Kiskomenetto Creek on the 
South East side of the Ohio, to the Fork at the entrance of 
the great Conhaway River ; and from thence along the North 
side of the said Conhaway River to the Entrance of Green 
Briar River, and from thence in a streight Line or Lines along 
the Mountains to the South East Spring of Mohangaly River ; 
and from thence Northward along the Mountains to the 
North East springs of Romanetto or Kiskominetto Creek, or 
till a West Line from the Mountains intersect this said Spring 
and along it to its entrance into the Ohio ; which will prevent 
all Disputes or Delays about the Limitts which are necessary 
to be immediately determined, as the season is advancing to 
procure foreign Protestants and other of your Majestys sub- 
jects to go on with the settlement, and to provide materials to 
erect the second Fort at the mouth of the great Conhaway 
River, (the Fort on Chartiers Creek being now building) in 
order to prevent the Intrusions and incroachments of the In- 
dians in the French aliance and secure our settlements upon 
the Ohio ; which if not immediately put in Execution before 
they get permission may be highly detrimental to the Colonys 
and occasion a great future Expence to Britain. 

And your Petitioners will ever pray etc. 

The Lords of the Committee referred the petition to the 
Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to consider 
thereof and Report their opinion thereupon to the Committee. 


The Petition was granted by King and Council. At a 
meeting of the Company held at Stafford Court House, some 
of the Members resigned and George Mason was received. 
They advised Mr. Hanbury of the proceedings of the meeting, 
and desired him to offer the Duke of Bedford a share, if he 
chose to be concerned, upon the terms of the Association. 
As Mr. Hanbury had wrote us that we were obliged to his 
Grace for his Assistance in obtaining his Majesty's Instruc- 
tion, and his declaration of the advantage he conceived it 
would be of to Great Britain and this colony, for that not- 
withstanding we expected a great deal of interested opposition 
and should think ourselves happy in having such a patron at 
the head of the Company. They then agreed with H. Parker 
for the carriage of all their goods from the falls of Potomack 
to their general factory on the River Ohio, and authorized 
Col. Cresap to have a road opened to those places. They de- 
sired the Ohio Indians might be invited to a Treaty, and an 
Interpreter might be employed by Virginia, and Mr. Parker 
their factor be put in the commission of the Peace for Augusta 
County. George Mason was appointed Treasurer. 

OHIO COMPANY, APRIL 28th, 1752. 

Whereas the Governor has been pleased to grant you a 
commission empowering and requiring you to go as an agent 
for the Ohio Company to the Indian Treaty to be held at Logs 
Town on the i6th day of May next. You are therefore desired 
to acquaint the chiefs of the several nations of Indians there 
assembled, that his Majesty has been graciously pleased to 
grant unto the Hon. Robert Dinwiddie Esq', Governor of Vir- 
ginia, and to several other gentlemen in Great Britain and 


America, by the name of the Ohio Company, a large quantity 
of Land on the river Ohio and the Branches thereof, thereby 
to enable and to encourage the said company and all his 
Majesties subjects, to make settlement and carry on an exten- 
sive Trade and commerce with their Brethren the Indians, 
and to supply them with Goods at a more easy rate than they 
have hitherto bought them. And considering the necessities 
of his children the Six Nations, and the other Indians to the 
Westward of the English settlements, and the hardship they 
labor under for want of a due supply of Goods and to remove 
the same as much as possible, his Majesty has been pleased to 
have a clause inserted in the said Companies Grant obliging 
them to carry on a trade and commerce with their Brethren 
the Indians, and has granted them many privileges and immun- 
ities in consideration of their carrying on the said trade, and 
supplying the Indians with Goods; that the said Company 
have accordingly begun the Trade and imported large quan- 
tities of goods, but have found the expence and Risque of carry- 
ing out the Goods without assistance from the Inhabitants, not 
having any place of safety by the way to lodge them at, or op- 
portunity of getting provisions for their people, so great that 
they cannot afford to sell their Goods at so easy a rate as they 
would willingly do ; nor are they at such a distance able to 
supply their Brethren the Indians at all times when they are in 
want. For which reason the company find it absolutely neces- 
sary, immediately to cultivate and settle the Land his Majesty 
has been pleased to grant them, which to be sure they have an 
indisputable right to do. As our Brethren the Six Nations sold 
all the Land to the Westward of Virginia at the Treaty of 
Lancaster to their Father the King of Great Britain, and he 
has been graciously pleased to grant a large quantity thereof 
to the said Ohio Company, yet, being informed that the Six 
Nations have given their Friends the Delawares leave to hunt 


upon the said Lands, and that they still hunt upon part there- 
of themselves, and as the settlements made by the English 
upon the said land may make the Game scarce, or at least 
drive it further back, the said Company therefore to prevent 
any difference or misunderstanding, which might possibly 
happen between them and their Brethren the Indians touch- 
ing the said Lands, are willing to make them some further 
satisfaction for the same and to purchase of them the Land 
on the east side of the river Ohio and AUagany as low as the 
great Canhaway providing the same can be done at a reason- 
able Rate ; and our Brethren the Six Nations and their Allies 
will promise and engage their Friendship and protection to 
all his Majesties subjects settling on the said Lands. When 
this is done the Company can safely venture to build Factories 
and Store Houses upon the river Ohio, and send out large 
Cargoes of Goods which they cannot otherwise do, and to 
convince our Brethren the Indians how desirous we are of 
living in strict Friendship and becoming one people with them, 
You are hereby empowered and required to acquaint and 
promise our Brethren, in the name and on behalf of the said 
Company, that if any of them incline to take land and live 
among the English, they shall have any of the said company's 
Land upon the same Terms and conditions as the white peo- 
ple have, and enjoy the same privilidges which they do as far 
as is in the Company's power to grant. 

And that you may be the better able to acquaint our Breth- 
ren the Indians with these our proposals you are to apply to 
Andrew Montour the interpreter for his assistance therein, 
and the Company hereby undertake and promise to make him 
satisfaction for the trouble he shall be at. If our Brethren 
the Six Nations approve our proposals the Company will pay 
them whatever sum you agree with them for, and if they want 
any particular sort of Goods, you are to desire them to give 


you an account of said Goods and the Company will imme- 
diately send for them to England, and when they arrive will 
carry them to what ever place you agree to deliver them at. 

If our Brethren the Indians do not approve these proposals 
and do refuse their protection and assistance to the subjects 
of their Father the King of Great Britain, you are forthwith to 
make a return thereof to the said Ohio Company, that they 
may inform his Majesty thereof. 

You are to apply to Col. Cresap for what Wampum you 
have occasion of on the Companys account for which you are 
to give him a receipt. You are to apply to him for one of the 
Companies Horses to ride out to the Loggstown. 

As soon as the Treaty is over, you are to make an exact re- 
turn of all your proceedings to the Company. 

Given under my hand in behalf of the said Ohio Company 
the 28* day of April 1752. 

George Mason Treasurer 



Upon your arrival at the Treaty if you find that the com- 
missioners do not make a general Agreement with the In- 
dians on behalf of Virginia for the settlement of the Land 
upon the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi, or that in such 
agreement there are any doubtful or ambiguous expressions 
which may be prejudicial to the Ohio Company, you are then 
to endeavour to make purchase of the Lands to the Eastward 
of the Ohio River and Allagany, and procure the Friendship 
and protection of the Indians in settling the said Lands upon 
the best terms you can for a quantity of Goods. 

' From Records and Minutes of the Ohio Company. 


You are to agree with them to deliver the said goods at the 
most convenient place you can, if possible at the Forks of the 
Mohongaly, if the Indians give you a list of Goods which 
they desire to be sent for in return for their Lands, you are 
to enquire and to find out as near as you can the usual price 
of such Goods among the Indians, that we may be as near 
the sum you agree with them for as possible. 

You are to engage Andrew Montour the Interpreter in the 
Company's Interest and get him to assist you in making a 
purchase of the Indians, and as the Company have great 
dependance and confidence in the said Andrew Montour, they 
hereby not only promise to make him satisfaction for the 
trouble, but if he can make an advantageous bargain for them 
with the Indians, they will in return for his good offices, let 
him have a handsome settlement upon their land without 
paying any purchase money, upon the same Terms which the 
said Company themselves hold the Land, and without any 
other consideration than the King's Quit rents. 

If you can obtain a Deed or other written agreement from 
the Indians, it must be taken in the names of the Honb" 
Robert Dinwiddie Esq', Governor of Virginia, John Han- 
bury Esqr. of the City of London, Merch', Capel Hanbury 
of the said city of London Merch', John Tayloe, Presly 
Thornton, Philip Ludwell Lee, Thomas Lee, Richard Lee, 
Guwin Corbin, John Mercer, George Mason, Lawrence Wash- 
ington, Augustus Washington, Nathaniel Chapman Esquires 
and James Scott Clerk, all of the Colony of Virginia. James 
Wardrop, Jacob Giles and Thomas Cresap esqrs of the prov- 
ince of Maryland and their Associates, members of the Ohio 
Company ; in the said agreement or Deed You are to mention 
the Bounds of the Land as expressly as possible, that no dis- 
pute may arise hereafter. And we would have the Indians 
clearly understand what Land they sell us, that they may have 


no occasion to complain of any Fraud or underhand dealings, 
as is often the custom with them. The said Ohio Company 
do hereby agree and oblige themselves to make you satisfac- 
tion for the Trouble and expence you shall be at in Transact- 
ing their affairs at the said Treaty, pursuant to the Instruc- 
tions by them given to you. Given under my hand in behalf 
of the Ohio Company this 28th day of April 1752. 

George Mason, Treas'. 

If Col Cresap has not agreed with any person to clear a 
Road for the Company, you are with the advice and assist- 
ance of Col. Cresap to agree with the proper Indians, who 
are best acquainted with the ways, immediately to cut a road 
from Wills Creek to the Fork of Mohongaly at the cheapest 
Rate you can for Goods, and this you may mention publicly 
to the Indians at the Loggs Town or not as you see occasion. 

George Mason, Treas'. 

At a meeting of the Committee of the Ohio Company at 
Stratford in Westmoreland County, the 25th of July, 1753, 
and continued to the 26th and 27th of the same month 

" Resolved that tis absolutely necessary that the Company 
should immediately erect a Fort for the security and protec- 
tion of their Settlement on a hill just below Shurtees' Creek 
upon the south east side of the river Ohio ; that the walls of 
the said Fort shall be twelve feet high, to be built of sawed or 
hewen logs, and to enclose a piece of ground ninety feet square, 
besides the four Bastions at the corners of sixteen feet square 
each, with houses in the middle for stores. Magazines &c. 
according to a plan entered in the Company's Books. That 
Col. Cresap, Capt. Trent, and M' Gist, be appointed and 
authorized on behalf of the Company to agree with labourers, 
Carpenters and other workmen, to build and complete the 

' Chartiers. 


same as soon as possible and employ hunters to supply them 
with Provisions, and agree with some honest industrious man 
to overlook the workmen and labourers as Overseer, and that 
they be supplied with flour, salt and all other necessaries at 
the Companys expence. That all the Land upon the hill 
on which the said Fort is to be built be appropriated to 
the use of the said Fort, and that two hundred acres of 
land exclusive of streets be layed off for a town convenient 
and adjoining to the said Fort lands, in squares of two 
acres each, every square to be divided into four lots so 
that every Lot may front two streets, if the ground will so 
admit, and that all the streets be of convenient width, that 
twenty of the best and most convenient squares be reserved 
and set apart for the Company's own use, and one square to 
build a School on for the education of Indian children and such 
other uses as the Company shall think proper and that all the 
rest of the lots be disposed of." 

Mr. George Mason having informed the Committee that he 
has written to M' Hanbury for twenty swivel guns and other 
arms and ammunition for the use of the Fort 

" Resolved that the committee do approve of the same and 
that the said arms and ammunition as soon as they arrive be 
delivered to Captain Trent the Company's Factor in order to 
be sent out to Shurtees Creek." 

At a Meeting of the Committee of the Ohio Company, 
November 2d, 1753, 

"Agreed and Ordered that each member of the Company 
pay to M' George Mason their Treasurer, the sum of twenty 
pounds current money for building and finishing the Fort at 
Shurtees Creek, Grubing and clearing the road from the 
Company's store at Wills Creek to the Mohongaly, which are 
to be finished with the utmost dispatch and for such other 
purposes as shall be directed by the Company." 


The proposed fort was not built. There was some doubt 
as to whom the Forks of the Ohio belonged — by consent of 
the Penns, Governor Dinwiddie sent Captain Trent's Company 
to build a Fort there. The Fort was commenced under the 
direction of Ensign Ward. On the 17th of April, 1754, Cap- 
tain Contrecoeur descended the Allegheny with a considerable 
force of French and Indians and summoned Ward to surrender 
his unfinished work. Resistance was out of the question, he 
surrendered. Contrecoeur finished the Fort and called it Du- 

July 9, 1755. — Gen. Braddock was defeated by the French 
and Indians under the command of Captain Beaujeu. Beau- 
jeu was killed and Captain Dumas was the Commander 
from the time of Beaujeu's death to the latter part of the 
following year, 1756 or early in 1757, when he was transferred 
to Canada, and served in the operations against Fort William 
Henry. Montcalm mentioned him in his dispatches as "an 
officer of great distinction." His merits were fully recog- 
nized by the French Governor. 

He was Major of Brigade at the Siege of Quebec, and after 
his return to France in 1761 was appointed Governor of the 
Mauritius and Isle of Bourbon.' 

General Grant was defeated by the French and Indians 
before Fort Duquesne, October, 1758. November, 1758, Gen- 
eral Forbes' army advanced and found the Fort in flames. 
The French escaped by the river. 

Fort Duquesne having been destroyed it was determined 
to erect a small work, to be occupied by two hundred men. 

A small square stockade, with a bastion at each angle, was 
erected on the bank of the Monongahela between Liberty and 
West Streets. Col. Mercer was left in command. 

Fort Pitt was built in 1759-60. Its eastern boundary ex- 
^ Garneau, Histoire du Canada. 


tended nearly to the present Third (formerly Marbury) and 
West Streets. The Fort had two powder magazines under 
ground, built with heavy timber and covered with tarred 
cloth and earth. One of them was brought to light near the 
corner of Liberty and Marbury or Third Street in 1855, when 
excavations were made for the Depot of the Pennsylvania 
Railroad Company. 

In 1763 Fort Pitt was invested by the Indians while Cap- 
tain Ecuyer was in command. January 5, 1769, a warrant 
was issued for a survey of the Manor of Pittsburgh, which was 
made on the 27th of March. Fort Pitt was kept up until 1772, 
after which a Corporal and a few men only were continued 
at the Fort.' 

October, Major Charles Edmonstone, Commander of the 
Fort, sold to Alexander Ross and William Thompson, all the 
pickets, brick, stones, timber and iron in the buildings, walls 
and redoubts of the Fort. After several houses had been 
built of the material the sale was set aside. 1773, Richard 
Penn advised a small garrison to be kept at Fort Pitt as a 
protection from the Indians. Its demolition had been ordered 
by General Gage. The boundary between Virginia and 
Pennsylvania not having been settled, in 1774 John Conolly, 
by orders of Lord Dunmore, took possession of the ruins. 

1 78 1, General Irvine, in a letter to Washington, speaks of 
Fort Pitt as a heap of ruins and that at best it was a bad 
situation for defence. He recommends the mouth of Char- 
tiers Creek (Shurtees) for a Post. The redoubt built by 
Bouquet still remains.' 

1781, Col. John Conolly, who formerly lived upon the Ohio, 
and was arrested in 1775, after his exchange proceeded to 
Quebec, and proposed " with all the refugees he can collect at 

■ See Fort Pitt. 

^ Letter of General Irvine. 


New York, he is to join Sir John Johnson in Canada, and 
they are to proceed with their united forces to attack Fort 

Note. — The Redoubt built by Bouquet is now owned by 
the Pittsburgh Chapter of the "Daughters of the American 
Revolution" ; it having been recently given to them by Mrs. 
Schenley, the granddaughter of General James O'Hara, from 
whom she inherited it. A large portion of the ground for- 
merly occupied by Fort Pitt was bequeathed by General 
O'Hara to his daughter Mary Carson O'Hara, who married, 
after her father's death, William Croghan, Esq., son of Major 
William Croghan of Kentucky. Major Croghan was a 
cousin of George Croghan, who took so prominent a part in 
Indian affairs. 


Samuel Wharton was a member of the mercantile firm 
of Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, extensively engaged in the 
Indian Trade, having storehouses at Fort Pitt and other places 
in the Indian Country westward. In 1763 the sudden out- 
break of the western Savages, known as the Pontiac war, 
occurred ; the Traders were plundered of their merchandise 
and other property ; twenty-four of them lost goods valued 
at ;^85,9i6. 10. 6. New York Currency. Baynton, Wharton 
and Morgan were the heaviest sufferers. 

To compensate the Traders for their loss, the Six Nations, 
at the Treaty held at Fort Stanwix (now Rome, New York), 
on May 3, 1768, conveyed to them by deed an immense tract 
of land bordering on the Ohio River above the Little Kanhawha, 
comprising about one-fourth of the present State of West 
Virginia. To their Grant the Traders gave the name of 

In 1769 a company was formed in London, consisting of 
Thomas Walpole, an eminent banker (brother of Horatio, 
Lord Walpole), Samuel Wharton, Benjamin Franklin, John 
Sargent, Governor Thomas Pownall,— and other gentlemen 
both in England and America, — for the purpose of buying from 
the Crown a portion of the vast country on the Ohio ceded to 
the King by the Six Nations the preceding year at the Treaty 
of Fort Stanwix, and also to form a New Province or Govern- 
ment west of Virginia. The five persons above named were 
appointed a committee to manage the business. Mr. Whar- 
ton went to London to attend to it. Lord Hillsborough, Presi- 



dent of the Board of Trade, reported against the application 
for the grant. Dr. Frankhn replied in an elaborate and able 
pamphlet, which was read at a subsequent meeting of the 
Council, July x, 1772 ; at the same time, as we learn from a 
letter to Sir William Johnson, written by an intelligent 
American' who was present, " Mr. Walpole made some 
pertinent observations on the subject in general. Mr. Whar- 
ton spoke next for several hours and replied distinctly to 
each particular objection, and through the whole of the pro- 
ceedings he so fully removed all Lord Hillsborough's objec- 
tions and introduced his proofs with so much regularity and 
made his observations on them with so much propriety, 
deliberation and presence of mind, that fully convinced every 
Lord present, and gave satisfaction to the gentlemen con- 
cerned ; and I must say it gave me a particular pleasure to 
hear an American and a countryman act his part so well be- 
fore such a number of great Lords and such an august Board ; 
and now I have the great pleasure to inform you that their 
Lordships have overruled Lord Hillsborough's Report and 
have reported to His Majesty in favor of Mr. Wharton and his 
Associates. — This is looked upon here as a most extraordi- 
nary matter, and what no American ever accomplished before. 
Indeed no one from America had so much interest and was 
so attended to by the great Lords as Mr. Wharton." 

On the same day the Lords of the Committee of Council 
reported in favor of making the grant to the Honorable 
Thomas Walpole, Samuel Wharton and their associates. 

The King in Council approved the Grant August 14, 1772. 
Lord Hillsborough resigned and Lord Dartmouth succeeded 

The Tract granted, comprised within its boundaries all that 
part of the present State of Kentucky, east of a line drawn 

' Letter of Rev. Wm. Hanna to Sir Wm. Johnson. 


south from a point on the Ohio River opposite the mouth of 
the Scioto, and the western half of the present State of West 
Virginia. The price to be paid into the Royal Treasury was 
;£^io,46o. 7. 6, and two shillings quit rent for every hundred 
acres sold or leased by the Grantees, payable yearly forever; 
to commence twenty years after the date of each sale or lease. 
The tract was usually known by the name of the Walpole 
Grant. It embraced within its limits the Traders' Grant, or 
Indiana, which was reserved to them. It also included the 
tract of five hundred thousand acres granted to the Ohio 
Company of Virginia, in 1749. The members of the Ohio 
Company were admitted into the new association, which was 
named the Grand Ohio Company. In compliance with the 
King's orders, the Council, on the 6th of May, 1773, reported 
to His Majesty a constitution or form of Government for the 
New Colony, which they named Vandalia. It contained within 
its limits all of the Walpole Grant, with the addition of all 
the country westward to the Kentucky River. On the 28th 
of October following, the Lords of Council for Plantation 
Affairs, ordered " that His Majesty's Attorney General do pre- 
pare and lay before this Committee, the draught of a proper 
instrument to be passed under the Great Seal of Great Britain 
containing a Grant to the Honorable Thomas Walpole, Sam- 
uel Wharton, Benjamin Franklin and John Sargent Esqrs. and 
their heirs and assigns all the Lands prayed for by their 
Memorial." It was not, however, until the spring of the year 
1775 that the draught of the Grant was finally prepared and 
ready for execution. The breaking out of the war of the 
Revolution occasioned a suspension of the business. Mr. 
Wharton returned home by way of France, after an absence 
of eight years. An extract of a letter from a gentleman in 
London, dated March 3, 1773, to his friend in Virginia ap- 
peared in the Pennsylvatiia Gazette of that year, stating that 


" I can inform you for certain that the new Province on the 
Ohio is confirmed to the Proprietors by the name of Pittsyl- 
vania, in honor of the Earl of Chatham. Mr. Wharton of 
Philadelphia will be appointed Governor in a few days; all 
other appointments to be made by the King. The seat of 
government is to be placed at the Forks of the Kenawha and 
Ohio rivers." t 


signed by Messrs. Walpole, Pownall, Franklin and Wharton, 
consolidating the two Companies by giving the Ohio Com- 
pany ^ and Col. Mercer -7!^. 

We the Committee of the Purchasers of a Tract of Country 
for a new Province on the Ohio in America, do hereby admit 
the Ohio Company as a Company Purchaser with us, for two 
Shares of the said Purchase in Consideration of the engage- 
ment of their Agent Col. Mercer, to withdraw the application 
of the said Company for a separate Grant within the Limits 
of the said Purchase. Witness our Hands this 7"' day of 

May 1770. 

Thomas Walpole 

T. Pownall 

B. Franklin 

Saml. Wharton 

The whole being divided into Seventy-two equal Shares ; 
by the words "two shares" above is understood two Seventy 
second parts of the Tract so as above purchased. 

Thomas Walpole 
T. Pownall 
B. Franklin 
Saml. Wharton 


November 3'' 1768 at Fort Stanwix the Sachems and 
Chiefs of the Six nations in full Council convened by his 
Majesty's order, and held under the Presidency of his Super- 
intendant of Indian Affairs Sir William Johnson, in consider- 
ation of the great losses and Damages, amounting to Eighty 
five Thousand nine hundred and sixteen pounds ten shillings 
and eight pence lawful money of New York sustained by 
sundry Traders in the spring of the year 1763, when the 
Shawnese, Delawares and Huron Tribes of Indians, Tribu- 
taries of the six Nations did seize upon and unjustly appro- 
priate to themselves the Goods Merchandize and effects of 
the Traders " The said Sachems and Chiefs did give grant 
Bargain and sell unto us our Heirs and assigns forever, all 
that Tract or parcel of Land 

Beginning at the southerly side of the South of little 
Kenhawa River, where it empties itself into the River Ohio, 
and running from thence North East to the Laurel Hill — 
thence along the Laurel Hill until it strikes the river Monon- 
gehela — thence down the stream of the said river Monon- 
gehela, acording to the several courses thereof to the southern 
Boundary line of the Province of Pennsylvania. — Thence 
westerly along the course of the said Province Boundary Line 
as far as the same shall extend and from thence by the same 
course to the River Ohio according to the several courses 
thereof to the place of Beginning. And whereas we under- 
stand there are numbers of Families settled on the said Lands, 
We do hereby give Notice that they may be assured of 



peacable Possession on complying with the Terms of our 
general Land Office which will be shortly opened for the sale 
of the said Lands in behalf of all the grantees, and that the 
purchase will be made easy." 

Proceedings of the Grantees of Lands from the Six 
Nations Indians by Deed Poll dated Nov. 3"* 1768 to the 
suffering Traders Anno 1763. 

Pittsburgh September 2"' 1775 

Robert Callender Thomas Smallman 

William Trent Joseph Spear 

John Gibson George Croghan 

Joseph Simon John Ormsby 

George Morgan 

At a meeting of several of the Grantees of Lands from the 
Six Nations Indians by Deed Poll dated November 3** 1768 to 
the suffering Traders Anno 1763 

Pittsburg Sep 21=' 1775 

Robert Callender George Croghan 

William Trent John Ormsby 

John Gibson Thomas Smallman 

Joseph Simon Joseph Spear 

George Morgan 
M'- William Trent informs the Company present that on 
his arrival in England Anno 1769 being advised by Doctor 
Franklin Lord Cambdin and others, that it was unnecessary 
to make application to the Crown or King in Council for a 
Confirmation of the above mentioned Grant but that all he 
had to do was to return and take possession thereof, and 
understanding that Lord Hillsborough was determined to 
oppose a Confirmation of the said Grant as will appear by his 


Letters to Sir William Johnson, he declined making the said 
application for the, same to be confirmed. This M'- Trent 
recommends not to be made Public, as it may perhaps give 
an unfavorable Idea of our Right to the common People; 
but he thought it his duty to communicate it to this Company. 
He further acquaints them that soon after his arrival in 
England a Company of Gentlemen made a purchase from 
the Crown of a Tract of Land on the Ohio, which includes 
the Grant of all the Tract given or Granted by the Six 
Nation Indians to the suffering Traders as aforesaid. That 
the said company of Purchasers Stiling themselves the 
Grand Ohio Company agreed in the Minutes of their pro- 
ceedings to confirm and convey to the said suffering Traders 
all their Right and Title to that part of their purchase which 
includes the Grant from the Indians to the suffering Traders 
as aforesaid. And that he will furnish this Company with 
a copy of the said Minutes. The Meeting then adjourned till 
tomorrow morning at 6 o'clock. 

At the following meetings rules and regulations for the 
organized Company were adopted and the following letter 
addressed to Mr. Walpole : 

Pittsburg Sep 22'' 1775 


A number of the sufferers by the Indian War in 1763, hav- 
ing met at this place to consult on the most proper method 
to dispose of their Lands granted to them by the Indians at 
Fort Stanwix in November 1768, and understanding from Mr. 
William Trent that you have the Original Deed from the 
Indians for the said Lands ; we request the favor of you to 
transmit the same to us or to your brother Thomas, in order 
that it may be recorded at Williamsburgh in Virginia as the 
jurisdiction of that colony is now extended and exercised as 


far west as the Ohio and Courts established &c. We think 
it our duty to Inform you as one of the Grantees, that many 
Difficulties are like to arise from any delay in taking Posses- 
sion of the Lands, and that those Difficulties will double on 
us if we do not very speedily fall on some measures to obtain 
Peacable Possession of them and Permission to proceed in 
their sales. Lands have been and are now surveying to 
Officers soldiers and others in Consequence of the Kings 
Proclamation of October 1763, in every part of this Country 
from hence downward as low as Scioto and indeed as far as 
Kentucke and the Falls. And you may be assured they have 
not hesitated to lay their Warrants in many parts of our 
Grant of which most of the Good Lands are already surveyed. 
We are sir 

Your most Obedient Servants 
Names of Traders, Trent, Croghan &c. 

Virginia declared by express legislative enactment in 
1779, that all sales and deeds by Indians for lands within 
their limits to be void and of no effect. 

Congress, by acts of the l6th and i8th of September, 1776, 
and others subsequent thereto, conferred grants of land to 
the officers and soldiers of the Continental army. Virginia, 
holding immense tracts of unappropriated land, very soon 
adopted the idea suggested by Congress of granting land 
bounties to her officers and soldiers both in the State and 
Continental establishments. To a Major-General 15,000 acres 
of land, and to a Brigadier-General 10,000. 

For this purpose the lands surveyed by Christopher Gist 
were again surveyed, and the land not in the possession of 
settlers was so disposed of. 



He was born in 1715 in Chester County. 1746, Governor 
Thomas of Pennsylvania appointed him captain of one of 
four companies raised in Pennsylvania, for an intended expe- 
dition against Canada. December, 1747, the time of his com- 
pany having expired, he was honorably discharged. 1749, he 
was appointed, by Governor Hamilton, a justice of the Court 
of Common Pleas and General Sessions of the Peace for Cum- 
berland County. 1750, he formed a partnership with George 
Croghan to engage in the Indian trade. 1752, he was 
commissioner to Logstown. 1753, he was directed by Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddle to build a fort at the Forks of the Ohio. 
February 17, 1754, he began the erection of the fort. April 
16, the fort was surrendered to the French under the com- 
mand of M. de Contrecoeur. 1755, Captain Trent entered 
the service of Pennsylvania and was a member of the Proprie- 
tary and Governor's Council. 1757, he again entered the 
employ of Virginia. 1758, he accompanied Forbes' expedition 
against Fort DuQuesne, and by his knowledge of the country 
rendered important service. 1763, his large trading-house 
near Fort Pitt was destroyed by the Indians ; he took refuge 
in Fort Pitt and was employed in military duties by the Com- 
mandant, Captain S. Ecuyer. At the Treaty at Fort Stanwix 
the Indians were induced to make a deed of land to Trent. 
At the beginning of the Revolutionary War Congress gave 
him a Major's commission. His Journal of an expedition from 
Logstown to Pickawillany, a village on the west side of the 
Great Miami River, at the mouth of Loramies Creek, belong- 
ing to the Miami or Twightwee Tribe, has been published by 
the Western Reserve Historical Society.* 

' Colonial Records. 



A BRIEF Account of the Travels of Mr. John Peter 
Salley, a German living in the County of Augusta, 
IN the Colony of Virginia, to the Westward of that 
Colony as far as the river Mississippi, between March, 
1741, and May, 1745.' 

It may be necessary, before I enter upon the particular pas- 
sages of my travels, to inform my readers that what they are 
to meet with in the following narrative is only what I retained 
in my memory. For when we were taken by the French we 
were robbed of all our papers, that contained, writings rela- 
tive to our Travels. 

In the year 1740 I came from Pennsylvania to that part of 
Orange County now called Augusta, and settled in a fork of 
James river close under the Blue Ridge of Mountains on the 
West Side where I now live. 

In the month of March 174}^ one John Howard came to 
my house and told me that he received a commission from our 
Governor to travel to the westward of this Colony as far as 
the river Mississippi in order to make Discovery of the Coun- 
try and that as a reward for his labour, he had the promise of 
an Order of Council for ten hundred thousand Acres of Land 
and at the same time obliged himself to give equal shares of 
said land to such men as would go in Company with him to 
search the Country as above. Whereupon I and two men 
and Charles Sinclair (his own son Josiah Howard having 
already joined with him) entered in covenant with him bind- 

' Referred to in Col. Burwell's letter dated August 21, 1751. 



ing ourselves to each other in a certain writing and accord- 
ingly prepared for our journey in a very unlucky hour to me 
and my poor family. 

On the sixteenth of March 1742 ; we set off from my House 
and went to Cedar Creek about five miles, where is a Natural 
Bridge over said Creek reaching from the hill on the one side 
to the hill on the other. It is a solid Rock and is two hun- 
dred and three feet high, having a very large spacious arch, 
where the water runs thro'. We then proceeded as far as 
Mondongachate now called Woods river,' which is eighty five 
miles, where we killed five Buffaloes, and with their hides 
covered the frame of a boat, which was so large as to carry 
all our Company, and all our provisions and utensils with 
which we passed down the said river, two hundred and fifty 
two miles as we supposed, and found it very rockey, having a 
great many Falls therein, one of which we computed to be 
thirty feet perpendicular and all along surrounded with inac- 
cessible mountains, high precipices which obliged us to leave 
said river. We went then a south west course by Land eighty 
five miles, where we came to a small river and there we made 
a little Boat which carried only two men and our provisions. 
The rest travelled by land for two days and then we came to 
a large river, where we enlarged our Barge so as she carried 
all our Company, and whatever loading we had to put into 
her. We supposed that we went down this river two hun- 
dred and twenty miles, and had a tolerable good passage ; 
there being only two places that were difficult by reason of 
Falls. Where we came to this river the country is mountain- 
ous, but the farther down the plainer, in those mountains we 
found great plenty of coals, for which we named it Coal river, 
where this river and Woods river meets the north mountains 
end, and the country appears very plain and is well watered, 

' Now Kanawha. 


there are plenty of rivulets, clear Fountains and running 
streams and very fertile soil ; from the mouth of Coal river to 
the river Allegany' we computed to be ninety two miles, and 
on the sixth day of May we came to Allegany which we sup- 
posed to be three quarters of a mile wide, and from here to 
the great Falls on this river is reckoned four hundred and 
forty four miles, there being a large spacious open country on 
each side of this river, and is well watered, abounding with 
plenty of Fountains, small streams and large rivers ; and is 
very high, and fertile soil. At this time we found the clover 
to be as high as the middle of a man's leg. In general all 
the woods over the Land is of great plenty and of all kind, 
that grows in this Colony excepting pine. On the seventh 
day of June we entered into the river Mississippi, which we 
computed to be five miles wide. In the river Mississippi 
above the mouth of the Allegany is a large Island on which 
are three towns inhabited by the French who maintain Com- 
merce and Trade both with the French of Canada and those 
French on the mouth of the said river. We held on our pas- 
sage down the river Mississippi. The second day of July and 
about nine o'clock in the morning we went on shore to cook </)),, ^ 
our breakfast. But we were suddenly surprised by a company ' " ' 
of men, to the number of ninety, consisting of French men 
Negroes and Indians who took us prisoners and carried us to 
the town of New Orleans, which was about one hundred 
leagues from us when we were taken and after being exam- 
ined upon oath before the Governor first separately one by 
one, and then altogether we were committed to close prison, 
we not knowing then (nor even yet) how long they intended 
to confine us there. During our stay in Prison we had 
allowed us a pound and a half of bread a man each day, and 
ten pounds of pork per month for each man, which allowance 

' Ohio. 


was duly given to us for the space of eighteen months, and 
after that we had only one pound of Rice Bread and one 
pound of rice for each man per day, and one quart of Bear's 
oil for each man per month, which allowance was continued to 
us untill I made my escape. Whilst I was confined in Prison 
I had many Visits made to me by the French and Dutch who 
lived there and grew intimate and familiar with some of them, 
by whom I was informed of the Manner of Government, laws, 
strength and wealth of the kingdom of Louisiana as they 
call it, and from the whole we learned that the Government 
is Tyranical. The common people groan under the load of 
oppression and sigh for deliverance. The Governor is the 
chief Merchant and enhances all the Trade into his own hands, 
depriving the Planters of selling their commodities to any 
other but himself and allowing them only such prices as he 

And with respect to Religion, there is little to be found 
amongst them, but those who profess any Religion at all, its 
the Church of Rome. In the Town are nine Clergymen, 
four Jesuits and five Capuchin Friars. They have likewise 
one Nunnery in which are nine nuns. Notwithstanding the 
Fertility and richness of the soil. The Inhabitants are 
generally poor as a consequence of the oppression they meet 
with from their rulers, neither is the settling of the Country, 
or Agriculture in any measure encouraged by the Legislature. 
One thing I had almost forgot Viz. we were told by some of 
the French who first settled there, that about forty years ago 
when the French first discovered the place, and made attempt 
to settle therein, there were then pretty many English settled 
on both sides the river Mississippi and one twenty Gun Ship 
lay in the river, what became of the Ship we did not hear, 
but we were informed that the English Inhabitants were all 
destroyed by the Natives at the instigation of the French. 


I now begin to speak of the strength of the Country and 
by the best account I could gather I did not find that there 
are above four hundred and fifty effective men of the Militia 
in all that Country, and not above one hundred and fifty 
Soldiers under pay in and about the Town of New Orleans ; 
tis true they have sundry Forts in which they keep some men, 
but they are so weak and dispicable as not worth taking 
notice of, with regard to the strengthening of the Country, 
having in some of them only six men, in others ten men. The 
strongest of all those places is at the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi, In which are thirty men, and fifty Leagues from thence 
is a town called Mobile, nine Leagues from the mouth of a 
river of the same name, in which is a Garrison that boasts of 
seventy Soldiers. After I had been confined in close prison 
above two years, and all expectation of being set at liberty 
failing, I begun to think of making my escape out of prison, 
one of which I put in practice, and which succeeded in the 
following manner. . There was a certain Frenchman who was 
born in that Country, and had some time before Sold his rice 
to the Spaniards, for which he was put in prison and it cost 
him six hundred Pieces of eight' before he got clear, he being 
tired with the misery and oppression under which the poor 
country people labour, formed a design of removing his 
Family to South Carolina Which design was discovered, and 
he was again put in Prison in the dungeon, and made fast in 
Irons, and after a formal Tryal he was condemned to be a 
Slave for Ten Years, besides the expense of seven hundred 
pieces of eight. With this miserable Frenchman I became 
intimate, and as he was an active man, and knew the country 
he promised, if I could help him off with his irons and we all 
got clear of the Prison, he would conduct us safe until we 
were out of danger. We then got a small file from a soldier 

1 A dollar. 


wherewith to cut the irons and on the 2Sth day of October 
1744 we put our design in practice. While the Frenchman 
was very busy in the Dungeon in cutting the Irons, we were 
as industrious without in breaking the door of the Dungeon, 
and each of us finished our job at one instant of time, which 
had held us for about six hours, by three of the clock in the 
morning with the help of a rope which I had provided before- 
hand, we let ourselves down over the prison walls, and made 
our escape, two miles from the town that night, where we lay 
close for two days. We then removed to a place three miles 
from the town, where one of the good old Friars of which I 
spoke before, nourished us four days. On the eighth day 
after we made our escape, we came to a Lake seven leagues 
from the Town, but by this time we had got a gun and some 
ammunition. The next day we shot two large Bulls and with 
their hides made a boat, in which we passed the Lake in the 
night. We tied the shoulder Blades of the Bulls to small 
sticks, which served us for paddles and passed a point, where 
there were thirteen men lay in wait for us, but thro' mercy 
we escaped them undiscovered. After we had gone by water 
sixty miles we went on shore, we left our boat as a Witness of 
our escape to the French. 

We travelled thirty miles by land to the river Shokare where 
our Frenchman's father lived. In this journey we passed thro' 
a nation of Indians, who were very kind to us, and carried us 
over two large bays. In this place we tarried two months 
and ten days in very great danger, for search was made 
for us every where both by land and water and orders to 
shoot us when found. Great rewards were promised by the 
Governor to the king of the Indians (mentioned above) 
to take us which he refused, and in the mean time 
was very kind by giving provision and informing us 
of our danger from time to time. After they had given 


over searching for us and we having got a large vessel and 
other necessary things for our voyage, and on the 2Sth of 
January our Frenchman and our negro boy (which he took to 
wait on him) and another Frenchman, and we being all 
armed and well provided for our voyage ; we set off at a place 
called the belle Fountain (or in English fine spring) and 
sailed fifty leagues to the head of St. Roses Bay, and there 
we left our vessel and traveled by Land thirty Leagues to the 
Fork Indians, where the English trade, and there we staid five 
days. The Natives were to us kind and generous, there we 
left the two Frenchmen and negro boy, and on the tenth 
of February we set off and travelled by land up the river 
Giscaculfula one hundred and thirty-five miles, passing 
several Indian Towns, the Natives being very hospitable and 
kind and came to one Finlas an Indian Trader who lives 
among the Uchee Nation. On the first of March we arrived 
at Fort Augustus in the Province of Georgia. On the 
nineteenth instant we left Fort Augustus and on the first 
of April we arrived at Charlestown and waited on the 
Governor, who examined us concerning our Travels &c and 
detained us in Charlestown eighteen days, and made us a pre- 
sent of eighteen pounds of their money, which did no more 
than defray our expences whilst in that town. I had delivered 
to the Governor a copy of my Journal which when I asked 
again he refused to give me, but having obtained from him a 
pass we went on board of a small vessel bound for Virginia. 
On the thirteenth of April, the same day about two of the 
clock we were taken by the French in cape Roman and kept 
prisoner till eleven of the clock next day, at which time the 
French after having robbed us of all the Provision we had 
for our Voyage or Journey, put us into a Boat we being twelve 
men in number, and so left us to the mercy of the seas and 


On the fifteenth instant we arrived again at Charlestown 
and were examined before the Governor concerning our being 
taken by the French. We were now detained three days 
before we could get another pass from the Governor, we 
having destroyed the former when we were taken by the 
French and then were dismissed, being in a strange place ; 
far from home, destitute of friends, clothing money and arms, 
and in that deplorable condition had been obliged to under- 
take a journey of five hundred miles, but -a gentleman who 
was commander of a Privateer and now lay at Charlestown 
with whom we had discoursed several times gave to each of 
us a gun and a sword and would have given us ammunition 
but that he had but little. On the eighteenth day of April 
we left Charlestown the second time and travelled by land, 
and on the seventeenth day of May 1745 we arrived at my 
house, having been absent three years two months and one 
day from my family, having in that time by the nicest calcu- 
lation I am able to make, travelled by Land and water four 
thousand six hundred and six miles, since I left my own 
House till I returned Home again. 

John Peter Salley. 


For the Settlement of a New Colony to the Westward of 
Pennsylvania, for the Enlargement of his Majesty's Domin- 
ions in America, for the further Promotion of the Christian 
Religion among the Indian Natives, and for the more effect- 
ual securing them in his Majesty's Alliance. 

That humble Application be made either to His Majesty 
or the General Assembly of Connecticut, or to both, as the 
Case may require, for a Grant of so much Land as shall be 
necessary for the Settlement of an ample colony, to extend 
from the Western Boundaries of Pennsylvania one Hundred 
Miles to the Westward of the River Mississippi, and to be 
divided from Virginia and Carolina by the Great Chain of 
Mountains that runs along the Continent from the North 
Eastern to the South Western Parts of America. That hum- 
ble Application be made to His Majesty for a Charter to erect 
the said Territory into a separate Government, with the same 
Privileges which the Colony of Connecticut enjoys, and for 
such Supplies of Arms and Ammunition as may be necessary 
for the Safety and Defence of the Settlers, and that his 
Majesty would also be pleased to take the said New Colony 
under his immediate protection. 

That application be made to the Assemblies of the several 
British Colonies in North America to grant such Supplies of 
Money and Provisions as may enable the Settlers to secure 
the Friendship of the Indian Natives, and support themselves 
and Families till they are established in said Colony in Peace 
and Safety, and can support themselves by their own 
That at least Twelve Reverend Ministers of the Gospel be 



engaged to remove to the said New Colony with such mem- 
bers of their respective Congregations as are willing to go 
along with them. 

That every Person, from the age of fourteen years and 
upwards (Slaves excepted) professing the Christian Religion, 
being Protestant Subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, and 
that will remove to said New Colony with the first settlers 
thereof, shall be entitled to a sufficient Quantity of Land for 
a good Plantation, without any Consideration Money, and at 
the annual Rent of a Pepper-Corn. The Plantation to con- 
tain at least Three Hundred Acres, Two Hundred Acres of 
which to be such Land as is fit either for Tillage or Meadow. 

That every Person under the Age of Fourteen Years 
(Slaves excepted) who removes to said Province with the 
First Settlers thereof, as well as such Children as shall be 
lawfully born to said First Settlers in said Province, or in the 
Way to it, shall be entitled to Three Hundred Acres of Land 
when they come to the Age of Twenty-one Years, without 
any Purchase Money, at the annual Quit-Rent of Two Shil- 
lings Sterling for every Hundred Acres ; the Quit-Rent 
arising from such Lands to be applied to the Support of Gov- 
ernment, the Propagation of the Christian Religion among 
the Indian Natives, the Relief of the Poor, the Encourage- 
ment of Learning, and in general to such other public Use, as 
shall be judged by the Legislature of the Province to be most 
conducive to the General Good. 

That every Person who is entitled to any land in the 
Province, shall be at Liberty to take it up when they please ; 
but when taken up shall be obliged to clear and fence at least 
Fifteen Acres on every Farm of Three Hundred Acres, within 
Five Years after the Appropriation of said Land, and also to 
build a Dwelling House of at least Fifteen Foot square with a 
good Chimney on the Premises within the said Term on Pain 
of forfeiting said Land. 


SCHEME. 263 

That the said Plantation shall be laid out in Townships, 
in such Manner as will be most for the Safety and Conve- 
nience of the Settlers. 

That in order to prevent all Jealousies and Disputes about 
the Choice of said Plantations, they shall be divided by Lot. 

That as soon as possible after a sufficient Number of Per- 
sons are engaged, a proper Charter obtained, and the neces- 
sary Preparations are made for the Support and Protection of 
the Settlers, a Place of general Rendezvous shall be appointed, 
where they shall all meet, and from whence they shall pro- 
ceed in a Body to the new Colony ; but that no Place of 
Rendezvous shall be appointed till at least Two Thousand 
Persons able to bear Arms are actually engaged to remove, 
exclusive of Women and Children. 

That it be established as one of the fundamental Laws of 
the Province that Protestants of every Denomination who 
profess the Christian Religion, believe the Divine Authority 
of the Sacred Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, the 
Doctrine of the Trinity of Persons in the Unity of the God- 
head, and whose Lives and Conversations are free from Im- 
morality and Prophaneness, shall be equally capable of serving 
in all the Posts of Honor, Trust or Profit in the Government, 
notwithstanding the Diversity of their religious Principles in 
other Respects. But that none of any Denomination what- 
soever, who have been guilty of Prophaning the Name of 
God, of Lying, Drunkenness, or any other of the groser 
Immoralities, either in their Words or Actions, shall be capa- 
ble of holding any Office in or under the Government till at 
least one Year after their Conviction of such Offence. 

The Christianizing the Indian Natives and bringing them 
to be good Subjects, not only to the Crown of Great-Britain, 
but to the King of all Kings, being one of the most essential 
Designs of the proposed New Colony, it is a Matter of the 


Utmost Importance that those poor ignorant Heathen should 
not be prejudiced against the Christian Religion by the bad 
Lives of those in Authority. 

That Protestants of every Denomination who profess the 
Christian Religion, shall have the free and unlimited Exercise 
of their Religion, and shall be allowed to defend it, both from 
the Pulpit and the Press, so long as they remain peaceable 
Members of Civil Society, and do not propagate Principles 
inconsistent with the Safety of the State. 

That no Member of the Church of Rome shall be able to 
hold any Lands or Real Estate in the Province, nor be allowed 
to be Owners of, or have any Arms or Ammunition in their 
Possession, on any Pretence whatsoever, nor shall any Mass- 
Houses, or Popish Chappels be allowed in the Province. 

That no Person shall be obliged to pay any Thing towards 
the Support of a Minister of whose Congregation he is not a 
Member, or to a Church to which he does not belong. 

That the Indians shall on all occasions be treated with the 
utmost Kindness, and every justifiable method taken to gain 
their Friendship ; and that whoever injures, cheats, or makes 
them drunk, shall be punished with peculiar Severity. 

That so soon as the Province is able to support Missionaries^ 
and proper Persons can be found to engage in the Affair, a 
Fund shall be settled for the Purpose, and Missionaries sent 
among the neighboring Indian Nations ; and that it shall, in 
all Time coming, be esteemed as one of the first and most 
Essential Duties of the Legislature of the Province, by every 
proper Method in their power to endeavor to spread the Light 
of the glorious Gospel among the Indians in America even 
to its most Western Bounds. 

That, as the Conversion of the Indians is a Thing much to 
be desired, from the weightiest Considerations, both of a relig- 
ious and political Nature, and since the Colony during its 

SCHEME. 265 

Infancy will be unable to provide the necessary Funds for the 
Purpose, some proper Person or Persons shall be sent to 
Europe, duly authorized from the Government, to ask the 
Assistance of such as desire to promote that great and good 

To the Honourable the Governor, Council and Representa- 
tives of the Colony of Connecticut, to meet in General 
Assembly, on the Eighth Day of May, 1755. The petition 
of the Subscribers, being Inhabitants of His Majesty's Plan- 
tations in North America, 

Humbly Sheweth 

That your Petitioners having taken the foregoing scheme 
for settling a new colony into their most serious considera- 
tion, and having deliberately weighed the various parts thereof, 
cannot but most heartily approve of a design, which, when 
duly executed, would be attended with such happy and ex- 
tensive consequences to the Crown of Great Britain, and all 
His Majesty's colonies in North America and which would at 
the same Time open the most effectual Door for carrying the 
Light of the glorious Gospel of Christ among the numerous 
Tribes of Indians that inhabit those inland Parts ; and being 
for our Parts desirous to embark in so important a Cause, if 
the Scheme takes Effect, and to remove with our Families and 
Fortunes to the proposed New Colony, when Providence has 
prepared the Way for us, we are naturally led to wish Success 
to the Undertaking ; but however ardently we wish Success 
to the Scheme or how sanguine soever our Inclinations may 
be of engaging in the Affair, common Prudence forbids our 
Removal till such a Foundation is laid as will afford, not only 
a rational Prospect of present Protection from the Enemy, but 
of handing down both Civil and Religious Liberty, as well as 
private Property, to our Posterity ; and since it is necessary 
that such Foundation be laid in Part by Your Honorable House, 


we are constrained to make our humble Application to You, 
and we do it with the greater Cheerfulness, as the known Zeal 
of New England for His Majesty's Service gives us the 
greatest Reason to hope for the Countenance and Assistance 
of Your House in an Undertaking that has so direct a Tendency 
to promote His Majesty's Interest by securing the Friendship 
and firm Alliance of the Indian Natives, and thereby preparing 
the Way for the actual Settlement of those remote Parts of the 
British Dominions, as well as for Preventing the Encroach- 
ments of the French. We, therefore, Your Petitioners do most 
humbly pray. That You would be pleased so far to aid the 
Design, as to make the proper Grant of so much Land as shall 
be necessary for the proposed new Colony, which we humbly 
conceive ought to extend as far as the Scheme proposes, that 
is to say. From the Western Boundaries of the Province of 
Pennsylvania, One Hundred Miles to the Westward of the 
River Mississippi, and that it should be divided from Virginia 
and Carolina by the great Chain of Mountains that runs 
along the Continent from the North Eastern to the South- 
western Parts of America. 

And also. That Your Honorable House would be pleased to 
make Application to His Majesty for a Charter to erect the 
said Territory into a separate Government with the same 
Privileges which the Colony of Connecticut enjoys. And we 
beg Leave, with all Humility to add That as the Charter by 
which Your Province holds both their Land and their Privileges 
expressly declares. That the Christianizing of the Indian 
Natives was the principal End which King Charles the Second 
proposed by granting such extensive Territories and Privileges, 
so we cannot but hope, that the same Motives will have their 
proper Weight with Your Honourable House, to grant the 
Prayer of your Petitioners, and we, as in Duty bound, will ever 

To this petition were affixed more than two thousand names. 



Fort Cumberland July i8 1755 
My dear Governor 

I am so extremely ill in bed with the wound I have received 
that I am under the Necessity of employing my friend 
Capt. Dobson as my scribe. I am informed that Governor 
Innes has sent you some account of the Action near the 
Banks of the Monongahela about seven miles from the French 
Fort. As his Intelligence must be very Imperfect, the Dis- 
patch he sent to you must consequently be so too ; you 
should have had more early Account of it, but every Oficer 
whose business it was to have informed you was either killed 
or wounded and our distressfull Situation put it out of our 
power to attend to it so much as we would otherwise have 
done. The 9"" instant we passed and repassed the Monon- 
gahela by advancing first a party of 300 men which immedi- 
ately followed by another of 2<X), the general with the Column 
of Artillery, Baggage and the Main Body of the Army passed 
the river the last time, about one o'clock, as soon as the 
whole had got on the Fort side of Monongahela we heard a 
very heavy and quick fire on our front, we immediately ad- 
vanced in order to sustain them but the Detachment of the 
200 and 300 gave way and fell back upon us, which caused 
such confusion and struck so great a panic into our men that 
afterwards no military Expedient could be made use of that 
had any effect upon them, the men were so extremely deaf to 
the exhortations of the General and the Officers that they 

' P. R. O. America and West Indies. 



fired away in the most irregular manner all their ammunition 
and then ran off leaving to the Enemy the Artillery, Ammun- 
ition, Provisions and Baggage, nor could they be persuaded 
to stop till they got as far as Gists plantation nor there only 
in part, many of them proceeding even as far as Col. Dun- 
bar's Party who lay six miles on this side. 

The Officers were absolutely sacrificed by their unparalleled 
good behaviour ; Advancing before their men sometimes in 
bodies and sometimes separately, hoping by such an example 
to engage the soldiers to follow them, but to no purpose. 
The General had five horses shot under him and at last 
received a wound through his lungs, of which he died the 
13th instant at night. Captain Monies and myself very much 
wounded. Mr. Washington had two horses shot under him 
and his clothes shot through in several places, behaving the 
whole time with the greatest courage and resolution. 

Sir P. Halket was killed upon the spot, and according to the 
best calculation we can as yet make about 28 Officers were 

Col. Burton and Sir John St. Clair with 35 Officers wounded 
and out of our whole number of Officers not above 16 came 
off the Field unhurt. We imagine there are killed and 
wounded about 600 men. I have the pleasure to acquaint you 
that Captain Poison (who was killed) and his company be- 
haved extremely well, as did Captain Stuart and his light 
horse, who I must beg leave to recommend to your protection 
and to desire you will be so kind to use your best endeavours 
to serve him as he has lost by the death of the general the 
rewards he really deserved by his gallant and faithful atten- 
dance on him. 

Upon our proceeding with the whole convoy to the Little 
Meadow we found it impractable to advance in that manner ; 
a Detachment was therefore made of 1200 men with the 



Artillery, necessary ammunition, Provision and Baggage, 
leaving the remainder with Col. Dunbar, with Orders to join 
us as soon as possible ; with this Detachment we proceeded 
with safety and expedition, till the fatal day I have just 
related and happy it was that this Disposition was made, 
otherwise the whole must have starved or fallen into the 
Hands of the enemy as numbers would have been no service 
to us and our Provision was all lost. 

Mr. Shaw put into my Hands a letter from you directed to 
the General who was then incapable of any business, it con- 
tained Notes for ;^2000 from South Carolina. I am at a loss 
to know what to do with them, forgetting the particular appro- 
priation of the Vote of Assembly, though I think I recollect 
its being voted at the Service of the Expedition in general 
and at the disposal of General Braddock ; these Bills are made 
payable to him or Order, for which reason they are not nego- 
tiable. I desire your advice on this subject, and as it may 
save time, beg the favor of you to write to Governor Glen 
about it. 

As our number of horses were so much reduced, and those 
so extremely weak, and many carriages being wanted for the 
wounded men occasioned our destroying the Ammunition and 
superfluous part of the Provision left in Col. Dunbar's Con- 
voy, to prevent its falling into the Hands of the Enemy. 

As the whole of the Artillery is lost and the Terror of the 
Indian remaining so strongly in the mens minds, as also the 
Troops being extremely weakened by Deaths, Wounds and 
Sickness, it was judged impossible to make any further 
attempts ; therefore Col. Dunbar is returning to Fort Cum- 
berland, with everything he is able to bring along with him. 
I propose remaining here till my wound will suffer me to 
remove to Philadelphia, from thence I shall make all possible 
Dispatch to England. 

I am Sir &c 


Robert Orme entered the army as an ensign in the 35th Foot. 
On September 16, 1745, he exchanged into the Coldstream 
Guards, of which he became a lieutenant April 24, 1751. He ac- 
companied General Braddock to America, was present on the 
battle-field and assisted the removal of the General from the 
field. After his recovery from his wound he embarked for 
England. October, 1756, he resigned his commission in the 
Guards ; he married the Hon. Audrey Townshend, only daugh- 
ter of Charles, 3d Viscount. Capt. Orme died in February, 

George Croghan, with a company of Indians, Andrew Mon- 
tour and Christopher Gist and his son, were on the battle- 
field. Christopher Gist was the General's guide and with his 
Indians penetrated undiscovered to within half a mile of the 

Sir Peter Halket, of Pitferran, Fifeshire, a baronet of Nova 
Scotia, was the son of Sir Peter Wedderburne, of Gosford, 
who assumed his wife's name. In 1734, he sat in the House 
of Commons for Dunfermline, was Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
44th at Sir John Cope's defeat in 1745. Released on parole 
by Charles Edward, he was ordered by Cumberland to rejoin 
his regiment, but honorably refused. The King approved of 
his course. He married Lady Amelia Stewart, second daugh- 
ter of Francis, eighth Earl of Moray. He had three sons : 
Sir Peter, his successor, also in the army ; Francis, Major in 
the Black Watch, and James, who was killed with him. 

Colonel Thomas Dunbar was Colonel of the Forty-eighth, 
superseded in November, 1755, because of his injudicious re- 
treat, and sent into honorable retirement as Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of Gibraltar; he was never again actively employed. 
He died 1777. 

Sir John St. Clair, remained for a long time in service in 
America. 1756, he was made a Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
Sixtieth regiment. 1762, he was made a full Colonel. At 
the defeat of Braddock he was shot through the body. 



" The greatest part of Virginia is composed with the Assist- 
ance of Messieurs Fry and Jefferson's Map of it." 

"In the Way to Ohio by Franks Town, after you are past 
the Allegeny Mountain, the Ground is rough in many Places, 
and continues so to the River. Hereabouts the Laurel Hill 
springs from the Mountain, and continues though not large, 
in a very regular Chain, I believe to the Ouasioto Mountain. 
For though the Allegeny Mountain is the most Westerly, on 
the West Branch of Susquehanna, it is far from being so back 
of Virginia." 

" The Map in the Ohio, and its Branches, as well as the 
Passes through the Mountains Westward, is laid down by the 
Information of Traders and others, who have resided there, 
and travelled them for many years together. Hitherto there 
have not been any Surveys made of them, except the Road 
which goes from Shippensburg round Parnel's Knob and by 
Ray's Town over the Allegeny Mountains." 

"M' William Franklin's Journal to Ohio has been my prin- 
cipal Help in ascertaining the Longitude of the Fork of Ohio 
and Monaungahela ; but however I must not omit mentioning, 
that the Latitude of this Fork is laid down from the Observa- 
tion of Colonel Fry and is at least ten Miles more Northerly 
than I would otherwise have thought it was." 

" M' Joseph Dobson gave me an Account of the Distances 
from Creek to Creek, as they fall in, and of the Islands, Rifts 
and Falls, all the Way from the Fork to Sioto ; and M' Alex- 



ander Maginty and M' Alexander Lowry, gave me the rest to 
the Falls, as well as confirmed the others. The River from 
the Fork upwards, is mostly from M' John Davison." 

" The Routs across the Country, as well as the Situation 
of Indian Villages, trading Places, the Creeks that fall into 
Lake Erie, and other Affairs relating to Ohio and its Branches, 
are from a great Number of Informations of Traders and oth- 
ers and especially of a very intelligent Indian called The 
Eagle, who had a good Notion of Distances, Bearings and 
delineating. The situation of Detroit is chiefly determined 
by the Computation of its Distance from Niagara by M' 
Maginty, and its Bearing and Distance from the Mouth of the 

" As for the Branches of Ohio, which head in the New 
Virginia (So they call, for Distinction-sake, that Part of Vir- 
ginia South East of the Ouasioto Mountains, and on the 
Branches of Green Briar, New River, and Holston River) I 
am particularly obliged to D' Thomas Walker, for the Intel- 
ligence of what Names they bear, and what Rivers they fall 
into Northward and Westward." 

" The present, late and antient Seats of the original Inhab- 
itants are expressed in the Map ; and though it might be imag- 
ined that several Nations are omitted, which are mentioned 
by Authors, it may be remarked, that Authors, for want of 
Knowledge in Indian Affairs, have taken every little Society 
for a separate Nation ; whereas they are not truly more in 
Number than I have laid down in a Map I published of 
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York and Delaware in 1749." 

This Map and Analysis was printed in Philadelphia by 
B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1755. 

The Maps of the Ohio Company Surveys of 1750-51-52 
were copied from the original in the Public Record Office, 
London, by J. A. Burt, 1882, for William M. Darlington. They 


are in outline, with fewer names than are given in the map 
here published. 

Governor Pownall intended to publish a second edition of 
his " Topographical Description of North America." His own 
copy is full of inserted MSS. and marginal notes. On page 
13 he has written this explanation of the name Cheonderoga. 
"This word denotes the fork of a river, or the confluence of 
two branches which go off in one united stream. This the 
French always translate Trois-Rivieres. The Dutch, who first 
improved this rout, using the letters tie to express the sound 
che, as we do ye letters tion to express chon, wrote the word 
Tieonderoga, and the letter e in the correspondencies being 
mistaken for c, this place got the name of Tieonderoga. Custom 
has adopted this original mistake. And the using the real 
name in its true orthography looks so like affectation, that I 
cannot but think this explanation, by way of Apology at least, 
has become necessary. The situation on the Ohio, on which 
Fort du Quesne, afterwards called Fort Pitt was built, was by 
the Indians called Cheonderoga, and accordingly by the French 
called Trois Rivieres. It is recorded by that name in the 
famous Leaden Plate, which was buried there as a memorial 
of their possession. Until I had occasion to explain this it 
was always a matter of Puzzle to our Ministers, what Place in 
those Quarters the French meant to design by Trois Rivieres." 

Here follows an exact copy of that plate : 

Copy of the Leaden Plate Buried at the Forks of 


TAKING Possession & as a memorial & Testimony thereof. 

1753 or 2. 
L'an 1749 Dv Regne de Louis XV Roy de France Novs 
Celeron Commandant D'vn Detachement Envoie par 


Monsieur le M'" De la Galissoniere Commandant 
General De la Nouvelle France pour retablir la tran- 
quillite dans quelques villages sauvages de ces cantons 
avons enterr^ cette Plaque A (3' rivieres dessous la riviere 
au boeuf ce 3 Aoust) pres de la Riviere Oyo autrement 
belle Riviere pour Monument du Renouvellement de la 
Possession que nous avons pris de la ditte Riviere Oyo 
et de toutes celles qui y^ tombnt et toutes les terres des 
deux cotes jusque aux Sources des dittes Rivieres ainsi 
qu'en ont jouy ou du jouir les precedent Roys de France 
et qu'ils sy sont maintenus par les armes et par les 
traittes speciallment par ceux de Riswick, D'Utrecht et 
D'Aix la Chappelle. 

On the back is Paul Lebrosse Fecit. 


In the year 1749, in the reign of Louis XV, King of France, 
We Celeron, commandant of a detachment sent by the Mar- 
quis de la Galissoniere, Commandant in Chief of New France, 
to re-establish peace in certain villages of the Indians of 
these districts, have buried this plate at the Three Rivers, 
below Le Boeuf River, this third of August, near the river 
Oyo, otherwise the Fair River, as a monument of the renewal 
of the possession that we have taken of the said River Oyo, 
and of all those which fall into it, and of all the lands on both 
sides to the sources of the said rivers, as the preceding Kings 
of France have enjoyed or ought to have enjoyed it ; and 
which they have upheld by force of arms and by treaties, 
especially by those of Riswick, Utrecht and Aix-la-Chapelle. 

^ This is only scratched with the point of a knife, and scarcely legible, 
in a space which was left blank to be filled up when buried. 
^ This is so written in the plate. 












^ Ma/oue/es e/id/o/Js ou /on ae/j/erre /a/amesc/epi. 

% /^(^f^^i/e /es /a/z/uc/cs eSsty^ees ^y /^^^~~-^ 

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/^<s c/i/Y/'res ^u/ son/ c/f/iors /TPorauen/ ^s 
c/yre's c/e /a/z/c/de ceax out so/// m i/ef/c^s •',-^ z^-^ 
2fll y/?//r^^//f/?///■■s///'/!/ts(/l^^a^/(/e^/■f' 
Ze c^fi^res au //^/Pfz/i/a/e sm/ /7?a/^uec 
yoa/' /fis cA//7/'es ^u/ ' jo/7/e/? a/eAar^ 
e/ /es /7!//iu/fs c/pc/eyre yDaj::^^^ 
ceux (/i// son/ e/7(fec/a/?s\ Toi^z/e ^"'"^ 



ce/utf c/e IbAjprya/o/re J?oya/e(/e /'ar/S' 

^S' 30' 15' S'J //f 30' IS- 33° HS 30' If 82° ■* 



fS 30 IS 

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0' is' 8/° HS' 30' If 60' Vf 30' ~ rs' 7'$° Vtf' Jo" 

10 vo 





P. R. O. B. T. Virginia N". 21. 


Ensign Ward's Deposition before the 
Governor & Council y' 7"' of May 1754. 

Rec"" with his Letter dated 
y" 10'" of May 1754. 

Rec^ July 2> ) 

Read D" ) '^^ 

W. 164. 
M' Edward Ward Cap' Trents Ensign deposes and makes 
Oath to the following Particulars, That the French first ap- 
peared to him at Shanopins Town about two Miles distant 
from the Fort the 17'" of April last, that they moved down 
within a small distance from the Fort, Then landed their 
Canoes, and marched their men in a regular manner a little 
better than Gun shot of the Fort. That Le Merciera French 
Officer sent by Contrecoeur the Commandant in Chief of the 
French Troops came with an Indian Interpreter, called by the 
Mingoes the Owl, and two Drums, one of which served for 
Interpreter between Le Mercier and him ; Le Mercier pres- 
ently deliver'd him the summons by the Interpreter, looked 
at his watch which was about two, and gave him an hour to 
fix his Resolution, telling him he must come to the French 
Camp with his Determination in Writeing. He says that 
half an Hour of the time allowed him, he spent in Council 



with the Half King, who advised him to acquaint the French 
he was no Officer of Rank or invested with powers to an- 
swer their Demands and requested them to Wait the Arrival 
of the principal Commander. That at the time the Summons 
was deliver'd to him, the Half King received a Belt of Wam- 
pum much to the same purpose. 

That he went accompanied with the Half King, Rob' 
Roberts, a private Soldier, and John Davidson as an Indian 
Interpreter, that the Half King might understand every word 
he spoke at the French Camp, That he there address' d him- 
self to the Chief Commander Contrecoeur and expressed 
himself agreeably to the above mentioned advice of the Half 
King, That the French Commander told him he should not 
wait for an Answer from any other person, And absolutely 
insisted on his determining what to do that Instant, or he 
should immediately take Possession of the Fort by Force. 
That he then observeing the number of the French, which he 
judg'd to be about a Thousand and considering his own weak- 
ness being but Forty one in all, whereof only Thirty three 
were Soldiers, Surrender'd the Fort with Liberty obtained to 
march off with everything belonging thereto by Twelve 
o'clock the next Day. He says that night he was Oblieg'd to 
encamp within 300 yards of the Fort with a Party of the Six 
Nations who were in Company with him, That the French 
Commander sent for him to Supper and ask'd many Questions 
concerning the English Governments, which he told him he 
could give no Answer to, being unacquainted with such affairs, 
That the French Commander desired some of the Carpenters 
Tools, offering any money for them, to which he answer'd he 
loved his King and Country too well to part with any of them 
And then retired. That next morning he received the speech 
from the Half King to the Governour, And proceed'd with 
all his men towards Redstone Creek where he arrived in two 


Days ; and from thence marched to Wills's Creek, where he 
met with Coll' Washington and informed him of every par- 
ticular which had happened, That Coll' Washington thought 
fit to send back one of the Indians to the Half King with a 
Speech and to Assure him of the Assistance which was 
marching to him ; And by the advice of a Council of War 
dispatch'd him an Express to his Honour with the other In- 
dian and an Interpreter, judging him the most proper Person 
having been appointed by the Half King. He moreover adds 
that four days before the French came he had an Account of 
their comeing, and saw a Letter that John Davison wrote to 
Rob' Calender an Indian Trader to confirm the truth that 
they were to be down by that time. That the Day following 
he sent a Copy of Davison's Letter to Cap' Trent who was 
then at Wills's Creek, and went directly himself to his lieu- 
tenant who lived Eight or Ten miles up Monongahela from 
the Fort at a place called Turtle Creek, it was late at night 
when he got there. Accompanied by Robert Roberts, Thomas 
Davison, Samuel Asdill, and an Indian, and shew'd him the 
Letter, of which he sent a Copy the next Day to his Captain. 
The Lieutenant told him he was well assured the French 
would be down, but said what can we do in the Affair. The 
morning after he sent for the Half King, and one of his Chiefs 
named Serreneatta, who advised him to build a Stockade 
Fort, That then he asked his Lieutenant if he would come 
down to the Fort, to which he Answer'd he had a Shilling to 
loose for a Penny he should gain by his Commission at that 
time, and that he had Business which he could not settle 
under Six Days with his Partner; That he thereupon answer'd 
he would immediately go himself and have the Stockade Fort 
built. And that he would hold out to the last Extremity before 
it should be said that the English had retreated like Cowards 
before the French Forces Appeared, and that he knowing the 



bad consequences of his leaveing it as the rest had done would 
give the Indians a very indifferent opinion of the English ever 
after. He further says he had no Orders from either his 
Captain, or Lieutenant how to proceed, and had the last Gate 
of the Stockade Fort erected before the French appeared to 
him. That he was credibly Informed by an Englishman who 
attended the French Commandant that they had 300 Wooden 
Canoes, and 60 Battoes and had four men to each Canoe and 
Battoe, that they had also Eighteen Pieces of Cannon three 
of which were nine Pounders. That the Half King stormed 
greatly at the French at the Time they were oblieged to 
march out of the Fort and told them it was he Order' d that 
Fort and laid the first Log of it himself, but the French paid 
no Regard to what he said. 

Sworn to by the abovemention'd Ward before 
The Governor in Council 
Teste the 7'" May 1754. 

N Walthoe CI. Con. 

Note. — Edward Ward's son, John, served during the Revolution. He 
was lieutenant in the ist, 3d and 8th Regiments, Pennsylvania Line. Mil- 
itary Register. Autograph letter of Col. Bayard to John Nicholson and 
receipt of Edward Ward. 


Camp Saratoga, October 12'" 1777.' 
To his Excellency John Hancock, Esqr. 

Sir : — I have the satisfaction to acquaint your Excellency 
with the great success of the Arms of the United States in 
this Department. On the 7"" inst the Enemy attacked our 
advanced Picket upon the Left, which drew on an action 
about the same hour of the day and near the same spot of 
Ground where that of the 19"" of September was fought. 
From 3 o'clock in the afternoon till almost night the Conflict 
was very warm and bloody, when the Enemy, by a precipitate 
Retreat, determined the fate of the day, leaving in our hands 
eight pieces of Brass Cannon, the Tents and Baggage of their 
Flying Army, a large quantity of fixed Ammunition, a con- 
siderable number of wounded and prisoners amongst whom 
are the following principal officers, Major Williams, who com- 
manded the Artillery, Major Ackland, who commanded the 
Corps of Grenadiers, Captain Money Q M G and Sir Francis 
Clark, principal Aid de Camp to his Excellency General Bur- 
goyne. The loss upon our side is not more than (illegible) 
killed and wounded, amongst the latter is the gallant Major 
General Arnold, whose Leg was fractured by a Musket Ball as 
he was forcing the Enemy's Breast-work. 

Too much praise cannot be given to the Corps commanded 
by Col. Morgan,'' consisting of his Rifle Regiment and the 
Light Infantry of the Army under Major Dearborn. 

' From original manuscript. 
' Daniel Morgan. 




But it would be injustice not to say that the whole Body 
engaged deserve the honour and applause due to such exalted 
merit. The night after the Action the Enemy took Post in 
the strong intrenched Camp on their Left General Lincoln 
whose division was opposite to the Enemy going in the after- 
noon to direct a Cannonade to annoy their Camp received a 
Musket Ball in his Leg, which shattered the bone ; this has 
deprived me of the assistance of one of the best Officers as 
well as Men, his loss at this time cannot be too much 
regretted. I am in hopes his leg may yet be saved. 

The 9"- at Midnight, the Enemy quitted their entrench- 
ments and retired to Saratoga. Early in the morning of the 
9* I received the inclosed letter from General Burgoyne 
acquainting me that he left his whole Hospital to my protec- 
tion, in which are 300 wounded officers and soldiers. 

Brigadier General Frazier who commanded the Flying 
Army of the Enemy was killed the ;■'■ Inst. At one o'clock 
in the morning of the 10* I received the inclosed letter from 
General Burgoyne with Lady Harriott Ackland. That morn- 
ing as soon as the Army could be properly put in motion, I 
marched in pursuit of the Enemy and arrived here in the 
Evening and found the Enemy had taken Post upon the 
opposite side of the Fish-Kill in an entrenched Camp which 
they occupied upon their advancing down the Country. The 
Enemy have burned all the Houses before them as they 
retreated. The extensive Buildings and Kills &c belonging 
to Major General Schuyler are also laid in Ashes. This 
shameful behaviour occasioned my sending a Drum with the 
inclosed Letter to General Burgoyne. 

I am happy to acquaint your Excellency that Desertion has 
taken a deep Root in the Royal Army particularly among the 
Germans who come to us in Shoals. 
I am so much pressed on every side with business that it is 



impossible for me to be more particular now, but I hope in a 
few days to have leisure to acquaint your Excellency with 
every circumstance at present omitted. 

I am &c 

Horatio Gates. 

Taimenend to the xvisc Delaware Council. ' 

Brothers : — I know you depend on me for the truth of 
every thing. I therefore send this that you may see what we 
are about and that you may know every thing I have hereto- 
fore told you is true. 

George Morgan. 
York Town, October igth, 1777 

Taivienend to the wise Delaware Council 
Hanover or McCclllisters Town 

York County, October 20th, 1777 
Brothers : — I wrote to you two days ago and I wrote to 
you yesterday morning. In the afternoon about 4 o'clock an 
Express arrived at York with a letter from our Northern 
Army dated the 15th of this Month 10 o'clock p.m. Mr. 
Hancock, President of our great Council gave me a copy of 
it to send to you and I immediately set out for this place to 
overtake Malachy Hays the Express by whom I sent my 
other Letters. By riding hard and in the night I lost the 
letter out of my Pocket, but I can tell you the contents. 

Extract of a Letter from General Schuyler, dated 
September 2Jth, 1777.* 
Sir: — On the nth inst., about three hundred Indians (in- 
cluding Men, Women and Children) of the Oneidas, Tuscaro- 

' From original manuscript. 
^ From original manuscript. 


ras, a few Onondagoes, and Mohawks arrived here. The isth 
was spent in the usual ceremony of congratulation during 
which we took occasion to sound their inclinations to engage 
in the war, we prepared a Speech and on the next day offered 
them the War Belt which was immediately accepted by 
Warriors of each Nation ; on the 17th the War Feast was 
prepared ; at which the Belt was solemnly accepted by the 
whole; the i8th and 19th passed in equipping them, and 
being informed about ten at night of the 19th, that our Army 
was engaged, and having then three of the Chief Warriors to 
sup with me, Mr. Edwards and myself requested them to 
march without delay, which they and many others did with 
alacrity, and with such dispatch as to reach General Gates 
before noon next day and by night the remainder arrived at 
the Camp, making in all near one hundred and fifty ; they 
have already taken about thirty Prisoners beside scalps and 
intercepted some dispatches from General Burgoyne to 
General Powell commanding at Ticonderoga. 

The Indians have requested that the Southern ones should 
be advised by us, that they have taken the Hatchet, and a 
Belt will also be sent by them. 

We have taken measures to induce the whole Confederacy 

to join us, and have reason to believe that they will do it: if 

so, we shall soon be informed of it, and I think in that case it 

would be prudent to call them into Action the soonest possible 

into whatever quarter their services may be most wanted. 


signed Chas. Thomson. 

Taimenend to the wise Delaware Council} 

York Town, Oct. i8th, 1777. 
Brothers and Chiefs : 

The within is a Letter wrote by the wise Chief who is 

' From original manuscript. 


placed at Albany by Congress to take care of the Council 
Fire of the Six Nations and the Americans at that place. As 
it is of very great importance to all Nations, I send it to you 
by a quick Runner. I submit to your wise Council what to 
do with it. You may rest assured of the contents being 

My advice is that you immediately communicate the con- 
tents to the Wiandots, Mingoes, Shawnese, Ottawas and 
Chipeways. If they alter their conduct in time and take 
pity on their Women and Children, it is not yet too late for 
them to ask mercy. I desire to hear from you in twenty days 
after you receive this and to know what the Wiandot &c 
think of it. Our Great Council of America desires to give 
you the strongest assurances of their Friendship and to tell 
you that your wise conduct during this storm will ever make 
them consider your Nation as their great Friend and Brothers. 


To the Wise Coiifuil of the Delawares at Coochoching. 


I am very sorry my good friend and brother Captain Kill- 
buck left me without informing me of his intention, that I 
might have clothed his Children. I now send to him a white 
ruffled Shirt for himself and a Callicoe one for his wife. 


I shall give you notice agreeable to my Promise in public 
Council. In the mean time I am now prepared to follow 
such parties of Wyandotts or others as may strike me. You 
may therefore expect to see some of our young Men, and I 
desire your Women and children may rest easy and not be 

' The name given to Col. George Morg^an by the Indians. 


frightened. I will pay for what Provisions they are supplied 
with at any of your Towns in case they come that way. 


'Till yesterday I had no news from Philadelphia; then 
an express arrived with letters and the enclosed News 
Papers by which you will see the Cattle have broke down the 
Pen which our Enemies said they had drove the Big Knife 
into. This Pen, Brothers was made of rotten sticks, and 
was easily broke down and those who made it have run off for 
fear of being tramped to death. 


The English Army still continues on Board their ships at 
sea. Sometimes they come and look into our river, some- 
times into another, but they find us every where prepared for 
them. We cannot persuade them to come eat their Dinners 
at Philadelphia, as they promised they would. I suppose they 
think their Broth would scald them were they to come there. 


A number of British Troops, Hessians, Canadians and 
some foolish Indians from the Northward, thought they would 
try to go from Canada to Albany. Our people retired a little 
as they did last year from New York to Trenton. They 
retired I say as far as Bennington, and there they attacked 
the British Troops &c and took seven hundred and thirty- 
six of them prisoners. Thirty-seven of whom were Officers. 
They are now confined in New England. 

Another Party of them attacked Fort Schuyler, which is 
above the German Flats on the North river, in doing which 
they lost four hundred of their men, killed and taken prisoners 
by our people. And in every other Skirmish our people have 
had they have beat our Enemies. 


You may rest assured that what I have always told you is 
; true and that our Enemies will never be able to conquer the 

United States, who grow stronger and stronger every day. 

I Brothers 

I Two days after you receive this I desire'you will send one 

'. or two of your Young Men with what news you have at your 

i Towns. I request they may come on Horse back, as then 

our Young Men if they meet them cannot mistake them they 
can ride down to the River Side by which we shall know they 
are friends. By their return I expect more good news to tell 


I am determined to be strong in good Works and I will not 

suffer foolish people to injure our Friendship. I desire you 

will also be strong. You may depend you will soon see a 

Strong man walking to the Towns of our Enemies ; as General 

J Hand has told you. I am your friend and Brother. 

\ Taimenend. 

By Captain White Eye's cousin^ 
and Captain Killbuck's son. 
Fort Pitt August 30"" 1777. 



The Indian names are spelled as they were pronounced by different 
tribes, traders and travellers of different nationalities. 

Abercrombie, General, 187 
Aliquippa, Queen, 86 
Allegheny River, 86 
Allegheny Mountains, 33 
Ammunition promised to Indians, 166 
Arnold, Major-General, wounded, 279 
Articles of Peace, 55 
Auchwick, 167, 182 
Austin, Walter, 13 

Baltimore, Lord, 203 

Burney, Thomas, 125 

Beatty, Rev. Charles, 113 

Bear killed, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 72, 82 

Beaver Creek, tamped on, 35, 81, 100 

" Island Creek, 65 

" King, 163, 172 
Beaujeu, Captain, 238 
Berkeley, Governor, 12 
Big Bone Lick, 129 
Bland, Edward, 14 
Boone, Daniel, 133 
Bouquet, 99, 104 
Boundary disputes, 203, 239 

" of lands petitioned for, 242 
Braddock's Run, 137 
Braddock, General, 88, 167, 183, 185 
Brittain, King, 125 
Bucks, two killed, 81 
Buffaloes, 56, 60, 76 
Bull, Captain, 174 
Burgoyne, General, 279 

Burwell, Colonel, Letter to Ohio Company 1751,220 
Byrd, Colonel, 22 


288 INDEX. 

Callender, Robert, i6i 
Canoe load of goods, i6o 

Cargo of goods sent to the Ohio Company, 225 
Catawbas, 161 

Cave on the Monongahela, 71, 141 
Celeron, 28, 29, 95, 107, 109 
Chickoconnecon, 70 
Christmas, 113 

Clayborne, Colonel William, 14 
Coal and slate, 61 
Cockey's Cabin, 92 
Collet, Captain, 17 

Conditions of Grant to the Ohio Company, 227 
Conewango, 27 
Conhaway, 64, 74 

Constitution of Ohio Company, 226 
ConoUy, John, 239 

Conference at Philadelphia, 171, 173, 217 
" with Governor, 187 

at Fort Pitt, 172, 174, 187 
" " Easton, 171 

" " Lancaster, 173,186 

" " Carlisle, 166 

" " house of Israel Pemberton, 169 

Contrecoeur, 96, 150, 167 
Conestoga, 174 

Copy of Agreement, May 7th, 1770, 244 
Council, 161 
Crane, Totem, 134 
Crawford, Hugh, 57, 128 
Cresap, Thomas, 90, 202-205 

" " house burned, 203 

" " raised a company, 205 

" Michael, letter from Jefferson, 205 
Croghan, George, 96, 97, 108, 109, 114, 176-201 

" " and Montour distribute presents, 177, 178 

" " makes a treaty with the Indians, 162 

" " trading house at Logstown, 176 

" " appointed Indian Agent, 176 

" " sent west by Governor Hamilton, 177 

« " at Piqua, 178 

" " wishes to leave Auchwick, 182 

" " Peters' letter to, 180, 182, 187 

" " asks Governor to forbid the selling of liquor to Indians, 

" " joins Braddock, 183 



Croghan, George, with Montour, 34, 44, 46, 160 

writes advice to Governor Hamilton, 179, 180, 184 

commissioned Captain, 185 

granted freedom from arrest, 185 

raises men for defense of Western frontier, 185 

with Christopher Gist, 37, 44. 46, 161 

resigns commission, 188 . 

sent to German Flats, 170 

sent to England, 188 

shipwrecked, 188 

Indian deed for land, 190-192 

bounds of land, 190 
Cross Creek, 146 
Curran, Barney, 100 
Cussewago, 82 
Cuttaway River, 59, 60, 130 

Dance, Indian, 53 

Deed of confirmation for lands, 171 

Deer killed, 80 

De Lery, engineer, 27 

Deserters from the British Army, 280 

De Soto, 25 

De la Salle, 26, 223 

Drake, Sir Francis, 10 

Du Quesne, 28 

Dunbar, Colonel, 270 

Easton, 171 

Edmonstone, Major Charles, 239 

Elks, 60, 72 

Elk Eye Creek, 36, 103 

Eries, 16 

Fallam, Robert, 18 

Fairfax, Lord, 165 

Feather dance, 53 

Fish, 47 

Fishing Creek, 76, 145 

Flood, 120 

Forbes, Thomas, Journal from Public Record Office, 148 

Forts erected, 184 

" French, 148, 183 

" built by Trent, 165 
Fort Pitt, 173, 238 

" Duquesne, 150, 151 

290 INDEX. 

Fort Augusta, 173, 175 
" Johnson, 168, 169 
" Le Boeuf, 147, 150 
" Presqu'ile, 150 
" Niagara, 149 
" Harkimer, 170 
" Mcintosh, loi 
" Edward, 170 
Fort and Town planned at Chartiers, 236 
Forbes, General, 171 

" " Conference at Fort Pitt, 172 

Franklin, Benjamin, Address, 242 

" William, 95, 271 
Frazier, 80, 86, 122 

" General, killed, 280 
French Indians, 50 

" presents to Indians, 51 
" speech to Indians, 51 
Friedenstadt, 108 
Fry, Joshua, extract from letter, 222 

Gap, Allegheny Mountains, 137 

Gates, General Horatio, letter, 279 

George's Creek, 80 

German Flats, 170 

Gibson, General John, 99 

Girty, Simon, Testimony, 214, 216 

Gist, Christopher, first journey, 29-66 

" " employed by Ohio Company, 29 

" " son's feet frozen, 72 

" " report, 79 

" " second journey, 67-79 

" " third journey, 80-87 

" " encamped on George's Creek, 80 

" " instructions to, 67, 231-234 

" " presents for Indians, 41 

" " arrives at home, 87 

" " family, 88 

" " death, 88 

" • " Notes on Journals, 90-158 

Grantees of Land, 244 

" " letter from, 245 

Grant, General James, 207-209 
Guess Creek, 134 
Guyasuta (Kiasuta), life, 210, 213 
" speech, 212 

INDEX. 291 

Guyasuta, son, 210 

" appeal for help, 212 

Half King, 81, 82, 167, 276 
Hall, Richard, 65 
Hamilton, Governor, 160 
Hanbury, John, 224 
Hancock, John, Letter to, 279 
Harris, Mary, 114 
" Major, 15 
Hawk's Nest, 135 
Hillsborough, Lord, 241 
Hockhocking, 42, 116 
Howard, 223 
Hunter, Robert, 155 
Hutchins, 102 
Hurricane Tom's Town, 42 

Ice in Allegheny River, 86 

Indian towns, 100 

Indians disown deed, 164 
" cede lands, 164 
" invited to Logstown, 69 
" presents to, 44, 160, 177, 178 
" message from Governor Penn, 44 

answer, 45, 49, 50 
" guide to Washington false, 85 

Introductory Memoir, 9-30 

James River, 11, 15 

Jean Coeur, 160, 162 

Johnson, Sir William, 168, 170, 174 

Joliet, 26 

Joncaire, 81 

Junundat, 111 

Kanestio houses destroyed, 174 
Kanhawha River, 20, 21, 143 
Kentucky, 130, 131 
Keg of rum, 186 
Kilgore, 160 
Killbuck Island, 171 
Kiskeminitas, 33 
Kittanning, 106, 189 
Kittochtinny Hills, 164 
Kuskuskies, 81, loi 

292 INDEX. 

Lane, Governor Ralph, 9 
Land wanted by traders, 241 

" company of traders, 241 
Laurel Mountains, 33 
Laurel thicket, 60, 69 
La Demoiselle, Fort, 124 
Le Mercier, 275 
Leaden plate, Pownall, 273 
Le Boeuf, 28 
Le Torts Creek, 75, 144 
Lederer, 14 
Legionville, 100 
Licking Creek, 42, 71 

" County, 115 
Lincoln, General, wounded, 280 
Logstown, 34, 81, 95, 97, 159, 160, 162, 171 

" Treaty, 164 

Loyal-hanne, 33, 91 
Louisville, 26 
Loyal-sock Creek, 175 

Mackinaw, 173 
Magucktown, 42, 116 
Marsha, 156 

Mastodon bones, 57, 129 
Mason, George, 231 
Margaret's Creek, 36, 105 
Marquette, 26 
Mercer, Hugh, 187 
Meyer, Lieutenant, 112 
McKee, Thomas, 172 
" Alexander, 97 
Miami River, 46, 47, 55, i6i 
Miller's Run Gap, 92 
Mingoes, 127 
Mingo Castle, i8g 
Monakatootha, 167 
Moncton, General, 187 
Monsies, 190 

Monongahela, 69, 71, 77, 138 
Montmorin, 99 

Montour, Andrew (sometimes called Henry), 159-175 
Montour's children, 169 
Montour, Madame, 152-158 

" captain of Indians, 159, 169 

" Andrew, with Gist, 37, 44, 46 

INDEX. 293 

Montour, Andrew, paid for services, 163 
" " war song, 169 

" " chosen a counsellor by Six Nations, 165 

" " messenger to Six Nations, 159, 168 

" " recommended by Hamilton, 160 

" " and Croghan sent to Indians, 160, 162 

" " examined at Philadelphia, 167 

" " sent for by Washington, 167 

" " speaks to Twigtwees, 48 

Montour's Run, 164 

Morgan, George, 279 

" " his Indian policy, 279-284 

" Daniel, 279 

Morris, Governor, 167 

Murthering town, 81 

Muskingum, 37 

Negro Mountain, 138 
Nemacolin, 140 
Nicholas, Chief, no 
Niagara, Fort, 27 

Ohio Company, 220, 238 

" " first petition, 224 

" " second petition, 225, 226 

" " opens road, 225 

" " sends goods, 225 

" " Gist employed, 228, 231 

" " list of members, 225 

" " conditions to second Petition, 226 

" " bounds of, 225 

" " petition granted, 231 

Ohio, meaning of, 94 
Old Town, 32, 90, 219 

O'Hara, James, 216, 240 ' 

Onondaga, 165 
Orme, Captain, letter, 262 
OppaymoUeah, 71-78, 141 
Ostuega, 155 
Ottawa, 25, 36, 103 

Pack horses, 161 
Pamunky, 15 
Panther, 72 
Paroquets, 62 
Pattin, John, Col., 69, 114 

294 INDEX. 

Paully, Ensign, H2 

Pennsboro, 163 

Petun Indians, 106 

Peters, R., 160, 163, 165 

Piankeshee, 5 1 

Pickawillamy, 161 

Pipe of Peace, 170 

Pittsburgh, Conference at, 172 

Pine Creek, 189 

Pittsylvania, 244 

Piqua, 126, 178 

Pluggy's Town, 121 

Pond Creek, 145 

Poke, Cliarles, 70-140 

Pontiac War raging, 98, 173, 188 

Post, Christian, 94, 102, 171 

Presents to Indians, i6o, 162 

Presqu 'Isle, 28-172 

Prisoners, Maginty and others, 132 

Protestants, 263 

Prevost, General, 190 

Roanoke River, 9, 10 
Raleigh, 10 
Rappahannock, 15, 17 
Rogers, Major, 173 
Rye, wild, 117 

Redoubt built by Bouquet, 240 
Religion, 264 
Road opened, 225 

Salt Lick Creek, 42 
" Springs, 58 
" River, 130 
Salley, J. P., journal, 253-260 

" " taken prisoner, 255 

'• " escapes, 258 

" " arrives at Charlestown, 259 
Salle, Sieur de la, 26, 223 
Sandusky, 109 
Saukon, conference at, 171 
Scarroyady, 147, 166, 168 
Scalps, rewards offered for, 168 
Scalp Creek, 77 

Scheme for a new colony in Ohio, 261-266 
Schenley, Mrs., gift to D. A. R., 240 

INDEX. 295 

Schuyler.'General, letter, 281 

Scioto, 117 

Shamokin, 175 

Shannopin town, 33, 34, 80, 92, 147, i68 

Shannopin Chief, 93 

Shannoah town, 56 

Shawnee town, 44, 161 

Sliingess, 81, 102, 147, 172 

Shurtees Creek and Fort, 237 

Shikillimy, 157, 159 

Sinking Creek, 136 

Smith, Robert, 58 

Soh-kon, 100, 106 

South Sea, 9 

Spotswood, Governor, 21 

Speech from Wiandots, etc., 49 

" " Delawares to Twigtwees, 49 
Stanwix, Treaty at, 249 

" Fort, 175 
Stone, Standing, 116 

" letters cut on, 74 

" store house, 68, 163 
Stony Creek, 91 

Taimenend, (Col. Morgan), address, his Indian policy, 279-284 

" letter to Indians 1777, 279 
Taaf, Michael, 114 
Tecumseh, 127 
Teedyscung, 174 
Tobacco, 106 
Traders, protect French deserters, 40 

" captured, 108 
Treaty, Winchester, 165 

" Lancaster, 28-156 
Trent, William, 165, 172, 245,246, 189 
Turner, 160 
Turtle Creek, 80 
Turkey Foot, 138 
"luscarowas, 103 
Twigtwees, 46, 52, 54, 123, 160 

Vaadalia Colony, 243 
Venango, 81 

Wabash, 26 

Walpole, Grant, 241-244 

296 INDEX, 

Walker, Dr. Thomas, 24 
Walpole, letter from grantees, 247 
Ward, Ensign, 96, 98, 167, 275 
Warrior path, 61, 90 
Washington, 80, 84, 96, 167,268 
Wayne, General, 100 
Weiser, 155,^59, 163 
Wharton, Samuel, 241-244 
White Woman's Creek, 41, 114 
Wheeling, 145 
Wills' Creek, 80, 87, 147 
Windaughalah, 119 
Wood, Major, 14, 18 
Wood's River, 21 
Wyandot's Town, 105, 161 

Yadkin, 66, 136 
Youghiogheny, 138 

Zeisberger, 103, 113 
Zinzendorf, 155, 156, 175 



0.\ AUG /I