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WORKS ISSUED BY 



XLbc IDakluiPt Society. 



THE CHRONICLE 



THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST 
OF GUINEA. 



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THE CHRONICLE 

DISCOVERY 
CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 

WRITTKN IIV 

GOMES EANNES DE AZURARA ; 

NOW FIRST UOI^IE INTO ENGLISH 
CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A., F.R.G.S., 



EDGAR PRESTAGE, B.A.OxoN., 



VOL. I 

(CHAPTERS I— XL). 

XQittp an introKutlion on lf|t ftift antr eztniings of tfir Ctironitlrr. 



LONDON: 
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLfVT SOCIETY, 

4, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS, W.C. 



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Rp^^3^f //J 



ii^ <-i 



r HARVARD^ 

university) 

LIBRARY 

IsEf" iasa) 



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HIS MOST FAITHFUL MAJESTY 

DOM CARLOS T, 

KING OF PORTUGAL AND THE ALGARVES, 

THIS WORK IS BY PERMISSION 

DEDICATED. 



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COUNCIL 



THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 



Sm Clements Markhah, K.C.a, F.R.S.. Pres. R.G.S., President. 
The Right Hon. The Lord Stanley of Alderlet, Vice-President, 

Sir a. Wollaston Franks, K.C.B., F.R.S., Vice-President. 

C. Raymond Beaxlev. Esq.. M.A. 

Miller Christy, filsQ.' 

Coix>NEL G. Earl Church. 

The Right Hon. George N. Citrzon, M.P. 

Albert Gray, Esq. 

The Right Hon. Lord Hawkesburv. 

Edward Heawood, Esq., M.A. 

Admiral Sir Anthony H. Hdskins, K.C.a 

Rear-admiral Albert H, Mahkham. 

E. Delmar Morgan. Esq. 

Captain Nathan, R.E. 

Admiral Sir E. Ommannev, C.B., F.R.S. 

CuTHBERT E. Peek. Esq. 

E. G. Ravenstein, Esq. 

CouTTS Trotter, Esq. 

Rear-Admiral W. J. L. Wharton, C.B., R.N. 

Wiu.iAM Foster, Esq., Honorary Sicnlary. 



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EDITORS' PREFACE. 



H E following translation of Azu- 
rara's Chronicle of the Discovery 
and Conquest of Guinea is the first 
complete English version that has 
appeared of the chief contem- 
porary authority for the life-work of Prince Henry 
of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator ; and we may 
remind members of the Hakluyt Society, and 
other readers, that we have but late! y passed 
the fifth centenary of the Prince's birth (March 
4th, 1394). 

The first volume includes about half of the text, 
together with an Introduction on the Life and 
Writings of Azurara, which it is hoped will be found 
more exhaustive and accurate than any previous 
notice of the historian. 

In the second volume (which is due for the year 
1897) will be given the rest of the Chronicle, with 



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X EDITORS PREFACE. 

an Introduction on the Geographical Discoveries 
of the Portuguese, and Prince Henry's share in the 
same. It will also contain notes for the explana- 
tion of historical and other questions arising out of 
certain passages in the text of both volumes. To 
illustrate the condition of geographical knowledge 
in the period covered by the present instalment, we 
have included four reproductions of contemporary 
(or almost contemporary) maps: (i) Africa, ac- 
cording to the Laurentian Portolano of 1351 in 
the Medicean Library at Florence. This is the 
most remarkable of all the Portolani of the four- 
teenth century. Its outline of W. and S. Africa, 
and more particularly its suggestion of the bend 
of the Guinea Coast, is surprisingly near the truth, 
even as a guess, in a chart made one hundred and 
thirty-five years before the Cape of Good Hope 
was first rounded. (2) N.-W. Africa, the Canary 
Isles, etc., according to the design of the Venetian 
brethren Pizzigani, in 1367, {3) The same accord- 
ing to the Catalan Map of 1375 in the Bibliotheque 
Nationale at Paris. The interior of Africa is filled 
with fantastic pictures of native tribes ; the boat- 
load of men off Cape Bojador in the extreme S.-W. 
of the map probably represents the Catalan ex- 
plorers of the year 1346, whose voyage in search 
of the "River of Gold" this map commemorates. 
(4) The same, with certain other parts of the world, 
according to Andrea Bianco in 1436. In the suc- 
ceeding volume, we hope to offer some illustrations 



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EDITORS I'REFACE. XI 

of the cartography of Prince Henry's later years, 
as well as a likeness of the Prince himself, either 
from the Paris portrait {MSS. Port. 41, fol. ^dis) or 
from the statue at Belem. We had expected to be 
able to furnish our readers with a copy of the por- 
trait of the Prince from the important oil-painting 
on board preserved in a corridor of the extinct 
monastery adjoining the Church of S. Vicente de 
F6ra in Lisbon, but the photograph, which was 
taken by Senhor Camacho with the permission of 
His Eminence the Cardinal Patriarch, proved un- 
satisfactory, owing to the position of the picture and 
want of sufficient light. 

We may add that a considerable part of the 
Paris manuscript of the Chronicle of Guinea has 
been collated for the present edition with the printed 
text as published by Santarem, and the result proves 
the accuracy of the latter. 

We have to thank Senhor Jayme Batalha Reis, 
who has looked through the present version as far 
as the end of vol. 1, and has kindly offered many 
suggestions. Among other Portuguese scholars 
who have been of service to us, we would especially 
mention Dr. Xavier da Cunha, of the Bibliotheca 
National, Lisbon ; Senhor Jos^ Basto, of the 
Torre do Tombo, and General Brito Rebello. In 
a lesser degree we owe our acknowledgments to 
D. Carolina Michiielis de Vasconcellos and Dr. 
Theophilo Braga, the chief authorities on all that 
pertains to Portuguese literature, as well as to the 



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XII KDITORS PREFACE. 

late Conselheiro J, P. de Oliveira Martins, whose 
untimely death robbed his country of her foremost 
man of letters, 

C. R. B. 
E. P, 



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THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 
OF AZURARA. 



H E materials at hand for a study 
of the life and work of the second 
great Portuguese Chronicler are, 
considering the age in which he 
lived and the position he held, 
somewhat disappointing, and no 
one of his countrymen has been at the pains to 
work them up satisfactorily. They naturally fall 
into three divisions— his own writings, documents 
directly relating to his life or merely signed by him 
in his official capacity, and the witness of historians. 
There exists but one contemporary description of 
Azurara, that by Mattheus de Pisano, author of the 
Latin history of the Capture of Ceuta. though this is 
supplemented by the contents of two letters addressed 
to the Chronicler by Affonso V and the Constable 
D. Pedro respectively, as well as by what can 

b 



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n The life and writings 

be gleaned from documentary sources and from 
Azurara himself. In the next century — the i6th 
—some assistance may be derived from the tradi- 
tions preserved by Barros, the historian of the 
Indies, as also from his critical judgments together 
with those of Damiao de Goes, the famous Humanist 
and friend of Erasmus. These are all in a sense 
primary authorities, while the others who have 
discoursed of, or Incidentally mentioned him are but 
secondary, namely, Nicolau Antonio, Jorge Cardoso, 
Barbosa Machado, Joao Pedro Ribeiro, the Viscount 
de Santarem, Alexandre Herculano, Vieira de 
Meyrelles, Innocencio da Silva, Soterodos Reis, and 
Rodriguez d'Azevedo. 

Gomes Eannes de Azurara, to give the modern 
spelling of his name, though he always signed himself 
simply " Gomes Eanes " or " Gomes Annes'V was 
the son of Joao Eannes de Azurara, a Canon of 
Evora and Coimbra ; but, beyond the fact of this 
paternity, we know nothing of his father, and only 
by conjecture is it possible to arrive at the name of 
his mother, as will hereafter appear. He is said to 
have come of a good family, on the ground of his 
admission into the Order of Christ. 

As with several other Portuguese men of letters, 
the respective years of Azurara's birth and death are 
unknown,' and two localities dispute the honour of 

^ In the Chronica de Guinit ch. 97, he calls himself "Gomez 
Eanes de Zurara". 

* Barros, writing before 1552, says, " I know not how long he 
lived. "^<4«B, Dec, i, liv. ii, ch. 2. 



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6f azurarA. hi 

having given him to the world ; but there seems 
little doubt that this " bonus Grammaticus, nobilis 
Astrologus, et magnus Historiographus," as his 
friend Pisano calls him,^ was born in the town of his 
name, in the Province of Minho, at the very com- 
mencement of the 15th century. In proof of this it 
should be stated that Azurara expressly declares 
in his Chronica de Ceuta, which was finished in 
1450, that he had not passed "the three first ages 
of man" when he wrote it.' 

The dispute as to his birthplace between the 
Azurara in Minho and the Azurara in Beira' is not 
easy to settle, but tradition favours the former, and 
until the end of the last century no writer had 
ventured to doubt that the ancient town at the mouth 
of the River Ave, which received its first charter, or 
"foral", from the Count D. Henrique in 1102 or 
1 107, was the early home of the Chronicler.* Such 
evidence as exists in favour of the latter place is 



^ "De Bello Septensi," p. 27 (in the Ineditos de Hisloria Fortu- 
gue%a, vol. i, Lisbon, 1790). 
' Chronica de Ceuia, ch. 23. 

* This place is in Beira Alta, twelve kilometres east of Vizeu, 
famous {in/er alia) for the great picture of St. Peter as Pope, 
lately reproduced by the Arundel Society. 

* The first to mention Azurara's birthplace was Soares de Brito 
{bom 1611, died 1669), who, in his Theatrum Lusitama Ltitera- 
rium, p. 547, says : " Gomes Anes de Azurara ex oppido, sicuti 
fertur, cognomine in Diocesi Portucalensi," voicing the tradition 
of his time (MS. U of the Lisbon National Library, dated 1645). 

The first who suggested Beira in place of Minho seems to have 
been CorrSa da Serra, editor of the Ineditos, ibid., vol. ii, p. 209. 



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IV THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

slight, consisting only of inferences drawn from 
a document, dated August 23rd, 1454, in which 
Affonso V grants certain privileges to two inhabi- 
tants of Castello Branco, who were accustomed to 
collect the Chronicler's rents and bring them to 
Lisbon. From this it has been argued by such able 
critics as Vieira de Meyrelles and Rodriguez 
d'Azevedo that these rents must have issued out of 
family property situate at the Azurara in Beira, 
which happens to be in the district of Castello 
Branco, and hence that the Chronicler was a native 
of Beira rather than of Minho.' The conclusion 
seems far-fetched, to say the least, for it is just as 
likely that these two men were agents for a benefice, 
or "commenda", at Alcains, in the same district, 
which Azurara possessed at the time this grant was 
made.* 

The early life of the Chronicler is almost a blank. 
Until the year 1450, in which he wrote his first 
serious Chronicle, though not, perhaps, his first book, 
we have little beyond the meagre information, sup- 
plied by Mattheus de Pisano,^ that he began to study 



^ Vide the articles on Azurara in the Instituto de Coimira, vol. 
ix, p. 72, el itq., by Vieira de Meyrelles, and in the Diccionario 
Universal Porlugmz, vol. i, p. 2151, by R. d'Azevedo. 

* Azurara is named in this document " Commander of Alcains 
and Granja de Ulmeiro". — Chane. de £>. Affonso V, liv. x, fol. 1 13, 
Torre do Tombo. 

^ According to Azurara, Pisano was tutor {mestre) to Affonso V, 
and "a laurelled Bard, as well as one of the most sufficient Philo- 
sophers and Orators of his time in Christendom." — Chronica de 
D. Pedro de Menezes, ch. i {Tneditos, vol. ii). 



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OF AZURARA. 



late — "dum maturEe jam fetalis esset" — and that he 
had passed his youth without acquiring the rudiments 
of knowledge- — " nullam litteram didicisset"^ — to 
which some later authorities have added — he spent 
his early years in the pursuit of arms, a statement 
likely enough to be true. It seems probable that he 
obtained a post in the Royal Library during the brief 
and luckless reign of D. Duarte {1433-1438), or 
shortly afterwards, as assistant to the Chronicler 
Fernao Lopes, whom he succeeded, for he was 
actually in charge of it early in the reign of 
Affonso V, in 1452, and finished the Chronica de 
Guin^ in that place in 1453. 

Tradition has it that he entered the Order of 
Christ as a young man, for he came to be Com- 
mander therein, a position only obtainable at that 
time by regular service in the Order, and by 
seniority ; but the nature of these services, and the 
advancement which Azurara gained by them, can- 
not precisely be determined, because the early 
private records of the Order, together with the roll 
of its Knights, have been lost, those that exist only 
reaching back to the commencement of the 16th 
century.* This Order was founded by King Diniz 
in 1319, on the suppression of the Templars, and it 
inherited most, if not all, their houses and goods 
throughout Portugal. Its members were bound by 
the three monastic vows of chastity, poverty, and 



1 De Bella Septensi, p. 27. 

^ So says Corrfe da Sena — Ineditns, vol. ii, p. 207. 



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VI THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

obedience, which prevailed in Azurara's time, 
although Commanders and Knights of the Order 
were at a later period allowed to marry, by grant of 
Pope Alexander VI.^ The Commanders were 
bound to confess and communicate four times in the 
year, to recite daily the Hours of Our Lady, to have 
four Masses said annually for deceased members, 
and to fast on Fridays, as well as on the days 
ordained by the Church. Membership of the Order 
was an honour reserved for Nobles, Knights, and 
Squires, free from stain in their birth or other 
impediment ; while the Statutes directed a number 
of enquiries to be made before a candidate was 
admitted, one being, was he born in lawful wedlock ? 
— a question our Chronicler could possibly not have 
answered in the affirmative.* Besides this, aspirants 
were required to be knighted before their admission, 
and then to profess. A gift of one or more 
" Commendas", or benefices, followed in due course, 
but, to prevent the abuse of pluralities which thus 
crept in. Pope Ptus V afterwards decreed that no 
Knight should hold more than one Commenda, and 
this he was to visit at least once in every three years. 
The Knights possessed many privileges, the most 
notable being that, in both civil and criminal cases, 
they were exempt from the jurisdiction of the Royal 
Courts, and subject only to those of their Order, 

* Vide Ruy de Pina, Chronica de D. Duartt, ch. 8. 

* Because Azurara is found to have been the son of a Canun, it 
does not necessarily follow that he was illegitimate, and, in fact, 
no tetters of legitimation exist in respect of him. 



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OF AZURARA. VII 

which had all the old prerogatives of those of the 
Temple and Calatrava, together with such as had 
been granted it by name.' 

According to one authority, Azurara began his 
career as author in the reign of D. Duarte by compil- 
ing a detailed catalogue of the Miracles of the Holy 
Constable, Nun' Alvares Pereira.* The MS., which 
is said to have existed in the Carmo Convent in 
Lisbon as late as 1745, has disappeared, but the 
substance of this curious work may still be read in 
Santa Anna's Chronica dos Carmaelitas, together 
with a number of contemporary popular songs about 
the Constable, extracted from MSS. left by 
Azurara.* 

More than ten years now elapse without any men- 
tion of Azurara's name, and we hear of him for the first 
time, definitely, in 1450. On March 25th of that year 
he finished at Silves, in the Algarve, his Chronicle of 
the Siege and Capture of Ceuta, an event that took 
place in 141 5, and formed the first of a long line of 
Portuguese expeditions, and the starting-point in 
their career of foreign conquest. Fern3o Lopes, the 
Froissart of his country, and the father of Portuguese 



* Definicoes e Estatutas dos Cavalleiros e Freires da Ordem de 
N. S. Jesu Crislo com a hisloria da origem &• prinapio della. 
Lisbon, 1628. 

^ D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, however, is of opinion 
that this, and the popular songs hereafter referred to, are pious 
frauds, invented in the first half of the seventeenth century to 
form materials for the canonisation of Nun' AlvSres. 

' Chronka dos Carmaelitas, vol. i, pp. 469, 486. Lisbon, 1745 



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Vlll THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

history, was still alive at the time Azurara wrote this 
work, but had become too old and weak to carry on 
his history of the reign of JoSo I, to which it is a 
sequel. After paying a tribute to Lopes as a man 
of " rare knowledge and great authority",^ Azurara 
tells us that Affonso V ordered him to continue the 
work, that the deeds of Jo5o I might not be 
forgotten ; and this he did, culling his information 
from eye-witnesses as well as from documents, with 
that honesty and zeal which are his two most 
prominent features as an historian.^ He began the 
Chronicle — which was printed once only, and that in 
the 1 7th century — thirty-four years after the capture 
of Ceuta, i.e., in the autumn of 1449, and concluded 
it, as the last chapter states, on March 25th, 1450. 
It was, therefore, written in the short space of about 
seven months, which, says Innocencio, seems well- 
nigh incredible, considering how deliberately and 
circumspectly histories were compiled in those days.' 
The narrative is, with a few exceptions, full and even 
minute. 



• Chronica de Ceuta, ch. J. 

^ Azurara's chief informants were D. Pedro, Regent in the 
minority of Affonso V, and D. Henrique, in whose house he 
stayed some days for the purpose by the king's orders ; " for he 
knew more than anyone in Portugal about the matter" {Chronica 
de Ceuta, ch. 12). To this fact must be attributed the prominent 
place he gives D. Henrique in his narrative. The same circum- 
stance is noticeable in the Chronica de D. Duarte, which was 
begun by Azurara and finished by Ruy de Pina, of which here- 
after. 

^ Diccionario Bibliographico Poriugues, vol. iii, p. 147. 



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OF AZURARA. IX 

We know not the precise date at which Azurara 
had begun to apply himself" to the study of letters, 
and he makes no allusion whatsoever, in his 
writings, to his early life ; but it is clear, from the 
Chronica de Ceuta, that his self-training had been 
lengthy, and his range of study wide.^ In the 
Preface to this, his first literary essay still existing, 
he quotes from many books of the Old and New 
Testament, as well as from Aristotle, St. Gregory, 
St Anselm, and Avicenna ; while in the body of the 
work he compares the siege of Ceuta to that of 
Troy, talks of " Giovanni Boccaccio, a poet that was 
born at Florence", mentions t\\^ Conde Lucanor, 3.ndi 
wanders off into philosophical musings that forcibly 
recall passages of the Leal Conselkeiro of D. Duarte, 
and prove him to have been no tyro in the learn- 
ing of the age. He was equally well versed in 
astrology, in which he believed firmly, as in history, 
and of the latter he says : " I that wrote this history 
have read most of the Chronicles and historical 
works."* To understand how this was possible, it 
must be remembered that the Portuguese Court, in 
the first half of the 15th century, was an important 
literary centre, and that Jo3o I and his sons, besides 
being themselves authors of books, possessed 
libraries among the most complete in Europe.* The 

1 Pisano testifies of Azurara, "scientias cupiditate flagravit". — 
De Bdlo Septensi, p. 27. ' Chronica de Ceuta, ch. 38. 

' Vide Theophilo Braga, Historia da Universidade de Coimbra, 
Lisbon, 1893, vol. i, ch. 4, for the catalogues of these libraries and 
an account of the books they contained. 



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X THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

atmosphere of learning that he breathed made 
Azurara what he was, and it explains the ascend- 
ency he gained, as a pure man of letters, over the 
mind of Affonso V. 

Three years elapsed between the writing of his 
second and third books, and there can be little 
doubt that Azurara spent this period pardy in the 
Royal Library and partly among the Archives, 
which were then housed in the Castle of S. Jorge in 
Lisbon, continuing his study of the history of his 
own and foreign countries in the chronicles and 
documents those places contained. 

Some time in the year 1452 the King, who was 
then in Lisbon, charged him with the book which 
constitutes his chief title to fame, owing to the 
importance of its subject, and the historical fidelity 
and literary skill that distinguish its presentment, 
namely, the Chronica de Guin^, or, as it might be 
called, the Life and Work of Prince Henry the 
Navigator. From the subscript we find it was 
written in the Royal Library, and finished there on 
February 18th, 1453. Azurara sent it to the King, 
five days afterwards, with a letter which has fortu- 
nately been preserved, since it shows how friendly and 
even familiar were the relations subsisting between 
them, and how these were maintained by a regular 
correspondence. It appears that Affonso had urged 
Azurara to obtain ail the information possible about 
the life and work of D. Henrique, and, this done, to 
write as best he could, "alleging a dictum of Tully, 
that it sufficeth not for a man to do a good thing, 



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OF AZURARA, XI 

but rather to do it well". Then the letter proceeds, 
addressing the King : " For it seemed to you that it 
would be wrong if some example of such a saintly 
and virtuous life were not to remain, not only for the 
sake of, the Princes who after your time should 
possess these realms, but also for all others of the 
world who might become acquainted with his history, 
by reason of which his countrymen might have cause 
to know his sepulchre, and perpetuate Divine 
Sacrifices for the increase of his glory, and foreigners 
might keep his name before their eyes, to the great 
praise of his memory."^ 

The following is a summary of the contents of the 
Chronicle : — 

Azurara begins (Chapter i) by some reflections on 
well-doing and gratitude, the conclusion to which he 
illustrates by quotations, and then goes on to tell the 
origin of his work, which lay in the King's desire 
that the great and very notable deeds of D. Henrique 
should be remembered, and that there should be an 
authorised memorial of him, even as there was in 
Spain of the Cid, and in Portugal itself of the Holy 
Constable, Nun' Alvarez Pereira.^ The Chronicler 
justifies his task by summing up the profits that had 



1 This letter defines the scope of the book, which was not 
meant to be a general history of the Portuguese expeditions and 
discoveries. It is printed in Santareni's edition of the Chronica 
de Guine, and precedes his Introduction. 

^ This charming old chronicle of the life of the noblest and 
most sympathetic figure in Portuguese annals was written anony- 
mously, and first printed in 1526. 



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XII THK LIFE AND WRITINGS 

accrued from the Prince's efforts— firstly, the salva- 
tion of the souls of the captives taken by the 
Portuguese in their expeditions ; secondly, the 
benefit which their services brought to their captors ; 
and thirdly, the honour acquired by the fatherland in 
the conquest of such distant territories and numerous 
enemies. 

Chapter ii consists of a long and most eloquent 
invocation to D. Henrique, and a recital of his 
manifold good deeds to all sorts and conditions of 
men and his mighty accomplishments. Azurara 
presents them to us as in a panorama, and his simple, 
direct language reveals a true, though unconscious, 
artist in words. 

Chapter in deals with the ancestry of D. Henri- 
que, and Chapter iv describes the man himself, 
"constant in adversity and humble in prosperity", 
his appearance, habits, and manner of life, all with 
much force of diction. 

In Chapter v we have an account of the earlv 
life of D. Henrique, of his prowess at the capture of 
Ceuta, and during its siege by the Moors, with his 
fruitless assault on Tangiers, which resulted in the 
captivity of the Holy Infant. His peopling of 
Madeira and other islands in " the great Ocean sea", 
and presence at the gathering that ended in the 
battle of Alfarrobeira are referred to, as also his 
governorship of the Order of Christ and the services 
he rendered to religion by the erection and endow- 
ment of churches and professorial chairs. The 
chapter ends with a description of the Town of the 



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OK AZURAtlA. Xlli 

Infant at Cape St. Vincent, " there where both the 
seas meet in combat, that is to say, the great Ocean 
sea with the Mediterranean sea", a place designed 
by the Prince to be a great mercantile centre, and a 
safe harbour for ships from East and West. 

In Chapter vi, Azurara returns to his laudations 
of the Infant, whom he apostrophises thus : " I know 
that the seas and lands are full of your praises, for 
that you, by numberless voyages, have joined the 
East to the West, tn order that the peoples might 
learn to exchange their riches" ; and he winds up 
with some remarks on "distributive justice", the 
non-exercise of which had been attributed to D. 
Henrique as a fault by some of his contemporaries. 

Chapter vii is occupied with a recital of the 
reasons that impelled the Infant to send out his 
expeditions. They were shortly as follows. First 
and foremost, pure zeal for knowledge ; secondly, 
commercial considerations ; thirdly, his desire to 
ascertain the extent of the Moorish power in Africa ; 
fourthly, his wish to find some Christian King in 
those parts who would assist in warring down the 
Moors ; and last but not least, his purpose to extend 
the Faith. To these reasons Azurara, quite 
characteristicaliy, adds a sixth, which he calls the 
root from which they all proceeded — the influence of 
the heavenly bodies, and he essays to prove it by 
the Prince's horoscope. 

The narrative of the expeditions really begins in 
Chapter viii, which opens with an account of the 
reasons why no ship had hitherto dared to pass 



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XIV THE LIFE AND WRITINdS 

Cape Bojador, some of them being at first sight as 
sensible as others are absurd. The fears of the 
mariners prevented for twelve years the realisation 
of their master's wish, and for so long the annual 
voyages were never carried beyond the terrible 
cape. 

Chapter ix relates how at length, in 1434, Cape 
Bojador was doubled by Gil Eannes, a squire of 
D. Henrique, and how, on a second voyage with 
one Afibnso Gon^alvez Raldaya, Eannes reached the 
Angra dos Ruivos, fifty leagues beyond it. 

I n the next Chapter (x) Baldaya passes one 
hundred and twenty leagues beyond Cape Bojador 
to the Rio d'Ouro, and a short way beyond ; but 
failing to take any captives, as the Prince wished 
him to do, he loads his ship with the skins of sea- 
calves and returns to Portugal in 1436. 

Chapter xi is a short one, and merely tells that 
for three years, t.e., from 1437 to 1440, the voyages 
were interrupted by the affairs of the Kingdom, 
which required all the attention of D. Henrique. 
These affairs were the death of D. Duarte, and the 
struggle that followed between the Queen, supported 
by a small section of the nobles, and the I nfant D. 
Pedro, backed by Lisbon and the people as a whole, 
over the question of the Regency and the education 
of the young King Affonso. 

Chapters xii and xni relate how Antam Gonial' 
vez took the first captives, and how Nuno Tristam 
went to Cape Branco. 

In Chapter xiv Azurara dwells on the delight 



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OF AZURARA. 



D. Henrique must have felt at the sight of the 
captives, though he opines that they themselves 
received the greater benefit: "for, although their 
bodies might be in some subjection, it were a small 
thing in comparison with their souls, that would now 
possess true liberty for evermore." 

Chapter xv contains an account of the embassy 
sent to the Holy Father by D. Henrique to obtain 
"a share of the treasures of Holy Church for the 
salvation of the souls of those who in the labours of 
this conquest should meet their end." The Pope, 
Eugenius IV, granted a plenary indulgence, on the 
usual conditions, to all who took part in the war 
against the Moors under the banner of the Order of 
Christ; and D. Pedro, the Regent, made D. Henrique 
a present of the King's fifth to defray the heavy 
expenses he had incurred by the expeditions. 

In Chapter xvi Antam Gon^alvez obtains the 
Infant's leave for another voyage, and is charged to 
collect information about the Indies and the land of 
Prester John. He receives ten negroes, in exchange 
for two Moors whom he had previously taken, 
together with some gold dust, and then returns 
home. 

In Chapter xvii Nuno Tristam goes as far as 
Arguim Island and makes some captures ; this in 
the year 1443. 

Chapter xvin begins the relation of the first 
expedition on a large scale, and the first that sprang 
from private enterprise — namely, that of Lan9arote 
and his six caravels from Lagos. Azurara takes the 



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i 



XVI THE LIFE ANI) WRITINGS 

opportunity to insert here a short but interesting 
sketch of the change that had taken place in public 
opinion with reference to these voyages. In the be- 
ginning, they were decried by the great not a whit 
less than by the populace, but the assurance of com- 
mercial profit had now converted the dispraisers, and 
the voyage of Lan^arote gave a tangible proof of it. 

The next six Chapters (xix to xxiv) relate the 
doings of this expedition, which ended in the 
capture of two hundred and thirty-five natives. 

Chapter xxv, which treats of the division of 
the captives at Lagos, is the most pathetic in the 
book, and one of the most powerful by virtue of the 
simple realism of the narrative. 

Chapter xxvi gives a lucid summary of the 
after-lives of the captives, and their gradual but 
complete absorption into the mass of the people. 

Chapter xxvn narrates the ill-fated expedition 
of Gon9alo de Cintra and his death near the Rio 
d'Ouro ; while, in the next, Azurara refers the acci- 
dent to the heavenly bodies, and draws a profitable 
lesson from it, which he divides into seven heads, 
for the benefit of posterity. 

Chapter xxix contains a short notice of a 
voyage undertaken by Antam Gon^alvez, Gomez 
Pirez, and Diego Affonso to the Rio d'Ouro, which 
had no result. 

Chapter xxx deals with the voyage of Nuno 
Tristam, who passed the furthest point hitherto 
discovered, and reached a place he named Palmar. 
Azurara confesses himself unable to give more 



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OF AZURARA. XVII 

details about this expedition, " because Nuno 
Tristatn was already dead at the time King 
Affonso ordered this Chronicle to be written " — a 
statement which proves that he did not rely only 
on documents for the facts he related, but was 
careful to glean as much as possible from the 
actors therein. 

Chapter xxxi tells how Dinis Dyaz sailed 
straight to Guinea without once shortening sail, 
and how he was the first to penetrate so far, and 
take captives in those parts. He pushed on to 
Cape Verde, and, though he brought back 'but 
little spoil, he was well received by the Infant, 
who preferred discoveries to mere commercial 
profits. 

Chapters xxxii to xxxvi recite the expedi- 
tion of Antam Gonial vez, Garcia Homem and 
Diego Affonso to Cape Branco, Arguim Island 
and Cape Resgate, where, besides trafficking, they 
took on board a squire, Joham Fernandez, who had 
stayed full seven months at the Rio d'Ouro, among 
the natives, to acquire for the Infant a knowledge 
of the country and its products. 

Azurara refers in Chapter xxxn to Affonso 
Cerveira, whose history of the Portuguese discoveries 
on the African coast, now lost, was used by him in 
the compilation of this Chronicle ; and in the next 
chapter he employs one of those rhetorical peri- 
phrases of which his other works afford many an 
example, though they are rather scarce in this his 
masterpiece in point of style. 



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XVlll THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

Chapters xxxvii to XLvni relate the doings of 
the first expedition from Lisbon, which was under 
the command of Gon^alo Pacheco, and penetrated 
to Guinea, or the land of the Negroes, the result 
being a large number of captives, seemingly the 
chief object it had in view. 

Chapters xLix to Lxvii contain the acts of the 
great expedition of fourteen sail which set out 
from Lagos in 1445, under the leadership of 
Lan^arote, for the purpose of punishing the Moors 
on the Island of Tider and avenging Gon9alo de 
Cintra. In all twenty-six ships left Portugal that 
year, being the largest number that had perhaps 
ever sailed down the Western side of the Dark 
Continent at one time. 

After accomplishing their object some returned 
home, but others, more bold, determined to explore 
further South, if perchance they might find the 
River of Nile and the Terrestrial Paradise. Arriving 
at the Senegal they thought they had found the 
Nile of the Negroes, and went no further. A 
curious description of the Nile, and its power 
according to astronomers, forms the subject of 
Chapters lxi and lxii, where Azurara has collected 
all the learning and speculation of the Ancients and 
Mediecvals on the question. 

Chapters lxviii to lxxv describe the doings of 
the remaining ships that left Portugal in 1445, and 
relate descents on the Canaries and the African 
coast, and the voyage of Zarco's caravel to Cape 
Mastos, the furthest point yet reached. 



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OF AZURARA. XIX 

Chapters lxxvi and lxxvii contain valuable 
notes on the life of the peoples south of Cape 
Bojador, together with an account of the travels of 
Joham Fernandez, the first European to penetrate 
far into the interior of Africa. 

In Chapter Lxxviii Azurara adds up the sum of 
the African voyages, and finds that up to 1446 
fifty-one caravels had sailed to those parts, one 
of which had passed four hundred and fifty leagues 
beyond Cape Bojador. 

Chapters lxxix to lxxXii are taken up by a 
description of the Canary Islands, while Chapter 
Lxxxiii deals with the discovery and peopling of 
the Madeiras and Azores.^ 

Chapter Lxxxiv tells how D. Henrique obtained 
from the Regent a charter, similar to the one he 
had previously secured in the case of Guinea, to 
the effect {inter alia) that no one was to go to 
the Canaries, either for war or merchandise, without 
his leave ; and the following chapter (lxxxv) relates 
a descent on the Island of Palma. 

In Chapter lxxxvi Azurara narrates in feeling 
terms the death of the gallant Nuno Tristam in 
Guinea-land. 

In Chapter Lxxxvii we read how Alvaro 
Fernandez sailed down the African coast past 



' Azurara's laconism with reference to the history of the 
discovery of the Madeiras and Azores is really regrettable. In 
many respects his narrative needs to be supplemented from other 



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XX THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

Sierra Leone, and more than one hundred and ten 
leagues beyond Cape Verde. 

Chapter lxxxviii describes the voyage of another 
Lagos fleet of nine caravels to the Rio Grande, 
while the next five chapters (lxxxix-xciii) relate 
that of Gomez Pirez to the Rio d'Ouro in 1446. 

Chapters xciv and xcv are devoted to the 
trafficking venture of the year 1447, the unhappy 
fate of the Scandinavian Vallarte, and an expedition 
to the fisheries ofl" the Angra dos Ruyvos. 

In Chapters xcvi and xcvii Azurara winds up 
his narrative, ending with the year 1448. The 
captives brought to Portugal down to that date by 
the various voyagers numbered, according to his 
estimate, 927, "the greater part of whom were 
turned Into the true path of salvation "; and this 
he counts as the greatest of the Infant's glories, 
and the most valuable fruit of his lifelong efforts. 
He then announces his intention to write a second 
part of the Chronicle, dealing with the final portion 
of D. Henrique's work — a purpose which to our 
manifest loss he never carried out — and concludes 
by giving thanks to the Blessed Trinity on the 
completion of his task. 

The Chronica de Guind has many features in 
common with that of Ceuta, but on the whole it 
revceils a decided advance in power. The style, 
though at times rather rhetorical, is generally plain 
and facile, ever and anon rising to a true eloquence. 
While the narrative portions are vivid, picturesque, 
and often majestic in their very simplicity, other 



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OF AZUKARA. XXi 

chapters bristle with quotations, and show a more 
extensive range of reading and a knowledge truly 
encyclopaedic. All the philosophy, the geography, 
the history, and even the astrology of the age is 
called into requisition to support an argument or 
illustrate a point. 

But to return to our subject — the Life of the 
Chronicler. 

On June 6th, 1454, Azurara received the reward 
of his past services, being appointed Keeper of the 
Royal Archives (Guarda M6r da Torre do Tombo), 
at the instance of, and in succession to, Fernao 
Lopes. It is probable that the office of Chief 
Chronicler (Chronista-M6r) was conferred on him 
at the same time and implied in the grant, though 
it is not verbally mentioned there, since in the 
document next referred to he is actually named 
Chronicler.' The King, In his letter of appointment, 
after reciting that Fernao Lopes is very old and 
weak, so that he cannot well serve his office, says 
he confides in Gomez Eanes de Zurara, Knight 
Commander of the Order of Christ, " by the long 
education {criafom) we have given him and the ser- 
vice we are receiving and expect to receive at his 
hands", and therefore grants him the post to hold 

1 The offices of Chief Chronicler, Keeper of the Royal Archives 
and Royal Librarian were, as a rule, held by the same individual 
and conferred at the same time, as in the case of Ruy de Pina, 
but Azurara had the position of Royal Librarian for at least two 
years before he obtained the others, namely from 1452, as already 
mentioned (p. v). 



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XXll THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

in the same manner, and with the same rights and 
profits as were enjoyed by his predecessor therein.^ 

It is noticeable that Azurara had already obtained 
a "Commenda " belonging to the Order of Christ, 
and, although its name is not given here, we know 
from another source it was that of Alcains, a place 
situate in the Province of Beira (Baixa) and District 
of Castello Branco, the value of which in 1628 
amounted to one hundred and four milreis.^ The 
source referred to is a document, dated July 
14th, 1452, which calls Azurara "Commander of 
Alcains " and " Author of the notable deeds of our 
realm ", and mentions that he had already at that 
time charge of the Royal Library.^ He appears 
to have exercised this office with credit, though 
somewhat less strictly than would now be considered 
necessary, for Pisano says of him in this connection: — 
" hie bibliothecam Alfonsi quinti, cujus curam gessit, 
strenue disposuit atque ornavit, omnesque scripturas 
Regni prius confusas mirum in modum digessit, & 
ita digessit ut ea, quibus Regi & ceteris Regni 
proceribus opus est, confestim discemantur ; viros 
enim eruditos summe coluit, atque nimio charitatis 
amore complexus est, quibus ut profecissent ex 
Regia bibliotheca libros, si parebant, libenter com- 
modavit ".* But the Chronicler received yet 

1 Chanc. de D. Affonso V, liv. x, fl. 30. Torre do Tombo. 

* Dtfinicdis e Estatutos dos Cavalkiros e Freires da Ordtm de 
N. S. Jesu Christo, etc., p. 242. 

" Liv. XII dt D. Affonso V, fl. 62. Torre do Tombo, 

* pe Bello Septemi, p. a6. 



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OF AZURARA. XXIU 

another advancement in the year 1454. From a 
document bearing date the 4th August it appears 
that he was then living in a house belonging to the 
King near the Palace in Lisbon which needed some 
repairs. Affonso V therefore granted him leave to 
lay out ten milreis upon it, and to make a cistern, 
with a proviso that he and his heirs might continue 
to inhabit the house and use it as their own, until 
the sum so expended should be repaid out of the 
Royal Treasury. In this licence Azurara is dubbed 
" Commander of Pinheiro Grande and Granja 
d'Ulmeiro, Our Chronicler, and Keeper of the 
Archives ".* These two Commendas belonged to 
the Order of Christ, and were probably conferred 
upon him in this same year, though the deed of 
grant has not come down to us. 

Pinheiro Grande is situate in the province of 
Estremadura and Archbishopric of Lisbon, and its 
ancient Commenda belonged to the Templars down 
to the year 131 1, and from 1319 to the present 
century to the Order of Christ. In the Statutes of 
the latter Order, published in 1628, it is stated to 
have been worth 550 milreis for many years — " ha 
muitos annos".- Granja d'Ulmeiro is a small place 
in the Bishopric of Coimbra, and the same Statutes 
give the value of its Commenda, called of St. Gabriel, 
at 150 milreis, "in the year 1582".' 

1 Estremadura, liv. vii, fl. 255. Torre do Tombo. 

* Definifoes e Estatutos, etc., p. 236. 

* Rid., p. 263. The situations of these Commendas are taken 
from P9rhtgal Antigoe Moderno, Lisbon 1873, and following years. 



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XXIV THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

Besides these two Commendas, Azurara still con- 
tinued to hold that of Alcains, as we learn from the 
document already referred to, granting certain 
privileges to his agents in Castello Branco, and 
dated the 23rd of the same month and year. The 
revenue of these three Commendas, together with 
his official salary, must have sufficed to make of him 
a wealthy man, for it should be remembered that the 
purchasing power of the milreis was then nearly six 
times greater than at the present day. He seems, 
however, to have relinquished the benefice of Alcains 
shortly afterwards, for it does not appear again 
among his titles, and henceforth he is only credited 
with the other two. 

In the above-mentioned document of privilege of 
August 23rd, 1454, after reciting the services 
rendered to Azurara by Guarcia Aires and Afomsso 
Guarcia- — to employ the antique spelling — muleteers 
of Castello Branco, in collecting his rents and 
bringing them to Lisbon, the King grants them 
immunity from being forced into the service of either 
himself, the Infants, or the local authorities of the 
district in which they live. Their houses, cellars, 
and stables are not to be taken from them to lodge 
others against their will, and they are to enjoy this 
freedom as long as they continue to be of use to the 
Chronicler.^ 

When next we hear of Azurara he is acting in 
his official capacity as Keeper of the Royal Archives. 

' Chanc. dt D. Affonso V, liv. x, fl. 113. Torre do Tombo. 



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OF AZURARA. XXV 

It seems that the people of Miranda had lost the 
"foral" given them by King Diniz in 1324, and 
required a copy of it, which Azurara made and 
handed to them on the 16th February 1456.^ This 
'is the first of a series of certificates (certidoes) signed 
by the Chronicler that has come down to us, and the 
issuing of these and similar documents appears to 
have been one of his chief duties as Royal Archivist. 
But Azurara was too valuable a man to be allowed 
to spend his whole time and energy in the routine 
work of an office ; and so we find that when the 
King had reigned twenty years or more, which would 
be in or about 1458, he commissioned him to relate 
the history of Ceuta under the Governorship of 
D. Pedro de Menezes, to whom the city had been 
entrusted on its capture.* The story runs, that for 
some time Joao I was unable to meet with anyone 
who would undertake the responsibility of guarding 
the new conquest, and, word of this having been 
brought to D. Pedro while he was playing at 
"Ch6ca", he at once hastened into the King's 
presence, and said he would engage to hold the city 
against the whole strength of Africa with the olive- 
wood crook he had just been wielding.^ Be this 

' Gav. 15, Ma^o 13, No. 21. Torre do Tombo. Azurara is 
here described as " Commander of Pinheiro Grande and Granja 
d'Ulmeiro, our Chronicler and Keeper" (of the Records). 

^ Chronica do Conde D. Pedro de Menezes, ch. i. 

* " Ch(Sca" is an old-fashioned Portuguese game played with a 
stout staff and ball. The incident is referred to by Camoens in 
Eclo^e I, in the lines beginning, " Emquanto do seguro azam- 
bugeyro", etc. 



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XXVI THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

incident true or not, certain it is that D. Pedro de 
Menezes succeeded in maintaining Ceuta, despite all 
the efforts of the Moors to expel him ; and his 
achievements, as chronicled by Azurara, form by 
themselves sufficient ground for Affonso's commis- 
sion. But another reason, no doubt, influenced the 
King, and that was the supreme importance attached 
to the possession of the old city. Its position as the 
key of the Straits enabled the Portuguese to hinder 
the Moorish corsairs from raiding the Algarve, and, 
at the same time, to help the Christian cause by 
attacks on the last relic of Mohammedan power in 
the Peninsula, the kingdom of Grenada. Added to 
this, its conquest was hailed as the first step in the 
realisation of that cherished ideal, an African Empire : 
for, besides being a great trading centre and the 
sea-gate of Mauritania, it formed a wedge driven 
into the heart of the Infidel, and a fitting crown to 
the struggle of seven centuries, which, commencing 
on the morrow of the battle of the Guadaiete, had 
ended by the establishment of the Cross in the land 
of the Crescent. The tide had turned at last and 
for ever, and the Gothic monarchy was avenged. 

Azurara, who on previous occasions had proved 
himself a ready writer, compiled the Chronica do 
Conde D. Pedro de Meneses more slowly, owing 
doubtless to the fact that his new official duties kept 
him from devoting his whole time to the work, and 
the Chronicle was not finished until 1463. 

In this very year of 1 458 occurred the first African 
Expedition of Affonso V, with its result, the capture 



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OF AZURARA. XXVll 

of Alcacer. This event was probably the immediate 
cause of the writing of the Chronicle, because the 
record of his reign shows how the King cared more 
for African expansion than maritime expeditions, 
and how, like the old-time cavalier that he was, he 
preferred a land-war with the Moors to the seem- 
ingly theoretical, or at least distant, advantages to 
be gained by voyages of discovery. In 1460 D. 
Henrique died, leaving the fruit of his ceaseless 
endeavours to be plucked by other hands ; since it 
was not until 1498, when Vasco da Gama cast anchor 
off Calicut, that the Infant's expeditions came to their 
legitimate conclusion, and a century of efforts received 
their reward. 

But if Azurara possessed many of the higher 
qualities of an historian, he was by no means 
devoid of shortcomings ; and two incidents, now to 
be related, form serious blots on his character as 
a Chronicler and a man. 

In 1459 the Cortes met in Lisbon, and the 
Deputies of the People requested that a reform 
should be carried out in the Torre do Tombo, or 
Archive Office. They complained that the mass 
of old Registers which it was necessary to search 
in order to obtain copies of the documents existing 
there, together with the profitless prolixity of many 
of them, had long proved a source of great expense ; 
and they therefore begged that such as were deemed 
of importance might be transcribed and the rest 
destroyed. This petition met with the King's 
approval, and Azurara charged himself with its 



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XXVlll THK LIFE ANn WRITINGS 

execution, a task which seemingly occupied the 
remainder of his life.^ He acted with a zeal 
worthy of barbarous times, and the memory of 
the destruction to which he condemned documents 
of the highest historical importance has been pre- 
served by tradition, and his proscription is still 
spoken of. He appears to have been unconscious 
of the harm he did, for he prefaces each of the 
new Registers compiled by him from the old with 
an account of his handiwork. True it is that 
Barros praises Azurara for these Registers, but in 
reality they are only "dry, imperfect abstracts", as 
one writer calls them, for they throw little Hght on 
the periods to which they relate, and were, besides, 
the cause of the loss of their originals. Fortunately, 
however, some records escaped the general destruc- 
tion, for it happened that certain Municipalities had 
previously obtained transcripts of the most precious, 
while others that existed in duplicate in the Archives, 
unknown to anyone, came to light during the admi- 
nistration of another Guarda-M6r.* The authorities 
of the City of Oporto obtained leave from Affonso V, 

' Parcicularly he "reformed" the Registers of the reigns of 
Pedro I, D. Fernando, Joito I, and D. Uuarte; and J. P. Ribeiro, 
who gives a minute account of the state of these Registers and of 
Azurara's compilation, winds up thus ; " Such is the state of the 
Chancellary books of the early reigns down to that of Affonso V ; 
some are still in their original condition, while others are reformed 
or rather destroyed, by Gomes Eannes de Z\xrz.tSi."~~Memorias 
Authentkas para a Historia do Real Archivo,^. 171. Lisbon, 1819. 

^ Annaes Mariiimos e Cohmaes, No. t, Segunda serie, p. 34 
and J. P. Ribeiro, Memonas Authenticas, etc, p. ai. 



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on the 23rd March 1447, to have copies made of all 
the documents in the Torre do Tombo which related 
to them in any way, and these were furnished on 
December 25th, 1453. when Lopes was still Keeper 
of the Archives. 

But Azurara was guilty of a yet graver delin- 
quency than his destruction of the old Registers, 
and a charge of forgery must be brought against 
him. A detailed account of this affair may be 
read in the judgment of the Casa de Supplica^ao, 
delivered on January 12th, 1479, from which it 
appears that a dispute had arisen between the 
Order of Christ and some inhabitants of Punhete 
over rights claimed by the former in the River 
Zezere, a tributary of the Tagus. The Order 
based its claim on certain documents, one being 
of the reign of D. Fernando, and said to have 
been extracted from the Torre do Tombo, in 
which that monarch purported to confer on the 
Order of Christ jurisdiction over the towns of 
Pombal, Soure, Castello Branco and others, to the 
practical exclusion of his own authority therein.^ 
When a copy of this pretended grant was pro- 
duced in support of the contention, Azurara 's 
successor in the Archives. Affonso d'Obidos, 
received instructions to produce the Register of 
D. Fernando for the purpose of comparison, and 
to bring the scribes engaged in the Archive Office 

1 There is a reference to this claim of the Order in the 
Definifties e Estaiutos, etc., p. 201, and to its defeat. 



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XXX The life and writings 

with him; whereupon the grant was found at the end 
of the Register in a different writing from the rest 
of the book. Neither d'Obidos, nor the scribe who 
had copied out the Register, could say how it came 
there, or who had inserted it, and the latter declared 
that no such grant existed in the old books from 
which he had transcribed the present one. On 
further examination the pretended grant proved 
to be in the handwriting of " Gomez Eannes, 
Cleric ",* a servant of Azurara, and it must have 
been fraudulently inserted in the Register after the 
latter had been bound up. On the discovery of this 
act of forgery, judgment was, of course, given 
against the Order, and it was fortunate for our 
Chronicler that the offence he had committed in its 
interests remained undiscovered until after his death.* 
Curiously enough, in the same year Azurara was 
rewarded by a pension. The grant dated from 
Cintra, August 7th. 1459, runs as follows : — " Dom 
Affonso, etc., to all to whom this letter of ours shall 
come we make known that, considering the many 
services we have received and expect hereafter to 
receive from Gomez Eanes de Zurara, Commander 



* This must have been an adopted son of the Chronicler, to 
whom he had lent his name. 

^ This fot^ery must be reckoned a very passable one, although 
the handwritings are obviously not the same, and the parchment 
differs in texture and colour from that of the rest of the book. 
The judgment of the Casa de SuppUca^ito is printed in extenso by 
J, P. Ribeiro from liv. i, "dos Direitos Reaes," fol. 216, in the 
Torre do Tombo. 



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OF AZUKARA. XXXI 

of the Order of Christ, Our Chronicler and Keeper 
of our Archives, and wishing to do him favour, we 
are pleased to give him a pension of twelve white 
milreis from the ist day of January next, which 
amount he has had of us up to the present time." ^ 

It would appear from the last line that this docu- 
ment is rather the confirmation of an old grant than 
the gift of something new, but it has been interpreted 
to mean that Azurara had been receiving the money 
from the King's privy purse, and was henceforth to 
have it out of the public treasury. There can be no 
dispute that the recipient merited the gift for his 
past literary services, which were an earnest of the 
work he was to accomplish in the future, and the 
value of the latter will presently appear. 

We possess the copy of one certificate issued by 
the Chronicler in the following year, together with 
the record of another, their respective dates being 
June 27th and October 22nd, 1460. The former, 
dated from Lisbon, was granted in answer to the 
petition of the inhabitants of Nogueira, who felt 
uncertain about the dues they were bound to pay 
the Bishop of Cotmbra f the latter is mentioned by 
J. P. Ribeiro, but seems to have disappeared from 
the Torre do Tombo. 

In 1461 there occurred an event, simple enough 
on its face, but one which Azurara's biographers 

1 Cham, de D. Affonso V, liv. xxxi, fl. 76v°. Torre do Tombo. 
For the signification and value of these "white milreis", see 
Dami^ de Goes, Chronica de D. Manoe!, ch. 1. 

* Esfremadura, liv. 11, fl. 279. Torre do Tombo. 



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XXXll THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

have regarded as the mystery of his Hfe. or else 
employed as a weapon wherewith to smite their 
hero^ — his adoption by Maria Eannes. In the king's 
confirmation of this, dated from Evora, February 6th, 
1461, we are told that " Maria Eannes, a Lisbon 
tanner — considering the love and friendship that 
Johane annes dazurara, erstwhile Canon of Evora 
and Coimbra, had always shown to her mother, Maria 
Vicente, as well as to herself and her husband, and 
the many good deeds she herself had received at his 
hands, being his godchild and friend, and considering 
that she had no children and was no longer of an 
age to have any, and also the love and friendship 
she had felt for Gomez Eannes dazurara, ever since 
his father's death, and the services he had rendered 
her — thereby adopted him as her son and heir to 
succeed to her real and personal property, including 
her country house at Valbom, in the Ribatejo, and 
a house she possessed in the Parish of S. Juliao in 
Lisbon".^ Such is the substance of this document, 
over the explanation of which some controversy has 
taken place, because of the social gulf that separated 
the parties to it The true motive for the adoption, 
as hints Senhor Rodriguez d'Azevedo, would seem 
to have been the existence of some near relationship 
between Maria Eannes and the Chronicler which it 
was not expedient to disclose ; but whether this 
opinion find acceptance or no, there is nothing to 



' Ter(£yro dodtanna del Rey Dom Affbnso Quinto, fol. 57. 
Torre do Tombo. 



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OF AZURARA. XXXIII 

justify the old view which regarded the grant as a 
proof of Azurara's avarice and unscrupulousness : 
since, on the contrary, the preamble reveals a Hvely 
sense of gratitude in the donor for real benefits con- 
ferred by the donee. If, however, the above theory be 
worked out, the most plausible conclusion to arrive 
at is, either that Maria Eannes and Gomes Eannes de 
Azurara were brother and sister, both being children 
of the Canon and Maria Vicente, or that the 
Chronicler was half-brother to Maria Eannes, i.e., 
had the same father but not the same mother. It 
seems at least a fair inference to draw from the 
wording that the Canon and Maria Vicente were of 
a similar age, and the same may be said of the other 
pair, because at this time the Chronicler would count 
nearly sixty years, and his benefactress could not be 
much less, seeing that all possibility of her bearing 
children had passed by. Either of these hypotheses 
would account for the name Eannes being common 
to the lady and Azurara. The Canon would then 
have left his property between his two children, and 
as Maria Eannes was childless, it would be natural 
for her to bequeath her share of her father's property 
to her brother. But be this as it may, we know 
from an independent source that Azurara had a 
sister, for she is mentioned in the letter which 
Affonso V wrote him whilst he was living in Africa 
and engaged on historical investigations. The fact, 
recorded by Pisano, that the Chronicler began his 
studies relatively late in life, unless it be ascribed to 
his adoption of a military career at first, seems to 

d 



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XXXIV THE LIKE AND WRITINGS 

show that he had passed his early years under a 
cloud, and that his father, from one cause or another, 
lacked the power to provide him with an education 
at the customary age. It is, however, impossible to 
proceed beyond conjectures, and since the matter 
cannot claim to be one of historical moment, we may 
leave it unsolved without much regret. 

On June 14th, 1463, Azurara issued a certificate 
of documents in the Torre do Tombo relating to 
land of one D. Pedro de Castro,' while yet another 
proof of the influence he possessed with his royal 
master is afforded by two grants, dated respectively 
June 22nd and 23rd of the same year. By the first 
of these the office of Judge of Excise in the town of 
Almada weis conferred on a certain Pero d'Almada, 
servant of Gomes Eannes, and the grant is expressed 
to be made at the latter's request. The second 
appoints the same individual Judge and Steward of 
the gold-diggers at Adi9a, near that town.* 

The Chronica de D. Pedro de Menezes, which had 
been commenced by Azurara in or about the year 
1458, was finished on St. John the Baptist's Eve, 
June 23rd, 1463, at his Commenda of Pinheiro 

1 The original of this certificate belongs to the famous novelist, 
Senhor E^a de Queiroz, whose wife claims descent from this de 
Castro. Doubtless others of ihe Chronicler's certificates, the con- 
tents—or at least the dates — of which would fill up some of the 
gaps in his biography, are in private hands, without any record of 
their issue remaining, either in the Torre do Tombo or elsewhere, 
as in the present case. Brandt mentions one such in his 
Monarehia l.usitana, Quinta parte, p. 177. Lisbon, 1650. 

3 Liv. IX de n. Affonso V, fol. 94. Torre do Tombo. 



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OF AZUkARA. XXXV 

Grande. It relates the history of Ceuta, from the 
capture of the city in 1415 until the death of D. 
Pedro de Menezes, the first governor, in 1437, and 
gives evidence of the author's progress in historical 
methods.^ While it contains less moralising and 
more matter than any of His previous works, at the 
same time he appears surer of his own powers, and 
no longer feels the same need of supporting every 
remark by a citation. Of course this Chronicle has 
not as deep an interest for us as that of Guinea, but 
this is due to the subject, not to any shortcomings in 
the narrator, whose contemporaries were probably of 
a different opinion, for m^-iyof them looked askance 
at the voyages of discovery, though there were few 
that doubted the importance of the possession of 
Ceuta. 

Azurara confesses that he felt at first somewhat 
diffident of putting pen to paper, so marvellous 
seemed the deeds he was called on to relate ; and he 
would never have persevered with his task had he 
learnt them on hearsay evidence, or from the mouths 
of one or two witnesses ; but he found their truth 
confirmed on a perusal of the official reports sent to 
the King from Ceuta, and this encouraged him to 
proceed. He appears to have been assisted in his 
task by D. Pedro himself during his lifetime,' and to 
have written out the book twice, while his impar- 

' Affonso V ordered Pisano to write the Chronicle in Latin, as 
he had previously done with the Capture of Ceuta. — CkronUa 
do Conde D. Pedro de Menezes, ch. i. The MS. is now lost. 

^ Ibid., ch, 64, 

d2 



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XXXVl THE UKK ANI) WklTlNGS 

tiality and the care he look to arrive at the truth 
are everywhere visible.' Of course he cannot abstain 
altogether from citations, and these have an interest 
as showing the measure of his literary knowledg-e : 
witness his mention of Dante's Divitia Comntedia, 
Cin6 da Pistoia and The Book of Avtadis, which he 
ascribes to " Vasco Lobeira, who Hved in the time of 
D. Fernando".^ 

For three years contemporary records are silent 
respecting the Chronicler, and it is not until 1466 
that he comes before us again. On June nth of 
that year, D. Pedro/ King of Aragon, son of him 
who wEis Regent in the minority of AfFonso V, and 
fell at Alfarrobeira, wrote Azurara a short but 
familiar autograph letter, which affords another 
proof of the intimate relations that existed between 
the Chronicler and the great personages of the age. 
In this letter, which is in response to one sent 
by Azurara, D. Pedro addresses him as "friend", 
refers to his " old kindness and sweet nature ", and 
goes on to accept his offer to keep him informed of 
the progress of events in Portugal. He then takes 

^ Chronica do Conde D. Pedro de Menezes, chs. 2 and 3. The 
end of ch. 3 deserves perusal, for it shows how fully Azurara 
realized the difficdlies of an historian's Usk. 

* Ibid., cli. 63. This is the first reference in all literature to 
the authorship of the famous romance. 

' D. Pedro, fils, was a distinguished poet, and to him the 
Marquis of Santillana addressed that famous letter which may be 
described as a history of poetry in the Peninsula. It is transcribed 
in extenso by Dr. Theophilo Braga, in his Poelas Palaaarios, 
pp. 161-169. I'orto. 1871- 



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OF AZUKARA, XXXvil 

the Chronicler into his confidence, and complains of 
the difficulties of his position as King of Aragon — 
difficulties which were aggravated by an illness that 
ended in his death less than a month after he had 
penned this epistle.' 

On July 27th, 1467, in answer to a petition of 
the inhabitants, Azurara issued a certificate* of the 
" foral " of Azere (Az^r), virtute officii, and on the 
very next day he met with another piece of good 
fortune. From the deed of grant it appears that, 
some ninety years previously, a certain Gon^alo 
Estevez of Cintra had died, after having built a 
chapel in honour of St. Clare in the Church of St. 
Mary Magdalen, in Lisbon, where he desired to be 
buried, and had left his property with the condition 
annexed that masses should be regularly said 
there. This condition, the document goes on 
to declare, had been broken by his heirs for about 
seventy years, in spite of judgments obtained against 
them, and many had died excommunicate because 
of their neglect and disobedience. Finally, the 
goods had been declared forfeit to the Crown, 

■ The letter was first published in the Panorama for 1841, at 
p. 336. General Brito Rebetlo argues that the date 1406 is 
impossible, and should read 1466, or possibly 1460. The former 
has here been adopted. Other mistakes occur in the letter, as 
printed in the Panorama, besides that of date. Some of its 
expressions are ambiguous, and the subscript "From Aviz", an 
evident addition to the original, may be put down to the copyist, 
who, knowing D. Pedro to be Master of Aviz, concluded that the 
letter was written from there, though the contents disprove it. 

^ Gav. 8, Ma^o 1, No. 17. Torre do Tombo. 



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XXXVUI THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

and ' they were now granted' out to Azurara, on 
condition that he should provide for the masses 
and generally carry out the instructions contained 
in the will of the founder.' A gift of this nature 
was considered an extraordinary grace in those 
days, and it affords clear evidence that the 
Chronicler stood high in the royal regard. 

In August of this same year Azurara went to 
Africa, and, to explain the journey, some introduc- 
tory remarks are needed. On returning from the 
fruitless African expedition of 1464, the King had 
written to him from Aveiro, with instructions to 
leave all his other occupations — which the Chronicler 
naively assures us were very important and profitable 
to his countrymen — and forthwith to collect and put 
in writing the deeds of D. Duarte de Menezes, late 
Captain of Alcacer.' This Duarte was the natural 
son of D. Pedro, the hero of Azurara's last book ; 
and he had merited much from Affonso V for his 
long and faithful services at Alcacer, ending with the 
sacrifice he had made of his own life to save that of 
the King, during a reconnaissance against the Moors 
in the last-named year. 

As before, Azurara hesitated to make a start on 
account of his " untutored style and small know- 
ledge", and through fear of hostile criticism ; indeed. 

* Deamo de Estremadura, fol. 270. Torre do Tombo. 

^ Chronica do Conde D. Duarte de Menezes {Inediios, vol. iii), 
ch. r. It would almost seem as though Azurara accompanied 
the King in his first expedition in 1458, when Alcacer was taken. 
—ibid., ch. 34. 



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OF AZURARA. XXXIX 

under the latter head he says, with a touch of bitter- 
ness, "there are so many watching me, that I have 
hardly put pen in hand before they begin to damn 
my work."^ But his obUgations to, and regard for, 
the King caused him to pluck up courage, and 
proceed with a task which occupied some three 
or four years of his time. In order to secure the 
best information possible, he considered that he 
ought to visit Africa, because some of the dwellers 
in and about Alcacer were the chief actors in the 
drama he was called upon to. write, and would be 
likely to have a clearer recollection of events than the 
courtiers in Portugal ; and also because he wished 
to view the district which had been the scene of the 
struggle, and learn the disposition of the land, the 
Moorish method of fighting, and the tactics employed 
against them by the Portuguese. He confesses that 
he would have gone to Ceuta before writing the 
Chronica de D. Pedro, but the King refused to give 
permission, considering that his services were more 
needed inside than outside the re^lm. Even after 
he had resolved on the present visit, the King 
detained him a whole year, until fully convinced 
how necessary it was, if his commands were to be 
satisfactorily carried out.* Finally, in August 1467, 
Azurara crossed the Straits to Alcacer, where he 
stayed for twelve months, occupied in studying the 
district ajid taking part in the various excursions 
into Moorish territory that were made, by D. 

1- Ibid., ch. I. * Ibid., ch. 2, 



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xl THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

Henrique, son of D. Duarte de Menezes, who, 
to satisfy him and aid his work, used even to 
change the plan of operations and go to some 
spot the Chronicler desired to inspect.^ With 
an impartiahty rare enough at that time, Azurara 
took care to obtain information from the Moors 
themselves, both from such as visited Alcacer and 
from those he met when accompanying D. Henrique 
to treat of matters with the inhabitants of the 
neighbouring places.* 

The Chronicle, which is at once a life of D. 
Duarte de Menezes and a history of Alcacer, sup- 
plements that of his father D. Pedro de Menezes, 
and carries the history of the Portuguese in North 
Africa down to 1464. We have no record of when it 
was finished, but the year 1468 seems the probable 
date. It is, if not the most important, yet the longest, 
as it proved to be the last, of the Author's historical 
works, and cost him more labour than any of its 
predecessors ; but, through some mischance, no com- 
plete MS, exists, all having many and great lacunae, 
as will hereafter appear. It presents the peculiarities 
common to all Azurara's writings — the same fond- 
ness for quotations, and the same reliance on 
astrology as explicative of character. Among the 
more interesting of the former, besides those from 
the Classics and the Fathers, are his references to 
Joh3o Flameno's gloss on Dante, Avicenna, Albertus 
Magnus, and the Marquis of Santillana. Speaking 

1 Ibid., ch. 2. ^ Ibid., ch. 60. 



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OK AZURARA, xli 

of this Chronicle, Goes notes and condemns the 
" superfluous abundance and wealth of poetical and 
rhetorical words " that are employed here and 
elsewhere by its author. 

During Azurara's stay at Alcacer the King ad- 
dressed him an autograph letter dated November 
22nd, 1467 (?), which affords a striking proof of 
Affonso's superior mind, as well as of the esteem in 
which he held men of letters. He begins by saying 
that he has received the Chronicler's letter,^ and 
rejoices he is well, as he had feared the contrary, 
owing to his long silence, and proceeds : — 

" It is not without reason that men of your profession 
should be prized and honoured ; for, next after the Princes 
and Captains who achieve deeds worth remembering, they 
that record them, when those are dead, deserve much 

praise What would have become of the deeds of 

Rome if Livy had not written them ; what of Alexander's 
without a Quintus Curtius; of those of Troy without a 
Homer ; of Cesar's without a Lucan ? . . , . Many are they 
that devote themselves to the exercise of arms, but few to 
the art of Oratory. Since, then, you are well instructed in 
this art, and nature has given you a large share of it, with 
much reason ought I and the chiefs of my Realm and the 
Captains thereof to consider any benefit bestowed on you 
as well employed." 

Affonso then goes on to praise Azurara for having 
voluntarily exiled himself in his service, and says 
he would not have him stay in Africa any longer 
than he pleases, and winds up as follows : — 

^ Azurara seems to have corresponded frequently with Affonso 
V; cf. Chronica de Gutni, ch. 7. 



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xlii THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 



" I count it as a service that you wish for news of my 
health, and, thanks be to God, I am well in body as in 
other respects, though on the sea of this world one is 
constantly buffeted by its waves, especially as we are all 
on that plank since the first shipwreck, so that no one is 
safe until he reaches the true haven that cannot tte seen 
except after this life, to which may it please God to con- 
duct us when He thinks it time, for He is sailor and pilot, 

and without Him no man may enter there I have not 

a painting of myself that I can send you now ; but, please 
God, you will see the original, some time, which will please 
you more."' 

Herculano truly says of this epistle: "Had it 
been from one brother to another, the language 
could not well have been more affable and affec- 
tionate " f but, more than this, it proves that 
Portugal was ahead of most European nations of 
that age in possessing a King who could value 
the pen as highly as the sword. 

Henceforth little or nothing is known of the life 
of Azurara, except from the certificates he issued in 
the course of his official duties. 

On May 25th, 1468, one of these documents was 
issued from the Torre do Tombo, and signed by a 
substitute, with the statement that the Chronicler 
was living at Alcacer, on the service and by 
command of the King. He probably returned to 



1 The letter is printed in the Ineditos, vol. iii, p. 3. According 
to Meyrelles, there are two copies of it in MS. No. 495 of the 
Co ini bra University Library. — Vide Institvto, vol. ix, 

^ Opuscuhs, vol. V, p. 14, Lisbon, 1886. 



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OF AZURARA. Xliii 

Lisbon to finish the Chronica de D. Duarie de 
Menezes in the autumn of this year. 

On October 22nd, 1470, Azurara gave a certificate 
of the Charter of Moreyra. In their petition for 
the same, the inhabitants allege that their copy is so 
written, and in such Latin, that they cannot under- 
stand it ; and they further wish to know how much 
of the present money they must pay for the three 
mealkas mentioned in the original as payable for 
the carriage of bread and wine — a question which 
Azurara seems to have experienced some difficulty 
in answering.^ 

On April 20th, 1471, he issued a similar certificate 
to the dwellers in S. JoSo de Rey.^ In this same 
year took place Affonso's third African campaign, 
which resulted in the capture of Tangier, Arzila and 
Anafe. 

On September 5th, 1472, in answer to a petition 
of the inhabitants of Cascaes, the Chronicler handed 
them a copy of the Charter of Cintra, in which 
district Cascaes is situate,^ and on December 5th in 
the same year he issued copies of documents affecting 
the liberties of the Order of Christ and the couto, or 
"liberty", of Gordam.* 



1 Ma^ 7 de Foraes Antigos, No. 3. Torre do Tombo. 
^ Ma^o 3 de Foraes Antigos, No. 5. Torre do Tombo. 

* Ma^o I de Foraes Antigos, No. 11. Torre do Tombo. 

* Armario 17, Ma^o 6, No. 5. Torre do Tombo. It is worthy 
of note that the Eytor de Sousa, here referred to, is the same 
person that appears in the judgment of the Casa de Supplica^So 
of January rgth, 1479, as representing the Order of Christ, 



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xllV THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

This latter is the last existing document signed 
by Azurara, though he appears to have given 
another certificate on August 17th, 1473, nearly a 
year after, relating to the forged grant of D, 
Fernando to the Order of Christ, as mentioned by 
Joao Pedro Ribeiro.' 

There is no evidence to show when the Chronicler 
died, and tradition on the point varies. The oldest 
authority who refers to it is Damiao de Goes, and, 
according to him, Azurara lived some years after 
1472,^ He never married, and was succeeded in 
his post at the Torre do Tombo by Affonso Annes 
d'Obidos ; but the charter of this man's appointment 
has been lost, and his first recorded certificate only 
bears date March 31st, 1475.* 



We have now followed the life of Azurara step by 
step, and seen him honoured for his talents by his 
contemporaries, and rewarded for his services to 
King and country by numerous benefactions.* We 

^ Mtmorias Authenticas, p. 21. 

^ Chronica de D. Manoel, quarta parte, ch. 38. 

* Memorial Authenticas, p. 21, 

^ Padre Jos^ Bayam, in p. 5 of his Prologue to the Chronica 
del Rey D. Pedro I of FernSo Lopes (Lisbon, 1761), states that 
Azurara obtained the position of Disembaigador da Casa do 
Civei, or Judge of Appeal of the Civil Court, on the authority of 
ch. 54 of Pina's Chronica de D. Affonso V, which mentions a 
certain Gomez Eanes as holding the office in question and being 
sent on an embassy to Africa ; but JoSo Pedro Ribeiro, in vol. iv, 
part 2, of his Disstrta^des Chronological e Criticas, Disserta^o 
XVI, proves conclusively that Bayam is in error, and that the 
Judge had no connection with his namesake the Chronicler. 



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OF AZURARA. xlv 

have also seen him on intimate terms with the Royal 
Family, and corresponding regularly with some of 
its members, as well as acquainted with the leaders 
of the explorations and the learned men of the time, 
and must conclude that this was chiefly due to his 
literary attainments and genial character. It is 
therefore pleasant to be able to record that, in our 
day, Portugal has marked her appreciation of him, as 
a man and a writer, by a statue, whilst recognising 
that his works form his greatest and most durable 
monument. In the Pra^a de Luiz de Camoes in 
Lisbon there rises a noble statue of the " Prince of 
Spanish Poets"', surrounded by eight of the most 
distinguished men of letters and action of the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, his predecessors 
and contemporaries, and among them is a life-size 
figure of Gomez Eannes de Azurara.* 



Critical Remarks. 



Azurara belongs to the line -of Portuguese 
Chroniclers who rendered illustrious the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries, a line that began with 
FernSo Lopes and culminated in Damiao de Goes 

* The word "Spanish" is here used, in its correct sense, to in- 
clude all the peoples ot the Peninsula. So the Archbishop of 
Braga bears the title "Primaz das Hespanhas", denoting his 
primacy over ix>th Spain and Portugal. 

^ No portrait of Azurara exists, and his signatures form the 
only relic of him that we possess. 



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xlvi THE LIfE AND WRITtNGS 

and Joio de Barros, both of whom were almost 
historians in the modern sense of the term, and at 
the same time masters of prose style. He is indeed 
the connecting Hnk between the chronicler and the 
historian, between the Medijeval writers and those 
of the Renaissance ; for, while he possesses much of 
the sympathetic ingenuousness of Lopes, yet he 
cannot resist displaying his erudition and talents by 
quotations and philosophical reflections, as quaint as 
they are often unnecessary, proving that he wrote 
under the influence of that wave of foreign literature 
which had swept in with the new monarchy. 

Three literary tendencies may be said to have 
prevailed in Portugal during the fifteenth century — 
firstly, a monomania for classical learning ; secondly, 
an increased taste for the mediaeval Epics and prose 
Romances, due to the English influence that had 
entered with Queen Philippa, daughter of time- 
serving Lancaster, though it must be remembered 
that Amadis de Gaula, the most famous romance 
of the Middle Ages, was compiled in the pre- 
ceding century and by a Portuguese hand ; and 
lastly, an admiration for Spanish poetry, which had 
made wonderful strides since the great Italians, 
Dante and Petrarch, had become known in the 
Peninsula. In philosophy, Aristotle, as expounded 
by Averroes, was the chief authority — Azurara calls 
him " the Philosopher"— and following him Egidius 
and Pedro Hispano, the Portuguese Pope and 
scholar, enjoyed the widest influence. Platonic 
philosophy was introduced at a much later period. 



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OF AZURARA. xlvi 

chiefly through the medium of Italian poetry, and it 
never took root. 

To the reader of Azurara's writings, it often seems 
as though the author were overburdened by his 
knowledge, which was in truth very extensive, if at 
times somewhat superficial ; and the Chronicles bear 
witness to the fact that Portugal had not remained 
foreign to the literary impulse of the Renaissance. 
Besides citations from many books of the Bible, the 
following classical writers appear in his pages : — 
Herodotus, Homer, Hesiod, Aristotle, Caesar, Livy, 
Cicero, Sallust, Valerius Maximus, Pliny, Lucan, 
the two Senecas, Vegetius, Ovid, Josephus and 
Ptolemy. Among early Christian and medijeva 
authors he mentions Orosius, St. Gregory, Isidore 
of Seville, Lucas of Tuy, the Arabic astronomer 
Alfragan, Gualter," Marco Polo, Roderick of Toledo, 
Egidius, St. Jerome, Albertus Magnus, St. Bernard, 
St. Chrysostom, St. Thomas Aquinas, St Augustine, 
and Peter Lombard ; while he has heard the 
legend of the voyages of St. Brendam and knows 
the author of the Amadis de Gaula. He was 
acquainted with the Chronicles and Romances of 
the chief European nations,^ and had studied the 
best Italianand Spanish authors. Added to this, he 
had mastered the geographical system of the 
Ancients,* together with their astrology, and his 
knowledge of the latter probably came from the 

' Chronica de D. Pedro de Menezes, ch. 63, and Chronica de 
Ceuta, ch, 38. ^ Chronica dc Guine, chs. 61 and -62. 



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xlviii THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

famous Opus Quadripartitum of Ptolemy. Although 
he obtained his education in the time of D. Duarte, 
or early in the reign of Affonso V, an age which 
had ceased to believe in sidereal influences, as 
appears from the Leal Conselheiro, his writings 
show that he possessed a fervent faith in astrology 
as explaining the character and acts, as well as 
governing the destinies, of man/ Various opinions 
have been emitted about his style ; for, while such a 
good judge as Goes condemns his "antiquated words 
and prolix reasoning, full of metaphors or figures 
that are out of place in the historical style", Barros 
speaks of his " clear style" that, together with his 
diligence, rendered him worthy of the office he held.* 
But perhaps the most perspicuous criticism thereon 
is that of Corr^a da Serra, who declares, with 
reference to the opinions just cited : — " Both may 
well be right, for the style of Gomes Eannes is not 
uniform, and seems the work of two different men. 
As a rule his narrative is simple, full of sound 
sense, and not without elegance ; but, from time to 
time, he remembers the rude rhetoric he had learnt 
so late in life, and writes (if I may say so) in a 
falsetto style. The first was what nature had 
bestowed upon him, the last came from his immature 
studies. But these very defects are of interest now, 



1 Chronica de Guini, chs. 7 and 28; Chronica dt Ceuta 
chs. 34,^52, and 57 ; Chronica de D. Duarte de Mentzts, ch. 34. 

^ Chronica do Principe D ./oao, ch. 6, and Asia, Dec. 1, liv. 
ch. 2. 



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OF AZURARA. xlix 

for they give an idea of the learning and taste of 
that age."^ And, in spite of all his pedantry, 
Azurara rises at times to a true eloquence, some of 
his pages being equal to the best in Portuguese 
prose. The grandeur of chapter ii of the Chronica 
de Guind, and the heartfelt pity of Chapter xxv, 
which relates the division of the captives, prove 
conclusively that he could accommodate the style 
to the subject like all writers worthy the name. 
Had he lived a century later, he would have certainly 
been placed in the first rank of Portuguese prosists ; 
while, as it is, his antiquated and at times inflated 
language has gone far to prevent him from being 
appreciated, or even read, by any save the studious.^ 
As an historian he had an unbounded respect for 
authority, on his own confession, and the speeches 
he puts in the mouths of his heroes remind the 
reader at times of Livy, and make it clear that he 
was writing under the immediate influence of 
classical models." The historical importance of his 
Chronicles is of the first order. They are contem- 
porary with the events they relate, and contain the 
history of the Portuguese expeditions to and rule in 
Mauritania from the reign of Jo3o I down to that 
of Affonso V, and furnish a complete account of all 
the voy^es of discovery along the African Coast, 

• Intditos, vol. ii, p. 210. 

' Compare the remarks on Azurara's style by Sotero dos Reia 
in his Curso da Utteratura Portugueza e BraziUira. MaranhSo, 
1866, vol. I, li^ao xiv. 

^ Cf. Chronica de Ceuiti, ch. 1. 



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1 THE LIKE AND WRITINGS 

due to the initiative of D. Henrique, until 1448. True, 
the Chronica de Guin^ omits to mention some other 
voyages that were the result of private enterprise, 
for Azurara wrote it in the capacity of Chronicler to 
the King and as a panegyric of the Prince, and 
never intended to relate discoveries unconnected 
with his hero and with the land that gives his book 
its title. The Chronica de Guin4 must, of course, 
always take rank as Azurara 's masterpiece. It was 
the first book written by a European on the lands 
south of Cape Bojador, and it restores to us, in great 
part, the lost work of Cerveira entitled a History of 
the Portuguese Conquests on the Coast of Africa, on 
which it is founded, besides making up for the 
regrettable disappearance of the naval archives of 
the early period of modern discovery. 

Azurara's credibility as a narrator is both unques- 
tioned and unquestionable, for his position enabled 
him to get at the truth, and he took pains to record 
nothing but the truth, thereby proving himself a 
genuine disciple of his master, Fernao Lopes. He 
was moved, as a rule, neither by human respect nor 
by petty jealousies, and accuracy seems with him to 
have amounted to a passion.^ So truthful was he 
that he preferred to leave the relation of facts 
incomplete rather than tell of them without having 

' Many passages from his Chronicles might be cited to prove 
this, but the following will suffice : Chronica de Ceuia, chs. i, 2, 
12, 51, S3, 91, and 95 ; Chronica de Guine, ch. 30 ; Chronica de 
D. Pedro de Afcnezes, ch. i, and Bk. 11, ch. i8 ; Chronica de D. 
Duarte de Menexes, chs, 2 and 60. 



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OF AZURARA- li 

received exact information from eye-witnesses. He 
was quite conscious of what he calls his " want of 
polish and small knowledge ", and his humility is 
shown by the declaration that he only regarded the 
Chronica de Guini as material for some future 
historian who would perpetuate the great deeds of 
D. Henrique in " a loftier and clearer style".^ 

His attitude towards the Moors, those hereditary 
enemies of Portugal, was only what we should 
expect, for, while he is strictly impartial in distri- 
buting praise and blame to them equally with 
Christians, he leaves us in no doubt on which 
side his sympathies lay. In the Chronica de Guind, 
for example, after descanting on the universal praise 
of the Infant's life and work, he admits that a 
discordant note in the general chorus was struck 
by the Moors whom the Prince had warred with 
and slain, or, to quote his own words, " Some 
other voices, very contrary to those I have until 
now described, sounded in my ears, for which I 
should have felt a great pity, had I not seen them 
to come from men outside our Law ".^ 

It has been already noted that Azurara, though 
he wrote under the very shadow of the Palace, was 
anything but a flatterer of the great ; indeed, he 
has been accused by some of insisting too much 
on the defects in his heroes.* On the other hand, 

^ Chronica de Guitti, ch. 6. ^ Ibid., ch. a. 

* The Azorean scholar, Dr. J. T. Scares de Sousa, calls Azurara 
"a clever courtier rather than a severe and impartial historian" 
(quoted by Dr. Theophilo Bri^a, in his Historia da Universidade 



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lit THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

it must be confessed that he shows a marked par- 
tiaHty, if not a Wind admiration, for D. Henrique in 
the Chronica de Ceula as well as in the Chronica de 
Guind. In the former he attributes to the Prince 
the chief part in the capture of the city, while in 
the latter he shows himself ever ready to defend 
him from his dispraisers, and to convict of foolish- 
ness out of their own mouths the opponents of 
the voyages of discovery. Nay, more, he even 
finds an explanation for D. Henrique's neglect to 
defend his brother Pedro from being done to death 
at Alfarrobeira, a neglect which is hard to explain 
satisfactorily and must remain a blot on the Prince's 
fair fame. But this bias may readily be accounted 
for by the fact that Azurara passed much of his 
time in close intimacy with D. Henrique, and drew 
a great part of the information for his Chronicles 
of Ceuta and Guinea from that source, besides 
which he can hardly be blamed for the love he 
felt and displayed for a great and good man, the 
initiator and hero of modern discovery. 

Finally, while no serious critic would admit 
Azurara within the circle of great historians, few 
would dispute his title to be named a great 
Chronicler. That he was a laborious and truthful 
writer his pages make clear ; that he could tell a 
simple story vividly — nay, dramatically — and that he 

de Coimbra, vol. i, p. 138) ; but this is certainly unjust and even 
untrue. F. Manoel de Mello gives a fairer estimate in the witty 
phrase, "Chronista antigo, taocandido de penna,como de barba." 
--Apologos Dialogaes, p. 455, ed. Lisbon, 1711. 



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OK AZURARA, liii 

had at times flashes of inspiration, the Chronica de 
Guini attests, though, even bearing this work in 
mind, it is easy to perceive his inferiority in the 
matter of style to Fernao Lopes, a point constantly 
insisted on by Portuguese critics. In a word, if, as 
Southey said, Lopes is "beyond all comparison the 
best Chronicler of any age or nation ", it may well be 
that Azurara, " notwithstanding an occasional dis- 
play of pedantry, is equal in merit to any Chronicler, 
except his unequalled predecessor".' 



Bibliography. 



The following is a list of Azurara's works in the 
order in which they were written : — 

(a) " MiLAGREs DO Santo Condestabre D. Nuno 
Alvres Pereira." 

This volume, of doubtful authenticity, which was 
never printed, has now been lost. Senhor Oliveira 
Martins was unable to find a trace of it when 
engaged on his recently-published life of the Holy 
Constable,' and suggests that it may have perished, 
along with so many other literary treasures, in 1755, 
during the Great Earthquake. Jorge Cardoso, in 
his Agiologico Lusitano? quotes a passage from 

1 Quarterly Review, May 1809, p. 188. 

* A Vida de Nun' Ah/ares. Lisbon, 1893. 

* Tom, iii, p. 217, ed. Lisbon, 1666. Barbosa Machado 
mentions the MS. on the authority of Cardoso,— Vide Bibliotheca 
tmitana, tgm. ii, art, on Azurarq, 



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liv THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

Azurara's work, and Santa Anna gives the sub- 
stance of it in his Chronica dos Carmaelitas, 
expressly declaring that he had seen the original 
MS., which was then preserved among the Archives 
of the Carmo Convent.^ 

(b) "Chronica del-rei D. Joam I de boa- 

MEMORIA E DOS REYS DE PORTUGAL O DECIMO. 

Terceira parte em que se contdm a tomada de 
Ceuta." Composta por Gomez Eannes D'Azurara 
Chronista M6r destes Reynos & impressa na lin- 
guagem antiga. Em Lisboa. Com todas as licen9as 
necessarias. A custa de Antonio Alvarez, Impressor 
del-rei N.S. 1644, pp. x-283 fol. Such is the full 
title of the Chronica de Ceuta as given in the one 
and only published edition. 

Following the Chronicle come accounts of the 
death of King Joao and the translation of his body 
to Batalha, extracted from the Chronica de D. 
Duarte, as well as a copy, with translation, of the 
epitaph on his tomb, and then his will and a general 
Index. MSS. of this Chronicle exist in the Biblio- 
theca National in Lisbon, and in the Torre do Tombo. 
The former place contains a defective one, dating 
from the middle of the 1 6th century, as well as one 
of the second part of the same period apparently 
complete. The latter boasts a MS. (No. 366) of 
the 15th century, in large folio, written on paper in 
red and black, which derives importance from its 

' Chronica dos Carmaelitas, vol. i, pp. 469 and 486. Lisbon, 
1745- 



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OF AZURARA. 



Iv 



early date, and exhibits a text practically identi- 
cal with that of the book described above; while of 
the others, one may be attributed to the i6th 
century and two to the 17th. The Oporto Muni- 
cipal Library has an 18th-century MS. of this 
Chronicle.^ 

(c) " Chronica do Descobrimento e Conquista 
DE Guin:^, escrita pormandadode El-Rei D. Affonso 
V. sob a direc9ao scientifica, e segundo as instruc^oes 
do illustre Infante D. Henrique pelo Chronista 
Gomez Eannes de Azurara ; fielmente trasladada 
do Manuscripto original contemporaneo, que se 
conserva na Bibliotheca Real de Pariz, e dada 
pela primeira vez d luz per diligencia do Visconde 
de Carreira, Enviado Extraordinario e Ministro 
Plenipotentiario de S. Majestade Fidelissima na 
corte da Franqa ; precedida de uma Introduci;ao e 
illustrada com algumas notas pelo Visconde de 

Santarem e seguida d'um Glossario das 

palavras e phrases antiquadas e obsoletas." Paris, 
1841. Fol. pp. xxv-474, with frontispiece portrait 
of D. Henrique from this same MS. 

The letter which Azurara addressed to King 



• There doubtless exist many other MSS. of Azurara's Chronicles, 
besides those mentioned in this notice, both in public libraries 
and private collections. Most of those described here are in 
Lisbon, and neither the Royal Library at the Ajuda nor the rich 
collection at Evora appear to contain a single specimen. Gallardo 
states that D. Pedro Portocarrero y Guzman, Patriarch of the 
Indies, the catalogue of whose library was printed at Madnd in 
1703, possessed a signed MS. of the Ckroniea de Ceuta. 



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Ivi THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

Affonso V, when he forwarded the Chronicle, is 
printed in facsimile and precedes the Introduction. 

There are three separate impressions of this 
Chronicle — one on parchment, of which the Biblio- 
theca National in Lisbon possesses a copy, another 
on large paper, both of'these being folio size, and a 
third on small paper octavo size. 

Two early MSS. of the Chronicle exist: one, very 
handsome and perfect, in the Paris National Library, 
from which the printed edition was made; and the 
other, bearing date 1506, in the Royal and National 
Library at Munich. The latter belonged to Valentim 
Fernandes, a German printer, established in Lisbon 
from the end of the 15th century to past the middle 
of the i6th, who owned many MSS. of great value, 
which have been studied by Schmeller in his Ueber 
Valentl Fernandez Alema und seine Sammlung 
von Nachriekten iiber die Entdeckungen und Besitz- 
ungen der Portugiesen in Afrika und Asien bis 
zumjakre 1508. The imprint of this essay is 1845. 

The Munich MS. is an abridgment ; many of the 
rhetorical passages, ch. i, and nearly the whole of 
chs. iii-vii, being omitted. Valentim Fernandes, 
who transcribed, if he did not compile, this sum- 
mary, which he finished on November 14th, 1506, 
commences his chapters at the eighth of the Paris 
MS., and reduces the original number of chapters 
from ninety-seven to sixty-two. 

The text of the Paris MS. seems to have been 
added to at some later time, and, at any rate, is not 
in the state in which Azurara left it in 1453, the 



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OF AZURARA. 



Ivii 



year the Chronicle was finished, because certain 
pass^es speak of D. Henrique as though already 
deceased, while he only died in 1460.' Innocencio 
thinks Azurara emended his work after the Prince's 
death, and inserted some reflections on his life and 
moral qualities, without continuing the narrative, or 
passing the limit he had at first marked out, namely 
1448. 

The history of the MS., and the discovery in 
1837 by the Lusophile, Ferdinand Denis, of the 
Paris copy, together with a description thereof, is 
related by the Viscount de Santarem in his Intro- 
duction, and deserves perusal.* Fragments of the 
Chronicle were known to Barros, who incorporated 
them in his Asia, but Goes never saw it at all, and 
it would seem to have disappeared from Portugal 
in the i6th century,* Frei Luiz de Sousa, the 
great Dominican prose writer, met with a MS. 
copy at Valencia, in the possession of the Duke 
of Calabria, one of whose ancestors, a King of 
Naples, had received it, he was informed, from 
D. Henrique himself* We know from another 



» Cf. Chronica de Guine, ch. 5. 

^ Chronica dt Guink, p. xii, and compare the art. on Azurara 
in the Diccionario Universal Portugues, and Innocencio da Silva, 
Dicdonario Bibliop-aphico Portuguez, vol. ix, p. 245. 

' Banos, Asia, Dec. i, liv. ii, ch. i, and Goes, Chronica do 
Principe D. Jodo, ch. 6. 

* Historia de S. Domingos, p. 1, liv- vi, ch. 15. Santarem 
su^ests that Affonso V sent it to his uncle, Affonso the Magni- 
ficent of Naples, by his ambassador, Martin Mendes de Berredo, 



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Iviii THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

source that this MS. was still in Spain at the 
beginning of the last century, but how it reached 
its present resting-place, the National Library in 
Paris, remains a mystery. 

(d) "Chronica do Conde D. Pedro (de Menezes) 
Continuada aa tomada de Cepta, a qual mandou 
El-Rey D. Affbnso V deste nome, e dos Reys de 
Portugal XII, escrepver." Such is the title of this 
Chronicle, which was published in Vol. II of the 
Ineditos, and runs from page 213 to the end. It is 
there preceded by an Introduction of six p^es, 
dealing with the life and works of Azurara, from 
the pen of the erudite Abbade Corr^a da Serra. 

There exists a valueless MS. of this Chronicle in 
the Bibliotheca National in Lisbon of the end of 
the 17th century, and another equally devoid of 
interest in the Academia das Sciencias. Mr. 
Quaritch recently offered one for sale,^ which 
derives importance from having been copied from 
another of early date, and was kind enough to 
send it for our inspection. It is a small foHo, 
beautifully written on paper, containing 164 leaves 
with thirty-one lines to the page, and was tran- 
scribed from a MS. on parchment of 233 folios in 
a single column, which had been itself finished in 
Lisbon on July 24th, 1470, by Jbao Gon^alvez, the 
scribe who copied the Paris MS. of the Chronica de 

between 1453 and 1457 ; but this cannot be reconciled with the 
fact that certain passages in the Chronicle appear to have been 
written after the death of D. Henrique. 

1 Catalogue No. 148, Bibliotheca Hispana, February 1895. 



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OF AZURARA. Hx 

Gmn4. The copy belonging to Mr. Quaritch has 
some marginal notes without value, and must, to 
judge from the writing, have been made in Portugal 
at the very beginning of the 17th century, or, as he 
says, about 1620. The text is the same as that 
printed in the Ineditos. 

(e) " Chronica do Conde D. Duarte de 
Menezes." 

This was published for the first time in Vol. Ill 
of the Ineditos, and has there no separate title page, 
but the heading of the first chapter reads as follows : 
— " Comecasse a Historia, que fala dos feitos que 
fez o Illustre e muy nobre Cavaleiro Dom Duarte 
de Menezes, Conde que foi de Viana, Alferes Del- 
Rey e Capitao por elle na Villa Dalcacer em Affrica. 
A qual foi primeiramente ajuntada e escripta per 
Gomez Eanes de Zurara, professo Cavalleiro, e 
Comendador na Ordem de Christus, Chronista do 
mesmo Senhor Rey, e Guardador m6r do Tombo de 
seus Regnos." 

All the MSS. of this Chronicle are defective, and 
we know from the Royal Censor that they were in 
the same state as early as the reign of Dom SebastiSo. 
In fact, more than a third of the work has disap- 
peared, and is represented by lacunae. The Biblio- 
theca National in Lisbon has three, the Torre do 
Tombo two, and the Bibliotheca da Academia Real 
das Sciencias one MS. of this Chronicle ; all show 
the same gaps. The only MS. of value is one {No. 
520) in the Torre do Tombo, dating from the end 
of the 15th century, written on parchment, with the 



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Ix THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

headings to the Chapters in red and black, and an 
illuminated title-page. It must be pronounced a 
fine specimen of caligraphy, and, though incomplete 
like the rest, is otherwise in good condition. 

The Writings attributed to Azurara consist of the 
followmg ; — 

(/) A Chronicle of D. Duarte. 

There seems to be little doubt that Azurara wrote 
some sort of a Chronicle of this King which has 
not been preserved. The Chronicle we possess 
goes under the name of Ruy de Pina, but, according 
to Goes, it was begun by FernSo Lopes, continued 
by Azurara, and only finished by Plna.^ Barros is 
more explicit, for he not only states that Azurara 
compiled the Chronicle in question, but adds that it 
was appropriated by Ruy de Pina, who succeeded 
him in the post of Chronista M6r.* Azurara himself 
does not help us much to a solution of the problem. 
In the Chronica de Guini he refers twice to it some- 
what vaguely, but in another place mentions it quite 
clearly as his own work, though in the future tense.' 
Again, in the Chronica de Ceuta there is a similar 
reference to it, also in the future tense.^ Unsatis- 
factory as this is, we must perforce be content with 



' Chronica de D. Manoel, quarta parte, ch. 38.- 
^ Asia, Dec. i, liv. ii, ch. 2. 
s Chronica de Guini, chs, i, 5, and 68. 

* Chronica de Ceuta, ch, 21, and cf, Chronica de D. Duarie de 
Mentses, ch. J4. 



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OF AZURARA. 



ixi 



it in default of any better information. It seems 
most unlikely that AfFonso V would have employed 
the Chronicler on the lives of great nobles like Pedro 
and Duarte de Menezes, who, after all, were but 
private persons, without providing, in some way, for 
a history of his father to be written. All we can 
say is, that Azurara probably collected the material 
and possibly made a first draft — although it is notice- 
able that he nowhere speaks of the Chronicle as 
finished, but always as something that is to be done 
— then came Ruy de Pina and put it into shape, for 
the style is certainly his, and, while more smooth, is 
far less characteristic than the quaint rhetorical 
sentences of Azurara. 

(f) A Chronicle of King Affonso V. 

Both Barros and Goes agree that Azurara wrote 
a Chronicle of this monarch, and carried it down to 
the death of D. Pedro in the year 1449, and that 
it was finished by Ruy de Pina, under whose name 
it appears.'' More than this, Barbosa Machado 
actually cites it, as though it existed in his day, 
thus — Chronica del Rey D. Affonso V, atd a morte 
do Infante D. Pedro ; fol. MS} It is true that, in the 
Chronica de D. Pedro de Menezes, Azurara declares 
that, in spite of entreaties, the King would never 
allow him to write a history of his reign ; but this 



' Asia, Dec. 1, liv. ii, ch. a, and Chronica de D. Manoel, quarta 
parte, ch. 38. Goes says, too, that Azurara related the taking of 
Arzilla, which happened in 1470. 

' Bibliotkeca Lusilana, vol. ii, ait. on Azurara. 



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Ixii THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

was in 1463, and Affonso may well have entrusted 
him with the work in later years, and another 
passage of the same Chronicle seems to imply it,* 
though Pina, while confessing that he was not the 
first to receive a commission for the Chronicle of 
King Affonso, declares that he found it uncom- 
menced.* If we examine carefully the first 124 
Chapters of Pina's Chronicle, we shall at first sight 
conclude the ideas to belong to Azurara and the 
phraseology to savour of Pina. Such prominence 
is given to the acts and character of the Regent 
that the work might well have borne his name, 
and he is treated with a fervent veneration and 
a love which might naturally be expected from 
Azurara, who must have known him intimately, as 
he certainly knew his son, but which could hardly 
be looked for in a later writer. Again, D. Henrique's 
neglect of his brother, a neglect which made Alfar- 
robeira possible, is reprehended in terms that bring 
to mind the stern and impartial Azurara rather than 
his more smooth-tongued successor, while, curiously 
enough, the incident is not touched on in Chapter 
cxliv, undoubtedly the work of Pina, where the 
character of the Prince is summed up after his death 
and receives unmixed praise. On the other hand, it 



' Chronica de D. Pedro de Menezes, chs. i, 2, and parte II, 
ch. 26 ; and compare his references to the Chronica Geral in the 
Chronica de D. DuarU de Menezes, chs. 108, in, 135, 142, and 
145, as well as in the Chronica de Guini, ch. 5. 

"^ Prologue to the Chronica de D. Affonso V [Inedtlos, vol. i, 

p. ».). 



D,j,i,i.aL, Google 



OF AZURARA. Ixiii 

must be remembered that D. Henrique's behaviour 
to his brother Pedro at the last is referred to in the 
Chronica de GuinS as a proof of his loyalty under 
difficult circumstances, and this fact certainly tells 
against Azurara's authorship of the Chronicle under 
consideration, though hardly enough of itself to 
discredit the express statements of Barros and 
Goes. To sum up. While it is certain that 
Azurara never wrote a complete Chronicle of 
Affonso V, for the good reason that he prede- 
ceased the King, it is impossible in the present 
state of our knowledge to measure his share in the 
first part, with which alone he has been credited, 
although one cannot help inclining to the opinion 
that the Chronicle as it stands is substantially the 
work of Ruy de Pina. 

{h) A Romance of Chivalry, in three MS. 
volumes, existing in the Lisbon National Library. 

The title of the First Volume runs : — " Chronica 
do Invicto D. Duardos de Bertania, Princepe de 
Ingalaterra, filho de Palmeiry, e da Princeza 
Polinarda, do qual se conta sens estremados feitos 
em armas, e purissimos amores, com outros de 
outros cavalleiros que em seu tempo concorrerao. 
Composta per Henrrique Frusto, Chronista ingres, 
e tresladada em Portugues por Gomes Ennes de 
Zurara que fes a Chronica del Rey Dom AFon^o 
Henrriques de Portugal, achada de novo entre seus 
papeis." 

There are three MS. copies of this volume which 
differ somewhat inter se, the earliest dating from the 



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Ixiv THE LIFE AND WRITINGS 

second half of the 17th century. Two of these 
copies contain eighty chapters, the other but seventy- 
six. They are marked respectively U B B in 
the Lisbon National Library. ^""^ "^ ~^ 

The last, an 18th-century MS., though substan- 
tially the same work as the two former ones, bears a 
different title : " Chronica de Primaleao, Eniperador 
de Grecia. Primeira Parte. Em que se conta das 
faqanhas que obrou o Princepe D. Duardos, e os 
mais Princepes que com elle se criarao na Ilha 
Perigoza do Sabio Daliarte." Its composition is 
attributed to "Guilherme Frusto, Autor Hybemio", 
and the name of Azurara does not appear as trans- 
lator, one " Simisberto Pachorro " being named as 
the copyist 

The Second Volume bears the title :- — " Seguda 
parte da cronica do Princepe Dom Duardos. Com- 
posta por Henrique Frusto e tresladada por Gomez 
Enes Dazurara, autores da primeira parte." It 
contains eighty-six chapters and is marked U. 
Underneath the title is written in a flowing ^^'^ 
hand — " Podesse encadernar esta segunda parte da 
Chronica do Princepe Dom Duardos. Lx' em 
Mesa. 21 de Outubro de 659", and signed with 
three names. 

The Third Volume is headed : — " Terseira parte 
da Chronica do Princepe Dom Duardos", composta 
por Henrrique Frusto e tresladada por Gomez Ennes 
dazurara, Auctores da 1*. e 2' parte. It has thirty- 
five Chapters, and ends abruptly. Its mark is U, 

All the MSS. described above are of rela- ^^'^ 



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OF AZURARA. IxV 

lively recent date, written on paper and of folio size.^ 
A certain want of connection appears between Parts 
I and II, but this is not so as regards Parts ii and 
III. A very unpoetical Sonnet closes Chapter xi, 
of the last Part, and, since it is not referred to in the 
text and its language is modern, may possibly have 
been interpolated. From the form it cannot be 
earlier than 1526 or 1530, while a competent judge 
holds it to have been probably composed after 1550. 
From a cursory examination of the Chronicle 
under consideration, it would seem to be neither (i) 
a translation from the English, nor yet {2) by the 
hand of Azurara, as alleged, but an original compo- 
sition by some anonymous writer. The value of the 
first statement may be estimated by remembering 
how Cervantes declared he had copied D. Quixote 
from the Cide Hamete Benengeli ; and, again, how 
Joao de Barros introduced his Clarimundo as a 
version from the Hungarian ; in any case, no such 
early English or Irish Chronicler as Frusto or 
Frost (?) can be shown to have existed. The 
Cycle of the Round Table, and other British 
Romances of Chivalry, which were known in 
Portugal early in the 14th century, became more 
popular after the marriage of D. Joao 1 with D. 
Philippa of Lancaster, and this accounts for the 
ascription to an English origin ; while Azurara's 



' Dr. Theophilo Braga mentions another MS. of the whole 
Chronicle, in a single volume of 644 folios, as being in private 
hands. The name of the English (?) Chronicler is there spelt 
"Henrique Fauste". — Amadis de Gaula, p. i<)6 n. Porto, 1873. 

/ 



D,j,i,i.aL, Google 



Ixvi The Ufe ANi> writings 

knowledge of such books, as displayed in his 
various Chronicles, explains how this story of a 
mythical D. Duarte came to be fathered on him. 
The considerations that weigh most against Azurara's 
authorship of the MS. are those of date and style. 
It has been already proved that he died in or about 
the year 1473, so that, assuming the work to be his, 
it must have been written at least before that date, 
or even much earlier, say before 1454; since it cannot 
be presumed that he would have time for such an 
essay after his appointment as Chief Chronicler of 
Portugal and Royal Archivist Perhaps he would 
have lacked the inclination as well, at least judging 
from the disdainful tone of his reference to the 
Amadis de Gaula in the Chronica de D. Pedro de 
Menezes. Now, the first of the Palmerin series — to 
which our MS. certainly belongs— the Palynerin de 
Oliva, was only printed in 1 5 1 1 ; and though both it 
and its sequel, Primaleon, may have existed in MS. 
in the 15th century, contemporary literature has no 
record of the fact as in the case oi Amadis, and there 
is nothing to favour the supposition. But, apart 
from this, a perusal of the first few chapters of Part i 
of the present MS., and especially the opening lines 
of Chapter i, will convince most readers, without 
further proof, that it is nothing else than a con- 
tinuation of the Paltneirim de Inglaierta of 
Francisco de Moraes,^ for it not only takes up 



^ But it is quite a distinct work from that of Diogo Fernandei, 
though the same period seems to have given them birth. 



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6f AZUkARA. IxVil 

the story where Moraes had left off, but expressly 
refers to the Palmeirvm on more than one occasion.^ 
Now, the book of Moraes was only written about 
the year 1543, so that, as far as the dates go, they 
are enough of themselves to decide the question of 
Azurara's authorship in the negative. To come to 
the question of style — that of the MS. has nothing 
to correspond with the rhetorical expressions and 
the quotations, and none of the idioms, peculiar to 
Azurara; nor does it belong to the 15th century, but 
rather to the middle or latter part of the 1 6th, despite 
the slight archaic atmosphere, shown more especially 
in the orthography, that hangs about Part i, and 
ever and anon calls to mind the Saudades of Ber- 
nardim Ribeiro. The phrase " achada de novo 
entre seus papeis", on the title-page of the Romance, 
evidences nothing, although it is alleged, as already 
mentioned, that Azurara left MSS. behind him 
which were explored in the last century by Padre 
Jos^ Pereira de Sant' Anna.' 

Edgar Prestage. 

"Chiltern", Bowdon, 

Day of Camoens' Death, 1895. 



' Vide Part 1, chs. i, 4, 6, 17, and 37. 

' Compare, on this question, the following studies ; — Opusculo 
acerca do Palmeirim de Inglaterra e do seu aucior, by M. O- 
Mendes, Lisbon, i860. Discurso sobre el Palmeirim de Ingla- 
terra y su verdadero autor,hy N. D. de Benjumea. Lisbon, 1875. 
Versuch iiber den Ritterroman Palmeirim de Inglaterra, by 
D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos. HaUe, 1883. 



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Note. — The el^ant signature of Azurara, with its 
flourisheti and general ornateness, a woodcut of which 
appears below, was copied by my friend the Viscount de 
Castilho, son of the poet, from an original document in 
the Torre do Tombo. The writing, it will be observed, is 
clear and firm, a characteristic of all the Chronicler's 
signatures, which exist to the number of some half-dozen 
in the Torre.— E. P. 




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-AZURARA'S CHRONICLE 

DISCOVERY AND CONaUEST OF 
GUINEA. 



THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 

! ERE beginneth the Chronicle in which 
.are set down all the notable deeds 
that were achieved in the Conquest 
of Guinea, written by command of 
the most high and revered Prince and 
most virtuous Lord the Infant Don 
Henry, Duke of Viseu and Lord of 
Covilham, Ruler and Governor of the Chivalry of the Order 
of Jesus Christ. The which Chronicle was collected into 
this volume by command of the most high and excellent 
Prince, and most powerful Lord the King Don Affonso 
the Fifth of Portugal. 



CHAPTER I. 



Which is the Prologue, wherein the Author sheweth what will be his 
purpose in this Work, 

We are commonly taught by experience, that all well- 
doing requireth gratitude. And even though the benefactor 
doth not covet it for himself, yet he should desire it, that 



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2 AZURARA S CHRONICLE OF THE 

the recipient may not suffer dishonour where the giver 
hath acquired virtuous merit. And such a special com- 
munion is there between these two acts, to wit, giving and 
thanking, that the first requireth the second by way of 
obligation. And did not the former* exist, it would 
not be possible for there to be gratitude in the world. 
Wherefore, Saint Thomas.f who was the most clear teacher^ 
among the Doctors of Theology, saith in the secot>d book 
of the second part of his work, in the loSth section, that 
every action returneth by nature to the cause from which it 
first proceeded. Therefore, since the giver is the chief cause 
of the benefit received by the other, it is requisite, by the 
ordinance of Nature, that the good he doth should come 
back to him in the shape of a fitting gratitude. And by 
this return we are enabled to understand the natural like- 
ness between the works of Nature and those that give moral 
aid, for all things bring about a proper return, starting 
from a commencement and progressing till in the end they 
accomplish the recompence we speak of And, in proof of 
this, Solomon saith in the book of Ecclesiastes, that the 
sun riseth over the earth, and, having encircled all things, 
returneth to where it first appeared. The rivers also 
proceed from the sea, and ceasing not their course, are 
continually returning to it. A like thing happeneth in the 
moral order, for all good that cometh from a generous will, 
doth run a straight course until it arrive at the fitting 
recipient, and then afterwards it returneth naturally to the 
place where the generosity allowed it to begin ; and such a 
return bringeth about that sweet union between those that 
do good and those that receive it, of which Tully speaketh 
when he saith that no service is more necessary than 

* I.e., conferring of favours. 

■}■ I.e., Aquinas. See note i, 
volume the numbers inserted in 
notes which will be appended to ' 



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niscovERy and conquest of guinea. 3 

gratitude, in order that the good may return to him who 
gave it. 

And in that the most high and excellent Prince and 
most mighty Lord, the King Don Affonso the Vth (who 
at the time of the writing of this book reigned in Portugal, 
by the grace of God, whose reign may God in his mercy 
increase in length and in virtues), in that he, I say, saw and 
knew the great and very notalile deeds of the Lord Infant 
Don Henry, Duke of Viseu and Lord of Covilham, who 
was his highly-valued and beloved uncle, and in that the 
said deeds appeared to him so noteworthy among the many 
actions of Christian princes in this world — it seemed to him 
a wrong thing not to have some authentic memorial of 
the same before the minds of men. And this most of all 
because of the great services which the said Lord had ever 
rendered to past kings, and the great benefits which by 
his efforts the Prince's countrymen had received. 

For these reasons the King bade me engage in this work 
with all diligence, for although great part of his other 
actions are scattered through the Chronicles of the Kings 
of his day, as, for instance, what he did when the King 
Don John, his father, went to take Ceuta,* and when on his 
own account he went with his brothers and many other 
great lords to raise the siege of th6 aforesaid town, and 
afterwards when in the reign and by the command of the 
King Don Edward of glorious memory, he attacked Tan- 
gier, where were done many very notable deeds, which are 
mentioned in his history, yet all that followeth was 
done by his ordinance* and mandate, not without great 
expense and trouble, all which is truly to be set down 
to his account. For though in all kingdoms men com- 
pile general Chronicles of their Kings, they do not fail 

* I.e., all that follows in this book was done by Henry's ordinance. 



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4 azurara's chronicle of the 

also to write separately of the deeds of some of those 
Kings' vassals, wherever the greatness of the same is 
notable enough to warrant such especial mention — as was 
done in France in the case of Duke John, Lord of Lan- 
9am,' and in Castille in the matter of the deeds of the 
Cid Ruy Diaz* and in our own kingdom in the story of 
the Count Nunalvarez Percira.^* And with this Royal 
Princes ought to be not a little contented, for so much the 
more is their honour exalted as they have seigniory over 
greater and more excellent persons ; for no Prince can be 
great, unless he rule over great men ; nor rich, unless he 
rule over the wealthy. For this cause said the virtuous 
Roman Fabricius, that he would rather be lord over those 
who had gold, than have gold himself. 

But because the said deeds were written by many and 
various persons, so the record of them is variously written, 
in many parts. And our Lord the King, considering that 
it was not convenient for the process of one only Con- 
quest* that it should be recounted in many ways, although 
they all contribute to one result, ordered me to work at 
the writing and ordering of the history in this volume so 
that those who read might have the more perfect knowledge. 
And that we may return the benefit he conferred on us by 
gratitude to him from whom we received it, as 1 began to 
set forth at the commencement of this chapter, we will 
follow the example of that holy Prophet Moses, who, 
desiring not to let the people of Israel forget the good that 
God had shewn them, often commanded the receivers to 
write them upon their hearts, as in a book that should 
display to those who considered it what was written therein. 
Further, seeing that the remembrance of injuries is tender, 
and that the good deed is soon forgotten, those that 
came after+ set up signs that should be lasting, on which 

* Such as that of Guinea. + /.c, after Moses. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 5 

people might look and remember the benefits they had 
received in time past. And so likewise it is written of 
Joshua, that God bade him take twelve great stones from 
the midst of the river Jordan, and carry them to where the 
camp was pitched, after all had crossed. For this was 
done in order that they should be in remembrance of the 
wonderful miracle which God had wrought in presence of 
the people, when he parted the waters, so that those which 
came from above stood up in a heap and did not flow out 
towards the sides, while those which were below flowed on 
until the river was dry. But some, considering that even by 
such signs it was not always perfectly well known what 
had been done (just as we see that the I'illars of Hercules* 
do not signify clearly to all who see them that they were 
placed there as a memorial of his Conquest of Spain), 
began the custom of writing what could not otherwise be 
long remembered. And in proof of this it is related in the 
book of Queen Esther, that King Ahasuerus kept a record 
of all the notable services that had been rendered to him, 
and that at certain times he caused this record to be read, 
that he might reward the authors of those services. So, 
too, the King Don Ramiro, desiring that the men of Spain 
should not allow themselves to forget the great aid that the 
blessed apostle Saint James had given them, when he 
delivered them from the power of the Moors, and promised 
to be our helper in all our battles with the Infidel, caused 
to be written the story of that event in the privileges that 
he granted the Church of Santiago,^ that is to say, in pro- 
viding for the entertainment of the poor, — privileges which 
that Church now receives from every part of Spain where 
Christians then lived. 

Now this care that the ancients showed ought to be a 
custom of to-day, and inasmuch as our memory is weaker 
than theirs was, and less mindful of the good that it 
recciveth, so much the more careful should we be to keep 



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6 AZUKARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 

ever before us the benefits bestowed on us by others, since 
we cannot afford to forget them without manifest injury to 
ourselves. And because we received of God great benefit 
in the deeds hereinafter recorded, in three ways — firstly, by 
the many souis that have been already saved, and yet will 
be saved, of the lineage of our captives ; secondly, by the 
great benefits we all of us receive from the said actions; 
thirdly, by the great honour that our realm is now gaining 
in many parts by subjecting to itself so great a power of 
enemies, and so far from our own land — for all these 
reasons we will put this history in remembrance to the 
praise of God, and to the glorious memory of our aforesaid 
Lord, and to the honour of many good servants of his, 
and other worthy persons of our country who toiled man- 
fully in the doing of the aforesaid actions. Finally. 
because our said Chronicle is especially dedicated to this 
Lord,* let us begin at once to speak of his habits and of his 
virtues, and of his appearance also, in accordance with the ■ 
custom of various authors of credit whose chronicles we 
have seen. 



CHAPTER 

The Author's invoi 



O THOU Prince little less than divine 1 I beseech thy 
sacred virtues to bear with all patience the shortcomings of 
my too daring pen, that would attempt so lofty a subject as 
is the recounting of thy virtuous deeds, worthy of so much 
glory. For the eternal duration of these thy actions, if 
the end of my attempt be profitable, will exalt thy 
fame and bring great honour to thy memory, giving a 

* " This Lord," the " aforesaid Lord,'' and so on, is of course 
Henry. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 7 

useful lesson to all those princes that shall follow thine 
example. For of a certainty it is not without cause that I 
ask pardon of thy virtues, knowing my insufficiency to 
compass such a task, and that I have more Just reason to 
expect blame for doing less than I ought, than for saying 
over much. Thy glory, thy praises, thy fame, so fill my 
ears and employ my eyes that I know not well where to 
begin. I hear the prayers of the innocent souls of those 
barbarous peoples, almost infinite in n'umber, whose ancient 
race since the beginning of the world hath never seen the 
divine light, but who are now by thy genius, by thy infinite 
expense, and by thy great labours, brought into the true 
path of salvation, washed in the waters of baptism, anointed 
with the holy oil, and freed from that wretched abode of 
theirs, knowing at this present what darkness lay concealed 
under the semblance of light in the days of their ancestors. 
I will not say with what filial piety, as they contemplate 
the divine power, they are ever praying for a reward to thy 
great merits — for that is a matter which cannot be denied 
by him who hath well considered the sentences of St 
Thomas and St. Gregory^ on the knowledge possessed by 
spirits concerning those who have been, or are, profitable 
to them in this world. 1 see those Garamantes,* those 
Ethiopians, who live under the shadow of Mount Caucasus, 
black in colour, because of living just opposite to the full 
height of the sun's rays — for he, being in the head of 
Capricorn, shineth on them with wondrous heat, as is shown 
by his movements from the centre of his eccentric, or, in 
another way, by the nearness of these people to the torrid 
zone, — I see the Indians of the greater and the lesser 
India,^* all alike in colour, who call upon me to write of thy 
gifts of money and of raiment, of the passing of thy ships, 
and of thy hospitality — which those received who, either 
to visit the Apostle,'^ or to see the beauty of the world^ 
came to the ends of our Spain. And those dwellers on 



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8 azurara's chronicle of the 

the Nile, whose multitudes possess the lands of that 
ancient and venerable city of Thebes,^^ they, too, astonish 
me, for I see them clothed in thy livery, and their bodies, 
that had never known a covering, now carrying robes of 
varied colours, while the necks of their women are adorned 
with jewels of gold' and silver in rich workmanship. But 
what has caused this save the munificence of thine expenses 
and the labours of thy servitors, set in motion by thy 
beneficent will, by the which thou hast transported to the 
ends of the East things created in the West ? Yet not even 
the prayers and the cries of these peoples, though they 
were many, were of such price a"* the acclamations I heard 
from the greatness of the Germans, from the courtesy of 
the French, from the valour of the English, and from the 
wisdom of the Italians,'^ cries that were accompanied by 
others of divers nations and languages, all renowned by 
lineage and virtues. Oh thou, say these, who enterest the 
labyrinth of such great glory, why dost thou busy thyself 
only with the nations of the East ? Speak to us, for we 
traverse the lands and encircle the circumference of the 
Earth, and know the Courts of Princes and the houses of 
great lords. Know that thou wilt not find another that 
can equal the excellency of the fame of this man, if thou 
judgest by a just weight of all that pertains to a great 
prince. With reason mayst thou call him a temple of all 
the virtues. But how plaintive do I find the people of our 
nation because I place the testimonies of some other race 
before theirs. For here in Portugal 1 meet with great lords, 
prelates, nobles, widowed ladies. Knights of the Orders of 
Chivalry, Masters and Doctors of the holy faith, with many 
graduates of every science, young scholars, companies of 
esquires, and men of noble breeding, with mechanics and an 
untold multitude of the people. And some of these shew 
me towns and castles ; others villages and fields ; others 
rich benefices ; others great and wealthy farms ; others 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. p 

country houses and estates and liberties ; others charters for 
pensions and for marriages ; others gold and silver, money 
and cloth ; others health in their bodies and deliverance 
from perils which they have gained by means of thee; 
others countless servants both male and female ; while 
others there are that tell me of monasteries and churches 
that thou didst repair and rebuild, and of the great and 
rich ornaments that thou didst offer in many holy places. 
Others, again, pointed out to me the marks of the chains 
they bore in the captivity from which thou didst rescue 
them. What shall I say of the needy beggars that I see 
before me laden with alms ? And of the great multitude of 
friars of every order that shew me the garments with which 
thou didst clothe their bodies, and the abundance of food 
with which thou didst satisfy their necessities? I had 
already made an end of this chapter, had I not descried 
the approach of a multitude of ships with tall sails laden 
from the islands thou didst people in the great Ocean Sea,'* 
which called on me to wait for them, as they longed to 
prove that they ought not to be omitted from this register. 
And they displayed before me their great cattle-stalls, the 
valleys full of sugar cane from which they carried store to 
distribute throughout the world : they brought also as 
witnesses to their great prosperity all the dwellers in the 
kingdom of the Algarve.'* Ask, said they, whether these 
people ever knew what it was to have abundance of bread 
until our Prince peopled the uninhabited isles, where no 
dwelling existed save that of wild beasts. Next they 
shewed me great rows of beehives full of swarms of 
bees, from which great cargoes of wax and honey are 
carried to our realm ; and besides these, lofty houses 
towering to the sky, which have been and are being 
built with wood from those parts. But why should I 
mention the multitude of things that were told me in thy 
praise, though all of them were things that I could write 



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10 azurara's chronicle of the 

without injuring the truth? Let me tell how there now 
sounded in my ears some other voices very contrary to 
these I have recounted hitherto: voices for which I should 
have felt great compassion had I not discovered them to. 
be the cries of those outside our law. For there addressed 
me countless souls of Moors, both on this side the Straits, 
and also beyond,^* of whom many had died by thy lance 
in the cruel war thou hast ever waged against them. And 
others presented themselves before me loaded with chains, 
their countenances pitiable to behold, men who were 
captured by thy ships through the strength of the bodies 
of thy vassals ; but in these I noticed that they complained 
not so much of the ill fortune that overtook them at the 
end as of their fate in earlier life, that is, of the seductive 
error in which that false schismatic Mohammed" left them. 
And so I conclude my preface, begging that if thy great 
virtues, if the excellence of thy great and noble deeds, 
suffer any loss by my ignorance and rudeness, thy magna- 
nimous greatness may vouchsafe to look on my fault with 
a propitious countenance. 



CHAPTER III. 

In which we recount the descent of the Infant Don Henry. 
Two reasons move me tospeakin this chapter of the descent 
of this noble prince. First of all, because the long course of 
ages driveth out of the memory the very knowledge of past 
things, which would be altogether dimmed and hidden from 
our eyes were they not to be represented before us in writing. 
And since I have determined to write for the representing 
of this present time to those that come after, I ought not 
to pass by in silence the glory of so noble a descent as our 
Prince's, since this book must indeed be a work placed 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA- II 

by itself. For it may happen that those who read through 
this may not know anything of other writings. 

But this digression must needs be brief, that I may not 
be drawn away far from my projected task. 

And the second reason* is that we may not attribute the 
whole of such great virtues to one man only, but may 
rather give some part to his ancestors, for it is certain 
that nobility of lineage, being well observed by one that 
hath sprung from such a stock — for the sake, as often 
happencth, of avoiding shame, or in some way of acquir- 
ing virtue — constraineth a man to shew courage, and 
strengtheneth his heart to endure greater toils. 

Therefore you must know that the King Don John,' who 
was the tenth King of Portugal, the same that was victor 
in the great battle of Aljubarrota and took the very noble 
city of Ceuta, in the land of Africa, was espoused to 
Donna Philippa, daughter of the Duke of Lancaster, and 
sister of the King Don Henry of England, by wliom 
he had six lawful children, to wit, five princes, and one 
princess, who was afterwards Duchess of Burgundy.** Some 
others, who died while still very young, I omit to mention. 
And of these children Prince Henry was the third, so that 
with the ancestry he had, both on his father's and his 
mother's side, the lineage of this royal prince embraced the 
most noble and lofty in Christendom. Now this same 
Prince Henry was also brother of the King Don Edward 
and uncle of the King Don AfFonso, the kings who, after 
the death of the King Don John, reigned in Portugal. 
But this, as I said, I touch on briefly, because if I were 
to declare things more fully I should meet with many 
matters of which any single one duly followed up, as would 
be necessary, must needs cause so great a delay that I 
should be late in returning to my first c 



., for undertaking Prince Henry's genealogy. 



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AZURARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 



CHAPTER IV. 

Which speaketh of the habits of the Infant Don Henry, 

Meseemeth I should be writing overmuch if I were to 
recount fully all the particulars that some histories are 
accustomed to relate about those Princes to whom they 
addressed their writings. For in writing of their deeds 
they commenced by telling of the actions of their youth, 
through their desire to exalt their virtues. And though it 
may be presumed that authors of such sufficiency would 
not do aught without a clear and sufficient reason, I shall 
for the present depart from their course, as I know that it 
would be a work but little needed in this place. Nor do I 
even purpose to make a long tale about the Infant's bodily 
presence, for many in this world have had features right 
well proportioned, and yet for their dishonest vices have 
got great harm to their fair fame. So, though it be 
nothing more, let it suffice what the philosopher^* saith 
concerning this, that personal beauty is not a perfect good. 
Therefore, returning to my subject, let me say that this 
noble Prince was of a good height and stout frame, big and 
strong of limb, the hair of his head somewhat erect, with a 
colour naturally fair, but which by constant toil and exposure 
had become dark. His expression at first sight inspired fear 
in those who did not know him, and when wroth, though 
such times were rare, his countenance was harsh. Strength 
of heart and keenness of mind were in him to a very 
excellent degree, and beyond comparison he was ambitious 
of achieving great and lofty deeds. Neither luxury nor 
avarice ever found a home within his breast, for as to the 
former he was so temperate that all his life was passed in 
purest chastity, and as a virgin the earth received him at 
his death again to herself. And what can I say of his 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUfST OF GUINEA. 13 

greatness, except that it was pre-eminent among all the 
princes of the earth ? He was indeed the uncrowned 
prince, whose court was full of more numerous and more 
noble vassals of his own rearing than any other. His 
palace was a school of hospitality for all the good and 
high-born of the realm, and still more for strangers ; and 
the fame of it caused there to be a great increase in his 
expenses : for commonly there were to be found in his 
presence men from various nations so different from our 
own, that it was a marvel to well-nigh all our people : and 
none of that great multitude could go away without some 
guerdon from the Prince. All his days were passed in 
the greatest toil, for of a surety among all the nations of 
mankind there was no one man who was a sterner master 
to himself. It would be hard to tell how many nights he 
passed in the which his eyes knew no sleep ; and his body 
was so transformed by the use of abstinence that it seemed 
as if Don Henry had made its nature to be different from 
that of other men. Such was the length of his toil and so 
rigorous was it, that as the poets have feigned that Atlas 
the giant held up the heavens upon his shoulders, for the 
great knowledge that was in him concerning the move- 
ments of the heavenly bodies, so the people of our 
kingdom had a proverb, that the great labours of this our 
Prince "conquered the heights of the mountains," that is to 
say, the matters that seemed impossible to other men, by 
his continual energy, were made to appear light and easy. 

The Infant was a man of great wisdom and authority, 
very discreet and of good memory, but in some matters 3 
little tardy, whether it were from the influence of phlegm 
in his nature, or from the choice of his will, directed to 
some certain end not known of men. His bearing was 
calm and dignified, his speech and address gentle. He 
was constant in adversity, humble in prosperity. Of a 
surety no Sovereign ever had a vassal of such station, or 



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14 azurara's chronicle of the 

even of one far lower than his, who held him in greater 
obedience and reverence than he showed to the kings who 
in his days reigned in Portugal, and especially to the King 
Don Affonso, in the commencement of his reign, as In his 
Chronicle^" you may learn more at length. Never was 
hatred known in him, nor ill-will towards any, however 
great the wrong he might have done him ; and so great 
was his benignity in this matter that wiseacres reproached 
him as wanting in distributive justice, though in all other 
matters he held the rightful mean. 

And this they said because he left unpunished some of 
his servants who deserted him in the siege of Tangier, 
which was the most perilous affair in which he ever stood 
before or after,^^ not only becoming reconciled to them, but 
even granting them honourable advancement over and 
above others who had served him well; the which, in the 
judgment of men, was far from their deserts. And this is 
the only shortcoming of his that I have to record. And 
because Tully commandeth^ that an author should reason, 
in the matter of his writing, as truly appeareth to him — in 
the sixth chapter of this work I shall declare myself more 
fully on this,* that I may approve myself a truthful writer. 

The Infant drank wine only for a very small part of his 
life, and that in his- youth, but afterwards he abstained 
entirely from it. He always, shewed great devotion to the 
public affairs of these kingdoms, toiling greatly for their 
good advancement, and much he delighted in the trial 
of new essays for the profit of all, though with great 
expense of his own substance. And so he keenly enjoyed 
the labour of arms, and especially against the enemies of 
the holy faith, while he desired peace with all Christians. 
Thus he was loved by all alike, for he made himself useful 
to all and hindered no one. His answers were always 

• I.e., on this point of distributive justice. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 1 5 

gentle, and therewith he shewed great honour to the 
standing of every one who came to him, without any 
lessening of his own estate. A base or unchaste word was 
never heard to issue from his mouth. 

He was very obedient to all the commands of Holy 
Church, and heard all its offices with great devotion ; aye 
and caused the same to be celebrated in his chapel, with 
no less splendour and ceremony than they could have had 
in the College of any Cathedral Church. And so he held 
all sacred things in great reverence and treated the 
ministers of the same with honour, and bestowed on them 
favours and largess. Well-nigh one-half of the year he 
spent in fasting, and the hands of the poor never went 
away empty from his presence. Of a surety I know not 
how to find any prince so Catholic and religious, that I 
could say as much of him. His heart never knew what 
fear was, save the fear of sin ; and since from chaste habits 
and virtuous actions spring great and lofty deeds, I will 
collect in this next chapter all the notable things which 
were performed by him for the service of God and the 
honour of the Kingdom. 



CHAPTER V. 



In which the Chronicler speakelh briefly of the notable matters which 
the Infent performed for the service of God and the honour of 
the Kingdom. 

Where could this chapter begin better than in speaking 
of that most glorious conquest of the great city of Ceuta, 
of which famous victory the heavens felt the glory and the 
earth the benefit. For it seemeth to me a great glory, for 
the sacred college of the Celestial Virtues,^ that all those 
holy sacrifices and blessed ceremonies should have been 
celebrated in praise of Christ our Lord in that city from 



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i6 azurara's chronicle of the 

that day even until now, and by his grace ever shall be 
celebrated. And as to the profit of our world from this 
achievement, Ea^t and West alike are good witnesses 
thereof, since their peoples can now exchange their goods, 
without any great peril of merchandise — for of a surety no 
one can deny that Ceuta is the key of all the Mediterranean 
sea. In the which conquest the' Prince was captain of a 
very great and powerful fleet, and like a brave knight 
fought and toiled in person on the day when it was taken 
from the Moors ; and under his command were the Count 
of Barcellos, the King's bastard, and Don Fernando, Lord 
of Braganza, his nephew, and Gongalo Vasquez Coutinho, 
a great and powerful noble, and many other lords and 
gentlemen with all their men-at-arms, and others who joined 
the said fleet from the three districts of the Beira, and the 
Tral-os-Montes and the Entre Douro-e-Minho.^ Now the 
first Royal Captain who took possession by the walls of 
Ceuta was this same of whom I write, and his square 
banner was the first that entered the gates of the city, 
from whose shadow he was never far off himself On that 
day the blows he dealt out were conspicuous beyond those 
of all other men, since for the space of five hours he never 
stopped fighting, and neither the heat, though it was very 
great, nor the amount of his toil, were able to make him 
retire and take any rest And in this space of time, the 
Prince, with four who accompanied him, made a valiant 
stand. For as to the others who should have followed in 
his company, some were scattered through that vast city, 
and others were not able to join him by reason of a gate 
through which the Infant with the said four companions 
had passed together with the Moors, which gate was 
guarded by other Moors on the top of the wall. So for about 
two hours the Prince and his friends held another gate, 
which is beyond that one which stands between the two 
cities ^^ in a turn of the wall under the shadow of the castle. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 17 

which gate is now called that of Fernandafonso. And to 
this had retired the greater part of the Moors who had fled 
out of the other town from the side of Almina just where the 
city was entered, but in the end, despite the great multitude 
of the enemy, they shut that gate. And whether their toil 
were idle or no could well be seen by those who had fallen 
and lay dead there, stretched out along that ground. In 
that city of Ceuta was the Infant knighted, together with 
his brothers, by his father's hand, with great honour, on the 
day of the consecration of the Cathedral Church, And 
the capture was on a Thursday, the 21st day of the month 
of August, in the year of Christ 1415. And immediately 
on the return of Hie King Don John to his kingdom, he 
made this honoured prince a duke, with the seignory there- 
of, in a place of the province of the Algarve.^* And after- 
wards at the end of three years there came against Ceuta 
a great power of Moors, who were reckoned at a later time 
by the King's Ransomers of Captives to be 100,000 strong — 
for there were present the people of the Kings of Fez and 
of Granada and of Tunis and of Marocco and of Bugya,^^ 
with many engines of war and much artillery, with the 
which they thought to take the aforesaid city, encircling it 
by sea and land. Then the infant was very diligent in 
succouring it with two of his brothers, that is to say the 
Infant Don John and the Count of Barcellos, who was 
afterwards Duke of Braganza, with many lords and 
gentlemen and with the aid of a great flotilla ; and after 
killing many of the Moors and delivering the city, he 
repaired it and returned again very honourably to 
Portugal. Yet he was not well content with his victory, 
because the chance of taking the town of Gibraltar, for 
which he had made preparation, did not offer itself to 
him.^ The chief reason of his being thus hindered was the 
roughness of the winter, which was Just then beginning; 
for although the sea at that time is dangerous everywhere, 



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I8 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

it is much more so at that very part because of the great 
currents that are there. He also fitted out a very great 
armada against the Canary Islands,*' to shew the natives 
there the way of the holy faith. 

Again, while the King Don Edward was reigning, by 
his order he passed over a third time into Africa, when he 
besieged the city of Tangier, and went for nineteen leagues 
with banners flying through the land of his enemies ; and 
then maintained the leaguer for two and twenty days, in 
which time were achieved many feats worthy of glorious 
remembrance, not without great slaughter of thfe enemy, 
as in the history of the kingdom you can learn more 
fully. 

He governed Ceuta, by command of the kings, his father, 
brother and nephew,* for five and thirty years, with such 
prevision that the crown of the kingdom never suffered loss 
of honour through any default of his ; but at last, because 
of his great burdens, he left the said government to the 
King Don Affonso, at the beginning of his reign.*" More- 
over, from the time that Ceuta was taken he always kept 
armed ships at sea to guard against the infidels, who then 
made very great havoc upon the coasts both on this side 
the straits and beyond ; so that the fear of his vessels kept 
in security all the shores of our Spain and the greater part 
of the merchants who traded between East and West.*^ 

Also he caused to be peopled in the great Sea of 
Ocean five islands, which embraced a goodly number of 
people at the time of the writing of this book, and 
especially Madeira ;*' and from this isle, as well as the 
others, our country drew large supplies of wheat, sugar, 
wax, honey and wood, and many other things, from 
which not only our own people but also foreigners have 
gained and are gaining great profit. Also the Infant 

* John, Edward and Affonso, 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 19 

Don Henry was with the king Don Affonso his nephew, 
in that army he collected gainst the Infant Don Pedro, 
from which followed the battle of Alfarrobeira, where 
the aforesaid Don Pedro was killed and the Count of 
Avranches who was with him, and all their host defeated,** 
And there, if my understanding suffice for the matter, 
I may truly say that the loyalty of men of all times was 
as nothing in comparison of his. Further, although his 
services* did not occasion him such great labours as those 
I have mentioned, yet of a certainty the circumstances of 
the matter gave to them a lustre and a grandeur that 
exceeded all else : and of these i leave a fuller account to 
the general history of the Kingdom. 

Don Henry also made very great benefactions to the 
Order of Christ, of which he was ruler and governor by 
the authority of the Holy Father, for he bestowed upon it 
all the spiritualties of the islands-f and in the kingdom 
he made purchases of lands (from which he created new 
commanderies), as well as of houses and estates, which he 
annexed to the said Order, And in the Mother-Convent of 
the Order he built two very fair cloisters and one high choir, 
with many rich ornaments, which he presented for sacred 
uses,** And for that he bad a great devotion to the Virgin 
Mary, he built in her honour a very devout house of prayer, 
one league from Lisbon, near the sea, at Restello, under the 
title of St, Mary of Belem, And in Pombal and in Soure, he 
built two very notable churches. Also, he bequeathed many 
noble houses to the City of Lisbon, being pleased to give his 
protection for the greater honour of the holy Scriptures ; 
and he ordained a yearly grant of ten marks of silver to 
the Chair of Theology for ever. And in the same way he 
gave to his chapel of St. Mary of Victory seven marks of 
yearly revenue.*^ But I know not for the present if there is 

* In this bMile. t In his Jurisdiction. 



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20 azurara's chronicle of the 

to be an increase in these grants after his death, for, at the 
time that King Affonso ordered this book to be written 
he was yet alive, of an age little less than sixty years, so 
that I cannot make an end of his benefactions, for, as his 
mind was great and ever intent on noble actions, I am 
sure that his members may indeed grow weaker with the 
lapse of time, but his wilt can never be too poor both to 
undertake and to finish a multitude of good deeds, so long 
as his soul and body are united together. And this may- 
well be understood by those that saw him ready to go 
to Ceuta** and almost embarked on shipboard with that 
intent — to end his life there, toiling in arms for the honour 
of the Kingdom and the exaltation of the Holy Faith. 
For in this cause he ever had a desire to finish his days: 
yet he desisted from carrying out his purpose for this time, 
because the King agreed with his Council in hindering the 
voyage, though he had previously given him leave. And 
though the chief cause of this be not known to most men, 
some wiseacres, who were not members of the Chief 
Council, perceived that the reason was as follows : the Lord 
King, like a man of great discretion, considering the great 
things to be performed at home, ordered him to remain, 
that he might give him, as his uncle and especial friend 
and most notable servant, the principal part in searching 
out the remedies for these troubles. But it mattcreth not 
much, whether this was the cause of his remaining or 
whether it was some other reason outside our knowledge: 
let it suffice that by this action you may see what was the 
chief part of his life's purpose, and this is what I ought in 
reason to set forth after what I have said. And among 
those actions of the Prince's* there are many others of 
no little grandeur, with which another man, who had not 
attained to the excellency of this hero, might well be 

* In home affairs. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 21 

content, but in this history I omit them, in order not to 
depart from what I promised at first to write of. Not that 
I would keep silence altogether concerning them, for in the 
general chronicle of the Kingdom I intend to touch on 
each in its own place. And because I began this chapter 
with the taking of a city,* I would fain end it with 
an account of that noble town which our Prince caused 
them to build on Cape St. Vincent, at the place where both 
seas meet, to wit, the great Ocean sea and the Mediter- 
ranean sea. But of the perfections of that town it is not 
possible to speak here at large, because when this book 
was written there were only the walls standing, though of 
great strength, with a few houses — yet work was going on 
in it continually. According to the common belief, the 
Infant purposed to make of it an especial mart town for 
merchants. And this was to the end that all ships that 
passed from the East to the West, should be able to take 
their bearings and to get provisions and pilots there, as at 
Cadiz — which last is very far from being as good a port as 
this, for here ships can get shelter against every wind 
(except one that we in this Kingdom call the cross-wind), 
and in the same way they can go out with every wind, 
whenever the seaman willeth it. Moreover, I have heard 
say that when this city was begun, the Genoese offered a 
great price for it ; and they, as you know, are not men 
that spend their money without some certain hope of gain. 
And though some have called the said town by other 
names, I believe its proper one, according to the intention 
of its founder, was that of " the Infant's town", for he him- 
self so named it, both by word of mouth and by writing.^ 



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AZURARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 



CHAPTER VI. 

In which the Author, who setteth in order this history, saith something 
of what he purposeth concerning the virtues of the Infent Don 

Such were the virtues and habits of this great and glorious 
Prince, even as you have heard in the past few chapters, in 
which I have spoken as well as I was able, but certainly 
not as tile matter deserved of me, for as St. Jerome layeth 
it down, small wits cannot handle great subjects. And if 
it be true, as Sallust saith, that great praise was given to 
those who performed the famous actions in the history of 
Athens, as far as the brilliant and glorious talents of her 
subtle authors were able by words to praise and exalt 
them, it was great boldness in me, who am only worthy to 
name myself a disciple of each one of these ancients, to 
undertake so high a charge.** 

But whereas it is said, that obedience is better than 
sacrifice, it seemeth to me that I do not deserve so great a 
blame, since I have only fulfilled what was commanded 
me. But 1 neither demand nor desire that my work 
should be placed before the public, for it is not of so 
precious a nature as to merit that it be preserved in 
a tower or temple, as the Athenians preserved the Minerva 
of Phidias, the figure to wit of the goddess Pallas, which for 
the excellency of its beauty was placed on high for the 
better view of all men, as saith the Philosopher in the 
sixth book of his Ethics, in the Chapter on Wisdom.* 
Rather I wish that this book of mine may be profitable as 
to its form, in order that in the future another work more 
adequate to the subject may be constructed out of it, and 
one that may suffice for the merits of so great a prince ; 
for certainly shame will descend on all the masters-, all 
the doctors, all the lawyers that have received instruction 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 23 

through his beneficence, if among so many there should 
not be found one willing to perpetuate his admirable deeds 
in a loftier and nobler style. 

But as it may happen that the recompense of gratitude, 
as I often perceive, may not be swift to follow or may 
very quickly cease altogether, let it please you to receive 
what in the past chapters of this work I have said of the 
Prince's habits and virtuous acts, and what more in the 
future I shall have to say — not according to that which 
the excellence of the work requireth, but according to the 
rudeness and ignorance of the Author. And these matters 
you may well believe are more truthfully written than 
easily collected together. 

But before entering fully upon the substance of my 
history, I wish to say a little of my intention to amend 
somewhat in the things where aforetime I was found wanting, 
to the praise of this great and glorious duke. And thou, 
great Valerius,** who with such constant study, didst 
occupy thyself in gathering and putting together in a 
history the powers and virtues of the noble and ex- 
cellent lords of thy city, of a surety I dare say that 
among so many renowned men, thou couldst not, in the 
highest degree, speak of another like him, for although 
thou wast able to assign certain grades of virtue to each 
one of thy heroes, yet thou wast not able to unite all these 
merits in one single body, as I am able to gather and join 
them together in the life of this Prince. 

Where couldst thou find one so religious, one so catholic, 
one so prudent, one of so good counsel, one so temperate 
in all his actions. Where couldst thou light on such 
magnanimity, such frankness, such humanity, such courage, 
to support so great and so many toils as his ? — for of a 
surety there was not a man of his time who would have 
dared to continue in the practice of such severity of life. 
Oh how often did the sun find him on its rising seated in 



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24 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

the same place where it had left him the day before, 
watching throughout the circle of the night season without 
taking any rest, surrounded by people of various nations, 
not without profit to every one of them that stood by. For 
he took no small delight in finding the means to profit 
all. Where could you find another human body that would 
endure the toil he underwent in arms, a toil that was but 
scantly diminished in the time of peace? Certainly I believe 
that if fortitude could be depicted, it would encounter its 
true form in his face and members, for he did not prove 
himself strong in some matters only, but in all. And what 
courage, what endurance, could be greater than that of the 
man who is victor over himself? Yet he endured hunger 
and thirst as well, a matter almost past belief. 

But what Romulus, or Manlius Torquatus, or Horatius 
Cod^s couldst thou prefer to the might of this Prince? 
Perchance thou wouldst bring hither thy Caesar, whom by 
thy words thou hast set up as a god, and an example of good 
morals and honest life : what then wilt thou do with Marcus 
TuUius and with Lucan, who in so many places confess that 
he corrupted himself by carnal desires and other vices, to 
the great diminishing of his praise ?*^ Who would not fear 
to compare himself with this our prince, seeing how that 
the Sovereign Pontiff, vicar-general of the Holy Church, and 
the Emperor of Germany, as well as the Kings of Castille 
and England, when informed of his great virtues, begged 
him to be captain of their armies ?** And to what shall we 
assign more justly the name of felicity and good fortune 
than to his virtues and habits, or to what empires and 
riches can be given greater honour than to his great and 
excellent deeds ? 

O fortunate prince, honour of our kingdom, what single 
thing was there in thy life which they who praise thee 
ought to pass by in silence : what moment of thy time was 
barren of good deeds or empty of praise ? 1 consider how 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 2$ 

thou didst welcome all, how thou didst listen to all ; how 
thou didst pass the greater part of thy days and nights 
among such great cares, that many might be profited. 
Wherefore I know that lands and seas are full of those 
that praise thee, for by thy continual voyagings thou hast 
joined the East with the West, in order that the nations 
might learn to exchange their riches. And in truth, though 
I have said many things about thee, many more remain 
for me to say. 

But before I end this chapter I believe that it beseemeth 
me, of necessity, to show what I think about that matter 
on which I touched — to wit, distributive justice — so as not 
to pass it by without some declaration of my mind, as I 
promised before. And certainly that was a beautiful 
ordinance that TuUy made upon this matter, for it standeth 
to reason that the verdict of the historian should have 
greater authority upon that matter of which Tie treateth 
than any other person, because he enquireth about the truth 
of things with greater care : Now this duty* will be either 
that of martial correction or of humanity and clemency. If 
it bean affair of correction or martial justice, it is impossible 
to excuse shortcomings, for we read in the histories of the 
Romans that the fathers slew their sons for such faults, and 
made other very bloody executions: but, contrariwise, on the 
side of clemency and humanity, this must needs be praised 
as a great virtue, since its third part, according to Seneca, 
lieth in reconciling familiars to oneself; yet the extreme of 
both these two things is of doubtful merit, to wit, whether 
one should prefer discipline to clemency or clemency to 
discipline." 

But under correction of him who better understandeth it, 
I say it appeareth to me that the better part of the matter 
should take precedence of the other part of less value, and 

* Of shewing distributive justice. 



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26 azurara's chronicle of the 

considering the particular case and the circumstances of 
the time and how no correction could bring about amend- 
ment,* we ought to give praise rather than blame to the 
Infant for his conduct, inasmuch as it sheweth a liberal 
heart to offer kindness to those whom one might with good 
reason have denied. 

And be this as it may, let not these matters, most 
excellent prince, seem serious unto thee, for it was not so 
much my intent to praise thy deeds as to praise thee. For 
the wicked do many deeds worthy of praise, but no man 
should be praised save he who is truly good in himself. 
Where is the man whose virtues are not offended by some 
accretion of vices ? Certainly I am not one to write or say 
it of thee, O Prince, for one who hath a place prepared 
among the celestial thrones cannot receive offence from the 
deeds he did on earth, though to some they appear worthy 
of blame ; for one may quote the saying of Saint Chrysostom, 
that there is nothing so holy, but that an evil-minded 
interpreter thereof can find something to asperse." 

O how few there be, as said Seneca in his first tragedy,** 
who turn to good account the time of their life or ever 
think upon its brevity. But of a surety thou, O prince, 
wast never of the number of these men, since by thy 
glorious and lofty deeds and cruel sufferings, thou didst add 
to thyself, among many princes of most excellent dignity, an 
eternal and undying memory, and, what is of more value, a 
heavenly throne, as I piously believe. O fortunate Kings, 
who after his death shall possess the royal seat of his 
ancestors, I beg you always to keep the sepulchre of this 
great and noble duke in your especial remembrance, since 
the splendour of his virtues doth form a great part of your 
honour. For verily the exclamations and the praises which 
I tell you of him, were net invented by my own wit, but 

* I.e., on that occasion. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUIKEA. 27 

are as it were the living voices of his virtues and his great 
merits, which would be of great profit to every one of you, 
if you could keep them whole and sound in your thought, 
not desiring that I had related them more briefly, since it 
would be a trouble to find his like among the men of our 
time. 



CHAPTER VII. 



In which five reasons appear why the Lord Infant was moved to 
command the search for the lands of Guinea. 

We imagine that we know a matter when we are acquainted 
with the doer of it and the end for which he did it And 
since in former chapters we have set forth the Lord Infant 
as the chief actor in these things, giving as clear an under- 
standing of him as we could, it is meet that in this present 
chapter we should know his purpose in doing them. And 
you should note well that the noble spirit of this Prince, by 
a sort of natural constraint, was ever urging him both to 
begin and to carry out very great deeds. For which reason, 
after the taking of Ceuta he always kept ships well armed 
against the Infidel, both for war, and because he had also 
a wish to know the land that lay beyond the isles of 
Canary and that Cape called Bojador, for that up to his 
time, neither by writings, nor by the memory of man, was 
known with any certainty the nature of the land beyond 
that Cape. Some said indeed that Saint Brandan had 
passed that way ; and there was another tale of two galleys 
rounding the Cape, which never returned.** But this doth 
not appear at all likely to be true, for it is not to be pre- 
sumed that if the said galleys went there, some other ships 
would not have endeavoured to learn what voyage they 
had made. And because the said Lord Infant wished to 
know the truth of this, — since it seemed to him that if he or 
some other lord did not endeavour to gain that knowledge, 



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28 azukara's chronicle of the 

no mariners or merchants would ever dare to attempt it — 
(for it is clear that none of them ever trouble themselves to 
sail to a place where there is not a sure and certain hope of 
profit) — and seeing also that no other prince took any pains 
in this matter, he sent out his own ships against those 
parts, to have manifest certainty of them all. And to this 
he was stirred up by his zeal for the service of God and of 
the King Edward his Lord and brother, who then reigned. 
And this was the first reason of his action. 

The second reason was that if there chanced to be in 
those lands some population of Christians, or some havens, 
into which' it would be possible to sail without peril, many 
kinds of merchandise might be brought to this realm, which 
would find a ready market, and reasonably so, because no 
other people of these parts traded with them, nor yet 
people of any other that were known ; and also the pro- " 
ducts of this realm might be taken there, which traffic 
. would bring great profit to our countrymen. 

The third reason was that, as it was said that the power 
of the Moors in that land of Africa was very much greater 
than was commonly supposed,*^ and that there were no 
Christians among them, nor any other race of men ; and 
because every wise man is obliged by natural prudence to 
wish for a knowledge of the power of his enemy ; therefore 
the said Lord Infant exerted himself to cause this to be 
fully discovered, and to make it known determinately how 
far the power of those infidels extended. 

The fourth reason was because during the one and thirty 
years that he had warred against the Moors, he had never 
found a Christian king, nor a lord outside this land, who 
for the love of our Lord Jesus Christ would aid him in the 
said war. Therefore he sought to know if there were in 
those parts any Christian princes, in whom the charity and 
the love of Christ was so ingrained that they would aid him 
against those enemies of the fatth, 



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DISCOVEKY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 

The fifth reason was his great desire to make ini 
the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ and to bring to him all 
the souls that should be saved, — understanding that all the 
mysteryof the Incarnation, Death, and Passion of our Lord 
Jesus Christ was for this sole end — namely the salvation of 
lost souls — whom the said Lord Infant by his travail and 
spending would fain bring into the true path. For he 
perceived that no hietter offering could be made unto the 
Lord than this; for if God promised to return one hundred 
goods for one, we tnay justly believe that for such great 
benefits, that is to say for so many souls as wrte saved by 
the efforts of this Lord, he will have so many hundreds of 
guerdons in the kingdom of God, by which his spirit may 
be glorified after this life in the celestial realm. For I that 
wrote this history saw so many men and women of those 
parts turned to the holy faith, that even if the Infant had 
been a heathen, their prayers would have been enough to 
have obtained his salvation. And not only did I see the 
first captives, but their children and grandchildren as true 
Christians as if the Divine grace breathed in them and 
imparted to them a clear knowledge of itself. 

But over and above these five reasons I have a sixth that 
would seem to be the root from which all the others pro- 
ceeded: and this is the inclination of the heavenly wheels. 
For, as I wrote not many days ago in a letter I sent to the 
Lord King, that although it be written that the wise man 
shall be Lord of the stars, and that the courses of the 
planets (according to the true estimate of the holy doctors) 
cannot cause the good man to stumble; yet it is manifest 
that they are bodies ordained in the secret counsels of our 
Lord God and run by a fixed measure, appointed to 
different ends, which are revealed to men by his grace, 
through whose influence bodies of the lower order are 
inclined to certain passions. And if it be a fact, speaking 
as a Catholic, that the contrary predestinations of the 



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30 azurara's chronicle of the 

wheels of heaven can be avoided by natural judgment with 
the aid of a certain divine grace, much more does it stand 
to reason that those who are predestined to good fortune, 
by the help of this same grace, will not only follow their 
course but even add a far greater increase to themselves. 
But here I wish to tell you how by the constraint of the 
influence of nature this glorious Prince was inclined to 
those actions of his. And that was because his ascendent 
was Aries, which is the house of Mars and exaltation of 
the sun, and his lord in the Xlth house, in company of 
the sun. And because the said Mars was in Aquarius, 
which is the house of Saturn, and in the mansion of hope, 
it signified that this Lord should toil at high and mighty 
conquests, especially in seeking out things that were hidden 
from other men and secret, according to the nature of 
Saturn, in whose house he is. And the fact of his being 
accompanied by the sun, as I said, and the sun being in 
the house of Jupiter, signified that all his traflick and his 
conquests would be loyally carried out, according to the 
good pleasure of his king and lord.** 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Why ships had not hitherto dared to pass beyond Cape Bojador. 

So the Infant, moved by these reasons, which you have 
already heard, began to make ready his ships and his 
people, as the needs of the case required ; but this much you 
may learn, that although he sent out many times, not only 
ordinary men, but such as by their experience in great 
deeds of war were of foremost name in the profession of 
arms, yet there was not one who dared to pass that Cape 
of Bojador and learn about the land beyond it, as the 
Infant wished. And to say the truth this was not from 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 3I 

cowardice or want of good will, but from the novelty of the 
thing and the wide-spread and ancient rumour about this 
Cape,thathad been cherished by the mariners of Spain from 
generation to generation. And although this proved to be 
deceitful, yet since the hazarding of this attempt seemed to 
threaten the last evil of all, there was great doubt as to 
who would be the first to risk his life in such a venture. 
How are we, men said, to pass the bounds that our fathers 
set up, or what profit can result to the Infant from the 
perdition of our souls as well as of our bodies — for of a 
truth by daring any further we shall become wilful 
murderers of ourselves? Have there not been in Spain 
other princes and lords as covetous perchance of this 
honour as the Infant? For certainly it cannot be presumed 
that among so many noble men who did such great and 
lofty deeds for the glory of their memory, there had not 
been one to dare this deed. But being satisfied of the 
peril, and seeing no hope of honour or profit, they left off 
the attempt For, said the mariners, this much is clear, 
that beyond this Cape there is no race of men nor place of 
inhabitants : nor is the land less sandy than the deserts of 
Libya, where there is no water, no tree, no green herb — 
and the sea so shallow that a whole league from land it 
is only a fathom deep, while the currents are so terrible 
that no ship having once passed the Cape, will ever be able 
to return.** 

Therefore our forefathers never attempted to pass it : 
and of a surety their knowledge of the lands beyond was 
not a little dark, as they knew not how to set them down 
on the charts, by which man controls all the seas that 
can be navigated. Now what sort of a ship's captain would 
he be who, with such doubts placed before him by those 
to whom he might reasonably yield credence and authority, 
and with such certain prospect of death before his eyes, 
could venture the trial of such a bold feat as that ? O thou 



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32 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

Vii^in Themis, saith our Author, who among the nine 
Musesof Mount Parnassus didst possess the especial right of 
searching out the secrets of Apollo's cave, I doubt whether 
thy fears were as great at putting thy feet on that sacred 
table where the divine revelations afflicted thee little less 
than death, as the terrors of these mariners of ours, 
threatened not only by fear but by its shadow, whose great 
deceit was the cause of very great expenses. For during 
twelve years the Infant continued steadily at this labour of 
his, ordering out his ships every year to those parts, not 
without great loss of revenue, and never finding any who 
dared to make that passage. Yet they did not return 
wholly without honour, for as an atonement for their 
failure to carry out more fully their Lord's wishes, some 
made descents upon the coasts of Granada and others 
voyaged along the Levant Seas, where they took E^reat 
booty of the Infidels, with which they returned to the 
Kingdom very honourably." 



CHAPTER IX. 



How Gil Eannes, a native of Lagos, was the first who passed the 
Cape of Bojador, and how he returned thither again, and with 

him Affonso Gon^alvei Baldaya. 

Now the Infant always received home again with great 
patience those whom he had sent out, as Captains of his 
ships, in search of that land, never upbraiding them with 
their failure, but with gracious countenance listening to 
the story of the events of their voyage, giving them such 
• rewards as he was wont to give to those who served him 
well, and then either sending them back to search again or 
despatching other picked men of his Household, with their 
ships well furnished, making more urgent his charge to 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 33 

them, with promise of greater guerdons, if they added any- 
thing to the voyage that those before them had made, all 
to the intent that he might arrive at some comprehension 
of that difficulty. And at last, after twelve years, the 
Infant armed a " barcha" and gave it to Gil Eannes, one of 
his squires, whom he afterwards knighted and cared for 
right nobly. And he followed the course that others had 
taken ; but touched by the self-same terror," he only went as 
far as the Canary Islands, where he took some captives and 
returned to the Kingdom, Now this was in the year of 
Jesus Christ 1433, and in the next year the Infant made 
ready the same vessel, and calling Gil Eannes apart, charged 
him earnestly to strain every nerve to pass that Cape, and 
even if he could do nothing else on that voyage, yet he 
should consider that to be enough. " You cannot find", said 
the Infant, "a peril so great that the hope of reward will not 
be greater, and in truth I wonder much at the notion you 
have all taken on so uncertain a matter — for even if these 
things that are reported had any authority, however small, 
I would not blame you, but you tell me only the opinions 
of four mariners, who come but from the Flanders trade 
or from some other ports that are very commonly sailed to, 
and know nothing of the needle or sailing -chart." Go forth, 
then, and heed none of their words, but make your voyage 
straightway, inasmuch as with the grace of God you can- 
not but gain from this journey honour and profit." The 
Infant was a man of very great authority, so that his 
admonitions, mild though they were, had much eflfect on 
the serious-minded. And so it appeared by the deed of this 
man, for he, after these words, resolved not to return to the 
presence of his Lord without assured tidings of that for which 
he was sent. And as he purposed, so he performed — for in 
that voyage he doubled the Cape, despising all danger, and 
found the lands beyond quite contrary to what he, like 
others, had expected. And although the matter was a 



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34 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

small one in itself, yet on account of its daring it was 
reckoned great — for if the first man who reached the 
Cape had passed it, there would not have been so much 
praise and thanks bestowed on him ; but even as the danger 
of the affair put all others into the greater fear, so the 
accomplishing of it brought the greater honour to this man. 
But whether or no the success of Gil Eannes gained for 
hira any genuine glory may be perceived by the words that 
the Infant spoke to him before his starting; and his 
experience on his leturn was very clear on this point, for 
he was exceeding well received, not without a pro6table 
increase of honour and possessions. And then it was he 
related to the Infant how the whole matter had gone, 
telling him how he had ordered the boat to be put out and 
had gone in to the shore without finding either people or 
signs of habitation. And since, my lord, said Gil Eannes, 
I thought that I ought to bring some token of the land 
since I was on it, I gathered these herbs which I here 
present to your grace ; the which we in this country call 
Roses of Saint Mary. Then, after he had finished 
giving an account of his voyage to that part, the Infant 
caused a " barinel" to be made ready, in which he sent 
out Affonso Gon^alvez Baldaya, his cupbearer, and Git 
Eannes as well with his " barcha", ordering him to return 
there with his companion. And so in fact they did, passing 
fifty leagues beyond the Cape, where they found the land 
without dwellings, but shewing footmarks of men and. 
camels. And then, either because they were so ordered, or 
from necessity, they returned with this intelligence, without 
doing aught else worth recording, ** 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 35 

CHAPTER X. 
How AfTonso Gon^lvez Baldaya reached the Rio d'Ouro. 
"As you have found traces of men and camels", said the 
Infant to Baldaya, " it is evident that the inhabited region 
cannot be far off ; or perchance they are people who cross 
with their merchandise to some seaport with a secure 
anchorage for ships to load in, for since there are people, 
they must of necessity depend upon what the sea brings 
them, and especially upon fish, however bestial they may 
be Much more so the inland tribes. Therefore I intend 
to said you there again, in that same 'barinel', ttoth that 
you may do me service and increase your honour, and to 
this end I order you to go as far as you can and try to gain 
an interpreter from among those people, capturing some 
one from whom you can obtain some tidings of the land — 
for according to my purpose, it will not be a small gain if 
we can get someone to give us news of this sort." The ship 
was soon ready to sail, and AfTonso Gon^alvez departed 
with great desire to do the Infant's will. And sailing on 
their way they passed seventy leagues beyond where they 
had been before, a space of 120 leagues beyond the Cape 
of Bojador, and found an estuary, as of a river of some 
size, in the which were many good anchorages,** And the 
entering in of this water ran eight leagues within the land, 
and in this they anchored. And because among the things 
he had brought, Alfonso Gon^alvez had two horses, which 
were given him by the Infant to mount two youths upon, 
he now had the horses put on shore, and before any one 
else disembarked, he ordered the youths to ride on those 
horses, and go up country as far as they could, looking 
about carefully on every side for villages, or people travel- 
ling by some path. And to cause them and their horses 
the less fatigue, he told them to take no arms of defence, 



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36 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

but only their lances and swords, wherewith to attack, if 
needed. For if they came on people who tried to capture 
them, their best remedy would be in their horses* feet, 
unless they found one man alone of whom they might 
make use without danger. 

Now in the performing of this action the youths shewed 
clearly what sort of men they would prove. For although 
they were so far distant from their own country and knew 
not what kind of people, or how many, they would find, 
not to speak of the dread of wild beasts, whose fearful 
shadow might well have alarmed them, considering their 
youth (for they were not either of them more than seventeen 
years of age), yet putting all this aside, they set out boldly 
and followed the course of the river for the space of seven 
leagues, where they found nineteen men all banded together 
without any other arms of offence or defence, but only asse- 
gais. And as soon as the youths saw them, they attacked 
them" with great courage. But that unknown company, 
although so many in number, dared not meet them on the 
level, but rather for security retired to some rocks, whence 
they fought with the youths for a good space. And during 
the fight one of those youths was wounded in the foot, and 
although the wound was slight, it did not remain unavenged, 
for they wounded one of the enemy likewise. And they 
kept on fighting until the sun began to give warning of 
night, on which account they went back to their ship. And 
I am sure that the injuries of that combat would not have 
been so small, if the enemy had remained upon the open 
ground. Two things I consider in this place, saith he who 
wrote this history." And first, what would be the fancy in 
the minds of those men at seeing such a novelty, to wit, 
two such daring youths, of colour and features so foreign to 
them ; what could they thTnk had brought them there, aye 
and on horseback, with lances and swords, arms that some 
of them had never seen. Of a surety I ween that their 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 37 

hearts were not so faint, but that they would have displayed 
greater bravery against our men, had it not been for the 
wonderment that was caused by the novelty of the thing_ 
Secondly I consider the daring of these two youths, who 
were in a strange land, so far from the succour of their 
companions, and yet were bold enough to attack such a 
number, whose power of fighting was so uncertain to 
them. One of the youths, I knew in after time as a noble 
gentleman, very valiant in the profession of arms, and he 
was called Hector Homem : the same you will find in the 
Chronicle of the Kingdom well proved by great deeds. 
The name of the other was Diego Lx)pez d'AImeida, also a 
gentleman and a man of good presence, as I have learnt 
from some that knew him. So they held on their journey 
to the ship, as we have related, and reached it about dawn 
and took a little repose. And as soon as it was light, - 
Affonso Gon^alvez had the boat made ready, and putting 
himself and some of his people into it, followed the course 
of that river, sending the youths on horseback along by the 
land, till he reached the place where the Moors had been 
found the other day, intending to fight with them and 
capture some ; but their toil was in vain, for so great was 
the alarm that, although the youths had retreated, the 
natives were possessed with a great fear and departed, 
leaving behind them the greater part of their poor belong- 
ings, with the which Affonso Gon^alvez loaded his boat as 
a witness of his toil. And seeing that it would not profit 
to pursue any further, he returned to the ship. And 
because he saw on a bank at the entrance of the river a 
great multitude of sea- wolves, the which by the estimate of 
some were about 5,ooo, he caused his men to kill as many 
as they could, and with their skins he loaded his ship — for, 
either because they were very easy to kill, or because the 
bent of our men was towards such an action, they made 
among those wolves a very great slaughter. 



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38 azurara's chronicle of the 

But with all this Alfonso Gon^alvez was not satisfied, 
because he had not taken one of those Moors, so going on 
beyond this for a space of fifty leagues to see if he could 
make captive some man, woman, or child, by which to 
satisfy the will of his Lord, he came to a point, where stood 
a rock which from a distance was like a galley. And 
for this reason they called that port from that day forward 
the " Port of the Galley". And there they went on land, 
where they found some nets, which they took on board. 
And here you may note a new matter, new I say to us 
who live in this Spain, that the thread of those nets was 
of the bark of a tree, so well fitted for such a use that 
without any other tanning or admixture of flax, it could 
be woven right excellently, and nets made of it, with all 
other cordage.^ 

And so AfiTonso Gon^alvez turned back to Portugal, 
without any certain knowledge as to whether those men 
were Moors or Gentiles, or as to what life or manner of 
living they had. And this was in the year of Jesus Christ 
1436. 



CHAPTER Xr. 
Of the things that were achieved in the years following. 
In the years that follow* we did not find anything note- 
worthy to record. True it is that there went to those 
parts two ships, each in its turn, but one turned back on 
account of contrary weather and the other went only to 
the Rio d'Ouro for the skins and oil of those sea-wolves, 
and loading a cargo of these returned to Portugal. And 
in that yearf passed over our noble Infant Don Henry 
into Tangier, for which reason he sent no more ships 

• I.e., 1436 to 1441. + 1437, 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 39 

to that land. And in the year 1438 departed out of this 
world the very virtuous Don Edward on the 9th of Sep- 
tember, in Thomar, on whose death there followed very 
great discords in the kingdom.'" 

And in these troubles the presence of the Infant was so 
necessary, that of all other matters he clean forgot himself, 
to bring a remedy to the perils and travail in which the 
realm was. And it was so that the King Don Affonso, 
who ordered the writing of this history, was at the age of six, 
and had to be tutored and protected, he and his realm, by 
governors ; and about the authority of these there followed 
great contentions, in which the Infant Don Henry toiled 
much for peace and a good settlement of affairs, as you 
may find more at length in the Chronicle of the reign of 
this King Don Affonso.** And so it was that in those years 
there went no ships beyond that Cape, for the reasons that 
we have said. True it is that in the year 1440 there armed 
themselves two caravels to go to that land, but because 
they had hap that was contrary, we do not tell further of 
tlielr voyage. 



CHAPTER XII. 
How Antam Gongalvez brought back the first Captives. 
I THINK I can now take some sort of pleasure in the 
narrating of this history, because I find something where- 
with to satisfy the desire of our Prince ; the which desire 
was so much the greater as the matters for which he had 
toiled so long were now more within his view. And so in 
this chapter 1 wish to present some novelty in his toilsome 
seed-time of preparation. 

Now it was so that in this year 1441, when the affairs 
of this realm were somewhat more settled though not 



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40 azurara's chronicle of the 

fully quieted, that the Infant, armed a little ship, of the 
which he made captain one Antam Gon^alvez, his cham- 
berlain, and a very young man ; and the end of that 
voyage was none other, according to my Lord's command- 
ment, but to ship a cargo of the skins and oil of those sea- 
wolves of which we have spoken in previous chapters. 
But it cannot be doubted that the Infant gave him the 
same charge that he gave to others, but as the age of this 
captain was weaker, and his authority but slight, so the 
Prince's orders were less stringent, and in consequence his 
hopes of result less confident. 

But when he had accomplished his voyage, as far as 
concerned the chief part of his orders, Antam Gon^alvez 
called to him Affonso Goterres, another groom of the 
chamber, who was with him, and all the others that* were 
in the ship, being one and twenty in all, and spoke to them 
in this wise : " Friends and brethren ! We have already got 
our cargo, as you perceive, by the which the chief part of 
our ordinance is accomplished, and we may well turn back, 
if we wish not to toil beyond that which was principally 
commanded of us ; but I would know from all whether it 
seemeth to you well that we should attempt something 
further, that he who sent us here may have some example 
of our good wills ; for I think it would be shameful if we 
went back into his presence just as we are, having done 
such small service. And in truth I think we ought to 
labour the more strenuously to achieve something like this 
as it was the less laid upon us as a charge by the Infant 
our lord, O How fair a thing it would be if we, who 
have come to this land for a cargo of such petty merchan- 
dise, were to meet with the good luck to bring the first 
captives before the face of our Prince. And now I will 
tell you of my thoughts that ! may receive your advice 
thereon, I would fain go myself this next night with 
nine men of you (those who arc most ready for the 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 41 

business), and prove a part of this land along the river, to 
see if I find any inhabitants ; for 1 think we of right ought 
to meet with some, since 'tis certain there are people here, 
who traffic with camels and other animals that bear their 
freights. Now the traffic of these men must chiefly be to 
the seaboard ; and since they have as yet no knowledge 
of us, their gathering cannot be too large for us to try their 
strength ; and, if God grant us to encounter them, the very 
least part of our victory will be the capture of one of 
them, with the which the Infant will feel no small content, 
getting knowledge by that means of what kind are the 
other dwellers of this land. And as to our reward, you can 
estimate what it will be by the great expenses and toil he 
has undertaken in years past, only for this end." "See what 
you do", replied the others, " for since you are our captain 
we needs must obey your orders, not as Antam Gon^alvez 
but as our lord ; for you must understand that we who are 
here, of the Household of the Infant our lord, have both the 
will and desire to serve him, even to the laying down of our 
lives in the event of the last danger. But we think your 
purpose to be good, if only you will introduce no other 
novelty to increase the peril, which would be little to the 
service of our lord." And finally they determined to do his 
bidding, and follow him as far as they could make their way. 
And as soon as it was night Antam Gon^alvcz chose nine 
men who seemed to him most fitted for the undertaking, and 
made his voyage with them as he had before determined. 
And when they were about a league distant from the sea 
they came on a path which they kept, thinking some man 
or woman might come by there whom they could capture ; 
but it happened otherwise ; so Antam Gon^alvez asked the 
others to consent to go forward and follow out his purpose; 
for, as they had already come so far, it would not do to 
return to the ship in vain like that. And the others being 
content they departed thence, and, journeying through 



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42 AZURARA S CHRONICLE OF THE 

that inner land for the space of three leagues, they found 
the footmarks of men and youths, the number of whom, 
according to their estimate, would be from forty to fifty, 
and these led the opposite way from where our men were 
going. The heat was very intense, and so by reason of 
this and of the toil they had undergone in watching by 
night and travelling thus on foot, and also because of the 
want of water, of which there was none, Antam Gon^alvez 
perceived their weariness that it was already very great, as 
he could easily judge from his own sufferings: So he said, 
" My friends, there is nothing more to do here ; our toil 
is great, while the profit to arise from following up this 
path meseemeth small, for these men are travelling to 
the place whence we have come, and our best course 
would be to turn back towards them, and perchance, on 
their return, some will separate themselves, or may be, we 
shall come up with them when they are laid down to rest, 
and then, if we attack them lustily, peradventure they will 
flee, and, if they flee, someone there will be less swift, 
whom we can lay hold of according to our intent ; or may 
be our luck will be even better, and we shall find fourteen 
or fifteen of them, of whom we shall make a more profit- 
able booty." Now this advice was not such as to give rise 
to any wavering in the will of those men, for each 
desired that very thing. And, returning towards the sea, 
when they had gone a short part of the way, they saw 
a naked man following a camel, with two assegais in his 
hand, and as our men pursued him there was not one who 
felt aught of his great fatigue. But though he was only 
one, and saw the others that they were many ; yet he had 
a mind to prove those arms of his right worthily and 
began to defend himself as best he could, shewing a 
bolder front than his strength warranted. But Afibnso 
Goterres wounded him with a javelin, and this put the 
Moor in such fear that he threw down his arms like a 



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nrscovERv and conquest of guinea. 43 

beaten thing. And after they had captured him, to their 
no small delight, and had gone on further, they espied, on 
the top of a hill, the company whose tracks they were 
following, and their captive pertained to the number of 
these. And they failed not to reach them through any 
lack of will, but the sun was now low, and they wearied, so 
they determined to return to their ship, considering that 
such enterprise might bring greater injury than profit. 
And, as they were going on their waj', they saw a black 
Mooress come along (who was slave of those on the hill), 
and though some of our men were in favour of letting her 
pass to avoid a fresh skirmish, to which the enemy did not 
invite them, — for, since they were in sight and their number 
more than doubled ours, they could not be of such faint 
hearts as to allow a chattel of theirs to be thus carried ol)*: 
— despite this, Antam Gon^alvez bade them go at her ; 
for if (he said) they scorned that encounter, it might make 
their foes pluck up courage against them. And now you 
sec how the word of a captain prevaileth among men used 
to obey ; for, following his will, they seized the Mooress. 
And those on the hill had a mind to come to the rescue, 
but when they perceived our people ready to receive them, 
they not only retreated to their former position, but de- 
parted elsewhere, turning their backs to their enemies. 
And so let us here leave Antam Gon9alvez to rest, con- 
sidering this Chapter as finished, and in the following one 
we will knight him right honourably. 



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azukara's chronicle of the 



CHAPTER XIII. 

How Nimo Tristan) reached the spot where Antam Gon^vei was, 
and how he dubbed him knight 

For that the philosopher saith, that the beginning is two 
parts of the whole matter," we ought to give great praise to 
this noble youth, for this deed of his, undertaken with so 
great boldness ; for since he was the first who made booty 
in this conquest, he deserveth advantage over and above 
all the others who in after time travailed in this matter. 
For the custom was among the Romans, as Saint Augustine 
3 lith in the book that he made De Civitaie Dei, and as 
Titus Livius also saith in his Decades, that all those who 
struck the first blow in battles or were the first to enter 
into forts or to leap into ships, were granted in return a 
higher increase of honour, which they bore on the day of 
triumph in testimony of their valour, as Valerius telleth us 
more in detail, in the summary that he made of Roman 
history.* And so let Antam Gon^alvez receive his knight- 
hood, as we purpose to describe in this chapter, and after 
this we will give him commanderies in the Order of Christ 
(whose habit he afterwards assumed), making him the 
private secretary to this great and noble prince. And for 
the remembrance of his honour, let him be satisfied that he 
is inscribed in this volume, whose tenor will for ever, so 
long as writing endureth among men, be a witness of his 
excellence. 

Now you must know that Nuno Tristam, a youthful 
knight, very valiant and ardent, who had been brought up 
from early boyhood in the Infant's privy chamber, arrived 
at that very place where was Antam Gon^alvez, and 
brought with him an armed caravel, with the special com- 
mand of his Lord, that he should pass beyond the Port of 
tlie Galley, as far as he could, and that he should bestir him- 



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DISCOVERY AKD CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 45 

self as well to capture some of the people of the country, 
as best he could. And he, pursuing his voyage, now arrived 
at the place where Antam Gon5alvez was. And you can 
well imagine how great was the joy of these two, being 
natives of the same Kingdom and brought up in one and 
the self-same Court, to meet again at so great a distance 
from their own land. But leaving out of this account the 
words we may suppose they would use — the one in asking 
for news of his lord, and of his friends and acquaintances ; 
the other in his desire to know of the booty— NunoTristam 
said, that an Arab whom he had brought with him there, 
and who was a servant of the Infant his lord, should speak 
v^ith one of those captives, to see if he understood their 
language, and that, if they could understand one another, 
it would be of great profit to know all the state and con- 
ditions of the people of that land. And so all three 
of them spoke,* but their language was very different 
from that of the others, so that they were not able to 
understand one another. But as soon as Nuno Tristam 
perceived that he was not able to learn more of the manner 
of that land, than what Antam Gongalvez had told him, he 
was eager to depart, but that emulation which Socrates*^ 
praised in gallant youths, tormented his heart in such a 
manner that he wished first of all to see whether he could 
not do something of more account before the eyes of his 
fellows. " How is it right", said he to those of his com- 
pany, " that we should allow these men to go on their 
way back to Portugal, without first shewing them some 
part of our labour ? Of a surety, I say to you, that as 
far as it concemeth me, I trow I should receive disgrace, 
holding the order of knighthood as I do, if I gained here 
no booty richer than this, by which the Lord Infant may 



* I.e., Nuno Trislam, Antam Gonijalvei, and the Arab inierpreier 
all questioned the captives, but the latter could not understand them. 



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46 azurara's chronicle of the 

gain some first-fruits of a recompcnce for the great expense 
he has incurred." 

Thereupon he caused Antam Gon^alvez to be called, 
and the principal men whom he brought with him, that he 
might show them his mind. " You", said he, " my friend 
Antam Gon^alvez, are not ignorant of the will of the Infant 
our Lord, and you know that to execute this purpose of 
his he hath incurred many and great expenses, and yet up 
till now, for a space of fifteen years, he hath toiled in vain 
in this part of the world, never being able to arrive at any 
certainty as to the people of this land, under what law 
or lordship they do live. And although you are carrying 
off these two captives, and by their means the Infant may 
come to know something about this folk, yet that doth not 
prevent what is still better, namely, for us to carry off 
many more ; for, besides the knowledge which the Lord 
Infant will gain by their means, profit will also accrue to 
him by their service or ransom. Wherefore, it seemeth to 
tae that we should do well to act after this manner. That 
is to say, in this night now following, you should choose 
ten of your men and I another ten of mine — from the best 
which each of us may have — and let us then go together 
and seek those whom you have found. And since you say 
that, judging from the fighting you had with them, they 
were not more than twenty men fit for battle, and the rest 
women and boys, we ought to capture them all very 
quickly. And even if we do not meet with the very same 
that you encountered, nevertheless we shall surely find 
others, by means of whom we can make as good a booty, 
or perhaps even better." 

" I cannot well believe", replied Antam Gon^alvez, " that 
our expedition in search of those we found before, will 
have any sure result, for the place is all one great bare 
hill, in the which there is no house or hut where one could 
fancy they would lodge, and the more so since we saw them 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 47 

turn again like men that had come there from another 
part And what seemeth to me worst of all is that those 
men* will have forewarned all the others, and, peradventure, 
when we think to capture them we may ourselves become 
their booty. But consider this well, and where we have 
been in a manner victorious, let us not return to suffer 
loss." 

Yet, although this counsel of Antam Gon^alvez was 
good, according to the circumstances of the affair ; and 
although Nuno Tristam was not unwilling to fall in with 
it; there were there two squires, in whom these reasons did 
not suffice to oppose their desire of doing brave deeds. 
Gon^allo de Sintra was the name of one of these — and of 
his valour you will know more fully in the progress of this 
history ; the other was Diego Aiies de Valladares, a squire, 
valiant in body, well proved in many great perils. And 
these two persuaded the Council to depart from the advice 
which Antam Gon^alvez had given, in this way, that as 
soon as it was night, they set out according to the order 
that Nuno Tristam gave at first And so it chanced that 
in the night they came to where the natives lay scattered 
in two encampments, either the same that Antam Gon- 
^alvez had found before or other like it. The distance 
between the encampments was but small, and our men 
divided themselves into three parties, in order that they 
might the better hit upon them. For they had not yet 
any certain knowledge of the place where they lay, but 
only a perception of them ; as you see the like things 
are perceived much more readily by night than by 
day. And when our men had come nigh to them, they 
attacked them very lustily, shouting at the top of their 
voices, "Portugal" and "Santiago";*^ the fright of which so 
abashed the enemy, that it threw them all into disorder. 

* Whom my people fell in with. 



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46 AZURARA S CHRONICLE OF THE 

And SO, all in confusion, they began to fly without any 
order or carefulness. Except indeed that the men made 
some show of defending themselves with their assegais (for 
they knew not the use of any other weapon), especially one 
of them, who fought face to face with Nuno Tristam, 
defending himself till he received his death. And besides 
this one, whom Nuno Tristam slew by himself, the others 
killed three and took ten prisoners, what of men, women 
and boys. And it is not to be doubted that they would 
have slain and taken many more, ifthey had all fallen on 
together at the first onslaught. But among those who were 
taken there was one greater than the rest, who was called 
Adahu, and was said to be a noble ; and he shewed in 
his countenance right well that he held the pre-eminence 
of nobility over the others. Now, among those ten who 
I said were with Nuno Tristam, was one Gomez Vinagre, 
a youth of good family, brought up in the Infant's house- 
hold, who showed in this battle what his valour was like 
to be in after time, for which in the result he was honour- 
ably advanced. When the action was thus accomplished, 
as we have described, all met together, even as they were 
in the fight, and began to request ofAntam Gon9aivez, 
that he should be made a knight. But he, appraising his 
toil at far less than they did, answered that it was not 
right that he for so small a service should receive so great 
an honour, and one too that was more than his age did 
warrant Of his own free will he said he would never have 
it, except when he had accomplished greater deeds than 
these. Yet at last by the excessive entreaties of the rest, 
and because Nuno Tristam perceived it was right, he had 
. to make Antam Gon5alvez a knight, though it was against 
his wiii ; and for this reason they called that place 
henceforth, " the Port of the Cavalier"."^ And so he was 
the first knight that was made in those parts. Then those 
captains returned to the ships and bade that Arab 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 49 

whom Nuno Tristam had brought with him, to speak 
with those Moors* but they were not able to understand 
him, because the language of these people was not 
Moorish, but Azaneguy of Sahara, for so they name 
that land. But the noble,f in that he was of better breed- 
ing than the other captives, so had he seen more things 
and better than they ; and had been to other lands where 
he had learned the Moorish tongue ;** forasmuch as he 
understood that Arab and answered to whatever matter 
was asked of him by the same. And the further to try the 
people of the land and to have of them more certain know- 
ledge, they put that Arab on shore, and one of the Moorish 
women whom they had taken captive ; who were to say to 
the others, that if they wished to come and speak to them 
about the ransom of some of those whom they had taken 
prisoners, or about traffick in merchandise, they might do 
so. And at the end of two days there came to that place 
about 150 Moors on foot and thirty-five on horses and 
camels, bringing the Moorish slave with them. And 
although outwardly they seemed to be a race both 
barbarous and bestial, yet was there not wanting in them 
something of astuteness, wherewith they sought to ensnare 
their enemies. For only three of them appeared on the 
shore, and the rest lay in ambush, to the end that our men, 
being unaware of their treachery, might land, when they 
who lay hid could seize them, which thing they might 
have done by sheer force of numbers, if our men had been 
a whit less cautious than they. But the Moors, perceiving 
that their wiles were discovered by us — because they saw 
that the men in the boat turned about on seeing that the 
slave did not appear — revealed their dissembling tricks 
and all came into sight on the shore, hurling stones and 
making gestures. J And there they also displayed that 

* Their prisoners. f Adahu. X Of defiance. 



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50 azurara's chronicle of the 

Arab who had been sent to them, held as one whom they 
wished to keep in the subjection of a captive. And 
he called out to them that they should be on their 
guard against those people ; for they would not have 
come there, except to take them at a disadvantage if 
they could. Thereupon our men turned back to the ships, 
where they made their partition of the captives, according 
to the lot of each, and the other Moors betook themselves 
to their encampments, taking the Arab with them. And 
Antam Gon^alvez, because he had now loaded his ship with 
cai^o, as the Infant had commanded, returned to Portugal, 
and Nuno Tristam went on his way, to fulfil his orders, as 
we have said before that he had received commandment 

But after the departure of Antam Gon^alvez, seeing 
that his caravel needed repair, he caused them to beach 
her, where he careened and mended her as far as was 
needful, keeping his tides as if he had been in front of 
Lisbon harbour,** at which boldness of his there was 
much marvel. And pursuing his voyage, he passed the 
Port of the Galley, and went on till he came to a Cape 
which he called Cape Branco,* where his men landed to 
see if they could make any capture. 

But although they found traces of men and even some 
nets, they now took counsel to return, perceiving that for 
that time they would not be able to advantage themselves 
above their first achievement. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



How Antam Gon^alvez, and afterwards Nuno Tristam, came before 
the Infant with iheir booty. 

I CANNOT behold the arrival of these ships, with the novelty 
of the gain of those slaves before the face of our Prince, 
without linding some delight in the same. For meseemeth 



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DISCOVERY ANU CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 5 1 

that I behold before my eyes that pleasure of his, of what 
kind it would be. For just in so far as things are more 
desired, and more numerous and heavy labours are under- 
gone for them, so much the greater deh'ght do they bring 
with them when a man obtaincth them. O holy prince, 
pcradventure thy pleasure and delight might have some 
semblance of covetousness, at receiving the knowledge of 
such a sum of riches, even as great as those thou didst 
expend to arrive at that result? And now, seeing the 
beginnings of some recompense, may we not think thou 
didst feel joy, not so much for the number of the captives 
taken, as for the hope thou didst conceive of the others 
thou couldst take ? 

But of a surety it was not in thy noble heart to set store 
by such small wealth ! And justly I may call it small, in 
comparison of thy greatness ; without which thou wast not 
able, and knewest not how, to begin or finish any part of thy 
deeds. But thy joy was solely from that one holy purpose of 
thine to seek salvation for the lost souls of the heathen, as 1 
have already said in the Vllth Chapter of this work. And 
in the light of this it seemed to thee, when thou sawest those 
captives brought into thy presence, that the expense and 
trouble thou hadst undergone was nothing : such was thy 
pleasure in beholding tliem. And yet the greater benefit was 
theirs, for though their bodies were now brought into some 
subjection, that was a small matter in comparison of their 
souls, which would now possess true freedom for evermore. 
Antam Gon^alvez was the first to come with his part of 
the booty, and then arrived Nuno Tristam, whose present 
reception and future reward answered to the toil he had 
undergone ; just as a fruitful soil with but little sowing 
answereth the husbandman, when for however small a part 
it receiveth, it giveth back a great increase of fruit 



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azurara's chronicle of the 



CHAPTER XV. 

How the Infont Don Henry sent his embassy to the Holy Father, 
and of the answer that he had 

Although the language of those captives could not be 
understood by any of the other Moors who were in this 
kingdom, either as freemen or captives, it sufficed, for a 
beginning, that the noble whom Antam Gon^alvez had 
brought could recount for the understanding of the Infant 
a very great part of the matters of that land where the afore- 
said noble dwelt And considering how it was necessary 
that he should often send his ships, manned with his people, 
where of necessity they would have to fight with those 
infidels, he determined at once to send an embassy to the 
Holy Father, to ask of him to make a partition with 
himself of the treasures of Holy Church, for the salvation 
of the souls of those who in the toils of that conquest should 
meet their end. 

And on this embassy he sent an honourable cavalier of 
the Order of Christ, called Fernam Lopez d'Azevedo, a 
man of great counsel and authority, on account of which 
he had been made Chief Commander in the same Order 
and was of the Council of the King and the Infant 

He had it in charge also to ask from the Supreme 
Pontiff other things of great importance, as for instance 
the indulgences of St Mary of Africa, in Ceuta town, with 
many other graces that were to be requested of the Pope, 
the true form of which you can find in the general history 
of the kingdom. 

And as for that part of the business that needeth to be 
recorded here, the Holy Father was very glad to grant him 
such a grace as he was requested ; as you may see more 
fully in this transcript of his letter, which we have set down 
here for your better understanding. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 53 

" Eugenius the Bishop,*'^ servant of the servants of God, etc. 
For an abiding memorial and remembrance. As, without any 
merit of ours we have the authority of Jesus Christ our Lord, 
who refused not to be sacrificed as the price of human salvation, 
by continual care we strive for those things that may destroy the 
errors and wickednesses of ^he infidels and by which the souls of 
good and Catholic Christians may the more speedily come to 
Salvation ; 

" And as it hath now been signified to us by our beloved son 
and noble baron Henry, Duke of Viseu, and Governor in spirituals 
and temporals of the Knighthood of the Order of Christ, that 
confiding linnly in the aid of God, for the destruction and 
confusion of the Moors and enemies of Christ, and for the 
exaltation of the Catholic faith, he puiposeth to go in person, 
with his men at arms, to those lands that are held by them, and 
to guide his army against them ; And howbeit that, for the time 
he is not personally in the field, yet as the knights and brethren 
of the said order, with all other faithful Christians, purpose to 
make war under the banner of the said order against the said 
Moors and other enemies of the faith— to the intent that these 
faithful Christians may bestir their minds with the greater fervour 
to the aforesaid war — 

" We now do concede and grant, by apostolic authority and by 
the tenor of these present letters, to each and all of those who 
shall be engaged in the said war, Complete forgiveness of all 
their sins, of which they shall be truly penitent at heart and have 
made confession by their mouth. 

" And let no one break or contradict this letter of mandate, 
and whoever presumeth to do so let him lie under the curse of 
the Almighty God and of the blessed Apostles St. Peter and 
St. Paul. Given, etc." 

Also the Infant Don Pedro, who at that time ruled the 
Kingdom in the name of the King, gave the Infant his 
brother a charter by which he granted him the whole of 
the Fifth that appertained to the King and this on account 
of the great expenses he had incurred in the matter. 

And considering how by him* alone the discoveries 

* The Infant Henry. 



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54 AZURARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 

were enterprised and made, not without great trouble 
and expense, he granted him moreover this right, that no 
one should be able to go there* without his license and 
especial mandate.** 



CHAPTER XVI. 
How Antam Gon^alvei went to make the first ransom. 

As you know that naturally every prisoner deaireth to l>e 
free, which desire is all the stronger in a man of higher 
reason or nobility whom fortune has condemned to live in 
subjection to another ; so that noble of whom we have 
already spoken, seeing himself held in captivity, although 
he was very gently treated, greatly desired to be free, and 
often asked Antam Gon^alvez to take him back to his 
country, where he declared he would give for himself five 
or six Black Moors ; and also he said that there were 
among the other captives two youths for whom a like 
ransom would be given. 

And here you must note that these blacks were Moors 
like the others, though their slaves, in accordance with 
ancient custom, which I believe to have been because of 
the curse which, after the Deluge, Noah laid upon his son 
Cain,* cursing him in this way : — that his race should be 
subject to all the other races of the world. 

And from his race these blacks are descended, as wrote 
the Archbishop Don Roderic of Toledo, and Josephus in 
his book on the Antiquities of the Jews, and Walter, 
with other authors who have spoken of the generations 
of Noah, from the time of his going out of the Ark." 

The will of Antam Gon^alvez to return to that land, for 

* To the new found parts. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 55 

desire of the ransom and profit he would get, was not so 
great as his desire to serve the Infant his lord — and there- 
fore he asked leave to go on this journey, saying, that 
(forasmuch as he perceived the great desire his Grace had 
to know part of that land) if that were not sufficient which 
he had ascertained from that Moor,* that he should give 
him license to go and ransom him and the other captive 
youths with him. 

For as the Moor told him, the least they would give for 
them would be ten Moors, and it was better to save ten 
souls than three — for though they were black, yet had they 
souls like the others, and all the more as these blacks were 
not of the lineage of the Moorsf but were Gentiles, and so 
the better to bring into the path of salvation/^ 

Also he said that the blacks could give him news of land 
much further distant, and he promised that when he spoke 
about the traffic with the natives, he would find means to 
learn as much news as possible. 

The Infant answered all this and said that he was 
obliged by his offer, and that he not only desired to have 
knowledge of that land, but also of the Indies, and of the 
land of Prester John, if he could.'* 

Antam Gon^alvcz made ready to go with his captives, 
and beginning his voyage, met with so great a tempest 
that he had to return again to Lisbon, whence he set out. 
And there happened to be there a gentleman of the 
Household of the Emperor of Germany, who had attached 
himself to the Household of the Infant with the intention 
of going to Ceuta, where he desired to be made a knight, 
but not without first doing so much for his own honour, as 
merited such a reward. 

His name was Balthasar, and certainly, as we understand, 
his heart did not fail him in following out his good purpose ; 

* Adahu. t Mohammedans proper. 



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56 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

for with great honour he received his knighthood, first 
performing very notable deeds with his own right hand, as 
you may read at greater length in the history of the 
Kingdom. 

And he said many times that he much desired, before 
he left that land of Portugal, to see a great tempest, 
that he might speak of it to those who had never seen 
one. 

And certainly his fortune was no niggard in accom- 
plishing his wish, for he happened to be with Antam 
Gon^alvez, as we have said, seeking to go and see that 
land before he left this,* and the tempest was so great 
that it was a marvel they escaped destruction. However 
they returned again to the voyage ; and arriving at the 
boundaries of that land where the ransom had to be made, 
they resolved to put on shore that Moorish noble, that he 
might go and make ready his ransom at the place where 
he had agreed to meet Antam Gon^alvez again. 

The Moor was very well clad in garments given him by 
the Infant, who considered that, for the excellence of his 
nobility that he had above the others, if he received benefits, 
he would be able to be of profit to his benefactors by 
encouraging his own people and bringing them to traffic. 
But as soon as he was free, he forgot very quickly all about 
his promises, on the security of which Antam Gon9alvez 
had trusted him, thinking that the nobility he displayed 
would be the chief hindrance of any breach of faith on his 
part ; but his deceit thenceforth warned all our men not 
to trust one of that race except under the most certain 
security. 

And now Antam Gon^alvez entering the Rio D'Ouro 
with his ship for a space of four leagues, dropped anchor, 
and waited for seven days without getting a message from 

• Of Portugal. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 5/ 

any, or a glimpse of one single inhabitant of that land ; 
but on the eighth day there arrived a Moor seated on a 
white camel, and another with him, who gave a message 
that they should await the others who would come and 
make the ransom, and that on the next day they would 
appear, as in fact they did. 

And it was very clear that those youths* were in great 
honour among them, for a good hundred Moors, male 
and female, were joined in their ransom, and Antam Gon- 
9alvez received for his two captives, ten blacks, male and 
female, from various countries — one Martin Fernandez, the 
Infant's Alfaqueque,+ managing the business between the 
parties." 

And it was clear that the said Martin had great know- 
ledge of the Moorish tongue, for he was understood among 
these people, where the other Arab, who was Moor by 
nation, could only find one person to understand him. 

And besides the blacks that Antam Gon^alvez received 
in that ransom, he got also a little gold dust and a shield 
of ox-hide, and a number of ostrich eggs, so that one day 
there were served up at the Infant's table three dishes of 
the same, as fresh and as good as though they had been 
the eggs of any other domestic fowls. And we may well 
presume that there was no other Christian prince in this 
part of Christendom, who had dishes like these upon his 
table. 

And according to the account of those Moors there were 
merchants in that part, who traded in that gold,'* which it 
seemed was found among them ; but the Moorish noble 
never returned to fulfil his promise, neither did he remember 
the benefits he had received. 

And by thus losing him, Antam Gon5alvez learnt to be 
cautious where before he was not. And returning to the 

• Our captives. + Ransomer of captives. 



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S8 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

Infant, his lord, he received his reward, and so did the 
German knight, who afterwards returned to his own land 
in great honour, and with no small lai^ess from the Infant. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

How Nuno Trislam went to the island of Gete, and of the Moors 
that he took. 

So these matters went on increasing little by little, and 
people took courage to follow that routc.some to 3erve,others 
to gain honour, others with the hope of profit : although 
each of these two things bringeth the other with it ; that is. in 
serving they profited themselves and increased their honour 
as well. And in the year of Christ, 1443, the Infant caused 
another caravel to be armed ; and bade embark in it that 
noble knight, Nuno Tristam, with some other people, and 
principally those of his own household. And pursuing 
their voyage, they arrived at Cape Branco. 

And trying to go further, they passed the said Cape 
about twenty-five leagues, and saw a little island, the 
name of which they afterwards found to be" Gete* And 
from this island they now saw that twenty-five canoes, made 
of wood, had set out and in them a number of people, but 
all naked, not so much for the need of swimming in the 
water, as for their ancient custom. 

And they journeyed in such wise that they had their 
bodies^ in the canoes and their legs in the water, and used 
these to help them in their rowing as if they had been oars, 
and in each boat there were three or four of the natives. 
And because this was a matter where our men had had so 
little experience, when they saw them from a distance, 

* A:^uim. f Lit., Over. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 59 

they thought they were birds that were moving so ; and 
though they were rather different in size, yet they thought 
it might well be that they were birds, in a part of the world 
where other marvels greater than this were said to exist. 
But as soon as they perceived that they were men, then 
were their hearts clothed with a new joy; and most of all 
because they saw them so placed that they were well able to 
take them. But they were not able to make a large booty 
because of the smallness of their boat : for when they had 
hauled fourteen captives into it, with the seven men of the 
caravel who made up the crew, the boat was so loaded 
that it could hold no more. 

And it booted not to return, for such terror had come 
upon our adversaries, and they were so quick in taking 
flight, that before they arrived at the island, some had 
perished,* and the others escaped. But in achieving this 
capture they experienced two contrary feelings : first of 
all, the pleasure they had was very great to see them* 
selves thus masters of their booty, of which they could 
make profit, and with so small a risk ; but on the other 
side they had no little grief, in that their boat was so 
small that they were not able to take such a cai^o as they 
desired. But yet they arrived at the island and captured 
fifteen other Moors. 

And very near this island they discovered another, in 
which there were an infinity of royal herons ; which appeared 
to go there to breed, as in fact they did, and with these our 
men found great refreshment And so Nuno Tristam 
returned with his booty, so much more merrily than at the 
first, as it had the advantage of being greater than the 
former, and had been won further off; and also because he 
had no companion with whom he would have to make an 
equal division of the same. 

* By drowning. 



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60 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

The reception and reward which the Infant gave him I 
omit to write down here, for I think it superfluous to repeat 
it every time. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



Of a truth the condition of the people, as Livy saith, is 
such that men are always found to asperse great actions, 
especially at the beginning ; and it appeareth to me that 
this is through not having knowledge of the results, .for the 
man of faint heart, when he secth the base and start of great 
events, always thinketh them more formidable than they 
really are ; and because his spirit is not sufficient for the 
accomplishment of these deeds, he beareth along with him 
a very natural doubt whether they are capable of being 
performed. And this appeareth to be very well proved by 
the deeds of our prince. For at the beginning of the 
colonisation of the islands, people murmured as greatly a.i 
if he were spending some part of their property on it ; and 
basing their doubts upon this, they gossipped about it until 
they declared his work was absolutely impossible, and 
judged that it could never be accomplished at all. But 
after the Infant began to people those islands, and to shew 
these persons how they could profit by the new discovered 
land ; and after the fruits of those countries began to appear 
in Portugal in far greater abundance; then those who had 
been foremost in complaint grew quiet, and with soft voices 
praised what they had so loudly and publicly decried. 

And just the same they did in the commencement of 
thie conquest ; for in the first years, seeing the great equip- 
ment that the Infant made, with such great expense, these 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 6l 

busybodies left off attending to their own affairs, and 
occupied themselves in discussing what they understood 
very little about; and the more slowly the results came in 
of the Infant's undertaking, the more loudlydid they blame 
it. And the worst of it was that besides what the vulgar 
said among themselves, people of more importance talked 
about it in a mocking manner, declaring that no profit 
would result from all this toil and expense. 

But when they saw the first Moorish captives brought 
home, and the second cargo that followed these, they 
became already somewhat doubtful about the opinion they 
had at first expressed ; and altogether renounced it when 
they saw the third consignment that Nuno Tristam brought 
home, captured in so short a time, and with so little trouble ; 
and constrained by necessity, they confessed their mistake, 
considering themselves foolish for not having known it 
before. And so they were forced to turn their blame into 
public praise; for they said it was plain the Infant was 
another Alexander ; and their covetousness now began to 
wax greater. And, as they saw the houses of others full 
to overflowing of male and female slaves, and their property 
increasing, they thought about the whole matter, and 
began to talk among themselves. 

And because that after coming back from Tangier, the 
Infant usually remained always in the kingdom of Algarve, 
by reason of his town which he was then having built, and 
because the booty that his captains brought back was 
discharged at Lagos, therefore the people of that place 
were the first to move the Infant to give them license to 
go to that land whence came those Moorish captives.™ 

For no one could go there with an armed ship without 
the express permission of the Infant, as the King had 
granted him in the same charter in which he presented him 
with the Royal Fifth, as you have seen above. 

And the first who interposed to beg for this license, was 



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62 azurara's chronicle of the 

a squire, who had been brought up from early youth in the 
Household of the Infant and was now married and become 
Almoxarife* for the King in that town of Lagos. 

And because he was a man of great good sense, he 
understood well how the matter stood, and the profit that 
he would be able to gain by his expedition, if God guided 
him, so that he could arrive at that land. 

And when he had pondered well this plan, he began to 
speak of it with some of his friends, stirring them up to 
join him in that action. 

And this matter was not hard for him to compass ; for 
that he was very well beloved in the place and the inhabi- 
tants were in general men of honour, always ready to exert 
themselves for a share in good things and especially in 
naval contests ; because their town was on the coast and 
they were much more on shipboard than on land. So 
Lan^arote prepared six armed caravels to carry out his 
purpose and spoke to the Infant about a license ; saying 
that he begged he would grant it him that he might do 
him service, as well as obtain honour and profit for 
himself 

And he gave him an account of the people that were 
going with him, and of the caravels that they were taking. 

And the Infant was very glad of this and at once com- 
manded his banners to be made, with the Cross of the 
Order of Jesus Christ, one of which each caravel was to 
hoist 



*■ A Collector of Taxes. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Who were the Captains of the other Caravels, and of the first booty 
that they made. 

The chief captain, as we have said, was Lan^arote ; the 
second was Gil Eannes, whom we have noticed as the first 
to pass the Cape of Bojador ; besides these, there were 
there — Stevam Affonso, a noble man, who afterwards died 
in the Canary islands, Rodrigo Alvarez, John Diaz, a ship- 
owner, and John Bernaldez, all of whom together were very 
well prepared for the expedition." 

And pursuing their voyt^e, they arrived at the Isle of 
Herons, on the eve of Corpus Chrlsti Day, where they 
rested a little and refreshed themselves on the multitude of 
young birds that they found there, for it was the breeding 
season. 

Then they t6ok counsel about their intended actions and 
Lan^arote began to set forth his reasons in this manner : — 
" My friends ! we have left our land to do service to God 
and to the Infant our Lord, who may expect from us with 
good reason some performance to his advantage ; both from 
the bringing up that some of us have had of him ; and 
because we are men of such a kind that very shame should 
force us to do more and greater things than any who came 
here before. For with such a fleet, it would be matter for 
great shame to turn back to Portugal without a worthy 
booty. And because the Infant hath learnt, by some of 
those Moors whom Nuno Tristam brought home, that in the 
Island of Naar, which is close by, there are little less than 
200 souls ; it scemeth good to me therefore that Martin 
Vicente and Gil Vasquez, who have already been by it and 
seen where it lieth, should go with these boats, and with 
those men only who can row, against one side of the island, 
and that if they can find it, they should return quickly 



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64 azurara's chronicle of the 

along the coast until they reach us, for we, God willing, 
will set sail very early in the morning and go towards the 
island ; so that on their returning we shall be so near as to 
be able to hear the news they bring and take counsel as to 
what it behoves us to do." 

Lanjarote, as f said, was a man of great good sense, as 
all those with him knew well : so that they did not care to 
examine hisreasons; but all exclaimed with one voice, that 
it was very good what he had said. 

And so these two captains made ready to go forth- 
with, and they took with them thirty men, to wit, six 
in each boat, and set out from the island where they were, 
about sunset And rowing all that night, they arrived 
about daybreak at the tsknd that they sought And as 
soon as they recognized it by the signs that the Moors 
had told them of, they hugged the shore for some way 
until they arrived, as it grew light, at a settlement of 
Moors, which was close to the beach ; where were collected 
together all the people of the island. And seeing this, our 
men stopped for a while to consult what they ought to do. 
And they were greatly in a strait betwixt two courses, 
for they did not know whether they should return to the 
caravels, as their chief captain had ordered them, or whether 
they should at once attack the settlement that was so near. 
And while they were still undetermined, each one think- 
ing for himself, Martin Vicente arose and said "Of a surety, 
our doubts give us food for thought; for, if we transgress 
the orders of our captain, we shall fall into a mistake; and 
all the more so if any damage or danger were to come upon 
us ; for then it would be an occasion, not only of loss to 
ourselves, but of our being very badly reputed. On the 
other hand we have come here chiefly to procure an inter- 
preter through whom the Infant our Lord may get news of 
this land, a matter he greatly desires, as all of you know. 
But now we are so near this settlement that, as it is 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA, 65 

already morning, we shall not be able to get off to the 
caravels without being discovered, and if discovered we 
cannot hope, after that, to obtain an interpreter here ; for 
these Moors will all have fled on to the continent, which as 
you see is close by — aye, and not only the inhabitants of 
this island, but also those of the other islands near at hand, 
being at once warned and prepared by these from here. 
And so our journey will bring in but small profit, and 
the Infant our Lord, for this turn, will not have what he 
desireth from this land. But it appeareth to me, and this 
is my counsel, if you agree, that we attack the Moors whilst 
they are unprepared ; because they will be conquered by 
the disunion that will prevail amongst them through our 
arrival, and, though we gain nothing there save an inter- 
preter, we should be contented with that. And as for dis- 
obeying our captain's order, provided God assist us to do 
something good, as I hope He will, it should not be reckoned 
against us, and, even if it be, we shall be lightly pardoned 
for two reasons. First, because if we do not fight it is cer- 
tain that our coming here will be all in vain; and the design 
of the Infant our Lord will fail by reason of our being dis- 
covered ; and secondly, because, although we are commanded 
to return we are not forbidden to fight. And to fight 
seemeth to me to be reasonable ; for we are here thirty in 
number, and the Moors, as you have heard, are only 170 
or 180 all told, of whom fifty or sixty should be fighting 
men ; and so, if it seem good to you, let us not delay any 
longer, for the day is coming on quickly enough, and, if we 
delay, our expedition and purpose will be of little avail 
indeed. 

All replied that his counsel was very good, and that they 
would go forward at once. And when all this reasoning 
was done, they looked towards the settlement and saw that 
the Moors, with their women and children, were already 
coming as quickly as they could out of their dwellings. 



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66 azurara's chronicle of the 

because they had caught sight of their enemies. But they, 
shouting out " St. James", " St. George", " Portugal", at 
once attacked them, killing and taking all they could. 

Then might you see mothers forsaking their children, 
and husbands their wives, each striving to escape as best 
he could. Some drowned themselves in the water ; others 
thought to escape by hiding under their huts ; others stowed 
their children among the sea-weed, where our men found 
them afterwards, hoping they would thus escape notice. 

And at last our Lord God, who giveth a reward for 
every good deed, willed that for the toil they had under- 
gone in his service, they should that day obtain victory 
over their enemies, as well as a guerdon and a payment for 
all their labour and expense ; for they took captive of 
those Moors, what with men, women, and children, 165, 
besides those that perished and were killed. And when 
the battle was over, all praised God for the great mercy 
that he had shewn them, in that he had willed to give them 
such a victory, and with so little damage to themselves. 
And as soon as they had their captives put safely in their 
boats, and others securely tied on land (because the boats 
were small and they were not able to store so many in 
them at once), they sent a man to go as far as possible along 
the shore, to see if he could get sight of the caravels. He 
set out at once ; and one full league from the place where 
the others were staying, he had sight of the caravels coming ; 
for Lan5arote, as he had promised, had started as soon as 
it was dawn. Now the scout put a white ensign on his 
pike, and began to make signs to the caravels with it, and 
they as soon as they espied him, directed their course to 
that part where they saw the signal. And on their way 
they lighted on a channel through which the boats could 
easily go to the island, and forthwith they launched a small 
boat they had, and pulled to land to hear the news, 
which was told them every whit by the fellow wlio there 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 6/ 

awaited them. And he said also that they ought to land 
and help them to bring off to the caravels those captives 
who remained on shore under guard of seven men, who 
were staying with them on the island. For the other boats 
were already coming along the shore with the other Moors 
they were carrying. 

And when Lan^arote, with those squires and brave men 
that were with him, had received the like news of the good 
success that God had granted to those few that went to the 
island; and saw that they had enterprised so great a deed; 
and that God had been pleased that they should bring it 
to such a pass ; they were all very joyful, praising loudly 
the Lord God for that he had deigned to give such help to 
such a handful of his Christian people. 

But to the man who asketh me if their pleasure at the 
affair was altogether sincere, and without being in some way 
feigned, even though slightly, I would say " nay" — for those 
on whom God hath bestowed stout and lofty hearts, cannot 
feel really contented if they are not present at every brave 
deed they reasonably can meet with ; nor are such altogether 
without that envy which, in a like case, is not one of the 
chief vices, but may rather be named a virtue, if it rest on 
a sound reason, as with good men and true. 

After the Moorish prisoners had all been transferred 
from the boats to the caravels, some of our Christian folk 
were left to watch them and the rest landed, and went 
over the island, until they found the others under guard 
of the seven men of whom we have spoken before. And 
when they had collected all their prisoners together, it 
was already late, for in that land there is a difference in 
the length of days from ours ; and the deed was all the 
greater, by reason of the distance of the caravels from the 
scene of action and of the great number of the Moors. 

Then our men rested and enjoyed themselves as their 
share of the toil required. But Lan^arote did not forget to 



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68 AZb'RARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

learn from the Moorish prisoners what it was his duty 
to learn, about the place in which he was now staying 
and its opportunities ; and he ascertained of them by his 
interpreter, that all about there were other inhabited 
islands, where they would be able to make large captures 
with little trouble. 

And so, taking counsel about this, they determined to go 
and seek the said islands. 



CHAPTER XX. 
How they w 

On the next day, which was Friday, they made ready 
their boats, since the caravels had to stay where they were, 
and put in them all the provisions they needed for two 
days only, as they did not intend making a more protracted 
absence from the ships. About thirty men embarked in 
the boats, namely, Lantjarote and the other captains of 
the caravels ; and with them squires and good men that 
were there. And they took with them two of tho.se 
Moors whom they had taken captive ; for they had told 
then) that at the Island of Tiger,^^ which was five leagues 
off, there was a settlement of Moors containing about 150 
in all. And as soon as it was morning, they took their 
departure, commending themselves all to God very 
devoutly, and begging for grace that He would so guide 
them in their way, that He might be served and His holy 
Catholic faith exalted. And they went on until they came 
to the said island of Tiger; and as soon as they had leaped 
on shore, the Moor they brought with them guided them to 
a settlement, where had been all the Moors, or at least the 
greater part of those that were in the island. 



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DI.SCOVERV AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 69 

But when they came to it they found it empty, because 
for some days, as they learnt afterwards, that place had 
been deserted. Then fearing that their Moor was lying to 
them (in order to get them into some place far from there, 
where they would find such a force of Moors that they 
would perchance suffer loss), they took counsel on what 
they ought to do. And before they had determined any- 
thing, they began to beat the Moor, and to threaten him, 
to make him speak the truth. But he »aid that he would 
bring them to a place where the Moors were, and that if 
they went at night, they would be able to take or to kill 
the greater part of them : but by day, as they were going 
then, they could not reach there without being seen ; and, 
as soon aS they were perceived, they* could place them- 
selves in safety, if they did not dare to fight with them.* 

On the Moor saying this, it was not believed by all, but 
some said that it would be well to return to the ships, and 
there to agree on what they ought to do ; others said that 
at all events they ought to go forward and seek for that 
settlement to which the Moor affirmed that he knew well 
how to guide them ; because in reason that island-f ought 
not to have more fighting men on it than the other isle 
of Naar, where they had already made their first booty ; 
for it was not so great nor so convenient for a lai^e settle- 
ment. 

Thus they were arguing, each for his own view and not 
agreeing on any final resolution for their action, when Gil 
Eannes, a good knight and valiant, of whom we have spoken 
in another place, answered and said : " I see well that the 
delay in agreeing on what we ought to do in this matter 
(of which we should have good hope with the grace and 
favour of our Lord Jesus Christ), may cause us some 



* "They" 1 
t Tiger. 



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;o azurara's chronicle ok the 

hindrance and small profit, in that all division, especially 
among people so few in number as we are, is very weaken- 
ing, and may bring about our ruin, with little honour to 
ourselves and little service to God and the Infant our 
Lord, Wherefore I advise that with this Moor should 
go fourteen or fifteen men, towards that part where he 
saith that the Moors are, till they see the settlement or 
certain place of their abode ; and as soon as they have 
seen it, that they should return to where all the others are 
waiting, without stirring until the return of the vanguard. 
And then with the grace of God, that we should all set out 
together and go to seek them. And in reason there ought 
not to be so many men of war as there were in the isle of 
Naar, that we ought not to conquer them in fight, with the 
aid of our Lord God, in whom is all our succour, who by 
His grace causeth the few to conquer and the greater 
number to be overcome by the less. But now if you are 
satisfied with what ! have said, we ought not to delay to 
fall to work." 

All were very content with his speech, saying that it was 
very good and that they should at once do as Gil Eannes 
said. 

"Since you all", said Lan^arote, "agree in this counsel of 
Gil Eannes, I would wish to go with those who are to 
search for the settlement ; and 1 think that it will be well 
for Gil Eannes to stay with you others and to guard the 
boats, that you may succour us if the matter cometh to 
such a pass as to require it ; and however it be, I ask him* 
to remain here." 

And although Gil Eannes refused at first to remain, yet 
seeing how the request became a command (since he who 
made it was his captain), and especially as all the others 
agreed in this request, Gil Eannes had in any case to stay : 

* G. Eannes, 



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niSCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA, 71 

and Lan^arote, with fourteen or fifteen men, went off 
towards the spot where the Moor was guiding them. 
And when they were already half a league from where 
the others were staying, they saw nine natives, male and 
female, marching along, with ten or twelve asses laden with 
turtles, who were about to pass over to the island of Tiger, 
which was a league from them, for at low water it is possible 
to cross from one to the other on foot. And as soon as 
they saw them, they ran to them, and without any defence 
availing them in aught, they took them all, except one who 
turned and fled to give news to the others that were in the 
village. And as soon as they had taken these prisoners, 
they dispatched them to where Gil Eannes was stationed ; 
Lan^arote sending him word to put a guard over those 
Moors, and that he should follow after them and bring all 
the men he had there, adding that he thought they would 
find some people with whom to fight. 

And as soon as the captives reached them,* they bound 
them tightly and placing them in the boats, left with 
them one man only on guard and at once started after 
Lan^arote, following steadily upon his track, till they 
arrived where Lan^arote was with his men. 

Now after the taking of the Moors, whom they had sent 
to the boats, these menf had gone on where the Moor 
guided them, and arrived at a village from which the 
inhabitants had all departed, being warned by the Moor 
who had escaped when the others were taken. 

And then they saw all the people that were in the island, 
standing on an islet to which they had passed over in their 
canoes : but the Christians were not able to get at them, 
save by swimming; and they did not dare to retreat, 
lest it should give courage to the enemy, who were many 
more in number than they were. And so they waited till 



• Gil Eannes' men. + I.e., Lan^arote'a first party. 



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72 AZURARAS CHUONICLE OF THE 

all their other men had come up ;* and seeing that even 
when united, they would not be able to do the enemy any 
harm, by reason of the inlet that was between them, they 
determined to return to their boats, which were two full 
Icf^es off. 

And,on their return, they entered the village and searched 
it thoroughly, to see if they could find anything in the 
houses. And in searching they lighted on seven or eight 
Moorish women, whom they took with them, giving thanks 
to God for their good fortune, which they had obtained 
through his grace ; and so they turned themselves to their 
boats, which they reached about sunset time. And they 
rested and enjoyed themselves that night, like men that had 
toiled hard in the day. 



CHAPTER XXI. 



How they, Langarotc and the others, returned in their boats to Tiger, 
and of the Moon that they took. 

Although the necessity of the night obliged them to 
spend it chiefly in sleeping, yet their wills were so bent 
upon this charge that their thoughts never left what lay 
before them. And so they took counsel as to what they 
should do on the next day, and agreed, after many reasons 
given (which I omit in order not to make too long a 
story), that they should go in the boats and attack the 
settlement before morning. For it is very likel)', they 
said, that the Moors, having seen our retreat, will think that 
we went away like men in despair of being able to catch 
them, and, thinking so, will return to their encampment ; 

* With Gil Eannes. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 73 

and not only would their return profit us, but also the 
security with which they are able to repose. 

And this counsel being settled, they set off in the night, 
rowing their boats along the coast. And at the first dawn 
they disembarked and attacked the village, but they found 
no one there ; for the Moors, as soon as they saw their 
enemies retreat on the previous day, came to the village 
but would not sleep in it. and went and stayed a quarter of 
a league distant, near a ford by which they passed to Tiger, 
And when the Christians saw that they found nothing in 
the village, they returned to their boats and coasted along 
that island on the other side of Tiger, and ordered fifteen 
men to march along the land and look if they could see 
any Moors, or find any trace of them. And on their way 
they saw the Moors flying as fast as they could ; for they 
had already caught sight of them, and at once all our men 
leaped on shore and began to run after them. But as 
yet they could not overtake the Moor men, but only the 
women and little children, not able to run so fast, of whom 
they caught seventeen or eighteen. 

And one of the boats, in which was John Bcmaldcz, 
and which was among the smallest in the fleet, was coasting 
the island, and they who were in this boat saw some 
twenty canoes passing over to Tiger, in which were Moorish 
men and women, great and small, in each one four or five. 
And with this sight they were exceeding glad, at the first 
view of it, but afterwards they were still more grieved 
thereat. The pleasure they had was in seeing the profit and 
honour that now offered, which was the end for which they 
had come there : but they had great sorrow when they saw 
that their boat was so small that they could only take in a 
few. But with their slender oarage they followed after as 
fast as could, till they were among the canoes; and, moved 
with pity, although they were heathen who were going 
in the boats, they sought to kill but few of them. But it 



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74 azurara's chronicle of the 

is not to be doubted that many, who in their terror forsook 
their boats, perished in the sea. 

And some of them our men left on the right, and others 
on the left, and going into the middle among them all, they 
chose the smallest of tlicm, because ihey could get more of 
these into their boat, of whom they took fourteen ; so that 
those who were captured in those two days, apart from 
some who were killed, were in all forty-eight. 

And for this good booty, and all the grace that God had 
shown them in those days, they rendered Him much praise 
for His guidance and the great victory He had given them 
over the enemies of the faith. And with thd will and pur- 
pose to toil still more in His service, they embarked again 
in their boats and returned to their ships, which were lying 
five leagues off. And here, on their arrival, they reposed 
themselves, as men who needed it much, for they had toiled 
enough. But their respite was not long, for that very 
night they took counsel of what they ought to do next, as 
men who strove to make use of time, while they thought 
that the opportunity offered for doing their business. 



CHAPTER XXII. 



Of the reasons that Gil Eannes gave, and how they went to Tiger, 
and of the Moors that they took. 

Forasmuch as you see well that in councils (where many 
take part), there is always much talking, so in discussing 
that matter each one declared his mind ; but at last Gil 
Eannes asked them all to be silent for a space, and they all 
obeyed with a good will. 

Then he began to reason with them in this wise : " Friends 
and brothers, meseemeth the wills of you all are ready for 
some brave action ; and thi.s I fancy because there is no 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 75 

talk of repose amon^ you nor of returning to our country ; 
but rather I see that each and all of you wish and require 
to toil and labour for the common honour and profit. 
But where we do not agree is in that we do not clearly 
know to what part we ought to go in search of the afore- 
said toil, to do service to God and the Infant our Lord. 
And forasmuch as we are so near the isle of Tiger, as 
you all know, and in this theri is .so great a power of 
Moors, as these prisoners we have taken tell us ; — and as 
under the command of the Infant our Lord, it is ordered 
us that we shall not meddle with it without great caution, 
and that we are only to see if we can in any wise learn 
about the people that are in the island, and whether their 
power is such as is said ; — therefore I say that we should do 
well to go to it, and it may be that our Lord Jesus Christ, 
who always aideth those who do well, will ordain that we 
shall light upon some one there who may interpret for us ; 
and although we accomplish no more than to see how many 
people there are in the island, yet it will profit us after- 
wards ; for the Infant our Lord will be able, knowing the 
power of the same, to send a fleet fit to cope with it 
and crews to match, who will be able to fight with all the 
Moors of the island and conquer it ; which will be of great 
service to God and to himself. And therefore let us go 
to it and land, but let us not wander far from the shore; 
for of a surety, if their numbers are great, when they see 
we are but few, and that we will not wander from the 
shore, they will discover themselves ; and if we see what 
people they are it may please our Lord God, when we are 
not concerned at aught else,* to shew us some grace we do 
not think of." 

All considered as good what Gil Eannes said, and on 
the next day at dawn full thirty men started in the boats, 

* Except his service. 



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^6 azurara's chronicle of the 

and the others remained to clean their ships, that they might 
be ready*; and so it wa3 agreed that they should start on 
their voyage home to Portugal as soon as those returned 
who had just started for the inland. 

They arrived at Tiger at mid-day, and twenty men 
landed, while the other ten stayed in the boats ; and the 
former went about half a league distant from the shore and 
constantly explored thoSe places that seemed to them 
suitable for any people to He in ; and afterwards they took 
their station on a hillock and began to look carefully over 
the island. And as they were standing thus, they espied 
two Moors coming in their direction, who saw them not, 
or peradventure thought that they were some of the 
Moors of the island. These they made for and captured, 
and. in taking them they saw, further off, ten Moors coming, 
with fifteen or twenty asses laden with fish.. Some of our 
men made for them, and although they put themselves on 
their defence, it pleased our Lord God that this their 
defence availed little ; for they were put to rout and fled, 
some to one side and others to another, and so the 
Christians captured them all. 

And while they were there, two men went further on in 
front, to see if they could descry anybody else ; and they saw 
many Moors, who made for them as hard as they could. 
The two men turned and fled, and gave this news to the 
others who were with the prisoners ; telling them to fly as 
fast as they could, for that a great power of Moors was 
coming upon them. So they made off all tc^ether towards 
the boats, taking their captives with them ; and the Moors 
came after them as well as they could. And then it 
pleased our Lord God (who succoureth those who go in 
His service in their dangers and toils) that the Christians 
should reach the shore before the Moors came up with 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 7/ 

them ; but before they had all got safely into their boats, 
the Moors were already among them, and fought with 
them ; and only with sore trouble did the Christians gain 
their boats. All of our men in that retreat showed their 
good qualities and their brave and ardent hearts ; so that it 
would be difficult to distinguish who did best. But 
Lan^arote and a squire of the Infant, named Martin Vaz, 
were the last who got into the boats. 

Now the Moors were about 300 fighting men, who 
showed well that they meant to defend their land. Many 
of them were wounded during the retreat of the Christians ; 
but of the Christians, by the mercy of God, not one was 
wounded, to speak of. And as soon as they had got into 
their boats with their prisoners, they started for the spot 
where they had left the caravels, although night had 
already fallen. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 
How they went to Cape BraDCo, and of what they did there. 

Then on board it was determined that next day they 
should start for Cape Branco. The which matter, as soon 
it was dawn, they put in execution, making sail for the said 
Cape, where they arrived after two days, and some landed 
at once — about twenty or twenty-five men — to see what 
the land was tike ; and when they were a little distance 
from where they landed, they saw a number of Moors go 
by, fishing. And though they appeared to them to be 
rather great in number, they had a mind to attempt that 
matter by themselves, without acquainting those who were 
in the ships with their project ; and they made after them. 
And the Moors, on seeing them, began to fly ; but when 
they saw they were so few in number, they awaited them 



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78 azurara's chronicle of the 

as men who desired to fight, in the hope of victory. Tlie 
Christians reached them, and the battle began, without any 
one shewing to his enemy any signs of fear ; and at last He 
from whom (as saith St. James) cometh down every good 
thing, and who had already given our men such a good 
beginning and middle, as hath been said, was pleased that 
in the end'* they should have a complete victory over their 
enemies, and that their lives should be saved and their 
honours increased ; for after a little skirmish the Moors 
began to get the worst of it, each flying as best he could ; 
and the Christians, following them a long distance, took 
fourteen of them captive, besides those that died ; and so 
with this victory, and filled with great joy, they returned 
to their ships. And if their fortune was good against their 
enemies, it was not less good in the refreshment they had 
afterwards, for they had there many eels and crowfish,* 
which they found in the nets that the Moors had thrown 
out. 

Then Lanparote, as a man who did not forget his first 
purpose, said he thought it well, before they departed from 
that place, that some men .should go along the land and 
see if they could find any native settlements ; and at once 
five set out, and lighted on a settlement, and returned to 
tell Lan^arote and the others. But although they set oflf 
very speedily, their Journey w^s fruitless, for the Moors had 
caught sight of the first party, and fled at once from that 
place ; so that they only found one girl, who had stayed 
sleeping in the village ; whom they took with them, and 
returning to the caravels, made sail for Portugal. 

• Named after their black fins. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 



CHAPTER XXrV. 

How the caravels arrived ai Lagos, and of the account that Lani^arote 
gave to the Infant 

The caravels arrived at Lagos, whence they had set out, 
having excellent weather for their voyage, for fortune was 
not less gracious to them in the serenity of the weather 
than it had been to them before in the capture of their 
booty. 

And from Lagos the news* reached the Infant, who 
happened to have arrived there a few hours before, from 
other parts where he had been for some days. And 
as you see that people are desirous of knowledge, some 
endeavoured to get near the shore ; and others put them- 
selves into the boats they found moored along the beach, 
and went to welcome their relations and friends ; so 
that in a short time the news of their good fortune was 
well known, and all were much rejoiced at it. Arid for 
that day it sufficed for those who had led the enterprize to 
kiss the hand of the Infant their Lord, and to give him a 
short account of their exploits : after which they took their 
rest, as men who had come to their fatherland and their . 
own homes ; and you may guess what would be their joy 
among their wives and children. 

And next day Lan^arote, as he who had taken the main 
charge of the expedition, said to the Infant : " My Lord, 
your grace well knoweth that you have to receive the fifth 
of these Moors, and of all that we have gained in that land, 
whither you sent us for the service of God and of yourself. 

"And now these Moors, because of the long time we have 
been at sea ; as well as for the great sorrow that you must 
consider they have at heart, at seeing themselves away 

* Of iheir arrival. 



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8o azurara's chronicle of the 

from the land of their birth, and placed in captivity, without 
having any understanding of what their end is to be ; — and 
moreover because ihey have not been accustomed to a life on 
shipboard — for all these reasons are poorly and out of con- 
dition ; wherefore it seemeth to me that it would be well to 
order them to be taken out of the caravels at dawn, and to 
be placed in that field which lies outside the city gate, and 
there to be divided into five parts, according to custom ; 
and that your Grace should come there and choose one of 
these parts, whichever you prefer." 

The Infant said that he was well pleased, and on the 
next day very early, Lan^arote bade the masters of the 
caravels that they should put out the captives, and take 
them to that field, where they were to make the divisions, 
as he had said already. But before they did anything else 
in that matter, they took as an offering the best of those 
Moors to the Church of that place; and another little 
Moor, who afterwards became a friar of St. Francis, they 
sent to St Vincent do Cabo,** where he lived ever after 
as a Catholic Christian, without having understanding 
or perception of any other law than that true and holy law 
in which all we Christians hope for our salvation. And 
the Moors of that capture were in number 235. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



Wherein the Author reasoneth somewhat concerning the pity inspired 
by the captives, and of how the division was made. 

O, Thou heavenly Father — who with Thy powerful hand, 
without alteration of Thy divine essence, governest all the 
infinite company of Thy Holy City, and controllest all 
the revolutions* of higher worlds, divided into nine 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. St 

spheres, making the duration of ages long or short ac- 
cording as ■ it pleaseth Thee — I pray Thee that my tears 
may not wrong my conscience ; for it is not their religion 
but their Humanity that maketh mine to weep in pity for 
their sufferings. And if the brute animals, with their bestial 
feelings, by a natural instinct understand the sufferings 
of their own kind, what wouldst Thou have my human 
nature to do on seeing before my eyes that miserable com- 
pany, and remembering that they too are of the generation 
of the sons of Adam ? " 

On the next day, which was the 8th of the month of 
August, very early in the morning, by reason of the heat, 
the seamen began to make ready their boats, and to take 
out those captives, and carry them on shore, as they were 
commanded. And these, placed all together in that field, 
were a marvellous sight ; for amongst them were some white 
enough, fair to look upon, and well proportioned ; others 
were less white like mulattoes ; others again were as black 
as Ethiops, and so ugly, both in features and in body, as 
almost to appear (to those who saw them) the images of a 
lower hemisphere. But what heart could be so hard as not 
to be pierced with piteous feeling to see that company? 
For some kept their heads low and their faces bathed in 
tears, looking one upon another ; others stood groaning 
very dolorously, looking up to the height of heaven, fixing 
their eyes upon it, crying out loudly, as if asking help of 
the Father of Nature ; others struck their faces with the 
palms of their hands, throwing themselves at full length 
upon the ground ; others made their lamentations in the 
manner of a dirge, after the custom of their country. 
And though we could not understand the words of their 
language, the sound of it right well accorded with the 
measure of their sadness. But to increase their sufferings 
still more, there now arrived those who had charge of the 
division of the captives, and who began to separate one 



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82 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

from another, in order to make an equal partition of the 
fifths ; and then was it needful to part fathers from sons, 
husbands from wives, brothers from brothers. No respect 
was shewn either to friends or relations, but each fell where 
his lot took him. 

O powerful fortune, that with thy wheels doest and 
undoest, compassing the matters of this world as pleaseth 
thee, do thou at least put before the eyes of that miserable 
race some understanding of matters to come ; that they may 
receive some consolation in the midst of their great sorrow. 
And you who are so busy in making that division of the 
captives, look with pity upon so much misery; and see how 
they cling one to the other, so that you can hardly separate 
them. 

And who could finish that partition without very great 
toil ? for as often as they had placed them in one part the 
sons, seeing their fathers in another, rose with great energy 
and rushed over to them ; the mothers clasped their other 
children in their arms, and threw themselves flat on the 
ground with them ; receiving blows with little pity for their 
own flesh, if only they might not be torn from them. 

And so troublously they finished the partition ; for 
besides the toil they had with the captives, the field 
was quite full of people, both from the town* and 
from the surrounding villages and districts, who for that 
day gave rest to their hands (in which lay their power 
to get their living) for the sole purpose of beholding this 
novelty. And with what they saw, white some were 
weeping and others separating the captives, they caused 
such a tumult as greatly to confuse those who directed 
the partition. 

The Infant was there, mounted upon a powerful steed, 
and accompanied by his retinue, making distribution of his 

" Lagos. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 83 

favours, as a man who sought to gain but small treasure 
from his share ; for of the forty-six souls that fell to him 
as his fifth, he made a very speedy partition of these;* 
for his chief riches lay inf his purpose ; for he reflected 
with great pleasure upon the salvation of those souls that 
before were lost. 

And certainly his expectation was not in vain ; for, as wc 
said before, as soon as they understood our language they 
turned Christians with very little ado ; and I who put 
together this history into this volume, saw in the town of 
Lagos boys and girls (the children and grandchildren of 
those first captives, born in this land) as good and true 
Christians as if they had directly descended, from the 
beginning of the dispensation of Christ, from those who 
were first baptised. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

How the Infant Don Henry made Lan^arote a Knight. 

Although the sorrow of those captives was for the 
present very great, especially after the partition was 
finished and each one took his own share aside (while 
some sold their captives, the which they took to other 
districts) ; and although it chanced that among the 
prisoners the father often remained in Lagos, while the 
mother was taken to Lisbon, and the children to another 
part (in which partition their sorrow doubled the first 
grief) — yet this sorrow was less felt among those who 
happened to remain in company. For as saith the 

* Among others. t The .iccomplishment of. 



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84 azurara's chronicle of the 

text,** the wretched find a consolation in having com- 
rades in misfortune. But from this time forth they* 
began to acquire some knowledge of our country ; in 
which they found great abundance, and our men began 
to treat them with great favour. For as our people did 
not find them hardened in the belief of the other Moors ; 
and saw how they came in unto the law of Christ with a 
good will ; they made no difference between them and their 
free servants, born in our own country ; but those whom 
they took while still young, they caused to be instructed 
in mechanical arts, and those whom they saw fitted for 
managing property ; they set free and married to women 
who were natives of the land;t making with them a 
division of their property, as if they had been bestowed on 
those who married them by the will of their own fathers, 
and for the merits of their service they were bound to 
act in a like manner. Yea, and some widows of good 
family who bought some of these female staves, either 
adopted them or left them a portion of their estate by will ; 
so that in the future they married right well ; treating them 
as entirety free. Suffice it that I never saw one of these 
slaves put in irons like other captives, and scarcely any 
one who did not turn Christian and was not very gently 
treated. 

And I have been asked by their lords to the baptisms 
and marriages of such ; at which they, whose slaves they 
were before, made no less solemnity than if they had been 
their children or relations. 

And so their lot was now quite the contrary of what 
it had been ; since before they had lived in perdition of soul 
and body; of their souts, in that they were yet pagans, 
without the clearness and the light of the holy faith ; and 
of their bodies, in that they lived like beasts, without any 

• The black captivos. + Of Portugal. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 85 

custom of reasonable beings — for they had no knowledge 
of bread or wine, and they were without the covering ot 
clothes, or the lodgment of houses ; and worse than all, 
through the great ignorance that was in them, in that 
they had no understanding of good, but only knew how 
to live in a bestial sloth. 

But as soon as they began to come to this land, and 
men gave them prepared food and coverings for their 
bodies, their bellies began to swell, and for a time they 
were ill ; until they were accustomed to the nature of the 
country ; but some of them were so made that they were 
not able to endure it and died, but as Christians. 

Now there were four things in these captives that were 
very different from the condition of the other Moors who 
were taken prisoners from this part. First, that after they 
had come to this land of Portugal, they never more tried 
to fly, but rather in time forgot all about their own country, 
as soon as they began to taste the good things of this one ; 
secondly, that they were very loyal and obedient servants, 
without malice ; thirdly, that they were not so inclined to 
lechery as the others ; fourthly, that after they began to use 
clothing they were for the most part very fond of display, 
so that they took great delight in robes of showy colours, 
and such was their love of finery, that they picked up the 
rags that fell from the coats of the other people of the 
country and sewed them on to their garments, taking 
great pleasure in these, as though it were matter of some 
greater perfection. And what was still better, as 1 have 
already said, they turned themselves with a good will into 
the path of the true faith ; in the which after they had 
entered, they received true belief, and in this same they 
died. And now reflect what a guerdon should be that of 
the Infant in the presence of the Lord God ; for thus 
bringing to true salvation, not only those, but many 
others, whom you will find in this history later on. 



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86 azukara's chronicle of the 

Now when the partition was thus accomplished, the 
captains of the other caravels came to the Infant, and with 
them some noblemen of his house, and said to him : " Sire, 
in that you know the great toil that Lan^arote, your servant, 
hath undergone in this action just achieved, and with what 
diligence he eflected it, by the which God hath given us so 
good a victory as you have seen ; and also as he is a man of 
good lineage, who deserveth every good ; we beg your grace 
that for his reward, you would be minded to knight him 
with your own hand. Since you see that for every reason 
he deserveth this honour ; and even if he had not deserved 
it so well (said those captains of the caravels), we think 
it would be an injury to us (as he was our captain- 
general, and laboured so much before our eyes), if he did 
not receive for it some honour superior to that which he 
had before, being an upright man and your servant, as 
we have said." 

The Infant answered that it pleased him greatly ; and 
that besides he was much obliged for their having asked !t 
of him ; for by it they gave example to the others that 
might desire to act as captains of brave men, and toil for 
their honour. 

And so forthwith he made Lan^arote a knight, giving him 
a rich guerdon, according as his deserts and his excellence 
required. And to the other leaders also he gave increased 
advancement, so that besides their first profit they con- 
sidered their labour right well bestowed. 



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DISCOVEKV AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

How the Infant ordered Gongallo de Sintra to go to Guinea, and 
how he was killed. 

It would be an ugly thing in prosecuting our history, if we 
did not write the misfortunes of our people, as well as their 
successes ; for TuUy** saith in his books, that among the 
great charges that are laid upon the historian, he ought 
chiefly to remember that of writing the truth, and when he 
writeth the truth he should not diminish it in aught. And 
of a surety* he not only doth his duty, but is a cause of 
much profit ; for it oft happencth that men receive great 
warnings by the misfortunes of their fellows. And the 
ancient sages said : " Blessed is the man who gaineth ad- 
monishment by the evils of others."" 

But you must know that this Gon^allo de Sintra, of 
whom at present we intend to speak, was a squire brought 
up from early youth in the Infant's household — indeed I 
believe he had been his equtrry. And because he was a 
man who had a good stature of body and a high courage, 
the Infant greatly increased him ; ever laying upon him the 
charge of great and honourable matters. 

And some time after Lan5arote's return, the Infant 
caused a caravel to be armed ; and gave it in charge of 
Gon^allode Sintra as captain, admonishing him, before his 
start, that he should go straight to Guinea, and for nothing 
whatever should fail of this. 

And he, pursuing his voyage, arrived at Cape Branco ; 
and like a man envious of obtaining fame, and desiring to 
win for himself advantages above the others,-|- he began to 
talk of going to the isle of Arguim, which was now very 
near** them ; where he thought that with little trouble 

* If he so act. f Who had preceded him on (his way. 



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88 azukaka's chronicle of the 

he could make some prisoners. The others began to 
contradict this ; saying, that he ought not to do anything 
of this sort ; for, in meddling with any such matter, he 
would work two evils : to wit, first in going beyond the 
command of the Infant ; secondly, in tarrying there and 
wasting the time without any profit — but they should 
rather (they said) make their way straight to Guinea, 
the land of the Negroes. But he, like a man whom death 
invited to make his end there, said that the detention 
would be only short ; and that in these matters the in- 
junctions of lords were not always to be strictly attended 
to ; and so at once he gave command to the mariners that 
they should make their way to the said isle. And it 
appeareth that arriving by night, they were perceived ; so 
that when they landed in the morning they only found one 
girl, whom they took to their ship. And thence they went 
off to another island, that lieth near there; where they 
caught one woman, being discovered in just the same way 
when they arrived there. 

Now Gon^allo dc Sintra took with him an Azanegue 
boy as an interpreter, who already knew a great deal of 
our language, and whom the Infant had given into his 
charge, commanding him to keep a good watch over him. 
But it appeareth that there was lack of good a<ivisement 
among those who had the charge of him ; and principally 
on the part of the captain, whose care should have been all 
the greater. For the boy, seeking for a suitable time and 
place, escaped one night from among them ; and joined 
those dwellers on the island, to whom he gave information 
of all that he knew about their enemies. 

And although they knew who he was, yet they were not 
so ill-advised as to believe all that he said straightway; but 
to obtain certainty of the truth, one of them undertook to 
go with false dissimulation to the caravels; calling out from 
the shore that they should take him on board, for he sought 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 89 

to go with them to Portugal. And afterwards when he was 
among our men he made his signs to them ; to shew that on 
account of the great longing and regret that he had for his 
relations and friends, who were now in this realm of 
Portugal, he did not know how to live except among them ; 
and that by God, let his life be what it might, he would 
be very content to endure it, if only he could have sight of 
them and intercourse with them again. And the others, 
like men very little on their guard against his devices, were 
exceedingly pleased with him ; though some there were 
who said they were not at all content with his coming on 
board, for it looked like treachery to them. And because 
of the speech of these they put some guard over the Moor, 
though it was but a small one. But on the second night 
the Moor took greater care to escape than they to guard 
him ; and made his way out of the caravel so softly that he 
was never perceived by our people ; and in truth they had 
pretty well forgotten all about him. But when his escape 
was known next day, everyone saw that they had been 
much deceived ; and said at once to the Captain that all 
these signs were against their making any booty in that 
land " For look," said they, " how we have been discovered 
in both islands whither we have gone ; how the youth has 
escaped from us ; how one Moor by himself has come to 
befool us. Of a surety we arc not the men to accomplish 
any great action." 

" Then," said Gon^allo de Sintra, " may I perish in these 
islands ; for I will never depart hence till I have performed 
some exploit so signal that never shall one like me, nor 
yet a nobler, come here and accomplish a greater deed or 
perform it better than 1," 

The others however contended strongly with him, that 
he should not make any further delay (since the danger was 
so well understood), and said that he should pursue his 
voyage straight away. For in doing what the Infant bade 



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90 azurara's chronicle of the 

him he would be doing his duty ; and in any other way he 
would fall into error, especially seeing how manifest were 
the chances of his ruin. 

But neither did these reasons prevail, nor many others 
that were spoken for his advisement ; for in spite of them 
he steered the carave! towards the isle of Naar; and as the 
islands are all near one to another, and the Moors are able 
to move quickly about in their canoes, all in that island were 
at once advised of his approach. Gongallo de Sintra, in 
his desire of honour as well as profit, bade them launch 
his boat, and embarked in it with twelve men, the best of 
his company ; and a little before midnight he left the boat 
and began to walk along the island ; and, as it appeareth, 
the tide had already passed the ebb, and was now beginning 
to flow somewhat. And there they came upon a creek, 
which they passed over easily enough, and likewise another 
near it. But because Gongallo de Sintra and the rest of his 
company did not all know how to swim, they determined 
to wait a little, and see how far the tide would rise, so that 
if by chance it rose so much that they would have to return, 
yet they would be near at hand to cross. And during the 
stay that they made there, morning came on, and either 
because they slept or because they did not understand 
the extent of the water, when dawn came they perceived 
that they would not be able with such ease to retrace 
their steps ; t>ecause the tide was now nearly at the full, 
and the creek had become large and deep. So it was 
necessary for them to remain there till the water should 
fall somewhat, and give them a better chance for their 
pass^e ; and in this they spent two or three hours of the 
day without seeking to move from there. 

And the Moors (though they saw them as soon as it 
was dawn), like men who were already prepared for it, did 
not attempt for a long time to attack them, hoping that 
they would come up further into the country, so that 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 91 

they might seize them more readily ; but after they fully 
perceived their intention they fell upon them all together, as 
upon a vanquished party. And as in the fight they were 
very unequally matched (for the enemy were 200 in number 
and our men but twelve, without hope of succour), they 
were very easily overcome. 

There was killed Gon^allo de Sintra, not in truth like a 
man who had forgotten his courage, but inflicting great 
injury upon his enemies, till his strength could aid him no 
more and he had to make his end. And of the others there 
perished seven — to wit, two youths of the Infant's House- 
hold, one whom they called Lopo Caldeira and another Lopo 
d'Alvellos, and an equerry who was named George, and one 
Alvaro Gon^alvez Pillito and three sailors. And in truth 
I wish to make no difference between them, for they all 
died fighting, without one of them turning back a foot ; and 
although the youths of the Household and the equerry knew 
how to swim and so to escape, yet they would never 
abandon their captain, but bravely received burial around 
him. May God receive the soul that He created, and 
the nature that came forth from Him, for it is His very 
ownl 

The five survivors returned to their caravel, and shortly 
made sail for the Kingdom ;• for after such a loss they had 
no inducement to do anything else, or to push on further.-t" 
as had been commanded them before.** 



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AZURARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Of the reasons that the Author giveth for a warning as to the death 
of GoD^lo de Sintra. 

In the event recorded in the last chapter there seemeth to 
me a great mystery contained, for I know not whether it 
came about from the spirit of covetousness or from the 
wish to render service, or from the desii^ to gain honour. 
However, since the peril was so manifest, and might 
have been avoided on that occasion if that Captain had 
been willing to receive advice, I should say that of a 
certainty the wheels of destiny* had so ordained it, and 
that their appointed purpose blinded his reason so that 
he knew not the ills that would be his. For although 
St Augustine doth write many and holy words repro- 
bating the predestination of celestial influences, yet 
methinks in other places I find authorities to the con- 
trary ; as for example Job, who saith that God hath placed 
UR bounds which we cannot pass, and many besides 
in Holy Scripture which I omit to mention, that I 
may not be drawn away from my first purpose.*" But 
whether it were the predestination of fortune, or a divine 
judgment for some other sin, or peradventiire that God 
thought good to take them so for their more certain salva- 
tion, it is well for us to see if we can gather up some 
measure of profit from this untoward event. And when I 
consider it, there appeareth to me seven things from which 
we may take warning. 

Now the first is that no Captain who hath a superior, from 
whose hand he receiveth his charge, ought in any way to 
transgress the mandate of his lord or master. And we 
have an example of this in the deeds of the Romans in the 

* Lit., the heavens. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 93 

case of Julius Csesar"; for although he gained very glorious 
victories, and made subject to the Roman power France, 
Brittany, England, Spain, and Germany, yet, because he 
overpassed the space of five years (which was the limit 
marked out for him in which to conquer his enemies), the 
honour he ought to have received was denied and taken 
from him, and for no other reason save that he had trans- 
gressed his orders. And Vegetius, in the fourth book, 
De re Militari, reiateth how Aurelius the Consul would 
have his son serve among the foot soldiers because he had 
gone beyond his commands. And again, St, Augustine in 
the fifth book of the City of God, telleth of Torquatus that 
he slew his son, although victorious, for having fought 
against his orders.^ 

The second thing is that upon captured hostages and 
interpreters from a foreign land a special guard should ever 
be placed to keep watch over them with great caution. 
And the ill results that lately followed from a neglect of 
this are evident. 

The third thing is that when an enemy throweth in his 
lot* with the Captain the latter ought not to trust him, but 
should rather keep a diligent look-out, and hold his coming 
as suspicious until the final victory be won. For from a 
like cause was lost the battle of Canna; (as Titus Livius 
writeth in his book on the Secondf War), that is because the 
Romans refused to be forewarned by those of the enemy 
who came over to them.^ 

The fourth is that we should hearken to the counsel of 
those who are in our own company and give us profitable 
advice ; for, saith the Holy Spirit, there is safety in a 
multitude of counsels. And so the sage in the Book of 
Wisdom doth admonish all men to take counsel — where he 
saith, in the sixth of Ecclesiasticus, " List, my son, and take 



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94 azurara's chronicle of the 

thou counsel alway. For every wise man doeth his actions 
with advice." Moreover, Seneca layeth it down in his 
Treatise on the Virtues that every governor, be he Prince 
or Prince's Captain, should be careful to take counsel of 
the things he hath to do ; — " Regard everything that may 
chance to happen and revolve it in thy heart, and let nothing 
come as a surprise but rather have it well provided against, 
for the wise man never saith— I did not think this would 
come to pass; and this is because he is not in doubt, but ex- 
pecteth it, and conjectureth not, but rather attendeth to the 
reason of all things ; for when the beginning of an affair 
is perceived, the end and egres? should ever be watched,"^ 

And fifthly, that when our enemies have certain intelli- 
gence of our power and intentions we should beware much 
of invading their land, for a Captain's chief duty as regard- 
eth his enemy is to conceal from them his force ; and the 
contrary leadeth only to his own destruction and that of his 
men. And so Hannibal ever ordained his ambushes with 
such skill that his foes might never think his strength to 
be greater than it appeared for the mijment.^ 

Sixthly, that we should take much care not to be dis- 
covered on a coast where we would make an inroad. And 
experience showeth examples of this every day to those who 
keep armed ships on the sea. And greatly do I marvel that 
Gon5allo de Sintra, a man who had ofttimes sailed in ships 
of the Armada*" by his lord's command and had taken 
a part in very great actions, both on the coast of Granada 
and in Ceuta, was not more on his guard at such a time. 

And the seventh conclusion 1 draw from the above 
event is that no man who cannot swim should cross rising 
water in a hostile country, except at the time for him to 
find that it hath ebbed away on his return. 

Such then arc the matters I have had to write for your 
warning, and henceforth I will take up again the thread of 
my narrative. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

How Antam Gonqalvez and Gomez Pirei and Diego Affonso 
went to the Rio d'Ouro. 

In that year the Infant bade Antam Goni^alvez, that noble 
knight of whom we have already spoken, to sail in ©ne 
caravel and Gomez Pirez, master of the Royal Galley in 
another: and this man went by command of the Infant 
Don Pedro, who at that time governed the kingdom in the 
name of the King. And at the same time there was 
another caravel with them, in which sailed one Diego 
Affonso, a servant of the Infant Don Henry : and all these 
commanders went jointly to see if they could bring the 
Moors of that part to treat of merchandise. 

And they had much talk with them and obtained great 
sureties by means of the Moors whom the Infant sent 
there to see if with the aforesaid pretence they could guide 
them into the way of salvation. But they were not able to 
accomplish aught or do business with them, except in the 
matter of one negro. 

And so they turned back without achieving any more ; 
except that they brought with them one old Moor, who of 
his own free will wished to come and see the Infant, from 
whom he received great rewards, According to his quality, 
and who afterward sent him back to his own country. 
But I am not so much surprised at the coming of this man 
as of a squire who went with Antam Gon^alvez, called 
John Fernandez ; who of his own free will decided to 
stay in that land of Guinea, only to sec the country and 
bring the news of it to the Infant when he should chance 
to return. But of the travels of this squire and of his 
excellent qualities I leave the account to another place. 



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CHAPTER XXX. 

How Nuno Tristam went to Tira, and of the Moors that he took 
captive there. 

For a better understanding of the matter that now 
happened, we will here tell how Nuno Tristam, of whom 
we have already spoken, first saw the land of the 
Negroes. And it was so, that being sent in a caravel, 
by order of the Infant, to those parts, he went straight 
to those islands where they' had been already. Now these 
were then left desolate, for the inhabitants, perceiving the 
damage they were receiving, had forsaken their land and 
betaken themselves for a time to other islands, of which 
they presumed that their enemies had no knowledge. 
" Seeing that this is so," said Nuno Tristam, " and that we 
can find no booty in these islands, my wish is to proceed 
as far as I can, till I come to the land of the Negroes 
— for you know well," said he, "the desire which the In- 
fant our Lord hath in this matter, and we cannot employ 
our time better than in doing what we know will most 
please him." 

All said this was well, and that it should be his business 
to direct them ; for they were ready for any emergency, as 
men who possessed no other good thing except the favour 
of that lord who sent them there. And they proceeded so far 
that they passed that land and saw a country very diflTerent 
from that former one — for that was sandy and untilled, and 
quite treeless, like a country where there was no water — 
while this other land they saw to be covered with palms 
and other green and beautiful trees, and it was even so 
with all the plains thereof.^' Nuno Tristam here caused 
his ship's boat to be launched, with the intention of land- 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 97 

ing where he saw certain men who appeared to be very 
willing to speak with them. 

And with this Nunc Tristam had been very content, if 
the roughness of the sea had permitted his boat to reach 
the land ; but the waves were huge and perilous withal, so 
that he was forced to return to his ship and to make sail, to 
escape the distemperature of the wind, which was very 
contrary. But Nuno Tristam said, that although he was 
driven away from the point where stood those who would 
fain speak with him, he well understood that they were 
of the company of the Negroes. 

And so Nuno Tristam, forced back by contrary weather, 
arrived with his caravel nigh to those islands where 
Lan^arotein earlier time had made his booty; but he went 
on to the mainland, where he landed to see if he also could 
make a capture. 

And he went there several nights before he was able to 
secure anything; till he captured one Moor, already old, 
who by signs told him of the whereabouts of a settlement, 
about two leagues from there. But the distance might just 
as well have been greater, for Nuno Tristam, with the 
delay he had made before accomplishing any capture, would 
equally have adventured it. But the Moor was not able to 
tell him how many were the dwellers in that settlement 
towards which he was guiding them ; or, to speak more 
accurately, they could neither have asked nor yet have 
understood him ;* and this, it appears to me, should have 
put our men in some fear, because they knew not what the 
enemy's numbers might be ; but, where there is enough 
of good will, determinations are never closely examined. 

And in the night following that in which the Moor was 
discovered, they attacked the settlement, but they did not 
capture there more than twenty-one persons; and we do 

♦ His reply. 



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98 AZURARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 

not find any record whether there were any boys or women 
among these twenty-one, nor how many men Nuno Tristam 
took with him, nor if he had to do any fighting there 
before making his capture. Nor could we find out about 
these matters, because Nuno Tristam was already dead at 
the time when King Don AfTonso commanded this history 
to be written.** 

And so we leave this matter thus without saying any 
more. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 



How Dinis Uiai went to the land of the Negroes, and of the Captives 
that he took. 

There was in Lisbon a noble squire, who had been a 
servant of the King Don John {the grandfather of the king 
Don AfiF(wiso, and father of this virtuous prince),' who was 
called Dinis Diaz. 

And he hearing news of that land,t and how the caravels 
were already sailing so far from this coast; J and also 
because he was a man desirous of seeing new things and 
of trying his strength (although he was now settled in 
that city,§ which is one of the noblest in Spain, with 
profitable offices which had been given him in reward for 
his services), now went nevertheless to the Infant Don 
Henry to beg him to despatch him to that land. For 
considering that he was a servant of his father, and that 
all his rise was through him, and that he had both the 
courage and the youth to serve him withal, he had no 
mind to let his life slip away in the pleasures of repose. 

The Infant thanked him for his good will, and had a 
caravel armed and got ready for the aforesaid Dinis Diaz 



• Henry. + OfOuine 

t Of Portugal. S Lisbon. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 99 

to go and accomplish his purpose. And he, leaving 
Portugal with his company, never lowered sail till he had 
passed the land of the Moors and arrived in the land of 
the blacks, that is called Guinea. 

And although we have already several times in the course 
of this history, called Guinea that other land to which 
the first* went, we give not this common name to both 
because the country is all one ; for some of the lands are 
very different from others, and very far apart, as we shall 
distinguish further on at a convenient place.'' And as 
the caravel was voyaging along that sea, those on land 
saw it and marvelled much at the sight, for it seemeth they 
had never seen or heard speak of the like ; and some of 
them supposed it to be a fish, while others thought it to be 
a phantom, and others again said it might be a bird that 
ran so on its journey over that sea. And after reasoning 
thus concerning the novelty, four of them were bold enough 
to inform themselves concerning this doubt; and so got 
into a small boat made out of one hollow tree-trunk 
without anything else being added thereto. 

Now this I think must have been a kind of "coucho", 
like to some that are in use on the rapids of the Mondego 
and the Zezere, in which the labourers cross when they are 
obliged to do so in the depth of winter. And they came a 
good way out towards where the caravel was pursuing its 
course; and those in her could not restrain themselves from 
appearing on deck. But when the negroes saw that those 
in the ship were men, they made haste to flee as best 
they could ; and though the caravel followed after them, 
the want of a sufficient wind prevented their capture. 
And as they^- went further on, they met with other boats, 
whose crews, seeing ours to be men, were alarmed at the 
novelty of the sight ; and moved by fear they sought to 

* Explorers. t Our men. 



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lOO AZURARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 

flee, each and all ; but because our men had a better 
opportunity than before, they captured four of them, and 
these were the first to be taken by Christians in their 
own land, and there is no chronicle or history that relateth 
aught to the contrary." 

And for certain this was no small honour for our Prince, 
whose mighty power was thus sufficient to command 
peoples so far from our kingdom, making booty among 
the neighbours of the land of Egypt; and Dinis Diaz 
ought to share in this honour, for he was the first who (by 
his* command) captured Moors in that land. And now 
he pushed on till he arrived at a great cape, to which they 
gave the name of Cape Verde.** 

And it is said that they met there with many people, 
but it is not related in what way they met with them ; 
whether our men saw them from the sea while on board 
their ship ; or whetherf as they were moving about in their 
little boats, busy with their fishing. It is enough that they 
did not capture any more on this voyage; except that it is 
said they landed on an island where they found many 
goats and birds, with which they greatly refreshed them- 
selves ; it is also said that they found many things there 
different from this land of ours, as will be related further 
on. And thence they turned back to this Kingdom ; and 
although their booty was not so great as those that had 
arrived in the past, the Infant thought it very great indeed 
— since it came from that land. And so he gave to Dinis 
Diaz and his companions great rewards on account of it. 

'* The Prince's. + They were sighted. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

How Antam Gonijalvei, Garcia Homem, and Uiego Aflpnso, set 
out for Cape Branco. 

It would be well that we should now return to that squire 
who in the past year remained at the Rio d'Ouro, as we 
have said already. 

And his service was of especial merit, and is worthy of 
great remembrance. For, as often as I consider it, I 
marvel much at the same. And what shall I say of a 
single man, who had never been in that land (and there 
was not nor had there been any other whom he knew 
or of whom he had heard), willing thus to stay among a 
.race little less than savage, whose nature and wiles he 
knew not ? 

Let me consider with what a countenance he would 
first appear before them, and for what end he would say 
he was remaining, or how he would be able to arrange with 
them about food and other -things for his use. It is true 
that he had already been a captive among the other Moors, 
and in this part of the Mediterranean Sea, where he 
acquired a knowledge of their language ; but I know not 
if it would serve him among these. Antam Gon9alvez 
who had left him there, remembering his story, spoke 
to the Infant about him in this wise : — 

"Your Highness knoweth how John Fernandez, your 
squire, stayed at the Rio d'Ouro, to learn all he could 
about that land, small things as well as great, to inform 
you of the same, even as he knew was your desire; and you 
know how many months he hath been there, for your 
service. Now, if your grace is willing to send me to 
fetch him away, and some other ships with me, I will 
labour for your service so that, besides bringing back this 
squire, all the expense of this our voyage may be covered 



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102 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

as well." And you must be well aware in the case of a 
man filled with such desire for these matters* how bitter 
it would be to hear such a request." 

The ships were quickly ready, and of these Antam 
Gon9alvez was chief captain, taking in his company 
Garcia Homem and Diego Affonso, servants of the Infant, 
as you have heard elsewhere. And these two+ received 
charge of the other two caravels, but all under the com- 
mand of the chief captain. 

Now the ships, on setting out, went first to victual at 
the Madeiras, because of the great supplies that were 
there. And thence they agreed to push on straight for 
Cape Branco, and in case by any hap they should be 
separated, they were nevertheless to steer for the said 
cape. And the weather taking its accustomed course, ■ 
that is changing quickly from fair to foul, and sometimes 
too from foul to fair, there arose such a tempest over them 
that in a very short time they thought they were tost, and 
they separated one from the other ; for each of those 
captains thought, judging by his own great labour, that his 
companion's must be much greater, and so on this account 
presumed he was lost ; and the opinions were so many in 
each caravel, that they could hardly decide on any settled 
course. 

But at last they decided, each one for his part, to go 
straight on with the voyage to the place that they had all 
previously determined on, each thinking that to himself 
alone appertained all that charge ; for they felt very 
doubtful of their partners reaching there, believing that 
the best thing that could have happened to them would be 
their return to Portugal, but asserting that their shipwreck 
was much more likely. So they went on withstanding 
their fate, with great bodily toil and no less terror of 

* As was the Infant, + Homem and Affonso. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. lOJ 

mind, till it pleased God that the sea should abate some- 
what of its first fury and return to its former calmness, 
as was necsssary for their voyage. Diego AfTonso, who 
first reached Cape Branco, caused to be erected on land 
a great cross of wood, that his partners, in case they 
should come after him', not having passed it already, 
might know that he was going on before them. And 
with such firmness was that cross set up, that it lasted 
there many years afterwards, and even now, I am told, yet 
standeth there. And right well might any one of another 
country marvel, who should chance to pass by that coast, 
and should see among the Moors such a symbol, without 
knowing anything of our ships, that they were sailing in 
that part of the world. 

Great was the delight of each one of the other captains, 
when they came to that spot and understood that their 
partners were in front Diego Affonso did not wish to 
make any stop near the Cape, considering that if the 
others came there they could soon find him ; and that 
since he was not certain of their coming, he ought to 
push on and do what he could to make some booty ; so 
that the time might not be lost without his winning 
some honour and profit while It lasted. I do not care to 
mention certain matters of the voyage of these people,* 
which I found written by one Affonso Cerveira, who first 
sought to set in order this history;" for since they brought 
no result it serveth no good purpose to waste time over 
them, and so to weary the good will of my readers 
and make them tired of my history ; all the more as I 
possess the matter to adorn my work and render it very 
pleasing. 

The caravels having joined one another again, the 
captains very gladly met in their boats, each one proud to 



*■ Of Diego Affonso's. 



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104 azurara's chronicle of the 

speak of what he had just passed through with so much 
toil and terror. 

And because Antam Gon^alvez was the last to arrive, 
and the others had to govern themselves by his commands, 
they told him how they had already landed several times, 
but had not been able to capture anything to bring them 
profit ; and what was worse, that the Moors had fled from 
them, and that as they had been discovered they felt it 
would be of little use returning there again. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 



How they went to Ergim* Island, and of the Moors they took 
there. 

"Just as much", said Antam Gon^alvez, "as the beginning 
of our voyage was troubled, so much I hope that our ending 
will be the better ; trusting in that God who by His mercy 
hath united us here and saved us from so great a danger. 
" Wherefore", said he, "as you perceive that by your land* 
ing the Moors here are all forewarned, you know well that 
further on from here is an island which is called Ei^im ; 
Moors that we can make captives of. I tell you this, for I 
and there, I trust, if we go by night, we shall light on some 
do not intend to undertake any matter without your 
counsel." 

And not only did the captains say that this pleased 
them, but so did the others also in whose presence all had 
been spoken ; who made haste that there might be no 
great delay in performing this. And as soon as the sun 
began to hide the rays of his brightness, and the twilight 
of night filled the air with its obscurity, they were all ready 

• Arguim. 



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mSCOVERV AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. lOJ 

in their boats ; taking with them as many people as they 
saw would be wanted for their defence ; each captain 
putting another in charge of his caravel in place of himself, 
with orders that as soon as morning dawned they should 
come and look for them by the said island. And so the 
men in the boats set off, as had been ordered, and a little 
after midnight they arrived at the said island ; on which 
they landed and made straight for the native settlement, 
but they only found there one blackamoor and his 
daughter, whom they carried off. 

And the Moor by signs made them understand that, if 
they went to the mainland, they would find a settlement of 
Moors on the sea shore, showing them himself the way to 
the spot. And upon this, they decided to rest there the 
whole of the following day, for their deed could not be 
performed except by their arriving at night ; and so they 
spent the day, partly in sleep, partly in eating and 
drinking ; and especially did they delight themselves in 
the goodness of the water, for of this there was great 
abundance to be found there. And when night came, 
they started again, rowing briskly to the point which the 
Moor had indicated to them by signs before. And 
this was a marvellous thing ; that as soon as one of the 
natives was captured, he took a delight in shewing to 
the enemy, not only his neighbours and friends, but 
even his wife and children. And so pursuing their way, 
some of them became doubtful of that project ; thinking 
that they were going with too little advisement ; in that 
they did not know how great was the number of our 
enemies, nor how they were equipped for defence. But 
the words of these men did not have much effect ; 
because when the wills of men are eager for such deeds 
as these, they do not often wait to take counsel. And 
arriving at the mainland far on in the night, they put 
the Moor in front of them as their guide ; but, through 



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loC azurara's chronicle of the 

their difficulty in not being able to understand him, they 
delayed so much, that when morning dawned, they were 
still a great way distant from the village. 

And the Moors rising up about dawn had sight of them 
where they were coming, and like men without heart and 
deprived of hope, they began to fly, every one where he 
perceived he could best take refuge, leaving behind goods, 
wives and children, as men who perceived that they had 
quite enough to do to save their own lives. 

And our people, who were observing them, when they 
saw them flee thus, rejoiced somewhat at being safe from 
the peril which they had looked for before ; yet on account 
of the loss which they saw they would suffer by the flight of 
tliem, they could not be very glad. But this thought had 
not time to be well considered in their minds, for though 
they were wearied, it was not perceptible in the course of 
their race ; for just as briskly and with as much good will 
did they hasten on, as at other times they had done ; rising 
from their beds and seeking to prove their cunning in the 
fields hard by those towns where they had been brought 
up. And it well appeared with what good will they did it 
in the capture of their booty ; for though they had sighted 
it so far off, as we have said, and the enemy were rested 
and used to that business, yet they took twenty-five of them. 
But agile above all on that day was one Lawrence Diaz, 
a dweller in Setuval, who was a servant of the Prince, for 
he by himself alone took seven of those natives prisoners. 
And the toil was by no one much regarded in comparison 
of the pleasure with which they went along the shore to 
seek the caravels, for it was three days since they had left 
them. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA, 107 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 
How John Fernandez came to the caravels. 
John Fernandez had now been seven months dwelling 
in that country,** and it seemeth clear, according to reason, 
that at the time Antam Gon^alvez left him he must have 
settled to return for him, or to beg the Infant to despatch 
some other, who could take him off in this way. And 
after John Fernandez perceived that the caravels had had 
time enough to return from Portugal, he came down many 
times to that shore to see if he could have sight of any 
of them. And I can well believe that this was his 
principal care. 

And it happened that those who remained in the caravels, 
seeking to fulfil the orders of their chief captains, made 
sail to the Isle of Ergim (of which it appeared that they 
had no knowledge), and passed on and went cruising up and 
down for two days until they came to another land beyond. 
And a little more than an hour after they had cast anchor, 
they saw a man who stood on the land over against them. 
Quickly one caravel made ready to go and see who it 
could be ; and making sail toward him it was not able to 
go as far in as it wished, because the wind was off the 
land. And John Fernandez, seeing the hindrance that the 
caravel received, resolved to go along the shore, either 
hoping that the ship's boats would be there, or for some 
other reason ; and so went a little way, till he saw the boats 
that were coming in search of their ships. And when he 
shouted towards where they were coming, the others were 
very glad, thinking that he was some Moor who came to 
them of his own will to treat about the ransom of some 
one of these captives ; but when they understood his 
speech, and he named himself for what he was, they were 
yet much more glad ; so that they hastened towards him 



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J08 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

the quicken And I consider, saith our author, what must 
have been the appearance of that noble squire, brought up 
as he had been upon the food you know, to wit, bread 
and wine and flesh and other things skilfully prepared, 
after living seven months in this fashion, where he could 
eat nothing except fish and the milk of camels — for I 
believe there are no better cattle in that part — and 
drinking brackish water, and not too much of that; and 
living in a burning hot and sandy land without any 
delights. O ye people who live in all the sweetness of 
Spanish valleys, who when you chance to miss any part of 
your accustomed maintenance in the houses of the lord 
with whom ye live, will let nothing else be heard for your 
complaints — look, if you will, upon the sufferings of this 
man, and you will find him worthy to be a great example 
for anyone who wlsheth to do the will of his Lord by 
serving him. And we others, who perchance fast one 
day in many months by command of the Church, or 
for satisfaction of our penance, or in honour of some 
festival of the Church, if it be such that we must eat 
only bread and water, we give up all that day to sad- 
ness. And how many there are who dispense their own 
consciences, breaking their fasts to content their bellies. 
Let us see if there is one here who, for a single week, 
would endure a like toil of his own free will for Christ's 
sake. I will not say that the impulse of John Fernandez 
was not with some regard for his Lord, for I knew this 
squire myself, and he was a man of good conscience and 
a true Catholic Christian ; and since the object of the 
principal mover* was so righteous and so holy, as I have 
already said in other places, all the other matters set in 
motion by him must needs in some way have corresponded 
to his first intention. 

* In this action, i.e., Henry. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. I09 

CHAPTER XXXV. 
How Anta.m Gon^alvez went to make the ransom. 
If I marvelled before at the endurance of John Fernandez 
(to wit, his living in that land and enduring what I have 
said), little less do 1 marvel at the affection which those 
who dwelt there came to feel for him. And albeit that his 
afTability was very great towards all other people, I was 
astonished it could exist towards these, or how it could be 
so felt and returned by such savages ; for I am assured that 
when he parted from the men among whom he had lived 
those seven months, many of them wept with regretful 
thought. But why do I say so, when I know that we are 
all sons of Adam, composed of the same elements, and that 
we all receive a soul as reasonable beings? True it is that, 
in some bodies, the instruments are not so good for pro- 
ducing virtues as they are in others, to whom God by His 
grace hath granted such power; and when men lack the first 
principles on which the higher ones depend, they lead a life 
little less than bestial. For into three modes is the life of 
men divided, as saith the Philosopher. The first are those 
who live in contemplation, leaving on one side all other 
worldly matters and only occupying themselves in praying 
and contemplating, and those he calls demi-gods.- And 
the second are those who live in cities, improving their 
estates and trading one with another. And the third are 
those who live in the deserts, removed from all conversa- 
tion,* who, because they have not perfectly the use of 
reason, live as the beasts live ; like those who after the 
Division of Tongues (which by the will of our Lord God 
was made in the Tower of Babylon), spread themselves 
through the world and settled theref without increasing 

* Of men. * In the deserts. 



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I ro AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

any part of their first stock of knowledge. But yet these 
last have their passions like other reasonable creatures ; as 
love, hate, hope, fear, and the other twelve which all of us 
naturally have ; the which each one of us setteth in use 
more or less, according to the grace he hath of God, for as 
St. Paul hath said : God is He who worketh in us the 
fulfilment of His will. And by these primal passions I hold 
that these men were moved to the love of John Fernandez, 
for which reason they henceforth felt sorrow at his depar- 
ture. And it would be very fitting to speak a little upon 
these passions, and in what way they are universal in all 
men ; but I fear to prolong my story, and to weary your 
goodwill by lengthening out my words, even though all 
would be profitable."" So let us leave the long conferences 
that there might be among those on board the caravels at 
the coming of John Fernandez, and let us only tell how he 
said to Antam Gongalvez that there was hard by there a 
noble called Ahude Meymam, and that he wished to traffic 
with them in the matter of some blacks whom he had taken ; 
and of this Antam Gon^alvez was very glad, and put on 
shore the same John Fernandez, who in a short time brought 
a great number of that people there. And, after settling the 
matter of hostages, Antam Gongalvez received two Moors 
as security ; and he on his side gave two others of those 
that he had with him. And those two, who were so given 
on the part of Antam Gon^alvez while the exchanges were 
being made, were taken to the tents of the Moors, where 
was a very great number of Moorish women, and those 
among the best of that land. 

Now it happened that the Moors raised an uproar among 
themselves, for which reason they went out of their dwell- 
ings a good way on to the plain. And the Moorish women, 
looking upon those two hostages, thought to try them, 
shewing a very great desire of lying with them ; and those 
who thought themselves best favoured shewed themselves 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 1 1 1 

right willingly as naked as when they first came out of the 
bellies of their mothers, and so made them other signs 
sufficiently unchaste. But seeing that the others* were 
more concerned at the terror they felt (thinking that the 
tumult of those Moors was warily raised in order chiefly to 
cause them injury), the women nevertheless persevered in 
their unchaste purpose, making them signs of great security, 
and asking thein, as could be understood by their gestures, 
that they should perform what they sought But whether 
this was attempted with deceit, or whether it was only the 
wickedness of their nature that urged them to this, let it be 
the business of each one to settle as he thinks best. Great 
confidence was shown by those Moors in their trafficking, 
for, in speaking about their matters, many came boldly on 
to the ships, bringing their women with them, who above 
all desired to see that novelty,+ 

And when the noblej concluded his bargaining, he 
received some things which pleased him most among those 
tendered to him by our men (though they were really small 
and of little value), and he gave us for the same nine 
negroes and a little gold dust.**" And upon the end of 
this same bargaining, one squire who dwelt in the isle 
of Madeira required of Antam Gonjalvez that he should 
knight him ; because, as I believe, he was of great age 
and had some lineage of nobility ; and, having a sufficient 
wealth, he wished to acquire an honourable title for his 
sepulchre. He was called Fernam Taavares, and that 
place was known from henceforth by the name of the 
Cape of the Ransom.'" 

Well would it have pleased me to speak somewhat in 
this chapter of the things that John Fernandez saw and 
learnt in that land ; but it is necessary that I should bring 
the action of those three caravels to an end ; and afterwards 

* Our men. + Of the ships. X Ahude Meymam. 



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1 1 2 azuraka's chronicle of the 

when I find time I will tell you of all, that I may pursue 
my story in the order that seemeth best to me. 

Now the Moors having left that place, and the caravels 
sailing on, those men of ours who were working the sails 
saw near the shore some 200 camels, with certain Moors 
who followed them. And because they seemed to be very 
near they went towards them right briskly ; but those Moors, 
seeing themselves pressed by the others, jumped up lightly 
upon the camels and fled upon them. But the camels were 
more in number than the men, for which reason some 
stayed on the spot where they were ; and of these our men 
killed forty, and the others fled and escaped. 

And so the caravels going on, came nigh to the island of 
Tider,*'"^ where we have said already there were many 
Moors ; and seeing near the shore where they were, some 
houses; and wishing to know if they could find anything 
there, they landed. And perceiving that all was desolate, 
they had a mind to go further inland ; where they saw two 
Moors, who were coming in their direction, and our men, 
anxious to take them, contended for them. But Antam 
Gon9alvez, being advised of their deceit, understood by 
their countenance that that movement of theirs was for the 
purpose of some ambush ; for, as to such confidence shewn 
by two men against so many, any man of judgment could 
understand that it was to essay some stratagem. 
" "Go", said Antam Gon^alvez to two of -his men, "a 
little way inland (signing to them whither they were to 
proceed), and you will see the treachery of these dogs." 
And so, as the Christians advanced from the side of 
the shore, the Moors came out against them ; and being 
near, they hurled their spears, and the Christians ran 
after them till they came to the place that had been 
marked out for them before, and so turned back. And 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. II3 

as our men began to retire to the ships the ambuscade 
%vas discovered ; and those who were of it very soon 
came down upon the shore, so that, if our people had not 
retired thus sharply, they could not have escaped from 
these without very great loss. For the Moors, per- 
ceiving their advantage, shewed clearly enough their 
desire, entering into the water as far as they could ; 
whence, had they not been kept at a distance by the 
cross-bows, they would have followed still, even by swim- 
ming, in order to accomplish their desire of injuring our 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

How they took the Moors at Cape Branco, 

" Let us return", said Antam Gon^alvez, " to Cape Branco, 
for I have heard say that on the side opposite the sunset 
there is a village, in which we could find some people of 
whom we could make booty, if we took it suddenly and 
by surprise." All said that this was good counsel, and 
that they should put it in action at once ; and, for this 
thirty-eight men were set apart, who were most ready for 
the service, and they landed and went to the village 
straightway, at the beginning of the night, but found 
nothing in it. " Then said some of them, it wpuld be 
well for us to return to our boats and row as far as we 
may along the land, till we see morning ; and as soon as 
that shall happen, we will land and go towards those Moors 
to hold the passage of the Cape ; because they needs must 
go along the said Cape before they can retreat into the 
upland. And as they have with them women and children, 
they will be forced to rest part of the night, and though 
they travel continually, they cannot go so fast as to prevent 
us from passing them," And in this counsel they were all 



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114 AZURARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 

agreed, and rowing all the night without taking any rest 
(because in such places and times slothfulness is the greatest 
cause of loss), the night came to its end. And when the 
clearness of the day was beginning, twenty-eight of them 
landed, for the others stayed to guard the boats. And 
those that were on land went on, till thty arrived at a 
certain high place, from which they perceived they could 
keep a good watch over all the parts round about; and 
concealing themselves as well as they could on account of 
the rising of the sun, they saw Moors coming towards 
them, men and women, with their boys and girls, in all 
seventy or eighty, as they reckoned. And without any 
further speech or counsel they rushed out among them, 
shouting out their accustomed cries, " St. Geoi^e ", 
" Portugal ". And at their attack the Moors were so 
dismayed that most of them at onCe sought relief in 
flight, and only seven or eight stood on their defence, of 
whom there now fell dead at the first charge three or four. 
And these being despatched, there was no more toil of 
fight, and only he who knew himself light of foot thought 
he had any remedy for his life ; but our men did not stand 
idle, for if their enemies took care to run they did not for 
their part let themselves rest ; for at such a time toil of the 
kind that they underwent is true rest for the conquerors. 
And so they captured in all fifty-five, whom they took with 
them to the boats. Of their joy I will not speak, because 
reason will tell you what it must have been, both of those 
who took the captives and of the others on board the 
caravels, when they came with their prize. And after 
this capture they agreed to turn back to the kingdom ;* 
both because they perceived that they could accomplish 
no more to their profit in that part, and especially because 
of the deficiency of victuals. For there was not enough 

* Of Portugal. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 1 1 5 

to last any long time for them and for the prisoners they 
had with them ; and all the more as the way* was long, 
and they knew not what kind of a voyage they would have. 
Wherefore they guided their caravels towards Portugal, 
making straight for Lisbon, where they arrived quite 
content with their booty. But who would not take 
pleasure at seeing the multitude of people that ran out 
to see those caravels ? for as soon as they had lowered 
their sails, the officers who collected the royal dues'** took 
boats from the shore to find out whence the ships came 
and what they brought ; and as soon as they returned and 
the news passed from one to another, in a short time there 
was such a multitude in the caravels that they were nearly 
swamped. Nor were there less on the next day, when they 
took the captives out of the ships and wished to convey 
them to a palace of the Infant, a good way distant from 
the Ribeira.*** For from all the other parts of the city 
they flocked on to those streets by which they had to con- 
vey them. Of a surety, saith the author of this history, 
many of those I spoke of at first, who murmured over 
the commencement of this action, might well rebuke them- 
selves now, for there was no one there who would be then 
counted as of that number. And the noise of the people 
was so great, praising the great virtues of the Infant (when 
they saw them take the captives in bonds along those 
streets), that if anyone had dared to speak in the contrary 
sense he would very soon have found it well to recant. 
But perchance it would have availed him little, for the 
populace (and most of all in a time of excitement) but 
rarely pardoneth him who contradicteth what it willeth to 
hold established. Nor doth it appear to me that there could 
be a man of such evil condition that he could speak against 
so manifest a good, from which followed such great profits.^"' 



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Il6 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

The Infant was then in the district of Viseu, from which 
he sent to receive his fifth ; and, of those who remained, the 
captains made a sale in the city, from which all received 

great advantage. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

How the caravel of Gon^alo Pacheco and two other ships went to 
the isle of Ergim. 

As the town of Lisbon is the most noble in the Kingdom 
of Portugal, so likewise its inhabitants (if we reckon the 
most for all) are the noblest and have the largest properties. 
And let no one be so simple as to take this word in a 
wrong sense, and think that this nobility is specially to be 
found in them* more than in those of other cities and 
towns — for the Fidalgos and men of high family are 
noble wheresoever they be found — only I speak generally, 
because as Paulo Vergeryo said, in the instruction that 
he gave to the youth of the gentry, the splendour of 
the great city is a lai^e part of nobility, And they,-t- 
seeing before their eyes what wealth those ships brought 
home, acquired in so short a time, and with such safety, 
considered, some of them, how they could get a part of 
that profit.^'* 

Now, there was in that city a squire of noble lineage, 
which he had not soiled as regardeth goodness and valour, 
called Gon^alo Pacheco, who was one of the Infant's 
Court and was High Treasurer of Ceuta, a man of great 
wealth and one who always kept sKips at sea against the 
enemies of the Kingdom.^*" And it seemeth that he con- 
sidered of this matter, and wrote at once to the Infant to 



+ The people of Lisbon, 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 1 r? 

permit him to arm a fine caravel, which he had lately had 
built for his service ; and the same allowance he asked lor 
two other caravels which sought to accompany him. He 
had little delay or hindrance in getting the licence he 
desired, and much less in making ready the matters that 
were necessary for the armament. Then Gon^alo Pacheco 
made captain of his caravel one Diiiis Eanes de Graa, 
nephew of his wife in the first degree, and a squire of the 
Regent's ;* and in the other caravels went their owners, 
to wit, Alvaro Gil, an Assayer of the Mint, and Mafaldo, 
a dweller in Setuval ; and they, hoisting on their ships 
the banners of the Order of Christ, made their way towards 
Cape Branco.'** And arriving there they agreed all together 
not to go to the village, which stood one league from the 
Cape, by reason of the writing they found (which Antam 
Gongalvez had placed there), in which he advised those who 
should pass by that place not to take the trouble of going 
against that village with any hope of profit, because he had 
been in it and found it empty. And they agreed to go and 
look for another, which was two leagues from there ; and in 
the result they came to it and found it likewise empty. 
But there chanced to be in that company among those 
who went to that village, one John Gon^alvez a Gallician, 
who was a pilot, and had already been in that land with 
Antam Gon^alvez, when he had returned there this last 
time to search for John Fernandez ; and it appeareth that 
as soon as he reached Lisbon he had joined their company. 
"And now," said that John Gon^alvez, "you may make a 
great profit in this business if you will follow my counsel ; 
because I have faith in God that He will give us a prize 
worth having ; for I have already been in this land and seen 
how the others acted who had a better knowledge of it." 
All said with one voice that they were very content and 



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I lO AZUkAkA'S CHRONICLE OF THE 

that they thanked him much, and that he should say at 
once* what he thought best. " You know," said he, " that 
the caravels in which Diego Affonso and Garcia Homem 
came, went on along this coast frightening the Moors before 
Antam Gon^alvez reached it. And when Antam Gon9alvez 
arrived he agreed with them to go to Ei^im, and when 
they came there, the islanders were already prepared ; where- 
fore they all fled away, and there only remained one of them, 
with one Moorish girl his daughter, whom they brought to 
Portugal. And we saw the houses on the island, which were 
capable of holding a very large number of people, and it 
was evident that the Moors had only just set out, and we 
went forth and caught twenty- five of them. And I believe 
that since we were so recently in this island the Moors 
will not now be ready and on the watch for this year, 
and so will have returned to the island ; and if you follow 
my guidance, with the grace of God, I shall know how to 
take you to a place where 1 imagine they are; and if we light 
upon them the booty cannot but be good." " How can it 
be," answered some, " that the Moors should so quickly re- 
turn to a place where they know they have been looked for 
before ? For that which you are very sure of must be 
much more doubtful to us, and that is the brevity of the 
time which you make the principal cause for their return, 
and which seems to us exactly the contrary, because their 
suspicion, since it is so manifest, should not give them a 
sense of security so soon." Nevertheless, the captains did 
not wish to hear any more reasoning, but as men settled in 
their first counsel, commanded to launch the boats from 
the ships and made themselves ready with the crews they 
thought to be necessary ; and because it had already been 
ordained among them that each captain should land in turn, 
the lot fell upon Mafaldo for this expedition, and the others 

• Lit. in good time. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. II9 

stayed in their caravels. And, moreover, t hay were all com- 
manded that no one should disobey the order of the pilot, 
from whom I have said before that they roceived counsel. 
And they rowed their boats so that about midnight they 
were in the harbour of that island, close to the settlement ; 
and, leaping on shore, Mafaldo said that they should con- 
sider how it was still deep night, and that they were so 
near to the place that, if they attacked it at this time, by 
reason of the darkness many would be able to escape ; or 
that perchance they were resting outside at a distance from 
there, not having got over their former fright ; and therefore 
his counsel was to surround the village, and, as day was 
breaking, to attack it. Mafaldo was a man who was well 
accustomed to this business, for he had been many times 
in the Moorish traffic; so that all considered his advice very 
profitable. 

And so, in going to place themselves where they had be- 
fore agreed on, they lighted on a road which ran from the 
village to a fountain ; and they stood a little while waiting 
there; and upon this they saw a girl coming for water, who 
was quickly taken, and likewise a Moor (who shortly after 
came along the same path), whom they asked by signs if 
there were there many people, and he answered in the 
same way that there were not more than seven. " Since 
this is so," said Mafaldo, " there i'^ no reason for us to wait 
any longer for the morning, but let us make for them, for 
with so few we have no need of so many cautions." And 
in a word, the village was quickly encompassed and those 
seven were all captured. And Mafaldo at once took aside 
one of them and began to ask him (as well as he could, for 
a man who had no other interpreter) where were the other 
Moors of that island ? And the Moor made signs that 
they were on terra firma, where they had gone in the fear 
they had of the Christians ; and he offered himself at once to 
guide them to the spot, for they lay near to the sea. And ' 



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I20 AZURARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 

Mafaldo, when he learnt this, came and spoke with his 
company; asking them if they thought well to go in search 
of those Moors ? Aud because where there are many heads 
there are many judgments, certain doubts began to appear 
among them ; some saying that such an expedition was 
very questionable, because the Moor could not say, nor 
they understand, the number of the Moors ; and even if he 
did tell it, that he would speak it treacherously, with the 
intention of taking them among such a number that they 
could not get the victory over them, " Then," said Mafaldo, 
" if in every matter you wish to seek for difficulties, they 
will never fail you, and if in such deeds you will go to the 
very end of their reason, late or never will you perform 
anything notable. Let us go, with God's aid," said he, "and 
not let our courage fail, for He will be with us to-day of 
His mercy." AH the rest agreed that it was better to start 
at once ; and they left there eight Moors, and with them 
six men to guard them ; and took with them the man who 
had first told them where the others lay. And it chanced 
that one of the eight that had been left there escaped from 
our men who were guarding him, and passed over to the 
mainland in a canoe to give news to the others who lay 
there (in chase of whom the Christians were started), and 
related to them how he and the rest of the eight had been 
made prisoners. But he knew not to advise them of 
any matter that pertained to their hurt, for it appeared 
that he did not perceive what was coming upon them ; and 
although the others were grii;ved at the news, they sup- 
ported it with the patience with which men bear the 
troubles of their fellows.'"* And so they let themselves rest 
and be easy, and that man with them. And after the 
Christians entered the boats, they set out at once in the 
night for the point which the Moor had shewn them, and 
proceeded the space of two leagues ; and landing they 
followed the Moor to the place where he showed them, 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 121 

by his signs, that they were nigh at hand. And there they 
all halted, sending on one of them who was called Diego 
Gil, who was to see if he could find any trace of the people ; 
and he went on until he saw the houses ; and approaching 
nearer, he heard an infant cry, 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
How Mafaldo took forty-six Moors. 

Diego Gil was not slothful in returning and telh'ng his 
news to the others, and they agreed that it was best to 
wait there for the morning ; for, in the island (as they saidX 
by reason of the darkness of the night, many of the natives 
could escape, — for such was their boldness that they had no 
doubt of the capture of these people. And so they stayed 
on, waiting until near the dawn, which to most of them 
seemed a delay more than was reasonable, such was their 
desire of getting to the end of that action. And oft-times it 
happeneth in other parts (where through necessity men 
have to watch) that when that hour cometh they cannot bear 
up without sleeping, so much are they oppressed by sleep. 
But it was not so with these, for there was not one who 
was not very sure of himself against such an event; And 
Mafaldo (on whose care that action most depended), as soon 
as he saw the time had come for departure began to speak to 
them thus : " Friends, the time is near in which we have to 
finish that for which we have toiled so hard in this part of 
the night. But we are in an enemy's land, where we know 
not if we have to deal with many or with few. Wherefore 
I call upon you to remember your honour, and each one of 
you to act bravely, and not to faint in the execution of this 
deed. And now," said he, " let us go on our way, for God 
will be with us." 



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122 AZURARA'S CHRONICLE OF THE , 

The space was but short from where the enemy lay, and 
they, seeing themselves surrounded, began to run out of 
their huts; and, like men more full of terror than of courage, 
put all their hope in flight And at last they took captive 
of them forty-six, besides some who were killed at the first 
shock. And though the action was not one of any great 
danger, we will not omit to give the advantage of labour to 
those who behaved the best, and who would not have 
shown less strength in the fight (had it happened), however 
great it might have been. Now, besides Mafaldo (who was 
captain), Diego Gil, and Alvaro Vasquez and Gil Eannes, 
(but not that knight of whom we spoke before), toiled man- 
fully, as men who showed well that they were fit for greater 
deeds than this. And so the booty of that night was fifty- 
three Moorish prisoners,"" 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

How they landed another time, and of the things that they did. 

We can well understand, from the hap of these men, that 
the greater part of the actions achieved in this world are 
more subject to fortune than to reason. And what man in 
his right judgment could trust in the motions of the head, 
or the signs of the hands, which a Moor made him ? 
Might it not chance, too, that that Moor, for the purpose 
of getting free, or perchance to get vengeance over his 
enemies, should show them one thing for another, and 
(under pretence of bringing them to a place where, on his 
showing, our people might expect to win a victory) should 
lead them into the middle of such a host of foes that they 
would escape little less than dead ? Certainly no judgment 
in the world could think the contrary. Yet I believe that 
the chief cause of these matters lay in the understanding 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 123 

that our men already had of these people* perceiving 
their cunning to be but small in this part of the world."' 

So Mafaldo arrived with his booty, where he had such 
a reception from the other captains as the presence of the 
booty, gained by his toil, required of them. And making 
an end of recounting his joyful victory, he said he thought 
they ought to a.sk each one of the Moors they brought 
with them if, pcradventure, beyond that settlement where 
they were taken, there was any otiicr in which they could 
make any booty? And after getting the consent of all, 
he took aside one of those Moors in order to put him the 
aforesaid question ; and he answered that there was.f And 
they were already so much emboldened, that they waited 
not to ask if the enemy were many or few, or how many 
fighting men they numbered, or any of the other matters 
which it was fitting for them to ask in such a case. But 
like men who had fully determined upon their action, they 
started off the same afternoon, where by the signs of that 
Moor they were guided to a village, at which on their 
arrival they found nothing they could make booty of. 
And when they threatened the Moor for this, he made 
them understand that, as the people were not there, they 
must be in another settlement not very far from this. 
But here they only found one old Moor in the last infir- 
mity ; and seeing him thus at the point of death they left 
him there to make his end ; not wishing to molest that little 
part of life that from his appearance was left him. And 
as it appeareth, the Moors, having already perceived the 
Christians to be among them, had left that village and 
moved off to another part of the country. And so our 
people who were there took counsel not to go further on, 
because it seemed to be a toil without hope of profit ; but 
they agreed to return there in the future, presuming that 

• Moors. + Such a settlement, 



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124 AZURARAS CHRONICLE OF THE 

the Moors, knowing of their coming and departure, would 
feel secure and return to their huts. But that was not 
so, for the Moors that time went a very long way off; 
where they still felt fearful of being sought out, even 
though they were so distant. True it is that our men 
(following their counsel as already taken) went to their 
caravels, from which they again returned to the village; 
and seeing they could not find anything, but only that 
Moor whom they had left before, it now seemed better 
to them to take him with them. Well might that 
poor man curse his fortune ; that in so short a time it 
revoked his first sentence, conforming so many wills on 
each occasion regarding the fate of his happiness. And 
other times also our men went on shore, but they found 
nothing of any profit, and so returned to their ships. 



CHAPTER XL. 

How Alvaro Vasquez took the seven Moors. 

Gkeat doubts were spread in the counsel of our men by 
the caution and preparedness that they perceived in the 
Moors of that land ; and they now saw it would be neces- 
sary to seek other parts, in which there was no knowledge 
of their arrival. And some said that it would be well to 
go to Tider,* because they knew there were many Moors 
there. Others said that their going to that part would be 
hurtful ; because their enemy was so numerous that the 
fighting would be very unequal ; and to attempt such a 
matter would be nothing but an insane boldness. For, 
being so few as they were, such an attempt would appear 

• /,.-., Ti«er. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 125 

monstrous to any prudent person ; when the injury would 
not only be the loss of their bodies, but shame before the 
presence of the living as well. Others again said that they 
should push on; and if, perchance, they could make no ttooty 
in the land of the Moors, that they should go to the land 
of the Negroes ; for it would be a great disgrace to them to 
return with such small results from places where the others 
had gained their fill of riches. This saying was praised by 
all ; and so they set out thence, and, going on their voyage 
for a space of thirty-five leagues beyond Tider,* all three 
caravels waited for one another, and the captains spoke 
among themselves. And they agreed that it would be 
well to send some people out to see if it was a land 
where they could make any gain. And taking out the 
boats from the ships, Alvaro Vasquez, that squire of the 
Infant's, said that it seemed to him it would be well to 
order two or three men to go out on one side, and as many 
others on another, to see if they could get any sight or 
knowledge of the Moors ; by whom at least they might 
understand who lived in that land, that they might come 
and warn the others who had to attack them. All agreed 
in that counsel; and selected four scouts for each side, 
among whom Alvaro Vasquez was one ; and each party 
following their path to the end, the former came to a place 
where were some net,s, which the Moors had only just left. 
And Alvaro Vasquez with the others went on so far that at 
night they came upon a track of Moors ; and do not 
wonder because I say "at night*', — for perchance you think 
it doubtful if they could tell such a track In the darkness 
of the night. Wherefore you must understand that in that 
country there is no rain as h^re in Portugal, nor is the lower 
sky overclouded as we see it in these Western parts ; and 
besides the brightness of the moon (when there is one), the 

* I.C., Tiger. 



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126 azurara's chronicle of the 

stars of themselves give so much light that it is easy for 
one man to recognise another, even though they be a little 
space apart. So that track was found ; yet, because they 
saw no reason to put reliance in it, they would not return 
to their captains until they had a more certain understand- 
ing of the matter. And so going on, they came where the 
Moors lay, and saw them so close that they felt they could 
not turn back without being perceived. Therefore they 
went for the Moors with a rush ; and with their accustomed 
cries leapt among them, being twelve in number. And 
such was their* dismay that they did not look at the number 
of their enemy, but like conquered people began to flee ; 
though this was of little service to them, for only two 
escaped, while three were killed and seven taken. And 
thus, returning to their ships, our men were received as 
those who deserved honour for their toil and bravery ; for 
although we write some part of their desert, we have not 
done so as perfectly as they performed it, for the know- 
ledge of a thing can never be so proper by its likeness as 
when it is known by itself; and yet historians, to avoid 
prolixity, often summarize things that would be far greater 
if these were related in their true effects.'" 

The captaincy for that turn was in the hands of Dinis 
Eannes, as we have said already ; and he took aside one 
of those Moors to know if there were any other people in 
that land. And the Moor answered by signs that there 
was no other settlement near there, but only a village very 
far distant from that part, in which there were many people, 
but few of them men of war. " Now we shall make small 
profit by our coming here," said Dinis Eannes to his com- 
pany, "if we are not ready to endure bodily toils; and though 
this village be so far distant as this Moor maketh me to 
understand, I should think it would be well for us to go to 

• " Their" refers to the Moors. 



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DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF GUINEA. 127 

it, for all the amount of our gain dependeth on our labour." 
All agreed to go, m any case, where some profit could be 
got ; and taking that Moor for their guide, they went on a 
space of three leagues, till they arrived at that village which 
the Moor had named to them before. But they found there 
nothing by which they could get any profit, for the Moors 
had already removed far oiT. So they returned again, not 
without great weariness ; for what they felt most sorely, 
after going through such great toil, was the finding of 
nothing that they had sought. 




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IT or N,W. AFRICA. 



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HAKLUYT SOCIETY 



President. 
F CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., PrB. R.O.S. 

Vice-Presidents. 

Thh Eight Hon. The Loud STANLEY of ALDKRLEV. 
Sik A. WOLLASTON FRANKS, K.C.B., F.R.S. 



. Council. 



C RAYMOND BEAZLEV, Esq., M.A. 

MILLER CHRISTY, Esq. 

CoLOKEL G. EARL CHURCH. 

Thb Right Hon. GEORGE N.CUKZON, 

M.P. 
ALBERT GRAY, Esq. 
Thb Right Hon. Lord HAWKESBORY. 
EDWARD HEAWOOD, Esq., M.A. 
AoHIRAL Sir ANTHONY H. HOSKINS, 

K.C.B. 
Rkas.Admibal A. H. MARKHAM, 

Honorary Seerolary— WILLIAM FOSTER, Esq. (/~i™ O^ci, S. W.) 
BfuUtePS.-MEssKS. BARCLAY, BEVAN, TRITTON, RANSOM, B 
I. Pall Mal 



A. P. MAUDSLAY, Esq. 

E. DELMAR MORGAN, Esq. 

(Zkyx. NATHAN, R.E. 

Admiral Sis E. OMMANNEY, C.B. 

FR.S. 
CUTHBERT E. peek, Esq. 
E G. RAVENSTEIN, Esq. 
COUTTS TROTTER, Esq. 
Rkas-Admiiial W. J. L. WHARTON, 

CB., R.N, 



THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY, established in 1S46, has for its 
object the printing of rare or unpublished Voyages and 
Travels. 

Books of this class are of the highest interest and value to students 
of history, geography, navigation, and ethnology ; and many of them, 
especially the original narratives and translations of the Elizabethan 
and Stuart periods, are admirable examples of English prose at the 
stage of its most robust development. 

The Society has not confined its selection to the books of English 
travellers, to a particular age, or to particular regions. Where the 
original is foreign, the work is given in English, fresh translations 
being made, except where it is possible to utilise the spirited renderings 
of the sixteenth or seventeenth century. 

More than ninety volumes have now been issued by the Society. 
The majority of these illustrate the history of the great age of discovery 
which forms the foundation of modern history. ' The discovery of 
America, and of particular portions of the two great western continents, 
is represented by the writmgs of ColumbUS, AMERIGO VESPUCCI, 
Cortes and Champlain, and by several of the early narratives from 
Hakluyt'S collection. The works relating to the conquest of PERU, 
and to the condition of that country under the Incas, are r 



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And of the highest value ; similar interest attaches to Strachey's 
Virginia Britannia, De Soto's Discovery of Florida, and SIR 
Robert Schomburgk's edition of Raleigh's Discoverie of Ouiana. 
The works relating to Africa already published comprise 
Barbosa'S Coasts of East Africa, the Portuguese Embassy to 
Abyssinia of Alvarez, and The Travels of Leo ike Moor. 
Notices of Australia, India, Persia, China, Japan, etc., as 
they appeared in early times to European eyes, both before and 
after the discovery of the Cape route, are also included in the 
series, a well-known example bemg the work on Cathay and the Way 
Thither, contributed by a fonner President, Sir Henry Yule. The 
search for the North-west and North-east Passages is recorded in 
the narratives of Jenkinson, De Veer, Frobisher, Davis, Hudson, 
Baffin, etc.; whilst more extensive voyages are signalised by the 
great names of Magellan, Drake, and Hawkins. 

The works selected by the Council for reproduction are printed 
(with rare exceptions) at fiill length. Each volume is placed in the 
charge of an editor especially competent — in many cases from personal 
ac([uaintance with the countries described — to give the reader such 
assistance as he needs for the elucidation of the text. Whenever 
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As these editorial services are rendered gratuitously, the whole oj 
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WORKS ALREADY ISSUED. 



1 -The Observations of SIf Richard Hawkins, Knt.. 

Ill liLs Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from llie tdilioii of 



Z— Select LettePS of Columbus, 
With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World. Trs 



3— The Discoverie of the Empire of Guiana, 

By Sir Walter Raleigh, Knt. Edited by Sir Rubbrv H. Schumburgk. 
PhilD. (1848.) 

( Oat of pHitl.) Issued for \%y>. 

4— Sir Pranels Drake his Voyage, 1E96. 

By Thomas Maynarde, together with the Spanish Account of Drake's allatl 
on Puerto Rico. Edited bv W. D. Coolev, Esq. (1B49 ) 

rsMiedJer 1850. 

E— Narratives of Early Voyages to the Horth-West. 

Edited by Thomas Rl'ndall, Esq. (1849.) 

(Oul of print.} Issued fer 1851. 

e-The Hlstorle of Tpavalle into Vli^nla Britannia, 

Expressing the Cosmt^raphie and Commodities of the Country, together wilh 
' '■' ' collected by William Strachey " ' 

ited by R. H. Major, Esq. ( 
( Out ef print. ) Issued /or 

7-Dlvers Voyages touching the Discovery of America 

And ihe Islands adjacent, collected and published by Richard HakSuyt, 

Prebendary of Bristol, in the year 1582. Edited by T'-HN Wiwtek Ju^ES, 

Esq. (1850.) 

( Out of piint. ) Issued Jer\%t,Z. 

8— A Collection of Documents on Japan. 

With a Commentary by Thomas RuNiiALU EsQ. |i85o.> 

(Oulo/pnnt.) Issuedfi,rl%$2. 

9— The Discovery and Conquest of FloHda, 

By Don Ferdinando de Soto. Translated out of Portuguese bv Richard 
Haklujt; and Edited by W. B. Rye, Esq, (185:.) 

Issued for 1853. 
10-Notes upon Russia, 
Being a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country, entitled Return 
Muscoviticarum Commentarii, by the Baron Sigismund von Herberstein 
Arobassadorfrom the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasileylvanovich, 
in the years 1517 and 1J16- Two Volumes. Translated and Edited by 
R. H. Major, Esq. Vol. i. (1851.) 

(Out offrinl.) Issued for 1853. 



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Il-Th« G«ograph]' of Hudton's Bay. 
Being th« Remarks of Captain W. Coats, id many Voyages to that locality, 
between the years 1717 and 1751. With Extracts from the Log of Captam 
Middleton on his Voyage for the Discovery of the North-west Passage, in 
H.M.S. "Furnace." in 1741-1. Edited by John Barrow, Esq., F.R.S., 
F. S. A. (185a.) Issued far 1 854. 

12— NotBl upon Russia. 

VoL 1. (1852.) Issued fpriiH- 

13— Three Voyages by the North-East, 

Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 1595 
and 1596, with their Discovery of Spilibergen, Iheir residence of ten months in 

" •> 1 - . .1 -■ ..- .. ■ . o^jen boats. By Gerrit de Veer. 

'h.D,, F.S.A. (1853.) 
See No. ^i.) fssueJ/orlSsS- 

14-15— The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and 



BarL With an Introduction by K. H. Major, Esq. 1 voh, (1853-54.) 
Issued for 1855. 
16— The World, Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake. 

Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. Collated with an 

unpublished Manuscript of Francis Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition. 

Edited by W. S. W. Vaux, Esq., M.A. (1854.) 

Issued for 1856. 

17— The History of the Tartar Conquerors who subdued China. 
From the French of the P*re D'Orleans, 1688. Translated and Edited by the 
Earl of Ellesmeke. With an Introduction by R. H. Major, Esq. ( 1854.) 
Issued for 1856. 

tS— A Colleetlon of Early Doouments on Spltzbergen and Greenland. 
Edited by Adam White, Esq. (1855.) 

Issuedfiir 1857. 

19— The Voyage of Sir Henry Hlddleton to Bantam and the Kaluco Islands. 
From the rare Edition of i6q6. Edited by Bolton Cornkv, Esq. (i85S-} 
Issued fo, 1857. 

20— Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century. 

Comprising "The Russe Commonwealth'' by Dr. Giles Fletcher, and Sir 
Jerome Hoisey's Travels. Edited by E. A. Bond, Esq. (iS56.J 

Issued for 1858. 

21— The Travels of Glrolamo Benzonl In Amerloa, In 1G42-S6. 

Translated and Edited by Admiral W. H. Smvth, F.R.S., F.S.A. (1857.) 

Issued for 1858. 

2£— India In the Fifteenth Century. 

Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India in the century preceding 

the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope ; from Latin, Persian, 

Russian, and Italian Sources. Edited by G. H. MAJOR, Esq. (1857.) 

Issuedfot 1859. 

23— Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Heiieo, 

In the years 1599-1601, with Maps and Illustrations. By Samuel Cbamplain. 
Translated from the original and unpublished Manuscript, with a Bit^raphical 
Notice and Notes by Alice Wilmere. (1859.) Issued for 1859. 



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5 

24— Expeditions Into tha V&Uar ot tha Amaions 

During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries : containing the Journey of 
Conialo Pizarro, from the Royal Commenlaries of Garcilasso iQca de la Vega ; 
the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana, from the General History of Heirera ; 
and the Voyage of Cnstoval de Acuna. Translated and Edited by CleMKnTs 
K. Makkham, Esq. {1859.) Issued for \Zbo. 

3S-Eaply Indications of Australia. 

A Collection of Documents shewing the Early Discoveries of Australia to the 
time of Captain Cook. Edited by R. H. Major, Esq. (1859.) 

Issued for i860. 
26— TheEmbaisy ofRuy GonzaieidaClavlJo totheCourtorTlraour, 1403-fi. 
Translated and Pldited by Clements R. Makkham, E^q. (1859.) 
Issued firiiil. 
27— Henrr Hudson tha Navlgatop. 
The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Edited by Gkosge 
ASHER, Esq., LL.D. (186a) Issuedfii 1861. 

2S~Tha Expedition of Ursua and Avulrre, 

In search of El Dorado and Omagua, A. D. 1560-61. Translated irom the 

" Sexta N'oticia Historiale" of Fray Pedro Simon, by W. Bollaekt, Esq. ; 

with an Introduction by Clements R. Makkham, Esq. (1S61.) 

hsuidfor J862. 

39— Hie Life and Acts of Don Alonso Bnrlquez de Guzman. 

Translated and Edited by Clbmrnts R. Makkham, Esq. (i86l.) 

Issued for 186a. 

30— Discoveries of tha World 

Fromtheirfirstoriginalunto the year of our Lord 1555. By Antonio Galvano. 

Reprinted, with ibe original Portuguese text, and edited by Vicb-Admiral 

Bethunk, C.B. (1862.) Issued for \tf>i. 

31— Marvels described by Friar Jordanus, 

From a parchment manuscript of the Fourteenth Century, in Latin. Edited 
by Colonel H. Vole, C.B. (1863.) Issued feriidi- 

32— The Travels of Ludovico dl Varthema 
In Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, etc., during the Sixteenth Century. Translated 



33— The Travels of Cleza de Leon In IS3S-60 

From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained m the first part of 
his Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated and Edited by Clbmbnts 
R. Makkham, Esq. (1864.) /jj««//or 1864. 

34— The Narrative of Faseua.1 de Andagoya. 
Containing the earliest notice of Peru. Translated and Edited by Clbmbnts 
R. Markham, Esq. {1865.} hsuedjet 1865. 

35— The Coasts of East Africa and Malabar 

In the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, bv Duarte Barbosa. Translated 

from an early Spanish manuscript by the Hon. Henry Stanley. (1866.) 

Issuedfit 1865, 

3e-37-Cathay and the Way Thither. 

A Colleclion of all minor notices of China, previous to the Sixteenth 

Century. Translated and Edited by Colohei H. Yi/LE, C.B. Two Vols 

(1866.) /ssufdfi'T 1866, 



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38~Tbe Throe Voyasas of Sir Martin Problsher. 

Wilh a Selection from Letters now in the Stote Paper Office. Edited by 

Rear-Admiral Collinsun, C.B. (1867.) 

IssuedjBt 1867. 
39 -The Philippine Islands. 
Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of ihe l6th Century. 
By Antonia de Mor^a. Translated from the Spanish, with Noles, by 
the LoKD Stanley of Alderley. (1868.) Issued for' lS6i. 

40— The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortes 
Til the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to 
Honduras in 1515-26. Translated from the Spanish by DiiN Pascual Db 
Gayangos. (1868.) Issutdfot i86g. 

41— The Royal Commentaries of the Tneas. 

By the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega. Translated and Edited by Clbments 
R. Mabkkam, Esq. Vol.1. {1869) hsuidjoriib^ 

42— The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gaina, 

And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of Caspar Correa; accompanied 
by original documenlB. Translated and Ediled by the LofiD StaHLE* 
of Alderley. (1869.) Issued far 1869. 

43— Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, 
With other Original Documents lelaiing to his Four Voyages to the New 
World. Translated and Edited by R. H. Major, Esq. 2nd Edition (see 
No. z). (1870.) Issued far x^'jo. 

44— History of the Imims and Seyylds of 'OmAn, 

By Saltl-Ibn-Raztk, from a.D. 661-1856, TransUted from the original 
Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the History down to 1870, by the 
Rbv. GkokGb PercV Badger. (1871.) Issued for 1870. 



46 -The Canarlan, 

Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in ihe year I401, 

by Messire Jean de Betbencourt, Kt. Composed by Pierre Bonlier and Jean 

le Venier. Translated and Ediled by R. H. MAJOR, Esq. [1872.) 

Issued for 1871. 
47— Reports on the Discovery of Peru. 
Translated and Ediled by Clkmknis K. Makkham, Esq., C.B. (1872.) 
Issutd for \9l^x. 
48 - Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas. 
Translated and Edited by CLEMENTS R. Makkham, Esq., C.R, F.R.S. 
(1873 ) Issued for 1872. 

49-Travel5 to Tana and Persia, 
Byjosata Batlmro and Amlirogio Comarini ; Edited by Lord Stanley 01 
Alderley. With Na'ratives of other lialiin TraieLs in Persia. Translated and 
Edited by CHAHLbs Gbky, Esq. (1873.) hsuedfor 1873. 

60 -Voyages of the ZenI 

To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenth Century. Translated and Edited 
by R, H. Majom, Esq. 1 lh73. ) Issued for 1873. 

61-The Captivity of Hans St&de of Hesse In 1G47-S6, 

Amoni; the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by ALBERT TooTAL. 
Esq., ant. annotated ly Sir Richard F. Burton. (1874.) 

Issued for 1874, 



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6S-Th« Pint Vtytg* Roaad the World by HagrelUn. 

Translaled from the Accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers. 

Edited by Lord Stahi.ev of Alderley. (1874.) 

Jssuidfor 1874- 
63 -The Commeutspfes of the Great Afonso Dalboauerque, 
Second Viceroy of India. Trans'.s.ted from the Portugutse tklilion ol 1774, 
and Edited by Waltbr de Gras Birch, Esq., F.R.S.L. Vol. i. (1875.) 
Issufdfor 1875. 
64— Three Voyages to the North-East. 
Second Edition of Getril de Veer's Three Voyages 10 the Norlh-East by 
Bnrents. Edited by Lieut. Kouiemans Bevnkh, of the Royal Dutch Navy. 
(1876.) hiued for y%^il. 

56— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Vol. z. (18770 Is^utd for \%Ti- 

GS— The Voyages of %\r James Lancaster, 

With Abstracts of Jouinals of Voyages preserved in the India Office, utd the 

Voyi^ of Captain John Knight to seek the N.W. Passage. Edited by 

Clements R. Markham, ^., C.B., F.R.S. (1877.) 

h^uidfor 1877. 
67-The Observations of Sip Richard Hawkins, Knt., 
In his Voyage into the South Sea in IS93, with the Voyages of his grand- 
father William, his father Sir John, and his cousin William Hawkins. 
Second Edition (see No. i). Edited by Clements R. Markham, Esq., 
C.B., F.R.S, (1878.} liiued for 1877. 

68— The Bontliwe and Travels of Johann Schlltberger, 
From his capture at the budle of Nicopolis in 1396 10 his eacapc and return 
to Europe in 1427. Translated by Commander J. BucKAN Telper, K.N.; 
with Notes by Professor B. Bruun. (1879.) 

Issiudfor 1878. 
59— The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator. 
EditedbyCapuin ALBERT H. Makkham,R.N. (iSSa) hstud for \%^%. 

The Hap of the World, A.D. ISOO. 
Called by Shalcspere " The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies." 

To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. (l88o.) hiued for 1%-;%. 

60-61— The Natural and Horal History of the Indies. 

Father Joseph de Acosta. Reprbtcd from the English 1'ranslated Edition 

Edward Urimston, 1604; and Edited by Clements R. Makkham, Esq., 

C.B., F.R.S. Two Vols. (1880.} /WMrf/or 1879. 

Hap of Pern. 

To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61. (1880.) 

Issued for 1879. 
62- The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Vol. 3. (1880.) Issued for 1S80. 

63-The Voyages of William Baffin. 1612-1622. 
Edited by Clkmunts R. Makkham, Esq., C.B., F.K.S. (1881.) 
Issued for 1880. 

64— Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia 

During the years 1520-1527. By Father Francisco Alvarez. Translated and 

Edited by Lokd Stanley of Alderley. ( 1881.) Iimtdfor t8Si. 

S5— The History of the Bermudas or Somer Islands. 

Atiriboted to Captain Nathaniel Builer. Edited by General Sit J. Henry 

Lefkoy, R.A., K.C.M.G. (1882.) Issutdfori9&i. 



H 



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69-67- The DIapy of RlahBrd Cocks, 

Cape-Metchant in the English Factory in Japan, i6i5-i622. Edited by 

Edward Maundr Thompson, Esq. Two Vols. (1883.) 

Issued far i88a. 

68— Th« Second Pikrt of the Chronlels of Peni, 
By Pedro de Cieza d« Leon. Translated and Edited by Clsments R. 
Maikham, Esq., C.B., F.R.S. (1883.) /«««/>/■ 1883. 

6S— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Vol. 4. (1884.) /jiWrf/cr 1883. 

T0-71~Tha Vorase of John Huyghen van LInsehoten to the East Indies. ■ 

From the Old English Triuislation of 15^. The First Book, containing his 
Description of the East. Edited by Arthur Coke Bubnkli, Ph.D.,C.I.E., 
and Mr. P. A. TittLE, of Utrecht. (1885.) Issued far 1884. 

72-73— Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia, 

By Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some account of the Rrst 
Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the 
Caspian Sea. Edited by E. Dblmar Morgan, Esq., andC.H. Coutb, Esq. 
(1886.) Issued for 1885. 

74-Tbe Diary of William Hedges, Esq., 

Afterwards Sir William Hedges, during his Aeency in Bengal ; as well as on 
his Voyage out and Return Overland (1681 -1687). Transcribed for the Press, 
with Introductory Notes, etc., by R. Barlow, Esq., and Illustrated by copious 
Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir H. YuLK, K-CS-I., 
R.E., C.B, LL.D, Vol. I, The Diary. (1887.) Issued /or ti86. 

7E-The Diary of William Hedges, Esq. 

Vol. 2. Sir H. Yule's Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc. {1888.) 

Issued far 1886. 

76-77— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies, 

The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated mto English from the 

Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited by Albert Gray, Elsq., assisted 

by H. C. P. Bbil, Esq. Vol.1. (1887.) Vol. a. Part I. (i888.) 

Issued far 1887. 

78-The Diary of William Hedges, Esq. 

Vol. 3. Sir H. Yule's Exiracts from Unpublished Records, etc. (1889.) 
Issued far 1888. 
79— Tractatus de Globls, et eopom usu, 

A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emety Molyneux, and 

Published in 1592. By Robert Hues. Edited by Clbmknts K, Markhau, 

Esq., C.B., F.K.S, To which is appended, 

Sailing Directions for the Circumnavigation of England, 
And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibralrai. From a Fifteenth Century 
MS. Edited by James Gairunee, Esq. ; with a Glossary by E. Dblmax 
Morgan, Esq. (18E9.) Issued far \^%. 

80— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies, ate. 

Vol. 2, Part II. (1890,) Issued for 1889. 

81— The Conquest of La Plata, I63e-I6GG. 
I.^VoyageofUlrich Schmidt to the Rivets La Plata and Paraguai. II. — 
The Comroentanes of Alvar Nunei Cabeia de Vaca. Edited by Don Luis 
L- DOMINGUSZ. (1891.) /jJW^if/w 1889, 



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82-88- The Voyas« of Ppsn^ols Legtutt 

To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Edited by 

Captain Pasfibld Olivkr. Two Vols. (1891.) 

Issued for 1890. 
84-SE— The Travels of Pletro della Valla to India. 
From the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havenj. Edited by 
Edwakd G rev, Esq. Two Vols. (iBgi.J Issued feriii^x. 
SS— ThB Journal of Christopher Columbus 
During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages 
of John Cabot and Caspar Corte Real. Translated and Edited by Ci.emunts 
K, MabKHaM, Esq., C.B., F.R.S. (1893.) Issued/or 1892. 
87— Early Voynses and Travel* In the Levant. 
I,— The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1599-1600. II.— Extracts from the 
Diaries of Dr. John Covel, 1670-1679. With some Account of the Leranr 
Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by J. Tkkodork Bent, Esq., 
F.S.A., F.R.G.S. (1893.) Issued for \%<)Z. 

88-89— Voyasei of Captsln Luke Foxe and Captain Thomas James 
In Search of a North-West Passage, in 1631-32 ; with Narratives of Earlier 
N.-W. Voyages. Edited by Miller Christy, Esq., F.L.S. Two Vols. 
(1894.) Issued for l^iii. 

M— The Letters of Amerigo Vespueel 
And other Documents relating to his Career. Translated and Edited by 
Clbueni-s R. Markhah, Esq., C.B., F.R.S. (1894.) 

Issued fcri%<)Ar 
91— The Vora^e of PedPO Sannlento to the Strait of Hasellan, lfi79-80. 
Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Inlroduclion, by 
Clements R. Markham, Esq., C.B., F.R.S. (1895.) 

Issuidfor 1894 

92-93-94— The Histopr uid DeiertpUon of AfpieK, 

And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. The Travels of Leo Africanus 

the Moor, from the English translation of John Pory (:6oo). Edited b" 

Robert Bbown, Esq., M. A., Ph.D. Three Vols. {1896.) 

Issued far 1895. 
96— The Discover? and Conquest of Guinea. 
Written by Comes Eannes de Amrara. Translatedand Edited by C. RAYMOND 
BBA7.LEV, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., and Edgar Phestace, Esq., B.A 
Vol, I. (1896.) Issued feri^. 



OTHEB W0BK8 mmERTAEEir BY EDITOBS. 
The True Historyof the Conquest of New Spain, byBemal Diai. Translated 

from the Spanish, and Edited by Vke-Admiral Lindesay Brink. 
A Reprint of 17th Century Books on Seamanship and Sea. Matters in General. 

Edited, with Notesandan Inlioduction, by II, HALLlDAvSPARLlNG.Esq. 
Histoire de la Grande Isle Madagascar, par le Sieur De Flacourt, 1661, 

Translated and Edited by Captain S. Fasfield Oliver, 
Raleigh's Empire of Guiana. Second Edition (see No. 3). Edited, with 

Notes, etc., by Everabd F. im Thorn, Esq, 
The Voyages of Codamosto, the Venetian, along the West Coast of Africa, in 

the years 1455 and 1456, Translated from the earliest Italian text of 

1507, and Edited by H, YULB Oldham, Esq., M.A., F.K.G.S. 
Jens Munk's Voyage to Hudson's Bay, translated from the Danish ; with the 

Voyages ofjames Hall to Greenland, 1605-6, Edited by Miller 

Christy, Esq,, and C, A. Gosch, Esq. 
The Topt^raphia Christiana of Cosmas Indicopleustes. Edited by J W 

McCriwdle, Esq., M.A., M.R.A.S. 



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10 

The Voyages of the Earl of Cumberland, from the Records prepared by 

order of the Countess of Pembroke. Edited by W. DE Gmav BibCH, 

Esq., F.S.A, 
The Voyage of Alvaro de MendaOa to the Solomon Islands in 1568. Edited 

by Charlks M. Woodfokd, Esq. 
De Laet's Commentarius de Iniperio Magni Mogolis (1631). Translated 

and Edited by Sir RopBit Lktubridgk, K.C.I.E., M.A. 
The Voyages of Willoughby and Chancellor to the White Sea, with some 

account of the earliest intercourse between England and Russia. 

Reprinted from Hakluyt's Voyages, with Noles and Introduction by 

E. Dblmar. Mokgan, Esq. 
The Journal of Sir Thomas Roe during his Embassy to India, 1615-19. 

Exiled by William Foster, Esq., B.A. 
Dr. John Fryer's New Account of East India and Persia (1698). Edited by 

Arthur T. Pk ingle, Esq. 
The Expedition of Heman Cortes to Honduras in 1515-26. Second Edition 

(see No. 40}, with added matter. Translated and Edited by A. P. 

Mauds LAY, Esq. 
The Letters of Pietro Delia Valle from Persia, &c. Translated and Edited by 

Captain M. Nathan, R.E. 
The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and Guiana in 1594. 

Edited, from Sloane MS. 358 in the British Museum, by C.eo. K. 

Warner, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. , Assistant Keeper of Manuscripts. 



W0BK8 STTGOESTED FOB PUBUCATION. 

J. doa Santos. The History of Eastern Ethiopia. 1607. 

The History oC Ethiopia, by Manoel de Almeida, 

Journal of the Jesuit Uesideri in Tibet 

Trarels of Friar Rubruquis. 

Travels of the brothers Sherley in Per^a. 

The Travels of Ralph Fitch in India and Burma, 1583-91. 



LAWS OF THE HAELUYT SOaETY. 

I. The object of this Society shall be to prim, for distribution among its 
members, rare and valuaWe Voyages, Travels, Naval Expeditions, and other 
geographical records, from an early period to the lieginning of the eighteenth 

II. The Annual Subscription shall be One Guinea, payable in advance on the 
ist January, 

III. Each member of the Society, having paid his Subscription, shall be 
entitled to a copy of every work produced by the Society, and lo vote at the 
general meetings within the period subscribed for ; and if he do not signily, 
before the close of the year, his wish to resign, he shall be con^dered as a member 
for (he succeeding year. 

IV. The management of the Society's affairs shall be vested in a Council 
consisting of iweniy.one memtiers, vit, a President, iwo Vice-Presidents, a 
Secretary, and seventeen ordinary members, to be elected annually; but vacancies 
occurring between the general meetings shall be tilled up by the Council. 

V. A General Meeting of the Subscribers shall tie held annually. The 
Secretary's Report on the condition and proceedings of the Society shall be 
then read, and the meeting shall proceed to elect the Council for ihe ensuing year. 

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VII. The Council shall meet when necessary for the dispatch of business, three 
forming a quorum, including the Secretary, and the Chairman having a casting 

VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society, shall recrive 
twenly-five copies of such woriis respectively, and an additional twenty-five copies 
if the work is also translated. 



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LIST OF MEMBERS 



Aberoromby, Hon. John, 62, Pal meraton -place, IMinburgh. 

Ahardare, Lord, Longwood, Winchester. 

Adelaide Public Librarj, per Meeara. Kegan Paul, Triibuer &, Co. 

Admiralty, The (3 copies), 

Advocatea' Library, Edinburgh. 

All Souls College, Oxford. 

American Geographical Society, 11, West 39th-8treet, New York City, U.S.A. 

Amherst, Lard, of Hackoe;, Didliugton Hall. Brandon, Norfolk. 

AntiquarieH, the Society of, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W. 

Army aud Navy Club, 36, Pall-mall. 

Astor Library, New Tort. 

Atheuieum Club, Fall Mall. 

Bier, Joseph & Co.,MesarB,, RoSBmartt. 18, Frankfort-on-Maine. 

Bain, Mr., 1, Haymarket, S.W. 

Bank of England Library and Literary Aaaociation. 

Barclay, Hugh G,, Esq., Colney Hall, Norwich. 

Barlow, H. Fred., Enq., 15, Ambrose -place. Worthing, SuBsex. 

Barrow, J., Esq., F.R.S., F.S.A., 17, Hanover-terrace, Regent's Park. 

Basauo, Marquis de, per Messrs. Hat«hard's, Piccadilly, W. 

Bateman, Johti, Eaq., F.R.O.S., Brightlingsea, Essex. 

Baiter, .Tames Phiauey, Esq., SI, Deering -street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A. 

Beazley, C. Raymond, Esq., 13, The Paragon, Btackheath, S.E. 

Bell and Bradfute, Messrs., 12, Bank-street, Edinburgh- 

BeUamy, C. H., Esq., P.R.Q.S., Belmont, Brook-road, Heaton Chapel, near 

Stockport. 
Berlin Geographical Society. 
Berlin, the Boyal Library of. 
Berlin University, Oeographical Institute of (Baron von Richthofen), S 

Schinkelplatz, Berlin, W. 
Birch, W. de O., Esq., British Museum. 
Binningham Central Free Library. 
Birmingham Library (The). 
Blackburn, H. A., l£sq., 2, Lower Orosvenor- place, Buckingham Palace-road, 

S.W. 
Bodleian Library, Oxford (eopUt preseaUd ). 
Bonaparte, H. H. Prince Roland, 10, Avenue d'J^na, Paris. 
Boston Athen^um Library, U.S.A. 
Boston Public Library. 

Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A. 

Bower, Capt. H., 17th Bengal Cavalry, Stirling Castle, Simla, India. 
Brewster, Charles 0., Esq., University Club, New York City, U.S.A. 
Brighton Public Library. 

Brine, Vice-Admiral Lindesay, 13, Pembroke-gardens, Kensington. 
British Guiana Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society, Georgetown, 
British Museum (copies prttented). [Demerara. 

Brooke, Thos., Esq., Armitage Bridge, Huddersfield 
Brooklyn Library, Brooklyn, U.S.A. 
Brooklyn Mercantile Library. 

Brown. Arthur W. W., Esq., 6, Sussei-square, Hyde Park, W. 
Brown, J. Allen, Esq., 7, Kent-gardens, Ealing. 



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12 

Brown, J. Nicholas, Eaq., Providence, R.I., U.S.A. 

Brown, H. T., Esq., Roodeyo Hoiua, Cheater. 

Brown, GeUBral J. Marshall, 218, Midd la-street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A. 

Burgeaa, Jw., Fan., C.I.E., LL.D., 22, Seton-place, Edinbiirgb. 

Buroa. J. W., Eaq., Kilmabew, Dumbartonshire . 

Culvert, A. F., Esq., The Uuunt, Oaeney- crescent, Cnmden-road, N.W. 

Cambridge UniverBity Library. 

Canada, The Parliament Library. 

Carlton Club, Pali-mall. 

Carliale, The Earl of, Naworth Oaatle, Bampton, Cumberland. 

Oavraton, Geo., Esq., Womford Court, Tbrogmorton-»treet, E.C. 

Chamberlain, Bight Hon. Joaeph, U.P., 40, Princes -garden a, 8.W. 

Cbetham'B Library, Hunt's Bank, Mancheater. 

Chicago Public Library. 

Christiania Univeraity Library. 

Christy, Miller, Esq., Pryors, Broomfield, near Chelmsford. 

Church, Col. G. Earl, 216, Cromwell-road. S.W. 

Ciocinnati Public Library. 

Clark, J. W., Eaq., Scroope House, Cambridge. 

Cohen, Herr Friedrioh, Am Hot 22, Boon, Germany. 

Colgan, Nathaniel, Esq., 1, Belgrave-road, Ratbtnines, Dublin. 

Colonial Office (The), Downing-Btreet, S.W. 

Collingridge, GJeorge, Esq., Homsby Junction, New South Walea, Anatralia, 

Congress, Library of, Washington, United States. 

Cooper, Lieut.-Col. E. H., 42, Portmau .square, W. 

Copenhagen Royal Library. 

Com, Signor Guido, M.A., 74. Corso Vittorio Emanuele, Turin. 

Cornel] UniTersity. 

Coming, C. R,, Eaq., care of Measn. Spencer Trask k Co., 10, Wall-street 

New York, U.S.A. 
Corning, H, K., Esq., Villa Monnet, Morillon, Geneva. 

CortinBoz, Royal. Esq., Editorial Eoom, Jtfew Vort Tritnme, New York, U.S.A. 
Cow, J., Esq., Montredon, Ark wright -road, Hampstead, N.W. 
Curzon, Right Hon. Geoige N., M.P., 4, Carlton -gardens, S.W. 

Dalton, Kev. Canon J. N., per Hessrs. Williams i Norgate, Henrietta.street. 

Danish Royal Naval Library. 

Davia, Hon. N. Darnell, C.M.G., Georgetown, Demerara, British Quiana. 

Derby, The Earl of, 26, St. James's. square, S.W. 

Detroit Public Library, per Mr. B. F. Stevens, 4, Trafalgar-square, W.C. 

Dijon University Library, Rue Monge, Dijon. 

Dorpat Univeraity, per Mesara. Sotberan and Co., 140, Strand, W.C. 

Doubleday, H. Arthur, Esq., 2, Whitehall-gardens, S.W. 

Dresden Geographical Society. 

Ducie, The Earl, F.R.S., Tortworth Court, Falfield. 

Dundaa, Captain Colin M.,R.N., Oohtertyre, SUrliug. 

Dunn, John, Esq., 1, Park-row, Chicago, U.S.A. 

Fames, Wilberforce, Eaq., Lenox Library, 890, Fifth.avenue, New York, U.S.A. 

Edinburgh Public Library. 

Edwardes, T. Dyer, Esq.,B, Hyde Park.cate, Kensington Gore, S.W. 

Edwards, Mr. Francis, 83, High-street, Marylebone, W. 

Ellsworth, James W., Esq., 1820, Michigan-avenue, Chicago, III., U.S.A. 

Elton, Charles I., Esq., Q.C., F.8.A., 10, Cranley-place, Onalow-sqnare, S.W. 

Faber, Reginald S., Esq., 10, Primrose Hill. road, N.W. 
Paushawe, Admiral Sir Edw., G.C.B., 74, Ciom well -road, S.W. 
Fellows AthensBum, per Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, TrUbner, k Co. 
Field, W, Hildreth, Esq., 923, Madison-aveuue, Hew York City, U.S.A. 
Fishpr, Arthur, Esij., St. Anbyn's, Tiverton, Devon. 



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Fitsgerftid, Edward A., Esq., par Mr. Jas. Bain, 1, Uaymarket, S.W. 

Foreign Office (The), 

Forsign Office of Germany, Berlin. 

Forrest, G. W., Esq., Kintore, Southborough, Tonbridge, Kent. 

Foster, Williaffl, Eeq., Bprdean, Holly-road, WanBtead. 

f rank^ Sir A. Wollaaton, K.C.B., P.it.S., F.S.A., BritUh Museum, W.C. 

Qitsaet, Major-Qeneral M. W. E., C.B., 43, Courtfiald-road, South Keoaing- 

ton, S.W. 
Qeorg, MonB. H., Ljons. 

George, C. W., Eaq., 51, Hampton-road, Briltol. 
dladstone Libisry, Kationkl Llber&l Club, WbitehKll- place, S.W. 
Glasgow Uni^ersitj Library. 

Oodman, F. Ducnne, Esq., F.R.S., 10, Cliandoa-etreet, CaveDdiab-Bquare, Vf, 
Gore-Booth, Sir H. W., Bart., LiaBadell, Sligo. 
Gottingen University Library. 

Grant'DuS; Sir Mountatuart Elphinstune, Q.C.S.I., York House, Twickenham. 
Gray, Albert, Eaq., 12, Culford-gardena, Chelaea, S.W. 
Gray, M. H., Esq., Silvertown, Eaaei. 
Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, U.S.A. 
Ouildhidl Library, E.G. 
Guillemard, Arthur G., Esq., Eltham, Kent. 
Guillemard, F. Henry H., Esq., The Old Mill House, Trumpington, Cambridge. 

Haig, Haj. -General Malcolm R., Roaeweide, Davoa Platz, Switzerland. 
Hamburg CommarB-Bibliothek. 

Harmsworth, A. C., Esq., Elmwood, St. Peter's, Kent. 
Harvard College, Cambridge, Massachusette. 
Hawkesbury, Lord, 2, Carlton House -terrace, S.W. 
Heap, Ralph. Esq., 1, Brick-court, Temple, E.G. 

Heawood, Edward, Eaq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 3, Underhill-road, Lordship-lane, S.E. 
Hervey, Dudley F. A., Esq., per Mesars. H. S. King ft Co., 45, Pall-mall. 
Hiersemann, Herr Karl W., 2, Konigsstrasae, Leipzig. 

Hippisley, A. E., Esq., care of J. D. Campbell, Esq., C.M.O., 26, Old Queen- 
street, Westminster. S.W. 
Hobhouae, C. E. H., Esq., M.P., The Bidge, Corsham, Wilts. 
Homer, J. F. Fortescue, Esq., Mella Park, Frame, Somersetshire. 
Horrick, Mrs. Perry, Beau Manor Park, Loughborough. 
Hoskins, Admiral Sir Anthony H., K.C.B., 17, Montagu .square, W. 
Hoyt Public Library, per Messrs, Sotheran and Co., Strand. 
Hudson, John E., Etq., 125, Milk-street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
Hull Publin Library (W. F. Lawton, Esq., Librarian). 
HuU Subacription Library. 

India Office (21 cfpUi). 

Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the (-1. E. L. Pickering, Esq., Librarian). 

Ismay, Thos. H., Esq., 10, Water-street, Liverpool. 

s, Cromwell-road, S.W. 

Keltic, J. Scott, Esq., I, Savile-row, W. 

Kelvin, Lord, F.R.3., LL.D., The University, Glasgow. 

Kensington, South, Science and Art Department. 

King's Inna Library, Henrietta-street, Dublin. 

Kimberley Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., Strand. 

KleinBeich, M, National Ubrary, Paris (2 eopieiy. 

Lee, Henry, Esq., 22, St. John'a-grove, Croydoa 

Leeds Library. 

Lehigh Univereity, U.S.A. 



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14 

Leipag, Lil»«i7 of th« UniverMty of, per Heir 0. Ham«»sowite, Leipzig. 
Lenox Library, New York. 

Lowia, Walter H., Esq., 11, EoatSSIli-Btreet, New York City, U.S. A. 
Liverpool Free Public Library. 

Loescher, Hessis. J., & Co., Via del Cur«o, 307, Rome. 
Logan, Daniel, Esq., Solicitor- General, Pen&ng, StiaitB SettlementB, 
Li^an, William, Esq., The Friory, St. Andrews, Fife. 
London liiBtitution, Finabury -circus- 
London Library, 12. St. Jamee's-square. 
Long Island Historical Society. U.S.A. 

Lopez, B. de B., Esq., 22, Chester- terrace, Kegent's Park, H.W. 
LucBa, C. P., Esq., Colonial Office, S.W. 

Lucas, F. W., Esq., 21, Surrey-Btreet, Victoria Embankment, W.C. 
Luyater, 8. R, Esq., 10, Silver-street, W.C. 
Lyon, Jeremiah, Esq., 1, Lombard-court, E.C, 

Macgr^or, J. C, Esq., 37, CoDyers-road, Streatham, S.W, 

MacmiJIan, A., Esq., 16, Bedford-street, Covent Gardau, W.C. 

Hacmillan ft Bowes, Messrs., Cambridge, 

MaQcbester Public Free Libraries. 

Hanierre. George, Esq., 184, La Salle-street, CbicHgu, 111., U.S.A. 

Manila Club, The, per Mr. J. Bain, 1, Haymarket, S.W. 

Margegson, Lieut. W. H. D., K.N.. H.M.S. Buzzard. 

Martbam, Rear- Admiral Albert H.,F.R,G.S., 19, Ashburn-pl,, KeHMngton, W 

Markham, Sir Clements, K.C.B., F.R.S., 21, Eccleaton- square, S.W. 

Marquand, Henry, Enq., 180, Broadway, New York, U.S.A. 

Haesachusetts HtBtorical Society, 30, Tremont- street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 

Maasie, Admiral T. L., Chester. 

Maudslay, A. P., Esq., 32, Montpelier-gquare, Knightsbridge. S.W. 

Maund, E. A.. Esq., c/n Messrs. Haas ft Nutt, 2, Langham-pkice, W. 

McClymont, Jee. B., Esq., Koonya, Tasmania. 

Melbaiume, Public Library of. 

Meyjes, A. C, Esq., Bose-cottage, Sudbury, Middlesex. 

Michigan, Univereity of, per Messrs. H. Sotheran & Co., HO, Strand, W.C. 

Minneapolis Athenroum, U.S.A., per Mr. G, E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, W.C. 

Mitchell Library, 21, Miller-street, Glasgow. 

Mitchell, Wm., Esq., 14, ForbesSetd.road, Aberdeen. 

Molyneux, LieDt.-Col. Edmund, F.R.Q.S., Warren Lodne, Wokingham, Berks. 

Morgan, E. Delmar, Esq., 15, Roland-gardens, South Kensington, S.W. 

Morris, H. C. L.. Esq., M.D., Gothic Cottage, Bognor, Sussex. 

Holon, A. E., Esq., Famcombe- place, Godtalming, Surrey. 

Munich Royal Library. 

Murchison, Kenneth B., Esq,, 119, Park-street, Park-Une, W. 

Nathan, Captain, R.E.. 11, Fembridge-square, W. 

Natural History Museum, Cromwell- road. 

Naval and Military Club, 94, Piccadilly, 1 

Netherlands, Geographical Society of the, per Mr, Nijboff, The Hague. 

Nettleship, E., Esq., 5, Wimpole- street. Cavendish-square, W. 

Newberry Library, The, Chicago, U.S. A. 

Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Scientific Institute. 

Newcastle-upon-iyne Public Library. 

New London Public Library, Conn., U.S.A. 

New York Yacht Club, 67, Madison-avenue, New York City, U.S.A. 

New York State Library, per Mr. O. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, Carey-st., W.C. 

Nicholson, Sir Charles, Bart., D.C.L., The Grange, Totteridge, Herta, N. 

Northbrook, The Earl of, G.C.S.I., Stratton, Micbeldever Station. 

North, Hon, F. H., C 3, The Albany, W. 

North Adams (Mass,) Public Library (Miss Jackson, Librarian), 96, Quincy- 

street, North Adams. 
Northumberland, His Grace the Dnke of. Grosvenor-place. S.W. 



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liutt, Mr. D., 270, Strand, W.C. 

Oliver, CftpUin S. P., Findon, near Worthing. 
Oliver, Commandtir T. W.. R.N., 16, De ParyB nvenue, Bedfonl. 
OmnuuinBy, Admiral Sir ErMmue, C.B.,F.R.S.,28,Connaught-9q., Hyde Park. 
Oriental Club, Honover-Bquare. W. 

Parlane, Junes, Esq., Rusholme, Mancheeter. 
Peabody ItiBtitut«, Baltimore, U.S. 
Peckover, Alexander, Esq., Baok House, Wisbech. 
Peak, Outhbert E., Esq., 22, Belgrave-Bquare, S.W. 
Pethsriub, E. A., Esq., 21, Bedford -place, Eiiasell-Bquare, W.C. 
Philadelphia Free Library. U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. StechMl, 2, Star-yard, W.C. 
Philadelphia, Library Company of, U.S.A. 
Poor, F. B., E«q., 160, Broadway, New York, U.S.A. 
Poor, Henry W., Esq., 45, WaU-street, New York, U.S.A. 
Portico Library, Manchester. 

Pringle, Arthur T., Esq., Madras, c/o. Messrs. O. W. Wheatley kCo., 10, Queen- 
street, Cheapaide, E.C. 
Pym, C, Guy, Esq., 35, Cranley-gardens, S.W. 
Quaritch, Mr. B., 15, Piccadilly, W. 

Raffles Library, Singapore. 

Ravenatein, E. Q., Esq., Albion House, 91, Upper Tutse-hitI, S.W. 

Befonu Ciati, Pall-mall. 

Kchards, Vice-Admir«l Sir F. W . , K.C.B,, United Service Club, Pall-mall, S.W. 

Kiggs E. F., Esq., Waflhington, U.S. [square, W.C, 

Bittenhouse Club, Philadelphia, U.S.A., per Mr. B. F. Stevens, 4, Trwfalgar- 

ftockhill, W. W., Esq.. care of Fidelity Truat Company, CheHtDut-Btreet, 
Phjladelpbia. 

Royal Artillery Institute, Woolwich (Major A. J. Abdy, Secretary). 

Royal Colonial lostituto (J. 3. O'Halloraa, Esq., Sec.), Northnmberland- 
avenue, W.C. 

Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham. 

Royal Gei^pliioal Society, 1, Savile-row, W. [eqpie* prtsenfed). 

Royal Scotch Oeogiaphical Society, Edinburgh (John Ounn, E»q., Librarian). 

Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall-yard, S.W. 

Russell, Lady A., 2, Audley square, W. 

Satow, H. E. Sir E., K.C.M.G., lOJ, The Common, Upper Clapton, E. 

Saunders, Howard, Esq., 7. Rtidnor-plaoe, Gloucester-square, W. 

SiXE-CoBQRB anh Gotha, H.RH. the Reigning Duke of (Duke of Edinburgh), 
K.Q., K.T.,ete. 

Seawanhaka Corinthian Yacht Club, 7, East 32Dd-street, New York, U.S-A. 

Seymour, Rear- Admiral E.,9, Ovington-equare, S.W. 

Signet Library, Edinburgh (Thos. O. Law, Esq., Librarian). 

Silver, S. W., Esq., 3, York-gate, Regent's Park, N.W. 

Sinclair, W. F., Esq., Bombay C, S. 

Soci6t^ de O^graphie, Paris. 

aotherao, Messra. H., ft Co., liO, Strand, W.C. 

South African PubUc Library, 

South Australian Legislature Library. 

Stairs, James W., Esq,, c/o Messrs. Stairs, Son and Morrow, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 

Stanley, Lord, of Alderley, Alderley Park, Chelford, Cheshire. 

St. Andrew's University, 

St, John, N. B„ Canada, Free Public Library (J. R, Ruel, Esq,, Chairman). 

St. Louis Mercantile Library, per Mr. O. E, Stechert., S, Star-yard, Carey- 
street, W.C. 

St. Martiu's-iD-the-Fields Free Public Library, llfl, St. Martin'a-lane, W.C. 

St. Petersburg UniveiHity Library. 

St. Wladimir, Bibliothique de, Kiev, Russia- . 



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16 

UtepheDi, Henrf C, Esq., M.F., Areaue Hoiue, Finchley, N. 

Stevens, J. Tjler, Esq., Pirk-atraet, Lowell, Maflfi., U.S.A. 

StevBDH, Son, A Stiles, Mewrs., 88, Qimt RusBall-streflt, W.C. 

Stockholm, KojhI Library of. 

Strochef, Mrs. Richard, 09, Lancaster-gate, Hjde-park, \V. 

Htride, HrB. Arthur L., Buah Halt, HatGelil, Herts. 

i^tringer, Q. A., Esq,, 248, Georgia-street, Buffalo, N.J., U.S.A 

Stubie, Captain Edward, R.N., 13, Greflnflald.road, Stonejcroft, Liverpool. 

Surrey County School, Cranleigh. 

Sydney Free Library, per Mr. Young J. Fentland, 3S, West SmithSeld, EC. 

Taylor, Captain William R., Eversley, Egmout-road, Sutton, Surrey. 

Temple, Major R. C, Pioneer Press, Allahabad, India. 

Thin, Mr. Jaa., 5i, fiS, South Bridge, Edinburgh. 

Thompson, H. Yat«8, Esq., 2Sa, Bryanston-square, Vf. 

TbomBon, B. H., Esq., North Lodge, Ascot. 

Thurston, Sir John B., K.C.M.O., Colonial Secretary, Fiji. 

Toronto Public Lihrary. 

Toronto University. 

Trajisroal State Library, Pretoria, Transvaal, South Africa, per Messrs. Mudie. 

TraveUera' Club, 106, PaU-mall, S.W, 

Troop, W. H., Esq., o/o Messrs. Black Bros. & Co., Halifax, Nova Scotia. 

Trinder, H. W„ Esq., Northbrook House, Bishops Waltham, HaDla. 

Trinder, Oliver Jones, Esq., Mount Vernon, Caterham, Surrey. 

Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Trinity House, The Hon. Corporation of. Tower-hill, E.C. 

Trotter, Coutta, Esq., Athenseum Club, S.W, 

Triibner, Herr Karl, Strasburg. 

TumbuU, Alex. H., Esq., 7, St. Helen's .place, Biahopsgate-etreet, E.C. 

Union League Club, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 

Union Society, Oiford. 

United States Naval Academy. 

UniTersity of London, Burlington-gardens, W. 

Upsala UniTersity Library. 

1, 59, Rue Galilee, Paris. 

Wahab, Colonel Q. D., Knowle, Godalming. 

Wani, Admiral Hon. W. J., 79, Davies-atreet, Berkeley -square, W. 

Warren, W. E., Eaq., 81, F niton -street, New York City, U.S.A. 

Washington, Department of State. /^ 

Washington, Library of Navy Department, ' y 

Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A, 

Watson, Commander, K.N.R., Ravella, Crosby, near Liverpool. 

Webb, Captain Sir J- Sydney, The Trinity Houae, E.C. 

Webb, William Frederick, Esq., Newatead Abbey, Nottingham. 

Webster, Sir Augustua, Bart., Guards' Club, 70, Pall-mall. 

Wharton, Kear-Admiral W. J. L., Florys, Princes-road, Wimbled.m Park, S.W 

Wilaan, Edward S., Esq., Melton Grange, Brough, East Yorkshire. 

Wisconsin State Historical Society. 

Wohlleban, Mr. Th., Great Ruasell -street, W.C, 

Wood, Commander R. T., RN., 2, Esplanade, Whitby, Yorkshire. 

Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Libraiy. 

Yale CoUege, U.S.A. 

Young, Alfales, Esq., Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A. 

Young, Sir Allen, C,B., 18, Grafton -Bireet, W. 

Young t Sons, Meaara. H., 12, South CasUe Street, Liverpool, 

Zurich, Biblioth^i^ue de la YiUe. 



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THE BORROWER WILL BE CHARGED 
AN OVERDUE FEE IF THIS BOOK IS 
NOT RETURNED TO THE LIBRARY ON 
OR BEFORE THE LAST DATE STAMPED 
BELOW. NON-RECEIPT OF OVERDUE 
NOTICES DOES NOT EXEMPT THE 
BORROWER FROM OVERDUE FEES. 

Harvard College Widener Library 
Cambridge, MA 021 38 (61 7) 495-241 3 



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