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Full text of "The chronicle of Queen Jane, and of two years of Queen Mary, and especially of the rebellion of Sir Thomas Wyat"

THE 



CHRONICLE OF QUEEN JANE, 



TWO YEARS OF QUEEN MARY, 



AND ESPECIALLY OF THE 



REBELLION OF SIR THOMAS WYAT. 



BY A RESIDENT IN THE TOWER OF LONDON. 



EDITED, 

WITH ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS AND NOTES, 
BY 

JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, ESQ. F.S.A. 




PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY. 

M.DCCC.L. 



LONDON : 

J. B. NICHOLS AND SON, PRINTERS, 
PARLIAMENT STREET. 



[NO. XLVIII.] 



COUNCIL 

OF 

THE CAMDEN SOCIETY 

FOR THE YEAR 1849. 



President, 
THE RIGHT HON. LORD BRAYBROOKE, F.S.A. 

THOMAS AMYOT, ESQ. F.R.S., F.S.A. Director. 

WILLIAM HENRY BLAAUW, ESQ. M.A. 

JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. Treas. S.A. 

JOHN PAYNE COLLIER, ESQ. V.P.S.A. Treasurer. 

C. PURTON COOPER, ESQ. Q.C., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A. 

WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A. 

BOLTON CORNEY, ESQ. M.R.S.L. 

SHI HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S., Sec. S.A. 

THE REV. JOSEPH HUNTER, F.S.A. 

JOHN MITCHELL KEMBLE, ESQ. M.A. 

PETER LEVESQUE, ESQ. F.S.A. 

FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. F.S.A. 

THOMAS JOSEPH PETTIGREW, ESQ. F.R.S., F.S.A. 

HENRY CRABB ROBINSON, ESQ. F.S.A. 

WILLIAM J. THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A., Secretary. 




The COUNCIL of the CAMDEN SOCIETY desire it to be under- 
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa- 
tions that may appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors of 
the several works being alone responsible for the same. 



PREFACE. 



THE Harleian MS. 194 is a pocket diary, extending from July 
1553 to October 1554. It is written, or rather scribbled, in so bad 
a hand that even Stowe, who printed some passages from it, has 
mistaken several words ; and to this circumstance perhaps may be 
partly attributed the neglect it has hitherto received.* 

It is the authority for the interesting account given by Stowe, and 
Holinshed, of the execution of Lord Guilford Dudley and Lady Jane 
Grey, as well as for the greater part of their narrative of the pro- 
gress of events whilst the council administered the government of 
the realm in the name of " JANE THE QUENE." 

In the Harleian Catalogue it is stated, that " This book formerly 
belonged to Mr. John Stowe, who took from thence many passages 
which may be found in his Annals, at the reign of Queen Mary, and 
more yet remain by him untouched." 

Mr. Tytler has remarked, " The account given by Holinshed of 
Northumberland's consent to lead the army, and of his speech to the 
nobles before leaving the Tower, is interesting, and has some fine 
touches which seem to stamp its authenticity." Holinshed says in 

* The only modern author who has made any use of it is Sir Frederick Madden, who 
quoted a short passage In his Introduction to the Privy Purse accounts of Queen Mary. 



VI PREFACE. 

liis margin that it was derived " from the report of an eye-witness ;" 
he really received it, through Stowe, from the present Diary. 

Stowe affords us no intimation of the name of the writer, except 
that at one place, the account of the decapitation of Wyat, he has 
printed in his margin the name of 

Row. Lea. 

Rowland Lea was the name of a Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, 
who died lord president of Wales in the year 1543 : and the same 
baptismal name was very probably continued in his family. 

That the diarist was a man of no mean condition may be inferred 
from the fact of his having been admitted to dine at the same table 
with the lady Jane Grey when in the Tower. The passage 
describing this incident, which is one of the most interesting in the 
book, has been unknown to all the lady Jane's biographers, although 
it was once printed, in the seventeenth century, by sir Simonds 
D'Ewes, who was then the owner of the manuscript. 

It was in master Partridge's house that the lady Jane was lodged, 
and at his table that this memorable interview took place. Who was 
master Partridge ? was he " Affabel Partriche," goldsmith to queen 
Mary, to whom the lord treasurer was directed by royal warrant * 
dated 25th July, 1554, to deliver certain jewels then remaining in 
the Tower ? or in what other capacity had he a residence within 
that fortress ? 

But the more important question is, Who was his guest, whom we 
would now desire to commemorate as the sole chronicler of the 
Reign of Queen Jane ? It may be supposed a person of higher rank 
or better education than Partridge, as he was invited to enter into 
familiar conversation with the illustrious prisoner. One of the sheets 

* MS. Cotton. Titus B. iv. f. 130. 



PREFACE. Vll 

of paper which form his pocket-book had been previously used for 
another purpose, and retains this fragment of writing : 

To the righ 
P e c k h a m 
quenes ma 

Yt maie please your good 
as I have (as it is not v 
vertue of the kinges ma 
hande and previe Sign 

This is not in the same handwriting as the Diary itself, but in the 
formal hand of a clerk. The person to whom it was addressed was 
doubtless sir Edmund Peckham, who was cofferer of the household 
at the death of Henry the eighth, who retained that office during the 
reign of Edward the sixth, and was afterwards treasurer of the mint 
to queen Mary and queen Elizabeth. 

That the diarist was not sir Edmund Peckham himself is shown 
by the passages in pp. 8 and 12, where the knight, in his capacity of 
sheriff of Oxfordshire, is mentioned as exerting himself on behalf of 
the lady Mary in that county, the news of which came to the writer 
in the Tower of London. But, again, an entry in p. 33 testifies the 
interest taken by the writer in sir Edmund Peckham's official pre- 
ferment to be keeper of her majesty's treasure ; and other passages 
in pp. 26, 82, 83, show his acquaintance with the affairs of the 
mint. It may therefore be conjectured that he was himself an 
officer of that department of the royal service, which was then con- 
ducted within the Tower of London; and if any such person bearing 
the name of " Rowland Lea" should hereafter be discovered, that 
name may be safely placed in the title-page. 

The documents which form the appendices to this volume are for 



VI] 1 PREFACE. 

the most part printed for the first time. Those which relate to the 
lady Jane's title to the crown are more carefully edited than before, 
on account of their very great importance, the only previous copy 
having been made for bishop Burnet, without that strict accuracy 
which is now thought desirable. For the privilege of making the 
present transcripts the Editor is indebted to the Hon. Society of the 
Inner Temple. 

A recent visit to the State Paper Office has been rewarded by the 
discovery of the true history (given in the Addenda) of the last out- 
break of the duke of Suffolk, which was the final cause of the 
sacrifice of his daughter's life. 

The tract of John Elder, forming the Xth Appendix, is one nearly 
as rare as a manuscript. Its details of the early proceedings of the 
reign of queen Mary are the more valuable because the protestant 
chroniclers of the next reign abridged them very materially, in ac- 
cordance with the altered spirit of the times ; and the ecclesiastical 
historian Foxe describes the same transactions in different terms, as 
viewed in a totally different light. 

In conclusion, the Editor may remark that there still remains 
inedited in the British Museum a valuable chronicle of this period 
from which he has made a quotation in Appendix IV. It was kept by 
one of the ancient faith who lingered about the dissolved house of 
the Grey Friars in London. As respects religious matters its con- 
tents are of much interest, and he looks forward to its being 
regarded by the Camden Society as an appropriate sequel to the two 
he has now had the pleasure to present to their perusal. 

Parliament Street, 
Aprils, 1850. 



THE CHRONICLE OF QUEEN JANE 



AND 



OF TWO YEARS OF QUEEN MARY. 



The MS. being now imperfect, as well as incorrectly bound up, its earliest portion in 
point of date commences in the midst of a passage relating to the Duke of Northumber- 
land's preparations to march against the lady Mary on the 13th of July, which Stowe has 
extracted. A few introductory paragraphs from Stowe, which were probably taken by that 
chronicler, either in whole or in part, from our MS., will render the course of events dis- 
tinct from the time of king Edward's death : 

KING EDWARD died at Greenwich, on the 6th July 1553, " towards 
night." a The event was kept perfectly secret during the next day ; b 
but measures were taken to occupy and fortify the Tower of Lon- 

Letter of the council to sir Philip Hoby, ambassador with the emperor, printed in 
Strype's Memorials, 1721, ii. 430. It was not written until the 8th of the month, and is 
silent regarding the successor to the throne. Mary, in her letter to the lords of the 
council, dated from Kenynghall on the 9th of July (printed in Foxe's Actes and Monu- 
ments), also states that she had learned from some advertisement that the king her bro- 
ther had died on Thursday (the 6th) at night last past. 

b Northumberland's intention was to keep the death of the king a secret, until he 
should have obtained possession of the person of the lady Mary, who had been summoned 
to visit her brother, and was at no further distance from London than the royal manor of 
Hunsdon in Hertfordshire. But there were not wanting about the court those who from 
attachment to Mary, or from self-interest, ventured to incur the hazard of conveying to her 
this momentous intelligence ; whereupon she immediately took alarm, and rode off 
towards the eastern coast, from which she might have escaped to the continent, had such 
a step become necessary. Many writers assert that it was the earl of Arundel who made a 
private communication to her. I have not found any contemporary authority for this 
statement ; but sir Nicholas Throckmorton, in his poetical autobiography (MS. Cole, vol. 

CAMD. SOC. B 



2 THE CHRONICLE OF [July? 

don. a On " the 8. of July the lord maior of London was sent for to the 
court then at Greenwich, to bring with him sixe aldermen, as many 
merchants of the staple, and as many merchant adventurers, unto 
whom by the Councell was secretly declared the death of king 
Edward, and also how hee did ordaine for the succession of the 
Crowne by his letters pattents, to the which they were sworne, and 
charged to keep it secret." 15 

xl. p. 272, verses 111, 112, 113, 114), claims the credit of having been the officious person. 
He had been a favourite servant of king Edward ; and on his royal master's death, 

" Mourning, from Greenwich I didd strayt departe 

To London, to an house which bore our name. 
My bretheren guessed by my heavie hearte 
The King was dead, and I confess'd the same : 
The hushing of his death I didd unfolde, 
Their meaninge to proclaime queene Jane I tolde. 

And, though I lik'd not the religion 

Which all her life queene Marye hadd profest, 
Yett in my mind that wicked motion 
Right heires for to displace I did detest. 
Causeless to proffer any injurie, 
I meant it not, but sought for remedie. 

Wherefore from four of us the newes was sent, 

How that her brother hee was dead and gone ; 
In post her goldsmith then from London went, 
By whome the message was dispatcht anon. 
Shee asked, ' If wee knewe it certainlie ? ' 
Whoe said, ' Sir Nicholas knew it verilie.' 

The author bred the errand's greate mistrust : 
Shee fear'd a traine to leade her to a trapp. 
Shee saide, ' If Robert had beene there shee durst 
Have gag'd her life, and hazarded the happ.' 
Her letters made, shee knewe not what to doe : 
Shee sent them oute, butt nott subscrib'd thereto." 
By" Robert" the lady Mary meant sir Robert Throckmorton, one of the four brothers. 

a See the Diary of Henry Machyn, p. 35. 

b It appears most probable that this was the first intimation which the citizens had re- 
ceived of the existence of the letters patent : and that it was on this occasion that, being 



1553.] QUEEN JANE. 3 

The 10. of July, in the afternoone, about 3. of the clocke, lady 
Jane was convayed by water to the Tower of London, and there re- 
ceived as queene. a After five of the clocke, the same afternoone, 
was proclamation made of the death of king Edward the sixt, and 
how hee had ordained by his letters pattents bearing date the 21. of 
June last past b that the lady Jane should be heire to the Crowne of 
England, and the heire males of her body, &c. 

The 12. of July word was brought to the Councell, being then at 

" sworn to them," they affixed their signatures, although the document had been previously 
executed on the 21st of June. No fewer than thirty-two signatures follow that of the 
lord mayor, but the parties were perhaps not all citizens, and from the arrangement of 
their names in the existing transcript (mentioned in the following note b ) it would be 
difficult to distinguish which were the aldermen, which the merchants of the staple, and 
which the merchant adventurers. 

B Dr. Peter Heylyn, in his History of the Reformation, fol. 1674, p. 159, has described 
the interview supposed to have taken place between the dukes of Northumberland 
and Suffolk and their daughter the lady Jane, when they waited upon her on the morning 
of the 10th of July, and then first made known to her the fatal diadem to which she was 
destined. The scruples of the gentle heiress were overcome with much difficulty, and the 
whole course of argument, pro et contra, is stated at considerable length. I believe, how- 
ever, that this is only one of those dramatic scenes in which historical writers formerly con- 
sidered themselves justified in indulging, as I have not been able to trace it to any earlier 
authority. Its verisimilitude may indeed be justified by the passage of the duke of North- 
umberland's speech recorded by our present chronicler (p. 6), "Who, by your and our 
enticement, is rather of force placed therein, than by her own seeking and request." 
However, having been adopted by the writer of the Life of Lady Jane Grey in the Bio- 
graphia Britannica, it is followed as authentic history by many subsequent writers. The 
more recent authors (including sir Harris Nicolas, Mr. P. F. Tytler, and Mr. Aungier 
the historian of Syon-house and Isleworth) have placed the scene of this interview at Syon ; 
but Heylyn himself fixed it at Durham-house in the Strand : which was the duke of 
Northumberland's town mansion, and where the lady Jane's marriage had been celebrated 
only a few weeks before. Here Heylyn might well suppose she would be lodged at this 
critical period of her father-in-law's conspiracy. The fact, however, seems to have been 
otherwise. In the chronicle of the Grey Friars (which will be found in the Appendix) 
she is stated to have come down the river from Richmond to Westminster, and so to the 
Tower of London. If, then, she was supposed to have come from Richmond, she may 
very well have come from Syon, which was also at this time in the hands of the duke of 
Northumberland . 

b Scarcely any of our historical writers show an acquaintance with these letters patent, 
though they have been conversant with the substance of them from the recital which is made 



4 THE CHRONICLE OF 

the Tower with the lady Jane, that the lady Mary was at Kening- 
hall castle in Norfolk, and with her the earle of Bath, sir Thomas 
Wharton sonne to the lord Wharton, sir John Mordaunt sonne to 

in queen Jane's proclamation. A copy of the letters patent exists among Ralph Starkey's 
collections in the Harl. MS. 35, bearing this attestation : " This is a true coppie of Ed- 
ward the Sixte his Will [this terme is misapplied], takene out of the original! undere the 
greate scale, which sir Robart Cottone delyvered to the King's Ma tie the xij th of Apprill 
1611 at Roystorne to be canseled." From this source the document is printed, in con- 
nection with the lady Jane's trial, in Cobbett's State Trials ; and Mr. Howard, in his Lady 
Jane Grey and her Times, pp. 213-216, has described its contents. 

It is set forth in these letters patent that the king intended to complete this settlement 
of the crown by making a will, and by act of Parliament : thus following the precedent 
of his father Henry the Eighth's settlement, which this was to supersede (see an essay by 
the present writer in the Archaeologia, vol. xxx. p. 464). But the rapid termination of 
king Edward's illness prevented these final acts of ratification ; and Northumberland, in 
consequence, could only rely upon the validity of the letters patent, which had passed the 
great seal upon the 21st of June. 

There are, besides the letters patent, two other documents extant, marking the earlier 
stages of this bold attempt to divert the succession. 

1. The king's " own devise touching the said succession." This was "first wholly 
written with his most gracious hand, and after copied owt in his Majesties presence, by his 
most high commandment, and confirmed with the subscription of his Majesties owne 
hand, and by his highnes delivered to certain judges and other learned men to be written 
in full order." It was written in six paragraphs, to each of which Edward attached his 
signature. Burnet has printed the whole in his History of the Reformation, Documents, 
book iv. no. 10, from the MSS. of Mr. William Petyt, now in the Inner Temple Library. 
Strype, in the Appendix to his Life of Cranmer, has printed the first four clauses only, 
from the same manuscript, the fifth and sixth having, as Burnet remarks, been erased with 
a pen, but not so as to render them illegible nor was it intended to cancel them, for they 
are followed in the letters patent. 

2. An instrument of the Council, undated, but signed at the head by the King, and at its 
close by twenty-four councillors, &c. in which they " promise by their oaths and honors 
to observe, fully perform, and keep all and every article, branch, and matter contained in 
the said writing delivered to the judges and others." This also is printed both by Burnet 
and Strype. 

Besides these documents, three very important papers in reference to this transaction 
are, 1. the narrative of chief justice Montagu, printed in Fuller's Church History ; 2. sir 
William Cecill's submission to queen Mary, printed in Howard's Lady Jane Grey and 
Tytler's Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary ; and 3. his servant Alford's statement as to 
Cecill's conduct at this crisis, written in 1573, and printed in Strype 's Annals, vol. iv. 
p. 347. 



1553.] QUEEN JANE. 5 

the lord Mordaunt, sir William Drury, a sir John Shelton, sir Henry 
Bedingfield, master Henry Jerningham, master John Sulierde, mas- 
ter Richard Freston, master sergeant Morgan, master Clement 
Higham of Lincolnes inne, and divers others ; and also that the 
earle of Sussex and master Henry Ratcliffe his sonne were comming 
towards her : whereupon by speedy councell it was there concluded, 
that the duke of Suffolk, with certaine other noblemen, should goe 
towards the lady Mary, to fetch her up to London. This was first 
determined ; but by night of the same day the said voyage of the 
duke of Suffolke was cleane dissolved by the speciall meanes of the 
lady Jane his daughter, who, taking the matter heavily, with weep- 
ing teares made request to the whole councell that her father might 
tarry at home in her company : whereupon the councell perswaded 
with the duke of Northumberland to take that voyage upon him, 
saying that no man was so fit therefor, because that he had atchieved 
the victory in Norfolke once already, 13 and was therefore so feared, 
that none durst once lift up their weapon against him : besides that, 
he was the best man of warre in the realme ; as well for the ordering 
of his campes and souldiers both in battell and in their tents, as also 
by experience, knowledge, and wisedome, he could animate his army 
with witty perswasions, and also pacific and alay his enemies pride 
with his stout courage, or else to disswade them if nede were from 
their enterprise. " Well (quoth the duke then) since ye thinke it 
good, I and mine will goe, not doubting of your fidelity to the 
quenes majestie, which I leave in your custodie." So that night hee 
sent for both lords, knights, and other that should goe with him, and 
caused all things to be prepared accordingly. Then went the coun- 

a Sir William Drury, for his services " at Framlingham," received, by patent dated the 
1st Nov. following, an annuity of 100 marks : see it printed in Rymer's Foedera, xv. 352. 
A like annuity of 200 marks was granted on the 14th Nov. to Thomas West lord la Warre 
for his services against the duke (ibid. p. 352) ; one of 100. on the 4th Dec. to sir 
Richard Southwell (ibid. p. 355) ; and one of 501. on the 10th Feb. to Francis Purefay 
for his services at Framlingham (ibid. p. 365). Probably many others, unnoticed by 
Rymer, are recorded on the Patent Rolls. 

b In the suppression of Kett's rebellion. 



6 THE CHKONICLE OF [July, 

cell in to the lady Jane and told her of their conclusion, who humbly 
thanked the duke for reserving her father at home, and beseeched 
him to use his diligence, whereto he answered that hee would doe 
what in him lay. 

The morrow following great preparation was made. The duke 
early in the morning called [ a for all his owne harnes, and sawe yt 
made redy. At Duram Place he apoynted all the retenue to mete. 
The same day cartes were laden with munytion, and artyllery and 
felde peces prepared for the purpose. The same forenoone he moved 
eftesones the counsell to sende theire powers after him, as yt was 
before determyned, which should have met him at Newmarket, and 
they promysed him they wolde. He saide further to some of them, 
" My lordes, I and theis other noble personages, and the hole army, 
that nowe go furthe, aswell for the behalfe of you and yours as for 
the establishing of the queues highnes, shall not onely adventer our 
bodyes and lives amongest the bludy strokes and cruell assaltes 
of our adversaryes in the open feldes, but also we do leave the con- 
servacion of our selves, children, and fameUies at home here with 
you, as altogether comytted to your truths and fydellyties, whom if 
we thought you wolde through malice, conspiracie, or discentyon 
leave us your frendes in the breers and betray us, we coulde aswell 
sondery waies foresee and provide for our owne savegardes as eny 
of you by betraying us can do for youres. But now upon the onely 
truste and faythefullnes of your honnours, wherof we thincke our- 
selves moste assured, we do hassarde and jubarde our lives, which 
trust and promise yf ye shall violate, hoping therby of life and pro- 
motyon, yet shall not God counte you innocent of our bloodes, nei- 
ther acquite you of the sacred and holley othe of allegiance made 
frely by you to this vertuouse lady the queues highenes, who by your 
and our enticement is rather of force placed therin then by hir owne 
seking and request Consider also that Goddes cause, which is the 



* Here commences our Manuscript, at f. 31 of the Harleian volume No. 194, as now 
incorrectly bound. 



1553 ] QUEEN JANE. 7 

preferment of his worde and the feare of papestry's re-entrance, hathe 
been as ye have herebefore allwaies layed, a the oryginall grounde 
wherupon ye even at the first motyon granted your goode willes 
and concentes therunto, as by your handes writinges evidentlie 
apperith. And thincke not the contrary, but if ye meane deceat, 
thoughe not forthwith yet hereafter, God will revenge the same. I 
can sale no more ; but in theis troblesome tyme wishe you to use 
constaunte hartes, abandoning all malice, envy, and privat affec- 
tions." 

Therewith-all the first course for the lordes came uppe. Then 
the duke did knit uppe his talke with theis words : " I have not 
spoken to you on this sorte upon any distrust I have of your truthes, 
of the which allwaies I have ever hitherto conceaved a trusty 
confidence; but I have put you in remembrance therof, what 
chaunce of variaunce soever might growe emongest you in myne ab- 
sence ; and this I praye you, wishe me no worse goode spede in this 
journey then ye wolde have to yourselves." " My lorde, (saith one 
of them,) yf ye mistrust eny of us in this matter, your grace is far 
deceaved; for which of us can wipe his. handes clene therof? And 
if we should shrincke from you as one that were culpable, which of 
us can excuse himself as guiltles ? Therefore herein your doubt is 
too farre cast." " I praie God yt be so (quod the duke) ; let us go 
to dyner." And so they satt downe. 

After the dyner the duke went into the quene, wher his comyssion 
was by that tyme sealed for his liefetenantship of the armye, and ther 
he tooke his leave of hir ; and so dyd certayn other lordes also. 
Then, as the duke cam thoroughe the counsayle chamber, he tooke 
his leave of the erle of Arundell, who praied God be with his 
grace ; saying he was very sory yt was not his chaunce to go with 
him and beare him companye, in whose presence he coulde fynde in 
his harte to spende his bloode, even at his foote. Then my lorde of 
Arundell tooke also my lordes boy Thomas Lovell by the hande, 
and saide, " Farewell, gentyll Thomas, with all my harte." Then the 

* i. e. alleged ; printed said in Stowe. 



8 THE CHRONICLE OF [July, 

duke cam downe, and the lorde marques,* my lorde Grey, with diverse 
other, and went out of the Tower and tooke their boote and went to 
Dyrrame Place or Whithall, wher that night they musteryd their 
company in names, and the next day in the morning the duke de- 
parted, to the nomber of vj c men or theraboutes. And as they went 
thoroughe Shordyshe, saieth the duke to one that rid by him, b " The 
people prece c to se us, but not one sayeth God spede us." 

By this tyme worde was broughte to the quene at the Tower that 
sir Edmonde Peckham, sir Edward Hastings, and the lorde Windsore, 
with others, were upp proclayming quene Mary in Buckinghamshire.* 1 

Note, thisse dale also sir John Gates went oute. The morowe 
followinge ther was sent after the duke the cartes with munytion and 
the ordenance. 

The xij th dale the lady Mary sent to Norwich to be proclaymed, 
but they wolde not, because they were not certeyn of the kinges 
death ; but within a daye after they dyd not only proclayme hir, 
but also sent men and weapons to ayde hir. 

The xiij th daie ther cam dyverse gentyllmen with ther powers to 
quene Maries suckour. 

About this tyme or therabouts the vj. shippes that were sent to 
lie befor Yarmothe, that if she had fled to have taken hir, was by 
force of wether dreven into the haven, w(h)er about that quarters one 
maister Gerningham was ray sing power on quene Maryes behalfe, 
and hering therof came thether. Wherupon the captaynes toke a 
bote and went to their shipes. Then the marynours axed maister 
Gernyngham what he wolde have, and wether he wolde have their 
captaynes or no ; and he said, " Yea, mary." Saide they, " Ye shall 
have theym, or els we shall throwe theym to the bottom of the sea." 
The captaynes, seing this perplexity, saide furthwith they wolde 
serve quene Mary gladlie ; and so cam fourthe with their men, and 

* The marquess of Northampton. 

b Stowe has altered this to the lord Grey. c presse in Stowe. 

d See the commissions addressed to several commanders to suppress the rebellion in 
Buckinghamshire, in the Catalogue of State Papers of the reign of queen Jane in the Ap- 
pendix. 



1553.] QUEEN JANE. 9 

convayed certeyn great ordenaunce ; of the which comyng in of the 
shipes the lady Mary and hir company were wonderfull joyous, and 
then afterwarde doubted smaly the duke's puisance. And as the 
comyng of the shipes moche rejoyced quene Mary's party, even so 
was it as great a hart-sore to the duke, and all his campe, whose 
hartes wer all-redy bent agaynst him. But after once the submys- 
syon of the shipes was knowne in the Tower a eche man then began 
to pluck in his homes ; and, over that, worde of a greater mischief 
was brought to the Tower the noblemen's tenauntes refused to serve 
their lordes agaynst quene Mary. The duke he thought long for 
his succours, and writ somewhat sharplie to the counsayll here in that 
behalfe, aswell for lacke of men as munytion : but a slender answer 
he had agayn. 

By this tyme newes was brought that sir John Williams was also 
proclamyng quene Mary in Oxfordeshire. From that tyme forwarde 
certayne of the counsayll, that is, the erle of Penbroke and the lorde 
warden, b sought to go out of the Tower to consult in London, but 
could not as yet. 

The xvj th daye of July the lorde highe treasurer c was going to 
his howse in London at night, and about vij. of the clocke the gates 
of the Tower upon a sudden was shut, and the keyes caryed upp to 
the quene Jane ; but what the cause was I knowe not. The noyes 
in the Tower was that ther was a seale lackinge ; but many men 
thought they surmysed that but the truthe was she feared some 
packinge in the lorde treasurer, and so they dyd fetch him at xij. of 
the clocke in the night from his house in London into the Tower. 

The xviij. daye the duke, perceaving howe their succours came 
not, and also receyving from some of the counsell at the Tower 
lettres of discomfort, retoumed from Bury, and came back agayn to 
Cambridge. 

a This passage, together with those that follow, shows that the Chronicler was still 
writing in the Tower of London. 
b Thomas lord Cheney. 
c The marquess of Winchester. 
CAMD. SOC. C 



10 THE FIRST YEAR OF 

Note here, the xlx th day at night he harde howe that quene Mary 
was proclaymed in London. a And the next morning he called for 
a herolde and proclaymed hir himself. b Within an hower after he had 
lettres c from the counsell here that he should forthwith dismysse his 
armye, and not to come within x. myles of London, or els they wolde 
fight with him. The rumour hereof was no sooner abrode but every 
man departyd. Then was the duke arested, by the mayre of the 
towne of Cambridge some say, some say by mr. Thomas Myldemay 
at the quenes commandement. d At last cam lettres from the coun- 
sell of London that all men shoulde go eche his waye. Then saide 
the duke to certayn that kepte him, " Ye do me wrong to withdrawe 
my libertye ; se you not the counselles lettres, without exception, 
that all men should go whether they wolde?" At which wordes they 
than sett them agayn at libertye, and so contynued they all night ; in so 
moche that the erle of Warwicke was booted redy to have ryden in 
the mornynge. Then came the erle of Arundell, who had ben with 
the quene, to the duke into his chamber ; and when the duke knewe 
therof he came out to mete him ; and assone as ever he sawe the erle 
of Arundell he fell downe on his knees and desyred him to be goode 
to him, for the love of God. " And consider (saith he) I have done 
nothing but by the concentes of you and all the hole counsell." " My 
lorde (quod he), I am sent hether by the quenes majestic, and in hir 
name I do arest you." " And I obey it, my lorde (quod he), and 
I beseeche you, my lorde of Arundell (quod the duke), use mercy 
towardes me, knowing the case as yt is." " My lorde (quod the erle), 
ye shoulde have sought for mercy sooner ; I must do according to 
my commandement." And therwith he commytted the charge of 
him to diverse of the garde and gentyllmen that stoode by. And so 

* See the next page. 

b " And among other he threw up his cap." The marquess of Northampton was also 
present. Stowe. 

c These letters are printed in Stowe's Chronicle. 

d Stowe says, " The duke was arrested in the Kinges college by one maister Slegge, 
sergeant at armes," in correction, evidently, of the present writer. Mr. Cooper, in his 
Annals of Cambridge, adds a note, " Roger Slegge, after an alderman of this town." 



1553.] QUEEN MAKY. 11 

the duke contynued walking up and downe in the utter chamber 
almost ij howers ; and once or twyce he wolde have gone to the bedd- 
chamber about some busynes, but he coulde not be sufferyd. Then 
was Thome and Coxe from him. 

At last the duke, loking throughe the window, spied the erle of 
Arundell passyd by ; then he called to him, and said, " My lorde of 
Arundell ; my lorde, I praye a worde with you." " What wolde 
ye have, my lorde?" sayde he. " I beseche your lordship," quod he, 
" for the love of God, let me have Coxe, one of my chamber, to wayt 
on me." " You shall have Tome a your boy," quod the erle of Arun- 
dell. " Alias, my lorde ! " quod the duke, " what stede can a boye 
do me ? I pray you let me have Coxe ; " and so both Tome and Coxe 
were with him. b 



The next portion of this interesting narrative is unfortunately lost; but a series of ex- 
tracts from news-letters, preserved in Ralph Starkey's Collections, MS. Harl. 353, pp. 139 
et seq. apply so exactly to the period deficient, that they may be very properly here intro- 
duced. 

By a lettre, writtene in London, it appeareth that " the 1 9 of July, 
my lady Maryes grace was in the afternoone proclaymed queene of 
England heare in Londone, my lord of Northumberland, the lord 
admirall, c the marques of Northampton, the lord of Huntington, my 
lord Grey, my lord of Westmerlande, and divers others, beinge at 
Cambridge, proceeding in battaile towards hir grace, who lyethe at a 
castle in Norfolk. d Great was the triumphe hear at London ; for my 
tyme I never sawe the lyke, and by the reporte of others the like was 
never seene. The nomber of cappes that weare throwne upe at the 
proclamation weare not to be tould. The earle of Pembroke threwe 
awaye his cape full of angelletes. I sawe myselfe money was throwne 
out at windowes for joy. The bonefires weare without nomber, and 

Thomas Lovell, the boy before mentioned in p. 7. 

b The duke was brought to the Tower of London by the earl of Arundel on the 25th 
of July ; see Machyn's Diary, p. 37. 

c Edward lord Clinton. d Framlingham. 



12 THE FIRST YEAR OF 

what with showtynge and crienge of the people, and ringinge of the 
belles, theare could no one heare almoste what another sayd, besides 
banketyngs and synging in the streete for joye. Theare was presente 
at the proclamation the earle of Pembroke, the earle of Shrews- 
bury, the earle of Arundell, my lord warden, my lord niayere, sir 
John Mason, sir John Cheeke, and divers other to the nomber 
of . . . ; and, after the proclamation made in Cheapside, they all 
went to Poules to evensonge. The duke of Suffolk being at the 
Towere a at the makinge of the proclamation, and as some saye 
did not knowe of it, but so soone as he herd of it, he came himselfe 
out of the Towere, and comaunded his men to leave their wepones 
behinde them, sayenge that hee him selfe was but one man, and him- 
selfe proclaymed my lady Maryes grace queene on the Towere 
hille, and so came into London, levinge the leiftenaunt in the Towere. 

" Greate stire was in Northamptonshire about proclayminge of hir. 
Yesterday at Northampton sir Thomas Treshame proclaymed hir 
with the ayd and helpe of the towne, beinge borne amongeste them, 
whether he would or not ; ser Nicholas Throgmorton beinge pre- 
sente, withstandinge him to his powere, was drivene for safetye of 
his lyfe to take a howse, and so beinge borne amongeste divers gen- 
tlemen escaped with much adoe ; the inhabitants would have killed 
him veri fayne. 

" Sir Robarte Tirwite mustered yesterdaye in Northamptonshire 
to goe to my lord of Northumberland as many men as he could gette. 
Sir Thomas Tresham, receving like letters to muster for my lord of 
Northumberlande, would not goe. Sir John Williams hathe 6 or 

7 O 

7000 men thear, as Richard Silliard saythe, and thear is with him 
sir Edmonde Peckham, the sherive of Oxfordshire, the sherive of 
Northamptonshire, and divers others. 

* The party of the Council which made the Proclamation had left the Tower on the plea 
of giving audience to the French ambassador at Baynard's Castle. The earl of Arundel 
is represented as having been the chief instigator of this revolution, and a long address 
which he made to the assembled lords on the occasion is given in his Life by one of his 
chaplains, printed in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1833, vol. CHI. ii. 119. 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 13 

" Sir John Gates and my lord Garret, who went downe with the 
garde to my lady Mary, as is crediblie reported, are both slayne, a 
and the moste parte of the garde gone to my lady Mary." 

23 July 1553. A lettere written in London mentiones that 
the lord admirall, and the lords Greye, b Garret, Wormon, c and the 
lord Fitzwarren, sir Henry Sidney, and sir James Croffts, with 
divers others, have already their pardon graunted them. 

" The duke of Northumberland is in custody of the garde as a 
prisoner in Cambridge, and my ladie his wyfe, the lord Guilford, and 
the lady Jane, are in the Towere as prisoneres. My lord marques of 
Northampton, the earle of Huntingdon, sir Henry Gates, and divers 
other, cannot as yet gett their pardones." 

From London, 1 Aug. 1553. " Sir John Cheeke, with diveres 
others, whos names presently I cannot remember, be prisoners in the 
Towere. 

" The lady Elizabethes grace came the 29. of July to Somerset 
place, well accompanyed with gentlemen, and others, righte strongly, 
and theare she rested a nighte, and the morowe ensuinge she went 
throwghe Cheapside to meete the queenes grace to London-wardes, 
who is loked for the 3. or 4. of Auguste. 

" Sethence the 24. of July, 6 of youre men d on horsbacke like 
souldieres, in coats of red and white, at youre cost and charges, have 
waited on sir Thomas Tresham and sir Nicholas Throgmorton, to 
guarde the queen to London." 

This report was untrue. 

b William lord Grey of Wilton was the commander upon whose military talents the 
duke of Northumberland seems to have mainly relied : but lord Grey, who had been an 
adherent of the duke of Somerset, probably did not serve on this occasion very cordially. 
He seems to have left Northumberland when at Cambridge, and made his submission to 
Mary; who on her arrival at her manor of Newhall in Essex, on the 31st of July, dismissed 
him to his former charge of the castle of Guisnes, with a reinforcement of 350 footmen and 
50 horsemen demi-lances : see her letters patent, printed in the Appendix to the Life of 
Lord Grey of Wilton, No. VI. 

c The earl of Ormond. 

d The name of the person to whom the letter is addressed is not preserved. 



14 THE FIRST YEAK OF [August, 

August, 1553. "By a lettere a written in London, reporteth that 
queene Maries grace came to London the 3 daye of August, beinge 
broughte in with her nobles verie honorably and strongly. The nom- 
ber of velvet coats that did ride before hir, aswell strangeres as 
otheres, was 740 ; and the noniber of ladyes and gentlemen that 
folowede was 180. The earle of Arundell did ride next before hir, 
bearinge the sworde in his hand, and sir Anthony Browne did beare 
up hir trayne. The lady Elizabethe did follow hir nexte, and after 
hir the lord marques of Exeter's wyfe. b 

" The gard followed the ladyes, and after them Northampton and 
Oxfordshire men, and then Buckinghamshire men, and after them 
the lordes' servants ; the whole nomber of horsemen weare esteemed 
to be about 10,000. 

" The queenes grace stayed at Allgate-streete before the stage 
wheare the poore children stood, and hard an oration that one of 
them made, but she sayd nothinge to them. 

" My lord mayor and the aldermen brought hir grace into the 
city, my lord mayor riding next to the earle of Arundell with the 
mace in his hand. Theare was a greate peale of ordenance shotte 
of at the Towere. 

" It is credibly reported that the duke of Norfolke, Courteney, the 
bushope of Winchester, and my lady Somerset/ mette the queenes 
grace at the Towere gate, and theare they kneelinge downe saluted 
her grace, and she came unto them and kissed them and sayd, 
' Theis are my prisoners.' Courteney was made marques of Exeter, 
the 4. of thes present, as the brute goethe. 6 

" Hir grace intendethe to remove unto Windsor on Tuesdaye 
nexte, as I heare saye. 

a Of this letter Stowe must have had a copy, as its words are followed in his account of 
the queen's entry in London. 

b Gertrude marchioness of Exeter, daughter of William Blount lord Mountjoy, and 
mother of Edward earl of Devonshire. 

c Stephen Gardiner. d Anne, widow of the Protector. 

e This report was premature; he was created earl of Devonshire (only), on the 1st of 
September. 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 15 

"The earle of Pembroke was comaunded to waite uppon hir 
grace when she came to London, and to bringe with him but x. 
mene, and as I heare saye he broughte xv., whearfore he had a 
rebuke. Some saye he is fled, but the truthe I knowe not ; hee hathe 
not byne seene since thursdaye night, nether can his men tell whear 
he is. My lord Russell and my lord Ferrars are in the sherife of 
London's custody. 

" Mr. chauncelere of the augmentations a dothe keepe his house. 

" I hard saye this daye that the duke of Northumberland, the 
marques of Northampton, the earle of Huntingdon, sir John Gates, 
and Mr. Palmer, wear alredie condemned to dye. 

" Dob of Bosat b came (out) of Bedfordshire this daye, and he 
tould me theare came this weeke to sir John St. John's, c he beinge 
theare, 40 or 50 men with clubes and bylles, and would have had 
him to have gone with them to have pulled downe certene pasture 
hedges, but hee denyed them, and persuaded them as muche as he 
could to the contrary ; yet notwithstandinge they would not be 
persuaded, but wente themselves and pulled up the hedges of 43 
pastures. 

" Youre men were not discharged before yesterdaye of the queenes 
attendance, and this daye they are gone home. 

" The oulde bushope of London d is delivered out of the Marshalsey, 
and doctore Cox cometh into his place ; and this daye my lord 
Ferrars is comitted to the Towere." 

11 August, 1553. The duke of Norfolke is discharged and at 

o * o 

liberty, as appeareth by a letter writtene in London. 

" The bushope of Winchester hathe his howse e againe that the 
marques of Northampton had. 

" The lord chamberlen, f the lord tresorer, % and the earl of Pem- 
broke, are commanded to keepe their howses. 

a Sir John Baker. b Probably Leighton Bosard. 

c At Bletsoe. d Edmund Bonner. 

e Winchester house, Southwark. f Thomas lord Darcy. 
8 William Paulet, marquess of Winchester. 



16 THE FIRST YEAR OF [August, 

" It was expected that divers prisoners with the duke of Northum- 
berland should have come to the yeld hall this daye to have byne 
araigned, but it is not so. 

" The duke of Suffolke is (as his owne men report,) in prisone, 
and at this present in suche case as no man judgethe he can lyve. 

" The bushope of Winchestere hathe sayd masse in the Towere 
since his cominge abroade. 

" This daye an ould preeste sayd masse at St. Batholmewes, but 
after that masse was done the people would have pulled him in 
peeces. 

" The lady Somerset is discharged out of the Towere latly. 

"The queenes grace removethe tomorowe, it is reported." 



[ a The 18. of August, John Dudley, duke of Northumberland, 
William Parre, marquesse of Northampton, and John earle of 
Warwicke, sonne and heire to the duke, were arraigned at West- 
minster-hall, before Thomas duke of Norfolke, high steward of 
England, where the duke of Northumberland, with great reverence 
towards the judges, protested his faith and alleageance to the queene, 
whom hee confessed grievously to have offended, and said that he 
meant not anything in defence of his fact, but requested to under- 
stand the opinion of the court in two poynts : first, whether a man 
doing any act by authority of the prince's councell, and by warrant 
of the great seale of England, and doing nothing without the same, 
might be charged with treason for any thing which hee might doe 
by warrant thereof? Secondly, whether any such persons as were 
equally culpable in that crime, and those by whose letters and com- 
maundements hee was directed in all his doinges, might be his judges, 
or passe upon his tryall as his peeres ? 

Whereunto was answered, that as concerning the first, the great 
seale (which hee layd for his warrant) was not the seale of the law- 

* The two succeeding paragraphs, relating to the duke of Northumberland's trial, are 
supplied from Stowe's Chronicle. 



1553. J QUEEN MARY. 17 

full queene of the realme, nor passed by authority, but the seale of 
an usurper, and therefore could be no warrant to him. a As to the 
second, it was alleged, that if any were as deepely to be touched in 
the case as himselfe, yet so long as no attainder were of record 
against them, they were neverthelesse persons able in law to passe 
upon any tryall, and not to be chalenged therefor, but at the prince's 
pleasure." After which answer, the duke used few words, but con- 
fessed the indictment; by whose example the other prisoners 
arraigned with him did the like, b and thereupon had judgement.] 

c And when the judgement was geven, it is saide the duke shoulde 
saie, " I beseche you, my lordes all, to be humble suters to the 
queues majestie, to graunt me iiij. requestes, which are theis : firste, 
that I may have that deathe which noblemen have had in tymes 
past, and not the other ; secondarylie, that her majestic wilbe 
gratyous to my chillder, which may hereafter do hir grace gode 
service, concydering that they went by my commaundement who am 
their father, and not of their owne free willes ; thirdely, that I may 
have appoynted to me some learned man for the instruction and 
quieting of my coney ence ; and iiij tn , that she will sende ij. of the 
counsayle to comon with me, to whom I will declare suche mattyers 
as shalbe expedyent for hir and the comonwealthe. And thus I 
beseche you all to pray for me." 

* " In this pertinent question (remarks Mr. Tytler, vol. ii. p. 224), Northumberland 
evidently, I think, alluded to the commands of Edward the Sixth, and the warrant under 
the Great Seal of England affixed to his will. Yet it is strange that all our historians, 
Carte, Hume, Lingard, Macintosh misunderstood the question, and suppose with the 
judges (who seem purposely to have evaded Northumberland's meaning,) that his allusion 

was to the great seal of queen Jane The judges, as I have said, purposely mistook 

and evaded Northumberland's meaning." Mr. Tytler has not seen further than his pre- 
decessors, and it is he that is mistaken. The great seal to which Northumberland 
appealed, was not that affixed to the will or act of settlement ; but it was that attached, 
by authority of queen Jane, to his commission of lieutenancy of the army, which has been 
mentioned (in p. 7) as sealed by the time the lords of the council had finished their 
dinner on the 14th of July. On this commission, under the great seal, he rested the 
justification of his having proceeded in arms against the lady Mary. 

b See the pleas of the marquess of Northampton and earl of Warwick in the Appendix. 

e MS. f. 49. 
CAMD. SOC. D 



18 THE FIRST YEAR OF [August, 

Note, that on saterdaye the xix th of August ther was conveyed 
out of the Tower by water to Westminster, to be araygned, sir John 
Gates, sir Kerry Gates, sir Androwe Dudley, and sir Thomas 
Pallmer, where, without any queste, every one of theym pleaded 
giltye, saving sir Thomas Pallmer, who saide that the truthe was, he 
never bare armes agaynst the quenes majesty. " Well," saithe the 
judges, " can ye denye but that ye were ther ?" " No," saithe he. 
" Then can it not be but that ye ar cullpable." " Well then, sithe 
it is so," saithe he, " I confesse the same." Then they all submytted 
themselves to the quenes mercy. Then the judges proceded in 
judgemente. 

Note, that on sondaye the xx th day of August, ther preched at 
Poles crosse one doctour Watson, a and ther was about the crosse and 
in the churche-yarde allmost all the garde, with their billes and 
weapons, for feare of like tumult that was on sonday before. 

Note, on mondaye the xxj 8 * of August, it was appoynted the duke 
with other shoulde have suffered, and all the garde were at the 
Tower ; but howe soever it chaunced he did not ; but he desired to 
here masse, and to receave the sacrement, according to the olde 
accustumed maner. So about ix. of the clocke the alter in the chap- 
pell was arraied, and eche thing prepared for the purpose ; then mr. 
Gage b went and fetched the duke ; and sir John Abridges c and mr. 
John Abridges dyd fetche the marques of Northampton, sir Androwe 
Dudley, sir Kerry Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer, to masse, which was 
sayde both with elevation over the hed, the paxe geving, blessinge, 
and crossinge on the crowne, breathinge, towrninge aboute, and all 
the other rytes and accydentes of olde tyme appertaining. And 
when the tyme came the prysoners shoulde receive the sacrement, 
the duke tourned himself to the people and saide, first, theis wordes, 
or suche like, " My masters, I lett you all to understande that I do 
most faithfullie belyve this is the very right and true waie, oute of 

See a full account of this sermon in the notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 332. 
b Sir John Gage, the constable of the Tower. 
c The lieutenant. 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 19 

the which true religion you and I have ben seduced theis xvj. yeres 
past, by the false and eronyous preening of the new prechers, the 
which is the onelie cause of the greate plagges and vengeaunce 
which hathe lighte apon the hole realme of Inglande, and nowe 
likewise worthelly falne apon me and others here presente for our 
unfaythfulnesse. And I do beleve the holye sacremente here most 
assuredly to be our Saviour and Redemer Jesus Christe ; and this I 
praye you all to testify e, and praye for me." 

After which wordes he kneeled down and axed all men forgevenes, 
and likewise forgave all men. Emongest others standing by (were) the 
duke of Somersetes sonnes. Then all the rest confessed the declara- 
tion aforesaide, and so receved the sacrement most humbly. Note, 
that a littell before masse was begonne, ther was sent for into Lon- 
don for diverse of the best comoners and comon counsaill of the 
cytie, to come and here the convertion of the duke, emongest whom 
one Hartop a goldesmith, and one Baskerfeld, were there. a 

The lady Jane loking throughe the windowe sawe the duke and 
the rest going to the churche. Note, that this daie xliiij. yeres past, 
Dudley, the duke's father, was behedded. b 

On tuisdaie the xxij th of Auguste thir came into the Tower all the 
garde, with their wepons, and aboute ix. of the clocke the erle of 
Warwicke and sir John Gates were brought to the chappell and 
herde masse, receiving the sacrement. A lityll before the receyte 
wherof, they kneling before the alter, one doctour Boureman, which 
saide the masse, turned to theym from the alter, and saied theis 

a " On Mondaye laste the duke of Northumberland, the marques of Northampton, 
sir John Gates, and others, hard masse verie devoutely in the Towere, and thear receaved 
the sacrament, even as they weare wonte 40 yeares agoe. Divers marchants, to the 
nomber of 14 or 15, were by the counsell comaunded to come to the queenes chappell, 
and theare tarry tyll masse was don; Mr. Thomas Locke was one; Mr. Clemente Newse, 
and divers other in Cheapsyde." Letter of William Dalby, 22 Aug. 1553, in Ralph 
Starkey's collections, MS. Harl. 353. 

b John Stowe has here added these words to the MS. : no y e yere 1501. y e 18. of 
Awffust. He has himself, in his Chronicle, described Dudley's execution as having taken 
place on the 17th August 1510. 



20 THE FIRST YEAR OF [August, 

wordes, or moche like, " And if ye do require to receive this holie 
sacrement of the body and blud of our savyour Christ, ye must 
not onelie confesse and beleve that he is ther reallie and naturally, 
very God and very man, yea the same God that died on the crosse 
for our redemption, and not a phantasticall God, as the heretykes 
wolde make him ; but also ye must here openlie acknowledg and 
graunt your abuse and errour therin of long tyme had and don ; 
and then I assure you ye shall receyve him to your salvacion, were 
ye never so detestable an offendour." Then said sir John Gates, 
" I confesse we have ben out of the waie a long tyme, and therfore 
we are wourthellie punished ; and, being sory therfore, I axe God 
forgevnes therfore most humblie; and this is the true religion." 
In moche like sorte said the erle of Warwicke ; and then one axed 
the other forgevenes, and required al men to forgeve theym as they 
forgave every man frelie. 

Then tourned mr. Gates to the lorde Courtney, saying, " I besiche 
you, sir, to forgeve me, for I have ben a pece of the cause of your 
contynuaunce in prison, not for eny hatred towardes you, but for 
feare that harm might come therby to my late younge maister." 
Then my lorde of Warwike axed him likewise forgevenes. (Memo- 
randum, the duke of Somersettes sonnes stode by.) Then saide 
the preste to theyme, " I wolde ye should not be ignoraunt of 
God's mercy, which is infynyt; and lett not death feare you, 
for it is but a litell while, ywis, ended in one half hower. What 
shall I saie? I trust to God it shalbe to you a short passag 
(though somwhat sharpe), out of innumerable myseries into a 
most pleasaunt rest ; which God graunt." The preist having 
spoken theis or moche like wordes, gave theym the host, whych 
being fynyshed, and the masse ended, they came fourthe agayne ; 
and the erle of Warwicke was ledd to his lodging, and sir John 
Gates to the levetenauntes howse, where he remayned about half an 
hower and more. In thys meane tyme was sir Thomas Palmer 
brought into the levetenauntes garden, wher he walked with Watson, 
his gostlie father, aboute iij quarters of an hower, taking acquayntance 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 21 

of diverse gentyllmen, alwaies praying theym to forgeve and pray for 
him. His countenaunce never changed, but rather he semed more 
cherefull in countenaunce then when he was most at his libertye in 
his life-tyme. Anon, the sherive and sir John Gadge had made redy 
the indentures ; then was sir John Gates brout out of the levete- 
nauntes house, and sett at the garden gate ; then the(y) went for the 
duke, who within a littell while cam fourthe, and sir Thomas Palmer 
after him ; and at the garden gate the duke and sir John Gates mett 
and spake together. " Sir John," saieth the duke, " God have mercy 
upon us, for this daie shall ende bothe our lives. And I praye you 
forgeve me whatsoever I have offended ; and I forgeve you with all 
my harte, althoughe you and your counsaill was a great occasion 
herof." " Well, my lorde," saithe sir John Gates, " I forgive you 
as I wolde be forgeven ; and yet you and your auctoritye was the 
onely originall cause of all together ; but the Lorde pardon you, and 
I praie you forgeve me." So, ether making obeasaunce to other, the 
duke preceded. The duke of Somerset's sonnes stoode therby. 

And when he came apon the scaffolde, first, he put of his gowne 
of crane-colored damaske, and then he leaned apon the raile towarde 
the est, and saide to the people, allmost in every poynt as he had 
saide in the chapell, a saving that when he came to the confession of 

a " This present daye the duke of Northumberlande, sir John Gates, and master Pal- 
mere, came to executione, and suffered deathe. The duke's confessyon was in effecte but 
lytle, as I hard saye ; hee confessed himselfe worthie to dye, and that he was a greate 
helper in of this religion which is false, thearfore God had punished us with the lose of 
kinge Henry 8, and also with the lose of king Edward 6, then with rehellione, and aftere 
with the swetinge sicknes, and yet we would not turne. Requiringe them all that weare 
presente to remember the ould learninge, thankinge God that he would vutsafe to call him 
nowe to be a Christyane, for this 16 yeares he had byne non. Theare weare a greate nom- 
ber turned with his words. He wished every man not to be covetous, for that was a greate 
parte of his distruction. He was asked further yf he had any thinge moare to saye, and he 
said nothinge but that he was worthie to dye, and so was moe than he, but he cam to 
dye, and not to accuse any mane. And thus bouldly he spak, tyll he layd his head on the 
block." (Letter of William Dalby, as before cited.) Another account of the duke of 
Northumberland's confession, from the MS. Harl. 284, is printed in Bayley's History of the 
Tower of London , Appx. p. xlviii. ; and by Tytler, vol. ii. p. 230, who refers to others in MS. 
Cotton, Titus, B II. in MS. Reg. 12 A 26 (in Latin), and an abstract in MS. Harl. 2194. 



22 THE FIRST YEAR OF [August, 

his belife tie saide, " I trust, my lorde the bushope a here will beare 
me witnes hereof." At the last he put of his jerkyn and doblet, and 
then saide his prayers ; after which tyme the hangman reched to 
him a kerchef, which he dyd knit himself about his ees, and then 
layd him downe, and so was behedded. 

Afterwardes cam sir John Gates ; and after a few wordes spoken b 
he would have no kerchef, but laed downe his hed ; where at iij. 
blowes his hed was striken of. 

Next cam sir Thomas Palmer, c who assoone as he cam to the 

* Nicholas Heath, bishop of Worcester. 

b Sir John Gates's confession, as stated in the MS. Harl. 284, is printed in the Appendix 
to Bayley's History of the Tower of London, p. xlix. 

c " Then came sir Thomas Palmere, who when hee was upon the scaffold pute of his 
cape to the auditory and sayd : ' God geve you all good morowe,' and divers did byd 
him god morowe againe, and he replyed and sayd, ' I doe not doubt but that I have a good 
morowe, and shall have I truste a better good even. Good frends (quothe he) I am come 
hether to dye, for I have lyved heare under a lawe, and have offended the same, and for 
my so doinge the same lawe fyndethe me guilty, hathe condemned me to ende heare my 
lyfe this daye ; for the which I give God thankes, in that he whichshewed me the thinge 
which I have seene, and which also I knowe to be juste and trewe, and that is this, I 
have since my cominge out of yonder place (pointing to the Towere) seene with myne eyes 
my Redeemere sittinge at the right hand of God the Father, in glory and majesty equall, 
whose powere is infinite, and in whome whoso puttethe his truste shall nevere be deceaved, 
and as he is almighty so can he doe what he lystethe, and to whom he wille, and when he 
will, and non in the heven above nor in the earthe beneathe can or maye let [i. e. with- 
stand] his determinate will; by whom I lyve, by whom I am, and in whom I truste to lyve 
eternally. I have, as some of you doe knowe, good people, bine a man not altogether noreshid 
in England, but some parte of my brede I have eaten in other realmes; but to saye that 
befoare nowe I did [know] God arighte, the worlde arighte, or myselfe arighte, I did nevere. 
And nowe what I have sayde ye knowe. I saye God is such a one that without thowe wilt sit 
downe and behould the heavenes above, the sonne and moone, the starres above the firma- 
ment, the course of the sonne and moone, starres and clowds, the earthe with all that in 
them is, and howe they be all preserved, thow shalt nevere knowe God aright. The 
world is altogether vanity, for in it is nothinge but ambition, flatery, foolishe or vaine 
glory, pride, disorder, slander, bostinge, disdayne, hatred and mallis; all which thinges the 
same God that made the world, or as they saye man, which heare I compare to the 
world, dothe utterly deteste and abhor ; in the which offences I have bine so noseled, that 
nowe, havinge a juste occasione to looke into myne owne selfe, I have seen nothing but a 
bodye voyde of all goodnes, filthie, a stinking karkas, worse then donge of beastes, a 
very miserable creature, and yet the verie worke of the mighti hand of God. But yet, 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 23 

scaffolde toke every man by the hand, and desired them to praye 
for him ; then putting of his gowne, he leaned upon the est raile 
and saide theis or moche-like wordes in effecte: "My maisters, 
God save you ; yt is not unknowne unto you wherfore I am come 
hither, which I have wourthellie well deserved at God's hande, for I 
knowe yt to be his devine ordenaunce by this mean to call me to his 
mercy, and to teache me to knowe myself, what I am, and wherto we 
ar all subjecte. I thancke his mercyfull goodenes, for he hathe 
caused me to learne more in one littell darke corner in yonder Tower, 
then ever I learned by eny travaille in so many places as I have 
bene ; for ther I say I have sene God, what he is, and howe unserch- 
able his wonderouse works ar, and howe infynite his mercyes be. I 
have sene ther myself thorowhlie, and what I am ; nothing but a 
lompe of synne, earthe, dust, and of all vylenes most vilest. I have 
seen ther and knowne what the hole worlde is, howe vayne, decete- 
full, transytorie, and short yt is ; howe wicked and lothesome the 
works therof ar in the sight of God's majesty ; how he neither re- 
gardeth the manaces of the proud men and mighty ones, nether 
despiseth the simplenes of the pore and lolie, which ar in the same 
worlde. Fynallie, I have seen ther what deathe is, howe nere hang- 
ing over every man's hed, and yet how uncertayn the tyme and 
howe unknowne to all men, and how littell it is to be feared. And 
shoulde I feare death, or be sad therfore? have I nott seene ij. die 
before myne eys, yea and within the hearing of myn eares ? No, 
neither the sprinckling of the bludd or the shedding therof, nor the 
bludy axe itself, shall not make me afraied. And nowe, taking my 
leave to the same, I praye you all to praie for me. Come on, goode 

notwithstandinge, in nowe knowinge my Creator arighte, I doe not thinke any sinne to be 
that I have not byne plunged even into the middeste of it; for the which prayinge God 
to pardon me, willinge you and prayinge you to praye for me and withe me unto the Lord 
my God and your God, which God I faithfully beleeve is in heaven, and at the laste daye 
shall with all triumphe come againe into this worlde, judginge the same by fyere. And 
nowe I will bide you all farwelle, prayenge you all to forgeve me, and to saye, the Lord 
receave me to his mercy, when you shall see the axe passe between my head and shoulders.' 
And so did prepare him to the deathe." Letter written in London by John Rowe, 
24 Aug. 1563, in Starkey's transcripts, MS. Harl. 353. 



24 THE FIRST YEAR OF [August, 

fellowe," quod he, " art tliou he that must do the dede ? I forgeve 
the with all my harte." And then kneled downe, and laed his hed 
downe, saying, " I will se howe met the blocke is for my neck ; I praie 
the strike me not yet, for I have a fewe prayers to say, and that 
done, strike in God's name, goode leave have thowe." His prayers 
enden, and desyring eche man to praie for him, he layed downe his 
hed agayn, and so the hangman toke yt from him at one stroke. 
Theyr corpes, with the hedes, wer buryed in the chapell in the 
Tower ; the duke at the highe alter, and the other too at the nether 
ende of the churche. You must understande that sir Thomas 
Palhner had moche longer talke on the scaffolde, but that afore 
rehersed was in maner the some therof. 

Note, that the [18th] daye of August ther was a proclamation a 
set out by the queues highnes, that she willed all men to embrace 
that religion which all men knew she had of long tyme observed, and 
ment, God willing, to contynue the same ; willing all men to be quiet 
and not call men the names of heretyk or pa(pi)st, but eche man to 
live after the religyon he thought best untyll further order wer taken 
concernyng the same. 

b Note, that on tuisdaie the xxix th of Auguste, I dyned at 

* There is a copy of this proclamation in Foxe, vol. iii. p. 18; and its substance in 
Strype, Memorials, vol. iii. p. 25, Heylyn's Ecclesiastical History, 1674, p. 193. 

b MS. f. 46, b. This highly interesting passage has been unknown to the modern 
biographers of Lady Jane Grey, though it has been once extracted, and printed, when the 
MS. was in the possession of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, in his pamphlet intitled " The Primi- 
tive Practice of preserving Truth. 1645." 4to. Sir Simonds has there appended to it the 
following remarks : " How justly may the masculine constancie of this excellent lady, 
whose many vertues the pens of her very enemies have acknowledged, rise up in judgement 
against all such poore spirits, who for feare of death, or other outward motives, shall deny 
God and his truth, and so crown the trophees of the antichristian or mongrill adversaries 
by their lamentable apostasie. For what shee here spake christianly, sbee within a few 
moneths afterwards performed constantly, her life being taken from her on the 12 th day 
of February, 1553, having lived first to see Mr. Harding, her father's chaplain, revolted to 
Antichrist, to whom she wrote an effectual letter of admonition and reproof, published by 
Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments, p. 1291, not unworthy the perusall of the ablest 
Christians and greatest doctors." In Foxe also, and in most of her biographies, will be 
found the lady Jane's conference with Dr. Feckenham, who was sent by queen Mary to 
persuade her to lie reconciled to the church of Rome. 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 25 

Partrige's house with my lady Jane, being ther present, she sitting 
at the hordes ende, Partrige, his wife, Jacob my ladyes gentill 
woman, and hir man. She comanding Partrige and me to put on our 
cappes, emongest our communycacion at the dyner, this was to be 
noted: after she had once or twice droncke to me and bad me 
hartellie wellcome, saithe she, " The queues majesty is a mercy- 
full princes; I beseche God she may long contynue, and sende 
his bountefull grace apon hir." After that, we fell in (discourse of a ) 
mattiers of religion ; and she axed what he was that preched at 
Polles on sonday beefore ; and so it was tolde hir to be one 
(blank in MS.) " I praie you," quod she, " have they masse in Lon- 
don ? " " Yay, for suthe," quod I, " in some places." " Yt may so be," 
quod she, " yt is not so strange as the sodden convertyon of the late 
duke ; for who wolde have thought," saide she, " he would have so 
don ? " Yt was aunswered her, " Perchance he thereby hoped to 
have had his pardon." " Pardon ? " quod she ; " wo worthe him ! he 
hathe brought me and our stocke in most myserable callamyty and 
mysery by his exceeding ambicion. But for th' aunswering that he 
hoped for life by his tourning, thoughe other men be of that opynion, 
I utterly am not ; for what man is ther lyving, I pray you, although 
he had been innocent, that wolde hope of life in that case ; being in 
the felde ageinst the quene in person as generall, and after his taking 
so hated and evell spoken of by the comons ? and at his coming into 
pryson so wonderyed at b as the like was never harde by any man's 
tyme. Who was judge that he shoulde hope for pardon, whose life 
was odyous to all men ? But what will ye more ? like as his life 
was wicked and full of dissimulacion, so was his ende therafter. 
I pray God, I, nor no frende of myne, dye so. Shoulde I, who (am) 
yonge and in my fewers, c forsake my faythe for the love of lyfe ? 
Nay, God forbed ! moche more he should not, whose fatall course, 
allthoughe he had ly ved his just noumber of yeres, coulde not have long 

a These words are inserted in the MS. by sir Simonds D'Ewes. 
b i. e. apparently, gazed at without sympathy. 

c So the MS. probably for " few years." Sir Simonds D'Ewes so understood it, but 
altered the phrase to " the flower of my yeeres. " 

CAMD. SOC. E 



26 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Sept 

contynued. But life was swete, it appeered ; so he might have lyved, 
you will saye, he dyd (not) care howe. Indede the reason is goode ; 
for he that wolde have lyved in chaynes to have had his lyfe, by 
like wold leave no other meane attempted. But God be mercyfull 
to us, for he sayeth, Whoso denyeth him before men, he will not 
knowe him in his Father's kingdome." With this and moche like 
talke the dyner passyd away ; which ended, I thanked her ladyship 
that she would witsafe accept me in hir companye ; and she thancked 
me likewise, and sayd I was weUcome. She thancked Partrige also 
for bringing me to dyner. " Madam," saide he, " wee wer some- 
what bolde, not knowing that your ladyship dyned belowe untyll 
we fonde your ladyship ther." And so Partrig and I departed. 

a The iiij. daye of September, ther was ij. proclamations set out, 
the one forgeving the subsydy, and the other for the stabling b of 
certen coynes, as the grot, ij d . and i d . and certen golde coynes. 

Note, that at the proclamacion for remytting the subsydy, ther 
was a mervaylouse noyes of rejoysinge, and gevyng the queene 
thankes, in Chepesyde, by the people for the same. 

Note, that the (blank) daye of September, the lord Ferris, the 
lord chefe justice Chumbley, d and the lorde Montegue, 6 wer 
dysmyssed of ther imprysonement in the Tower. 

Note, that the (xiiij. f ) daie of September, maister Latamer^ was 
brought to the Tower prisoner, who at his coming in saide to one 

MS. foi. 57, b. 

b i. e. establishing ? Both these proclamations are noticed under the same date in 
Stowe's Chronicle. 

c Walter Devereux, who had been created viscount Hereford in 1550, though both in 
this Diary and in that of Machyn he is still called lord Ferrars, and by Stowe lord Ferrers of 
Chartley. In the register of the Privy Council he is properly styled viscount Hereford. 
He had married lady Mary Grey, aunt to the duke of Suffolk. 

d Sir Roger Cholmley : see notes to Machyn 's Diary, p. 368. 

e Sir Edward Montagu : see notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 356. 

f These figures are filled in by a second hand. 

* On the 24th August (the same day that bishop Gardiner was made lord chancellor), 
" Hugh Latymer clerke apeared before the lords, and for his sedicious demeanor was 
committed to the Tower, there to remaine a close prisoner, having attending upon him 
one Anstey his servant." Register of the Privy Council. 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 27 

Rutter, a warder ther, " What, my olde frende, howe do you ? I am 
nowe come to bee your neighbour agayne ; " and was lodged in the 
garden in sir Thomas Palmer's lodging. 

Note, that the xiij th of this moneth mr. Cheke a was dismissed out 
of his imprysonment in the Tower. 

Item, the xiiij th of September, the busshope of Canterbury b was 
brought into the Tower as prysoner, and lodged in the Tower over 
the gate anenst the water-gate, wher the duke of Northumberland 
laye before his death. 

Note, about this daye, or the day before, my lady of Warwike had 
licence to come to hir husbande ; at the same tyme my lady Tayle- 
bushe, nowe my lorde Ambrose wif, had lycence to come to my lorde 
Ambrose ; and he and my lorde Harry had the liberty of the leades 
over Cole Harbert. Likewise had the lorde Herry and the lord 
Guilforde the liberty of the leades on Beacham's tower ; likewise had 
mr. Yorke the liberty of the leades on the Bell tower ; the said 
tyme had my lorde marques and the erle of Huntingdon libertye to 
come to the chappell to masse a' dayes; like liberty had doctour 
Rydley, lat bushop of London. 

Note, that on Wenisdaie the (blank} daye of Septembre, ther was 
certayn raskalles or mariners that would have taken awaie the quenes 
horses at Greenwich, and meaned to have assembled on Blakheathe 
for that purpose, but they were prevented by syr Edward Hastings, 
who, at vij. of the clocke at night went thether with the garde and 
sondery other ; and so the raskalles cam not accordinge to ther ap- 
poyntement. 

Note, that the xxvij. of September, the quenes majestye cam to 
the Tower by water towarde hir coronatione, and with hir the lady 
Elizabeth hir sister, with diverse other ladyes of name, and the hole 
counsayll. The lord Paiget bare the sworde before hir that daye. 
Before hir ary vail was shott of a peale of gonnes. 

Note, the last daie of September 1553, the queue came thoroughe 

* Sir John Cheke. b Thomas Cranmer. 



28 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Sept. 

London towardes hir coronation, sytting in a charret of tyssue, 
drawne with vj. horses, all betrapped with redd velvett She sat in 
a gown of blew velvet, furred with powdered arinyen, hangyng on 
hir heade a call of clothe of tynsell besett with perle and ston, and 
about the same apon her hed a rond circlet of gold, moche like a 
hooped garlande, besett so richely with many precyouse stones that 
the value therof was inestymable ; the said call and circle being so 
massy and ponderous thai; she was fayn to beare uppe hir hedd with 
hir handes; and a canopy was borne over the char. Before hir 
rydd a iiomber of gentlemen and knightes, and then dyverse judges, 
then diverse doctours of dy vynity ; then followed certeyn bushopes ; 
after theym came certayn lordes ; then followed most parte of hir 
counsaille ; after whom followed xiij. knights of the bathe, every one 
in thir order, the names wherof were theis, the erle of Devonshire, 
the lorde of Cardyf, son to the erle of Pembroke, the erle of Aruii- 
dell's son, being lorde Mountryvers. a Then followed the lorde of 
Winchester, being lorde chauncellor, the merques of Winchester, 
lorde highe treasurer, having the scale and mace before them ; next 
came^the duke of Norfolk, and after him the erle of Oxforde, who 
bare the sworde before hir ; sir Edward Hastinges led hir horse in 
his hande. After the quenes chariott cam another chariott having 
canapie all of one covereng, with cloth of sillver all whitt, and vj. 
horses betrapped with the same, bearing the said charyat ; and therin 
sat at the ende, with hir face forwarde, the lady Elizabeth ; and at 
the other ende, with her backe forwarde, the lady Anne of Cleves. 
Then cam theyre sondry gentyllwomen rydyng on horses traped 
with redd vellvet, after that charyet, and their gownes and kertelles 
of red vellvet likewise. Then rid sir Thomas Stradlyng after 
theym ; then followed ij. other charyots covered with redd sattyn, 
and the horses betraped with the same; and certayne gentell- 
women betwen every of the saide charyots rydyng in chrymesyn 
satteyn, ther horses betraped with the same. The nomber of the gen- 

The rest of their names are omitted. A list of them has been given iu the notes to 
Machyn's Diary, p. 334. 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 29 

tillwomen that rydd were xlvj. in noumber, besides theym that wer in 
the charyots. 

At Phanclmrche was one pageaunt made by the Geneways, and 
ther a childe dressed in a girles apparell was borne uppe by ij. men 
siting in a chaire, and gave the quene a salutation. At Grace- 
churche corner ther was another pageant made by the Esterlings, 
and theron was made a mount on hie, and a littell condyt which ran 
wyn. Upon the saide mount stoode iiij. childeren, which with certayn 
salutacions did likewise gratefye the quene. Over that ther was a 
device that maister (blank) flyed downe from the tope of the pageant 
as she ryd by. At the ende of Gracechurche ther was another 
pageant made by the Florentyns, very highe, on the toppe wherof 
ther stode iiij. pictures, and on the syde of them, on the highest 
toppe, ther stoode an angell clothed in grene, with a trompete in his 
hande, and he was made with suche a device that when the trorn- 
peter, who stoode secretly in the pageant, ded blow his trornpet, the 
angell dyd put his trompet to his mowth, as though it should be he 
that blewe the same, to the marvaling of many ignorant persons. 
The pageant was made with iij. thorough-fares like gates, and on 
either syde of the great gat ther dyd hang ij. tables of clothe of sill- 
ver, wherin was wrytten certayn verses ; the one table in Latten, 
and the other in Inglyshe myter, gratefyeng. And in the myds of 
the saide pageant ther stoode vj. persons clothed in longe colord 
gownes with coputances hats, who gave hir a salutacion of goode 
lucke. At the condyt in Cornehill, ther was a very prity pageant 
made very gorgosly, wheron ther set iij. childeren clothed in womens 
apparell ; the myddlemost of theym, having a crowne on hir hedd, 
and a septer in hir hande, was called Grace ; the other on her right 
hand, called Yertue, a cupp ; and the other on her left hande, called 
Nature, a branch of olyf. And when the quene cam by, they in 
order kneled down, and every one of them sung certayn verses of 
gratefyeng the quene. Ther sonded also trompets on high. 

At the great conduit ther was also another pageant made by the 
cyty. At the lyttell condyt ther was another pageant, wheron 



30 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Sept 

stoode certayn children in women's apparell, and after a certayn 
oracion and salutacion ther was geven the quene, by one of the 
children, for the cyty, in a goodly purse a thousande li. a which 
she most thankfully receyved. 

At the scholehouse in Palles church ther was certayn children 
and men sung dy verse staves in gratefying the quene ; b ther she 
stayed a goode while and gave dilligent ere to their song. 

At this tyme a fellow who had made ij. scaffoldes apon the tope of 
Polles steeple, the one upon the ball therof, and the other upon the 
tope therof above that, and had set out viij. streamers vean grat c apon 
the same scaffolde, having the red crosse and the sworde as the arms 
of the cyty of London doth geve ; and he himself standing apon the 
veary toppe or backe of the wether cocke, dy(d) shake a lytel flag 
with his hande, after standing on one foot dy(d) shak his other legg, 
and then knelled on his knees apon the saide wether cock, to the 
great mervayle and wondering of all the people which behelde him, 
because yt was thought a mattyer iiupossyble. 

Over agaynst the deanes house in Polles churche yarde ther was 
another pageant, wher on ether syde stoode sondery persons singing 
dyverse salutacions as the quene cam by, and certayn lyttell children 
stoode apon the pageant on highe, with tapers light and burning, 
which tapers wer made of most swete perfumes. 

d At the condyt in Flet Street was likewis another pageant, which 
was made like a castell, wher was also diverse as well children as 
men, synging songes of rejoycing as she cam by. 

Memorandum, the first dale of October, 1553, was quene Mary 
crowned ; e that dale she cam first by water to the old palice and ther 

Stowe says " a thousand markes of golde." 

b Here " maister Haywood sate in a pageant under a vine, and made to her an oration 
in Latin and English." Stowe. 

c i. e. very great ? Stowe describes this performance more fully. It was done by 
" one Peter a Dutchman," to whom the city gave 16. 13*. id. for his costs and pains, 
and all his stuff. 

d MS. f. 68. 

e The ceremonial of queen Mary's coronation has been published at considerable length 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 31 

tarryed tyll about xj. of the clocke, and then went to the churche on 
foot apon blew clothe being rayled on every syde ; she was in a 
gown of blew velvett, lyned with pouderyd armyn, having the same 
cyrclet on hir hedd with the whiche she cam thorough London the 
daye before. She was ledd betwen one bushope and (blank), and 
many bishopes in their myters and crosiars before hir. 

a In the churche, before she was anoynted, the lorde chauncellour 
went to the foure corners of the no . . (?) and cried, " Yf eny man will 
or can alledge eny cause whie quene Mary shoulde not be crowned, let 
theym speke now :" and then the people in every place of the churche 
cryed, " Quene Mary ! quene Mary !" Then the bushope of Win- 
chester, being lorde chauncellour, proclaymed the quenes pardon, 
wherin was excepted all prysoners in the Tower, the Flet, certayn in 
the Mershallsey, and suche as had eny comandement to kepe the 
house, and certayn other. 

Note, she was ledde iiij. or v. tymes on the alter, with so many and 
sondery cerymonyes in anoynting, crowning, and other olde cus- 
tomes, that it was past iij. almost iiij. of the clocke at night or ever 
she cam from the church agayn. And as she cam homeward ther 
was borne before her iij. swordes shethed, and one naked. She was 
ledd likewise betwen the old bushope of Dyrom b and (blank), having 
in hir hande a cepter of golde, and in hir other hande a ball of golde, 
which she twirled and tourned in hir hande as she came homewarde. 
She wore a chrymesyn vellvet gown, and a crown on hir hedd, every 
rely [erle ?] and contesse following in crymesyn vellvet with crownets 
on ther hedds of gold. When she was enteryd in Westminster hall 
ther was ill scramble for the cloth and rayles ; then was ther the wast 
meat cast out of the ketchen made under the pallaice wall with bordes, 
which was very muche of all kinde of meat. And when they had 



in Mr. Blanche's Regal Records, 1837. 12mo. A document respecting the claims made 
to perform services on this occasion, was printed in the Camden Society's volume of 
RUTLAND PAPERS, p. 118. 

MS. f. 66. b Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of Durham. 



32 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Oct. 

don casting out meat ther was no lesse scrambling for the ketchyn yt 
self, every man that wolde plucking downe the hordes therof, and 
carying yt away, that yt might welbe callyd a wast indedde. 

a Note, that on the xviij th of October, master Harry Dudley was 
delyvered out of the Tower ; and a lyttell before also was maister 
Yorke delyveryd. 

Note, that on Wenisday, the (blank) daye of October, was an act 
passed in the parliament, 1 * that men might reason whether the Quene 
were Supreme Hedd, or whether the bushoppe of Rome might not 
lawfully have the same agayn, with certayn other mattyers. 

The (blank) of November ther passed an act for the stablishing 
of religion, wherby ix. acts made in Edward vj tes daies, concerning 
religion, was mayde .... 

The xiij th daie of November were ledd out of the Tower on foot, 
to be arrayned, to yeldhall, with the axe before theym, from theyr 
warde, Thomas Cranmer, archbushoppe of Canterbury, between 
(blank) 

Next followed the lorde Gilforde Dudley, between (blank) 

Next followed the lady Jane, between (blank), and hir ij. gentyll- 
women following hir. 

Next followed the lorde Ambrose Dudley and the lorde Harry 
Dudley. 

The lady Jane was in a blacke gowne of cloth, tourned downe ; 
the cappe lyned with fese velvett, and edget about with the same, in 
a French hoode, all black, with a black byllyment, a black velvet 
boke hanging before hir, and another boke in hir hande open, 
holding hir (the entry breaks off). 

In the beginning of Novembre was the furst notyce emong the 
people towching the maryage of the quene to the king of Spayne. 
About this tvme also c . of the fall of 



MS.f. 41. 

b The Parliament did not meet until the 12th November. 

c A line is here so scribbled as to be illegible. 



1553.] QUEEN MARY. 33 

Note, the same moneth of November syr Harry Gates, before 
condempned, was set at lyberty out of the Tower and dysmyssed. 

The xiiij th of Deer, two prentyces were brought to the Tower, 
one Andrews (?) and another. 

Note, the xv th of December, 1553, the proclamacion for the stab- 
lyshing again of the masse was proclaymed. 

The xviij th day, the lady Jane had the libertie of the Tower, so 
that she might walk in the quenes garden and on the hille ; and the 
lorde Robert and lorde Gilford the liberty of the leds in the Bell 
Tower, whether they 

The xix. daie, the erle of Ormonde, sir (blank) Courteney knight, 
and mr. Barnaby, feh 1 out in the night with a certayn priest in the 
streat, whose parte a gentyllman comyng by by chance took, and so 
they fell by the eares ; so that Barnabye was hurt. The morowe 
thefy) were ledd by the ij. sheryves to the counter in the Pultry, 
where they remayned (blank) daies. 

This day the queene removed to Richmond. 

The xv th of December, sir Edmonde Peckham was apoynted 
treasurer generall of all the quenes treasure whatsoever. 

The xx th daye ther was brought into the Tower at the water-gate 
ij. lighters laden with harnes. 

About Christmas eve ther came forth a booke entytled " De vera 
obedyentia," imprinted, as yt is saide, at Roane, a where it was trans- 
lated, an oracion made by the byshop of Winchester, &c. with the 
preface of Bonner, byshop of London. The translation thereof 5 

Note, that the (blank) day of December the lorde merques of 
Northehampton had his pardon, and was delivered out of the Tower. 

About this tyme.ther was one brak out of the Tower, and was 
taken again in one of the shippes the day followinge. 

Note, that the morowe after Newe yere's day, being the second of 

a This oration was first written and published in 1534. The English translation here 
mentioned was made by Michael Wood, a zealous protestant, and printed, with a bitter 
preface, at Rouen, 1553. 

6 There are two lines more of this paragraph, but so scribbled as not to be readable. 
CAMD. SOC. F 



34 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Jan. 

Janyver, the embassadors called the erle of Eglemod, the erle of 
Lane, and Coryurs, a came in for the knytting upp of the marryage 
of the quene to the kinge of Spayne, before whose landing ther was 
lett of a great peale of guns in the Tower. He landed at Tower 
wharf, and ther was met by sir Anthony Browne, he being clothed 
in a very gorgeouse apparell. At the Tower hill, the erle of Devon- 
shire, with the lorde Garret, and dyvers other, receyved [him] in 
most honorable and famylier wise ; and so, the lorde of Devonshire 
gevyng him the right hand, brought him thoroughte Chepsyde and 
so fourthe to Westminster ; b the people, nothing rejoysing, helde 
downe their heddes sorowfully. 

The day befor his coming in, as his retynew and harbengers came 
ryding thorugh London, the boyes pelted at theym with snowballes ; 
so hatfull was the sight of ther coming in to theym. The morrow 
following, being wenysday, the lord chancellour sent for the 
churchewardens and substancyllest of xxx. parishes of London, to 
come before him, apon whose apparence he enquired of diverse of 
theym whie they had not the masse and servyse in Latten in their 
churches, as some of theym had not, as St. (blank') in Mylke stret, 
and others ; and they answered that they had don what lay in theym. 

c The xiiij th of Januarie, anno 1553, the bushope of Winches- 
ter, lorde chancellour of Inglande, in the chamber of presence at 
Westminster, made to the lordes, nobilytye, and gentyllmen, an 
oration very eloquentlie, wherin he declared that the quenes 
majesty, partely for the welthe and enryching of the realme, and 
partely for frendeship and other waighty considerations, hathe, after 
moche suite on his (the king of Spaynes) behalf made, determyned, 
by the consent of hir counsaille and nobylyty, to matche herselfe 
with him in most godly and lawfull matrymonye; and he said 

The count of Egmont, Charles count de Laing, and the sieur de Corners : see a note 
to Machyn's Diary, p. 337. 

b The -word Westminster is erased, and several words written above, but they are illegible, 
qu. Dyrram place ? 

c MS. f. 1, b. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 35 

further that she should have for her joynter xxx 1 ducketes by the 
yere, with all the Lowe Country of Flanders ; and that the issue 
betwene theym two lawfully begotten shoulde, yf there were any, 
be heir as well to the kingdome of Spayne, as also to the saide Lowe 
Country. And he declared further, that we were moche bounden 
to thanck God that so noble, worthye, and famouse a prince woulde 
vouchsaff so to humble himself, as in this maryadge to take apon him 
rather as a subject then otherwise ; and that the quene shoulde rule 
all thinges as she dothe nowe; and that ther should be of the 
counsell no Spanyard, nether should have the custody of any fortes 
or castelles ; nether bere rule or offyce in the queues house, or els- 
where in all Inglande; with diverse other things which he then 
rehersed ; when he sayde the queues pleasure and request was, that, 
like humble subjectes, for her sake they would receyve him with all 
reverence, joye, honnour, &c. 

Theis newes, althoughe before they wer not unknown to many, 
and very moche mysliked, yit being nowe in this wise pronounced, 
was not onely credyted, but also hevely taken of sondery men, 
yea and therat allmost eche man was abashed, loking daylie for 
worse mattiers to growe shortly after. 

On the morowe following, being monday, the mayre, sheryfes, and 
diverse of the best commoners, wer sent for before the counsell, where 
the said lord chancellour made the like oration to theym, desyring 
theym to behave themselve like subjectes with all humblenes and 
rejoycing. 

Within yj. dayes after ther was worde brought howe that sir 
Peter Carowe, sir Gawen Carowe, sir Thomas Dey,(?) and sir 
(blank), with dy verse others, wer uppe in Devonshire resysting of the 
king of Spaynes comyng, and that they hade taken the city of Exeter 
and castell ther into their custodye. 

Note, that on tuyseday the xxiij 111 of January, the lorde Robert 
Dudley, sone to the late duke of Northumberland, was brought out 
of the Tower to the yeldhall, wher he was arrayned and con- 
dempned. 



30 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Jail. 

Note, that the XXV th of January the counsell was certyfyed that 
ther was uppe in Kent sir Thomas Wyat, a mr. CuUpepper, the lorde 
Cobham, who had taken his castell of Coulyng, b and the lord 
warden, who had taken the castell of Dover, and sir Herry Isely in 
Meddeston, sir James Croftes, mr. Harper, mr. Newton, d mr. Knevet, 
for the said quarrell, in resysting the said king of Spayne, as 
they said, ther pretence was this only and non other, and partely for 
moving certayn counsellours from about the quene. And about this 
time sir James Croftes departed to Walles, as yt is thought to rayse 
his powre there. 

The xxvj 01 day ther was [brought] into the Tower as prysoners 
the lord marques 8 and sir Edwarde Warner knight, in the mornyng. 
And the same nyght there went out certeyn of the garde and other 
agaynste the Kentish men. Item, the same day, in the mornyng, the 
cytey began to be kept with harnessyd men. 

The day afore, the lorde treasurer/ being at the yeld hall, with 

a The ensuing passages of the Chronicle supply some very interesting details respecting 
Wyatt's rebellion, particularly those occurrences in connexion with it which happened in 
and near London and the royal court. " The Historic of Wyates Rebellion " was com- 
piled by John Proctor, the first master of sir Andrew Judde's school at Tunbridge, and 
published soon after its termination in 12mo. It is the principal source of the narrative 
given in Holinshed's Chronicle, and it has been reprinted entire in the second edition of 
The Antiquarian Repertory, 4to. 1808, vol. iii. pp. 65 114. Proctor, however, is the 
partial chronicler of the victorious party, and omits the many curious pictures of their 
distress and embarrassment which are related by the present authority (and which are 
remarkably confirmed by Underbill's account, which will be found in the Appendix). The 
late Mr. Robert Peirce Cruden, in his History of Gravesend and the Port of London, 
1843, 8vo. has collected the particulars of all that occurred within the county of Kent, 
combining the information contained in Proctor's narrative, with several original documents 
found in the State Paper Office. 

b Sir Thomas Wyatt hoped for the support of lord Cobham, who seems to have tempo- 
rised in the matter, but gave information to the queen's lieutenant, the duke of Norfolk : 
see three of his letters, all written from Cowling castle, in Cruden, pp. 178, 180. 

c Sir Thomas Cheney was also backward in maintaining the royal authority, and conse- 
quently fell under suspicion ; see his statements in explanation in Cruden, p. 183. 

d A mistake probably for Rudston. 

e The marquess of Northampton. * The marquess of Winchester. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 37 

the mayre and aldermen, declared that yt was goode to have a 
nombre of ij Ml , or ther aboutes, in a redynes for the savegarde of the 
cyte, &c. with his .... 

Note, that the xxv th dale of Januarie the duke of Suffolk, the lord 
John Graie, and the lord Leonarde Gray, fledd. a Yt is said that the 
same morning that he was going ther came a messenger to him from 
the quene, that he shulde come to the court. " Marye," quoth he, 
" I was comyng to her grace. Ye may see I am booted and spurred 
redy to ryde ; and I will but breke my fast, and go." So he gave 
the messenger a rewarde, and caused hym to be made to drink, and 
so thence departed himself, no man knoweth whither. Sir Thomas 
Palmer, servant to the erle of Arundel, said on the morow folowing, 
to a friend of his, that the complot betwene the Frenche king and 
the said duke of Suffolk was nowe come to light. The same day 
the duke of Norfolke wente down towardes Gravesende. 

The xxvj th day yt was noysed that Rochester bridge was taken by 
the rebelles. b 

About this tyme the lord of Bergenny c by chance encounteryd 
with sir Herry Isely, and sleue ij. or iij. of his men, he fleeing to 
the camp of Wyat. 

The same day ther was made redy, by vj. of the clock at nyght, 
about v c . of harnessed men, and came together at Leaden hall ; and 
the sonday followinge they went towardes Gravesende against the 
Kentyshe men. Note, the erle of Huntingdon went down to take 
the duke of Suffolk. 

The duke of Norfolk was levtenant of the army, and with him the 
erle of Ormonde, master Gernyngham d captayn of the garde, with a 

a From his house at Sheen in Surrey : see the Appendix. 

b The word is apparently taken. At first the chronicler had written was driven upp or 
broken downe. 

c The encounter of lord Burgavenny with sir Henry Isley took place in the parish of 
Wrotham, at a field called Blacksoll field, on Saturday the 27th of January, and is fully 
described by Proctor. Isley secreted himself during the following night in Hartley wood, 
and then fled into Hampshire. 

d Sir Henry Jerningham. 



38 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Jan. 

great nombre of the garde with him, and a great nomber of other 

soldrars. Apon the they were sett in array towardes 

Rochester bridge, which was kept by Wyat's company, and fur- 

nyshed with iij. or foure doble-cannons. One Tutton, 

Fe Williams, and Bret, was captaynes of the said company. 

And before the setting forward of thes men the duke sent a herald 
into Rochester with the quenes proclamation, that all such as wolde 
desyst ther purpose shuld have frank and free pardon; who cam 
apon the bridge, and wolde have gone thoroghe into the cyty, but 
they that kept the bridge wold not suffer him tyll that the captayn 
came, who at last granted the same to be red in the cytye ; but 
the same being ended, eche man cryed they had don nothing wher- 
for they shold nede eny pardon, and that quarrell which they toke 
they wold dye and lyve yn it. Neverthelesse at the last sir Jeorge 
Harper receyved the pardon uttwardely, and being recey ved under 
the duke of Norfolkes protection cam on forwarde agaynst the 
Kentyshmen ; and even as the company was sett in a redynes, and 
marched forwarde toward the bridge, the saide Bret, beinge 
captaine of the v c . Londoners, of which the more parte were in 
the forwarde, turned himselfe aboute, and drawinge out his sworde, 
saide, by reaporte, thes or moche like wordes : " Masters, we goe 
about to fight agaynst our natyve countreymen of Ingland and our 
friendes in a quarrell unrightfull and partely wicked, for they, con- 
sydering the great and manyfold myseries which are like to fall 
apon us if we shalbe under the rule of the proude Spanyardes or 
strangers, are here assemblyd to make resystance of the cominge in 
of him or his favourers ; and for that they knowe right well, that yf 
we should be under ther subjection they wolde, as slaves and vil- 
laynes, spoyle us of our goodes and landes, ravishe our wyfes before 
our faces, and deflowre our daughters in our presence, have nowe, 
for the avoydinge of so great mysschefes and inconveynences likely 
to light not only apon theymselves but on every of us and the hole 
realme, have taken apon theym now, in tyme before his comyng, this 
their enterprise, agaynst which I thinck no Inglyshe hart ought to 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 39 

say, moche lesse by fyghting to withstande theym. Wherfore I and 
theis (meanyng by such as were in that rank with him,) will spende 
our bloode in the quarrell of this wourthy captain, maister Wyat, and 
other gentyllmen here assembly d." Which wordes once pronounced, 
eche man turned their ordenance against their fellowe. a The Lon- 
doners thereupon cryed, A Wyat ! A Wyat ! of which sudden 
noyse the duke, the erle of Ormonde, and the captayne of the garde, 
being abashed, fledd forthwith. Immedyately came in maister Wyat 
and his company on horseback rushing in emongest theym, saying, 
aswell to the garde, Londoners, as to all the rest, " So many as will 
come and tarry with us shalbe welcome ; and so many as will 
depart, good leave have they." And so all the Londoners, parte of 
the garde, and more then iij. partes of the retynue, went into the 
campe of the Kentyshmen, where they styl remayne. At this dis- 
comfyture the duke lost viij. peces of brasse, with all other munytyon 
and ordenance, and himselfe, with the erle of Ormonde and Ger- 
nyngham and others, fledd to London. Ye shoulde have sene some 
of the garde com home, ther cotes tourned, all ruyned, without 
arowes or stringe in their bowe, or sworde, in very strange wyse ; 
which dyscomfiture, lyke as yt was a hart-sore and very dyspleasing 
to the quene and counsayll, even so yt was almost no lesse joyous 
to the Londoners, and most parte of all others. 

This day was doctor Sandes, b Veron, Easy 11, and about v. 
prisoners more, removed out of the Tower to the Mershallsee. 

On tuysday following the saying was that the erle of Penbroke 
had promysed never to look the queene in the face before he 
brought them upp, God willing; he to be accompanied with the 
erle of , the lord pryvey seale, c [and] the lord Clynton. 

a Misprinted followers in Stowe. 

b Doctor Sandys (who was afterwards bishop of London) was vice-chancellor of Cam- 
bridge, and was compromised by the reception he had there given to the duke of Northum- 
berland, and a sermon he had preached favourable to the accession of queen Jane. Veron 
and Basil had been committed, together with the more celebrated Bradford, as " seditious 
preachers," (see notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 332). 

c The earl of Bedford. 



40 THE FIRST YEAR OP [Jail. 

This day a bruit went in London that ther was a companye upp 
in Hervodeshire. 8 

Note, the duke of Norfolke went into Norfolke at this tyme. 

Note, apon thursday the quene came [to] the yelde hall, all the 
garde being in harnesse, with her the lorde chancellour and the 
counsell. At Paules churchyarde the erle of Penbroke mett hir, to 
whom she bowed herselfe partely lowe, and the lorde chancellour, 

being w full sudayn (?) bowed himself benethe the pomell 

of his saddell. She made an oration b to the .... in the . . . . , 
and retourned by water. 

On wenisday was a proclamation by the quene, bothe in London 
and in Southewark, that Wyat and all his companye were ranck tray- 
tours, and alsuche as was gone to Wyat, and as many as dyd take 
his parte or spake in his cause, and that all his wellwishers shoulde go 
thoroghe Southwarke to him, and they shoulde have free passadge, &c. 

Note, on wenisdaye, being the last of Januarie, master Wiat and 
his company came to Dartforde, and the next day they came full 
and hole to Grenewich and Debtforde, where they remayned that 
thursdaye, frydaye, and the fore-noone of satterdaie. 

In this space, apon the frydaye, which was candlemas daye, the 
moste parte of the howseholders of London, with the mayre and 
aldermen, were in harnesse, so that ye shoulde have seen the stretes 
very full of harnessed men in every parte. d 

Herefordshire raised by sir James Croft. 

b " The oration of queene Mary in the guildhall " is printed at length by Foxe, iii. 30. 

c These lines are so scribbled as to be almost illegible. 

d Stowe adds to this passage, " Yea, this day and other dayes the justices, serjeantes at 
the law, and other lawyers in Westminster hall, pleaded in harnesse." The following 
anecdote is related of Ralph Rokeby, serj eant-at-law, during the same period of alarm : " And 
yet I may not soe injuriously defraude my father of his due praise as to omitt his service 
against Wyatt, which was thus : Sir Thomas Wyatt the rebell of Kent against king Philip 
and queene Mary, the Spaniards, being noised to be comeing towards London, your 
grandfather went to Westminster in his serjant's robes to plead, under them a good 
coate-armour ; and heareing at Charing-crosse the nere approach of the enemie. the rebell, 
he hastened him to the queens court at Whitehall, strunge and fetled an archer of the 
guard's liverye bow that stood there unstrunge, threw downe the serjant's robes for that 
tyme, and went to the Gate-house to serve there with a bowe and a sheaf of arrowes, and 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 41 

This daye the erle of Pembroke, generall of the quenes army 
royall, with the lord William Haward, lorde deputy, a and the lord 
Clynton, with not past 1. of their servantes unharnessed, went over 
the bridge into the borough of Southwark, up to saincte Georges, 
and so retourned agayn into the citye. 

Note, this same frydaye, being the seconde of Februarie, the 
lorde Cobham (leving his ij. sones with Mr. Wyat) at midenight 
cam to the gates of the bridge, and ther was lett in at midenight, 
and the next morowe was brought to the counsell, wher he re- 
mayned at the erle of Pembroke's untyll afternoone, and then was 
brought to the Tower as prysonner. 

This daye ther came a gentleman named (blank), and a drome, 
in message ; who was received in Southwarke and blindfylld brought 
thoroughe the cytye unto the erle of Pembroke's at Coleharbert, 
where he remayned untyll afternoone that he was conducted and so 
brought agayn into Southwarke, where at saint George's churche hys 
horse was delivered him, and so departed with the drom which cam 
with him. 

On sattersdaye in the mornynge, being the thirde of February e, 
ther came fourthe a proclamation, sett furthe by the quenes counsell, 
wherin was declared that that traytour Wyat deduced simple people 
agaynst the quene. Wherefore, she willed all her loving subjectes 
to endevour themselves to withstande him ; and that the duke of 
Suffolke, with his ij. brethren, were dyscomfeted by the erle of Hun- 
tingdon, and certayn of his horsemen taken, and the duke and his ij. 

there taried till the enemie was yielded. Old Nicholson, of Paule's chaine, told me my 
father then committed a bagg of money to him to keepe, and that Alexander Metham his 
clerk was with him, but that William Bell hidd him under my father's bedd in Serjantes 
inn, and there laye untill his master retorned." (CEconomia Rokebeiorum, in Whitaker's 
History of Richmondshire, vol. i. p. 173.) The martial spirit spread even to the priest- 
hood, if we may believe another contemporary chronicle : " On Ashe Weddinsday that 
Wyat was at Charynge crosse did doctor Weston singe masse before the quene in har- 
nesse under his vestments. This Weston reported himself unto one Mr. Robards." (MS. 
Harl. 419. f. 131.) 

* Lord William Howard was at this time deputy of Calais. 
CAMD. SOC. G 



42 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

brethren fledde in servingman's cottes ; and that sir Peter Carowe 
was fled into France; and that sir Gawen Carowe, Gibbes, and 
others, were taken, and remayn in Exeter ; and that the hole cytie 
of Exeter, and commons therabout, were at the quenes commande- 
ment, with their powere, to the death. 8 And that she dyd pardon 
the hole campe except Wyat, Harper, Rudestone, and Iseley; and 
that whosoever coulde take Wyat, except the sayd iiij. persons, 
should have an hunderith poundes a yere to them and to their heires 
for ever. 

Note, this daie before noone all horsemen were by a drom com- 
manded to be at sainct James felde, and the footemen commanded to 
be in Fynsbury felde to muster. This day, about iij. of the clocke, 
sir Thomas Wyat and the Kentyshemen marched forwarde from 
Debtford towardes London with v. auncientes, being by estimation 
about ij. thousand men ; which their comyng, so soone as it was per- 
ceyved, ther was shot off out of the White tower a vj. or viij. shott ; 



Sir Peter Carew, and his uncle sir Gawen, had been the commanders employed by 
the government of king Edward VI. to quell the insurrection of Humphrey Arundell and 
others in Devonshire, in the year 1549, and had been rewarded with the rebels' lands. 
(Lysons, Magna Britannia, Devonshire, p. x.) Mr. Lysons found no account of the pre- 
sent insurrection in any of the annals of Exeter ; and from " The Life of Sir Peter Carew, 
of Mohun's Ottery," written by John Vowell, alias Hoker (the historian of Exeter), which 
is printed in the 28th volume of Archaeologia, it is evident that the reports which reached 
London were much exaggerated. It appears that, before the conspirators had made any 
head, sir Gawen Carew, sir Arthur Champernowne, and William Gybbes esquire were 
arrested by sir Thomas Denys the sheriff and sir John Sentleger. Sir Peter Carew, 
escaping to Weymouth, fled first to France, afterwards to Venice, and lastly to Strasburg ; 
from whence he was tempted to goto Antwerp, in order to seek an interview with lord 
Paget, but, being arrested, was at last brought back to the Tower of London, in company 
with sir John Cheke, and' finally made his peace with the queen by payment of a heavy 
fine. See the narrative of these adventures in Archaeologia, vol. xxviii. pp. 120 et seq. ; 
and see also in Tytler's " Edward VI. and Mary," a letter addressed to the queen by sir 
Nicholas Wotton, her ambassador at Paris, describing sir Peter Carew's reception on his 
first arrival in France. The date of his release is shown by the following passage in a 
letter of sir John Mason to Peter Vannes, dated London, Oct. 12, 1555 : " Mr. Carew, 
having throughlie clered himself of all matters layed unto his charge, is also abrode with 
the quenes favour." (MS. Cotton. Vesp. C. Til. f. 200.) 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 43 

but myssed them, somtymes shoting over, and somtymes slioting 
short. After the knowledge therof once had in London, forthwith 
the draybridge was cutt downe and the bridge gates shut. The 
mayre and the sheryves harnessyd theymselves, and commanded 
eche man to shutt in their shoppes and wyndowes, and being redy in 
harnes to stande every one at his dore, what chance soever myght 
hapen. Then should ye have seen taking in wares of the stalles in 
most hasty manner ; ther was renning upp and downe in every place 
to wepons and harnes ; aged men were astoyned, many women wept 
for feare ; children and maydes ran into their howses, shytting the 
dores for feare ; moche noyse and tumult was every where ; so ter- 
ryble and fearfull at the fyrst was Wyat and his armyes comyng 
to the most part of the cytezens, who wer seldom or nere wont before 
to here or have eny suche invasions to their cyty. 

At this time was Wyat entered into Kent street, and so by sainct 
George's church into South warke. Himselfe and parte of his com- 
paynye cam in goode array downe Barmesey strete. Note, they 
wer sufferyd peceably to enter into Southwarke without repulse or 
eny stroke stryken either by the inhabitours or by eny other ; yit 
was ther many men of the contry in the innes, raysed and brought 
thether by the lord William, a and other, to have gone agaynst the 
saide Wyat and Kentyshmen, but they all joyned themselves to the 
said Kentyshe rebelles, taking their partes ; and the said inhabitantes 
most willinglye with their best entertayned them. Imediatly upon 
the said Wyates comynge, he made a proclamation that no souldear 
should take eny thing, but that he should pay for it, and that his 
coming was to resyst the comyng in of the Spanyshe kynge, &c. 

At his comyiig to the bridge foote, he ladd forthwith ij. peces of 
ordenance, and began a great trenche between the bridge and him ; 
he laid another pece at sainct George's, another going into Barmesey 
strett, and another towardes the bushopes house. 

Note, that on sonday the iiij 111 daye of February yt is sayd that the 

* Lord William Howard. 



44 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

lorde William Howard shold call at the gate and say, " Wyat?" At 
last one answeryd him, " What wold ye with liim ?" and he sayd^ 
" I wold speke with him." And the other answeryd, " The captayne 
is busye ; yf ye will any thing to him, I shall shewe him." " Mary 
(quod the lord William), knowe of him what he meneth by this 
invasyon, and whether he contynue in his purpose or no?" The 
messenger departed to master Wyat, and within iij. quarters of an 
hower returned with a purse, and therein master Wyat's answer, 
which being throwne over the gate, was receyved and redd by the 
said lord William, and his proclamation was cast over. Note, that 
from satersday at noone all botes being brought to London syde over 
the water, was commanded ther to staye, and in payne of death none 
to go over to theym. 

Upon the iiij th of February ther was sett out of the Tower topp a 
banner of defyance, and at mornyng and evenyng, at the chardging 
of the watch, was shot of a gret pece of ordynance accustumably. 

This day sir Nicholas Ponynges, as yt is said, being an assystant 
at the Tower, was with the quene to knowe whether they should shot 
of at the Kentyshmen, and so bett downe the houses upon their hedds. 
" Nay," sayde the quene, " that were pyty, for mayny pore men 
and howsholders are like to be undone there and kylled. For," 
sayth she, " I trust, God willing," saythe she, " that they shalbe 
fought with tomoiTowe." 

Note, that sir John of Brydges, the night before, saide to the 
wattche in the Tower, " I moche muse they are not fought withall. 
By God's mother! I feare there is some traytour abrode that they be 
sufferyd all this while ; for surely, and yf yt had been about my 
centry, a I wolde have fought with theym myself, by Goddes grace !" 
Note, that that night the Kentyshemen made a noys as yt were a 
signe of assault at the bridge, and shot of ij. half-hackes. This day 
the queues company assembled in sainct James's parke. 

Note, that yt is saide that the said master Wyat, apon the pro- 

* i. e. on my sentry, or beat; a military expression, very appropriately addressed to the 
watch. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 45 

clamation that whosoever will take him should have a C 11 ' in ey, 
dyd cause his name to be fayre wrytten by the name of Thomas 
Wyat, and sett yt on his cappe. 

Note, that this v th day the noyes was that the lord warden, the 
lord of Burgenye, sir Rychard Southwell, was come to Blackeheath 
and Grenwich with iij. thousand men agaynst the said master Wyat. 

Note, that on shry ve-tuesdaye, being the vj th of Februarye, master 
Wyat departed out of South warke towards Kyngeston bridge, before 
xj. of the clocke before noone, in goode array they marched for- 
wardes. A littell before his departing he shott of ij. peces of orde- 
naunces, the more to cover his departure so much as yt might be. 
And when he departed, yt is saide he paid all his soldears their 
wages, and made proclamation in Southe warke that yf eny of his 
soldears ought a peny to eny person ther, that they should come to 
him and he would se them paid ; but ther was non complayned ; all 
men the enhabytantes said that ther was never men behaved theym- 
selves so honestly as his compayny dyd there for the tyme of their 
abode. 

Note, that the night before, by chance, as the levetenantes man a of 
the Tower was rowing with a scoller over against Winchester place, 
ther was a waterman of the Tower steres desyred the said leveten- 
auntes man to take him in, who dyd so ; which vij. hagabusyars 
of Wyat's company spying the bote departing from land, called 
to them to land agayn, but they wolde not; wherapon eche man 
dyschardged their pece, and so one of theym by chaunce kylled 
the saide waterman, the which falling forthewith downe dedd, the 
scoller, with moche payne, rode thoroughe the bridg to the Tower 
wharf with the said levetenantes servant and the ded man in the 
bote. This thing was no sooner knowne to the levetenaunt, but 
the same night and the next morning (whether he had comysyon so 
to do is not knowne) bent vij. great peces of ordenance, that is to saie, 
culveringes and demi-canons, full agaynst the foote of the bridge and 
agaynst Southwarke, and the ij. steples of saincte Tooles and sainct 

a Named Thomas Menchen, adds Stowe. 



46 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

Marie Overies; besides all the peces on the White tower, one 
culvering on the Devyls tower, and iij. fawkenetes over the Water- 
gate, all being bent towardes Southwarke. Which thing so sone as 
the inhabytauntes of Southwarke had intelligence of, certayn men, 
and also many women, came to the saide Wyat in most lamentable 
wise, saying, " Sir, we are like to be utterlie undone all and dystroyed 
for your sake or default ; our houses, which are our ly vinges, shal be 
by and by thrown down apon our hedes, and our childers, to the 
utter desolation of this boroughe, with the shott of [the Tower] layed 
and chardged towardes us ; for the love of God, therefore, take 
pytye apon us ! " At which wordes he being partly abashed, stayed 
awhyle, and then said theis or moche-like words : " I pray you, my 
frendes, content yourselves a lyttell, and I will soone ease you of this 
myschefe ; for God forbid that ye, or the least childe here, shoulde 
be hurt or killed in my behalfe." And so in most spedye maner 
marched awaye. Yt is saide he should say he wolde pay his sol- 
dears no more untill he paid theym in Chepesyde. Some reaported 
he knocked at the gate when he went, sayinge, " Twyse have I 
knocked and not ben suffered to enter ; yf I knocke the thirde tyme 
I will come yn, by God's grace ! " 

And as he marched towardes Kingeston he mett by chaunce a 
merchaunt named Christopher Dorrell, w T hom he called, saying, 
" Cosen Dorrell, I praie you comende me unto your cetezens the Lon- 
nonours, and saie unto theym from me, that when libertie and fre- 
dome was offered theym they wolde not receyve yt, neither wolde 
they admytt me to enter -within their gates, who for their fredome, 
and the dysburdenyng of their grefes and opression by straundgers, 
wolde have francklie spente my bloode in that their cause and 
quarrell ; but nowe well apperith their unthanckfullnes to us their 
frendes, which meanethe theym so moche goode ; and therefore they 
are the lesse to be moned hereafter, when the myserable tyrrannye 
of straundgers shall oppresse theym." And so he went forwarde. 

That night he marched so fast that it is saied he came to Kinges- 
ton by night, where the bridge was broken and kept on this side by 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 47 

CC. or ther aboutes of the quenes partie ; which bridge so soone as the 
saide Wyat perceyved to be broken, and the men kepyng yt, went 
back, and dyd fetch a pece or ij. of ordenance and laied on the bridge, 
by the reason wherof he forced the other to flee, and leave the bridge 
unkepte. Then caused he iij. or iiij. of his soldears to lepe into the 
water and swyme to the other side, who losed the Westerne botes, 
which ther laie tyed, and so brought theym over to the other syde, 
and by that meane he passyd the water. 

It is a straundg mattier what paynes he tooke himself comyng on 
foote emongest theym ; neither dyd they staye eny whit ah 1 that 
night, but cam almost to Braynforde or ever they were dyscryd by 
the quenes scootes, who ther by chaunce meting Brett and his com- 
panye, the saide Brett saide to the scoote, " Backe, villayne ; yf thou 
goe further to dyscover eny compayny here, thou shalt dye out of 
hande." The scoute retourned in great hast. 

Note, the saide daye of his departure the Londonours many were 
moche joyouse. 

The same day towardes night ther was laden x. or xij. cartes 
with ordenance, as billes, morice pikes, speres, bowes, arowes, gon- 
stones, pouder, shovells, mattokes, spades, baskets, and other 
munytion, and ther went out ij. culverings, one sacre, iij. faucons, 
and a fauconett ; all which the same nighte stayed in Poules church- 
yarde. The same night, also, about v. of the clocke, a trompeter 
went along, warning all horse and men of armes to be at sainct 
James felde, and all footemen to be ther also by vj th of the clocke 
the next morning. 

The next mornyng sir George Harper was taken. 3 

Yt is thought that the hast the saide Wyat and his companye 
made that night was partely for lacke of victualles and money, which 
was then nere spent ; and partely for that he hoped of better ayde of 
the Londoners than he had before, if he might come to that part of 
the cetye. 

This passage was inserted after the first writing. Stowe states that Harper deserted 
Wyat (a second time, for he did so before at Rochester,) and came to the court to report 
his approach. 



48 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

Some saide his entent was to have been in London, yf he had 
coulde, before daye ; but hering that the erle of Pembroke was come 
into the feldes, he stayed at Knightesbridge untyll daye, wher his 
men being very wery with travel of that night and the daye before, 
and also partely feble and faynte, having receyved small sustenance 
since ther comyng out of Southwarke, rested. 

The quenes scout, apon his retourne to the court, declared their 
coming to Brainforde, which subden newes was so feareftill that ther- 
with the quene and all the court was wonderfully affryghted. Dromes 
went thoroughe London at iiij. of the clocke, warninge all soldears to 
arme themselves and to repaire to Charing crosse. The quene was 
once determyned to come to the Tower forthwith, but shortelie after 
she sende worde she would tarry ther to se the uttermost. Mayny 
thought she wolde have ben in the felde in person. 

Here was no small a-dowe in London, and likewise the Tower 
made great preparation of defence. By x. of the clocke, or some- 
what more, the erle of Penbroke had set his troopp of horsemen on 
the hill in the higheway above the new brige over against saynct 
James ; his footemen was sett in ij. battailles somewhat lower, and 
nerer Charing crosse. At the lane turning downe by the brike wall 
from Islington-warde he had sett also certayn other horsemen, 
and he had planted his ordenance apon the hill side. In the meane 
season Wyat and his company planted his ordenance apon the hill 
beyonde sainct James, almost over agaynst the park corner ; and 
himself, after a fewe words spoken to his soldears, came downe a the 
olde lane on foote, hard by the courte gate at saincte James's, with 
iiij. or v. auncyentes ; his men marching in goode array. Cutbart 



a " And so came that daye toar (toward) Saint James felde, where as was the erle of 
Pembroke the quenes leftenant, and my lorde prevy seale [the earl of Bedford], and my 
lord Paget, and my lord Clynton, which was lord marshall of the campe, with dyvars oder 
lordes on horseback; which lord Clynton ghawe the charge with the horsemen by the 
parke corner, which was aboute xij. of the clocke that daye, and Wyat so passed hym selve 
with a smalle company, toar Charryng crosse, and so toar Flet streate," &c. MS. 
Addit. Brit. Mus. 15,215, p. 40. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 49 

Vaughan, and about ij. auncyentes, turned downe towards West- 
minster. The erle of Pembroke's horsemen hoveryd all this while 
without moving, untyll all was passed by, saving the tayle, upon 
which they dyd sett and cut of. The other marched forwarde, and 
never stayed or retounied to the ayde of their tayle. The greate 
ordenaunce shott of fresly on bothe sydes. Wyat's ordenance over- 
shott the troope of horsemen. The quenes ordenance one pece 
struck iij. of Wyat's companye a in a ranck, apon ther hedes, and, 
sieving them, strake through the wall into the parke. More harme 
was not done by the great shott of neither partie. The quenes hole 
battayle of footemen standing stille, Wyat passed along by the wall 
towardes Charing crosse, wher the saide horsemen that wer ther sett 
upon parte of them, but were soone forced backe. 

At Charinge crosse ther stoode the lorde chamberlayne, b with the 
garde and a nomber of other, almost a thousande persons, the whiche, 
upon Wyat's coming, shott at his company, and at last fledd to the 
court gates, which certayn pursued, and forced them with shott to shyt 
the court gates against them. In this repulse the said lord chamber- 
layn and others were so amased that men. cry ed Treason! treason! in 
the court, and had thought that the erle of Penbroke, who was 
assayling the tayle of his enemeys, had gon to Wyat, taking his 
part agaynst the quene. There should ye have seene runninge and 
cryenge of ladyes and gentyll women, shyting of dores, and such a 
scryking and noyse as yt was wonderfull to here. 

The said Wyat, with his men, marched still forwarde, all along 
to Temple barre, also thoroghe Fleete street, along tyll he cam to 
Ludgate, his men going not in eny goode order or array. It is saide 

a It is possible these were the very three men whose burial is thus recorded in the 
register of Saint Margaret's, Westminster : 
1553. Feb. 

The viij th day Edmonde Pyrry \ 

Joh'n Sympson souldyars w' Wyat. 
Anthony Adamson ' 
b Sir John Gage. 
CAMD. SOC. H 



50 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

that in Fleet street certayn of the lorde treasurer's band, to 'the 
nomber of CCC. men, a mett thejm, and so going on the one syde 
passyd by theym coming on the other syde without eny whit saying 
to theym. Also this is more strandge: the saide Wyat and his com- 
pany passyd along by a great company of harnessyd men, which 
stoode on bothe sydes, without eny withstandinge them, and as he 
marched forwarde through Fleet street, moste with theire swords 
drawne, some cryed " Queene Mary hath graunted our request, and 
geven us pardon." Others said, " The quene hathe pardoned us." 
Thus Wyat cam even to Ludgate, and knockyd calling to come in, 
saying, there was Wyat, whome the quene had graunted their re- 
questes ; but the lorde William Howard standing at the gate, saide, 
" A vaunt, traytour ! thou shalt not come in here." And then 
Wyat awhill stayed, and, as some say, rested him apon a seate 
(at) the Bellsavage gate ; at last, seing he coulde not come in, and 
belike being deceaved of the ayde which he hoped out of the cetye, 
retourned backe agayne in arraye towards Charing crosse, and was 
never stopped tyll he cam to Temple barre, wher certayn horse- 
men which cam from the felde met them in the face ; and then be- 
gann the fight agayne to waxe hote, tyU an heralde b saide to maister 
Wyat, " Sir, ye were best by my counsell to yelde. You see this day 
is gon agaynst you, and in resysting ye can get no goode, but be 
the death of all theis your souldears, to your greate perill of soule. 
Perchaunce ye may fynde the quene mercyfull, and the rather yf ye 
stint so greate a bloudshed as ys like here to be." Wyat herewith 
being somewhat astonished (although he sawe his men bent to 
fyght it out to the death), said, " Well, yf I shall needs yelde, I will 
yelde me to a gentyllman ; " to whom sir Morice Barkeley cam 
straight up, and bayd him lepe up behinde him ; and another toke 
Thomas Cobham and William Knevet ; and so caryed them behind 

Stowe adds, whereof the lord Chidioke Powlet, his sonne, was captaine. 

b Stowe iiiserts Vie name Clarentius, i. e. Thomas Hawley. Machyn (p. 54) says that 
Wyat " yielded unto master Norroy, the harold of armes, in his cote of armes." In that 
case he was William Harvey, who subsequently became Clarenceux in 1557. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 51 

theym upon their horses to the courte. Then was taking of men 
on all sydes. It is saide that in this conflyct one pikeman, setting 
his backe to the wall at sainct James, kept xvij. horsemen of him a 
great tyme, and at last was slayne. At this battell was slayne in 
the felde, by estymacion, on both sydes, not past xl ty persons, as far 
as could be lerned by certayne that viewed the same ; but ther was 
many sore hurt ; and some thincke ther was many slayne in houses. 
The noys of women and children, when the conflyct was at Charing 
crosse, was so great and shirle, that yt was harde to the toppe of the 
White tower ; and also the great shot was well deserned ther out 
of sainct James felde. Ther stood apon the leddes there the lorde 
marques, 8 sir Nicholas Poyns, sir Thomas Pope, master John Seamer, 
and^other. From the battayle when one cam and brought worde 
that the quene was like to have the victory, and that the horsemen 
had dyscomfyted the tayle of his enemyes, the lorde marques for joye 
gave the messenger x s in golde, and fell in great rejoysing. 

Note, that when Wyat was perceaved to be comen to Ludgate, 
and the maire and his brethren herde therof, thinkyng all had not 
gon well with the quenes syde, they were moche amased, and stoode 
as men half out of ther lyves, and many hollowe hartes rejoysed in 
London at the same. 

At v. of the clock this Wyat, William Knevet, Thomas Cob- 
bam, the lorde Cobbam's son, ij. brethren named the Mantelles, and 
Alexander Bret, wer brought by maister Jernyngham, vichamber- 
leyn, by water to the Tower as prysoners ; wher sir Phillip Deny 
receyved them at the bullwark ; and as Wyat passed by he said, 
" Go, traytour ! There was never suche a traytour in Ingland ! " 
To whom this Wyat tourned, and said, " I am no traytour. I 
wolde thou should well knowe, thou art more traytour then I ; and 
it is not the part of an honest man to call me so ; " and so went 
fourth. When he came to the Tower gate the levtenant" toke in 
first Mantell through the wicket, and toke him by the boysome, and 

Of Northampton. b Sir John Brydges. 



52 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

shaked him, and said " Ah ! thou traytour ! What wickednes hast 
thou and thy company wrought ! " But he, holdyng doune his hed, 
said nothinge. Then came Thomas Knevet, whom rnaister Chamber- 
layne, gentyllman porter of the Tower, toke by the collar very 
roughlie. Then cam Alexander Bret, whom sir Thomas Pope toke 
by the boysome, sayinge, " Ohe traytor ! how couldest thou finde 
in thine hart to worke suche vyllany, as to takinge (the queen's) 
wages, and, beinge trusted over a bande of men, to fall to hir enemye, 
returninge agaynst hir in battaile ? " Bret answered, " Yea, I have 
offended in the case by all this." Then came Thomas Cobham, whom 
sir Nicholas* Poines toke by the bosome, and said, " Alas, maister 
Cobham, what wynde headed you to worke suche treason?" And he 
answered, " Oh, sir ! I was seduced." Then came in sir Thomas 
Wyat, who sir John of Bridges toke by the coller in most rygorouse 
maner, and saide theis or moche-like wordes, " Ohe ! thou villayn 
and unhappie traytour ! howe couldest thou finde in thine hart to 
worke suche detestable treason to the queues maiestie, who beinge 
thie moste graciouse soverayn ladie, gave the thie lyfe and lyvinge 
once alredy, although thowe dydest before this tyme beare armes in 
the felde agaynst hir ? and nowe to make suche a great and moste 
traytorous stirre, yelding hir battayle, to hir mervellouse troble and 
fryght. And yf yt was not (saith he) that the lawe must justly 
passe apon thee, I wolde strike thee throughe with my dagger." 
And in so saying, havinge one hand apon the coller of the said 
maister Wyat, and the other on his dagger, shaked his bossome ; to 
whom Wyat made no answer, but holdinge his armes under his 
side, and looking grevously with a grym looke upon the saide live- 
tenant, saide, " Yt is no maistery nowe." And so they passyd on. 

This Wyat had on a shert of mayll with sieves very fayre, and 
theron a velvett cassoke, and an yellowe lace, with the windelesse of 
his dag hanging theron, and a payre of botes and sporres on his 
legges ; on his hedd he had a faire hat of velvet with broade bonne- 
worke lace about it. 

Slow copied this name incorrectly Thomas. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 53 

William Knevet had also a shert of maile and a velvet cote ; so 
had Thomas Cobham and Brett. 

John Harrington a and maister Smethwick brought to pryson. 

The morowe and the next daie following were brought to the 
Tower as prisoners, George Cobham, sir William Cobham, Anthony 
Knevett, Hughe Boothe, Thomas Vayn, Robert Rudestone, sir 
George Harper, Edwarde Wiat, Edwarde Fog, George More, and 
Cutbert Vaughan ; which Cuthbert Vaughan being a very handsome 
man, maister Thomas Bridges, at his entry into the Tower gate, dyd 
wonderfully reproche him, calling him ranc traytor, and saide that 
hanging, drawing, and quartering was too goode for him. To whom 
this Vaughan made aunswer very soberlie, with stoute corage, 
saying, " I praie God, sir, to sende you chary ty ; and I wolde you 
and all men knewe yt, I am as true a mayne to the queues majestic 
and the comonwealthe as eny man that I shall here leve behinde me ; 
and as to deathe, I do not moche care, I am allredy determyned to 
dye." And with that they went forewarde. 

On satersday, being the x th of February, the erle of Huntington, 
and other gentyllmen, to the nomber of CCC. horse, brought into 

* This was the father of sir John Harington, whose literary remains have been pub- 
lished under the title of Nugse Antiquse. In that work (Park's edit. 1804), in vol. i. 
p. 63, will be found a letter of Harington expostulating with bishop Gardyner, " Why, 
my good lorde, (he says,) must I be thus annoyde for one deed of speciale good wyll to the 
ladie Elizabethe, in bearynge a letter as was sente from one that had such ryghte to gyve 
mee his commande [qu. the duke of Suffolk ?] and to one that had such ryghte to all myne 
hartie sarvyce." His wife was servant to the lady Elizabeth. In vol. ii. pp. 332, 333, of 
the same collection, are two poems which Mr. Harington wrote during his imprisonment, 
and at p. 70, a third addressed to the bishop. See also sir John Harington's biographi- 
cal memoir of Gardyner for a passage, the substance of which is repeated in a letter 
written by sir John Harington to Henry prince of Wales in 1606 : " I may truly say this 
prelate (Gardyner) did persecute me before I was born ; for my father was, by his com- 
mand, imprisoned in the Tower for eleven months, for only carrying a letter to the prin- 
cess Elizabeth, and my mother was taken from his presence, and obliged to dwell with 
Mr. Topcliff as a heretic. My poor father did send many petitions to the bishop, but in 
vain, as he expended one thousand pounds to get his liberty. Nor had they any comfort 
but their consciences to beguile this affliction, and the sweet wordes and sweeter deeds of 
their mistress and fellow prisoner. 1 ' 



54 THE FIRST YEAE OF [Feb. 

the Tower as prisonners the duke of Suffolke and the lorde John 
Graye, from Coventry, wher he had remaned a iij. dayies after his 
taking, in the house and custody of Christofer Waren, alderman 
ther. 

On sondaie the xj 01 dale of February the bushope of Winches- 
ter preached in the chappell before the quene, beginning at iij. of the 
clocke with exhortemur, the vj th chapter of the second epistell to 
the Corinthians ; wherin he treated first, that man had free will ; 
next, that Lent was necessarilie appoynted by the churche for 
christen men ; thirdelie, that workes weare a meane or waie to 
heaven, and therby the soner we might obtayne the fruycion of our 
redeptyon by Christ ; fourthelye, that the preachers for the vij. yeres 
last past, by deviding of wordes, and other their owne addycions, 
had brought in many errours detestable unto the church of Christe; 
fifthelie and lastlie, he axed a boone of the quenes highnes that like 
as she had before tyme extended liir mercy, partyculerly and pri- 
vatlie, so thoroughe her lenyty and gentylnes moche conspyracye and 
open rebellion was growen, according to the proverbe nimia fami- 
liaritas parit contemptum ; which he brought then in for the purpose 
that she wolde nowe be mercyfull to the body of the comonwealth, 
and conservation therof, which coulde not be unlesse the rotten and 
hurtfull members therof were cutt off and consumed. And thus he 
ended soone after ; wherby all the audyence dyd gather ther should 
shortly followe sharpe and cruell execution. Note, he prayed for 
king Edwarde the vj th in his sermon, and for the soules departed. a 

This daie sir Harry Isley, who was late fled, was brought to the 
Tower as prysoner in an olde friese cote and an olde payre [of] hose, 
all his apparrell not w r orthe by estymacion iiij s. The same daie cam 
in also as prysoners two of the Culpepers, one Cromer, and Thomas 
Rampton the duke of Suffolkes secretarie. 

The monday, being the xij th of Februarie, about ten of the clocke, 
ther went out of the Tower to the scaffolde on Tower hill, the lorde 

This sermon is noticed by Foxe, Actes and Monuments, vol. iii. p. 113. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 55 

Guilforde Dudley, sone to the late duke of Northumberland, hus- 
bande to the lady Jane Grey, daughter to the duke of Suffolke, who 
at his going out tooke by the hande sir Anthony Browne, raaister 
John Throgmorton, and many other gentyllmen, praying them to 
praie for him ; and without the bullwarke Offeley a the sheryve re- 
ceyved him and brought him to the scaffolde, where, after a small 
declaration, having no gostlye father b with him, he kneeled downe 
and said his praiers ; then holding upp his eyes and handes to God 
many tymes ; c and at last, after he had desyred the people to pray for 
him, he laide himselfe along, and his hedd upon the block, which was 
at one stroke of the axe taken from him. 

Note, the lorde marques d stode upon the Devyl's towre, and sawe 
the executyon. His carcas throwne into a carre, and his hed in a 
cloth, he was brought into the chappell within the Tower, wher the 
ladye Jane, whose lodging was in Partrige's house, dyd see his ded 
carcase taken out of the cart, aswell as she dyd see him before on 
lyve going to his deathe, a sight to hir no lesse e then death/ 

By this tyme was ther a scaffolde made upon the grene over 
agaynst the White tower, for the saide lady Jane to die apon. Who 
with hir husband was appoynted to have ben put to deathe the 
fryday before, but was staied tyll then, for what cause is not knowen, 
unlesse yt were because hir father was not then come into the Tower. 
The saide lady, being nothing at all abashed, neither with feare of 

* Sir Thomas Offley ; see note in Machyn's Diary, p. 353. 

b He had probably refused the attendance of a Roman Catholic priest, and was not 
allowed one of his own choice. 

c Misread by Stowe with teares. 

d The marquess of Northampton. 

e no lesse in MS., not worse as given by Stowe and Holinshed. 

1 " Great pitie was it for the casting awaye of that fayre Ladye, whome nature had not 
onely so bewtified, but God also had endewed with singuler gyftes and graces, so that she 
ignorantly receaved that which other wittingly devised and offred unto her. 

" And in like manner that comely, vertuous, and goodly gentleman the lorde Gylford 
Duddeley most innocently was executed, whom God had endowed with suche vertues, that 
even those that never before the tyme of his execution saw hym, dyd with lamentable 
teares bewayle his death." Grafton's Abridgment, 1563. 



56 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

her owne deatlie, which then approached, neither with the sight of 
the ded carcase of hir husbande, when he was brought in to the 
chappell, came fourthe, the levetenaunt leding hir, in the same gown 
wherin she was arrayned, hir countenance nothing abashed, neither 
her eyes enything moysted with teares, although her ij. gentyl- 
women, mistress Elizabeth Tylney and mistress Eleyn, wonderfully 
wept, with a boke in hir hande, wheron she praied all the way till 
she cam to the saide scaffolde, wheron when she was mounted, &c. 

So far, our Diarist's narrative of this judicial tragedy has been adopted, somewhat 
abridged, by Stowe and Holinshed. The latter chronicler then proceeds thus (copying 
Grafton), " Whereon when she was mounted, this noble young ladie, as she was indued 
with singular gifts both of learning and knowledge, so was she as patient and mild as any 
lambe at hir execution, and a little before hir death uttered these words," (then giving 
her address to the people assembled). Whether our Diarist's conclusion, " when she 
was mounted, &c." was intended to lead on to some other paper, written by himself or 
another, it is impossible to decide ; but it seems not very improbable that he was also the 
writer of the account of the lady Jane's execution, which begins with the same words, 
and which was originally published in a small black-letter pamphlet a entitled, 

The Ende of the lady Jane Dudley, daughter of the duke of 
Suffolk, upon the scaffolde, at the houre of her death. 

First, when she mounted upon the scaffolde, she sayd to the people 
standing thereabout : " Good people, I am come hether to die, and 
by a lawe I am condemned to the same. The facte, in dede, against 
the quenes highnesse was unlawfull, and the consenting thereunto by 
me : b but touching the procurement and desyre therof by me or on 
my halfe, I doo wash my handes thereof in innocencie, before God, 
and the face of you, good Christian people, this day," and therewith 

* This is here copied from a reprint edited by the Rev. John Brand in the 13th volume 
of the Archaeologia. I have not been able to find a copy of the original. It was incor- 
porated into the narratives of Grafton and Foxe, with some variations, which will be 
noticed in the ensuing notes. 

b Holinshed has amplified this into the following more explicit statement: "My 
offence agaynst the queenes highnesse was onely in consent to the device of other, which 
nowe is deemed treason ; but it was never my seeking, but by counsell of those who 
shoulde seeme to have further understanding of things than I, which knewe little of the 
lawe, and much lesae of the tytles to the crowne." 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 57 

she wrong her handes, in which she had hir booke. Then she sayd, 
" I pray you all, good Christian people, to beare me witnesse that I 
dye a true Christian woman, and that I looke to be saved by none 
other meane, but only by the mercy of God in the merites of the 
blood of his only sonne Jesus Christ : and I confesse, when I dyd 
know the word of God I neglected the same, loved my selfe and the 
world, and therefore this plague or punyshment is happely and wor- 
thely happened unto me for my sins ; and yet 1 thank God of his 
goodnesse that he hath thus geven me a tyme and respet to repent. 
And now, good people, while I am alyve, I pray you to assyst me 
with your prayers." a And then, knelyng downe, she turned to Feck- 
nam, b saying, "Shall I say this psalme?" And he said, "Yea." 
Then she said the psalme of Miserere mei Deus in English, in most 
devout maner, to the end. Then she stode up, and gave her maiden 
mistris Tilney c her gloves and handkercher, and her book to maister 
Bruges, d the lyvetenantes brother ; forthwith she untyed her gown. 

a Another report of " lady Jane Dudley's speech on the scaffold," somewhat more ver- 
bose but not so impressive, is printed in Nicolas's Remains, &c. p. 52. 

b This circumstance, that Feckenham (the new dean of St. Paul's) was attendant 
upon her, is suppressed by Grafton, but preserved by Foxe. 

c Altered by Grafton, &c. to " her mayden (called mystresse Eleyn) " that is, her 
other female attendant. 

d Grafton altered this " to mayster Bruges, then lieutenant of the Tower ;" and Foxe 
says, " maister Bruges " only. The book is supposed to have been the same manual of 
English prayers which is now preserved in the British Museum as the MS. Harl. 2342 ; 
and which contains the three following notes, the two former it will be perceived addressed 
to the duke of Suffolk, and the last to sir John Brydges : 

" Your lovyng and obedyent son wischethe unto your grace long lyfe in this world, 
with as muche joye and comforte as ever I wyshte to my selfe, and in the world to come 
joy everlasting. Your most humble son tel his death. G. DUDDELEY. 

" The Lorde comforte your grace, and that in his worde, whearin all creatures onlye 
are to be comforted. And thoughe it hathe pleased God to take away ij. of your children, 
yet thincke not, I most humblye beseach your grace, that you have loste them, but truste 
that we, by leasinge this mortall life, have wunne an immortal life. And I for my parte, 
as I have honoured your grace in this life, wyll praye for you in another life. Youre 
gracys humble doughter, JANE DUDDELEY. 

" Forasmutche as you have desired so simple a woman to wrighte in so worthye a 
CAMD. SOC. I 



58 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

The hangman went to her to help her of therewith ; then she desyred 
him to let her alone, turning towardes her two gentlewomen, who 
helped her off therwith, and also with her frose paast a and 
neckercher, geving to her a fayre handkercher to knytte about her 
eyes. 

Then the hangman kneeled downe, and asked her forgevenesse, 
whome she forgave most willingly. Then he willed her to stand 
upon the strawe : which doing, she sawe the block. Then she sayd, 

booke, good mayster lieuftenaunte, therefore I shall as a frende desyre you, and as a 
Christian require you, to call uppon God to encline your harte to his lawes, to quicken 
you in his waye, and not to take the worde of trewethe utterlye oute of youre mouthe. 
Lyve styll to dye, that by deathe you may purchase eternall life, and remembre howe the 
ende of Mathusael, whoe, as we reade in the scriptures, was the longeste liver that was of a 
manne, died at the laste : for, as the precher sayethe, there is a tyme to be borne, and a 
tyme to dye; and the daye of deathe is better than the daye of cure birthe. Youres, as 
the Lorde knowethe, as a frende, JANE DUDDELEY." 

These passages (fac-similes of the first and last of which are engraved in " Autographs 
of Remarkable Persons," 4to. 1829, pi. 19) were evidently written very shortly before the 
execution of the noble pair, as is shown by an expression in the lady Jane's address to 
her father; and there is every probability in sir Harris Nicolas's conjecture that this book 
was employed as the messenger to convey these assurances of duty and affection, when 
personal intercourse was denied. The duke of Suffolk was brought back to the Tower 
only two days before his daughter's decapitation, and it is possible that she was spared the 
additional pain of knowing how imminent his fate also was. From the passage addressed 
to the lieutenant, it would further appear that the book, " so worthye a booke," already 
belonged to him; if, therefore, it is the same which the lady Jane carried with her to the 
scaffold, she would place it in the hands of " maister Brydges" (whether the lieutenant 
or his brother) as returning it to its owner. In some accounts of the lady Jane's last 
moments it will be found stated that she gave a book to sir John Gage; this error, into 
which Mr. Howard in his Memoir has fallen, arises merely from a confusion of the con- 
stable with the lieutenant of the Tower, sir John Gage having been erroneously named as 
the lieutenant in the description of the manual in the Catalogue of the Harleian MSS. 
This interesting relic is a small square vellum book, now in modern binding. 

" Sir Harris Nicolas (p. xci.) states that, after having taken considerable pains to ascer- 
tain the meaning of the article here named, he was inclined to coincide with a literary 
friend who suggested " Fronts-piece." Foxe, however, has it spelt " frowes past," which 
is probably " frow's paste," or matronly head-dress : the paste being a head attire worn 
by brides, as explained in the glossarial index to Machyn's Diary, p. 463. The term 
was thought probably too familiar, if not inapplicable, by Grafton, who altered it in his 
chronicle to " her other attyres." 



1 553-4. J QUEEN MAKY. 59 

" I pray you dispatch me quickly." Then she kneeled down, say- 
ing, " Wil you take it of before I lay me downe ? " and the hangman 
answered her, " No, madame." She tyed the kercher about her 
eys; then feeling for the block e, saide, " What shall I do ? Where 
is it ? " One of the standers-by guyding her therunto, she layde 
her heade down upon the block, and stretched forth her body and 
said : " Lorde, into thy hands I commende my spirite ! " And so 
she ended. 



a The same day, within half an hower after, was broght into the 
Tower as prisoner, by the lorde chamberlayne and CC. of the garde, 
the earle of Devonshire, or lorde Courtney, by water, who as he 
passed by said to the levetenaunt, belik who axed him the cause of 
his thither comyng, " Truly, I cannot tell, except I shoulde accuse 
myselfe ; lett the worlde judge." This moche was herde by him then 
spoken. 

This day was ther set upp at every gate of London a galouse, and 
at the brige-fote one, hi Southwarke ij. paire, at Leaden-hall one, ij. 
in Chepeside, in Fleetestrete and about Charing crosse iij. or foure 
paire, and in many other places about the city. b In Kent also, and 
many places more, ther was raysed gallowes, a great sorte. That 
day and on thursday there was condempnyd of the rebelles to the 
nombre of CCCC. or thereaboutes. All the prisons of London was so 
full that the(y) were fayne to keep the poorest sort, by iiij**. on a 
hepp, in churches. On wednysday following was hanged in sondery 
places of the cytey to the nombre of xxvj te or more. On thursday, 
in Southwarke, and other places of the subburbes, ther was hanged a 
greate nombre ; this day, being the xv th of February, ther was x. 
prysoners out of the Tower arrayned and caste, whose names doe 
followe. (The names were not added.) 

Yt was saide that Brett should saie, and Vaughan, at their arayn- 
ment, that they ought to have their lives according to the lawe, for, 

* MS. f. 29. b See a full catalogue of these horrors in Machyn's Diary, p. 55. 



60 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

said Brett, " Ther was promised a pardon to me and my companie, 
by an heralde in the felde, or els I wolde never have yelded, but 
dyed presentlie ; and if the quenes pardon promised by a herald, 
which in the felde is as hir owne mouth, be of no value or aucto- 
rytye, then the Lord have mercy apon us ! " The like was alledged 
by Cut Vaughan, who as yt is reported said moreover to the lorde 
William Poulet, lorde highe treasorer, sytting ther, (and who) 
gave sentence, " Yt forceth not, my lorde, sayeth we shall go before, 
and you shall not be long after us." a 

Satersday the xvij 01 daie of Februarie the duke of Suffolke was 
caried to Westminster and there arrayned, being fetched from the 
Tower by the clerke of the cheke and all the garde almoste ; who at 
his going out went out very stoutely and cherfully enough, but (at) 
his coming here he landed at the water gate with a countenance 
very hevy and pensyfe, desyring all men to praye for him. (The 
lorde Courtney, lying in the Bell tower, sawe him both outwarde 
and innwarde.) 

b Yt is saide, the erle of Arundell sitting apon him in judgement, 
he shoulde saye that yt was no treason for a pere of the reahne as he 
was to raise his power and make proclamacion onely to avoyde 
strangers out of the realme ; and therapon he axed the sergeantes 
standing by whether yt was not soo or no, which they being abashed, 
they could not say yt was treason by eny lawe. Then yt was laidd 
to his chardge he mett with CC. men the quenes levetenaunt in 
armes, being the erle of Huntingdon, which was treason agaynst the 
quene, forasmuch as the saide levetenant represented hir own person. 
To the which he made answer that he knewe not the saide erle to be 
no such levetenant. " But," saith he, " I met him indede but with 
fyftye men or ther aboutes, and wolde not have shronken from him 

The word " sayeth" is apparently sith, or since; and Vaughan 's intention seems to 
have been to pass a reflection on the old age of his judge, and his consequent impending 
death. If so, he was much mistaken in his anticipations, as the lord treasurer lived for 
one and twenty years after, to the age of ninety-seven. 

b MS. f. 69. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 61 

yf I had had fewer." And by theis wordes he confessed himself gilty 
of treason. Moreover he partelie accused his brother the lorde 
Thomas, who he saide had perswaded him rather to flye into his 
country then to abyd, saying, that " yt was to be feared he shoulde 
be put agayn into the Tower ; where being in his countrey, and 
emongst frendes and tenauntes, who durst fetch hime ? " 

[Further] towching the other artycles laide to his charge, he said, 
that he never knewe eny thing therof, saving that once he shold 
say at his table over his supper that he wolde undertake, for nede, 
onely with C. gentylmen, to sett the crowne apon Courteney's hedd ; 
and so he was condempned and brought back to the Tower agayn. 

The same daie the quene sett out a proclamacion a that all straun- 
gers not borne within hir highnes domynions shoulde, within xxiiij. 
daies after the saide proclamacion, avoide the realme, fredeynses, b 
merchauntes known, and the servauntes of enbasadors onely ex- 
cepted, apon payn of forfeiture of all their goodes, with impry- 
sonment of ther bodyes, and ther lyves at the quenes plesure, as hi 
the saide proclamacion apperith at lardge. 

This daye, or the morow following, Alexander Brett, with xx. 
other prysoners, wer caried down towardes Kent by the shery ve to 
executyon. This Brett at his going out of the Tower embraced 
maister Chamberlayn the gentyllman porter, and desyred him to 
commend him to sir Thomas Wyat. Then praying all men to pray 
for him, he saide, " And I am wourthie of no lesse punishement then 
I do nowe go to suffer, for besyde myn offence I refused lyfe and 
grace iij. tymes when yt was offeryd ; but I trust God dyd all for the 

" A copy of this proclamation is given by Foxe, its principal object having been to 
compel the congregations of Dutch, French, and other foreign Protestants, who had taken 
refuge in England during the reign of Edward VI., to quit the country. It describes the 
parties intended as " all and every such person or persons borne out of her highnesse' 
dominions, now commorant or resident within this realme, of whatsoever nation or coun- 
try, being either preacher, printer, bookseller, or other artificer, or of whatsoever other 
calling else, not being denizen," &c. (as in the text.) Among those who took refuge 
in Germany were many French Protestants; see letter of Simon Renard in Tytler, ii. 312. 

b Free-denizens. 



G2 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

best for me, that my soule might repent, and therby after this lyfe 
(attain) to the more mercy and grace in his sight" And so he went 
onwarde. 

On sondaye the xviij th day of Februarie ther cam in as prisoner 
one (blank) 

The same day there was proclamacyon made in Chepesyde by a 
trompeter, that yf eny man had eny of the saide rebells, or knewe 
wher they were, shoulde bringe theym unto the Marshalsee, or elles 
yf they were hurt, sicke, or colde not come in persons, their names 
shoulde be brought to the Mershelsee the morrowe followinge, apon 
payne of dysp(leasure ?) 

Mondaye the xix th daie of Februarie ther went out to be arrayned 
at Westminster sir William Cobham, master George Cobham, 
Thomas Cobham, all being the lorde Cobham's sonnes, (blank) Wyat, 
(a blank space folloivs) of the which cam home uncondemned sir 
William Cobham and George Cobham, som say as repried ; the rest 
being condempned to dye. 

This daye a nomber of the erle of Pembroke's men and soldears, 
to the nomber of CCC. in armour, and array, with their dromes, 
cam upp Foster lane ; whether they wer goinge to was not knowen. 

About this tyme ther went a tale that ther had ben a skyrmysh 
betwen the Scotes and Inglyshemen in the north partyes, and that 
the Frenchmen had skirmyshed with some of the soldyars at Guynes. 
Yt was said allso that the Frenchmen had made a trench before 
Guynes ; and that the lorde Graye wrate therof to the quene, desyring 
to have some soldyars, 8 parte of siche as were condempned to be 
hanged. 

Ther was also a saing at this tyme that the Frenche kinge, who 
indede had prepared a great navy apon the sea, to met, as yt was 
thought, the prince of Spayn, had surrenderyd his tyteU of the crown 
of France to his son, meanyng with all his power in person to be 
admyrall of his shipes on the sea for the viadge aforesayd. 

At this tyme, or a litle before, the ladye Elysabeth was sent for of 

* Some words not legible are here ifriUen above the line. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 63 

the quene by sir John Williams, with a great nomber of men, to 
com upp from (blank), about xxvij. miles from London, to the court 
immedyatly. a And she saying she was very sicke, desyred the said 
sir John Williams to depart, and that she wolde most willinglye, in 
as spedy a manner as she coulde for her sicknes, repayre to the 
quenes highnes with hir owne company and folkes onely. Many 
men dy versly thought of hir sending for. 

Tuesday the xx th of February the lorde John Graye rode to 
Westminster, who having the goot could not go on foote, to be ar- 
rayned ; whence he cam about ij. of the clock agayn to the Tower, 
condempned to dye. 

This dale was maister William Thomas, late clerke of the counsell, 
brought into the Tower as prysonner ; so was maister Winter and 
sir Nicholas Throgmorton the same night. 

Wednesday the xxj th of Februarie was brought into the Tower as 
prysoners out of the country sir James Croftes, the lorde Thomas 
Gray, and ij. other ; the one a spie, the other a post. b 

Fridaie the xxiij th of Februarie, an 1553, the duke of Suffolke 
was behedded at Tower hille. His wourdes at the comyng on the 
scaffolde were theis followeing, or moche like : " Good people, this 
daie I am come hether to dye, being one whom the lawe hathe justlie 
condempned, and one who hathe no lesse deserved for my dysobe- 
dyence against the quenes highenes, of whom I do moste humbly 

a The name of sir John Williams is here a mistake for the lord William Howard. 
Three councillors were sent to bring the lady Elizabeth up from Ashridge, lord William 
Howard, sir Edward Hastings, and sir Thomas Cornwaleys : see Tytler, vol. ii. pp. 424 et 
seq. and Miss Strickland's memoir of Elizabeth. In the circumstantial but not very accu- 
rate narrative of the lady Elizabeth's troubles, printed at the end of the third volume of 
Foxe's Actes and Monuments, the name of sir Richard Southwell is erroneously placed in 
the room of lord William Howard. 

b " 21 Feb. Richard Mitton esquire, (sheriff of Shropshire,) brought this daye upp the 
lord Thomas Graye, Richarde Piddocke, and Robarte Drake, delivered unto him by in- 
denture berynge date the xv. day of Februarye by the lord presydent and counsell of 
Wales; who were comited to the Tower. Sir James Crofts knight was in lyke manner 
delyvered by the said master Mitton, and brought upp by him and comytted to the Tower." 
Register of the Privy Council. 



64 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb. 

axe forgevenes, and I truste she dothe and will forgyve me." Then 
maister Western, his confessor, standing by, saide, " My lorde, hir 
grace hathe allredy forge ven a and praieth for you." Then saide the 
duke, " I beseche you all, goode people, to lett me be an example to 
you all for obedyence to the quene and the majestrates, for the con- 
trarie therof hath brought me [to this end b ]. And also I shall most 
hartely desire you all to beare me witnes that I do dye a faythefull 
and true Christian, beleving to be saved by non other but onely by 
allmightie God, thoroughe the passion of his son Jesus Christ And 
nowe I pray you to praie with me." Then he kneled downe, and 
Weston Avith him, and saide the sallme of " Miserere mei Deus" and 
" In te, Domine, speravi," the duke one verse and Weston an other. 
Which don, he dyd put of his gown and his doblet. Then kniting 
the kercheve himself about his eyes, helde uppe his handes to heaven, 
and after laie downe along, with his hedd apon the blocke, whiche at 
one stroke was striken of by the hangman. 

This daie ther was housellyd Cutbert Vaughan, Houghe Boothe, 
and other. 

a " With that, divers of the standers by said with meetly good and audible voice, ' Such 
forgivenesse God send thee !' meaning doctoure Weston." Foxe. 

" So in Stowe's Chronicle. 

c Foxe's account of " the godly end " of the duke of Suffolk is supported in all import- 
ant points by the present writer. They coincide as to his distinct expression of reliance 
on the Protestant faith : but whilst the duke is here described as joining with the attend- 
ant priest (Hugh Weston, successively dean of Westminster and of Windsor), in the repe- 
tition of the psalm Miserere, Foxe represents him as having twice endeavoured to prevent 
Weston from ascending the stairs of the scaffold with him. Both circumstances, however, 
may have occurred. It is at least certain that, whatever may have been the ordinary 
weakness of Suffolk's character, he was as constant in religion as his heroic daughter could 
have desired, though subjected to the like zealous attempts which she had endured, and 
which were successful over the loose principles of the duke of Northumberland and many 
others at this period of trial. This fact is confirmed by the following passage of a letter 
of Simon Renard to the emperor, dated the 24th Feb. : " Ce jourduy Ton execute le due 
de Suffocq, qui ne s'est jamais voulu reconnoistre quant a la religion; aiant fait admoneste- 
ment au peuple pour non se revolter contre la royne, a laquelle il demandoit mercy." 
Tytler, vol. ii. p. 309. 

d These men were probably among those who were reconciled to the church of Rome. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 65 

Satersdaie the xxiiij th dale of Februarie was brought into the 
Tower as prysoner sir Nicholas Arnolde knight, a sir Edwarde 
Rogers, b and one master Doynett, &c. 

This daie Thomas Rampton, a prysoner, and the late duke of Suf- 
folkes secretarie, was caried into the country to Coventry, ther to be 
arained and to suffer death. 

Sondaie the xxv th of Februarye was brought into the Tower pry- 
soner sir William Seinctlowe, c a man that cam in with a wounderfull 
stoute corage, nothing at all abashed. 

This daie, and all the senyght and more before, ther sat in coun- 
sell in the Tower, apon the examynation of the prisonners, sir Robert 
Southewell, d sir Thomas Pope, and others. 

About this tyme was the first bruit that the queene wolde kepe the 
terme and parliament at Oxforde. 

The xxvj th of Februarye William Thomas had almost slayn him- 
self the nighte before, with thrusting himself under the pappes with 
a knife. 



Foxe has inserted in his great work a paper written by Walter Mantell the elder, another 
of the Kentish prisoners, relating the several attempts made on his faith by three priests, 
Bourne, Weston, and Mallet, and defending himself from the suspicion of having con- 
sented to hear mass. It is dated the 2d of March, which seems to have been immedi- 
ately before his execution in Kent (see p. 66). 

a Sir Nicholas Arnold was compromised by Wyat having named him as the person to 
whom William Thomas " first brake " his project of assassinating the queen. He was 
detained in the Tower until the 18th Jan. following. In 1556 he was again a prisoner 
there (see Machyn's Diary, p. 104.) 

b Holinshed and Foxe erroneously say sir John Rogers. Sir Edward was named by 
sir Thomas Wyat as having brought him a message from the earl of Devonshire. He also 
was discharged on the 18th Jan. 1554-5. Queen Elizabeth, on her accession, made him 
vice-chamberlain and captain of her guard, and in 1560 comptroller of the household, and 
he died holding the latter office in 1565. 

c Foxe states that sir William Sentlow had been " committed as prisoner to the master 
of the horse" on the previous day. See other particulars of his imprisonment in the Rev. 
Joseph Hunter's memoirs of him, Retrospective Review, Second Series, vol. ii. p. 319; also 
the letter written by the counsellors above named directing his arrest, in Tytler, ii. 314. 

d This is a mistake for sir Richard Southwell. Renard abuses him very much as deci- 
dedly a secret partisan of Courtenay : Tytler, ii. 338. 

CAMD. SOC. K 



66 THE FIRST YEAR OF [March, 

The same dale ther cam into the Tower one master (blank) 
Medley, brother in lawe to the duke of Suffolk. a 

Wenisdaie the xxviij th daie of Februarye, 1553, Anthonye Knevett, 
William Knevett, sir Harry Isley and his cosen, the ij. Mantelles, 
George More, and Cuthbert Vaughan, went downe by water in a 
bardge towarde Kent, to be putt to deathe. b Yt is saide that one of 
theym, at his going out of the Tower, aunswered to one that tooke 
him by the hande, and saide he was very sorie for his death, " Well, 
(quod he,) I thancke you therfore, but this ys God's ordenaunce, and 
cause ye have aswel to be sory for yourselves and your country as 
for me, for I now shall leave all wrechednes, and I trust by death to 
enter into a better lyfe ; wheras you and others may ly ve longer 
in moste troblesome trybulacions and overthrowes of this worlde, 
passe your dayes in cares and hevy myseryes (without God's help) 
which is growing over you ; and yit at the last dye asweh 1 as I, when 
ye shall have, by your lenger lyfe, moche more to aunswer for in 
Goddes sight then and yf you dyed presently with me." And with 
suche and lyke wourdes he departed. 

This day cam master Honynges c in as prysoner. 

Frydaye, the seconde of Marche, 1553, ther was brought into the 
Tower in the forenone as prysoners (blank), and in the afternoone sir 
Gawan Carowe and master [William] Gybbes were brought out of 
Devonshire as prysoners into the Tower. 

* The duke of Suffolk's mother was Margaret, daughter of sir Robert Wotton, of 
Boughton Malherbe, and widow of William Medley. 

b Proctor states that sir Henry Isley and Thomas Isley his brother (not cousin, as in 
the text), and Walter Mantell, suffered at Maidstone, where Wyat had first displayed his 
banner. The two Knevetts and another of the Mantells were executed at Sevenoaks. 
Brett was hung in chains at Rochester. " Maister Rudston and certain other " (as 
Vaughan, see p. 68), who were of the condemned party in the barge on the 27th Feb- 
ruary, obtained pardon; see Rudston's pardon in Rymer, xv. 373. Sir Henry Isley had 
been sheriff of Kent in 34 Hen. VIII. and 5 Edw. VI. as his son William was in 7 Eliz.; 
see his pedigree in the Topographer and Genealogist, 1846, vol. i. p. 517. Their heirs 
were restored in blood by act of parliament 2 Eliz. 

c Probably William Honynges who had been one of the clerks of the signet temp. 
Edward VI. and of whom various particulars are collected in the Collectanea Topogr. et 
Geneal. vol. vii. pp. 394 400. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MAKY. 67 

Satersday the lorde Courtney was removed out of the Bell tower 
into the tower over the gate. 

The v th of Marche cam into the Tower as prysoner one maister 
John Fewilliams a as prysoner. 

The vj th of Marche certayn boyes, some toke Wyates parte and 
some the queues, and made a combacte in the feldes," &c. 

The ( blank) day of Marche the lorde Thomas Grey, the late duke 
of Suffolk's brother, was condempned. He alledged at the barre that 
as God sholde judge his soule he meant none other thing but the 
abolyshing of strangers, and yf that were hye treason the Lorde be 
mercyfull, ther were no (?) 

At this tyme came out the artycles to the clergye, wherin the 
chefest points were the supremycye to be lefte out, auctlioritate regia, 
and the dysevering of maryed prestes from their wyves, &c. 

Satersday the x th of Marche master Leonardo Dygges and Nayler 
wer brought into the Tower, out of the counter, being condemned. 

a " My Lords, in anywise search for the lady Fitzwilliams' second son. It is a great 
and marvellous importing, but not hasty or now dreadful, thanks be to God !" Letter of 
the commissioners, 25 Feb. Tytler, ii. 314. See the charge made against him in p. 69, 
and his release in p. 71. 

b This battle of " French-and-English " under a new name, was thought of sufficient 
-importance by both the imperial and French ambassadors to be noticed in their de- 
spatches. Simon Renard says, " Some three hundred children assembled in a meadow, 
and divided themselves into two bands to play at the game of the Queen against Wyatt, in 
which several have been wounded on both sides." (Tytler, ii. 330.) Noailles states 
further that the boy who represented the prince of Spain being taken prisoner was hanged, 
and narrowly escaped strangulation. The queen ordered the ringleaders to be whipped 
and imprisoned for some days. (Ambassades, iii. 130.) 

Q A much deeper dye of treason is assigned to lord Thomas Grey in one of the despatches 
of M. de Noailles, namely, that, perceiving Courtenay's failure, he had determined to take 
his place, and be either king or hung. The passage is as follows : " Le due de Suffolck 

il s'est retire avecques ses deulx freres, qui sont gens de plus grand esprit et 

conduicte que luy ; et ne faicts doubte que millord Thomas, Tun d'iceulx, suyvant ce que 
je vous en ay, sire, faict entendre par cy-devant, ne soit bientost pour remuer mesnage; et 
comme celuy qui a desclaire a quelqu'un de ses ainys et des miens en ces propres mots, 
que voyant la faulte que a faicte Courtenay, il est delibere de tenir son lieu, qu'il fault 
qu'il soit roy ou pendu." Ambassades, iii. 48. 



68 THE FIRST YEAR OF [March, 

The same day was a proclamation that the Frenche crowne and 
the Burgonden crowne to go for vjs. i\ijd. and the royall vs. 

Monday the xij th of Merche Cutbart Vaughan was brought again 
out of Kent into the Tower, by the importable a suit of his wife. 

This daye Cranmer, the bushop of Canterbury, the late bushop of 
London, Ridley, and maister Latemer, went out of the Tower pry- 
soners towarde Oxforde ; and out of the Fleet went Hoper b with 
theym. 

The (blank) of Merche the bushope of Yorke c was at the lorde 
chauncellour's out of the Tower, and ther was deposed of his bush- 
opperyke. 

The same day came Strangwyshe the Rover d to the court, who 
was come from the French king, and had brought with him one shippe 
laden with shertes of mayle, and an other laden with other immy- 
tion, and submytted himself and all to the queues mercy. 

Wenisdaie the xiiij th daie of Marche, the erle of Bedforde, lorde 
prevy seale, chef embassadour, and the lorde Feewater, 6 commysyon- 
ours, sett forwarde in embassed to the king of Spayne, to fetche him 
into the realme ; the(y / ) went westwarde to take shipping at (blank). 
They wer accompanyed with sir Henry Sydnye, &c. 

The XV th daye of Merche sir Thomas Wyat knight was arrayned 
at Westminster of treason and rebellyon ; ther sat in comyssyon as 
chefe the erle of Sussex, sir Edward Hastinges, maister Bourne the 
secretary, &c. 

After his indytement theys, or moche lyke, were his wourdes, as yt 
is reported. Towching the saide indytement, some parte therof he de- 
nyed, and some parte graunted : " Nowe," said he, " since I am in 

* So MS. perhaps for importunate. Cuthbert Vaughan (whose handsome person has 
been noticed in p. 53) had distinguished himself at the siege of Leith in 1547. He was 
appointed by king Edward VI. master of his bears, bulls, and dogs. (Strype, Memorials.) 
He was released from the Tower, Jan. 18, 1554-5. 

b Late bishop of Gloucester and Worcester. c Robert Holgate. 

d Afterwards condemned to death in 1559 : see Machyn's Diary. 

e Fitzwalter, son of the earl of Sussex. The queen's instructions for this embassy are 
in MS. Cotton. Vesp. C. vn. p. 198. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 69 

this place to answer for myself, I will, I trust, pourdg me of al con- 
spyring the queries death, wherof I am gilteles ; and myne hole intent 
and styrre was agaynst the comyng in of strandgers and Spanyerds, 
and to abolyshe theym out of this realme. And as for me, thoughe 
I beare the name, I was but the iiij th or v th man. The erle of 
Devonshire wrate unto me by sir Edwarde Rogers to precede as I 
had begon ; but towching the quenes death (saith he), I never con- 
cented. The fyrst devysour therof (he saide) was William Thomas, 
who brake the matter to master John Fytzwilliams, that he sholde 
have done the dede; this Fytzwilliams denyed the same; a at last he was 
half determyned to shewe the same to sir Nicholas Arnolde, and dyd, 
who moche dy scomended the facte, and tolde yt to maister Croftes, b who 
also tolde it to maister Wyat ; and they bothe detesting the horry- 
blenes of the cryme, the saide Wyate ware, under his long gowne, a 
great waster, iiij. or v. dayes hanging at his girdell, as he saide, to 
beat the said William Thomas with, that he wolde have lefte him for 
dedd." Being axed why he concealed the same, he saide that he so 
dyd was because he knewe himself liable ynoughe to have corrected 
and restrayned master William Thomas,. &c. Towching Courtney 
he saide that sir Edwarde Rogers went betwene Courtney and 
hime, and that he sente him worde to procede in the same. Towch- 
ing my lady Elizabethes grace, he saide, that indede he sent hir a 
letter that she shoulde gett hir asfar from the cyty as she coulde, the 
rather for hir saftye from strangers ; and she sent him worde agayn, 
but not in wry ting, by sir William Seyntlowe, that she dyd thanke 

a i. e. refused to undertake it. b Sir James Croft. 

c In the full report of sir Thomas Wyat's arraignment, printed in Cobbett's State 
Trials, i. 362 (which is the original of that given by Holinshed, and somewhat fuller in 
its particulars,) the incident of the " waster " is thus more fully described : " Then made 

I a cudgel with a hole brent in it, with a whole iron and half a yard of in it. 

and sought John Fitzwilliams a whole day, and could not find him. The next day, I sent 
the cudgel by my man, and bade him bob him well, ' for the knave is but a spy, and to 
utter it he durst not, and therefore be bold to beat him.' Thus my man carried the cudgel 
three days, to have beaten him. By this it may appear how much I abhorred that 
practice." (This trial, which is not in the folio collection of State Trials, is stated to have 
been derived from the MSS. of Sir Brereton Bourchier.) 



70 THE FIRST YEAR OF [March, 

him moclie for his good will, and she wolde do as she sholde se 
cause, &c. 

The xviij th of Marche,* being 1553, the lady Elizabethes grace, 
the queues syster, was conveyed to the Tower from the court at 
Westminster about x th of the clocke in the forenoone by water ; ac- 
companying liir the merques of Northampton b and the erle of Sussex. 
Ther was at the Tower to receave hir the lord chamberlayne. c She 
was taken in at the drawebridge. Yt is saide when she came in she 
saide to the warders and soldears, loking up to heaven : " Ohe Lorde ! 
I never thought to have come in here as prysoner ; and I praie you 

* It was on Palm Sunday, the 18th of March, that the lady Elizabeth was brought to 
the Tower. It had been intended to take her there on the day before, but she having 
persuaded the lords to allow her to write a letter to the queen, (which letter is that printed 
in Sir H. Ellis's Second Series, vol. ii. p. 255,) whilst she was so doing the tide was lost 
which would have enabled their barge to shoot London Bridge. (See Tytler, ii. 342.) In 
the Harl. MS. 419, are preserved some "notes of the lady Elizabeth's troubles," which 
formed part of the materials of Foxe's more extended (and perhaps embellished) narrative. 
The reader may be glad to see the account there given of this memorable landing at the 
Tower, and to compare it with the equally curious account in the text. They will be 
found to agree in the main particulars of the princess's behaviour, though they do not 
report the expression of her sentiments in absolutely the same words : 

" At landing she fyrst stayd and denyed to land ther, neyther well could she onles she 
goo over her show (shoe). The lords were goone out of the bote before, and asked why 
she came not. One of the lords went bak agayne to her, and brought word that she 
would not come. Then said one of the lordes that shalbe nameles, [the lord treasurer is 
evidently here meant,] that she shuld not chuse. Because yt dyd then rayne, the same 
lord offered to her his clock, which she, puttyng yt back with her hand, refused. So she 
comyng out, havyng one foote upon the stayre, sayd, ' Here landeth the truest subject, 
being a prysonner, that ever landed at these stayres.' To whom the same lord answered 
agayne, that it was the better for her. At her landyng ther was a grett multitude of ther 
servants and warders standyng in ther order. ' What neded al this ?' sayth she, ' Yt is 
the use, 1 sayth some, ' so to bee, when any prisoner came thither.' So she comyng toward 
the Tower, threise desyred them to beare record that [she] said ' Here cometh the truest 
subject that ever came ther.' " It should be added that this MS. has marks of reference, 
which imply that its passages were intended as insertions for a narrative previously written : 
which was possibly the first draft of that in Foxe. 

b This is evidently a clerical error for Winchester, the lord treasurer. The marquess of 
Northampton was at this time himself a prisoner (see the next page). 

c Sir John Gage, who was also constable of the Tower. 



1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 71 

all, goode frendes and fellowes, bere me wytnes, that I come yn no 
tray tour, but as true a woman to the quenes majesty as eny is no we 
lyving ; and theron will I take my deathe." And so going a lyttle 
further, she sayd to my lorde chamberlain, " What are all theis har- 
nessyd men here for me ? " and he saide, " No, madam." " Yes (she 
said), I knowe yt is so ; yt neded not for me, being, alas ! but a weak 
woman." Yt is saide that when she was in, the lorde trezerer and 
the lorde chamberlain began to lock the dores very stray tlye, then 
the erle of Sussex, with weeping eyes, a saide, " What will ye doe, 
my lordes ? What mean ye therin ? She was a kinges daughter, and 
is the quenes syster ; and ye have no sufficient commyssyon so to do ; 
therfore go no further then your comyssyon, which I knowe what 
yt is." 

Note, the xxiiij th of Marche, an 1553, ther was lett out b of the 
Tower from emprysonment the lorde marques of Northampton, the 
lorde Cobham, sir William Cobham, master John Fewillyames, one 
master Culpepper of Bedsbery, master Henry Vane, John Harring- 
ton, (blank) Corbett d 

s This account of the earl of Sussex's conduct is also confirmed by the anecdotes quoted 
in the previous note : " The satterday when she shuld (have) goone to the Tower, the old 
lord of Sussex sayd, that dyvers lordes ther wer of the counsail that were sory for her 
trouble. And as for hym, castyng his hands abroad, he sayd in great agony of hart (as it 
semed), that he was sory that ever he lyved to see that day." 

b Two days after this, when the queen gave audience to the imperial ambassador, she 
was forced to make him many excuses for her clemency on this occasion. She stated that 
she had yielded to the persuasion of the commissioners employed to examine the 
prisoners ; that it had been an immemorial custom that on Good Friday the kings of Eng- 
land should grant pardon to some of their prisoners ; moreover, that the marquess of 
Northampton had returned to the old religion. Renard, however, was dissatisfied that 
they should have been let off so easily and so soon. See his letter in Tytler, ii. 348. 

K From this it might be supposed that sir John Harington was mistaken in supposing 
that his father remained a prisoner eleven months (see p. 53). But it appears from the 
register of the privy council that he was not now released, for on the 24th June sir William 
Sentelowe, William Smethwicke, and John Harrington were ordered to be removed from 
the Tower to the Fleet, and in Jan. following Harington was bound to " good abearinge " 
in C li. previously to his release. 

d This name should be Danett, whose committal see before in p. 65, and who is men- 
tioned by Renard as one of the eight now released, though Mr. Tytler (ubi supra) sup- 
posed " Danet " to be the name of Daniel mis-spelt. 



72 THE FIRST YEAR OF [April, 

The first of Aprell wer created vj. bushops at Saynt Mary Ovaries, 
by shops of London and Wynchester, c. a 

Note, the iij. of Aprell the parlement began, as well at Oxforde as 
at Westmynster. b 

Note, the V th of Aprell ther was taken vj great fyshes called perpose, 
in Sussex. 

Between easter and the vij th of Aprell was no notable matter, but 
onley chusinge oifycers for the king of Spayn; the master of his 
horse beinge master A. Browne. 6 (blank here.) 

The lorde of Cardyf sworne of his pry ve chamber. 

The same day was made sir John of Bridges lorde Shandos of 
Sudeley, and sir John Williams lorde [Williams of Thame, and 
sir Edward North baron of Catledge] . 

The xj th of Aprell, being wenysdaye, was sir Thomas Wyat behed- 
ded upon the Tower-hill. Before his comyng downe out of the 
Tower, the lorde chamberlayne and the lorde Shandos d caryed 
him to the tow r er over the Watergate, wher the lorde Courtney laye, 
and ther he was before Courtney half an hower and more. What 
was spoken ys not yet knowen.e Then he was brought out with a 

a See Machyn's Diary, p. 58. 

b Pro forma at Oxford, in consequence of the queen's original determination to hold it 
there, because of the disturbed state of the metropolis. 

c See Machyn, p. 59. d The constable and lieutenant. 

e It was afterwards the subject of dispute, the friends of the lady Elizabeth declaring 
that he had fully cleared both her and Courteuay; but the court party stating that he had 
implored Courtenay "to confess the truth," and consequently acknowledge himself guilty. 
The following was a statement made by lord Chandos in the star-chamber : " My lords 
(quoth he), this is a truth that I shall tell you; I being lieutenant of the Tower when 
Wyat suffered, he desired me to bring him to the lord Courtenay; which when I had done 
he fell down upon his knees before him in my presence, and desired him to confesse the 
truth of himselfe, as he had done before, and to submit himself unto the queen's majesties 
mercy." Wyat, clinging to life, was evidently endeavouring to suggest further grounds 
for inquiry and consequent delay; and there can be no reason to discredit lord Chandos 's 
testimony, though Foxe (vol. iii. p. 41) chose to designate it as his " false report against 
the lady Elizabeth and lord Courtney," assuming that the character of Elizabeth was 
necessarily by implication aspersed, when Courtenay's guilt was intimated. It has now 
been ascertained by historical revelations, that Courtenay was certainly privy to the 
intrigues of the French and Venetian ambassadors, whilst there are strong suspicions that 



1554.] QUEEN MARY. 73 

boke in his hande ; and at the garden pale the lorde chamberlayne 
tooke his leave of him, and likewise master secretarye Bourne, to 
whome master Wyat said : " I praie you, sir, pray for me, and be 
a meane to the quene for my poore wife and chilldren ; and yf yt 
might have pleased hir grace to have granted me my lyfe I wolde 
have trusted to have don hir such good servyce as shold have well 
recompenced myne offence; but, since not, I beseche God have 
mercy on me." To the which master Bourne made no answer. So 
he cam toward the hill, Weston leading him by the one arme and 
the lorde Shandose by the other. When he was uppe apon the scaf- 
folde he desired eche man to praye for him and with him, and said 
these or moche-like wourdes in effecte : 

" Good people, I am come presently here to dye, being therunto 
lawfully and wourthely condempned, for I have sorely offended 
agaynst God and the quenes majestic, and am sorry therfore. I 
trust God hath forgeven and taken his mercy apon me. I be- 
syche the quenes majesty also of forgevenes." " She hath forgeven 
you allredy," saith Weston. " And let every man beware howe 
he taketh eny tliinge in hande against the higher powers. Un- 
lesse God be prosperable to his purpose, yt will never take good effecte 
or successe, and therof ye may now lerne at me. And I pray God 
I may be the last example in this place for that or eny other like. 
And whereas yt is said and wysled abroade, that I shoulde accuse 
my lady Elizabeth's grace, and my lorde Courtney ; a yt is not so, 
goode people, for I assure you neyther they nor eny other now 

Elizabeth was not ignorant of them (see Tytler, ii. 320 et seq.) ; but no evidence has 
occurred to shew that Elizabeth was ever in communication with Courtenay : nor do 
we find that Wyat was confronted with her in the Tower, as some writers have imagined. 
* Another statement of sir Thomas Wyat's words (which has been published with some 
important misprints in Bayley's History of the Tower, Appendix, p. xlix.) is contained in 
the MS. Harl. 559, f. 53, as follows : 

Verba Thome Wiet militis in hora mortis sue. 

Good people, I have confessyd before the quenes majestyes honorable counsayle alle those 
that toke parte with me, and were privaye of the conspiracy e; butt as for mye ladye Elza- 
CAMD. SOC. L 



74 THE FIRST YEAR OF [April, 

yonder in holde or durance was previe of my rysing or commotyon 
before I began ; as I have declared no lesse to the quenes counsaille. 
And this is most true." 

Then said Weston at those wordes, interrupting his tale, " Merke 
this, my masters, he sayeth that that which he hathe shewed to 
the counsell in wryting of my lady Elizabeth and Courtney ys true." 
And whether Mr. Wyat, being then amased at such interruptyon, or 
whether they on the scaffolde pluct him by the gown bake or no, yt 
is not well knowen, but without more talke he tourned him, and put 
of his gown and untrussyd his pointes ; then, taking the (earl of) 
Huntingdon, the lorde Hastinges, sir Giles* Stranguesh, and many 
other by the handes, he plucked of his doblet and wastcote, unto his 
shirte, and knelyd downe upon the strawe, then laied his hed downe 
awhile, and rayse on his knees agayne, then after a fewe wourdes 
spoken, and his eyes lyft upp to heaven, he knytt the handekersheve 
himself about his eyes, and a lyttel holding upp his hands sobdenly 
laid downe his hed, which the hangeman at one stroke toke from him. 
Then was he forthwith quarteryd apon the scaffolde, and the next 
day his quarters set at dyverse places, and his hed apon a stake apon 
the galloss beyond saynte James. Which his hed, as ys reported, 
remayned not there x. dayes unstolne awaye. b 

This day also and the day before the lorde admyrall and (blank) 
went toward the seay, with many soldeares, all trymed in cotes 
and sloppes of whyt and grene, the quenes coloures. c 

bethes grace, and the yearle of Devonnshere, here I take hyt uppon mye deathe that theye 
never knewe of the conspiracye, nether of mye fyrst risinge; and as towchinge anye fawlte 
that is layd to theyre charge I can not accuse them (God I take in witnes). 
Le 11 die Aprilis an 1554, p'mo an Marie regine. 

* Miscopied Thorn, by Stowe. 

b Renard says it was taken away on the same day (April 17) that sir Nicholas Throck- 
morton was acquitted : " Le meme jour on ota la teste de Wyatt, qu'avoit este plante 
dessus ung gibet ; qu'est en Angleterre grande crime et schandale." Tytler, ii. 374. 

c See a passage corresponding to this in Machyn's Diary, p. 59, and the note on the 
livery of green and white, ibid. p. 397. 



1554.] QUEEN MARY. 75 

The morrow following the lorde chancellour, the lorde tresorour, 
the lorde chamberlyn, and others (of) the counsyll, was at the Tower 
with the lady Elizabeth. 

At this tyme was ij. starke knaves a sett on the pillory in Cheape, 
for sayinge that Wyat had clered my lady Elizabeth, &c. 

The xvij th of Aprell, 1554, were ledd to the yelde hall, to be 
arrayned, sir Nicholas Throgmorton and sir James Croftes, master 
Robert Winter and Cuthbert Vaughan being also ledd thether to 
wytnes against theym ; where that day was no more arrayned but 
sir Nicholas Throgmorton, who tarrying from vij th of the clock untyll 
allmost v. at night, was by verdyt quitt, wherat mayney people re- 
joyced. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton's talke at the barre was this : 
he pleaded not gilty, and that he was concenting to nothing, &c. 

The juries names is b (left blank), which quit him ; wherefore they 
were commanded to be redy before the counsell at an hower's warn- 
ynge, on the losse of v c li. a pece. On saincte Markes day, being 
the XXV th of Aprell, they were before the counsayll in the starre 
chamber, and thence, aboute ij. of the clocke, Whetston and Lucar c 
were sent to the Tower, and the rest to the Fleete, prysoners. 

The xxvij 01 day the lorde Thomas Graye d was behedded at Tower 
hill, who saied, &c. 

The words " starke knaves " are inserted in another hand above those of the original 
writer, which are scratched away. They seem as if written by some loyal person in Eliza- 
beth's reign who misunderstood the meaning of the paragraph. 

b Their names are given in Holinshed's chronicle, where all the proceedings of Throck- 
morton's trial are very fully detailed. It was especially memorable as a rare and almost 
unprecedented instance of a state prisoner escaping from the judicial engines of arbitrary 
power. Sir Nicholas was indebted for his release to his own high spirit, good tact, and 
eloquence, for he was his own advocate; and to the Christian courage of the worthy citi- 
zens who composed his jury. They suffered imprisonment for nearly all the rest of the 
year, and were then released only on the payment of very heavy fines (see Holinshed, under 
the dates of Nov. 10 and Dec. 22). Throckmorton's trial will also be found in the Collec- 
tion of State Trials, and in Mr. Jardine's interesting volume on that subject. 

Thomas Whetston, haberdasher, foreman, and Emanuell Lucar, merchant-taylor. 

d " A proper gentleman," remarks Holinshed, " and one that had served right valiantly 
both in France and Scotlande, in the dayes of the late kings Henrie and Edwarde." He 
was buried (says Machyn, p. 61) at Allhallows Barking. 



76 THE FIRST YEAR OF [May, 

The xxviij* 11 daye sir James Croftes was condempned. He colde 
not be fonde of the quest which was warned passing viij te , so they 
were fayne to sende for Hartopp and serten curry ars and others. a 

The wordes of a Spanyard at Bristowe. b 

The [19th] daie of Maye the lady Elizabeth was caried out of the 
Tower by water to (blank), c and thence to Woodestoke, wher she 
remayneth as prysoner, safe kept by the lorde Williams. 

The xxv. daie of Maye was the lorde Courtney, in the morning, 
convaied to [Fotheringay d ], ther as prysoner in safe keping of (blank). 

In this moneth master Winter and master Yorke (?) were deli- 
vered. 

The xviij. daie of May was master William Thomas drawne to 
Tyborne, and ther hanged and quarteryd, who saide he dyed for his 
country with the three (?) points declared. 

The (blank) daie of June the galluses 6 taken down in London. 

The same daye the crosse begon to be new gilted agayn. 

This moneth master Thomas Bridges toke apon him the lewete- 
nauntship of the Tower. 

The ix. day of June the quene removed to Richmond. 

The x th day a gon shot at Polles. f 

a The MS. is here not very clear, but the meaning is plainly that only eight of the 
jurors originally summoned were willing to convict the accused, and consequently four 
other men were sent for. No fuller account of sir James Croft's trial is known to be 
extant. He escaped with his life, and was among those released on the 18th Jan. 
following. See his memoir in the Retrospective Review, Second Series, vol. i. 

b These words occur at the foot of a leaf, but nothing more of the matter. 

c " On Saturday [May 19] at one o'clock in the afternoon, my lady Elizabeth was deli- 
vered out of the Tower by my lord treasurer and my lord chamberlain, and went to Rich- 
mond by water forthwith ere she landed ; where she shall be attended upon by sundry of 
the guard, and some officers of every office in the queen's house, but how long she shall 
continue there I know not." Letter of Robert Swyft to the earl of Shrewsbury, in Lodge's 
Illustrations. 

d Blank in the MS. Fotheringay is named in Stowe, and see Machyn's Diary, p. 64. 

The gallows on which the rebels were hung : they were now cleared away to prepare 
for king Philip's public entry ; see Machyn, p. 45. 

1 When doctor Pendleton was preaching ; see Stowe, and Machyn, p. 65. The occur- 
rence is also thus noticed in a letter of Simon Renard, the emperor's ambassador, to his 



1554.] QUEEN MARY. 77 

The lorde John Gray, the xj th day, caried to Westminster and 
condempned. a 

At this tyme a bruit of redb.(?) in Stepney, and the first talke of 
the making the bishop of Winchester a cardenall. 

The (blank) daie of Julie ther was a comotion in the towne of 
Andewarp agaynst the lordes of the towne. 

Thursday the xix 111 of Julie, Philip prince of Spaine landed at 
Hampton, and the monday following the quene removed to Win- 
chester to mete him. b 



master: " L'on tira, dimanche passe, un coup d'arquebouse centre un predicant catho- 
lique, estant au milieu de sa predication, a laquelle assistoient plus de quatre mille per- 
sonnes ; et n'a Ton sceu qui avoit tire le dit coup." Letter dated 14 June, 1554, in 
Tytler, ii. 418. 

Lord John Grey afterwards obtained his pardon, as Holinshed says, " through the 
painefull travayle and diligent suite of the ladie Grey his wife ; " and he was released from 
the Tower on the 30th of October. His wife was daughter of sir Anthony Browne, K.G. 
grand-daughter of the lord chamberlain sir John Gage, and sister to the new viscount 
Montagu (see p. 81). By the execution of his brothers lord John Grey became the head 
of the family, and from him descends the present earl of Stamford and Warrington. See 
further notices of him in Nichols's History of Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 674. 

b The following stages of the queen's progress, on her marriage journey, are from " Mr. 
Robert How's notes in his Almanack of the yere of our Lord 1554," transcribed in the MS. 
Harl. 4102, f. 29 b. : 

Tuesday the 29 (May) the quene went to Richemonte. 

Saterday the 16 of June the quene went to Oteland. 

Tuisday the 19 the quene came to Guilford. 

Fryday the 22 the quene came to Farnham. 

Wednesday the 11 of July the quene went to Norton. 

Thursday the 12 she went to Waltham. 

Fryday the 20 the prince of Spayne landed at Hampton. 

Saterday the 22 the quene went to Winchester. 

Wednesday the 25, being saynte James day, the quene maryed the prince of Spayne at 
Winchester. 

Tuisday the 31 the quene and king went to Basing. 

Thursday the 2 of August the king and quene went to Reding. 

Fryday the 3 of August the king and quene went to Windsor. 

Saterday the 22 the king and quene went to Richemont. 

Fryday the 17 of August the king and quene cam to Southwark. 

Saterday the 18 they went thorough London to Westminster. 



78 THE SECOND YEAR OF [July, 

Note, the sonday before that, on the xv. of July, ther was xij. 
cartes laden with treasury out of the Tower towardes Winchester. 

The same day a poore maide stoode at Polles crosse for speaking in 
a wall at Aldersgate. 8 

On saynct James's day, being the xxv. of July, the king and 
quene weare maried at Winchester, 15 and from thence they removed 
to Basing and to Windesour, and from thence to Richmonde, where 
they contynued till fridaie the xvij th of August, at which tyrne they 
came from Richmonde by water to Southewarke, accompanied with 
the noblemen and ladyes ; the kinge in one barge and she in an other; 
and lande at saincte Mary Overyes, at the bushope of Winchester's 
place, and ther, after they had drounck, they passed the lyttell parke 
into Suffolke place, alias Southewarke place, in which parke they 
killed by the way certayn buckes, and so rested ther all night, and 
the next day till iij. of the clocke at afternoone, at which hower they 
dyd sett forwarde thorowe Southwarke over the bridge, and so tho- 
roghe London to Whitehalle, wher they lodged. The armes at the gate 
of the bridge foote was newe guilded, and ther stoode at the drawe- 
bridge ij. great images of giantes holding theis verses (omitted). c 

The counduit in Graciouse strete was newe paynted and gilded, and 
aboute the winding turred was fynely portrayed the ix. wourthies 
and king Henry the eight and Edwarde the vj* in their tabernacles, 
all in complet harnesse, some with mases, some with swordes, and 
some with pollaxes in their handes ; all saving Henry the eight, 
which was paynted having in one hand a cepter and in the other 
hande a booke, whereon was wrytten Verbum Dei ; [ d but after the king 

See this story at full in Stowe ; also in Machyn, p. 66, and Renard's account in 
Tytler, ii. 340. 

b See an account of the marriage in the Appendix. 

c A full account of these pageants, accompanied by the inscriptions, is contained in 
Elder's letter in the Appendix. 

d This passage is crossed out in the MS. as if the writer had been fearful of retaining it. 
Foxe relates the same story, with some slight variations, as follows : " King Henry was 
painted in harnesse, having in one hand a sword, and in the other hand a booke, where- 
upon was written Verbum Dei, delivering the same booke (as it were) to his son king 



1554.] QUEEN MARY. 79 

was passed, the bushoppe of Winchester, noting the book in Henry 
the eightes hande, shortely afterwards called the paynter before him, 
and with ville wourdes calling him traytour, askte why and who bad 
him describe king Henry with a boke in his hande, as is aforesaid, 
thretenyng him therfore to go to the Flete. And the paynter made 
answer, that he thought he had don well, and that no man bad him 
do the contrary, "for (sayth he) yf I had knowen the same had 
ben agaynst your lordeship's pleasure, I wold not so have made him." 
" Nay, (saide the bushoppe,) yt is agaynst the quenes catholicke pro- 
ceedinges," &c. And so he paynted him shortly after, in the sted of 
the booke of Verbum Dei, to have in his handes a newe payre of 
gloves.] 

At the ende of Gracyouse street, towardes Leaden hall, was a very 

Edward, who was painted in a corner by him. [The painter, it may be remarked, pro- 
bably derived his idea from the title-page of the great bible of 1539.] But hereupon was no 
small matter made; for the bishop of Winchester, lord chancellor, sent for the painter, 
and not onely called him knave for painting a book in king Henries hand, and specially for 
writing thereupon Verbum Dei, but also ranke traitor and villaine, saying to him that he 
should rather have put the booke into the quenes hand (who was also painted there), for 
that she had reformed the church and religion, with other things, according to the pure 
and sincere word of God indeed. The painter answered and said, that if he had knowne 
that had been the matter wherefore his lordship sent for him, he could have remedied it, 
and not have troubled his lordship. The bishop answered and said, that it was the quenes 
majesties will and commandement that he should send for him : and so commanding him 
to wipe out the booke, and Verbum Dei too, he sent him home. So the painter departed ; 
but fearing lest he should leave some part either of the book or of Verbum Dei in king 
Henries hand, he wiped away a peece of his fingers withall." Foxe's embellishments in 
his stories (not to call them perversions,) are now well known : he chooses to tell them his 
own way. In the present instance, the presentation of the book to king Edward, and 
the wiping out of the fingers, are among his improvements : but the ominous fact of the 
bible being painted out, and replaced by a pair of gloves, (as related in the text,) is con- 
firmed by a third version of the story, as follows : " This yeare the ix. worthies at Graces 
church was painted, and king Henry the eight emongest them, with a bible in his hand, 
written upon it Verbum Dei : but commandement was geven immediately that it should be put 
out, and so it was, and a paire of gloves put in the place." (MS. Harl. 419, f. 131.) It will 
be within the recollection of most readers that on queen Elizabeth's similar triumphal entry 
into London, from one of the pageants a real bible was presented to her ; and that she 
received it with the warmest manifestations of pleasure and approbation. See the various 
chroniclers, and Hay ward's Elizabeth, (printed for the Camden Society,) p. 17. 



80 THE SECOND YEAR OF 

fayre pageant, made by the Estylliard, of a great bread hanging, 
garnyshed many goodly storyes with images of the [vij. cardinal! 
vertues* 4 ], and ther names wryten under the theater; and then, at 
the ende of the pageant, was a highe gatehouse, fayre paynted ; on 
the toppe whereof was made the image of a fayre horse and a man in 
harnesse rydyng theron, which, (when) the king came by, by a prety 
device, was made to mounte and tourne ronde about. 

At the ende of Cornewall, b by the stocks, ther was a pageant of a 
great heigth, havyng seates, wheron sat iiij. Phillipes, that was Phil- 
lipus rex Macedonia^ Phillipus bonus, Phillipus imperator, and 
Phillipus audax ; and over them sat, under a rich cloth of estat, in 
the toppe of the pageant, Phillip and Mary, &c. 

Beyond the great conduyt was a pageant made like a mount, 
replenyshed with leaves and herbes, in the toppe wherof was a great 
bush of grene byrch and hawthorn, wherein in a seat sat Orpheus 
with his harpe, having at his feet theis verses, &c. And about the 
lower ende of the mount sat dyverse childern playing of dyverse 
instrumentes ; and when the king cam by they came out of the 
mount, as it were dancing, all maner of beastes, as lyons, wulves, 
beares, apes, &c. 

The crosse of Cheape clean newe gilt ; yt cost a XV th thorough the 
citye. 

At the lyttell conduit was a very prety pageant, being but sleight, 
but mervalelouse fayre, made in maner of a vyne or tre of roses, the 
rote c wherof was lorde (blank), and so at every branches end satt a 
childe in a king's or queues apparell, declaring the dyssent of the 
king and quene, vntyll they came to the toppe, w r her they d sat both 
together in the toppe of the said pageant. From thence the king 

8 These words are struck through with a pen. 

b So the MS. for Cornhill. In Elder's pamphlet in the Appendix the same corruption 
occurs. 

c i. e. root. 

d i. e. the king and queen. This was a favourite way of representing pedigrees in gene- 
alogical rolls, and adopted in the Jesse windows of churches. 



1554.] QUEEN MARY. 81 

went to Polles and offered. At the conduit in Fleet street 
was also a very handsom pageant made in maner of a castell, 
havinge the armes of all chresten realmes, and very prety poses, a &c. 

Over the gate at Temple barre was paynted ij. men of bignes b 

havyng in their handes a table, wherin was wrytten theis sen- 
tences, &c. 

Note, ther was ij. swordes caried before theym, and ij. horses ledd 
after theym. At their going thorogh London non apperyth . . . , c &(r. 

At the coronation Vashan .... 

The quene removed the (blank) day of August to Hampton Court. 

At this tyme the French king retyred. 

At this tyme ther was so many Spanyerdes in London that a 
man shoulde have mett in the stretes for one Inglisheman above iiij. 
Spanyerdes, to the great discomfort of the Inglishe nation. The 
halles taken up for Spanyerdes. d 

About this tyme ther was half a rysing at Ypswych in Suffolk. 

In September the noblemen dyd axe licence to repay re every 
man into his contry, whether for avoiding their expences or any 
other cause ys as yit unknown. 

The king's wordes for the ryding of the garde at his coming aland. 

His words towching the nobillyty. 6 

The (blank) of September f sir Anthony Brown dyschardged of the 
mastership of the horse for the king, and so made a lorde by the 
name of the lorde Mountacute. 

Brought into the Tower iiij out of Suffolk for an insurrecion ther, 
and certayn executed. 

The v th of September a talke of xij thousand Spanyardes coming 
more into the realme, they said to fethe g the crowne. 

a i. e. verses. b Obscurely written in MS. 

c These words are very obscure in the MS. 

d i. e. they were lodged in the halls of the city companies. All this passage is crossed 
out in the MS. 

e These are hints of matters not trusted to paper. 
f Stowe says the 2d September, Machyn the 6th. 
fetch? 
CAMD. SOC. M 



82 THE SECOND YEAH OF [Sept 

The vj th of September, or theraboutes, ther was cut of in the 
king and quenes howsehold from the common ordenarie above xxij. 
measse of meat, by reaport. 

At this tyme ther was a talk that the bishopryk of Canterbury 
and metropolytaneship of Ingland (because a Spanysh frere lay there) 
was geven to a Spanysh frere ; and the lorde Williams was out of 
his chamberlenshipp, and secretary Petre out of his office, and that 
the lord tresorer had geven the quene Basing. 

M d . that the x th of September ther was a rumour that my lorde of 
Westmerlande and other kept a counsaill at Yorke, and that the erle 
of Pembroke, the erle of Sherysbury, and the erle of Westmerlande 
were proclaymed tray tours at the courte at Hampton. a 

At this tyme wer the newe coynes, with the doble face, b devised 
by sir John Godsalve and Thomas Egerton. 

Fryday the xiiij th of September were sett out by the bushope of 
London to be enquired of thoroughe out his diocesse by iiij substan- 
ciall persons therto by him appoynted, in every warde, a boke con- 
taining Cxxvj artycles, aswell towching the mysdemeynour of the 
clergie as the layety. c (Note, to ampliefy yt.) 

The last daie of September 1554, the bushoppe of Winchester 
preched at Poules crosse, and there brought him to the crosse the 
bushope of London with his crosyar staf before hime. Ther sate 
under the lorde mayre the erle of Arundell and all the Peter 
Bourne mates d and all the counsayle. The effecte of the bushopes 

This passage is also crossed out in the MS. probably because the rumour proved to be false. 

b i. e. with the two profiles of the king and queen. 

c See an account of these " Articles" in the Typographical Antiquities, Dibdin's edit, 
vol. iv. p. 392. The first thirty-seven (those which relate to the clergy) are printed by 
Burnet, Hist, of the Reformation, vol. ii. Records to Book II. number 15. 

d These words are doubtful : if correctly read, they mean the fellows of secretaries 
Petre and Bourne. Foxe enumerates as present " all the counsel that were at the 
court, namely, the marques of Winchester, the earle of Arundell, lord North, syr Anthony 
Browne, maister Rochester, maister Walgrave, maister Englefield, lord Fitzwaters, and 
secretary Peter; and the byshopes of London, Duresme, and Ely, which three sat under 
the byshop's armes." Some account of the sermon will be found in Foxe: "saying that 
all the preachers almost in kyng Edwardes tyme preached nothing but voluptuousnesse, 



1554.] QUEEN MARY. 83 

sermon was all of charytye ; he deceanded of heresy preched at that 
place ; he spake of tales at the counsayll at York ; he praysed the 
king and his domynions and riches, and willed all so obedyently to 
behave themselves that he might tary still with us, &c. 

Apon tuesday the ij d . of October ther cam to the Tower in twenty 
carres made for the shewe, accompanyed with certeyn Spanyerdes 
of the king's garde, iiij** xvij. lytell chestes 3 of a yard long and iiij. 
ynches brode, of syllver, which will mak by estymacyon 1. thousand 
pounde. 

and filthye and blasphemous lyes," &c. &c. This report is scarcely credible : the follow- 
ing notes of the same sermon, which remain in manuscript among Foxe's papers (MS. 
Harl. 425, p. 118), are of a tamer complexion : 

" The notes of a sermon made by the bishope of Wynchester at Powles crosse the laste 
daye of September, 1554. 

" First, he prayed for the kynge and quen and for fruite of them; second, for the spirialty, 
in especialle for the byshope of London, with the rest of the clergie; then for the nobylete 
and comens of the same; thirdly, for the sowles departyd and yeate retnayne, havinge 
nead of our prayers, to receave that which God hathe preparyd for them ; and so sayd a 
shorte prayer. 

" The Gospell of Mathew, 22 chap. : ' Then the scribes and feresis came to him, 
tempting him,' &c. And so the hole gospell in Latin, and afterwards in Englishe. It 
hathe bin the exersis of the scribes and farases allwayes to tempt Christe, and to seke some 
vauntage, as now among mani; one dyd a question, not to learne but to tempt him. 

" The question is a great question, that is, to knowe the cheviste and greatiste com- 
mandment. In thes scribes and pharesis is the natuer of mani men discribyd, that is, to 
serche and knowe hie things, and to reson and dispute of that wherof they have no under- 
standinge. 

" Christe answerithe them with two commandmentes, and saithe : Thou shalt love thy 
Lord God with all thy herte, with all thy sowle, with all thy mynde : this is the first 
and chefyste. Ther is another like unto this, Thou shalte love thy neybowr as thy 
sealfe, &c. 

" Here do we learne that God owght to be worshepyd and obeyd with all owr hert, 
sowle, and mynde, and all owr doings must be so directyd as maye declare the goodnes 
and glorye of God." 

* Instead of fourscore and seventeen chests, Stowe has made this 27 chests in each cart. 
Foxe, who has also chronicled this arrival, says, " It was matted about with mats, and 
mayled in little bundles about two feet long and almost half a foot thick, and in every 
cart sixe of those bundles." All the authorities, including Machyn, p. 69, agree in the 
number of twenty carts. 



Table showing the heirs female in remainder to the Crown, named in 
the Will of Henry VIII. and the Devise of Edward VI. 



King Henry the Seventh 
had issue 



King Henry the Eighth, 
father of, 



by Katharine 
of Arragon, 

The lady Mary, 
set. 38 in 1553. 



by Anne 
Boleyne, 



Margaret queen of Scots, 
great-grandmother of 
king James the First. 



Mary queen of France, 

mother of, 

by Charles Brandon, 
" duke of Suffolk, 



The lady Elizabeth, 
aet. 20 in 1553. 



The lady Frances, 
duchess of Suffolk, 
set. 36 in 1553. 



The lady Jane, 
set. 17 in 1553. 



The lady Katharine. The lady Mary. 



The lady Eleanor, 
countess of Cum- 
berland, died 1547. 



The lady Margaret. 



Queen Elizabeth, when she died in 1603, in the 70th year of her age, was the survivor 
of all these ladies. 

The duchess of Suffolk, having been remarried to her servant Adrian Stock esquire, 
died in 1559. 

The fate of the lady Jane is detailed in the present volume. 

Her sister the lady Katharine, having been rejected by her betrothed husband the lord 
Herbert of Cardiff, secretly united herself to the earl of Hertford in 1561, and died a state 
prisoner in 1567. Her eldest descendant and representative is the duke of Buckingham 
and Chandos. 

The lady Mary (following rather the example of her mother's alliance with Adrian 
Stock than the apparently more hazardous steps of her sisters,) demeaned herself by a 
secret match with Thomas Keyes the queen's serjeant porter in 1565, but her punishment 
was no less, for she was also a prisoner so long as her husband lived, that is, until 1571 ; 
she died, without issue, in 1578. 

The lady Margaret was married in 1555, with queen Mary's sanction, to Henry lord 
Strange, afterwards the fourth earl of Derby, and died in 1596. Her eldest heir of blood 
is believed to be the earl of Jersey. See " Royal Descents, a Genealogical List of the 
several persons entitled to Quarter the Arms of the Royal Houses of England. 1845." 4to. 

Of the descendants of Margaret queen of Scots there were living in 1553 : 1. her 
granddaughter Mary queen of Scots, then in her llth year, and affianced to the Dauphin 
of France; 2. her daughter Margaret countess of Lennox, then in her 38th year; and 3. 
Henry lord Derneley, the elder son of the countess (afterwards married to the queen of 
Scots), then in his 8th year. 

The claim of the queen of Scots, as coming of the elder sister, was not forgotten by the 
emperor, who attributed the French king's favour towards the proceedings in England to 
the circumstance of " monsieur le Dolphin having the daughter of Scotland," and conse- 
quently wishing to set aside the daughters of Henry VIII. Letter of the Commissioners 
at Brussels, 20 July. 



APPENDIX. 



I. THE WILL OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH, AND HIS DEVISE FOR 
THE SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN. 

I have stated in the note at page 4, that besides the letters patent of the 21st of June 
1553, which were designed to place the lady Jane next in succession to the Crown, there 
are two other documents extant, exhibiting the earlier stages of this daring effort of North- 
umberland's policy. Having subsequently, by favour of the Hon. Society of the Inner 
Temple, examined the original documents seen by bishop Burnet and Strype, I take this 
opportunity to give a more exact account of them . The " devise for the succession," in 
king Edward's own handwriting, will especially claim further consideration than has 
hitherto been bestowed upon it, on account of some very remarkable peculiarities, both of 
its original construction and its subsequent modification. 

By way of introduction it may be remarked, that several acts of parliament a passed 
in the reign of Henry VIII. had encouraged the theory that the succession was in the 
sovereign's power of appointment. By the 28th Hen. VIII. it was limited to the issue 
that might arise from his marriage with queen Jane (Seymour), and in default thereof it 
was enacted " that your highness shall have full and plenar power and authority to give, 
dispose, appoint, assign, declare, and limit by your letters patent under your great seal, or 
else by your last will made in writing, and signed with your most gracious hand, at your 
only pleasure, from time to time hereafter, the Imperial Crown of this Realm." By the 
35th Henry VIII. the ladies Mary and Elizabeth, though both then illegitimate by former 
acts of parliament, were placed next in succession in default of issue of their brother or 
further issue of the king, but both their titles were to be " with such conditions as by his 
highness shall be limited by his letters patent, under his great seal, or by his majesty's last 
will in writing, signed with his gracious hand;" and on the failure of all the three children 
and their issue the succession of the crown in reversion or remainder was to be limited by 
the king's appointment as before, according to the terms of the act 28 Hen. VIII. already 
recited. 

In conformity with the enactment of his 35th year, king Henry the Eighth made 
a will, and by that will the crown was to devolve, 1. on his son Edward and the 
heirs of his body ; 2. on his own heirs by queen Katharine (Parr) or any other future 
wife; 3. on his daughter Mary ; 4. on his daughter Elizabeth ; 5. on the heirs of the 
body of his niece the lady Frances ; 6. on those of her sister the lady Eleanor ; 7. to 
the next rightful heirs. In the event of either the lady Mary or the lady Elizabeth marrying 

* Sir Harris Nicolas has given abstracts of these acts of parliament in the notes appended 
to his memoir of lady Jane Grey. 



86 APPENDIX. 

without the consent of the privy council, they were respectively to be passed over as if 
dead without lawful issue. 

These, then, formed the precedents on which the duke of Northumberland assumed that 
the succession might again be modified by the act of the reigning monarch, expressed by 
letters patent and by a last will, to be confirmed by act of parliament, as the opportunity 
for such ratification might arrive. 

The main difference of king Edward's devise from king Henry's settlement consisted in 
the total exclusion of his two sisters." In the exclusion of the descendants of his aunt 
Margaret queen of Scots, on whom the crown ultimately devolved after the lapse of half a 
century, he merely followed the precedent of his father's will. 

Another remarkable feature of the devise is this, that, as originally drawn, it contem- 
plated only a male successor. It will be remembered that England had as yet obeyed no 
reigning Queen ; and that the empress Maud and Margaret countess of Richmond had 
been instances of heiresses living whilst their sons sat on the throne. Henry VIII. had 
indeed bequeathed the crown in contingent remainder to his daughters ; but, after them, 
the next remainder created by his will was to " to the heirs of the body of the lady 
Frances " his niece, not to the lady Frances herself. Thus the duchess of Suffolk had 
been already passed over by Henry VIII. as she was now again by king Edward. Fol- 
lowing the like scheme throughout, all the other female heirs were passed over in favour 
of their male issue not yet born. Now, it was an extraordinary circumstance in the state 
of the Blood Royal at this period, that, whilst the living descendants of Henry the Se- 
venth were (exclusive of the Scotish line, b ) seven in number of the female sex, there 
was not one male except king Edward himself. (See the Table prefixed to these remarks.) 
It was this fact that conferred genealogical importance, in the political speculations of the 
time, on the earl of Devonshire, as a male descendant of king Edward IV. and on cardinal 
Pole, as the male descendant and representative of George duke of Clarence. 

The first limitation of king Edward's settlement was, to the lady Frances's issue male, 
born before the king's death, and in default of such issue to the lady Jane's heirs 
male. This arrangement would have fully answered the duke of Northumberland's 
ambitious views, had king Edward survived the birth of a son to the lady Jane. In 
that case the infant would have succeeded to the crown immediately on king Edward's 
death, and Northumberland would have been grandfather of the actual monarch. 

But the rapid decline of the king's health did not allow time for this project to arrive 

a They are not even named in the king's devise : but in the final settlement, or letters 
patent, their title as founded on their father's will is first recited, and then declared inad- 
missible on these three grounds, 1. their illegitimacy ; 2. their being of half-blood to the 
king ; 3. the probability of their marrying a stranger born out of the realm. 

b Henry the Eighth had already preferred the descendants of his aunt the queen of 
France to those of her elder sister the queen of Scots, who were considered as debarred 
from the inheritance as aliens by birth. In contrast to which, it was " called to our 
remembrance" (i. e. of king Edward) that the daughters of the lady Frances and the lady 
Eleanor were " of the whole blood and naturall-born within the realm." 



THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 87 

at maturity. It became necessary to name some existing person as an immediate successor, 
and to terminate an arrangement, which, designating only a future and unborn heir, 
might have the effect of placing the crown in abeyance. Under these circumstances, the 
obvious course would have been to prefer the lady Frances, she being the first in order 
of the heirs female already nominated. This did not suit Northumberland's purpose. 
It would have had the effect of transferring his own power into the hands of the duke of Suf- 
folk, the lady's husband. Besides, the duchess of Suffolk was still a young woman (she was 
seventeen months younger a than queen Mary,) and might live long. She might even 
yet have a son, if not by her present by a future husband, and thus totally exclude North- 
umberland's posterity. 

The next alternative was to appoint the lady Jane to be the positive heir to the throne. 
This was actually done, by altering the words 

" to the L' Janes heires masles," 

into " to the L' Jane and her heires masles." 

In the king's autograph " devise " a pen is drawn through the letter s, which still 
remains on the paper, and the words " and her " are written above the line. The 
duke of Northumberland's immediate object, namely the succession of the lady Jane, was 
thus attained ; and, for consistency's sake, her sisters the ladies Katharine and Mary were 
placed in the like condition of personal inheritance, in the letters patent, though this does 
not appear in the devise; whilst the lady Margaret was inconsistently passed over, as 
in the devise when first written, and (like the lady Frances) was named only as conveying 
a contingent remainder to her male issue. 

It is obvious that the duke of Northumberland undertook a task which had many diffi- 
cult stages before it could result in success. In the first place he had to reconcile the king 
to his views, next the council, thirdly the lawyers, fourthly the parliament, fifthly, and 
above all, the nation. In the first of these endeavours he had, so far as we know, little or 
no resistance: the king, probably chiefly influenced by religious arguments, not only assented 
to his minister's suggestions, but exercised his personal authority to coerce the council 
and the lawyers. How the project was carried with these parties we are informed, by the 
apology of archbishop Cranmer, b and by the respective narratives of secretary Cecill and 
chief justice Montagu. With a parliament, as parliaments were then, there can be little 
doubt of its success had it come to the trial. With the nation, when the struggle arrived, 
the duke's failure was entire, for no minister was ever more unpopular, or more universally 
hated, than this " tyrant " as he was called," 1 the merciless " bear of Warwick." Besides, 

a The lady Frances was born 16 July 1517 (Lodge's Illustrations, i. 27.) She was now 
therefore thirty-six ; and lord Orford was wrong in supposing her " not past thirty-one," 
in his remarks cited by Nicolas, Memoir of Lady Jane Grey, p. cviii. 

b Printed in Strype's Life of Cranmer, Appendix, No. Ixxiv., and in the Parker Society's 
edition of Cranmer's Works, vol. ii. p. 442. 

c References to these have been already given in p. 4. 

d Among various proofs of this feeling see particularly the " Epistle of poor Pratte,' 1 
printed hereafter. We find Noailles attributing queen Jane's ill-success rather to the 



88 APPENDIX. 

such was the people's sense of justice, and so entirely was their opinion of hereditary right 
involved in that sentiment, that even the most devoted Protestants were, from their 
conscientious loyalty, among the most faithful supporters of the lady Mary. 

To return to the mode of procedure in framing the legal settlement, as evidenced by the 
existing documents. The first step must have been some dictation to the youthful 
monarch, either in a written or oral form. The next step was the king's drawing out, 
entirely with his own hand, " My devise for the succession " (the document which fol- 
lows). The third step, after the alterations we have already considered and others had 
been made, was to make a fair transcript : this was done by secretary Petre, and the 
king added his signature to each of the six paragraphs. This authenticated copy was then 
delivered " to certain judges and other learned men," that they might prepare the settle- 
ment accordingly. At the same time an engagement was entered into, by which the 
council pledged themselves, by their signatures,* to support the said limitation of the 
Crown, and to punish any person attempting to vary or swerve from it (see this document 
hereafter). Lastly, the letters patent were duly drawn, and executed on the 21st of June, b 
in the form hereafter printed, pp. 91 100. 

King Edward proceeded further, to prepare minutes for his last Will : these also were 
transcribed by secretary Petre, and the transcript in his handwriting is preserved in the 
same repository with the foregoing. 

In the conviction that more accurate copies of these very important documents than 
it was customary to edit in the days of Burnet or Strype, will be acceptable to historical 
inquirers, I have transcribed them with great care. The first is the king's " devise," 
in which the reader will please to observe that all words printed in Italic type are those 
which in the original have the pen drawn through them, and that the parentheses denote 
the words inserted above the lines. 



people's hatred of the overbearing duke than to their love for Mary " toutes ces choses 
sont advenues plus pour la grande bayne que 1'on porte a icelluy due, qui a voulu tenir 
un chacun en craincte, que pour 1'amitie que Ton a a ladicte royne." Ambassades, ii. 80. 

a The document says seals also, but the seals were not added (unless, indeed, it was 
executed in duplicate). 

b The French ambassador Noailles, who was in the confidence of the Protestant party, 
wrote home to his master on the 26th June, that the king had made his will nine 
days before viz. on the 17th, four days before the actual date of the letters patent. 
Noailles had probably received an account of the council meeting at which the 
king propounded his devise. 26 June 1555. " II y a aujourd'huy neuf jours que 
le roy vostre bon fils et frere feit son testament, par lequel il ordonne et veult, par 
sa derniere volunte, que sa couronne tumbe a Jeanne de Suffolck, comme je vous ay 
cy-dessus escript, [no former intimation of the fact or intention is preserved in Noailles's 
letters,] et le parlement de Hoestcemestre a este remis jusques a la fin du mois de 
Septembre, qui est, comme je pense, pour confirmer sesdictes dispositions.'' Ambassades 
de Noailles, ii. 49. 



THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWX. 89 

King Edward's devise, entirely autograph. 
(MS. Petyt 47, f. 317.) 

My deuise for the succession. 

1. For lakke of issu (masle) of my body (to the issu (masle) cumming 
of thissu femal, as i haue after declared). To the L Franceses heires 
masles, For lakke of (if she have any) such issu (befor my death) to the 
L' Jane* (and her) heires masles, To the L Katerins heires masles, To the 
L Maries heires masles, To the heires masles of the daughters wich she a 
shal haue hereafter. Then to the L Margets heires masles. For lakke of 
such issu, To th'eires masles of the L Janes daughters. To th'eires masles 
of the L Katerins daughters, and so forth til yow come to the L Margets 
(daughters) heires masles. 

2. If after my death theire masle be entred into 18 yere old, then he to 
have the hole rule and gouernauce therof. 

3. But if he be under 18, then his mother to be gouuernres til he entre 
18 yere old, But to doe nothing w t out th'auise (and agremet) of 6 parcel of 
a counsel to be pointed by my last will to the nombre of 20. 

4. If the mother die befor th'eire entre into 18 the realme to be 
gouuerned by the cousel Prouided that after he be 14 yere al great matters 
of importaunce be opened to him. 

5. If i died w^out issu, and ther were none heire masle, then the L 
Fraunces to be f gouuernres} reget. For lakke of her, the her eldest 
daughters* and for lakke of them the L Marget to be gouuernres 
after as is aforsaid, til sume heire masle be borne, and then the mother of 
that child to be gouuernres. 

6. And if during the rule of the gouuernres ther die 4 of the counsel, 
then shal she by her letters cal an asseble of the counsel wHn on month 

folowing and chose 4 more, wherin she shal haue thre uoices. But after 

" " she," i. e. the lady Frances (duchess of Suffolk), whose three living daughters, Jane, 
Katharine, and Mary, have now been enumerated. 

b " the her eldest daughters," sic MS. probably for then her eldest daughter, i. e. the 
lady Jane. There is nothing in the letters patent corresponding to this clause ; for it was 
rendered unnecessary when the arrangement had been admitted that the lady Jane should 
immediately succeed in the event of her mother having no son at the time of King 
Edward's decease. Still, as appears from the king signing " in six several places," there 
were six paragraphs in the fair copy of the devise. 

CAMD. SOC. N 



90 APPENDIX. 

her death the 16 shal chose emong themselfes til th'eire come to 
(18 erased) 14 yeare olde, and then he by ther aduice shal chose the.* 



Engagement of the Council and others to maintain the Succession 
as limited by the King. 

(MS. Petyt 47, f. 316. In the handwriting of secretary Petre, the signatures 
all autographs.) 

EDWARD. (Signature) 

Wee whose names be undenvrytten, having hertofore many tymes harde 
the kinges mat 6 our most gracious soveraygne lordes earnest desire and 
expresse commawndment toching the limitation of the succession in the im- 
periall crowne of this realme and others his majesties realmes and dominions ; 
and having seen his majesties own devise toching the sayd succession, fyrst 
holly wrytten with his most gracious hande, and after copied owt in his 
majesties presence, by his most high commawndment, and confirmed with 
the subscription of his majesties own hande, and by his highnes delyveryd to 
certayn judges and other lerned men, to be wrytten in full order : Doo, by 
his majesties speciall and absolute commawndment, eftsones given us, agree, 
and by these presentes signed with our handes and sealed with our scales, 
promys by our othes and honours to observe, fully performe, and kepe all 
and every article, clause, brawnche, and matter conteyned in the sayd wryting 
delyveryd to the judges and others, and subscribed with his majesties hande 
in six severall places ; and all suche other matter as his majestic by his last 
will shall appoynt, declare, or commawnd, toching or concerning the limita- 
tion of his sayd imperiall crowne. And wee do further promys by his 
majesties said commawndment never to varie or swarve, during our liefes, 
from the sayd limitation of the succession : butt the same shall to the utter- 
most of our powers defende and mayntayne. And if any of us, or any other, 
shall att any tymeherafter (which God forbydd) varye from this agreement 
or any part thereof, wee and every of us doo assent to take, use, and repute 
hym for a breaker of the common concord, peax, and unite of this realme, 

This clause, though erased in the king's draft, will be found retained in the letters 
patent, but the council was to consist of thirty instead of twenty members. 



THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 91 

and to doo our utmost to see hym or them so varying or swarving, punisshed 
with most sharpe punisshment, according to their desertes. 
T. CANT. T. ELY, CANC. 

WINCHESTER. NoRTHUBRLAND. J. BEDFORD. H. SUFFOLK. 

W. NORTHT. H. SHREWESBURY. F. HUNTYNGDON. PENBROKE. 

E. CLYNTON. T, DARCY. G. COBHAM. 
R. RYCHE. T. CHEYNE. 

JOHN GATE. WILLIAM PETRE. JOAN' CHEEK. 
W. CECILL. EDWARD MOUNTAGU. 

JOHN BAKERE. 

EDWARD GRYFFYN. JOHN LUCAS. 
JOHN GOSNOLD. 



Letters Patent for the Limitation of the Crown. 

From the transcript of Ralph Starkey in the MS. Harl. 35, f. 364, which is preceded 
by this title : " A true coppi of the counterfet wille supposed to be the laste wille and tes- 
tament of kinge Edwarde the Sixt, forged and published under the Great Scale of 
Englande by the confederacie of the dukes of Suffolke and Northumberlande, on the be- 
halfe of the Lady Jane, eldest daughter to the said duke of Suffolke, and testefied with the 
handes of 101 of the cheife of the nobilliti and princepall men of note of this kingdome ; 
dated the 21 day of June an . 1553 ; " and followed by this memorandum : " This is a 
true coppie of Edward the Sixte his will, taken out of the originall under the Greate 
Scale, which sir Robart Cotton delyvered to the kinges majestic the xij th of Apprill 1611, 
at Roystorne, to be canseled." 

EDWARD. 

Edwarde the Sixt, by the grace of God kinge of Englande, Fraunce, and 
Ireland, defender of the faith and of the church of England and also of Ire- 
land in earth the Supreme Head, to all our nobles and other our good 
loving faithfull and obedyente subjects greeting in our Lord God everlastinge. 
Forasmuch as it hath pleased the goodnes of Almightie God to visit us with 
a longe and werie sickenes, wherby wee doe feele our selfe to be with the 
same partly growen into some wekenes, albeit not doubteing in the grace 
and goodnes of God but to bee shortly by his mightie powre restored to 
our former helth and strength, and to lyve here in this transitory world and 
life such and so long tyme as it shall please God to stand with his most 
godly providence and determinacion, wherunto we doe with all our hart 



92 APPENDIX. 

moste humbly, wholy, and clearlye submit ourselfe ; and callynge nowe to 
oure rememberance howe necessarye a thinge it is [to] have the estate of the 
emperiall crowne of these our noble realmes of England and Ireland, and 
our tytle of Fraunce, and the dominiones and marches of the same, to be 
so contynued and preserved as the same be not destitute of such a heade 
and governer as shalbe apte and meete to rule and governe the same our 
realmes and other our dominiones for the quiete preservacion of the com- 
mon welth of our good lovinge and faithfull subjects ; which sayd emperiall 
crowne, together with all the tytles, honoures, preheminences, and heredita- 
ments therunto belonging, did lawfully discend and come by good, juste, 
right, and lawfull tytle and course of inheritance in fee simple to our late 
and moste deare father of worthie memorie kinge Henry the Eight, beinge 
lawfull and true inheritore therof in fee simple by the auntient lawes, 
statutes, and customes of this realme ; AND NOTWITHSTANDINGE that in the 
tyme of our sayd late father, that is to saye, in the xxxv th yeare of his 
raigne, ther was then one estatute made, entitled, An Acte concerninge the 
Establishment of the King's Majesties succession in the Imperial! Crowne 
of this Realme, wherby it is enacted, that in case it should happen our sayd 
late father and us, then beinge his only sone and heire apparent, to decease 
without heires of our bodye lawfully begotten, to have and inherite the said 
imperiall crowne, and other of our said late father's dominiones, accordinge 
and in such manner and forme as in the said Acte made in the said xxxv th 
yeare is declared, that then the said imperiall crowne, and all other the 
premysses specified in the said Acte, should be in the ladye Mary, by the 
name of the ladie Mary our said late fatheres daughter, and to the heires of 
the bodye of the said ladye Mary lawfully begotten, with such conditiones as 
by oure saide father shoulde be lymetted by his letteres pattentes under his 
great scale, or by his laste will in writyng signed with his hand ; and for 
default of such issue the said imperiall crowne and other the premisses 
should be to the lady Elizabeth, by the name of the ladie Elizabeth our 
said late father's second daughter, and to the heires of the bodye of the 
said lady Elizabeth lawfully begotten, with such condiciones as by our said 
late father should be lymetted by his lettres pattents under his great seale, 
or by his laste will in writinge, signed with his hande, as in the said Acte 
made in the said xxxv th yeare of our said late father's raigne, amongest diveres 
and sondry other things and provisyons therin contayned, more playnely 



THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 93 

and at large it doth and may appeare. AND FOR ASMUCH as the said lymy- 
tacion of the imperiall crowne of this realme, beinge lymmited by authorite 
of parleament as is afforesaid to the said ladie Mary and ladie Elizabeth, 
beinge illegitemate and not lawfully begotten, forasmuch as the mariage 
had betweene our said late father and the lady Katherine, mother to the 
said lady Marye, was clearly and lawfully undone, and separatione betweene 
them had by sentence of diverse accordinge to the ecclesiasticall lawes ; 
and likewise the mariage had betweene our said late father and the lady 
Anne, mother to the said ladie Elizabeth, was also clearely and lawefully 
undone, and separation betweene them had by sentence of divorse accordinge 
to the ecclesiasticall lawes ; which said severall divorsements have bene seve- 
rally ratefyed and confirmed by authority of diveres actes of parleamente 
remaininge in their full force, strength, and efiecte ; wherby as well the said 
lady Marye as also the said ladie Elizabeth to all intents and purposes are 
and be clearly disabled to aske, claime, or challenge the said imperiall crowne, 
or any other of our honores, castelles, manores, lordeshipes, lands, tenements, 
and hereditaments as heire or heires to us or to any other person or persones 
who soevere, aswell for the cause before rehearsed, as also for that the said 
lady Mary and lady Elizabeth be unto us but of the halfe bloud, and ther- 
fore by the auntyent lawes, statutes, and customes of this realme be not in- 
heritable unto us, although they were legitimate, as they be not indeed. 
AND FORASMUCH ALSO as it is to be thought, or at the leaste much to be 
doubted, that yf the said lady Mary or ladie Elizabeth should herafter have 
and enjoy the said imperiall crowne of this realme, and should then happen 
to marry with any stranger borne out of this realme, that then the same 
stranger, havinge the governemente and the imperiall crowne in his hands, 
would rather adhere and practice to have the lawes and customes of his or their 
owne native countrey or countreyes to be practised or put in ure within this 
our realme, then the lawes, statutes, and customes here of longe time used, 
wherupon the title of inheritance of all and singular our loving subjects doe 
depend, which would then tende to the utter subversion of the comon-welth of 
this our realme, which God defend. UPON ALL WHICH CAUSES AND MAT- 
TERES, and upon diveres other consideratyons concerninge the same, wee have 
oftentymes, aswell sithence the tyme of our sickenes as in the tyme of oure 
helth, wayed and considered with our selfe, what wayes and meanes were 
moste convenyent to be had for the staye of our said successyon in the said 



94 APPENDIX. 

imperiall crowne, yf it should please God to call us out of this transitory 
lyfe havinge no issue of our bodye lawfully begottone. And callinge to our 
remembrance, that the ladie Jane, the ladye Katherine, and the ladie Marye, 
daughters of our entirely beloved cosen the ladie Fraunces, nowe wife to 
our lovinge cosene and faithfull counsellor Henry duke of Suffolke, and the 
ladie Margarete, daughter of our late cosene the ladie Elleonore deceased, 
sister of the saide ladie Frauncis, and the late wife of our welbeloved cosen 
Henry earle of Cumberland, being very nigh of our whole bloude, of the 
parte of our father's side, and being naturall-borne here within the realme, 
and have ben also very honorably brought upe and exercised in good and 
godly learninge, and other noble vertues, so as ther is greate truste and hope 
to be had in them that they be and shalbe very well inclined to the advance- 
ment and settyng forth of our comon welth ; WE THERFORE, upon good deli- 
beration and advise herein had and taken, and haveinge also (thankes be to 
the livinge God) our full, whole, and perfect memory, doe by these presents de- 
clare, order, assigne, limett, and appointe that yf it shall fortune us to decease 
havinge no issue of our body lawefully bego'tten, that then the said imperiall 
crowne of this our realmes of England and Ireland, and of the confynes of 
the same, and our tytle to the crowne and realme of Fraunce, and all and 
singular honnores, castelles, prerogatyves, privelyges, preheminences, autho- 
rities, jurisdictions, dominions, possessions, and hereditaments to us and our 
said imperiall crowne belonginge, or in anywise appertaininge, shall, for lacke 
of such issue of our bodye, remayne, come, and be unto (1) THE ELDEST 

SONNE OF THE BODYE OF THE SAID LADY FRAUNCIS, LAWFULLY BE- 
GOTTONE, BEINGE BORNE INTO THE WORLD IN OUR LYFETYME, and to 

the heires males of the bodye of the said eldeste sonne lawfully begotten, and 
so from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of auncienty in birth, of the bodie of 
the said lady Frauncis lawfully begotten, beinge borne into the world in our 
lyfetyme, and to the heires males of the bodye of every such sonne law- 
fully begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne borne into the world in our 
lyfetyme of the body of the said lady Frauncis lawfully begotten, and for 
lacke of the heires males of the bodie of every such sonne lawfully begotten, 
that then the said imperiall crowne, and all and singular other the premisses, 
shall remayne, come, and be, (2) TO THE LADIE JANE, eldeste daughter of 
the said ladie Frauncis, and to the heires males of the said bodye of the said 
ladie Jane, lawfully begotten ; And for lacke of such heires males of the bodie 



THE LIMITATION OP THE CROWN. 95 

of the said lady Jane lawfully begotten, that then the imperiall crowne and all 
and singuler other the premyses shall remaine, come, and be unto (3) THE L ADY 
KATHERINE, second daughter of the said ladie Frauncis, and to the heires 
males of the bodie of the said ladie Katherine lawfully begotten ; And for lacke 
of suche heire male of the bodie of the said ladie Katherine lawfully begotten 
that then the imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shall 
remayne, come, and be (4) TO THE LADIE MARYE, thirde daughter of the 
saide ladie Frauncis, and to the heires males of the bodie of the saide ladie 
Marye, lawfully begotten ; And for defaulte of such heires males of the bodie 
of the said ladie Marye laste before named, lawfully begotten, that then the 
said imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shall remaine, 
come, and be unto (5) THE ELDESTE SONNE OF THE BODIE OF THE 

FOURTH DAUGHTER OF THE SAID LADY FRAUNCIS, and to the heires 

males of the body of the same eldest sonne lawfully begotten, and so from 
sonne to sonne as well of the bodie of the said fourth daughter as from 
sonne to sonne of the bodie of any other daughter of the said ladie Fraunces, 
lawfully begotten, as the same other daughter and her said sonne shalbe of 
auntienty in birth, and to the heires males of the body of everie such sonne 
lawfully begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne, and of the heires males of 
the body of every such sonne lawfully begotten, that then the said imperiall 
crowne and all and singuler other the premisses shall remaine, come, and be 

tO (6) THE ELDESTE SONNE OF THE BODYE OF THE LADY MARGARETE, 

daughter to the ladie Eleanore, sistere to the said ladie Fraunces, lawfully 
begotten, and to the heires males of the bodie of the same eldeste sonne 
lawfully begotten, and soe from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of auntientye 
in berth of the body of the said lady Margarete lawfully begotten, and to the 
heires males of the said bodie of every such sonne lawfully begotten ; And 
for defaulte of such heire, that then the said imperiall crowne and all and 
singuler other the premisses shall remaine, come, and be to (7) THE ELDESTE 

SONNE OF THE BODY OF THE ELDESTE DAUGHTER OF THE SAID LADY 

JANE, lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodye of the same 
eldest sonne lawfully begotten, and so from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of 
auncienty in byrth, of the bodie of the saide eldest daughter of the said lady 
Jane lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodie of every such 
sonne lawfully begotten ; and for lacke of such heire that then the said 
imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shall remaine, 



96 APPENDIX. 

come, and be to the eldest sonne of the bodie of the seconde daughter 
of the said ladie Jane lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the body 
of the same eldest sonne lawfully begotten ; and so from sonne to sonne as 
well of the body of the second daughter of the said lady Jane lawfully 
begotten, as from sonne to sonne of the bodies of any other daughter of 
the said lady Jane lawfully begotten, as the same other daughter and her 
said sonne shalbe of auncientie in berth, and to the heires males of the 
body of every such sonne lawfully begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne, 
and of the heires males of the body of every such sonne lawfully begotten, 
that then the said imperiall crowne and all and singuler other the premisses 
shall remaine, come, and be unto (8) THE ELDESTE SONNE OF THE BODY 

OF THE ELDEST DAUGHTER OF THE SAID LADY KATHERINE lawfully 

begotten, and to the heires males of the body of the said eldest sonne lawfully 
begotten, and soe from sonne to sonne as they shall be of auncientye in 
berth, of the body of the said eldest daughter of the said lady Katherine 
lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of every such sonne lawfully 
begotten ; and for lacke of such heires that then the said imperiall crowne 
and all and singuler other the premisses shall remaine, come, and be unto 
the eldeste sonne of the body of the seconde daughter of the said lady 
Katherine lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodye of the 
said eldeste sonne lawfully begotten, and so from sonne to sonne as well 
of the body of the said lady Katherine lawfully begotten, as from sonne 
to sonne of the bodye of any other daughter of the same lady Katherine 
lawfully begotten, as the same other daughter and her said sonne shalbe of 
auncientie in berth, and to the heires males of the body of every such sonne 
lawfully begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne, and of the heires males of 
the body of every such sonne, lawfully begotten, that then the said imperiall 
crowne and all and singuler other the premysses shall remaine, come, and 

be (9) TO THE ELDESTE SONNE OF THE BODY OF THE ELDESTE DAUGH- 
TER OF THE SAID LADY MA RYE, sister to the said ladie Katherine, and to the 
heires males of the body of the same eldeste sonne lawfully begotten, and so 
from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of auncientie in berth, of the body of the 
said eldeste daughter of the said lady Mary, sister to the said ladie Kathe- 
rine, lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the body of every such 
sonne lawfully begotten ; and for lacke of such heire that then the saide 
imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shall remayne, 



THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 97 

come, and be to the eldeste sonne of the body of the second daughter of the 
said lady Mary, sister to the said ladie Katherine, lawfully begotten, and to 
the heires males of the bodye of the same eldest sonne lawfully begotten, 
and so from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of auncientie in berth, as well of the 
bodye of the saide seconde daughter of the said lady Marye, sister to the said 
lady Katherine, lawfully begotten, as from sonne to sonne of the bodie of any 
other daughter of the said ladye Mary, sister of the said ladie Katherine, 
lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodye of every such sonne 
lawfully begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne, and of the heires males of 
the bodye of every such sonne lawfully begotten, that then the said imperiall 
crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shall remaine. come and be 

(10) TO THE ELDESTE SONNE OF THE BODY OF THE ELDESTE DAUGHTER 
OF THESAID FOURTH DAUGHTER OF THE SAID LADYFRAUNCIS lawfully be- 
gotten, and to the heires males of the bodye of the same eldeste sonne lawfully 
begotten, and so from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of ancientie in berth, of the 
body of the said eldeste daughter of the said fourth daughter of the said lady 
Frauncis, lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodye of every 
such sonne lawfully begotten ; and for default of suche sonne, and of the 
heires males of the bodie of every suche sonne lawfully begotten, that then 
the said imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premysses, shall 
remaine, come, and be (11) TO THE ELDESTE SONNE OF THE BODY OF THE 

ELDESTE DAUGHTER OF THE BODY OF THE SAID LADIE MARGARETE 

lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodie of the same eldeste 
sonne lawfully begotten, and so from sonne to sonne as he shalbe in ancientye 
in berth of the bodye of the said eldeste daughter of the said lady Margarete 
lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodie of every suche sonne 
lawfully begotten. AND OUR MYNDE, DETERMINACION, AND PLEASURE is, 
that if after our decease any such heir male as is before declared, and being 
kinge of this realme, be entered into eighteene yeares of age, that then he shall 
have the whole rule and governance of the said imperiall crowne, and other the 
premisses ; but yf after the decease of the said lady Jane, lady Katherine, 
and lady Marye, to whom as appertaineth the estat of the crowne, such 
heire male lymyted and appoynted as aforesaid be under the age of seven- 
teene yeares complete, that then his mother to be the GOVERNOR of the said 
imperiall crowne, and other the premysses, untyll the said heire male shall 
enter his age of eighteene yeares, and that she shall doe nothinge without 
CAMD. SOC. O 



98 APPENDIX. 

the advise of sixe persons, parcell of a COUNSELL to the numbere of xxx 
persons, to be appointed by us in our laste wille ; and yf the mother of 
such heire malle, lymited and appointed as is afforesaide, shalbe deceased 
before any such heire malle shalbe entytled to have the said imperiall 
crowne, and other the premysses, or shall dye before the same heire malle 
should enter into his age of eighteene yeares, as is afforesaid, that then the 
said imperiall crowne, and other the premisses, shalbe governed by the 
counsell ; provided alwayes, that after the said heire malle shalbe of the 
age of xiiij. yeares complete, all matters of importance shall be opened and 
declared unto him ; And yf duringe the rule of the said mother, beinge 
governor as is afforsaid, it shall fortune iiij. of the counsell to dye, that 
then she by her lettres shall have authoritye to call an assemblie of the 
whole counsell remaininge, within one month then next followinge, to chose 
iiij. more to be of the said counsell, to make uppe the said counsell of xxx. 
persons, in which choyse she shall have only iij. voyces ; but after her deathe 
the xxvi of the said counsell of xxx persons shall chuse so many persons 
to be of the said counsell as shall with themselves make up the said coun- 
sell to the said numbre of xxx. persons ; provided alwaies that the said 
heire malle, when he shall come to the age of xiiij. yeares, shall chuse, 
by the advise of the said counsell, so many to be of the said counsell 
as shall then want of the said numbre of xxx. persones to make upe 
and ftilfille the said numbre of the said counsell of xxx. persones. And 
wee will that this our declaracion, order, assignemente, lymetacion, and ap- 
pointemente, be truly observed, performed, and kepte in all things ; and 
further, we will and charge all our nobles, lords spirituall and temporall, 
and all commoners of these our said realmes and the marches of the same, 
upon their allegiance, that they and every of them doe performe and execute 
this our present declaracion and lymetacion concerninge the succession of 
the crowne of these our said realmes, and other the premysses ; and to see 
this our said declaracion and lymetacion concerninge the same established, 
ratefyed, and confirmed, as well by authoritye of parleamente as by all 
waies and meanes as they can, to the beste of their poweres ; and to 
represse, reforme, repeale, and make voyde all actes of parlement and all 
other thinges that shall seeme or be in any wise to the contrary, lett, or dis- 
turbance of theis our pleasure and appointement, as they will answere 
affore God, tender the comon-welth of these our realmes, and avoide our 



THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 99 

indignation and displeasure ; and in witnes that this is our very true mynde 
and intent touchinge the successyone of our said imperiall crowne and all 
other the premisses, wee have hereunto sette our signe manuall and our 
greate seall the xxj th daye of June, in the 7 th yeare of our raigne, in the 
presence of our counsellores and other our nobles, whose names are under 
written, to witnes, recorde, and testefye the same. 

T. Cant'. T. Ely, Cane. Winchester. Northumb'laud. Jo. Bedford. 
H. Suffolk. W. North'ton. Arundell. Oxynforde. H. Westmorland. 
F. Shrewesbury. John Warwyk. W. Worcester. F. Huntington. Pen- 
broke. E. Clinton. T. Darcy. Nic. London. Henry Aburge. G. Cob- 
ham. Will a m Grey. G-. Talbott. T. Fitzwauters. William Windesor. 
J. Bray. Thomas Wentworthe. John St. John. R. Riche. William 
Willoughby. Francys Russelle. J. Fytzwarin. G. Fitzgerald. H. Strange. 
Thomas Gray. Chenye. Will'm Bu . . . Richard Cotton. John Gate. 
William Petre. W. Cecill. John Cheek. Roger Cholmeley. Edward 



From the manner in which the signatures of this important document are written in 
the book which contains the only known transcript of it, there is some difficulty in distin- 
guishing the classes of persons who were summoned to sign it, particularly among the 
latter signatures. In the early names, however, they appear to follow the true precedence 
in which they were affixed to the original. They may be distributed in classes as follow. 

Great Officers of State and Peers. The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), the lord 
chancellor (Thomas Goodrick bishop of Ely), the lord treasurer (the marquess of Win- 
chester), the great master of the household (duke of Northumberland), the lord privy seal 
(earl of Bedford), the duke of Suffolk, the marquess of Northampton, the earls of Arun- 
del, Oxford, Westmorland, Shrewsbury, Worcester, Huntingdon, and Pembroke, the lord 
admiral Clinton, the lord chamberlain Darcy, the bishop of London (Nicholas Ridley), 
the lords Abergavenny, Cobham, Grey of Wilton, Windsor, Bray, Wentworth, Rich, and 
Willoughby of Parham. 

Elder sons of peers. The earl of Warwick son of the great master, lord Fitzwalter 
son of the earl of Sussex, lord Talbot son of the earl of Shrewsbury, lord St. John of 
Basing son of the lord treasurer, lord Russell son of the lord privy seal, lord Fitzwarine 
son of the earl of Bath, lord Fitzgerald heir to the forfeited earldom of Kildare (to 
which he was soon after restored), lord Strange son of the earl of Derby. 

The younger brother of the duke of Suffolk. Lord Thomas Grey. 

Officers of the household. Sir Thomas Chenye treasurer, sir William (Cavendish trea- 
surer of the chamber ?) sir Richard Cotton comptroller, sir John Gates vice-chamberlain. 

Secretaries of State. Sir William Petre, sir William Cecill, and sir John Cheke. 

Judges. Sir Roger Cholmeley chief justice of the king's bench, sir Edward Mountague 



100 APPENDIX. 

Mountague. Henry Bradschawe. John Bakere. Homfre Browne. Henry 
Portman. Robert Bowes. Jo. Masone. R. Sadler. Ric. Sakevyle. 
Edward Northe. A. Sentleger. William Paget. Tho. Wrothe. Henrj 
Sydney. Morris Barkley. N. Throgmorton. Rye. Blount. Henri Gage. 
Ric. Southwelle. John Williams. Henri Norres. Antoni Browne. James 
Dyer. John Gosnold. Will. Fitzwilliam. Will'm Croke. Henry Nevill. 

George Barnes, mayre. 

John Gresham. Andrew Judde. Ric. Dobbys. W. Damsel le. Au- 
gustin Hinde. John Lambarde. Thomas Offley. Will'm Garrard. Law- 
ranee Wether. Edward Rogeres. Adrian Poinings. p me William 
Huett. R. Bret, p me William Chester. Antony Broune. John 
Raynford. Ro. Sowthwell. By me Thomas Lodge. Thomas Bowere. 
Emanuel Lucar. John Wither. Wm. Bury. Richarde Mallorye. Henry 
Fisher. Xp'ofore Dawntesey Ric. Chamberlyn. Henry Broune. Richarde 
Hilles. William Knight. \Villiam Gyfford. Ric. Broke. W. Bury. 

chief justice of the common pleas, Henry Bradshaw chief baron of the exchequer, sir John 
Baker chancellor of the exchequer, sir Humfrey Browne justice of the common pleas, sir 
William Portman justice of the king's bench, sir Robert Bowes master of the rolls. 

The king's Serjeant. James Dyer. 

The solicitor-general. John Gosnold. 

Privy councillors. Sir John Mason, sir Ralph Sadler, sir Richard Sackville chancellor 
of the court of augmentations, sir Edward North, sir Anthony Sentleger, sir William 
Paget, sir Richard Southwell. 

Knights of the king's privy chamber. Sir Thomas Wroth, sir Henry Sydney, sir Maurice 
Berkeley, sir Nicholas Throgmorton, sir Richard Blount, sir Henry Gage. 

The lord mayor. Sir George Barnes. 

Aldermen (six). Sir John Gresham, sir Andrew Judd, sir Richard Dobbs, sir Augustine 
Hinde, sir John Lambard, sir Thomas Offley. 

The king's sheriff of London and Middlesex. Sir William Garrard. 

Sheriffs, of Surrey, sir Anthony Browne; of Kent, Sir Robert South welL 

Merchants of the staple (six), and merchant adventurers (six), as stated by Stowe (see 
before, p. 2.) In one or other of these characters attended sir William Hewitt, sir William 
Chester, sir Thomas Lodge, then or afterwards aldermen. 

We miss the names of the attorney-general Edward Gryfiyn and John Lucas master 
of the requests, which are among the signatures in p. 91, attached to the engagement 
made in the king's presence. The former retained his place in the service of queen Mary. 



KING EDWARD'S LAST WILL. 101 



King Edward's Minutes for his Last Will, as transcribed by 
Secretary Petre. 

(MS. Petyt47,f. 416.) 

These minutes contain only the less important items intended for the king's Will. It was 
probably proposed to combine them with a recital of the arrangements stipulated by 
the Letters Patent, and with a nomination of the executors or council who the king 
states in his Devise were to be appointed by his Last Will. 

To bee conteyned in my last will, as parcell thereof : First, thatt during 
the yong yeres of any my heyre or successour, my executours shall nott 
agree to enter into any warres, except uppon occasion of invasion to be made 
by enemyes : nor, to the best of ther powers, shall suffer any quarell to be 
onjustly pyked by our subjectes wherof any warre may ensue. 

Seconde, our sayd executours shall nott suffer any peece of relligion to 
be altred, And they shall diligently travayle to cause godly ecclesiasticall 
lawes to be made and sett forthe : suche as may bee agreable with the 
reformation of relligion now receyved within our realme, and that doone 
shall also cause the canon lawes to bee abolished. 

Thyrdly, our sayd executours shall nott only follow the devises allredye 
begoon and agreed uppon for the payment of pur debtes, butt also by other 
good meannes devise for the spedie payment of our sayd debtes. 

Fowrthly, they shall consider to bee discharged all superfluous charges, 
bothe in th'excessive expenses of our howshold and chamber, and in the 
overgreatt number of cowrtes, by uniting the same according to the statute 
provided in thatt behalf, and such other superfluous charges. 

Fyftly, my will is, that my sistars Mary and Elizabeth shall follow 
th'advise of my executours, or the more part of them, in ther mariages, And 
if they so doo, and will be bownde to lyve in quiett order, according to our 
appoyntment, and as by our sayd executors shall bee appoynted, we will, 
thatt they, and eythar of them, shall have of our gift one thousande powndes 
yerly, by way of annuite owt of our cofers. And if they doo marry by 
th'advise of our sayd executors, or the more part of them, then we will 
thatt eythar of them shall have towardes ther mariages, of our gift, ten 
thowsande powndes, over and above the money for ther mariages given by 
our father's bequest. 

Syxtly, our pleasure is, thatt our sayd counsaylours shall nott agree to 



102 APPENDIX. 

give any landes or tenementes to any person in fee-simple or fee-tayle other 
than excheted landes : nother shall they grawnt any landes in fee-ferme, nor 
annuitees, butt only to suche as have served us, and eyther hadd charge ofv c 
men in thefelde, or have hadd charge of some sort uppon our fronty ours, or 
have byn captaynes ofshippes uppon the sees (or shall serve our succes- 
sour for the tyme being in some place of speciall trust :) a nor any leasses 
in reversion to any, other than to the servantes of our suceessour for the 
tyme being. 

All our debtes to be payd with as moche speed as may be. 

All injuries, if any have byn doone, to be recompensed ; and the parties, 
ther heyres, or chyldren, recompenced, according to equite and good justice. 

The college of S. Jones in Cambrige to have of our gifte in landes c 11 . by 
yere, towardes the mayntenaunce of ther charges. 

A new college to be erected, to be endowed in landes to the dooble yerly 
rentes of the sayd college of S*. Jones, to be buylded upp and made by dis- 
cretion of our executours, within the space of vij. yeres. 

The grawnt made to the maior and cytey of London tochinge the Savoy 
and landes therof to be performed. 

All such as have hadd grawnt of us of any landes, offices, or fees, to en- 
joy our grawnt. 

All such as have payd ther moneys uppon any bargayn for landes, to 
have ther bookes and bargaynes performed. 

To bee bestowed in high wayes, and to the power (i. e. poor), by discretion 
of our executours, the summe of {blank"). 

The king my father's tombe to be made upp. 

Monumentes to bee made of the burialles of E. the iiij. and H. the vj th . b 

a The words in italics are erased, and those in the parenthesis substituted. 

b This, as well as in the preceding item, alludes to a non-executed clause in the will of 
his father King Henry : who, after directing his own tomb at Windsor, which was then 
" well onward and almoost made therefore alredye, with a fayre grate about it," to be com- 
pleted, adds, with reference to two of his predecessors interred in Saint George's Chapel, 
" Also we will that the tombes and aultars of king Henry the vj. and also of king Edward 
the Fourth, our great-uncle and graunt-father, be made more princely in the same places 
where they now be, at our charges." All these directions were finally disregarded. 



103 



APPENDIX II. 



CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE LIEUTENANTS OF COUNTIES, ANNOUNCING 
THE ACCESSION OF THE LADY JANE TO THE CROWN. 

Cecill, in the " submission " and apology which he presented to queen Mary on his 
meeting her at Newhall, (a document preserved in the MS. Lansdowne 104, and printed 
in Tytler's Edward the Sixth and Mary, vol. ii. p. 192,) alleges, " 7. I eschewed the 
wrytyng of the Queues highnes bastard, and therfore the duke wrote the lettre himself 
which was set abroode in the realm." 

The very paper here alluded to, wholly in the writing of the duke of Northumberland, 
is now preserved in the Lansdowne MS. 3, art. 24. It is now printed with all its 
erasures and interlineations, the former shown by Italic types, the latter by parentheses, 
and the reader will thus be enabled to follow the thoughts of the wily politician in its 
composition : 

Ryght trusty and ryght welbeloved cousen. We grete yo u well. 
Adutising y e same that where yt hathe pleasyd (allmighty) God to 
call to his mercy out of this lyffe o r deereste cousyne the Kinge 
yo r late souayne L. By reason wherof And suche ordenacf as the 
sayd late Kinge dydd establishe in his lyffe tyme for the securyte 
and wellthe of this Realme, we are enteryd into o r rightfull pos- 
sesyo of this kingdo as by the (laste wyll a of o r sayd derest cosen 
o r late pgenyto r and other) seuall instrumetf to that affect, signed 
w l his owne handf, and sealyd w l the greate seale of England (this 
Realme b ) in his owne psence. And the same beinge allso subscribed 
w* the handes of the mooste pte of the nobles ofo r Realme. (Where 
unto the nobles of this Realme for the most pte, And all o r Coun- 

By inserting this passage the duke assumed the existence of a Last Will. So far as 
we know, there was no such document, other than the Letters Patent, to which we find 
several writers concurring in applying the term " Will." Northumberland probably 
thought it convenient to adopt that term, because the country was already familiar with 
the fact that the Last Will of Henry VIII. had been legalised as limiting the succession. 
No doubt the Letters Patent were, almost from the first, spoken of as king Edward's 
Will, as Cranmer so wrote of them in his Apology to queen Mary. 

b Here will be observed an attempt of the duke to give the great seal of " this Realme " 
an authority of its own, rather than merely its legitimate authority as testifying the will 
of the sovereign. This reliance upon the great seal was the very error which was fatal 
to him : see the note in p. 17. 



104 APPENDIX. 

cell & Judges w 1 the mayor and alldermen of o r cytty of London, 
and dyus other greate officeres of this o r Realme of England, have 
allso subscribed theyr names,) as by the same wyll & instrumetf 
yt may more evydently (& playnly) apere. We therfor do yo u to 
understand that by thordynaunce and sufferaunce of god, the the 
hevenly Lorde. 8 And by th'assent and consent of o r sayde nobles, 
and councellors and others before specyfyed, We do this daye 
mak o r entry into o r tower of Londo as Rightfull quene. of this 
Realme and have accordingly, sett forthe. o r pclamafos. to all o r 
lovinge subiectf of the same, a (gyveinge theym therby to under- 
stand) theyr dutys of aledgeaunce w c they now of Right owe unto 
us (as more amply by the same yo u shall brefly pceyve & under- 
stand) nothinge doubtinge Right trusty & Right welbelovid Cousen 
in yo r aprovide fydelite and trust but y l yo u wyll indevour yo r sylffe 
in all thingf. to the ut?moste of yo r powre (nat only) to deffend 
and (o r just title and possesyon but allso to) assyst us in o r right- 
full posessyon of this kingdome and t'exiyrppe to disturbe, repell 
and resyste the fayned and (untrue) clayme of the lady Mary, 
basterd dough? to o r sayde derest Cousen and progenitor great 
unckle Henry the eight of famous memory. Wherin as yo u shall 
do that w c to yo r hono r truthe and duty apertayneth. so shall we 
remb [the] same, unto yo u and yo rs . accordingly. Willing and 
reguir' all. At o r mano r &c. 

Indorsed by lord Burghley, 

12 Julij 1553. first copy of a 1're to be wrytte fr5 y e lady Jane, 
wha she ca to y e Tower, wrytte by ye Duk of Northuftla. 

Two copies of this letter, having the sign-manual of " Jane the quene" 
prefixed, are in existence : 

1. In the Lansdowne MS. 1236. It is the copy preserved by secretary 

a This alteration of the name of " God " to " the heavenly Lorde," is not wholly un- 
deserving of observation, because the latter expression was considered most acceptable to 
the Protestants. Bishop Gardiner, when examining a prisoner, is represented by Foxe 
as speaking contemptuously of such as had " the Lord " always in their mouths. In the 
letter as finally sent out, the expression was " the heavenly Lord and King." 



QUEEN JANE'S CIRCULAR LETTER. 105 

Cecill, who has indorsed it subsequently with these fatal words, " Jana no 
Regina." It is thus dated : 

" Yeven under our signet at our Toure of London the x th of July the 
first year of our reign." 

And thus directed, " To our right trustie and right welbeloved cousyn 
and counsellor the lorde marques of Northampton, lieutenante of our 
counties of Surrye, Northampton, Bedford, and Berkshire." 

The only alteration from Northumberland's draft, excepting the slight 
variation of expression in allusion to the Deity already mentioned in a note, 
is the following addition, continuing the authority of the persons to whom 
it was addressed : 

" And our further pleasure is that you shall continue, doo, and execute 
every thing and thinges as our lieutenant within all places, according to the 
tenor of the commission addressed unto you from our late cousyn king 
Edwarde the sixte, in such and lyke sort as if the same had been, as we mynde 
shortely it shall be, renueedd and by us confirmed under our great seal to 
you." 

This copy was edited by Sir Henry Ellis in the Archaeologia, vol. xviii. 
p. 269. 

2. The other copy was certainly sent into the county of Surrey, and is 
preserved among the archives at Loseley House. The date is written 
by a different hand to the body of the document, and is the llth not 
the 10th of July. The direction is thus, " To our right trusty and 
right welbeloved cousyn and counsellour the marques of Northampton, our 
lieutenant of our county of Surrey, and our trusty and welbeloved the 
deputies of that lieutenancye, and the sheriff and chief justices of peas and 
the worshypfull of that shire." From this copy the letter was printed in 
Ellis's Original Letters, First Series, ii. 183 ; in Nicolas's Memoir of Lady 
Jane Grey ; and (somewhat less correctly) in Kempe's Loseley Manu- 
scripts. 



CAMD. SOC. 



106 

APPENDIX III. 
LIST OF STATE PAPERS OF THE REIGN OF QUEEN JANE. 

No documents belonging to the reign of queen Jane are inserted in Rymer's collection 
of Foedera, &c. ; but as several are extant, and are scattered about in various printed 
books, it is proposed here to assemble a complete catalogue of them. If the register of 
the privy council during its sittings in the Tower, under the authority of queen Jane, had 
been preserved, it would have furnished the best index to the state proceedings of the 
time ; but, as no traces of its existence are apparent in our historical collections, it is 
probable that the whole was cancelled, and the register of queen Mary's council,* from its 
first sittings in Norfolk, adopted as the record of the legitimate rulers of the state. 

Sir Harris Nicolas, in his Chronology of History, when treating of the reign of Jane, 
arrives at the conclusion that it was " most probably considered to have commenced on the 
6th of July." He states that " the earliest public documents of the reign of Jane which 
have been discovered are dated on the 9th (alluding to the letter of the Council to the 
lady Mary), and the latest on the 18th." It will be perceived that these dates may be 
extended by one day at either end. By an act of parliament passed shortly after 
(1 Mar. cap. iv.) private instruments and writings bearing date in the reign of queen 
Jane, " since the 6th of July last past, and before the 1st of August then next following," 
were made good and effectual in law; but only one such instrument is now known to 
exist : it is a deed relating to a messuage in the parish of St. Dunstan's in Kent, and is 
dated on the 15th of July . b 

1553. 

July 8. Letter of the council to sir Philip Hoby, ambassador with the 
emperor, announcing king Edward's death. 

Transcripts in MS. Harl. 523, f. 101. and in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. xn. 
f. 249 b. ; printed in Strype's Memorials, 1721, ii. 430; in Howard's " Lady 
Jane Grey and her Times," 1822, 8vo. p. 233; and in Ellis's Orig. Letters, 
Third Series, iii. 309. The original draft is printed from the Cecill papers in 
Lodge's Illustrations of British History, 4to. vol. i. p. 182. 

A similar letter to the French king. 

Draft copy printed in Lodge's Illustrations, i. 183. 

July 9. Letter from the lady Mary, under her signet, to the lords of the 
council, asserting her title, dated "at our manor of Kenynghall the 
ninth of July." 

Printed in Foxe's Actes and Monuments, in Holinshed's Chronicle, and in 
Heylyn's History of the Reformation. 

This will be found described in a subsequent Catalogue of State Papers of the reign 
of queen Mary. 

b " Dat. decimo quinto die Julij anno regni d'nae Jana? Dei gratia Angliae, Francise et 
Hiberniae Reginse, Fidei Defensoris atque in terra ecclesiae Anglicanse supremi capitis, 
primo." See the Retrospective Review, Second Series, i. 505. 



1553.] STATE PAPERS OF THE REIGN OF JANE. 107 

July 1 0. The proclamation of queen Jane's accession. Printed by Richard 
Grafton for publication, as a placard, in black letter. 

An original printed copy of this proclamation is in the collection at the Society 
of Antiquaries. It has been reprinted in Burnet's History of the Reformation, 
vol. ii. Records to Book II. No. I.; in the Biographia Britannica, tit. Lady 
Jane Grey; in the Harleian Miscellany, (Park's edition,) vol. i. p. 405 ; in 
Cobbett's State Trials, i. 739; in Howard's Lady Jane Grey; and in Nicolas's 
Memoir and Literary Remains of Lady Jane Grey. A French translation is 
printed in the Ambassades of Noailles. a 

July 11. Letter of the lords to the lady Mary, rejecting her claim to the 
crown, and asserting the actual investiture of " our sovereign lady 
queen Jane :" signed by twenty-one councillors. It is dated 
" From the Tower of London, this ninth of July," but as that was 
the date of the lady Mary's letter written at Kenynghall in Nor- 
folk (see p. 106), to which this was the reply, the latter must 
have been written two or three days later. 

Printed in Foxe's Actes and Monuments, in Heylyn's History of the Re- 
formation, and in Nicolas's Memoir of Lady Jane Grey, p. xlviii. 

A letter from the council to the commissioners at Brussels ; 

desiring them to announce king Edward's death to the emperor : 
sent by Mr. Richard Shelley. 

Transcripts in MS. Harl. 523, and in MS. Cotton, Galba B. xn. very in- 
correctly printed in Howard's " Lady Jane Grey and her Times," p. 247, but 
correctly in Ellis's Orig. Letters, Third Series, iii. 310. 

July 12. Letter under the queen's signet to the ambassadors at Brussels, 
directing sir Philip Hoby to remain resident with the emperor, 
and the other commissioners to continue there for negociating a 
treaty of peace : sent by the same bearer. 

Transcripts in MS. Harl. 523, f. 43 ; and in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. xii. ; 
printed in Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii. p. 5, Howard's Lady Jane 
Grey and her Times, p. 249 (the fac-simile of the queen's sign-manual there 
prefixed does not properly belong to this manuscript). 

A letter from the council to the sheriff of Nottinghamshire and 

M. de Noailles au Roy, 13 Juillet 1553 : " Le lendemain, qui fut un mardy unzieme, 
les proclamations de la dite royne, qui est vertueuse, sage, et belle, et qui promet beaucoup, 
furent attachez par les carrefours et lieux publics de cette ville, lesquels j'ay faict traduire 
et imprimer," &c. Ambassades, ii. 57. 



108 APPENDIX. 

1553. Derbyshire, and the justices of the peace of the same, desiring 
them to send forces to aid the duke of Northumberland. 
Printed in the Retrospective Review, Seeond Series, i. 504. 

July 15. Letter from sir Philip Hoby and sir Richard Morysine, commis- 
sioners at Brussels, to the council : in which lord Guilford Dud- 
deley is termed " king." * 

Transcripts in MS. Harl. 523, f. lib; and in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. XII. 
Printed in Howard's Lady Jane Grey and her Times, p. 258, and in Nico- 
las's Memoir, p. Ixiii. 

A letter from the council to the sheriff and magistrates of Wilt- 
shire, communicating the state of public affairs, that the lady 
Jane was in real and actual possession of the crown, and that the 
duke of Northumberland, &c. were going forth to suppress re- 
bellion. 

Original in the archives of the corporation of Tailors of Salisbury; printed 
in Hatcher's History of that city (Hoare's Modern Wiltshire,) fol. 1843, p. 266. 

July 16. A second letter, under the queen's sign-manual, to the county of 
Surrey : addressed to the sheriff, justices, and gentlemen of the 
county, admonishing them not to credit the letters of the lady Mary. 

Original at Loseley House, Surrey; printed in Ellis 's Original Letters, First 
Series, Nicolas's Lady Jane Grey, and Kempe's Loseley Manuscripts. (The 
word left blank in the two former copies is " dominion.") 

July 16. A letter, under the queen's sign-manual, to sir John St. Lowe 
and sir Anthony Kingstone, knts. commissioning them to muster 
forces, and to repair to Buckinghamshire to repress rebellion. 

Original in Petyt's MSS. at the Inner Temple : printed in Strype's Me- 
morials, vol. iii. Appendix No. II. 

The Commissioners relate that the day before they had been visited by don Diego 
( ?) who after congratulating them on the accession of " so noble and so toward 

a prince" made these further remarks : " Whether the two daughters be bastard or no, 
or why it is done, we that be strangers have nothing to do with the matter ; you are 
bound to obey and serve her majesty, and therefore it is reason we take him for your king, 
whom the consent of the nobles of your country have declared for your king. I (saith 
he), for my part, of all others were bound to be glad that his majesty is set in this office; 
/ teas his godfather, and would as willingly spend my blood in his service as any subject 
that he hath, as long as I shall see the emperor my master so willing to embrace his ma- 
jesty's amity." 



1553.] STATE PAPERS OF THE REIGN OF JANE. 109 

July 17. Letter of sir Philip Hoby and sir Richard Morysine, ambassa- 
dors at Brussels, to the council, describing their audience the day 
before with the emperor. 

Transcripts in MS. Harl. 523, f. 13; and in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. xii; 
printed in Howard's Life, p. 230; Nicolas's Memoir, p. Ix. 

July 18. A letter under sign-manual addressed to sir John Brydges and 
sir Nicholas Poyntz, in the same terms as that to sir John St. 
Lowe and sir Anthony Kingston above mentioned. 

Original in MS. Harl. 416, f. 30 : printed in Strype's Life of Cranmer, 
Appendix, No. LXX.; in Nichols's History of Leicestershire, iii. 670; and in 
the memoirs of lady Jane Grey by Howard and Nicolas. The queen's sign- 
manual prefixed to this document has been engraved in Hist, of Leic. pi. xci. 
in Nichols's Autographs, 1829, pi. 19, and underneath the portrait prefixed 
to Sir Harris Nicolas's Memoir. 

July 19. Letter of the council to lord Rich the lord lieutenant of Essex, 
requiring him to remain steadfast to queen Jane, notwithstanding 
the earl of Oxford had departed to the lady Mary. 

Original, with the signatures of the council, in MS. Lansdowne, 3, No. 25, 
endorsed by lord Burghley " fro y e Counsell named Q. Janes cousell. wrytte 
by sir Jho Cheke." Printed in Strype's Cranmer, Appendix, No. LXIX. 

July 20. Charge of the council to Richard Rose pursuivant, sent to 
Cambridge to command the duke of Northumberland to disarm. 

MS. Harl. 6069, f. 43, and f. 102. Printed in Stowe's Chronicle, and in 
Heylyn's History of the Reformation. 

Both the two last contradictory documents were signed by the archbishop, the 
chancellor, the lord treasurer, the duke of Suffolk, the earls of Bedford, Shrews- 
bury, and Pembroke, the lord chamberlain Darcy, sir Richard Cotton, sir Wil- 
liam Petre, sir John Cheek, sir John Baker, and sir Robert Bowes. The earl 
of Arundel and lord Paget only signed the first : they started to join queen Mary 
immediately after her proclamation. Sir Thomas Cheyne also only signed the 
first. Sir W. Cecill and sir John Masone signed the second, but not the first. 

Letter of the commissioners at Brussels to the council: reporting 

that the emperor had refused to receive sir Richard Shelley. 

Transcript in MS. Harl. 523, f. 1; printed (in abstract) in Nicolas's Me- 
moir of Lady Jane Grey, p. Ixvi. This letter does not occur, like the others 
of the series, in the MS. Cotton. Galba, B. xn. and has an important piece 
torn out in the Harleian MS. 

A continuation of this Catalogue in the reign of queen Mary will be 
found in Appendix XIII. 



110 APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX IV. 

PROCLAMATIONS OF THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN JANE AND OF 
QUEEN MARY. 

The passages of the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, (MS. 
Cotton. Vitellius, F. xn.) referred to in the note at page 3, are as follow : 

" Item, the vj. day of July dyde king Edward the vj. at Grenwyche, as 
they say, and some say he was powsynd, as it shall apere ar-after. a 

" Item, the x. day of the same monythe, after vij. a clocke at nyghte, 
was made a proclamacyon at the crosse in Chepe by iij. harroldes and one 
trompet, with the kynges shreffe of London master Garrard, with dyvers of 
the garde, for Jane the duke of Suffolkes dowter to be the quene of Yng- 
lond, (but few or none sayd God save hare, b ) the wyche was browte the 
same afternone from Rechemond un to Westmyster, and soo un to the 
Tower of London by water. 

" Item, the xix. day of the same monythe was sent Margarettes daye, at 
iiij. of clock at afternone was proclamyd lady Mary to be queene of Yng- 
lond at the crosse in Chepe, with the erle of Shrewsbery, the erle of 
[Arundel] c , the erle of Pembroke, with the mayor of London and dyvers 
other lordes, and many of the aldermen and the kinges sheryff master 
Garrard, with dyvers harroldes and trompetts. And from thens came to 
Powels alle, and there the qwere sang Te Deum with the organs goyng, 
with the. belles ryngyng as most parte alle. And the same nyght had the 
[most] parte of London to dener, with bone fyers in every strete in Lon- 
don, with good chere at every bon[e fyre], and the belles ryngyng in every 
paryshe cherche for the most parte all nyghte tyll the nexte day to none." 

Though the proclamation of the accession of queen Jane was made in 
London on the 10th of July, and she was the acknowledged queen there 
until the 19th, scarcely any accounts are preserved of the example having 
been followed in other towns. It is probable that some such proclamations 

* Such was the current report in London, as stated also in Machyn's Diary p. 35. 
b These words are added above the line. 

c The words supplied are rendered necessary by the margin of the MS. having been 
burnt. 



PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN MARY. Ill 

took place, but that all records of the errors so committed were carefully 
suppressed and cancelled on the proximate change of affairs. We only hear 
incidentally of queen Jane having been proclaimed at Berwick, 51 and at 
King's Lynn in Norfolk. 11 

There seems, however, to have existed a general disinclination to deviate 
from the legitimate line of inheritance, except in places under the imme- 
diate control of the duke of Northumberland. Even the protestant town of 
Colchester, which afterwards suffered so severely from the religious perse- 
cutions of Mary's reign, and sir Peter Carew, who the next year was pre- 
pared to rise in rebellion against her in Devonshire, were zealous in sup- 
porting her title to the succession. So also was bishop Hooper, who, the 
next year, was led to the stake. 

The city of NORWICH is said to have been the first place in which queen 
Mary was proclaimed, and the event is thus recorded in one of its local 
chronicles : 

" This year, the 6th of July, king Edward the VI. departed this world to 
God's mercy ; and upon Wednesday next after, being the 1 2th of July, the 
lady Mary was proclaimed queen within the city of Norwich." c 

At the same crisis " the towne of GREAT YARMOUTH d did holde and 
kepe the towne for quene Marye, whoe lyenge then at Framingham castell 
in Suffolke, the towne sent one of there balifes to her majestic to signifye 
the townes faythfullnes and allegeance, whiche the said quene tooke in 

a On Saturday the 15th of July Richard Troughton, dining at the George at Grantham, 
" met with Frenyngham ; and I demaunded of hyme from whence he came, and he tolde 
me from Barwike, wher he had hyne to proclame lady Jane." Narrative printed in the 
Archseologia, xxiii. 36. 

b The lord Robert Dudley, queen Jane's brother-in-law, proclaimed her at King's 
Lynn, as appears by an ancient roll of the mayors ; "1553. GEORGE REWLEY. This year 
the lord Roberte Dudley came to Linn, and proclaymed the lady Jeanne queene ; and af- 
terwards he was carried to Framingham before queene Mary." (Extract communicated 
by Daniel Gurney, esq. F.S.A.) In Richards's History of that town, pp. 694, 1193, this 
fact is mentioned, but lord Robert Dudley is miscalled lord Audley. His presence in 
that part of the country was owing to his marriage. His first wife, as is well known, was 
Amy, daughter of sir John Robsart. In Dec. 1550 the stewardship of the manor of Castle 
Rising and the constableship of the castle there (which is in the vicinity of the town of Lynn), 
were granted to sir John Robsart and sir Robert Dudley, and the longer liver of them. Strype. 

c Original Papers of the Norfolk and Norwich Archaeological Society, vol. i. p. 145. 

d Manship's History of Great Yarmouth, edited by C. J. Palmer, esq. F.S.A. 4to. 1847. 



112 APPENDIX. 

verye good parte, gevenge him her greate thankes and comendacion, pro- 
misenge to requite this the townes dutifulle kyndnes." 

In like manner the town of COLCHESTER declared for queen Mary, and 
sent her provisions to Framlingham, the accounts for which were seen by 
Morant, among other things, three tuns of beer, which cost iijl. xxe?. and 
the carriage of the same, in six carts, came to iujl. On the 26th July she 
came to the town on her way to London, when the corporation presented 
her with xxZ. in gold, a cup of silver with a cover parcel-gilt weighing 
forty-one ounces, which at vij*. per oz. amounted to xiW. vijs. and among 
other particulars in the chamberlains' account are, For xxxviii. dozen of 
bread xxxixs. For lix. gallons of claret wine xlviijs. Ten barrells of beer. 
A quarter of beef weighing five score and ten pounds, ix*. ije?. A side of 
beef weighing seven score and five pounds xijs. id. A veal i\s. half a veal 
ij*. ivd. Two muttons IKS. i\d. &c. a 

The sentiments of the people in Lincolnshire are depicted in the narrative 
of Richard Troughton, b bailiff of South Witham, who, according to his own 
account, was ready to fight any man in maintenance of queen Mary's title. 
This hero asserts that when riding from South Witham towards Stamford, 
early on the morning of the 1 2th of July, he heard from Stephen Amory, a 
clothier who had come out of Norfolk, that queen Mary had been already pro- 
claimed at BURY. " Stephyn said, that hyr majesty was proclaymed at Bury, 
for he stode by and herde hyte." This story, if true, shows that Bury was 
evea before Norwich in asserting Mary's right to the crown ; but the early 
date assigned is scarcely credible in consistence with other accounts of the 
progress of events. 

At Stamford Troughton breakfasted with the alderman (the chief magis- 
trate of that town), and related to him the news he had heard, again heartily 
expressing his adherence to queen Mary. The alderman listened to him 
with caution, but secret approbation, and suffered him quietly to depart, 
though apparently not himself inclined to take an active part for either 
competitor. 

A good deal follows as to the mustering of men to join the duke of 

a Morant's History of Colchester, p. 50. 

b Edited by Sir Fred. Madden in the 23d volume of the Archaeologia, from the Harl. 
MS. 6222. Some other papers about Troughton 's business exist in the State Paper Office, 
being the depositions of Thomas Sklater alias Thomson, and Thomas Wymberley. It is 
worthy of remark that the person frequently mentioned by Troughton in his narrative as 
"my master," was sir William Cecill. 



PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN MAKY. 113 

Northumberland ; but no one seems to have ventured to proclaim either of 
the competing queens at Stamford, or Huntingdon, or Royston, or any 
neighbouring town, until the 19th of July, when the success of queen Mary 
became known, and her friends began to show their joy by bonfires and 
merry-makings. On the 21st Troughton assisted to proclaim her publicly 
at GTRANTHAM, and he gives the following account of the transaction: 

" Uppon satterdaye the xxjth of July I rode to Grantham, and there hit 
pleased the alderman and the masters of the towne to desyer myn advyse in 
settyng oute the quenes proclamation. To whom unsent for I resorted in 
that parte to do my duty. And I wyllyd them to wryte, Mary by the 
grace of God of Englond, Fraunce, and Irelond quene, &c. accordyng to the 
kynges stylle her grace's father, and in th' end to praye God save quene 
Mary. And so we wente to the market crosse, in the heryng of the 
countrie people, and solemply with the noise of shawmes iij. severall tymes 
blowen with distyncyon. Afterwardes one commaunded all men to kepe 
sylenee, and here the quenes proclamacyon, as is abovemencyoned. And 
imedyatly after the proclamacion, praying God save the quene, I caste upe 
my hate, and than all the people, saying God save the quene, caste upe their 
cappes and hattes. And whan the people war quyeted I begane to singe 
Te Deum laudamus, and so we dyd syng hit solemply to th'end. And 
after that I caused the vycar to saye certeyn godly prayers, and the people 
prayd with hyme, whom the alderman caused to drynke, and so departed." 

At COVENTRY " the duke of Northumberland sent to have the lady Jane 
proclaimed, but the mayor, being ruled by master Edward Sanders the 
recorder, would not do it, but having orders speedily proclaimed queen 
Mary." a The recorder was a Roman catholic, and soon after became chief 
baron of the exchequer. 

At YORK*> it is probable that when the lord mayor and council met on 
the 13th of July, the fact of king Edward's death was unknown : for the 
record of the meeting is headed "xiij Julij A R. R. E. vj d vij mo ," and a 
commission of the king dated 16 June was read. On the following day, 
the 14th, some intimation of the state of affairs in the metropolis had 
evidently been received, but with prudent caution the date is altered, not to 

a Coventry MS. annals. See further extracts in p. 125. 

b The minutes of the corporation of York have been kindly examined for me with a 
view to this inquiry, by Robert Davies, esq. F.S.A. late town clerk of that city. 
CAMD. SOC. Q 



1 14 APPENDIX. 

the reign of a new sovereign, but to the year of our Lord, " A D'ni 1553," 
and so again on the 18th. No mention, however, is made of either queen 
Jane or queen Mary, nor indeed of any other public event, until a copy of 
queen Mary's proclamation is inserted, which was made known on the 21st 
and 22nd of July, but no particulars of the ceremony at York are recorded. 
Subsequently to this, the minutes are again dated by the year of the 
monarch's reign. 

The historians of SHREWSBURY searched the records of that town 
without finding any memorials of the proclamations of Jane or Mary ; but 
they notice an entry of the payment of 2*. to a servant (famulo) of the 
duke of Suffolk, who may have brought a letter on one or other of his 
ill-conducted risings. 81 

Even in WESTMINSTER the proclamation of queen Mary was two days 
later than in London, as is recorded in the register of St. Margaret's parish: 
" The xix th day was my lady Marye her grace proclamed queene in London, 
and the xxj tl day in Westmynster." 

Of what was done in DEVONSHIRE we have the following account in the 
biography of sir Peter Carew : 

" Immediatlye after the death of the sayde kynge, there was a procla- 
macion conceved by the councell, and sente into the countre for the pro- 
claymynge of queene Janne. Sir Peter Carewe, all be it he knewe very 
well that there was licke to ensewe a greate alteracion in relygion yf the 
lady Mary shoulde be proclaymed queene, and as he was well affected, so 
he utterlye dyd abhore yt, yet respectinge his faythe, dewte, and alle- 
gaunce to his naturall prince, and lytle regardinge what had bynne donne 
by a former proclamacion, dyd cause the sayd lady Mary to be proclaymed 
queene in too markett townes neere to the place where he then dwelled 
the one in DARTEMOUTH, and the other at NEWTON ABBOT. And it was 
not lounge after but that the sayd lady Mary was proclaymed queene 
throughout the whole realme ; and all be yt there were none who dyd 
coundeme this gentleman for his doinges, yet there were some of greate 
countenance and in high authoritie, which weare offended withe hyme 
because he hade not advertised unto theyme his owne bente, and the dis- 
posicion of the people in these countreis." b 

* Hist, of Shrewsbury, by Blakeway and Owen, vol. i. p. 350. 
b Archaeologia, vol. xxviii. p. 119. 



115 



APPENDIX V. 

EPISTLE OF POOR PRATTE TO GILBERT POTTER. 

The reader is here presented with a copy of one of those libels a which it was customary 
to circulate in a written form, thrown down in some public place where they were likely 
to attract notice and meet with readers. The present writer had " scattered abroad " 
three other copies, and sent two " into the ragged beares camp," the army of the duke 
of Northumberland (see p. 120.) This " epistel " was therefore written before the failure 
of the duke's expedition was known ; and the first copy no doubt on the 13th of July, 
the date mentioned in the title. A few days after, when queen Mary's authority was 
fully established, and when the Londoners were expecting her arrival in the city, some 
one possibly not the writer himself, thought it likely to be saleable as a book. The 
printer, Hugh Singleton, was not a very flourishing tradesman, but his name is attached 
to a few publications, chiefly of a politico-religious character, ranging during the long 
period from 1550 to 1588. (See the Typographical Antiquities, by Dibdin, vol. iv. pp. 
289301.) 

The incident which the writer seized as the vehicle of his sentiments, has been recorded 
by Stowe and by Machyn. When queen Jane was proclaimed in London, a young man 
named Gilbert Potter, whom Stowe calls Pot, and who was drawer at a tavern called the 
St. John's head within Ludgate, presumed to express his opinion that the lady Mary had 
the better title : in consequence, he was immediately arrested, and the next day he was 
set in the pillory in Chepe, whereto both his ears were nailed, and then clean cut off : 
after which he was taken back to the Compter. Stowe further states that the poor drawer 
" was accused by Ninion Saunders, his maister," who the same afternoon was drowned when 
shooting London bridge, together with John Owen, a gun maker, both holding the place 
of gunners at the Tower. 

It appears that this zealous tapster did not go without recompence for his sufferings. 
On May 30, a 1 of queen Mary, Gilbert Potter received a grant of several messuages, 
kinds, &c. in South Lynn, Norfolk, formerly in the tenure of Thomas Winter, and belong- 
ing to Blackburgh priory, to be held by knight's service ; and he also had license to 
alienate them to George and Thomas Eden. (Parkin's History of Freebridge Hundred, 
folio, p. 165.) 



a The frequency of such papers at the time when the people were discontented with 
the prospect of the marriage with Spain in the following year, is thus described by 
Noailles : " On seme journellement, tant a la court de ladicte dame que ailleurs, 
plusieurs placardz, lettres et aultres libelles diffamatoires a 1'encontre d'elle et des 
seigneurs de son conseil, qui font assez de preuves, avecques beaulcoup d'aultres dep- 
portemens, de la maulvaise volunte de ses subjectz pour raisoii de son mariage," c. 
Ambassades, Hi. 248. 



116 APPENDIX. 

The following tract, of which there is no original copy in the library of the British 
Museum, is here copied from the Harleian Miscellany. The sentiments to which it gives 
utterance are remarkable, not only for their intense hatred of Northumberland, but for 
their expressions of fear that the gospel might be plucked away (seep. 118) if Mary's 
just title was defeated ! 

The. copie of a pistel or letter sent, to Gilbard Potter, in the tyme when 
he was in prison, for speakinge on our most true quenes part, the 
lady Mary, before he had his eares cut of. The xiij. of July. 

Si Deus nobiscum, quis contra nos ? 
Anno M.D.Liij. the firste of August. 

[Duodecimo, containing sixteen pages.] 
Poor Pratte, unto his frend Gilbard Potter, the most faythful and trew 

lover of quene Mary, doth him salute with many salutations. S.P.D. 

Whereas thou hast of late showed thy selfe (most faithful Gilbard) to be 
a true subjecte to Mary, quene of England, not only by wordes but by 
deedes, and for the farther triall of thy true heart towardes her, did offer 
thy bodye to be slayne in her quarell, and offered up thy selfe into the 
hands of the ragged beare most rancke, with whom is nether mercy, pitie, 
nor compassion, but his indignation present death. Thy promis (Gilbard) 
is faythfull, thy heart is true, thy love is fervente towardes her grace ; and, 
wheras you did promis me faythfullye (when I last visited thee in prison) 
" to be torne with wild horses, thou wouldest not denye Marye our quene," 
and to that whiche thou tofore dyd saye, no denial shalbe found in thee ; 
so styll do thou continue in the same mynde, have a respect of thy con- 
science, feare not to saye the truth ; if thou dye, thou shalt dye in the 
ryght ; Pugna pro patrid, " Fighte for thy countrey " (sayeth the philo- 
sopher). For, as it shalbe to thi great honour and prayse in this world, 
and in heaven, to dye in her grace's quarell, and in the defence of thy coun- 
trey ; so wold it be to the utter destruction both of thy body and soule to 
do the contrarye. But (O thou true Gilbard) stand stiflye in her cause, 
and do thou according to thy last promis made me (as I do not doubt but 
thou wilt) then wil God kepe thee and preserve thee. If thou shuld dye, 
thou shalt dye innocent ; so shal you be assured to possesse the everlastyng 
kyngdom of heaven. If you fortune to lyve, then shal it be also accompted 
praise to thee ; and fully perswade with thy selfe, that her grace wil con- 



EPISTLE OF POOR PRATTE. 117 

sider thy f'aythful and true heart, as she hath juste occasion. For, who 
could have bene more faythfuller, then thou haste bene ? What man coulde 
have showed him selfe bolder in her grace's cause, then thou hast showed ? 
Or who dyd so valiantlye in the proclamation tyme, when Jane was pub- 
lished quene (unworthy as she was) and more to blame, I may say to thee, 
are some of the consenters therunto. Ther were thousandes more then thy 
selfe, yet durst they not (suche is the fragility and weakenes of the flesh) 
once move their lippes to speake that whiche thou did speake. Thou offer- 
est thy selfe amongst the multitude of people to fight agaynste them all in 
her quarell, and for her honour dyd not feare to runne upon the poynt of 
the swordes. O faythfull subject! O true hearte to Mary our quene! I 
can not but wryte of the condign prayse that thou deservest for thys thy 
boldnes. I may compare thee to Sidrack, Misack, and Abdenago, whych, 
rather then they wold forsake their Mayster, were contented to suffer the 
tormentes in the hoate burnyng oven. And as young Daniel, when he was 
broughte before such a ruler (as that false duke of Northumberland), rather 
then to denye his Lord, would suffer the paynes of imprysonment, and to 
be cast in the denne of lions : even so (faythful Gilbard) rather then thou 
wouldest consente to their false and trayterouse proclamation for Jane, 
when thou dyd hear it, havyng a clear conscience, wold not consent to the 
same most trayterous fact. And, so little regarded thy life, boldly stode in 
thy mistres cause, and offered thy bodye to be imprisoned, and to suffer 
death, then to denye our vertuouse Mary to be quene. And therfore trust 
to it, my faythfull Gilbard, as the God of Sidrack, Misack, and Abdenago, 
saved them from al hurt in the boat burnyng oven, that not so much as one 
heare of their heade was perished : so shall the same God save thee out of 
the handes of the cruell beare, and give hym no power of thy lyfe. Agayne, 
as God preserved Daniel when he was cast in the denne amongest the lions, 
at the commaundement of the king Nabuchodonosor : and, when he was in 
the middeste of them, the lions played with him, (which was admirable :) 
so do thou trust to, albeit thou art now in the denne amongest devourers 
(I meane under the power of the beare and ragged staf) yet the God of 
Daniel shall safely delyver thee out of all their handes ; and the rather, if 
thou dost still continue stedfast, and hold on Mary our quene, and forsake 
thy mayster no more then Daniel and the brethren did their God and 



118 APPENDIX. 

mayster. Dispayre not, but lyve in hope to se a good day, and the soner 
will it come, if we continue in praier. For my part (faithful Gilbard) I 
wyl never sease day nor nyght from praying for our good Mary, that her 
grace might once obteyne the crowne, and that it wold please Him of his 
omnipotent power to strengthen and helpe her grace, Mary, thy quene and 
mine ; so say I to the death, and to conquere that beare. So here I shall 
desire thee also to offer up to the Almighty Lord godly contemplations, that 
she maye overcome hir enemies. 

For, as the inhabitants of the great city of Ninive continued in praier, 
and clothed them selves in sackecloth, caste duste upon their heades, 
repented, and bewailed their manifold sinnes and offences, at what tyme as 
the prophete Jonas had preached to them the destruction of their citye ; 
knew that it was time to do al the same, els destruction wold folow : so 
shulde we now not sease praying to God to send us quietnes, and that the 
lady Mary might enjoye the kingdom. 

For we have had manye prophetes and true preachers, whiche did declare 
unto us, that oure kinge shal be taken awaye from us, and a tyrant shal 
reygne ; the gospel shall be plucked awaye, the right heyre shalbe dis- 
possessed, and al for our unthanckfulnes. And thinkest thou not (Gilbard) 
the world is now come ? Yea, truely. And what shal folow, yf we repent 
not in tymes. The same God wil take from us the vertuouse lady Mary, 
oure lawfull quene, and send such a cruel Pharao, as the ragged beare, to 
rule us ; which shal pul and pol us, spoyle us, and utterly destroy us, and 
bring us in great calamities and miseries. And this God wil send us ; and 
al for our iniquities. For, yf unto oure quene Mary any evell shuld happen, 
let us fully perswade with our selves, that it not for her small sinnes only, 
but for our evel livinges. And this litle troubles (whiche be grevous to hir 
grace) doth chaunse to her for thy sinnes and myne, let us so thinke. For 
truely (faythful Gilbard) God is displeased with us many wayes : and here, 
I dar be bold to say, that her grace is more sorowful for the death of king 
Edwarde her brother, then she is glad that she is quene. For her part 
(good vertuouse lady) she would have bene as glad of her brother's life, as 
the ragged beare is glad of his death. Agamemnon, the heathen king, was 
never more unquieted with his highe estate ; when he lamented for that he 
was king over so manye people ; as her grace is nowe troubled, to rule and 



EPISTLE OF POOR PRATTE. 119 

governe so manye evell persons. Plato was never gladder, when he was 
exiled from the kinges courte, because his mind was more addict therby, 
and geven to the study of philosophie ; as she wold be, if she might once be 
exiled from the company of such traitours, wherby she might be more 
quieter, and possesse this hir kingdome peasablye. Even so, I dare 
advouche, that her grace was farre quieter, and better contented with her 
olde estate, then now she is quene, (yf it had pleased God.) But now, 
praised be Almighti God, because he hath so provided us a right and lawful 
ayre, and so vertuous a princesse, to possess this imperial crown of Eng- 
land ; and so are we all bounde highlye to thanke him therfore. Trustyng 
that the same God wil shortlye exalt her grace, and set her in her perfect 
dignitie, and plucke downe that Jane ; I can not nominate hir quene, for 
that I know no other quenes but the good lady Mary hir grace, whome 
God prosper ! 

1 heare say (faythfull Gilbard) that the true subject, Sir Edmond Peck- 
hame, is gone, with al his power and treasure, to assist her grace, ex fructu 
scimus quid sit arbor ; " by the frute, we may knowe what the tree is : " 
So, by his frutes, that is, by all his doinges, we may knowe what he is ; 
howe true and faythful hath he shewed him selfe to be at al times to Henry 
theight, of famous memory. What man deserved more commendation then 
he ? He never robbed his grace, when he had al the rule of his treasure ; 
he used not to buy silver for fowre shillinges an once, and make the kinge 
paye five shillinges fowre pence (as other false traitours did) ; but loke, what 
he payd, the kinge payde no more. He was ever true and faythfull by re- 
porte, aswel of al other, as of hys owne servauntes. And now for the full 
triall of his true hearte, howe hath he showed him selfe to her grace ? Left 
house, lands, and al, and gone to help her. Truly, we have to few such 
faythfull men. I heare also, that ther is come more to helpe her grace, the 
erle of Darbey, the erle of Oxford, the erle of Bath, and diverse other 
nobles, whiche I can not rehearse nominarly. The God of Hostes, the God 
of Abraham, prosper them, kepe them, and geve them power to withstand 
al their enemies ; and the moost mighty Lord take part with them (as I do 
not mistrust) for the right sake I I hear no other newes, but that here is 
continually great preparation, and many cartes appoynted to carry harnes 
and artilery, God send them evell to spede ! The good erle of Arundel 



120 APPENDIX. 

and the erle of Shrosburye be here still ; but, as I am informed, the erle of 
Arundel will not consent to none of thir doynges. O God, I most hertely 
desire thee, heare my praier ; kepe and preserve the good erle of Arundel 
from the tiranny of that devouryng beare. For, as thou hast from the be- 
ginning endued him with al truth ; so doth he stil continue stedfaste in the 
same, like a worthy noble. Preserve hym, I beseche thee (O my God), 
and geve hym grace still to stande stedfaste. The earl of Shrosburye bear- 
eth hymselfe equal ; God kepe hym ! and send al those, that wolde the 
ladye Mary to be quene, long life and pleasure ; and they which wold not, 
I wyshe them the paynes of Satan in hell. 

I have (faythfull Gilbard) scattered abroad thre of the bokes more, and 
two also have I sent into the ragged beares campe. Kepe that close which 
thou hast; the world is daungerous. The great devell, Dudley, ruleth ; 
(duke, I shuld have sayd) : wel, let that passe, seing it is oute, but I truste 
he shall not longe I have proved, if I could get a M. of them imprinted 
in some straunge letter, and so a nomber of them to be disparsed abroade. 

Forasmuch (Gilbard) as I perceave that thou art strayghtly kept, and 
not suffred to have liberty, I shal brievely visite thee with my letters form 
time to time. And here, Gilbard, I exhort thee to continue in praier ; and 
to take in good parte this yoke, layd upon thy shoulders, and beare this 
crosse patiently. For adversity is a good thinge, and shall make thee to 
know God the better. For I trust in the Lord, to live to se the day her 
grace to mary such one, as knoweth what adversity meaneth a ; so shal we 
have both a merciful quene and king to their subjects. And wold to God 
that I might live (if it so pleased her grace) to have an other vertuouse 
Edward a ! And God make her grace fruteful, and send hir frute to inherite 
the kingdom after her. I promised you to salute your frend Robert in your 
name : accordingly I have done, and desired hym to pray with you for our 
quene Mary, that it wold please the Lord to give hir the crowne, which she 
oughte to have of right. And thus, to breviate my long processe, I end ; 
desiryng thee (my constant Gilbard) not to beholde the gorgiousnes of my 
letters, which be void of al ; but to weygh in an equall payre of ballans the 
good wil of the writer ; who beareth thee no worse wil, then to his owne 

* These are evident allusions to Edward Courtenay. 



PLEAS OF LORDS NORTHAMPTON AND WARWICK. 121 

soule : prayinge God to strengthen thee, and give thee grace to abide fayth- 
full towardes oure most excellent true and only quene Mary. So shalt thou 
be assured to have God thy faythfull frend againe ; and, at the last, thou 
shalt inherit his kingdom : To the which kingdome, bringe both you and 
me, and us all. Amen. 

Fayre you well. 
Finis. Quod poore Pratte. 

Imprynted at London, in Temstrete, over agaynste the Stiliardes, at tho 
signe of the Dobbel Hood, by Hewghe Singelton. 



APPENDIX VI. 

PLEAS OF THE MARQUESS OF NORTHAMPTON AND EARL OF WARWICK. 

The conduct of the marquess of Northampton and .the earl of Warwick at the bar is 
thus related in the original account of the duke of Northumberland's trial, which was 
copied by Stowe and Holinshed (as given already in p. 16), omitting the following passages 
(here taken from a MS. collection of state trials, MS. Harl. 2194). 

The marquess of Northampton pleaded to his indictment, that after the 
beginninge of these tumults hee had forborne the execution of any pub- 
lique office : and that all the while hee, intent to huntinge and other sports, 
did not partake in the conspiracy ; but it being manifest that hee was party 
with the duke of Northumberland, sentence passed on him likewise. 

The earle of Warwicke, fyndinge that the judges, in soe greate a cause, 
admitted noe excuse of age, with greate resolucion heard his condemnacion 
pronounced against him, craving only this favour, that, whereas the goods 
of those who are condemned for treason are totally confiscated, yet her 
majestie would bee pleased, that out of them his debts might bee payd. 
After this they were all returned agayne to the Tower. 



CAMD. SOC. 



122 



APPENDIX VII. 

THE SECOND INSURRECTION OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 

The flight of the duke of Suffolk is mentioned in p. 37 of the present 
volume, and his being brought back prisoner to the Tower of London in 
p. 53. No other record of his trial is known to be extant than that fur- 
nished by our chronicle at p. 60 ; neither are we informed of the object of 
his second rising against queen Mary, further than that he was induced to 
listen to some immature schemes, which seem to have contemplated the 
substitution of the princess Elizabeth (with the earl of Devonshire as her 
consort) for queen Mary (see Tytler, ii. 384), or at least the prohibition 
of the queen's proposed match with Philip. A material mistatement of 
an early historian (bishop Cooper) has helped to cast a doubt and mystery 
upon this matter. The only particulars known concerning it are as follow : 

When the news first arrived in London that sir Thomas Wyat "was 
up in Kent," the duke of Suffolk was resident at his house, late the Car- 
thusian monastery of Sheen, a in the parish of Richmond, Surrey. What- 
ever part he may have undertaken to perform in the conspiracy, he was 
scarcely prepared to execute it ; b but, to avoid arrest, he fled hastily to his 
own estates in Leicestershire and Warwickshire. According to our Chroni- 
cle this took place on the 25th of January ; a letter of the earl of Shrews- 
bury states, that it was on friday the 26th : " The duke of Suffolk is 
on friday stolen from his house at Shene, and run away, with his two 
brethren, to Leicestershire ; for he was met at Stony Stratford. My lord 
of Huntingdon is gone into those parts after him, with (blank) against 
him. The duke is proclaimed traitor." c 

It had been granted to him on the attainder of Edward duke of Somerset in 1552. 
Queen Mary in Jan. 1556-7 re-established the Carthusians in this house. To revert to a 
point considered in a former note, p. 2, Queen Jane, on her accession, may have come 
down the river from her father's at Sheen, instead of her father-in-law's at Syon, which 
will agree with Richmond being named in the Grey Friars' Chronicle (p. 110, antea). 

b In consequence of their names having been betrayed by the earl of Devonshire to the 
lord chancellor, the conspirators, says Noailles, (who was in their confidence,) had been 
driven to take arms six weeks or two months earlier than they had intended. Lettre au 
Roy, 25 Jan. 1553, Ambassades, iii. 43. 

' Lodge's Illustrations of Brit. History, vol. i. p. 189. 



SECOND INSURRECTION OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 123 

Bishop Cooper asserted in his Chronicle, that the duke during his jour- 
ney, "in divers places as he went, again proclaimed his daughter, but the 
people did not greatly incline to him." 

This statement is certainly untrue ; if the duke had so done, it would 
have been alleged against him at his trial. His professed object was iden- 
tical with Wyat's, to oppose the queen's alliance with Spain, and he " made 
proclamation only to avoid strangers out of the realm." (see p. 60.) 

Indeed, the distinct contradiction which Holinshed makes to the report 
that the duke had again proclaimed his daughter as queen, was evidently 
directed against bishop Cooper's assertion, 8 though he is not mentioned by 
name. This contradiction is given both by Holinshed and Stowe, as 
follows : " Where some have written, that he shoulde at his last going 
downe into the countrey make proclamation in his daughter's name, that is 
not so ; for whereas he stoode by in Leicester, when by his commaundement 
the proclamation was there made against the queenes maryage with the 
prince of Spain, &c. master Damport, b then maior of that towne, said to 
him, ' My lord, I trust your grace meaneth no hurt to the queenes majesty 
' No,' saith he, ' master maior,' laying his hand on his sword, ' he that 
would her any hurt, I would this sword were through his heart ; for she is 
the mercifullest prince, as I have truly founde her, that ever reigned, in 
whose defence I am, and will be, readie to die at her foote." 

Holinshed correctly says, that the duke, " in the towne of Leycester and 
other places, caused proclamation to be made in semblable wyse as sir 
Thomas Wiat had done, against the queenes matche, which she ment to 
make with the sayd king of Spain, but fewe there were that woulde willingly 
harken thereto. 

" But now ye must understande, that before his comming downe hee was 
persuaded that the citie of Coventrie woulde be opened unto him, the more 

a Some writers, notwithstanding, have carelessly or injudiciously preferred the story of 
Cooper. It was followed by De Thou, and other foreign historians ; and so some credit 
has continued to be given to it, even by our native writers ; among others by Mr. Lodge, 
in his memoirs both of lady Jane Grey and the duke of Suffolk, and in his Illustrations 
of Brit. History, i. 138 ; and Miss Strickland, Lives of the Queens, v. 330. 

b Thomas Davynport. Hist, of Leicestershire, i. 394. 

e One of these was Melton Mowbray ; see an allusion to the circumstance in Richard 
Troughton's narrative, Archseologia, xxiii. 48. 



124 APPENDIX. 

part of the citizens being throughly bent in his favour, in so necessarie a 
quarrell for defence of the realme against straungers as they were then per- 
suaded. But, howsoever it chaunced, this proved not altogither true ; for, 
whether through the misliking whiche the citizens had of the matter, or 
throughe negligence of some that were sente to sollicite them in the cause, 
or chiefly, as should seeme to be most true, for that God woulde have it so, 
when the duke came with sixe or seaven score horsemen well appointed 
for the purpose, presenting himselfe before the citie, in hope to be receyved, 
hee was kept oute. For the citizens, through comfort of the earle of Hunt- 
ingdon that was then come downe, sent by the queene to staye the coun- 
tries from falling to the duke, and to rayse a power to apprehende him, had 
put themselves in armor, and made all the provision they coulde to defende 
the citie againste the sayde duke ; whereupon, perceyving himselfe destitute 
of all such ayde as hee looked for among his frends in the two shires of 
Leicester and Warwick, he got him to his manour of Astley, distant from 
Coventriefive myles, where appoynting his companie to disperse themselves, 
and to make the best shift eche one for his owne safegard that he might, 
and distributing to everye of them a portion of money, according to their 
qualities, and his store at that present, hee and the lorde John Grey his 
brother bestowed themselves in secrete places there within Astley Parke ; 
but throughe the untrustynesse of them to whose trust they did commit 
themselves, as hath bene credibilye reported, they were bewrayed to the 
earle of Huntingdon, that then was come to Coventrie, and so apprehended 
they were by the sayde earle, and afterwardes brought up to London. 

" The duke had ment at the first to have rid awaye (as I have credibilye 
hearde), if promise had been kept by one of his servaunts, appoynted to 
come to him to bee his guyde ; but when he, either feyning himselfe sicke, 
or being sicke indeede, came not, the duke was constrayned to remayne in 
the parke there at Astley, hoping yet to get awaye after that the searche 
had bene passed over, and the countrie once in quiet. Howsoever it was, 
there he was taken, as before is sayde, togither with his brother the lord 
John Grey." 

Some further traditional particulars of the duke's capture are thus given 
by Dugdale in the History of Warwickshire : " Finding he was forsaken, 
he put himself under the trust of one Underwood, as 'tis said, a keeper of 
his park here at Astley, who hid him some few days in a large hollow tree 



SECOND INSURRECTION OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 125 

there, standing about two bow-shoot south-westwards from the church : 
but, being promised a reward, betray 'd him." 

In the MS. annals of Coventry, the two attempts of the dukes of Nor- 
thumberland and Suffolk upon its loyalty are blended as if they had been 
immediately in connection : 

" 1554. The duke of Northumberland sent to have the lady Jane pro- 
claimed ; but the mayor, being ruled by Mr. Edward Sanders, the recorder, 
would not doe it, but having orders speedily proclaimed queen Mary. Then 
was taken in Coventry great store of armour ; and there was a cry that the 
city was firing in four places, which caused the common bell to be rung, the 
gates shut, and the walls manned, but there was no hurt. The duke of 
Suffolk was brought prisoner, and kept in alderman Warren's house," 
where our own chronicle (p. 54) states that he remained for three days. 

The following entries occur during the same year in the Accounts of the 
trading companies of that city.* 

Drapers Company. " Md. that we have payd for our occupacyon on 
the xxxj daye of Januarye, when the duke of Suffolk was takyn. Payd for 
wachynge to the harnys men for vij dayes and viij nyghts, Iviij*. vjrf." 

Carpenters. " Payd a man for wachyng v dayes and v nyghts, iiij*. ijc?." 

Cappers. " P'd to iij sowdyers, for iij dayes and iij nyghtes wachyng, 
iiij*. \jd. P'd to iij men y* wached duryng y e tyme of y e erle of Huntingdon 
lyeng hear, xxvj*. vjd. Payd to Wyllyam Sturrop, for ij sheffe of aros, vj*. 
Rec. of y e craft towards pament of the wachement, xxs." 

Dyers. " P'd for harnessyng ij men for wachyng iij dayes for the queues 
besynes, iij.?. P'd more for harnessing them iij nyghts, ij*. P'd for preste 
money, xijc?." 

Smiths. " The dewke of Northehumberland. Item, bowght of 
John Skelton, smyth, a payer of Allemane ryvetts, lakyng ij taces, and a 
gorgett, viij*. Item, paid for canves to lyne the gorgett, iijrf. ; a byll, xxc?. ; 
lynyng of iij gorgetts, ijc?. ; a gyrdell, ijc?. ; a dossen of poynts, ijc?. ; a bowe 
strynge, ob.; to the harnes men at Saynt Mary Halle, vjc?. ; for iij Scotts 
cappes, v*.; a gesterne, v*. ; a braser and a schotyng glove, viijrf. ; a payer 
of spelnths, xx<#. ; to the harnes men when they went to the Graye Fryer 
yatt, ij*. ; iij harnes men for ther wages, xviijc?. The second daye wages, 

" For the communication of these I am indebted to Mr. William Reader, late of Coven- 
try, a member of the Camden Society. 



126 APPENDIX. 

xviijrf. ; mendynge of a gesterne, viijc?.; lether and naylls to mend the 
harnes, Id. ob. 

" The Duke of Suffolke. It'm, p'd for prest money to the harnes men, 
vij*. vje?. ; iij men wages for iij days and iij nygtts, vij*. vjc?. ; a man wages, 
viijrf. ; iij days and ij nygtts wages, viijs. vjd. ; iiij nygtts and iij days wages, 
vij,y. ; ij nygtts wages, ij*. ; ij dossen poynts, iiijc?." 

Holinshed continues, " but his brother the lord Thomas gotte awaye in 
deede at that time, meaning to have fledde into Wales, and there to have 
got to the sea side, so to transport himselfe over into Fraunce, or into some 
other forren part : but in the borders of Wales he was likewise apprehended, 
through his great mishappe, and folly of his man, that had forgot his cap- 
case with money behinde in his chamber one morning at his inne, and 
comming for it again, uppon examination what he shoulde be, it was mis- 
trusted that his master shoulde be some suche man as he was in deede, and 
so was stayde, taken, and brought up to London, where he suffered." 

This unfortunate occurrence seems to have ensued after lord Thomas 
Grey had lain concealed for about two months. Mr. Robert Swift, in his 
letter a to the earl of Shrewsbury, April 12, 1554, writes that the lord 
Thomas Grey " was taken goynge towardes Walles, and is cumyng up." A 
MS. chronicle of Shrewsbury supplies the place where and the person by 
whom he was apprehended. " The lord Thomas, brother to the ducke of 
Suffolke, was taken at Oswestrie in Wales by master Rycharde Myttoon of 
Shrosbery, being then bayliffe ; which felle out at leangthe to the sayde 
master Myttoon's greate hynderance." Upon this the historian of Shrews- 
bury remarks, " what this was does not appear. Mr. Mytton's first wife 
was daughter to sir Edward Grey of Envile, who, as a kinsman of the fugi- 
tive, might be offended with his son-in-law for thus arresting his relation, 
and might find means, in the disposal of his effects, to signalize his resent- 
ment : but the truth of this is only to be known by those who can search 
into the private papers of this ancient family, if any such remain, of the 
period in question." b 

Modern writers are generally content to characterise the duke of Suffolk 
as a very weak man, a judgment which his conduct throughout the 

Lodge's Illustrations of British History, i. 190. 

b History of Shrewsbury, by Owen and Blakeway, i. 351. 



CHARACTER OF HENRY DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 127 

period embraced in the present volume seems abundantly to justify. His 
friends had, however, something to allege in his praise ; and the following 
character of him, fuller than was usually bestowed upon great men by the 
chronicles of his age, appears in the pages of Holinshed, and may appro- 
priately close the present note : 

" Suche was the ende of this duke of Suffolke, a man of high nobilitie by 
byrthe, and of nature to his friendes gentle and courteous, more easie in 
deede to be led than was thought expedient, of stomacke nevertheless stoute 
and hardie, hastye and soone kindled, but pacified streight againe, and 
sorie if in his heate ought had passed him otherwise than reason might 
seeme to beare ; upright and plaine in his private dealing, no dissembler, 
nor well able to beare injuries, but yet forgiving and forgetting the same, 
if the partie woulde seeme but to acknowledge his fault, and seke recon- 
cilement. Bountifull hee was and very liber all, somewhat learned himselfe, 
and a greate favorer of those that were learned, so that to many he showed 
himself a very Mecaenas ; no lesse free from covetousnesse than voide of 
pride or disdainful hautinesse of mind, more regarding plaine-meaning men 
than clawback flatterers : and this vertue hee had, he coulde patiently 
heare his fautes told him, by those whom he had in credit for theire wise- 
dome or faithful meanings towards him, although sometime he had not the 
hap to reforme himself thereafter. Concerning this last offence for the which 
he died, it is to be supposed he rather toke in hand that unlawfull enter- 
price through others' perswasion than of his owne motion, for anye malici- 
ous ambition in himselfe." 

Mr. Lodge might have properly made this character an accompaniment 
to the excellent portrait of the father of queen Jane, which is engraved in 
Harding's collection of Illustrious Personages. 



128 



APPENDIX VIII. 

THE WATCH AT THE COURT AND IN THE CITY, ON THE EVE OF 
WYAT'S ATTACK. 

(Extracted from MS. Harl. 425, p. 94.) 

Edward Underhyll, " the hot Gospeller," we have his own authority that this desig- 
nation was given him by some who were inclined to ridicule his Protestant zeal, has 
passed into a character of some historical repute in the pages of Strype, Strickland, and 
Ainsworth, though he owes the preservation of his name from entire oblivion to a single 
document, a sort of auto-biographical narrative of his persecutions and difficulties. Miss 
Strickland, who incorrectly terms his narrative a diary, has expressed an earnest wish 
that the whole of this " most precious document " were recoverable. To those who have 
joined her in that wish it may be some satisfaction to know that it is safe in the Harleian 
Collection. It may claim attention from the conductors of the new edition of the works 
of Strype, now in progress, though that historian has already published the substance of 
its best portions. 

The following passage, which graphically describes the state of alarm, both at the court 
and in the city, during Wyat's rebellion, will be found interesting. The night adventure 
at Ludgate and Newgate is passed over by Strype; and the latter part, which tells of 
the skirmishing near the palace, has been widely misunderstood by Miss Strickland. 

Sir Homffrey Rattclyffe was the levetenauntt off the pencyonars, and 
alwayes favored the Gospelle, by whose meanes I hadd my wagis stylle payde 
me. When Wyatt was cume into Southwarke, the pencyonars weare com- 
maunded to wache in armoure thatt nyght at the courte, whiche I hearynge 
off, thought it best in lyke suerte to be there, least by my absens I myght have 
sume quarell piken unto me, or att the least be strekon off the boke for 
reseavynge any more wagis. After supper I putt one my armoure as the rest 
dide, for we weare apoynted to wache alle the nyght. So beyng alle armed, 
wee came uppe into the chamber of presens with ower pollaxes inower handes, 
wherewith the ladies weare very fearefulle ; sume lamentynge, cryinge, and 
wryngynge ther handes, seyde, " Alas, there is sume greate mischeffe 
towarde ; we shalle alle be distroyde this nyght ! Whatt a syght is this, to se 
the quenes chamber full of armed men ; the lyke was never sene nor harde 
off." Then Mr. Norres, who was a jentyllman ussher of the utter chamber 



UNDERHYLL'S ANECDOTES OF WYAT'S REBELLION. 129 

in kynge Henry the viij tes tyme, and all kyng Edwardes tyme, alwayes a 
ranke papist, and the rf ore was now the cheffe ussher off quene Maryes privy 
chamber, he was apoynted to calle the wache, to se yff any weare lackynge ; 
unto whome Moore, the clarke of ower cheke, delyvered the hoke of ower 
names, wiche he parused before he wolde calle them att the curbarde, and 
when he came to my name, " Whatt (sayd he) whatt dothe he here ?" 
" Syr (sayde the clarke) he is here redy to sarve as the rest be." " Naye, 
by God's body ! (sayde he) that herytyke shall not wache heare ; gyve me a 
pene." So he stroke my name owt off the boke. The clarke of the cheke 
sought me owte, and sayde unto me, " Mr. Underhyll, yow nede nott to 
wache, yow maye departe to your logynge." " Maye I ? (sayde I) I wolde 
be glade off thatt," thynkynge I hadde byn favored, because I was nott reco- 
vered off my sykenes : butt I dyde not welle truste hym because he was also 
a papist. " Mary, I depart in dede (sayd I), wylle yow be my discharge ?'' 
" I tell yow trew (sayde he), Mr. Norres hathe strekon you owt off the boke, 
sayng these wordes ' That herytyke shall nott wache here ; ' I tell you trwe 
what he sayde." " Mary, I thanke hym (sayde I), and yow also ; yow could 
nott do me a greater plesure." " Naye, burden nott me withall (sayde he), 
it is nott my doynge." So departed I into the halle where ower men weare 
apoynted to wache. I toke my men with me, and a lynke, and wentt my 
wayes. When I came to the courte gate, ther I mett with Mr. Clement 
Througemartone, and George Feris, tindynge ther lynges to go to London. 
Mr. Througemarton was cume post frome Coventry, and hadde byne with 
the quene to declare unto her the takynge of the duke of Suffoke. Mr. 
Feris was sentt from the councell unto the lorde William Hawwarde, who 
hadde the charge of the whache att London bryge. As we wentt, for thatt 
they weare bothe my frendes, and protestanes, I tolde them my goode happe, 
and maner of my discharge off the whache att the cowrtt. When we came to 
Ludegate it was past a leavene of the cloke, the gate was fast loked, and a 
greate wache within the gate off Londonars, but noone withowte, whereoff 
Henry Peckham hadde the charge under his father, who belyke was goone to 
his father, or to loke to the water syde. Mr. Througemartone knoked 
harde, and called unto them, saynge, " Here is iij or iiij jentyllmen cum from 
the courte thatt must come in, and therfore opon the gate." " Who?" cothe 
one, " Whatt?" cothe another, and moche laughynge they made. " Cane ye 
tell what ye doo, syrs ? " sayd Mr. Througmartone, declarynge his name, 
CAMD. SOC. S 



130 APPENDIX. 

and that he hadd byne with the quene to showe her grace off the takynge oft 
the duke off Suffoke, " and my logynge is within, as I am sure sume off you 
do know." " And," sayde Ferris, " I am Ferris, that was lorde off misrule 
with kynge Edwarde, and am sentt from the councell unto my lorde William, 
who hathe the charge of the brige, as yow knowe, uppon weyghtie affayres, 
and therfore lett us in, or eles ye be nott the quenes fryndes." Stylle there 
was mouche laughynge amoungst them. Then sayd too or three off them, 
" We have nott the keyes, we are nott trusted with them ; the keyes be car- 
ryed awaye for this nyghte." " Whatt shall I do?" sayde Mr. Througemar- 
tone, " I am wery and faynte, and I waxe nowe colde. I am nott aquaynted 
here abowte, nor no mane dare opone his doores in this daungerous tyme, nor 
I am nott able to goo bake agayne to the courte ; I shall perishe this nyght." 
" Welle (sayde I) lett us goo to Newgate, I thynke I shalle gett in ther." 
" Tushe (sayde he), it is butt in vayne, we shalbe aunswered ther as we are 
here." " Welle (sayde I) and the worst fall, I can loge ye in Newgate ; yow 
know whatt acquayntaunce I have ther, a and the keper's doore is withowte 
the gate." " That weare a bade shifte (sayde Jie), I shoulde almost as lyffe 
dye in the stretts ; yett I wyll rather wander agayne to the court." " Welle, 
(sayde I) lett us goo prove, I beleve the keper wyll healpe us in att the 
gate, or eles lett us in thorow his wardes, for he hatthe a doore on the insyde 
also ; yff all this fayle I have a frend att the gate, Newmane the ierinmounger, 
in whose howse I have byne logede, where I dare waraunt yow we shall 
have logynge, or att the lest howse-rome and fyer." " Marye, this is wel 
sayde," (sayethe Ferris ;) so to Newgate we wentt, where was a greate wache 
withowte the gate, wiche my frende Newmane hadde the charge off, for that he 
was the cunnestable. They marveled to se those torches cumynge thatt tyme 
off the nyght. When we came to them, " Mr. Underhyll (sayde Newmane), 
whatt newes, thatt you walke so late ?" " None butt goode (sayd I) ; we cum 
from the cowrte, and wolde have goone in att Ludgate, and cannott be lett 
in, wherfore I pray yow yff yow cannott helpe us in here, lett [us] have 
logynge with yow." " Mary, that ye shall (sayde he), or go in att the gate, 
whether ye wille." " Godamercy, gentyll frende (sayde Mr. Througemar- 
tone) ; I praye you lett us goo in yff it maye be." He called to the cune- 

Underhyll had been recently discharged from imprisonment in Newgate, to which he 
was committed by the privy council, for the contents of a ballad he had " put forth in 
print "on the queen's accession. See Strype, Memorials, iii. 61. 



UNDERHYLL'S ANECDOTES OF WYAT'S REBELLION. 131 

stable within the gate, who opened the gate forthwith. " Now happye was 
I (sayde Mr. Througemartone) that I mett with you, I hadd byne lost eles." 
When Wyatt was cum abowte, notwithstandynge my discharge of the wache 
by Mr. Norres, I putt on my armoure and wentt to the courte, where I 
founde all my felowes armed in the halle, wiche they weare apoynted to 
kepe that daye. Old syr John Gage was apoynted withowte the utter gate, 
with sume off the garde and his sarvantes and others with hym ; the rest off 
the garde weare in the greate courte, the gattes standynge opune. Sir Rychard 
Southwell had the charge of the bakesydes, as the woodeyarde and thatt waye, 
with v c men. The quene was in the galary by the gatehowse. Then came Kne- 
vett and Thomas Cobam, with a company of the rebelles with them, thorow 
the gatehowse, from Westmester, a uppon the sodein, wherewith syr John 

This is a point which was misunderstood by our chronicler, in the passage at p. 49, 
beginning, " At Charing crosse there stood the lord chamberlayne," &c., and also by John 
Proctor, the person who undertook to be the historian of Wyat's rebellion. The attack 
on Whitehall did not come from Charing Cross, but from the Westminster side. The 
former was a natural supposition with those who were not apprised of the exact circum- 
stances ; but they are fully explained by Holinshed. The party which threatened the 
palace of Whitehall was, in fact, the same which our own chronicler describes (p. 48) as 
" Cutbart Vaughan and about ij auncyentes," who "turned do wne towards Westminster," 
when Wyat's band was first attacked and disjointed near Saint James's palace. Underhyll, 
it is seen above, calls their captains " Knevett and Thomas Cobham," and Holinshed 
says they were commanded by Knevett. There were two of that name, Anthony and 
William ; and our chronicler seems to say (p. 50), that both Thomas Cobham and William 
Knevett were arrested with Wyatt at Temple bar. But they may have surrendered at 
Charing cross. Whoever the leaders of the party were, the facts of the slight attack 
which they made on Whitehall are very clearly related by Holinshed, who, after describing 
the charge made by the earl of Pembroke's horsemen near Saint James's palace, adds 
that " certaine of his companie, which escaped the charge, passed by the backeside of 
Saint James towardes Westmynster, and from thence to the courte, and finding the gates 
shut agaynst them, stayed there a while, and shotte off many arrowes into the wyndowes 
and over into the gardeyne, neverthelesse without any hurt that was knowne. Where- 
upon the sayde rebelles, over whom one Knevett wascaptaine, perceyving themselves to be 
too fewe to doe any great feate there, departed from thence to followe Wyat, who was 
gone before towardes London ; and, being on their way at Charing crosse, were there 
encountered by sir Henry Jerningham captain of the queenes garde, sir Edwarde Bray 
maister of the ordinaunce, and sir Philippe Parys, knightes, which were sent, by the order 
of the earle of Pembroke, with a bande of archers, and certaine fielde peeces, for the 
reskue of the court ; who encountered the sayde rebelles at Charing crosse aforesayde, 
after they had discharged the fielde peeces upon them ; joyned wyth those rebelles, halfe 



132 APPENDIX. 

Gage and thre of the jugeis, a thatt were menly armed in olde bryggantynes. 
weare so fryghtede thatt they fledd in att the gattes in suche hast thatt 
old Gage fell downe in the durte and was foule arayed ; and so shutt the 
gates. Wheratt the rebelles shotte many arowes. By meanes of the greate 
hurliburli in shuttynge of the gattes, the garde thatt weare in the courte made 
as greate haste in att the halle doore, and wolde have cum into the halle 
amongst us, wiche we wolde not suffer. Then they wentt throungynge to- 
wardes the Watergate, the kycheyns, and those ways. Mr. Gage came in 
amoungst us all durt, and so fryghted thatt he coulde nott speke to us ; then 
came the thre jugeis, so fryghtede thatt we coulde nott kepe them owte ex- 
cepte we shulde beate them downe. With thatt we issued owt off the halle 
into the courte to se whatt the matter was ; where ther was none lefte butt 
the porters, and, the gattes beyng fast shutt, as we wentt towardes the gate, 
meanynge to goo forthe, syr Rycharde Southewell came forthe of the bake 
yardes into the courte. " Syr (saide w r ee) commaunde the gates to be 
opened thatt we maye goo to the quenes enemyes, we wyll breake them opone 
eles ; it is to mouche shame the gates shulde be thus shutt for a fewe 
rebelles ; the quene shall se us felle downe her enemys this daye before her 
face." " Masters," sayde he, and putt off his muriane off his heade, " I shall 
desyer yow alle as yow be jentyllmen, to staye yourselves heare thatt I maye 

armed and halfe unarmed, at the pushe of the pyke, and very soone dispersed theyr power, 
whereof some fledde into the lane towarde Saint Gyles, and some on the other syde by a 
brewhouse towardes the Thames. In this conflict, which was the chiefe tryall of that day, 
there was not founde slayue to the number of twentie of those rebelles, which happened 
by reason that uppon theyr joyning wyth the queenes souldiours, the one parte coulde not 
bee discerned from the other, but onely by the myre and dyrt taken by the way, which 
stacke uppon theyr garments comming in the night ; wherefore the cry on the queenes 
part that day was, Downe with the daggle-tayles." 

To this relation Proctor supplies only one additional fact, namely, that while the court 
gates were open, ' one maister Nicolas Rockewod, being a gentleman of Lyncolnes inn, 
and in armour at the said court gate, was shotte through hys nose with an arrowe by the 
rebels. For the comminge of the said rebels was not loked for that way." The Nicholas 
Rokewode here mentioned adds another name to the list of legal warriors on this occa- 
sion (seethe note before, in p. 40). His name occurs in the evidences of the Rokewode 
family as connected with some marriage settlements in 1548, but his place in the pedigree 
is not assigned to him (Collectanea Topog. et Geneal. ii. 140). 

a These judges were those of the common pleas. " This daye the judges in the common 
place at Westminster satte in armoure." Proctor. 



UNDERBILL'S ANECDOTES OF WYAT'S REBELLION. 133 

goo upe to the quene to knowe her plesure, and yow shall have the gates 
oponed ; and, as I am a jentyllman, I wyll make spede." Uppon this we 
stayde, and he made a spedie returne, and brought us worde the quene was 
contentt we shoulde have the gates opened. " But her request is (sayde 
he) that yow wyll not goo forthe off her syght, for her only trust is in yow 
for the defence of her parsone this daye." So the gate was opened, and we 
marched before the galary wyndowe, wheare she spake unto us, requyrynge 
us, as we weare jentyllmen in whome she only trusted, thatt we wolde nott 
goo from thatt place. a Ther we marched upe and downe the space off an 
ower, and then came a harrolde postynge to brynge newes that Wyatt was 
taken. Immediately came syr Mores Barkeley and Wyatt behynd hym, unto 
whome he dyd yelde att the Temple gate, and Thomas Cobam behynde ane 
other jentyllman. 

Anone after we weare all brought unto the quenes presentes, and every 
one kyssed her hande, off whome we hadde greate thanks, and large promises 
how goode she wolde be unto us ; but fewe or none off us gott any thynge, 
although she was very liberall to many others thatt weare enemys unto God's 
worde, as fewe off us weare. 

* The anecdote which Proctor gives of Mary's personal conduct at this alarming crisis 
may be properly appended to the above : " In so muche divers timerous and colde- 
hearted souldioures came to the queene, crying, All is lost : away, away ; a barge, a 
barge ! Yet her grace never chaunged her chere, nor woulde remove one foote out of 
the house, but asked for the lord of Pembroke, in whom her grace had worthely reposed 
great confidence. Answere beinge made that he was in the fielde, ' Well then, (quod he r 
grace,) fal to praier, and I warrant you we shal heare better newes anone ; for my lord 
will not deceave me I knowe well : yf he would, God wyll not, in whom my chiefe trust 
is, who will not deceave mee.' And in dede shortlye after uewes came all of victorie, 
how that Wyat was taken." Proctor gave the best face he could to the whole affair ; but 
the truer account is evidently that of our own chronicle, which admits that at one time the 
queen had determined to go to the Tower forthwith (p. 48), whereupon, of course, her 
barge would be ordered to be in readiness ; and also records the suspicion entertained, 
when the rebels were allowed to pass, that the earl of Pembroke had gone over to Wyat's 
part (p. 49). 



134 



APPENDIX IX. 

* 

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTER OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL RELATIVE TO 
THE RECEPTION OF KlNG PHILIP AND THE SPANIARDS, AND PREPA- 
RATIONS FOR THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE. 

(MS. Harl. 643, f. 26.) 

At St. James's, 26th May 1554. A letter to Mr. Weldon and Mr. John 
Dodge remaining at Southampton ; willinge them to cause the marquess de 
las Navas, yf he lande thereabouts,* to be honorably receaved and enter- 
tained, and to signifye his arrival hether with speede. 

At Richemond, 3d of June. A letter to the maiore and his bretheren of 
Southampton, to putt themselves in redines, and to receive the prince of 
Spaine, and to cause such boates as they shall thinke meete for the purpose 
to be trimed barke-like, in the seemelieste and richeste manner they can. 

At Richemond, 13th June. A letter to John Norris, gentleman usher, 
signifienge the lord chamberlene hath given order for the hanginges he 
wrotte for, and that he should cause convenyente and decente stages to be 
made in the Trinity church [at Winchester] for the marryage, after such 
form as shalbe declared unto him by Garter kinge at armes, who is sente 
thither to instruct him therin. 

At Richemond, 25th of June. A letter to the lord Dudleye, willinge 
him, where he hath determyned to give such liveries as the prince of Spane 
giveth, to desiste therefrom, forasmuch as the same shoulde be unfitting, 
the prince's liverye beinge a speciall note whereby his servants may be 
knowne. 

At Richemond, 1 3th June. A letter from the queene to the maiore of 
Salesbureye, willinge him, in consideracion that many ambassadores shall 
repaire thether who drinke only wine, to cause foure or more of the salde 



6 This marquess eventually disembarked at Plymouth, " where he was honourably 
received by the bishop of Lincoln and other noblemen, besides the admiral, who gave 
him a salute, which lasted a long time." Despatch of Simon Renard to the emperor, in 
Tytler, ii. 415. 



EXTRACTS FROM THE PRIVY COUNCIL REGISTER. 135 

cittie, of the most honest that hath used to provide and sell wine, to make 
provisione thereof, and retayle the same at prises reasonable, aswell to the 
straungers as to all others. 

At Farnham, the last day of June. A letter to Lawrence Bradshawe, 
surveyor of the workes, signefyinge that the quenes highnes mindeth to 
dine abroade a the day of her maryage ; willinge him therefore to take order 
that the tables be sett and raised accordingly, and that the wall at the backe 
side of the table where her highnes shall sitte be brokene, and a place 
devised for her highnes to withdrawe herselfe. 

At Winchester, 27th July. This daye it was ordered by the boarde 
that a note of all such matteres of state as should passe from hence should 
be pute into Latten and Spanyche from henceforth, and the same to be 
delyvered to such as it should please the kinges highnes to appointe to 
receave it. 

It was also ordered that all matteres of estate passynge in the kinge and 
quenes names should be signed with both their handes. 

It was further ordered, that a stampe be made in both theire names for 
the stampinge of such matters as should be requisite. 13 

At Winchester, the 29th of July. This daye two treaties of the maryage 
betweene the kinge and queenes highnes, sealed with the scale of Spaine, 
exhibited by the lord privie scale and the lord Fitzwalter, late ambassadores 
into Spaine, was delivered to the lord treasurore, to be by him kepte in the 
treasurie. 

At Richemond, 13th of August. A letter to the deputie and counsell 
of Callaice, willinge him to use honorablye the duke of Medina Sely, the 
marquese of Pescara, the marquese las Navas, the carle of Egmonde, and 
suche other noblemen as presently repaire from hence that waye to the 
emperour, and to depeache them with haste and favour from thence. 

At Richemond, 15th of August. A letter to the lord stuarde, that 
whereas the queenes highnes is advertized that certayne disorderes hath 
risene in lodgeinge of sundrye noblemen and gentlemen of the kinges 
trayne, and that they have ben all entered at the harbengeres hands, that 

a This merely means, in modern phrase, " in public." 

b A stamp, instead of the royal sign-manual, had been used during the infirmities of 
Henry VIII. in his latter days; and was again resorted to in the last illness of George IV. 
See the Gentleman's Magazine June 1830, pp. 548, 549. 



136 APPENDIX. 

his lordshippe shoulde call the harbengeres before him, and examine the mat- 
ter ; and yf it shall fall out that Englishemen have ben faultye herin, to 
cause them to be punyshed, or yf the Spanyards shalbe found faultye, then 
to signefie the same to the kinges magestie, to the end ordere maye be given 
for their punishmente as shall appertayne. 



APPENDIX X. 

JOHN ELDER'S LETTER DESCRIBING THE ARRIVAL AND MARRIAGE OF 
KING PHILIP, HIS TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO LONDON, THE LEGATION 
OF CARDINAL POLE, &C. 

The contents of this curious little book were partially extracted by Foxe and Holinshed, 
but it has never been reprinted entire. It comprises, among other matters, a full 
description of the pageantry in London at king Philip's entry, of which there is no other 
copy. 

Mr. Tytler, vol. ii. p. 258, says that John Elder was also the author of a wild proposal 
for uniting Scotland with England, addressed to Henry VIII. in 1542, preserved in the 
Royal MS. 18 A. XXXVIII, and which is the first article printed in the Bannatyne Mis- 
cellany, 1824. In the title to that essay he is styled " John Elder clerk, a Reddshank." 

The original of the present tract is very rare ; a copy was sold for eight guineas at the 
sale of Mr. Bindley 's library in 1820. The copy in the British Museum, from which the 
present reprint is derived, was formerly Mr. Gough's, and was purchased by Miss S. S. 
Banks, as recorded in this memorandum: "1811, March 19. To Mr. Cuthell for this 
book, 3 3s. Od." It is not quite perfect, but supplied by manuscript leaves. 

The copie of a letter sent in to Scotlande, of the arivall and landynge, and 
moste noble marryage of the moste illustre prynce Philippe, prynce of 
Spaine, to the moste excellente princes Marye quene of England, 
solemnisated in the citie of Winchester ; and howe he was receyved 
and installed at Windsore, and of his triumphyng entries in the noble 
citie of London. 

Whereunto is added a brefe overture or openyng of the legacion of the 
moste reverende father in God lorde cardinall Poole, from the Sea 
Apostolyke of Rome, with the substaunce of the oracyon to the kyng 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 137 

and quenes magesties, for the reconcilement of the realme of Englande 
to the unitie of the Catholyke churche. 

With the verye copye also of the supplycacion exhibited to their highnesses 
by the three estates assembled in the parlamente. Wherin they, 
representing the whole body of the realme and dominions of the same, 
have submitted themselves to the Pope's holynesse. 

To the ryghte reverende and his very especial good lord, lord Robert 
Stuarde, a bishoppe of Cathenes, and provest of Dubritane colledge in 
Scotlande, John Elder, his humble oratour, wisheth health, and prosperous 
felicitie. 

Although I have ben minded divers times (my very good lord) for to 
have written to your lordeship such newes as have occurred here, in time 
of peace, or els where ; yet, nevertheles, by reason of unnaturall warres 
betwixt both these realmes of Englande and Scotlande, at whiche tyme I 
woulde not presume to wryte to foren places, and partly because I could 
mete with none which had accesse to the place where you remained, I have 
therfore been let from so doing hitherto from tyme to tyme. And whereas 
I have good occasion ministered now to write, by reason of suche most 
noble newes as are in England at this present, I wil so briefly as I may 
advertis you of the same. 

Therfore your lordeship shall understande, that Philip, by the grace of 
God king of England, Fraunce, Naples, Hierusalem, and Irelande, and 
sonne to the most fortunate and most victorious monarche Charles the 
fifth b of that name, nowe emperour of Rome, arrived to the coast of Eng- 
lande, with a navie of vii. score saile, and landed at Southampton in Ham- 
shire, within ten mile of the citie of Winchester, on friday the xx. day of 
July last, at iii. of the clocke at afternone. c At which towne, the quenes 

a Robert Stuart, brother to Matthew earl of Lennox, and now, like the earl, an exile 
from Scotland, but where resident does not appear. See Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, 
by Wood, ii. 98. 

b Misprinted first in the original. 

c Some particulars of Philip's arrival not elsewhere recorded are given in the report 
made by the French ambassador to his master (Ambassades de Noailles, iii. 284.) It 
states that, " when the marquis de las Naves found that the prince was not far from land, 
he placed himself in a boat with the earl of Surrey [grandson of the Duke of Norfolk], 
the lord Maltravers eldest son of the earl of Arundel, lord Strange eldest son of the earl 
of Derby, lord Talbot eldest son of the earl of Shrewsbury, [lord Herbert of Cardiff] eldest 
CAMD. SOC. T 



138 APPENDIX. 

majestie being seven mile from thens, the lordes of the counsel and diverse 
other noble men most lovyngly welcomed him ; where in the meane season 



son of the earl of Pembroke, and a sixth young nobleman, and proceeded to the ship in 
which the prince was ; to whom he presented the said English lords to be gentlemen of 
his chamber, to which he assented very graciously. 

" The earls of Arundel, Derby, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, and other lords of the council 
of England, went into a barge richly adorned and gilt, and expressly prepared in order 
to land the prince ; and repaired to his ship, in which the earl of Arundel presented 
him with the order of the garter, which was immediately put on him by the herald of the 
order. Then were read the laws, customs, and ordinances of the kingdom, which the 
said prince swore to maintain and cause to be observed. [These were, more probably, 
the laws of the order of the garter. Some accounts, as in the text, state that the garter 
was presented to Philip on his coming on shore; but Ashmole, p. 308, describes his 
investiture as having taken place before he landed.] 

" Then he entered into the said barge to come to land with the said lords of the council, 
taking with him of his own lords only the dukes of Alva and Medina Celi, the admiral 
of Castille, and don Rui Gomez, who had been his governor, and was still the person by 
whose judgment he was chiefly guided. 

" At the landing from the barge, sir Anthony Browne was waiting at the waterside 
holding by the bridle a hackney richly housed and harnessed, who, immediately the prince 
had placed his foot on shore, knelt and made a speech in Latin, giving him to understand 
that he had received the honour of being retained in the prince's service, before his 
arrival, in the office of master of the horses ; and that, although he had already taken the 
oath of allegiance to his ambassador, yet that he again begged his majesty right humbly 
to be pleased to receive him as one of his most faithful, humble, and loyal subjects and 
servants. To which the prince listened favourably, and raised him very graciously. 
Then, the said Browne having kissed the stirrop of the hackney, the prince mounted 
thereon. 

" From this spot he went straightways to the church of [the Holy Rood in] South- 
ampton, the English and Spanish lords accompanying him on foot, bareheaded ; and, 
after he had returned thanks to God, he was brought to his lodging ; where, after the 
lords of the council of England were assembled, he delivered to them a long discourse of 
the occasion of his coming into this kingdom, and how he had not left his own countries 
to increase or augment his estate or the greatness of his power or riches, for God, by his 
grace, had given him such share of them that he had as good reason to be content as 
any prince living ; but, His divine goodness having summoned him to be the husband of 
the queen their mistress, he would not refuse His divine will, and for this purpose he had 
crossed the sea to live with the said lady and them, assuring them that, whilst they con- 
tinued in their good mind to be faithful, obedient, and loyal to him as they promised him, 
he would be to them a right good and loving prince. 

" This evening, after supper, the prince came into his presence-chamber, where were 
a great number of English gentleman, with whom he conversed privately, and among 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 139 

my lord the erll of Arundel, lord steward of Englande, put a very riche 
garter about his left legge. And there, to recreat him selfe after the sea, 
with suche noble men as came with him, he continued friday, satterday, 
and sundaye. 

Than the next munday, which was the xxiv. of Juli, his highnes came to 
the citie of Winchester a at vi. of the clocke at nighte, the noble men of 
Englande and his nobles riding, one with another, before him, in good 
order, through the citie, every one placed according to his vocacion and 
office, he riding on a faire white horse, in a riche coate embroidered with 
gold, his doublet, hosen, and hat suite-like, with a white fether in his hat 
very faire. And after he lighted he came the hie waye towardes the weast 
dore of the cathedrall churche, where he was most reverently received wyth 
procession 13 by my lorde the bishop of Winchester, now lord chaunceller of 
Eugland, and v. other bishops, mitred, coped, and staved, where also, after 
he had kneled, kissed the crucifix, and done his praier, he ascended from 
thens v. steps upon a skafholde which was made for the solemnizacion of 
his marriage : and untill he came to the quere doore, the procession song 
Laus, honor et virtus. And after he had entred the quere, and perceaved 
the moste holy sacrament, he put of his cap, and went bare-headed with 

others with the lord admiral, to whom he showed great favour, and told him that he was 
come to marry in this country without having brought wherewith to dress or attire him- 
self so richly as the greatness of the queen deserved ; but that he hoped that the foot- 
cloth of the hackney which that lady had sent him might serve him for a costly vestment ; 
meaning thereby to enhance the richness of that foot-cloth. [The queen appears after- 
wards to have given him his bridal dress. See a note to the marriage ceremony here- 
after, Appendix XL] 

" Soon after the collation was brought in, with a great number of silver pots and 
ewers, full of wine, beer, and ale, according to the custom of the country. Then he 
addressed the Spanish lords who were about him, and told them they must at once forget 
all the customs of Spain, and live in all respects after the English fashion, in which he 
was determined to begin and show them the way ; so he ordered some beer to be brought 
him, and drank of it." See in the Italian Relation of England (printed for the Camden 
Society,) at pp. 10, 21, the remarks which the peculiarity of the English in drinking beer 
and ale were wont to elicit from foreigners. 

a Of Philip's journey to Winchester some details will be found in Miss Strickland's 
Life of Queen Mary, derived from the Italian narrative of Baoardo, to which the present 
Editor has not access. 

b Misprinted profession in the original. 



140 APPENDIX. 

great humilitie, until he entred his seate or travers as they cal it, where 
after he had kneled, my lorde chauncellor began Te Deum Laudamus, and 
the quere, together with the organs, song and plaied the rest. Whiche 
beeng doen, he was brought with torch -light to the deanes house, the lordes 
going before him, and the quenes garde in their riche coates standing al the 
way : whiche house was very gorgeously prepared for him, adjoining to my 
lorde the bishop of Winchester's palace, where the quenes highnes then lay, 
not passing a paire of but-lengthes betwene. Thys nighte, after he had 
sopped, at x. of the clocke (as I am crediblye informed), he was brought by 
the counsell a privie waye to the quene, a where her grace verye lovyngly, 
yea, and most joyfullye receyved him. And after they had talked together 
half an hour they kissed, and departed. I am crediblie informed also that 
at his departing he desired the quenes highnes to teache hym what he should 
say to the lordes in English, 1 " at his departing : and she told him he should 
say, " Good night, my lordes all." And as he came by the lordes, he said 
as the quene had taught him. 

So the nexte tuesdaye, at three of the clocke, he went to the quene from 
the deanes house afote, where every body might see him ; the lord stewarde, c 
the erle of Darbey, the erle of Pembroke, with divers other lordes and 
noblemenne, as well Englishe as others, went before him, he going alone, 
in a cloke of blacke cloth embrodred with silver, and a paire of white hose. d 
And after that he had entred the courte, where all kinde of instrumentes 
played very melodiously, and came within the hal, where the quenes 
majesty was standing on a skafhold, his highnes descended, and amiably 
receaving him, did kisse him in presence of all the people. And then 
taking him by the right hande, they went together in the chaumber of 
presence, where after they had, in sighte of all the lordes and ladies, a quarter 
of an houre pleasantly talked and communed together, under the cloth of 

a " About nine in the evening the earl of Arundel, with the great chamberlain, paid 
him a visit, and after some conversation, being joined by the count d' Egmont, conducted 
the prince to the queen secretly. This was the first time that they had seen each other." 
Narrative in the archives of Louvaine, printed in Tytler, ii. 430. 

b Their conversation had been " in the Spanishe tongue," as it is expressly stated in 
Fabyan's chronicle. 

c The earl of Arundel. 
" and the garter of the order of Englande aboute his legge." Fabyan. 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 141 

estate, and each of them merily smylyng on other, to the greate comforte 
and rejoising of the beholders, he toke his leve of her grace, and departed 
towardes the cathedrall churche to evensong, all the lordes (as I have said) 
going before him : where also from the courte hal dore to the courte gate, 
all the pensioners and the garde (as he and the lordes went) stode all along 
on both sides the waye. Evensong being done, he was very princely 
brought from the churche with torche-lyghte unto the deanes house agayne. 
Then wedinsdaye, being Sanct James daie, the xxv. of July, his highnes 
(at x. of the clocke) and his nobles before him, went to the cathedral 
churche, and remayned there (the dores beyng very straightlie kepte) untill 
the quenes highnes came : whose magestie, with al her counsel and nobilitie 
before her, came thyther at half houre to aleven. And entring at the west 
dore of the said cathedrall churche (where her grace was receaved the sat- 
terday before, in like manner as his highnes was the munday following,) her 
majestie ascended the foresaid steps, and came towardes the quere dore : 
where a little without the same dore was made a round mount of hordes, 
ascendyng also five steps above the skafholde. On which mount, immedi- 
atelye after her magestie and the king were shreven, they were maried by 
my lord the bishop of Winchester lord chancellour of Inglande, her 
magestye standing on the right side of the said mount, and the king on the 
left side. And this the mariage being ended a and solemnizated, which with 
the biddinges and the banes ther of was declared and done by the said lord 
chauncelor, both in Latin and English, his lordship declared also there : 
How that the emperours magestie resigned, under his emperial scale, the 
kingdomes of Naples and Hierusalem to his sonne Philip prince of Spain, 
wherby it might well appeare to all men that the quenes highnes was then 
maried, not only to a prince, but also unto a king. The quenes mariage 
ring was a plain hoope of gold without any stone in it : for that was as it is 
said her pleasure, because maydens were so maried in olde tymes. Thys (as 
I have saide) being ended and done, the erle of Darbey beefore the quenes 
magestie, and the erle of Pembroke before the kinges highnes, did here ech 
of them a swerd of honour. And so both their majesties entered the quere 
hande in hand under a canapye borne by iiij. knightes towardes the hie 
altar, where after they had kneled a while with ech of them a taper, they 
arose, and the quene went to a seate or travers of the right hande of the 

a The ceremonial of the marriage, as recorded by the English heralds, forms the next 
article of this Appendix. 



142 APPENDIX. 

altar, and the kinge to another seate of the left hand, where they continued 
thus several in their meditacions and praiers untill the gospell was saied, 
and then they came out, and kneled all the hie masse tyme openly before 
the hie aultar, the care clothe beeyng holden, as the maner is. a Where 
duryng hie masse tyme the queues chapell matched with the quire, and 
the organs, used suche swete proporcyon of musicke and harmonye, as the 
like (I suppose) was never beefore invented or harde. The hie masse 
beeing done, whiche was celebrated and sayd by my lorde the bishop of 
Winchester, having to his coadjutors the five bishops aforesaid, that is to 
say, the bishops of Duresm, Ely, London, Lincolne, and Chichestre, (wherin 
both the princes offering rich jewels, and delivering their tapers, yea and the 
kinges highnes at the Agnus Dei kissyng the celebrator, according to the 
ceremonies of manages used in holy catholicke churches,) the king of 
heroldes openly, in presence of both their magesties and the whole audience, 
solempnly proclaymed this their new stile and title in Latin, Frenche, and 
in Englishe. 

The stile in Latin. 

" Philippus et Maria, Dei gratia, Rex et Regina Anglie, Francie, Nea- 
polis, Hierusalem et Hibernie, fidei defensores, Principes Hispaniarum et 
Secilie, Archiduces Austrie, Duces Mediolani, Burgundie et Brabantie, Co- 
mites Haspurgi, Flandrie et Tyrolis." 

And wheras this letter maye come perhaps from your lordships handes, 
in the handes of those which understand not the Latin tongue, I wil therfore 
by your lordships leve, to satisfie and content their mindes, being unlearned, 
not only declare the same stile and title in English, but also all suche other 
thinges as shal folowe in Latin. 

The stile in Englishe. 

" Philip and Marie, by the grace of God king and quene of England, 
Fraunce, Naples, Hierusalem, and Irelande, defenders of the faith, princes 
of Spain and Secy 11, archdukes of Austria, dukes of Millan, Burgundy, and 
Brabant, counties of Haspurge, Flaunders, and Tirol." 

This stile and title being thus proclaimed, the king and the quene departed, 
hand in hande, under the forsaid canapie, to my lord chauncellor's place, 
where the queues grace was lodged ; whose two most princely and most rich 

* i. e. over the heads : see Nares's Glossary and Brand's Antiquities. Its derivation is 
probably from quarri, square. 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 143 

abiliments was of betin gold upon golde, and so riche set with precious 
stones, as no man coulde esteme the value therof. At which place, during 
diner time, as none could be in the world more sumptuous, when their 
magestyes dined openly in the hal both together at one table, under the 
cloth of estate : a there was suche soundes and noise of al maner of instru- 
ments, as hath been seldome hearde ; when also, at the thirde course, I per- 
ceived all the heraldes of armes entre the hall two and two, in their heral- 
dicall garmentes, and crying three times with an hye voyce " Largesse ! " 
the king of them, commonlye called Garter, proclamed there againe the 
kynges highnes and quenes new stile and title, in maner, fourme, and effect 
as he did in the cathedrall churche when hye masse was done. And so, 
crying three tymes " Larges ! " agayne, they departed. 

And thus, shortly to conclude, there was for certain daies after this moste 
noble mariage suche triumphing, bankating, singing, masking, and daun- 
sing, as was never in Englande heretofore, by the reporte of all men. Wher- 
fore, to see the kinges magestie and the quene sitting under the cloth of 
estate, in the hall where they dyned, and also in the chamber of presence 
at dansing tyme, where both their magesties dansed, and also to behold the 
dukes and noblemen of Spain daunse with the faire ladyes and the moste 
beutifull nimphes of England, it should seme to him that never see suche, 
to be an other worlde. 

Nowe, to trouble youre lordship any further with the hole and perfite de- 
claration of the riche and sundrie apparelles whiche the nobilitie of Eng- 
lande and Spain used and ware at and after the mariage of these two most 
excellent princes, it were but a phantasie and losse of paper and ynke ; for 
no mortall princes (emperoures and kinges only except) were able surely to 
excell them. And such brave liveries as their servauntes had, I never sawe 
the lyke in all the countreys that ever I travayled. And finally, with what 
ryche hanginges the cathedral church of Winchester and the quyer was 
hanged, and the two seates where bothe the princes sat, it was a wonder to 
se. And againe, to vew and mark what eligaunt verses in Latin of all 
kynde of sortes were affixed and set up on the cathedrall churche dores, and 
the portes of my lorde chaunceller's place where the king and the quene 
laye, by the skollers of Winchester Colledge, in prayse and commendacion 

a See a further account of the marriage banquet hereafter. 



144 APPENDIX. 

of this most noble and rare mariage of Philip of Spayne and Mari of Eng- 
land, it shoulde quicken the spirits of al dull doltes to embrace good letters, 
and of the best learned to favour the good will of al painefull studentes. I 
purpose for to sende the copy of some of theym to your lordship (God 
willing) hereafter.a And in the meane season I will not omit two verses 
whiche were wrytten in a whyte fielde, whych heroldes call silver, with faire 
Romayne letters of blacke, which they call sable, above the inner port of 
the place wher the two princes lay, a month before they cam thither ; whiche 
verses (as I am advertised) were made by my lorde the bishop of Winches- 
ter, nowe lorde chaunceller of Englande, whose exacte learnyng is well 
knowen every where, yea, and he to bee of moste exacte judgement in all 
kinde of good letters. 

These be the two verses : 

O domus es felix nimium, b nimiumque bcata, 
Hospitio tales nunc habitura tuo. 

This is to saye, 

Thou art happy house, righte blist and blist again, 
That shortly shalt suche noble guestes c retayn. 

And after that their majesties had thus remayned in the citie of Win- 
chestre ten daies (unto the whiche citie and to Southampton, in token and 
perpetuall memorye of this their moste noble mariage, solemnizated in the 
one, and the kinges first landing in the other, they did geve great privi- 
legis and landes for ever,) they removed from thens on tuesdaye the last 
of Juli, and riding through the citie in a very princely order, they wente to 
Basing, xv. mile from Winchestre, where at my lord treasurer of Englandes 
house they lay that night and the next day following, where was suche 
noble chere provided for them, and both their nobilities, as I have not sene 
the like for the tyme in my dayes. 

The next thursday, being the seconde of August, they departed from 
thens, and rode to Reding, wher after they had lyne but that nyghte, they 
came to Windesore the next friday, at vi. of the clocke at nyghte. 

And dimming in at the west end of the town, they came, with two 

See this supplied in No. XII. of this Appendix. 

b Misprinted minium in the original, in both places. c Misprinted geastes. 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 145 

swerdes borne before them, streight way towardes the churche weste dore, 
where with procession they were receaved by my lord chaunceller, where 
also the lord stewarde of Englande revested the king with the robe of the 
order of the garter, and the quenes magestie put the collar of the same 
order aboute his necke, whiche being done, they bothe preceded under a 
canapy towardes the quere, the lordes of the order going beefore them in 
their robes and collars also. And after that the kyng was there installed, 
and Te Deum song and ended, they came out at the same dore of the quere 
where they entred, and went to a place of the north side of the same, where 
the kinges highnes and the lordes put of their robes ; which being done, the 
kinges magestie and the quene departed on horse-backe to their lodging in 
Windsor Castle. 

And to make an ende here of their progres, your lordship shall under- 
stande, that after they had remayned at Windsor certaine daies after the 
kinges installacion, they came to Richemont. When being advertysed that 
all suche triumphes and pageantes as wer devised in London agaynst their 
cumming thyther, were finished and ended, they came from thens by water, 
on friday the xvii. of August, and landed at S. Marie Overes staires on 
Southwarke side ; where every corner being so straight kept as no man 
could passe, come, or go, but those which were appointed to attende their 
landing, they passed through my lord chauncellers house at a Suffolke place, 
which was prepared for their lying that night. This Suffolke place, and 
your lordship be remembred, is of the left hande as we enter into South- 
warke cumming from Hampton Courte ; whiche place was made by the 
olde duke of Suffolke, immediatly after that he maried the godly and ver- 
tuous princes Marye quene dowager of Fraunce and the seconde doughter 
of king Henry the vii. 

Nowe to begyn and declare their cumming to London, and to make an 
ende, Your reverend lordship shall understande that bothe their moste 
excellent majesties made thier most noble and triumphing entries into the 
noble citie of London furth of Southwarke place, the next satterdaye? 
which was the xviii. of August, at ii. of the clocke at after none. Where 
after all the lordes of their moste honorable privie counsel, and the ambas- 
sadours of all nacyons, with the nobilitie of Englande and Spayne, and 
divers other noble and j en tie men as wel English as straunge, wer al on 

a For at read to. They passed through Winchester house to Suffolk place. 
CAMD. SOC. U 



146 APPENDIX. 

horsebacke, two and two, in a ranke, the lord maior of London, as the two 
princes came out at the gate, kneled and delivered a mace, whiche signified 
his power and authoritie within the citie of London, to the quenes grace. 
Whose magestie delivering the said mace to the lord maior again, the kinges 
highnes and she ascended their horses, and so marchyng towardes London 
bridge, the quene of the righte hande, and the king of the left, with two 
swerdes of honour before theym, and before the swerdes the lord maior of 
London bearing the mace, the Toure of London begynneth to shoote. 

And when they came to the drawe-bridge, there they made the fyrst 
staye, where there was in the hight thereof a fayre table, holden up with 
two greate giauntes, the one named Corineus Britannus, and the other Gog- 
magog Albionus. In which table, in a field silver, with faire Romaine 
letters of sable, these xii. verses following were wrytten : 

Unica Csesareae stirpis spes inclite princeps, 
Cui Dens imperium totius destinat orbis, 
Gratus et optatus nostras accedis ad oras. 
Ecce sagittipotens tibi tota Britania dextram 
Porrigit, et gremium tibi nobilis Anglia pandit, 
Te tamen in primis urbs Londoniensis honorat, 
Incolumemque suum gaudet venisse Philippum, 
Ipsa suis sentit charum te civibus esse, 
Et fore foelicem tali se principe credit. 
Teque putant omnes missum divinitus urbi, 
Cujus mens, studium, vox, virtus, atque voluntas 
Gaudet, et in clari consentit amore Philippi. 
That is to say, 

O noble Prince, sole hope of Caesar's side, 

By God apointed all the world to gyde, 

Right hartely welcome art thou to our land, 

The archer Britayne yeldeth the hir hand, 

And noble England openeth her bosome 

Of hartie affection for to bid the welcome. 

But chiefly London doth her love vouchsafe, 

Rejoysing that her Philip is come safe. 

She seith her citisens love thee on eche side, 

And trustes they shal be happy of such a gide : 

And al do thinke thou art sent to their citie 

By th' only meane of God's paternall pitie, 

So that their minde, voice, study, power, and will, 

Is onlie set to love the, Philippe, still. 



JOHN ELDEE'S LETTER, ETC. 147 

Here also the Toure of London (the signe geven that the kinge and 
quene were in syghte thereof) shotte suche peales of ordinaunce in and about 
every quarter thereof, and specially out of the toppe of the whyte toure and 
of the wharffe, as never was heard the lyke in Englande heretofore. 

Which being done, they preceded forwarde until they came to Gracious 
strete, where in their waye the conduit therof was finely trimmed, whereon 
was painted verye ingeniouslye the nine Worthies, with many notable pro- 
verbes and adages, written with fayre Roman letters on every side thereof. 

And at the signe of the Splaied Eagle they made a seconde staie, where 
the first pagent was devysed and made by the marchaunt straungers of the 
Stilliarde. Where emongest divers notable stories, there was in the top 
therof a picture of the king sitting on horssebacke, all armed verye 
gorgeously, and richly set out to the quicke. Under which picture were 
written in field silver with fayre Romaine letters of sable, these wordes 
folowinge after this maner : 

Divo Phi. Aug. Max. 
Hispaniarum principi exoptatissimo. 

That is to saye, 

" In honour of worthy Philip the fortunate and most mighty 
Prince of Spaine, most earnestly wyshed for." 

And under that were wrytten in a field blue, whiche heroldes call azure, 
with faire Romaine letters of silver, these two verses folowinge : 

Constantem fortemque animum, ter magne Philippe, 
Nee spes a recto, nee metus acer agit. 

That is to saye, 

Most mighty Philip, neither hope nor fear may frighte 
Thy stronge and valiaunt hart away from ryghte. 

Whiche picture, and al other notable stories and wrytinges in the saide 
pagent, pleasing their magesties very wel, they marched forward untill they 
came to Cornewall," where the conduite also there being very excellentlye 
painted, at the west end of the strete was the seconde pagent, which was 
ryght excellently handled and set out, where their magesties made the thirde 
staye. In whiche pagente were foure lively persons, which represented the 

* See before, in p. 80. 



148 APPENDIX. 

foure moste noble Philips, of whose most noble actes and doinges we read 
in auncient stories. That is to saye, Philip kyng of Macedonia, Philip the 
Romayn Emperour, Philip duke of Burgundy surnamed Bonus, and Philip 
duke of Burgundy surnamed Audax; betwixt which foure princes, two 
beying of the right side of the pagent, and two of the leaft, there was a 
fayre table, wherin were written in a fielde azure, with Romaine letters of 
silver, these viii. verses folowyng : 

Quatuor a priscis accepimus esse Philippos, 
Quorum per totum celebratur gloria raundum. 
Nobilitas primum summa decoravit honore, 
Prosperitate facit clarum fortuna secundum, 
Tertius aeterna bonitatis laude refulget, 
Quartus bellator fortis memoratur et audax ; 
Sed tua nobilitas, fortuna, audatia, virtus, 
Omnibus his praestat, vincisque Philippe Philippos. 

That is to saye, 

We read in time past Philips have bene foure, 

Whose glory throwghout al the worlde is blowen ; 
The first through noble bloud past all before, 

The secondes matche in good succes unknowen ; 
The third for goodnes gat eternall fame, 

The forthe for boldnes used agaynst hys fone ; 
In birth, in fortune, boldnes, vertuous name, 

Thou Philip passest these Phillips fower, alone. 

This pageante, with the stories therein contained, liking the kinges 
highnes and the quene wonderous wel, they passed towardes Chepeside, and 
at the easte ende therof, the conduite there also being finely paynted and 
trimmed, they made the fourth staye, where the thirde pageante was made. 
In the height wherof was one playing on a harpe, who signified the most ex- 
cellent musician Orpheus, of whom and of Amphion we reade in the fables 
of old poetes ; where also were nyne faire ladyes playing and singing on 
divers swete instrumentes, signifying the nine Muses. And not farre from 
them were men and children decked up like wilde beastes, as lions, wolfes, 
foxes, and beares. So that the moste swete strokes, noyse, and soundes of 
Orpheus, with the nyne Muses playing and singinge, in the sayd pageant, 
and also the counterfeated beastes daunsing and leaping with Orpheus 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 149 

harpe and the Muses melodye, exhilarated and rejoysed their majesties very 
much. Under Orpheus, in a field silver, with faire Romaine letters of 
sable, were written in a very faire table these viii. verses followinge : 

Eloquii claro ditatus munere princeps 
Voce sua cives flectet, quocunque lubebit. 
Hoc veteres olim docuere per Orphea vates, 
Qui movisse feras cantus dulcedine fertur, 
Sic tua sola tuos dicendi copia cives 
Excitat, et mcestse prebet solatia menti. 
Ergo tibi merito magnas agit Anglia grates, 
Anglia que solo gaudet dicente Philippe. 

That is to saye, 

The prince that hath the gift of eloquence 

May bend his subjectes to his most behove, 
Which in old time was shewed by covert sence 

In Orpheus whose song did wilde beastes move. 
In like case now thy grace of spech so franke 

Doth comforte us, whose mindes afore were bleke, 
And therefore England geveth the harty thanke, 

Whose chiefest joye is to hear thee, Philip, speke. 

Their majesties being satisfyed with the sighte of that pageant, they 
marched from thence, and passinge through Chepeside, where they per- 
ceiving the crosse therof, which was with fine gold richely gilded, they 
staied a litle lookinge thereon, whiche was (no doute it is) unto them a 
right excellent view, where also the kinges highnes, perceaving the crucifix 
in the top therof, very humblie put of his cap. Thys sene, they marched 
forwarde, and at the west end of Chepe they made the fyft staye, where 
was the fourth and most excellent pageant of al, wherein was contained, 
declared, and shewed their most noble genealogy from kinge Edward the 
third, which genealogie was most excellently and moste ingeniously set 
out, with a great arboure or tree ; under the roote wherof was an olde man 
Hinge on his left side, with a long white beard and close crowne on his 
head, and a sceptour in his ryght hand, and a ball imperial in his lefte ; 
which olde man signified kinge Edward the third, of whom both their 
majesties are lineally descended ; which greene arbour or tree grewe up of 
both the sides, with braunches, whereon did sit young faire children, which 
represented the persons of such kinges, quenes, princes, dukes, carles, lordes, 



150 APPENDIX. 

and ladies, as descended from the said king Edward the iii. unto their daies, 
whose names were written above their heades in fieldes azure, in faire 
tables, with Roman letters of silver. Where also in the top of the said 
arbour or tre, was a quene of the right hande, and a king of the left, which 
presented their magesties ; above whose heades was written their new stile 
and title, with fay re Roman letters of sable in a fielde golde ; and above 
that, in the height of al, wer both their armes joined in one, under one 
crown emperial. And finally, under the old man whiche lay under the 
rote of the arbour, and signified (as I have said) king Edward the third, 
were written these v. verses folowinge, in a field silver, with letters of gold : 

Si te bellipotens veterum juvat Anglia regum 
Gloria, quse summis quondam te laudibus auxit, 
Illorum sobolem Mariam, magnumque Philippum 
Diligere, et toto complecti pectore debes. 
Quos Deus ex uno communi fonte profectos 
Connubio veterem voluit conjungere stirpem. 

That is to saye, 

Englande, if tbou clelite in auncient men 
Whose glorious actes thy fame abrod dyd blase, 
Both Mary and Philip their offspring ought thou then 
With al thy hert to love and to embrace, 
Which both descended of one auncient lyne 
It hath pleased God by manage to combyne. 

Which pageant beynge throughlye vewed and much commended of their 
majesties, they wente hence towardes Paules church. And in their way a 
skoller of Paules skoole, decked up in cloth of gold, delyvered unto the 
kinges highnes a fayre boke, which he receyved verye jentlie. Where also 
a fellow came slipping upon a corde, as an arrowe out of a bow, from 
Paules steple to the grounde, and lighted with his heade forwarde on a 
greate sort of fether beds : And after he [had] clame up the corde 
againe, and done certene feates, their majesties lighted, and being in Paules 
church receaved with procession by the bishop of London, and Te Deum 
song and ended, they departed, and marched towardes Flete strete, at the 
condit whereof they made the sixt and last staye, where was the fift and 
hindermost pagent of all. Wherein was a quene and a king representing 
their highnes, having of their right side Justicia with a swerd in her hande, 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 151 

and Equitas with a payre of ballaunce ; and of theyr left side Veritas wyth 
a boke in her hande, whereon was written Verbum Dei, and Misericordia 
with a hearte of golde. Where also from the height of the pageant de- 
scended one which signified Sapientia, with a crowne in eche of her handes, 
whereof the one she put on the head of her that presented the quene, and 
the other on the head of him that presented the king ; under which two 
wer written, in a field azure, with fayre Roman letters of silver, these .vi. 
verses folowing : 

Qui verax clemensque simul, ac Justus et equus, 

Virtutisque suam complevit lumine men tern, 

Si diadema viro tali Sapientia donet, 

Ille gubernabit totum fceliciter orbem. 

Et quia te talem cognovimus esse, Philippe, 

Nos fortunatos fore te regnante putamus. 

That is to saye, 

When that a man is jentle,just, and true, 

With vertuous giftes fulfilled plenteously, 
If Wisdome then him with hir crowne endue, 

He governe shal the whole world prosperously. 
And sith we know thee, Philip, to be such, 
While thou shalt reigne we thinke us happy much. 

And after that their magesties had seen the effecte of thys pageant, they 
proceeded forward towardes Temple bar, where they stayed a litle in view- 
inge a certaine oracion in Latin, which was in a long table wrytten with 
Romayne letters, above the porte therof, as they passed, and departed furth 
of the citie. Which oracion declared that such triumphs and pagiantes as 
were devised and made in the noble citie of London by the lord maior therof, 
his brethren and the citisens, for theyr entries, whose most happy cumming 
they most hertly so long desired and wished for ; and agayne the running 
and rejoysing of the greate number of people as were there calling and 
crying " God save your graces," was an evident token, testimonie, and witnes 
of their faithful and unfained hertes to the quenes highnes and the king. 
For whose moste excellente majesties they prayed unto Almightye God 
longe to lyve, rule, and reygne over their most noble empyre of Englande. 

And now makyng an end here of this theyr most triumphyng entries into 
the noble citye of London, they departed from Temple barre towardes Yorke 



152 APPENDIX. 

place, otherwyse called the Whyte hal : wher after they had lighted they 
came hand in hand into the great chamber of presens, where also, after they 
had talked a little space, they toke theyr leave eache of other. 

And so the quenes magestie entring that part of the courte comenly 
called the kinges side, and the kinges highnes entryng the other parte called 
the quenes, there they rested and remayned for certayne dayes. 

Wher in the meane season two princely presentes came to their magesties. 
The one from the emperour, which is .xii. pieces of Arras worke, so richlie 
wroughte with golde, silver, and silke, as none in the worlde maye excell 
them. In which peces be so excellentlye wroughte and sette out all the 
emperoures majesties procedinges and victories againste the Turkes, as 
Apelles were not able (if he were alive) to mende any parcell thereof with 
his pensell. 

And the other present from the quene of Polonia, which is a paire of 
regalles, so curiouslye made of golde and silver, and so set with precious 
stones, as lyke or none suche have beue seldome sene. 

And after they had thus remained at the Whitehall certaine daies (as I 
have said), and had bene in Westminster colledge, a where their majesties 
were receyved with procession by the deane thereof, and had heard masse, 
and perused al the monumentes and tombes of such kinges as be enterred 
there they departed to Hampton courte, where they continued untill thys 
parliment. b 

At which tyme they came from thens to Whitehall agayne. Whyche 
parlimente did begin the xii. day of November last, on which day both 
their magesties, and al the lordes spirituall and temporall, as use and custom 
hath ever been, rode to Westminster abbey, with all princely ensignes of 
honor, and solempnities appertayning to the roiall estate. 

Further, youre lordeshippe shall understande that the xviii. daye of the 
sayed moneth, the righte reverende father in God, lorde cardinall Poole, 
accompanyed wyth my lorde Paget, my lord Clynton, and sir Anthony 
Browne knight, late created lorde Montague, and dyvers other noble 
menne, came from Gravesende to the White hall in one of the kynges 



a On the 21st August : see accounts of St. Margaret's Westminster, in the notes to 
Machyn's Diary, p. 400. 

b To the 28th September only : vide ibid. 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 153 

barges. Where the kingcs majestic, beinge advertysed that he hadde shot 
London brydge, his highnes, with the swerde of honoure borne before hym, 
came down and receaved him verye amiably, as he landed at the common 
landynge brydge of the courte. And from thence they bothe passed up to 
the chambre of presence, where the quenes majestic was sittinge under the 
clothe of estate, whose highnes also receaved him very joyfully. 

And after that both theyr majesties and he had communed an houre very 
lovinglye, my lorde cardenall toke his leave of their highnes. And then 
my lord chaunceler of his right hande, and the erle of Shrewsbery of his 
left, they went by water to Lambeth, which is a place perteyninge to the 
archebishop of Canterbury, where his lordeship lyeth as yet. This cardi- 
nall is an Englysheman borne, of whome (I am sure) your lordship hath 
hearde, and discended of the bloude roiall of Englande. For his mother 
was doughter to George duke of Clarence, which was brother to Edwarde 
the fourth of that name, kinge of Englande. Whyche cardinall hathe bene 
an exile out of England these xxi. yeres. The cause whereof was, that he 
woulde not assente to kynge Henry the eight in the matter of divorse from 
his most lawfull wife quene Katherin, mother to the quene that now is. 
And that he would not admitte the sayd king to beare the title of Supreme 
Head of the Churche of Englande, whiche by a newe example he hadde 
lately (as it is now sayd) usurped. 

This opinion did not onely purchase exile to thys cardinal himselfe, but 
also was the death of the vertuouse lady the countes of Salysbery his mother, 
and lord Montegle a hys brother, and the marques of Exester his cousin, 
wyth manye other noble menne, being suspect as adherents to him in the 
same opinion. 

Surely thys cruelty was great, but that whyche exceded all the rest : 
thys olde ladye being at least Ix. and x. yeares of age, cosin to the king, 
and beyng (as it is saied) most innocent and giltles, was without judgement 
or processe of lawe, drawen by the hore heres b to the blocke, not knowyng 
any cause why, to dye. 

Many lyke examples of crueltie folowed in Englande by that alteracion, 
whiche are oute of my purpose ; but this I have touched by occasion of this 
cardinall, who nowe by the quenes goodnes is restored to the honour of his 

a Read Montacute. b hoary hairs. 

CAMD. SOC. X 



154 APPENDIX. 

house. And nowe of late is arrived in Englande as ambassadour and 
legate from the pope's holynes, with most ample commission to receive the 
realme of Englande unto the unitie of the churche, wherof your lordship 
shal perceve more hereafter. He is and semeth to be of nature sad and 
grave, whose good lyfe maye be an example to the reste of his profession, 
and his excellent learning is well knowen through all Europe. For I assure 
your lordship, that at my beinge in Rome xvi. yeares agon, I have hearde 
out of the mouthes aswel of my countrymen then being in Rome, as of the 
Romaines themselfes no les, yea, and more then I have saide. For it is 
commonly sayde of him by lerned men in Rome, and in other places where 
I have travayled, " Polus cardinalis, natione Anglus, pietatis et literarum 
testimonio dignus, non qui Polus Anglus, sed qui Polus angelus vocetur." 

But nowe passinge over the praysinges of thys noble and vertuous pre- 
late, whome no manne dispraiseth, I will precede where I lefte. 

Within fewe daies after hys cumminge to Lambeth, a daye was prefixed 
by appoyntment of the king and queues majesties, that the three estates of 
England being called unto the parliament shoulde be brought unto the pre- 
sence of the cardinal for the better understandinge of his legation. This 
assemble was appointed in the greate chambre of the courte at Westminster, 
where as the king and quenes majesties sitting under the cloth of estate, 
and al the three estates placed in theyr degrees, the cardinall sytting in a 
chaire on the right hand, out of the cloth of estate, my lord chaunceller of 
England began in this maner. 

" My lordes of the upper house, and you masters of the nether house, 
here is present the right reverend father in God, my lord cardinal Pole, 
come from the Apostolike Sea of Rome as ambassadour to the king and 
quenes magesties upon one of the moste weightiest causes that ever happened 
in thys realme And whiche perteineth to the glory of God and your uni- 
versall benefit. The which ambassage their majesties pleasure is to be 
signified to you all by hys own mouth, trustyng that you will receyve and 
accept it in as benevolent and thankefull wyse as theyr highnesses have 
done, and that you will geve attente and inclyuable eare to hym." 

When his lordship had thus made an ende, my lord cardinall, taking the 
occasion offred, without any studye, as it seemed, spake in effect as 
foloweth : 

" My lordes all, and you that are the commons of this present parliment 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 155 

assembled, which in effecte is nothing els but the state and body of the 
whole realme, As the cause of my repaire hither hath been both wisely and 
gravely declared by my lord chaunceller, so before that I entre to the parti- 
cularities of my commission, I have somewhat to say touching myselfe, and 
to geve most humble and harti thankes to the king and quenes magesties, 
and after them to you all, whiche of a man exiled and banisht from this 
common wealth have restored me to a member of the same : and of a man 
having no place nether here or els where within this realme, have admitted 
me in place where to speake and to be heard. Thys I protest unto you al, 
that though I was exiled my natyve country without just cause, as God 
knoweth, yet that ingratitude could not putt from me the affeccion and 
desire that I had to profitt and doe you good. Yf the offer of my service 
might have been receaved, it was never to seke : and where that could not 
be taken, you never failed of my prayer, nor never shall. But leaving the 
rehersall thereof, and cumming more nere to the matter of my commission, 
I signifie unto you all that my principall travayl is, for the restitucion of 
this noble realme to the auncient nobilitie, and to declare unto you, that the 
Sea Apostolike, from whens I come, hath a special respect to this realme 
above al other ; and not without cause, seing that God himselfe, as it were by 
providence, hath geven this realme prerogative of nobilitie above other, which 
to make more playne unto you, it is to be considered that this iland first of 
all ilandes received the light of Christes religion. For, as stories testifie, it was 
prima provinciarum quae amplexa est Jidem Christi. For the Brittons 
being first inhabitauntes of this realme (notwithstandyng the subjeccion of 
the emperours and heathen princes) dyd receyve Christes fayth from the 
Apostolike Sea, universally, and not in partes, as other countryes, nor by one 
and one, as clockes encrease their houres by distinction of tymes, but alto- 
gether at ones as it were in a moment. But after that their ill merites or 
forgeatfulnes of God had deserved expulsion, and that straungers being 
infidels had possessed this land, yet God of his goodnes not leaving where 
he ones loved, so illumined the hartes of the Saxons, being heathen men, 
that they forsoke the darknes of heathen errours, and enbraced the light of 
Christes religion, so that within small space idolatry and heathen supersti- 
cion was utterlye abandoned in this iland. This was a greate prerogative 
of nobilitie, wherof though the benefite be to be ascribed to God, yet the 
meane occasion of the same came from the church of Rome, in the faithe 



156 APPENDIX. 

of whiche churche we have ever since continued and consented, with the 
rest of the worlde, in unitye of religion. And to shew further the fervent 
devotion of the inhabitauntes of this iland towardes the churche of Rome, 
we rede that divers princes in the Saxons' time, with great travell and 
expenses, went personally to Rome, as Offa and Adulphus, whiche thought 
it not inough to shew themselfes obedient to the said see, unles that in their 
owiie personnes they had gon to that same place from whence they had 
receved so great a grace and benefite. In the time of Carolus Magnus, 
who first founded the university of Parys, he sent into England for Alcuinus, 
a great learned man, which first brought learning to that university. 
Whereby it semeth that the greatest part of the world fet the light of reli- 
gion from England. Adrian the fourth, being an Englishman, converted 
Norway from infidelity, which Adrian afterwardes, upon great affection and 
love that he bare to thys realme, being his native country, gave to Henry 
the ii. king of England the right and seniory of the dominion of Ireland, 
whiche pertained to the see of Rome. 

" I wil not reherse the manifold benefites that this realme hath receaved 
from the Apostolike Sea, nor how ready the same hath been to relive us in 
all our necessities. Nor I wil not rehearse the manifolde miseries and 
calamities that this realme hath suffred by swarving from that uuitie. And 
even as in thys realme, so in all other countries which, refusing the unitie of 
the catholike fayth, have followed fantastical doctryne, the like plages have 
happened. Let Asia, and the empire of Grece, be a spectacle unto the 
world, who, by swarving from the unitie of the churche of Rome, are 
brought into captivitie and subjeccion of the Turke. All storyes be full of 
like examples. And to cum unto latter tyme, loke upon our nie neighbours 
of Germany, who, by swarving from this unitie, are miserablye afflicted 
with diversitie of sectes, and devided in factions. What shal I rehearse 
unto you, the tumultes and effusion of blood that hath happened there in 
late dayes ; or trouble you with the rehersal of those plages that have hap- 
pened sins this innovacion of religion, whereof you have felt the bitternes, 
and I have hearde the reporte ; of al which matters I can say no more but 
suche was the misery of the tyme. And see how farre forth this furie went. 
For those that live under the Turke may frely live after their conscience, 
and so was it not lawfull here. Yf men examined wel upon what groundes 
these innovations began, they shall well finde that the rote of thys, as of 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 157 

many other mischiefes, was avarice, and that the lust and carnal affeccion 
of one man confounded all lawes, both devine and humane ; and notwith- 
standyng all these devises and pollicies practised within thys realme against 
the church of Rome, they neded not to have loste you, but that they sought 
rather as frehdes to reconcile you, then as enemies to enfeaste you; for they 
wanted no great offers of the most mightie potentates in all Europe to have 
ayded the church in that quarell. Then marke the sequel ; ther semed by 
these chaunges to rise a gret face of riches and gayne, which in profe cam 
to gret misery and lacke. Se howe God then can confounde the wisdome 
of the wise, and turne unjust pollicy to mere folye, and that thing that 
semed to be done for reliefe, was cause of playne ruyne and decay. Yet see 
that goodnes of God, which at no tyme fayled us, but most benignlye 
offered hys grace, when it was of our partes leaste soughte, and worste 
deserved. 

" And when all lyghte of true religion seamed utterly extincte, as the 
churches defaced and aulters overthrowen, the ministers corrupted ; even 
lyke as in a lampe the lyghte being covered, yet it is not quenched, even so 
in a few remained the confession of Christes fayth ; namely, in the brest 
of the quenes excellency, of whome to speake wythout adulacyon, the saing 
of the prophet may be verified, Ecce quasi derelicta. 

" And see howe miraculouslye God of hys goodnes preserved her hyghnes 
contrarye to the expectacyon of manne. That when numbers conspyred 
agaynste her, and policies were devised to disherit her, and armed power 
prepared to destroye her, yet she being a virgin, helples, naked, and 
unarmed, prevailed, and had the victorye over tyrauntes, which is not to be 
ascribed to any pollici of man, but to the almighty greate goodnes and pro- 
vidence of God, to whome the honour is to be geven. And therefore it 
may be sayd Da gloriam Deo. For in mannes judgemente, on her grace's 
parte was nothinge in apparance but dispayre. And yet for all these 
practises and devises of ill men, here you se hir grace established in hir 
estate, being your lawful quene and governes, borne amonge you, whome 
God hathe appointed to rcigne over you, for the restitucion of true 
religion, and extirpacion of all erroures and sectes. And to confirme her 
grace the more stronglye in thys enterprise, lo howe the providence of God 
hath joyned her in mariage with a prince of like religion, who being a kinge 
of great might, armour, and force, yet useth towardes you neyther armour 



158 APPENDIX. 

nor force, but seketh you by the waye of love and amide, in which respecte 
greate cause you have to gyve thankes to Almighty God that hathe sent 
you suche catholyke governours. It shal be therefore your parte againe to 
love, obey, and serve them. And as it was a singuler favoure of God to 
conjoyne theyin in maryage, so it is not to be doubted but that he shal sende 
them yssue for the comforte and suerty of thys common wealthe. Of all 
prynces in Europe, the emperoure hath travayled most in the cause of 
religion , as it appereth by hys actes in Germany ; yet happly by some 
secret judgement of God he hath not atchieved the ende; with whom in my 
journey hetherwardes I had conference touchinge my legation, whereof 
when he had understandinge, he shewed great apperaunce of most ernest 
joye and gladnes, saying that it rejoyced him no les of the reconcilement of 
this realme unto Christian unitie, then that his sonne was placed by mariage 
in the kingdome. And most glad of all that the occasion thereof shuld 
come by me, beinge an Englishemanne borne, whiche is, as it were, to call 
home oure selves. I can wel compare hym to David, whiche, thoughe he 
were a manne elected of God, yet, for that he was contaminate with bloode 
and war, coulde not builde the temple of Jerusalem, but lefte the finishynge 
thereof to Salomon, whiche was Rex pacificus. So may it be thoughte, 
that the appeasing of controversies of religion in Christianity, is not 
appoynted to this emperour, but rather to his sonne, who shal perfourme 
the buildyng that his father hath begun ; which church cannot be perfitly 
builded without universallye, in all realmes, we adhere to one head, and do 
acknowledge hym to be the vicar of God, and to have power from above. 
For al power is of God, accordyng to the saying, Non est potestas nisi a 
Deo. And therefore I consider that all power being in God, yet for the 
conservacion of quiet and godly life in the world, he hath derived that 
power from above into two partes here in earthe, whiche is the power 
imperial and ecclesiasticall ; and these two powers, as they be severall and 
distinct, so have they two severall effectes and operacions. For seculer 
princes, to whom the temporall swerde is committed, be ministers of God 
to execute vengeance upon transgressours and ill livers, and to preserve the 
wel doers and innocentes from injury and violence, which power is repre- 
sented in these two most excellent persons, the king and quenes magesties 
here present, who have this power committed unto them immediatlye from 
God, wythout any superioure in that behalfe. The other power is of mi- 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 159 

nistracyon, whyche is the power of the keies, and order in the ecclesiasti- 
cal state, which is by the authoritie of God's word, and examples of the 
apostles, and of all olde holy fathers, from Christ, hitherto attributed and 
geven to the Apostolike Sea of Rome, by speciall prerogative. From which 
sea I am here deputed legate and ambassadour, having full power and 
ample commission from thence, and have the keyes committed to my handes. 
I confess to you that I have the keyes not as mine owne keyes, but as the 
keyes of him that sent me, and yet cannot open, not for want of power in 
me to gyve, but for certayne impedimentes in you to receave, whiche must 
be taken awaye before my commission can take effect. This I protest 
unto you, my commyssion is not of prejudice to anye persone. I cum not 
to destroy but to build. I cum to reconcyle, not to condemne. I cum not 
to compel, but to call againe. I am not cum to call any thing in question 
already done, but my commission is of grace and clemencye to suche as 
will receave it ; for touchinge all matters that be past, they shal bee as 
thinges cast into the sea of forgetfulnes. But the meane wherby you 
shal receave this benefit, is to revoke and repeale those lawes and statutes 
whiche be impedymentes, blockes, and barres to the execution of my com- 
mission. For like as I myself had neyther place nor voice to speake here 
amonge you, but was to all respectes a banished man, til such time as ye 
hadde repealed those lawes that laie in my way ; even so cannot you 
receave the benefite and grace offered from the Apostolike Sea, untyll the 
abrogacion of suche lawes whereby you have disjoyned and dissevered your- 
selves from the unity of Christes church ; it remaineth therefore that you, 
lyke true Christians and provydente men, for the weale of your soules and 
bodies, ponder what is to be don in this so weigh tye a cause, and so to frame 
youre actes and procedinges, as they may tend first to the glorye of God, 
and next to the conservacion of youre common wealthe, suertye, and 
quietnes." 

This was the substaunce of my lorde cardinalles oration, or rather his 
tale, whiche he pronounsed in such sort as no man could judge it any 
studyed matter, but a thing spoken ex tempore. Wherof a frende of myne, 
beinge a burges of the parliamente, and presente at the same tyme, toke the 
notes, and gave me the same in writing, so (as I beleve) nothinge that he 
spake in effecte is omitted. 

And after that the assemble was broken, my lord cardinal taking leave 



160 APPENDIX. 

of the king and queenes magesties, went to hys house at Lambeth. Then 
shortly after the foresayd thre estates assembled agayne in the great chamber 
of the court at Westminster, where the kyng and quenes magestyes, and also 
my lorde cardynal, being present, they did exhibit, syttyng al on their knees, 
a supplicacion to their highnesses. Whiche supplicacion beyng read, their 
magesties exhibited the same unto my lorde cardinall ; whose reverence, per- 
ceyving the effecte therof to be corresponding to his expectacion, did not 
only receive the same most humbly from their magesties, but also after he 
had in few woordes geven thankes to God, and hadde declared what great 
cause he had to rejoyse, above al others, that his cumming from Rome into 
Englande hadde taken moste happye successe, he representyng there the 
pope's holynes, and havyng the keys, and hys full power for the tyme, dyd 
geve them hys benediccion. Whiche beyng done, they all departed. 

The copie of whyche supplycacion I have sent here also to your lorde- 
ship in maner, founne, and effecte as foloweth, woorde by woorde : 

" We the lordes spirituall and temporall, and the commons of thys pre- 
sente parlymente assembled, representing the whole bodye of the realme of 
Englande and dominions of the same, in oure owne names particulerly, and 
also of the sayde bodye universallye, in this supplication dyrected to youre 
magestyes, wyth moste humble suite, that it maye by youre gracious 
intercession and meane bee exhybyted to the moste reverende father in God 
the lorde cardinall Poole legate, sente speciallye hyther from oure moste 
holye father pope Julio the thirde, and the Sea Apostolyke of Rome ; dooe 
declare ourselves very sorye and repentante of the scisme and disobedyence 
commytted in thys realme and the dominions of the same, agaynste the sayd 
Sea Apostolyke, eyther by makynge, agreing, or executyng any lawes, ordy- 
naunces, or commaundementes agaynste the supremacye of the sayed Sea, 
or otherwyse dooing or speakynge that myghte impugn the same. Offeryng 
ourselves, and promising by this oure supplicacyon, that for a token and 
knowledge of our sayed repentaunce, wee be and shal be alway readye, 
under and with the authorities of youre magesties, to the uttermoste of oure 
power, to dooe that shal be in us for the abrogacyon and repealynge of the 
sayed lawes and ordinaunces in thys presente parlymente, as well for our- 
selves as for the whole bodye, whom we represent. 

" Whereupon we most humblye beseche your majesties, as persons unde- 
filed in the offence of thys bodye towardes the saide Sea, which nevertheles 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 161 

God by hys providence hath made subject to your majesties ; so to set 
fourthe this cure moste humble suit that we maye obtaine from the Sea 
Apostolike, by the saide moste reverend father, as well particularlye as uni- 
versallye, absolution, release, and discharge, from all daunger of suche 
censures and sentences, as by the lawes of the churche we be fallen in. 
And that we maye, as children repentaunte, be receaved in to the bosome and 
unitye of Christes churche. So as thys noble realme, wyth all the membres 
thereof, maye in unitie and perfecte obedience to the Sea Apostolike, and 
popes for the tyme beinge, serve God and your majesties to the furderance 
and advancemente of hys honoure and glorye. Amen." 

Then the fyrste sundaye in Advente followinge, my lorde cardinall came, 
at tenne of the clocke, from Lambeth by water, and landed at Poles wharfe. 
And cumminge from thence to Poles churche with a crosse, ii. pyllers, and 
two pollaxes of sylver borne before hym, he was there receaved by my 
lorde chaunceller, with procession. Where he taryed untill the kinges 
cummynge ; whose hyghnes came from Westmynster by lande, and all hys 
nobles before him, to Poles also, at a leven of the clocke. And so the 
kynges majesty and my lord cardinall, wyth all the lordes of the privy 
counsell beinge presente, with suche an audience of people as was never sene 
in that place before, my lorde chaunceller entered Poles crosse. And after 
that the people ceased, that so much as a whispering could not be hearde 
emongest them, more then emongst those of whome the poet Virgil 
speaketh, Conticuere omnes intentique ora tenebant, but every bente 
hartelye wyth eares to here, eyes to perceave, and handes to wryte, hys 
lordshyp preceded, and tooke to hys theam these wordes of the epystle of 
that daye, wrytten by saynte Paule the holye apostle in the xiii. chapter to 
the Romaynes, Fratres, scientes quia hora est jam nos de somno 
surgere, &c. 

Whyche parcell of scripture was so godlye and so clearkelye handeled by 
him, as no manne alyve (all flattery doutles set aparte) was able to meande 
it. And there as saincte Paule exhorted the Romaines to caste awaye the 
workes of darkenes, and to put on the armoure of lyght, &c. even so his 
lordeshippe exhorted, wished, and willed, yea, and with all his hart desyred 
and praied all Englyshmen and others, which hadde slepte in Englande 
these twenty yeares in detestable heresyes, and erroneous doctrines, to for- 
sake the devel, the fleshe, and the worlde, which was the occasyon of all 

CAMD. SOC. Y 



162 APPENDIX. 

evill, and to embrace God and hys holye catholyke fayth, whyche fayth 
was taughte by him. preached by his apostles, and receved of them by 
auncient olde fathers in the primitive churche. Whyche fayth also hath 
continued through all Christendom from age to age, and also in Englande, 
until king Henry the eight toke on hym to be Supreme head of the church. 
From which tyme unto the raygne of the quenes magestie that now is, his 
lordshippe declared what miseries, what calamities, what sorrowes, and 
griefes Englande had susteaned ; what malice, what envie and hatred, what 
falshed, what crafte and subtiltie had reygned emongest all degrees in 
Englande ; what abominable heresyes, what synistrat and erronious opinions 
were in Englande withoute anye restreynt taught and receaved ; what 
tumultes and insurrections, to the castinge awaye of manye, and to the 
empoveryshyiige of al, were in dyvers quarters of the same ; and finallye, 
unto what ruyne and decaie the realme of Englande was like to come, yf 
almyghtye God of hys goodnes had not blest the same in tyme, wyth hys 
moste holye handes. These, wyth manye other notable, yea, and lamentable 
lessons, to longe here to bee rehersed, hys lordshyppe there declared, 
whyche moved a greate nombre of the audience with sorrowfull syghes and 
wepynge teares to chaunge theyr cheere. 

In thys same selfe sermon he declared also, how xix. yeares agoe, at that 
tyme when the insurreccion in the north of Englande in defence of religion, 
that king Henry the eyght was minded to have geven over the supremacy 
to the pope's holines, but the leat therof was then because he thoughte it 
would be sayed it shoulde have been done for peace. 

He declared also how the said king sente him and ser Henry Knyvet, 
knyghte, to the emperoure, exhorting his imperial majestic to be interces- 
sour for him to the pope to receyve the supremacye ; but it tooke none 
effect, because the time was not. He declared further, howe in kinge 
Edwardes dayes the counsell were once mynded to have the pope restored 
to the supremacy, but the let thereof was in those daies because, as it was 
supposed, it would have been sayd that the realme could not be defended 
durynge the kynges minoritie without the pope's adsistaunce. And, finally, 
he declared how the quenes magestie at her coronacyon thoughte for to 
have restored the popes holynes to his supremacy, but the tyme (he sayed) 
was not then. But now (sayd he) the tyme is cum that the kinges and 
quenes magesties have restored our holy father the pope to his supremacy, 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 163 

and the thre estates assembled in the parliament, representing the whole 
body of thys noble empire of England and dominions of the same, have 
submitted themselves to his holynes, and his successours for ever. He 
declared also, howe that the moste reverende father in God, lorde cardinall 
Poole, beinge there put a by the kinge, was sente in [to] Englande as deputed 
legate and ambassadoure from the Sea Apostolyke of Rome, havinge full and 
ample commission from the popes holynes to blesse the realme of Englande. 
And here also he declared, howe muche bounde Englande is to thanke God, 
who of his devine providence hath appointed suche a godlye and vertuous 
prynce as the kynge that now is, he beinge sonne to soo victorious and 
moste riche an emperour, and he beinge also so riche a prince himselfe, to 
joyne in mariage with the quenes majestic, who for the moste hartye 
love that he had to hir hyghnes, lefte his owne countreys, realmes, and 
regions to strengthen hir most noble grace, and to enriche her empyre of 
Englande. And so to conclude, his lordshippe declared, that all the pre- 
misses being well remembred and consydered of all the audience, and also 
the kyng and quenes majesties godly procedinges beinge of them and all 
other theyr true subjectes hartely embraced and faithfully followed, they 
al then mighte synge with the angell whiche appered to the shepherdes at 
the natyvytie and birth of cure Savioure Jesus Christ, Gloria in excelsisDeo, 
et in terra pax hominibus, &c. And finally to say with the prophet and 
psalmist David, Hcec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exaltemus et letemur 
in ea. 

Whiche sermon beyng done, the kynges magestie departed towardes 
Westminster, and with his highnes my lorde cardinall, with the crosse only 
borne before him. Syns the daye of whiche sermon all such thinges as 
were amis and out of order here begin now to cum to rule and square, and 
occupye their auncyente and accustomed places. 

And the most holy catholike fayth and true relygion of Christ, whyche 
in Englande hath been thys long tyme behynde the post and in captivitie, 
is now, being delyvered and cummyng home agayne, of all bothe younge 
and olde embraced, worshipped and honoured. And all erronious doctrine 
and heretical bokes, with the teachers and setters fourth of the same, are 
convicted, abolished, yea explosed and dryven out of Englande. And 

" So the original, probably an error for present, seated next the king. 



164 APPENDIX. 

finallye, all they whiche were herers and favorers of them, nowe layinge 
theyre handes to theyr heartes, and perceavinge theym selves seduced and 
deceaved by suche meanes, are sory, and do hartlye repent, mynding faith- 
fully from hens forth their fautes to amend. Amongest whome I can no les 
do (my very good lorde) thenne numbre my selfe as one. For althoughe 
I was never (praysed be God) associated with any which wer erronious, or 
suspected to be fautours and defendours of hereticall and sinistrate opinions, 
but living e under silence during the two late kinges procedinges, have kepte 
myselfe clere on every side, yet, nevertheles, as often as I have, and do 
remember with myselfe how lasciviously I lived in Englande these xx. 
yeres, and the most part thereof have followed the same trade of liberty 
and voluptuous livinge as a great numbre have done, where I myghte 
have endevoured myselfe in the meane season to vertuous learning and 
studye, I can no les doe, then lament and be sory ; yea and with all my 
hart repente as others doe, purposinge (by God's grace) with them to mend 
my most miserable and synfull lyfe, and so to continew to my lyves ende. 
In which doing, I with those whiche have thus offended, and they with 
me, may be assured that our Saviour Christ, according unto his owne 
infallible wordes, spoken of one in the name of al sinners, wil have mercy, 
pity, and compassion on us, saying, Nolo mortem peccatoris^ sed magis ut 
convertatur et vivat. 

And thus England, and al we that dwel therein, accoumpt ourselves not 
onely happy, yea and moste happy, whiche from so many outragious 
stormes of errours, cares, and calamities, are thus called home agayne to the 
sure haven and porte of the most holy catholyke faythe ; but also we do 
beleve with our very hartes, and do confesse with al our mouthes, that 
almighty God of hys devine providence hath preserved and kept iii. persons, 
as lode-starres and chiefe guydes, for the defendinge, inbringinge, and 
restoring of Englande thus to the unitie of Christes churche. 

The first is the quenes majestie, who being from her infancye a virgin, 
and immaculate from all spottes of heresies : it hath pleased God to defende 
hir, ayde hir, and save hir from the handes, power, and might of her ene- 
mies, and geving her the victorye over them in twinkelinge of an eye, 
whiche as roaryng lions would have devoured her. The second is my lord 
cardinal, who beyng an exile out of hys native countreth Englande, these 
xxi. yeares, for the two causes before mentioned, and in the meane season 



JOHN ELDER'S LETTER, ETC. 165 

so abhorred, so hated, and so detested, as no man durst scars ones name 
him, whom the quenes magestie nowe hath restored to his bloud, and to the 
honour of his house. And the thirde is my lorde the bishop of Wynches- 
ter, lorde chaunceller of England, against whom from tyme to tyme suche 
sharpe snares have been layed, and suche ordinaunce leveled, for that he 
favored, and wold have to his power defended the most holy catholicke 
fayth, that it is a wounder howe he hath escaped, and speciallye at hys late 
being in London toure. 

But suche are the workes of God the author of all goodnesse, who 
alwayes when it pleaseth him plucketh downe and deposeth the proude and 
hyghe minded, and defendeth and exalteth the humble and lowe of spirit, so 
that now all Christendom, as well as Englande, doth confesse that these 
forenamed iii. persons have been thus, throughe the providence of God, 
moste happly defended, preserved, and kept from their enemies handes, 
above the expectacion and judgement of all menne, for the restoring of 
Englande agayne to the unitie of Christes religion. Which (no dout it is) 
shal be to the glorye of God, the wealth of Englande, and to the perpetuall 
peace, love, and quietnes of this moste noble and hole yle of Britayn, 

Other newes I have none, but those newes which most joifully rejoyseth 
all Englande, that the quenes magestie is conceaved with child, whom our 
Lord long preserve, and send her highnes a gracious delyveraunce. And 
also, that in Christmasse holydayes, the prynce of Piemont arryved in Eng- 
lande, and shortly after hym the prince of Orenge, whiche are very pryncely 
intreated with the king and quenes magesties. And beecause I thought 
youre lordshipe woulde be somewhat desirous to knowe the stature and shape 
of this noble prince, the kynges magestie of Englande that nowe is, whom 
you have not sene, I thought it not muche amysse to descrybe hys person 
by wryting, that your mynde may conceave that which your iye hath not 
seen. As for the quenes most excellent magesties person, whose person 
you have so often tymes sene, I shall not greatlye nede to depainte unto 
you. Understande, therfore, that touchyng hys higth, I can wel compare 
hym to John Hume my lord of Jedwardes kinsman. a Of visage he is 

* The lord of Jedwarth, or Jedburgh, at this time, appears to have been sir John Ker, 
whose father, sir Andrew Ker, of Fernihurst, had received the office of bailiary of Jedburgh 
forest in 1542, and whose mother was Janet, second daughter of sir Patrick Home, of Pol- 
warth. The " John Hume" here alluded to was probably one of the Johns named in the 
descent of the earls of Marchmont. Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, by Wood, ii. 174, 175. 



166 APPENDIX. 

well favored, with a brod forhead, and grey iyes, streight nosed, and 
manly countenaunce. From the forhead to the point of hys chynne, hys 
face groweth smal. His pace is princely, and gate so straight and upright, 
as he leseth no inche of his higthe ; with a yeallowe head and a yeallowe 
berde. And thus to conclude, he is so wel proporcioned of bodi, arme, 
legge, and every other limme to the same, as nature cannot work a more 
parfite paterne ; and, as I have learned, of the age of xxviii. yeares ; whose 
majesty I judge to bee of a stoute stomake, pregnaunt witted, and of most 
jentel nature. 

I have also sent your lordship certain verses and adages a written with the 
hande of the lorde Henry Stuarde, lorde Dernley, your nephew, which he 
wrot this tyme twelvemoneth, I beinge with him then at Temple Newsome 
in Yorkshire. And what praise your lordship may thinke him worthie, for 
this his towardnes in wrighting, beinge not yet fully ix. yeares of age, the 
like praise is he worth ye (suerlye) in his towardnes in the Latin tounge, and 
the Frenche, and in sundrye other vertuous qualities ; whome also God 
and nature hath endued with a good wit, j en times, beutie, and favour. So 
yf it may please God to lend him long life, he shall prove a witty, vertuous, 
and an active, well learned gentle man, whose noble parentes are my singuler 
good patrons. And thus trusting that your good lordship, of your accus- 
tomed humanitie and jentilnes, wil accept thys my symple letter in good 
parte, sent unto you for this newe yeares gyfte, although it be rude and 
destitute of wit, lerning, and eloquence, I most humbly besech the Kyng of 
kynges, and Lorde of lordes, long to preserve and kepe youre reverende 
lordeship in health, wealth, and fortunate felicitie, with a meri and mani 
newe yeares. 

From the citie of London, this new yeares day, and the first of the 
kalenders of January. 1555. 

By youre reverende lordeship's humble oratour, 

JOHN ELDER. 

The book concludes with a copy of the queen's letters patent to John Waylande for 
printing primers and manuells of prayers, which has been reprinted in the Typographical 
Antiquities, (Dibdin's edit.) vol. iii. p. 522. Ames supposed that the present tract was 
also printed by John Walley, but that, probably, is a mistake. 

* These verses are not printed in the little book. 



167 



APPENDIX XL 

THE MARRIAGE OF QUEEN MARY AND KING PHILIP. 

This is the official account recorded by the English heralds. I have not been able to 
discover the original or contemporary manuscript ; but there are several copies of it 
both at the College of Arms and the British Museum, some of them less complete from 
abridgment. It was printed at the end of Leland's Collectanea, edit. 1774, vol. ii. 
" Copied out of a book of presidents collected by Ralph Brooke, York herauld, now re- 
maining with sir Edward Dering ; examined this 28th of Feb. 1634, by us, William Le 
Neve, Norroy, and Edward Whitley." 

The marriage of queen Mary and Philip prince of Spain, son to Charles 
the Fifth, emperor ; in the cathedrall church of Winchester, on wens- 
day 25th July, 1554. 

First, the said church was richly hanged with arras and cloth of gold, 
and in the midst of the church, from the west door unto the rood, was a 
scaffold erected of timber, at the end whereof was raised a mount, covered 
all with red say, and underneath the roode-loft were erected two traverses, 
one for the queen on the right hand, and the other for the prince on the 
left, which places served very well for the purpose. The quire was 
allso richly hanged with cloth of gold, and on each side of the altar were 
other two rich traverses as aforesaid, for the queenes majestic and prince. 

The queen made her entry into the city of Winchester very richly in 
apparell, on Saturday the 21st of July, and was lodged in the bishop's 
palace, and prince Philip made his entry into the said city on munday after, 
being the 23d of July ; at whose entry the mayor delivered him the keys 
of the city, which he received, and delivered them back again, being lodged 
at the dean's house. 

On wensday the 25th of July, being St. James's day, the prince, richly 
apparelled in cloth of gold, embroidered, 81 with a great company of the 

a " His breeches and doublet were white, the collar of the doublet exceeding rich, and 
over all a mantle of rich cloth of gold, a present from the queen, who wore one of the 
same ; this robe was ornamented with pearls and precious stones ; and wearing the collar 
of the Garter." Louvaine narrative. In Simon Renard's letter to the emperor, on the 



168 APPENDIX. 

nobles of Spayne, in such sort as the like hath not been seen, preceded to 
the church, and entered in at the west door, and passed to his traverse, all 
the way on foot ; and to the church he had no sword borne before him. 

Then came the queenes majesty, accompanied with a great number of the 
nobility of the realm, the sword being borne before Jier by the earl of 
Derby, and a great company of ladyes and gentlewomen very richly 
apparelled ; her majesty's train was borne up by the marquesse of Win- 
chester, a assisted by sir John Gage her lord chamberlayne ; and so she pro- 
ceeded to the church ; the kinges and herauldes of arms in their coates 
going before her from her lodging on foot to the church, where entering at 
the west door she passed on till she came to her traverse. Then the 
bishop of Winchester, lord chancellor of England, which did the divine 
service, assisted by thebishopes of London, Duresme, Chichester, Lyncoln, 
and Ely, all with their crosiers borne before them, came out of the quier to 
the mount. 

Then came the regent Figirola, whose name was ( blank J, and presented 
to the prince a solemn oration with a patent sent from the emperor to the 
prince, of the surrender of the kingdom of Naples, freely given to him and 
his heirs, as by the said patent was declared ; which patent was fair sealed 
and inclosed in a cover of silver gilt. This done, the lord chamberlayn b 
made a goodly oration to the people, which was in effect as followeth : 
Whereas the emperor, by his embassadors here in England, hath concluded 
and contracted a marriage between the queen's majesty and his chief Jewell 
and son and heir Philip prince of Spain, here present, the articles whereof 
are not unknowen to the whole realme, and confirmed by act of parliament, 
so that there needetb no further rehearsall of that matter, & c. and so like- 
wise declared that the queenes highness had sent the earl of Bedford and 
the lord Fitzwater embassadores unto the realme of Spain, for the perform- 
ing of the said contract, which they have here brought, with the consent 
of the whole realme of Spayne, for the full conclusion of the same, as may 

14th June, he reported, that " The quene has had a collar (of the Garter) made, which 
cost seven or eight thousand crowns, besides several rich dresses for his highness ; but, 
except this, I see no great preparation by the nobility, or by the people, for his reception." 
Tytler, ii. 416. 

* i. e. the lady marquess, or marchioness. 

b This should be lord chancellor : see before, p. 141. 



MARRIAGE OF QUEEN MARY AND KING PHILIP. 169 

appear by this instrument in parchment, sealed with a great seal, containing 
by estimation 12 leaves. 

Then the lord chamberlayn a delivered openly for the solemnification of 
their highness' marriage, how that the emperor had given unto his son the 
kingdom of Naples. So that it was thought the queen's majesty should 
marry but with a prince, now it was manifested that she should marry with 
a king ; and so proceeded to the espousals ; and with a loud voice said 
that, if there be any man that knoweth any lawful impediment between 
these two parties, that they should not go together according to the 
contract concluded between both realmes, that then they should come forth, 
and they should be heard ; or else to proceed to celebration of the said 
marriage, which was pronounced in English and Latin ; and when it came 
to the gift of the queen it was asked who should give her. Then the 
marquess of Winchester, the carles of Derby, Bedford, and Pembroke, 
gave her highness, in the name of the whole realm. 

Then all the people gave a great shout, praying God to send them joy ; 
and, the ring being laid upon the book to be hallowed, the prince laid also 
upon the said book iij. hand-fulls of fine gold; which the lady Margaret b 
seeing, opened the queen's purse, and the queen smilingly put up in the 
same purse. And when they had inclosed their hands, immediately the 
sword was advanced before the king, by the earl of Pembroke. 

This done, the trumpetes sounded ; and thus both returned hand in 
hand, the sword being borne before them, to their traverses in the quier, 
the queen going always on the right hand, and there remained until mass 
was done ; at which time wine and sops were hallowed, and gave unto 
them ; and immediately after, Garter king of arms, with the other kinges 
and herauldes, published and proclaimed their titles in Latin, French, and 
English ; and so they returned to the bishop's palace both under one 
canopy, born by vij. knightes, the queen on the right hand, and their 

a The lord chancellor. 

b This was the lady Margaret Clifford, the queen's only female relative that was now 
with her. Miss Strickland (who quite misinterprets the present passage, in her Lives of 
the Queens, vol. v. p. 380,) supposes the purse-bearer to have been the lady Margaret 
Douglas ; but that lady was now countess of Lennox. See the dates before given in 
p. 84. 

CAMD. SOC. Z 



170 APPENDIX. 

swordes borne before them ; and so proceeded to the hall, where they both 
dined under one cloth of estate. 



Of the marriage banquet the narrative of Edward Underbill supplies 
some account : a 

" On the maryage daye, the kynge and the quene dyned in the halle in 
the bushop's palice, sittynge under the clothe of estate, and none eles att that 
table. The nobillitie satte att the syde tables. Wee b weare the cheffe 
sarveters, to cary the meate, and the yearle of Sussex ower capetayne was 
the shewer (sewer). c The seconde course att the maryage off a kynge is 
gevyne unto the bearers ; I meane the meate, butt nott the disshes, for they 
weare off golde. It was my chaunce to cary a greate pastie of a redde dere in 
a greate charger, very delicately baked ; wiche for the weyght theroff 
dyvers refused ; the wiche pastye I sentt vnto London to my wyffe and her 
brother, who cherede therwith many off ther frends. I wyll not take vppon 
me to wryte the maner off the maryage, off the feaste, nor off the daunssyngs 
of the Span yards thatt daye, who weare greately owte off countenaunce, 
specyally kynge Phelip dauncesynge, when they dide se me lorde Braye, 
Mr. Carowe, and others so farre excede them ; butt wyll leve it unto the 
learned, as it behovithe hym to be thatt shalle wryte a story off so greate a 
tryoumffe." 

To the foregoing narrative a list of the Spanish grandees who visited 
England on this occasion is annexed, but they are evidently much disar- 
ranged, and nearly every name is repeated, and some more than once. 
They may be reduced to some order, as follows, though it would require a 
Spanish herald to give them their due precedency : 

MS. Harl. 425, f. 97. 

b i. e. the gentlemen pensioners. 

c " At the banquet, the earl of Arundel presented the ewer, the marquess of Winchester 
the napkin ; none being seated except the king iind queen : but, as to the rest of the 
entertainment, it was more after the English than the Spanish fashion. The dinner lasted 
till six in the evening, after which there was store of music; and before nine all had 
already retired." Narrative from the archives of Louvaine, in Tytler, ii. 432. 



MAURI AGE OF QUEEN MARY AND KING PHILIP. 171 

Don Cesar de Gonzaga, eldest son of Don Ferdinando, governor ot 
Milan. a 

The duke of Alva, and his wife. 

The duke of Medina Celi. 

The admiral of Castille, don Antonio de Toledo, ... to the duke 
of Alva. 

The marquis of Pescara. 

The marquis de Savia. 

The marquis de los Valles. 

The marquis d'Aquillara. 

The marquis de las Naves. 

The conde de Feria. 

The conde de Chinchon. 

The conde d'Olivares. 

The conde de Saldanha. 

The conde de Modica. 

The conde de Fuensalida. 

The conde de Castellar. 

The conde Landriano. 

The baron of Cuenga. b 

Don Diego de Mendoga. 

The grand commander of the cross of Calatrava. 

The major of Valladolid. 

The major of Vallefiguiere. 

Rui Gomez de Silva, grand chamberlain of the prince. 

The count of Egmont. 

The count of Homes. 

The marquis of Berghes. 

The sieur de Martini. 

NOTE. Don Juan Figueroa, the ambassador who witnessed the marriage contract (see 
p. 168 ante) is thus noticed in a news-letter of the day : 

" Upon Tewesdaye in Whytsen weke came the byshope of Norwyche to the courte. 

a The evening before his landing Philip sent the prince of Gonzaga [misprinted Gavze 
in Tytler'} and count d' Egmont, to the queen then at Winchester, to inform her of his 
arrival and good health. Narrative on record at Louvaine. 

b The list at Louvaine says, the bishop of Cuen^a. Tytler, ii. 433. 



172 APPENDIX. 

Upon Wednysday, the day foloynge, came over the ancyent imbassytor, with grey berde, 
that was here when the kynge dyed ; and, as the breute gothe, he shalbe mershall, and 
execute mercyall lawes of all strangers that come in." Robert Swyft to the earl of 
Shrewsbury, 20 May, 1554, Lodge's State Papers, i. 193. 



APPENDIX XII. 

VERSES BY THE WINCHESTER SCHOLARS ON THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE. 

The very book of verses which was presented by the Winchester 
scholars to queen Mary (see p. 143) is still preserved bound up in the 
royal manuscript (Brit. Museum,) 12 A XX. It consists of fifteen leaves 
of small quarto, and on the first leaf is stuck a small piece of parchment, 
apparently cut out of the outer cover, on which is written in red ink 

Mari<e Reginte. 

showing that this was the copy presented to the queen. The title is as 
follows : 

AD . PHILLIPPVM . ET . 
MARIAM . 

REGES 

Semper Augustas 
Puerorum 

COLLGEGII WickAMENSIS 

Apud illustrem Wintoniam 

Carmen uuptiale. 

1554. 

At the back of the title is a pedigree exhibiting the descent of both the 
king and queen, each in two ways,* from the four children of Joannes de 

* The generations descend as follow : 

Philippa queen of Portugal Edward king of Portugal Elionor wife of the emperor 
Frederick Maximilian the emperor Philip king of Castille Charles the fifth, emperor 
Philip. 



VERSES OF THE WINCHESTER SCHOLARS. 173 

Gandavo Dux Lancastrice, son of king Edward the Third ; from 
Philippus and Maria descends a circle intended for their issue, void donee 
impleatur; in allusion to which these verses are attached. 

Deest puer, at dabitur (Christo donante) Mariam 

Qui vocitet matrem, teque, Philippe, patrem ; 
Nascere magne puer parvo scribendus in orbe, 

Nomine signetur pagina nostra tuo. 

The whole pedigree is made to surround as with a double collar the 
following lines : 

Nubat ut Angla Anglo Regina, Maria Philippo, 

Inque suum fontem Regia stirps redeat, 
Noluit humani generis Daemon vetus hostis, 

Sed Deus Anglorum provida spes voluit. 
Gallia terra ferax, et inhospita Scotia nollet," 

Caesar, et Italia, et Flandria tota volet. 
Octo maritati mitrati b in Dsemone nollent, 

Quinque catheuati pro pietate volent. 
Nollet Joannes Dudli Northumbrius ursus, 

Sed fldum regni concilium voluit. 
Noluit setatis nostroe Catilina Viattus, 

Sed proceres, sed plebs, et pia turba volet. 
Transfuga siquis homo est, vel siquis apostata, nollet, 

Cui fidei, et voti cura relicta, volet. 



Katharine queen of Castille and Spain James the second, king of Castille Elizabeth 
wife of Ferdinand king of Arragon and Castille Jane queen of Castille Charles the fifth, 
emperor Philip. 

John earl of Somerset John duke of Somerset Margaret countess of Richmond 
Henry the seventh, king of England and France Henry the eighth, king of England, 
France, and Ireland Mary. 

Jane countess of Westmorland Cecilia duchess of York Edward the fourth, king of 
England and France Elizabeth, queen of England and France, wife of Henry the seventh 
Henry the eighth, king of England, France, and Ireland Mary. 

* As printed by Foxe, this line is altered thus : 

Nollet Scotus inops, timidusque ad praelia Gallus. 
b The eight married bishops. Another couplet is placed before this by Foxe 

Noluit haereticus (stirps Caiphae) pontificum grex, 
Pontificum sed grex Catholicus voluit. 



174 APPENDIX. 

Nos, quod proditio, nos quod volet hseresis, illud 
Nolumus, at Dominus quod voluit, volumus.* 

These verses were the composition of Johrf White, bishop of Lincoln, 
and they were published, with the variations indicated below, in Foxe's 
Actes and Monuments, followed by four replies in the same Latin metre, 
the two first written by John Parkhurst afterwards bishop of Norwich, the 
third " made by I. C." and the last anonymous. 

The other verses in the Winchester book were the production of Gabriel 
White, Edward Middelton, Nicholas Hargrave, Richard White, Luke 
Atslow, William Dibbins, John Noble, Edward Tichborne, Henry Twich- 
ener, Philip Dale (? Daelus), Ambrose Edmunds, William Palmer, Richard 
Harris, John Meyrick, Lewis Owen, John Satwel, Arkenwold Willoby, 
Thomas More, Thomas Reding, Nicholas Hodson, Thomas Darell, Henry 
Harenden, Thomas Wright, Edmund Thomas, and Rodolph Griffin. They 
are all in Latin verse. 



APPENDIX XIII. 

STATE PAPERS OF THE REIGN OF QUEEN MARY DURING THE YEARS 
1553 AND 1554. 

(In continuation of Appendix III.) 

[ Rymer has admitted into his collection of Foedera, &c. many documents 
belonging to this period, but which are chiefly patents conferring offices, 
or relating to other matters of a personal nature ; these have not been in- 
serted in the present catalogue, which is confined to such documents as 
relate more immediately to the conduct of the queen's government.] 

Register of the Privy Council of queen Mary, commencing July 16, 
1553, and continuing to the 3d November in the same year. 
Printed in the Cecill Papers; by Haynes, p. 155 195. 

a In the copy in Foxe four other lines are substituted for the four last above 
Nollet Graius dux, et Cantia terra rebellans, 

Nos quoniam Dominus sic voluit, volumus. 
Clarior effectus repetet sua limina sanguis 

Cum sit Philippe juncta Maria viro. 



1553.] STATE PAPERS OF THE REIGN OF MARr. 175 

Extracts from the Register of the Privy Council made by Ralph Starkey, 
MS. Harl. 643. They commence on the Aug. 1553, and extend to the 
close of Mary's reign. 

Some passages were selected by sir Henry Ellis and edited in the Archseologia, vol. xviii. 
pp. 173 185; but for the year 1553 there are only one or two paragraphs that were not 
already printed in the Cecill Papers, as above stated. 

July 8. Letter of queen Mary to sir George Somerset, sir William Drury, 
sir William Waldgrave, knights, and Clement Heigham, esquire, 
signifying to them the death of king Edward, and commanding 
them to repair to her at Kenynghall. Dated July 8, 1553. 

MS. Lansdowne 1236, fol. 29. 

July 9. Letter of the queen to sir Edward Hastings, requiring him to 
support her title, especially in the counties of Middlesex and Bucks. 
Original in MS. Petyt; printed in Strype's Memorials, iii. Appx. I. 

July 20. Letter of the council to queen Mary, dated from Baynard's 
castle immediately after her proclamation in London. 

Draft copy in MS. Lansdowne 3, art. 26 : printed in Strype's Cranmer, 
Appx. No. LXXI.; Ellis's Original Letters, second series, ii. 243. 

July 25. Letter of the authorities at Guisnes to the queen, announcing the 

arrest of Henry Duddeley. a 

Printed in Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. Appx. III. 
Aug. 5. Letter of the council to the commissioners at Brussels, recalling 

sir Philip Hoby and sir Richard Morysine, and directing the 

bishop of Norwich to remain as ambassador resident ; carried by 

sir Thomas Cheney, K.G. 

Copy in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. XII. p. 253, printed in Howard's Lady Jane 
Grey and her Times, p. 299. 

Aug. 12. Letter of the council to doctor Wotton, sir William Pickering, 
and sir Thomas Chaloner, conveyed by sir Anthony St. Leger, to 
continue doctor Wotton as ambassador in France. 
Original in MS. Lansdowne 3, art. 27. 

a Henry Duddeley was captain of the guard at Guisnes, and had been sent in embassy 
to the king of France by his uncle (?) the duke of Northumberland. On returning to 
Guisnes, he was arrested, and brought to the tower of London. His father (?) sir Andrew 
Duddeley, K.G. was captain of Guisnes. 



176 APPENDIX. 

1553. 

Aug. 20. Letter under the queen's signet to the chancellor of Cambridge 
on the government of that university. 

In MS. Cole, Brit. Mus. vol. xlii. p. 426; printed in Ellis's Orig. Letters, 
second series, vol. ii. p. 246. 

Sept. 21. Letter of the council to sir William Cecill, directing him to 
surrender the seals belonging to the order of the Garter. 
Printed in Cecill Papers, by Haynes, p. 201. 

1553-4. 

Jan. 22. Letter of the queen, under her signet, to sir Hugh Pollard, sir 
John St. Leger, sir Richard Edgcomb, and sir John Fulford, to 
oppose sir Peter Carew's rising in Devonshire. 

Original in the State Paper Office : printed in Miss Wood's collection of 
Letters, iii. 285. 

Jan. 26. Letter of the queen, under her signet, summoning the lady 

Elizabeth to court. 

Printed in Miss Strickland's Lives of the Queens, v. 346. 
Jan. 27. Circular letter of the queen, under her signet, desiring the levy 

of forces to oppose the duke of Suffolk and his brethren. 

Original in MS. Tanner, Bodleian Lib. 90, f. 196; Wood, iii. 287. Also 
printed in the present volume, p. 186. 

Jan. 28. Letter of the duke of Norfolk to the council, describing his march 
against Wyat : dated from Gravesend. 

Original in the State Paper Office : printed in Cruden's History of 
Gravesend and the Port of London, 1843, 8vo. p. 175. 

Jan. 29. Second letter from the duke to the council. 
From the State Paper Office, ibid. p. 176. 

Letter of lord Cobham to the duke of Norfolk, and another of 
lord Cobham to the queen, the latter inclosing a letter of sir 
Thomas Wyat to lord Cobham. 

Prom the State Paper Office, ibid. pp. 178, 179. 

Jan. 30. Letter of lord Cobham to the queen : describing the rebels' 
attack on Cowling castle. 

From the State Paper Office, ibid. p. 180. 



1553-4.] LIST OF STATE PAPERS. 177 

Jan. 30 Letter of the queen to the earl of Sussex, requiring him to raise 
forces against the rebels. 

Original in MS. Cotton. Titus, B. n.; Wood, iii. 289. 

List of prisoners for treason in the last rebellion, and method of proceeding 
against the said prisoners. Printed in Cecill Papers, by Haynes, p. 192. 

Jan. 31. Letter of lord Abergavenny to the council, on the duke of Nor- 
folk's defeat. 

From the State Paper Office, in Cruden's History of Gravesend and the 
Port of London, p. 180. 

Feb. 1. Sir Thomas Cheney to the council, from Sherlond, excusing his 
delay in attacking the rebels, on account of " the beastlyness of 
the people " and indisposition to serve with him. 
From the State Paper Office, ibid. p. 183. 

Feb. 4. A second letter of sir Thomas Cheney to the council, dated from 
Sittingbourne. 

From the State Paper Office, ibid. p. 184. 

Feb. 11. Letter of the lord admiral, sir Edward Hastings, and sir T. 
Cornwaleys from Ashridge to the queen, relating the particulars 
of their interview there with the lady Elizabeth. 

From the State Paper Office; in Tytler's Edward VI. and Mary, ii. 426. 

Feb. 25. Mr. secretary Bourne, and other commissioners, to the lord chan- 
cellor and secretary Petre, respecting their examination of Wyat, 
and other prisoners, in the Tower. 

From the State Paper Office; in Tytler, ii. 313. 

Mar. 1 3. A commission (in Latin) to deprive Robert archbishop of York, 
Robert bishop of St. David's, John bishop of Chester, and Paul 
bishop of Bristol. 

Patent roll 1 Mar. pars 7; printed by Burnet, Hist, of the Reform, vol. ii. 
Records to book II. number 11; Rymer, vol. xv. p. 370. 

Mar. 15. A commission (in English) from the queen to deprive John 
bishop of Lincoln, John bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, 
and John bishop of Hereford, who had been made bishops by 
CAMD. SOC. 2 A 



178 APPENDIX. 

1554. 

king Edward VI. with the express clause quamdiu se bene 
gesserit. 

Printed by Burnet, Hist, of the Reformation, vol. ii. Records to book II. 
number 12; Rymer, vol. xv. p. 370. 

March. The treaty for the marriage of the queen with Philip prince of 
Spain. 

Printed in Rymer's Fcedera, edit. 1713, vol. xv. p. 377; also in Carte's 
History of England, iii. 301. 

April 20. Letter of queen Mary to king Philip. 

Original in MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. in. ; Wood, iii. 290. 
May 23. Circular letter, under the queen's signet, to the justices of peace, 

directing them to search for the authors of seditious tales and 

vain prophesies. 

Original, filled in for the county of " Norffolke," in MS. Cotton. Titus, 
B. n. f. 119; printed by Burnet, Hist, of the Reform, vol. ii. Records to 
book II. number 14; and in Miss Wood's Letters of Illustrious Ladies, 
vol. iii. p. 292. 

June "25. Ratification of the marriage treaty by Philip. 
Rymer's Fcedera, vol. xv. pp. 393 403. 

July 4. Letter of the queen to the lord treasurer (marquess of Winches- 
ter), respecting a grant to sir Edmund Peckham ; the postscript in 
her own hand, " My Lord, I moste hartely thancke you for your 
dayly paynfulnes taken in my service." Dated " From Farname, 
the iiijth of Julye." 

Original in MS. Cotton. Titus, B. n. f. 157; printed in Ellis's Original 
Letters, second series, ii. 253. 

The queen's instructions to the lord privy seal (the earl of Bed- 
ford a ), sent to meet king Philip. 

Original in MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. in. f. 12. This document is entirely in 
the queen's hand, as follows : 

" Instructions for my lord Previsel 

" Fyrste, to tell the kyng the whole state of this realme with all thyngs ap- 
partaynyng to the same, asmyche as ye knowe to be trewe. 

11 Miss Wood, Letters, vol. iii. p. 290, has in error supposed that the earl of Derby was 
the lord privy seal. 



1554.] LIST OF STATE PAPERS. 179 

" Seconde, to obey hys commandment in all thyngs. 

"Thyrdly, in all thyngs he shall aske your advyse, to declare your opinion 
as becometh a faythfull conceyllour to do. 

" MARYE THE QUENE." 

This is supposed by sir Henry Ellis, Orig. Letters, second series, ii. 252, to 
have been written " upon the arrival of Philip II." It is remarkable that 
Mary speaks of him as " the kyng," and not the prince of Spain. 
July 27. Proclamation declaring the king and queen's style. 
Rot. Patent. 2 Mar. p. 2, m. 5; Eymer's Foedera, xv. 404. 

Aug. 4. Letter of the lady " Anna the daughter of Cleves " (the divorced 
queen of Henry VIII.) to the queen, from her " poor house at 
Hever," desiring permission to wait on her majesty. 
From the State Paper Office; in Tytler, ii. 433. 

Oct. 2. Letter, under the queen's sign manual and signet, to the earl of 
Sussex, to admonish the choice of such knights, citizens, or bur- 
gesses to the parliament "as may be of the wise, grave, and 
catholic sort." 

Original in MS. Petyt; printed by Burnet, Hist, of the Reform, vol. iii. 
Records to book V. number 14. 

Nov. 5. Instructions given to lord Paget and the master of the horse, sent 

to meet cardinal Pole. 

Imperfect draft in the State Paper Office; Tytler, ii. 445. 
Nov. 30. Supplication of the lords and commons, addressed to the king and 

queen, submitting the realm to the pope, and praying absolution 

from the legate cardinal Pole. 

MS. Cotton. Titus, C. vn. 118; translation in Howard's Lady Jane Gray, 
p. 347. See also in Elder's tract, antea, p. 160. 

Several despatches of the English ambassadors to the emperor and the 
king of France during the same period, are printed in Tytler's Edward VI. 
and Mary, from the originals in the State Paper Office ; but these belong 
rather to foreign than domestic politics. The despatches of the French 
ambassador, Noailles, from England, are in print, and have been frequently 
quoted in the present volume; those of the imperial ambassador, Simon 
Renard, have been partially published in Mr. Tytler's work. 



180 



ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 



Page 1. The occupation of the Tower of London. The French ambassador Noailles, 
who was closely watching the progress of events at the time of the death of Edward the 
Sixth, thus describes the seizure of the Tower, which in a second place he states to have 
been accomplished at two o'clock in the morning of Friday the 7th of July, that is, as soon 
as the lords could reach London from Greenwich, where the king expired late on the 
previous evening. " Le diet jour millord tresorier, marquis de Northampton, comte de 
Scheresbury, et M. Tadmiral, estoient entres dans la Tour, ou ils avoient visite le tresor, 
gardes, forteresses, artillerie et munitions, laissant ledict sieur admiral avec bonne com- 
pagnie dedans pour la garde d'icelle, lequel y est pour n'en despartir tant que ce trouble 
durera." And a courier sent to France was instructed to report " Comme des le lendemain 
vendredy, deux heures de matin, milord tresorier et marquis de Northampton, comte de 
Scheresbury, et 1'admiral vindrent en la Tour, faire le dit admiral connestable d'icelle, 
lui baillant en garde les tresors, munitions, et prisonniers y etant. " (Ambassades de Noailles, 
ii. 52, 56.) It seems not improbable, then, that the lord admiral (Clinton) was really 
constituted constable of the Tower, and so continued during the reign of queen Jane, to 
the exclusion of sir John Gage : the statement, therefore, derived by Strype from Machyn's 
Diary, and thence detailed in the works of subsequent historians, will be correct, excepting 
that the name of sir James Croft is placed in the room of sir John Gage. This remark is 
made partly in order to complete the list of the constables and lieutenants of the Tower 
prefixed to Machyn's Diary at p. xix; and in further amendment of the same the name of 
sir Thomas Brydges may be inserted as the lieutenant in succession to his brother, lord 
Chandos, in June 1554, on the authority of the present volume, p. 76. 

Page 1, line 5 of note *,for some read sure. 

Page 2. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton. The story told in the verses may be thought less 
probable when it is considered in connection with two circumstances of the conduct of sir 
Nicholas at this crisis, 1. that he drew the proclamation of queen Jane, as stated by 
Cecill in his Apology; 2. that he was engaged in a military capacity on behalf of queen 
Jane, and narrowly escaped from an attack of the townsmen of Northampton (as related 
by the letter-writer in p. 12). After that, he united with sir Thomas Tresham to support 
queen Mary (p. 13). 

Page 9, note b , read Sir Thomas Cheney. 
Page 14, line 14, for Allgate read Aldersgate. 



ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 181 

Page 18, line 23, for mr. John Abridges read Thomas ; but it is an error of the original 
manuscript. 

Page 25, line 25, for was judge read can judge. Line 29, the word printed fewers is 
doubtful, but it it apparently ferwers and perhaps meaning fervours, i. e. the fervour of 
youth. In page 26, line 4, for attempted, the sense requires unattempted, but this is an error 
of the u-riter. 

Page 32, note b . The parliament met at Westminster on Thursday the 5th October, the 
queen being then present. (Journals of the House of Commons, i. 27; and see Elder' 8 
Tract, antea, p. 154.) 

Page 33, line 23, for Roane read Rome. The MS. is so obscure, that the Editor (as 
explained in the note) was induced to believe Rouen was mentioned. The book was 
printed at Rouen, but another edition printed in London by Hugh Singleton, was pre- 
tended to be printed "in Rome;" see Ames's Typographical Antiquities (edit. Dibdin), 
vol. iii. p. 290; vol. iv. p. 291. 

Page 45, line 5. Sir Rychard Southwell should be Sir Robert, who was the sheriff of 
Kent ; this is an error of the chronicler. 

Page 45. Wyat's conduct in Southward. Stowe has inserted in the account of Wyat's 
stay in South wark, derived from our author, the following paragraph : 

"Notwithstanding, foorthwith divers of his company, being gentlemen (as they sayd) , 
went to Winchester place, made havocke of the bishop's goods (hee being lord chancellor), 
not onely of his victuals, whereof there was plenty, but whatsoever els, not leaving so much 
as one locke of a doore but the same was taken off and carried away, nor a book in his 
gallery or library uncut, or rent into pieces, so that men might have gone up to the knees 
in leaves of bookes, cut out and throwne under feete." This statement is no doubt highly 
exaggerated. Proctor, who was much prejudiced against Wyat, admits that he immediately 
checked the spoil of Winchester house, and so sharply threatened a certain young gentleman, 
who was the most active party therein, that he made divers believe that he would have 
hanged him on the wharf. Another proof of Wyat's moderation was, that he abstained from 
releasing the prisoners in the Marshalsea. See the narrative of Mountain's troubles in 
Strype's Memorials. 

After Wyat was defeated, the French ambassador, De Noailles, paid him the tribute of 
having proved himself the most valiant and confident insurgent that he had ever heard of, 
"le plus vaillant et asseure de quoye j'aye jamais ouy parler, qui a mis ladicte dame et 
seigneurs de son conseil en telle et si grande peur, qu'elle s'est veue par 1'espece de huict 
jours en bransle de sa couronne." Noailles had before written of him at the commence- 
ment of the insurrection, as one " qui est estime par deca homme vaillant et de bonne 
conduicte;" and M. D'Oysel the French ambassador in Scotland, who was at this time in 
London, having informed the king, his master, of sir Thomas Croft's designs, adds that he 
was joined by " sir Thomas Wiat, qui est ung autre gentil chevallier et fort estime parmy 
ceste nation." Ambassades de Noailles, iii, 15, 46, 59. 

Page 120, line 18, for form read from. 



182 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 

Page 122. Second insurrection of the duke of Suffolk. The depositions of John Bowyer 
and Thomas Rampton, the steward and secretary of the duke of Suffolk, which are pre- 
served in the State Paper Office, elucidate the history of the last outbreak of that rash and ill- 
advised nobleman, with greater perspicuity than has hithert6 found its way into our history. 

John Bowyer commences his narration by stating that, having been summoned to attend 
upon his master at Shene, on Friday the 26th of January, he was ordered to go to London 
to fetch a sum of 100 marks which were in his custody, and also to tell lord Thomas and 
lord John Grey to start from London at vj that evening. Bowyer, with the money, was to 
rejoin the duke at Leicester. He performed his master's commands in London, and 
arranged to accompany the two lords. They started at vij that evening; and, going by 
way of Enfield Chase, left Barnet on one side, and called at the house of Mr. Wroth ; 
which, from another paper,' we learn was at Cheshunt. Wroth came out of his house, 
and one Harrington with him. This was John Harrington, of whom more anon. After 
some parley, Wroth and Harrington declined to proceed with them on such short notice. 
So they went on to St. Alban's, and thence through Dunstable, Brickhill, and Stony 
Stratford, not stopping to bait until they arrived at Towcester, where they expected to 
overtake the duke. He had ridden on to Lutterworth, where they found him at the 
house of one Johnson, a tenant of his, and so they rode together to Bradgate the next day. 
Up to this time, as Bowyer declared, he was ignorant of their intentions, but then he heard 
them say that " they would go with all the power they might against the Spaniards." 

Bowyer was next required to tell what was done to further the insurrection whilst the 
duke remained in his own house; but he was evidently unwilling to inculpate himself. 
He owned to having been employed to write to Palmer of Kegworth, b to summon him. 
Mr. doctor Cave c was with the duke in his chamber devising a letter to be sent to the 
queen : and a form of proclamation was prepared, and sent for publication to lord John 
Grey, lord Thomas Grey, and Rampton. 

The same night (Monday the 29th January,) the duke rode to Leicester, and there, 
after supper, went about the Newewark, and saw all the gates fastened, and then said that 
the earl of Huntingdon would take his part, and had sent word so to him. 

The following day he commanded Bowyer to write a letter to the townshippe of North- 
ampton to have them in aredyness, and therewith sent a proclamation also. About the 
same time Bowyer heard from lord Thomas that he had received five hundred pounds 
from Palmer. 

See bishop Gardyner's letter, which follows. 

b Robert Palmer, gentleman, bachelor of laws, was made bailiff of Kegworth by William 
lord Parre, afterwards marquess of Northampton, Nov. 10, 1540, and was afterwards the 
general supervisor and receiver of all the marquess's estates in various counties. Nichols's 
Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 851. 

c Francis Cave, of Bagrave, in Leicestershire, was a doctor of laws, and died in 1584. 
This was probably the person above mentioned ; unless sir Ambrose Cave, his contempo- 
rary and relation, afterwards chancellor of the exchequer in the reign of Elizabeth, and a 
great friend of sir William Cecill, was also a doctor of laws. See Nichols's Leicestershire, 
iv. 351, 357. 



ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 183 

" In the afternoone he (the duke) armed himself and cawsed all his servauntes to arme 
theim. I being in the chambre with him, bade me to boockell his cosshes, and being 
chaffed at some thing sodainelie gave me a lytell blowe with the back of his hand, and 
whether he thought hit had bene his armorer or no I cannot tell, but I left him in bis 
chambre and fet him his monie, the hundreth marckes which 1 had, and told him I had 
mard both my geldinges with the carryadge of the monie, and so desyred that if I shoold 
carrie hit still he woold appoint me one of his geldinges for my man. Then he said he 
had no geldinges to spare, and tooke the money to one Gerves." Bowyer then adds (in 
order to shew that he was an unwilling agent) that at that time he had no armour upon 
him, nor for a long time after, insomuch that the duke was very angry with him, and bad 
him to put a jack or some thing else upon him, which he then did. 

The duke sent a letter by Berridge, the carrier of Leicester, to Shene, to one Fynderne 
and Cholmley, for all his plate. 

On Tuesday (January 30) in the afternoon, the duke rode towards Coventry, and at his 
coming within a quarter of a mile he sent to the gates, and Burdet brought him answer 
that the gates were shut against him. Then he with all his company rode to Astley, and 
there every man put off his harneyes, and the lord Thomas and the lord John took fryse 
coats of the servants. Soon after, whilst Bowyer was absent from the company looking 
after his horses, the money was hastily divided, so that he and two or three more had 
nothing at all. " Then I wished I had never known service to see that change, so hevie 
a companie as theare was ! " 

" Then I went in to the bowse and thought to see him and so departe my waie, for I 
sawe my lord Thomas was going awaie, and as I was going he (this is apparently the duke 
himself) called me to him and said he woold weare my cote. I told him I was the more 
sorryer to see hit; and so I did put of my cote, and being in my hoze and doublet did 
wrap my cloake about me and praied God to send him well to dooe, and so departed, not 
having anie thing at all but a damasking dagger, which I gave immedyatlie awaie to a 
servaunte of the howse, and so went into the towne." 

" Thomas Rampton's confessyon of his practise at Coventry for the having of the towne 
to the duke of Suffolk's use " is a long paper, of which the most important particulars are 
as follow : 

Upon his first coming to Coventry he consulted with Mr. Anthony Corbyt, his "old 
familyar," whom he did not find well inclined to his purpose. But Richard Aslyn and 
one Frauncis volunteered their assistance. He shewed them the declaration made in the 
duke's proclamation, that his object was to withstand the coming of the strangers; and 
they affirmed in reply that " the whole of this town is my lord's and at his commande- 
ment, unles it be certayn of the counsayle of the towne." They then told him they 
thought it necessary to obtain immediate possession of Warwick and Killingworth castles, 
in the former of which were viij pieces of ordnance. Two other townsmen then joined 
their consultation, named William Glover and Clerk, who had just come from London, and 
had talked by the way of the duke's coming down. 

" Then Clerk told me that my lordes grace had done evill in one point, for by the waye 
at Tauxato' (Towcester) he had (commyng now downe into the countrey) spoken openly 



184 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 

that he had not passing fortye poundes in his house, " for (sayeth he) that may be a dis- 
coragyng to men that peradventure shall looke for money at his handes." 

" Tushe Csayeth Glover), let not my lord care for money, for yf he will come hether, 
there will be money ynough for hym. I know he shall not want money, I know yt." 

Mr. Burdet is then mentioned as being Hampton's companion, who was to go and give 
the duke notice when they were prepared to receive him in the city. 

But the friends of the house of Grey were either too few or too timid to make an 
effectual head. A messenger that Rampton had sent to Warwick to Hudson, one of his 
fellows, returned with tidings that Hudson had already been arrested by the earl of Hunt- 
ingdon ; after hearing which, Rampton himself left Coventry, telling his friends that he 
went to hasten the coming of the duke. 

The statement of Bowyer shews that the share of John Harrington in this conspiracy 
was something more than merely carrying a letter, which, it seems, he afterwards told his 
family (see the notes previously inserted in pp. 53, 71). A letter of bishop Gardyner to 
secretary Petre relates the circumstances of his arrest : 

" Master secretary, after my most harty commendations. In the mornyng I thought good 
to serch the mynoresse and Medles lodging a there for letters, and, among others, founde a 
letter lately wrytten by Harrington, which Harrington cam to me this night, and, after 
examination, I have taken him tardy by occasion of that lettre, and kept him with me as 
prisoner this night, entending in the mornyng to send him to the towre ; for he hath con- 
fessed howe upon fridaye at night the lord John Gray cam to Cheston, where master Wroth 
and he was, and spake with master Wroth and him to get a gyde to leade him the waye to 
Saincte Albons, bicause he was commaunded by the quene, he said, to levye men in his 
countrie in al the hast; and more I cannot get yet, but ye muste in any wise send for 
th 'apprehension of Wroth, and this matier wyl cume out and towche fully. 

"And as I was in hand with that matier, were delyvered such lettres as in tymes past I 
durst not have opened, but nowe sumwhat hette with treasons I waxed bolder. Wherin 
I trust I shalbe borne with : wherin happe helpith me, for they be worth the breking up 
and I could holly disciphre them; wherin I wyl spare sumwhat of my leysure if I canne 
have any; but this apperith, that the lettre wryten from my lady Elizabeth to the quenes 
highnes nowe late in her excuse is taken a matier worthy to be sent in to Fraunce, for I 
have the copy of it in the Frenche ambassadours pacquet. b I wyl knowe what canne be 
doone in the disciphring, and to morowe remitte that I cannot doo unto youe. And so 
fare ye hartely wel. At my howse in Sowthwerke the xxvij of January. 

Master Wharton shall Yo r assured loving friend, 

tel youe the rest. STE. WINTON. cancell'." 

To the right worshipful syr William 

Peter, knight, oone of the quenes highnes principal secretoryes." 

* See a note in p. 66. 

" The packet which bishop Gardyner stopped was that which accompanied the letter of 
"M. de Noailles au Roy, 23 et 26 Janvier, 1553," printed at vol. iii. p. 43, of the Am- 
bassades de Noailles. Speaking of the lady Elizabeth he says, " J'ay reconvert le double 



ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 185 

The assertion of bishop Cooper (before noticed in p. 123), that the duke of Suffolk 
"again proclaimed his daughter," though certainly untrue, was not only countenanced by 
George Ferrers in Grafton's Chronicle, who says that he proceeded " to publish a pro- 
clamation in his daughter's name," but might be justified by the following royal pro- 
clamation : which assumes the duke's intentions to have been to revive his daughter's 
claim to the throne. Such a suspicion, of course, would at once be entertained by the 
friends of Mary, and such a suspicion, whether entertained in sincerity or affected, could 
form the sole excuse for the judicial sacrifice of the unfortunate lady Jane. 

[State Paper Office, Domestic, Philip and Mary, No. 43.] 



(fit 
** 



C ** t 

The quene our Soveraign Lady geveth knowledge to all and singular her true and 
loving subjects, That Henry duke of Suffolk, with the Carews, Wyat and others, conspyr- 
ing with hym, have by sowing of false and sedicious rumours raised certain evill disposed 
personnes in Kent unnaturallie to rise and rebell against hir heighnes. Mynding her 
graces destruction and to advaunce the lady Jane his daughter, and Guilforde Dudley 
hir husbande, the duke of Northumberlandes sonne, her graces traytours attaynted unto 
hir Majesties Crowne. And therefore hir Majestiewilleth all Maiors, Shirieffs, Bailieffs, 
Constables, and alle other hir officers, ministres, and good subjects to whom it apperteyneth 
in this parte, To proclayme unto all hir graces loving subjectes within their severall offices 
The said Duke of Suffolk, his bretherne, and Thomas Wiatt of Kent, and all other thiere 
confederates, to be false traytours unto hir heighnes and hir crowne, and dignitie roiall 
And that hir Majestie hath settfourthe her puissaunce to subdue the said traitours Trusting 
by the healpe and grace of God and the aide of hir said loving subjects utterly to coii- 
founde the said traitours Wherfore hir Majestie exhorteth all her true subjectes bearing 
true heartes to God and hir and hir crowne, and the realme of Englande, to put them selfes 
in order and redynes to resist the said duke and all his adherents and commaundementes, 
which service of hir Majesties loving subjectes hir grace shal consider to all their comfortes, 
besides that God will undoubtedly rewarde thier service." 

The next document is a circular letter (probably addressed to lieutenants of counties and 
other powerful noblemen), desiring them to exert themselves to suppress the rebellion : 
[State Paper Office, Domestic, Philip and Mary, No 28, an original, signed, but not dated 

or directed. A duplicate original in the Bodleian Library, MS. Tanner, No. 90, p. 

196; printed by Miss Wood, Original Letters, vol. iii. p. 287.] 



d'une lettre qu'elle escripvoit a ladicte royne, que Tambassadeur de 1'empereur a faict 
traduire en Francois, qui est cy enclose." From a postscript it appears that the ambas- 
sador took the precaution to send his letters in duplicate, and thus one copy, at least, 
arrived at its destination. 

CAMD. SOC. 2 B 



186 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 

By the Quene. 
Mary the quene. 

Trusty and right welbiloved, we grete you well. A nd where the duke of Suffolke and 
his brethern, with dyverse other personnes, forgettyng their trewth and dyutye of allegiaunce 
which they owe to God and us, and also the greate mercye which the sayd duke hath lately 
receyved of us, be as we are surely enformed revolted and malytyously conspyred togethers 
to styrr our people and subjectes moost unnaturally to rebell agaynst us, and the lawes 
lately made by aucthoritie of parlyament for the restitution of the true catholique chrestian 
Religion, making theyr only pretence nevertheles (though falsely) to let the cumming in 
of the Prynce of Spayne and his trayne, spredding most false rumours that the sayd Prynce 
and the Spanyardes entende to conquer this our Realme Wheras his sayd cumming is for 
the greate honour and suretye of us and our sayd Realme, as we doubt not God wyll in the 
end make a most playne demonstration to the comforthe of all our good subjectes. 
Therfore trusteng in your fidelitie, valyantnes, and good courage to serve us and our sayd 
Realme agaynst the sayd traytours and rebelles We requyre you immediatly upon the 
sight hereof to put yourself in order to represse the same with all the power, puissance, 
and force ye can possibly make of horsmen and footmen, as well of your own ffrendes, 
tenauntes, and servauntes, as others under your rule. To the levyeng, rayseng, and 
leading of which force we gyve you full power and aucthoritie by thies presentes. Willeng 
you further to have a vigilant eye to all suche as spredde those false rumours, and them 
t'apprehende and commyt to warde to be ordred as the lawe requyreth. And to th 'intent 
our good subjectes shall fully understande uppon howe false a grounde the sayde traytours 
buylde, and howe honorably we have concluded to marye with the sayd Prynce, we sende 
unto you th 'articles of the sayd conclusion for Mariage. Wherfore, right trusty and right 
welbiloved, as ye be a man of courage, and beare good harte to us your liege Lady and 
countreye, nowe acquyte yourself according to your bounden dieutye which ye owe to God 
and us, and we shall considre the same God willing as shalbe to the good comfortes of you 
and yours. Yeven undre our Signet at our Manour of St. James the [27th] of January 
the first yere of our reigne. 

The queen's pardon to "all such as would desist from their purpose" (see p. 38). 
[MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. vn. p. 12.] 

By the Quene. 

Mary, the quene : (impressed with a wooden stamp.) 

The Quenes highenes most excellent Ma te understanding how Thomas Wyat, confederat 
with other lewde and evill disposed personnes, have, under the pretense of the benefite of 
the commenwelthe of the Realme to withstande straungers, sette furthe a Proclamation, 
therby to assemble her highenes good, true, and lovinge subjectes, to the disturbaunce of 
the realme, the confusion of this commonwelth, and the destruction of her most noble 
personne and astate (which God forbidde), her saide highnes being mercifully moved 
towardes the conservation of her subjectes from all perill and daunger, and glad to relieve 
suche as shulde be by sinistre motions abused and seduced : hathe thought goode to 
signifie to her saide subjectes that whosoever upon any proclamation made and sette forthe 



ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 187 

by the said Thomas or any other private man, to the purpose aforesayde, shall happen to 
assemble accordinge to the same, and upon knowlege herof shall, within xxiiij houres 
after, returne to their houses and live there quietly and obediently : her highenes is con- 
tented to pardonne that their doinge in the saide assemblie, and to defende and manteyne 
them as her highenes good subjectes, to the benefite and comforte of them and their 
posteritie. 

One further document from the State Paper Office (No. 47) is here appended : the por- 
tions printed in Italic types showing the additions by some person in high place, suggest- 
ing the manner in which those who had served queen Mary best were " to be rewarded." 
The earl of Pembroke's name was placed at the head by the same writer : 

The names of certaine lordes and gentlemen that were with hir majestes power against 
the Rebelles. Endorse, to be rewardyd. 

My lord of PembrooJee. 

My lorde Admyrall to le a lord and C u ' land. 

My lorde Marshall. The purchase of his land. 

My lorde Fytz water. L l " in land. 

My lorde of Ormonde. 

My lorde Thomas Hawarde. 

My lorde Gerat restitution of his land beyng in the queues hand. 

My lorde Dudley. 

Sir John Parrot. C"- 

Sir Edward Bray. CC marlces. 

Sir Robert Tirwhit. 

Sir George Hawarde. C li< 

Mr. Poynings consideration to le had in, his debt. 

Mr. Awdeley. CC marlces. 

Mr. Matson. 

Mr. Lytton. C lu 

Mr. Pharman. 

Mr. Warram St. Leger. 

Mr. Hungerforde. 

Mr. Byrche. 

Mr. Cheynie. 

Mr. Tirrell. C 

Mr. "Worthington consideration of his debt and L h . 

Mr. Ferres. <?" 

Mr. Leghe. C" 1 ' 

Mr. Gowen, captein of the skowts consideration of his debt. 

Mr. Barry, under marshal C " 

My lorde Stewardes men. CC marlces. 

Robert Palmer. 

Mr. Robertas, one of his captaines, who with dyvers other of his fellowes dyd well. 



188 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 

My lord Privie Seal CO. markes. 

Mr. Crayforde, capten of his horsemen. 

Mr. Dudekey, captein of his footmen. 

Mr. Drury, who with dyvers others dyd well. 
My lorde Paget's men CC. markes. 

Jherom Palmer, capteine of his horsemen. 

Wallwin, capteine of his footemen, who with dyvers others dyd very well. 
My lord Marshall's men CC. markes. 

Stephin Plasted, 

William Jones, his capteins, who with dyvers others did well. 
My lord lieutenauntes men CCL ". 

Mr. Clerk, his lieutenant for the tyme. 

Mr. Penruddock, the standard bearer. 

Mr. Bellingham. 

Mr. Broughton. 

Mr. Highgate. 

Mr. Champnes. 

Morgan Johns, captaine of the footmen. 
The mr. of the horses twoo captaynes C u . 
Edmund TyrellC ". 

Another longer paper, No. 48, is a catalogue of the arms and armour delivered out of 
her Majesty's stores during the time of Wyat's rebellion, concluding with the list of a 
large number of arms which were " Lost and imbesilled at Westminster, the daye of the 
battell, which amonges others were appointed by the queenes majestie her owne com- 
mandement to serve upon the soubden." 

Page 131, note. Holinshed's account of the defeat of Wyat's army is in fact that of 
Grafton's chronicle, and its author is known to have been George Ferrers a the poet and 
" lord of misrule to king Edward." It is so perfectly clear and accurate, that it could 
only be from unpardonable carelessness or want of apprehension that other erroneous ac- 
counts have been mingled with it by subsequent writers. 

Page 133. Bishop Christopherson gives another interpretation to Mary's expression of 
reliance in " her captain " : 

" Who (the queen), while the field was in fyghtynge, was ferventlye occupied in 
prayinge. And when as tidinges was brought her, that by treason all was loste, she like a 
valiant champion of Christe, nothynge abashed therwith, sayd that she doubted not at al, 
but her Captayne (meaning thereby our Saviour Christe) woulde have the victory at 
lengthe, and falling to her prayers agayne, anone after had she worde broughte her, that 
her men had wonne the fielde, and that Wyate her enemies captayne was taken." Ex- 
hortation agaynst Rebellion, 1554, sig. O ij. 

* Stowe, in his chronicle (edit. 1615, p. 632), after relating the loss of Calais, adds 
" whereof maister George Ferrers hath written at large, for he collected the whole history 
of Q. Mary, as the same is sette downe under the name of Richard Grafton." 



INDEX. 



ABERGAVENNY, lord 37, 48, 99, 177 

Alva, duke of 138, 171 

Amory, Stephen 112 

Anna of Cleves, lady 28, 179 

Antwerp, commotion at 77 

Aquillara, marquis 171 

Arnold, sir Nich. 65, 69 

Articles of inquiry by bishop of London 82 

Arundel, earl of 1 note, 7, 10, 12, 14, 37, 60, 82, 

99, 109, 110, 119, 120, 138, 139, 140, 170 
Ashridge, lady Elizabeth prisoner at 177 
Aslyn, Richard 183 
Astley, 124 
Atslow, Luke 174 
Awdeley, mr. 187 
Baker, sir John 15, 91, 100, 109 
Barnaby, mr. 33 
Barnes, sir George 100 
Barry, Mr. 187 
Basil 39 
Basing 144 
Baskerfield 19 
Bath, earl of 4, 119 
Bedford, earl of, (lord privy seal,) 39, 48, 68, 

91, 99, 109, 168, 169, 178, 188 ' 
Bedingfield, sir Henry 5 
Bell, William 41 
Bellingham, mr. 188 
Berghes, marquis of 171 
Berkeley, sir Maurice 50, 100, 133 
Berridge 183 

Berwick, proclamation of queen Jane at 41 
Bird, bishop of Chester 177 
Bishops, expelled 68, 177; created 72 



Blount, sir Richard 100 

Bonner, bishop 15, 33, 142, 168, 178 ; his 

articles of inquiry 82 
Boothe, Hugh 52, 64 
Boureman, doctor 19 
Bourne, secretary 68, 73, 82, 177 
Bower, Thomas 100 
Bowes, sir Robert 100, 109 
Bowyer, John 182 
Boys, battle of 67 
Bradschawe, Henry 100 
Bradshaw, Laurence 135 
Bray, sir Edward 131, 187 

John lord 99, 170 

Brett, Alexander 38, 47, 51, 52, 53, 59, 61 

R. 100 

Broke, Richard 100 
Broughton, mr. 188 
Broune, Anthony (two) 100 

Henry 100 

Browne, sir Anthony 14, 34, 55, 72, 138 

140 ; created lord Montacute 81, 82, 152 
Browne, sir Humphry 100 
Brydges, sir John 44, 51, 52, 56, 57, 109 ; 

created lord Chandos 72 
Thomas 18, [not John] 53, 57 ; sworn 

lieutenant of the Tower 76, 180 
Buckinghamshire, rises in favour of Mary 8 
Burdetl83, 184 

Bury 9; proclamation of queen Mary at 112 
Bury, William 100 
Bush, bishop of Bristol 177 
Byrche, mr. 187 
Calatrava, grand master of 171 



190 



INDEX. 



Cambridge 9, 10; university 102, 176 

Cardiff, lord 28, 72 

Care-cloth 142 

Carew, sir Gawen 35, 42, 66 

sir Peter 35, 42, 111, 112, 176 

mr. 170 

Castellar, conde de 171 

Castillo, admiral of 138, 171 

Cave, mr. doctor 182 

Cecill, sir William 4 note, 87, 91, 99, 103, 

105, 109, 176 
Chaloner, sir Thomas 175 
Chamberlayne, mr. 52, 61 
Chamberlyn, Rich. 100 
Champernowne, sir Arthur 42 
Champnes, mr. 188 
Chandos (see Brydges), lord, creation of 72; 

his account of Wyat's interview with Cour- 

tenay, ib. 

Charing cross, conflict at 49, 51 
Cheapside cross 149 
Cheke, sir John 12, 13, 27, 91, 99, 109 
Cheney, sir Thomas (lord warden) 9, 12, 36, 

45, 91, 99, 109, 175, 177 
Chester, sir William 100 
Cheynie, mr. 187 
Chinchon, conde de 171 
Cholmley 183 

sir Roger 26, 99 

Christopherson, bishop 188 

Clerk, 184, 188 

Clifford, lady Margaret, 84, 169 

Clinton, lord 11, 39, 41, 48, 91, 99, 152 

Cobham, lord 36, 41, 71, 91, 99. 176 

George 62 

Thomas 50, 51, 52, 53, 62, 131, 133 

sir William 53, 62, 71 

Coinage of Philip and Mary 82 
Colchester 111, 112 
Coleharbour 41 



Cooper, bishop 122, 123 

Corbett, Anthony 183 

Cornhill 80, 147 

Cornwaleys, sir Thomas 63, 177 

Cotton, sir Richard 99, 109 

Courtenay, sir 33, see Devonshire 

Coventry, 113, 123, 124, 183; Rampton ar- 
raigned there 65 

Cowling castle 36, 176 

Cox, doctor 15 

Cranmer, archbishop 27, 32, 68, 91, 99, 109; 
his apology 87 

Crayford, mr. 188 

Croft, sir J. 13, 36, 40, 63, 69, 75, 76, 180 

Croke, William 100 

Cromer 54 

Crown pieces, French and Burgundian 68 

Cuenca, baron 171 

Culpepper, mr. 36 

Culpepers (two) 54, 71 

Dale, Philip 174 

Damselle, W. 100 

Dancing at the queen's marriage 143, 170 

Danett 65, 71 

Darell, Thomas 174 

Darcy, lord 15, 91, 99, 109 

Dartford, Wyat's men at 40, 42 

Dartmouth 114 

Davynport, Thomas 123 

Dawntesey, Christ. 100 

Denny, sir Philip 51 

Denys, sir Thomas 42 

Deptford, Wyat's men at 40 

Derby, earl of 119, 138, 140, 141, 169 

Dernley, Henry lord, character of 166 

Devonshire, rising in 35, 42 

Devonshire, earl of 14, 20, 34, 59, 60, 61, 67, 
69,76 

Dibbins, William .174 

Digges, Leonard 67 



INDEX. 



191 



Dob, of BosatlS 
Dobbs, sir Richard 100 
Dodge, John 134 
Dorrell, Christopher 46 
Drake, Robert 63 
Drury, mr. 188 

sir Andrew 18 

sir William 5 

Duddeley, lord Ambrose 27, 32 

sir Andrew 175 

lord Guildford 13, 27, 32, 33; execu- 
tion of 55 

master Harry 32, 175 

lord Harry 27, 32 

lord Robert 33, 35, 111 

Dudley, mr. 188 

Edward lord 134, 187 

Durham place, 3 note, 6, 8, 34 note 
Dyer, James 100 
Edgcumb, sir Richard 176 
Edmunds, Ambrose 174 
Edward, king, death of 1 ; hisletters patent for 
the succession to the throne, 2 note, 87 ; his 
autograph device 89 ; his minutes for his last 
will 101; rumour that he was poisoned 110 
Egerton, Thomas 82 
Egmont, count 34, 135, 140, 171 
Elder, John 136 
Eleyn, mistress 56, 57 

Elizabeth, the lady 13, 14, 27, 28, 62, 69, 
176,184; sent prisoner to the Tower 70; 
her asserted interview with Wyat 72, 75; 
released 76; declared illegitimate by Ed- 
ward VI. 92, 93; his provision for her 
marriage 101 
Englefield, sir H. 82 
Exeter, seizure of 35, 42 
Exeter, marchioness of 14 
Farnham/?) mr. 187 
Feckenham, dean 57 



Feria, conde de 171 

Ferrar, bp. of St. David's 177 

Ferrers, George 129, 130, 185, 187, 188 

Figueroa, don Juan 168, 171 

Finsbury field 42 

Fisher, Henry 100 

Fitzgerald, lord 13, 34, 99, 187 

FitzWalter, lord 68, 82, 99, 168, 187 

Fitzwarren, lord 13, 99 

Fitz William, John 38, 67, 69, 71 

William 100 

Fogge, Edward 53 

Foreigners, proclamation to expel 61 

Framlingham castle 5, 11, 111 

Freston, Richard 5 

Fuensalida, conde de 171 

Fulford, sir John 176 

Fynderne 183 

Gage, sir Henry 100 

sir John (lord chamberlain) 18, 21, 49, 

58, 71, 72, 75, 76, 131, 132, 168, 180 

Gardyner, bishop 14, 15, 16, 28, 31, 33, 34, 
40, 53, 54, 75, 77; his wiping out the Ver- 
bum Dei 79; 82, 139, 140, 153, 168, 169; 
Latin couplet by 144; sermon at St. Paul's 
161 ; letter to secretary Petre 184 

Garrard, sir Will. 100, 110 

Garrett, lord, see Fitzgerald 

Gate, John 91, 99 

Gates, sir John 8, 13, 18, 19, 21, 22 

sir Henry 13, 18, 33 

Glover, William 184 

Godsalve, sir John 82 

Gomez, don Rui 138, 171 

Gonzaga, don Cesar 171 

Goodrich, bishop 91, 109 

Gosnold, John 91, 100 

Go wen, mr. 187 

Grantham, proclamation of queen Mary at 113 

Greenwich, Wyat's men at 40 



INDEX. 



Gresham, sir John 100 

Grey, lord John 37, 54, 63, 77, 124 

lord Leonard 37 

lord Thomas 61, 63, 67, 75, 99, 126 

Grey of Wilton, lord 8, 11, 13, 62, 99 

Griffin, Rodolph 174 

Gryflyn, Edward 91, 100 

Guisnes, siege of 62 

Gybbes, William 42, 66 

Gyfford, William 100 

Hampton Court, the queen at 31, 152 

Harenden, Henry 174 

Hargrave, Nicholas 174 

Harley, bp. of Hereford 177 

Harrington, John 53, 71, 182, 184 

Harris, Richard 174 

Harper, sir George 36, 38, 42, 47, 53 

Hartopp, 19, 76 

Hastings, lord 74 

Hastings, sir Edward 8, 27, 28, 63, 68 

Harvey, William 50 

Hawley, Thomas 50 

Haywood, master 30 

Heath, bishop 22 

Heigham, Clement 5, 175 

Henry VIII. his limitation of the crown 85 

Herbert of Cardiff, lord 72, 137 

Hereford, viscount (lord Ferrers) 15, 26 

Herefordshire, rising in 40 

Hewitt, sir Will. 100 

Highgate, mr. 188 

Hilles, Richard, 100 

Hinde, sir Aug. 100 

Hoby, sir Philip, 1, 106, 107, 108, 119, 175 

Hodson, Nicholas 174 

Holgate, archbp. 68, 78 

Honynges, William 66 

Hooper, bishop 68, 111, 177 

Homes, count of 171 

Household, Royal, reduction of 82 



Howard, lord Thomas 187 

lord William 41, 43, 50, 63, 129,180,187 

sir George 187 

Hudson 184 

Hume, John, lord of Jedburgh 165 

Hungerford, mr. 187 

Hunsdon 1 

Huntingdon, earl of 11, 13, 27, 37, 41, 53, 

74, 91, 99, 124, 125, 182, 184 
Ipswich, riot at 81 
Isley, Thomas 66 

Isley, sir Harry 36, 37, 42, 54, 66 
Jacob the lady Jane's gentlewoman 25 
JANE, queen, proclamation of 3, 110; her reign 

3 9; a prisoner 13, 19, 25, 33; trial 32; 

execution 55 ; her nomination to the crown 

by Edward VI. 87, 89, 94; State Papers 

during her reign 106 109 
Jerningham, sir Henry 5, 8, 37, 39, 51, 131 
Jedwarth, the laird of 165 
Johns, Morgan 188 
Jones, William 188 
Judd, sir Andrew 100 
Kenynghall 1, 4, 106 
Kingston bridge 45, 46 
Kingston, sir Anthony 108 
Knevett, Anthony 53, 66 

William 36, 50, 51, 53, 66, 131 

Thomas 52 

Knight, William 100 
Knightsbridge 48 
Lambard, sir John 100 
Lambeth palace 153 
Landriano, conde 171 
Latimer, Hugh 26, 68 
Leadenhall, musters at 37 
Leghe, mr. 187 

Livery, the queen's 74; king Philip's 134 
Locke, Thomas 19 
Lodge, sir Thomas 100 



INDEX. 



193 



London, proclamation of queen Jane 3; of 
Mary 11; reception of queen Mary 14; 
pageants at her coronation 28 31; at the 
entry of king Philip 78, et seq. 145, et 
seq.; lord treasurer's speech at Guildhall 
37; the queen there 40; gallows erected 59 

Lovell, Thomas 7, 11 

Lucar, Emanuell 75, 100 

Lucas, John 91, 100 

Lynn, proclamation of queen Jane at 111 

Lytton, mr. 187 

Mallory, Richard 100 

Maltravers, lord 28, 137 

Mantell, Walter (the two) 51, 66 

Martini, sieur de, &c. 171 

MARY, the lady, 1 notes, 4 8 ; proclaimed 
queen 11; comes to London 14; her pro- 
cession through London, and coronation 
27 32; her marriage announced 32, 34; 
comes to address the Londoners at Guild- 
hall 40; her mercy towards Southwark 44; 
her conduct on Wyat's attack 48, 188; 
marriage 78, 141,167; declared illegitimate 
by Edward VI. 92, 93 ; his provision for 
her marriage 101 ; letter to king Philip 177; 
her style 142,178 

Mason, sir John 12, 100, 109 

Matson, mr. 187 

Medina Celi, duke of 135, 138, 171 

Medley, mr. 66, 184 

Melton Mowbray 123 

Menchen, Thomas 45 

Mendoca, don Diego de [108?] 171 

Metham, Alexander 41 

Meyrick, John 174 

Middleton, Edward 179 

Mildmay, Thomas 10 

Modica, conde de 171 

Montacute, lord 152, see Browne 

Montague, chief justice 4 note, 26, 87, 91, 99 
CAMD. SOC. 



Moore, clerk of cheque of the pensioners 129 
Mordaunt, sir John 4 
More, George 53, 66 

Thomas, 174 

Morgan, Serjeant 5 

Morysine, sir Richard 108, 109, 175 
Musters at Leadenhall 37 ; in St. James's 

field and Finsbury field 42, 47 
Mytton, Richard 63, 126 
de las Navas, marquis 134, 135, 137, 171 
Nayler, 67 
Nevill, Henry 100 
Newman 130 
Newse, Clement 19 
Newton Abbot 114 
Nicholson, of Paules chain 41 
Noailles 88, 107, 115, 122, 180, 181, 184 
Noble, John 174 
Norfolk, county of 178 

duke of, 14, 15, 16, 28, 37, 39, 40, 176 

Norres, John 129, 134 

Norris, Henry 100 

North, lord, creation of 72, 82, 100 

Northampton, marquess of 8, 10, 11, 13, 15, 

16,18, 33, 36, 51, 55, 70,71, 91, 99, 121, 

180 

town of 183 

Northumberland, duke of 3, 5 11, 13 ; his 
trial 16 ; execution 21 ; lady Jane's re- 
marks on his conduct 25; his lodging in 
the Tower 27; his unpopularity 87; his 
circular letter to lieutenants of counties 
10&; mentioned 91, 99, 105, 125 

duchess of 13 

Norwich 8; proclamation of Mary at 111 

Offley, sir Thomas 55, 100 

Olivares, conde de 171 

Orange, prince of 166 

Ormond, earl of 13, 33, 37, 39, 187 

Oswestry 126 

2 c 



194 



INDEX. 



Owen, Lewis 174 

Oxford, parliament at 65, 72 

Oxford, earl of 28, 99, 109 

Oxfordshire, rising in favour of the lady 
. Mary 9 

Paget, lord 27, 48, 152, 188 

Palmer, Jerome 188 

Robert 182, 187 

sir Thomas 18, 20; execution of 22 

sir Thomas, (another,) 37 

William 174 

Parkhurst, bishop 174 

Parliament of 1 553, acts of 32, 181 

Parliament of 1554, 72 

Partrige, 25, 55 

Parys, sir Philip 131 

Paul's cross sermons 76, 82 

Paul's school 150 

Peckham, sir Edmond, Preface v, 8, 12, 33, 
119, 178 

Henry 129 

Pembroke, earl of 9, 11, 12, 15, 39, 40, 41, 
48, 62, 82, 91, 99, 109, 110, 131, 133, 
140, 141, 169, 187 

Pendleton, dr. 76 

Penruddock 188 

Perrott, sir John 187 

Pescara, marquess of 135, 171 

Peter, a Dutchman 30 

Petre, secretary 82, 88, 90, 109 

Pharman, mr. 187 

Philip prince of Spain, arrival of 77; his pro- 
gress to London ib. ; his landing at South- 
ampton 137; invested with the Garter 138; 
meets the queen at Winchester 140; mar- 
riage 78, 141, 167; made king of Naples 
and Jerusalem 141, 168; his style 142, 178; 
visit to St. Paul's 161; his personal ap- 
pearance 165; his dancing 170 

Pickering, sir William 175 



Piddock, Richard 63 

Piedmont, prince of 165 

Plasted, Stephen 188 

Pole, lodged at Lambeth 152; his speech to 
the parliament as legate 1 54 ; procession to 
St. Paul's 161 ; reception 179 

Pollard, sir Hugh 176 

Pope, sir Thomas 51, 52, 65 

Portman, sir Harry 100 

Porpoises taken in Sussex 72 

Poor Pratte, epistle of 115 

Potter, Gilbert 115 

Powlet, lord Chidioke 50 

Poynings, Ponynges, Poins, or Poyntz, 
Adrian 100 

sir Nicholas 44, 51, 52, 109 

mr. 187 

Proclamations on religion 24 ; for remitting 
the subsidy 26; against the duke of Suf- 
folk, the Carews, Wyat, &c. 185 ; of par- 
don to the adherents of Wyat 186 

Proctor's historic of Wyates Rebellion 36 note 

Protestants, foreign, proclamation to expel 61 

Purefay, Francis 5 

Radcliffe, sir Humphrey 128 

Rampton, Thomas 54, 65, 183 

Ratcliffe, Henry 5 

Raynford, John 100 

Reading 144 

Reding, Thomas 174 

Regalls, pair of 152 

Rich, lord 91, 99, 109 

Richmond, queen at 76, 78, 145 

Ridley, bishop 27, 68, 99 

Robertes, mr. 187 

Rochester 37, 38, 82 

Rogers, sir Edward 65, 69, 100 

Rokeby, Serjeant 100 

Rokewode, Nicholas 132 

Rudston, Robert 36, 42, 53, 66 



INDEX. 



195 



Rutter, a warder 27 

Russell, Francis lord 15, 99 

Sackville, sir Richard 100 

Sadler, sir Ralph 100 

Saldanda, conde de 171 

Salisbury, Margaret countess of, Elder's re- 
marks on her execution 153 

Salisbury 134 

Sanders, sir Edward 113, 125 

Sandys, dr. Edwin 39 

Satwel, John 174 

Saunders, Ninion 115 

Savia, marquess of 171 

Savoy, the 102 

St. James's field 42, 44, 47 

St. John, lord 99 ; air John 15 

Sentleger, sir Anth. 100, 175 

sir John 42, 176 

Warham 187 

St. Lowe, sir John 108 

sir William 65, 69, 71 

Scory, bp. of Chichester 142, 168 

Seymour, John 51 

Seymour (duke of Somerset's sons) 19, 20, 21 

Sheen, priory of 122 

Shelley, Richard 137 

Shelton, sir John 5 

Shrewsbury, earl of 12, 82, 91, 99, 109, 11-0, 
114, 120,122,126,138,180 

Silliard, Richard 12 

Silva, see Gomez 

Singleton, Hugh 115, 121, 181 

Slegge, Roger 10 

Smethwick, William 53, 71 

Somerset, duchess of 14, 16 

sir George 175 

Southampton 134, 137, 138. 

Southwark 41, 43,181; queen Mary's mercy 
towards 44 ; Wyat's departure from 45 

Southwark place 78, 145 



Southwell, sir Richard 5, 100, 131, 132 

sir Robert (not Richard), 45, 65, 100 

Spaniards, swarm in London 81 ; friar at 

Lambeth 82 
Stamford 112 

Stamp for the royal signature 135, 186 
State Papers of the reign of queen Jane, 

list of 106-109 ; of the first two years of 

queen Mary 174 179 
Stradling, sir Thomas 28 
Strange, lord 99, 137 
Strangways the rover 68 
Strangways, sir Giles 74 
Stuart, lord Robert, bp. of Caithness 137 
Suffolk, duke of 3 note, 5, 12, 16, 37, 41, 

55, 58,91, 99, 109; flight and capture of 

122; trial of 60 ; execution 63 

duchess of 36 

Suffolk, insurrection in 81 

Suffolk place, Southwark 145 

Sulierde, John 5 

Surrey, earl of 137 

Sussex, earl of 5, 68, 70, 71, 170, 177, 179 

Sydney, sir Henry 13, 68, 100 

Syon house 3 note 

Talbot, George lord 99, 137 

Taylebushe, lady 27 

Taylor, bp. of Lincoln 177 

Temple Newsome 166 

Thirlby, bp. of Norwich and Ely 142, 168, 

171,175 
Thomas, Edmund 174 

William 63, 65, 69 ; executed 76 

Throckmorton, Clement 129 

John 55 

sir Nicholas 1, 12, 13, 63, 74, 75, 100 

sir Robert 2 

Tichborne, Edward 174 
Toledo, don Antonio de 171 
Towcester 184 



196 



INDEX. 



Treasure, Spanish, brought to the Tower 83 

Tresham,sir Thomas 12, 13 

Trough ton, Richard 111, 112 

Tunstall, bishop 31, 142, 168 

Tutton 38 

Twichenor, Henry 174 

Tylney, Elizabeth 56, 57 

Tyrrell, mr. 187; Edmund 188 

Tyrwhytt, sir Robert 187 

sir Thomas 12 

Underbill, Edward 128, 170 
Underwood 124 
Valladolid, major of 171 
Vallefiguiere, major of ib. 
de los Vallos, marquis of ib, 
Vane, Thomas 53 

Henry 71 

Vaughan, Cuthbert 49, 53, 59, 64, 66, 68, 

75, 131 

VerbumDei, anecdote of London pageantry 78 
Veron 39 

Waldegrave, sir William 82, 175 
Wallwin 188 
Warner, sir Edward 36 
la Warre, lord, 5 note 
Warren, Christopher 54, 125 
Warwick castle 184 
Warwick, earl of 10, 16, 19, 20, 27, 99, 121 

countess of, 27 

Watson, doctor 18, 20 
Weldon, mr. 134 
Wentworth, Thomas lord 99 
Westmerland, earl of 11, 82, 99 
Westminster, proclamation of Mary at 114 
Westminster abbey, visited by the king and 

queen 152 

Weston, doctor Hugh 41, 64, 73 
Wether, Laurence 100 



Wharton, sir Thomas 4, 184 

Whetston, Thomas 75 

White, bishop of Winchester 142, 168, 174 

Gabriel 174; Richard ib. 

Whitehall 152 

Williams, sir John 9, 12, 63; created lord 
Williams of Thame 72, 76, 82 

William, John 100 

Willoby, Arkenwold 174 

Willoughby, lord 99 

Winchester, king Philip's reception at 139; 
the queen's marriage at 167 

Winchester college, verses 143, 172 

Winchester, marquess of 9, 15, 28, 36, 60, 
70, 75, 76, 82, 91, 99, 109,169, 170, 180 

Winchester, marchioness of 168 

Winchester house 15 

Windsor, king and queen's reception at 144 

Windsor, lord 8, 99 

Winter, Robert 63, 75, 76 

Wither, John 100 

Woodstock, princess Elizabeth prisoner at 76 

Worcester, earl of 99 

Worthington, mr. 187 

Wotton, doctor 175 

Wright, Thomas 174 

Wroth, mr. 182, 184 

Wrothe, sir Thomas 100 

Wyat, Edward 53 

sir Thomas, his rebellion 36 et seq. ; pro- 
clamations against 40, 41, 185; surrender of 
50; his reception at the Tower 51, 52; trial 
68; execution 7z; exculpates Elizaoeth 
and Courtenay 73 ; letters 175 ; his conduct 
at South wark, and general character 181 

Yarmouth 8; proclamation of Mary at 111 

York 113 

Yorke, 27, 32, 76 



PRINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SON, PARLIAMENT STREET, WESTMINSTER. 



DA 340 .N5 1850 
SMC 



THE CHRONICLE OF QUEEN 
JANE, AND OF TWO YEARS 
AKB-3575 (AB)