Presented To
By
James Walter Thomas
Date August 1925
)
%
I
CHRONICLES
OF
COLONIAL MARYLAND
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
BY
JAMES WALTER THOMAS
Member of the Maryland Historical Society
THE EDDY PRESS CORPORATION
CUMBERLAND, MD.
Copyright 1913
James Walter Thomas
All rights reserved
/^7
A
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PREFACE
'pHIS work may be classified as an historical review of Maryland
anterior to and during the American Revolution, though its Author be-
stows upon it the more modest title- Chronicles of Colonial Maryland.
H.s chief object has been to explore and develop historic fields which have
hitherto either been wholly neglected, or have received but scant notice at
the hands of historians. This does not apply to the first chapter, the ob-
ject of which was to re-locate a cherished landmark, "once known but
forgotten -the historic island of Saint Clement 's-and thus rescue from
obhvion, the spot consecrated as the first landing place of the Marvland
colonists; as well, also, to identify the e.xact point of landing at the place
of Its permanent settlement. The Author, while conscious of the laborious
research and painstaking care bestowed upon it, fully realizes that a work
.'■o largely one of original research, is inevitably not without imperfections'
In submitting it, therefore, to the public, he does so with the assuring hope
that the learned and generous will appreciate the difficulties attending the
undertaking, and will accord consideration and justice to the motiv^e which
animated this humble tribute to his native State.
J. VV. T.
Cumberland, Maryland,
March 27th, 1913.
Contents
CHAPTER I.
}'LACE OF LANDING OF THE jMARVLAND COLONISTS.
Place of first landing named Saint Clement's — lmf)ressions of the
Colonists on seeing the Country — First Mass celebrated in Maryland —
Identity of Saint Clement's Island rescued — Place of Permanent Settle-
ment selected — Place of Landing identified — View of — Name bestowed
on first Maryland Town — Natives — Origin of certain Indian Names, 9-18 ,
CHAPTER II.
THE FIRST CAPITAL OF iMARVLAND.
'Location — Beauties of Situation — Baltimore's Instructions concern-
ing it — Character of Improvements — Fort Saint Mary's — Location of
principal Streets — Lots, and Houses — State House — Jail — "Old Mul-
berry"— Copley Vault — Taverns — First Water Mill — Roman Catholic
Church — Protestant Church — Baltimore's Home — "The Castle". . 19-47
CHAPTER III.
THE FIRST CAPITAL OF MARYLAND — Continued.
First General Assembly — Organization of — Early struggles for po-
litical freedom — Character of Legislatiod — Ingle's Rebellion — Religious
freedom — Death of Governor Leonard Calvert — Life and character of —
His Descendants — Battle of the Severn — Puritan reign — Fendall's Rebel-
lion— Effort to have Capital removed — Maryland Coin — Protestant Rev-
olution— Royal Government — Removal of Capital — Downfall of Saint
Mary's — Calvert Monument — An historic spot 48-68
CHAPTER IV.
RELIGIOUS TOLERATION IN COLONIAL MARYLAND.
Religious Toleration established from the date of the settlen"ient —
A Cornerstone on which the state was founded — Its Rigid Enforce-
ment— Maryland the first home of — The Act concerning Religion —
Its scope and purpose — How passed — The Religious Toleration of
Rhode Island — Roger Williams, its supposed patron 69-76
CHAPTER V.
SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE IN COLONMAL MARYLAND.
It fell to the destiny of Maryland to work out this great problem —
How it was accomplished — Baltimore encountered the opposition of
his church — How he met it — Had no confidence in Jesuits — A great
principle in political economy and in the development of civiliza-
tion 77-82
CHAPTER VI.
LAND TENURE OF COLONIAL MARYLAND.
Maryland a Palatine — Rights and Powers of a Court Palatine —
Character of Tenure — ^How Land could be obtained — To whom, and
in what quantity granted — Nature of the grants — Statutes of Mortmain
— Remnants of Feudal Tenure — Fealty — Escheats — Fines — Relief — Quit-
rents — The latter a large source of revenue to Proprietary — Difficulties
in their payment — Confiscation of Proprietary rights — Contest among
Heirs of last Proprietary — Curious data from Land Office 83-99
CHAPTER VII
LAND TENURE OF COLONIAL MARYLAND.
Methods of transferring Land — Livery of Seisen — Indentures —
Deeds of Conveyance — Acknowledgments — Descent of Land — Manors —
Primogeniture — Entailment — Influence in shaping Institutions, and hab-
its of people — Its tendency aristocratic ioo-t 10
CHAPTER VIII
JUDICIAL SYSTEM OF COLONIAL MARYLAND.
, Gradual development of the system — Justices of the Peace — County
Court — Manorial Courts — Prerogative Court — Chancery Court — Admir-
alty Court — Assize Courts 111-136
CHAPTER IX.
JUDICIAL SYSTEM OF COLONIAL MARYLAND.
Provincial Court — Origin of— Justices of — Jurisdiction of — Chief
Judicial Tribunal — Court of Appeals — Appeal to King and Council —
Early Reports — Characteristics of Provincial Judiciary I37-I53
CHAPTER X. '.
CHARACTERISTICS OF MARYLAND ESTABLISHMENT.
Protestant Episcopal Church in Early Maryland — Became estab-
lished Church — Nature of Establishment — Parishes — English ecclesias-
tical law not in force — Induction, its uses and abuses — Church tax —
Contest over — Abolished — Glebes- — Church Wardens — Clerks — Regis-
trars 154-189
CHAPTER XI
St)ME OK MAKVI.ANU'S EARLY I HIKCHES.
Division of Province into Parishes— Number in each County— Wil-
liam and Mary Parish— King and Queen— All Faith— Saint Andrew's—
Prince George's— Marriage Records of Latter— Newtown Church— Saint
Inigoe's— Saint Joseph's— Sacred Heart— Saint Aloysius— Saint John's,
• ■ : 190-222
CHAPTER XH.
THE GREAT SEAL OF MARYLAND AND HER FLAG.
Great Seal unique — Heraldic in design — Description of — Those in
use before the Revolution — Those after — Lesser Seals at arms— Impres-
sions of on Money— Present Great Seal— Origin of Flag— Design of—
Early uses of— Beauty of— Great Seal of United States— Origin of The
Stars and Stripes jjj-2::-
CHAPTER XHL
FORCE AND VALUE OF THE MARYLAND LINE IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Formation of the Maryland Line— Well appointed and organized-
Commanded by Colonel William Smallwood — Maryland Rifle Com-
panies—Maryland Line ordered to New York — Made part of the Divis-
ion of Brigadier-General Stirling — In Battle of Long Island — Its Hero-
ism— Its terrific charges — Saved the American Army — ^Covered Wash-
ington's Retreat from Long Island — At advance posts at Harlem—Or-
dered to cover retreat from New York, after failure of other troops —
In battles of Harlem and White Plains — Destruction of enemy by Mary-
land and Virginia riflemen at Fort Washington — Maryland Line cov-
ered Washington's retreat through New Jersey — Crossed the Delaware
with Washington— In battles of Trenton and Princeton — Badly thinned
and shattered by end of the season.
CAMPAIGN OF l^^^ .
The Maryland Line re-enforced and increased to eight battalions —
Divided into two brigades — Commanded by Brigadier-General Small-
wood and Brigadier-General De Boore— Part of General Sullivan's
Division — In Battle of Brandywine — In Battle of Germantown — Drove
British Light Infantry from the field — In winter quarters under Small-
wood, at Wilmington to protect the State of Delaware — Captured val-
uable prizes.
CA.MPAIGN OF 1 778.
Maryland Line again re-enforced — In Battle of Monmouth — Held
back enemy until Washington could form — Ordered up to secure the
day — Marched to Middlebrook to protect the State of New Jersey.
CAMPAIGN OF 1779-
Maryland's quota for campaign of i779^Depreciation in currency
compelled General Smallwood to ask that better provision be made for
support of the Maryland Line — Ordered to Elizabethtown, New Jersey —
Major Stewart of Maryland Line in capture of Stony Point — The
Maryland Line at Paulus Hook (Jersey City) — Formed right wing
of army at Morristown.
CAMPAIGN OF I780.
Maryland asked to furnish 1400 additional men — Maryland Line
sent South to re-enforce Southern department, under General Baron
DeKalb — Its passage through Maryland — The folly of Gate's line of
march — Battle of Camden — Terrific charge of — Whole British force
brought against it — Flight of Gates — Fall of DeKalb — Loss to line heavy
— Smallwood in command — ^Gist hurried to Maryland for recruits.
CAMPAIGN OF 1 78 1.
General Nathaniel Greene superseded Gates in command of South-
ern department— Smallwood promoted to Major-General — Was retained
as second in command — The Maryland Line under command of Colonel
Otho Holland Williams — The Maryland Line at the battle of Camden —
Colonel John Eager Howard a hero — Greene's masterly retreat — Wil-
liam's splendid strategy in covering it — Battle of Guilford Court House
— Other strongholds of the South — Eutaw Springs — Maryland Line
charges the Buff's — Desperate struggle — Won the admiration of the
enemy — Smallwood in Virginia with Lafayette — Yorktown — Maryland
line turns its face homeward — ^Disbanded — An essential factor in the
war for Independence — Justly treated by a grateful State .... 238-302
CHAPTER XIV.
THE WESTERN RESERVE AND MARYLAND'S PART IN IT.
A vast domain — Grasping claims of Virginia, New York, Connec-
ticut and Massachusetts — Maryland rose to the occasion — ^Her position
towards it — Resolute way in which she pursued it^ — Her claim ultimately
sustained — An immense folkland thus- obtained for the new Confeder-
ation— Its acquisition speedily led to far-reaching results — Cornerstone
of the American Republic 303-314
CHAPTER XV.
CHRONICLES OF SAINT MARY'S COUNTY.
Oldest County organization-^Theatre of Maryland's early struggles
—Beauties of— Resources of — Boundary of — Early civil divisions-
County seat— Other early towns— Ports of Entry — Roads — First mail
route — Historic value of Will Records — Traditions — Early School Sys-
tem—Charlotte Hall— Revolution— Civil Officers 3I5-.547
CHAPTER XVI. •
CHRONMCLES OF SAINT MARY's COUNTY.
Historic places— Character of improvements — Governor Calvert's
^Manors — Cross Manor — Mattapany — Susquehanna — Sotterly — Fenwick's
Manor— De La Brooke— Trent Hall— The Plains— Calvert side of Pa-
tuxent— Deep Falls— Bashford—Notley Hall— Brambly — Bushwood —
Saint Clement's Manor — Tudor Hall — Portohello 348-377
APPENDIX.
Letter, 1799, giving account of opening of "Copley Vault," at
Saint Mary's City— Topographical Map of Maryland's First CapitaK
showing location of principal lots and house . . .' 379-381
Illustrations
Page
Chancellor's Point ^7
Saint Mary's Blufif, site of First State House 29
Maryland's First State House 3i
Great Seal of Maryland under the Proprietary Government.... 227
Reverse of the Great Seal used by Cecelius, Lord Baltimore. .. . 228
Lesser Seal at Arms 229
Plate for Stamping Seal on Money 230
Present Great Seal of Maryland 233
The Maryland Flag 237
Map of Leonard-Town • • 325
Map of Saint Mary's City Appendix
Colonial Maryland
CHAPTER I
Place of Landing of the Maryland Colonists
QX the 5th of March. 1634, the Ark and the Doz'e, bearing
the representatives of the two great principles — "politi-
cal freedom and religious peace", for which Maryland became
renowned — after a long and eventful voyage from the old to
the new world, entered the Potomac River.'
Charmed with the genial climate, picturesque landscape
and majestic waters that greeted them. Governor Leonard
Calvert and his companions began naming the places as they
passed, calling the southern part, at the mouth of the river.
Saint Gregory' (now Smith's Point) and the northern poim
(now Point Lookout) Saint Michael's/
Sailing up the river amid the consternation of the Indians,
and by the "light of their council fires, which blazed through
the land," they anchored at an island which they named Saint
^ "Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam." — The Report of Father
Andrew White, one of the Maryland Colonists, to his superiors at
Rome, April, 1634; discovered by Rev. Wm. McSherry in the archives
of the "Domus Professa," and published by the Maryland Historical
Society; "Relation of Maryland," dated Saint Mary's, May, 1634, pulj-
lished in London, 1634, and republished as "Shea's Early Southern
Tracts," No. i ; "Relation of Maryland," published in London, in 1635.
and republished, with map of the country, by Joseph Sabin, of New
York.
Mbid. .
■'' The pleasing impressions which the Maryland Colonists formed
of their new country and surroundings, may be gathered from the fol-
lowing extracts from Father White's report of the voyage and landing:
"The country is not without such things as contribute to prosperity and
lo COLONIAL MARYLAND
Clement's.' This island, as described at the time, was thickly
wooded with cedars, sassafras and nut trees, and abounded in
herbs and flowers, but had such a sjoping shore that a landing-
could only be effected by wading/ It is twenty-six miles from
the mouth of the Potomac, lies directly above Saint Clement's
Bay, and half a mile from the Maryland shore/
Leaving the Ark and the greater part of the colonists
there, Governor Calvert spent some days exploring the coun-
try and treating with the Indians, ascending the river as high
as Piscataway, nearly opposite Mount Vernon. During his
absence "a court of guard" was kept at Saint Clement's, while
others of the colonists were occupied in putting together a
barge, the parts for which they had brought with them, and
in getting out material for a palisado.'' On his return, prepa-
rations were made for religious ceremony, and on the 25th of
pleasure." "The soil seems remarkably fertile, is dark and not hard, to
the depth of a foot, and overlays a rich, red clay." "Fine groves of trees
appear, not chocked with briars or bushes and undergrowth, but grow-
ing at intervals, as if planted by the hand of man." There are "straw-
berries, vines, sassafras, acorns, and walnuts;" also, "deer, beavers,
and squirrels," and "an infinite number of birds of various colors, such
as eagles, crows, swans, geese, turkeys, partridges, and ducks." "Nu-
merous springs furnish a supply of water." "Never have I beheld a
larger or more beautiful river (than the lower Potomac). The Thames
seems a mere rivulet in comparison with it ; it is not disfigured with
swamps, but has firm land on each side." The Saint George's (Saint
Mary's) River "has two harbors, capable of containing three hundred
ships of the largest size." "The natives are very tall, and well propor-
tioned ; their skin is naturally rather dark, and they make it uglier by
staining it, generally with red paint, mixed with oil to keep off the mos-
quitoes." "The soles of their feet are as hard as horn, and they tread
on thorns and briars without being hurt." "The race are of a frank and
cheerful disposition, and understand any matter \vhen it is stated to
them ; they have a keen sense of taste and smell, and in sight, too, they
surpass the Europeans. They live for the most part, on a kind of paste,,
which they call Pone and Omini, both of which are made of Indian
corn, and sometimes they add fish, or what they have procured by hunt-
ing or fowling. They are especially careful to refrain from wine or
Mbid. 'Ibid.
"Relation of Maryland, 1634.
THE LAXDING- ii
jMarcli ("the day of the Annunciation of the X'irgin Mary),
1634, among the trees and flowers, -rhey celebrated, at Saint
Clement's, the first 'mass in Maryland^ They then erected a
great cross, "hewn out of a tree," as a "trophy to Christ."
and as an emblem of Maryland's christian faith.' After this,
with solemn ceremonies, they took formal possession of the
country for "our Saviour and for our Sovereigne Lord the
King of England."'
It should here be "noted that it is singularly unfortunate
that historians have fallen into the grave error of asserting
that the Island of Saint Clement's, thus consecrated as the
landing place of the pilgrims of Maryland, has long since
yielded to the ravages of the insidious and relentless surf, and
has almost disappeared — an error resulting apparently from
a misapprehension of the location of the island and the
assumption that it was the same as Heron Island, nearby, but
more inland and immediately at the mouth of Saint Clement's
Bay, and which, well authenticated tradition says, for more
than a century and a half has been practically washed away.
The pioneer Maryland historian, Bozman,'' left the matter in
doubt. Later, Dalrymple. in his valuable annotation of "The
Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam", and who appears to have
made it the subject of personal investigation, concluded that it
warm drinks, and are not easily persuaded to taste them."' "They run
to us of their own accord, with a cheerful expression on their faces, and
offer us what they have taken in hunting or fishing," sometimes bringing
"oysters, boiled or roasted." "They cherish generous feelings towards
us, and make a return for whatever kindness you may have shown
them." "They live in houses built in an oblong, oval shape. Light is
admitted into these through the roof, by a window a foot and a half
long, this also serves to carry off the smoke, for they kindle the fire in
the middle of the floor, and sleep around it. Their Kings, however, and
chief men, have private apartments of their own, and beds, made by
driving four posts in the ground and arranging poles above them hori-
zontally." "One of these cal)ins has fallen to me." "It has been fitted
up" as a temporary place of worship, "and you may call this the first
chapel of Maryland."
^ Relatio Itineris.
"Relation of Maryland, 1634.
^ Bozman's History of Maryland, p. 27.
12 COLONIAL .MARYLAND
was Heron Island on which the landings was made and to which
the name of Saint Clement's was affixed. As recorded by
him, "the name has disappeared and almost the whole of the
island has been washed away by the river. * * ''" All that is
left of it is a sand bank of about ten acres".' Still later
authors, aniong^ them Scharf. Bryant, and even the carefui
and painstaking Brown have united in the confounding- of
Heron Island with Saint Clement's, and thus recording it as
a lamentable, but nevertheless an historical fact, that the spot
on which the colonists of Maryland first set foot upon her
soil, and proclaimed the right of sovereignty over her domain.
— than which none slioidd be more .sacred to the memory of
her [K'ople — no longer exi.sts either in fact or in name.''
They are not one and the same. A chronicle of the land-
ing says, "they sayled up the river till they came to Heron
Island (so-called from the large number of birds there of
that name) which is about 14 leagues, and there came tu
anchor under an island near unto it which they called Saint
Clement's"".'" A map of that time,' and also one of later date,"
as well as the early land grants of the land nearest these
islands,' not only confirm this as to the separate identity of
the two, but show that their relative position at that day was
the same tliat the renniant of Heron Island bears to-day to the
undiminished proportions of Saint Clement's. In name only
has it changed. The first grant of Saint Clement's Island was
to Dr. Thomas Gerrard in i63»). when it was included in the
grant of Saint Clement's Manor. JM-om him. through inter-
marriage (.f liis (laughter Elizabeth, with Colonel Nehemiah
Blackiston, it j)as>e(l to the IHackistons. and from long posses-
sion in -tlu'iu. it came to be called Blackiston's Island, the
name it bears to-day. It is true. Father White and tlie Rela-
^Rclatio Itineris, Dalrymple's note, p. 104.
"Scharf. History of Marj'IancI, i. p. 74; Brown. History of Mary-
land, p. 2.?; Hryant. History of United States, i, p. 492.
' Relation of Maryland. 1634.
' .Map in Relation of Maryland, 16:35. "Maps, 1070. Shea, p. 45.
' Patents U, VVni, Uritton for Little Rritton. and Thomas Gerrar>i
for Saint Clenient\s Manor, l6.Vj in Land DUicc, .Viin.ipolis.
THE LAX 1)1 XG 13
tion of 1634, the authorities perhaps, by which Maryland his-
torians have been misled, say the landing was made on the
first one of the groiip called Heron Islands which the colonists
reached, but they clearly meant the first one of the three
islands which lie in the Potomac, between Saint Clement's Day
and the Wicomico River, and known as Saint Clement's.
(Blackiston's) Saint Katherine's, and Saint Margaret's.
The Relation of 1634, indeed, practically establishes the
identity of these islartds as being the same . as those above
mentioned. It says, "the first of those islands- we called
Saint Clement's; the second, Saint Katherine's, and the third
Saint Ceceha's," now Saint Margaret's. It is, happily, a fact
that Saint Katherine's Island has always retained the name first
bestowed upon it. At the time they were named, it was the
second in the trio, and lay above Saint Clement's — to-day its
position is second, and it lies next above Blackiston's Island.
It would therefore, have been a physical impossibility to have
named the islands in the 'order in which they stand, and to
have placed Saint Katherine's second in the line, without the
island now known as Blackiston's being the first in that course,
and the one lying next below it. Again, in 1678, a new
patent was issued for Saint Clement's Manor, and the three
islands, in the language of the patent, "lying in the Potomac
River, at the mouth of the Wiccocomoco River, called by the
names of Saint Clement's Island, Saint Katherine's Island,
and Saint Margaret's Island," were included in the grant,'
which three islands are there to-day, and known as P.lackis-
ton's. Saint Katherine's, and Saint Margaret's.
It should be noted that Heron Island — how scarcely dis-
cernible— which lies nu)rc inland, and somewhat out of the
direct course in sailing uj) ihc river, was most likely very
diminutive and practically valueless even at that date, as no
patent appears ever to have been issued for it. It \vas also,
apparently, deemed too insignificant for a new name when
liestowing names upon the three lying further out in the river.
Lil)er 20, u. 5. Land Office.
14 COLONIAL MARYLAND
and it to-day retains its first name — Heron — the one by which
the entire group was originally known.
The records also of the devises and alienations of the island
covering a period of more than a century, refer to it alternately
as Blackiston's or Saint Clement's Island, which, with a direct
chain of title from the Lord Proprietary to the present time,
incontestably establishes the fact, that the beautiful Black-
iston's Island of to-day, gracefully slumbering upon the bosom
of the lower Potomac, is the historic Saint Clement's Island
of the past.'
It is also worthy of note that Saint Clement's has passed
into history as possessing, at the time of the landing, an area
of four hundred acres, the result, perhaps, of an error in the
copy of Father White's report at Rome, the authority for the
statement." By the return of the Surveyor General, in 1639,
five years only after the narrative was written, it contained
eighty acres,* which is about its size today. Father White
most probably said it contained four score, and not four hun-
dred acres.
-before the colonists left England, Lord Baltimore sent to
Governor Leonard Calvert a set of instructions for the govern-
ment of the colony upon their arrival in Maryland, in which
he urges him in selecting the place of settlement, that his
chief care be "to make choice of a place first, that is probable
to be healthfull and fruitfull ; next, that *it be easily fortified,
' Patent to Thomas Gerrard, 1639 Liber i, p. 48, and Justinian Ger-
rard, 1678, Liber 20, p. 5, Land Office; judgment in suit, Nehemiah
Blackiston vs. Justinian Gerrard, 1686, Provincial Court Records, Liber
D. S. A.,- p. 532; will, Elizabeth (Blackiston) Guibert, Liber 14, p. 224,
Annapolis; wills, John Blackiston, Liber i, p. 352, and Nehemiah
Blackiston, Liber 3, p. 435, both of Saint Mary's County; deeds, John
Blackiston to R. H. Miles, Liber F, vol. i, p. 8, and R. H. Miles to J. M.
Goldsmith, Liber F, vol. J. p. 328, Land Office; deeds, G. W. Morgan,
sherifT. to B. G. Harris, B. G. Harris to J. L. McWilliams, R. C. Combs,
attorney, to I'. A. Denison. F. A. Dcnison to Mary E. Swan, Saint
Maiys County.
' Relatio Itiucris, p. 32. 'Old ^L■l^ylanll M.mors, p. 29.
THE LANDING- 15
and thifdly, that it be convenient for trade both with the
English and savages'*^
Following these instructions, and deeming it imprudent
to locate high up the river, where retreat would be difficult in
the event of attack. Governor Calvert, already impressed witli
the superior advantages of that section of the province border-
ing on the lower Potomac for the Maryland settlement, con-
cluded to visit next the Indian village of Yaocomico. This he
was also induced to do by Captain Henry Fleet, an Indian
trader, whose familiarity with the country gave his opinion
importance and weight, and who represented that section of
it in glowing terms and as being well adapted in every way to
their purpose.
Leaving both ships at Saint Clement's Island, and' accom-
panied by Captain Henry Fleet and a small body of men, he
sailed in his barge down the river about sixteen miles to a
bold, deep tributary flowing into the Potomac from the north,
and which they named Saint George's (now Saint Mary's)
River. Ascending this river, and naming its two "great
harbors," the one Saint George (now Saint George's River),
and the other, more inland, Saint Mary (still Saint Mary's),
and between Church Point and Chancellor's Point, he an-
chored at Yaocomico, situated on the eastern bank of the river,
and about five miles from its mouth.
He sought interview with Mng Yaocomico. and informed
him of the object of his coming, to which, says the Relation,
"he made but little answer, as is their manner to any new or
sudden question, but entertained him and his company that
night in his house, and gave him his own bed to lye on —
which is a mat laid on boards — and the next day went to show
him the country".''
' The original draft of this paper, jn Baltimore's own handwriting,
and the original document, except the Charter, belonging to Mary-
land's early history, has only very recently been discovered, and is now
in the Maryland Historic-al Society. It has also been published by
Brown, '"Makers of America," p. 45.
- Relation of Maryland, 1634.
i6 COLONIAL MARYLAND
The Governor was convinced of the superior fitness of the
place, and that his entry there could be safely made, and
to avoid "every appearance of injustice, and to afiford no
opportunity for hostility on the part of the Indians, he waived
all question of right or superior power in the premises, and
agreed to buy their town and territory. The Yaocomicos
having previously resolved to move higher up the country, to
avoid the Susquehanocks, a more powerful tribe, and their
enemy, this was accomplished without difficulty, and for cloth,
axes, hatchets, rakes, hoes, and knives, they agreed that the
colonists should occupy a part of their town and land, reserv-
ing a part for themselves until their corn could be gathered,
when the whole should be surrendered! It was further mutu-
ally agreed, that the two nations should live peaceably together,
and that if any injury was done on either side, the ofifendin^
party should make reparation.'
Much historical encomium has been lavished i;pon William
Penn, for his famous treaty with the Shackamaxon Indians
for the land ui)on which the city of Philadelphia stands, but
neither the annals of Pennsylvania, or of any other American
colony, present a more conspicuous example of humanity and
justice towards the Aborigines, than is portrayed in the spirit
which animated Maryland on that occasion, and, indeed,
throughout, in that regard, and it sliould, with equal justice.
adorn the pages of her history.'
The ships dropping anclior in Saint Mary's harbor, the
colonists landed on the "right hand side", or southern arm
of the harbor (Chancellor's Point), and, walking about a mile
around the riyer bank, came to the place selected for their
VRcIatio Itineris; Relation of Maryland, 1634.
"Speaking of the religion of the Indians found in and around Saint
Mary's, the Rehition of 1634 says: "First, they acknowledge one God
nf I leaven, which they calLour God ; and cry a thousand shames upon
those christians that so lightly offend so good a God. But they give no
rxttrnal hf)nour unto Him. but use all their might to please an Okee
(fir frantic spirit), for fear of harm from him. They adorq< also Wheat
and l'"ire, as two gods, very hcncfici.-il unto -man's natures. In the Macli-
icomoco, or Temple of Patuxcut, liicrc was scaiiv l)y our traders this
n
f '^: --
v>*'j
^•*ii
THE LANDING 17
permanent settlement, and laid out the plan for the first town
in ^Maryland.
Father White's report (the most valuable record of the
times, and the only one that attempts to detail this feature of
the landing) says : "The left side of the river was the abode
of King Yaocomico. We landed on the right hand side," and
about a mile from the town/ This clearly means Saint Mary's
harbor, and not the rirer and identifies with certainty, Chancel-
lor's Point as the place of landing. The town of Yaocomico and
the place of landing could not have been on opposite sides of
the river, for the colonists walked from one place to the other,
which could only have been accomplished, if on opposite sides,
by going around the head of the river — a journey not of one
mile only, but of at least twenty. The two, however, could
have been on opposite sides of the harbor — a deep indentation
made by the two long headlands, now known as Church Point
and Chancellor's Point.
The Indian town, it is conceded, occupied the northern
or Church Point arm, which placed it on the left side in sailing
up, thus making the southern, or Chancellor's Point arm, the
right hand side in entering the harbor; the southern extremity
(Chancellor's Point) of this arm, being also about a mile dis-
tant from the town they laid out — Saint Mary's.
The event of landing and unloading the ships was made
with as much formality as circumstances would permit, and
ceremony. Upon a day appointed all the Townes mett, and a great fire
being made; about it stood the younger sort, and behinde them againe
the elder. Then taking a little deer suet, they cast it into the fire,
crying, Tabo, Tabo, and lifting their hands to heaven. After this, was
brought before them a great Bagg, filled with a longe Tobacco pipe and
Poake, which is the word they use for our Tobacco. This was carried
about the fire, the youth following, and singing Tabo, Tabo, in very
good tune of voice, and comely gesture of body. The round cnd-.M, one
comes reverently to the Bagge, and opening it, takes out the Pipe, and
divides the Poake, from one to one. As every one tookc his draught,
hee breath'd his smoke upon the limbs of his own body, as it weit to
sanctifie them by this ceremony, to tlie honour and service of their
God, whomsoever they meant."
' Relatio Itineris.
i8 COLONIAL MARYLAND
was done under military escort, parade under colors and arms,
and firing of musketry and cannon.'
Then and there, Governor Calvert, on the 27th of March,
1634, with appropriate ceremonies, proclaimed formal posses-
sion of Maryland, and named its first town Saint Mary's.
Then and there, says a distinguished historian," "landed the
Pilgrims of Maryland, and then and there were laid the foun-
dations of the old city of Saint Mary's and of our present
State."
"The landing of the Pilgrims of New England, has been
the burden of many a story, and the theme of many an oration.
The very rock upon which their feet were first planted, is
consecrated in the estimation of their descendants, and its
relics are enshrined as objects of holy regard. They were
freemen in search of freedom ; they found it, and transmittefl
it to their posterity. It becomes us, therefore, to tread lightly
upon their ashes. Yet, while we would avoid all invidious
contrasts, and forget the stern spirit of the Puritan, which so
often mistook religious intolerance for holy zeal ; we can turn
with exultation to the Pilgrims of Maryland, as the founder?
of religious liberty in the new world. They erected the fir^yt
altar to it on this continent ; and the fires first kindled on it
ascended to Heaven amid the blessings of the savage."
May the memory of the spirit and character of Mary-
land's Pilgrim fathers be sacredly cherished and zealously
guarded forever by their descendants,'
* Bozman, 11, p. 30. " McMahon, p. 198.
' The following definitions of Indian terms used in this chapter are
taken from Maryland Historical Society Pub. No. 7. Potomac (Boto-
meg) a "fiver full of swarms of small fry — where fishes spawn in
shoals." (Kerchival. History, Valley of Virginia, ,145^ and 149. says: the
Potomac above its c<mfluence with the Shenandoah, was called Cohong-
oronta.) Piscatowa, (Biskatowe) "one who has his hair plaited up
sideways and backwards." - Anacosta, (Nanakoita) "one who prepares
himself for defence, to resist attack." Yaocomico, (A(i)ago-nio-ago)
"he that is floating on water, tossed to and fro." Susquehanocks,
(Saskweonag) "those who live in a place where the surf is heard beat-
ing (grating) on the shore." Patuxent, (Portuxcnd) "the place where
grows portu (tobacco)."
CHAPTER II
The First Capital of Maryland
gAINT MARY'S CITY/ the first Capital of .Maryland, was
situated on the east side of the Saint George's '(now Saint
Mary's) River, a tributary of the Potomac, about five miles
from its mouth, and sixteen miles from Point Lookout, the
southern extremity of the western shore of Maryland.
A gentle slope from the eastern hills, then a spacious
plateau of singular beauty, elevated about forty feet above the
water, and terminating in a bold blufif between two broad
expanses of the river, formed the site of the City.
A crescent shaped indentation, made by this blufif'' and a
long headland about a mile lower down the river,' gave the City
a capacious harbor.
The river skirted two sides of the town, afforded depth
and security of navigation, and adding beauty and grandeur
to its other attractions, made the situation of Saint Mary's one
of surpassing loveliness.
A river possessing more enchanting scenery than the
Saint Mary's may not easily be found, and at no place along
its banks is this displayed to greater advantage than at the site
of old Saint ^Mary's. Looking from thence, either towards
the north, where its clear and glittering waters are first seen
winding down the blue vista of the distant hills, with its
^ Much of the material in this chapter was incorporated in an ad-
dress entitled The First Capital of Maryland, and delivered by the
Author on the occasion of the two hundredth anniversary of the re-
moval of the Capital of Maryland, from St. Mary's to Annapolis, and
which, together with other addresses on that occasion, was published by
the State of Maryland in memorial volume entitled "Removal of the
State Capital." ^
' Church Point. ' Chancellor's Point.
20 COLOXIAL MARYLAND
sloping banks, and intercepted by its long, narrow capes and
jutting cliflfs; or towards the south, where its waters, growing
bolder and deeper, with its high, grassy banks, upland slopes,
abrupt declivities, white, winding beach, pebbly shore, and
(as seen from the direction of its mouth) its interlocking
promontories, giving it the appearance of a series of lakes,
rather than a stream of regular width, it presents a picture
of rare and exquisite beauty.
/Saint Mary's City occupied the site of the Indian village
of "Yaocomico,'' at which place the Maryland colony was in-
duced to settle by the glowing description of Captain Henry
Fleet, son of a member of the Virginia Company, whose
familiarity with the country gave his opinion importance and
weight and, who described it as a location, desirable alike for
its commanding commercial advantages and its safety of
defense, as well as for its temporary improvements and its
natural beauty and attractiveness; or, in his own. language,
"a spot, indeed, so charming in its situation that Europe
itself can scarcely show one to surpass it" ; and, having first
purchased the Indian title thereto (the details of which are
given in the preceding chapter), J^overnor Calvert, on the
27th of March, 1634, assumed formal possession, and named
the first town of Maryland — Saint Mary'sj
^Cnder the instructions of Baltimore, containing the details
and rules for the government of the colonists, they were
directed, after having selected a suitable place for their perma-
nent settlement, "to sea,te a towne", in which they were "to
cause streets to be marked out", and to require the buildings
to be erected, "in line"' with such streets, and "neere adjoin-
ing one" to another": all the houses to be built in as "decent
and uniform a manner" as circumstances permitted, the land
in the rear of the houses "to be assigned for gardens and such
uses". The first choice of lots was to be for a "fitt place and
a competent quantity of ground for a Fort", and "within",
or "neerc unto" this lot, a site was to be chosen for "a con-
venient house, and a church or chappel adjacent", for the
Relatio Itineris, p. 35.
THE FIRST CAPITAL 21
'•seate'of his Lordship, or his Ciovernor or other Commis-
sioners", the two latter buildings to be completed only so far
"as is necessary ifor present use", and not "in every part a>
fine as afterwards they may be". He also directed that a i)lnt
of the town, its situation and surroundings, be made by the
Surveyor General, and sent to him by the first opportunity.'
^ The next official notice with reference to laying out of the
town of Saint Alary's, is the following order, from Baltimore
to Governor Calvert, dated Warden Castle, England, August
29th, 1636:
"I would have you pass in freejiold to every of the first
adventures that shall claim or desire it, and to their heirs,
ten acres of land within the plats assigned or to be assigned
for the town and fields of Saint Mary's, for every person tiiat
any of said adventurers transported or brought into Mar\ land,
according to the conditions first published ; and five acres of
land to every other adventurer for every other person which
he hath or shall transport thither since the time of the first
plantation, until the 13th day of August, which shall be in
the year of our Lord 1638, and for so doing, this shall be \our
warrant".*
In 1684, another grant of land was made to Saint Mary's.
to be divided into lots of one acre each, and of sufficient quan-
tity to make, with those already there, one hundred lot<
withinlKe hmits oi the tOWn.' •
Undisturbed for several years, either by domestic factions
or external dissensions, Saint Mary's, for a colonial town,
grew with considerable rapidity. Brick and other builders'
supplies were imported, whicli. with the home products avail-
able for the purpose, afiforded, from an early period, abundant
building material.
• While Virginia, as late as 1638, was making its laws in
an ale house," and, indeed, in 1716, Jamestown, its first capi-
tal, contained only "a church. Court House and four other
buildings",' Saint Mary's, in a comparatively short time after
instructions, Nov. 13, 1633. In Maryland Historical Society.
*Kilty, p. 33. 'Archives (Ass. Pro. 1684) p. iiQ.
*Streeter Papers, p. i5- 'Lodge, p. 51.
22 COLONIAL MARYLAND
its settlement, had, besides the home of Lord Baltimore, a
church, a pretentious State House, a jail and other pubHc
offices, and about thirty houses.' Soon thereafter, it had
sixty houses (which number it never much exceeded),' pro-
tected by two forts. Saint Mary's and Saint Inigoes, each well
mounted with the ordnance of that day.
As the place for holding the General Assemblies, the seat
of the Provincial Court, and the port where all ships trading
with the Province had first to resort, Saint IMary's soon
became a place of importance, and, in 1668, it was by letters
patent, incorporated and erected into a city, with privileges
and immunities above and beyond any other place in the
Province. Its officers consisted of a Mayor, Recorder, six
Aldermen, and ten Councilmen, and among its special prerog-
atives were those of a "Weekly Market" and an "Annual
Fair".'
In 1 67 1, Saint Mary's received a new accession to its pre-
rogatives, that of sending two representatives to the General
Assembly,' the first being Mr. John Morecroft and the Honor-
able Thomas Notley.°
It is to be regretted that no chart of the City of the Cal-
verts was made before it had disappearcd^-except in name and
in memory — from the banks of Saint Mary's ; but from
original surveys and grants, ancient transfers, and re-surveys,
together with the many natural boundaries and landmarks still
visible, the map shown in the appendix was platted. By this
'Archives Ass. Pro. 1641 and 1676; Scharf, i, p. 294.
Baltimore, in his report in 1677, to the committee of Trade and
Plantation in England, stated that the houses at Saint ]\Iary's "excepting
my own home and the l)uildings wherein the Piihlic offices are kept,"
did not exceed thirty, Iniilt at considerable distance from each other,
and the most of them after tin- nianniT of the smaller farm lioiiscs of
England.
' McMahon, p. 250.
"This, the first municipal charter granted in Maryland, may be
fonnd in Liber F. F. p. 645, etc., in Land Office, Annapolis. The Town
Ordinances adopted for Saint Mary's City may be seen in Ai-chives,
Council Proceedings, 1685, p. 418-422.
'McMahon, p. 251. ' ^' . Archives (Ass. Pro. 1671) p. 311.
THE FIRST CAPITAL 23
data, obtained through laborious and exhaustive research, and
appHed with painstaking care, the outHnes of the City, and
the location of its public, as well as its more prominent private
lots and buildings, have thus been happily preserved.
The plain upon which the City of Saint Mary's stood,
was about a mile square, the limit prescribed by its charter,
with a water front made extensive by the many and acute
meanderings of the river. This plain was broken by two
creeks making into it from the river — Saint John's and Key's
(the latter now a small ravine) — and upon the^ peninsular
plateau which they formed, and bounded on the northeast and
southwest respectively, and which contained about one hun-
dred acres, were erected the public buildings of the Province,
and it became the more thickly settled part of the town. On
this plateau the houses, which "passed through the various
stages of architectural transition", from the log cabin to the
substantial frame and l)rick building, were scattered irregu-
larly, the lots being unsymetrically arranged, of irregular size,
and large, none of them being less than a quarter of an acre,
and many of them large enough for extensive grounds, and
gardens sufficiently capacious to supply the needs of the
household.
II may be proper to preface a more detailed account of the
improvements at Saint Mary's, with the general statement
that they consisted of its fort, or palisado, which, though a
rude structure compared with those of more modern date, was
solidly built and well enough mounted to protect the inhabi-
tants against the warfare of that day ; its massive and dignified
State House, with its thick walls, tile roof, and paved floors ;
its stout jail, with its iron-barred windows; its market house,
warehouses, and several ordinaries; its unique brick chajjel,
the victim of the Roman Catholic persecution of later times;
its quaint Protestant church; its pretentious and fortress-like
executive mansion ; which, with its offices, private houses, and
shops— of varied architectural design— numbering, it is said,
about sixty, and scattered over the elevated, but level plain,
studded, we are told, with primeval forest trees, constituted
the picturesque little metropolis of early Maryland.
24 COLO X I A L M A R Y L A X D
In 16^)4, an Act was passed under which all houses there-
after erected, had to be not less than twenty feet square, and
two-and-a-half stories high, with brick chimneys/
Of the streets which traversed the town, but two have
been definitely located, which, with the broad river beach.
seem to have formed the principal thoroughfares of the City —
the one running northwest and southwest from the State House
to Saint Inigoe's Creek, and known as "Middle Street" : the
other, northeast and southwest from "Saint Mary's Hills'"
to the southwestern extremity of the town, and known as
•'Mattapany Street"."
The first improvement of a public character made at
Saint Mary's (excepting the temporary buildings designed for
storing the common supplies of provisions for the colonists),
was "Saint Mary's Fort". It was erected in 1634, and w:as
located on a small bluflf, at the mouth of "Key's Creek", or
branch, on the north side of the creek, and immediately be-
tween Governor Leonard Calvert's lot and the chapel land.'
This location indicates that it was intended as a place of
rendexvous and protection against Indian invasions, rather
than as a fortification of the town against naval attacks, it
being guarded from incursions of so formidable a character by
"Fort Saint Inigoe's", situated a short distance below. The
colonists, at the time the fort was built, were in the midst of
erecting their houses, but becoming alarmed by the war-like
attitude of the Indians (excited by the intrigues of Clayborne),
they ceased building, and at once set to work to erect a fort
for their better security, which, it is recorded, they completed
in about six weeks *
'Archives (Ass. Pro. 1664) p. 539.
■See grant to Mary Throughton, Liber i, p. 67; Robert Carvile, ct
ai. Liber 20. p. 269; Elizabeth Raker to Charles Carroll. Council Book,
11. I^ No. 2, p. 150.
Mt has been stated that it stood on the bluff on the south side of
Key's Creek. This is an error. See patent to Leonard Calvert. Liber i ;
p. 117; and deed from Thomas Copley to C. Fenwick. Liber 1, p. iji ;
-ee also Archives (Ass. Pro. 1638) ji. 78.
* Relation, 16.14.
T II E [< I R S T C A i' I T A L -5
Governor- Leonard Calvert described it as "a pallizado of
one hundred and tvventie yards square, with fower flankes",
mounted with one piece of ordnance and six murderers, placed
in parts most convenient — "a fortification sufficient, we think,
to defend against any such weake enemies as we have reason to
expect here",^ but the Relation, 1634, says, they had "ftnir
murderers and seven pieces more to mount forthwith"/
The manner of its construction, the records have left in
obscurity. Traditionary history, however, says, it consisted
of a large, log block-house and magazine, protected by stock-
ades and ramparts of earth. Intrenchments, still visible,
indicate that this may be correct as to the earthen parapets,
and, since the colonists were engaged, while at Saint Clement's,
in "cleaving pales for a palisado", it is not improbable that
the stockade was also a feature of it. That the building
within was of considerable size, is sustained by the fact, that in
it most of the public business of the Province was transacted,
prior to 1638, and that tlie first three sessions of the General
Assembly were held there, one of which contained ninety
members.
In 1638, an Act was passed for the building of a "town
house" at Saint Mary's. Of the style and location of this
building (if erected), nothing is known, and it is merely re-
ferred to as illustrating the method deemed most available at
that time, of getting whatever buildings of a public nature,
which the colony needed. Th'e Act provided, that ."every
housekeeper should be contributory to said building, either
in stuff, workmanship, labor, or tobacco, in such manner
* 'Maryland Historical Society Fund Pub. No. 35. P- 21.
" Among the papers recently purchased by the Maryland Historical
Society, from Mr. John Roland Phillips, is a letter from Governor
Leonard Calvert to his London partner. Sir Richard Lech ford, dated,
Point Comfort. May 30th, 1634, and which is of special value as show-
ing the dimensions of Fort Saint Mary's— a fact liitherto unknown. As
described by him, it was "one hundred and twentie yards square, with
fower flankes," and was mounted with "one piece of ordnance'' and six
"murderers." Another paper in the above mentioned collection of much
general historic interest, is "A brief relation of the voyage unto ^L-lry-
land," supposed to have been written by Father White, and which was
26 COLONIAL MARYLAND
and after such rates proportionally to each man's personal
estate".'
Adjoining the Fort, on the south and east, was "Saint
Mary's Chapel yard", while on the north and west was the
land of Governor Leonard Calvert.' The latter, when first
laid out, was a large lot, known as "Governor's Field", and
embraced a considerable part of the little plateau before men-
tioned.'
After the death of Governor Calvert, Margaret Brent, his
executrix, assumed to make sale of this property to Governor
William Stone, who occupied it as his residence while Gover-
nor of the Province; but, in 1659, William Calvert, son and
heir of Governor Leonard Calvert, and in England at the
time of his father's death, through proceedings in the Provin-
cial Court, recovered possession of the house of his father at
Saint Mary's.* Subsequently the lower, or northern, part of
sent as a supplement to the above letter. Both of the documents de-
scribe the location of Saint Mary's as being half a mile from the river.
The fact that the first Provincial Capital was immediately on the river,
the State House lot, indeed, being bounded on two sides by it, leaves no
room for doubt, that what was meant' was, that the site of the town was
that far distant from the place of landing, just as the Relation must
have referred to the place of landing, rather than the place of settle-
ment and to Saint Mary's Harbor, rather than the river, when it stated
that the village of Yaocomico was on one side of the river, and the
Maryland settlement on the other — a. physical impossibility, since the
site of Yaocomico and Saint Mary's were one and the same. The dis-
tance from the place of landing to the site of the town, as given in these
two documents, is just half of that which it was stated to l)e in the
Relatio Itineris.- They were, probably, all rough estimates only, as
was the estimate of the acreage of Saint Clement's Island, as stated in
Rflatio Itineris, for the cnrroctinn nf which sec page 12, see also'
page 20.
'.Archives (Ass. Pro. 1638) \i. 78; Bozman. p. ,y.
' Liber t, p. 1 19-121. -
'The patent for this land was dated August 1,3, 1O41. It was
bounded on the west by the River, on the north by the Bay, on tlie east
by Mill (Saint Johns) Creek to a distance oi 47 perches above the Alill.
and where Saint Peter's and the Chapel land meet and on tlie south by
a line drawn from thence to the River. Liber i, p. 121.
'See Note.- Chapter 111.
THE FIRST CAPITAL
27
this lot came into the possession of Huo;h Lee, and at a hiter
date it was purchased by the Province of Maryland.
Of the architecture of the Calvert House, but little is
known. In the inventory of his estate, however, it is de-
scribed as a "large frame building", and the site it occupied
is still pointed out. This places it. about one hundred yards
from the Fort, about two hundred and fifty yards from the
river, and about the same distance from Middle Street, on
which it fronted.'
Lower down the plateau, on the same side .of Middle
Street, and nearly adjoining the Calvert lot on the northwest,
was the Lee Residence before mentioned, and which embraced
the whole of the lower end of the plateau. In 1662, this
property was purchased by the Province, for a "Government
House", at a cost of twelve thousand pounds of casked
tobacco,'^ and was used as such until 1676, when new public
buildings were erected. This was the first real estate ever
owned by the Province of ^Maryland, and that part of the lot
known as "Saint Mary's Bluff", became the site of its first
State House and other public buildings. The house (in
accordance with the custom of the times) was used also as an
"ordinary".'' The lessee was Lieutenant William Smith, and
one of the conditions of the lease was, that he plant on that
part of the lot set apart for him, three acres, "forty apple or
pear trees".^ It was known ^s "Smith's Town House".*
(Jf this building, prominently as it was connected with the
history of the times, nothing remains except the depression
which marks the spot where once it stood — about three hun-
dred yards from the river — and a few scattered, moss-covered
bricks, the more durable fragments of its historic ruins.
That part of the "Country's lot" which lay between
Smith's Town House and Middle Street, was the residence of
Mark Cordea.- On the lot he also appears to have had a shoe
^ In 1707, this property was in the possession of George Parker, in
right of his children, hy his wife, then deceased, the daughter of Gabriel
Parratt. Rent Rolls, Saint Mary's.
"Archives (Ass. Pro. 1662) p. 455. '' Ibid. 1666. p. 2q.
* Kilty, p. 220. ' Ibid.
28 COLONIAL MARYLAND
shop. This property subsequently became the residence of
Colonel William Digges, Secretary of the Province. Adjoin-
ing it on the northwest, and fronting on Middle Street, was
the residence of John Baker, and subsequently of Attorney
General Charles Carroll. The lot contained one and a quarter
acres, and in the house, when owned by John Baker, several
sessions of the Council were held. Near this lot, on the
northwest, and fronting on the same street, was the "\an
Sweringen Tavern", owned by Garrett Van Sweringen.
Northwest of this lot, fronting on the same side of this street,
were the Law Chambers, owned by Robert Carvile, Christo-
pher Rousby, and Robert Ridgely. The lot contained one
acre, and was granted in 1679 ; it was called "Triple Con-
tract". Between this and the State House lot, on the same
side of the street, were the lots of Nicholas Painter and Cap-
tain John Quigley ; the latter, lying nearest the State House,
being one of the taverns of the town. Each of them con-
tained one acre.
JiOrdering on the river, and running up to the three last
mentioned lots, was the lot on which stood the Secretary's
Office, Council Chamber, and "Saint Mary's Room". This
was one building; it was erected in 1664, and at a later period
was referred to as the "Old Court House". In the Council
Chamber the first General Assembly under the royal govern-
ment in Maryland was prorogued in May, 1692, after which
it repaired to the State House. Bordering on the river, also.
and lying between the Secretary's Office and Smith's Town
House, was the home of Daniel S. Jenifer, Clerk of the Pro-
vincial Court.. The lot contained four acres, and, as directed
by the order for the grant, was not to be "layed out soe neare
the Ordinary House or Secretary's Office as to prejudice evthcr
the Office or the Ordinary's orchard or garden".^
'As the authorities for the above have to be largely used conjunc-
tively, they are given ifi the following order: Archives, Pro. CI. 1686,
p. .351 ; Ibid, 1684. p. 301 ; Council Book No. 2 p. 150; Archives, Pro. CI.
1678, pp. 178. 201, 20.^, 204, 205, 207; Ibid, 1692, p. 420; Liber No. 20, pp.
2rio. 269: .Xrchivcs, Pro. .^ss. 1678, p. 32; Ibid, 1664, p. 539; Ibid. 1666.
I). 34; ll>id. 1676, p. 482^ Archives, Pro. Q. 1678, p. 174; Archives, Pro.
.\ss. 1692, p. 349; Ibid, 1666, p. 123; Resurvey of "Governor's Field."
in 1754, now in possession of the author.
THE FIRST CAPITAL 29
At the end- of Middle Street was the State House lot,
called "Saint Mary's Bluff", containing about three acres,
and which embraced \he entire end of the plateau forming the
northwestern extremity of the town. The bluff, by an abrupt
descent of about twenty feet, terminates in a broad, sandy flat,
and thence into a long point, on which stood, it is said, the
town wharf and warehouses, the latter occupying the flat
immediately below the bluff, and between it and the wharf.
About ninety feet from the summit of the bluff stood the
State House. It was a strikingly beautiful situation, and
commanded an extensive view of the town, the river, and the
surrounding country; and to those approaching the City,
either by land or water, it formed a prominent and picturesque
feature of the landscape.
The Act under which the State House was erected, was
passed in 1674, and the building was completed in October,
1676. The contractor was Captain John Quigley, and the
contract price for it, and a jail, was 330,000 lbs. of tobacco, of
which Saint Mary's City contributed 100,000 lbs. The State
House was forty-five feet long and fifty feet deep. An en-
closed two-story "porch" in front, "12 by 16 feet in the
clear" and a corresponding wing in the rear for the stairwav.
"16 by 16 feet in the clear", gave it a cruciform shape. The
main building was two-and-a-half stories high ; the porch and
stairway wing being two stories only. It was all built of dark,
red vitrified brick, with walls twenty-eight inches thick to the
"water table", which was three feet high and "shelving",
and twenty-four and nineteen inches thick in the first and
second stories, respectively, with steep roof, covered with tile,
from the centre of which shot up an iron spire," with ball,
supporting near its top a vane, on which was inscribed,
"1676", the date of its erection. The lower floor of the
main building, contained at first, no divisions, and is referred
to as "Saint Mary's Hall". The floor of this hall was 'paved
with brick; its ceiling was twelve feet high, and entrance to
' Captain Randolph Jones, anthor of "The Buccaneers," and who
died a few years since at an advanced age, informed the author that lie
30
COLONIAL MARYLAND
it from the porch, was obtained through a door ten feet high
and five feet wide. The second story contained three rooms,
and, in 1682. the lower floor was divided by a brick partition,
into two halls for the accommodation of the Upper and Lower
Houses of Assembly.
The first and second stories were lighted by eight win-
dows, with "double lights and transoms", those below being
"eight feet high and four feet wide", and those above, "five
feet high and two-and-a-half feet wide". The openings in
the porch consisted of a central arch "six feet wide and
eleven feet high" (extending from the "keystone" to the
floor), and two smaller arches on the "sides above the
bentles", the second story having one window immediately
over the central arch. The opposite wing contained an oak
"half pace" stairway, that extended to the "attic", and
which had a window upon each "half pace of the stairs".
By a singular coincidence, the State House was erected
without chimneys, owing to a controversy over the proposition
to allow it, in conformity with the custom of the times, to be
used as an Ordinary, or eating-house, the opposing and pre-
dominant faction, in order to make this impracticable, caused
them to be omitted altogether. In 1678, however, three out-
side chimneys were put up: one at each gable end, and one
at the rear of the stairway wing, and which, with a partition
in the stairway wing, cost 20,000 tbs. of tobacco. In 1682,
outside wooden shutters, and suitable furniture (tables and
formes) for the building, were ordered to be purchased.^ The
year previous, in order to avoid, the expense of maintaining a
distinctly remembered this old spire, and its dismal creek and twang.
It was about twelve feet high, and the hollow ,irou ball, which was near
the centre of the spire, was about two feet in diameter. After the State
House was pulled down, this ancient structure lay for some time unpro-
tected in the Church yai-d, at Saint Mary's. It ultimately disappeared,
most likely by the hands of the, "iron speculator," and has, probably,
long since been "scattered by the thousand winds of trade." O ! ye
sons of the times, where slept your vigils?
'Archives ,(Ass. Pro. 1674), p. 404'; Ibiii, 1678, pp. 27 and ,^j ; Ibid,
1682, pp. 299 and 300.
<J
w«
(■■V
THE FIRST CAPITAL 31
Drummer for the convening of the Assembhes and Provincial
Courts, a "public bell'" was ordered for the State House.'
In 1688, the northwest wing was ordered to be made five
feet deeper, and the fireplace ten feet wide in the first story,
and eight feet wide in the second, each to be provided with a
white oak mantel."
The accompanying picture of the State House, at Saint
Mary's, which the author of this work is happily able to here
present, was reproduced from one in his possession, and which
it is believed, is the only one extant, or indeed,- which ever
existed of this old memorial of colonial times, and which, at
the time it was built, was not only the "architectural glory"
of Maryland, but, perhaps, the finest specimen of architecture
in America. The engraving was taken from a mechanical
drawing, made from actual measurements of its earth-covered
foundation, but excavated for the purpose, and from the spec-
ifications set out in the Act of Assembly* authorizing the
building to be erected, defining its dimensions, character, and
style, and which was, in effect, the contract between the Prov-
ince and the builder — Captain John Quigley. The iron spire
was not a part of the original contract, and its size could
only be approximately determined from an early written de-
scription of it, and from data obtained from persons who dis-
tinctly remembered it, both while it was on the building and
^ This is probably the bell at Georgetown College, and which is
supposed to have belonged to the little chapel at Saint Mary's. The
State House bell is the only one of the kind, which the records mention
as being at Saint Mary's, and the one at Georgetown, bearing the date
of the purchase of the State House bell, leads to the conclusion that it
is the same one. The tone of the bell is exceedingly sweet, and the
appliances for hanging and ringing it, very curious. The handsome
English-walnut, elliptical-shaped table, known as -the "Council table,"
and which stood in the Council room in the State House, is also at
Georgetown College, where it was taken a few years ago, from Saipt
Inigoe's Manor. It is well preserved, and is an exceedingly 'interesting
relic.
= Archives (Ass. Pro. 1681) p. 144. 'Ibid. 1688, p. 223.
* Archives (Ass. Pro. 1674) p. 404.
32 COLONIAL MARYLAND
after the latter was pulled down/ This picture has never
before been presented to the public, except that, in 1894, on the
occasion of the celebration of the two hundredth anniversary
of the removal of the Capital from Saint Mary's to Annapolis,
permission was given the Baltimore Sun to print a wood cut
of it in connection with its account of those ceremonies.
On the "State House Square", about seventy, feet dis-
tant, stood the historic "Old Mulberry" tree, under whose
broad, spreading branches the first colonists of Maryland
assembled, and under which, also, traditionary history says,
the first mass at Saint Mary's was celebrated, and the treaty
between Governor Calvert and the Yaocomico Indians was
made. Of this venerable tree, whose mass of foliage con-
tinued for two hundred years afterward to crown the State
House promontory, it is further recorded, that "on it were
nailed, the proclamations of Calvert and his successors, the
notices of punishments and fines, the inventories of debtors
whose goods were to be sold, and all notices calling for the
public attention." Within comparatively recent years even,
curious relic hunters were able to pick from its decaying trunk,
the rude nails which there held the forgotten State papers of
two centuries and more ago.'
I This aged tree had watched over the City in its infancy ;
in its development and prosperity, and in its pride and glory,
as the metropolis of Maryland ; it had seen it stripped of its
prestige and its honors, and lose its importance and its rank ;
it had witnessed its battle with adversity and its downfall and
decline, and it had mourned the departure of nearly every
symbol of its existence and memorial of its glory, which,
under the winning game of time, had one by one, faded and
passed away ; and still it stood — stood as a "silent sentinel of
time, whose watchword is death" — stood "daily distilling the
dews of Heaven" upon the sacred ground around it — stood,
sheltering the generations of men who were buried beneath its
* The late Doctor Alexander Jones, in Leonardtown Herald, in 1840,
and the late Doctor John M. Bromc. and Captain Randolph Jones.
* Bryant, p. 504.
THE FIRST CAPITAL 33
luxuriant shade — stood telling the story of the first Capital of
Maryland, and marking the spot where once it was — stood
until 1876, when, like the almost forgotten City — the compan-
ion of its prime — its time-worn and shattered trunk laid down
to rest. I
About fifteen feet northeast of the State House, stands
what is called the "Calvert Vault", and which is said to con-
tain the remains of Governor Leonard Calvert, Lady Jane
Calvert, wife of Charles Lord Baltimore, and Cecelius Calvert,
their oldest son,^ but it is highly probable that it is the Copley
and not the Calvert vault. The tradition is certainly incorrect
as to Lady Jane Baltimore, who died in England and was
buried at "Saint Giles", on the 24th of January, 1701,* and
from the fact that no allusion was made to it as the place of
Governor Calvert's interment, or even to the existence of a
vault, at the time the lot on which it stands was purchased
for State purposes (fifteen years after his death), it is fair to
assume that he, also, is not buried there. It is, however, a
matter of record, that the first Royal Governor of Maryland,
Lionel Copley, and Lady Copley, his wife, are both buried at
Saint Mary's, and in a vault which was built by order of the
State, at the State's expense, and presumably, upon the State's
property.
On July 27th, 1694, it having been made known "to his
Excellence, that the bodies of the late Governor Copley and
his Lady, deceased, lye still at the Great House", and "con-
fessing it was expected an order would have been received for
carrying them by some man-of-war to England", it was or-
dered by the Council, "that they be interred in a vault, to be
built for the purpose, at Saint Mary's, and that the ceremony
'Stanley, in Pilate and Herod, p. 16 says: "About thirty or more
years ago (1823), (for I write from memory of a vestry record, and a
verbal explanation or statement, made to me by a then vestryman of the
Parish, the late Richard Thomas, of Saint Mary's, a worthy man) some
young men, while under the influence of liquor, broke into this vault,
forced open a leaden coffin, and discovered the corpse of a lady, sup-
Genealogist, vol. I.
34
COLONIAL AI A R Y L A N D
be performed by the next Provincial Court, with all the decency
and grandeur the Constitution and circumstances of affairs will
admit of, and that three brass guns, being all that's to be had.
be in readiness, and also the militia of adjoining parts"/ Pur-
suant to this order, the interment took place October 5, 1694.'
On the north side of the State House lot, and on the
declivity facing Saint John's Creek, stood the jail. It was
erected in 1676; was two stories high, twenty- four feet long
and fifteen feet wide, in the clear, with ceilings nine feet high,
and was built of brick, with tiled roof and paved floor. It had
three windows, each having "three iron bars upright and two
across", into which the upright bars were wrought.^ Below
the jail was "Gallows-green", the property of Richard May.
Chief Clerk to the Secretary, and which, as first granted, says
the record, extended beyond the "gallows", and across the
plateau as far as the "great white mulberry tree".* This,
however, subsequently became a part of the State House lot.
On the northeast side of Middle Street, adjoining the
Siate House lot, and extending through it to Saint John's
Creek, was the lot on which stood the famous hostelry, known
as "Jellie's Tavern"." It was built of brick; was about
thirty-five by forty-five feet, and was two-and-a-half stories
high. The walls and chimneys of this building were standing
within the recollection of a few very old people living up to a
recent period, and its site is still pointed out, near that of the
present rectory of Trinity Church. It was owned and operated
by Robert Jellie, and from the following proceedings taken
against it, by the Council, in 1686, it may be inferred that in
posed to be Lady' Ann Calvert, adorned with trinkets of gold and such a
dress as denoted her rank." It may be added that these young men
were most proba1)ly influenced by curiosity, rather than drink, as
would appear from tlie following interesting letter written only a
few days after the occurrence, by one of the participants. It should
also be noted, that Lady Ann Calvert was never in Maryland. She-
died in London, in 1649.
' CI. Pro. H. D. 2, p. 43. ' Ibid, p. 65.
Governor Copley left three children, two sons and one daughter. —
Ibid, p. 98.
'Archives (Ass. Pro. 1674) P- 406. ^,
* Liber 16, p. 504, Land Office. ''Re-survey, 1723.
THE FIRST CAPITAL 35
its latter day's, its reputation for order and sobriety became
somewhat tarnished :
"It is considered by this Board, that the House wherein
Robert JelHe keeps Ordinary at the City of Saint Mary's, is
very inconvenient and prejudicial to the public, for that at the
time of Provincial Court, the Jury, attorneys and suitors are
at said House often detained and disordered, * * * and said
House being also near the State House, wherein the Public
Offices of the Province are kept, the Clerks of said offices are
often found to frequent said House, by which means there is
great occasion to suspect that the public affairs of the Province
are much impeded by reason of said Ordinary. * * * This
Board does, therefore, represent the same as a Public grievance
to the Mayor and Aldermen of said City, in order to have the
same suppressed".^
In the ravine, below this tavern, was located the "Town
Spring".
Adjoining the tavern lot on the east, fronting on Middle
Street, and extending through to Saint John's Creek, was the
residence of Philip Lynes, Mayor of Saint Mary's City at the
time of the removal of the Capital to Annapolis," and adjoin-
ing it on the east, was the traditional site of the Protestant
Episcopal Church. It is alleged that Trinity Church, on
^Archives (CI. Pro.) pp. 494, 498.
Among the tavern keepers at Saint Mary's, from time to time, may
be mentioned, William Smith, Robert Ridgely, John Baker, Garrett Van
Sweringen, and John Quigley, the two latter being partners. Ordinaries
were regularly licensed, and were subject to stringent laws, both as to
accommodations and rates. At Saint Mary's, each innkeeper was re-
quired to have at least twelve feather beds, and to provide stable room
for at least twenty horses, and was limited to the following" charges:
Lodging in bed with sheets, 12 pence ; diet, i shilling per meal ; brandy,
malaga, and sherry, 10 shillings per gallon; canary, 12 shillings; French,
Renish, Dutch, and English wines, 6 shillings; Mum, 3 shillings; plain
cider, 25 and boiled cider, 30 tbs. tob. per quart. Archives (Ass. Pro.
1666-1676) pp. 295, 40;, 554, and Ibid, 1682, p. 429; Archives (CI. Pro.
1672) p. 118, and Ibid, 1692, p. 420.
"Re-survey, 1723; Scharf, i, p. 347.
36 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Trinity (Smith's) Creek, six miles below, erected in 1642,^
and probably the first Protestant church built by the Maryland
colonists, was moved to Saint Mary's,'' and located, according
to tradition, in the "Creek lot", close by the old graveyard,
now crowned with cedar and holly trees. It being most prob-
ably a wooden structure, and the State House at an earl>
date having been dedicated to Protestant worship, the history
of this little church appears to have passed away with its
usefulness. That there was, however, a Protestant church at
Saint Mary's at an early period, is clearly established,^ and of
its architecture, it is also known that it had an "arched ceil-
ing", after the design of which the State House ceiling was
subsequently modeled.*
Adjoining the church lot on the east, stood the residences
of John Llewelyn and Philip Evens. Of these houses little is
known ; the records, as well as tradition, being silent, both as
to their character and size, except that the former furnishes a
scant notice of the home of Clerk of the Council, John Llew-
elyn," from which it may be inferred that it was a house of
comfortable proportions.
A little further east, and near the point where ^^lill Creek
falls into Saint John's, stood the town water mill, erected in
1635. The mill site and lot contained nine acres. It was
built by Thomas Cornwaleys, who having completed it, pro-
ceeded, as he said, to "build a house to put my own head in".
In 1723, it had ceased to be operated, and the "old dam",
remains of which are still visible, was all that was then left of
its ruin."
It is worthy of note, that this was not only the first
water mill set up in Maryland, but was one of the earliest in
^ Allen, Who Were the Early Settlers of Maryland.
• Butler, p. 23.
'See statement of Governor Seymoure in trial of Father Brooke,
Scharf, i, p. 369.
*See Extracts from William & Mary Parisli Records, in Whitting-
ham Library, by Allen.
"Archives (CI. Pro. 1684) p. 308; Re-survey, 1723.
"Relation, 1635; McSherry, p. 57 ; ^Re-survey, 1723.
THE FIRST CAPITAL 37
America, and was one of the few in the country whicli was
erected as a private enterprise, rather than by public contri-
bution.*
In 1639, the Assembly authorized another mill to be built
at Saint Mary's, the cost not to exceed 20,000 lbs. of tobacco,
to be raised by general taxation." As the assessment, how-
ever, for this mill appears not to have been made, it is highly
probable that it was never erected.
The records also speak of a "wind mill" at Saint
Mary's, the property of Major General Edward Gibbons,
and purchased by Lord Baltimore, in 1656, for iioo sterling,
and which, he directed, should be specially cared for and
improved.^
Between the mill lot and Middle Street was the traditional
site of "Market Square". Under the charter, a "market"
was to be held weekly ; the town officers also being authorized
to hold an "Annual Fair", to which the ancient Court of
"Piepoudrea"* was to be ^n incident.
On the south and east side of the Fort was the "Chapel
land". It extended from Key's Creek, across the plateau to
the fresh of Saint John's (above tide-water, called MillJ
Creek. The Chapel itself, stood near the intersection of
"Middle" and "Mattapany" Streets, fronting northeast, and
on the former street. It was a brick building, and, judging
from its foundation lines (visjble until a recent period), it
' Improvements of this character were of slow growth at that time.
The first water mill in Massachusetts was built in 1633, five years after
the colony had settled. The same year a saw mill was erected near
London, but it was deemed a machine which would deprive the laboring
people of employment and it was demolished. — Bozman.
''Bozman, p. 156. 'Archives (Pro. CI.) p. 3^6.
*The lowest— and at the same time the moste.xpeditious Court of
Justice known to the law of England, is the Court of Piepoudrea, curia
pedis pulveri cati, so called from the dusty feet of the suitors, or accord-
ing to Sir Edward Coke, because justice is there done as speedily as dust
can fall from the foot. It was held at markets so that attendants on the
markets might have their causes heard and determined expeditiously,
and thus no loss of time by the delays of the law. Blackstone. vol.
III. p. 31.
38 COLONIAL MARYLAND
was about eighteen by thirty feet. Over the altar, was a
carved representation of clouds/ and of the flames of Pente-
cost.* The exact date of its erection has not been ascertained,
but it was prior to 1638,^ and it was undoubtedly (barring the
little wigwam fitted up by Father White, and called by him
the "first Chapel in Maryland") the first church built by the
Maryland colonists.
It has been suggested, in proof of the harmony and con-
cord existing between the Protestants and Roman Catholics in
^Maryland at that time, that this Chapel was built by their
joint contributions, and used in common between them, where
"each at his appropriate hour might offer up his sacrifice to
the Most High"* — a theory which seems to be sustained by
the records of the times.
That "the Chapel'' was the early place of worship for
the Protestants in and around Saint Mary's Ci*:y, is clearly
established by the records in the proceedings against William
Lewis, showing the complainants on their way to "the
Chapel, July ist, 1638, to procure the signatures of the
Protestants there assembled, to their petition asking for
protection and redress";"* and also by the case against
Doctor Thomas Gerrard, for "taking away the key of the
Chapel", and removing the books there used in Protestant
worship." It is equally clear, that this Chapel was also the
Roman Catholic place of worship during the same period.
Apart from the fact that the church and lot belonged to the
Jesuit Priest in charge at Saint Mary's,' the Roman Catholic
^ Bryant, p. 498.
" Fragments of this altar piece may still be seen at Georgetown Col-
lege ; the altar stone, chalice, and paten are at Woodstock College.
^See proceedings against Lewis. 'Day Star, p. 34.
'Archives (Pro. Ct. 1638) p. 35.
"Archives (Ass. Pro. 1^42) p. 119.
'The Chapel lot was first surveyed for Mr. I'erdinand Poulton, a
Jesuit Priest, officially known as Father Brock, and who was accidently
shot while crossing the Saint Mary's River. The patent, however, was
obtained by Mr. Thomas Copley, a Jesuit' Priest, known officially as
Father Philip Fisher. It contained twenty-five acres, and was bounded
THE FIRST CAPITAL
39
graveyard there was "ye ordinary burying place in Saint
Mary's Chapel Yard".^
If, however, the Protestants acquired any rights to the
use and occupation of this Chapel by reason of having con-
tributed to the cost of its construction or otherwise, they were
relinquished at an early date, and it became exclusively a
Roman Cathohc Church.
In April, 1641, the Chapel lot and buildings were pur-
chased by Governor Calvert, for the Proprietary, for £200
sterling.* Why this purchase was made, is one of the many
mysteries and obscurities in Maryland's early history, which
the records fail to elucidate.
In 1683, the Proprietary, having disposed of a part of the
Chapel land, ordered that such quantity as was deemed neces-
sary for the "Chapel and burying place at the City of Saint
Mary's", be supplied from some other of his Lordship's land
lying contiguous thereto.*
By the Act of 1704, to "prevent the growth of Popery in
Maryland", the celebration of mass in this Chapel, in common
with other Roman Catholic churches in the Province, was
prohibited. In September of that year, two priests, Robert
Brooke and William Hunter, were arraigned before Governor
Seymour, on the charge of holding service in Saint Mary's
Chapel, contrary to law. It being, says the record, their
"first ofifence", they were "dishnissed with a mere repri-
mand", but one, it should be said, which was singularly con-
spicuous for its arrogant tone and intolerant spirit. By advice
of the Council, the Governor at the same time issued an order,
directing the sheriif of the county to lock up the "Popish
Chapel at the City of Saint Mary's" and "keep the key
as follows; "on the east by Saint Peter's; south by Gile's Brent's land;
west by Key's Branch, and north by a line drawn from Key's Branch, at
the 'Vayle,' to the brook where Saint Peter's ends, being about forty-
five perches above the Mill."— Liber i, pp. 32 and 117; Shea, .pp. .^'^
and 55.
*Will of John Loyd, 1658; Day Star, p. 34.
"Archives (Pro. CI.) pp. 136 and 143; Ibid, (Pro. Ct.) pp. 217. 243,
263 and 266.
''Kilty, p. 123.
40 COLONIAL MARYLAND
thereof", "and that no person presume to make use thereof
under any pretense whatever".' Thus, under this order,
issued September 19th, 1704, this, the first church erected
by the Pilgrims of Maryland, was forever closed to public
worship.
While the American Revolution swept away the legisla-
tion of the times against the Roman Catholics the title to this
property, had, in the meantime, become vested in others, and
the "Chapel land at Saint Mary's", where stood the first
Church of Rome, in Marylafid, was forever lost to the object
and purpose of its dedication. The Chapel building and fur-
niture, however, were taken to Saint Inigoe's, and the manor
house, erected in 1705, under the auspices of Father Ashby,
was built of the bricks taken from the old Chapel at Saint
Mary's.'
It is stated that further inland, in the littie ravine above
"Governor's Spring", "the first burial ground of the colony
was made, and where the Jesuit fathers placed the black cross
at the head of every christian grave".' Be this as it may,
certain it is, that the "Chapel yard" was "ye ordinary bury-
ing place" for Roman Catholics, as early as 1658' — an entirely
different location.
y • On the east side of Mattapany Street, and near the head
of "Governor's Run", stood what was probably the most
pretentious residence at Saint Mary's. It- was called the
"Governor's Castle". The lot on which it -stood was granted
in 1638, to Thomas Cornwaleys, and was called "Saint
Peter". The situation, while not as picturesque perhaps, as
some others, was nevertheless, an attractive one. The house
fronted the west, and commanded a pleasing view of both the
land and water. The records speak of this house as early as
1639," and in 1640, its substantial character and superior style
of architecture were deemed worthy of special note.*
' Scharf, I, p. 369; Shea, p. 354.
' Bishop Fenweck's Maryland ; Shea, p. 370.
' Bryant, p. 505. * Will, John Loyd, 1658 ; Day Star, 34.
M.il.cr I, p. 67. , s, "Bryant, p. 505.
THE FIRST CAPITAL
41
In 1664, It was owned by Philip Calvert, and later by
Lord Baltimore/ hy whom it was probably embellished, if
not enlarged. Even within the present century, the walls,
chimneys, and tiled cellar floor of this early colonial mansion,
were still partly standing, and the site, covered with frag-
ments of brick and tile, is still clearly discernible.
It was built of dark red brick, ornamented with black,
vwas square in general shape (about forty feet each way),
was two stories high, with arched brick porch in front, and
two large chimneys, which were near the centre of the build-
ing. A cellar, which extended under the whole structure,
was paved with square tile. A massive and high brick wall
enclosed the building and court," which, while adding doubt-
less to its imposing appearance, must have given to it much
the aspect of a fortification.
An eminent Maryland author,' in 1838, from details fur-
nished by living witnesses, of a time when this building and
its surroundings, while not, perhaps, in their pristine glory,
were still standing, wrote the following description of them:
''A massive building, of dark brick, two stories in height,
and penetrated by narrow windows looking forth, beyond the
fort, upon the river, constituted the chief member or main
body of the mansion. This was capped by a wooden balus-
traded parapet, terminating, at each extremity, in a scroll,
and in the middle, sustaining ah entablature that rose to a
summit on which was mounted a weathercock. From this cen-
tral structure, right and left a series of arcades and corridors
served to bring into line a range of subordinate buildings. * *
In the rear of the buildings, a circular sweep of wall and pail-
ing reached as far as a group of stables and sheds. Vanward.
the same kind of enclosures, more ornate in their fashion, shut
in a grassy court. * * * Ancient trees shaded the whole mass
of dwelling-houses, court and stables, and gave to the place
both a lordly and comfortable aspect. It was a pleasant
groupe of roof and bower, of spire and tree to look upon from
'Rent Rolls.
" Bryant, p. 505. ' Kennedy, Rob of the Bowl.
42 COLONIAL MARYLAND
* * * the fair village — city, studding the level plain with its
scattered dwellings."
This building may have been occupied by Charles, Lord
Baltimore, during the latter years of his residence in Mary-
land, but it does not appear to have been the "executive
mansion" of the Province, until the establishment of the
Royal Government in jMaryland, when it was used as such by
Sir Lionel Copley, the first Royal Governor,' and his suc-
cessors, and when it was probably given the name, by which
it was afterwards known, "Governor's Castle".
About twenty yards below the house was a spring, which
is still known as "Governor's Spring", and noted for its
abundant flow of pure, clear water.
On the opposite side of the ravine from the "Governor'^s
Castle", was the Throughton house, said to have been one -of
the finest private residences at Saint Mary's. The lot was
granted in 1639,^ and was improved by a capacious brick
building, one-and-a-half stories high, with steep roof and dor-
mer windows. This house was occupied by the Mackalls, and
later by the Bromes, until the early part of the last cen-
tury, when it was destroyed , by fire. The chimneys and
gables of the building now there are said to be constructed of
material saved from the ruin of its predecessor.
Adjoining Mrs. Mary Throughton's lot, on the east, was
"Courtney's Fancy", the residence of Thomas Courtney,
while still further inland were "Saint Mary's Hills", and
"Paris and Galloway", owned respectively, by Major Nich-
olas Sewall, and Attorney General Robert Carvile.''
On the opposite, or northerly, side of Mattapany Street,
and about two hundred and fifty yards from its intersection
with Mill Creek, was "Saint Barberry",'. the home of Attor-
ney General Robert Carvile, and subsequently of his daughter,
Mrs. Cecelius Butler.-
Adjoining "Saint Barberry" on the north, was the resi-
dence of John Lewger, the first Secretary of the Province. It
'Archives (Pro. CI. 1692) p. 382. ''Liber i, p. 67.
•'' Rent Rolls. , ^. * Resurvey, 1723.
THE FIRST C A I' i T A L 43
was called "SaiiH John", and stood on the bluff formed by
the union of Saint John's Creek with Saint Mary's Bay — a
commanding and singularly beautiful situation. The warrant
for "Saint John" was issued in 1637, and the patent in 1639.
As early as the nth of February, 1638, the records speak of
"our Secretary's house at Saint John", and on the 25th of
the same month, the General Assembly adjourned at Fort
Saint Mary's to meet at the "mansion house" there,^ which
' from that time, continued to be the place at which most
of the public business of the Province was transacted, until
the "Government House", heretofore mentioned, was pur-
chased.
W'lien Mr. Lewger returned to England, "Saint John"
was sold to Richard Bennett. In 1650, John Lewger, Jr.,
who remained in Maryland, and who, in 1648, when but
twenty years of age, was Clerk of the Assembly, secured the
historic home of his father, at Saint Mary's.* It was subse-
quently sold to Lord Baltimore, who ordered a large area of
adjacent land, lying within and beyond the limits of Saint
Mary's, to be added to it, the whole to be erected into a
manor, and to be granted to his son, Charles Calvert,' then
Governor of the Province. "Saint John" was the home of
Charles, Lord Baltimore, for about twenty years, and for a
period quite as long, nearly all of the meetings of the Council
of State were held there.* In 1684, when he visited Eng-
land, destined never to return to Maryland, the "mansion
house, orchard, and garden" were put in charge of William
Smith, of Saint Mary's."
Of this building, no traces are left to indicate its style or
character, except the still visible outlines of its cellar, and the
broken brick and tile which are commingled with the soil
around it. But repeated instances are furnished in which
Baltimore, during the sessions of the Assembly and Courts.
' Archives (Ass. Pro. 1638) pp. 28 and 32.
' Archives (Pro. Ct. 1650) pp. 66 and 70; Neil's Maryland, p. 72.
'Kilty, p. 95. 'Archives (Pro. CI. 1662-1684.)
* Kilty, p. 220.
44 COLONIAL MARYLAND
entertained there, for weeks at a time, a large number of per-
sons/ from which it may be inferred, that it was, at least, a
building of no inconsiderable proportions.
The residence of Speaker of the House, Kenelm Chesel-
dine, was called "East Saint Mary's". The house stood on
the north side of Chancellor's Creek, on a site now crowned
with trees and remnants of its ruin, and a little southeast of
the present dwelling on the property, which still bears its
original name. This building, which was standing less than
fifty years ago, was about thirty by thirty-five feet, was built
of brick, and was one-and-a-half stories high, with steep roof
and sharp dormer windows. "East Saint Mary's", was in
1639,* patented to Nathaniel Pope.^ It was subsequently
owned by Lord Baltimore, and later by Kenelm Cheseldine,
for several years Speaker of the Lower House of Assembly.
During the greater part of the time it was owned by Baltimore,
it was, by order of the Council, constituted the place of gen-
eral rendezvous for the militia, and was the "Port of Entry"
for Saint Mary's City.* "East Saint Mary's" is also historic
as the place at which the sessions of 1669 and 1671, of the
General Assembly were held.°
"The residence of Deputy Governor Giles Brent," stood
^As an illustration see Archives (Ass. Pro. 1674) P- 432.
"Liber i, p. 54.
" His daughter, Ann, married Colonel John Washington, the great-
grandfather of General Washington. — William & Mary Quarterly, 1893.
* Archives (2 Pro. CI.) pp. 23, 31, and 93.
* Archives (2 Ass. Pro.) pp. 156 and 239.
* Giles Brent came to Maryland in 1639 ; was appointed Treasurer,
and during the visit of Governor Calvert to England, in 1643, w^as com-
missioned Deputy Governor of the Province. He was the son of Richard
Brent, of Gloucester, England. He had a brother, Fulk Brent, and sis-
ters Margaret. Mary, Catherine, Elizabeth, Eleanor, Jane, and Ann. Of
these, Mary and Margaret, and his brother Fulk, came to Maryland with
him. It was this Mistress Margaret who was such a prominent figure in
early Maryland history. She was the executrix of Governor Leonard
Calvert, and represented Lord Baltimore in various important matters of
State, in all of which she displayed marked talent, courage, and ability.
She enjoys the distinction of having begn the first woman in America
THE FIRST CAJMTAL 45
on the cliff on" the south side of "Key's Branch". The lot
was patented to him in 1639, and fronted eighty perches on
the river. It was beautifully situated and was called the
"White House"/
Adjoining this lot on the south, was "Brent's Foi^e""
while still further south was the residence of Mistress Mar-
garet and Mary Brent. The latter lot was patented in 1639,'
and was called "Sisters' Freehold"/
Adjacent to this property on the south, was the residence
of Governor Thomas Green." It was patented in -1639, and
was called, at first, "Green's Rest''," and later, "Saint
Ann".
All of these houses stood near the river, and were located
in what is now known as the "Rectory Field". The site of
each, as well as the graded slope from the houses to the river,
can still clearly be seen.
The house of Governor Green — a two-story frame build-
ing, with brick gables, was occupied as late as 1820,' and its
(and, perhaps, in the world, if we accept the ingenius Portia, of dra-
matic fame), who exercised the rights of an attorney at law. The rec-
ords furnish repeated instances in which she appeared before the Courts
in that capacity. She was also a strong— and perhaps, the earliest— ad-
vocate of woman's suffrage, having demanded, not only a seat in the
General Assembly of Maryland, but a vote therein, both in her indi-
vidual capacity, and as the representative of the estate of Governor
Leonard Calvert. Two votes to one woman, however, was more than
even the gallantry of the sons of early Maryland could accord. Could
the wife of Governor Leonard Calvert— whose identity is still shrouded
in obscurity — have been one of the sisters of this notable woman? If so,
it would account for the high offices bestowed by him upon Colonel
Giles Brent, and the close bond of intimacy and apparent relationship
which existed between them.
'Kilty, p. 71; Rent Rolls. * Kilty, p. 71.
'Liber i, p. 32. *Deed, E. Clockcr. to J. Milburn. 1756.
"It is said by Browning that Thomas Green married Elizabeth a
sister of Governor Leonard Calvert. He had sons named Leonard,
Francis, Thomas, and Robert.— Davis, p. 182.
"Liber i, p. 42; Rent Rolls; Archives (2 Pro. Ct.) p. 337-
' By the father of the late Doctor John Mackall Brome. To Doctor
Brome, a most estimable man, and his venerable mother, both now
46 COLONIAL MARYLAND
brick chimneys were standing within the recollection of many
persons still living.
In the same general locality, but further inland, and
bordering on Saint Andrew's Creek and Saint Inigoe's Creek,
were, "Town Land", the residence of Robert Clark, Sur-
veyor General.' "Lewis' Neck", the residence of Lieutenant
William Lewis, subsequently of Daniel Clocker," "Van Swer-
ingen Point", the residence of Garrett Van Sweringen, subse-
quently of Clerk of Council, Robert Ridgely,* "Saint Peter's
Key", the residence of John Harris, subsequently of William
Goldsmith,* and "Cross Neck", the residence of Elizabeth
Baker, who devised it, in 1701, to William and Mary (P. E.)
Parish."
About midway between Robert Clark's and the intersec-
tion of Middle and Mattapany Streets, and near the latter
street, was one of the principal taverns of the City, in the
latter part of its history. It was owned by Garrett Van Swer-
ingen, in 1671, but was shortly afterward destroyed by fire.
It was rebuilt, however, and in 1698 was known as "The
Coffee House". He also owned, in 1698, the house at Saint
Mary's called "The Council Room"."
South of St. Andrew's Creek, and on the promontory
which formed the southern arm of Saint Mary's Harbor, was
the house of Chancellor Philip Calvert. It was known as
""The Chancellor's Point'" — the name it still retains. It was
a singularly commanding and beautiful situation, but nothing
remains, save the name and a few fragments of its ruin, to
deceased, whose residence at Saint Mary's had, together, covered nearly
a century of time, and, consequently, had seen much of the Old City
before ft crumbled to ruin, the author is indebted for much valuable
information and data, which could otherwise ■ only have been secured,
if at all, at the expense of enormous research and labor.
'Kilty. Mbid, Will of Benjamin Clocker.
'Patent, Land Office; Re-survey, 1710.
'Patent, Land Office; Rent Rolls.
'.Archives (Pro. CI. 1692) pp. 395 and 420; Re-survey; 1750; will of
Elizabeth Baker.
"Archives (Pro. CI. 1692) p. 420; will, Liber P. C. IIL
^ Patent.
THE FIRST CAPITAL 47
mark tlTe spot where once stood the historic home of Mary-
land's first Chancellor.
Adjoining "Cliancellor's Point" on the east, and border-
ing on Saint Inigoe's Creek, were "docker's Fancy" and
"Justice's Freehold", the residences respectively, of Daniel
Clocker and William Deakins/
Still further down the peninsula, was the Walstenholme
residence. This place is familiarly known as the home of the
"Collector", a position with which it was associated as late
as the American Revolution — Daniel Walstenholme, its owner,
and son of his predecessor in that office — being, until 1776,
Collector of the Potomac District.* The house, a capacious
frame building, with brick gables (and until recent years,
double-roofed and triangularly-capped dormer windows), and
finished with handsomely carved woodwork ornamenting both
ceilings and side walls, is still in good preservation. It stands
'to-day, the only monument of its time, and furnishes a hand-
some and interesting specimen of the style of architecture and
interior embellishment of that day. It occupies the summit
of the high, bold bluff at the juncture of Saint Inigoe's Creek
with the river, and commands an extensive and picturesque
view of both land and water, embracing in its sweep. Saint
George's Island, the broad Potomac, and the dim, mountain-
like lines of the distant Virginia shore. It is now the man-
sion house of the beautiful estate called "Rose Croft".'
*Deed, Elizabeth Clocker to John Milburn, 1756.
"This house, it is said by persons in position to know, retains its
original style of architecture, except, that about thirty years ago its pre-
cipitous roof and triangularly-capped dormer windows were removed,
and the present roof substituted. It is also worthy of note that this
house is frequently referred to as the home of "Anthony Warden, Col-
lector." No such person ever lived at Saint Mary's, or ever was the
Proprietary Collector in Maryland. The name was first introduced in
Maryland literature, by Kennedy, in his interesting legend of Saint
Inigoe's, 'Rob, of the Bowl,' which, while an historical novel of great
value, introduces its characters through fictitious names. Since the
above was written the Rose Croft house has been burned.
'Journal and Correspondence, Council of Safety, July. 1776; deed,
John Mackall to A. Livers Lee, 1810.
CHAPTER III
The First Capital of Maryland
'T^HE first General Assembly held in Maryland, met at Saint
Mary's, on the 25th of January, 1637.^ The Acts of
this session, Baltimore refused to approve, because, as he
claimed, the right to originate laws resided, under the charter,
exclusively in himself; the power of the Assembly being
limited to assent and dissent to such as he propounded.
The freemen of Maryland, convinced that they possessed equal
and co-ordinate rights, in matters of legislation, with the
Proprietary, with the courage of their conviction, vindicated
their position, by rejecting, at the next session of the Assem-
bly, the whole body of bills drafted and submitted by him for
their adoption, and enacted in their stead, a code which emi-
nated from themselves, though substantially the same as the
one that he had propounded. After this, the right of the
Assembly to initiate legislation was not contested, and the
right of the Proprietary was, in practice, limited to his veto.
This right he always retained the privilege of exercising per-
sonally, and, while the Governor of the Province was invested
with the power of assenting to or rejecting laws passed by the
Assembly, his assent only gave them efficacy until the Pro-
prietary's dissent was declared/
The freemen, successful in their opposition to what they
deemed an encroachment upon their charter /rights, thus
planted in Maryland, at the session of 1637, 'that germ of
liberty which underlies ^:he right of free self governmenJ>^'
* A Genera] Assembly was held in February 1635, but no record of
it remains, save some references to if made in subsequent statutes.
'McMahon, p. 145; Brown, pp. 35 and 44; Jobnson's Foundation of
^farvland.
THE FIRST CAPITAL
49
The Legislature consisted at first of one branch, and until
1639, was composed of the Council and all the freemen in the
Province, either in 'person or by proxy/ convened by procla-
mation and summons, with the Governor as its President. In
1639, burgesses were elected from every hundred, who with
the Governor and Council, composed the House of Assembly.
With this change from a primary to a representative Assem-
bly, two curious anomalies still existed — the one conceding to
the Governor the right to summons additional members at
will ; the other, the right of every freeman who failed to vote
for the burgess elected, to claim representation in person.
In 1650, the organization of an Upper and a Lower House
of Assembly was established ; the Governor, Council, and
those summoned by special writ, constituting the - Upper
House, and the burgesses elected, the Lower House. The
number of delegates to be elected was within the Governor's
discretion, and was regulated by the proclamation for the
election, usually from two -to four from each hundred (subse-
quently, each county), until 1681, when the number was
uniformly fixed, and reduced to two, which continued until
1692, when it was, for the first time, regulated by Act of
Assembly, and when the number was increased to four from
every county — a basis of representation which continued until
the Revolution."
It should here be said that the legislation enacted at
the little Capital of Saint Mary's, during the sixty-one years
in which it was the seat of Government, forms, to a great
^ Except the Jesuit priests. Fathers White, Althan and Copley, who
asked to be excused on the ground of "sickness." In England, clergy-
men were not eligible to membership in the House of Commons, not
because of their "clerical 6ffice," as those holy fathers perhaps assumed,
but because they were already sufficiently represented through the liish-
ops in the House of Lords. Ministers of the gospel were subsequently
permanently excused from service in the. General Assembly of Maryland,
the Legislature going to the extent even of holding that, "once in orders
always in orders", as in the case of John Coade in the Assembly of 1692.
In Maryland no clergyman has ever sat in the General Assembly, and
since 1776 it has been prohibited by constitutional provision, an exclusion
not found in any other state in the L'nion.
'McMahon, p. 147; Brown, p. 43; Doyle, p. 291; Scharf, 2, p. 28-'.
50
COLONIAL M A R Y L A X D
extent, the foundation and outlines of the present legal, civil,
and social structures of Maryland, and of some of its most
cherished institutions.
It was then and there, that the great struggle for popular
sovereignty, between the bold and courageous yeomanry of
Maryland and the Lord Proprietary was inaugurated, and
which resulted in setting upon a firm foundation, that prin-
ciple, which formed the basis of Maryland's early system
of free self-government, and which, "in process of time, and
course of events", developed into a reality, the sublime doc-
trine of constitutional liberty.
It was also, by the legislation then and there enacted,
that the famous "Toleration Act", giving legal sanction to
liberty of conscience, which shed such brilliant renown upon
the legislative annals of Maryland, won for it the name of the
"Land of the Sanctuary", and which extending to all who
believed in Jesus Christ, whatever their form of worship,
"shelter, protection, and repose", because engrafted by law
upon its government.
Though religious toleration had existed, in practice, in
Maryland, from its earliest settlement, it had never been made
the subject of legislative enactment, and to the General
Assembly, of 1649, does this, "the proudest memorial" of
Maryland's colonial history, belong. "Higher than all titles
and badges of honor, and more exalted than royal nobility",
is the imperishable distinction which the passage of this broad
and liberal Act won for Maryland, and for the members of
that never-to-be-forgotten session,, and sacred, forever, be the
hallozvcd spotzi'hich gave it birth!
But, besides being the historic battle field of Maryland's
early struggle for political freedom, and the scene of its first
legislative confirmation of religious peace, Saint Mary's pre-
sents in its history, as the capital and metropolis of the Prov-
ince, all "the glowing incidents and martial virtues" which
characterized and gave inspiration to that eventful and heroic
period — the period in Maryland history which has truly been
styled, "the golden age of its colonial existence": the period
THE FIRST CAPITAL 51
in which the foundation of its government was being broadly
and deeply laid ; the period of its great political turmoils and
religious agitations ; the period in which were the defiant
spirit and persistent rebellion of Clayborne ; the artful sedition
and destructive warfare of Ingle ; the reflex action upon
Maryland of England's parliamentary disturbances, resulting
in the usurpation of the Proprietary rights ; the turbulence
and ascendancy of the Puritan, whose reign was so conspicuous
for its political proscription of those who hospitably received
and generously treated them when outcast and holneless, and
of sectarian persecution of those who did not worship at the
altar of their shrine ; the repeated efforts of the Proprietary to
reduce them to subjection, beginning with the memorable
battle upon the Severn, and ending only with the turn of
affairs in England wliich took from them their moral support ;
the rise and fall of the intriguing and ambitious Fendall, the
Cromwell of IMarylandj the introduction of the printing press,
that emblem of liberty which was not found in any other
American colony ; the embroiling designs and the insurrection
of the apostate Coade; the Protestant revolution, in 1689;
the downfall of the Proprietary government ; the administration
of affairs by the representatives of the Crown, and the estab-
lishment of the Church of England, by law, in the Province^
all pass in review, and stand in "characteristic light and
shade"^ upon its historic panorama.
The year 1644 is conspicuous in the annals of Saint
Mary's, as the beginning of a series of dissensions in Mary-
land, in which the Provincial Capital was the theatre of
action, and which, with slight interruptions, continued to dis-
turb the peace of the Province for about sixteen years. In
November of that year Richard Ingle, who had shortly before
been arrested at Saint Mary's, for "treason", and had es-
caped, filled with revenge and burning for retaliation,, entered
the Saint Mary's River in command of the armed ship Refor-
mation. Finding much disturbance and divided sympathy in
the colony, over the contest then pending in England, between
* The Biicoaneers.
52 C O L O N I A L M A R Y L A N D
the King and Parliament, he met with but little difficulty in
exciting the disaffected to rebellion. This accomplished, he
invaded and seized the City, mutilated the records, pilaged
public and private property,' and drove Governor Calvert to
Virginia. Calvert, however, after much delay, gathered there
all available forces, and, pledging his own and Baltimore's
estates to pay them, crossed the Potomac, and after a short
and bloodless contest, regained the Provincial Capital."
But he did not long enjoy the fruits of his victory. . On
9th of June, 1647, and at the early age of forty," he died at
Saint Mary's, where his remains, it is said, still repose under
its revered and holy soil.
Of the life and character of Leonard Calvert, historians
have said but little. While there is no desire to detract
from the unfading lustre which they have accorded to the
Proprietaries of Maryland, truth and justice alike, demand
that of the pioneer Governor of the Province, and the
founder of Saint Mary's, it should here be said, that he,
who left his native land to lead the pilgrim colonists to
Maryland ; he who faced the perils and dangers, and stood
the heat and fire of storm and battle, which so often dark-
ened its early colonial days; he who first proclaimed and
laid in practice those fundamental principles which underlie
the priceless boon of liberty of conscience ; he, who, with
untiring energy, fidelity, and zeal, devoted the best years of
his life to the development and glory of Maryland, and to the
prosperity and happiness of its citizens ; he, whose undaunted
^ The case of Captain Thomas Cornwaleys, illustrates the rapacity
of Ingle's rule at Saint Mary's, and the extent to which private property
was pillaged. After Ingle's return to England, Cornwaleys sued him
there to recover £3000 damages, and alleged in his declaration, that he
had a comfortable dwelling house, furnished with plate, brass, pewter,
bedding, and linen hangings ; his plantation, also, being well stocked
with horses, cattle, swine, sheep and goats; and that Ingle took posses-
sion of his mansion, burned his fences, killed his swine, carried off his
horses and cattle, wrenched off the locks of his doors, and otherwise
greatly damaged his property. — Scharf, vol. i, p. 149.
' Bozman, p. 290; Brown, p. 60; Scharf, i, p. 149.
•Neil, p. 60.
THE FIRST CAPITAL
53
courage, wise and liberal statesmanship, and mild and gentle
government, are so closely associated with the foundation,
early growth, and permanent establishment of Maryland,
should stand upon the pages of history no less distinguished
and renowned, as long as valiant service to early Maryland
has an admirer, or civil and religious liberty a friend.
From the fact that the records of the Province, prior to
his death, make no mention of wife or children, and that his
brief, nuncupative will did not refer to them, Governor Cal-
vert has passed into history as having died a bachelor, but
recent investigation proves this to be an error, and that he
was not only married, but left children/
^ In Pro. Court Records, 1658-62, p. 459, etc., may be found the pro-
ceedings in the suit of the Lord Proprietary, guardian of William Cal-
vert (then in England), son and heir at law of Governor Leonard Cal-
vert, vs. Thomas Stone, son, and Valinda Stone, widow of Governor
'William Stone, for the recovery of Governor Calvert's house and lot,
at Saint Mary's, and which Stone, in 1650, had purchased of Margaret
Brent, executrix of Governor Calvert, under the supposition that she
had the power to convey it. — Archives (Pro. Ct. 1650) pp. 106 and 172
The verdict was for the "plaintiff for the land and costes" — thus estab-
lishing the fact of both marriage and issue. William Calvert came to
Maryland about 1662, where he held many positions of distinction, among
them Judge of the Testamentary Court, member of the Council, with
rank directly after the Chancellor and Secretary of the Province. He
was drowned in 1682.— Archives (Pro. CI. 1682) p. 366. His widow,
Madam Elizabeth Calvert, was living fn 1692.— Ibid, 1692, p. 492. She was
the daughter of Governor William Stone, and Valinda, his wife, the sister
of Thomas Sprigg, of Northampton, Prince George's County. William
Calvert left sons Charles, George, and Richard, and daughter, Elizabeth
who married, in 1681, James Neale, Jr., and left daughter, ^^-lry, born
in 1683, and who married first Charles Egerton (ancestory of the Egcr-
tons of "Piney Neck"), and second, Garrett Van Sweringen.— See case
Daniel Dulaney vs. Charles Calvert, et al., in High Court of Chancery
of Maryland, August, 1720; wills, Charles Egerton, 1698, and James
Egerton, 1765,' Saint Mary's County. Governor Leonard Calvert also
left a daughter Ann, who came to Maryland in 1663. In September of
that year, Governor Charles Calvert wrote Lord Baltimore as, follows:
"Att the same time, my cousin William's Sister arrived here and is now
at my house and has the care of my household affairs. As yett noe good
match does present, but I hope in a short time she may find one to her
own content and yr. Lspp's desire."— Calvert Papers, vol. i, p. 224. She
54 COLONIAL MARYLAND
In 1652, the Commissioners of the English Parhament,
arrived at Saint Mary's, deposed Governor William Stone,
who had been appointed Governor of the Province in 1648,
and named a Board of Councilors, for the government of
Maryland, of whom Robert Brooke, of De La Brooke, was
President, and, as such, acting Governor of the Province.
On the dissolution of Parliament, however. Stone, in 1654,
proclaimed Cromwell "Lord Protector", and reorganized the
Proprietary government. This excited the violent opposition
of the Puritan element in Maryland, who, with all available
forces, invaded Saint Mary's, and finding Governor Stone
without the means of effectual resistance, removed the records
to Mr. Richard Preston's, near Saint Leonard's, on the
Patuxent River, appointed from their own party, officials for
the government of the Province, and passed laws ignoring
Lord Baltimore's territorial rights, disfranchising Roman Cath-
olics, and repealing the Toleration Act, of 1649, enacting in
place of the latter, an Act concerning religion in obedience to
the inspiration of their own philosophy.^
Governor Stone succeeded in capturing the records and
restored them to the Provincial Capital,, as well, also, the
magazine and arms designed for the defense of Saint Leon-
ard's, but in his effort, through the memorable battle at Prov-
idence— the first land engagement in Maryland — to reduce the
insurgents to subjection, he was overwhelmingly defeated/
married, about 1664, Baker Brooke, of De La Brooke, member of the
Council and Surveyor General of the Province. Through this marriage
she was the ancestress of Monica Brooke, the mother of Chief Justice
Roger Bro'oke Taney and Catharene Boarman, the wife of Major Wil-
liam. Thomas. Ann (Calvert) Brooke married, ■ second, Henry Brent,
Deputy Surveyor General of the Province, and tTiird, Colonel Richard
Marsham. See will. Baker Brooke, P. C. No. i, p. 114, Saint Mary's
County; Kilty, p. 62; Test Pro. Liber 13, Annapolis.
* Bozman, 11, p. 505; McMahofi, p. 206.
= This battle took place on the 25th of March, 1654. Stone's
"baUlc cry" was "Hey, for *Saint Mary's," while that of the Puritans
was, "God is our strength." Stone has been criticized for starting into
this engagement with such a small body qi men— about 130 only— but it
THE FIRST CAPITAL
55
and they continued to hold the reins of government until 1657,
when, through an agreement, induced by the turn of affairs
in England against Puritans, it was formerly surrendered and
re-instated at Saint Mary's.'
The year 1659, is noted in connection with Saint Mary's
for the attempted rebellion of Governor Josias Fendall, in
which he made the unsuccessful effort to "play the part in
Maryland which Cromwell had just performed in England",
by conspiring with the Assembly to overthrow the Proprietary
government and establish a republic, with himself a's its head.'
While not within the scope of this work to enter into the
details of this tragedy, it may be proper to state, that the
scheme by which Fendall expected to accomplish this, -was to
surrender his commission from Baltimore, have the Legislature
declare its independence of the Proprietary, and, as the direct
representatives of the people, elect him Governor of the
Province- On the 12th of March, 1659, the Lower House
declared its Independence of all pozvcr, and denied the right
of the Upper House (composed only of representatives of the
Proprietary) to sit longer as a branch of the Legislature. To
this Fendall, of course, assented, and, on the 14th of March,
dissolved the Upper House, surrendered his commission from
the Proprietary, and was elected by the Legislature thus con-
stituted, Governor of the Republic of Maryland.' After a
should be remembered that the military organization of the Province
had been much neglected, and at that time was very poor, and that he
was, in consequence, limited to such men as he could muster in and
around St. Mary's. After this, the militia was put upon a much
better footing. The Province was divided into military districts, com-
manders appointed for each, arms and ammunition looked after, and the
whole fighting population was mustered in and trained. Under such
conditions, the black and gold ensign of Maryland would probably not
have fallen.
^Bozman, 11, p. 505; McMahon, p. 206.
-McMahon, p. 212; McSherry, p. 81.
^ For an interesting discussion as to the causes of this rebellion, see
the able treatise of Doctor Sparks on "The Maryland Revolution of
1689," page 30-36.
56 COLONIAL MARYLAND
fruitless effort, however, to enlist public interest in this
nefarious scheme, Fendall abandoned his government thus
established, and when his arrest was ordered, voluntarily
submitted himself to the mercy of the Baltimore government,
which, in the meantime, had been reorganized, with Philip
Calvert as Governor. He was tried and convicted, but after
a short imprisonment was discharged from all the penalties
imposed by the Court, except those of being disfranchised
and prohibited from holding public office — humanity which he
lived long enough to repay by an effort, many years afterwards,
to excite another rebellion in the Province."
Early in 1662, the Honorable Charles Calvert arrived at
Saint Mary's, and entered upon the duties of Governor of the
Province. He subsequently established a temporary residence
at Mattapany, but about the time he became, by the death of
his father. Baron of Baltimore and Proprietary of the Prov-
ince, he resumed his residence at Saint Mary's. As an
expression of their pleasure at his return to the Provincial
Capital to live, the General Assembly presented him with an
appropriation of 30,000 tbs. of tobacco."
Charles, Lord Baltimore, was, perhaps, more closely
identified with the development of Saint Mary's, than any
other man connected with its history. It was during his
administration that it was incorporated into a city, and the
privilege of sending two representatives to the General
Assembly was granted; it was also, during his proprietorship
that the State House and other public buildings were erected,
and to sustain its privileges and importance, and give it per-
manency as the seat of government, he gave the City a
written assurance that it should continue to be the Capital of
the Province as long as he remained its Proprietary.' This
promise he faithfully observed, and though efforts were made,
and inducements offered from time to time, to get the seat of
' McMahon, pp. 213 and 214.
"Archives (Ass. Pro. 1674) p. 454.
' Petition of Mayor and Council to Governor Nicholson, in Scharf
r, p. 345-
THE FIRST CAPITAL 57
government removed, he firmly resisted them all. One of
these propositions came from the inliabitants of Anne Arundel,
accompanied by the generous offer to build at the Ridge, in
that County, at their own expense, a Governor's house, as
well, also, as a State House, jail, and necessary offices, the
latter buildings to be paid for only when completed."
In 1 66 1, an Act was passed for the establishment of a
Mint in Maryland (at Saint IMary's) for the coining of money
corresponding in purity, and equal in value to English coins
of similar denominations.* Whether or not the' Mint was
actually operated, the records do not show. A writer, in
1708, says it was established, but not much used.^ It may be
of interest to note here the curious method for getting money
introduced among the people, as adopted by the Act of
1662, under which every householder in the Province was
required to buy at least ten shillings for every taxable person
in the family, paying for it in tobacco, at two pence per pound.
As early as 1689, a printing pfess, probably the first in
Maryland,* — and, indeed, in America — had been established
at Saint Mary's. There is, apparently, no data from which
the exact time it commenced operations can be ascertained,
but it was certainly as early as the above date, when the
"Declaration of the Protestant Associators", probably the
first pamphlet ever printed in Maryland, was issued from it."
^Archives (Ass. Pro. 1674) p. 78.
" Specimens of the coins struck for Maryland, of about this date,
are exceedingly rare, but a few of them are preserved in the Maryland
Historical Society. They consisted of shillings, sixpence, and groats,
their weight being respectively, 66, 34, and 25 grains of silver. A part
of the legend on these coins was, Crescite at Multiplicamini and their
advent into Maryland marks, also, as far as the records show, the in-
troduction of that motto into the Province, and which was ultimately
destined to become, for a short time, the motto of the State.— See
Crosby, "Early Coins of America," p. 123.
^British Empire in America, p. 344-
* Chalmers, p. 384; Neil, p. I74-
''Scharf, vol. i, p. 190, says: A printing press was set up in Mary-
land by the Jesuit Missionaries, on which was printed Father White's
catechism for use of the Indians, and that it was destroyed or carried
58 C O L O N I A L M A R Y L A N D
The press belonged to Richard Nuthead, and was the only
one in Maryland, of which the records speak, until 1696, when
William Bladen took a press to Annapolis and became the
public printer of the Province/
Shortly after the accession of William and Alary to the
English throne, the "religious fever which had just shaken
England to its centre", was used by certain leaders in Mary-
land, under color of religious zeal, as the instrument for pre-
cipitating a crisis in the affairs of the Province. In April,
1689, an "Association in arms for the defense of the Protest-
ant religion and for asserting the rights of King William and
Queen Mary to the Province of Maryland", was formed, and
this act was followed by open revolution.
On the i6th of the following July, information was
received by the Council, at Saint Mary's, that companies of
militia were being formed in different parts of the Province.
An envoy was at once dispatched from Saint Mary's to ascer-
tain their movements, but he was arrested and held as a spy.
Learning, however, of their intended march upon, and .near
approach to the Provincial Capital, Colonel William Digges,
of Saint Mary's, prepared for defense. He mustered in one
hundred men, and took position in the State House, which
was to be the point of attack. While these preparations were
being made at Saint Mary's, Colonel Henry Darnell and Major
Nicholas Sewall went up the Patuxent and raised a force of
one hundred and sixty men, but they did not arrive in time to
assist in the defense of the Capital.
When the revolutionists reached Saint Mary's, they num-
bered seven hundred men, under command of Captain John
Coade, Colonel Henry Jowles, Major John Campbell, Mr.
Nehemiah Blackiston, and Mr. Niniam Beall. Colonel
off in 1655; but 1 can find no authority for the statement. Same author,
vol. I, p. 362, says : Another printing press was set up in 1660. This
seems to be based upon an inference drawn from the Act of that year,
providing for the publication of the laws of that session. Reference to
the Act, however, shows that publication by proclamation only was.
meant, ;md not by printint;:
•.Scharf, i. p. y)_'. ' ,. '
THE FIRST CAIMTAL 59
Digges, finding his men unwilling to fight against such supe-
rior numbers, after a short skirmish, evacuated the State
House and surrendered.'
The Council were driven to the Garrison at Mattapany.''
which being also captured, articles of formal surrender were
signed on the ist day of August, 1.689, ^Y which the "Asso-
ciators" were placed in absolute possession and control of the
Province.''
A full history of tlie motives and causes underlying and
prompting this revolution, which swept away the Proprietary
government, and, as events showed, marked the downfall of
Saint iMary's, \vould involve too much detail, but it may be
proper to note the fact that the records indicate the uprising
to have been the result, not so much of the fear of violence to
the Protestant religion, as it was of the alarm of physical
danger, produced by the report that the Roman Catholics
w^ere conspiring with the Indians to massacre the Protestants,
kindled and fanned by a few captious spirits, who were emu-
lous of power, at whatever cost, and fired with ambition and
expectation of royal favor from a Protestant King.*
With the power in their own hands, Coade and his asso-
ciates, issued the famous "Declaration of the Protestant
Associators",' selected a Council for the government of the
Province, of which Xehemiah Blackiston. of "Longworth
Point", w-as President," and sent* an address to William and
^lary, in which they detailed the results of the revolution,
assigned the "defense of the Protestant religion" as the
reason for it, and asked that the Province be placed under the
protection of the English Government.^
The revolution received the Royal sanction and Maryland
was placed under a Royal government. Sir Lionel Copley
the first Governor appointed by the Crown, arrived at Saint
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1689) pp. 147-163; Scharf, i, pp. 310, 3U. 3i5-
■ Mattapany — see Chapter on Saint Mary's County.
^McMahon, p. 237. 'Day Star. p. 87; Brown, p. 150.
■^Archives (CI. Pro. 1689) p. loi.
"Ibid, p. 206. Mbid. p. 108.
6o COLONIAL MARYLAND
Mary's, in 1691. His associates were Sir Thomas Lawrence,
Chancellor and Secretary, and Captain John Courtes, Mr.
Thomas Brooke, and eight- others as Councilors.'
The first Assembly under the Royal Government, con-
vened at Saint Mary's, May loth, 1692, with Nehemiah
Blackiston, President of the Upper, and Kenelm Cheseldine,
Speaker of the Lower House."
The most conspicuous of the Acts of this session, was the
one overthrowing religious freedom — so long the pride of
Maryland — and constituting by law, the Church of England,
as the established church of the Province.*
Governor Copley's residence at Saint Mary's, however,
was of short duration. His wife died there on the 5th of
March, 1692 O. S.,' and he died on the 27th of September,
1693.'
In July, 1694, Francis Nicholson, Esq., became Governor
of Maryland, and one of his first official acts was to sound the
death knell of Saint Mary's. He summoned an Assembly to
convene in September, not at Saint Mary's, but at Anne-
Arundel-Town — now Annapolis. This act, "foreshadowed
'Ibid, 1691, p. 271. .^Archives (Ass. Pro. 1692).
' For the particulars of this Act, see Chapter on Some of the Early
Churches of Maryland. *
* Archives (CI. Pro. 1692) p. 479.
"'Liber H. D. No. 2, CI. Pro. pp. 65 and 98.
The cases of Governor and Lady Copley furnish strong examples
of efficiency in the art of embalming at that earJy period. Governor
Copley died about six months after his wife — as computed by the
English system then in vogue, the legal year beginning the 25th of
March — and yet, for ten months after his death, the bodies of both of
them lay -in the "Great House/' at Saint Mary's, awaiting orders to
ship them to England. It was not until July, 1694, that the Council
ordered a vault to be built for their interment — a ceremony which did
not take place until the following October. It is further worthy of note
that as late as 1790, when -the only vault known to be at Saint Mary's,
and hence, presumably the Copley vault, was broken into, the remains
of the woman there interred, were found to be in a state of perfect pres-
ervation, until exposed to the air, when they crumbled into dust. For
further particulars of the burial of Governor Copley and Lady Copley,
see pages 33 and 34. See also appendix.
THE FIRST CAPITAL 61
the doom-' of Saint Mary's, and at that session of the Assem-
bly, the removal of the Capital was decided upon.'
The consternation which Saint Mary's felt at this sudden,
and, to it, disastrous movement can well be understood. It
solemnly protested, pathetically appealed, and graciously
offered. Through its Mayor, Aldermen, Recorder and
Council, it sent a protest to the Governor and Council,' in
which the point was made, that the "power of appointing a
■place for the Supreme Court of Judicature and Seat of Gov-
ernment" of Maryland was the special prerogative of the
Crown, and that it could not be done by Act of Assembly,
and urged that they "reject said bill" until their Majesties'
pleasure could be ascertained." This they supplemented with
a lengthy petition, in which, after dwelling upon the ancient
rights and privileges of Saint Mary's, sustained by long enjoy-
ment, and confirmed in the most solemn manner by the late
Proprietary, and upon the advantages of a site well-watered,
with a commodious harbor, ^nd a healthful and pleasant situa-
tion, they proposed to obviate all objections as to want of
accommodations and the difficulty of access, by keeping a
'Scharf, i, p. 347. 'Ibid.
^ Those who signed the protest and the petition were, Philip Lynes,
Mayor; Kenelm Cheseldine, Recorder; Henry Dutton, John Lewellyn,
Jo. Watson, Thomas Beall, Philip Clark, Edward Greenhalgh, Alder-
men; Thomas Wanghop, William Aisquith, Thomas Price, Richard
Benton, Robert Mason, W. Taylard, Samuel Watkins, Common Coiin-
cilmen; Wm. Diggs, J. Bouye, Clerks; G. Van Sweringen, Josh Brod-
bert, Ro. Carville, Chas. Caud, Robt. King, George Layfield, John Coode,
Henry Wriothesley, W. Bladen, James Cullen, Thomas Hebb. James B.
Baker, Stephen Blatchford, Daniel Bell, Jonathan Clarke, Edward Kel-
sey, Abraham Rhodes, Joseph Edto, Roger Tolle, Henry H. T. Taylor,
James Reckets, John Wincoll, Edward Fisher, John F. Noble, Thomas
Hutchins, Richard Sowler, Thomas [his X mark] . Guyther, Robert
Denry, Claudius Dutitre, Samuel Wheeler, Constables; John I. M.
Mackye, Peter Dent, Wm. Guyther, John [his X mark] Janner, John
[his X mark] Little, Thomas H. Hickson, William Nuthead. 'Richard
Griffin, Isaac Paine, Peter Watts, Robert Carse, John Evans,. Wm.
Lowry, Anderson, Eben Cooke, Zacharias Van Swearingcn, Leon
D. Hukenett, William Harpenos, Michael Chevers, Elias Beech, Thomas
Guinurn, John Freeman, and Joseph Doyne, Freemen.
62 COLONIAL MARYLAND
coach or caravan, to run daily during the sessions of the
Legislature and Provincial Court, between the City and the
Patuxent, and weekly at other times, and at least six horses
with suitable furniture, for riding post, etc."
The appeal, however, was of no avail. Governor Nich-
olson had removed the Capital of Virginia from its ancient
seat,'' and had come to Maryland resolved upon the same
course towards Saint Mary's.' He went through the form of
submitting the addresses to the Assembly, from whence they
were returned to him — whose wishes were probably well
understood — with a reply, conspicuous only for its vindictive
spirit, bitter acrimony, and extreme coarseness ; in which
they ridiculed the idea of being bound by Proprietary prom-
ises, denied the advantages of Saint Mary's, mocked at its
calamities, and laughed at its proposals.*
On the receipt of the reply from the Assembly, the
Governor and Council thus tersely recorded their views on
the matter: "This Board concurs with the said answers
made by the House of Burgess".^
In February, 1695, Governor Nicholson issued an order
for the removal of the archives, records, etc., "from Saint
Mary's to Anne Arundel Town, they to be conveyed in good
strong bags, and to be secured with cordage and hides, and
well packed, with guards to attend them night and day, to be
protected from all accidents, and to be delivered to the Sheriff
of*j\.nne Arundel County", The final removal was made
that winter, and on the 28th of February, 1695, the General
^IMcMaliOH, p. 252. "Brown, p. 187.
"During the time that Saint Mary's was the capital of the Prov-
ince, all sessions of the General Assembly were held there, except that
it met at Saint Inigoe's from December 29th, 1646, to January 2nd,
1647, four days, and at Saint Leonards, on the Patuxent under commis-
sioners of the Protector7 1654, 1657 and 1658; at Brambly and Bush-
wood, residences of Thomas Gerard and Robert Slye during Kendall's
rebellion, 1659, and at The Ridge, and Anne Arundel -Town in Anne
Arundel County, 1683, 1694.
* Scharf, i, pp. 344-346; Riley, History of Annapolis, p. 62.
'■ Riley, p. 62.
THE FIRST CAPITAL (63
Assembly commenced its first session in the new Capital of
Maryland/
The reason alleged for this change, was that Saint
Mary's, being on the verge of the Province, was difficult of
access to the masses of the people. This may not have been
altogether without weight, but it was more probably due to
the fierce political struggle and the bitter sectarian strife,
which existed there at that time— between the advocates of
the Proprietary and the adherents of the King— between the
Church of England and the Church of Rome.
"It was", says one of Maryland's eminent historians,
McMahon, "the interest of the new government, to destroy,
as far as possible, the cherished recollections which were
associated with the departed Proprietary power ; arid there
was no object so intertwined with all these recollections, as
this ancient city, consecrated by the landing of the colonists,
endeared to the natives as the first home of their fathers, and
exhibiting, at every step, the monuments of that gentle and
liberal administration, which had called up a thriving colony
out of the once trackless wilderness. The Catholics of the
colony dwelt principally in that section of it; and, under the
joint operation of these causes, it had been distinguished dur-
ing all the troubles consequent upon the civil wars in England,
by its unshaken attachment to the Proprietary. Without
these considerations to prompt the removal, the recollections
and the attachments, which centre the feelings of a people in
an ancient capital, would probably have contributed to pre-
serve it as such ; until, by the denseness of the population,
and the increasing facilities for traveling, thereby aflforded to
the remote sections of the State, the objection to its location
would have been in a great measure obviated ; and the City
of Saint Mary's would, at this day, have been the seat of our
State government. The excitement of the moment made its
claims to recollection, cogent reasons for its destruction, and
the public convenience came in as the sanction".
After Saint Mary's ceased to be the Capital of the Prov-
^ Riley, p. 62; Ridgely, History of Annapolis, p. 88.
64 COLONIAL MARYLAND
ince, it soon began to decline. The removal of the govern-
ment officials, in itself, seriously diminished its population,
and, in 1708, it ceased also to be the county seat of Saint
Mary's County, the last symbol of its official character. The
same year, it lost its long honored privilege of sending
delegates to the General Assembly, and soon after, lost its
rank as a city.
No longer the commercial emporium of the Province,
with no manufacturing interests at that day to sustain its
vitality, and completely stripped of its official importance, it
was left without means of support. Its population gradually
departed ; its old fort sank to the level of the earth ; its
houses — one by one — fell to ruin, and, in a comparatively
short time, nothing remained, save the old State House and a
few of the more durable buildings, the latter used as home-
steads for the farms into which the site of the old city became
converted.
In 1695, permission was given the Justices of Saint
Mary's County, to use the State House for a Court House
and church. In 1708, the public buildings and land at Saint
Mary's, were ordered to be sold. They were, however, not
sold, and, in 1720, the General Assembly vested the old
"State House and grounds in the Rector and Vestry of
William and Mary Parish, and their successors, in fee simple,
for the use of the Parish, forever".'
The changes deemed necessary to adapt the old edifice to
church purposes, were made the following year, the contractor
for the work being Joshua Doyne.- The attic and second story
floors, and all the partitions were removed, and the building
was ceiled "square with the top of the arch after the model of
the old Chapel at Saint Mary's". A railing was put across
the transept of that arm of the cross which originally forced
the porch, and which was converted into a chancel, its large
central arch being bricked up and giving place to the altar,
which was of heavy oak, ornamented with carvings, and
above it, a fresco picture, representing ''the flight into
'Act, 1695, c. 13; 1708, c. 3; 1720, «. 4.
THE FIRS T C A P I T A L 65
Egypt"; while in place of the two smaller arches, windows
were substituted, each eight feet high, and twenty-two inches
wide. The opposite, or "stair-way", arni of the cross became
the vestibule of the church, and was made to correspond,
in design and appearance, to the original entrance to the
building; while in the northern and southern transepts,
galleries were erected. As thus changed, it would accommo-
date about four hundred persons.'
There was so much opposition manifested, it is said, on
the part of the Roman Catholics, to the old State House
being used for Protestant worship, that the latter, about the
year 1700, applied to a British man-of-war for assistance, and
three canon were placed there for their protection, and
which remained in the church yard until 1823, when they
were removed to Washington^ City."
The old State House continued to be used as a church
for more than a century ; but, in 1829, this historic old
building was pulled down, and its material used in the con-
struction of Trinity Church, which stands nearby. This old
monument might well have been "spared all but the ravages
of time," and — had it been saved from the sacrilege of man
— it might to-day be standing to "point a moral," and "adorn
the history" of the founders of Maryland."
In 1839, the State of Maryland purchased from William
and Mary Parish, the eastern helf of the State House lot. and
to commemorate the spot where "civilization and Christianity
were first introduced into our State", erected on it the impos-
ing and classic building, known as the "Saint Mary's Female
Seminary." It also, a little over two yea:rs ago, did tardy
justice to Maryland's first Governor — Leonard Calvert — by
erecting to his memory a handsome granite shaft, placing it
on the site of the "Old Mulberry;" and, at the same time,
^Allen's MSS.; Extracts from Vestry Record.
^Scharf, Historical Address, June 1891.
^Much of the furniture in the present church is made of the wood
of the "Old Mulberry." Some of this wood has also been worked up
into "relics" and sold, the proceeds having been used to keep the
cliurch in repair.
66 COLONIAL MARYLAND
in order to perpetuate the foundation lines of the old State
House, planted at each of its twelve corners, a massive granite
marker.
The shaft is thirty-six feet high, and six feet square at the
base. Above the inscription blocks, are two bronze medal-
lion plates, bearing the Coat of Arms of Maryland. Tho
monument contains the following interesting inscriptions :
To the Memory of
Leonard Calvert,
First Governor of Maryland,
This Monument is
Erected by
The State of Maryland.
Erected on the Site of the
Old Mulberry Tree,
Under which the
First Colonists of Maryland Assembled
To Establish a Government
Where the persecuted and oppressed of every creed
and every clime might repose in peace and security,
adore their common God, and enjoy the priceless
blessings of civil and religious liberty.
Leonard Calvert,
Second Son of George Calvert,
First Baron of Baltimore,
and Anne, His Wife,
Led the First Colonists to Maryland,
November 22, 1633 — March 3, 1634,
. Founded Saint Mary's, March 27, 1634,
Died, June 9, 1647.
By His Wisdom, Justice, and Fidelity, He Fostered the
Infancy of the Colony, Guided it Through Great
Perils, and Dying, Left it at Peace,
The Descendants and Successors of the Men
He Governed, Here Record
Their Grateful Recognition of His Virtues, ** *
November, MDCCCXC.
THE FIRST CAPITAL 67
Tlius did the ancient City of Saint Mary's spring into
being, flourish, and pass away. In the "very State to which
it gave birth ;" in the State whose foundations it erected ; in
the State, many of whose most vahied institutions, and more
ancient principles of organic law it established, it to-day
stands almost a "solitary spot, dedicated to God, and a fit
memento of perishable man".
But it is one, which, as long as civilization shall endure
upon the earth, will be memorable in the history of its devel-
opment. The philosopher and the statesmen, when tracing
back the progress of the political systems of men, from the
loftiest heights they shall ever reach, will always pause upon
the banks of the Saint Mary's to contemplate one of the
greatest epochs in their history. It was there that, under the
auspices of the founders of the State of Maryland, the injured
freemen of England found a refuge from the depredations of
Royal power ; it was there that the inherent rights of man
found opportunity for growth to strength and vigor, away
from the depressing tyranny of Kings ; it was there that the
ancient privileges of the people, that came down with the
succeeding generations of our fathers, from the morning twi-
light of Anglo-Saxon history, struggling through the centuries
with varying fortunes, at last found a home and a country as
all-pervading as the atmosphere around them ; it was there
that these principles and rights first entered into the practical
operations of government ; it was there that was established
the first State in America where the people were governed by
laws made by themselves ; it was there that was organized the
first civil government in the history of the Christian world,
which was administered under that glorious principle of
American liberty — the independence of Church and State in
their relations to each other ; it was there, too, that freedom
of conscience, in all of its breadth and fullness, -was first
proclaimed to men as their inherent and inviolable right, in
tones which, sounding above the tempest of bigotry and per-
secmion, were to continue forever, from age to age, to
gladden the world with the assurance of practical Christian
68 COLONIAL MARYLAND
charity, and ultimately find expression in the political systems
of every civilized people.'
Such was the halo surrounding Maryland's early colonial
metropolis, and \et, the present generation asks when and
where it was ; such the renown of Maryland's first capital
embodying in its history, the germ of so much of that which
gave grandeur and glory, as well as inspiration and pride, to
the later annals of the State, and yet, history has recorded its
birth without a smile, and written its epitaph without a tear.
In desolation and ruin, as it is, and though its hearth-
stone is buried beneath the moss of so many years, it should
be revered as a hallowed spot ; sacred to the "proudest mem-
ories" of Maryland ; endeared in the pride and in the affection
of its sons and its daughters ; the glory of every American
patriot;. for it was the spot where first arose the radiant
morning sun of our religious freedom ; the spot where first
broke and brightened into effulgent daylight, the earlv dawn
of our civil liberty.
^Honorable Richard T. Merrick, Historical Address, 1884.
CHAPTER IV
Religious Toleration in Colonial Maryland
pOR more than two centuries and a half, Maryland has en-
joyed her unique position in the matter of early rehgious
toleration. It is the keystone of the great archway in her history,
as it was the key-note of her earliest code. Whether for re-
ligious, prudential or commercial reasons, the fact remains —
and it is one than which none other in Maryland history is
more conclusively established — that religious toleration, and in
a broad sense for that day, had practical existence in Maryland
from the date of its settlement, and that it continued throughout
the successive administrations of Cecilius and Charles Lord
Baltimore, except when the Government was in the hands of
Cromwell's Commissioners and the Puritan element from 1652
to 1657; and, except also, when it was under jurisdiction
of the English Crown after 1692. Injustice to none, and
Christian toleration and charity to all, was a cardinal rule
established by Cecilius, continued by Charles Lord Baltimore,
and which those in authority under them rigorously enforced.
As it has been well said, "there was no spot in Christen-
dom, where religious belief was free, and when even the com-
mons of England had openly declared against toleration, Bal-
timore founded a community where ino man was to be molested
for his faith". That such was the clearly defined intention
of the founder of Alaryland is abundantly proven by the
instruction which he sent out with the first colonists in 1634.
which provided, in order "to preserve peace and unity" and
avoid all occasion of offense, that "all Protestants b'e treated
with as much mildness and favor as justice will permit, and
that all Roman Catholics abstain from public discourse concern-
ing matters of religion and perform all their rehgious acts as
privately as circumstances would permit". It is also proven
70 COLONIAL MARYLAND
by his proclamation of 1638 for the suppression of all "disputes
tending to the opening of a faction in religion. And by the
rigid oath prescribed for the Governor providing for strict
observance of Baltimore's policy of toleration. This is further
confirmed by the well-known letter of Charles Lord Balti-
more, of 1678, in which he says : "that his father bad promised
absolute religious freedom to the first adventurers ; that he had
done what he could to make good that assurance, and that with-
out it, it is doubtful if the colony could have been planted".
The records also furnish numerous examples to demonstrate
that these early instructions of Baltimore were zealously
guarded and practically maintained by those whose duty it
was to do so, and that religious liberty in early Maryland was
not a fancy, but a condition — not a theory, but a fact — and
was a fundamental principle underlying the Baltimore policy
and the Maryland Government. This is proven by the pro-
ceedings against Lieutenant William Lewis, a Roman Catho-
lic, who, in 1638, on complaint that he would not allow his
Protestant servants to read a certain book of sermons, and
that he had spoken disrespectfully of the ministers of their
Church, was arranged, convicted for violating the proclamation
as to religion, fined, and placed under bond for his future
good behavior. It is also proven by the case against Dr.
Thomas Gerrard, also a Roman Catholic, who, in 1642, on com-
plaint of the Protestants against him for interfering with their
worship, was, upon conviction, fined 500 lbs. of tobacco ;
not only that, but the order provided, that the fine should be
given to the complainants for the support of the first Protestant
minister that they could obtain. The case, too, against the Rev.
Francis Fritz Herbert, is in point, who, while acquitted upon
the charge, was promptly arraigned and tried for threat-
ening ex-communication of a member frorn his Church, un-
less he compelled his Protestant wife, and children to attend
the Roman Catholic Church with him. It is also established by
the Protestant declaration of 1650, signed by Governor William
Stone, whose churchmanship and veracity are not in doubt, and
by a large number of the leading Protestants of the Province,
in which it was distinctly stated "that according to an Act of
c
RELIGIOUS TOLERATION 71
Assembly here, and several other strict m junctions and decla-
rations by his lordship for that purpose made and provided, we
do here enjoy all fitting freedom and liberty in the exercise
of our religion, and that none of us are in any way troubled or
molested by reason thereof".
The Protestants so understood the situation, and the
Roman Catholics also fully understood and realized that it was
Baltimore's settled determination to make Maryland the home
of religious freedom ; and whatever special privileges the latter
may have hoped for at first, it soon became apparent to them
that the cardinal rule in Maryland was to be equal rights to
all and special privileges to none.
In addition to this, there is the famous Toleration Act,
known as the Act concerning religion. Though religious tol-
eration had existed in practice in Maryland, from its earliest
settlement, it had never been made the subject of legislative
enactment, and to the General Assembly of 1649, does this one
of "the proudest memorials'" of Maryland's colonial history be-
long.^ This Act has been the subject of much adverse criti-
^ Much time and energ>- have been expended, both by Protestant
and Roman Catholic historians, to ascertain the religious complexion
of the General Assembly of 1649. While the Governor of the Prov-
ince and three of the five members of the Council at that time were
Protestants, it is not improbable that a. majority of the Burgesses
were Roman Catholics, but at the session of the Assembly the next
year, when the Act concerning religion, as well as many other Acts
of the previous session were re-considered before making them per-
petual laws, the upper house, consisting of the Governor and Council,
was composed of five Protestants and two Roman Catholics, and the
lower house, consisting of the Burgesses, had eight Protestants and
five Roman Catholics.
The Act concerning religion, however, was not treated by the
Assembly of 1649, or of 1650, as a denominational question, but it was
wholly a governmental measure. It did not even have its origin in
the General Assembly, but was one of sixteen laws, looking to the
strengthening and development of the Maryland Government, which
Cecilius Lord Baltimore prepared and transmitted to the Province,
with the request that the Assembly pass them. Of these, the .Assembly
of 1649 passed seven, including the Act concerning religion, but owing
to the lateness of the season, adjourned without passing the rest of
them. The Assembly of 1650, after reviewing and considering the whole
code as submitted by Baltimore, enacted a substitute for Act number
72 COLONIAL MARYLAND
cism, because of the very severe penalties which it provided,
and because the language m which it was couched is not
as comprehensive as that which might be employed in framing
such an Act at this day. This, however, is a view of the sub-
ject which is largely the result of an imperfect conception of
the scope and purjx)se of the Act. Penalties at that time were
not measured so much by the gravity of the ofTense, as by
the facilities and ease for committing it. The penalty for petty
larceny at one time was death because of this fact, a penalty
which at this day would seem wholly unwarranted. The Long i^
Parliament, as evidence of the spirit of the age, in May, 1648,
passed its fearful ordinance against "heresies and blasphemies"
by which the death penalty was pronounced against all who
denied the belief in God, the doctri-ne of the Trinity, the dogma
of predestination, etc. The Toleration Act was passed with
reference to the times and conditions as they existed two
hundred and fifty years ago, and not to those of the present
day, and when those conditions are considered, the objections
which' have been framed against it must largely fade away and
disappear. The religious troubles of that time were between
Protestants and Roman Catholics, and if peace and harmony
could be made to prevail among them, the great problem was
solved. However imperfect it may be adjudged from the
standard of the twentieth century, it is a fact that it did most
efifectually meet the issues of that day, was abundantly compre-
hensive for that purpose and marked a most material epoch in
the history of civilization. It safeguarded what were then con-
sidered the most sacred institutions of the Christian religion,
the holiness of the Sabbath and the doctrine of the Trinity ;
it secured the fullest freedom of worship to all of its votaries,
4 of those of the code passed at the previous' session, and formally
adopted the remaining nine of the sixteen laws so submitted.
Nor can the genesis of the Act concerning religion be found in the
fact that Cecilius Lord Baltimore was a Roman Catholic. It did not
emanate from Calvert the devoted and consistent churchman, but from
Calvert the sagacious and far-sighted statesman.
Johnson, Foundation of Md., 149: Archives. Ass. Pro., 1637-1664,
240, 273. 77, 7S, 79 and 80.
RELICxIO us TOLERATION 73
and it wCnt even a step in advance of the present time, by
protecting the feelings of the people against the use of re-
proachful terms in niatters relating to their religion. The Act
concerning religion was not confined, either by proper construc-
tion or in its application, to those who believed in Christianity
only, for by its express terms, in the third section of the Act,
it protected all persons whatsoever, whether inhabitants of the
Province or those only trading with it, from approbius epithets
■ov reproachful terms in- the matter of their religion, and the
public records of the Province, it is believed, do not, furnish a
single instance in which it failed to protect those who saw
fit to place themselves under its provisions. In fact, the oath
of fidelity to his lordship, which had to be taken by every one
in the Province, expressly reserved to the party taking it "his
liberty of conscience in jxjint of religion", and this was one
of the sixteen laws sent over by Baltimore to be passed by the
General Assembly along with the Act concerning religion.. It
is charged that it did not protect the Jew or the Unitarian.
They were not a part of the Maryland population at that
time, and hence not an issue, but when they came, they lived
unmolested and in religious harmony with their neighbors. It
has also been charged that it did not protect the Quakers, and
who because of their religion were driven out of the Province,
but this is not true. When driven out of Virginia, they
sought admission in [Maryland, and were granted it. They re-
fused, however, to take the oath of submission, or to bind
themselves in an\- way to the Maryland government, and for
that reason, just as would be done under like conditions at
the present day, they were ordered to leave the Province. This
they did, but returning later, soon l)ccame a prominent element
of the community.
Maryland's position indeed, in the matter of religious tol-
eration was a Iqng stride in the march of religious freedom, and(.
a most important factor in the advancement of civilization.' It
'The history of Rhode Island, in the matter of religious tolera-
tion, is a record, while broad in its terms was very limited in applica-
tion, and the attitude of Roger Williams towards it is indeed unique,
when considered in connection with the fact that he enjoys the dis-
74 COLONIAL MARYLAND
was an age of intolerance ; an age when bigotry was the bane
of every religious sect; an age, as has been well said: "when
those who had dwelt under oppression, instead of learning tol-
erance by their experience, had but imbibed the spirit of their
oppressors". •In the old world, whether of the Church of
England, the Kirk of Scotland, or the Vatican of Rome, the
life of the dissenter and non-conformist was one of oppression
and hardship. And in the new world conditions were no bet-
ter. In the North and in the South, there was freedom of
worship, but only for themselves and for those who would
exercise it at the altar of their particular shrine. In Massachu-
setts, the Puritan would not tolerate the Episcopalean, and in
Virginia, Carolina and New York, the Episcopalean gave no
quarter either to the Puritan or the Roman Catholic. Even in
tinction of having been its founder and patron. In 1638, five years
after religious toleration had been established in Maryland, appeared
the first "compact" for the government of Providence, and without
interference in the matter of religion. It was signed by Richard
Scott, the brother-in-law of Ann Hutchinson, whose farcical trial
and ruthless banishment from Massachusetts he had just witnessed,
and by twelve others, who with Scott constituted a large part of the
little colony of Providence. This "compact" consisting of seventy-
three words only, in its original form, is pasted on the first page of the
fir$t volumn of the Providence Records. It was an agreement to sub-
mit in obedience to all such orders as might be passed for the public
good * * * but "only in civil things". It was the last four words
that gave to the document a marked distinction and made it ring with
clearness that religious liberty was the watchword of the hour. Roger
Williams did not sign the "compact". He did not believe in a govern-
ment "only in things civil", but in a s,tate in which the church was su-
preme, and in. which all law was directed from a spiritual source.
His book, George Fox Digged Out of the Burrowes, ^nd his letters
to the Endicotts and Winthropps, still preserved, show a degree of
animosity and hatred to Quakers and heretics that would make the
suggestion of religious toleration towards them a caricature and a trav-
esty upon words. As to- them, at least, his police regulation must be
more potent and far reaching than that of a government "only in
things civil".
In 1643 the first Royal charter of Rhode Island was granted.
It was obtained by Roger Williams, who went to England for that
purpose. That charter did not contain a word as to religion or a word
about the freedom of worship. Later, Jolin Clark, one of the signers of
RELIGIOUS TOLERATION 75
Rhode Island, vvhere a higher degree of freedom is supposed to
have prevailed, the Roman Cathohc and the Jew, were deprived
of political privileges which were accorded to others.
At such a time, and under such conditions, the fact that
Maryland unfurled and planted upon her ramparts the banner
of religious freedom for the first time in the new world must
be accepted by the impartial historians as one of the crown-
ing glories of the age. for it was significant of the introduction
the "compact", was sent to England to obtain a new charter, and with
which he returned in 1663. It fairly bristled with the spirit of rehgious
toleration, a fact which seemed to stimulate the General Assembly of
Rhode Island, of which Roger Williams was a member, to promptly
pass an Act disfranchising Roman Catholics and all non-Christians.
This statute continued in force until the American Revolution.' There
were apparently no Roman Catholics in Rhode Island to test the validity
of this Act; but some Jews undertook to do so in 1762, upon the ground
that it was inconsistent with the charter of 1663. The Supreme Court of
Rhode Island, however, decided that, while all persons living in that
state were guaranteed by the charter protection in the matter of
religion, it was perfectly competent for the Legislature to pass enact-
ments which would, in effect, keep out of the state the votaries of any
creed which the people of Rhode Island did not want among them. The
record of the court reads: "The petition of Mess. Aaron Lopez and
Isaac Elizar, persons professing the Jewish religion praying that they
be naturalized * * By the charter granted to this colony, it
appears that the free and quiet enjoyment of the Christian Religion
and a desire of propagating the same wefe the principal views with which
this colony wa^; settled, and by a law made and passed in the year
1663, no person \ who does not profess the Christian religion, can be
admitted free into this colony. The Court therefore, unanimously dis-
misses this petition as wholly inconsistent with the first principles on
which this colony was founded, and a law of the same, now in force."
A strange religious toleration indeed is that which denies civil
liberty because of religious belief, and stranger still that we should
be taught that Rhode Island was the nursery in which was reared the
most sublime specimen of religious liberty which the world had ever
seen, and that Roger Williams was the great apostle who nurtured it
to maturity.
Early records of Providence, vol. i, p. 15-20; S. A. Pecka'm, Jr.,
American Hist., vol. 3, No. 2; Cobb, vol. i, p. 4-38; Knowles. vol.
3, p. 10; Justin Winsor Hist, of America, vol. 3, p. 379-80: Rhode Island
Superior Court records, March Term, 1762.
76 COLONIAL MARYLAND
not only of a new era and a new element into the history of
human civilization, but of a powerful movement in the progress
of its fuller and higher developments. It was an act in advance
of the times, and a new thought for the human mind.
And thus it was, that, amid all the religious fermentations
of the times and the persecutions of the age, in Maryland, upon
a foundation wisely and securely laid, there rose up, in majestic
grace and in matchless splendor, an altar to religious free-
dom before which every man could worship his God, without
fear and without favor, and in whatever creed he believed
would best enable him to renew his peace with his Maker and
his charity with the world.
Authorities : Baltimore's Instructions, 1633, Md. Hist. Soc. and
Makers of America, page 46; Archives Pro. Ct. 1638, p. 35; Ibid 38;
Ibid Ass. Pro. 1642, p. 119; Ibid Pro. CI. 1648, p. 209; Ibid Ass. Pro.
1649, p. 244; Bozman 2, p. 72; Day Star, 35 to 66.
CHAPTER V
Separation of Church and State in
Colonial Maryland
pOR more than a thousand years the whole of Qiristendom
had been governed by a union of Church and State, with the
result that, the Church grasping for more power and larger
dominion, and the State frantically endeavoring to prevent
further encroachments upon its authority, the world, iv6m time
to time, had been convulsed with their feuds and their turmoil.
The evils of the system were distinctly felt, but how to avert
or overcome them seems not to have been clearly understood
and it fell to the destiny of ^Maryland to work out that abstruce
problem in political economy.
Cecilius Lord Baltimore, with keen discernment and far-
sighted sagacity, knew that the blending of religion and poH-
tics was degrading to the Church and detrimental to the State,
and that it had been responsible for the great political up-
heavals and reHgious fermentation which had characterized its
existence from time immemorial. , Maryland was to stand upon
a higher and a more enlightened plane, and to that end in
Maryland there must be a complete separation of Church and
State. It was a prodigious undertaking, for it at once involved
the positive assertion of the temporal powers over ecclesiastical
persons and things, and that, too, in direct violation of the
Papal Bull on that subject, but it meant also the absolute over-
throw of the Canon law so far as Maryland was concerned.
The Canon law was the law of the Church and the law under
which the Church performed its functions in govemniental
affairs. It not only asserted exclusive jurisdiction over all
ecclesiastical persons, property and things, but it had made
such gradual, yet steady encroachment upon the civil law that
it had drawn manv of the most important departments of the
78 COLONIAL MARYLAND
latter within the circle of the ecclesiastical authority. It
claimed, among other things, the exclusive right over all
matters testamentary and in accordance with its own rules, as
•well as over all questions of marriage and divorce. It de-
manded exemption, both as to ecclesiastical persons and prop-
erty, from the civil authorities and the right of the Church
to hold land without interference by the civil powers and free
from all public charges. This was not consistent with Balti-
more's broad policy as to Maryland. Equal rights to all, but
special privileges to none, was a cardinal rule. The civil law
alone was to prevail. It was to stand as the shield and pro-
tector of all alike, a rule to which there was to be no excep-
tions, either lay or ecclesiastical. The Canon law was not to
find lodgment in Maryland, and to whatever extent it had done
so, it must be displaced. In Maryland there could be no set-
tlement of estates or questions of marriage and divorce deter-
mined by ecclesiastical courts, or by Canon law rules ; no leg-
islation by ecclesiastical bodies applicable to ecclesiastical per-
sons and things ; no exemption of ecclesiastical persons or prop-
erty from the temporal authority ; no holding of lands in mort-
main and free from public charges by ecclesiastical persons or
corporations, or by any one else for their use and benefit; no
interference in any way whatsoever by ecclesiastical persons, as
such, with secular and governmental administration. The
Church and State must stand apart, each away from the other,
and each occupy its appropriate position in ecclesiastical and in
secular afifairs.
Maryland, as yet very youngs had not had any of its func-
tions of government administered by ecclesiastical persons or
their tribunals, but the claim that the. Canon law was to pre-
vail in Maryland, because it was the law of the Church, had
been distinctly made, and the Jesuits, who were the only ec-
clesiastics in Maryland at that time, were already acquiring
large tracts of land from the Indians and holding them for
the "use of the society", without regard either for Baltimore or
the rules of his land office. It was truly a momentous issue
and a critical moment for the Proprietary, and one that, unless
SEPARATIOX OF CHURCH AXD STATK 79
handled with .consummate skill, would inevitably bring him at
war with his Church, both at home and abroad. But with a
grandeur of nature, strength of manhood. and keen diplomacy,
which marked Cecilius Lord Baltimore as one of the foremost
men of his age, he fully measured up to the requirements of
tlie hour. Discreetly, but firmly, he now proceeded to put into
execution the plans which he had matured for his policy as to
^laryland. He did not issue a proclamation on the subject,
thus averting possible, confusion and perhaps alarm. Xor did
he attempt to cover the entire subject matter by one general
ordinance. He selected and sent over to Maryland to carry out
his policy, Mr. John Lewger, a brilliant scholar and a strong
man. He arrived in Maryland in 1637, armed with a commis-
sion as secretary of the Province. The same document also
made him sole commissioner in all matters testamentary in
Maryland for the proving of wills and the granting of adminis-
'tration. Mr. Lewger at once entered upon the duties of the
office of testamentary commissioner. Thus did Baltimore clearly
assert and establish jurisdiction of the temporal authority over
all matters testamentary arising in the Province, ecclesiastical
persons and property inclusive. He next procured, through
Secretary Lewger, the passage of an Act of Assembly adopting
the law of England as the law of Maryland, and by which laws
the courts were to try all persons and causes, except where
there was a law of the Province on the subject. Thus was
the temporal power over all laws and judicial proceedings as-
serted and secured, closing all further question as to the eccles-
iastical law and ecclesiastical courts in Maryland. An Act re-
lating to marriage and divorce was tiext pas.sed, and by it,
the whole subject and questions relating thereto, were brought
directly within the control of the civil, rather than the ecclesias-
tical authority. Baltimore now issued new conditions of plan-
tation, by which he prohibited churches or any corporation, ec-
clesiastical or temporal, from taking up lands in Maryland,
or of holding them from any source whatever, for the use of
any church, society or corporation, in all cases which were
covered by the English statute of mortmain. Thus did he
effectually put an end to the scheme of building up in Maryland
8o COLONIAL MARYLAND
of vast landed estates for the use of religious societies, and to-
wards which the foundation had been so distinctly laid. He next
demanded the surrender of all the lands which the Jesuits had
obtained from the Indians, and which they were holding for
the use of the society. This order, when complied with, would
fully round out and complete his whole policy in the matter
of Church and State in Maryland, and place it upon a founda-
tion as enduring as he, Secretary Lewger and the Maryland
Legislature could make it. No Canon law or Canon law court ;
no exemptions of any kind whatsoever, either lay or ecclesi-
astical as to persons or property and no estates to be held in
mortmain.
By this time the Maryland Mission was in a state of su-
preme consternation and prepared to make the warmest re-
sistance to what it deemed a burning outrage upon the "Di-
vine rights of the Church." The first proposition was that
Baltimore would enter into a secret treaty with the Maryland
Mission, by which its members would publicly appear to be
amenable to the new condition of things, but that in reality,
they would not be. Failing, of course, in this, they disputed
his title to the lands they had acquired from the Indians, alleg-
ing that the Indian title was superior to. that of the English
Crown. They then referred all that transpired to Rome, with
the request, that it be there decided, whether they were not en-
titled to the Canon law in Maryland by Divine right ; whether
they were not entitled to all the privileges and exemptions, both
as to person and property, found in all Roman Catholic coun-
tries ; whether all questions of marriage and divorce, were still
not under Church control, and all matters testamentary also, and
particularly whether a Roman Catholic executor would still not
be entitled to pay out from the estate of the deceased, his spirit-
ual obligations before paying his legal debts-, and finally, whether
the whole proceeding was not null and void, and would not the
attempt of Baltimore to enforce it clearly subject him to the
penalty of excommunication. Baltimore, however, was not
resting on his oars. As soon as his policy had taken definite
shape, he submitted the whole matter to Father Henry Moore,
the provincial of England, who in turn laid it before the author-
SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE 8i
ities af Rome. It was promptly decided that there was nothing
in the conditions of plantation which would in any way render
Baltimore liable to the censure of ex-communication. It was
also held, that Baltimore was entitled to have all the lands
surrendered to him which the society had obtained from the
Indians, or from any other source, for the Use of the Church,
and as the provincial of the Society of Jesus in England, he
executed to Cecilius Lord Baltimore, a deed conveying the
estate of INIattapany; the manors of the Imrnaculate Concep-
tion and Saint Gregory, as well as any and all other lands in
Maryland, which the society had obtained from the Indians
and from all other sources for the use of the society. There
was also a renunciation of all claims to exemptions from the
operations of the civil law, and an acknowledgment of the
power of the temporal authorities to have exclusive jurisdic-
tion over matters testamentary amd matrimonial. Beyond this
the records do not disclose how the Canon law question and
that of temporal or eccle\siastical supremacy, were settled, but
it all seems to have been suddenly abandoned and nothing more
is heard of it.*
' Cecilius Lord Baltimore, while a Roman Catholic, and one whose
churchmanship is not in question, entertained a great dislike to the
Jesuits. He did not trust them. "T am satisfied", he wrote Governor
Leonard Calvert "that they do design my destruction, and I have too
good cause to suspect that, if thej» cannot make or maintain a party
by degrees among the English to bring their ends about they will en-
deavor to do it by the Indians, by arming them against all those that
shall oppose them, and all under pretense of God's honor and the
propagation of the Christian faith, which shall be the mask and vizor
to hide their other designs withal". He informs Governor Calvert that
another of them "hath by a schleight got aboard" and had started for
Maryland. He wants him intercepted and sent back at once, but should
he "escape your hands",, then "do not fail to send Mr. Copley away from
thence by the next shipping". Thomas Copley, the leader of the Mary-
land Mission, had been a troublesome factor and a disturbi.ng element
in the community, and to have the two in the Province at the same
time, was more than he deemed it wise to permit. Baltimore did
not designate them as Jesuits, but contemptuously refers to them as
"those of the hill of St. Inigoe's", that being the name of the place at
which the order was founded by Inigoes Lopez, Saint Ignatius. He
82 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Thus it was that this important corner stone to the state-
hood of Maryland, was securely laid, and thus was organized
the first civil g-overnment in the history of the Christian
world which was established upon the distinctive basis of
independence of Church and State in their relations to each
other. This great principle, however, was slow in taking root
elsewhere, owang to the opposition of the Church, and of what-
ever church happened to be the established church of the land.
But it came. Its voice was heard again when Maryland framed
her bill of rights ; it flashed anew when the time came to formu-
late the Federal Constitution, and its echoes have been heard
again and again, when, from time to time, within the last two
hundred years, the glad tidings of advancing humanity, have
been wafted to us from lands beyond the sea, until today, the
adoption of that great principle of true statehood to which
Maryland gave birth and nurtured to maturity, is almost co-
extensive with civilization itself.
orders the Governor under no conditions to allow them to take up any
more land in Maryland. In 1641, Baltimore asked that a Prefect and
Secular Priest authority be granted for Maryland. This was done,
and permission was given Baltimore to remove the Jesuits. Don Ros-
setti, Arch Bishop of Farus, was desigriated to take charge of Maryland.
He did not, however, come and the Jesuits were not removed. Johnson
Foundation of Maryland 64; Calvert Papers No. 1-216.
References : Johnson, Foundation of Maryland, p. 58; Maryland
Historical Society, F. P. number 18, P. 56-63; Archives, Pro. CI. p. 58;
Archives, Ass. Pro. p. 82-97 ; Stoneyhurst Mss. , Anglia No. 108- A,
vol. 4; Calvert papers, vol. i, p. 157-166, Md. His. Soc. F. P. number
9, p. 249; Stoneyhurst Mss. Anglia, vol. 4, p. 108.
CHAPTER VI
The Land Tenure of Colonial Maryland
gY the Maryland Charter, the Baron of Baltimore was
made the "true and absolute Lord and Proprietary" of
Maryland, and invested with all the "rights, prerogatives
and immunities" that had ever been enjoyed by the Bishop
of the County Palatine of Durham — than which, no higher
grant was ever made to an English subject.
Of the Counties Palatine (so called, because in a Palatio,
.the owner was the supreme power, as fully as was the King
in his palace), Durham, was the only one in England at that
time, which was held by a subject, and hence, the one named
in the Charter/
As the "ruler of the Province and the owner of its soil",
Baltimore was also expressly authorized and empowered to
dispose of the whole or any part of the premises, or of any
estate or interest in its lands, for such time, and on such terms
as to him might seem most expedient. The Charter also
invested him with the right to* introduce in Maryland, the
' Kilty, Landholder's Assistant, p. 12.
But the juro regatio, which attached to the person of the King,
did not attach to Lord Baltimore. He did not have the incidental pre-
rogatives of the King, and only such of the direct ones as were ex-
pressly granted by the Charter. — 2 H. & J. Maryland Reports, p. 250.
The Proprietor had even more power than any. Bishop of Durham
ever had. Within the Province of Maryland, the Proprietor had legal
power. It was *his justice that was administered in the courts, and all
writs and warrants were issued in his name. These courts 'were ap-
pointed by him, and he determined their jurisdiction and manner of
proceeding. In them he had the laws executed, and passed sentences
amounting even to confiscation and death. He likewise had the royal
power of pardon, and had admiralty jurisdiction. The Proprietor
could erect towns, boroughs, cities, and ports of entry and departure.
84 COLONIAL MARYLAND
feudal system, which had then been practically broken up
in England, and further provided that the statute of "Quia
From the Proprietor all land was held. He received all escheats
and fines for alienations, and had sovereign title to all mines, wastes,
forests, and chases. He could erect manors with court leet and court
baron. The Proprietor could raise troops and levy defensive warfare,
even pursuing enemies without the limits of the Province. He could
impose duties upon ships and merchandise. He could establish churches
and chapels, and have them consecrated according to the ecclesiastical
laws of England. He held their patronage and advowsons. Only
through the Proprietor could the King do anything in the Province.
All these powers belonged to the Palatine of Durham, and all except
the ecclesiastical were exercised by the Proprietor of Maryland.
In the matter of legislation there is a difference. There was no pro-
vision in Durham for the assembling of the people to make laws. H
the Palatine wanted any new laws, they were passed by his Council,
which was composed of the chief men of the county. The Proprietor,
however, had the right to call assemblies of the freemen and enact laws
with their assent. But the colonists insisted on their right to propose
and enact laws with the assent of the Proprietor. This right was ob-
tained. The Proprietor retained his right to initiate some legislation
but not all. Maryland laws, like those of Durham, were published in
the courts. The Proprietor was not obliged to submit these laws to
the Crown for approval. In addition, the Proprietor could publish ordi-
nances not extending to life, member, or property. This has been aptly
designated as a police power. Again, the Proprietor possessed an ad-
vantage over the Bishop of Durham, in that cases between the Bishop
and his subjects could be appealed to the Court of Exchequer in Lon-
don, whereas cases between the Proprietor and his subjects were finally
settled in the Proprietor's courts, from which there was no appeal to the
King. Parliament levied taxes on the Bishop of Durham, and these
were collected by his officers, as taxes 'were collected in Maryland by
the Proprietor's officers, but Parliament had no power to tax the Pro-
prietor of Maryland, and the Charter exempted him from royal taxation.
The administrative machinery of the Proprietary Government bears
some likeness to that of the Durham Palatinate. The Governor of
Maryland was its administrative head. He had the highest judicial
jurisdiction, and presided over the. Court of Chancery. Thus he resem-
bled the Chancellor of Temporalities of the Bishopric of Durham. In
l)oth governments are seen the Receiver General. In both the Sheriff
was the executive officer of the Palatine, collected the revenue, and was
responsible to the Palatine alone. The Seneschal of Durham bore some
resemblance to the Surveyor General of^ Maryland, and Bailiff to the
THE LAND T E X L R !• 85
Emptoris"/ fntended to prevent subinfeudation, and which
had, in effect, aboh-hed the manorial system in England,
should be dispensed with, and conferred upon him the privi-
lege of erecting manors in Maryland, with all the manorial
rights which had been incident to such estates in England—
thus making the Baron of Baltimore the sole tenant of the
crown, and at the same time securing to him. as the exclusive
landlord of the Province? all escheats, fines, and forfeitures."
The Maryland grant was to be held by Baltimore of the
"Kings of England, * =•' in free and common socage, by fealty
only for all services," and subject to the annual render of "two
Indian arrows from those parts", to be delivered at Windsor
Castle on Tuesday of Easter week in every year, and also,
the fifth part of all the gold and silver found within the
Province.*
'Constable. The Bishop's Council had its counterpart in the Proprietor's
Council, which, while it had less legislative, had more judicial power,
and also retained great influence in legislation.
The division of the Courts into County Courts and Halmote Courts,
was followed in the powers given to the Provincial, Chancery, Admi-
ralty and Council, and to the County Courts. While allegiance to the
King was reserved, the oath of fidelity was taken to the Proprietor, and
all writs ran "in the year of our dominion." In the period now to be
considered, it will be seen that the Proprietor had vastly more power in
Maryland than the King had in England, and freely exercised his
power. In no other American colony.was there such despotic authority.
In none was such absolute government ever established as existed in
Maryland in this period. — Causes of The Maryland Revolution of
1689, pp. 27-29. Sparks.
^ The statute "Quia Emptoris," enacted in the reign of Edward I,
directed that in all sales or feoffments of land, the purchaser of the land
should not hold of his immediate feoffer, but of the chief lord of the
fee. The aim of the statute was to strengthen the hands of the King,
and to prevent the intermediate lords from subinfeudating their lands.
This great lanc^ law, marking an epoch in the constitutional history of
England, enacted in 1290, was virtually set aside by Charles I, after an
interval of three and a-half centuries, and the privilege denied the great
feudal barons of England was bestowed in all its fullness upon the
young Irish peer. — Local Institutions of Maryland, p. 13, Wilhelm.
-The Charter: Kilty, p. 28; Ground Rents in Maryland, pp. ii-i.V
•■' Maryland Charter.
86 COLONIAL MARYLAND
By a species of tenure similar to that under which he
held the Province, Baltimore granted land to the Maryland
Colonists. The fact that his lands would be unproductive
unless they were occupied, prompted him at once to adopt
and publish a general land system. It proved a good one,
not only as a means of producing a constantly increasing
revenue to himself, but in its results upon the economic
welfare of the community and the material development of
the Province.^
To encourage persons to come and bring their dependents
and servants with them, his lands were offered on the most
generous terms. These, it is true, were less liberal at a later
period than at first, but they were always sufficiently so to
stimulate the growth of the Colony, and at the same time,
afford a source of lucrative revenue to the Proprietary. The
conditions upon which land could be obtained, and the terms
and character of the grant, were fully set forth in proclama-
tions, or "Conditions of Plantation", as they were called,
issued by the Proprietary from time to time.
Under the first "Conditions of Plantation", every free-
man who came to Maryland to "inhabit and plant" was
entitled, without cost or charge, except the annual quit rent,
to one hundred acres of land for himself, a like quantity for
his wife, every child over sixteen, and each servant, and fifty
acres for every child under sixteen years of age, to be held
^ The area of Maryland is 6,000,000 acres, exclusive of its water
area, which is about 1,000,000 acres. The territory within its charter
limits comprised about 10,000,000 acres of land, embracing, in addition
to its present domain, the entire State of Delaware, that part of Pennsyl-
vania lying south of the parallel of Philadelphia, extending to the most
westerly ridge of the Alleghanies, a part of the Eastern Shore of Vir-
ginia, and that part of West Virginia lying between the North and
South Branches of the Potomac — McMahon, pp. 18-59; Brown, pp. 134-
137; Local Institutions of Maryland, pp. 8-9. While not within the
scope of this treatise to deal with the methods by which Maryland was
robbed of her territory, it should be noted in passing, that they furnish
a disgraceful commentary upon the times, reflecting alike upon the
English Crown and the beneficiaries of the spoils.
THE LAND TEX C R E 87
by "hini and his heirs and assigns forever", in free and
common socage" of Baltimore as the Lord I'njprietary.'
In 1641, the amount of land given, was reduced to fifty
acres for every adult, and twenty-five acres for every child."
If those transported exceeded a certain number, he was
entitled for their transportation, not only what they could
each separately have claimed, had they come at their own
expense, but to an additional quantity, proportioned to the
number, age, and sex of such persons transported, the largest
premiums being paid for males between sixteen and fifty, and
females between fourteen and forty, years of age — thus induc-
ing small but vigorous settlements in the Province, which
would become the industrial centres of their respective locali-
ties.^ It also depended upon the time of immigration. At
first 2000 acres were given for the transportation of five men,
but, in 1636, the number was increased to ten. and, in 1641,
to twenty able men and women, between the ages above
mentioned.'' A further consideration imposed by the last
mentioned proclamation, was that each of said twenty-persons,
as a means of giving additional military defense, should come
provided with the following arms and ammfunition : "one
musket or bastard musket ; 10 lbs. of powder : 40 lbs. of lead,
bullets, pistol and goose shot, each sort some : one sword and
belt, and one brandeleer and flask"." Special grants of larger
size were sometimes made from'personal considerations, or on
account of public or private services rendered.
In 1683, however, Baltimore, deeming these inducements
no longer necessary to insure the success and prosperity of the
colony, abolished them, and adopted a new "land system",
under which no premiums were offered for the transportation
' The grants, it appears, were intended to be for an indefeasable
estate of inheritance in fee simple. — Kilty, p. 32.
"Kilty, pp. 29-31 ; Relation, 1635; Archives (CI. Pro. 1636 'and 1641)
pp. 47 and 99-
^ Local Institutions of Maryland, p. 15.
* Kilty, pp. 29-31; Archives (CI. Pro. 1636 and 1641) pp. 47 and 49.
"Ibid.
88 COLONIAL MARYLAND
of person, and those desiring to obtain land had to pay, in
addition to the annual quit-rent, a definite amount of purchase
money. This was called "caution money", because it had
to be paid before the warrant could issue/ At first, the
amount charged was only 50 lbs. of casked tobacco for ever)-
fifty acres, if along the seaboard, or 100 lbs. if in the interior,'
Subsequently it was increased to 40 shillings per one hundred
acres, and, in 1738, to £s sterling, on which basis it continued
until the American Revolution.^
J Lender the fir§t proclamation the right to take up land,
was without restriction as to nationality, but by the one of
1636, it was expressly Hmited to persons of "British and Irish
descent",^ except that grants could be made, after 1648,
to persons of "French, Dutch, and Italian descent", in the
discretion of the Governor^ — a limitation which was not
removed until 1683, when, for the first time, the lands of
Maryland were open to all persons "living m or trading
within the Province", who choose to purchase them."
This right, however, did not extend to corporations,
religious or temporal, which, indeed, as early as 1641, were
prohibited from acquiring or holding land in Maryland in any
manner whatsoever, or enjoying any of the uses in them
which were forbidden by the "Statutes of Mortmain prior to
Henry VIII", without special license under the hand and
seal of the Lord Proprietary.
In no other State did the statutes of Mortmain take root,
but the early act of Baltimore in introducing them in Mary-
land, made a lasting irnpression. His order, as applicable to
ecclesiastical bodies, was substantially incorporated in the
Maryland Bill of Rights, and it is the law of Maryland to-day,
that lands cannot be given, sold, or devised to religious
^ Kilty, p. 124. ^Archives (CI. Pro. 1683) p. 142.
^ Ground Rents in Maryland, p. 19.
* But this included natives of Scotland, the union having previously
taken place, and also natives of Wales, who were British hy a still older
title.
"Archives (CI. Pro. 16,36, 1641, 1648) pp. 48, 99. 222.
" McMahon, p. 173.
T H E L A X 1) T I-: X L- R E 8y
bodies, or for .religious uses, except to tlie extent of two and
a-half acres for church and church yard, without sanction of
the General Assembly.'
At first, the grant was obtained by filing an application
with the Secretary of the Province. If the claim was iluly
substantiated by proof of the date of immigration, etc.. a
certificate to that effect was issued and addressed to the
Governor, who, on application of the holder thereof, issued a
warrant to the Surveyor General, commanding him to "survey
and lay out" the land therein specified. Oh the execution
of this warrant, and on the application of the holder, a patent
was issued, signed by the Governor and attested by the
Secretary and Surveyor General of the Province.*
There being no time at first fixed for the surrender, and
the certificates and warrants being assignable before the
patent was issued on them, owing to the scarcity of coin, and
the inconvenience of tobacco as a currency, they were fre-
quently transferred and passed about as so much money."
But, in 1643, it appearing that many persons had long
since obtained certificates and warrants for land for which no
patent had been issued, (thus depriving the Proprietary of
his "quit rents", which did not commence until after the
date of the patent), a proclamation was issued, requiring the
holder to surrender them and take out grants for the same
within twelve months from tha,t date, under "pain of being
refused the grant after said time",' which largely did away
with their value as a circulating medium.
While it would seem that the Proprietary intended from
the outset, that all land grants should be under the great seal
of the Province, for many years they were issued under the
hand and seal of the Governor alone, and it was not until
1644, when the duty of authenticating patents devolved upon
the Chanceiror of the Province, that the great seal was
* Maryland Bill of Rights; Maryland Constitution, Article, x
'Kilty, pp. 64, 65; Local Institutions in Maryland, p. 27.
' Kilty, p. 77-
'ist Council Book, p. 98; Kilty, p. .^5-
xxvni.
90 COLONIAL MARYLAND
attached.' In 1680, the "Land Office", under the super-
vision, at first of a "Register", but later of a "Land
Council", and still later of a "Judge of the Land Office",
was established, and it became the place where all proceedings
relating to the sale and granting of land were subsequently
conducted.*
The Lord Proprietary, by the express terms of the Char-
ter, held his lands of the Crown, in ''free and common socage,
by fealty only for all services", and his grantees held of him
by the same tenure.^
Tenure is the "stipulated condition under which real
property is held" and socage tenure was that class of them in
which the conditions were honorable in respect to quality and
certain in respect to quantity and the time of exacting them,
as distinguished from other species of tenures, which were
base and servile as to character of conditions, and precarious
'Bland, Maryland Reports, i, p. 308. ^ Ibid.
The first "Surveyor General" of Maryland, was John Langford,
and his commission, dated March 24, 1641, furnishes the only instance
on record of an office held for life. The first Register of the Land Office
was John Llewellin, who had been Chief Clerk to the Secretary of the
Province and was hence familiar with its land affairs. The first "Land
Council," appointed 1684, consisted of Major Nicholas Sewall, Colonel
Henry Darnall, Colonel Edward Digges and Mr. John Darnall. The
first Judge of the Land Office appointed 1715, was Mr. Philomea Lloyd,
then Deputy Secretary of the Province. He was succeeded in turn by
Edmond Jennings, 1732; Levin Gale, 1738; Phillip Thomas, 1743; (the
last sole Judge) Benjamine Tasker and Benjamine- Young, 1746; Bene-
dict Calvert and George Steward, 1755; who continued until the Revo-
lution.— Kilty, pp. 64, III, 270.
'The estates, held by the settlers were called freeholds in Acts of
Assembly and elsewhere, but they were not freeholds of the present day.
Being subject to the annual quit rent, they were .estates in trust, rather
than allodial estates, and were feudal in form, if not in essence. The
holdings being assignable and transmissable, formed an actual estate
of inheritance.
Restrictions, however, could be placed by lords of manors upon
their under tenants, and there is no evidence that a manor could be
sub-divided into smaller manors by the tenants. But it was quite common
for the lords of manors to subinfeudate parts of their estate. This
privilege was granted by the conditions of 1649. They were empowered
THE LAND TENURE 91
and uncertain. as to quantity and time.' At tlie date of tin-
Maryland Charter, this was the most popular of all the
English tenures, and the "free, certain, and pacific services"
incident to it, gave it advantages, as applicable to Maryland,
in encouraging immigration and promoting industry, which
none other possessed."
It was a remnant of feudal tenure, and to maintain its
character as such, the Proprietary grants were so framed as to
require the land to be held as of one of his manors, named in
the patent, the grant to him being held of the Castle of
Windsor.^
The condition and services attached to the grants, were
also of a feudal nature, and while many of the feudal incidents
of socage tenure in England appear never to have prevailed in
Maryland, those of fealty, rent, escheat, relief, and fines for
alienation and devises were exacted.
Fealty — allegiance or fidelity to the Lord Proprietary —
was an inseparable incident of every grant, and all persons
holding land in the Province, were required to take either the
"oath of fidelity" or "subscribe the engagement" (a substi-
tute for the oath) before the patent was issued. And this
could be demanded more than once, under penalty of being
"proceeded against as rebels and traitors", and seizure and
forfeiture of the lands.*
Escheats, as they existed in early Maryland, may be
defined to be, the reversion to the Proprietary, of the land
granted, upon the conviction of the tenant of crime, or upon
his death without heirs — the land being taken in lieu of the
feudal services, which there was no one to perform. They
still exist, but upon a wholly different principle — that of
property without an owner, and which reverts to the State, to
to grant any portion of their manor, save the demesnes to any English
subject, either irt fee simple or fee tail for life, lives, or years, and under
such rents not prejudicial to his lordship's royal jurisdiction.— Local
Institutions of Maryland.
'Kilty, p. 24; McMahon, p. 168. Mbi<l.
' Ground Rents in Maryland ; Kilty, p. 24.
*H. & McH. Maryland Reports, 3; Bozman, p. 403.
92 COLONIAL MARYLAND
be held for the benefit of all of its citizens. For many years
it was deemed necessary here, as in England, to establish the
fact of the escheat by the inquisition of a jury, before the
lands could be again disposed of by the Proprietary, and for
that purpose an "Escheator" was appointed. But in the
interval between 1692 and 1715, when the government of the
Province was in the hands of the Crown, although the Proprie-
tary's right to the soil was admitted, it was found impracti-
cable to have the "inquest of office" executed, and grants
for escheated lands came to be made without it, a practice
which continued after the government was restored to the
Proprietary, and the one which has been followed ever since.^
Fines were the charges imposed upon the tenant for the
privilege of selling or devising the land. Under the socage
tenure, the tenant could not pass his title to another without
the consent of the landlord, who, for the trouble and incon-
venience of accepting a new tenant, was entitled to compen-
sation. In Maryland this consisted of one year's rent,
equal in amount to the quit-rent reserved on the land
disposed of, and it had to be paid before the sale or the
devise became effective or capable of passing the title.^ This
badge of feudalism was abolished in England as early as 1660,
but remained in force in ^Maryland until 1780, except fines
for devises which were suspended by order of the Proprietary,
in 1742.='
Relief, as applicable to Maryland, bare close analogy to
fines, it being the sum exacted upon the tenant dying
intestate, and the land passing -to the heir at law. It, too,
was equal in amount to one year's rent, and had to be paid
before the title could vest in the heir, after which the estate
was "relieved" from the lapsed state into which, by theory of
the feudal law, it had fallen.* This, like fines for devises,
Moth G. & J. Maryland Reports, p. 451; ist Bland, Ibid, p. 307;
1st Gill, Ibid, p. 506.
-'Ground Rents in Maryland, p. 31. HIcMahon, p. 175.
* (Ground Rents in Maryland, 23 and 24.
THE LAND TENURE
93
was coHsiderecl by tlie inhabitants of the Province a great
hardship, and, in 1742, it was abolished.'
Rent, as an acknowledgment of the tenancy, as well as
for the revenue, was always reserved in the grants of Mary-
land lands. These rents were called "quit rents", because
being a fixed sum reserved in lieu of the indefinite feudal
services due the lord of the fee, the tenant was "quit" and
discharged from the performance of such services.* They
were payable annually, and were perpetual in point of dura-
tion and irredeemable.^ The amount depended^ upon the
date of the grant, or rather the date of the "Condition of
Plantation" under which it was issued. In the earlier grants
it was only lolbs. of wheat per annum for every 50 acres.
This was soon increased to istbs., then to one shilling, and,
in 1648, it was raised to 3 shillings,^ after the first seven years
of the lease and to 20 shillings after the next 14 years on which
basis it continued until the Revolution. After 1648, manorial
lands were subject to 40 shillings for every 2000 acres, for the
first seven years ; 40 bushels of wheat, or £6 sterling, for each
of the succeeding fourteen years, after which to the twentietli
part of the annual yield of the land, of iio sterling." In a
few special cases, however, grants were made, by order of the
Proprietary, for a mere nominal consideration, exacting as a
token of fealty only, for the whole tract granted, the annual
render of a capon, a pair of pfillets, an Indian arrow, or a
bushel of corn."
Owing to the scarcity of money in the Province, quit
rents were, in 1671, commuted to payments in tobacco, at the
rate of two pence per pound, a duty of two shillings (half for
^ Proclamation of Governor Bladen, October 20, 1742.
'ist Bland, Maryland Reports, pp. 43, 96; Ground Rents in Mary-
land, p. 15.
^ See interesting and valuable criticism of Mr. Lewis Mayer
("Ground Rents in Maryland," 15 and 16) as to whether Maryland quit
rents were "rent charges" or "rent service."
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1636, 1641, 1648) pp. 47- 99. 221.
Mbid, 1648, p. 227,. 'Kilty.
94 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the Proprietary personally, and half for the defense of the
Province) being imposed on all exported tobacco, in consider-
ation of an agreement on his part to receive his rents and .fines
in that commodity.' This continued until 1717, when an
Act was passed giving to the Proprietary, for his exclusive
use, a duty of two shillings sterling on every hogshead, and
four pence sterling per hundred on every box of tobacco
exported from the Province, in full discharge of his rents and
fines.' But this Act expired in 1733, and they again became
payable either in money, or in the commodities of the country,
as the patent prescribed.'
The "Maryland quit rents" were, from an early period,
a source of trouble to the people of the Province, and a
constant subject of their complaint, not because of the amount
involved, but the inconvenience and difficulties attending the
payment of them. This was particularly the case after the
system of allowing payment in tobacco, and the subsequent
provision for payment by an export duty, expired. Repeated
efforts were made to get these systems renewed, or to obtain
some other which would afford an easy mode of payment. In
1744, the Assembly offered to increase the former export duty
on tobacco to two shillings and six pence sterling, if the pro-
prietary would accept it in lieu of his rents, but the proposi-
tion was declined. The following year an effort was made to
purchase them, the Legislature offering to pay the Proprie-
tary, in consideration of his rents and fines, five thousand
pounds sterling annually, but this likewise failed, and they
continued to be collected, according to the requisition of the
patents, until the American Revolution,* when, the Proprie-
tary being a British subject, his rents and other landed rights
in Maryland, were seized and confiscated by the State, which,
declaring quit rents to be "incompatible with absolute sover-
eignty", promptly abolished them, and forever "exonerated
and discharged" the citizens of the State from the further
payment of them. Constructively, fines were also abolished,
^ Act, 1671, C. 11; McMahon, p. 178.
^ Act, 1717, C. 7. "McMahon, p. 170.
* McMahon, p. 170.
THE LAND TENURE 95
so that- by this Act, the people of Maryland were relieved of
two features of their land tenure, which they had so lonpj
regarded a source of public grievance.'
The quit rent, though not in all respects analogous, was
the origin and foundation of the present ground rent system
in Maryland. It was a small rent when considered individ-
ually, but collectively, it was a large source of revenue to the
Proprietary, estimated, in 1770, to amount to ^8,400 sterling."
and, at the time of the Revolution, his rents and other reve-
nues from land were estimated at £30,000 sterling annually.'
In 1780, the General Assembly passed an Act which
provided, "that all property within this State (debts only
excepted) belonging to British subjects shall be seized, and is
hereby confiscated to the use of the State", and at tJie same
time, William Paca, Uriah Forest, and Clement Hollyday.
were appointed commissioners to preserve said lands.*
It was subsequently contended that this Act was ineflFec-
tive, inasmuch as it provided for confiscation without formal
entry and seizin. But the Supreme Court of the United
States held, that under the Act no seizure was necessary, and
that "the commissioners were, by operation of law, in full
and actual seizure and possession of the property, though no
entry or other act had been made or done", and also, that
the law, itself constituting the actual confiscation and seizure,
embraced all land in the State held by British subjects, even
though it was not discovered until after the treaty of peace.
1783, which declared that no more confiscations should be
made.*
Henry Harford, to whom the Province was devised by
Frederick, the last Lord Baltimore, estimated the loss of his
lands, rents, and fines in Maryland, through the "Confisca-
^Act, 1780, C. 18.
The abolition of the Proprietary "quit-rents"' did not of course
interfere with rents issuing from long leases, known as "ground rents"
and owned by private individuals.
''McMahon, p. 172. "Scharf, 2. p. 374-
*Act, 1780, C. 45, 49-
"6 Cranch, United States Supreme Court Reports, p. 286.
96 COLONIAL MARYLAND
tion Act", at £447,000 sterling, and filed a claim against the
British Government for that amount. He was only allowed
£90,000, of which £20,000 went to Louisa, the wife of John
Browning, and Caroline, the wife of Sir Robert Eden — the
devise to Harford being subject to a charge of £10,000 to
each of the said sisters of Frederick, Lord Baltimore."
In 1783, Harford applied to the Legislature of Maryland
to compensate him for the loss of his "quit rents", alleging
that they were not within the "Confiscation Act", but the
Assembly determined that they were "subject to all the rules
and consequences of real estate", and refused either to pay
for or restore them, declaring at the same time that the people
of Maryland should not occupy "the degraded condition of
tenants to a superior lord, a foreigner, and a British sub-
ject"." A similar efifort was made as late as 1821, by Charles
Browning, son and heir of Louisa Browning, with like result,
and five years later, it was attempted to establish the right to
them through the Supreme Cour|^of the United States, upon
the ground that the Proprietorship of Maryland belonged to
Louisa Browning on the death of her brother, Frederick,
without lawful issue." This interesting question, however,
was ignored by the Court, which decided that whatever rights
Louisa Browning may have had in the premises, they had
been extinguished (for the purposes of that case) by an
agreement made in England between all the parties in inter-
^ Scharf, 2, p. 394. ' Ground Rents in Maryland, p. 2,7.
^Charles Lord Baltimore, died in 1751, having devised the Province
of Maryland to his son Frederick and his assigns, for life ; remainder to
the sons of said Frederick, lawfully begotten, successively in tail male ;
remainder to the daughters of said Frederick ; in default of such issue,
then to his oldest daughter, Louisa (wife of John Browning), in fee,
subject to a charge of £20,000 sterling in favor of his daughter, Caro-
line (wife of Governor Robert Eden). Frederick Lord Baltimore, died
in 1772, without lawful issue, having devised the Province to his illegiti-
mate son, Henry Harford and his heirs male, lawfully begotten, and in
default, to the heirs male of his illegitimate daughter, Frances Mary
Harford, subject to a charge of £20,000 sterling for his two sisters,
Louisa Browning and Caroline Eden. In 1761, and again in 1767,
Frederick Lord Baltimore attempted to dock tlie entailment of Maryland
THE LAND TEYURE 97
estj tlrat, for certain considerations, the devise of the Province
to Henry Harford should be allowed to stand.'
The last public use and official notice made of the old
"Rent Rolls"" and "Debt Books", in which were kept the
rents and fines due by each individual, and the land on which
it accrued, was in 1777. That year, land in Maryland, for
the first time, was made the subject of direct taxation. The
Act under which this was done — one of the earliest passed by
the first General Assembly of the Republic — provided that
from "them" should be made "complete lists gf the names
and quantity of acres of every tract of land, and to whom the
made by his father's will. Query — Could the Province itself be en-
tailed? If it could, was it practicable to dock the entailment by a com-
mon recovery suffered by the Proprietary, in person or by Attorney, in
one of his ow^n courts in Maryland? By the will of Frederick, Lord
Baltimore, £1500 sterling were bequeathed to Peter Prevost, and a like
sum to Robert Morris, and made chargeable upon Maryland. Peter
Prevost married Hester Wheland, the mother of Henry and Frances
Wheland, alias Harford, and Robert Morris married Frances Harford.
—2d H. & McH. Maryland Reports, p. 277; Scharf, 2, pp. 137. i39-
^ Cassell vs. Carroll, 11, Wheaton, p. 136.
'When Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, established his "'Conditions of
Plantations," he furnished the basis of a pretty accurate census of the
early settlers of his little American kingdom. From the first, lands
were granted to those who transported persons into the colony, "to
inhabit," and the names of those "transports," as they are called, are
entered in the records of the Land. Office of the Proprietary. At least
this is true up to about 1680, a few years after the death of Cecilius,
when the practice seems to have fallen into disuse, and from that time
on, the record of immigrants is fragmentary and of little value. Prior
to that time, however, it is safe to say that nearly every one who came
as a "transport" had his name recorded, and of these an index has lately
been compiled in the Land Office of the State.
It was found that of the 20,859 persons who came to Maryland prior
to 1680, 15,640, or 74.98 per cent., were males, and 5.219. or 25.02 per
cent., were females. Eighty-two family names were represented by
more than twenty-five persons each, and aggregated 4.47' immigrants,
being 22.87 per cent, of the whole number. The Smiths lead with 262
representatives, but the Joneses are a close second, with 254, and if we
include the twenty-five Joaneses— evidently a misspelling— they lead the
Smiths by seventeen. The Williamses hold a respectable third place,
with 194 names, and the Johnsons are not a bad fourth, with I33- The
Davises and Taylors each number over a hundred.
98 COLONIAL MARYLAND
same belonged", for the tax commissioners of the several
counties, as a means of supplying the data and information by
which the new law was to be put into operation/
Thus was the fabric of Maryland's early land tenure
swept away by the storm of the American Revolution. All
landed rights which were granted under the Charter to Cecilius
There is little doubt that the dififerent spellings of the same sound-
ing name are to be attributed more to the clerks, who had no settled
rule about it, than to the fancy of the individuals, very few of whom,
probably, could spell at all.
Twenty-nine of the ships, which traded with the mother country,
are recorded in the index, including the Ark, and among them we find
the names, Baltimore, Cecilius, Constant Friendship, Golden Wheat
Sheaf, King Solomon, Maryland Merchant, True Love, and others.
Most of the old noted families of the State, have here recorded the
first of their names who came to Maryland — the Lloyds, Goldsboroughs,
Tilghmans, Dents, Winders, and scores of others. There was also an
Arnold Elzey in those days. Naturally, there were some odd names —
"Ringing Bell" and "Thomas Birdwhistle" have a cheerful sound ;
"Peter Blackboard," is decidedly pedagogic; "Nicholas Broadway,"
smacks of arrogance ; while, "Samuel Churchyard," casts a gloom over
the company, which needs "Hannah Godsgrace," as an antidote. "John
Godsgrass" and "James Tendergrass" are properly within easy reach of
"Mary Greengoose." We run across "John Halfway," "John Halfe-
head" — who, by the way, sat in the first Assembly, in 1634 and 1635 —
and "Thomas Halfpenny." "Margaret Nutbrown" suggests the fields
and forests of merry England. "Edward Rainbow" seems to have
faded away in the morning of the young commonwealth, as we find no
further trace of him. "Robert Sidebottom" is a little contradictory.
"Francis Silversides" was a palpable anacronism; he should have lived
in our day, and represented Nevada in the Senate of the United
States. "James Wildgoose" led quite a flock into the colony, but they
seem to haye sought other feeding grounds. In "AH Saints Buelis"
and "Jehovah Jones," we catch a strong whifE of the Puritan element
in Baltimore's followers. "John the Fidler" is sug'gestive of revelry.
While the Maryland colony was, in the main, free from hostile
Indian incursions, its early history had, nevertheless, its tragic side, as
we discover in the following entry : "Richard Thompson further pray-
eth, in consideration of transporting his wife, child, maidservant, Don-
sabel Gladdus, and other two men servants, that is to say John Thomp-
son and Hubert Smith, to have confirmed to. him the island to the south-
^ Act, 1777, C. 21.
THELANDTENURE 99
Calvert, the Baron of Baltimore, became merged in the sov-
ereignty of Maryland and vested in her citizens, and lands
became allodial, subject to no feudal incidents and to no
tenure, save allegiance to the State.'
ward of the isle of Kent, called Poplar's Island, which he was possessed
of by grant of Capt. Wm. Claybourrie, and where he inhabited till in
the year 1637 they were massacred by the Indians.
Negroes were brought in very early, the first entry being of "Dina"
in 1637. A few others are named including Mathias Tousa, "a molatta."
It would seem that lands were not always granted foe negroes trans-
ported. Thomas Skinner, in 1664, transported fifteen persons, including
the negroes Robert, Francis and Maria, but "rights" were refused for
the negroes.
Lord Baltimore made many special grants of land to friends, and
gave substantial recognition to those who had performed meritorious
service. Thus, in a special warrant dated at London, May 22, 1637, his
lordship recites:
"Whereas we are informed that Cyprian Thoroughgood hath done
unto us and the colony good service, especially in the business of
Pocomoke, we have therefore thought fit, at his request and for his
better encouragement, to give him 300 acres of land."
A similar warrant was given to Lieut. Robert Troop for "services at
Severn;" and also to John Bayley, "son of John Bayley, late of our
said province, planter, who lost his life in our service in Anne Arundel
county in the late war there."
The allusions to expeditions to distant parts of the colony are
frequent, but unfortunately no details are given.
A strange warrant was given. to John Abbington, Gent., '"to hunt
wild cattle and keep an Indian." — Baltimore Sun, Feb. 9, 1894.
Mo G. & J. Maryland Reports, p. 444.
CHAPTER VII
The Land Tenure of Colonial Maryland
TT HERE was no legally established system of transferring
land in the earlier history of Maryland, and the records
are replete with examples of the inconveniences felt and the
losses sustained in consequence of it.
In the absence of a better method, it was usually done by
writing the transfer on the back of the patent, or on a sepa-
rate sheet of paper and delivering it to the grantee, or by
placing the grantee in possession of the land by livery of
seizin.^
The latter — a mode of conveyancing at common law — was
accomplished by the actual or constructive entry of the
grantor and grantee on the land, which was then symbolically
delivered in the presence of witnesses from, the neighborhood,
thus giving notoriety to the transaction and making known
the change of owners.* In 1663, a more uniform system
of conveyancing was adopted. By this Act, transfers, by
bargain and sale, of real estate were to be in writing in-
dented and sealed, and recorded within six months, either in
the Provincial Court, or in the Court of the County in which
the land lay.'
^ Kilty, Appendix, p. 36; Bozman, p. 58.. - Blackstone.
On Saint Gabriel's Manor (now Point Lookout) Martin Kirk, in
1656, was given seizin of a part of the Manor "by the rod," which was
done by the steward and said Kirk each taking hold of an end of the
rod, and the former saying, in the presence of witnesses, "the lord of
this manor, by me, the steward, doth hereby deliver you seizin by the rod,
and admit you as tenant of the premises," and the said Kirk, "in full
court," "having done his fealty to the lady of the manor (Miss Margaret
Brent) is thereof admitted tenant." — Bozm'an. p. 581.
''Archives, Act, 1663, p. 489.
Bozman says a system was adopted in 1639, but this is an error.
THE LAND TENURE loi
To this was added, in 167 1, the necessity for the acknowl-
edgment of deeds, to be made either before a Judge of the
Provincial Court,' two members of the Privy Council, or two
Justices of the Peace of the County in which the land was
situated, the acknowledgment of married women to be taken
privately, and out of the hearing of their husbands.'
These acts, however (which were re-enacted in 1692,
when the government of the I'rovince was assumed by the
Crown), did not apply to conveyances of land made by Lord
Baltimore, and were confined in their application^ as between
other persons, to deeds of "bargain and sale" only" — a deed
in which the grant is made for a valuable consideration, as
distinguished from a feoflfment — a deed of gift, accompanied
by formal delivery of the property.^
As 'enrollment took the place of livery of seizin, the latter
became unnecessary after 1715, in case the deed was recorded;
but, asjier-deeds could be recorded, except deeds of "bargain
and sale", this ancient custom still continued in practice, to
give efficacy to other species of conveyancing, and it was not
until 1766, when provision was made for the acknowledgment
and enrollment of all kinds of deeds, that it was formally abol-
ished/ After 1766, deeds took efifect from the date of their
execution, and not from the date of enrollment, as the law
had hitherto provided they should.''
A bill for that purpose was introduced, but did not pass. Bacon inti-
mates that the Act of 1663, did not pass, but this is an error also. See
Archives (Ass. Pro. 1663) p. 487, and same 1666, p. 46.
* Archives, Act, 1671, p. 305.
^2 H. & McH. Maryland Reports, p. 279.
*If, however, the owner of the property was a non-resident, but a
"trader" in the Province, before the deed or conveyance became eflfec-
tive, the person to whom it was made had to give bond, approved by the
Chancellor, to pay and satisfy all debts of the grantor due and owing to
any person or' persons living in the Province, to the extent of the value
of the land conveyed. — Act. 1753, C. 36-
* 10 G. & J. Maryland Reports, p. 443; Act, 1715, C. 47-'
^Act, 1766, C. 14.
Under the Act of 1766, C. 14, deeds had to be acknowledged either
in the Provincial Court, or before a Judge thereof; or in the County
I02 COLONIAL MARYLAND
The old custom of indenture — cutting the deed unevenly
on the top and sides so as to make it correspond to a duplicate
— was as indispensable to the validity of deeds in early Alary-
land as was the name of the grantor. And it was necessary
too, for it to be actually indented, and not simply an indenture
in name.
The last mentioned Act made this necessary as to feoff-
ments and other deeds to which it extended, but as it did not
apply to deeds of "bargain and sale", then the most general
in use, the indenting of that class of deeds continued to be
necessary until 1794, when this requisite was declared no
longer essential.*
A good possessory title to lands in Maryland, could be
acquired under the Act of 1663, by an "undisputed, contin-
uous, and uninterrupted possession" for the period of five
years, except as against married women, infants, lunatics, and
persons out of the Province, or of unsound mind, any of
whom could sue for the recovery of the lands and within five
years after the removal of such disability.^ Nor did it apply
to the Proprietary of the Province, as to his unpatented lands,
though it did as to those he claimed by escheat, until he had
formally repossessed himself of them.*
The Act of 1663, however, did not remain in force many
years. It was superseded by the English statute (21 James I.
ch. 16), and the one by which questions of possessory title are
still determined in Maryland."
The descent of lands in early Maryland was regulated by
the English rules and canons of inheritance. By the Act of
Court, or before, two Justices of the Peace. If made before either of
the two latter, and out of the county in which the land lay, the clerk's
certificate to their official character was requited. Deeds thus acknowl-
edged could be enrolled either in the county in which the land lay, or
in the Provincial Court, and, after 1776, in its successor, the General
Court — 2nd H. & McH. Maryland Reports, p. 451.
^2H. & McH. Maryland Rep., p. 176; Act, 1766, C. 14; Act, 1794,
c. 57.
^Archives, Act, 1663, p. 501.
'3 H. & J. Maryland Reports, p. 507.
* I H. & J. Maryland Reports, p. 350; Venable, p. 23.
THE LAND TENURE
103
1642, lands were to "descend to the heir who hath right Ijv
the law of England". If such heir was not in the Province,
the heir next in succession was to hold it for his use, which
possession, if undisturbed for seven years, ripened into actual
ownership. The widow, in addition to one-third of the land,
was entitled to the mansion house during her widowhood.*
Among the curious bills introduced in the first Assembly held
in the Province, but which, like all the others of that session,
failed to become a law, was one which deprived a woman of
lands descending to her, unless she married within the age
fixed by law.'
Under the English rule, thus introduced in Maryland,
males inherited to the exclusion of females, and of the male
issue, the oldest son, in the absence of a will, succeeded to the
entire estate. Custom followed close to the law, and even
where wills \vere made, the oldest son generally received the
"lion's share" of the estate.
This partial and unjust rule of "primogeniture", as it
was called, had its origin in the feudal ages, when it was
deemed important to keep the estate entire, and when the
oldest son was supposed to be the one best capable of taking
his father's place, and of performing the military services
which were incident to the grant. Later, it was maintained
in England as a means of supporting nobility and its titles.
Its introduction in Maryland \yas not due to either of these
reasons, though it did, in effect, help to sustain the leadership
of the great Maryland families, but was most probably the
result of the want of a better system, and the bondage of the
people, at that day, to English traditions and institutions.'
At the time of the American Revolution, however, Eng-
lish ideas and customs were not so popular in Maryland, and
in 1786, the General Assembly declared, "that the law of
* Archives,' Act, 1642, p. 157. * Shea,, p. 51.
'There were, also certain local modes of inheritance, which pre-
vailed in England by custom, such as "borough JEnglish" and' "ultimo-
geniture"— the former the right of the youngest son to the entire estate,
and the latter the right of the youngest son to the homestead. These
customs were predicated upon the theory that the oldest sons were pro-
I04 COLONIAL MARYLAND
descent in Maryland, which originated in the feudal system
and military tenures in England, was contrary to justice, and
ought to be abolished". It was, accordingly, done, and sub-
stantially the same rules of descent as those now in force, were
adopted in its stead.'
The law of entailments, by which lands could be trans-
mitted for generations in the line of a particular heir, was also
practically swept away by the same Act, which declared, that
estates in tail general, should descend in fee simple, and to the
same heirs at law, as fee simple estates.
An Act' had hitherto been passed, making it practicable
to "bar" or "dock" entailments, by a simple conveyance of
the property, and though neither of these, in terms, converted
estates in fee tail into fee simple estates, they did so in effect.
by vesting in the owner all the rights and powers incident to
the ownership of fee simple estates."
While entailments found a successful lodgment in Mary-
land, the restrictions surrounding them were too numerous
and inflexible for popularity, and the records furnish repeated
instances of efforts having been made to "dock" them by the
old process known as "common recovery", long before the
Revolution.*
vided for during the lifetime of the father, and that the youngest re-
mained at home and cared for his parents in their old age and infirmity.
They were never introduced in Maryland, but the latter of them did pre-
vail in some of the New England colonies, and, it is said, still exists
in some of the northern counties of New York. — Social Condition of the
Colonies.
^\ct, 1/86, C. 45-
-Act, 1782, C. 23. '21 Maryland Reports, p. 477.
The Act of 1786, providing for the descent of estates tail, applied
only to estates of fee tail general — those limited to heirs of the body
generally. This Act, as re-enacted in 1820, is the one now in force, and,
as it does not embrace estates tail special — those limited to particular
heirs of the body — the latter class, it would seem, can still be created
and exist in Maryland, but subject always to the possibility of being
barred by the tenant in tail conveying the property as provided by Act
of 1782, which applies to all classes of entailments, and which makes the
grant of the tenant in tail, operate to convert the entailment into a fee
simi^le estate.
' It is curiously recorded of one of the patriarchs of Colonial Mary-
THE LAND TENURE 105
Under the Maryland Charter, the Proprietary was ex-
pressly authorized to erect manors "according to English
customs and usage's", and in tlie exercise of this right, he
directed that every distinct tract of two thousand acres, or
more, might be erected into a manor, under such name as the
owner desired/
While many of the larger tracts in Maryland were called
manors by reason only of the quantity of land they contained,
there were a large number of manors, formally erected in the
Province and invested with all the "royalties and privileges
usually belonging to manors in England", among them the
right of the lord of the manor to establish and hold Courts
Baron and Court Leet." This clause in the grant of Mary-
land manors, was not a mere "high sounding symbol", but
meant the practical introduction into Maryland of the English
system of manorial holdings, with all the customs, powers, and
emoluments, as well as the halo of importance, and dignity
attached thereto.
The bestow'al of this privilege upon the first Baron of Bal-
timore— one which was at that time denied the great feudal
Barons of England — indicates the high favor in which he was
held by the Crown, and its incorporation in the Maryland
Charter shows that he possessed a keen perception of its prac-
tical bearing on his Maryland enterprise. Through the sys-
tem he not only made provision for the government of the
larger landed communities by which they would be kept under
control, and yet he be relieved of settling their local affairs.
land, that, when importuned by his sons to break the entailment upon
his estate, replied : "If one of you inherit the whole estate, I shall be
responsible for the production of one fox hunter; if I divide it, I shall
make as many fox hunters as I make heirs," thus illustrating the preva-
lence of this sport among, the landed gentry of that 'day.
— Old Maryland Manors, p. il.
' By the first Conditions of Plantation, tracts of one thousand acres,
or more, might be erected into a manor, but after 1641, the right to
erect manors was restricted to tracts of not less than two thousand
acres.
^ For an account of the Manorial Courts in Maryland, sec Chapter.
The Judicial System oi Colonial Maryland.
io6 COLONIAL MARYLAND
but it placed him in a position to gratify the strong demand of
the times for local self-government, and at the same time
check any undue growth of that spirit and prevent it reaching
dangerous proportions.^
On the Maryland manors, generally resided the lord of the
manor and his tenants, among whom the land was divided into
small farms.'' Some of the tenants were mere renters from
year to year; others held under leases for life or a term of
years, while others purchased and owned the land on which
they lived, but subject to all the duties and customs of manors
in England. Among these, were rent, escheat, forfeiture,
fines for selling or devising the tenament, or a change in the
ownership by death of the tenant intestate, attendance of all
between the ages of twelve and sixty years upon the Manor
Courts, and the oath of fealty to the lord of the manor.
To the lord of the manor also belonged all escheats and
forfeitures accruing from the land leased or sold, the former
extending not only to cases in which the tenant died without
heirs, but to those also, in which the tenant was in arrear in
rent, and did not have sufficient personal property on the
premises to pay it by distraint, and the latter to cases of rebel-
lion. Instances are furnished in which both of these rights
were exercised upon Governor Leonard Calvert's manors, the
escheats being for non-payment of three years' rent, and the
forfeitures for participation in Ingle's rebellion.''
In addition to the large number of manors laid out for
private individuals, the Proprietary had at least two, of not
less than 6,000 acres each, surveyed in every county, and set
apart for his- own use.* Many of these were still in his pos-
session at the time of the Revolution,. and were subject to the
Maryland Act of confiscation, among them the one of 10,000
^ Local Institutions in Maryland.
^ In Maryland, the demesne (the part occupied by the manor house,
etc.) was the sixth part of the manor, that had to be distinctly set
apart, and which could not be alienated, separated, or leased for a
period longer than seven years. — Kilty, p. 39.
' See details of these proceedings in Kilty's, p. 103.
* Kilty, p. 63.
THE LAND TENURE
107
acres lymg westward of Fort Cumberland, erected in 1764,
and which, with other lands, was divided into "military lots"
after the Revolution, and awarded to the officers and soldiers
of the Maryland Line.'
There were, also, large manors laid out for the Indians,
the principal one, perhaps, being Calverton [Manor, containing
about 10,000 acres, and located, says the order directing it, on
"a tract of land at the head of Wicocomico River, called
Choptico". It was erected in 165 1, for the. "six nations",
who wanted to be placed under the protection of the- Maryland
government. This scheme of colonization, however, of making
copyhold tenants of the Indians, seems to have been abortive,
at least, so far as instituting a confederacy of the different
tribes is concerned, as in 1692, the only one of them 'appar-
ently living on the manor was the Chopticons."
The gradual decline of the manorial system in Maryland,
was not due to adverse feeling against the institution of
manors and manorial customs, but to the introduction of
slavery. When labor from that source became abundant and
cheap, land could be worked more profitably with slaves than
by tenants. The former, therefore, gradually supplanted the
latter, and the "Maryland manor" became in time a "Mary-
land plantation", cultivated by slaves, either in its entirety or
as separate estates.
It has been charged that it was Baltimore's plan to
found in Maryland an order of nobility, based on baronia!
holdings. It is true, the Charter' expressly provided that
dignities and titles could be conferred, and incidentally, that
a provincial peerage might be established, and that among the
bills transmitted by Baltimore to the Assembly, in 1637 (but
'Ibid, pp. 332-350. ^Archives (CI. Pro. £692) pp. 3-36.
There were. also large tracts laid out on the Eastern Shore, for the
Choptank and Nanticoke Indians (Kilty, pp. 351-355) — these tribes were
the remnants of the Ktiskarazcoaks, once famous as the great makers of
peake and roanoke (Indian money.) Peake was more valuable than
roanoke, but they both consisted of shell — the former of the conch, the
latter of the coekle — wrought into the shape of beads. — Day Star. p. in.
' Section 14.
io8 COLONIAL MARYLAND
which, with the others sent, was rejected), was a "Bill for
Baronies". It is, however, also true that after the bill which
was subsequently passed, substantially as prepared by him,' he
vetoed," either from political reasons, growing out of the
claim he was at that time making that he, and not the Assem-
bly, had the right to initiate legislation, or from prudential
motives which prompted a reconsideration of his original plan
of founding "Baronies" in the Province.
Be this as it may, it is highly probable that the "Bill for
Baronies", as introduced by him, was a proposition, not for
an order of nobility, but for the creation of political subdivi-
sions, such as are still known in Ireland as "Baronies", and
where Baltimore was then engaged in the enterprise of coloni-
zation."
At the session of 1639, two bills were introduced, but not
passed, constituting the lords of manors a privileged class ;
the one providing, that they should only be tried by a jury
composed of lords of manors, if so many could be procured,
and, if condemned to capital punishment, they were, unlike
the body of people, to be executed by being beheaded, and
not by hanging; the other, that lords of manors should be
eligible, like members of the Council, to seats in the Assembly
without election by the people,* but it nowhere appears that
Baltimore was interested in the passage of either of them, or
responsible for their introduction.
Yet, whatever his intention may have been as to the crea-
tion of an order of nobility in Maryland, certain it is, that a
genuine aristocracy did spring up and develop into a promi-
nent feature of the colony, as the natural evolution of his land
system. " Nothing could have contributed more, indirectly, to
the development of an aristocracy, as well as in moulding the
character and habits of the people, than the land tenure of
Colonial Marvland. Under its influences, both economic and
' The Foundation of Maryland, p. 40.
*Ibid; Bozman, 11, p. 67.
'' Bozman, 11, p. 67; The Foundation of Maryland, p. 42.
^Archives (Ass. Fro. 1639) pp. 51-74.
THE LAND TENURE 109
political, land .soon came to be esteemed the highest source of
wealth in the Province, and, a little later, its ownership
became a mark of distinction and an element of power.
In early Maryland there was a property qualification for
voters, the right of the elective franchise being restricted to
freemen who had not less than fifty acres of land, or a "visi-
ble personal estate of ^40 sterling within the County" ; the
same qualification being required of delegates to the Assem-
bly,^ and only the landlords and employing classes were sub-
ject to taxation, which was rated according to the number of
productive persons under their care — a system, purely aristo-
cratic both in its intention and tendency.
From the class recognized as gentlemen, the County
Court Judges, High Sheriffs, and Upper Magistrates, and,
indeed. State and County officials generally, were selected, and
as rural life was then esteemed the most honorable, those of
this class were all expected to be owners of landed estates.
They were entitled to be> addressed as Esquires, the small
freeholder and tenant being called ^Master or Mr."
These, among other distinctions, between the freeholders
and those who were landless, and between small landlords and
the great landed proprietors of the Province ; the importance
attached to the lords of manors, by reason of their vast
possessions and judicial powers, and the strong support which
the system received from the law of primogeniture and entail-
ment, were powerful elements in the development of an aris-
tocracy.
The isolation, too, of those vast estates, separated as they
were, by such wide distances, and the solitary life of the
planters who resided on them, necessarily made their proprie-
tors rely on their own resources for entertainment, and made
it also essential that each manor or plantation — being a com-
munity within itself — should l)e wholly self-sustaining, and
wholly independent — a condition they shortly attained.'
Co-operation was not an element of such a society, and
the absence of this deprived the body of the people of the
* McMahon, pp. 445, 449. " Scharf, 11, p. 50; Day Star, p. 116.
no COLONIAL MARYLAND
facilities for education which that closer community of feeling
and association of interests — prevailing in some of the New
England colonies — afforded, and which, for more than a cen-
tury, practically restricted education to the sons and daugh-
ters of the wealthy planters, who could resort to colleges and
seminaries. This condition intensified the consciousness of
inferiority in the former class, while it excited in the latter, a
sense of increased pride in their possessions, and a feeling of
superiority in their surroundings and station of life.
And thus it was that the great landlords of the Province
— political powers of the land and the educated element of the
community — living upon their vast estates, independent and
within themselves, possessing wealth without riches, dispens-
ing that abounding hospitality, and cherishing that spirit of
self-reliance and invincible independence, for which the society,
the soldiery, and the statesmanship of Maryland became
renowned.
CHAPTER \III
The Judicial System of Colonial Maryland
T^HE Palatinate jurisdiction conferred on the Baron of Bal-
timore, over the Province of Maryland, as well as the
powers expressly given by the seventh section of the Pro-
vincial Charter, are the corner-stones of the judicial system
of Colonial Maryland. These accorded to him the full and
sole authority to ordain judges, establish courts, and define
their jurisdiction, and the manner and form of their proceed-
ings.
This right he first exercised by commission, the earliest
one extant being that of April 15th, 1637, by which he ap-
pointed Governor Leonard Calvert, Chief Justice and Chan-
cellor of the Province, and invested him with full power to
award process, hold pleas, and to hear and finally determine
all civil actions, suits, and demands, both in law and equity,
as well as all criminal causes, except that where a life, mem-
ber, or freehold were involved, at least two members of the
Privy Council were to sit with him.^ Causes were determined
by the common law of England, except where superseded by
a provincial statute, and except, also, where life, member, or
freehold were concerned, which could only be taken away by
an express law of the Province." This, in 1642, was extended
to persons who were outlawed or fined more than 1000 lbs. of
tobacco.^
Baltimore, however, soon submitted the General Assem-
bly to regulate the perfunctory matters appertaining- to the
administration of justice in Maryland, such as the time, place,
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1637) p. 49-
^McMahon, p. 113; Act, 1642, C. 4; Act, 1646, C. 2.
"Archives (Ass. Pro. 1642) p. 184.
112 COLONIAL MARYLAND
and manner of holding courts, and also to define their juris-
diction and the compensation of their judges, but the right to
appoint the judges he always retained and exercised himself,
or through his representative, the acting Governor; and he
also required that all courts should be held, and that all
process should issue and run in his name, and not in the name
of the King or of the Province/
The first exercise of this privilege by the Assembly, was
in 1638, O. S., when an Act was passed vesting jurisdic-
tion throughout the Province, in all civil, as well as criminal
causes, in the Governor; in the Commander of the Isle of
Kent (within that Island), and in the Privy Council, in cases
in which the Governor was a party; except that in crimes
extending to life or member, the ofifender was first to be
indicted and then tried by at least twelve freemen."
Successive Acts were, from time to time, passed,"* under
which the judicial system was gradually developed, and which
will be noticed in detail, under the head of the several courts
of the Province.
The first judicial officers appointed for Maryland, except
the commission to the Governor and Council of 1637, before
referred to, were Justices of the' Peace.'
As early as January, 1637, O. S., one was commissioned
for Saint Mary's County, and in February of the same year,
three were commissioned for Kent.^ The jurisdiction of these
Justices was defined by their commissions, and was more com-
prehensive than that given to those subsequently appointed
' McMahon, pp. 156, 157. 'Archives (Ass. Pro. 1638) p. 83.
° In 1638, an- Act was introduced providing for a specific arrange-
ment of the judicial system of the Province, but it did not reach its
third reading, and was not passed. — (Archives, Ass. Pro. 1638, p. 39.)
Bozman, however, devotes much space in explaining the tenor of this
Act, which is misleading unless critically read, as the courts therein
named were not established.
■" The Court of Piepoudre, or market court, authorized by the char-
ters of the cities of Saint Mary's and Annapolis, while a part of the
system of Maryland jurisprudence, yet, being so circumscribed in terri-
torial jurisdiction, are not treated here. For a brief notice of these
courts, see Chapters ; The First Capital of Maryland.
"Archives (CI. Pro. 1637) pp. 60, 62.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 113
who -were only constituted conservators of the peace, and
with the powers and duties incident to the office of justice of
the peace in England/
In 1715, they were given jurisdiction, concurrently witli
the County Court, in all civil causes within their respective
bailiwicks, in which "the real debt or damage doth not exceed
400 lbs. of tobacco, or 33 s. and 4 d. in money",'' but this,
apparently, did not apply to controversies with the Indians, as
two years later an -Act was passed, in which, after reciting
the inconvenience of having such matters brought before the
Governor and Council, Justices of the Peace were authorized
to try and determine disputes between the "English and In-
dians", not exceeding 20 s. sterling.^
The first time Justices of the Peace were given jurisdiction
exclusive of the County Courts, was in 1753, and at that time
it was also increased to 600 lbs. of tobacco or 50 s. currency.*
From their decision an appeal would lie to the County Court,
which at first applied to all cases, but in 1763, the right of
appeal was limited to cases in which the amount involved
exceeded 400 lbs. of tobacco, or 33 s. and 6 d. in money, and
to stay execution pending the appeal, a bond had to be filed
in double the amount of the judgment.^ The constables were
the executive officers of the Justice's Court."
Two Justices of the Peace could take the acknowledgment
of deeds,' and a single Justice* could take the probate of any
account,* and administer the oath of office to all government
officials" and public inspectors."
Justices of the Peace were appointed by the Governor,
were usually the leading men of the county, and constituted,
with those known as Justices of the Quorum, the County
Court.
The firgt County Court held in Maryland, of which there
'Ibid, 1661, p. 422. -.\ct, 1715. C. 12.
' .Act, 1717, C. 14. * Act, 1753. C. i.v
'.-Act, 1716, C. 5- "Act, 1763. C. 21.
'Act, 1715. C. 15. "Act. 1715. C. 47-
*Act, 1729, C. 20. '"Act, 176.^, C 18.
114 COLONIAL MARYLAND
is any record, met at Saint Mary's, on the 12th day of Feb-
ruary, 1637, O. S. It was presided over by the Governor
and two members of Council. A grand jury of twenty-four
freemen was impaneled and sworn, and several indictments
found," but by a singular coincidence they were for offenses
which the Court, by the express terms of its commission,
could only determine by a statute of the Province for such
cases made and provided, and Baltimore having vetoed all
Acts passed by the Assembly up to that time, the Court found
itself in the unique position of having before it, prisoners
arraigned and no laws by which to try them."
But the General Assembly, which was then in session,
did not propose to let the offenders go unwhipt of justice, and
believing itself equal to the emergency, and not bound by the
restrictions imposed upon the Governor and Council in their,
judicial capacity, resolved itself into a high court of justice,
assumed jurisdiction of the cases, and, with the acting Attor-
ney General, John Lewger, tried and convicted the prisoners
of murder, the crime for which they were indicted.''
This Court, however, while called a County Court, was
not such, as they were subsequently organized, but was the
Provincial Court, sitting as a County Court, which it con-
tinued to do for the County of Saint Mary's until the new coun-
ties were erected, and which t until its limits were thus
curtailed, embraced the whole o\ western shore, as distin-
guished from Kent, on the easter _ shore. For the latter, a
special Court was at first instituted, with a Chief Judge and
two Associates, and with jurisdiction over civil causes to the
extent of 1.200 lbs. of tobacco, and over all crimes and offenses
not punishable with loss of life or member.*
The earliest reference to a County Court, among the
legislative proceedings in Maryland, was in 1638, when an
Act was introduced, but not passed, "for the erecting of a
* Archives (Pro. Ct. 1637) p. 21. ^ Ibid ; Bozman, pp. 60, 575.
'Archives (Ass. Pro. 1637) pp. 16, 17, 18.
"Archives (CI. Pro. 1637) p. 62.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 115
Counfy Court".' The next, is the Act of 1642, which refers
to them as existing tribunals, from which it may be inferred
that the Proprietary had, in the meantime, instituted them.
This Act fixed the terms of court, and provided the oath for
the Justices, the order of trials, method of appeal, and the
manner of drawing the jury, and of selecting the Sheriff,' the
latter being done by the Court placing three suitable persons
in nomination, from whom the Chief Judge appointed the
Sheriff of the Counfy for the ensuing year.' This method of
selecting the Sheriffs of the several counties, continued until
1662, when, upon the nomination of three persons by the
County Court, the Governor, and not the Chief Judge, made
the appointment.*
In 1676, the right to nominate the Sheriffs was taken
away from the County Courts by the repeal of the Act of
1642," after which the power of appointment was exercised by
the Governor alone. In 1692, their term of office was ex-
tended to two years, and in 1699, to three years, on which
basis it continued until the Revolution."
The Clerks of the County Courts were appointed by the
Secretary of the Province,^ this being one of the prerogatives
belonging to that office. In 1691, the question of depriving
the Secretary of this privilege was agitated, but it resulted in
no change, the decision, howe«2r, being that the office "ought
not to be sold,'" but, as the Set:retary had to give security for
"• Archives (Ass. Pro. 1638) p. 47. ^ Ibid, 1642, pp. 147-152.
* Ibid. * Ibid, 1662, p. 45.
' Bacon, Act, 1676, C. 2.
' The duties performed by the SheriflFs in early Maryland, were very
similar to those incident to the office of Sheriff in England. Besides
serving writs and processes, imprisoning criminals, and inflicting pun-
ishments, it was also incumbent upon them to proclaim at the County
Courts, the late Acts of the Assembly; to collect county and parish
rates or dues ; to supervise the return of taxables ; and to perform such
other duties as were incumbent upon the SheriflFs in England, qnd which
the Governor, the Assembly, or the Courts might, from time to time,
order and direct.
^Archives (CI. Pro. 1671) pp. 23, 136.
*Act, 1692, C. 25; Act, 1699, C. 26.
St; Mary's Seminary-Junior Colleg.*
ii6 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the "good behavior" of the County Clerks, he was allowed
to receive one-tenth of the fees and emoluments of the office/
They were appointed at will, but generally held office during
good behavior,' and besides keeping the Court records, they
were the keepers of the County Seal,' and the records of all
births, marriages, and deaths of white persons within their
respective counties/
Each County Court had a Crier and a Bailiff.' The
County Courts were presided over by Justices of the Peace
or Commissioners, who were appointed by the Governor, and
a reference to their names shows them to have been among
the most prominent men in the Province. A distinction was
made between the Justices of the Quorum, who were presumed
to possess higher qualifications, and the other Justices in the
Commission, the presence of one or more of the Quorum
Justices being necessary at each session of the court to give it
legality. The Justice of the Quorum first named in the Com-
mission was the Chief Judge, and in his absence the one
next named presided."
The number of Justices varied in the several Counties
from six to twelve, four of whom, being necessary to constitute
a legal session of the court.^ But to prevent a discontinuance
of the court, two Justices, one being of the Quorum, could
call and adjourn* it to a future day."
The Justices of the County Courts were paid a per diem,
each receiving 80 tb. of tobacco for each day of attendance,^"
and in order to insure their presence, they were subject to a fine
of 100 tbs. of tobacco for non-attendance, without good cause.^^
The County Courts were Courts of Record,'^ and in their
^Archives (CI. Pro. 1691) pp. 289, 293.
^Ibid, Sharpe, Cor. p. 6; Ibid, CI. Pro. 1671, p. 136.
^Archives (Ass. Pro. 1671) p. 294. "Ibid, 1691, p. 529.
"Act, 1763, C. 18. "Archives (Ass. Pro. 1642) p. 183.
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1661) pp. 422, 424; Ibid, 1675, pp. 65, 69.
"A failure to meet or adjourn Court on the first day of the term,
left its proceedings "without a return day"— a defect that could only be
cured by Act of Assembly. See Archives, Act, 1794, p. 137.
»Act, 1715, C. 14; 1756, C. 6. " "Act, 1716, C. II.
"Archives (Ass. Pro. 1663) p. 497. '" Iliid, 1678, pp. 70, 71.-
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 117
earlier" history- they held six terms a year, consisting of the
first six successive days of every alternate month, but later
they were reduced to four terms a year. They began for the
Counties of Talbot, Baltimore, Saint Mary's, and Worcester,
the first Tuesday in March, June, August, and November ; for
Dorchester, Cecil, Anne Arundel, and Charles, the second
Tuesday; for Calvert, Kent, Somerset, and Frederick, the third
Tuesday, and for Prince George and Queen Anne, the fourth
Tuesday of said months/
In 1663 the County Courts were directed tp provide a
pillory, ducking-stool, whipping-post, stock, and branding-
irons for their respective Counties," and in 1674, a Court house
and Prison were ordered to be erected in each County, under
the direction and supervision of the Justices of the several
Counties, which order appears to have been promptly complied
with." They were also required to make court rules,* a copy
of which had to be "kept sett up att the Court house doore,"
and to purchase Keeble's Abridgments of the statutes of
England, and Dalton's Justice, for the use of the County
Courts." Among the other administrative duties incumbent
Mbid, 1648, p. 232; Acts, 1715, C. 4; 1742, C. 19; 1748, C. 15.
"Archives (Ass. Pro. 1663) p. 490.
Mbid, 1674, p. 413, Ibid, 1675, p. 447.
" The first regulation of the County Court of Cecil, of the year 1721
reads : "When the Justices meet together at the Court house, to hold a
court, one of them shall order the 'Crier to stand at the Court house
door and make three "Oyeses" and say, all manner of persons that have
any business this day at his majesty's Court, draw near and give your
attention, for the Court is now going to sit: '"God save the King."
Rule 7 reads: "the plaintiff's attorney standing up and direct himself
to the court & then to the jury if any and open his client's case after the
clerk's reading the Declaration * * * and when done he to sitt down
and then the Defendant's Attorney to stand up .and answer him as
aforesaid & not to speak both together in a confused manner or in-
decently." Rule 9 prescribed that no one presume to keep his hat on in
court except "any of the Gentlemen of his Majesty's 'Honerable
Council."— Johnson's History of Cecil County, p. 244 & 246; Local In-
stitutions in Maryland, p. 89.
^A.rchives (Ass. Pro. 1678) p. 70.
ii8 COLONIAL MARYLAND
upon the County Court were, to levy county taxes/ assess
parish rates/ and fix their boundaries/ and to appoint the
keepers of weights and measures/ road supervisors/ consta-
bles, and press masters/
The Sheriff selected and summoned the grand and petit
jury for the County Court, which had to be done at least ten
days before court convened/ Those exempt from jury service
were, delegates, magistrates, coroners, schoolmasters, over-
seers of highways, and constables, and no one was eligible as a
petit juror who had any cause pending for trial at that term
of the court/ The jury thus summoned were compelled to
serve, unless excused, under penalty of 500 lbs. of tobacco/
The same penalty was attached to witnesses, summoned
before the County Court, and not attending, besides being
liable to damages to the party injured by the loss of their
testimony."
The compensation allowed grand jurors was within the
discretion of the court, but could not exceed 500 lbs. of tobacco
a piece per term, and was paid by the County" The petit jury
received 15 lbs. of tobacco a piece for each day of attendance,
out of the County levy and 120 lbs. of tobacco to the panel in
every case in which they were sworn, to be taxed as a part of
the costs of the case.^''
The right, however, to trial by jury, was limited to crimes
affecting the life or member, until 1642, when it was, for the
first time in Maryland, extended to all cases, civil and criminal,
the party demanding it giving security to pay the cost of the
jury, except that in criminal cases affecting life or member, the
demand could he made without furnishing such security."
Witnesses before the County Court were entitled to 30 lbs.
of tobacco per day, to be taxed with the costs of the case.
In criminal cases these fees, and indeed the fees of all the
^Archives (Ass. Pro. 1671) p. 273; Acts, 1704, C. 34; 1748, C. 20.
*Act, 1729, C. 7. 'Act, 1713, C. 10.
* Archives (Ass. Pro. 1671) p. 281. "^ Act, 1704, C. 21.
"Act, 171S, C. 15 & 43. 'Act, 1715, C. 37. *Ibid.
' Ibid. '" Ibid. " Ibid. '^ Act, 1719, C. 3.
'■''Archives (Ass. Pro. 1642) p. 151. ,.
THE JUDICIAL S V S T K M 119
court officials, including the sheriff and jailer, were paid by the
County, but only in case they could not be made out of the
traveser, by way of execution or servitude.'
The jurisdiction of the earlier County Courts, the records
do not clearly define, the reason for which, perhaps, being tiiat
until 1650, there were but two civil divisions in the Province,
whose judicial affairs were administered as before stated.
In the proclamation erecting Charles County in 1658, the
jurisdiction of the County Court for that County was limited
in civil cases to 3000 lbs. of tobacco, and in criminal causes, to
those not affecting life or member.* This, while applicable to
a single County, serves to show the idea then entertained of
the scope and character of their jurisdiction. Three years
later, when justices of the County Courts were appointed,
apparently for the first time for all of the Counties then
erected, their jurisdiction was the same as that prescribed in
1658 for Charles County.'
^\ct, 1715, C. 26-37.
- Liber, P. C. R. p. 52, 54, Maryland Historical Society.
»C1. Pro. 1661, 422.
The oath administered to Judges, after the allegiance and fidelity
clause, was as follows : "To none will I delay or deny right. Reward
of none will I take for doing justice. But equal justice will I administer
in all thing to my best skill, without fear, favor or malice, of any per-
son, according to the laws of this Province, so help me God." Liber C.
and W. H., p. 6. .
The following curious oath was administered to Judges of the
County Courts, during the reign of George ist: "The subscriber, Do
truly and sincerely acknowledge profess and testify and declare in my
conscience before God and the world that our Sovereign Lord King
George is Lawful and rightful! King of Great Brittain and all other the
Dominions and Countries thereunto belonging and I Do Solemnly
and sincerely Declare that I do believe in my conscience that tlie person
Pretended to be Prince of Wales During the Life of the late King James
and since hisDecease pretending to be and taking upon himself the stile
and title of King of England— by the name of James the third or of
Scotland by ye name of James the eighth or the stile & title of King of
Great Britain hath not any right or title whatsoever to the crown of the
Realm of Great Britain or any other the Dominions thereunto belonging,
and I do renounce, refuse, and abjure any allegiance or obedience to him
and I do swear that I will bear faith and true allegiance to his Majesty
I20 COLONIAL MARYLAND
The jurisdiction of the County Courts was concurrent
with the Provincial Court until 1692, when they were given
an exclusive jurisdiction in civil cases to the extent of 1500 lbs.
of tobacco and cask/ which in 17 14, was increased to £20
sterling, or 5000 tbs. of tobacco, and their concurrent jurisdic-
tion extended to iioo sterling or 30,000 tbs. of tobacco." But
they could not hold plea where the debt or damage did not
exceed 600 lbs. of tobacco or 50 s. currency, those cases being
determined exclusively by a single magistrate, from whom an
appeal would lie to the County Court, where the amount
involved exceeded 33 s. 4 p. or 400 lbs. of tobacco.^ In 1773
they were given exclusive jurisdiction in all civil cases in
which they before had jurisdiction and concurrent jurisdiction
with the Provincial Court in all other cases. The same act
gave them jurisdiction, concurrently with the Provincial Court,
in all criminal matters whatsoever.*
King George and him will defend to the utmost of my powers ast all
Traitors Conspiracies and attempts whatsoever w h^ shall be made ag'
his pson cro" & Dignity and I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose &
make known to his matic & succs all treasons and traitorous Conspir-
aces w-ch I shall know to be ast him or any of them and I do faithfully
promise to the utmost of my power to support maintain and defend the
succession of ye Crow a^t him ye L James and all other pson whatsoever
which succession by an act intittled an act for the further Limitacon of
the Crown and better securing ye rights and Liberties of the subjects is
and stands limited to the Princess Sophia Electress and Duchess Dow-
ager of Hanover and the heirs of her body being protestants & all
these things I do Plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear accord-
ing to the Express words by me spoken and according to the plain
and common sence and understanding of the same words without any
equivocation meritall evasion or secret reservasion whatsoever & I do
make this Recognition acknoleagment abjuracon renonciacon & prom-
ise heartily, willingly and truly upon the true faith of a christian, so
help me God.
I do likewise Declare that I Do believe that there is not any tran-
substantiation in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper or in the Elements
of Bread and Wine at or after the Consecration thereof by any per-
son whatsoever." Taken from Charles County Court Records, Liber,
2,2, 1729—33, folio 3.
^Archives (Ass. Pro. 1692) p. 447. ., = Act, 1714, C. 4.
'Act, 1763, C. 2T. * Act, 1773, C. i.
THE JUDICIAL S Y S T E M 121
The County Courts also had jurisdiction, concurrent witli
the Provincial Court, in all matters testamentary within their
respective Counties until 1673, when the Prerogative Court
was established, which however, still left them with jurisdic-
tion over guardians and orphans, and of the estates of orphans,
with full power to protect the latter from waste or loss/ It
was especially incumbent upon them to see that orphans were
educated, and if their estates were insufficient to admit of this,
they were to be apprenticed. The June term was known as
the "orphan's term," at which it was made the duty of the
Court to ascertain whether orphans were being maintained and
educated according to their estates, and whether apprentices
were being taught their trade and properly treated, and to cor-
rect any misconduct or dereliction of duty on the part of the
guardians or those with whom the apprentices were placed.'
In 1773 the County Court were given jurisdiction in
equity, concurrently with the Court of Chancery, in actions
not exceeding £20 sterhng or 5,000 tbs. of tobacco.'
From the judgment of the County Courts, an appeal would
lie to the Provincial Court. At first the right of appeal was
without limitations, but in 1692 it was restricted to causes
in which the debt or damages amounted to not less than 1,200
lbs. of tobacco," which, in 17 13. was made equivalent to £6
sterling.'
Upon this footing the County Courts remaineil until the
revolution, after which they were reorganized and the several
Counties laid off into districts to be presided over by a '"Chief
'Archives (Ass. Pro. 1654) p. 354; Ibid, 1663. p. 493-
'Act, 1715, C. 39- 'Act, 1763. C. 22.
Either as a matter of practice or hy rule of court, persons were
prohibited from suing out writs when plaintiflFs, and appearing and
confessing judgment when defendants, except through an attorney.
This being represented to the General .Assembly "as a great grievance"
an Act was passed making it "lawful far all persons within thv Province
to order out process in their own names without any titling from an
attorney"; and also that they should have the right "to appear and
imparle till next court, or to confess judgment to any action" brought
against them.— Act, 1716, C. 20.
* Archives (Ass. Pro. 1692) p. 444- 'Act, 1713. C. 4-
122 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Judge, learned in the law, and two associates of integrity,
experience and knowledge,"^ and thus they became merged
into the more comprehensive tribunals known as the County
Court of a specified judicial district, and subsequently as the
Circuit Court of a specified judicial circuit.
It is recorded that the first Court held on the Eastern
Shore of Maryland — the one erected for Kent in 1637 — was a
Court Leet,' but the commission^ by which the Justices of that
court were named, and its jurisdiction defined, indicates that
it was not a manorial Court Leet, but was a tribunal similar
to the County Court as subsequently erected.
That Manorial Courts, however, had practical existence
in early ]\Iaryland, has been incontestably established* and the
discovery of the valuable and unique records of St. Clement's
Manor, not only show the method of holding them, but also the
scope and character of their jurisdiction. This record, which
is carefully preserved in the Maryland Historical Society, and
which is believed to be the only one of its kind extant, though
heretofore published, is here reproduced in the following note :'
^ Act, 1790, C. 23. ' Bozman, p. 39, note.
'Archives (CI. Pro.) p. 62.
*See Johnson's interesting monograph "Old Maryland Manors."
" RECORDS OF THE
COURT LEET AND COURT BARON
OF ST. CLEMENT'S MANOR, 1659-72.
St. Clements j A Court Leet & Court Baron of Thomas Gerard Esqr
Manour J ^^ there held on Thursday the xxviith of October 1659
by J no Ryves gent Steward there.
Constable: Richard fToster Sworne.
Resiants: Arthur Delahay: Robte Cooper. Seth Tinsley: Willm at
Robte Coles: Jno Gee Jno Green Benjamin Hamon Jno Mattant.
ffreholdRS; Robte Sly gent: Willm Barton gent: Robte Cole: Luke
Gardiner: Barthollomew Phillips: Christopher Carnall: Jno Norman:-
Jno Goldsmith.
Leaseholders: Thomas Jackson: Rowland Mace: Jno Shankes: Richard
flfoster: Samuell Harris: John Mansell: Edward Turner: flfrancis
Sutton with J no Tennison.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 123
Considering- the large revenues that accrued to the lord of
manor from the manorial courts, and the dignity incident to
the exercise of the 'judicial powers attached to them, it may
Jury and ■» Jno Mansell
Homages i Bartholl: Phillips
Jno Shankes
Jno Tennison
Jno Goldsmith
T r. /- r Swornc -i , . . r Sworne
Jno Gee Sam: Harris 1
Edward Turner | Jno Norman |
Seth Tinsley J xofer Carnall J
Ordt Agt Sam: Wee the aboue named Jurors doe pfscnt to the Cou^t
Harris that wee finde how about the 3d day of octoV 1659 that:
Jmprimis wee p^sent that about the 3d of October 1659 that Samuel!
Harris broke the peace w^h a Stick and that there was bloudshed
comitted by Samuell Harris on the body of John Mansell for w^h hee
is fined 40' too wch is remitted fie gratia dni.
Wee doe find that Samuell Harris hath a license fro' the Gou'no"" & wee
conceive him not fitt to be prsented.
OrdR Agt Robte Jtem wee p^sent Robert Cole for marking one of the
Cole Lord of the Manno^s hoggs for w^h hee is fined 20001
Tobco afFered to 1000'.
Jtem wee prsent Luke Gardyner for catching two wild hoggs & not
restouring the one halfe to the Lord of the Manno^ whch he ought to haue
done & for his contempt therein is fined 20001 Tobco afTered to 200' of
Tobco.
Jtem wee prsent that Cove Mace about Easter last 1659 came to the
house of John Shancks one of the Lord of the Manno" tenants being
bloudy & said that Robin Coox & his wife were both vpon him & the
said John Shancks desired John Gee to goe -w^^ him to Clove Maces
house & when they the sd John ShaAcks & John Gee came to the said
Cloves his house in the night & knocked att the dore asking how they
did what they replyed then the sd John Shancks & John Gee haue
forgotten But the sd John Shancks asked her to come to her husliand
& shee replyed that hee had abused Robin & her and the said John
Shancks gott her consent to come the next morning & Robin vp to bee
freinds w^h her husband & as John Shancks taketh shee fell downe
on her knees to be freinds w*^^ her sd husband but hee would not bee
freinds w'h her but the next night following they were freinds and
Bartholomew Phillipps saith that shee related before that her husband
threatened to beate her & said if hee did shee would cutt his throat
or poyson him or make him away & said if ever Jo: Hart should come
in agayne shee would gctt John to bee revenged on him & bcate him
& hee beared the said William Asitcr say th' shee dranke healths to
the Confusion of her husband and said she would shooe her horse
round & hee the said Bartholomew Phillips heard the said Robin
124 COLONIAL ^lARYLAND
be safely assumed that they were held where ever the right to
do so existed, and where conditions suited ; though they ap-
pear to have given away to the early County Courts at a com-
paratively early date.
say if ever hee left the house Cloves should never goe w^h a whole face.
Jt is ordered that this businesse bee transferred to the nex County
Co^t^ according to Law.
Also wee present John Mansell fore entertayning Beniamyn Hamon
& Cybill his wife as Jnmates Jt is therefore ordered that the sd Man-
sell doe either remove his Jnmate or give security to save the pish
(parish) harmless by the next Co""' vnder payne of 1000' Tobco"^.
Also we p^sent Samuell Harris for the same and the same order is on
him that is on John Mansell.
Also wee present the Freeholders that have made default in their
appearing to forfeit 100' Tobco apeice.
Wee doe further p^sent that our Bounds are at this p^sent unpfect &
very obscure. Wherefore w^h the consent of the Lord of the Mannor
Wee doe order that every man's land shall bee bounded marked and
layed out betweene this & the next Co^t by the present Jury wth the
assistance of the Lord vpon payne of 200' Tobco for every man that
shall make default.
St. Clements i At a Court Leet & Co^t Baron of Thomas Gerard
MannqR [ ^^ Esqr there held on thursday the 26th of Aprill 1660
by John Ryves Steward there
Constable Richard ffoster.
Resiants Robert Cowx William Roswell John Gee John Green Beniamin
Hamon.
Freeholders: Robert Sly gent Will'm Barton gent Robt Cole Luke
Gardiner Christopher Carnall John Norman John Goldsmith.
Leaseholders Thom's Jackson Richard ffoster- Samuell Norris John
Mansfeild Edward Turner John Shancks Arthur Delahy Clove Mace
John Tennison.
Jury and [ Christopher Carnall "] Richard Smith ^
Homage \ John Tennison I John Norman I
John Gee [ John Love '
Edward Turner i George Harris j
Beniamin Hamon | Willm Roswell i
John Greene ' J Walter Bartlett J
Wee the above named Jurors doe p^sent to the Co^t Luke Gardiner
for not doeing his Fealty to the Lord of the Manno^. Jt is ordered
therefore that he is fined lOOO' of Tobcoe.
Wee pfsent fower Jndians, viz^
for breakinge into the Lord of the Manno^s orchard whereof three
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 125
Before tl>e Manorial Courts — the Court Leet and Court
Baron — controversies between the residents of the manor and
all important business relating to the manor, were determined.
The Court Leet, was the court of the people. The steward
of the manor presided, and the jury and officers were chosen
from the residents of the manor, the attendance of all of whom,
them were taken & one ran away & they are fyned 20 arms length of
Roneoke.
We pfsent also two Jndian boys for being taken w^h hoggs flesh &
running away fro' it & they are fined 40 arms length.
Wee pfsent also a Cheptico Jndian for entringe into Edward Turners
house & stealinge a shirt fro' thence & hee is fined 20 arms length if
he can be knowne.
Wee prsent also Wickocomacoe Jndians for takeinge away- Christo-
topher Carnalls Cannowe fro' his landing & they are fyned 20 arms
length if they bee found.
Wee prsent also the King of Cheptico for killing a wild sow & took
her piggs & raysed a stock of them referred to the hob'e Gounor.
Wee concieve that Jndiansbught not to kecpe hoggs for vndcr p''tence
of them they may destroy all the hoggs belonginge to the Manno"" &
therefore they ought to bee warned now to destroy them else to bee
fyned att the next Court Referred to the ho^'e the Gou'no"".
We reduce Luke Gardincrs fyne to 50' of Tobcoe.
Wee am'ce the fower Jndians to 50 arms Length of Roneoke & the
Jndian that had his gun taken fro' him to bee restored agayne to the
owner thereof
The Jndian boys wee am'ce 40 arms Length of Roneoke as they are
above am'ced. »
W'ee am'ce the Cheptico Jndian for stealing Edward Turners shirt to
20 arms length of Roneoke.
Wee am'ce also Wickocomacoe Jndians for takeinge away Christo-
pher Carnalls Cannowe to 20 arms Length of Roneoke.
Memorand that John Mansfeild sonne of Mansfeild deceased
came into this Co did atturne tent to the Lord of this Manno"".
St Clements 1 A Court Leet & Court Baron of Thomas Gcrrard esquire
MannqR f there held on Wednesday the Three tS: Twentieth of
October 166L. by Thomas Mannyng Gent Steward there for this tyme
Bailiff William Barton Gent.
Constable Raphael Haywood Gent
Resiants Mr Edmond Hanson George Bankcs ffrancis BellowVs Tho:
James John Gee Michaell Abbott.
ffreeholders Robt Sly Gent Will Barton Gent Luke Gardiner (n-nt,
absent Robt. Cole Gent. Raphael Haywood Gent Bartho Phillips Gent.
126
C O L O X I A L MARYLAND
between the ages of twelve and sixty was required. It had
jurisdiction over the poHce regulations of the manor, and
offenses of a criminal nature, except those punishable with loss
of life or limb, among them "such as have double measure,
buy by the great and sell by the less ; such as haunt taverns and
no man knoweth whereon they do live; such as sleep by day
and watch by night, and fare well and have nothing." It
Jury Rich: ffoster
Edward Conoray
Edward Runsdall
John Shankes
John Knape
Gerett Brenson
Clove Mace
Robt Cooper
Arthur De La huy
John Tenison
Jury and
Homage
Robt Cole
Bartho Philips
Edward Conovay
Edward Ransdell
Gerett Brenton
Clobe Mace
Edmond Hanson
Robt Cooper
Arthur De La hay
Wm Rosewell
Tho; James
Mich. James
[Several leaves of the record missing]
The Court adiorned till two of the Clocke in the afternoone.
John Gee and Rich, foster sworne
The Jury presents that Bartho: Phillips his Landes not marked and
Bounded Round
The Jury Likewise present that the Land belonging to Robt Cooper
and Gerett Breden is not marked and bounded Round.
The Jury Presents Robt Cooper for Cutting of sedge on S* Clements
Jsland and fowling wthout Licence for wch he is Amerced 10^ of Tob.
AfTered to 101 of Tob.
The Jury Present that Edward Conoray while he was Rich fosters
servant did by accident worray or Lugg wth doggs on of the Ld of the
mannors Hoggs and at another ty me Edward Conoray going to shoot
at ducks the dog did Run at somebodys Hoggs but we know not whose
they were and did Lugg them for wch the Jury doe Amerce Rich: flfoster
501 of Tob. Affered to 201 of Tob
The Jury presents M"" Luke Gardiner for not appearing at the Lords
Court Leet if he had sufficient warning
St Clements -> A Court Leet of Thomas Gerard Esqr. there held on
MannqR / ^^ Thursday the eighth day of September 1670. by
James Gaylard gent steward there.
EssoiNES: Benjamin Salley gent James Edmonds Richd Vpgate Capt
Peter Lefebur these are essoined by reason they are sick and cannot
attend to their suit.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 127
also exercised. supervision over the trade on the manor, "fixed
the price of bread and ale," and enforced its game laws and
ordinances against' the sale of impure food. It could not
punish by imprisonment, but could impose fines, all of which
went to the lord of the manor.
FFREEHOLDERS: Justinian Gerard gent, Robt^ Sly gent, Thorn Notley
gent, Capt Luke Gardiner, Benjamin Sallcy gent, Robert Cole, Bar-
thollomew PhilHpps, JnQ Bullock VV™ Watts, James Edmonds, Richard
Vpgate, Simon Rider, J no Tenison, Richd flfoster, Edward Connory,
J no Shankes, J no Blackiston.
Leaseholders: Robte Cowper Capt Peter Lefebur, He..ry Shadock,
Richd Saunderson Jno Hoskins, Thomas Catline.
Resiants: Richd Marsh, Joseph ffowler Roger Dwiggin Thom Casey,
Jno Saunders, Henry Porter, ffrancis Mondeford W'^ Simpson W™
Georges George B es W™ West, Wn» Cheshire, Jno Paler, Robte
ffarrer George Keith, Joshua Lee James Green, Thom oakely, J no
Turner, Maunce Miles, Jno Dash W™ ffelstead Jno Chauntry:
Jury Richd ffoster ") Jno Blackiston
Jno Tenison 1 Jno Stanley
Edward Connory I ^ Richd Saunderson
Robte Cowper | ^^^'"''"'^ J no Bullock ^ ^worne
Thom Cattline | Thom oakely
Wm Watts J Jno Paler
Bayliff Jno Shankes & Sworne.
Presentmts: Wee p^sent that Bartholomew Phillips his land was not
layd out according to order of Court formerly made wherefore he is
fined one hundred pounds of tobacco & caske unto the Lord.
We pTsent John Tenison for stffTering his horse to destroy John
Blakiston's Corne field.
We prsent that Jno Stanley and Henry Neale killed three marked
hogs vpon the Lords Manor ^ch Capt Gardiner received wch hogs were
not of Capt Gardiner's proper marke which is transferred to the next
Provinciall Court, there to be determined according to the Law of the
Province.
We prsent that Edward Connery killed or caused to be killed five
wild hogs vpon the Lords Manor this was done by the Lords order and
Liscense.
We pfsent that the Lord of the Manno"" hath not provided a paire of
stocks, pillory, and Ducking Stoole Ordered that these Jnstrumts of
Justice be provided by the next Court by a generall contribution
throughout the Mano^
We p^sent That Edward Convery's land is not bounded in
We pi-sent that Thomas Rives hath fallen five or sixe timber trees
128 COLONIAL MARYLAND
The pillory, ducking-stool, and stocks were the usual
instruments of punishment. It would also make by-laws for
the government of the manor, and elected the manor bailifiFs,
constables, assessors, and ale-tasters.
The Court Baron was the court of the freeholders, the
jury being selected from that class exclusively, and before it
were tried all matters in dispute between the lord of the manor
and his tenants, as well as all questions of title, trespass, and
debt, between the tenants, and all other matters of a civil
nature, relating to the general welfare of the manor.
vpon Richard ffosters land within this Manor referred till view may be
had of Rives his Lease
We p^sent That Robert Cowper's land is not bounded according to a
former order for which he is fined 100' tobco.
We p^sent that Jno Blackiston hunted Jno Tenisons horses out of
the sd Blackistons corne field fence which fence is proved to be insuffi-
cient by the oathes of Jn" Hoskins and Daniell White.
We p^sent Richard ffoster to be Constable for this Manor for the
yeare ensuing who is sworne accordingly.
We p^sent that Jno Bullocks land is not bounded.
We pfsent Mr Thomas Notley, Mr Justinian Gerard & Capt Luke
Gardiner, ffreeholders of this Manor; for not a appearing to do their
suit at the Lords Court wherefore they are amerced each man 501 of
tobacco to the Lord.
Jt is ordered That every mans land w^hin this Mannor whose bounds
are Vncertein be layd out before the next Cort in prsence of the great-
est part of this Jury according to their severall Grants vnder penalty of
100' tobco for every one that shall make default.
Affeir Thomas Catline )
WiUm Watts | Sworne.
St Clements } A Court Leet & Court Baron of Thomas Gerard
Manor ^ ^^ Esqr there held on Monday the 28th of October 1672
by James Gaylard gent Steward there,
ESSONIES
FFREEHOLDERS. Justinian Gerard gent Gerard Sly gent Thomas Notley
gent Benjamine Sally gent Capt Luke Gardiner Robt^ C^ole Bartholo-
mew Philips Jno Bullock. W™ Watts James Edmonds Richard Vpgate
Simon Rider John Tenhison Richard ffoster Edward Connory Jno
Shankcs Jn^ Blackiston Thomas Jourdaine.
Leasehoi DERS Capt Peter Lefebur Henry Shaddock Richard Saunderson
Jno Hoskins Thomas Catline.
Resiants Joseph ffowler Roger Dwiggin Henry Porter W'" Simpson
William Georges W"" West W'n Cheshire Jno Paler Joshua Lee Maurice
THE JUDICIAI, SVSTICM
129
Tlie extinction of Manorial Courts in Maryland, it has
been suggested, was due to the introduction of slavery, with
whom manors could be made more profitable than with
tenants, and with whom the system of private jurisdiction was
no longer necessary.
"The Court Baron and Court Leet, having served their
term were cast aside. If they played no great part in the his-
Miles Jno Dash W" ffelstead Richard ChiUman Robte Samson Henry
Awsbury Jno Hammilton \Vm Wilkinson Abraham .Combes VVilbn
Harrison Jno Rosewell Vincent Mansfeild Edward Williams Marma-
duke Simson Nicholas Smith Humphry Willey James Traske Derby
Dollovan Jno Vpgate Thomas Rives Michaell Williams Jn© Sprigg
Charles Rookes ffrancis Knott Richard Hart Willm Polfe Thomas
Attaway James Green J no Ball Thomas Liddiard Edward feradbourne
Jno Suttle Jno Lee Jno Barefoot ffrancis Wood.
Jury W'm Watts 1 Jno Bullock 1
Jno Tennison Thom oakly |
Jno Rosewell . ! Thom Jorden [
Jno Stanly j" ^^'"''"^ Jno Hoskins !' ^^^'"^"^
Richard Saunderson | J no Paler
ffrancis Knott J Vincent Mansfeild J
Edward Bradbourne complaineth agt Jno Tennison that he unjustly
deteineth from him 200' tobco to the contrary whereof the sd Tennison
having in this Coart taken his oath the sd Bradbourne is nonsuited.
We prsent Jno Dash for keeping hoggs & cattle upon this Manno""
for whch he is fined lOOQl tobco.
We pfscnt Henry Poulter for keeping of hoggs to rhe annoyance of
the lord of the Manor. Ordered that he remove them within 12 da> s
under paine of 4001 tobco & cask.
We prsent the sd Henry Poulter for keeping a Mare & foale upon this
Manor to the annoyance of J no Stanly ordered that he remove the sd
mare & foale w'^in 12 dales vnder paine of 400' of tobco & caske
We p^scnt Joshua Lee for injuring Jno Hoskins his hoggs by setting
his doggs on them & tearing their eares &. other hurts for which he is
fined 100' of tobco & caske.
We prsent Humphry Willy for keeping a tipling house cS: selling his
drink withcfut a License at unla^full rates for wcli he is fined according
to act of assembly in that case made & provided
We prsent Derby Dollovan for committing an Affray and Shedding
blood in the house of the sd Humphry Willy Ordered that the sd Dolo-
.van give suretys for the peace.
We prsent W'm Simpson for bringing hoggs into this Manor for which
he is fined 3' of tobco And ordered that he remove them in 10 days
vnder paine of v300' of tobco & caske
I30 COLONIAL MARYLAND
tory of the State, they are interesting- as an extinct species. * * *
connecting the life of the present with the Hfe of the past.'"
The Prerogative Court was the court for the probate of
wills and for the administration of all matters testamentary.
Until 1673, these were within the jurisdiction, concurrently,
of the Provincial Court and the County Courts, but in that
year Baltimore created the office of Commissary General, "for
We p^sent Robte Samson & Henry Awsbury for selling drinke ad
unlawful rates for which they are each of them fined according to Act
of Assembly.
We p^sent Simon Rider for keeping an under tenant contrary to the
tenof of his Deed referred till view may be had of the sd Deed.
We p^sent that Raphaell Haywood hath aliened his ffreehold to
Simon Rider upon w^h alienacon there is a reliefe due to the lord.
We pfsent an alienacon from James Edmonds to Thomas Oakely
upon wch there is a Reliefe due to the lord and Oakely hath sworne
fealty.
We pfsent that upon the death of M*" Robte Sly there is a Releief
due to the lord & that. Mr Gerard Slye is his next heire who hath
sworne fealty accordingly.
We p'sent an alienacon from Thomas Catline to Anne Vpgate.
We pfsent that upon the death of Richard Vpgate there is a Releife
due to the lord & [Annie] Vpgate his relict is next heire.
We p'sent Mr Nehemiah Blackiston tenant to the land formerly in
possession of Robert Gowper Mr Blackiston hath sworne fealty accord-
ingly.
We pfsent an alienacon from W™ Barton to Benjamine Sally gent
upon wch there is a Releife due to the lord & M»" Sally hath sworne
fealty to the lord.
We prsent an alienacon from Richard ffoster of pt of his ffreehold to
Jno Blackiston upon which there is a Releife due to the lord
We pfsent a Stray horse taken upon this Mano"" and delivered to the
lord
We prsent Robte Gole for not making his appearance at this Gourt
for which he is amerced 10^ of tobco affeired to 61 of tobco.
We pfsent Edward nder to be Constable for this yeare ensuing
Sworne accordingly.
AffeirqRs Wm Watts »
Jno Bullock \ S^^'""^-
'"Old Maryland Manors", from which most of the data relating to
Manorial Courts was obtained.
For an account of the manorial system in Maryland, see chapter,
"The Land Tenure of Colonial Maryland. .
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM
131
the probate of wills and granting of letters of administration
within the whole province", and with full power to adjudge
and decree upon all matters and causes incidental thereto.'
The Clerk of the Secretary of the Province was at the same
time directed to deliver to the Commissary General, all records
and papers relating to the testamentary business within the
Province, which was accordingly done, and, in April, 1673,
the Prerogative Court was formally opened.
It was a prototype of the old English court of that name,
over which the Archbishop presided, it being his "prerogative"
to take charge of all matters testamentary.
The Commissary General was required to hold court once
in two months, or oftener, if necessary; to conduct -the pro-
ceedings "according to the laws of England, where no law
of the Province prevailed", and he was invested with the
same powers to enforce his orders and decrees as was possessed
by the High Court of Chancery."
It was also incumbent upon him to appoint a Deputy
Commissary for each county who could probate wills, grant
letters of administration in their respective counties, and pass
accounts not exceeding £50 in money ,'' which, in 1763, was
extended to £150 currency, * though, by special commission
from the Commissary General, they could pass accounts with-
out limitation as to amount.^ They could not, however, decide
any question in controversy, either as to the right of adminis-
tration or the passing of accounts, all of which had to be sub-
mitted to the decision of the Commissary General."
The Deputy Commissaries were required by rule of court,
to make their returns to the Commissary General every two
months, with a list of every paper filed within that period, and
to transmit annually, a full list of all administrations granted,
wills probated, and accounts passed, in their respective offices,
as well, also, a "list of alienations of land'', consisting of an
' Archives (CI. Pro. 1673) P- M- ° Act, 1715, C. 39- "Ibid.
*Act, 1763, C. 18. Mbid. 'Act. 1715, C. 39-
132 COLONIAL MARYLAND
abstract of each of said wills, giving the name, quantity, and
location of the lands devised, and the name of the devisees/
It was the practice, also, for the Deputies, after recording
the wills probated in their respective counties, to transmit
them, together with inventories, accounts, and distributions
appertaining to the settlement of each estate, to the Commis-
sary General, who placed them on record in the general office.
As a result of this practice, owing to the destruction of the
testamentary and other records in so many of the counties, the
records of the Prerogative Court are among the most valuable
in the Archives of the State.
The Commissary General was in turn required to transmit,
within three months after final distribution, a copy thereof to
the County Court of the county in which the estate was lo-
cated, in order that such part of it as belonged to orphans
could be under supervision of that court."
The Court held six terms a year, commencing on the sec-
ond Tuesday of January, March, May, July, September, and
November,^ and it was supported by the fees of the office.^
From the decisions of this Court, an appeal could be
taken within thirty days, to a Court of Delegates, appointed
especially for the purpose, and whose decree was final.^
. The Prerogative Court did not survive the Revolution,
one of the earliest acts of the infant republic being to declare
that under "the form of government assented to by the free-
men of this State", it was intended that the Prerogative Court
should be abolished. This was accordingly done, and an
Orphans' Court, with a Register of Wills for each county, was
instituted in its stead."
The High Court of Chancery was ' not organized until
i66i,^ prior to which time the Governor and Council had
exercised jurisdiction over all matters in equity. The Court
was presided over by one judge, denominated Chancellor, who
' Deputy Commissaries Guide, pp. 154, 155.
^Act, 1715, C. 39. ''Dep. Com. Guide, p. 154.
*Act, 1763, C. 18. , 'Act, 1726. C. 9.
'Act, 1777, C. 8. , 'Archives (CI. Pro. 1661) p. 439.
THE JL'DICIAI. SVST1:M 133
was appointed by the i'roprietary/ Two associates, called
Masters in Chancery, were appointed, as in England, to sit
with him, until 1721, when that feature was abolished, after
which the office of Master appears to have merged into that
now known as Examiner.' The clerk of the court, called the
Register, was appointed by the Secretary of the Province.'
The Chancellor was made keeper of the Great Seal, and,
as such, sealed all patents, commissions, writs, and other
public instruments.* The emoluments of the office consisted
of fees for each and all of his official acts, and which rendered
it one of the most lucrative in the Province."
In its earlier history, the Court held only four terms a
year, but after 1719, it was, like the High Court of Chancery
in England, presumed to be always open."
The Court of Chancery had exclusive jurisdiction over all
matters in Chancery, where the amount involved exceeded
'1200 lbs. of tobacco, or £5 in money,' and was co-extensive
with the Province, but, after 1763. the County Courts had
concurrent jurisdiction where the amount did not exceed £20
sterling, or 5,000 tbs. of tobacco.* It also had exclusive juris-
diction over trust estates,* and was the only tribunal through
which alimony was recoverable, though not until a late period
did it have authority to decree divorce.'"
Decrees of the High Court of Chancery were subject to
the same stay of execution for, six months as judgments of
the Courts of Common Law, when superseded in the same
manner."
While the Court of Chancery was established in Maryland
from an early date, it was a long time before any provision
was made looking to an appeal from its decisions, during
which time its decrees, like those of the High Court of Chan-
cery in England, originally, were final and conclusive.
Acts of "Assembly were passed, from time to time, regu-
'Ibid, 1673, p. 12- 'Bland, 2, pp. 54-60.
"Archives (CI. Pro. 1673) P- ^4- * Ibid, 1677, P. 161 ; Act, 1763, C 18.
'Act, 1763, C. 18. ■ "Bland, i, p. 624; Ibid, 2, p. 59.
' Act, 1715, C. 41- ' Act, 1763, C. 22. * Act, 1773, C. 7-
'"Bland, 2, p. 566; Maryland Cli.. 4. P- 293- " Act, i7-'i, C. 4.
134 COLONIAL MARYLAND
lating appeals from the Courts of Common Law, but they
were confined to appeals from those courts, and it was not
until 1 72 1, that provisions were made for an appeal from the
Court of Chancery/ This Act restricted the right to appeal
from "any decree of the Chancery Court", and did not ex-
tend to appeals from orders or decisions," a right, indeed,
which did not exist by virtue of any legislative enactment,
until after the Revolution.'
Appeals from the Court of Chancery were to the Court of
Appeals,^ and were subject to the same rules and limitations
applicable to the Courts of Common Law,^ under which no
appeal would lie to the Court of Appeals, unless the amount
involved exceeded £50 sterling, or 10,000 ft>s. of tobacco.'
It was a remarkable fact, that none of the Acts of
Assembly, regulating appeals in Chancery, prescribed any
method for staying execution pending the appeal, the terms
upon which the appeals might be granted, or the manner of
making up the record, as to all of which, before the revolution,
the Court seems to have been governed by the rules and
practice of the High Court of Chancery in England," which in
every particular it closely resembled.
Upon the adoption of the State Government, in 1777, the
Court of Chancery was given constitutional recognition,* and
under which, also, the Chancellor continued to be the keeper
of the Great Seal of Maryland."
A Court of Admiralty was erected in Maryland, in 1684.
The order directing it, provided that it should consist of not
less than four Judges, appointed by the Governor, and who
were invested with full power, to try and condemn all ships or
vessels found within the Province "ti"ansgr^ssing against his
Majestie's laws of navigation, and other laws relating to
customs." The Court appointed its own clerk, and it was also
authorized to appoint appraisers and summon juries.^" It also
' Act, 1721, C. 14- " Ibid ; CI. Pro. P. L. p. 595.
'Act, 1785, C. 72. *Act, 1721, C. 14.
'Act, 1729, C. 3- "Act, 1713, C. 4.
' I Bland, p. 15. .. « Constitution, Sec. 40.
"Ibid, 36. '• Archives (CI. Pro. 1684) p. 360.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 135
had a Marshal, who, with the Judges and all other officials of
the Court, were paid by fees/ The Court of Admiralty was
continued after the Revolution, but it consisted of one Judge
only, a Register and Marshal, and sat at such places as the
Court deemed most convenient for the trial of the cases before
it."
As early as 1732, Courts of Oyer, Terminer, and Gaol
delivery, or as more commonly known. Courts of Assize,
were established for the several counties of the Province, for
the trial of crimes and offenses,^ but in 1766/ these were
superseded by two Courts of Assize for the entire Province,
one for the eastern and one for the western shore ; these Courts
were each presided over by a Justice appointed by the Governor,
from the Judges of the Provincial Court ; one being appointed
from each side of the Chesapeake Bay, and sat twice a year,
in every county within their respective districts, for the trial
of causes arising in said jcounty/ The Justices were directed
to make all necessary rules of Court and to enforce them by
reasonable fines. The Sheriff of the county in which the
court was being held was its executive officer. Fifty free-
holders were summoned, ten days before the court met, to
serve as grand and petit jurors, who were subject to the same
rules as those respecting jurors in the Provincial Court.
The jurisdiction of the Assize Courts was concurrent with
the criminal jurisdiction of the Provincial Court, and extended
to all crimes and offenses not recognizable in the County Courts,
and to such, also, as were removed from the County Courts,
a right specially given in criminal cases." From their decisions
an appeal would lie to the Provincial Court, upon bill of ex-
ceptions, which latter, unlike appeals in criminal cases, from
other courts, was expressly granted in appeals from the Court
of Assize."
' Act, 1763, C. 18. ' Hanson, Act, 1781, C. 29.
' ist H. & McH. Maryland Reports, p. 83.
*A,ct, 1766, C. 5- 'Ibid.
'Ibid; 1st H. & McH., Maryland Reports, p. 83.
136 COLONIAL MARYLAND
The Judges in the Assize Court each received 7,000 tbs.
of tobacco for their compensation/
The law under which these Courts were organized, was
allowed to expire, in 1769," and does not appear to have been
revived before the Revolution.
Act, 1766, C. 5. ^Hanson.
CHAPTER IX
The Judicial System of Colonial Maryland
"T^HE Provincial Court of Maryland was, from the time of its
organization to the American Revolution, the chief nisi
prills court, and, for a long time, the chief appellate tribu-
nal of the Province, and possessed all the powers of the high-
est English common law courts. It did not owe its origin to
legislative enactment, but to commission from the Proprietary,
by which the judges, in its earlier history, were appointed and
its jurisdiction defined.' But the commission did not bestow
upon it the nanie, nor dicPany Act of Assembly do so. The
Court was simply established, and it was apparently called the
Provincial Court, because its jurisdiction was co-extensive with
the Province, and in distinction to the County Court, which
was limited to a single county. The General Assembly indeed,
thus referred to it, and so called it as early as 1642." A plaus-
ible suggestion has been made, that, as it was at first, the Su-
preme Court of the Province ; cqurtesy and common parlance
bestowed upon it the name of the Provincial Court.'
The Justices of the Provincial Court, at first, were the
Governor and the Council of the Province — the former being
Chief Justice, and in his absence, the member of the Council,
who stood next in commission to the Governor, presided.* It
sometimes happened that, the Lord Proprietary was himself
present, and on such occasions acted as Chief Judge of the
•court.'
' Archives (CI. Pro. 1637) p. 49.
^Archives (Ass. Pro. 1642) pp. 147 to 152.
^Bozman 11, p. 304, note. 'Archives (CI. Pro. 1637) p. 53.
°4th, H. & McH. Maryland Reports, p. 477.
138 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Under the earliest commission, of which there is any
record, the Governor, in most cases, could sit alone, it being
necessary to have the council associated only in causes which
involved a freehold, and in crimes which extended to life or
member,^ but after 1642, the Council constituted a part of the
Court, in all cases, civil and criminal." A quorum consisted of
three Judges, including the Chief Judge,"" or the one next in
commission, though the records show that the attendance of
the members of the council was usually large, due perhaps, in
part, to the fact of their compensation being a per diem.
In 1692, the Provincial Court was organized as a distinct
tribunal from the Governor and Council, and a Chief Judge
with eight associates, constituted the bench. The first Judges
under the new organization were commissioned by the Crown,*
but subsequently they were appointed by the Governor, and
held their office during good behavior, though nominally, its
tenure was at will.^ At a later period, it was strongly urged,
that the bench of the Provincial Court, be reduced to a Chief
Judge and four associates, and also that they be appointed*
exclusively, from those learned in the law,' but this was not
carried out, the reason assigned for the latter being, that
"gentlemen of the law", could not be induced to serve, owing
to the meagreness of the compensation attached to the office."
While, however, not always learned in the law, the bench of
the Provincial Court uniformly, had on it the best available
talent within the Province, and steadily maintained a distin-
guished rank for dignity, character and sound administration
of justice. Among the noted justices who were long associated
with it, may be mentioned the names of Chief Justices Calvert,
Brice and Hayward, and associates Addison, Brooke, Tench,
Courts, Goldsborough, Henry, Mason, Darnall, Hall, Hooper,
Weems, Bordley, Jennifer, Hands, Hepburn and Leeds.
^Archives (CI. Pro. 1637) p. 53.
' Archives (Ass. Pro. 1642) p. 147.
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1637) p. 53.
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1692) p. 307.
'Archives, Sharpe's Cor. pp. 7, 11.-
"Ibid. 'Ibid, p. 334-
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 139
The Provincial Court commonly sat at Saint Mary's while
it was the seat of government though, as a matter of public
convenience, sessions of the court were sometimes held in
other parts of the Province, but in 1699, Annapolis was made
the seat of the court and the place also, where all of its writs
and processes were returnable.' The Court was convened by
the beat of a drum, until 168 1, when a bell was procured
for that purpose, and for convening the General Assembly.'
The Clerk of the Provincial Court was appointed by the
Secretary of the Province,^ and the Sheriff of the County was
its executive officer, both of whom, together with the Crier
and Bailiff of the court, were paid by fees.* The justices of
the Provincial Court were required to make all necessary rules
for the proper government of the court, and to purchase for
its use, the Statutes of England and Dalton's Justice.^
The jury for the Provincial Court was taken from the
whole Province, every couijty being required to furnish two
grand and three petit jurors, for each term of the court, who
were selected and summoned by the sheriffs of their respective
counties, and who were entitled to twenty days' notice.' In
all other respects, the manner of selecting the jury of the
Provincial Court, as well as the questions of disqualification
and exemption from jury service, were determined by the
same rule as those which prevailed in the County Courts,
except that the penalty for failtire to serve was larger —
being 1,000 lbs.' of tobacco — as was, also, their compensa-
tion, which, in the case of the grand jury, while within the dis-
cretion of the Court, might have been as much as 3,000 tbs."
of tobacco a piece, per term, subsequently increased to 6,000
lbs." and 48 lbs. a piece for itinerant charges."* The petit jury
received the same itinerant charges," and 30 lbs. of tobacco a
^ Act, 1699, C. 19.
'Archives, Act, 1681, p. 144.
'Archives, CI. Pro. 1671, pp. 23-136.
'Act, 1763, C. 18. 'Act, 1715, C. 41-
'Act, 171S, C. n. Mbid. 'Ibid.
•Act, 1760, C. 16. '"Ibid. "Ibid.
MO COLOXIAL MARYLAND
piece, for each day of attendance/ subsequently increased to 48
its./ besides the 120 tbs. allowed to the panel in each case
in which they were sworn/ but later reduced to 96 fts./ all
of which was paid out of the public levy/ except the allowance
to the panels of petit juries, which, as in the County Courts,
was taxed as a part of the costs of the case/
The law relating to witnesses before the Provincial Court,
was the same as that applicable to them in the County Courts ;
except that their compensation was larger, being 40 lbs. of
tobacco per diem, and itinerant charges, collectable as witness
fees in the County Courts/ except also, that before they
could be amerced for failure to attend, their reasonable charges
had to be tendered/ but fees of witnesses whom the Court
deemed unnecessary, could not be taxed as a part of the
costs of the case, and in no instance could fees be taxed of more
than three witnesses upon any one question of fact/ The
Justices of the Provincial Court were also paid a per diem,
their compensation being 140 lbs. of tobacco and itinerant
charges for each day of attendance, which was paid out of the
public levy of the Province.'" The terms of Court were probably
prescribed by rule of court, as no Act of Assembly or order of
the Proprietary appears to have been passed for that purpose.
Its terms were April, May, July, September, and October."
Under the acts regulating practice in the Courts of the
Province, continuances could not be allowed, unless stayed by
injunction, beyond the fourth term a,fter tlie appearance term,
and should the case not be disposed of by that term, if through
default of the plaintiff, it was t'o be dismissed with costs ; if
through default of the defendant, judgment was to be awarded
to the plaintiff, and if through the counsel on either side, the
attorney in default was subject to a for-feiture of 5,000 lbs.
'Act, 1715, C. 2,7- ' 'Act, 1760, C. 16.
'Act, 1719, C. 3- ' *Act, 1760, C. 16.
''Act, 1715, C. 37- "ll)id; Act, 1719. C. 3; Act, 1760, C. 16.
'Act, 1715, C. ^7- *Act, 1692, C. 16.
"Act, 1760, C. 16. '"Act, 1716, C II.
" 1st II. & Mel I. Maryland Reports^ 4th Ibid Appendix.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 141
of tobacco and" the costs of the suit,' but later this time was
extended, when the court was sitting as an appellate tribunal,
to the period of two years from the end of the appearance
term." Where the plaintiff was desirous of a more speedy trial,
and had a copy of the declaration and writ served upon the
defendant twenty days before the appearance term, the court
was required to compel the defendant to proceed to trial at
that term, and upon failure to do so without sufficient cause,
to enter judgment for the plaintiff."
Causes were to be determined according to the '^very right
of the cause," and without regard to such omissions and errors
as are usually taken advantage of by special demurrer, but this
did not apply to the writ or declaration in civil, or to the in-
dictment and other process in criminal causes.
Attorney's fees were also regulated by the judicature Acts
oi the Province, the maximum fees for prosecuting cases in the
Provincial Court, being 400 lt)s. of tobacco ; in the Court of
Appeals. Admiralty Court, and Court of Chancery. 600 lt)s..
and in the County Courts, 100 tt)s.. unless the judgment re-
covered exceeded 2.000 fts. of tobacco, in which case the sum
of 200 lbs. of tobacco could be charged.* The penalty for de-
manding or receiving larger fees than those prescribed by law,
was disbarment.^
.^Act, 1721, C. 14. «
-Act, 1730, C. 16. 'Act, 1763, C. 23-
*Act, 1715, C. 14. °Ibid.
No Attorney could practice before the Provincial Court or the
Court of Chancery, prior to 1715, except those who were "admitted,
nominated and sworn," by the Governor of the Province. They could,
however, practice before the County Courts upon being admitted by the
Judges thereof. After 1715, the right to admit to practice in the higher
courts was no longer limited to the Governor, but was vested in the
Judges of the several courts. The Courts were very exacting in requir-
ing Attorneys to be regular and punctual in their attendance., and the
records furnish repeated instances in which they were fined for failure
in either respect. Under an order of the High Court of Chancery, any
Attorney who failed to be in "Court by 8 of ye clock in Summer and 9
in Winter," was subject to a fine of ten shillings sterling for the first
default; twenty, for the second, and disbarment for the third. (Archives
142 COLONIAL MARYLAND
If a plaintiff was defeated, or discontinued the action, he
was subject to amerciament of 50 tbs, of tobacco, if in the
Provincial Court, to be applied as the Governor and Council
saw fit, and 30 tbs. of tobacco, if in the County Courts, to be ap-
plied to county charges. A like penalty was imposed upon
every defeated defendant after imparlance (demanding time to
plead), but this did not apply to defendants where the judgment
was rendered at the appearance term, nor did it apply to execu-
tors, administrators, and minors, whether plaintiff or defendant.^
Judgments obtained in the Provincial Courts, like judgments
of the other Courts of the Province, were subject to a stay of
execution for six months, provided the debtor furnished two
sufficient suretors, who confessed judgment for the debt and
costs.'
The Provincial Court was invested with both an original
and appellate common law jurisdiction, and, until 1661, when
the Court of Chancery was erected, it had jurisdiction, also,
over the equity business of the Province. In its earlier history,
it had original jurisdiction in all matters criminal and civil,
and which was co-extensive with the Province.* This was enter-
tained concurrently with the County Courts and the Assize
Courts (as long as the latter continued to be a part of the judi-
cial system) to the extent of the jurisdiction of those respective
courts * but, after 1692, the Provincial Court could only hold
plea cases in which the amount involved exceeded 1,500 lbs.
Ass. Pro. 1674, p. 467; Act, 1715, C. 48; Chancery Records, May 24th,
1697, P- 355-) The State's Attorneys, or his "Lordships Attorneys,"
as they were called, were appointed by the Attorney General of the
Province, subject to confirmation by the Council, and frequently rep-
resented more than one county. Those appointed by Attorney General
Robert Carville, in 1688, were, William Dent, for Saint Mary's, Charles,
and Calvert; George Parker, for Anne Arundel; John Meriton, for
Baltimore; Robert Smith, for Kent and Talbot; William Nowell, for
Cecil; Thomas Pattison, for Dorchester, and James Sangster, for Som-
erset.—Archives (CI. Pro. 1688) p. 18, 30.
^Act, 1722, C. 12. °Acts, 1715, C. 2i; 1721, C. 4.
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1637) p. 49.
*Ibid, 1661, p. 22; Act, 1766, C. 5. .,
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 143
of tobacco/ and, in 1714, this limit was extended to £20 sterling,
or 5,000 fbs. of tobacco."
In all other conVmon law civil cases, its original jurisdiction
was exclusive. Thus it stood, until 1773, when its original
jurisdiction was still further curtailed by being limited to cases
involving not less than £100 sterling^ or 30,000 lbs. of tobacco,
and the County Courts, at the same time, were invested with
a general concurrent jurisdiction in all cases, civil and crimi-
• nal.' The County Courts being so much more accessible, this
Act, in effect, resulted largely in making them the. Courts of
first instance throughout the Province, except in cases of
greater magnitude or of deeper gravity, and in correspondingly
increasing the volume of business before the Provincial Court
as an appellate tribunal. It was in its latter aspect that it stood
out most conspicuously as the great central figure in Mary-
land's early judicial system.
For more than half a century the Provincial Court was the
sole and exclusive appellate tribunal of the Province, except
for appeals from Justices of the Peace and the Prerogative
Court, and indeed, throughout its entire history, the records
of its judicial work show that a large volume of business, for
that period, was before it in its appellate capacity.
It is true, there was established during the protectorate in
Maryland, and that it remained a permanent institution, the
tribunal known as the Court of Appeals, presided over by the
Governor and Council, and which was given exclusive juris-
diction over appeals from the High Court of Chancery ;* but
its common law jurisdiction was limited to appeals from the
Provincial Court, when sitting as a court of first instance, and
in which the amount involved exceeded £50 sterling, or 10,000
lbs. of tobacco,' and as the County Courts appear to have been
the active nisi prius courts of the Province particularly after
the enlargement of their jurisdiction from time to time, for
civil, and the Assize Courts for criminal business, and over
^Archives (Ass. Pro. 1692) p. 447. 'Act, 1714, C. 4.
*Act, 1773, C. I. *Act, 1713. C. 4; Act, 1721, C. 14.
"Act, 1713, C. 4-
144 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the decisions of which Courts the Provincial Court alone had
appellate jurisdiction, the common law appeals before the
Court of Appeals were necessarily limited in number.
It is here worthy of note, that the fact that the Court of
Appeals, whose terms were February, May, July, September,
and October,^ heard cases during the sessions of the General
Assembly, has led to the impression that the Legislature of
Maryland also possessed appellate judicial powers, but this is
an error, growing perhaps, out of the fact that the Governor
and Council constituted both the Upper House of Assembly
and the Court of Appeals, and that when the terms of the tw'o
conflicted, the business of the Court was transacted during the
term of the Assembly/
The proceedings of the Provincial Court, as reported in
the two volumes of the Maryland Archives, entitled "Provincial
Court, 1636 to 1658", were cases which were before it as
a court of first instance only, the latter date being the period
at which it commenced to exercise its appellate jurisdiction,
its proceedings as such having been largely reported in the
first and fourth volumes of Harris and McHenry's Maryland
' 1st and 4th H. & McH. Maryland Reports.
^ The early records also furnish a few instances in which there was
a further appeal to the King in Council, but while this right clearly ex-
isted by virtue both of Act of Assembly and proclamation, only a few
cases are to be found in which it was exercised, owing, perhaps, to
the complex rules governing such appeals and the costs incident thereto.
This right was limited in civil causes to those in which the amount
involved exceeded £300 sterling, and, in criminal cases, to those in
which the fine imposed was above £200 sterling. The mode of ascertain-
ing the value of the thing in controversy was regulated by rules estab-
lished by the King. The appeal could only be from the court of last
resort, and had to be taken within fourteen days and prosecuted within
a year after the judgment or decree was rendered. A bond had, also,
to be given to pay costs and damages in case the decision should be
affirmed. On all reaching the English Court, the case was referred to
the "Committee on Appeals from the Plantations," who appointed the
time and place of hearing, and reported its decision to the King in
Council, by whom it was formally ratified. — Bland, i, p. 570, note; ist
}]. & McH. Maryland Reports, pp. 57, 91 ; 2d Ibid, pp. .324, 346.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 145
Reports. Aird in this connection, it should also be noted
that to Maryland belongs the distinction of possessing the
most ancient series of reported cases on this side of the
Atlantic, the next oldest being Jefferson's Virginia Reports,
Dallas' Pennsylvania, and Quincey's Massachusetts Reports,
and which begin, respectively, in 1730, 1754, and 1763.
The earliest Act relating to appeals in Maryland, was in
1642, under which the right of appeal was without limitation,
the appellant being sirriply required to give security to prosecute
the appeal and to abide by the decision of the superior court/
It did not, however, seem to encourage the exercise of the
right, since the Court could award "double damages" to the
party aggrieved, if it found "no cause of appeal",' though no
cases are of record in which such damages were awarded.
The next, was the Act of 1678, and which required the
appellant to first file a bond in double the amount of the
judgment, not only to prosecute the appeal, but to pay the
judgment, if affirmed, together with such damages as the Court
should award for the delay.'' The bond served the further pur-
pose of staying the execution pending the appeal. This Act
provided the easy execution of appeal by a simple transcript
of the record, under the hand of the Clerk and Seal of the Court
— the one in practice in Maryland to-day — as contradistin-
guished from the more complex system by writ of error, though
the latter method was also alldwed.
The Act of 1692 imposed the first limitation upon the
right of appeal, and which restricted it to cases in which
the amount involved was equal to, or exceeded 1200 lbs. of
tobacco.' In 1713, provision was made for the first time for
appeal from the Provincial Court, in the exercise of its original
jurisdiction, to the Court of Appeals. The -Act provided for
the right of appeal from the County Courts to the Provincial
Court, where the debt or damages amounted to ±T) sterling, and
from the Provincial Court to the Court of Appeals, where
^Act, 1642, C. 6. ' Ibid.
'Archives (Ass. Pro. 1678) p. 71.
* Archives (Ass. Pro. 1692) p. 44.^.
146 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the debt or damages amounted to £50 sterling.^ This Act of
1713, and which continued in force until the Revolution, re-
pealed all former Acts regulating appeals from the courts of
common law, but reenacted the provisions contained in them
relating to the method of appeal and the appeal bond. But
these, it was held, did not apply to criminal causes, which
could only be reviewed by the Superior Court upon the common
law writ of error," except that bills of exception were allowed
in appeals from the Assize Courts, for which provision was ex-
pressly made.^ The time in which an appeal could be taken
was, presumably, fixed by rule of court, the Acts of Assembly
being silent upon the subject.
Under the Constitution of 1776, the Provincial Court was
abolished, and the Court known as the General Court, and
presided over by three Judges of "integrity and sound judg-
ment in law",^ the terms of which were April and September,
for the Eastern, and May and October, for the Western Shore ,°
was established in its stead.
The General Court was, in turn, abolished in 1805, when,
upon the reorganization of the courts of the State, the County
Courts were given its original, a:nd the Court of Appeals, its
appellate jurisdiction.*
"Thus was swept away, by the waves of Revolution, that
ancient monument of Maryland's Colonial Judicial System.
For more than a century and a quarter, the Provincial Court
was the chief judicial tribunal of the Province, and which,
amid all the political fermentations and religious turmoils of
its time steadily went on in the even pathway of duty, per-
forming the high functions committed to it, without fear and
without reproach, exploring and marking throughout its do-
main in the new world, the great highways of the law, and
building up a code of jurisprudence as a bulwark of security to
Maryland and her people, both as a colony and as a State.
^Act, 1713, C. 4.
* 5th H. & J. Maryland Reports, pp. 234, 329 ; 9th G. & J., p. ^(>.
"ist H. & McH. p. 83; Act, 1766, C. 5. 'Const, Art. 56.
"Act, 1777, C. 15. , °Act, 1805. C 16.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 147
This treatise cannot be better concluded than by subjoin-
ing the following extracts from the admirable paper of the
Honorable Charles E. Phelps, Judge of the Supreme Bench of
Baltimore City, read before the State Bar Association, in 1897,
entitled "Some Characteristics of the Provincial Judiciary":
Perhaps the first impression made upon the mind of the
lawyer who looks through the old (Maryland) reports is the
entire absence of anything like judicial reasoning. The con-
clusion reached by the court is uniformly expressed in the
briefest formula, with no attempt at what is called'an opinion.
This remark is applicable not only to the cases decided by the
Provincial Court, but also to cases in the Court of Appeals,
and to the few probate cases appealed from the Commissary
General or Prerogative Court to the Court of Delegates. This
absence of judicial reasoning leads to the suspicion that the
judges of that day were not lawyers by profession.
There exists direct evidence to this effect in the observa-
tions of the celebrated Daniel Dulany, upon the judgment of
the Provincial Court, in the case of West vs. Stigar, i H. &
Mc. H., 247 (1767). The dissatisfied counsel in that case,
pending, or in anticipation of a writ of error, applied to Mr.
Dulany, the great oracle of the day, for his opinion, and
elicited a very full one, beginning as follows :
"On perusing the record, I am strongly of the opinion that
the judgment of the Provincial Court ought to be reversed,
but what may be the opinion of the Court of Appeals I should
be more confident in predicting, if the judges were lawyers by
profession, than I am on consideration that they are not." * * *
From the circumstance which indirectly suggested this
digression, the non-professional character of the provincial
judges, it might be inferred that their decisions upon general
principles have not been regarded as entitled to the same
authority as those upon the construction of provincial' statutes
or customs. The same was the case in Virginia, where, as we
learn from Mr. Jefferson, in the preface to his reports, the
General Court consisted of the "King's Privy Counsellors
only, chosen from among the gentlemen of the country for
148 COLONIAL MARYLAND
their wealth and standing, without any regard to legal knowl-
edge". He remarks that their decisions on English law were
not as authoritative as those on the peculiar laws of Virginia.
"As precedents/' he adds, "they estabHshed the construction
of our own enactments, and gave them shape and meaning
under which our property has ever since been transmitted, and
is regulated and held to this day." * * * *
A less attractive feature of the provincial judiciary than
even their want of legal learning, was their lack of ofificial inde-
pendence. Like all other provincial incumbents, the provincial
judges, from the highest to the lowest, held their positions at
the pleasure of the appointing power, the Proprietor, or his
deputy, the Governor, for the time being. They were, con-
sequently, looked upon as his creatures, or as Mr. McMahon
expresses it. as his "satellites", "the mere breath of his
nostrils".^ In all controversies in which the interests of the
Proprietor, or even the private interests of his dependents or
favorites were involved, they occupied a weak and most
unfortunate position. Whether justly or not, they w^ere
always liable to the suspicion of influence and favoritism.
This habitual and suspected attitude of the Provincial
Judges as minions of power could not fail to make a deep and
lasting impression upon Maryland public opinion. All eyes
were naturally turned to the jury as the real bulwark of public
and private rights. Although summoned by sheriflfs, who
were themselves also removable at pleasure, jurors naturally
shared the sentiments and reflected the opinions of the mass
of the community from which they- were drawn, and into which
they were speedily to dissolve. Traditional confidence in the
jury and jealousy of the court has in Maryland found organic
expression in the provision, in sharp contf-ast with the federal
jurisprudence of the United States, that "in the trial of all
criminal cases the jury shall be the judges of law, as well as of
fact".'
'McMahon, pp. I57, 309-311; Calvert vs. Eden, 2 H. & McH. pp.
345-360.
^Constitution, Art. 15, Sec. 5.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 149
If lias left other deep and permanent traces upon the daily
practice in all our courts. The usage which prevails in Eng-
land and in many of these States, both in civil and criminal
cases, of a summing up of the evidence in a charge by the
court has no existence in Maryland, where anything in the
nature of a judicial balancing of evidence, or comment upon
the weight of the testimony or the credibility of witnesses is
scrupulously avoided. In criminal cases the court, as a rule,
does not undertake to instruct the jury as to the law at all,
even at the request of counsel, and when the court- does advise
the jury, at their own request, such opinion is always carefully
guarded by some expression to show that it is not to be taken
as binding, but as advisory only.
Considering the length of time it has been under fire, and
the storm of abuse which for many ages it has provoked from
defeated litigants, the venerable palladium not only still lives,
but may be congratulated on presenting a remarkably healthy
and robust appearance.
While to the lessons of provincial experience can be dis-
tinctly traced, the tread of public opinion in Maryland, in
securing the independence of the jury from the possible undue
influence of the court, account is to be taken of the same
provincial tradition, as a factor in the development of the
peculiar sensitiveness of our people, as respects the independ-
ence of their judges from undwe influence of power. In no
State is the popular nerve more acute, or the popular instinct
more alert to the danger and disaster incident to the possible
prostitution of such delicate and far-reaching functions, as
those necessarily confided to the courts of law and equity. * *
The two negative characteristics of the Provincial Judici-
ary that have been referred to, their want both of professional
training and of official independence, have left an affirmative
stamp upon the organic' law of Maryland in two well known
provisions respecting the qualifications of judges.'
In like manner the provisions in the Declaration of Rights
(Art. 8) requiring the separation of the three departments of
• Declaration of Rights, Art. xxxiii ; Constitution, Art. 14, Sec. 2.
I50 COLONIAL MARYLAND
government, stands in sharp contrast with the fundamental
poHcy of the provincial organism. Here we find a curious
state of things, from the modern standpoint, powers legisla-
tive, executive, and judicial, confounded together and massed
in the same man, or set of men.
The Governor and his Executive Council composed, at
the same time, the Upper House of the General Assembly.
They had, in addition, the exclusive legislative power in cer-
tain cases. The Governor was (in the very early history of
the Province) at the same time Chief Justice and Chancellor,
as well as Lieutenant-General and Admiral. The members
of the Council were at the same time judges of the Provincial
Court, Judges of the Court of Appeals, and, in the infancy of
the Province, Judges of the County Court of the oldest county.
The Commissary General having, under the name of the
Prerogative Court, probate jurisdiction with the appointment
of a deputy in each county, was usually a councillor. From
the councillors were generally appointed the Court of Delegates,
a special and occasional Appellate Court of Probate. From
the councillors were also commissioned in part, although not
exclusively, the special and temporary Courts of Assize, of
Oyer and Terminer, and General Gaol Delivery for the several
counties. The Judges of the Land Office, when the tribunal
•was established, were often also councilors. In fact, above
the rank of Justices of the Peace and County Commissioners,
who held the County Courts, the whole body of the Provincial
Judiciary served, at the same time, as Legislators and Execu-
tive Councillors.
Nor did this remarkable blending of powers stop here.
The most important and lucrative fiscal and administrative
functions were engrossed by the same body. They furnished
the principal officeholders of the Province. It was natural and
it was customary that the Proprietor's relatives and friends
should be provided for in this way. All officials were
supported by fees. For instance, the Chancellor's fee for
sealing every decree was at one time fixed at two pounds
currency, or four hundred and eighty pounds tobacco, and
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 151
half as" much for every injunction. The Secretary, who
acted as Registrar of the Court of Chancery, was allowed forty
pounds of tobacco for every bill filed, and as much "for every
court the same shall continue",* and so on.
The custom of the Proprietor to increase his revenue by
exacting a bonus from the holders of lucrative offices, caused
a constant tendency to the imposition of excessive fees along
the whole line. This became a standing subject of complaint,
and of frequent struggle between the two houses. The Upper
House, composed of the beneficiaries of extortion, resisted as
long as possible, the efiforts of the Burgesses to accomplish the
definite legal regulation of fees. When established by law,
but exceeded in practice, appeals to the courts for redress
often failed, from the fact that the Judges were thfemselves
either the offending parties or else closely allied with them.
Another grievance was found in the stubborn resistance,
for some time interposed by the Upper House, to attempts at
limiting a pecuniary minimum to the jurisdiction of the Pro-
vincial Court, and conferring upon the County Courts exclu-
sive original jurisdiction in petty cases. It was, naturally,
felt to be an altogether needless and oppressive hardship, that
in such small cases, parties and witnesses should be compelled
to travel long distances to obtain justice. But the Upper
House was composed of the Judges of the Court whose emolu-
ments were in question, and the self-interest of a privileged
class for a long time prevailed over the' public w^elfare.
These and similar causes of dissatisfaction and friction
furnished an object lesson in the science of government which
contributed more than the abstract speculations of Montes-
quieu, to the establishment, at the Revolution, of the whole-
some principle which forbids the mischievous concentration in
the same hands, of powers, in their nature, distinct and
independent.-
They also furnish a practical commentary upon that
provision in the Declaration of Rights (Art. 33); which
forbids a Judge from holding any other office, or receiving
fees or perquisites.
'Archives (Ass. Pro. 1676) pp. 532-5.^4-
152 COLONIAL MARYLAND
It is as easy to trace these articles of the Declaration of
Rights to the abuses mentioned, as it is to find in the peculiar
Maryland prohibition of a poll-tax, (Art. 15) a direct origin
in the exasperating provincial "forty per poll" levied for the
support of the established church.
That these were serious defects in the scheme of govern-
ment as practically worked out under the rule of the Proprie-
tors, there can, of course, be no doubt. It was blemished by
pluralism, by nepotism, by venality, by an undue susceptibility
to influence in the administration of justice, by want of
capacity in the judicial corps. These defects have received
but scant notice from historians. They have been thrown
into the shade by those far more familiar and fascinating
features which have attracted so much admiring attention to
early Provincial Maryland as the cradle of religious libert} ,
and to later Provincial Maryland as the nursery of civil
liberty and of revolutionary heroes.
While, therefore, all proper weight is to be accorded to,
and all necessary instruction derived from such criticism as
may be well taken, no hasty judgment is to be pronounced
upon the Proprietors. These faults were mainly those of the
age, or those incident to the novel circumstances under which
the experiment was made. The whole anomalous situation
has been aptly summed up as an "aristocratic government
overshadowing the sleeping germ of democracy".'
Candor compels the reluctant confession that the record
of the Provincial Judiciary System, in one important detail,
compares favorably with the practical administration of crim-
inal justice in some parts of Maryland upon the eve of the
twentieth century.
There were, it is true, shortly after the original settle-
ment, and before the regular tribunals were fairly in the
saddle, some rather eccentric proceedings at old Saint Mary's
resulting in capital executions for piracy and murder. But
these were conducted in solemn form, before the Assembly of
Freemen, constituting itself a court, pro hac I'icc. and had
' McSherry's, p. 177.
THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 153
none of 'the revolting marks of tumultuous and irresponsible
mob violence. It is also true, that during the transition
period of revolutionary overthrow of the Provincial Govern-
ment, there did occur fierce political outbreaks which ceased
however with the re-establishment of law and order under the
Republic. * * * =•=
The Provincial Judges, if not lawyers, were, as a rule, at
least men of worth and probity, of standing and substance,
and of more or less Hberal education. If they belonged to a
privileged class, they had at least the conscience, thje generous
impulses, and the self-respect of their class. We hear no
charges of bald corruption even in the most excited manifestos
of insurrectionary violence. For one hundred and forty years,
through stormy vicissitudes in State and church, the long
procession of provincial judges moved on. dispensing justice to
successive generations, if not with conspicuous learning and
ability, at least with humanity, moderation, and good sense.
Their deficiency in technical knowledge was to a con-
siderable extent supplemented by the efforts of the professional
gentlemen who practiced before them, and who have left not
only traditional, but recorded evidence of their worthiness to
head the long and illustrious line of the Maryland Bar. While
the appointment of lay judges was the rule, the rule was not
altogether without exceptions, as in the case of Lewger,
Gerrard, Jenings, and of the two Dulanys, father and son.
Such exceptional appointments have fortunately left a few
brilliant names to illustrate the obscure annals of the Provin-
cial Judiciary. If they handed down to the veneration of
posterity n(? constellation of great names like those of Hale.
Mansfield, Marshall, and Taney, the Maryland contemporaries
of Scroggs and Jeffreys furnished at least no parallel to their
bad fame. Their administration of individual justice apr)ears
to have been -sufficiently impartial, and as between party and
party, they may be assumed to have poised the sca-Ie.s with
an even hand.
CHAPTER X
Some Characteristics of the Maryland
Establishment^
TTHE history of the Protestant Episcopal Church and
church law in Maryland, falls naturally into three
divisions : First, from the settlement of the Province to
the English Revolution, of 1688; second, from the English
Revolution, of 1688, to the American Revolution, of 1776;
and, third, from the American Revolution, of 1776, to the
present day.
In the first of these periods there was almost no church
in the Province. In 1642, it is said there was not one
Protestant clergyman in Maryland.^ On May 25, 1676, the
Rev. John Yeo, a clergyman of the Church of England, who
had arrived in Maryland the year before, wrote his well-known
letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, complaining that there
were then in the Province "but three Protestant ministers of
^ This Chapter consists principally of the brief filed by the author
and his associates (who have courteously consented to its use in this
connection), in the Court of Appeals of Maryland, in the case of Saint
Matthew's Parish vs. Rev. F. S. Hipkins, and reported in vol. 75, Mary-
land Reports, p. 5, etc. The associate council in the case, on the part of
the parish, were the Honorable Henry E. Davis, Governor Wm. Pink-
ney White, and Henry Wise Garnet, to each , and all of whom the
fullest recognition is accorded and acknowledgment made, and particu-
larly to the indefatigable Davis, to whose profound learning and logic,
as displayed in the preparation of the brief, special credit and honor are
due. Though a large number of the briefs were printed at the time,
the demand was in excess of the supply, and the reproduction here of
the historic parts of it has been strongly urged.
^ Winsor's History of America, Vol. HI, p. 531. Neill, the Founders
of Maryland, pp. 96. 99, 100.
CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT 155
us that a're comformable to the doctrine and discipHne of the
Church of England".'
Yeo's letter was referred to the Bishop of London, who
in turn, referred it to Lord Baltimore, with an application
that some provision be made for a Protestant ministry. To
this application Baltimore replied that the Act of 1649, con-
cerning religion, tolerated and protected every sect, and added
that four ministers of the Church of England were in posses-
sion of plantations which offered them a decent subsistence,
and that from the various religious tenets of the members of
the assembly it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible
to induce it to consent to a law that should oblige any sect to
maintain other ministers than its own.'' The privy council,
however, directed that some provision should be made for the
ministry of the Church of England, but nothing was done,
although Baltimore returned to Maryland in 1680.^
The situation thus revealed shows how much use Balti-
more was disposed to make of the power given him by his
charter, the fourth section of which granted him "the patron-
ages and advowsons" of all churches which should be built
in the Province, "together with license and faculty of erecting
and founding churches, chapels, and places of worship * * * *
and of causing the same to be dedicated and consecrated
according to the ecclesiastical laws of our Kingdom of
England".
Nor was there any church law save the "Toleration Act",
the purport of which was only to guarantee religious liberty.
The Province had made none, and the English ecclesiastical
law never had a place in Maryland's church system.
In a word, then, there was in Maryland prior to the
'Neill, p. 148.
But then there were at this time three Protestant churches, one on
Trinity (now Smith's) creek; Saint George's church, now Poplar Hill;
and one on Saint Paul's creek, now Church Run, on Saint Clement's
Manor. The first permanent minister, however, of the Church of Eng-
land— Rev. William Wilkinson— did not arrive until 1650. Allen, "Who
vi-ere the early settlers of Maryland;" "Day Star," p. 145.
= Neill, p. 151. 'Winsor, p. 547-
156 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Revolution of 1688, neither church nor church law worthy of
consideration. But the events of 1688 in England had a
direct and almost immediate effect upon the Maryland church,
resulting, first, in the recognition of William and Mary ( 1692,
chap, i), and, secondly, in the passage of the Act of 1692.
chap. 2. (The different views taken of the causes and purpose
of this latter Act do not now concern us, but the curious on
the subject may consult with interest Browne's Maryland, pp.
185, 190 et scq; Doyle's English Colonies in America, first
volume, pp. 319-320; Lodge's English Colonies in America,
pp. 119 et seq; Davis' Day-Star, pp. 87 ct seq; McMahon's
Maryland, 237 et seq).
The Act of 1692, chapter 2, which may be said to mark
the beginning of the second of the periods above indicated,
is entitled "An act for the service of Almighty God and the
establishment of the Protestant religion in this Province."'
Bacon says of it: "This Act laid the first foundation for
the establishment of the Protestant religion in this Province
and contains many notable particulars relating to parochial
rights obtained under it". He proceeds to give an abstract
of its provisions, of which those material to our inquiry are as
follows :
"(i). That the Church of England, within this Prov-
ince, shall have and enjoy all her Rights, Liberties and
Franchises as now is, or hereafter shall be, established by law :
And, also, that the Great Charter of England be kept and
observed in all Points.
"(3). The County Justices, to meet, by Appointment, at
their respective County Court-Houses, giving Notice to the
principal Freeholders to attend them, * * * * and there, with
the advice of the said principal Freeholders, lay our their
several Counties into Parishes, * ='' * * to be entered upon
record. * * * *
"(4). The several Parishes being thus limited, the Free-
holders of each parish to meet, by Appointment of the Justices
of the County Courts, and make choice of six Vestrymen, who
shall have a clerk to take Accounts, &c., and witli the first
CHURCH E S T A 1 1 L 1 S H M !•: X I" 157
Tobaccos, Wares, Goods, &c., by tbis Act, or any otbcr Ways
or Means whatsoever, given, granted, raised or allowed to the
use of the Church or Ministry of the said Parish to which
they belong, shall erect and build one Church, &c., in the
Parish (such Parishes as have already Churches and Chapels
built in them excepted). * * * *
"(5). Forty per Poll, deducting 5 per Cent, for the
Sheriff's salary, on all Taxables ; which Tobacco so raised
.(after building a Church or Chapel within Each Parish) to be
appropriated and applied by the Vestrymen, to the Use and
Benefit of the Minister. But if no Minister be Inducted, then
to be laid out for the necessary Reparation of the Churches,
or other pious Uses, at the discretion of the Vestry.
"(6). The Vestry were impowered to take Possession of
Any Bequests, Grants, &c., by any Persons piously inclined,
* * * and apply the same to the Use and Intent of the Donor
or Donors.
"(7). The Vestries impowered to prosecute and main-
tain any Actions whatsoever, real, personal or mixed, for the
Recovery of all or any of the Premises aforesaid, from any
Persons detaining any Goods or Chattels, Tenements or Here-
ditaments given and granted, and otherwise appointed to the
uses aforesaid, and for any Damages. Tresspasses, &c., as
amply as a Body Politic, or Corporate, might or could do, for
recovering and preserving the Premises aforesaid : The princi-
pal Vestryman, with other of the*\^estrymen, to be mentioned
in the Writ and Declaration, and other Proceedings.
"(8). On Death or Removal of any Vestryman, the
other Vestrymen, at their next Meeting, were impowered to
chuse another in his Room, &c."'
An Act, entitled "An Additional Act to the Act for
Religion", was passed. October 18, 1694, and another, with
^The Vestry' acted for the State in the erection and care of chiircli
buildings, and as preservers of the peace within the limits of the church
and church yard. Later, other functions were added, such as chbosing
of counters to prevent the excessive production of tobacco, the nomina-
tion of inspectors of tobacco for the warehouses within their parishes,
and of reporting persons liable to be taxed as bachelors. Vestrymen
and church wardens were subject to a fine for refusing to act. — Churcii
Life in Colonial Maryland.
158 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the same title, was passed May 22, 1695. Bacon gives none
of the provisions of either of these Acts, stating that both
were repealed by Act of 1696, chapter 18.
This Act of 1696, bears the same title as that of 1692, and
purported to repeal the latter as well as the Act of 1695. The
Act of 1694 is not mentioned, probably because it was, in
terms, limited in its operation to the period of three years.
The King dissented to the Act of 1696, on November 30,
1699, assigning as a reason that "therein is a clause declaring
all the laws of England to be in force in Maryland; which
clause is of another nature than that which is set forth by the
title in the said law"/
The objectional clause provided as follows:
"That the Church of England, within this Province, shall
Enjoy all and Singular her Rights, Privileges and Freedoms,
as it is now, or shall be, at any Time hereafter, established by
Law in the Kingdom of England: And that his Majesty's
Subjects of this Province shall enjoy all their Rights and
Liberties, according to the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom
of England, in all Matters and Causes, where the Laws of this
Province are Silent."
On the King's dissent to the Act of 1696, and within six
months thereafter, namely, on May 9, 1700, another Act was
passed, entitled, "An Act for the Service of Almighty God
and Establishment of Religion in this Province according to
the Church of England"." This Act was likewise disapproved
by the King, and was returned, as Bacon says, "with
amendments proposed which were accepted, and an Act,
pursuant thereto, passed the 25th of March, 1702, whereby
this Act was repealed".
The Act of 1702,' is entitled "an Act for the establish-
ment of religious worship in this Province, according to the
Church of England, and for the Maintenance of Ministers".
It is printed in full by Bacon, and contains twenty-two
sections. Its material provisions are as follows :
' Bacon.
"1700, Chapter i. 'Chapter i.
CHURCH E S T A 15 1. 1 S H M l- X T
159
''That the Book of Common Prayer and Administration
of the Sacraments, with other Rites and Ceremonies of the
Church, according 'to the use of the Church of England, the
Psalter or Psalms of David, and Morning and Evening Prayer
therein Contained, be solemnly read by all and every
Minister or Reader in every Church which now is, or here-
after shall be settled and established in this Province ; and that
all Congregations and Places of Public Worship, according to
the Usage of the Church of England, within this Province, for
the Maintenance of whose Ministers and the Persons officiating
therein, any certain Income or Revenue is, or shall, by the
Laws of this Province, be established and enjoined to be raised
or paid, shall be deemed settled and established churches".'
"That a Tax or Assessment of Forty Pounds of Tobacco
per Poll be yearly and every Year successively levied upon
every taxable Person within each respective Parish, * * * *
which said Assessment, of Forty Pounds of Tobacco per Poll,
shall always be paid and allowed to the Minister of each
respective Parish, having no other Benefice to officiate in,
presented, inducted, or appointed by his Excellency the Gov-
ernor or Commander in Chief, for the Time being.' * * * *
"That Marriages forbidden by the Table of Marriages of
the Church of England be not performed, under penalty, and
that no marriage be performed by a layman in any Parish
where a Minister or Incun^bent^shall reside."
"That the Sheriff shall collect the Forty per Poll and pay
over the same to the Minister or Incumbent in each respective
Parish.'
"And the better to promote the execution of the good
Laws of this Province, so far as concerns the respective
Parishes, and for the more easy Dispatch of Parish business,
* * * * that there be select \'estries in each Parish of this
Province, and that the several \'estrymen of the several
Parishes within this Province, that now are, or hereafter shall
be chosen by such select Vestry, of which \'estry the Number
Act, 1702, C. I, Section 2. " Ibid, Section 3.
Ibid, Sections 4, 5. * Ibid, Section 6.
i6o COLONIAL MARYLAND
shall always be six at least, except upon Death or Resignation,
or other Discharge of any of them according to the Provision
herein made to that Purpose; and in such Case of Death or
Resignation, or other legal Discharge from serving, the
remaining Part of such Vestries shall, with all Convenient
Speed, summon and appoint a general Meeting of all the
Inhabitants of the said Parish, who are Freeholders within
the same Parish and contribute to the Public Taxes and
Charges of the said Parish, who shall, by Majority of Voices,
elect and choose one or more sober and discreet Person or
Persons, Freeholders of each respective Parish, to supply such
Vacancies/ * * * *
"That two new Vestrymen shall be annually chosen, in
the Places of two others, who shall be left out ; to which
Purpose, all the Inhabitants of every Parish, being Freeholders
within the same Parish, and contributing to the Public Taxes
and Charges thereof, or such of them as shall think fit to
attend, shall repair to their respective Parish Churches, every
Year successively upon Easter Monday, and there, by their
free choice, declare what two Persons shall be discharged from
their being Vestrymen, and choose two others, qualified
according to this present Act, in their Stead and Room ; who
taking the Oaths and performing all other Thing required
by this present Act, or other Laws of this Province, for
Vestrymen, shall be deemed and taken to be Members of
the said Vestry, to all Intents and Purposes: Provided akcays,
That in every Parish where any Minister or Incumbent is, or
shall be lawfully, according to the Laws and Usages of this
Province appointed and in Possession of any Living, invested
zvith the Forty Pounds per Poll, and residing therein, he shall
during the Continuance aforesaid, and no longer, be one of the
Vestry of such Parish, and Principal of such Vestry, although
there be the number of'Six Persons, or more, besides"/
"That each Vestry shall appoint a Register to make due
' Ibid, Section 7. The remainder of the section prescribes the ves-
trymen's oaths. . ' Ibid, Sections S, 9.
CHURCH KSTA15L 1 .^11 M 1-:XT i6i
entry t)f Vestry Proceedings, Births, Marriages, and Burials,
&c., and provide Books accordingly, under penalty.'
"That each \^estry shall meet once a month, &c., under
penalty/
"That tables of Marriages be set up in the several Parish
Churches.'
"That the said Vestrymen, and the rest of the Inhab-
itants of every Parish, being Freeholders within the same
Parish, and contributing to the Public Taxes and Charges
there, do once every year, upon Easter-Monday, -Yearly, make
choice and appoint two sober and discreet Persons, Freeholders
of their respective Parishes, to be Church Wardens for that
year; all the inhabitants of every Parish, being Freeholders
within the same Parish and contributing to the Public Taxes
^ Ibid, Sections lo, ii.
The following is the decision in the Saint Margaret's Vestry case,
Annapolis, Maryland, involving the interesting question of the rights
and duties of a Parish Register in Maryland, decided January 29, 1894,
hy Revell, J.
"The petition in this case was filed on the nth of February, 1893,
alleging in detail that the relator had all the necessary qualifications
entitling him to enrollment on the parish books and to the right of
suffrage in the election of vestrymen of the parish; that the enrollment
was necessary to enable him to participate in the election of vestrymen
at the next election, to be held on Easter Monday following, April 3,
1893; that the register was fully informed of the qualifications of the
relator, but refused an application made February 9, 1893, to enrol] him,
in denial of his rights and in violation of the plain duty of the register
and prayed for the writ of mandamus.
"The Vestry Act of 1798, chapter 24, section 2, provides that 'every
white male citizen of this State above twenty-one years of age, resident
of the parish where he offers to vote six months next preceding the day
of election, who shall have been entered on the books of said parish one
month at least preceding the day of election as a member of the
Protestant Episcopal Church, and who shall contribute to the charges
of said parish in which he offers to vote such sum as a majority of the
vestry in each parish shall annually, within ten d^ys after their election,
in writing, make known and declare, not exceeding $2, shall have a
right of suffrage in the election of vestrymen for such parish'.
'Ibid, Section 12. 'Ibid, Section 13.
i62 COLONIAL MARYLAND
and Charges thereof, having Liberty also to vote in the Choice
of Church Wardens/
"That the Church- Wardens and Vestry pay the Parochial
Charges and Repairs of Churches, etc., "out of such Gifts,
Goods, or Chattels as shall come to their hands for the Church
or Parish Use" ; that the penalties, etc., prescribed by the Act
be levied by the Church-Wardens and applied to the Parochial
charges ; and in case of insufficient effects to pay the Parochial
charges, etc., the County Courts on application of the Parish
Vestry and Church- Wardens, to assess the respective Parishes,
not exceeding ten Pounds of Tobacco per poll in any one year."
"That no Minister or Incumbent shall at one Time hold
more than two parishes ; nor two unless by the desire or
Agreement of the Vestry of the said adjacent Parish and con-
sent of the Vestries where he resides and Appointment of the
Ordinary".''
"Section 3 provides that it shall be the duty of the register to en-
roll any person of the Protestant Episcopal Church who shall apply for
the purpose on the books of the parish, under penalty, etc.
"Section 5 makes a majority of the vestrymen who shall attend
judges of the qualification of voters and of the qualification of the
parishoners proposed to be elected aS' vestrymen.
"The vestrymen under section 6 and the register of the parish,
section 18, are required to take and subscribe the oath of support and
fidelity and for the faithful execution of their respective offices.
"Now, in this case," continues the court, "what was the duty of
the registrar which he was bound to perform, not only under penalty
but under the sanctity of an oath? Was it the mer^ mechanical act of
enrolling the name of any person of the Protestant Episcopal Church
applying to him for that purpose on the books of the parish ? Were this
all, then his duty -would be plain and he would have to enroll any per-
son, black or white, male or female, belonging to said church who made
application. But there were other and important qualifications of the
applicant to be considered. He must be a white male citizen of this
btate, above twenty-one years of age, a resident, etc.
"The judges of this conrt well know the difficulty in determining
the perplexing questions of residence and citizenship under the registra-
tion law of this State from the numerous appeals arising from the
action of the officers of registration which the court has been called
Mbid, Section 14. -? Ibid, Section 15.
■'' Ibid, Section 16. ^-
CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT 163
That Vestries may appoint Lay-Readers in certain ca^es,
such Readers "procuring License from the Ordinary" : that
the first Tuesday in Every Month shall be Vestry day, without
notice ; that Vestrymen may be removed in certain cases,
their successors to be elected by the parishioners; that the
Vestry books may be inspected by the parishioners, who may
appeal from any Vestry proceedings to the Governor in Coun-
cil and thence to the Crown ; that protestant dissenters shall
have the benefit of the Acts of Toleration ; and, that the Act
of 1700, Chapter i, be repealed/
By the Act of 1704. Chapter 34, further provision was
made for the levying of the "ten p^r poll" for parochial
charges, etc.
And the Act of 1730, Chapter 23, provides for the election
upon to decide, involving delicate and difficult questions of law and fact.
The register must also determine whether the applicant lives within
the limits of the parish, whether he is a member of the church, and
other qliestions may arise by no means free of difficulty, all of which
involve the exercise of discretion or judgment. Discretion is but free-
dom to act according to one's judgment — the prompting and exercise
of judgment, cautious discernment, discrimination.
"It has been argued," adds the court, "that a denial of relief in
this case 'would be a wrong without a remedy; that a vestry in collu-
sion with a register could exclude parishoners from all participation
in the church government and perpetuate their powers indefinitely.'
This condition must assume a corrupt vestry. Were this so, such a
vestry being under section 5 of the vestry act, judges of the qualitica-
tion of voters and of the qualification of the parishoners proposed to
be elected as vestrymen, could strike down as disqualified any one
offering to vote for vestrymen or offering himself as a candidate, not-
withstanding the register had enrolled every man offering himself as
a voter.
"But an applicant offering himself to the register as a qualified
voter in said church is no worse off than a registered voter under the
laws of this State offering his ballot at an election for President of
the United States and being refused by the judge of election, and as
the learned counsel says: "What is he going to do about it'' but enforce"
the penalty prescribed by law and sue for damages? The election
is over. His great freeman's right of suffrage is denied, and he is
without other relief. I shall sustain the demurrer upon the ground
and for the reasons above assigned."
Ibid, Sections 17-22.
i64 COLONIAL MARYLAND
by the Vestry, of \^estrymen to serve in the place of those
elected who may decline to serve; provides a penalty for those
declining to serve ; prescribes that the two eldest Vestrymen
shall be annually left out and not liable to service again for
three years, and provides for the collection of penalties im-
posed by the Act of 1702.
Such remained the "Establishment" down to the Ameri-
can Revolution, except as affected by the Acts of 1763, 1771,
and 1773, to be noticed hereafter/
^ The Act of 1692, and with its supplementary provisions, was passed
not to set up in Maryland any particular church ; but it was deemed the
best way to establish better morals and good order in the province,
for religion and education were both very little cared for, and the re-
sult was a great prevalence of immorality ; and though irreligious men,
unbelievers or non-believers, skeptics or agnostics, may scorn the claim?
of the church, yet all men know, who are at all in the tide of life, that
the ministrations of the church, and the influence of the gospel through
those ministrations, have a powerful effect upon every community for
peace and good order. Nor are we called on merely to suppose that
immorality abounded. The evidence is sufficient of its prevalence and
of its gross character. It might be inferred from general experience,
for in all new communities before order has settled down into a definite
habit, vice flourishes. * * * in the year preceding the Protestant
Revolution we find the president of the Assembly drawing a picture of
the vice of the province in the matter of drunkenness, adultery. Sabbath
breaking and swearing. * * * Further evidence also of a confirma-
tory character is given in the Act of 1692 providing for an established
support of the church, for among the functions of the vestry, as then
ordered, was one providing for the suppression of "adultery within the
several parishes, a function that was performed, and their records show
how great the evil was. In one parish, -and that in some respects ex-
ceptionally well placed for moral living, there were ten separate cases
of gross immorality passed upon in one month. * f * The establish-
ment of the church was a police measure, and a very good police
measure it was, for it did what could not otherwise be done. It planted
in thirty-one different centers in the colony a house wherein high moral
truths were taught — had to 'be taught — both from the pulpit and from
the reading desk, and in this way it created a standard of good living.
It also selected a council for morality in all these places, and bound
the members to see to the morals of the people ; and while the minister
was to reprove, rebuke, exhort, the members of this council, or vestry,
were to liave the ability to enforce the lajys of right living. * * In
considering the law of 1692, and its subsequent amendment of 1702,
C H U R C H E S T A I '. L I S H M E X T 1 65
WTiat \va"s the character of tliis "Establishment", and what
its government, laws, and usages? There is current with
some, a general and vague conception that in some way the Eng-
lish ecclesiastical system — the English "Established Church",
if you please — lies back of the American Church, and in
we must always remember that it was the act of the people and the
people only: and not only so, but that what was done was not that
which the majority of the people would have desired, but what they
felt was the best that their circumstances permitted them to do. For
the Church of England which they established, was the jrhurch of but
a part of one-fourth of the people ; the three-fourths being made up
of non-conformists of divers names and principles, who had during the
last forty years done what they could, more than once, to put down, not
only popery, but prelacy as well. The Act was passed at a time when
all the freeholders of the colony had the right of franchise, so that the
Assembly was not a packed one. but represented all the most intelligent
classes of the people. Their Act therefore, must have been contrary
'to their preferences and could they have avoided it they would. They
did not love the Church of £ngland, nor did that church love them.
They had been subjected for many year% in England, and especially
since the Restoration, to many and grievous penalties. But something
had to be done, and established maintenance had to be provided that
they might have ministerial supervision at all. They were broken up
themselves into many names. Maryland was now a ro3'al colony, and
the establishment of any one of their different denominations was an
entire impossibility ; and yet the need was crying and imperative. They
met their difficulties in the only possible way, they provided a mainten-
ance for the clergy of the Church q{ England. For that was all that
was done. It was not a state church they set up. No church func-
tionary, clerical or lay, had any part in the administration of the colony,
saving in the matter of suppressing immorality. * * It was in no degree
a state church. The state provided maintenance, and in return ex-
ercised jurisdiction so far as to say who should be settled in the par-
ishes, and to supervise accounts, so as to know whether the money
appropriated was properly spent. * * The system certainly had its
defects, as all systems have; and society also afterwards outgrew it,
so that it became an achronism and was removed ; but in its earlier day,
and through very much of the colonial period, it was an unspeakable
blessing and accomplished high purposes. It is notable, too, that though
at any time down to the Revolution, it could have been abrogated, or
could have been rendered inoperative by the rescinding of the provision
for the annual tax, yet it was not only continued to the Revolution, but
was shown very marked favor when the necessity arose for its repeal.
Gambrall, Earlv Marvland. Civil. Social, Ecclesiastical.
i66 COLONIAL MARYLAND
some undefined way furnishes its rules of conduct and gov-
ernment. That this is not so, is, we venture to think, abund-
antly shown by what is above set forth.
The "English Ecclesiastical Law could have been of no
force in a colonial church in this country,, until adopted by it,
and such adoption could only be by express enactment, or by
general usage for so long a period of time as to ripen into
law" ; for, "if disuse is not to be regarded as proof that a
law was inapplicable to the condition of a colony, then it
follows, that for more than one hundred years prior to the
Revolution, the Colonial Churches were necessarily subjected
to foreign law without reference to their consent or wishes.
Surely this was never the condition, either in Church or State,
of any English colony".""
That it was never the condition of Maryland is beyond
peradventure. It would be threshing very old straw to go
over the question of the English law in force in Maryland.
Kitty's Report on the Statutes, bringing to approximate
settlement a matter long open, is testimony to one phase oi
the question, how much English law was adopted in Mary-
land ; while the judicial decisions are conclusive that nothing
of English law was ever in force unless adopted by legislative
acts, judicial decisions, or constant usage."
But let us examine the Maryland "Establishment" and
the Church in Maryland, with this conception in view. And
to do this adequately we must first glance at the English
establishment.
What this English establishment was and is, will the thor-
oughly understood only by a consideration of the following
matters: i. The parishes of the church; 2, The property
and support of the church in each parish ; 3, The government
of the church ; and, 4, The appointment of rectors, their
rights and tenure.
I. A parish is that circuft of ground which is committed
to the charge of one parson or vicar, or other minister having
^ Andrews, pp. 42, 4.3.
"See opinion of Chase, judge, in United States vs. Worrall,
Dall. p. 384; McMahon, C. 3.
CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT 167
care' of souls- therein.' The time when Enf;:lan(l \va> tirsi
divided into parishes is unknown, nor is it material to our
inquiry/
2. The property of the church in each parish consisted
of the parish church and chapels, a "manse", or house of
residence for the incumbent, with a glebe or portion of land
attached to it, the fittings, furniture, and ornaments of the
church and chapels, and the tithes.
As respects the glebe and other lands of the churcli. the
source thereof was as follows :
"Originally, the land was the property of some lay person,
which, when the rectory was formed, was dedicated to the
church, and conveyed by him to the rector. Thus the free-
hold was vested in the rector, and he was entitled to the land,
including the grass, herbage, and everything else, as fully as
the original owner had been ; but, as the land had been set
apart by consecration for the church and churchyard, the
right which the rector, as the owner of the freehold, had in
the profits was proportionately diminished, because he could
not desecrate it, or use it for any purpose which was incon-
sistent with the object of its consecration. Nevertheless, the
enjoyment of the property, so far as it could be exercised by
one holding a sacred office, belonged to the rector, as the
owner of the freehold".^
But some of the founders, as they are called, were ecclesi-
astical corporations, and some of them kings ; in every case,
however, the efifect of the foundation being the same.*
The fittings, etc., were, as a rule, the oflferings of "indi-
vidual piety or munificence", or "provided by private contri-
butions".^
Tithes were paid by the parishioners. Originally, says
Blackstone, "every man was at liberty to contribute his tithes
to whatever priest or church he pleased, provided only, that
* Blackstone, Comm. i, pp. iii-ii3-
'Earl of Selborne's Defense of the Cluircli of England" against
Disestablishment, pp. 115, 138.
'Greenslade vs. Darby, L. R. 3 Q. B. p. 4-'i-
'Selborne's Defense, p. 114. '- lhu\, p. 116.
i68 COLONIAL MARYLAND
he did it some"/ and in the absence of specifications they were
distributed by the bishop in his discretion. But in the time of
Edgar, about the year 970, it was ordered that all tithes
should be given to the mother church of the parish; subject,
however, to certain provisions for the support of chapels
within the parish."
"The lords, as Christianity spread itself, began to build
churches upon their own demesnes or wastes * * * * and, in
order to have divine service regularly performed therein,
obliged all their tenants to appropriate their tithes to the
maintenance of the one officiating minister, instead of leaving
them at liberty to distribute them among the clergy of the
diocese in general ; and this tract of land, the tithes whereof
were so appropriated, formed a distinct parish. * * * * Thus
parishes were gradually formed, and parish churches endowed
with the tithes that arose within the circuit assigned".''
3. The government of the Church of England, was in
accordance with the ecclesiastical division of the kingdom,
which was as follows: Provinces, of which there were two,
Canterbury and York, and of each of which the archbishop was
the head ; dioceses, into which each province was divided, and
of which the bishops were the respective heads ; archdeaconries,
into which each diocese was divided, and over which the arch-
deacons respectively ruled, within the limitations of their au-
thority ; rural deaneries, each of which had its "rural dean" :
and, finally, parishes, into which every deanery was divided.'
The archbishop, who was also called the Metropolitan,
had general authority over the clergy throughout his prov-
ince, besides having a diocese of his own in which he exercised
Episcopal jurisdiction.
"The power and authority of a 'bishop, besides the
administration of certain holy ordinances peculiar to that
sacred order, consists,- principally, in inspecting the manners
of the people and clergy, and punishing them in order to
reformation, by ecclesiastical censures. To this purpose, he
Blackstone, Comm. i, p. in. 'Ibid, p. 112.
Ibid, p. 113. * Ibid, p. in.
CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT 169
has several coifrts under him", as also his clean and chapter
as his council. "It is, also, the business of a bishop to insti-
tute and to direct induction to all ecclesiastical livings in his
diocese".*
A parson had full possession of all the rights of the paro-
chial church ; and in each parish there might also be a curate,
an officiating temporary minister, being, as Blackstone says,
of "the lowest degree in the church".
A title very common in the English ecclesiastical system
is that of the "ordinary", who is defined as bfing "one
possessing immediate jurisdiction in his own right and not by
special deputation" ; as, "a bishop, archbishop, or other
ecclesiastic or his deputy, in his capacity as an ex officio ecclesi-
astical judge"."
Each parish also had its vestry, church- wardens anfl
parish clerks and sextons. Of these the church-wardens
were the guardians or keepers of the church and represent-
atives of the body of the parish. They were sometimes
appointed by the minister, sometimes by the church, sometimes
by both together, as custom might direct. They were deemed
for some purposes a corporation, having a property in the
goods and chattels of the parish and could bring actions in
relation to them. They also levied fines, kept order in
church, etc.
Vestries, as we understand them, were not in existence.
Properly speaking, the vestry was "the assembly of the whole
parish met together in some convenient place for the dispatch
of the affairs and business of the parish". Every parishioner
who paid his "rates" had a right to come to these meetings,
over which the parson presided, "for the regulating arid
directing this afifair". "From the practice of choosing a
certain number of persons yearly to manage the concerns of
the parish for that year" grew up what were known as select
vestries. But neither vestries, in the proper sense ' of the
word, nor select vestries had any powers necessary to be
noticed.'
Mbid, p. 377. = Century Dictionary.
' Burn, Ecclesiastical Law.
I70 COLONIAL MARYLAND
4. As already noted, every rector or person, in order to
procure a benefice, had first to be presented, that is, ofifered to
the bishop of the diocese to be instituted. The presentation
was made by the patron, as he was called, of the cure, the
person having the right of advowson, "The founders of parish
churches had power, when parishes were first formed and
endowed, to determine in whom the right of 'advowson' (i. e.,
of presentation to the benefice when vacant) should be
vested". This right was a heritable right, passing, on death
or alienation, to the heirs or successors in estate of him having
the right.'
Upon presentation, the bishop, if he had no objection to
the person presented, instituted him ; that is, put him in "care
of the souls of the parish". Then followed induction, by
virtue of which, the parson was in possession of the temporali-
ties of the benefice.
At common law, to become a parson, says Blackstone —
and, as he declares, "the appellation of parson (however it may
be depreciated by familiar, clownish, and indiscriminate use),
is the most legal, most beneficial, and most honorable that a
parish priest can enjoy", there are four requisites necessary:
holy orders, presentation, institution, and induction. Presenta-
tion, he says, is the offer of the proposed incumbent to the
bfshop for institution. Listitution is "a kind of investiture of
the spiritual part of the benefice", but induction is something
of more importance.
"Upon institution, the clerk may enter on the parsonage
house and glebe and take the tithes; but he cannot grant or
let them or bring an action for them until induction.
"Induction is performed by a mandate from the bishop
to the archdeacon, who usually issues out a precept to other
clergymen to perform it for him. It is done by giving the
clerk corporal possession of the church, as by holding the ring
of the door, tolling a bell, or the like ; and is a form required
by law, with intent to give all the parishioners due notice and
sufficient certainty of their new minister, to whom their tithes
^ Selborne, p. 123. •. •
CHURCH E S T A 1] I. I S H M !•: X T 171
are to be'paid. • This, therefore, is the investiture of the tem-
poral part of the benefice, as institution is of the spiritual.
And when a clerk is thus presented, instituted, and inducted
into a rectory, he is then and not before, in full and complete
possession, and is called in law persona inipersonata, or parson
imparsonee."
And one might cease to be a parson in one of several
ways only :
I. By death; 2, by cession, in taking another benefice;
3, by consecration to a bishopric ; 4, by resignation, accepted
by the ordinary; and, 5, by deprivation, which might be by
sentence ecclesiastical, "for fit and sufficient causes allowed by
the common law" or ipso facto in certain cases, "in pursuance
of divers penal statutes".'
It thus appears that at the common law there was no such
thing as a "severance of the pastoral relation" for differences
between parsons and their congregations. The parson, once
in, had a freehold in the glebe, and the right to tithes, etc.:
and could not lose his rights, except by ceasing to be parson,
as above indicated. In other words, if not deprived, and if
he did not resign or accept another cure, or become a bishop,
his tenure was for life.
Contrast with this order of things in the English Church,
the Maryland "Establishment".
I. The parishes in MarylaryJ, as mere territories to be
committed to the clergy, were well enough provided for by the
Act of 1692; that is to say, the direction of that Act, if
carried out, would sufficiently have carved the State into
parishes.^ And, in the main, this was sufficiently done for
' Blackstone Comm. i, p. 384-392.
■ Under this Act the Province was divided into thirty parishes, and
which in 1694, in respect to churches and ministers, stood as follows:
Saint Mary's, two parishes, three churches and one minister ; Kent, two
parishes and two churches, but no minister; Anne Arundel, four par-
ishes, two churches and one minister; Calvert, four parishes,- three
churches and two ministers; Charles, three parishes, two churches and
one minister; Baltimore, three parishes, two churches and no minister;
Talbot, three parishes, four churches and two ministers; Somerset, four
172 COLONIAL MARYLAND
all practical purposes. We find throughout, however, that
new parishes were being constantly formed: whether by the
division of old ones,^ or the erection of new ones," or by the
consolidation of two or more already existing/ And it was
not unnatural that the boundaries of the several parishes
should thus become confused, so as to make necessary an Act
for ascertaining the boundaries of all/
2. But, when we come to consider the property and
support of the church in each parish, we find a radically
different state of things from that in England.
parishes, one church and one minister; Dorchester, two parishes^ one
church and no minister; Cecil, two parishes, two churches and one
minister. (Allen, "Who were the early Settlers of Maryland.") Two
years later three more churches had been built, and nine additional
ministers had come in, making in all eighteen. (Ibid). In 1720, the
number of parishes had increased, to thirty-eight, and in 1760 to forty-
two, and there were forty-one ministers. (Hawks "History P. E.
Church," p. 170; Allen, "Who were the early Settlers in Maryland.")
A majority of these clergymen were of English birth, but a large
number of them were Scotch and a few of them Irish. In 1720, it
was estimated that there were "between ten and eleven thousand
families of Episcopalians in the Province." (Hawks, p. 170.) According
to the report of the Governor of Maryland, in 1696, from items furnished,
on his requisition, by the Sheriffs of the several counties, made to the
Bishop of London, there were in Maryland at that date also, eight Roman
Catholic churches, five priests and two lay brothers, limited to the
Counties of Charles and Saint Mary's; three Presbyterian churches and
two ministers, limited to the County of Somerset; and eight Quaker
meeting houses, three meetings in private houses and two preachers,
limited to the Counties of Kent, Anne Arundel, Calvert and Talbot.
(Allen, "Who were the early Settlers in Maryland.") But in justice,
it should here be noted, that the 'meagreness of this report as to
Roman Catholic Priests and places of worship was perhaps due to the
fact that they were in Maryland, at that time under "proscription," as
the number of Roman Catholics in the Province a few years there-
after—1708— was reported to be 2974, and located as follows: Anne
Arundel, 161; Baltimore, 53; Calvert, 48; Prince Georges, 248; Charles,
709; Saint Mary's, 1238; Cecil, 49; Kent, 40; Queen Anne, 179; Talbot,
89; Dorchester, 79 and Somerset, 81. (London Pub. Rcc. Office, Mary-
land, B. T. Red No. 4, H. p. 79; ScJiarf, vol. i, p. 370.
^Act, 1704, C. 96. -Act, 1706, C. 4.
'Act, 1722, C. 3- 'Act, 1713, C. 10.
C H U R C H E S T A H L 1 S H M EXT 1 73
Some gifts of land there were, but gifts were not the rule.
Prior to 1704, "several pious and well-disposed persons" had
"granted unto the respective parishes whereto they [did]
belong, certain parcels of ground for the use and benefit of
a church and church-yard", but, through the neglect of the
vestries selected under the Act of 1696, no deeds to such lands
had been taken. Wherefore, by Act of 1704, Chapter 38,
provision was made for confirming the titles of such lands to
the respective parishes, the grand juries being authorized to
make inquiry in the matter, etc., and where lands had been
given, but the quantity not mentioned, the vestry was author-
ized to "take of such lands, for the use of the church, and
thereto adjacent, two acres and no more".
Similar provision was made by the Act of 1722, Chapter 4,
for confirming lands devised for the use of the church; and,
in some cases, special Acts were passed, vesting in the vestry,
special gifts of lands.^
Generally, these gifts> and devises were to the vestry or
parish, but in one instance, at least, the gift or devise was to
the rector and his successors."
Another source of acquisition of lands was by gift or
grant of public lands ; as in the case of certain lots in Annap-
olis,' the "Old Stadt-house in St. Mary's city, in St. Mary's
county, and the lot whereon the same stands",* and a tract
of two acres, "parcel of fifteen acres laid out for public uses
at the town of Vienna, Dorchester county".''
But by far, the chief source of acquisition was in pro-
vision of law, mostly in specific instances, authorizing the
vestries to buy lands, and levying a tax of tobacco or money
to pay therefor and to erect churches thereon." The Acts of
this class are practically innumerable and were passed as lately
as 1774. In some cases the expression "to make a glebe", or
"to be made a glebe",^ was used. Resides, the vestries were
^\ct, ,1700, C. 5; 1701, C. 5- S'Vct. 1719, C. 6.
\^ct, 1718, C. 8. 'Act, 1720, C. 4-
"Act, 1725. C. 9. "Act, i7-'7. C. 10.
' Act, 1750, C. 17; 17.S1, C. 6.
174 COLONIAL MARYLAND
empowered, with the aid of commissioners, to acquire lands
by condemnation/ in all cases the lands and churches to be
paid for by tax.
As respects the fittings, etc., of the churches, there were
some few gifts of these, but in the main they were provided
out of the "forty per poll" and the "ten per poll", provided
for by the Act of 1702/
The tenure of the land acquired in the several ways in-
dicated, whether in the rector (as was the case in very rare
instances), or in the vestry (as was the rule), seems to hav«.
been such that neither rector nor vestry could make any dis-
position of them without authority of the legislature. Thus
we find acts enabling the rector to sell or the vestry to sell, or
to lease or to exchange lands. These Acts clearly show that
the vestries were treated as mere trustees, holding the church
properties for the one purpose, "the use and benefit of the
church"
3. As for government, the church had none. The
"ordinary" was mentioned in the legislation on the subject,
but there was no ordinary ; and throughout the period we are
considering there was no bishop, the first bishop, Claggett,
not being elected until 1792.'
Respecting the government of the Church during this
period. Hawks says:
•'Theoretically, the Bishop of London was the diocesan:
spiritual jurisdiction therefore, including the important par-
ticular of discipline, belonged to him, and the clergy had all
along been accustomed so to think. But they were embarrassed
because they found that the matter of jurisdiction was in some
mode or other in the hands of the praprietor also * * * *
\\ct. 1704. C. 38; 1747, C. 18.
'It has been said that the "art of keeping warm is of modern
invention," and eminently was the absence of this art seen in the
house of God. For until about two generations ago, the churches of
Maryland had no fires in them, or means provided for making fire.
There was a fire in the Vestry house, a detached building, but at
church time access to it was prevented by the doors being closed
and locked.— Church life in Colonial Maryland, 120.
^ Hawks, p. 310.
CHURCH K S T A B L I S H M E X T 175
Thus L-ord Baltimore selected a clerf2:ynian in Eng^land, and
appointed him to a living; the Bishop of London gave him a
license; the Governor of the Province inducted him; if he did
wrong, the commissary tried him, if they happened to be a
commissary ; and when convicted, no power punished him ; for
after induction, even his Lordship, the Proprietor, could not
remove him ; and the Bishop of London, nominally his diocesan,
could neither give nor take away the meanest living in the
Province"/
"As long as no clergyman could have a living in Mary-
land without Lord Baltimore's assent; as long as the Governor
had the sole right of induction, on his own or his Lordship's
presentation and as long as the legal effect of induction was to
fasten the incumbent on a parish for life, no matter what might
be his conduct; it is perfectly plain that to talk of the jurisdic-
tion of bishop or commissary was a mere farce"."'
4. Passing now to the appointment of rectors, their rights
and tenure, it is first to be-observed that there were no patrons
in Maryland, in the sense in which there were in England.
All the livings were in the gift of the Lord Proprietary, a
right of which he was to the end tenacious. How a rector got
his benefice has just been shown by the extract from Hawks.
And what his rights were after getting his place may be stated
in few words: he got the use of the glebe and parsonage, if
any, and his "Forty per poll". These he enjoyed, at first,
for life ; for so much of English conception of the rights and
privileges of a rector seems to have been adopted by ^Maryland
as to give to the formality of induction the same legal conse-
quence in Maryland as in England.
That it was the formality of induction which was supposed
to work the life tenure is made clear by the above extract from
Hawks. And Eden,, the last of the Proprietary Governors,
saw the matter in the same light: "at present", said he,
speaking in 1769 or 1770. "when a clergyman is inducted, he
becomes quite unaccountable and independent".'' It is. impor-
tant to bear this in mind ; for after the American Revolution
'Hawks, p. 189. "Ibid, p. 193.
' Hawks, p. 255.
176 COLONIAL MARYLAND
induction ceased. As Hawks says, in 1807, when the question
of the canon on that subject was under consideration, "of the
Maryland clerg}% not one had been inducted, nor was one
likely to be"/
Such being, in general, the character of the Maryland
"Establishment", it is necessary in order fully to understand
it and its effects, to consider briefly the character of the clergy
created by the system, and the attitude of the people of the
Province toward them.
It is a sad story ; that of the Maryland clergy under the
"Establishment". But it is, unfortunately, only too true.
The testimony on all sides is in one direction only.
Dr. Hawks, an esteemed clergyman of the Church and
once a candidate for the Bishopric of Maryland, cannot be
called a hostile witness. Hear him :
"It is not wonderful that the clergy, thus secure in their
livings after induction, and with but feeble powers over them
for punishment when they did wrong, should sometimes
exhibit but a sad example to their parishioners * * '■'" * It
must be remembered that it was too much the fashion to send
to all these colonies the refuse of the English clergy, insomuch
that our wonder is less that the Church in many places did not
grow than that it was not utterly extinguished".
• "The people looked around among the clergy and saw
every man doing just what he thought best; they sought for
a power to protect their spiritual interests by punishing the
faithless agents of the government in things spiritual, and
they found that power — nowhere".'
The pages of Hawks are replete with matter to the same
effect. We are not surprised to see him write :
"No wonder that such a bastard estabHshment as that of
Maryland was odious to so many of the people ; we think their
dislike is evidence of their virtue. It deserved to be despised,
for it permitted clerical profligacy to murder the souls of
Mbid, p. 363.
'Ibid, pp. 191, 235.
^ Ibid, p. 236.
CHURCH E S T A 15 1 . 1 S H M E X T 1 77
• Yeo's le.tter, above mentioned, written before the "Estab-
lishment", reveals a bad enough condition of things :
But the clerg>- of that day were saintly in comparison with
those of the period we are now considering. A less friendly,
and, therefore, perhaps a more just critic of the clergy, writes:
"The churcli which finally drove Catholicism to the wall
was, perhaps, as contemptible an ecclesiastical organization as
history can show. It had all the vices of the Virginian
Church, without one- of its safe-guards or redeeming qualities
* * * * A clergymen, writing in 1714, describes the disregard
of holy things as universal ; the sacraments as neglected and
sometimes not celebrated at all ; the manners of all classes as
dissolute ; and the laws of marriage despised * * * * Mary-
land, like Virginia, had also the misfortune of not -receiving
ministers through the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel. The patronage w-as badly administered, unworthy
men were frequently appointed, and the whole organization
closely resembled a corrupt civil service * * * * It is not easy
to conceive the utter degradation of the mass of the Maryland
clergy. Secure in their houses and glebes, and the tax settled
by law and collected by the sheriffs for their benefit, they set
decency and public opinion at defiance. They hunted, raced
horses, drank, gambled, and were the parasites and boon
companions of the wealthy planters".' * * * *
Truly a shocking state of things; which is here revealed,
not because the picture is pleasant to dwell upon, but because
it is necessary to enable us to understand the legislation
presently to be noticed. Small wonder that the clergy "were
not only despised, but they were bitterly disliked", and that
they were constantly opposed by government and people.
Indeed, the patience of the people seems to have been
phenomenal. It was not until 1763' that the "Eorty per
Poll" was seriously interfered with, and it was then done only
as part of an enactment for amending the staple of tobacco.
In 1771,^ however, a significant Act was passed.. It Avas
^ Lodge, p. 120. 'Act, 1763. Chapter 18.
'Act, 1771, Chapter .11.
lyS COLONIAL MARYLAND
limited in effect to seven years, before the end of which time
the American Revolution was on and the "Establishment"
a thing of the past. By this Act it was, among other things,
provided as follows :
"Upon a complaint in writing, by a majority of the ves-
trymen and wardens, exhibited to the Governor and Council,
setting forth that the incumbent hath willfully neglected to
ofificiate, or hath been guilty of scandalous immorality, the
Governor, by the advice of his Council, may appoint three
beneficed ministers, and three laymen, in conjunction with him-
self, or with the first member of the Council, who shall be of
the Church of England, if the Governor be not of that church,
to inquire into the grounds of the complaint, by taking deposi-
tions in writing. And the sentence of this tribunal may be to
admonish, to suspend, or to totally deprive; and, at discretion,
they may further award the oft'ender to pay costs. In case of
a suspension, the Governor is authorized to appoint a minister
to officiate in the party's stead, and to receive the income and
profits".^
There is no more important act than this in the history
of the Maryland Church. It is the first legislative declaration
of the Maryland laity against a life-holding clergy, and was
but the foreshadowing of what was shortly to come.
The last Act passed during the Establishment," is also not
without its significance. The Act of 1763, reducing the
"Forty per Poll" to thirty, expired by limitation in 1770.
Governor Eden thereupon took the .ground that the "Forty
per Poll" was restored. The question was taken up by the
people, Daniel Dulany leading the Governor's side and Charles
Carroll, of Carrollton, the other side. . The election of 1773
turned largely upon the question and was decided against the
Governor's party."
In the course of this contest there developed another,
being over no less a proposition than that the Act of Establish-
ment of 1702 had never been law. The ground taken was
'Hanson. 'Act, 1773. C. 28. - ^ Brown, p. 266.
CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT
179
that the Assembly which passed the law was chosen under
writs of election iji King William's name and convened March
16, 1701 — 2, whereas the King had died eight days' before.
The Revolution put an end to this question, but, says Hawks,
had it not been so determined "it can hardly be doubted that
this objection would so far have prevailed as to overthrow the
establishment entirely": a striking illustration of the popular
feeling towards the clergy and the "Establishment".'
The Act of 1773. Chapter 28, mentioned, provided,
"Thirty per Poll" for the clergy, but contained a. proviso that
it w^as "not to influence the determination of the question
respecting the 40 per poll law".'
Thus stood the '"Establishment" at the close of the
period under consideration. We examine it in vain for evi-
dence of the adoption of any feature of the English ecclesias-
tical law, save only as to the supposed legal effect of the
induction of a rector. "Lord Baltimore did not found, build,
' This was probably the most noted political controversy within
the annals of Colonial Maryland — more so even, perhaps, than that
over the famous proclamation of 1770 to restore the "fee bills*' as
established by the Act of 1763 — The controversy enlisted the most dis-
tinguished talent of the Province, and was characterized by a display
of ability, learning, spirit and invective not often brought to bear
upon any cause and which gave it unusual prominence. The spirit
of resistance ran so high that in many cases payment of the tax was
successfully resisted — notably in the case of Joseph H. Harrison, a rep-
resentative in the House of Delegates, from Charles County. He re-
fused to pay the tax and was arrested. He then paid it under protest,
to redeem his person, and sued Richard Lee, the Sheriff, for false im-
prisonment, the Act of 1702, under which the sheriff was proceeding,
being as alleged, null and void. Though there was no actual impris-
onment, such was the spirit and temper of the -times and the state
of public feeling upon the subject, that he was awarded damages to
the extent of' £60, the full amount claimed. Charles County Court
Records, March 1774. — Essays relating to this controversy may be
found in ist Chalmers "Collection of Opinions," p. 303, 343; Maryland
Gazette, December 31st, 1772; January 14th and 28th; February 4th.
nth and 25th; March iSth and 25th; April ist, 13th, .'Qth, and May
27th, 1773.
^Hanson.
i8o COLONIAL MARYLAND
or support the churches and chapels, either with or without
license from the King. The people built and sustained
them"/
Vestries and Church Wardens there were, but with powers
and duties differing from those of similar officers in England,
and all carefuly prescribed by statute. There was no arch-
bishop, bishop, nor church government of any sort. In short,
there was no play for the English ecclesiastical law. And
the imperfectly understood incident of induction, which had
been borrowed, in a blind sort of way, from the mother
country, could not itself have found place, had the people and
the Proprietary been at one, instead of being constantly at
odds.
In 1774, Maryland, in effect, renounced allegiance to the
mother country. A provincial government was then organ-
ized, and continued its sessions until the close of 1776, when
the new State government had been provided.
On November 3d, 1776, the Declaration of Rights was
adopted. By the thirty-third section of this it was declared,
that no person ought "to be compelled to frequent or main-
tain, or contribute, unless on contract, to maintain any par-
ticular place of worship, or any particular ministry". But,
proceeds of Declaration :
"The churches, chapels, glebes, and all other property
now belonging to the Church of England, ought to remain to
the Church of England forever. And all Acts of Assembly
lately passed for collecting monies for building or repairing
particular churches or chapels of ease, shall continue in force
and be executed, unless the Legislature shall by Act supersede
or repeal the same; but no County Court shall assess any
quantity of tobacco or sum of money hereafter, on the applica-
tion of any A'estry or Church Wardens ; and every incumbent
of the Church of England who hath remained in his parish,
and performed his duty, shall be entitled to receive the pro-
vision and support established by the Act entitled. An Act for
the Support of the Clergy of the Church of England, in this
' Hawks, p. 258.
CHURCH ESTADLJSH.MEXT i8r
Province, till "the Xovember Court of this present year, to be
held for the countv in which his parish shall lie, or partly lie,
or for such time as he hath remained in his parish, and per-
formed his duty".
The third section of the Declaration continued in force
existing laws, except as altered by the convention "or this
declaration of rights."
These provisions destroyed the "Establishment", root
and branch. There Vvas no "Established Church" after the
date of the Declaration, and no "Forty per Poll"- after "Xo-
vember Court". More than this, there were no "patronages
and advowsons", no "induction". The Church was left
without law and without order. "The Rev. Jonathan Bou-
cher and a third of the clergy sided with the Crown. Ulti-
mately, quite all the churches were closed, and the clergy, for
the most part, left the country".'
In 1779, the legislature acted on the subject of the Church
for the first time since the Declaration of Rights. By Act of
March, 1779, Chapter 9, select vestries in each parish were
provided for. The sections of the Act. material to our inquiry,
are the following :
• "That the select vestries so to be chosen, and their suc-
cessors, shall, as trustees of the parish, be vested with an
estate in fee in all the glebe-lands, as also in all churches and
chapels, and the land thereunto belonging, late the property of
the people professing the religion of the Church of England,
and also as trustees aforesaid, shall have full property in all
books, plate, and other ornaments belonging to said churches
and chapels or any of them"."
"That the said vestrymen, or the major part of them,
shall have full power and authority to employ a minister or
reader of the Church of England, to officiate in their respective
churches or diapels for such time as may be agreed upon : and
may take in subscriptions from all persons willing to contribute
towards the support of such minister or reader, and also for
the support of a clerk to such minister, and giving a salary
not exceeding 30 pounds, to the register of such vestries.'
^ Bishop White's Memoirs, p. 34-
* Act, -1779, Section 15. Mhid, Section 16.
i82 COLONIAL MARYLAND
"That the possession and free use of all glebe-lands
shall belong to the minister of each parish, from the time of
his having agreed with the select vestry as aforesaid, for and
during the time he shall continue to remain therein as minister
of the parish ; and he shall be entitled to all profits thereof
during the time aforesaid, anything herein contained to the
contrary notwithstanding",^
By Act of November, 1779, Chapter 7, this Act was
amended (as to Section 15), by vesting in the select vestries,
all property of the church, in their respective parishes, includ-
ing debts, etc., which, it was thought, the earlier Act might
not cover.
But this Act failed to revive the church. The vestries
complained of their limited control over the church property,
and other objections, to the system created by the Act, were
urged, with the result that the Act of 1798, Chapter 24, was
passed ; which, with an alteration unimportant to our consid-
eration,^ remains law to this day.
The preamble recites the inadequacy of the earlier Act, to
the exigencies of the church. The substantial changes made
by it, which are material to our consideration, are as follows :
The number of the vestry is fixed at eight, in additioi-Pto
the rector, who is to preside at all meetings and have a vote in
case of a tie, but not in any matter "in which he is in any
manner particularly interested".^
The rector is to "have, except he may otherwise contract
with the vestry, the possession, occupation, and free use of all
the glebe-lands, houses, ground-rents, books and other property
belonging to his parish, and be entitled to the benefit thereof
during tine time he shall officiate therein as rector".*
The vestry is given a fee simple in all 4ands and a good
title and estate in all other property of the church ; "and it
shall be lawful for sach vestry so to manage and direct all
such property as they may think most advantageous to the
interests of the parishioners, and they shall also have the
'Ibid, Section 17. "'Act, i8j8, Chapter 1.^6, Section .^
^Act, 1798, Chapter 24, Sections 2, H. ' ll)i(l. Section 8.
CHURCH 1-:STA IM. 1 S'il M KX T 1S3
property in aril books, plate and other ornaments bclon^^nnt;- to
said churches and chapels, or any of them".'
The vestry is made a body corporate, with power to re-
ceive lands and goods, and to rent or lease the lands "'in -uch
a manner as they may judge most conducive to the interests"
of the parish; but the vestry may. not sell any of the property
of the church without the consent of five at least of the i)0{ly,
of whom the rector shall be one."
"That the vestry- of each parish shall have full power ant!
authority, from time to time, to choose one or mpre ministers
or readers of the Protestant Episcopal Church (heretofore
called the Church of England), to officiate in any church or
chapel belonging to the parish, and to perform the other duties
of a minister therein, for such time as the said vestry may
think proper, and they may agree and contract with such
minister or ministers, reader or readers, for his or their salary,
and respecting the use of the parsonage house, or any glebe
or other lands, or other property, if any, belonging to the
parish, and on such terms and conditions as they may think
reasonable and proper, and their choice 'and contract shall be
entered among their proceedings ; and upon the expiration of
such contract, the said vestry may, in their discretion, renew
their choice, or make a new contract, but if they do not incline
so to do, their former choice and contract shall remain until
they declare their desire to make a new choice or contract".^
Two important differences between these two acts are to be
noted. By the earlier, the rector is given absolute possession
of the glebe, etc., whereas by the latter, the vestry may, by
the terms of its contract, keep him out of such possession.
Again, by the earlier, provision is made only for one specific
contract between rector and vestry, Ijy agreement of the two
parties, whereas, by. the latter, the vestry is given power to
choose the rector for such time as it may think proper, and if
a time limit be set, the vestry may allow the same to pass .
without losing the right at any time thereafter, to ".'make a
new choice or contract".
' Ihid, Section 9. 'Ibid, Sections 2S, 29.
" ll)ifl, Section 15.
V
i84 COLONIAL MARYLAND
What, then, is the power of a Maryland vestry as to disso-
lution of the pastoral connection of a rector previously chosen ?
It is shown that the ecclesiastical law of England is not
and never was in force in Maryland. As matter of law, it has
never been decided by any tribunal having proper jurisdiction
that even the incident of induction above noted ever had place
in the Maryland system. But it is conceded that during the
"Establishment" the clergy claimed life-tenure as the "legal
effect of induction", the same as in England, and that the
claim was so far acquiesced in that no clergyman appears ever
to have been removed against his will.
The important point is, that the claim to life-tenure was
always based by the clergy upon induction. The case was the
same in Virginia. "Without induction, the clergy was held
to possess no freehold in his living, but was at any time liable
to removal, at the pleasure of the vestry, without trial or even
crime alleged against him. Under those circumstances, there
were but few of the clergy who could consider their situations
as permanent, for there were but few who could prevail upon
their vestries to present them for induction. The general
custom, therefore, was to hire the minister from year to
year".^
What was this induction, that it should work such a
result? The very act of induction answers the question: It
was the investiture of the parson with the freehold in the
church lands, the tenure of which was, of course, for life.
The ceremony was as formal as the old livery of seisin, per-
formed before the eyes of all. It gave the parson a property
interest with which neither vestry nor parish, neither patron
nor ordinary, could interfere when once it was vested. The
only way in which it could be lost involuntarily was by such
conduct of the parson as would lead to deprivation.
The Maryland article of induction was a great improve-
ment on the English. The rector got no freehold in anything,
and went through no very formal ceremony, but when the
Governor or Proprietary "inducted" him, he was in, so that no
^ Hawks, Virginia, p. 88.
CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT 185
earthly power" could ever get him out. Deprivations had no
terrors for him.
This monstrous assumption produced its natural fruit:
hostility to the church and worse than corruption in the clergy.
The state of affairs above set forth, could have produced but
one result, /. e., that when the laity should ultimately come to
deal with the clergy and its tenure it would do thorough work.
It was just this that happened. The Vestry Act of 1779 not
only did away with the farce of induction ; it did not even stop
at giving the vestry the right to select a minister fonthe parish :
but it gave the vestry the right to fix the term of the rector's
incumbency. The rector was to be employed — note the offen-
sive word — for such time as might be agreed upon.
Let it be remembered, too, that at the time this Act was
passed there was absolutely no ecclesiastical authority in
Maryland. There never had been a bishop, and the undefined,
more than uncertain, claim of jurisdiction of the Bishop of
London had wholly disappeared. Who was there to interfere
between rector and vestry if they should agree? And what
rector could get a living unless he agreed with some vestr}-?
There was no diocesan convention to keep a parish un-
represented in its meetings if it did not happen to meet the
convention's views. In a word, the clergy and the vestries
were at large, with all the power and advantage on the side of
the latter.
The Act of 1798 made no change in those particulars
except to intensify them. By its terms the vestry was to
"choose'' instead of to "employ" its minister, but the rights
of the vestry are, if anything, strengthened: in this, that the
vestry may make its contract and let it continue in force until
it sees fit to change it. L^ider the Act of 1779 some question
may have arisen whether by allowing the rector to remain over
his time he had not acquired a fresh term of at least one year.
Under the Act of 1798. no such question can possibly arise.'
* The following is the syllabus of the decision in that case of Saint
Matthew's Parish vs. E. H. Bartlett, et al.— 75 Maryland Reports, p. 5.
I. Under the Act of 1798, Chapter 24, incorporating the Vestries
of the Protestant Episcopal Church and vesting in tlicni the title and
possession of all lands and properties hclonging to tlic Chnrcli. the
i86 COLOXIAL MARYLAND
Thus did the Acts of 1779 and 1798 settle the question of
"severing the pastoral connection" in Maryland. The great
principal of life tenure had been broken in upon. Maryland
had had her full share of experience with a life holding clergy,
and when she came to legislate upon the '"new conditions",
as created by the Revolution, she knew her mind on that
subject quite as clearly as upon the subject of civil liberty.
But, to remain secure in the rights thus established, it
was deemed necessary, at a later date, to also procure amend-
ments to the general canon — canon of the "National Church"
— on the subject.
As already stated, the English ecclesiastical law not being
in force in this country, except as adopted; and, there being
no ecclesiastical courts, or other authority to deprive a clergy-
man of his benefice, and the English law in that regard, being
incapable of adoption ; and, there being no statutes, penal or
otherwise, governing the subject of deprivation, or "dissolu-
tion of the pastoral connection", it became necessary that
some provision on the subject be made, either by the National
vestry is not only authorized to "choose" or appoint a minister, but his
tenure and the termination of his pastoral relations are the subject
matter of contract between the vestry and himself.
2. That Title Second, Canon Fourth, of the Canons of the
Protestant Episcopal Church is inconsistent with the Act of Maryland
of 1798, and is therefore not in force in the State of Maryland.
3. That in this case the vestry engaged the rector in compliance
with the Act of 1798, and under its provisions, having contracted to
pay him a certain sum per year, no other reference to time being
made, it was a contract for a definite time, /. c, from year to year, and
if such contract had been made for an indefinite time it would have been
one to be determined at the will of either party.
4. That in the case before the court, th-e vestry acted within their
powers under the law, and the complainant, Hipkins, is no longer rector
of the parish and his bill is dismissed.
The Act of 1798 is not to be found, it is true, in the code. But the
code is a codification of the pub.lic general laws and the public local
laws. This Act is neither a public general law nor is it a public local
law. It is a mere private Act incorporating the vestries of a particular
religious denomination, private corporations, and being a private law it
was not and could not properly ])e codified as part of the public general
laws.
CHURCH E S T A L5 L I S H M I-: X T 187
Church,'or by the cliurches in the several dioceses, or l)v botli
of them.
Now, it happened, as of necessity, that the National
Church, or General Convention, was formed by the union of
churches in various dioceses: at first, Connecticut, Xew York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and \'irginia,
and afterwards, Massachusetts and New Hampshire.' With-
out going- into the subject in detail, it is a matter of common
knowledge that the National Church was modeled upon the
Union of the States, with the familiar incidents of granted and
reserved powers. Graduall}-. the constitution took form and
the body of canons grew.'
Until 1804, however, there was no canon dealing with the
dissolution of the pastoral connection. In the year mentioned,
there was presented to the General Convention, the memorial
of Trinity Church, New Jersey, respecting "an unhappy dis-
pute between that parish and its rector".'' The result — very
much as it would have been in the Congress of the United
States, in a political matter originally unprovided for — was a
legislative provision, much deprecated by some, but thought
necessary, and, therefore, advisable by the majority.
The object was to govern the matter of severance of the
pastoral connection by general law. The original of the
canon, "Title H, Canon 4", was the outcome. This canon
took very much the form it now, has, in 1832, and was finally
put in its present form, in 1877.'
That canon professedly deals with the dissolution of the
pastoral connection, and it prescribes a method for bringing
about such dissolution. It enacts, in fact, that no rector shall
be removed from his own parish against his will, except as
provided by the canon. And it proceeds to provide that if
the rector does not want to go. he may appeal to the bishop,
or other proper ecclesiastical authority, who shall be "the
ultimate arbiter and judge" in the matter. And if the bishop,
^ Andrews, pp. 24, 30.
"See Bishop White's Memoirs, Bisliop Perry's History of the
American Episcopal Church; Hawk's Ecclesiastical Constitutions.
^ Bishop White's Memoirs ; Perry's Handbook, p. 104.
* Digest of Canons.
i88 COLONIAL MARYLAND
should decide in favor of the rector, and the parish should not
submit, the parish shall thereupon become disqualified "from
representation in the convention of the diocese, until it shall
have been declared by the ecclesiastical authority to have given
satisfactory guaranties for the acceptance of and compliance
with the arbitration and judgment". But it provides also
that it shall not be in force in any diocese with whose laws it
may interfere.
From the very first, the right of the National Church, or
General Convention, to make canons was very guardedly
allowed and its exercise was most jealously watched by the
several dioceses.'
In the same General Convention of 1804, there were
adopted canons requiring the induction of ministers to entitle
them to be considered as "regularly settled", and also
providing for the "dissolution of the pastoral connection".
Because the provisions of these canons interfered with the
rights of certain of the dioceses under existing local law and
usage they were so qualified at the very next convention, as to
save all local rights.
Maryland was one of the dioceses afifected by the canons
mentioned. Says Bishop White, as to the requirement of
induction :" "In Maryland the measure interfered directly
with the vestry law". Hawks' says, in relation to the same
matter: "This justly gave alarm to the Maryland Church.
The vestry Act had settled the rights of ministers as parochial
clergymen, and there was consequently some uncertainty, to
say the least, as to the legal efifect in Maryland of an induction
* * * * In 1807, therefore, the delegates from the diocese to
the General Convention were instructed, if possible to have the
canon relating to induction reconsidered * * In 1808 it enacted
that the canon should not be obligatory on the church in those
States with whose usages, laws or charters it interfered".
In as full a sense -and to as full an extent the canon relat-
ing to the "dissolution of the pastoral connection" en-
croached upon the rights of the Maryland Church and
^Andrews, pp. 58, 59. " Bisliop White's Memoirs, p. 231.
'Hawks, pp. 363, 364. .
CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT 1S9
"interfered directly with the vestry law", which allowed the
vestry to contract at pleasure with its minister. Accordingly,
this canon was also, at the same time, similarly amended by
the provision now contained in section four, to wit : That it
shall not be in force in any State, with whose laws it may be
inconsistent/
That these canons are not in force in ^Maryland, is evi-
denced by another most significant consideration. The Con-
vention did not like to make these amendments, and, in acting,
used these words: 'Tt is understood the church designs not
to express an approbation of any law^s which make the station
of a minister dependent on anything else than his own sound-
ness in the faith or worthy conduct'"."
In the light of the Convention's protest, in amending the
canons under consideration, what becomes of that loose, but
not uncommon assertion, that life-tenure of the clergy is the
-universal underlying principle of the Protestant Episcopal
Church? Hoffman's remarks upon the relations of rector
and Vestry in New York, are not inappropriate here :
"In closing this important branch of the subject, I beg to
remark that clergymen too often forget the new and peculiar
relation in which they place themselves, when the church they
belong to has been incorporated by the State. Whenever the
provisions of such statutes expressly, or by necessary implica-
tion, govern his relations with a vestry or congregation, or
otherwise, they form the absolut'e law for him''.''
Nothing can be plainer than that, view the case as we
may, we are thrown upon the Maryland vestry law for a
solution of the question at issue.
Under that law, the vestry may choose a minister for such
time as it may think proper, and may agree with him as to
salary on such terms and conditions as it may think reasonable
and proper; and, upon the expiration of the contract, the
vestry may renew it, but if not renewed, the vestry's choice
and contract shall remain until it declares its desire to make a
new choice or contract.
'Hoffman, p. 122. 'Ibid, p. 332.
' Ecclesiastical Law of New York, p. 77.
CHAPTER XI
Some of Maryland's Early Churches
TN 1692, the Church of England became, by law, the estab-
lished Church of the Province. Provision was made for
dividing the several counties into parishes, the election of
vestrymen for each, and the imposition of a poll tax of 40 lbs.
of tobacco upon all the taxable inhabitants of each parish, for
the support of the same."
Under this Act, the. counties of the Eastern Shore were
divided into thirteen parishes, as follows: Kent, into Saint"
Paul and Kent Island; Cecil, into North Sassafras and South
Sassafras ; Talbot, into Saint Paul's, Saint Michael's, and
Saint Peter's ; Dorchester, into Great Choptank and Dorches-
ter ; and Somerset, into Coventry, Somerset, Stepney, and
Snow Hill. The counties of the Western Shore were divided
into seventeen parishes, as follows : Anne Arundel, into Saint
Margaret's, Westminster, Saint Anne's, Saint James', and All
Hallow's ; Baltimore, into Saint George's, Saint John's and
Saint Paul's; Calvert, into All Faith, Saint Paul's, Christ
Church, and All Saints ; Charles, into William and Mary,
Port Tobacco, Durham, and Piscataway or Saint John's; and
Saint Mary's, into William and Mary, and King and Queen.'
The following is the record of proceedings for the laying
out of Saint Mary's County into parishes:
"To his Excellency the Governor and Council.
"The bounds and limits of Saint Mary's County par-
ishes laid out the 5th day of September, Anno Dom. 1692, by
virtue of a late Act of Assembly thereunto directing, are as
^ Act, 1692, C. 2.
"Archives (CI. Pro. 1692) pp. 472-475; Perry's American Colonial
Church; Old Brick Churches in Maryland, pp. 34, 127, 128.
EARLY CHL'RCIIKS
191
follows; viz : • It was by the Justices and Freeholders of the
said County, for the aforesaid end and purpose met at Newton
the day and year above said, and then and there agreed that
Saint Mary's County be divided into two parishes, and that
the same be divided between Newtown hundred and Clement's
hundred by :\Ir. Lang-worth's (Saint Clement's) branch which
leads to Pottuxen majn road, the lower whereof to be called
by the name of William and Mary Parish, and the upper, by
the name of King and Queen Parish.
"Certified from the records of Saint Mary's County Court,
this 2nd day of March, in the fifth year of their Majesty's
Reign, Anno Dom. 1692.
"P. me Henry Denton, CI.'"
By this division, William and Mary Parish embraced all
that part of the County lying between Saint Clements Bay and
Point Lookout, its boundaries being, the Potomac River, Saint
Clement's Bay and River, the Calvert 'County line (then near
Three Notched road to Pyne Hill Run, and with it to the bay),
and the Chesapeake Bay to Point Lookout. And thus it
continued, until Saint Andrew's Parish was erected in 1745,
when the upper boundary was changed to Poplar Hill Creek,
on the Potomac, and from thence by a line through Clifton
Mills, (the Factory) to Legrand's Creek on the Patuxent.
The records in which the boundaries of the Parishes of Saint
Mary's County were recorded, perished when the Court House
was burned in 183 1, but the above mentioned line, separating
William and Mary Parish from Saint Andrews, was ascer-
tained and again defined in 185 1, when William and Mary was
divided into two parishes — Saint Mary's, all that part on the
east side, and William and Mary — all that part on the west
side of the Saint Mary's River, the latter parish extending up
the County to a line drawn from Poplar Hill Creek to Clifton
Mills, and the former to a line drawn from Clifton Mills to
Legrand's Creek on the Patuxent."
The first Vestry of William and Mary Parish, elected i6q2,
was composed of John Campbell, Kenelm Cheseldine, Robert
'Archives (Pro. CI. 1692) p. 474-
'See Proceedings, P. E. Convention, 185 1.
192 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Mason, John Watson, Thomas Beall and John LlewelHn.' Its
first Parish Church was "Poplar Hill Church", (now known
as Saint George's), and which continued to occupy the same
relation to the parish as it now does to that part of it which
still bears the original name.
Of this venerable old edifice — erected as early as 1642,
and the second Church of England built by the Maryland
Colonists^ — unfortunately, but little is known. Its location,
however, is still susceptible of identification. It was a brick
building, and stood about fifteen feet north of the present
Poplar Hill Church, and, as indicated by its still visible out-
lines, its dimensions were about thirty-six by fifty feet.
The present church was erected, it is said, about 1750.
The early records of the parish are no longer accessible ; but,
in the Whittingham Library, there are a few extracts taken
from them, shortly before their destruction by fire, early in
the present century. Among them, is the following order 'for
some repairs to Poplar Hill Church :
"At a Vestry held at Poplar Hill Church, April 10, 172 1.
the vestry agreed wth Mr. Josh Doyne to repair the windows
of Poplar Hill Church. Vizt. To make four iron casements
to be fitted to ye middle light of ye side windows, and to find
glass for what is wanting. In consideration thereof, to allow
the said Doyne 300 lbs. of Tobo for the iron casements, and
for what glass is new, measured from end to end, each light
at 12 lbs. of Tobo pr foot. And for what is only mended by
putting Paises of glass into the old lead, the lights to be meas-
ured and to be allowed 6 tbs. of Tobo pr foot".
"Likewise the same did agree with Mr. Josh Doyne to
place a window in the west end of Poplar Hill Church, 6 foot
square from out to out, and a new frame, the said Doyne to be
allowed 400 tbs. of Tob. for the same".
At this time, Messrs. Richard Hopewell, George Clark.
William Harrison, Anthony Semmes, William Canoday, and
James Waughop, appear to have been the vestrymen of the
parish.
Perry's American Colonial Church.
Who Were the Early Settlers of Maryland— Allen.
E A R L Y C H U R C H E S
193
In the same library, is the followinj^ letter, from an early
rector of the parish, which shows a cordial and liberal response
of its parishioners to the appeal of Governor Sharp in behalf
of the suffering people of Boston, consequent upon the destruc-
tive fire there, in 1760:
"May it please your Excellency :
"Since my letter of the 17th instant, I received last
Sunday, at Poplar .Hill Church, (quite unexpected) after
divine Service, some more Money on Account of the Sufferers
by the late dreadful Fire at Boston. I thought 'it incumbent
on me to acquaint your Excellency of any further Sum that
shou'd be collected ; that thereby you may be informed of the
Donations received by me. The Sum total now amounts to
Seventeen pounds eleven Shillings and four pence half penny,
which I have paid the Sheriff in Obedience to your Commands,
and am
"Sir, wi,th the greatest Duty and Respect
"Your Excellency's Most obedient and humble Servant,
"Moses Tabus.
"St. Mary's County
"June ye 25th 1760.
"To his Excellenc}-.''
In 1724, the Rev. Leigh Alassey reported to the Governor
that the parish contained two churches, about 500 parishioners
and "an extraordinary giel^e oT 400 acres, but the house very
indifferent"'.'
In the chancel of the old church was a horizontal slab,
still in good preservation, containing the following inscription :
"Near this place lyes inter'd the Revd. Mr. Leigh Massey. He
was educated at Oxford, Rector of this Parish, the darling of
his Flock and Beloved by all who knew him. He dyed Janu-
ary 10, 1732-3: aged 2()"' In the isle which led from the
* Perry's American Colonial, Church.
n'hc Rev. Leigh Massey, for many years the close friend and
spiritual adviser of Washington, was the nephew of Mr. Massey, of
Poplar Hill. He married the daughter of the distinguished lawyer
and patriot of Virginia, Georjzc Johnston, and was the grandfather of
194 COLONIAL MARYLAND
front door to the altar, is still to be seen another slab,
which is to the memory of Joseph Holt who died in 1701.
Near these, was discovered in 1886, several inches below the
surface, a rectangular slab, to the memory of the Rev. Francis
Sourton. On it is engraved a curiously quartered shield,
supposed to be his coat-of-arms, and an epitaph in latin,
translated as follows: "Francis Sourtin Anglican of Devon-
shire, son of Francis minister of evangelic truth. He was
sedulous in a life often afflicted, and was buried in 1679".
The legend, also in latin, has been translated thus, "And
thou reader living in the Lord Jesus Christ, keep the faith, and
thou also, though dead, shall live".'
In 1675, Robert Cager, of Saint Mary's, devised his
property "for the maintenance of a Protestant ministery in
Poplar Hill and Saint George's hundred. The following year
the legislature confirmed the devise, and vested the title in the
Mayor, Aldermen and Council of Saint Mary's City in trust for
said purposes".^ A part of this endowment — one of the
earliest in Maryland — is the present glebe of Poplar Hill
Parish (separated from William and Mary Parish in 1850) a
tract of 400 acres, which still retains its original name "Itch-
comb Freehold". It is a curious coincidence that one of the
executors of the will of Robert Cager was Mr. Francis Sour-
ton,' of Devonshire, England. In 1701, Mrs. Elizabeth Baker
also devised to the parish a tract of 100 acres, called "Town
Land" and situated near Saint Marv's Citv.^
the late Major John T. Stoddert, of "Wicomico," Charles County,
Maryland. He is said to have been a -ripe scholar and a great wit.
It is recorded of him that, he^ retired from the law, because his "con-
science would not suffer him to make the worst appear the better
reason ;'' ceased preaching because of the "loss of his fore teeth ;"
withdrew from medicine, because he practiced without charge, because
he was "sent for by everybody," and declined a judgship, because it
"took him too much frorn'his family." He died in 1814, at the ad-
vanced age of eighty-six years.^See interesting letters about him
from Major J. T. Stoddert, in Meades Virginia.
^ For data as to Trinity Church, on Trinity Creek, and the old
State House at Saint Mary's, which was dedicated to public worship,
and both within the limits of this parish.— See pp. 39, 40, 75, 76.
-Archives, Act, 1676, p. 531. , 'Ibid.
*Will, Will Record Saint Mary's County.
EARLY CHURCHES 195
A' few large, well bound and handsomely marked volumes
of the old "Parish Library" established in 1701 by the Rev.
Thomas Bray, Commissary of Maryland, have been preserved."
As the early records have perished, the names of the
clergymen who officiated within the limits of the parish, before,
as well as after its organization, and obtained from other
sources, are here given.
As early as 16^9, the Rev. Thomas White was at Saint
Mary's, and while there married John Hallis and Restitua
Tu€,* servants of Cornwaleys, and which is believed to be the
first protestant marriage ceremony performed in Maryland.
In 1650, the Rev. William Wilkinson — the first permanent
protestant minister in the Province — came to ^taryland,
located in Saint George's hundred and for thirteen years
officiated at Poplar Hill and Saint Mary's." He died in 1663,
and was succeeded by the Rev. Francis Sourton. Mr. Sourton
was probably in the parish as early as 1676.* He died in 1679.'
In 1683, the Rev. Duel Pead was in the Parish, and in Novem-
ber of that year the Legislature passed a vote of thanks to
him "for the learned sermon preached before the two Houses
of Assembly on the 14th inst"." In 1689, the Rev. Paul
Bertrand, who four years before had been sent from England
to Calvert County, in response to the petition of Mary Taney,"
was at Poplar Hill,' and in 1692, when the Parish was formally
organized, the Rev. Thomas t)avis was in charge.* He was
succeeded in turn, by the Revs. James Crawford in 1694,"
Peregrine Coney in 1696," Ben j amine Nobbs in 1700," Joseph
Holt in 1701,'' Henry Jennings in 1706," Leigh Massey in
1723 (died there in 1733),'' Lawrence De Butts in 1735 (died
* In the possession of Mrs. Charles Grason.-
"Rev. George A. Leakin, in Maryland Churchman, September,
1892; Neill, p. 78-
'Day Star, p. 145. 'See Will. Robert Cagcr.
'See tombstone at Poplar Hill. 'Arch. (Ass. Pro.) pp. 483, 562.
'Gambrall, p. 67. * Rev. M. H. Vaiighan.
"Allen. '"Ibid. " Scharf, i, p. 352-
'Mbid, p. 366. "Allen. 'Mbid.
"Act, 1723; Tombstone at Poplar Hill.
196 COLONIAL MARYLAND
there in 1752) ;' Moses Tabbs in 1752, and served until his
death, which occurred in 1776;' Rev. Joseph Messenger, of
Saint Andrews Parish, officiated in WilHam and Mary after
the death of Mr. Tabbs and until 1786;^ Rev. Benjamine
Sebastine in 1786, from Christ Church, Calvert County;'
Rev. James Simpson, from 1788 to 1793; Rev. Andrew
Elliott in 1795; Rev. Charles Smoot, made Deacon by
Bishop Claggett, June, 1793, Priest, November, 1795, (died
there in 1805) ; Rev. Francis Barclay, from 1808 to 1810; Rev.
James Jackson, from 1812 to 1816; Rev. John Brady, from
1816 to 1822 (died there in 1822) ; Rev. R. Kearny, from 1824
to 1828;° Rev. H. N. Hotchkiss, in 1829, during whose min-
istry the proposition to pull down the old State House at
Saint Mary's was carried. He is said to have displaced the
first bricks, died a few days thereafter and is buried in the
Northwest corner of the lot upon which it stood."
The interesting and valuable early records of King and
Queen Parish, in Saint Mary's County, have been destroyed,
and all that can now be obtained of its earlier history, must be
gathered from scattered documents, references, and legislative
enactments.'
When it was first laid out, it extended from Saint Clem-
ents Bay and Run to the extreme northern end of the county,
and then defined, and which embraced within its limits, the
territory known as "Newport Hundred", now a part of
Charles County. Its boundaries were Saint Clements Bay
Run (the latter then called Langworth's Branch), the Calvert
County line (then near the Three Notched Road) to the upper
extremity of Newport Hundred, thence to the head waters of
Wicomico "River (now Zachiah Swamp) and with the Wicom-
ico and Potomac Rivers to the beginning.' •
^ Maryland Gazette, July 9, 1752. - Allen.
^Ibid; Saint Andrew's Records. ''Allen.
'Ibid. "Pilate and Herod, 13.
' The substance of this sketch of King and Queen Parish, was
given to "The Church Militant," the oflficial organ of the Bishop of
Washington, and was published by it in December 1898.
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1694) p. 475. x.
EARI.V CHURCHES 197
In' 1706," Newport Hundred was taken away, and united
to William and Mary Parish, in Charles County,' but, in 171 5,
"it appearing that the severance had been obtained by mis-
representation", it was again united to King and Queen
Parish," where it remained until 1748. In 1744, an Act wa>
passed to unite all that part of King and Queen Parish lying
in Charles County, to Trinity Parish, in said County." The
Act went into effect in 1748,' thus making the dividing line
between Charles and Saint Mary's, the upper boundary of the
parish, as it is to-day. In 1745, the lower boundary of the
parish was extended down to Bretton's Bay and Run, its east-
erly boundary, as established at the same time, being a line
drawn, north 42^/3 degrees west, from Major Barnes mill
(on Bretton's Bay Run, about half a mile above tlie plank
bridge), to the upper extremity of the county,'' but, in 1748,
on complaint to the General Assembly, that the latter line
"did not leave to King and Queen Parish a proportionable
number of taxable inhabitants", it was changed, and a line
running north 36 degrees west, fro m]\Iajor Barnes' mill, was
adopted in its stead," and became the permanent dividing line
between the Parishes of King and Queen and All Faith.
The first parish church was probably Newport Church, then
located in about the centre of the parish. In 1735, the rector,
vestry, and church wardens, were authorized by the General
Assembly "to purchase two acres of ground to build a church
on, in that part of the parish lying in Saint Mary's County,
and to raise a fund, as well as to complete the said purchase
and building, as to repair Newport Church within said parish".'
The following year a special assessment was ordered for these
purposes, and the freeholders of the parish were directed to
meet "in order to choose a place to build the said church
upon".* The place selected was Chaptico, and the churcli
was completed in 1737. It is a capacious brick buil5:ling. with
steep roof, arched windows, and recess chancel. The ceiling.
'Act, 1706, C. 7- 'Act, 1715. C. 13.
'Act, 1744. C. 14- 'Act, 1748, C. 9-
'Act, 1745. C. 4- 'Act, 1748. C. 4-
'Act, 1735. C. 9- 'Act. 1736. C. 13.
198 COLONIAL MARYLAND
from front to rear, on both sides, is square to the outer Hnes
of the chancel, and is supported by corinthian cohmins. From
these square ceilings, an arched middle ceiling rises at a grace-
ful angle, and, with the chancel ceiling, forms an arched
ceiling through the entire middle of the building. It still
stands, is in excellent preservation, and is an uncommonly
handsome specimen of colonial church architecture.
In 1750, an Act was passed for the erection of "a chapel
of ease in King and Queen Parish, in which the minister is to
officiate every third Sunday".^ This chapel was a frame
building; was called All Saints, and was located on the site
of the church still bearing that name, but built within the
present century, and said to be the third in order erected on
that site.
A little below x^ll Saints, on Saint Paul's Creek, stood
the little Episcopal Church of Saint Clement's Manor, erected
as early as 1642 — the third Protestant church built by the
Maryland colonists.^ The land for the site of this church,
and a glebe, was given by Thomas Gerrard, the lord of Saint
Clements Manor. He was a Roman Catholic, but his wife,
Susannah, a sister of Justinian Snow, was a Protestant,'' and
under her auspices the chapel was built. How long this little
memorial of English church life in early Maryland stood, is
not known. In 1696, the Council ordered the vestry of King
and Queen Parish "to have the bounds settled of the one
hundred acres of land given to the church by Thomas Ger-
rard"." No mention is made of the chapel' at that time, and,
as another one had been built elsewhere, it may be assumed
that it had disappeared.
The latter chapel was at Wicomico (between Plowden's
Wharf and Bluff Point), the stream on which it stood still
being known as "Church Run". In 1696, Captain Gerard
Slye complained to the. Council "that the chapel built for the
parish at Wicomico was on his land",'' and asked that it be
^Act, 1750, C. 21.
''Who Were the Early Settlers of Maryland, p. 29.
'Day Star, p. 55. "Archives (CI. Pro. 1696). 'Ibid.
EARLY C 11 UR CUES
199
removed. This, however, was not done, and the chapel was
still standing in the early part of the present century. It was
erected in 1694. 'On July 30th, of that year, it was reported
to the Council "that it was then going forward to be built
nigh Captain Coades'" — the Ijluff Point estate before men-
tioned.
In 1750, the vestry was authorized to sell the glebe land
given by Thomas Gerrard, and to purchase a glebe nearer the
centre of the parish.'- In 1654, William Marshall gave "three
heifers", from which a stock of cattle was to be raised "for
the maintenance of a minister which is to be in the now
known neck of Wicomico".' This, and the donation of land
by Doctor Gerrard, are worthy of mention as the first church
endowments in Maryland. That part of the parish 'in which
the several chapels above referred to were located, is now
wathin the limits of All Saints' Parish, carved out of King and
Queen, and erected in 1893.
Among the fragmenT:ary extracts from the early records
of the parish, preserved in the "Whittingham Library", is a
reference to the purchase in 1770 of "one silver Chalice Cup
and cover", "a marble font and pedestal, two Baskerville's
Bibles, two Royal Common Prayer Books, with Psalms, and
two pulpit cushions". Whether the handsome communion
service and marble font now in use at Chaptico church were a
part of this purchase, has not been definitely ascertained. A
tradition prevails that they were presented to the parish by
Queen Anne, and that the service and font purchased in 1770,
were for All Saints' Chapel. Be this as it may, it is suscepti-
ble of proof that a separate communion service and font were
in use at the chapel from an early date and the further fact
that there is no evidence extant of the purchase of any other
service for the parish, lends color to this much cherished tradi-
tion.* In 1773, an organ, said to have been a superior
'CI. Pro. 1694. 'Act, 1750, G. 17-
'Archives (Pro. Ct.) p. 393-
* Ridgely, in her excellent work, "The Old Brick Churches of
Maryland," says: "the design of this church, simple but in perfect
200 COLONIAL MARYLAND
instrument for that clay, was purchased for Chaptico Church.
The following year the General Assembly authorized an
annual levy of five pounds of tobacco per poll, to be made for
the support of an organist.^ This is one of the few instances
in Alaryland in which a church organist was paid by a general
taxation. In 1813, the British broke into Chaptico Church,
and in addition to other depredations, completely destroyed
this old organ.
The first vestry of King and Queen Parish (1692) was
•composed of Nehemiah Blackston, Richard Clouds, John Dent,
Philip Briscoe, John Coade and John Bartcroft." At the com-
mencement of the American Revolution the vestry consisted of
John Eden, William Thomas, Hanson Briscoe, Zachary Bond,
John Dent, Thomas Bond and John Briscoe.^
The first minister in the parish, after its organization as
such in 1692, was the Rev. Christopher Platts.' In 1715, the
Rev. John Donaldson was inducted rector of the parish. In
his report to the Governor in 1724, he stated that he had been
in the parish nine years, and that it contained two churches, a
glebe and two hundred families." that "the Parish is 36 miles
long and about 7 miles wide". Mr. Donaldson remained
rector of the parisli until his death, which occurred in 1747."
He .was succeeded by the Rev. Richard Brown. In 1761. it
was proposed that the Rev. Mr. Swift of Port Tobacco and the
Rev. Mr. Brown of King and Queen, exchange parishes.
In writing Lord Baltimore on the subject, .Governor Sharpe
took occasion to say, "that the Parishioners of Port Tobacco
Parish have nothing against Mr. Swift except that he is a very
poor and heavy preacher, and in that respect they would be no
better off with the Rev. Mr. Brown".' The exchange was
harmony, is attributed to no less a personage than Sir Christopher
Wren, the architect of St. Paul's Cathedral, London." As Sir Chris-
topher Wren died in 1723, this error must have proceeded from an un-
certainty of the date at which the Church was erected — 1735.
'Act, 1774. C. 7-
" Perry's American Colonial Church. ^ Hanson.
' .Scharf, i, p. 366. ,° Perry's American Colonial Church.
" Bacon. ' Archives, Sharpe"^ Correspondence, p. 529.
KARLV CHURCHES 201
not marie, and" Mr. Brown remained in the parish until 1773.
when he resigned. His successor was the then Curate, the
Rev. George Goldie,' who continued to till the position as
rector of the parish until the Revolution. There is some
evidence, indeed, tending to show that he remained in the
parish until the time of his death, 1791, with the exception of
the year 1776, but this has not been definitely ascertained.
Mr. Goldie was licensed by the Bishop of London in February.
1766, and had been Ctirate to the Rev. Thomas Bacon in All
Saints' Parish, Frederick County.'
Formerly there was situated on the northerly side of
the church, and near the front, a frame vestry-house, sur-
mounted by a belfry, and which was used also as a school
building. At the rear of the church, and immediately' beyond
the chancel is the Key vault, over the entrance to which is a
stone bearing the family coat-of-arms.
The record of the proceedings for the laying out of All
Faith Parish is as follows : "At a Court held at Benedict —
Leonardtown, the 14th day of February, in the year of our
Lord God, 1692, and in the fifth year of the reign of our
sovereign Lord and Lady, King William and Queen Mary, by
the grace of God, King and Queen of England. Scotland.
France and Ireland, defenders of the faith, etc.. by the justices
therein, authorized and appointed, together with the most
principle freeholders thereunto 'called for the laying out of
Parishes on the east side of the Patuxent River, in Calvert
County, being in obedience to an Act of Assembly, entitled an
Act for the service of Almighty God, and for the establish-
ment of the Protestant Religion in this Province, made at the
City of St. Mary's, the loth day of May. Anno Dom. 1692.
present, Mr. Thomas Tasker, Mr. Thomas Holliday. Mr.
John Bigger. Mr. Francis Hutchins, Mr. James Keech. Mr.
William Parker, and Mr. Francis Freeman, commissioners
* * * *,It is concluded and agreed on by the justices above
named and by the principal freeholders at the time and place
' Extract in Whittingham Lilirary.
"History, Western Maryland, i, p. 505.
202 COLONIAL MARYLAND
above said, met together : that from the main branch of
Swanston Creek to the lower part of Harvey Hundred, be in
one parish, the church of the said parish being already built,
standing by the fork of Trent Creek, called by the name of
All Faith Church. This remarkable name was probably cor-
rupted from Alt Faith, Alt being an old English word synon-
ymous with old, meaning, the Old Faith. The vestrymen
appointed and chosen by the principal freeholders, met to-
gether at the time and place above said, being Capt. James
Keech, Mr. John Smith, Mr. Richard Sotheron, Mr. John
Gillam, Mr. Charles Ashcom, Mr, Richard Gardner. Very
Copia pr Henry Jowles, Clk. of Calvert County".''
In 1695, the territory embraced within the limits of All
Faith Parish, lying between Indian Creek and the lower part
of Harvey hundred, was annexed to Saint Mary's County,^
and in 1744 that part of the parish lying north of Indian
Creek, was united to Trinity Parish in Charles County,* thus
leaving the whole of All Faith Parish within the domain of St.
Mary's County.
The first westerly boundary of the parish, was the original
dividing Hne between Saint Mary's County and Calvert County,
and this continued for many years and until the new dividing
lines between All Faith and King and Queen Parishes, fully
described in sketch of the latter parish, were established. The
southerly boundary of the parish, was in 1745, changed from
the lower part of Harvey Hundred to Bretton's Bay run, the
line as thus adopted, extending from Major Barnes' mill to
Coles Creek on the Patuxent River.
In 1765, the Justices of Saint Mary's County were directed
by the Assembly to make a levy of 120,000 lbs. of tobacco for
the use of the vestry of All Faith Parish, who were authorized
to "build a new church where the old one stands" and also to
"purchase from Mr. Thomas Reeder an acre of the land
whereon John Knott formerly lived, and to contract for build-
^ Archives (Pro. CI. 1692) p. 473.
^Act, 1695, C. 13. ^, ^Act, 1744, C. 14.
EARLY C H L" R C H E S 203
ing thereon a -chapel of ease".' The old parish church was
pulled down and a handsome brick edifice, still in excellent
preservation, was erected on the same site.
The land upon which All Faith Church stands was donated
it appears, by Mr. John Price, who gave one acre of ground
for that purpose, and to enlarge the lot, Mr. James Keech, in
I734> gave an additional half acre.'
The one acre of ground for the "Chapel of Ease"
provided for in the Act of 1765, was purchased and the Chapel
erected. It was known as the "Red Church" and stood on
the west side of the public road leading from Saint Josephs to
Oakville, about fifty yards from the road, and about two
hundred yards below the fork made by the conjunction of the
Patuxent road with it. This little chapel has long since dis-
appeared, and lives only in the memory of a few, but its site,
and that of the adjoining graveyard, although sadly neglected,
and now covered with a wild and luxuriant forest growth, are
still discernible.
There had been a Chapel of Ease in the parish from a
much earlier date. It was located on the east side of the "three
notched road", near what is known as ''Sandy Bottom", then
in the lower part of the parish. When, however, the bounds
of the parish were curtailed in 1745, this little chapel fell with-
in the limits of Saint Andrew's, and for further particulars of
it, see the account of that parish. .
In 1724, the Rev. Robert Scott, the then rector, reported
to the Governor that the parish contained "two churches
about twenty miles apart", a "glebe with a small house on
it", "two setts of communion service, tw^o flaggons, cushions
and valance for the pulpit" besides "152 protestant and ^2
popish families"."
In May, 1734. the Rev. Arthur Holt wrote the Bishop of
London that "he had been inducted in the parish that year",
and that though in "most respects an agreeable position", it
'Act, 1765, C. 5-
" Records, All Faith Parish.
^ Perry's American Colonial Church.
204 COLONIAL MARYLAND
was "such a laborious one", that he was compelled to ask to
be relieved from the charge. The parish, he stated "is but
little short of 60 miles in length,' and is very mountainous and
hilly. One Lord's day I must ride (going and coming) about
14 miles, and the next about 34 miles. My congregations are
much larger than my two churches can hold, so that the people
are obliged to crowd at the outside of the doors and
windows".^
Than the last mentioned fact, it may be added, no other
evidence is necessary to establish the position which Mr. Holt
occupied in the parish as a pulpit orator, whatever may be the
consensus of opinion upon his unwillingness to traverse the
"gentle hills and beautiful valleys" of the lower Patuxent.'
The clergymen who officiated in All Faith from its organi-
zation as a parish to the Revolution, were Rev. Thomas Davis,'
1694; William Dacres, (clerk of the vestry) 1695; Rev. Mr.
Plats, (six sermons at 500 tbs. of tobacco per sermon) 1698;
Rev. Benjamine Nobbs, (minister for lower half of parish
officiated occasionally at the Parish church) 1698, 1699 and
1700; Rev. Joseph Holt, (six sermons) 1701 ; Rev. George
Tubman, (four sermons) 1702; Rev. George Trotter, (one
year) 1703; Rev. . Mr. White, (six sermons on Saturdays)
1707; Rev. Henry Jennings, (at the chapel one year) 1708;
Rev. Robert Scott, served from 1708 to time of his death,
1733, with Rev. Hugh Jones as assistant, at both churches
from 1730 to 1733; Rev. Arthur Holt, (one year) 1734; Rev.
John Urquhart. served from 1734 to time of his death, 1764;
Rev. Mr. Lander, (eleven months, preaching every second
Mbid.
"In 1719, the vestry, through, Thomas T. Greenfield, purchased in
London, at a cost of £25, 15s. "two silver Chalices, two silver
Patens, two pewter bottle Flagons washed with gold or laqncr."
In 1725 Robert Stoiirton bequeathed to the upper church of the
parish a silver tankard weighing 35 ounces. In 1840 the vestry passed
an order to have "the plate belonging to tlic church repaired or ex-
changed" the result of which order was that the old plate was ex-
changed for a new silver Chalice, Flagon and -Paten, each piece being
marked "All Faith Church 1840."— RecoYd All Faith Parish.
E A R L Y CHURCHES 203
► ■ -
Sunday only) '1764; Rev. John Stephens, Curate, from 1765
to 1769; Mr. Stephens was inducted Rector by Governor VaWu
in 1769, and served until 1777, when he resigned.'
In 1744, an Act of Assembly was passed directing the
Justices, Sherifif, and Surveyor of Saint Mary's County, to lay
out a new parish in the county, thus increasing the number to
four. The Commissioners were to meet in Leonardtown on or
before the 20th of August of that year, and to give twenty
days notice of such meeting.^ This Act not having been
executed within the time prescribed, the followfng year a
supplementary Act was passed, under which new commis-
sioners were appointed, and the county laid out into four
parishes." The new parish thus formed, was called Saint
Andrews, and was made up of parts of All Faith and William
and Mary Parishes, the dividing line between it. All Faith and
King and Queen, being Bretton's Bay and Run, and a line
drawn from Major Barney' mill on said Run to Coles' Creek
on the Patuxent, and the one separating it from William and
Mary, being a line drawn from Legrande's Creek, on the
Patuxent, to a point on the Potomac, it is said, between
Hampton and Tower Hill.
While the parish was tiins formally laid out at that time,
the division, it appears, did not actually take place until after
the death of the then incumbents of the two parishes from
which it was carved, the Rev. *Mr. Urquhart, of All Faith,
continuing to serve in that part severed from his parish, as did
also the Rev. Mr. DeButts, of William and Mary. In 1753.
the General Assembly authorized the parishioners "in that
part of the parish made vacant b\- the death of the Rev.
Lawrence DeButts, to elect a vestry, church-wardens and
inspectors for such vacant part".' In September of the same
year this was done, the Rev. Moses Tabbs of W'illiam and
Mary agreeing to officiate temporarily in such vacant part of
the parish. He was succeeded there in 1757, by the Rev.
' Records of .Ml Faith Parish.
''Act, 1744, C. 14. "Act. 1745, C. 4.
* Act, I7S.1. C. 19.
2o6 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Alexander Williamson, who in turn was followed, in 1761,
by the Rev. Clement Brooke. The place of worship for that
part of the parish was the Court House at Leonardtown, while
that for the Patuxent side was the little chapel at Sandy
Bottom, or the "Four Mile Run Church" as it was called,
and which had hitherto been the Chapel of Ease of All Faith
Parish.
Upon the death of the Rev. Mr. Urquhart of All Faith, in
1764, Saint Andrew's Parish was organized for the first time,
by the election of a vestry, etc., for the entire parish, and the
Rev. Francis Lauder, by appointment of Governor Sharpe, was
inducted as its first minister. Steps were then taken, looking
to the erection of a parish church, and in 1765,^ the General
Assembly authorized a levy of 200,000 lbs. of tobacco, for
the purpose. The site selected for the new church was,
"Waldrums Old Fields".' Two acres of this land was
purchased of Samuel Bellwood, the then owner, the price paid
being £$ currency. The architect was Mr. Richard Boulton;
the contractors were Messrs. Samuel Abell, sr., Samuel Abell,
jr., and Stourton Edwards ; the contract price being 160,000 lbs.
of tobacco, and f 100 sterling. The specifications called for a
"brick building, fifty-five feet long in the clear, exclusive of
the chancel, and forty feet wide in the clear, with a porch in
front connecting two pyramids, or low towers, which orna-
mented each front corner of the church ; the walls to be three
bricks thick to the water table, and two bricks thick above;
the aisles to be laid with flagstone, and the ceiling to be square
on the sides and arched in the center". The unique and
^ Act,- 1765. C. 4-
^ A tradition prevails in the parish, that when the question of
where the Parish Church should be located, was first before the con-
gregation, some years before it was built, there was a strong sentiment,
headed by the Hon. George Plater, (father of Governor Plater) the
most prominent man, perhaps, in. the parish, in favor of building it on
the site of ,the little Sandy Bottom Chapel. So pronounced were Mr.
Plater's feelings in favor of that location, and so decided his convic-
tions that his views would be carried out and his wishes gratified, that
he requested to be buried in the chapel yard there, which was accord-
ingly done.
PZARLY CHURCHES 207
artistic alter-piece, containing the Lord's Prayer and Ten
Commandments was carved by Mr. John F. Limner/
The church was completed in 1767. It still stands, is
well preserved, and is a pleasing specimen of early church
architecture. After the completion of Saint xA.ndrews Church,
the little chapel at Sandy Bottom, having survived its useful-
ness, soon went to ruin. It appears for the last time upon
the parish records, as having been the place of meeting of the
vestry on September 5th, 1764, which met and determined
upon the erection of the present parish church. Xo traces of
it are now to be found, even in the recollection of the oldest
inhabitants, except as imperfectly indicated by its old grave
ward, which though neglected, and even plundered, it is said,
of its once substantial brick enclosures, and left a barren and
forsaken spot, it is still susceptible of identification, and
relatively points out the site once occupied by this early
church — the first Chapel of Ease of All Faith, and the first
place of Protestant worship in Saint Andrews Parish.
On April 13th, 1769, the vestry met at Saint Andrews
Church to dispose of its pews. Thirty were taken, and the
sum realized for them w^as ii50, 5 s.. the highest bidders
being Hon. George Plater and Col. Abraham Barnes, who con-
jointly became the possessors of pew No. i for ii6 sterling.
In 1755, 292 acres of land were purchased from Thomas
Wheatty and Clement Norris, f6r a glebe for the parish, the
price paid being 33,035 ^^- oi tobacco, land, in 1763, the ves-
try contracted with Samuel Abell. to erect a dwelling house
thereon, for the sum of 26,000 lt)s. of tobacco. This glebe, it
is said, w^as located on the road which leads from Leonardtown
to Saint Andrews Church, and about three miles from the
latter. After many years of service it was sold, and another,
situated aboui half way between the church and the "Three
Xotched Road" was purchased in its stead.
On April 11, 1757, a silver Chalice and Salver were pur-
chased for the parish, which are said to be the same now in use
^ Parish Records.
2o8 COLONIAL MARYLAND
at Saint Andrews Church. A Bible, prayer book and surphce
were also purchased.^
The rectors of Saint Andrews Parish, in addition to those
already mentioned were Rev. Robert Ranney, from 1765 to
1767; Rev. William West, from 1767 to 1772; Rev. Joseph
Hindman, from 1772 to 1773; Rev. George Gowndril, curate,
from 1773 to 1775; Rev. Joseph Messenger, from 1775 to
1787; (all inducted by appointment by the Governor), the
Rev. John Wilson, (first rector elected by the vestry, 1787)
served 5 years; Rev. Francis Walker, from 1792 to 1818,
when the Rev. John Brady was elected, who was succeeded in
turn by the Rev. Clement F. Jones, Rev. John Claxton, Rev.
James A. Buck, Rev. Mr. Scull, and Rev. George R. Warner.'
One of the most historical of the early parishes is Prince
George, commonly known as Rock Creek Parish. It was
erected in 1726, and embraced within its limits all the territory
lying between the Potomac and Patuxent Rivers, and the
eastern branch and a line drawn from thence to the Patuxent
and extended westward to the westerly bounds of the Province ;
thus including not only a part of the District of Columbia, but
Georgetown and all the Counties of Western Maryland and
^ Parish Records.
• While digging a grave in Saint Andrew's Grave yard in January,
1894, a memorial gold breast pin was found, of unique design with hair
settings and bearing the following inscription : "Edmund Porteus pb
March 28th, 1752. Aged 32." There was a Robert Porteus, from
Baltimore City in the Continental Army in 1774, But the name in Mary-
land is a very uncommon one.
° Records of Saint Andrews Parrsh.
The vestry men of the parish, during the same period were Col.
Abraham Barnes, Robert Hammett, John Hammett, James Tarleton.
John Newton, Samuel Abell, Matthew Wise, Enoch Abell, John Hall,
Thomas James, Cyrus Vowles, John Black, George Plater, Hugh Hope-
well, John Hammond, Michael Wellman, Stourton Edwards, Peter
Urquhart, Philip Clarke, Charles King, William Martin, John Thomp-
son, Cuthbert Abell, John Hatton Read, Timothy Bowers, Robert
Watts, John DeButts, Archibald Campbell, William Somerville, Dr.
Henry Rceder, William H. Brown, Jarnes Hopewell, John Abell, Ed-
ward Abell, Thomas Dillon, Peter Thompson,. Charles Chilton, Joseph
Hammett, Vincent Thornton, John B.-v-.^bell, Francis Abell, John S.
EAR T.Y CHURCHES 209
from it all the parishes now within that domain were originally
carved, or are the, result of subdivisions.'
The first Rector of the parish was the Rev. George
Murdock, who was commissioned by Gov. Charles Calvert, in
December, 1726, and who officiated for thirty-four years, and
until his death, in 1761. He was followed by Rev. Alexander
Williamson who served fourteen years, and was succeeded by
the Rev. Thomas Read, who had previously been Curate of the
parish, and also Rector of Saint Anne's, Annapolis. He was
inducted in 1777, and continued to be Rector of the parish
thirty-four years, when he resigned. During ^Ir. Read's
pastorate of Rock Creek Parish, he kept a record of the
marriages performed by him within the parish, and as well also
a necrology covering the same period. A part of this record
has been preserved — from 1796 to 1808, inclusive." After the
, death of yir. Read it came into the possession of his son, the
Abeli, J^mes A. Crane, John Rousby Plater, Matthew W. Simmonds,
Dr. William Thomas, Richard Clark, Robert Hammett, George Clark,
Joseph Harris, John Leigh, Adam Wise, G. X. Causeen, H. G. S. Key,
George Plater, Bennett Hanmiett, John R. Plater, Jr., George Dent, George
Teal, James Forrest, Thomas Barbour, Hatch Turner, George S. Leigh,
Chapman Billingsley, Thomas Hebb, J. M. Hammett, Dr. Walter H. S.
Briscoe, Luke E. Barbour, William B. Scott, Benjamin G. Harris, Dr.
Thomas J. Franklin, Enoch Hammett, John R. Thompson, Hezekiah
Dent, Joseph H. Greenwell, Edward Plater, Henry Gough, and James
R. Thompson. *
^ A detailed and interesting sketch of this parish may be found in
Scharf's History of Western Maryland, vol. 2, p. 742.
■ Marri.ages — Montgomery County, 1796.
Jan. I2th, John Buxton, To Eleanor Macoy
Feb. 2d, Theophilus Roby " Ann Willett
" 9th, James Stewart, " Grace Clarke
" nth, Edw. Medcalf, " Cloe Butt
" i8th, George Bowman, " Sarah Howse
" 22nd, Richd. Dorsey^ " Anne Wayman
" 28th-, Wm. Welsh Cordingly, " Ann Moore
Mar. 3d, Jno. Campbell, " Polly Craton
" 6th, Rich. Thompson. " Eliz. Pelly
" loth, Jeremiah Nicholson, " Hester Nicholson
" 22nd, Jesse Wilcoxen, " Ruth Wilcoxen
COLONIAL MARYLAND
late Robert Read, of Cumberland, after whose demise it was
presented by his widow, Sarah Johns Read, through the author
of this work, to the Maryland Historical Society. This old
record is singularly valuable, not only because of the large
Mar. 24th,
Thomas Moody,
To
Mary Berry
" 28th,
Henry Jones' Geo.,
"
Charles Jones' Polly, (Negroes)
Apr. 2ist,
Wm. Wilson,
"
Anne White
" 2ISt,
Thomas Davis,
"
Catherine Worthington
May isth,
Mr. Crabb's James and Clary (Negroes)
" 15th,
Mrs. Johns' Jerry and
MoUie
June i6th.
Rev. Nicholas Lane,
To
Esther Selby
17th,
, Jonathan Sparrow,
"
Priscilla Smith
July 24th,
Wm. Groom,
"
Maryann Kelly
Aug. 2d,
Walter C. Williams,
"
Christiana Heugh
" iSth,
Richd. Downes,
"
Eliz. Rose
" 30th,
Benj. Nicholls,
"
Drusilla Culver
Sept. 22d.
William Dowry,
"
Rebecca Groome
" i8th,
Henry Lowe,
"
Ann Macbee
" 27th,
Caleb Windel,
"
Martha Parker
Nov. 17th,
Thomas Riggs,
"
Mary Riggs
" 24th,
Thomas Buxton,
"
Fanney Macbeey
Dec. 1st,
Jno. Riddle,
"
Susanna Porter
" 8th,
James Ray,
"
Eliz. Warfield
" 15th,
Hezekiah Austin,
"
Eliz. Odle
" 22d,
Robert Fish,
"
Eliz. Jeans
" 25th,
John Leach,
"
Rachel Bowmen
" 29th,
Henry Hardey,
"
Frances West
1797
Jan. 17th,
Andrew Mudd,
To
Eleanor Green
" 17th,
William 0. Lodge,
"
Frances Porter
" 24th,
Jno. Roberts,
"
' Eliz. Heater
" 26th,
Lloyd Dorsey,
"
Anna Green
" 31st,
Erasmus Riggs,
"
Eleanor Wilcoxen
Feb. 5th,
Ely Denoon,
"
Henny Sanders
" 9th,
James McCoy,
"
Eliz. Brown
" 2ISt,
Clark Higgins, .
"
Margaret Thomas
" 26th,
James Ridgeway,
"
Rebecca Hurdle
" 2Sth,
Nicholas Minstalled,
"
Mary Allison
" 28th,
Beale WarHeld.
Amelia Ridgely
Apr. 17th,
Nicholas Feburiere,
"
Susan Tucker
" i8th.
Brice Warfield,
"
Sarah Collins
" 20tll,
Jno. P.. Allison.
"
Eliz. Higgins
EARLY CHURCHES
area covered" by the parish, embracing, even at that date,
nearly the whole of Montgomery County, but more especially
by reason of the fact that the Montgomery records do not
begin until 1798, and the necrology of the County being
May 4th,
Jno. Fields,
To
Mary Madden
" 2 1 St,
Jno. Wight,
Gary Boyd
" 28th,
Jno. Hurley,
'•
Eliz. Benton
June 1st,
Robt. Ricketts,
"
Kezia Ricketts
July 20th,
Zadoc Ricketts,
"
Ann Groome
Aug. 3d,
James Higgins,
"
Virlinda Wilcoxen
" 5th.
Sylvester Sullivan,
•'
Rosanna Hawse
" 8th,
Samuel Lyon,
"
Linny Davis
Sept. 14th,
Richd. Bean,
"
Prudence Kelly
Oct. 14th,
Benj. Reeder,
"
Anne Hungerford ,
" 26th,
William Benson,
"
Rachel Hensey
Nov. 23d,
Edw. Archey,
"
Eliz. Allison
Dec. 21 St,
Nicholas Merriweather,
"
Eliz. Hood
" 26th,
John Gardner,
"
Cassandra Dowden
1798.
>
Jan. 4th,
Jno. Higgins and Eliz.
Fisher
gth.
Henry Culver,
To
Mary Patterson
" nth,
Charles Bird,
"
Margaret Barton
" 16th,
Amasa Wellin,
"
Linney Trundle
'• 25th,
Francis Hutchison and
Sarah Ball
" 25th,
Evan Trundle,
To
Anna Key
Feb. 6th,
Saml. Love,
"
Sarah Jones
" 13th,
Richd. Snowden,
"
Eliza Warfield
•' 24th,
Benj. Davis,
."
Eliz. Thrasher
Apr. 1st,
Christopher A. Coal,
"
Sarah Claton
9th,
David Crafford's Edward
and Linny (Negroes)
Ma> 3d,
Thos. H. Wilcoxon
To
Sarah Prather
" 22d,
Ignatius Davis,
"
Margaret Woolen
Sept. nth.
Amos Scott,
"
Annoe West
Oct. 7th,
Dawson Cash,
"
Jemima Beens
" nth,
Benjamin Summers,
"
Virlinder Beckwith
" 15th,
David O'Neal,
"
Rebecca Lane
" 30th,
Robt. Willoson,
"
Eleanor Shekells
Nov. 15th,
Nathan Wells,
"
Sophia Duley
Dec. 8th,
Benjamin Crecraft,
"
Nelly Prather
" 18th,
Jno. M. Cox,
"
Eleanor Gray
" 20th,
Geo. Ward,
"
Ann Redman
" 23d,
Wm. Cox,
"
Liley Kelly
" 30th,
John Camobell,
"
Priscilla Oden
COLONIAL MARYLAND
exceedingly meagre and limited. It is also worthy of note that
this marriage record is somewhat more comprehensive than the
Montgomery records even after the latter were started, as it is
not confined to marriages performed by license issued in that
county, as are its records.
1799-
Jan. 3d,
Charles Davis,
To
Laurady Howse
" 3d,
Roby Penn,
••
Lucreta Howse
" loth,
Richd. Turner,
"
Eliz. Beall
" loth,
Daniel Carroll,
"
Ann Maccnbbin
" 19th,
Jacob Swavaley,
"
Eleanor Fulks
" 22d,
John Adams,
"
Eleanor Collyer
" 22d,
Thomas Gratton,
"
Ruth Ray,
" 24th,
Charles Offutt Jones,
"
Rebecca Offutt
" 26th,
Benj. Thompson,
"
Eliz. Haney
" 27ih,
Henry Parnnion,
"
Eliz. Sanders
License Granted — A;
nne Arundel County.
Feb. 5th,
James Groomes,
To
Sarah King
" 14th,
Thos. Garrott,
And
Elizabeth Fee
" 15th,
John Austin,
"
Cassandra Odle
" 26th,
Barak Ofutt,
"
Virlinder Offutt
Mar. 14th,
James B. Crafford,
And
, Ann Allison
" 19th,
Basil Waters,
«'
Ann P. Magruder
Apr. nth.
John Nicholson,
"
Tabitha Oden
" iSth,
Jesse Leateh,
"
Mary Letten
May 23d,
Edmund Riggs,
To
Jane Willson
Aug. 8th,
Solomon Pelly,
And
, Massy Holland
" 29th,
Jacob Kirkman,
"
Susanna Hall
Nov. 5th,
Jno. Magruder,
"
Mary Linthicum
" 24th,
Jno. Frey,
"
Turecia Lucas
Dec. 5th,
Thos., Hood,
"
Rachel Wayman
" loth,
James Magruder,
"
Eliz. Linthicum
Nov. 30th,
Jonas Parsley,
"
Eleanor Clayton
Dec. I2th,
Baruck Prather,
"
Casandra Swearingen
" 19th,
Jno. Perry,
"
Jane Alnutt
" 26th,
Richd. Stewart,
"
Eliz. Renneton
1800.
Jan. 2d,
William Ramsey,
And
1 Margaret Hcrren
" 14th,
Jno. Lanham,
"
Lucy Ray
" i6th.
Camden Riley,
"
Anna Ray
" 2ISt.
Nathan Jones,
"
Anna Buxton
" 21 St.
Edward Porter,
"
Hary Heiter
E A R L Y C H U R C H E S
As" much' of the data contained in this old record is now-
otherwise inaccessible, it is of historic interest and value, and
never having been published, it is here reproduced in full.
Jan. 21 St,
Nathan Orme,
And Polly Beall
" 23rd,
Solomon Holland,
" Margaret Gatton
" 25th,
Jno. Redman,
Harriot Ward
" 30th,
Benedict Beckwitli,
" Eliz. White
Apr. 15th,
Edw. Harper, -
" Sarah Ann Boswell
" 15th,
Thos. Nicholls,
" Priscilla Mackey
May 22d,
Michael Merrick,
Virlinder Bowman
" 22d,
Everrard Gary,
" Ann Cloud
June 26th,
John H. Riggs,
" Rebecca Howard
July 17th,
Thos. Odlo Offutt,
" Charity Benton
Nov. i8th,
Doct. Richd. J. Orme,
" Ann Crabb
" 20th,
Elias M. Daniel,
Margaret Golden
" 27th,
Samuel Inlose,
Eliz. Stone
Dec. 4th,
Edw. 0. Williams,
Eliz. Clagett
" i6th,
David Porter,
Mary Ray
" 20th,
Daniel Reintzel,
" Ann Robertson
" 23d,
Arnold Lashley,
" Eliz. Lee
" 2Sth,
Notley Lanham,
Eliz. Hopkins
" 25th,
Benj. Kelley,
" Eliz. Moore
" 28th,
William Wallace,
" Margaret Brookes
" 30th,
Wm. Mullican,
" Eliz. Dowdcn
1801.
Feb. 1st,
Nathan Moore,
And Eliz. Hantz
" loth.
Leonard H. Johns,
Margaret Williams
" 17th,
David Clagett,
" Salley Odle
" 24th,
Hatton Fish,
" Sarah Benton
" 27th,
Levin Easton,
Druzilla Ricketts
Mar. 3d,
Leonard Young Davis,
" Achsah Worthington
" I2th,
Samuel Magruder,
" Eliz. Hawkins
" 31st,
Geo. Magruder,
Anna Turner
Apr. 5th,
Jno. Wiest.
Lydia Shuck
'• 14th,
John Getty,
Eleanor Carey
May 24th,
Richd. Langford,
" Amelia Soper
July 9th,
Lewis Beall,
" Eliza Wootton
Oct. 8th,
William Garrett,
Eleanor Higgins
" 8th,
WiUson Walker,
Deborah Prather
" 8th,
Brice Selby,
" Cathrine Marker
" 25th,
Josiah Bean,
" Eleanor Wilson
" 27th,
Ezekiah Linthicum,
" Mary Hickman
214
COLONIAL M A R Y L A N D
except the necrology as well as the curious record of marriage
and funeral fees, which were combined with it, are omitted.
The first Roman Catholic church in Maryland was at
Saint Mary's City, the history of which has been given in the
Nov. 19th, Joseph Madden,
And Susanna Sparrow
Dec. 1st, Fredrick Linthicum,
" Rachel Macklefresh
" 8th, Nathan Dickerson,
Margaret Turnbull
" loth, Jesse Owings,
Hannah Hood
" 17th, William Orr,
Eliz. Macklewain
" 22d, Nathan Trail,
" Susanna Buxton
" 22d, George Heater,
Charlotte Porter
" 31st, Wm. R. Jones,
Eliz. L. Richardson
" 31st, Henry Fowler, To
Lewis Beall's Mulatto Woman
Nelly
1802.
Jan. 7th, Benj. W. Jones,
And Margaret Willson
" I2th, Lawrence 0. Holt,
Sarah Oden
" 12th, Thos. Clagett,
Rachel Offutt
" 2ist, Thos. Davis,
" Eliza Bowie
" 28th, James Northcraft,
" Rachel Fryer
" 30th, James Cooke,
Patsey Beeding
Feb. 9th, Barton Harriss,
Mary Griffith
Mar. 2ist, Wm. Sparrow,
" Eliza Campbell
Apr. 20th, Andrew Offutt,
Eliz. Warfield
Aug. 3d, Joseph Astlin,
" Mary Beard
Sept, 2d, Walter Madden,
Eliz. Mudd
" I2th, James Groome,
" Eleanor Fish
" 2ist, Joseph Cox,
Susanna Hogan
Nov. 9th, Dr. Jno. M. Read,
" Maryann Clark
" 2Sth, Saml. Bealmear,
Priscilla -Williams
Dec. 7th, George Buxton,
" Maryann Trail
" 14th, Azariah Kindle,
" , Amelia Nicholson
" 2ist, Wm.-M. Elfresh,
Sarah Linthicum
" 30th, - Adam Klay,
" Sabina Summers
1803.
Jan. i8th, Geo. W. Riggs,
And Eliza Robertson
" 20th, James Brown,
" Ann Leek
Mar. loth, James Jarvis,
" Eliz. Linch
" 3Tst, Archibald Summers,
Margaret Pain
Apr. loth, Cliarles Porter,
Polly Fry
May 5th, Jeremiah Browning,
" Eliz. Summers
June 19th, Isaac Forsythe,
" Anna Letton
" 28th, William Candler,
" .Rebecca Rav
EARLY CHURCHES
215
chapter entitled, "The Eirst Capital". The next one in
Saint Mary's County, of which there is a record, was at
Newtown. On the loth day of August, 1661, Mr. William
Bretton, a prominent citizen of the Province, executed the
following deed :
Aug. 7th,
Edward Magruder,
And Jane Ayton
" 28th,
Benjamine Lyon.
Rachel Davis
Sept. nth.
Richd. Brooke Smith,
" Sarah Letton
" 15th,
Nicholas Hancy,
Sarah Golden
" 22d,
Brice Letton,
Hariot Moore -
Oct. 20th,
Elias Elville,
Elizabeth Burress
" 27th,
Thos. Linsted,
Anna Maria Summers
Nov. 1st,
Zachariah Linthicuni,
" Anna Clagett
" 3d,
Warren Magruder,
" Harriot Holmes
" 17th,
Lloyd Hammon,
" Elizabeth Merriweather
" 24th,
Thos. Hilleary,
" Sarah Wheeler
Dec. 1st,
John Crown,
" Eliz. Ball
" 29th,
Ashford Trail.
" Anne Sanders
" 31st,
Hazil Butt,
" Sarah Richards
1804.
Jan. 5th,
James Alex. Bcall,
And Eleanor Culver
Feb. 2d,
Benj. Perry,
Eliz. Magruder
Feb. nth,
Joel Ketchen,
" Sarah Hurst
" I2th,
Samuel Horner,
Mary McFarland
" i6th.
William Burditt,
Ruth Fitzgerald
Mar. 27th,
Joshua W. Dorsey,
" Lucetta Plummer
Apr. 8th,
Peter Dent :Moore,
" Louisa Stanger
May 6th,
William O'Neal,
Anna Bell
June 9th,
Wm. Wheatley,
" Mary Cashell
" 17th,
George Cashell,
Eliz. B. Edmonstone
" 19th,
James Rawlings,
" Sarah Richardson
Sept. 6th,
Saml. Golden,
" Dollie Haney
•' 6th,
Ninian Clagett,
" Margret Burgess
" 8th,
Hezekiah Saffell,
Lydia Davis
" 25th,
Zachariah MuncastcTj
" Harriott. Magruder
Nov. 29th,
Waher Bailey,
" Sarah Ball
Dec. 7th,
Jesse Wade,
" Mary Fleming
" 20th,
Aquila Gatton,
" Mary Owen
" 23d,
Philip Garlon,
Sarah W'illson
1805.
Jan. 8th,
Wm. Langville,
And Naney Current
" 31st,
Thos. Sparrow,
" Sarah Sparrow
2l6
COLONIAL MARYLAND
"Ad. perpetuam memoriam
"Forasmuch as divers good and zealous Roman Catholic
inhabitants of Newton and Saint Clement's Bay, have unan-
imously agreed among themselves to erect and build a church
or chapel * * * * and the most convenient place for that
purpose, desired and pitched upon by them all, is a certain
parcel of land belonging to William Bretton gentleman. Now
Feb. I2th,
Reubin Riggs,
And Mary Thomas
" 27th,
Charles Shook,
" Priscilla Ball
Apr. i8th,
William Leemar,
" Sarah Roberson
" 23d,
Archibald Mullican,
" Anna Mathews
" 25th,
Walter Summers,
" Sarah Swearingen
" 30th,
Abishai Gray,
Eleanor Miller
May 9th,
Robert Windsor,
" Eliz. Thompson
June 6th,
Henry Rabbett,
" Anne Wilburn
Oct. 15th,
Azel Waters,
Cassandra Williams
Dec. 29th,
James Beall,
" Margaret Smith Benson
1806.
Jan. 2d,
James Deselem,
And Catherine Fulks
Feb. 4th,
Elbert Perry,
" Rebecca Margruder
" nth,
Daniel Robertson,
" Sarah Greenfield
" 13th,
Jno. Heater,
" Frances Shook
Mar. 4th,
Denton Porter,
" Kitty Heater
Apr. 3d,
Thos. Gettings,
" Christiana Perry
May .13th,
Dr. Peregrine Warfield,
Harriot Sappington
June 17th,
Dr. John Wootton,
" Betsy Lynn Magruder
Aug. 28th,
Lawrence O'Neal,
" Nany Galworth
Sept. i8th.
John Dickerson,
" Eliz. Turnbull
Dec. 4th,
Thos. S. Davis,
" Greece Swearingen
" 25th,
Jno. William^,
Sarah Neritt
1807.
Jan. ist,
Jacob Miller,
And Naney Ricketts
" 13th,
John Wesley Ward,
To Eleanor Greentree
Feb. 26th
James Case,
And Eliz. Bowman
Mar. 5th,
George Ray,
" Sarah Robertson
" 8th,
Benj. Grymer,
Sarah Lowery
" 26th,
Thos. W. Howard,
Elizabeth Crabb
June i6th.
Henry Woodward Dorsey, " Rachel Cooke
Oct. 13th,
Henry Gassaway,
Rachel Griffith
" 20th,
Benj. Sedgwick,
Eleanor White
Nov. I2th,
Wm. Elson Wilson,
" Eleanor Swearingen
Dec. I St,
David Hammelton,
"^, Ann Preston
EA RL V C II r KCHES 217
know ye, that I William Bretton, of Little-Bretton, in ye
county of Saint Mary's in ye province of Aid. Gentlemen,
with the hearty good-liking of my dearly beloved wife Tem-
perance Bretton, * * * ■■'- have given, and do hereby freely
forever give, to the behoof of the said Roman Catholic inhabi-
tants, and their posterity or successors, Roman Catholics, so
much land as they shall build ye said church or chapel on * *
with such other land adjoining to ye said church or chapel,
convenient likewise for a church-yard wherein to bury their
dead, containing about one acre and a half of ground, situated
and lying on a dividend of land called Bretton's Outlet, and
on the east side of ye said dividend, near to ye head of the
creek called Saint Williams creek, which falleth into Saint
Nicholas creek, and near unto the narrowest place of ,ye free-
hold of Little-Bretton, commonly called The Straits".' Upon
this ground was erected Saint Ignatius Chapel, the first Roman
Catholic church at Xewton. It was apparently a frame build-
ing, though a few scattered brick may still be seen around its
site, and which are the only traces of it, that are to-day
visible. But the old graveyard, surrounding the spot where
once it stood, has been used as a place of Roman Catholic
burial for nearly two hundred and forty years." It is recorded
that upon at least two occasions, the little chapel of Saint
Ignatius was the recipient of legacies, one in 1670 and another
the following year.* •
1808.
Jan. 3d,
John Hurley,
To
Milly Offutt
Feb. nth,
John Jenkins,
Charlotte Sparrow
Apr. i8th,
Daniel Golding,
And
Eliz. Harris
June 5th,
Hosea Edmonson,
"
Mary Orme
Oct. 8th,
Allen Warfield,
"
Mary Dugan
Dec. 27th,
Wm. Fish,
"
Hellen Joy
1809.
Jan. I2th,
Walter Stewart,
And
Eleanor Gray
Feb. I2th,
Joseph Gittings,
"
Tabitha Beans
Lib. S. 1658 to 1662, p. 1026; Day Star, p. 227.
Shea, pp. 78 & 349.
Wills, Wm. Tattershall & Col. Jarboe, Annapolis.
2i8 COLONIAL MARYLAND
The manor of Newtown or Little Bretton, patented to
William Bretton in 1640/ passed out of the family, and was
purchased by the Jesuit missionaries. In their hands the
house and handsome chapel Saint Francis, since erected near
by, have long been a centre of Catholicity. The house, said
to have been built by Mr. William Bretton, of English brick,
is still standing, its original story-and-a-half having had
another added, making it an imposing and stately looking
mansion.^ It occupies a commanding position, over-looking
Bretton 's Bay, Saint Clement's Bay and the Potomac River."
In 1698, the Sheriff's return of Saint Mary's County, upon
the requisition of Governor Nicholson, states, that there were
then in the county four places of Roman Catholic worship ;
a brick church at Saint Mary's City, a frame chapel at Saint
Clement's town, a frame chapel at Mr. Gulick's, and a frame
chapel near Mr. Heywood's, beyond the Patuxent road.
There were at the same time two priests. Rev. Nicholas Gulick,
and Rev. John Hall, and one lay brother in the County."
When the first church at Saint Inigoes was built is not
definitely known. While it became a Jesuit Mission at a very
early period, owing to its projcimity to Saint Mary's City,
where there was a Roman Catholic church, it is not probable
that Saint Inigoes had a church for many years after the
settlement of the Colony. The site of the first chapel there is
still pointed out. The present Saint Inigoes church, close by
' Kilty, p. 72>.
=■ Shea, p. 78.
^ William Bretton, the Lord of the manor of "Little Bretton/' came
to Maryland in' 1637, with his wife Mary, the daughter of Thomas
Tabbs, and one child. He was a member of. the Assembly in 1648 and
1649; was clerk of the Assembly in 1650, and Was clerk of the Lower
House from 1661 to 1666 inclusive. The last official notice of him ap-
pears to have been his appointment as a Justice of the County Court
of Saint Mary's in 1667.' In 1651, he married 2d Mrs. Temperance
Jay. His latter life is veiled in obscurity, and, though at one time pos-
sessed of a large and productive estate, he is supposed to have died in
poverty. His children, a son and daughter, became objects of charity,
being reported in "extremity of want," and from this fact, it has been
* CI. Pro. H. D., p. 5.39.
EARLY C H U R C H E S 219
is said to be the third in order.' The Manor of Saint Inigoes
was patented to Mr. Thomas Copley, a Jesuit priest, known
officially as Father Phillip Fisher. " the Superior of th.e Mary-
land Mission."" He died in 1653, leaving the Rev. Lawrence
Starkey his successor.' It contained two thousand acres, and
is still retained by the Jesuits, almost in its entirety. It is
divided into small farms, which are rented for the support of
the church. The manor-house, a quaint building, is beauti-
fully located at the juncture of Saint Inigoes Creek and the
Saint Mar)''s River. It was built in 1705, under the auspices
of Father Ashbey, of the bricks, it is said, from the old
Catholic church at Saint Mary's ; and about the same time a
small church was erected in the chapel-field, and a graveyard
was laid out and attached to it." This was, in all probability,
the first church on Saint Inigoes ]\Ianor.^ In 1778 the British
s'uggested, arose the euphonius name which that beautiful neck of land
that constituted the Manor of* Little Bretton, to-day bears — "Beggar's
Neck." — See Liber i, p. 69; Arch.. Ass. Pro. 1648 to 1650, and 1661 to
1666, inclusive; Ibid, CI. Pro., 1667. p. 33; Day Star, p. 226; Old Brick
Churches, p. 59.
In August, 1670, the Sheriffs of the several counties, were ordered
by the Governor, to meet at the house of Thomas Cosden, at Newtown,
to "make up their accounts with Mr. Thomas Notley, Receiver Gen-
eral."' and to "bring a list of taxables within their respective counties."
— Archives, (CI. Pro. 1670) p. 70.
' Bryant, History United States, p. 513.
"That Thomas Copley and Father Philip Fisher were one and the
same person there can be no doubt. Both are represented as born at
Madrid at the close of the i6th century; each came to Maryland in
1637, (August 8) with Father Knowles; each was carried off, and each
died in 1652. Neither recognizes the existence of the other. Copley
took up lands for all the Jesuit Fathers, but no lands for Fisher, and
Fisher as Superior alludes in his account of the mission to no Father
Copley — Shea, p. 47, note; Foley records, 7, 1146; Woodstock letters,
II, pp. 18, 24. .
The Statutes of Mortmain prohibited the taking of land to pious
uses, and hence a necessity for this separate identity. The second tract
*"The Foundation of Maryland," p. 2(X); Shea, p. 47.
*Shea, p. 75. "Archives (CI. Pro.) p. 418.
' Fenwick. Brief .Account, Settlement of Maryland; Shea. p. 370.
220 COLONIAL MARYLAND
sloop of war, General Monks, threw a shot through the walls of
the house, the Rev. Father Lewis having just left a bed over
which it passed. In October, 1814, this house and chapel
were robbed and pillaged by the crew of the British sloop
Saracen, who not only took all that was valuable of the house-
hold furniture, plate and clothing, but even invaded the sacred
precincts of the church — desecrated some of its most holy
vessels, and carried many of them away. Complaint having
been made to the Commander of the vessel, some of the
property was returned, but the loss on this, and a former like
occasion, was estimated at about twelve hundred dollars.'
On the Manor was located Fort Saint Inigoes, erected in
1637. It stood on the Point still known as "Fort Point",,
and about half a mile from the mouth of the Saint Mary's
River, which it was intended to guard. By the Act of 1650^
all ships trading within the Saint Mary's River, were required
to pay a half pound of powder and two pounds of shot, as a
port duty to Fort Saint Inigoes, and also to ride at anchor for
two whole tides, both coming and going, within command of
the said Fort." Many of the early proclamations were dated
at, and issued from this Fort, , and the General Assembly of
1646 met there.'' It was also, by order of Governor Calvert,
made the place of general refuge, in times of threatened attack,
for the women, children and helpless men living between Saint
Inigoes Creek and Trinity Creek.* Captain John Price was
the first Commander of the Fort, and he h^ld the position for
many years. The early records furnish repeated instances in
which corn and cattle, by order of the Governor, were
taken up in Maryland by Copley for the use of the church, was Saint
Thomas and Cedar Point Neck in Charles County, and which, with
Saint Inigoes Manor, has gone far toward supporting Roman Catholic
worship in their respective counties, for more than two centuries and
a half. — "Foundation of Maryland." For further particulars as to the
Statutes of Mortmain in Maryland, see chapter on 'The Land Tenure
of Colonial Maryland."
^ Scharf, 3, p. 127.
^Archives (Ass. Pro.) 1650, p. 293.
Mbid (Ass. Pro.)- p. 209. Ubid (ist CI. Pro.) p. loS.
EARLY CHURCHES 221
"pressed" for the use of the garrison at Eort Saint Iiiigoes,
which occurred in time of peace, would to-day be regarded as a
somewhat remarkable exercise of executive; power.
How the Fort was built and mounted the records do not
show. Some of the cannon from there, however, are still to-
be seen. In 1824, the Rev. Joseph Carberry drew out of the
river several of them, which, either from the washing of the
Point, or the force of the current, were two hundred yards
from the shore.' One of these early muniments of war and
fortification, is now on the State House grounds, at Annapolis ;
two of them are at Georgetown College, and at least one" of
them, it is said, is still on Saint Inigoe's Manor, where it now
performs the function, painful to relate, of an ordinary boun-
dary post.'
In speaking of this Fort and its situation, Bryant says:
"at the lower end of the bay of Saint Ignatius (of whose name
^aint Inigoe's was an old, and once common corruption),*
was a bluff much like that at Saint Ad^ary's, though lower and
less picturesque. From it, looking to the north, across the
bay, could be seen the point of the first landing, and to the
south, the view extended to the mouth of the Saint Mary's
River. It was a commanding site, and on it Governor Calvert
erected a Fort, which eft'ectually guarded the approach to the
town above. Near, or in the Fort, stood a mill, and above it
a few scattered buildings. No ruins of either Fort or houses
remain, save a few scattered bricks and hewn stone".'
^ Scharf, i, p. 76.
"To the Saint Inigoes Mission is due the credit of having collected
and preserved almost the only relics now to be seen, which were associ-
ated with the early history and first Capital of the Province. Among
these may be mentioned, the '"Council Table," "the old bell," and Gov-
ernor Calvert's "Cut Lass and leather scabbard" as well as some of
the early muniments of war and fortification. The most of these, as
well as the records of the order, are now at Georgetown College.
■■' From Ignatius Loyola, Inigoes Lopez, the founder and' first gen-
eral superintendent of the order of Jesuits, organized in 1534: "Saint
Inigoe's Hill" was the name of the home of the society, where it owned
a large estate. Baltimore refers to them as "those of the Hill"'. Calvert
Papers, number i, p. 216.
* Bryant, United States, p. 312.
222 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Of the Roman Catholic churches in Saint Mary's County
belonging to the Colonial period, around which the greatest
local interest centres, by reason of the fact that its graveyard,
from an early date, became the place of interment for many of
the more prominent Roman Catholic families in the county,
was perhaps, "old Saint Joseph's". It was erected, it is said,
about 1740, but the earliest recorded notice of its existence,
which has been found, is the fact, that Father Joseph Mosley
was officiating there in 1759.^ It was a brick building, about
25x45 feet, with steep roof and square windows, and though
unpretentious in design, it was a substantial and church-like
edifice. About three hundred yards north of where it stood,
a large and handsome church has been erected in recent years,
after which the old building was allowed to crumble, though
its site can yet be identified. It stood near the centre of the old
graveyard, still used as a place of Roman Catholic burial.
When Saint John's, Sacred Heart and Saint Aloysius
churches (the latter' situated near Leonardtown, and long
since disappeared) were built, has not been ascertained. A
legacy^ however, to "Saint John's Chapel" in 1786, a tombstone
in the graveyard of Sacred Heart, to the memory of Mrs.
Susanah Margan, dated 1795, and one in the graveyard of
Saint Aloysius, to the memory of Ignatius Benedict Drury,
dated 1803, prove them all to belong to an early period. Owing
to the stringent laws passed, the intolerant spirit, and the
ungenerous policy pursued against Roman Catholics in Mary-
land, from 1698, to the Revolution, it is -not probable they
were built within that time, though they appear to have been
erected soon after the latter date. '
^ Old Catholic Maryland, Tracey, p. 134.
^ Will of Mary Henrietta Taney. Saint Mary's County.
CHAPTER XII
The Great Seal of Maryland and Her Flag
J T has been aptly noted, that Maryland is unique in her Great
Seal and presents a marked contrast to those of the other
States of the American Union, in that it consists of armorial
bearings of a strictly heraldic character, the Great Seal of most
of the States bearing "emblems indicative of agriculture and
commerce, plenty and prosperity, or kindred subjects, repre-
sented in a more or less pictorial or allegorical manner".'
The first Great Seal of Maryland, brought over by Gov-
ernor Leonard Calvert, in 1643, was in the language of Balti-
more, "treacherously and violently taken away by Richard
Ingle or his accomplices, in or about February, Anno Domini
1644. and hath been ever since so disposed of it cannot be re-
covered"."
No impression of this Seal appears to be extant, owing per-
haps, partly to the destruction of the records of the times, and
partly to the fact that its use was more limited at first than at a
^ The great seal of a state or a nation stands as her symbol of honor ;
it is the instrument through which she officially speaks and the signet
by which her official acts are authenticated and accredited. It is there-
fore a most important factor in governmental administrations. So es-
sentially so was it regarded at the time of James II of England that,
when that monarch fled from the realm before the wrath of his infuri-
ated subjects, he took with him the great seal of England and threw
it in the river Thames, believing that without it, no -writs could be issued
for a new Parliament and that Parliament alone could authorize a new
great seal. A thorough and interesting treatise on the Great seal of
Maryland was read before the Maryland Historical Society by Major '
Clayton C. Hall, and published by the Society in 1886 as "Fund Publica-
tion No. 23", to w^hich the author is indebted for much of the material
of this chapter.
* Archives (CI. Pro.) 1648, p. 214.
224 COLONIAL MARYLAND
later date, it not having been attached to land grants until
1644/ the same year it was lost. In 1648, Baltimore sent to the
Province through Governor William Stone, a second Great
Seal which in the minute description accompanying it is repre-
sented as "cut in silver" like its predecessor, and very similar
to it in size and design. The escutcheon of this Seal bore the
Calvert and Crossland arms quartered. The first and fourth
quarters consisted of "six pales" or vertical bars alternately gold
and black, with a "bend dexter counter charged" — that is a
diagonal stripe on which colors are reversed — being the Cal-
vert arms ; the second and third quarters consisted of a quar-
tered field of red and white charged with a greek, or equal,
limbed cross, classified as "botonny" — its arms terminating in
trefoils — and also counter charged, that is with the colorings
reversed, red being on the white ground and white on the
red — the latter quarterings being from the Crossland, Balti-
more's maternal arms — Alicia Crossland having been the
mother of the first Baron of Baltimore. These quarterings
were surmounted by an earl's coronet and full-faced helmet,
which indicated his rank in America as that of a Count
Palatine — his rank in England being that of a Baron only — a
distinction which no other American colonial charter conferred.
On the helmet rested the Calvert crest — a ducal crown
with two half bannerets, one gold and one black. The escutch-
eon was supported on one side by the figure of a farmer,
and the other by that of a fisherman — symboHcal of his
two estates, Maryland and Avalon. Below them was a scroll
bearing the Calvert motto : "Fatti Maschii Parole Femine" —
manly deeds, womanly words, or more strictly deeds are males,
words females. Behind the escutcheons and coronets was en-
graved an ermine lined mantle, and surrounding all, on a border
encirchng the seal, was the legend: "Scuto Bona Voluntatics
Tue Coronasti" — With favor will thou compass him as with a
shield."
The heraldic terms used in describing the colors in the
' Bland, Maryland Report, i, p. 308.
'Archives (CI. Pro.) 1648; pp. 214, 215; Hall. pp. 17, 23.
THE GREAT SEAL AXD FLAG 225
Calvert arms are or' and sable, which means gold and black,'
and not orange and black, as it has so frequently been mis-
interpreted.'
Such is the design of the coat of arms of Maryland —
armorial bearings either connected with the family of her
founders, or reflecting upon the nature and scope of her
foundation — and its meaning is of marked significance and
deep interest.
The most prominent part of the coat of arms is its escutch-
eon, or shield as it was formerly called. Shields are of ancient
origin and were regarded as an important equipment of every
soldier until the invention of fire arms rendered them prac-
tically useless for that purpose. At first they were of plain
metal designed for protection only, but later they ' were or-
namented with devices, which in the absence of modern military
trappings, would enable friend and foe to distinguish each
other on the field of battle, or in the language of the poet
"That no Norman might die at the hand of a brother, nor
that one Frenchman be killed by another". Still later, designs
and colorings were used, by which the individual bearing them
could be identified, those selected for the purpose being some-
thing suggestive of his name or a reminder of some military
achievement for which the bearer, or his family, had become
distinguished. It was from the latter kind that the shield or
escutcheon of the Maryland coaj; of arms was designed. In the
first and fourth quarterings, taken from the Calvert arms,
the six vertical payles or stockades, signify in heraldry a
palisado or fortification, and the diagonal bend or band, ex-
tending from the bottom to the top represents a scaling ladder
by which Calvert is supposed to have reached the top of the
Bastile fortification and demolished it. The question of whether
the arms were granted to Calvert for destroying rather than
for building forts, is determined by this band or parti-colored
field as it is called in heraldry, having its colors transposed, •
^ Ibid. ■ Clark's Heraldry, p. 16.
^ Most prominently of all by the State itself, in the handsome
painting of the Great Seal which now decorates the Senate Chamber of
the State House at Annapolis.
226 COLONIAL MARYLAND
that is the gold on the black and the black on the gold, meaning
broken — scattered. The second and third quarterings, taken
from the Crossland arms, also have a parti-colored field with
its colors, silver and red, counter charged, that is, the silver
on the red and the red on the silver, indicating that its bearer
had been valiant and successful in destructive warfare. The
cross is suggestive either of the name of the bearer, or the time
when his honors were won, it being one of the symbols de-
noting the Christian warrior. The arms of the cross termi-
nating in a flower full bloom, rather than a botonny or budding
design, indicates that the bearer is in the full flower of his
glory, and is not simply a bud of hope and promise. The earl's
coronet, which surmounts the shield, indicates the nature and
scope of the Maryland charter, and shows it to have been a
Palatine, an Earldom, the highest grant that the English mon-
arch could confer, and one which was not conferred upon any
other American colony. Above that was a full faced helmet.
As the earl's coronet indicated the nature of the Maryland
grant, the helmet shows the rank of the Proprietary in his rela-
tion to his Maryland possessions. Helmets were either full
faced or in profile, the former showing a jurisdiction that was
absolute — looking straight ahead at the possessions over which
he was the supreme, ruler, while the latter showed a feudal
allegiance, as though looking around for the approach of his
sovereign, liege or lord. An earl's coronet was a crown of gold
with eight prongs, each holding a pearl, and between each was
a strawberry leaf. The full faced helmet was a covering, usu-
ally of steel, for the face, but so arranged as to enable the
bearer to see in front between six projecting bars, while in the
helmet in profile view the front is closed and only that on the
side is exposed.
It was only in relation to Maryland that Lord Baltimore
could use either the earl's coronet or the full faced helmet.
In England he was only a baron, a much lower order in the
scale of nobility, and as such, he could only use the helmet in
profile. Above the helmet was a ducal coronet, a crown of
gold with eight strawberry or parsley leaves projecting at
equal intervals above the rim — a symbol in its application here
Q
Z
<
i 5
o
z
^ o
THE GREAT SEAL AND FLAG 227
of honorary distinction to Maryland and her Proprietor. From
this flowed two pennons, one black and one gold. Pennons
were small painted flags used in the Medieval period on spears
or lances for the purpose of identification, and bearing the
owners personal colors. It was from these pennons that the
Maryland colors, "or and sable" (gold and black), are sup-
posed to have been derived. Behind the escutcheon, coro«net
and helmet was engraved a scarlet ermine lined mantle, fringed
with gold. This mantle, was, presumably, only to furnish an
appropriate back ground for the setting, but its colors, crimson,
ermine and gold, are historic, in that the head dress of a baron
at the time Baltimore was knighted, and also at the date of the
^Maryland charter, was a crimson velvet cap, turned up, lined
with ermine and having a plain gold band, the right 'of a baron
to wear a crown not having been conferred until the reign of
Charles II of England.^
On the obverse side was a representation of Baltimore on
horseback, with drawn sword, helmet decorated with feathers
and in full armour, adorned with his paternal coat of arms,
below which was engraved a seashore, grass and flowers, and
around the whole an inscription containing his name and titles :
Cecilius Absolutus Dominus Terrae Mariae et Avaloniae Baro
de Baltimore.^
In the accompanying illustrations of the Great Seal under
the Proprietary government, *it should be noted, that on the
obverse side of the word "Carlos" appears on the marginal
circle instead of "Cecilius". Charles Calvert, became, on the
death of his father, Cecilius, Baron of Baltimore in 1675, and
through him and his grandson Charles, the fifth Lord Balti-
more (except from February 20th, to April 5th, 171 5, the
length of time which Benedict Leonard suryived his father) the
title to the Province was in a Charles, Lord Baltimore until
1 75 1, when the last of that name died. It was therefore but
natural that the Great Seal of the Province should 'have borne
the word Carlos during that period. When the change was
^ Edmonson's Heraldry, vol. 5, p. 198.
■* Archives (CI. Pro. 1648) pp. 214, 215.
228
COLONIAL MARYLAND
made, the records do not disclose,
but a careful examination of the old
Seal now in the Land Office, at An-
napolis, clearly shows that it was
accomplished by simply substituting
on the original Seal the one name
for the other. The small illustration
shown here, corresponds exactly with
the description which accompanied
the Great Seal in 1648, except that
it is reduced in size, and represents it as it appeared when used
during the administration of Cecilius himself.
This Great Seal passed, with the government, into the
hands of Cromwell's commissioners in 1652, where they re-
mained until 1657, when the government was restored to the
Proprietary. The conditions of surrender provided also for
the return of the Great Seal, but the records do not distinctly
show that this was done.^ Fearing that the Great Seal may
have been lost, Baltimore had a third one made while the
negotiations of surrender were pending, but it was to be used
only in the event of its predecessor not being recovered.^ As
no description accompanied this Seal, and as no impression
appears to be extant of the Great Seal between 1648 and 1657,
it is impossible to definitely determine which of the two was
subsequently used. Bacon however, in his preface to "The
Laws of Maryland", published in 1765, says the one of 1648,
is the "same which is in use at present", and the fact that
the impressions of the Great Seal used after the Baltimore
government was re-established, many of which still exist, cor-
respond literally with the description which accompanied the
Great Seal of 1648, would seem not only to justify the con-
clusion reached by Bacon, as also, that the one of 1657 was
never used at all, since it was only to be done in the event that
the former Seal was not restored.
While the Province was under the jurisdiction of the
Crown, the seal known as the "Broad Seal", adopted in 1692,
Archives (CI. Pro. 1657) pp. 333, 34Q_,
Ibid, pp. 322, 329.
THE GREAT SEAL AXD F L A CI 229
and anr>ther i-n 1706, were used,' and the Baltimore Great Seal
was limited in use. during that period, to land grants, Balti-
more's territorial rights not having been disturbed. But upon
the restoration of the Province in 171 5, the old Great Seal
again came into use, and continued to be the Great Seal of
Maryland until after the revolution.
It has been stated that a new Great Seal was adopted in
1765," but no authority for the statement is given, and none
has been found. There is no doubt that there were other
Seals in the Province, intended and used for different and
various purposes, but not as the Great Seal. A wood cut of
one, modelled somewhat after the Great Seal, but with the
motto "Crescite et multiplicamini", was printed on the title-
page of Bacon's "Laws of Maryland" — 1765 — but Bacon, in
the preface to the work, says the Great Seal of the Province
then in use, was the old seal of 1648.
There were also in use in the
Province, Seals known a^ Lesser Seals.
One of these appears on a copy of the
Laws of Maryland between 1642 and
at Arms, of which a representation is
here given, was used in connection with
the Land Office. There is now in that
office, a warrant attested with this seal.
to lay out land in Somerset County, for George Gale, and which
concludes as follows : "given under his Lordship's Lesser Seal
at Arms, this 14th day of May, An. Dom. 1740".
But the most interesting, perhaps, certainly the one less
commonly known, of the smaller Seals, is the one which formed
a part of the plate used in printing the paper money of
the Province. It contained the escutcheon' of the Great Seal
as well as aJl of its other heraldic devices, but bore the motto.
"Crescite et multiplicamini" — a motto first introduced into.
Maryland, as far as the records disclose, in 1659, it having
appeared on the coin struck for Maryland at that time. The
'Hall, p. 25. 'Scharf, i, p. 198— Note.
230 COLONIAL MARYLAND
accompanying impression of this little Seal, it may be interest-
ing to note, is not made from a
copy of it, as would be necessarily
the case with printed impressions of
other Seals of the Province, but,
through the courtesy of its owner,
is here reproduced from the original
itself, just as it was blocked and used
for stamping its impression on the money of its time. As
bearing upon the later history of this valuable relic, see note
below.^
When the Revolution" swept away Proprietary rights in
Maryland, and the state government was established, it was
^ This interesting relic is now in the possession of Mr. John E.
McCuske, of Annapolis. It was found, he informed the author, under
the following curious circumstances : by direction of the State Treas-
urer, about fifteen years ago, he was having a window placed in the end
of the rear wing of the old Treasury Building, at Annapolis, and after
cutting through the outer wall, he encountered an inside wall, about
three feet distant. In the space between these two brick walls, he found
the quaint old iron chest, still preserved in that building, and in it,
among other things, was this seal, which was then presented to him by
the Treasurer, together with other parts of the plate, the most of them
have since unfortunately been lost.
^THE GREAT SEAL OF THE UNITED STATES.
Shortly after the Declaration of Independence, Congress appointed
a committee to prepare a seal for the infant republic; and Franklin,
Adams and Jefferson emlpoyed a swiss artist, DuSimitiere, to furnish
designs and to illustrate such suggestions as were made by the commit-
tee. The artist produced a device cons.isting of a shield supported on
one side by the Goddess of Liberty, and on the other by a rifleman in
hunting costume. The shield bore the armorial ensigns of the coun-
tries from which America had mainly drawn' her population.
Franklin proposed for the device ; Moses lifting his wand and divid-
ing the Red Sea with the water destroying Pharaoh's host, borrowing
the motto from Cromwell, '"Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God."
Adams proposed the choice of Hercules; the hero leaning on his
club, with Virtue pointing to her rugged mountains on one hand and
Sloth trying to persuade him to follow her flowery path on to the other.
Jefiferson suggested the Children of Israel in the Wilderness, led
by a cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night. On the reverse he
THE GREAT SEAL AND FLAG 23.
decided to retain this beautiful relic of Maryland's Colonial
days/ and it continued to be used as the Great Seal of the
State until 1794, when a new one was adopted.'' It bore on
the one side, a figure of Justice, with the scales in one hand
proposed to place representations of Hengist and Horsa, the Saxons
from whom we are descended, and whose political principles are the
foundation upon which our government is built.
As a sort of compromise, Franklin and Adams asked Jefferson to
combine their ideas in a compact description of the proposed seal,
which he did in a paper now in the office of the Secretary of State at
Washington.
This composite design is a shield with six quarterings, which dis-
play the rose, the thistle and the harp, emblematic of England. Scot-
land and Ireland; the lilies of France, the imperial eagle of Germany
and the crowned red lion of Holland. This was DuSimitiere's idea.
The shield was bordered with a red ground, displaying thirteen
gold stars linked by a chain bearing the initials of the States. The
supporters were the Goddess of Liberty in a corselet of armor, in allu-
sion to the then state of war, and the Goddess of Justice with sword
and balance. The crest was the eye in a radiant triangle, and the motto
E Pluribus Unum. Around the whole were the words, "Seal of the
United States, MDCCLXXVI;" reverse: Pharaoh passing through the
Red Sea in his chariot in pursuit of the Israelites; Moses standing on
a shore illumined by rays from a pillar of fire in a cloud. Motto,
"Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God."
It seems that no part of Adam's classic allegory was embodied in
this device.
The committee reported to the Continental Congress on the tenth of
August, 1776, but for some reason the affair was not placed on record.
On March 24, 1779, Mr. Lovell of Massachusetts, Mr. Scott of Virginia
and Mr. Houston of Georgia were appointed to make another design.
Early in May these gentlemen reported in favor of a seal four inches in
diameter; a shield with thirteen diagonal red and white stripes with, for
supporters. Peace with an olive branch and a warrior with a drawn
sword. Motto : Bcllo vel pace, — For war or peace. The reverse side
was to represent Liberty, seated in a chair holding cap and staff. Motto,
Semper — Foreyer; and underneath, the date.
The report was submitted and resubmitted with slight modifications,
but was not accepted; and so the matter rested until April, 1782, when
Middleton, Boudinot and Rutledge were appointed a third committee to
prepare a seal. But their work seems to have resulted in a failure to
'CI. Pro. 1777, 1779. »C1. Pro. 1794. I799-
232 COLONIAL MARYLAND
and an olive branch in the other. The figure was surmounted
by rays of light, and at its feet lay the fasces, with the cap of
Liberty, and crossed olive branches. The inscription was
simply "Great Seal of Maryland". On the opposite side was a
tobacco hogshead, with bundles of leaf tobacco lying on top,
two sheaves of wheat standing by the side and the cornu-
copia of plenty lying in front. In the background was a ship
approaching the shore, and surrounding all, the motto: "In-
dustry the means and plenty the result".'
In 1817, this seal was superseded by one fashioned after
the Great Seal of the United States, containing only an eagle,
a semicircle of thirteen stars, and the words, "Great Seal of
Maryland".^ This seal, in 1854, was ordered to be changed
for one showing the original arms of the State, and containing
the motto, "Crescite et Multiplicamini", and the inscription, _
"1632. The Great Seal of Maryland. 1854", but in making
this seal, the eagle was retained in place of the coronet and
other emblems.^
In 1874, it was decided to discard this, and to restore the
ancient seal, the arms of which were to conform to the arms of
Lord Baltimore, as represented in Bacon's Laws of Maryland
(1765). Investigation, however, proved that Bacon's repre-
sentation of the Baltimore arms did not correspond with that
given by Lord Baltimore himself in his commission to Gover-
nor Stone, which accompanied the Great Seal, in 1648. This
resulted in the adoption, in 1876, of the present Great Seal of
Maryland,^ which is designed after the original, and bearing
satisfy Congress, and on June thirteeftth of the same year, the whole
matter w.as finally referred by that body to Charles Thomson, its
secretary.
He procured several devices, among theiti an elaborate one by
William Barton of Philadelphia, but none of them met with congress-
ional approval until John Adams, then in London, sent him a design
suggested by Sir John Prestwich, an Englishman who was a warm
friend of America and an accomplished antiquarian.
It consisted of an escutcheon bearing thirteen stripes, white and
'Hall, p. 31. 'CI. Pro. 1813, 1817.
n^all, p. 35- - 'I^id' P- ^T-
THE PRESE^n' GREAT Sf:AL OF MARVLAXl),
ADOPTED l«7r>.
T H E G R EAT SEAL AND FLAG 233
the same arms, emblems, motto, and inscriptions ; and thus
Maryland to-day enjoys the distinction of having this historic
seal, emblematic alike of the "nature of her foundation and
the lineage of her founder" as the symbol of her honor, and
as the signet by which her official acts are authenticated and
accredited.
In executing the order for the present Great Seal, the
date of the Maryland charter — 1632 — which did not appear on
the old seal, was inserted at the base of the marginal circle.
The pennons, or bannerets, were also changed, being made to
flow towards the dexter (right), instead of the sinister (left)
side, as they appeared on the old seal. The latter change,
unauthorized by the resolution, and of doubtful propriety, was
made, presumably, in order that the seal would conform in
that respect, to the Baltimore family arms, on which they are
represented as flowing toward the dexter side, which latter
may have been the result either of an error of the engraver, or
Baltimore's fancy, as, in heraldry, they are most universally
represented as flying toward the left side, as if being carried
toward the right.^
The obverse of the old seal was not included in the order
red on a blue field, displayed on the breast of an eagle holding in his
right talon an olive branch, and in his left a bundle of thirteen arrows;
in his beak a scroll inscribed, E. Pluribus Unum. For a crest it had
over the head of the eagle a golden glory breaking through a cloud,
surrounding thirteen white stars on a blue field. Reverse : An unfin-
ished pyramid; in the zenith, an eye in a triangle; over the eye the
words : Annuit caeptis — God favors the undertaking. On the base of
the pyramid are the Roman numerals MDCCLXXVI, and underneath
the motto, Novus ordo secloruni — which may be translated freely, A
new era.
This design was accepted, and thus, after six years of fruitless
effort on the part of our own countrymen, we became indebted for
our national arms to a titled aristocrat of the kingdom with which we
were then at war. Francis Zuri Stone — "The Companion."
* In 1884, while searching for historic relics in the vault of the old
Treasury Building, at Annapolis, the old seal, of 1648, was found, as
well as one of the lesser seals and the Great Seal, adopted in 1694,
all of which are now preserved in the Land Office, at Annapolis.
234 COLONIAL MARYLAND
adopting- the present Great Seal. The representations upon
that side were wholly personal to Baltimore, apart from the fact
that it possesses no practical value under the existing method
of using the Great Seal, the old pendant seal of wax, and im-
pressed on both sides having been superseded by the impres-
sion of the seal being made on the document itself.
The Maryland flag, like the Great Seal, is unique, in that
it is strictly of heraldic design. It is composed of the armorial
bearings and colors of the Calvert and Crossland arms, quar-
tered as displayed on the escutcheon of the Great Seal."
It has been stated, and is generally believed, that no
design was ever formally adopted for the official flag of Mary-
land, and that it was simply accepted by common consent.
This would appear to be true as to the State, until adopted by
Act of 1904, Chapter 48, but not so with respect to the Propri-
etary government. The Maryland flag, like the Great SeaU
was evidently designed and adopted by Cecilius, Lord Balti-
more, and sent out by him with the colony, as it was unfurled
and officially used a few days only after taking formal posses-
sion of the Province, when Governor Calvert, to more forcibly
impress the natives, ordered the "colors to be brought on
shore", and a military parade."
In honor of Sir John Harvey, Governor of Virginia, who
visited Governor Calvert shortly after his arrival, the flag was
also used. On that occasion, says the Relation, of 1634, "Wee
^ For a minute description of these see pages 224-225.
'^ British Empire in America, i, pf. 184. Bozman, pp. 525, 697.
ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE STARS AND STRIPES.
In 1775, Congress appointed a committee of three gentlemen — Benj.
Franklin and Messrs. Harrison and Lynch — to consider and devise a
national flag. The result was the adoption of the "King's Colors" as a
union (or corner square), combined with thirteen stripes, alternate red
and white, showing "that although the colonics united for defense
against England's tyranny, they still acknowledged her sovereignty."
The first public acceptance, recognition, and salute of this flag oc-
curred January 2, 1776, at Washington's headquarters, Cambridge, Mass.
It was named "The Flag of the Union,'' and sometimes called the
"Cambridge Flag."
THE GREAT SEAL AND FLAG 235
kept the "solemnity of carrying our colours on shore". The
next recorded instance in which the Maryland flag was used,
■was in 1638, when Governor Calvert made his expedition to
Kent Island for the purpose of reducing the Claiborne forces
to subjection, when he and his followers, as he reported to
Baltimore, marched "with your ensign displayed", Robert
Clarke being the colour bearer. In the famous battle also upon
the Severn, in 1655, between the Parliamentary Party and the
• Baltimore forces, the former set up the standard of the Com-
monwealth of England, while the latter marched "with Lord
Baltimore's colours displayed", or as expressed by Heamans,
master of the ship Golden Lyon, then in the harbor, and who
took part in the battle. Baltimore's forces marched "with drums
beating and colours flying, the colors being black and yellow,
appointed by the Lord Proprietary".'
While there does not seem to be any distinct record of the
design of the colonial flag of Maryland, it is believed to have
been the same as the one now in use. Maryland as a state,
did not at first formally adopt an official flag, but by common
consent continued to use the one designed for the Provincial
Government, just as it did the old great seal of Maryland.
The latter was adopted by the Governor and Council, who,
under the first constitution of the state, were invested with the
power to make the great seal, but this power did not extend
to the flag. The legislative department of the new govern-
ment had the unquestioned right to adopt a standard for the
state, but it did not exercise that right. It, therefore, must
have been done by common consent and by the continuous
use of the flag which had always been the standard of Mary-
land. It is true in July 1754, Governor Horatio Sharpe of Mary-
In the spring of 1777 Congress appointed another committee, "au-
thorized to design a suitable flag for the nation." This committee con-
sisted of General George Washington and Robert Morris. They called
upon Mrs. Elizabeth Ross, who was a dressmaker, milliner, and uphol-
stress, and who had the reputation of being the finest needle worker in
America, and from the pencil drawing made by General Washington,
engaged her to make a flag.
' Heamans Narrative, Bosman, 697.
236 COLONIAL MARYLAND
land was commissioned by the King of England as commander of
the Maryland and other forces to be engaged in the French
and English war, and that, in August of that year, he and the
council ordered a large quantity of powder and flints, and a
"black and yellow flag 24 feet long and 16 feet broad, with the
union in one corner". This flag was most likely intended
for use in the military expedition to be undertaken in the
interests of the cross of Saint George and Saint Andrew, which
constituted the Union Jack after the union of England and
Scotland. It most probably, too, was never used, as Maryland
refused to send her troops to a war which did not concern
the state or its people, and which only meant a struggle be-
tween England and France for mastery over the great Mis-
sissippi valley.
Maryland was not a royal, but was a proprietary colony,
and it is highly improbable that Baltimore would have used
on his Maryland standard the Union Jack of Great Britain,
instead of his own official arms. This is still more apparent,
when the fact is considered, that he took such painstaking
care to work out for the coat of arms of the province a de-
sign which was distinctively applicable to Maryland, display-
ing the arms of its founder and the nature and scope of its
charter: and it would have been most natural for him, in
designing an official standard for the province, to have also
adopted the escutcheon of his arms, as he certainly did its
colors.
Had the flag contained a Union Jack, or any other dis-
tinctive emblem, it would assuredly not have escaped the ob-
servant Heamans, who described it so minutely when waving
at the battle' of the Severn.
It is stated that a Maryland flag .was borne by the ^Tary-
land volunteer troops that accompanied Braddock. in 1756, in
his expedition against Fort Duquesne, and also that one was
This flag was the first legally established emblem, and was adopted
by Congress, June 14, 1777, under the following act:
"Resolved, That the flag of the United States be thirteen stripes,
alternate red and white; that the Union be thirteen stars, white in a
blue field, representing a new constellation."
THE GREAT SEAL AND FLAG 237
carried throughout the entire civil war by the Frederick voUm-
teers, which became part of the First Maryland Regiment. Con-
federate States of America.'
Apart from its historic interest, the Maryland flag, as may
be seen from the accompanying illustration, possesses marked
symmetry and beauty. The parallel and diagonal lines of the
Calvert quarterings being in singular harmony with the crosses
and transposed colors of those of the Crossland arms. The
. combination, too, of the colors of the former — gold and black
— while in brilliant contrast with those of the latter quarter-
ings— silver and red — is both effective and pleasing.
The first American flag was first unfurled by Captain John Paul
Jones, on the Ranger, when it became the standard of the new American
Republic.
In May, 1777, Congress made an order on the Treasurer to pay Mrs.
Ross, £14, I2S, 2d, for flags for the fleet in the Delaware River, and gave
h^r a contract to make all government flags. — Historical Publishing
Company, Chicago, 1893.
The first American flag unfurled in Maryland, was the one sent
from Philadelphia, November, 1776, by Commodore Hopkins to Com-
modore Joshua Barney, for use on the Hornet. "The next morning at
sunrise, Barney had the enviable honor of unfurling it to the music of
drums and fifes, and hoisting it on a staff, planted with his own hands,
at the door of his rendezvous. The heart-stirring sounds of the musical
instrument, then a novel incident in Baltimore, and the still more novel
sight of the rebel colors gracefully waving in the breeze, attracted
crowds of all ranks and sizes to the §ay scene of the rendezvous, and
before the setting of the same day's sun, the young recruiting officer had
enlisted a full crew of jolly rebels for the Hornet." — Memoirs of Com-
modore Barney, p. 30.
^ Hollander, Political Institutions.
CHAPTER XIII
Force and Value of the Maryland Line in the
American Revolution
TTHE part which the Maryland Line played in the drama of
the American Revolution was one of distinctive importance.
Its history indeed, stands out in bold relief and shows "a match-
less splendor and unsurpassable bravery", a military bearing
and a degree of heroism and valor, both of its officers and men,
which promptly won for it the high and merited distinction
of being regarded as the "very flower" of the American Army.
While Maryland had not yet renounced her allegiance to
England, and was indeed, still fondly indulging the hope
of reconciliation with the mother country, she was firmly re-
solved to actively resist the threatened encroachment upon her
rights and liberties, and to that end took decided steps to
place her provincial militia upon a more efficient footing, as
well also to the manufacture and purchase of arms and am-
munition. As early as the 14th of June, 1775, the day before
Washington was made commander-in-chief of the army, and
just three days before the disastrous engagement at Bunker
Hill, Congress ordered two cornpanies to be raised in Mary-
land to serve as light infantry and to join the camp at Bos-
ton. Western Maryland responded promptly to this requisi-
tion and the two companies were raised principally in that sec-
tion of the State. The first company was commanded by Cap-
tain Michael Cresap, with Thomas Warren, Joseph Cresap and
Richard Davis lieutenants, and the second company by Cap-
tain Thomas Price with Otho Holland Williams, and John
Ross Key, lieutenants. Both companies, each 130 strong,
were made up of chosen men and expert riflemen, but Cresap's
THE M A R Y L A X D L I X E 239
company, was composed of sturdy mountaineers, who, with
him, had become schooled in IncUan warfare and accustomed
to the severest hardships. The place of rendezvous was
Frederick City, Md.. from whence they started on the i8th
of July, being- the first troops to arrive from the South. Cre-
sap's company reached Cambridge on the 9th of August, thus
making the then difficult journey of 550 miles in twenty two
days. By the 13th, Price's company had arrived, as well
also Captain Morgan's company, recruited from the neigh-
borhood of Shepherdstown, Virginia, and which left Fred-
erick at the same time. They all started that day for Boston,
where they became a part of the Continental Army. These
troops had a brilliant career and rendered a most efficient ser-
vice. After serving before Boston, they were incorporated
into a rifle regiment, consisting of two other Maryland and
four Virginia companies, and formed a part of the garrison of
Fort Washington, under command of colonel Moses Raw-
lings and Major Otho Holland Williams at the time of the
memorable attack upon it by Sir William Howe.^
^ In a letter dated August 1st, 1775, the writer in speaking of
Captain Cresap's Company, says: "I have had the happiness of seeing
Captain Michael Cresap marching at the head of a formidable company
of upwards of 130 men from the mountains and backwoods, painted like
Indians, armed with tomahawks and rifles, dressed in hunting shirts
and moccasins, and though some of them had travelled nearly eight
hundred miles from the banks of the* Ohio, they seemed to walk light
and easy, and not with less spirit than the first hour of their march
* * Yesterday the Company was supplied with powder from the
magazine which wanted airing, and was not in good order for rifles ;
in the evening, however, they were drawn out to show their dexterity
at shooting. A clapboard, with a mark the size of a dollar, was put
up; they began to fire off hand, and the bystanders were surprised,
few shots being made that were not close to or in the paper. When
they had shot for a time this way, some lay on their backs, some on
their breasts or sides, others ran 20 or 30 steps, and firing, appeared
to be equally certain of the mark. With this performance the Com-
pany was more than satisfied, when a young man took up thp board
in his hand, not by the end but by the side, and holding it up his
brother walked a distance and very coolly shot into the white; laying
down his rifle, he took up the board, and holding it as it was held
240 COLONIAL MARYLAND
While the Maryland declaration, in which it was declared,
"That the King of Great Britain had violated his compact with
this people, and they owe no allegiance to him", was not issued
until the sixth of July, 1776, early in January of that year
Maryland began more formidable preparations for war than
had hitherto been made. The Maryland convention or-
dered 1444 men to be raised, equipped and prepared for ser-
vice. These were to be arranged in one battalion, composed of
nine companies, and into seven independent companies of reg-
ular troops, two of artillery amd one of marines, to serve dur-
ing the war. The battalion was placed under command of
Colonel William Smallwood, and with him were appointed Fran-
cis Ware, lieutenant-colonel; Thomas Price, first major; Mor-
decai Gist, second major, and Jacob Brice, adjutant.
On the 3rd of June, Congress requested that a Flying
Camp of 10,000 men be raised to serve until the first of Decem-
ber, of which, Maryland's quota was 3,400, and on the 27th of
June, Congress sent in a further requisition for two additional
companies of rifle men for Colonel Rawling's rifle regiment,
and four campanies of Germans, to form, wiith a like number
from Pennsylvania, a German regiment for the united colonies.
The two rifle and the four German companies were
promptly recruited for three years, but owing to its size, the
before, the second brother shot as the former had done * * But will
you believe me when I tell you, that one of the men took the board,
and placing it between his legs, stood with his back to the tree
while another drove the center. What would a" regular army of con-
siderable strength in the forests of America do with 1,000 of these
men, who want nothing to preserve their health and courage but water
from the spring, with a little parched corn and what they can easily
procure in hunting, and who, wrapped in their blankets in the damp
of the night, would choose the shade of a tree for their covering,
and the earth for their beds. Forces Archives.
Mr. Thatcher, in his Military Journal of August, 1775, says : "these
men are remarkable for the accuracy of their aim, striking a mark
with great certainty at 200 yards distant * * They are now stationed
on our line, and their shot have frequently proved fatal to British
officers and soldiers who exposed thernselves to view, even at more
than double the distance of common musket shot."
THE M ARYLAND . LINE 241
Flying.Camp. could not be fully recruited until the fall, though
the jMaryland convention, exerted its best energies to expedite
the movement.'
On the 6th of July, two days after the declaration of inde-
pendence had been issued, Colonel Smallwood was ordered to
march at once with his battalions to Philadelphia and place
himself at the command of Congress. The independent com-
panies from the counties of Saint Mary's, Talbot, Kent and
Queen Anne's, were ordered to immediately proceed to Phila-
delphia and place themselves under the command of Colonel
Smallwood, and a little later all of the remaining' independent
companies were ordered to also place themselves under the
command of Colonel Smallwood, and to march with expedition.
^ In all of the leading events which immediately preceded, -and which
led up to the American Revolution, Maryland was in the forefront. It
was her patriotic and courageous sons, who determined that her soil
, should not be poluted by the English Stamp Act, met at the Annapolis
harbor, four years in advance of the Boston tea party, the ship "Good
Intent", loaded with dutiable* goods, and compelled her to put back to
sea and return to the kingdom of George III her cargo of unwelcome
merchandise ; and who a little later, not under cover of mask or dis-
guised as Indians, but in the open lime-light of day, compelled her
owner to burn the Peggy Stewart, loaded with tea, to the water's edge.
And to their unalterable determination and unflinching courage, may
also be ascribed the fact, that there were not only no British stamps
distributed in Maryland, but that the stamp distributor, Zachary Hood,
fled panic stricken from the state, and soon thereafter surrendered his
commission. It was her Frederick County Court that had the sagacity
to see and the courage to decide, that the Stamp Act was illegal, null
and void. It was a Maryland man, Daniel Dulany, who issued that
masterly contribution to ante revolutionary literature against the right of
the British government to tax the American colonies. James Otis of
Massachussetts and Patrick Henry of Virginia, those brilliant cham-
pions of American liberty, by their peerless oratory, had kindled the
latent spark of patriotism into a blazing flame of .enthusiastic indigna-
tion, but Daniel Dulany, that great oracle of the law and wonder of the
age, struck at* the very root of the trouble, and bearded the lion in
his own den. By his famous essay, designed for the British Parlia-
ment and the English people, and which for boundless . learning,
powerful logic, scholarly attributes and convincing eloquence, is un-
excelled in the annals of American revolutionary literature, demon-
strated that under the British constitution, under the very fundimental
242 COLONIAL MARYLAND
This placed under the command of Smalhvood the whole
quota of 1,444 men, who constituted the troops which first
composed what came to be commonly known as "The Aviary-
land Line."
On August i6th, such part of the Flying Camp as had
been recruited and armed, was ordered to the front, under com-
mand of Brig.-General Rezin Beall, and on that day the Mary-
land Council of Safety, as indicating its zeal and interest in
the cause, amd especially in the defense of New York, wrote
the Maryland delegates in Congress that, with the troops
already in the field, "We shall have nearly 4,000 men with you
in a short time * * We are sending all that can be
armed and equipped, and the people of New York, for whom
we have great affection, can have no more than our all."
Colonel Smalhvood, after the order of July 6th, at once
made ready his battalions and began his march on the loth
of July. Upon his arrival at Philadelphia, he reported to
President John Hancock, who on the 17th instant, directed him
to proceed to New York and report to General Washington.
President Hancock communicated this fact to General Wash-
ington, and represented to him that it was "An exceedingly
fine body of men,"
principles upon which the English government was founded, and as
expounded by her highest judicial tribunals, American colonial rep-
resentation in the English Parliament was an impossibility, either in
theory or in fact, and that a tax on the colonies without their consent
for the single purpose of revenue, was unconstitutional and destructive
of the very foundation itself upon which the colossal statute to Eng-
lish liberty stood. Not only that, byt to bring the support to his
cause of the industrial and commercial interests of wie British Empire,
so eager to command American trade, he sounded the signal of danger
by giving expression to that patriotic thought, then as new as it later
became effective, of non importation and honre manufacture. "Let the
goods of American manufacture be the symbol of dignity and the badge
of virtue", he proclaimed,- "and it will soon bring the commercial in-
terests of England to the support of our cause". This note of warn-
ing, this essay, this master-piece in American literature, vibrated
throughout the length and breadth of the British Empire; it furnished
power to the great Pitt in his immortal and triumphant effort to have
the Stamp Act repealed; it brought the industrial interests of Great
T 1 1 1-: M A R Y L A X D LI X 1^
243
On reaching New York, Washington ordered Smallwood's
Maryland to be attached to the brigade of Brig.-General Stir-
hng. This battahbn, says Fields, "Was one of the few uni-
formed and well disciplined organizations in the American
Army, and was at once relied ujxtn by Washington for per-
forming the most hazardous and important duties". Its first
engagement was the battle of Long Island — August 27th,
1776, a most crucial turning point in the war for independence
and a most exhaustive test of the material of which this well
appointed and well drilled battalion was composed. The
British, augmented to 30,000 disciplined troops by the recent
arrival of the Hessians, resolved upon the capture of New
York, hoping thus to cut ofif New England from the Southern
colonies. Washington realized that his only chance to defeat
such an attack was to occupy Brooklyn Heights on Long Island,
which eminence commanded the city from the water side. It
'was a dangerously exposed position, and owing to Ihe im-
Britain to the side of the colonies, and it stamped Daniel Dulany not
only as one of the foremost statesmen and brilliant scholars of the age,
but distinctly marked him as the father of what commonly come to be
known as the great American system.. It was Maryland that first
proposed a Continental Congress, and elected the first delegates to it.
It was a Maryland man. Thomas Johnson, who placed in nomina-
tion George Washington as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army
and' it was a Maryland man, Charles Carroll, who, as a member of
the board of war, defeated the histo/ic Conway cabal, designed to put
Gates in Washington's place. And when the closing struggle came,
and the master stroke was struck at Yorktown, it was a Maryland man.
Colonel Tench Tilghman, Washington's aide, who had the honor of be-
ing selected by the commander-in-chief, to bear the important news to
Congress. With his horse in an open boat he sailed down the York
and up the Chesapeake to Rock Hall, and riding on horseback from
thence to the seat of the Continental Congress — one hundred miles —
thundered into Philadelphia at midnight and- laid before that
tribunal the pleasing intelligence that Cornwallis had been taken and that
the crowning effort for American liberty had been won. It was a
Maryland man, too, John Hanson, who, as "the First President of the
United States in Congress assembled", had the distinction of receiving
Washington's official report of the surrender at Yorktown. and of pre-
senting him, as the Father of His Country, to the Continental Con-
gres-;.
244 COLONIAL MARYLAND
mense area of exposure, it was one that it was difficult to
garrison. He fortified it as best he could and concentrated on
Long Island, under command of General Putnam, 7,500 troops,
the half of his army, the other half being left for the defense
of New York. General Howe, the British commander, was
convinced that he could destroy either half of the American
Army and that would end the war for independence. While
pretending to be preparing to attack the city, he realized he
could not do so without placing himself between two fires, the
army in New York in front, and that on Brooklyn Heights in
the rear. He therefore, determined to storm the latter and to
do it so effectually as to stampede all further efforts at resis-
tance, and with an army of 30,000 men and 400 ships, the
task of subjugation would seem to have been simple and easy.
To that end, he began on August 22nd, the debarkation of
20,000 troops on Long Island. A few days were spent in recon-
noitering and in learning the points of locality. On the night
of the 26th, he began to form his lines of march which by
midnight were completed and the start was made for the
American works. Knowing that it was quite impossible for
Washington, with a limited force, to have securely barricaded
all of the roads, Howe proceeded by four different routes, se-
lecting those that were most likely to offer the least resistance.
The Gowanus Road was given to General Grant with his High-
land regiments; the Flatbush Road was assigned to the Hes-
sians, under General De Heister ; the Bedford Road to General
Cornwallis, some bridle paths across the eastern end of the
island to General Clinton, while the rest of the army, conducted
by Howe, in person, was to take the Jamaica Road. Howe's
purpose was to draw the American army outside of the lines,
get it scattered and its attention diverted by attacks from
Grant, De Heister, Cornwallis and Clinton, while he, sweeping
around the Jamaica Road, would encircle the enemy, close it in
and cut off its retreat. Thus completely hemmed in and en-
trapped, the whole army must suffer either surrender or
death. General Putman blundered and fell into the trap and
sent out 5,000 men, all that were available, to check the ad-
THE M A R Y LAND LINE 245
vance, under Sullivan, who was to guard the Flatbush Road and
Stirling, who was to meet the enemy on the Gowanus Road.
Sullivan, attacked Sy De Heister in front and Clinton in the
rear, was soon routed, and he, with many of his men, fell into
the hands of the enemy. Stirling, commanding Smallwood's
Maryland, Atlee's Pennsylvania and Haslett's Delaware troops,
took position by break of day near the stone house on the
Gowanus Road. A line of battle was formed, and then and
there on the 27th of August, 1776, was fought the first open
field and regularly pitched battle, as well as one oi the most
heroically contested and critically important battles of the
American Revolution. For six hours the battle raged fiercely,
but Stirling maintained his ground well and kept back Grant
and his Highlanders, though outnumbered five to one.' News
now reached him of Sullivan's capture and that Cornwallis
had entrenched himself in and around the Gowanus stone
house, mounting guns where they could be used through its
windows and around its corners, and was about to attack him
in the rear. Stirling now realized his extremely perilous posi-
tion and that, as against such greatly superior numbers, it was
a question of surrender or martyrdom. Surrender meant the
total loss of the American Army on Long Island, and to a
certainty, the end of the Revolution; martyrdom, while awful
to contemplate, might mean that the army could be saved and
the hope for American liberty sfill be kept alive. He chose
the latter course and ordered all of his men to retreat and get
within the lines, except 400 of the Maryland Line. This could
only now be done by wading across Gowanus marsh and
creek, all other avenues of escape being cut off, and as the tide
■was fast coming in no time could be lost. Nor could this
even be done unless the British army could be driven back or
held at bay. Maryland's immortal four hundred were now
called upon by Stirling and Gist to make the sacrifice. With a
military bearing and a sublimeness of spirit and valor, and a
self sacrificing devotion to country and to duty no where
surpassed, they undertook this appalling task, and plunging
into that fearful carnage of battle and tempest of death,
246 COLONIAL MARYLAND
held back the enemy until the rest of the army had made its
escape. And yet, to a man they never faltered, not even when
their ranks had become badly thinned and shattered, nor yet,
when the last call from their gallant leader rang forth over the
heat and fire of battle and the din and roar of musketry and
cannon, "Close up, close up", one more charge and the army is
safe, though half their number were dead or dying, and though
to obey meant only a march into the eternal jaws of an almost
inevitable death. Five times they charged with bayonets upon
the powerful forces of the enemy, closing up over their dead
and dying, each time gathering renewed energy for a still
fiercer assault, until the sixth charge was made when the
heavy columns of Cornwallis recoiled and was about to give
way in confusion. Assisted at this moment by fresh troops —
the Hessians — also by a British brigade in the rear, the fierce-
ness of the attack became too severe for human endurance."
More than half of their number were dead or dying, and a por-
tion of what was left of this little band surrendered with Stir-
ling, though a part of three companies, with Major Gist, ani-
mated by a most unconquerable determination, cut their way
through the British ranks and made their escape. A heavy
cannonade was not only kept up against them, but they were
vigorously pursued by the Hessians, who would doubtless have
destroyed the last man of them while crossing Gowanus marsh
and creek, except that Colonel Smallwood, was happily in
position to save them. When the Maryland troops were sent
over to Brooklyn the day before the battle, Smallwood was held
in New York, by order of Washington, on Court Martial duty.
But he hurried over early the next morning, and when Stirling
ordered his whole brigade to retreat across the marsh and creek
and get within the lines, except Maryland's four hundred, who
were to hold back Cornwallis, Washington ordered Smallwood
to cover the retreat, sending him for the purpose some field
pieces, a Connecticut regiment and the Maryland Company of
Captain John Allen Thomas. This order was successfully exe-
cuted, even to the extent of enabling the retreating troops to
carry off with them twenty-eight prisoners, except that a few
THE .MARY LAX D LINE 247
men eaeh from the Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware rcj^i-
ments were drowned while crossing the creek, and Smallwood
was still on the ground to render the same service to the little
remnant of his badly shattered but gallant brigade, who, with
their comrades, now either fallen or captured, had saved Ster-
ling's division of the American Army.
Such was the sacrifice made by those brave young sons of
Maryland, and which for heroism, courage and valor, stands
without a parallel in the history of the American Revolution.
A sacrifice made in order to defeat and wash away with their
own patriotic blood the well laid plans of General Howe to
make the battle of Long Island the closing act in the drama
of the American Revolution ; made in order that the spirit
of liberty might bask in the sunshine of another day, aijd draw-
ing from it a decree of renewed vitality and inspiration, which
might in their fullness lead on to certain victory ; made in
-order to bequeath to their country, and to those to whom the
great majority had bid th&ir final adieu, the assuring hope that
American independence might yet be won, and with it the price-
less heritage of American liberty.
Of this crucial turning point in the war for independence,
the Long Island Historical Society, in its estimable work, the
Battle of Long Island, by Thomas W. Fields, says: "Fired
with a common emulation of slaughter, Hessian and British
troops were now pressing forward, to enclose Stirling's di-
vision between them and Grant, in the same fatal embrace
which had crushed the life out of Sullivan's corps. The right
wing of the enemy, commanded by Lord Cornwallis in person,
was hastening forward * * Cornwallis had proceeded as
far as the Cortelyou house '^■' '■' This house he proceeded to
at once occupy as a redoubt. It thus became apparent to Lord
Stirling that his position was no longer defensible. The gigan-
tic extent, and the consummate skill, of the British combination,
was apparent to the General at a glance. In order, says Stir-
ling, to render the escape of the main body (of the army)
-across the creek more practicable. I found it absolutely nec-
essary to attack the body of troops commanded by Lord Corn-
248 COLONIAL MARYLAND
wallis, posted at the house at the upper mills, which I in-
stantly did with about half of Smallwood's reg-iment, first or-
dering all the other troops to make their way across the creek/
The onset of the victorious foe must be checked, while his re-
treating columns toiled through the soft marshes, and across
the deep tide water creek, in their rear. * * Fortunately for
his purpose, the noblest instruments for his design were at
hand. The Maryland regiment, now commanded by Major
Gist, * * was burning with patriotism. * * This body of young
men * * had been emulous of the praise of being the best
drilled and disciplined of the revolutionary forces, and their
high spirit, their courage, their self devotion, as well as the
discipline of which they were proud, were now to be proved
in the fierce furnace of battle. Flinging himself at the head
of these brave lads, who on that day for the first time saw the
flash of the enemy's gun, Stirling determined to stem the
advance of the foe.
"On all sides the enemy were now closing around the
ifeeble band commanded by Stirling, with the intention to
^ Colonel Smallwood in his official report to the Maryland Con-
vention, says : "By this time they had so secured the passes on the
road to our lines that there was no possibility of retreating that
way. Between the place of action and our lines there lay a large marsh
and deep creek, not above eighty yards across at the mouth, * *
towards the head of which creek there was a mill and bridge, across
which a certain Colonel Ward, from New England, who is charged
with having acted a bashful part that, day, passed over with his regi-
ment, and then burned them down, though under cover of our cannon,
which would have checked the enemy's pursuit at any time, otherwise
this bridge might have afforded a secure retreat. There then remained
no other prospect but to surrender or attempt to retreat over this marsh
and creek at the mouth, where no person had ever been known to
cross * * He (Washington) immediately sent for and ordered me
to march down a New England regiment and Captain Thomas's Com-
pany, which had just come over from N«w York, to the mouth of
the creek, opposite where the brigade was drawn up, and ordered
two field pieces down to support and cover their retreat * * Thomas'
men contributed much in bringing over this party."
T II E M A R \' L A X D LINE 249
crush it, ^s they had done Sullivan's unfortunate army. The
situation was terrible, but Stirling did not lose his self-posses-
sion. The remnant 'of Sullivan's forces were endeavoring to
escape through the morasses and thickets, and dense masses
were crowding the dam at Freeke's mill. Many were shot
while struggling through the mud and water ; and it is not im-
probable that some were drowned".
"Forming hurriedly on ground in the vicinity of Fifth ave-
nue and Tenth street, the light colunin advanced along the
Gowanus road into the jaws of battle with unwavering front.
Artillery plowed their fast thinning ranks with the awful bolts
of war ; infantry poured its volley of musket balls in almost
solid sheets of lead upon them, and from the adjacent hills the
deadly Hessian Jagers sent swift messengers of death into
many a manly form.
"At the head of this devoted band marched their general,
to whom even victory had now become less important than an
honorable death, which m'ight purchase the safe retreat of
his army. Amid all the terrible carnage of the hour there was
no hurry, no confusion, only a grim despair, which their cour-
age and self-devotion dignified into martyrdom. The advance
bodies of the enemy were driven back upon the Cortelyou
house, now become a formidable redoubt, from the windows
of which the leaden hail thinned the patriot ranks as they ap-
proached. Lord Cornwallis hurriedly brought two guns into
position near one corner of the house, and added their canister
and grape to the tempest of death".
"At last the little column halted, powerless to advance in
the face of this murderous fire, yet disdaining to retreat with
the disgrace of a flight. Again and again these self-devoted
heroes closed their ranks over the bodies of their dead com-
rades, and still turned their faces to the foe. But the limit
of human endurance had for the time been reached, and the
shattered column was driven back. Their task was not, how-
ever, yet fully performed".
"As Stirling looked across the salt meadows, away to the
scene of the late struggle at Buckie's Barracks, and saw the
250 COLONIAL MARYLAND
confused masses of his countrymen crowding the narrow cause-
way over Freek's mill-pond, or struggling- through the muddy
tide-stream, he felt how precious to their country's liberty were
the lives of his retreating soldiers, and he again nerved himself
for a combat which he knew could only prove a sacrifice. Once
more he called upon the survivors of the previous dreadful as-
sault, and again the noble young men gathered around their
General. How sadly he must have looked upon them — scarcely
more than boys — so young, so brave, and to meet again the
pitiless iron hail !"
"The impetus and spirit of this charge carried the battalion
over every obstacle quite to the house. The gunners were driven
from their battery, and Cornwallis seemed about to abandon
the position ; but the galling fire from the interior of the house,
and from the adjacent high ground, with the overwhelming
numbers of the enemy who were now approaching, again com-
pelled a retreat".
"Three times more the survivors rallied, flinging themselves
upon the constantly re-enforced ranks of the enemy ; but the
combat, so long and so unequally sustained, was now hastening
to its close. A few minutes more of this destroying fire and
two hundred and fifty-six of the noble youth of Maryland were
either prisoners in the hands of the enemy or lay side by side
in' that awful mass of dead and dying. The sacrifice had been
accomplished, and the flying army had been saved from com-
plete destruction. Amid the carnage Stirling was left almost
alone, and scorning to yield himself to a- British subject, he
sought the Hessian General De Heister, and only to him would
he surrender his sword".
"On the shore of Gowanus Bay slet^p the remains of this
noble band. Out upon the broad surface of the level marsh
rose a little island of <lry ground, then and long after covered
with trees and undergrowth. Around this mound, scarcely
an acre in extent, clustered a few of the survivors of the fatal
field and of the remorseless swamp, and here the heroic dead
were brought, and laid beneath its sod, after the storm of bat-
T II E M A R V L A X I ) \A X E 25 1
tie had swept by. Tradition says that all the dead of the Mary-
land and Delaware battalions, who fell on and near the meadow,
were buried in this Miiiniature island, which promised at that
day the seclusion and sacred (|uiet which befit the resting place
of the heroic dead. Third avenue intersects the westerly end
of the mound; and Seventh and Eighth streets indicate two of
its sides".
"The very dust of these streets are sacred." for far below
-"lies the dust of those brave boys who found death easier than
flight, and gave their lives to save their countrymen". "And our
busy hum of commerce, our grading of city lots, our specula-
tions in houses reared on the scene of such noble valor, and
over the mouldering forms of these young heroes, seem almost
sacrilege" ; '^ * "but that cannot rob the nation of tjie sad,
sweet thought: 'She is Maryland, OUR Maryland". Her
dead on the field of battle are our dead. Her fame and her
gdory are our own pride and our rejoicing".
To those patriotic heroes, sons of Maryland, let it be
said : The sacrifice which you made at Long Island, you did
not make in vain. An hour more precious to American Liberty
than any other in your country's history, there you gained. In
the sublimeness of that hour you saved the army of your coun-
try from the jaws of destruction which were fast closing
around it, and you thereby left the way still open for your
country's freedom. Sacred forever be thy memory, and hal-
lowed be the sjxjt where now you rest.
On Long Island, and within the shadows of its battle
ground now stands a massive granite shaft, erected on August
27th, 1895, by the Maryland Society of the Sons of The
American Revolution, to commemorate forever the superb ac-
tion and the matchless valor of the Maryland Line in this crisis,
this turning point in the great struggle for American freedom,
and to "mark the spot for all time, where lay the ashes of that
Immortal Band of heroes who were willing to die that the
cause of liberty might live, and in honor of Maryland's 400,
who on this battlefield, on August 2j, 177^). saved the .\meri-
can Armv".
252 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Washington was in command of the New York division of
the army, and not knowing when the city would be attacked
by the British fleet, could not absent himself from that impor-
tant post of duty. He did, however, risk the time on the 24th,
to personally inspect the conditions on Long Island, and on
the 26th to confer with General Putnam, who had just been
put in command to relieve General Green who was ill with
fever. On the 27th also, as soon as he knew the battle was on,
he hurried over to Long Island with re-inforcements, but be-
fore he reached there, Howe's girdle around the army had been
formed and he could not have gotten within the lines even if
he had possessed the temerity to attempt it, and the presump-
tion to suppose that he could save the day. But from Conical
Hill, beyond the lines, he could plainly see the awful catastro-
phe and how his men were surrounded and slaughtered. He
was deeply touched, and wringing his hands exclaimed, "Great
God, what brave fellows I must lose this day" !
While exulting over a supposed victory, General Howe
had not yet attained his object, and he never did. He had not
captured the American Army on Long Island, but had simply
driven it within its lines. Instead of following up his vantage
ground and promptly storming the American works, now in a
state of almost helpless confusion, he ignored this golden mo-
riient of opportunity, and let slip by him a more than hopeful
chance to end the war with a single blow. The long march
the night before, and the severe fighting that day, made him
and his men feel in need of rest and they determined to take
it and let the storming go over to another day. Washington,
assuming that of course, it would come the following day,
brought over re-inforcements from New York, increasing his
army to 10,000 men and otherwise preparing himself for it.
Though exhausted by the terrific fighting of the day before,
the Maryland Line was again called into requisition and placed
on duty, with some Pennsylvania and Massachusetts troops,
to guard the entrenched lines, a position w'hich they main-
tained throughout the day and night. But the storming still
did not come. Washington now concluded that, being wedged
THE MARYLAND LINE
^53
in on. Long Island by the British Army on the land side and
the British Navy on the water side, he had better try to effect
a retreat. This was a perilous undertaking and a most diffi-
cult feat, the enemy on both sides being only a few hundred
yards away, and that it was successfully accomplished, marks
the event as a most notable military achievement. Collecting
every craft and boat available for the purpose, he selected the
expert Gloucester and Marblehead fishermen and sailors from
Glover's Massachusetts regiment, to man them. To Small-
wood's Maryland, the Pennsylvania battalions of Shea and
Magaw and Haslett's Delaware troops were assigned the duty
of covering the retreat. At eight o'clock on the night of the
29th, the boats were brought over and the embarkation was
started as quietly as possible. All night long the Gloucester
and Marblehead men, with muffled oars, were plying to and
fro, the waters of the East river, conveying the patriot soldiers
and their stores from Long Island to New York. By seven
in the morning, the seemingly impossible task had been per-
formed, and without the loss of a man or gun, and Long Island
was as completely bereft of the American Army and its mun-
iments of war, as if it had never been occupied. The troops
covering the retreat were the last to embark, and they, with
Washington, who personally superintended the entire move-
ment, and who was the last man to leave the ground, were
half way across the river and beyond range of both land and
naval forces, before the British became aware of what had
taken place. The night was cloudless and bright, but a heavy
fog hung over the river in the morning and also on the even-
ing before, when preparations were being made, and which
materially aided in conceiling the movement, but that an army
of 10,000 men, its stores, cannon, horses and all accoutrements,
could have been so skillfully and noiselessly- moved from the
entrenchment^ and across the river without attracting the
attention of a single sentinel, either on land or water, when
both were so close at hand, was indeed nothing short of a. marvel
in military strategy. In his report to Congress, Washington
said : "He had scarcely been out of the line from tlie 27th until
254 COL O N I A L MARYLAND
the morning- of the evacuation, and for the forty-eight hours
preceding, he had hardly I:)een off of his horse and had never
closed his eyes".
Shortly after landing in New York, the Maryland Line
was ordered to Harlem Heights to protect the military stores,
the most of which had been sent to that point. Keenly realiz-
ing that New York could not be held against such a large
army and powerful fleet, Washington decided upon its evacu-
ation. This was at once commenced, and on the 13th of Sep-
tember the main body of the army moved to Harlem, then
about ten miles distant, but now well within the city limits.
Washington occupying as his headquarters there, the splendid
but deserted mansion of Colonel Roger Morris, a loyalist,
who with his family had fled. A rear guard of 4,000 men,
under Putnam, was left to garrison the city. On the 15th,
a part of the British fleet sailed up the Hudson, and under'
its cover, a large force was landed at Kips Bay to take the
city. Washington, hearing the cannonading, hurried to the
scene and to his horror and disgust met the troops placed there
to guard the landing panic stricken, and fleeing in every direc-
tion and, in the greatest confusion. The thought of his respon-
sibility to his country and his reputation as a General resting
upon men displaying such cowardice and want of military
bearing, drove him into a state of despair amounting almost
to desperation. But it was a critical moment and he must be
equal to its exigencies. The British had been permitted to
land, and it would be easy to completely cut off Putnam's re-
treat from the city, and no time, must be lost. Putnam was
ordered to leave New York immediately, and a messenger was
hurriedly dispatched for Smallwood to bring down the Mary-
land Line and cover the retreat. The 'order was promptly
carried out and the retreat was successfully made. In this,
Putnam was materially aided by a cleverly executed ruse of
Mrs. Lindley Murray, who extended the hospitality of "Mur-
ray Hill" that day to General Howe and some of his officers.
The unsuspecting Howe fell into the trap, and while thus being
"dined and wined", a general ha|t was ordered. This gave
T H E M A R Y L A X D • L I X K 255
Putnam more than an hour of respite and safety, and yet, the
position of the Maryland Line was perilous in the extreme,
for though delayed, the retreat was discovered in time for ser-
ious trouble for the Maryland troops, a mere hand full, as com-
pared to the enemy. A determined effort was made to flank and
surround them. This was happily averted, and Smallwood
held his ground until the last of Putnam's 4000 men had passed,
w'hen he ordered a retreat and the Maryland Line was soon
safely within the lines of Harlem.
The next morning a detachment of British made its ap-
pearance at Harlem in front of the American line. Vir-
ginia and Connecticut troops were sent out to get in the
rear and cut the enemy off from the main body of the army,
but before this could be done, the British were heavily re-in-
forced. The Maryland troops, Colonels Richardson's and
Griffith's regiments, and Price's rifle company were now ad-
vanced to the scene of action. The battle lasted about an hour,
and again the Maryland^ men behaved with great gallantry.
Three times the enemy was dislodged, and was being driven
from the field, when moving too closely to the enemy's lines.
Washington ordered their recall. Of the action of the Mary-
land men on this occasion, Washington, in his letter to Con-
gress on the i8th of September, says: "These troops charged
the enemy with great intrepidity, and drove them from the
woods into the plain, and were pushing them from thence,
having silenced their fire in a 'great measure, when I judged
it prudent to order a retreat". The loss in the battle of Harlem
was sixty Americans and three hundred British.
Howe now moved about nine miles above Harlem, with
a view of striking at the American rear and" cutting off
its supplies from Xew England. But the strategy of Washing-
ton was again to be met. The only bridge over which Howe
could cross -the creek at Frog Neck, the point of destination,
Washington had destroyed, thus delaying Howe sev^eral days.
Availing himself of this delay and knowing that he might be
surrounded by the enemy, now more powerful than ever by
the arrival of another instalment of Hessians, Washington
256 COLONIAL MARYLAND
slipped away from Harlem and entrenched himself at White
Plains, about thirteen miles distant, and a more formidable
position." The British promptly followed, and on the 28th,
was fought the spirited battle of Chatterton Hill, commonly
known as White Plains, but which in fact was across the river
from the American encampment. General McDougall, with
1,600 men, including Smallwood's Maryland, was in charge
of this outpost, and against him the attack was made. Shortly
after the fight commenced, the "Massachusetts troops fled in
confusion without firing scarcely a random shot". Soon the
entire brigade followed, except the Maryland Line and a New
York regiment, which were left alone on the field. For half
an hour these deserted troops displayed great steadiness and
courage, and, "twice repulsed the enemy horse and foot".
Against such immense odds, it was deemed unwise to take
further risk, and a retreat was ordered. Putnam had been
advanced to the support of MacDougall, but when he reached
there the battle was over and the enemy was in control of the
hill. The British lost 229 and the Americans 140 men. General
Smallwood, who conducted himself with great gallantry, was
twice wounded and the loss to his battalion was over a hundred
killed and wounded. Washington spent that night in strength-
ening his fortification and giving them the appearance of
strength which they did not really possess. In front of the
enemy, this was partly done with corn stalks pulled up by the
roots, in laying which, the roots and earths were placed on
the outside. This completely deceived Howe and looked to
him so formidable, that he concluded to defer an attack until
he could get r^-inforcements. Another opportunity lost by the
overly cautious Howe. Washington, knowing that North
Castle, five miles away, was practically unassailable, that night
quietly moved liis army and stores there and secured them
safely within the linesof that strong position. Howe bitterly
realizing that he had been outwitted by the resourceful Amer-
^ On the night of the 21st, Maryland and Delaware troops were
sent out to surprise the "Queen's Rangers". Eighty were killed and
captured. The spoils were 60 stands of q.nns, provisions and clothing.
THE M A R Y L AND 1.1 X E 257
lean General", and that he could not risk an attack on North
Castle, changed his plan of operations and moved away, re-
turning down the Hudson as far as Dobbs Ferry. By this time
Stirling and Sullivan, who had been taken at Long Island,
were back with the army, the former having been exchanged
for Governor Brown and the latter for General Prescott, both
of whom had been captured some months before.
Washington, now fearing that Howe's next move would be
against Fort Washington, ordered Green to remove his stores
and garrison there, and also to evacuate Fort Lee,- on the oppo-
site side of the river. They were no longer important as mili-
tary posts ; were very much exposed, being assailable on three
sides from the water, and too small to be sufficiently garrisoned
to hold them. But Congress thought differently, and took
upon itself the responsibility of directing Green to main-
tain them, which, as might have been expected, proved to be
a most unwise and disastrous decision. The American com-
mander, who in the meantime had been busy distributing his
forces, did not know of the action of Congress until his return
on the 14th of November, ten days after he had issued the or-
der to evacuate, and which he supposed had been done. It was
then too late to ignore the order of Congress and to have his
own carried out, at least as to Fort Washington, for Howe's
fleet arrived that evening ready to storm it. The next morning
he demanded its surrender, which the veteran Colonel Magaw,
who was in command, declined to do. He was supported by
Colonel Rawlings, with his now famous Maryland and Virginia
regiments of riflemen, though reduced then to 274 men, and
by Colonel Calwalader with his Pennsylvania regiment, in all
about 2,6(x> men. Howe advanced 5,000 Hessians, under
Knyphausen to attack Rawlings, Cornwallis and Percy were to
direct their energies upon other quarters, all to be supple-
mented by a general assault, both from the land and the walcr.
It was a desperately hot encounter, lasting about two hours.
Magaw and Calwalader were ultimately driven in, but Raw-
lings, who was stationed on an eminence just beyond the lines,
heroically held his ground. He continued to pour such a mur-
258 COLONIAL MARYLAND
derous fire upon the Hessians that they were twice repulsed.
At last by sheer force of overwhelming numbers, and having
no support, he too, after receiving a severe bullet wound, was
compelled to retreat within the lines, but not until it had "cost
Knyphausen 800 men to force the single regiment of Rawlings
back". Magaw, seeing that further resistance was useless, sur-
rendered. This was a most distressing blow to the cause of
independence, for besides its far reaching moral efifect, the
Americans lost valuable arms and stores and had to give up
2,500 men. The British lost about 1,200 men and the Ameri-
cans about 150, killed and wounded. Howe determined now
to capture Fort Lee, and to that end, dispatched 5,000 men un-
der Cornwallis, but this move he put off for two days, by which
time Washington had the fort evacuated and had the garrison
with him in New Jersey.
The ranks of the Maryland Line had now become badly
thinned, and many of its men unfit for duty. In less than two
months they had borne the brunt of three hotly contested bat-
tles, each of which being at such close range that they charged
the enemy with fixed bayonets, the first revolutionary troops
to thus meet the British veterans face to face. On these troops
Washington had confidently relied, and that so many of them
had fallen, added gloom to a situation which he regarded with
extreme apprehension and despondency. His army was half
clothed, poorly armed, much discouraged and greatly reduced,
and with the time of many of the enlisted men about to expire,
still heavier encroachments upon its ranks would soon be made.
To add still further to his troubles, much sectional feeling had
sprung up in the army, or as Washington deploringly described
it, "unhappy and pernicious distinctions and jealousies" existed
between the troops of the dififerent States. The remarkable
deportment of many of the New England troops made them
objects of derision and scorn among the Southern brethren, in
arms, and the equipment, discipline and conduct of the South-
ern troops generally, and especially the steady bearing and
splendid achievement of the Maryland men at Long Island,
Kips Bay, Harlem Heights and White Plains, as contrasted
T II E .MARYLAND LIN E 259
with the crude soldiery qualities of many of the Northern men,
and the cowardice of some of them, excited on their part a
feeling of chagrin as to themselves, spite toward the Southern
troops, and a jealousy, which meant nothing less than a deep
sectional antipathy.
The spirit of peculation too, which was in evidence in that
branch of the army, was a source of the keenest annoyance
to Washington, for apart from its moral aspect, he regarded
it as a serious element of weakness to the entire service. Gray-
don says: "The sordid spirit of gain, was the vital principle
of the greater part of the army, the only exceptions I recollect
to have seen to these miserably constituted bands from New
England, was the regiment of Glover, from Marblehead". To
this Gordon, another writer of the times, adds: "It is a mortify-
ing truth that some of the Massachusetts officers disgraced
-the colony by practicing the meanest acts of peculation. Every
subtlety that avarice can invent, or rascality carry on, are used
to cheat the public, by men who procured commissions, not to
fight for the liberties of their country, but to prey upon its dis-
tresses". General Smallwood, in his report to the Maryland
Council of Safety, October 17th, 1776, in referring to the
flight of the Connecticut troops from Kips Bay, where he
was afterwards sent to cover the retreat of Putnam from New
York, says: "I have scarce an officer, myself included, or
soldier, who did not lose more of less of their baggage, pillaged
by these runaways. Indeed I believe many of them never had
any other views than flight and plunder, at both of which they
are extremely dextrous * '^'- *' I have since stripped from
these patroons several of our soldiers coats, and had them
severely scourged. Supplementing all this, is the letter of
Washington from Camp Cambridge, in which he says: "The
people of this (Massachusetts) government have obtained a
character which they, by no means deserve ; their offi'cers, gen-
erally speaking, are the most indifferent kind of people I ever
saw. I have already broke one colonel and five captains for
cowardice and for drawing more pay and provision than they
had men in their companies, and there are two more colonels
now under arrest and to be tried for the same offense".
26o COLO X I A L .MARYLAND
Under these deplorable and discouraging conditions, Wash-
ington commenced his masterly retreat through New Jersey,
his destination being Philadelphia, then the seat of the Conti-
nental Congress, and which Howe was next to attack. Stir-
ling's brigade, composed in part of the Maryland Line, cov-
ered the retreat, and a perilous post it was, as Cornwallis, with
8,000 men, was in hot pursuit and at very close range — so
close indeed, that several times just after a bridge had been
crossed and destroyed, the advance force of the enemy was on
the other shore of the stream. He was then pursuing the Amer-
ican commander with the full expectation of effecting his cer-
tain capture. Washington, after a march of ten days, on the
2nd of December, reached Trenton, where he concluded to
place the waters of the Delaware between him and the enemy.
The stores and baggage were promptly moved across, but to pro-
tect Stirling, who had covered the retreat, and who was then
being fiercely pursued, he remained at Trenton until Stir-
ling arrived on the 8th, when the whole army crossed, the last
boats reaching the Pennsylvania shore just as Cornwallis
marched into Trenton. There he was completely checked,
for the wary Washington had collected every boat and craft
on the Jersey side of the river for a distance of thirty miles,
in each direction, and had them with him on the Pennsyl-
vania shore. While Cornwallis was debating and deploring
his situation. General Howe arrived and settled the question
by ordering the army to be distributed along the banks of
the river between Trenton and Princeton and wait until the
river froze over hard enough to cross — a freeze that did not
come.
General Charles Lee, a Welchman, and not of the family
of Light Horse Harry Lee, who with about 5,000 troops, had
been left at North Castle, with orders to at once march to the
aid of Washington, wilfully disregarded the order, though
peremptorily given several times. This disloyalty and treach-
ery, as subsequently proven, exposed Washington to a posi-
tion of the most eminent danger, and but for his strategy,
disaster and ruin to the remnant of jhc armv then with him
THE ]\I A R Y L A N D LINE 261
must ultimately have come, while Lee, sulking in his tent, was
holding back all re-inforcements. Though ordered on the
17th of November to cross the Hudson and come to the as-
sistance of Washington, he did not attempt to move until the
2nd of December, and even then he moved so slowly that on
the 13th he had only gotten as far as Morristown. There,
fortunately for the American cause, he was captured. Sulli-
van then took the Command and hastened to the support of
the Commander-in-chief, reaching him on the twentieth. With
these re-inforcemertts, and some additional men for the Mary-
land Line, just arrived, Washington determined to strike a
blow, and it turned out to be one of telling effect and far
reaching results. Howe and Cornwallis, still waiting for the
river to freeze, had gone to New York for the Christmas fes-
tivities. Colonel Rahl, commanding a body of Hessians, was
stationed at Trenton. On Christmas night, when the revelries
of the season would likely make the enemy less active and
vigilant, Washington crossed the Delaware, nine miles above
Trenton. The night was dark and stormy and the river was
filled with heavy, floating ice, but in spite of the difficulties,
and dangers, Glover's fishermen sailors, of Long Island fame,
got the little army safely over, after ten hours work, and the
march upon Trenton was started amid a terrific storm of
bHnding hail, snow and sleet. As expected, the enemy was
"caught napping". Colonel Rabl was himself so absorbed in
a social game of cards at the house of a friend, that he would
not even take the time to read a note sent in by a Tory inform-
ing him of Washington's approach, but put it in his pocket
to be read at a more convenient hour. The movement proved
a complete surprise, and threw the enemy into a state of su-
preme consternation, but they rallied and fought with desper-
ation. Colonel Rahl soon fell mortally wounded, and Wash-
ington captured i.ooo of his men, 6 brass field pieces and all
his valuable stores and arms, except the arms carried by the
men who escaped. The Hessians lost six officers and about 30
men killed, while Washington lost only 4, two killed, and two
who froze to death. It was a splendid victory, but it would
262 COLONIAL MARYLAND
have been even more so had the two divisions of the army in-
tended to support him, have gotten there. They were to cross
the Delaware at different points and march by different routes,
but the night was so stormy and the river so treacherous, that
the attempt to cross was not made. Washington was ap-
prised of this when he first reached the river, but he was bent
on a fight, and having with him Smallwood's Maryland and
the Virginia and Delaware troops, he determined to risk it
with the limited force at his command.
The same day Washington recrossed the Delaware into
Pennsylvania with his prisoners and prizes, but on the 30th,
returned and occupied Trenton. Cornwallis, with 8,000 men,
was sent forward from Princeton to dislodge him. To
check the advance, harrassing parties of riflemen, sent out
by Washington and stationed in the woods along the way,
so retarded him that he did not reach Trenton until nearly
night, by which time Washington had retired beyond the
Assunpink river, a tributary of the Delaware just below
Trenton, and had the bridge over it securely mounted and
garrisoned. After several attempts to cross and each being
repulsed with heavy loss, Cornwallis concluded to wait un-
til the next morning, order 2,000 more troops from Princeton
and . make quick his work of demolition. But again he
failed to reckon the strategy of Washington. Realizing that
he could not cope with such an overwhelming force in a
drawn battle, and also the danger of being hemmed in between
the Delaware and Assunpink rivers, he completely foiled the
enemy by playing a game which was a marvel in its concep-
tion and no less wonderful in its execution. He had large
camp fires started, and set a lot of men to work apparently
throwing up entrenchments, in full view of the enemy, thus
removing all suspicion that everything would not be ready in
the morning for a battle, and one which, to Cornwallis meant
certain victory and the capture of Washington. The camp
fires, and the make believe entrenchments having served their
purpose and lulled the enemy to sleep, Washington about mid-
night slipped away, and by a route fcom which alarm was not
THE MARYLAND LINE 263
likely to be given proceeded to Princeton, then garrisoned, as
he believed, by only a few thousand men. As he entered
Princeton at sunrise on the 2nd of January, the 2,000 troops
ordered to the support of Cornwallis at Trenton, were just
preparing to march and a sharp encounter with them ensued.
Soon the entire force there was in the field, and a fierce, gen-
eral engagement followed, Washington personally leading and
rallying on his men until the British were completely routed,
with a loss of 200 killed and 300 prisoners and all their cannon
and stores. The American loss was about 30 killed and wounded,
among the former being General Mercer, who with a part of
the Maryland Line and Delaware troops, formed the advance
guard in the march upon Princeton. The brave colonel Has-
lett was also mortally wounded. When Cornwallis awoke in
the morning great was his surprise and chagrin when he real-
ized the trick which Washington had played on him, the whole
army gone, even to the last man of those left to keep up
the fires, throw up the earthworks and make the noise. They
had kept up their work until about day break, when they took
to the by-paths and started to join the army at Princeton,
leaving only an empty camp and a feint at breastworks in
front of Cornwallis.^
^ This campaign was the most brilliant one of the war of the
revolution. Stonewall Jackson's valle'y campaign, in 1862, reminds the
military student of it. Cornwallis — the ablest soldier the British fur-
nished—gentleman and knight as he was, generously expressed his ad-
miration for it. Stedman, his historian and comrade, considers that
Washington's most remarkable and strongest marked characteristic was
his supreme and unfaltering courage. To cross a wide and rapid river
in winter, by night, with an inferior, half clad and half fed force, sur-
prise and capture a veteran commander of regulars, to make off with
his booty, and then re-occupy his position in front of Cornwallis with
thrice his numbers, fighting, holding back, eluding and strike his rear,
and make him give up all the territory won by the preceding cam-
paign, was an achievement of tactics and strategy, of endurance and
of courage, nothing but supreme audacity, pugnacity and courage could
accomplish * * The courage displayed by Washington in this short
campaign, not the physical courage of the fighter, but the intellectual
intrepidity of the thinker, at once won him the respect of military
264 COLONIAL MARYLAND
The army being greatly fatigued, having fought two bat-
tles within a week, and exposed during the whole time to
most trying hardships, Washington occupied Princeton for
a few hours only, when he recrossed the Delaware with his
prisoners and trophies, and by easy marches went into quarters
at Morristown, a strong position, and spent the rest of the
winter in recruiting his shattered army, and otherwise pre-
paring for the spring campaign.
The battle of Trenton was a distinctive turning point in
the American Revolution, for through its brilliant results,
Washington was able to hold his army together. On New
Years day, six days only after the eventful crossing of the
Delaware on that memorable Christmas night, the term of ser-
vice of the most of his men would expire and it was certain
that they would disband. But Trenton dispelled their gloom,,
revived their spirits and inspired fresh hope, and for a small
premium, which he personally guaranteed, Washington pro-
cured an extension of the term of enlistment six weeks. This
made possible the battle of Princeton, which gave still further
buoyancy and inspiration to the army, and so enhanced its
confidence, as well as that of the, entire country, in Washington
as a military leader, that it greatly facilitated and aided in the
work of preparing for the ensuing campaign.
But it was truly a critical period in the history of the Revo-
lution. The terms of enlistment of the most of his army
were about to expire, and the conditions w.ere such as to call
forth the most unremitting efforts and pathetic appeals from
the Commander-in-chief. In a letter to Governor Johnson of
Maryland, he said : 'T have no army, the men with me are to^:)
few to fight, and not enough to run .away with." He also
men and military nations all over the world, and, what was of equal
importance, the confidence of the people at home. There is no doubt
that there was a widespread dissatisfaction with his caution and his
slowness. The gentlemen who sit' at a safe distance studying the map,
unshaken by responsibility, always know more about war than the
Generals who are fighting, and are liberal with their advice — after the
event. The debaters are the most impatient for action by others.
General Washington by General Bradley T. Johnson, page 155.
'1- 1 1 !•: M A R V L A X D LINE 2^5
appealed most urgently to Patrick Henry, Governor of \'ir-
ginia, and Jonathan, Trumbull, Governor of Connecticut. To
the latter he wrote on March 6th: "I tell you in confidence
that after the 15th of this month I shall be left with the re-
mains of five Virginia regiments, not amounting to more than
as many hundred men, and parts of two or three other conti-
nental battalions. The remainder of the army will be composed
of small parties of militia from New Jersey and Pennsylvania,
on which little dependence can be put, as they come and go
when they please". On March 14th, from Morristown, he
wrote the president of Congress: "From the most accurate
estimate I can now form, the whole of our numbers in Jer-
sey fit for duty at this time is under three thousand. 'These,
nine hundred and eighty-one excepted, are militia, and stand
engaged only until the last of this month". He was thus re-
duced to about five hundred continentals from Virginia and
four hundred and eighty-one from Maryland and a very small
remnant of Haslett's brave Delaware troops. New England,
New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania w-ere now extremely
quiet and inactive.
CAMPAIGN OF 1777
Congress, now in Baltimore, having changed the seat of
the National Capital, concluded to invest Washington with
practically dictatorial powers in the matter of the organization
and management of the army — a power which he should have
had from the beginning.
The Commander-in-chief deeply impressed with the ex-
treme importance of having a regular standing army to take
the place of the hastily recruited and short termed enlistments
of the militia which most of the states were sending in, pre-
vailed upon Congress, near the close of the previous year,
to organize an army of eighty battahons of regulars, and to
call upon the states to furnish them. Congress also ordered
266 COLONIAL MARYLAND
sixteen additional battalions to be raised on its own account
and wherever the men could be found to fill them. These
were independent of the several state lines, or troops of lines,
as they were sometimes called. Many of these battalions were
never raised, but the order resulted in bringing into the field
a considerable re-inforcement and of placing the army upon
a much more efficient footing. Maryland's quota was eight
battalions, of 500 men each, one tenth of the whole requisi-
tion upon the states, and seemingly an undue proportion, but
Maryland determined to exert every effort to comply with the
order. The independent companies, then in the field, were com-
bined into one battalion. Commissioners were hurried to camp
to try to induce the Maryland militia of the Flying Camp,
whose term was about to expire, to re-enlist for the war, and.
to a large degree they were successful. This, together with
a most marked activity in the recruiting station of the state,
enabled Maryland to comply with the requisition of Congress.
That is, she furnished five new battalions, which, with Small-
wood's battalion, and the one formed of the independent
companies, made seven, the remnant of the rifle regiment of
Colonel Rawlings, to which her four German regiments were
added, constituting the eight. These battalions constituted two
brigades, the one being under the command of General Small-
wood, whom Congress had promoted in October to a Brig-
adier-General, and the other, that of Brigadier-General De-
boore the whole division being commanded by Major-General
Sullivan.
The season was well advanced before any movement of
importance occurred. Washington, now with 8,000 men, moved
down from Morristown to Middlebrook, a central and strong
position, from whence he would endeavor to check any advance
of the enemy upon Philadelphia, while Gates, Schuyler, Arnold,
and Morgan, with about the same force, were on the upper
Hudson to anticipate the descent from Canada into New York
of the army of General Burgoyne. x-Howe had been instructed
THE MARYLAND LINE 267
by the British -Board of War to form a juncture at Albany
with Burgoyne and with the combined forces endeavor to
capture the State of New York, use it as a mihtary center
and thus completely cut off the States lying south of it from
those on the north. It was a long March for Burgoyne, and
Howe concluded, in the meantime, to slip down and capture
Philadelphia, apparently easy to do with 18,000 men. To that
end, he left New Brunswick, his winter quarters, on the 12th
-of Jwne, but 'he never got beyond Middlebrook, where Wash-
ington was so securely entrenched that Howe could neither
get by him or successfully assail him. By a series of marches
and counter-marches, skirmishes and strategic movements,
Washington, with his 8,000 men and strong position, not only
prevented the further advance of the British, but so harrassed
and perplexed Howe that dismayed and worn out, on the 30th
of June, he abandoned his project and returned to Staten
Island. In those eighteen days there was not a battle fought,
and yet, the superlative gehius of Washington brought to its
cause one of the most notable achievements of the American
Revolution.
But as great a marvel in military skill as it was, it meant
vastly more than simply driving Howe from his course.
It meant even more than saving for the time, Philadelphia
from capture, which after all was, as a war measure, of
but little importance, as it was neither a governmental position
or a military center, but was simply the seat of Congress,
which could hold its session as easily elsewhere ; but it carried
with it the significant fact, as will be seen, that Howe was
foiled in his plans to reach his objective point and get back in
time to form the expected union with Burgoyne at Albany.
Howe was now so eager to get to Philadelphia that, unmind-
ful of Burgoyne, he sailed away with his 18,000 men down the
Ocean, passed the Delaware, which he feared was obstructed,
and up the Chesapeake Bay to Elkton, consuming 24^ days,
from whence he expected to march upon Philadelphia. Wash-
ington now had Howe where he wanted him, for though he could
268 COLONIAL M A R Y L A N D
scarcely hope to win a battle against an army of veterans more
than twice the size of his own and consisting chiefly of new re-
cruits and raw militia, he felt that he could obstruct, check and
retard his progress, and thus gain time, until it would be too
late for Howe, now 400 miles away, to get back and re-inforce
Burgoyne. And he did it, for while Howe in time reached
Philadelphia, he had been held back nearly a month, and had
been so harrassed before and after, that before he could give
a thought as to how he could get away, Burgoyne had fallen
and Saratoga had been won.
While waiting for Howe to complete his sea voyage, Sul-
livan, with the Maryland Line, determined upon an attack
upon Staten Island in the hope of capturing about 1,000 Tories
stationed there, some distance from the regular army. The
attempt was made on the night of the 22nd of August, but
owing to the mistake of Smallwood's guide in leading him in
the darkness in front of the enemy instead of its rear, the
movement became known, a general alarm was sounded and
a retreat was ordered. It was made in the midst of .sharp
skirmishing, with a small loss on both sides, and the Americans
brought away with them two Colonels and about thirty men.
On the 24th, Washington, learning that Howe had reached
Elkton, and that he was preparing to land there, at once took
up his line of march to meet him. The two armies met at
Wilmington, Delaware. Sharp skirmishing ensued, but Wash-
ington slowly retreated in front of the enemy until the Brandy-
wine was reached, whence he determined to give him battle.
On the nth of September the Hessian troops as an advance
reached the opposite side of the Brandywine at Chads Ford,
but did not attempt to cross in the. face of the American
Army. Nor did Washington deem it wifee to make an offen-
sive movement at that moment, not knowing just where Howe
anfl the main Army were stationed. Washington was now in-
formed that Howe had crossed the Brandywine much higher
up and was making a circuitous marcli of seventeen miles
to Chads Ford, hoping to trap and hedge in the Americans
between the two wings of the British Army. He ordered
THE MARVl.AXl) I. 1 X K 269
Sullivan "with the Maryland Line, Stirling's, Stephen's and
Hager's regiments to advance and check Howe's march, while
he in front, ^nd Green in the rear, would cross the Brandywine
and capture the Hessians at Chads Ford. As this order was
being executed, Sullivan received information that Howe
was not advancing as at first alleged, and his whereabouts not
being known, for though in a thickly settled country not a
soul would reveal Howe's movements, the plan of attack thus
ordered, and which, if properly executed, must have brought
brilliant results, was countermanded. Amid the confusion in-
cident to these conflicting reports and ignorant of the real po-
sition of the enemy. Howe was found to be within a few miles
only of Chads Ford. It was now too late to carry out Wash-
ington's first plan, but Sullivan met Howe and a terrific and
murderous battle followed. With such immense odds against
him, Sullivan could not of course, hold out, and to prevent the
useless loss of life of his men, retreated, the movement being
covered by Washington arid Green in such a masterly way
that Sullivan's troops did not even know they were retreat-
ing, but thought they were simply falling back to a stronger
position. The enemy not further pursuing the attack, the bat-
tle of Brandywine thus ended — a battle which is generally
recorded as a British victory. In so far as the secrecy of
Howe's movements having prevented the capture of the Hes-
sians at Chads Ford it was, but tjie chief value of that splen-
didly planned and carefully executed march was thrown away
and forever lost when Howe failed then and there to completely
annihilate the American Army. He had 18,000 men, and now
had Washington wedged in between the two divisions of the
r.riti>h Army, and yet he allowed Washington to escape,
'"horse, foqt and dragoon" with the loss of only about 1,000
men, his own loss being largely in excess of that number.
Though only a few miles away, by the surprise of Paoli, and
some eflfe.ctive manoeuvers and skirmishes, . Washington de-
layed Howe's entrance into Philadelphia until the 22nd of Sep-
tember. Congress on the i8th, had adjourned to Lancaster,
Pa. But Washington still did nnt intend to give Howe time to
270 COLONIAL MARYLAND
consider how he could get back and form the juncture with Bur-
goyne. Howe did not occupy Philadelphia, but was stationed
with the main army at Germantown, nearby. On the night
of the 3rd of October, Washington began a march of 42 miles
to put into execution a boldly conceived plan to either cap-
ture Howe's army, or to completely route it, and he came within
an ace of doing it. He was to enter Germantown in four divis-
ions and by four different routes and the enemy, thus hemmed
in, would be forced to surrender. Sullivan was in command
on the right, Green on the left while Armstrong was to attack
in front and Smallwood and Foreman in the rear. The attack
was to be made at day break by all the divisions at the same
moment, but owing to unforeseen difficulties, this simultaneous
movement could not be made. Green had found obstructions
which delayed him more than an hour, and Smallwood and
Foreman encountered breast works in their line of march
which had to be overcome and they did not reach the ground
until the battle was practically over. But in spite of Wash-
ington's plans being thus upset, Germantown came marvel-
lously inear being an American victory. Sullivan at the ap-
pointed time, sent forward the Maryland Line to attack the out-
posts of the enemy. This was done with such vigor and steadi-
ness that the British light infantry fled from the field and their
whole encampment fell into the hands of the advancing col-
umn. Sullivan's whole division now came up with great resolu-
tion and behaved, throughout, as Washington said, "With a
degree of gallantry that did them the highest credit". The
British were stampeded, and such as could do so, took refuge
in the Chew Stone house. By this time Green had arrived,
and threw himself with powerful force into the engagement.
The enemy was fast recoiling under a terrific fire, when a
Virginia brigade, under Stephens, owing to an almost opaque
fog and the thick and dense smoke, mistook Wayne's division
for the enemy, and opened fire upon them in the rear, thus
causing a panic in that division, which, not being understood,
rapidly spread, causing a general disorder and the day was
lost. Sullivan, who was in the advance, finding that in the
T H E M A R Y L A X D L I X E 271
confusion he Oould get no support, retreated, and returned
with the rest of the army to its encampment. The loss on each
side was about 800 men.'
Howe now wanted to get into communication with his
fleet, but to do so he had to reduce Fort Mififen and
Fort Mercer in. the Delaware, but General Samuel Smith,
of JMaryland, in command of the former and the one first
attacked, maintained his ground with such determined cour-
age that, long before the reduction could be accomplished,
the crowning glory of the campaign of 1777 had come and
Washington had his coveted goal. Howe had been success-
fully held back until Burgoyne, unsupported, had surrendered,
and Saratoga, with its significant bearing upon the cause of
American independence, had triumphantly been won. ■
Washington now retired to White Marsh. Howe sent
a force to draw him out, but after a short but desperately sharp
attack by the JMaryland Line and Morgan's riflemen the enemy
returned to Philadelphia. ^
In December, Sir William Howe resigned as Commander-
in-chief of the British Army, and Washington went into his
memorable winter quarters at Valley Forge. Sullivan was
relieved of his command of the Maryland Line, which now
devolved upon Smallwood who went into winter quarters
at Wilmington to protect the State of Delaware. While there
he captured a British vessel loaded with provisions and stores,
and a sloop loaded with tents and arms, and which materially
contributed to the comfort and cheer of Smallwood and his
troops during that eventful season.
CAMPAIGX OF 1778
The winter at Valley Forge was one of acute distress
and anxiety to Washington and of intense suffering for his
men, many of- whom were barefooted and almost naked. One
' Lossing, and other historians quoting him, say, the Maryland
Militia did not come into action. This is misleading. The Maryland
Militia — raw recruits, then being marched to the front, were delayed
by breast works, but the Maryland Line, then seven full regiments,
under Sullivan, was the first in action at Germantown, was constantly
engaged, and for its gallantry and resohition received the higlicst com-
mendation. Sparks V — 80; Life of General Sullivan, 64.
272 C O L O X I A L ^I A R Y L A N D
suit for two men, wearing it alternately, was not uncommon,
the one staying in when the other was out. They rudely
constructed for themselves huts built of poles with mud dob-
bing and roof, but even they were little more than an apol-
ogy for the name. Blankets too, were scarce, one frequently
sufficing for two men, the one sitting up by the fire while the
other slept, and the question of food even became a serious,
and at times, a most alarming one. This seemed the harder be-
cause apparently unnecessary and the result of an insufficient
commissary department, which, after getting clothes, shoes
and blankets, failed to have them transported while the army
was suffering and dying from severe exposure. Washington's
pathetic appeal for his men was most powerful, but it failed
of results until a degree of hardship had been endured that
would almost defy accurate description and yet, those who
survived, bore it with a fortitude and spirit which could only
be done by the exercise and the display of the highest and
noblest sense of patriotic duty.
But the clouds that hung so heavily over Valley Forge
had their silver lining. The masterly strategy of Washington
in handling Howe during the previous summer and fall, and
the winning of Saratoga, had deeply impressed France, and
had paved the way. for an offensive and defensive alliance
with that power. This was promptly effected, and France
began immediate preparations to send to America both men
and money. The intrigues too, which Horatio Gates had been
plotting, through the Conway Cabal, to get himself put in
Washington's place, were now brought to an end. When it
became known that Gates, who by similar plotting had sup-
erceded S.chuyler in the command of the Northern Army, was
not really in active service in the heat of. the battle of Sara-
toga, and that at its most critical moment he was not on the
field at all, but in his headquarters, and that Schuyler and
Arnold and Morgan hacl really fought the battle and won it,
and yet, that in his report, which he had the discourtesy to
send to Congress instead of to his Commander-in-chief, he had
not even had the frankness and generosity to mention the
names of those officers, and that lie was implicated in the
T 1 1 1-: M A K ^' L A XI) LI N E 273
Conway Cabal, he was dismissed from the Board of War
and assigned to duty at the forts on the Hudson.
The presence too, of Baron Von Stubens, a German officer
of high rank and a mihtary teacher of great renown, at Valley
Forge, proved to be a genuine ray of sunshine. He had
come to help the American cause, and to do so, he spent
that winter in instructing the troops with painstaking care
in the military tactics by which the best results could be
won, and by the advent of spring, he had an army, though
small and ragged, that was well drilled both in the, use of arms
and in movements.
Maryland, during the winter and spring, raised 2,902 men,
the quarto demanded by Congress, and by June they were
with the Maryland Line on the field.
General Howe having resigned. Sir Henry Clinton early
in May reached Philadelphia to assume command of the
British forces. Fearing that Washington on the land side
and the French fleet on the water side, and which was destined
soon to arrive, might bottle him up there, he determined to
evacuate Philadelphia, and on the i8th of June, having sent
his sick and stores by water, set out on the march to New-
York, with his army of 12,000 men. Washington started after
him in hot pursuit, and on the 28th occurred the battle of
Monmouth, one of the most hotly contested engagements of
the Revolution, and on one of 'the hottest days of the year.
General Charles Lee, shortly afterwards dismissed from the
army, with 4,000 men was ordered to make the advance,
while Washington with the rest of the main army assumed
position. Lafayette, who had become suspicious of Lee, hur-
ried a messenger for the Commander-in-chief. When he
dashed upon the scene, he was astounded to fijid Lee in confus-
ion and rapidly retreating, instead of making the attack as or-
dered. In thundering and withering tones he demanded of
Lee the reason for such conduct, but receiving none that really
explained it. he ordered colonels Ramsey and Stewart of the
Maryland Line, to form under Wayne and hold the enemy
imtil he could restore order in Lee's broken and fugitive col-
umns, and form the line of battle, saying to Ramsey and
274 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Stewart: *'If you can stop the British for ten minutes, until
I form, you will save my army". Under a most galling and
deadly fire, the brave Marylanders undertook the task, and with
undaunted defiance threw themselves upon the enemy and
checked the advance, not for ten minutes only but for half an
hour and until order had been restored. In this engagement,
which came to be a hand to hand fight, Colonel Ramsey fell
after having received a number of fatal wounds. The line
formed, with Stirling on the left, Green on the right and
Washington in the center, the battle soon became general
and was fought with desperate spirit and vigor on both sides.
In the heat of it, Wayne, who had done such effective work
with the Maryland brigade in the morning, was now destined
to win further laurels. He boldly attacked the British cen-
ter, occupied by the "Royal Grenadiers" and repeatedly re-
pulsed them, in the final charge pouring such a volley of de-
struction into their ranks that nearly every officer fell, in-
cluding their gallant Commander, Colonel Monckton. A des-
perate hand to hand fight occurred over his body, but Wayne
carried it off the field. But even with this brilliant victory,
the scales were still only about evenly balanced. Washington
now ordered his right wing, consisting of Small wood's Mary-
land and Patterson's Massachusetts, to action. They came
forward with resolution and steadiness, and in the language
of Captain Jacobs, of the 6th Maryland regiment, they "had
the pleasure of driving the enemy off the field of Monmouth''.
That night, Clinton, under cover of darkness, slipped away
and finally landed in New York. Washington, by slow marches,
through the intense heat, went up to White Plains on the Hud-
son, and there occupied his former strong position.
The battle of Monmouth, it is conceded, was most skill-
fully conducted on both sides, Washington and Clinton both
displaying extraordinary generalship. Considering its intens-
ity and the length of time it was raging, the mortality of the
day was surprisingly low, owing in part, to the sheltered posi-
tion that both sides much of the time occupied. The British
loss was about 400 and the American about ^00. The teni-
T n E M A R Y L A X I) LINE
275
perature was around 96 in the shade nearly all day, and many
men on both sides ,died from sunstroke.
Monmouth was the only battle of the Revolution in which
troops from all of the thirteen colonies participated, and the
only one in which a woman acted the part of a cannoneer,
Mollie Pitcher, seeing her husband fall, rushed to his aid and
finding him dead, gallantly took his place and bravely main-
tained it during the rest of the battle. For her heroism Wash-
ington made her a lieutenant and Congress placed her on the
roll at half pay for life.
Washington, now advised of the arrival of the French
fleet of twelve ships and six frigates, and a land force of 4,000
men, determined to call the new allies into action and by form-
ing a juncture with them, strike a crushing blow upon New
Port, where the British had 6,000 men under Sir Robert
Pigat. The expedition was assigned to Sullivan, who was sta-
tioned nearby, and whom- Washington re-inforced with 1,500
picked men under Green, Lafayette and Glover. To these were
added a large number of yeomanry from New England, which
had been greatly harassed by the garrison at Newport, thus
giving Sullivan an army of about 9,000 men. With this force,
aided by the French fleet and the 4,000 French troops, the game
seemed to be one which ought to be easily and quickly won.
The plan of attack was admirably arranged, but it was destined
to fall through. The land forces were to enter the Island from
three sides, while the fleet was to lay to the south side. Count
D'Estaing, Commander of the allies, reached there on the 29th
of July and began unloading his troops when the British navy
arrived on the scene. D'Estaing at once ordered his troops
aboard the ships and sailed off to meet the enemy, leaving Sul-
livan to cope with the situation as best he could. A terrific
storm now came up and drove both fleets so far out at sea that
D'Estaing did not get back for twenty days, and when he
did return, promptly sailed away with his entire navy and army
for Boston to repair his ships. Sullivan, thus deserted, the
New England men having become disheartened and gone home,
and learning that Clinton was hurrying 5,000 additional troops
276 COLONIAL MARYLAND
there, recrossed to the main land and the briHiantly planned
siege of Newport was over.
D'Estaing now moved down the coast to the West In-
dies, to join his countrymen there at war with England, declared
almost as soon as the Franco-American alliance had been
formed. This conduct of D'Estaing aroused intense indignation
all over the country and greatly shattered the hopes that, the
French alliance would speedily end the war. Indirectly, it
did materially help the American cause from the beginning,
for it brought on war between England and France, thus not
only preventing England from sending additional troops to
America, but made it necessary that a part of those already
here be withdrawn for other fields of battle. These indirect
results, were destined to be followed later on, as will be seen,
by the most active service and splendid achievement of the .
French army and navy in the cause of American independence.
It opened the way too, by which that dashing naval Com-
mander, John Paul Jones, with a little fleet fitted up by France,
proclaimed to the world the rise of a new American sea power,
and with which, he won a victory so brilliant in its achieve-
ments that it produced a most profound and salutary moral
effect throughout the civilized world. Cruising in the British
seas, off the coast of Scotland, he encountered a fleet of British
merchantmen, under convoy of the powerfully armed cruiser,
the Serapis, carrying sixty-three guns and 320 trained seamen.
Though his own flagship, the Richard, was neither mounted
or manned so strongly, on the night of the 23rd of September,
1779, by a skillful manoeuver Jonjes got the Serapis lashed to
the Richard, and thus, muzzle to muzzle, he fought and won
the most desperate and murderous sea battle ever recorded, per-
haps, in naval history.
After the failure of the attack upon Newport nothing fur-
ther occurred during the fall of importance, except that the
opposing armies successfully held each other at bay, neither
caring to risk a drawn battle.
Early in December. Washington went into winter quar-
ters in New Jersey for the protection of that State — the Mary-
land Line being stationed at Middlebrook, that place being also
the headquarters of the Commaiidcr-in-chief.
THE MARYLAND LINE 277
CAMPAIGN OF 177.,
Maryland's qifota for the campaign of, 1779, as apijortioned
by Congress, was 2,849 "len, and Washington was urged
to send forward promptly efficient officers to properly effect
the enlistment and thus hasten the recruiting service, the
sum of $2,000 being appropriated for that purpose. The de-
preciation in Continental currency had become so great that
Smallwood, on behalf of the officers of the Maryland Line,
was now constrained to ask that better provision be made
for their support and addressed to the Governor and General
Assembly of Maryland, an appeal in which he says : "We beg
leave, most respectfully, to represent to your Excellency and
Honors that the several provisions heretofore made by the
Legislature for the subsistance of her officers, have by no
means been adequate * * * that a zeal for the public cause,
'and an ardent desire to promote the happiness and interest of
their country have, notwithstanding, induced them to con-
tinue in the service to the very great prejudice of their pri-
vate fortune ; many of which being now entirely exhausted,
we find ourselves under the painful and humiliating necessity
of soliciting * * * further support and the disposition of
a generous and grateful people to reward the services of the
faithful sons and servants of the State. The very great de-
preciation of the Continental currency renders this absolutely
necessary * '"^ =■' to enable us* to continue a service in which
nothing but a love of liberty and the rights of mankind can
contain us". This communication received immediate atten-
tion and an Act was passed for the relief of the officers and sol-
diers of The Maryland Line which seemed to be just and
adequate.
The winter at Middlcbrook was a severe and trying one,
though the arm}- was in better condition than when at Valley
Forge, and the suffering was less intense. Both armies were
content to simply watch each other, though the British did
make in February an attempt to take Elizabethtown, New
Jersey. Smallwood. with the Maryland Line and Saint Clare's
Pennsylvania division, was ordered out to form a juncture
278 COLONIAL MARYLAND
with Maxwell, stationed nearby, and repulse the enemy, but
no engagement took place. The British changed their minds
and retreated to Staten Island.
The atrocities which had been perpetrated the year be-
fore upon the inhabitants of the Wyoming Valley and North-
western New York by bands of Tories and certain tribes of
the six nations, led by Colonel John Butler of the British
Army and Sir William Johnson, English Agent at New York,
stood almost without a parallel in savage warfare. The coun-
try was pillaged and devastated, aged men and innocent chil-
dren were butchered, burned and tortured to death, while
the women shared either the same fate or were left to the
passions of a brutal soldiery. Skirmishing parties which had
been sent out to assist in protecting the frontier settlement,
when surprised and captured, as frequently occurred, were
treated with a cruelty that beggared description. Among
those called upon to share this horrible fate, was Pulaski's
legion, composed principally of Maryland men, and whose
heroism and gallantry had been so often proven. Fifty-five
of them were surrounded and captured by Ferguson at night,
and after a most wanton and cruel torture, fifty of them were
in cold blood bayonetted and massacred. Such marooning ex-
peditions were unworthy of an enlightened people or of a
civiHzed soldiery, and yet, the English War Secretary, urged
that the raids be continued and in the appropriations for the
support of the war, was one for scalping knives, a lasting
shame and a reproach to a boasted civilization. Washington
determined to send out a force sufficient to put an end to this
terrible carnage, even though it should leave the rest of the
army, for the time being, too weak for a drawn battle with
Clinton. He ofifered the command to Gates, but he declined
the perilous undertaking. Sullivan, however, was equal to
the occasion and early in the summer he started with am army
of 5,000 men on his long march, with instructions "To lay
waste to country of the hostile Iroquois and capture the nest
of Tory miscreants", and he executed the order both in
letter and spirit. At New Town, now Elmira, he encountered
1.500 Tories, gave them a battle anrl routed them with enor-
THE AI A R Y L A ^ D LINE 279
mous loss, and following up this, he waged upon the Iroquois
and their country, a war of such furor and destruction that
their country was left a desert, and the tribe itself too weak,
both in numbers and prestige, to ever again become a disturbing
factor in the American Revolution. This accomplished, Sul-
livan returned with his army after a march of seven hundred
miles.
While these events were going on in the north, Washing-
ton resolved upon the capture of Stony Point, a high, bold,
rocky formation projecting out into the Hudson below West
Point, and which was cut off from the mainland except at
low tide. It was heavily mounted and strongly garrisoned.
The dauntless Anthony Wayne asked to be permitted to lead
the assault and he was given 1,200 men, Washington having
first personally inspected the situation and its surroundings.
The attack was as skillfully planned as it was heroically exe-
cuted. The dogs in the neighborhood w^ere quietly destroyed,
every gun w-as ordered u-nloaded for fear that a bark or an
accidental shot might sound the alarm, and a fruit vendor
whose habit it was to visit the garrison, was employed as a
guide. O'n the night of July 15th the start w^as made. Be-
fore reaching the point, Wayne arranged his men of whom
150 volunteers, under Colonel Fleury, were to form the right
vanguard, and 100 volunteers chiefly Marj-land men, under
Major Stewart, of the Maryland Line, were to form the left.
The two were to scale the poinf on opposite sides, and at the
same time, each being preceded by a "forlorn hope" of 20
men, led by lieutenants Gibben and Knox. At the hour of
low tide the marshy causeway w-as crossed and the guide was
advanced w^ith a few men, dressed as farmers, to give the
countersign and arrest and gag the sentinels. This done, each
wing with fixed bayonets, stealthily made its way to the top
of the precipice and had nearly reached it before they were
discovered. The pickets opened fire, and the garrison now^
aroused, was soon in an uproar and every man at his place
pouring a volley of musketry and grape into the assaulting
columns. But by a deadly use of the bayonet they overcame
every obstacle, and with n resistless rush swept everything
28o COLONIAL MARYLAND
before them and Stony Point was taken. "The storming of
Stony Point", says Irving, "stands out in high reUef, as one
•of the most brilliant achievements of the war. The Americans
had effected it without firing a musket. On their part it was
a silent, deadly work of the bayonet ; the fierce resistance they
met at the outset may be judged by the havoc made in their
forlorn hope ; out of 22 men, 17 were either killed or wounded.
The whole loss of the Americans was 15 killed and 83 wounded.
Of the garrison, 83 were slain, including two officers, 553
were taken prisoners, among whom were a lieutenant-colonel,
four captains and twenty-three subaltern officers''. This act
of heroism was warmly applauded, and Congress, in testi-
mony of its appreciation of their brave, prudent and soldiery
conduct, ordered a gold medal to be struck and presented to
General Wayne and a silver one each to Colonel Fleury and
Major Stewart. The ordnances and stores captured at Stony
Point were estimated to be worth $158,640, and these were
divided among the officers and troops, in accordance with their
rank.
The capture of Stony Point was soon followed by another
daring venture, the surprise of Paulus Hook, now Jersey
City, and within cannon shot of the main army with Clinton
in New York. The expedition was entrusted to light horse
Harry Lee, who had made himself acquainted with the con-
ditions of the garrison there, and it was executed in true
military order. On the night of the 19th of July, a march
of twenty miles was started, with a detachment of the Mary-
land Line, under Captain Levin Handy in front. Paulus Hook
was reached at four o'clock. The advance upon it was in
three columns, and it was made so noiselessly that the works
had almost been gained before the movenient was discovered.
A determined dash, with fixed bayonets, threw the sleepy and
careless enemy into consternation and, after a loss of 50 men
by the deadly bayonet, for not a shot was fired by the assault-
ing party, the garrison surrendered. Fearing that the firing
had aroused Clinton in New York, Lee now beat a hasty
retreat, and though he had a long marsh to cross and water
*'l)reast deep" to wade, he reached tl\e line early the next morn-
'I" 1 1 !•: M A R \' L A X D L 1 X E 2S1
iiiij. having- taken with him 164 prisoners. inckuUng several
officers. This surprise was a marvel in execution, for the
storming and gaining of Paulus Hook were made with the
loss of only two men. From Colonel Lee's report to Con-
gress, the Maryland men sustained their record for valor and
steady bearing. In it he says: "In my report to General
Washington * * '■■ I did not tell the world that nearly
half of my countrymen left me. That was reported to me by
Major Clark as I was "entering the marsh, but notwithstand-
ing this and every other dumb sign, I pushed on to -the attack.
* * The brave Marylanders stood by me faithfully. Major
Clark, with his Virginians, exerted himself, but their efforts
to second his endeavors were not the most vigorous".
After this Washington moved up to West Point,' where
he and Clinton watched each other, both fearinjg to risk an
open battle, until December, when Washington went into win-
ter quarters again at Morristown, where the Maryland Line
and the Virginia and Pennsylvania troops, under Putnam,
formed the right wing of the army.
THE CA:\IPAIGX of 1780
The winter of 1780 in Maryland was one of great activity.
The [Maryland Line was to have 1,400 new men, who had to
l)e recruited and ready for servipe by the ist of April. The
extreme severity of the weather and the great scarcity of pro-
vision around Morristown, and indeed, throughout New Jer-
sey and Pennsylvania, which states had also been severely
taxed to feed the enemy, made it essential that the deficiency
should be made up and supplied, as largely as possible, by
Maryland. To that end, commissioners were appointed in
each county in the State to collect wheat, rye,' corn, oats, flour
and other provision, and to employ wagons and vessels to con-
vey them to their destination, arid through the earnestness
and activity of these commissioners, the suffering condition
of the army was soon relieved.
Though the American Revolution had been in progress
for more than three vears, the P.ritish were not in control of
282 COLONIAL MARYLAND
a single one of the Northern or Middle States, which had
chiefly been the scene of the conflict. All that Sir Henry
Clinton had been able to do, was to occupy New York City,
and in that, the resourceful Washington had held him prac-
tically cooped up for more than a year. Every one of the
invaded states was under self government, and still in the
Confederation. Clinton, thus realizing his utter failure at con-
quest, resolved to try his fortune in the Southern states. If
he could not succeed at the strongholds, he might do so at
the weaker points of the Confederacy. He had the most
cogent reasons for knowing that Maryland, Virginia and North
Carolina, of the Southern states, had a most proficient militia,
but their troops were in the north with Washington and too
far away to be available in the extreme south, and he knew
that South Carolina and Georgia did not have a strong mili-
tary organization, and were practically defenseless. There
was a large Tory element there too, that could be counted on,
and it was quite possible that an insurrection of negroes
against the whites could be excited. Florida also, lay next to
Georgia, and as it was an English possession, could be relied
upon through its military officer, that inhuman monster, Augus-
tine Prevost, and the Cherokee Indians, for effective aid. To
this plausible reasoning, was added the alluring hope, that if
the" Southern States, or most of them, could be thus subdued
and made to withdraw from the Confederation, it would so
weaken the rest of the Union that it could not stand, and
that, one by one, the states would fall asunder and resume
their places in the sisterhood of the American-English colonies.
With this bright picture before him. Clinton set out from
New York with 13,000 men in transports, heavily convoved.
for the south, reaching Charleston early in May. The garri-
son at Charleston was under comma^nd of General Benjamin
Lincoln, who instead of evacuating, and thus saving his army,
when he realized what an overpowering force was against
him, as Washington would likely have doine under similar
circumstances, determined to hold his ground. On the 6th
of May, Clinton began preparations for the siege and soon
had Charleston completely encircled, and was readv to crush
T H E iM A R Y L A N D LI X E 283
it. The fssue, with such a disparity of forces, could have liad
but one result, and on the T2th, after some heavy connonading.
to save a useless slaughter of men, Charleston was surrendered
and the whole garrison, 3,000 men. fell into the hands of the
British. Pulaski's legion, still chiefly composed of Maryland
men, had hurried to the defense of Charleston, and in the siege,
Count Pulaski was mortally wounded, and his legion shared
the unhappy fate of the rest of the garrison. Clinton, deem-
-ing this a fatal blow, now hastened back to New York, to
watch the movements of Washington, leaving Cornwallis with
5,000 men at Charleston, with instructions to set up a Royal
Government in South Carolina, and then proceed against North
Carolina. Savannah had already fallen into the hands of the
enemy, and Georgia was under Royal rule, but South- Caro-
lina had not been subjugated, and she was destined never
to be. Marion and Sumter, Pickens, Williams and Clark,
each with a mere handful of men, less than a thousand
all told, and miserably equipped, but burning with patriotic
ardor and of undaunted courage, by eflfective surprises, un-
expected skirmishes and skillful manoeuvers, harassed, de-
layed and checked the advance of the enemy until re-inforce-
ments reached the state and gave Cornwallis something more
serious to think about than setting up a Royal Government in
a state which, though having practically no organized army, he
had not yet been able to conquer. Washington was greatly
perplexed. His presence in the South was badly needed, and
yet, to go there meant the probable loss of the state of New
York, the most important military center and the most powerful
state in the Union. He settled the question by retaining
enough troops to hold New York, and sending the Maryland
Line and the Delaware troops to the South. There were no
transports to convey them, and if there had been, there were
no men of wan to protect them, so the long journey had to be
made chiefly by an overland march. They started from Mor-
ristown on the 15th of April, reaching Elkton, Maryland,
on the 3rd of May, from whence they were taken in vessels
to Virginia. To the men of the Mar>dand Line, 2,000 strong,
this passage through their native state must have been a
284 COLONIAL MARYLAND
melancholy scene, conscious, as they must have been, that at
least to the great majority, it was a lasting farewell. On the
20th of June they reached Hillsboro, North Carolina, where
Baron DeKalb, commanding them, halted for a greatly needed
rest, and also to await the arrival of troops from Virginia and
North Carolina, under Stevens and Caswell, that were to form
a juncture there. Congress, against the advice of Washing-
ton, had given the commands of the Southern army to Gates
and early in July he arrived at Hillsboro, assumed the com-
mand and at once began a series of blunders which brought
intense suffering to his men, enormous loss of life in his ranks
and soon his own downfall. Fresh from his Virginia farm,
to which he had some time before retired, he seemed utterly
incapable of appreciating the condition and the needs of an
army that had endured the tribulations of such a march, chief
among which being a lack of food, which much of the time
was so marked, that it could scarcely subsist. His ob-
jective point was Camden, the chief land gateway of South
Carolina, and about 200 miles away. In spite of the run down
condition of that part of the army which had made the long
journey from the north, and against a protest of the sub-
ordinate officers, he selected a line of march through a barren
wilderness in which food and forage were so scarce that when
he reached Camden, he had nearly 1,000 men from the Mary-
land Line alone on the sick list, either from insufficient food,
or from having largely to subsist on green fruit and corn.
too yoiing to eat, the first crop of the season being over and
gone, and his horses were in such a miserable condition that
they were unfit for service. The reason assigned for this
wantonly cruel decision was that it was a little nearer, though
it was freely admitted that the route by Charlotte, was
through a rich, fertile country, with an abundance of food,
no Tories to molest the travel and patriotic friends to care
for the sick and injured. When he reached Camden there
was only a small body of the British there, and they could
easily have been routed, and the South Carolina gateway taken,
but the irresolute Gates hesitated and put off action until it was
too late, for soon Cornwallis, with his armv of veterans was
THE M A R Y L A XI) LINE 285
on the M:ene and occupying the choice of positions. After
a council of war, Gates was strongly advised to move to
Claremont, near by, where a strong jx)sition could be ob-
tained, and force a battle there, but in his egotism and over-
weening confidence in himself, he ignored the suggestion.
Not only that, but to still further weaken his already badly
crippled army he sent 400 of his best Maryland men to join
Sumter in an effort to capture a British wagon train on its
way from Charleston. Under these contlitions, the line of bat-
tle was formed, and early in the morning on the i6th of
August, the engagement commenced, DeKalb, with the sec-
ond Maryland and Delaware troops formed the right wing,
the X'irginia militia, under Stevens, the left, the North Caro-
lina militia under Caswell, the center, the first Maryland un-
der Smalhvood, being the reserve, Gates himself occupying a
position between the right wing and the reserve. The order
w^as for the American left to open fire on the British right, in
other words, a lot of ravv Virginia recruits who had just
been mustered in and who had never seen a battle, were ex-
pected to start the engagement against the seared veterans of
England, a plan almost certain to insure defeat. It has been
aptly said : "This work should have been given to those splen-
did Maryland troops that had gone to help Sumter" and yet,
so confident was Gates of success that he did not even take
the always wise precaution of providing for a retreat, should
he be routed. Colonel Otho Ho!land WiUiams of the Mary-
land Line, in order to re-assure the young Virginians, took
the advance with about fifty volunteers and drew the enemy's
fire. Stevens now moved forward, but when the enemy opened
upon his untried men, they did so with such a furious rush that
the\'irginians at once became panic stricken, and throwing down
their arms, fled in wild confusion. The panic spread and the
North Carolina troops soon followed their example, except two
regiments, and they did not tarry Jong. Gates, too, \yas car-
ried off by this wave of excitement and disorder, and he did
not stop until he reached Hillsboro. nearly 200 miles away.
This left the Maryland Line and the Delaware troops alone
on the field. Smallwood's Maryland was quickly advanced
286 COLONIAL MARYLAND
to take the place of the flying miHtia, and a desperate struggle
ensued. The enemy, time and again, recoiled under the gall-
ing fire and deadly bayonet charges which DeKalb and Small-
wood, Gist, Howard and Williams, poured into its ranks,
and at times it seemed as if the day might yet be retrieved.
Cornvvallis, knowing the vigor and the valor of the men be-
fore him, 'now brought his whole army to bear upon them, and
with such inequality in numbers, the attack could not longer
be resisted, and what was left of the brave Maryland and
Delaware heroes beat a retreat into the dismal swamps of
South Carolina. An order to retreat was long past due, and
had DeKalb known that Gates had fled, as the officer second in
command, he would doubtless have given the order and thus
saved a useless slaughter of gallant men, and perhaps his own
life, of honored memory and so important to the cause of
American Liberty, for it was not until the final bayonet charge
was made on that eventful day, when at the head of the sec-
ond Maryland and Delaware, he drove back the heavy columns
of the British and took fifty prisoners, that the manly figure
of the French patriot and soldier, General Baron DeKalb,
fell, after receiving eleven wounds, and from which, on the
third day thereafter, he died.
The loss of the Maryland Line in this disastrous engage-
ment was about 600 killed, wounded and taken prisoners,
with about 1,000 stand of arms and all their field pieces, while
the Delaware troops, co-operating with it, were sadly reduced
to two companies. The British loss was about 350 killed and
wounded. For their "Exemplary skill and bravery", at Cam-
den, Smallwood and Gist received a vote of thanks from
Congress, and Smallwood was promoted from a Brigadier to
a Major-General. John Fiske says r "Gates' flight was a
singular dramatic and appropriate end to- his silly career, but
our censure should be directed to the wretched generalship
by which the catastrophe was prepared : to the wrong choice
of roads, the fatal hesitation at the critical moment, the weak-
ening of the army on the eve of battle, and above all, to the
rashness of fighting at all after the true state of aflfairs had be-
come known •'" * * Tf the 400 Maryland regulars who had
THE M A R Y L A N D LI X E 287
been sent to hjclp General Sumter had remained with the main
army and been entrusted with the assault on the British right,
the result of thi^ battle would doubtless have been very
different. It might not have been a victory, but it surely would
not have been a rout".
The seemingly senseless and criminally careless conduct
of Gates at Camden was made the subject of investigation by
Congress. He was acquitted, but before he was re-instated,
two years after, the war was practically over.
General Nathaniel Green superceded Gates in command
of the Southern Army at the suggestion of Washington, who
had urged his appointment upon Congress when Gates was first
assigned to that position. He assumed the command early in
December. In the meantime, Smallwood, who had succeeded
DeKalb as Commander of the Maryland Line, and as such,
had become the second in command of the Southern Army,
-was active in collecting and assigning to their respective com-
mands, the broken and shattered fragments of the army, the
places of rendezvous being Salisbury and Hillsboro, North
Carolina. Of the Maryland Line there were only 1052 men,
officers, rank and file, who reported for duty, and only 189,
all told, of the Delaware regiment. Gist, with a corps of
officers, was hurried to Maryland to recruit the greatly shat-
tered Maryland Line, 504 new men being Maryland's ap-
portionment.
Early in October this hacf been accomplished and Gist
was on his way to the field with his men, and new clothes
for those already there.
Virginia and the Carolinas now fully realized that they
were distinctly in the war zone and that there was imperative
need for action. There recruitinig stations became exceedingly
active and large bodies of men were mustered in and armed.
The legislature of North Carolina at this critical period, paid
General Smallwood the high and very unusual compliment
of requesting him to take charge of the military department
of that state. This he did for a time, long enough at least to
discipline and prepare her army for effective service. Colonel
Otho H. Williams in the meantime being placed in command
of the Maryland Line.
288 COLONIAL M A R Y L A X D
While these preparations for the ensuing campaign were
going on, much transpired at the center, some of the events
being of great importance. The provision train of forty wag-
ons under heavy convoy, which had been captured by Sumter
and the four hundred Maryland men which Gates had sent to
his aid the day before Camden, was surprised by the dashing
Tarleton with his British cavalry and completely routed with
heavy loss, the train re-captured and the prisoners released.
Sumter narrowly escaping with about 300 men, and Colonel
Woolford, of the Maryland Line was wounded and taken pris-
oner. As a counterpart of this, Sumter, a little later, fell upon a
detachment of British, took 26 prisoners and released 150
Maryland men taken at Camden, and who were being conveyed
down the coast.
Next came King's Mountain, the 7th of October. The
sturdy mountaineers living on the frontiers of North Carolina*
and Southwestern Virginia, had been appealed to for aid
to the American cause, but in vain, until they received a mes-
sage from the British that upon the first attempt at military
organization, their country would be invaded and devastated
and the leaders of the movement hung, a threat which their
Scotch-Irish and Huguenot blood would not stand. They did
not have to organize, for they had been brought up on war,
and- Indian war at that, and the first lessons in their code
were : "Become a sharp shooter, have the rifle always ready
and be prepared to march on a moment's notice". Hearing
that the distinguished British ofificer. General Ferguson, with
about i,iCKD men, was in the vicinity of King's Mountain, on
the westerly border line of North- and South Carolina, about
1,000 of_ these daring yeomanry under Campbell, Seiver,
Shelby, Williams and McDowell, ha:F)tily made ready and
started in hot pursuit to let Ferguson know that the time
for the threatened hanging to commence was now at hand.
Ferguson keenly appreciated the gravity of the situation and
determined to take refuge on the top of King's Mountain,
a position which he regarded as unassailable, and so it proba-
bly would have been to ordinary troops, but not so to the
mountain climbers before him. The cone shaped mountain
T H E M A R Y L A X D • L I X K 289
was approachable on three sides, the fourth being a precipice.
Dismounting and tying their horses, they divided into three
columns. The center was to engage the enemy, and the right
and left, ascending by different directions, were to press for-
ward and thus completely hem in Ferguson on three sides,
the precipice taking care of the fourth side. Like hungry
wolves after prey, they started on the mountain climb. As
soon as discovered, Ferguson poured a heavy fire upon the
approaching center column, but using the trees as breastworks
as far as possible, this had but little effect, while darting out
here and there, Ferguson's men one by one were' felled. The
summit reached by all three divisions and the enemy was sur-
rounded, but a terrific battle ensued, lasting over an hour. The
brave Ferguson was killed, and the enemy completely dis-
concerted, the entire force that survived the fearful attack
surrendered. Of the British 389 were killed and wounded
and 716 were taken prisoners with i,0(X> stand of arms. The
Americans lost 28 killer} and 60 wounded. The yeomanry
after delivering up their prisoners and captured arms, returned
to their homes. With this one crushing blow to Cornwallis,
they seemed supremely satisfied, and with the exception of
William Campbell, do not again appear in the drama of the
Revolution.
CAMPAIGN OF 1781
The Southern campaign of 1781. destined to be so fruit-
ful in results, started out under unfavorable auspices. The army
was small and much sickness prevailed. But the spirits of
the men were bright and hopeful, and they had with them
the sagacious and resourceful Green in command, with Small-
wood, Gist, Williams and Howard, Morgan, Light Horse
Harry Lee and William Washington, at the head of their
respective commands. Green's army, however, was too small
to fight Cornwallis in a drawn battle, and he wanted 'to get the
forces of the enemy divided. To that end, Green divided his
own army, placing Morgan in command of a division consisting
of the Maryland Line, the X'irginia troops and Colonel Wil-
290 COLONIAL M A R Y L A N D
liam Washington's Cavalr}^ and sent him in the western
section of South CaroHna. This left the position of Corn-
walHs a critical one. He could not permit Morgan to run
around unopposed, and yet, to go after him, would leave
Green with the coast clear to fall upon Charleston. He
was, therefore, compelled to do what Green wanted, di-
vide his army. This he did and dispatched that daring
British Cavalryman Tarleton, at the head of one division
of the British Army in pursuit of Morgan, himself remaining
to look after Green. Tarleton overtook Morgan at Cowpens.
then a noted mountain cow pasture, and not far from the fam-
ous battle-ground of King's Mountain. The lines were drawn,
and there on the 17th of January, was fought one of the most
desperate battles of the Revolution. Colonel John Eager How-
ard was in command of the Maryland Line, which again cov-
ered itself with glory. After the battle had been raging for over
an hour, with varying fortunes, Morgan ordered that a stronger
position be taken. This the enemy construed as a retreat, and
rushed down upon Howard's Maryland with such fearful fe-
rocity, that he was compelled to check it. Howard quickly
ordered his men to "Bout face", and the turn being as quickly
made, he poured such an irresistible and deadly volley into
the enemy's ranks that it soon made the astonished British re-
coil, and at this crucial moment, he gave the order to charge,
and a desperate charge it was. With fixed bayonets and with
unfaltering determination and overpowering impetuosity, they
dashed double quick upon the enemy, broke their ranks and
forced the surrender of every regiment of infantry on the
field, the hero of Cowpens having at one time the swords of
seven officers who had surrendered to him. While Howard
was thus engaged with the infantry. Colonel Washington was
waging a fearful warfare upon the cavalry of Tarleton, and
which after being badly cut to pieces, surrendered, only Tarle-
ton himself, with a wound inflicted by Col. Washington's own
sword, marvelously escaping with a few men. The British
loss was 230 killed and wounded and 600 prisoners, two field
pieces and 1,000 stand of arms. The American loss being
THE MARYLAND LINE
291
less than 100 killed and wounded. Congress ordered a gold
medal for Alorga^i and silver medals each for Howard and
Washington.
This was an irreparable blow to the enemy and one that
changed its entire course of events. Cornwallis, believing that
Morgan, with his prisoners, could not move rapidly, deter-
mined to follow him up and re-capture his men, but Morgan,
suspecting this, lost no time in moving northward. The pur-
suit was a hot one. When the Catawba river was reached,
Morgan had only two hours before passed over-. The river
was high, and as it was now night, Cornwallis concluded to
wait until morning, but during the night rain had so swollen
the river that he was delayed there two days, a similar ex-
perience having been encountered when he reached 'the Yad-
kin. But the British commander was bent upon his prey
and as soon as he could, crossed the river and resumed his
march. By this time Green had heard of the victory at Cow-
pens and knew of Morgan's movement and of the pursuit of
Cornwallis. Ordering his main army to move north as far as
Guilford, he dashed across the country over a hundred miles
with a few cavalrymen, to join Morgan and to take charge
himself of the retreat. Cornwallis, to hasten his movements,
burned his heavy baggage, but Morgan had now sent the
prisoners on ahead to.be hastened to Virginia, and no longer
encumbered with them, he could travel as fast as Cornwallis,
and yet, he need only move fast enough to keep beyond the
lines of danger, for each day that Cornwallis followed under
the deluded hope that the next would bring him his coveted
goal, drew him that much further from his base of supplies,
weakened his power and diminished his chances of obtaining
re-inforcements. At Guilford a juncture- was formed with
Green's main army, which he had ordered to meet him there.
It had been Green's intention, if Cornwallis followed him as.
far north as Guilford, to halt there and give him battle, and
to that end, several days before had requested that he be re-
inforced with Virginia troops then quite nearby. But Steu-
bens and Smallwood, who had been sent to Virginia to check
292 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the invasion of Arnold, could not spare the troops. Green,
knowing that a new regiment from Maryland was on its way,
and that one from Virginia just recruited, would soon reach
him, concluded to move on, get within the lines of Virginia
about seventy miles away, and there await tlie arrival of his
re-inforcements. This became the desperate part of the strug-
gle, for Green now had the main army to move, which being
encumbered with its artillery and heavy stores, could only
be moved slowly, and this in spite of the fact that Cornwallis
had caught up and was right on his heels. It was a despeJ'ate
situation, and the only way to prevent the little Southern
army now from being crushed, was to re-enact the part which
the Maryland Line had played in the drama of Long Island
and hold the enemy at bay while the retreat could be made.
This perilous duty was assigned to Colonel Otho Holland
Williams of Maryland, commanding Howard's Maryland,
Washington's Cavalry and Lee's Legion, in all about 700 men,
but the very flower of the army, and his skillfullness in
strategy and masterly manoeuvers mark it as one of the most
brilliant achievements of the war. Williams throwing himself
between the two armies, so harassed and held back Cornwal-
lis, and so baffled and foiled him, misleading and enticing
himat one time twenty miles away from Green's line of march,
that on the evening of the fourth day Green had reached and
crossed the river Dan and was safely within the lines of
Virginia without the loss of a man. Tliis accomplished, Wil-
liams again built his campfires in front of the enemy, but at
midnight slipped away, crossed the river and joined the army
on the Virginia side, taking with him the last boat on the
North Carolina shore. And thus, too, if was that, by the great
military genius of Williams and the soldierly bearing of his
men, with only time for one meal a day and six hours out
of every forty-eight for rest, .the Southern army was saved,
and that against British veterans under the ablest of all the
English commanders. When Cornwallis awoke in the morning
great was his chagrin and dismay to find that Williams had
played the same elusive camp fire trick on him that W'ashington
THE MARYLAND L I X I-:
293
had done at Tfenton. He started in pursuit, but when he reached
the Dan he found its broad and turbulent waters bid him defi-
ance, that the Southern Army was resting- within the fines of
hospitable Virginia and that every boat was securely moored
to her friendly shores.
The British commander, fatigued, dejected and chafed
with disappointment, now fell back upon Hillsboro to rest his
men and to contemplate his own predicament, into which his
enthusiasm to regain- his captured men had caused him to
be led. In a hostile state w'here he could not stay, and yet
knew not how or where to go, his army greatly reduced, and
more than 200 miles from his supplies, were the chilling facts
that stared him squarely in the face — truly a critical condi-
tion. But, he was equal to the occasion, for a time -at least.
He shortly issued a proclamation that he had driven the Amer-
ican Army out of North Carolina, had conquered the state
'and invited all Tories to organize and join the Royal stand-
ard. Green, now re-infcJrced with the new Maryland regi-
ment, under Colonel Benjamin Ford and the Virginia militia
under General Law^son, fearing the effect of the proclamation
and to prove that it was only the empty clamor of despera-
tion, re-crossed the Dan and fell back upon Guilford Court
House, not far from the lines of the enemy. Hearing that
Tarleton, w4io so narrowly escaped at Cowpens, was recruiting
large numbers of Tories, Green dispatched Lee, with his
dragoons, two companies of Maryland men and some South
Carolina troops, to intercept him. On their way they met
about 400 Tories who thought they were meeting Tarleton and
before they realized the mistake, they were surrounded and
cut to pieces, and thus for a time was put an end to Tory
enlistments in North Carolina.
Green was now. ready for another battle and invited it
at Guilford .Court House, where on the 13th of March, a
desperate engagement was fought. The enemy opened on the
Americans' first line, composed of North Carolina tro.ops, but
they gave way in wild confusion, though sentinels were posted
in the rear to shoot any that attempted to run. Tlie attack
was now concentrated on the second line, composed of \'irginia
294 COLONIAL MARYLAND
militia and well did they maintain their position. But it be-
came too severe and after a most stubborn resistance they
were driven back and compelled to give way. This left the
third line, consisting of the first and second Maryland, flanked
by the Delaware troops, some Virginia continentals and Wash-
ington's cavalry alone on the field. Cornwallis, greatly cheered
by the action of the North Carolina and Virginia regiments
fell upon the Maryland Line with terrific force, but like a
roaring torrent the first Maryland, that steady old guard of
the Revolution, broke through the ranks of the opposing column
with fixed bayonets and drove it headlong from the field, mor-
tally wounding the brave Colonel Stewart, its commander. In
the heat of the attack Colonel Gunby of the Maryland
Line, had his horse shot. He now attempted to follow on
foot, but such was the impetuosity of the charge Howard
was making, he never caught up. The second Maryland, raw
recruits and who had just enlisted and who had never seen a
battle, moved forward with alacrity and resolution, but early
in the action, Colonel Ford, its commander fell, and left with-
out a leader, when the heavy artillery was turned on them they
fell back, Washington's cavalry retrieving the moment of dis-
order and saved their cannon. Green realizing that he could
not win the battle with his limited force without risking the
loss "of his best men, ordered the army to withdraw from the
field, and the retreat was made in splendid order. The Amer-
ican loss was about 400 killed and wounded, and the British
about 600, a loss which so crippled Cornwallis and knowing
that he could not get back to his base of supplies, left such of
his wounded as could not travel to the mercy of the Southern
Army, and hurried ofif to Wilmington, which was heavily
garrisoned. Green thought of following, him, but much of
his army being barefooted and literally nothing less than a
set of "ragamuffins'" it was in no condition to make another
rapid march.
Cornwallis now concluded to abandon the Carolinas and
proceed to Virginia to join Arnold, and with the combined
force, try to reduce the Old Dominion to a state of submission
to the Royal Government.
THE MARYLAND LINE 295
Wfiile the departure of Cornwallis left North CaroHna
free from British invasion, South Carohna and Georgia were
still within the grasp of the enemy, and Green now proposed
to redeem them by forcing the evacuation of the inland forts
and strongholds through which both states were being largely
held. Camden was the first of these in importance, and Green
started out to besiege it, but finding Lord Rawdon who was in
command, too heavily suported to warrant an attack, moved oflf
to Hobkerk's Hill, two miles away. The next morning, while
the Americans were getting breakfast, and some washing their
clothes after their long march, Rawdon surprised and routed
them. In this engagement, Gunby, then at the head of the first
Maryland, made the mistake of ordering his men while bravely
charging the enemy to retire to another position, whidi. being
misunderstood for an order to retreat, resulted in confusion,
and perhaps in the loss of the day, at least the latter was of
the opinion of Green. In his report to the President of Con-
gress, he said : "The troops were not to blame. Gunby was the
sole cause of the defeat * * We would have had Lord Raw-
don and his whole command prisoners in three minutes if
Colonel Gunby had not ordered his regiment to retire the
greater part of which were advancing rapidly at the time they
were ordered off. Simultaneously with Green's intended siege
of Fort Camden, Lee, with his cavalry, was sent to co-operate
with Marion in the reduction of. Fort Watson, standing about
half way between Camden and Charleston, which was success-
fully accomplished. Rawdon's line of communication with the
coast, by the fall of Fort Watson, being thus cut off, he was
compelled after all to vacate Camden, leave it to the Ameri-
cans and move a little nearer Charleston. While Green was
now giving his men a much needed rest after a march of
nearly two hundred miles, Lee, Marion and Sumter, were
occupied in storming the numerous strong holds in th^ interior
of South Carolina and Georgia, and in quick succession re-
duced all of them, Augusta included, except the one known as
"Ninety Six". This Green now proceeded to attack, but it was
too heavily entrenched and manned, for besides its own gar-
296 COLONIAL M A R Y L A N D
rison, Rawdon was there with 2,000 men, and Green did not
deem it wise to risk a battle. Like Camden, however, the
enemy could -not hold it with its lines of communication with
Charleston cut off, and it too, was now abandoned, the enemy
moving to Orangeburg, quite near its base of supplies. Green
followed right on their heels and they fell back on Eutaw
Springs, where on the 8th of September, the memorable bat-
tle of that name, one of the most hotly contested engage-
ments of the Revolution, was fought. The North Carolina
troops, under Sumner, formed the right wing, the Maryland
Line under Williams and Howard the left and the Virginia
militia under Campbell, the center. The battle soon became
general and raged furiously. The right, unable to hold its
position, began to fall back. Seeing this, Green ordered the
Maryland men to charge. "Let Williams advance", he said.,
"and sweep the field". With fixed bayonets and a shout they
obeyed and by a rapid advance in the face of a terrific
fire. They were soon mingled, each with the other in deadly
strife, Campbell, commanding the Virginia troops, fell, and this
seemed to increase, if possible, the impetuosity of the Mary-
land men. Williams soon broke the British center and then
its right. Its left, composed of the famous Irish buffs, was in
the- conflict with Howard and would not yield, but grappled
unto death with the Maryland men. At length, no longer
able to stand the fury and fierceness of Howard's attack, and
seeing that they were alone, the brave buffs fled from the
field, and the whole of the British encampment fell into the
hands of the valiant and victorious little army. But, while
revelling and' feasting over British stores, the enemy again
formed and posted in a brick house and picketed garden, from
which Green had not been able by niglit to dislodge them.
Before morning they had saved him from all further trouble
by getting away from Eutaw Springs and placing themselves
within the lines of Charleston. The British lost about 500
killed and wounded and about the same number taken pris-
oners, and the Americans about 140 killed and wounded.
General Green in his official ^report of this engagement
savs: "The ]\[arvlanders. under Colonel Williams, were led
THE :\IARYLAXD LIXE
2y:
on to a brisk charge, witli trailed arms, through a heavy
cannonade and a shower of musket balls. Nothing could ex-
ceed the gallantry and firmness of both officers and soldiers
upon this occasion". To General Smalhvood he wrote: "Noth-
ing could exceed the gallantry of the Maryland Line. Colonels
Williams. Howard, and all the officers, exhibited acts of un-
common bravery, and the free use of the bayonet of this and
some other corps, gave us the victory * * * The Maryland
Line made a charge that exceeded anything I ever saw". Of
Colonel Howard he wrote : "He has great ability ahd the best
disposition to promote the service. My own obligations to
him are great — the publics' still more so. * * * He has
been wounded, but has happily recovered".
This virtually closed Green's masterly campaign in the
South. In less than twelve months after taking charge of
Gate's badly shattered and crippled army, he had completely re-
deemed the two Carolinas «and Georgia from British invasion,
except Charleston and Savannah, where a few of the enemy
were still cooped up.
In strategy and in high military genius, as well as in results,
it could hardly have been surpassed. It is true he had with
him Williams and Howard, Morgan, \\'illiam Washington and
Lee, Marion and Sumter, and much of the time Smalhvood
and Gist, each a power within himself, but above and beyond
all this, he had the patriotic ardor and the deadly bayonet
of the indomitable old Maryland Line.
While these events had been going on in the Carolinas
and Georgia, Virginia was being invaded and pillaged by
Benedict Arnold. Steuben s and Smallwood had been sent
there to check it, but they did not have force enough to do
more than harass him, and now and then to capture an outpost,
or compel the enemy to give up its booty. The only plan
of operations they could pursue was to drive back detachments
sent out here and there to plunder and destroy. Steubens did
effective work along these lines, and Smallwood compelled
the enemy to abandon a prize captured at Broadways on the
James, and later with 300 men and a few cannon, drove .\r-
298 COLONIAL MARYLAND
nold's force out of the Appamatox and down as far as City
Point to its fleet. Cornwallis, who had gone to Virginia after
reaHzing that he could no longer successfully cope with Green
in the Carolinas, was now in command of all the Virginia
forces, 7,000 strong. He had supplanted Arnold, in whom
he had no confidence, and had sent him back to New York.
His headquarters were at Yorktown, which was powerfully
fortified and a very strong position if supported by a navy
which could afford means of escape should he be cut ofif on
the land side by closing up the narrow strip lying between
the York and the James River. Without such support it was
exceedingly weak, being assailable on the two sides skirted
by the Chesapeake and the York. The post was not of Corn-
wallis' selection, but that of Clinton. Washington now con-
ceived the bold idea of availing himself of this element of weak-
ness— try to catch him when he had no navy. Lafayette was
in command in Virginia with about 4,000 men, not enough to
seriously disturb Cornwallis, and yet enough to retard and
hinder any hasty movement which he might desire to make.
Count Rochambeau, the distinguished Frencli commander, was
also now here with 4,000 men and ready to co-operate, and the
able French Admiral, Count De Grasse, had advised Rocham-
beau that he would leave the West Indies about the middle
of August, headed for the Chesapeake with 29 men of war,
heavily mounted and 3,000 men for duty on land. These
were ideal conditions for the success of Washington's scheme,
which was to transport his army from New York to Yorktown,
get behind Cornwallis on the land side, and with the French
navy on the water side, "bottle him up". It was a prodig-
iously bold undertaking and one that was going to require ex-
traordinary strategy and skill to carry out, as well as profound
secrecy. So impressed was Washington as to this latter essen-
tial fact, that he would confer with no one about it except
Count Rochambeau, who had to know the secret if his co-op-
eration was to be effective. Clinton in New York must be
misled, and Cornwallis of course, must be kept in the dark.
To bewilder Clinton, he gave every indication of preparing
T H E MAR Y L A X D L I X E 299
for an aftack on Xew York with the combined American and
French army and the French navy. To make this appear more
certain, he began and kept up preparations on a very large
scale, seemingly intended for a long encampment in Xew Jer-
sey, just what he would have done if a siege on Xew York had
really been contemplated. Leaving. a sufficient force to hold
West Point, Washington now set out on his long march of four
hundred miles with 2,000 continentals and 4,000 French reg-
• ulars, and so carefully had the movement been guarded, that
the enemy did not have the remotest idea whei:e he was
going. He had gotten nearly to Maryland before Clinton
knew of it, and even then he thought it was only a ruse and
that he was surely coming back, hoping by this little piece of
strategy to surprise and catch him napping. Cornwallis was
of this opinion too. and so confident of it that he offered
to send Clinton re-inforcements, as he only had the small force
u'nder Lafayette to look after. Elkton, at the head of the
Chesapeake, was reached atid from there the army was con-
veyed in transports, which had been secretly provided, to
the Virginia shore. Washington and Rochambeau and their
staffs, going over land by way of Mount Vernon, which the
former had not seen for nearly six years. In addition to the
4,000 Frencli regulars with Washington, the 3,000 troops
for land service under Admiral De Grasse at the proper time
were landed and placed with the Commander-in-chief. By this
time Cornwallis began to hear rumors of what was going on.
but he did not believe them. To hurl an army four hundred
miles, and to do it so as to effectually elude the points both
of departure and destination as to its purpose, involved a
series of bold adventure and daring effrontery which he could
not quite take in. and when he did, the thing so dazed him that
he could not correctly focus its meaning. When at length its
full significance dawned upon him, his first impulse was to cut
through the lines of Lafayette and get into the highlands,
where the French navy could not go. But, as he had so often
done before, he put it off. The next day it was too late,
for De Grasse was in front of Yorktown, and Washington was
300 COLONIAL MARYLAND
at Williamsburg, close by, with 12,000 men and rapidly ar-
ranging those segments, which, with the French fleet, were
to form the circle by which Cornwallis was to be surrounded
and within which Yorktovvn was to fall. Each moment the
cordons were drawn tighter and tighter and soon Yorktown
was besieged. But it was not like Cornwallis to give up with-
out a fight and a desperate struggle ensued, lasting several
days. Seeing his works, one after another, shattered and
crumbling, and knowing now that he could neither win or get
away, to prevent the further loss of life, Cornwallis, on the 19th
of October, surrendered and Yorktown was taken. During
the siege the allied forces lost about 300 killed and wounded,
and the British about 550, and surrendered 7,000 troops, 2,000
sailors, 1,500 Tories, 8,000 muskets and 235 cannon, besides
a large quantity of ammunition and stores. In the afternoon
of that eventful day the British Army marched out of York-
town with colors cased, between lines formed by the French
on the left and the Americans on the right, extending about
a mile in length, and laid down their arms. It was a dramatic,
military scene, and here, too, the greatness and grandeur of
Washington again shown forth. The brave Lord Cornwallis,
who had been his relentless antagonist for all these years,
now lay prostrate at his feet, but he, who had the head to
contrive and the hand to execute the most brilliant and stren-
uous strategic movements of modern times, had also the heart
to "temper justice with mercy".. To avoid unnecessary humil-
iation, he ordered that all attempts at ~ exultation be sup-
pressed, and permitted Cornwallis to surrender his sword by
the hand of O'Hara, through whom it was returned to the
fallen chieftan, who now, with his principal officers, were
paroled, each taking his side arms and , all personal property.
The British prisoners were sent to Fort Frederick, Md.. and
to Winchester, V'a.
In this final struggle for American Liberty- — this master
stroke of the war — Smallwood and Gist were there with the
third and fourth Maryland battalions, and all gallantly sus-
taining the zeal and dignity of Maryland and adding fresh
lustre to tlic honor and glory oi the Maryland Line.
TJl E M AR Y LAN D LIN E
301
The surrender at Yorktown practically ended the war.
It brought about the downfall of the personal government
of (jeorge III of England and it secured. American Indepen-
dence. Throughout this prolonged struggle for political jus-
tice and national freedom, the Maryland Line was animated
by a high sense of patriotic duty, valor and courage. In the
heat and fire of battle from Long Island to Yorktown, at
times turning defeat into victory almost single handed and
alone, by its discipline and heroism it won, both for its officers
and its men, the applaudits of the enemy and the gratitude
of those of its countrymen who espoused the cause of Ameri-
can Liberty.
After the close of the war the remnant of the [Maryland
Line turned its face homeward to be disbanded. Maryland,
now almost exhausted in resources by the strains of the war,
could not afiford to be generous to her soldiers, however strong
the desire, except in the expression of her feeling of profound
gratefulness for their splendid military achievement, and her
approbation for the gallantry which they had displayed
throughout that long and eventful struggle. She did, however,
try to be just. Congress had been discussing the question
of bounties for the Continental troops after the close of the
war, nearly all of whom it was known would be penniless,
and the great majority broken down in health. Half pay for
life was proposed, but full pa^^ for seven years was what
was ultimately provided. Maryland, appreciating the quality
of her soldiers and the value of their services, added to this.
half pay for life, to commence at the end of the seven years
of whole pay as provided by Congress, extending the act to
the widows of those who would have been entitled to such
pensions. In addition to this, Maryland divided an immense
area of land lying in the western part of the state into military
lots of 50 acres each and apportioned them among her sold-
iers or their representatives, one lot being awarded to the
privates and four lots to the officers.
General Nathaniel Green, who fully realized that his ])ril-
liant achievements in the .Southern campaign had >o largely
302 COLONIAL MARYLAND
depended upon the Maryland Line, in his report to Governor
WilHam Paca, of Maryland, pays this high tribute to the
worth and valor of its men: "I should be wanting in gratitude
not to acknowledge their singular merit and the importance of
their services. They have spilt their blood freely in the service
of their country, and have faced every danger and difficulty
without a murmer or complaint. * * * * j^ afifords me
the highest satisfaction to hear of the generous measures
which this state is pursuing for rewarding that band of vet-
erans who have been the greatest support of our Southern
operations, in our most critical situation; nor should I do
justice to their merit, not to add my highest approbation of
their general conduct. Their patience and bearing have been
equalled by few and excelled by none".
Maryland furnished during the Revolution 15,229 regulars
and 5,407 militia. When measured by the standard of example
and results, their record will ever be one of honor to them and
of grateful remembrance to the American people. The Mary-
land Line was not only a brilliant contribution to the Ameri-
can Revolution, but it was a most essential factor in the win-
ning of American Independence and to the cause of Ameri-
can Liberty.
Authorities : Proceedings Maryland Convention ; Proceedings Mary-
land Council of Safety; Proceedings Maryland Council; Journals Con-
tinental Congress; McSherry's History of Maryland; Scharf's Hist,
of Maryland ; J. B. Lossing, Field Notes of the Revolution ; Memoirs
of Long Island Historical Soc, The Battle of Long Island, Thos. W.
Fields ; The American Revolution, John Fiske ; The Revolutionary
War, Francis Vinton Greene ; Sparks Life of Washington ; Irving's
Life of Washington ; General Washington, Gen. Bradley T. Johnson ;
Hist, of our Country, Edward L. Ellis; Sketches of North Carolina,
Simms; Hist, of the Late War, Perkins; Hist, of Virginia, Howison;
Hist, of Georgia, McCall ; American Archives; Life of Nathaniel
Green; G. W. Greene; Thatcher's Military Journal; Stedman ; Dawson;
Sullivan's Indian Expedition.
CHAPTER XIV
The Western Reserve and Maryland's
Part in it
JN the vast expanse of country known as "The Western Re-
serve", bounded by the Alleghany Mountains on the east,
and the Mississippi River on the west, and extending- from the
Great Lakes on the north to the Gulf on the south, constituting
a distinct unit in the drama of American History, and in the
act of making it a part of the American Commonwealth Mary-
land became not only the central figure, but the leading actor.
First explored by La Salle, who in 1682, proclaimed formal
possession of the great Mississippi valley in the name of
France, and in honor of his King called it Louisiana. Thus
discovered and later colonized, it became the subject for the
final struggle between France and England for North Ameri-
can supremacy, and at the close of the French and Indian
War in 1763, that part of the great valley lying east of the
Mississippi River as far down a^ New Orleans, but not includ-
ing it, was ceded to England, to which country it belonged at
the time of the American Revolution, that portion of the valley
lying west of the Mississippi at the same time being ceded to
Spain, an ally of France in that struggle, in whose possession it
remained until 1802, when it again fell into the hands of France
through her first consul Napoleon. At the close of the Ameri-
can Revolution the disposition of this territory furnished one of
the most difficult and troublesome questions that came before
the American and English commissioners for adjustment at
the treaty of Paris in 1783.
That part of it known as "The Northwest Territory " was
the first public domain owned by the thirteen confederated
colonies of America, and its historv as such has a marked, in-
304 COL O X I A L M A R Y L A N D
deed, a unique bearing upon our national development. The
part that Maryland played in obtaining this domain for the
confederated colonies, and the significant results flowing from
its obtention as reflected upon our national life, are not gener-
ally understood, nor are they clearly defined or fully portrayed
in the most of our state and national histories. In none of them
is full and ample justice done to Maryland, while in many
of them she is not even accorded the "cold respect" of an hon-
orable mention.
It was never seriously contemplated that England should
be allowed to control this territory if the American Revolu-
tion resulted in independence, and the treaty of Paris of 1783.
ratified by Congress in the old Senate chamber at Annapolis.
January 14th, 1784, definitely settled that question. But to
whom did it belong? North Carolina had already annexed
the Tennessee country and Virginia had settled and taken pos-
session of Kentucky. This, however, still left a vast territory
north of the Ohio River debatable ground. Massachusetts,
New York and Connecticut each claimed portions of it, be-
cause their western charter line, it was alleged, extended to
the Mississippi River, and Virginia, spurning and ridiculing
those pretensions, claimed practically the whole of it for the
reason that her charter ante-dated them all and made the
great Father of Waters her western boundary, and upon the
further ground that during the Revolution she had, through the
military expeditions of George Rogers Clark, taken possession
of that territory and had established trading posts in much of it.
Such was the situation when Maryland came to the front in
the Continental Congress, set on foot and pushed to a success-
ful conclusion a plan by which these conflicting and irrecon-
cilable claims could be adjusted in a way at once consistent
with the law and the facts, and in harmony with that spirit
of equity which the conditions of the times demanded. Mary-
land's position was that the original charters of the claimant
states never contemplated the Mississippi River, then unknown,
as their western boundaries ; that England did not at the date of
those charters own the territory in question, and did not in fact
acquire it until by the treaty of Paris in 1763; that England
THE WESTERN R ES E R X" E
305
had hefself decided that those grants did not extend beyond
the Alleghany .Mountains and had expressly forbidden the as-
sumption of any jurisdiction by the claimant states of any ter-
ritory west of that line ; that X'irginia's pretensions, based upon
conquest at a time when the United Colonies were engaging
a common foe for results to be equal weal of all, was too
vague a claim for serious consideration ; that this vast domain,
therefore, having belonged to Great Britain at the time of the
Revolution, and having been won from her by the united effort
and by the common blood and common treasure of the thir-
teen colonies, it should be owned by them in common, and held
as a territorial commonwealth of the new Confederation, and
over which the new Confederation alone should exercise jur-
isdiction and control. To this end, Maryland on the 15th of
October, 1777, moved in the Continental Congress that "The
United States in Congress assembled shall have the sole and
'exclusive right and power to ascertain and fix the western
boundary of such states as claim to the Mississippi or South
Sea, and lay out the land beyond the boundary, so ascertained,
into separate and independent states, from time to time as
the numbers and circumstances of the people may require"'
This has aptly been described as a "pioneer thought" and
a "path-breaking idea" for at that time national sovereignty
had not been much thought of by Congress, or by the people,
and the suggestion met with but little favor. Maryland alone
offered the resolution and Maryland alone voted for it. The
claimajnt states could have hardly been expected to give prompt
approval of such a measure, and the smaller states, such as
Rhode Island, New Jersey and Delaware, did not seem to
appreciate the overwhelming consequences and dangers to
them of permitting such enormous inequality in territory as
the claim of the larger states would have eng-endered. Mary-
land, however, had well considered her course, and for more
than three years she pursued it earnestly and relentlessly in
spite of the most violent opposition and threatened vengeance
if she did not relent. She even went to what was charged as
the "most unreasonable and unwarrantable length" in posi-
tively refusing to assent to and sign the Articles of Confedera-
3o6 COLONIAL MARYLAND
tion unless she received satisfactory assurances that this claim
to the Northwest territory would be abandoned by the claimant
states. This was, indeed, a drastic step in the interest of her
resolution, for the Articles of Confederation could not become
effective at all unless ratified, not by a majority, but by all
the states, and which meant of course, that if she persisted in
such a stand, there could be no confederated government. But
Maryland was inflexible and her efforts were destined soon to
be rewarded. By February, 1779, all the states except Mary-
land had signed the Articles of Confederation; but standing
alone as she was, she proved fully equal to the occasion.
In May of that year the famous "instructions'' and the
"declaration" from the General Assembly of Maryland to her
representatives in the Continental Congress, and which set
forth clearly and boldly the reasons why Maryland should not
sign the Articles of Confederation until the western land ques-
tion was put upon a satisfactory basis, were presented to Con-
gress, the latter document, having been printed and gener-
ally distributed among the delegates and the people of the
several states. These were closely followed by an Act of the
Virginia Legislature to establish a land office for the purpose
of issuing patents for her so called "vacant western lands",
and for which Maryland was making her fight in the interest
of the new Confederation. Maryland promptly protested
against this movement, and through a resolution offered in
Congress, urged Virginia to reconsider this step. This motion
prevailed, all the states voting for it except Virginia, North
Carolina and a part of New York, a most significant acqui-
sition of strength as bearing upon the Maryland movement,
which at- first had no support except that of her own vote.
The issue thus squarely made soon became the subject of gen-
eral discussion in Congress, in the state legislatures and among
the people. Shortly after this came the "Virginia' Remon-
strance", in which Virginia, vyhile scorning the suggestion of
the Confederation exercising jurisdiction over the w-estern
lands, declares her willingness to listen to any "just and reason-
able proposition" for removing Maryland's excuse for delay
in ratifying the Articles of Confederation, thus showing that
THE W E S T E R X K !•: S E R V E
307
the force of" Maryland's position was being decidedly felt.
The first important break, however, in the ranks of the oppo-
sition came from New York. General Schuyler, a delegate
from that state, seeing the drift of things and realizing that the
Maryland policy of making the western lands a great national
commonwealth, to be ultimately divided into free, independent
sovereign states, was inevitably to prevail, so reported to the
legislature of his state. Acting upon this report, the General
Assembly of New York in February, 178Q, passed an Act
"to facilitate the completion of the Articles of Confederation",
and directed her representatives in Congress to make the
cession of her western lands. This action on the part of New
York acted as a great tidal wave, destined to sweep before it
and neutralize the force and power of all the oppositi6n to the
Maryland movement. Even Congress now thought it was
time to divulge its hand, and the committee to which had been
'referred the Maryland declaration and the Virginia remon-
strance, on the 6th of September, 1780, made its report, with the
proposal that a general cession of all the western lands be
promptly made. This, on October loth was followed by the
further proposal by Congress, that, when so ceded, the new
Confederation should, in due time, divide it into free, inde-
pendent and sovereign states — the identical plan which Mary-
land three years before had inaugurated and set out so earnestly
to accomplish. Connecticut prpmptly fell into line, and on
January 2nd, 1781, Virginia gracefully yielded, it being under-
stood that she would be rc-imbursed for the expense she had
borne in subduing and defending the territory she claimed
under the expedition led by George Rogers Clark during the
Revolution.
Maryland, now assured of the strength of her position and
the success of her contention and that the great domain of the
Northwest would become the commonwealth of the Confed-
erated States, on the first of March following signed 'the .Arti-
cles of Confederation, and thus completed the circle- within
which was formed the union of the states. The delegates to
the Continental Congress from Maryland during this eventful
period were. John Hanson. George Plater. William Paca. Sam-
3o8 COLONIAL MARYLAND
uel Chase, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll of CarroUton, Wil-
liam Carmichael, James Forbes, Daniel Carroll, Daniel of St,
Thomas Jenifer, Benjamin Rumsey and Robert Alexander.
It has been naively suggested that it was not really the
Maryland policy that ultimately prevailed in obtaining the
Northwest territory for the new Confederation, but that it was
the result of plans formulated by the Continental Congress.'
The truth, if it must be revealed, is that the Continental Con-
gress did not, directly or indirectly, make a single movement
or even a suggestion, as far as its records disclose, on the
subject of the Northwest territory until the 6th of September,
1780, when a general land cession was recommended. But
this was seven months after New York, convinced that Mary-
land's course was right and would inevitably prevail, surren-
dered her claim and thus through the strength of her position,
and the force of her example had virtually settled the question.
The motive which prompted New York, as alleged by her
General Assembly in yielding to the demands of Maryland,
was to "facilitate the completion of the Articles of Confedera-
tion", and as Maryland was the only state whose assent it
was necessary to obtain in order to accomplish that end, and
as the surrender of the western lands by the claimant states
was a condition precedent to the obtaining of her consent, as
she had so long and vigorously asserted, it necessarily followed
that it was the Maryland policy and not that of Congress that
brought it about. Both the Mafyland resolution of 1777 and
the Marylamd instructions of 1778 boldly asserted title to the
Northwest territory in the new Confederation, and they both
demanded that it be nationalized, but to do so, control of it must
first be obtained as against the claimant, states, and it was to get
this control that Maryland directed her 'efforts and bent her
energies in prevailing upon the states in control to surrender
it.
The importance of this action of Marxland in thus obtain-
ing for the new Confederation this vast domain of country can
'Notably by Prof. B. A. Hinsdale, in his work The Old North
"West, Page 198.
T II E W E S T E R X R i:S !•: R \- !•: 309
not be measured alone by its commercial \^luc, or even by it.>
economic bearing upon industrial development. True it is,
its great commercial value should not be lost sight of for
it was a magnificent empire within itself. It contained 265,878
square miles of territory or 170,000,000 acres — a larger area of
land than that of the entire German Empire, or the Republic
of France. It was regarded even as early as the American
Revolution as being fully adequate in value to the total cost
of that war. Of it commercially, it has been well said, "Tri-
angular in form, its sides are washed by about 3,poo miles of
navigable water, the great lakes, one of which reaches its very
center, contains nearly one half of the fresh water of the globe.
The volume of the waters of the Mississippi is equal to that of
three Ganges, of nine Rhones, twenty seven Seines, eighty Ti-
bers, or of all the rivers of Europe exclusive of the Volga.
The Ohio, i.ooo miles in length, is one of the largest affluents
'of the ]\Iississippi. The rivers flowing to these three water
ways render every part of the interior of the Northwest easily
accessible ; and some of them, as the Wabash, Illinois and the
Wisconsin, are small streams only because they appear in such
noble company.'
Such are the exceptional resources enjoyed by the splendid
domain, which through the influence of Maryland passed to
the new Confederation and out of which has since been carved
the states of Ohio, Illinois. Indiana. Wisconsin, Michigan and
the greater part of ■Minnesota.* that important galaxy in the
sisterhood of American commonwealths.
One of the first things which it accomplished was to avert
that fearful inequality both in territory and in resources be-
tween the claimant and the non-claimant states, and which as
plainly pointed out by Maryland, would mean inevitably that
the smaller states would not only be drained of their popula-
tion and th^ir wealth, but would so far sink in importance
in the scale of the confederacy as to leave them absolutely under
the domination and at the mercy of the larger states. ,
r.ut the higher and greater importance of this acquisition
lay in the fact that it led directly to the formation of the Fed-
' Hinsdale, p. 270.
310 COL(3NIAL MARYLAND
eral Union, furnished the foundation for a constitutional gov-
ernment and thus became the key stone in the great archway of
the American RepubHc.
Upon the acquisition of this national commonwealth — the
domain in which all of the thirteen states had a common in-
terest— it became necessary that a territorial government be
promptly provided for it. This was done by the ordinance
of 1786, and as amended and strengthened by that of 1787,
by which the territory was brought under the immediate jur-
isdiction and control of the Confederation. This was the
first time the United States had ever exercised the right of
sovereignty in the form of eminent domain. It was, indeed,
the first subject matter it ever had the right to exercise it
upon, for it had no such power over the Confederated States
and the western territory was the only domain it owned. .It
was this question of national jurisdiction — this right of eminent
domain — as the basis of national sovereignty for which Mary-
land made her determined and successful fight. But for
this, the struggle might have been a much shorter and easier
one, for while Maryland was the only state that voted for her
resolution when it was first introduced in the Continental Con-
gress, Delaware, New Jersey and Rhode Island were soon
ready to support it, except upon the question of national juris-
diction. Those states, particularly New Jersey and Rhode
Island, wanted the territory vested in the new Confederation,
but they urged that jurisdiction over it be exercised by the
respective states ceding it. The significance of Maryland's
position becomes more apparent as its results are more closely
followed out. ' Now that the new Confederation had a common-
wealth— a folk land or territory belonging to the whole com-
munity— Washington was impressed with, the extreme impor-
tance of establishing domestic and commercial relations with it.
The East and the West he says, "must be cemented together
by interests in common, otherwise they will break asunder.
Without commercial intercourse, they will cease to understand
each other and will thus be ripe for disagreement. It is easy
for mental habits as well as merchandise to glide down stream.
THE W E S T E R X RESERVE 311
and the connection of the settlers beyond the moinitains would
all center in New Orleans, which is in the hands of a foreign
and hostile power'. No one can tell what complications may
arise from this. Let us bind these people to us by a chain
that can never be broken", and to that end he at once began
to bend his energies.
It should at this point be remembered, that the Articles
of Confederation had been proven ineffective and utterly inad-
equate, with the result that the states were rapidly drifting apart.
Formulated amid the vicissitudes and excitemeiit of war, they did
not as a constitution measure up to a high state of efficiency,
however strong as a bond for mutual defense of the states
against internal or external invasion. Under them the Con-
federation had no power to levy taxes, lay customs or duties
on imports, or indeed raise money in any way, except by requi-
sition upon the states and which it had no power whatever
to enforce. It had no power to regulate commerce between
the states and as a consequence, the states, in attempting to
regulate it as between themselves, had been so influenced by
selfish and petty local interests and so actuated by the spirit of
retaliation as to bring about a state of commercial distress
almost bordering upon anarchy. Worst of all, these and many
other of its elements of inherent weakness could not be reme-
died by amendment, except by the. unanimous consent of the
thirteen Confederated states, which, of course, was a practical
impossibility, with the aversion on the part of the states at that
early date, to delegate powers.
Such were some of the conditions existing at the time
Washington assumed the task of providing a means of bind-
ing together "by a chain that can never be broken" the
old states of the East and new commonwealth of the West.
The plan he worked out was to extend -the navigation of
the Potomac far enough to make the East and the West
more easily accessible. To do this it was necessary for
Maryland and X'irginia to co-oi)erate in the movement. He
suggested that commissioners from the two states be ap-
pointed to meet in Alexandria. I^arly in 1785 this was done.
though the meeting seems to have l)ecn at Mount N'crnon
312 COLONIAL MARYLAND
rather than in Alexandria. During- the conference Washington
suggested that, in addition to considering a waterway or a
roadway between the East and the West, the two states also
agree upon a system of commercial relations between them and
which Congress had no power to regulate. The result of this
conference was referred to the Legislature of the two states
and was duly ratified. Maryland in communicating her action
to Virginia, suggested that, as the scheme of navigation "con-
template connecting the headwaters of the Potomac with the
waters of the Ohio", it would be necessary to bring Pennsyl-
vania into the Conference, and as a canal should be built to
connect the Chesapeake with the Delaware Bay, the state of
Delaware should also be invited. And if, in addition to the
question of "navigation", that of commerce between some of
the states was to be considered, why not invite all of the thir-
teen states into a joint conference and take up as well the ques-
tion of a uniform system of imports and duties. Virginia
at once responded by passing a resolution that commissioners
from all the states be appointed for this meeting, to discuss "the
best method of securing a uniform treatment of commercial
questions". The invitation was issued by the Governor of Vir-
ginia to meet on the first Mondiay of September, 1786, at the
city of Annapolis. Curious as it may seem, when it was time
for the conference to be held, it was found that Maryland had
neglected to appoint her commissioners, as had Georgia, South
Carolina and Connecticut, and those appointed from Massachu-
setts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and North Carolina did
not attend. Representatives from Virginia, Pennsylvania, New
Jersey and New York only were present and wnth but five
states to- discuss the questions, it was deemed best to defer
action upon them and call another meeting. They accordingly
adopted a resolution to be sent to all the states urging that com-
missioners be appointed to meet in Philadelphia on the second
Monday of May. 1787, to "devise such further provisions
as shall appear to them necessary to render the Constitution
of the Federal Government adequate to the exigencies of the
Union". Virginia took the initiative step and appointed among
her delegates to the convention, George Washington, which
T 11 E W E S T K R X R l'. S E ii \ li 3 1 3
gave immediate impetus to the movemeiU. When the second
Monday of May, 1787, took its position in the calendar of time,
the delegates from all the thirteen states (except Rhode Island)
were at their posts and prepared to set aside the old Articles
of Confederation, no longer of force and value, and to formu-
late in its stead, what has been aptly described as "The most
wonderful work ever struck off in a given time by the brain
and purpose of man" — the American Constitution. Big oaks
from little acorns grow, and thus it was. At, first it was only
a meeting of commissioners from two states to. discuss the
navigation of the upper Potomac and its connection with the
Ohio, as a means of cementing more closely the East and the
West. This led to a discussion as to better commercial rela-
tions between states, and later to the suggestion that a' uniform
system be also considered and that all the states l)e invited
to send commissioners to the Annapolis meeting, and the
' latter resulting in a call for another convention to discuss
these and other matters important to and bearing upon the
public interest, and which proved to be that powerful assem-
bly of constructive statesmen — the Federal Convention of
1787.
It is not intimated that Maryland foresaw the Federal
Constitution as one of the far-reaching results of her policy
upon the land question. Such colossal monuments to the power
and wisdom of statesmanship are usually the result of gradual
development, and while the convention of 1787 stands in bold
relief as an exception to this rule, it is nowhere in evidence
that such a masterpiece of constructive workmanship in state
craft was contemplated by Maryland even on the date of the
convening of the convention. Rut the fact remains, that it
was Maryland that first suggested national control of and
national sovereignty over the Northwest territory and that
it was her persistent and unfailing efforts that brought it to
the Confederation: that the Federal Convention was. the direct
outgrowth of the plans of Washington to bind by a "chain that
can never be ])roken" that commonwealth to the union t<>
which it belonged, and that thus it became the keystone in the
great archwav of the American Constitutional Govcrnnionl.
314 COLONIAL MARYLAND
It was the first commonwealth which came to the union of
states ; it was the basis for the first exercise by that union
of states of national sovereignty, in the form of eminent domain
and its industrial development and the desire to irrevocably
cement it to that union of states, furnished the reasons for the
first steps which led to the Federal Convention, and the dis-
tinction for preparing the way for it, belongs to Maryland,
and to Maryland alone.
Authorities : Journals of Continental Congress ; Acts of Maryland
Legislature; Washington Crawford Letters; Herbert B. Adams' Mary-
land's Influence in founding the National Commonwealth ; John Fiske's
The Critical Period.
CHAPTER XV
Chronicles of Saint Mary's County
^S the oldest County organization in the State; as the place
of first landing of the Mar>land Colony; as the seat
of Maryland's first provincial capital; as the theatre of her
infant struggles, and the cradle of her civil and religious liberty,
the colonial history of Saint Mary's County is vested with
peculiar interest and special inspiration.
That the colonists landed there amid enthusiastic admira-
tion of that section of the country, may well be understood,
for it presented to them a profile of forest and plain, of hill and
dale, traversed by bold, deep and picturesque rivers, bays and
tide water tributaries, with high rugged banks and gently shap-
ing shores, combining a variety and richness of scenery, prob-
ably the finest in IMaryland and perhaps nowhere surpassed.
It was not, however, the fact alone that Saint Clary's was
thus ''graced by the natural beauties of God's own handi-
work", which gave it the distinction of having been selected
as the seat of the Maryland settlement but it was due also to
its superior commercial position, connected as it is by the noble
Chesapeake, the broad Potomac and the majestic Patuxent
with so large an area of inland country, and by the same
waters with the world which lay beyond the ocean.
The Chesapeake bay and its tributaries gave to the people
of tide-water Maryland, it has been well said by an eminent
historian,' "a facility of communication with one another and
with the outside world not possessed by any other colony on
the continent * ''' The bay was to the early colonists of Mary-
land, much more than the railroad is to the present settler in
the western wilderness ; and from the first they regarded it as
* Scharf, 2, pp. 2, 3, 4.
3i6 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the most valuable private possession of the Province. They
traded and travelled on it, fought and frolicked on it, and its
inlets and estuaries were so numerous and so accommodating,
that nearly every planter had navigable salt water within a
rifle's shot of his front door * * * * In the colonial times,
the planter had the still further advantage that the ships
that brought out his supplies from Bristol and London, and
took his tobacco in exchange, anchored, so to speak, within
sight of his tobacco-houses, and the same barges and lighters
which carried his tobacco hogsheads to the ship, returned
freighted with his groceries and osnaburgs, with the things
which were needed to supply his cellar and pantry, and his
wife's kitchen and work basket. * * * * It was this free,
open, safe and pleasant navigation of the Chesapeake and its
many inlets, which not only gave to the people a freedom and
facility of intercourse not enjoyed by any other agricultural
community, but shaped their manners and regulated their
customs to an extent which it is difficult to exaggerate".
They furnished too the means of a luxurious and indepen-
dent living, and one, which to all was "as free as grace"", for
they were alive with innumerable water- fowl and shell fish.
"Every point that jutted out was an oyster bar, where the
most delicious bivalves known to the epicure might be had for
the taking. Every cove and every mat of seaweed in all the
channels abounded in crabs, which shedding five months in
every year, yielded the delicate soft crab, and at any point on
salt water, it was only necessary to dig along shore in order to
bring forth as many soft shell clams, as one needed. They
abounded also "in an almost incalculable number and variety
of water fowl, from the lordly swan and the heavy goose to the
wee fat dipper". While there is "no evidence earUer than
the beginning of the present century that the diamond-back
terrapin was appreciated, the more famous canvas-back duck
certainly was known, and its qualities appreciated at a much
earlier date". They were filled too with the finny denizens
"and these, as w^as the case with both the flora and farma or
the State generally, embraced northern and southern species
S A 1 X T M A R \' ' S C O U X T ^- 3 1 7
at once. The "bass and the blue tish did not cxchide the pom-
pano and the bonito: the shad and the sturgeon on their
journey to fresh water, met the cat-fish and the perch : and the
cost of a weir, or the trouble of staking out a net, was repaid
to planters all the year round in a full supply of the most
delicate sorts of table fish".'
It was this land of rich topography, delightful streams,
and hospitable estuaries, that the Maryland colony selected,
as the place of "peace and hope", where "conscience might
find breathing room", and where the foundations- of a com-
monwealth might be securely laid.
The name first bestowed upon the territory which Gover-
nor Calvert purchased of the Yaocomico Indians, (for the
details of which see chapter on The Landing), and wHich. for
several years constituted the whole district settled by the
Maryland Colonists, was called "Augusta Carolina"" — a name
presumably given in honor of King Charles."
The district was thirty miles^ long, and was embraced
within the present limits of Saint Mary's County. It did not
however, long retain that name, though just when, or by what
authority it was changed, the records do not show. As late
as September, 1635, it was still called "Augusta Carolina".'
but in January, 1637, the same territory was officially denom-
inated "Saint Maries County"." the name it. with additional
domain, has ever since retained.*
For sixteen vears after the colonization of Maryland, there
were but two civil divisions in the Province — Kent and Saint
Alary's — the former embracing the entire settlement on the
Eastern, and the latter, the entire settlement on the Western
Shore. These fimits were not curtailed until April. 1650,
when Anne Arundel County— "all that part of the Trovince
over against the Isle of Kent" — was enacted.'
ilbid. ''Relatio Itijieri?.
'It was Baltimore's desire to call Maryland Carolina, Init was
prevented by the fact, that the territory lying south of Virginia, liad
in 1629, been patented to Sir Robert Heath under that nanie.
Mbid. 'Will of Wm. Smith. 16.^5.
"Archives (Pro. CI. 1637) 61. ' McMahon 80; old Kent, .Act. 1650.
3i8 COLONIAL MARYLAND
In November of the same year, another County was formed
out of Saint Mary's, with the following bounds: "beginning
at Susquehannah Point (near the mouth of the Patuxent)
and extending from thence southward into the middle of the
woods towards Saint Mary's (City) ; thence westward along
the middle of the woods, between the Patuxent and Potomac
Rivers, (near the Three Notched Road), as far up as Mata-
pania (creek) toward the head of the Patuxent, and from
thence eastward along the river side to said Susquehannah
Point". It was called Charles County, and Robert Brooke,
Esq., of "De La Brooke", was made its commander."
In September 1653, however, Robert Brooke, having
actively associated himself with the Cromwell Party in Mary-
land, as against the Proprietary, serving in the capacity of
President of its Council and State, and thus, as acting Cover-.
nor of the Province, was deposed by Baltimore as Commander
of this County,^ and soon thereafter, the order under which
the County had been erected, was also annulled. The latter
Act, was by order of Governor Stone and the Council, dated
July, 1654, and, while making void the order under which
Charles County had been formed, provided also that a new
County should be erected in its stead, embracing all of the
former County with additional territory.
It was called Calvert County, and lay on both sides of the
Patuxent, that part on the north side of the river being sepa-
rated from Anne Arundel by a line from ".Herring Creek" to
the "head of the Patuxent", and the part on the south side
of the river being separated from- Saint Mary's by "Pyne Hill
River or Creek to the head thereof, and from thence through
the woods to the head of the Patuxent", which says the order
constitute the northerly bound of Saint Mary's County.'
"Pyne Hill River or Creek", which thus partly separated
Saint Mary's and Calvert, and which continued such dividing
line for nearly half a century, empties into the Chesapeake Bay
about three miles below "Cedar Point", its source or head
^ Archives ( Pro. CI. 1650) 260.
- Bozman, pp. 442, 499. \^rchiv^s (Pro. CI. 1654) p. 308.
S A I XT y\ A K \ 'S CO i; \ l" \'
319
being westerly, and near Jarboesville on the Three Notched
Road. It is no longer navigable, and though it retained for
many years its original name, it has long since lost its identity
as a river, and is now known as "Mill Run" except at its
mouth, when it bears the name of Finey Creek".'
The question of the location of this stream has been one
upon which historians have bestowed no little labor and in-
dulged in much speculation, among them the careful and pains-
taking Bozman. who. "owing to the change in. its name as well
as in its character, was unable to locate it. and suggested that
the "Pyne Hill River" referred to in the order of July. 1654.
was Piney Creek which empties into the Eastern Branch of the
Potomac, near Washington City — a physical impossibility
apart from the fact that the records clearly indicate 'that the
Eastern Branch had not at that early day been ex])l()re(l. and
hence that its tributaries had not been named.
In October, 1654, the name of Calvert was changed by
Cromwell's Commissioners to Patuxent County, which it con-
tinued to bear until 1658, when Baltimore's government was
re-established, and its former name restored."
In October, 1658, another County was carved out of Saint
Mary's. It was called Charles (still so known), and was
embraced within the following indefinite bounds: "the river
Wicomico to its head, and from the mouth of that river up the
I'otomac as high as the settlements extends, and thence to the
head of Wicomico".''
This limited Saint Mary's County to the territory lying
between the Chesapeake Bay and the Calvert line on the one
side, and the Potomac and Wicomico Rivers on the other, and
extending from Point Lookout up the country indefinitely,
except that which was embraced within the limits of Charles,
' See Patents for "Smith's Discovery" to Richard Smith. March 9.
1705. This tract of land borders on the stream referred to -in the text
(Mill Run), and which is designated in the patent. a>< "the main l)ranch
of Pine Hill River or Creek."
-McMahon. p. 86.
'Liber, P. C. R. pp. ?->. 54. Maryland Historical Society. Scharf, 2.
p. 271 ; McMahon. 87.
320 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Calvert and Anne Arundel. And thus its boundaries continued,
until 1695, when the territory lying above Matawoman Creek
and Swanson Creek was erected into a new County, called
Prince George; that part of Calvert lying on the south side
of the Patuxent River, as far up as Indian Creek, was re-
turned to Saint Mary's, and that part of Saint Mary's and
Calvert lying north westerly of Buds Creek and Indian Creek,
was given to Charles/
By this Act, the present boundaries of Saint Mary's County
were thus specifically defined: "Saint Mary's County shall
begin at point Lookout and extend up the Potomac River
(and Wicomico) to the lower side of Bud's Creek, and so over
by a straight line drawn from the head of the main branch of
the said Bud's Creek to the head of Indian Creek in the Patux-
ent River, including all that land lying between the Patuxent
and Potomac Rivers, from the lower side of said two creeks
and branches by the line aforesaid, and by Point Lookout".*
The first civil divisions of Saint Mary's County were
denominated hundreds. There were erected from time to time,
as the increase of population and the development of the dififer-
ent section of the County demanded. In 1637, there were
two hundreds in the County. Saint Mary's, which included
the town and vicinity of Saint Mary's, and Saint Georges,'
which embraced the settlement on the opposite side of the river
— a district of country still bearing the same name. Mattapany,
the settlement on the lower Patuxent, was not sufficiently
numerous at that time for an hundred, and yet was recognized
as a distinct legal division.* In 1638, however, it became an
hundred, and the same year. Saint Michaels hundred, extending
from Saint Inigoes Creek to Point Lookout, was also erected.
In 1639, Saint Clements hundred, embracing the neck lying be-
tween Saint Clements Bay and the Wicomico River, was
formed. Newtown hundred, lying between Saint Clement's
Kay and Bretton's Bay, was referred to, apparently for the
first time, in 1646; Saint Inigoes hundred, carved out of Saint
* Act, 1695, C. 13. "^Act, 169s,' C. i.r, A'IcMahon, p. 81.
'Archives (Pro. CI. ,1637) p. 59. ''ibid (Pro. Ass. 1637) P- 2.
SAIN T M A R Y ' S C O U N T Y 321
r^IichaeTs, and lying between Saint Inigoes Creek and Trinity
(Smith's) Creek, in 1649; Chaptico hundred, embracing the
north western extremity of the County in 1688; Resurrection
and Harvey hundreds, and the Patuxent settlement, were
in Calvert County until 1695, when they were annexed to
Saint Mary's.'
In 1777, the County contained the following hundreds:
Saint Michaels, Saint Inigoe's, Saint Mary's, Poplar Hill,
Saint George's, New Town, Saint Clement's, Chaptico, Harvey,
Lower Resurrection and Upper Resurrection." These early
political divisions each had a Conservator of the Peace and
high Constable, and until 1659, every hundred was entitled to
representation in the General Assembly.' In many respects
they bore close analogy to the system of civil divisions now
known as Election Districts, by which they were superseded.
The latter system had its origin under the Act of 1798.* The
Commissioners appointed to execute it for Saint Mary's County
were Messrs. George Plafer. Henry Gardiner, Charles Chilton,
Richard Watts and Benjamine Williams,' who in July, 1799,
divided the County into three districts, Chaptico, Leonard-
Town and Saint Inigoe's.'
The first levy for Saint Mary's County was made in
June, 1648.' It was made by a general meeting of the free-
men of the County, and is the first instance on record in
which County charges were levied in Maryland separately and
distinctly from the general or provincial charges. The record
of this meeting is as follows: "This day the ffreemen of the
County of Saint Marie's mett together at the Govrs to advise
touching the levy of the charges incurred this prt yeare
and determined by the Govr and Councill on the 9th Octobr
^Archives (Ass. Pro. ist) pp. 28, 259; Ibid ("Pro. CI. ist) pp. 89.
177; Ibid, (Pro. CI. 3rd) p. 50; Act, i795, C. 13.
-Journal House Representatives, .1777. ' McMahon, p. 465.
*Act, 1798, C. 115. "Act, 1799, C. 50. "Ibid.
■^ In 1694, the Council ordered colors for horse foot and dragoon in
the several counties as follows: Saint Mary's, red; Kent, blue; Anne
Arundel, white; Calvert, yellow; Charles, bronze; Baltimore, green;
Talbot, purple; Somerset, jack flag; Dorchester, buff; Cecil, crimson.
322 COLONIAL MARYLAND
last to be levyed out of the County. The whole charges
amounting to 7752 lbs. of Tob and Cask. The ffreemen allege
tht the charges for impresonment.of the Indians is unduly laid
upon the County; but alleged not anything material for it.
Whereuppon the Govr found noe reason to alter his former
order sett downe by the Govr and Councill as above. As con-
cerning the manner of leveying the sd charges, the ffreemen
imanimously agreed and concluded tht it should be leveyed
upon all tytheable psons inhabts of St. Marie's County equally
pr head tht were residing in the County from the loth day of
June last, wch resultieth in 55I Tob. June 14th, 1648".^
This appears to be the only instance in the history of the
Province in which a County levy was made by a general meet-
ing of the freemen. In 1650, delegates were elected from the
several hundreds of the County for that purpose — a system
which continued until 1704, when the duty of "laying the
County levy" devolved upon the Justices of the County
Court,^ and subsequently, upon the tribunal known as the
"Levy Court".
The average value of land in Saint Mary's County in
1785, as established by General Assembly for purposes of
assessment, was 24 shillings and 9 pence per acre, the fourth
highest valuation in the State.^
The first County Seat of Saint Mary's, was Saint Mary's.
City and in 1695, it was provided that the County Courts and
records should be held and kept "forever hereafter in the
State House in the City of Saint Mary's".''
In 1708. however, the Legislature ordered a town to be
laid out at "Sheppards Old Fields", near the head of Bretton's
Bay, a Court House to be erected, and the County Court of
Saint Mary's County thereafter to be held there." "Sheppards
Old Fields" then belonged to Philip Lynes. Commissioners
were appointed and directed to purchase fifty acres of it for
the use of said town, and to lay the same out into one
'Archives (Ass. Pro. 1648) 231. 'Act, 1704, C. 34-
■'Act, 1785, C. 53. *Act. 1695. C. 13.
\\ct, T708, C. 3.
SAINT .M.\1^:^••S COUNTY
323
hundred lots." It was first called -Seyiiiuur Tcnvn"— a com-
pliment, presumably, to the then (lovernor, John Seymour.
In 1728, the Lej^islature. after reciting the fact, that the
laying out of the tt)\vn. as provided by the former Act. had
not been completed, appointed new commissioners to do so.
They were directed "to purchase.. by agreement, or valuation
of a jury, fifty acres of land adjacent to the place where Saint
Mary's County Court House now stands, and to cause the
same to be surveyed and laid out for a town; into eighty lots,
with convenient streets, lanes, etc.." without prej'udice to the
lots already there, or to the buildings and improvements of the
heirs at law of Thomas Cooper. They were also directed to
expose the lots for sale, giving the owner of the land his
choice for two lots, and limiting the sale of the rest to one lot
to each individual, and restricting, also, for the first four
months, the sales to inhabitants of Saint Mary's County. The
purchaser of every lot w&s to consent to erect thereon, within
twelve months, a house covering at least four hundred square
feet, with brick or stone chimneys. The proceeds of the sales
were to go to "the public use and benefit of the town" ; every
lot was to be sold subject to a quit rent to Lord Baltimore of
one penny per annum, and the lots remaining unsold at tlic
end of seven years were to revert to the owner of the land.'
By this Act also, all writs issued by the Court were to be made
returnable there, and the name was changed to Lconard-Toi^-u'
— the name it still retains — in honor of Benedict Leonard Cal-
vert, the then Governor of Maryland.
In 1730. Mr. Thomas Spalding, who is referred to as
the then owner of the land, was granted permission by Act
of Assembly, to use the lots not taken uj). but not to remove
any of the boundary ])osts. It appearing also, that the deed
for "the par.t of one acre of land" known as the "Court House
Lot", and which had been given to the County by Mr. Philip
Lynes, had not, through neglect of the clerk, been placed upon
record, "though three of the bound posts are still standing and
'Act, 1728, C. 16. 'Ibid.
324 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the place of the other well known", special provision was made
by this Act for curing the defect and vesting "the title to the
said lot in the Justices of Saint Mary's County to the use of
said County forever".'
The County Surveyor was by the same Act directed to
"make a fair plat of Leonard-Town" to be subscribed by the
Commissioners and recorded among the land records of the
County. The records have perished, but the map has been
preserved," of which the annexed illustration is a copy. This
is believed to be one of the oldest maps extant of any existing
town in Maryland, the first map of Annapolis having been
lost, it is said, and the first one of Baltimore City being of
about the same date (1730) as that of Leonard-Town. On
the back of this map, and inscribed by its maker, is the list
of persons who had purchased lots in the town, presumably
between 1728, when it was laid out, and 1730, when the map
was made.
This indicates, that, while a number of lots had been
purchased, there was in the town at that time, besides the
Court House, and the houses of Col. Greenfield and Mr. Brice,
but one other building — the storehouse of Mr. Nicholas Lowe,
standing on lots Nos. 41 and 42, though it likewise indicates,
that. all the other lots which had been taken up were then being-
built upon, except lot No. 39, property of Jno. Stewart.
The first Court House at Leonard-Town was built between
1708 and 1 7 10. It was completed by the latter date, and was
referred to by the General Assembly of that year, as the "new
Court House built at Seymour Town, otherwise Sheppards
Old Fields".'
In 1736, it was pulled down, and a new brick building was
erected on the same site/ This building, well remembered by
many persons still living, and said to have been a capacious,
■well proportioned and stately structure, stood until March,
183 1, when it was destroyed by fire, and was replaced by the
present Court House. The first County Jail in Leonard-Town
'Act, 1730, C. S-
''It, is now in the possession of Mr. Francis V. King.
' Act, 1710, C. 6. ' Act, 1636, C. 14-
SAINT M A R ^' • S C O I' X T V
325
was built uiulcr the Act of 1737.'
which authorized the Justices of the
county to puj-chase the necessary
ground for the same.
In T799, the Jail was reported
in a "ruinous condition, and unfit
for use", and it was ordered to
either be repaired or pulled down
and rebuilt, the cost not to exceed
two thousand dollars.'^ The latter
course, it appears was adopted.
An ancient land-mark of the
original town, and still well remem-
bered, was the quaint little build-
ing known as the ''Old Brick Of-
fice", which, before the present
Court House was built, was. it is
said, the County Clerk's Office, and
the Ofifice of the Register of Wills.
In recent years, when
the main avenue of
the town was wid-
ened, the "Old Brick
Office" was left stand-
ing in the middle of
the street, thus mak-
ing its removal ap-
parently necessary. It
was shortly afterward
pulled down, and the
material used, it is
said, in the construc-
tion of the present County Jail.
It stood in front of '"'Moore's
Act, 1737, C. 6.
Act. 1799. C. 51-
326 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Hotel", on a site now partly covered with locust trees and still
perfectly discernible.
The Saint Mary's County "Alms House" was erectt'd
under the Act of 1773. A levy, not exceeding 15 lbs. of
tobacco per poll, for three years, was ordered to be made for
the purpose, and Messrs. George Plater, Abraham Barnes,
Zachary Bond, John Reeder, and James Jordan, the incorpo-
rators, were directed to purchase one hundred acres of land as
near Leonard-Town as it could be advantageously obtained,
have the necessary buildings erected and furnished, and to
appoint an overseer ; the general management of the institu-
tion to remain under their supervision.^ Having purchased
the land (located about three miles below Leonard-Town), the
trustees advertised to meet on September 22d, 1774, at Francis
Smith's, in Leonard-Town, to receive bids for putting up the
building.'
The other places associated with the early annals of Saint
Mary's County, and which were denominated "Towns", were :
"Harvey Town", on the Patuxent, at Town Creek; "Saint
Joseph's Town", on the Patuxent, at Abbington Creek; "Saint
Jerome's Town", on Saint Jerome's Creek; "New Town",
between Saint Clement's Bay and Bretton's Bay; "Saint Clem-
ent's Town", at the head of Saint Clement's Bay, and "Wicom-
ico Town", on the Wicomico River, between White Point
(Island) and Bluff Point.'
These towns were named and ordered to be erected by
the Legislature, which also provided for the purchase of one
hundred acres of land for each of them and the appointment
of Commissioners to lay them out; etc. The situation of each
of them .was eligible, but like most of the "paper towns" of
Maryland of that day, they never exceeded a small aggrega-
tion of houses, and have so far perished and passed away,
that, with a few exceptions, even the site of their location is
not to-day susceptible of identification.
'Act, 1773, C. 18.
''Maryland Gap^ette, September, 1774.
"Acts, 1683, C. 2; 1684, C. 2; 1688, C. 6; 1706, C. 14; Report of
Shcrifif, 1698.
S A I X T .M A R V ' S C O L' X T V 327
"Lrowentown" was the name of a section of country rather
than a town, and was that which lay between Trinity Creek
and Point Lookout, incluchng the village known as "Tall
Pine". It is said that Saint Mary's City was expected to de-
velop into a town of "magnificent proportions", and to extend
down to the lower part of the county : hence the name — a
corruption of lower end of the town/
Chaptico. or Choptico as it was first called, enjoys the
distinction of being the oldest "village", except Saint Mary's
City, in the County. Reference to it is found, as early as
1652.'"" Chaptico had the honor of a visit from Governor
Calvert in 1663,'' and is otherwise noted in the early annals of
Maryland, as the place at which the soldiers were mustered in,
and the army organized for the "Protestant Revolution" in
Maryland, and which, in July, 1689.* resulted in the capture
of the provincial capital, the overthrow of the Proprietary and
' the establishment of a royal government in the Province.*
In a letter from the* Council of Safety of Maryland, of
June 13th, 1778, to Captain Bennett Matthews, he is directed
to proceed with his galley to Chaptico warehouse and receive
of Captain John Thomas, who lived within a mile of it, the pro-
visions that he has purchased * If the galley will take
more than Captain Thomas has, take so much of the Conti-
nental provision at Llewellyn's warehouse (at Brambly) as
will make up your load. You ^re then to proceed to the head
of the Elk with the provisions as soon as you can."
The "Queen Tree", situated on the Patuxent River, near
Forrest's wharf was also a Colonial village of very early
date, and of no inconsiderable importance. It has long since
disappeared, except in name, but the estate on which it stood
' Allen Papers, in Whittingham Library.
^Archives (CI. Pro. 1652) p. 29.V
•'Ibid, Ass. Pro. 1663, p. 474- ' I'jid, CI. Pro. 1689, p. 121.
Mn 1660, the King of Chaptico was indicted by the Court Leet of
Saint Clement's Manor for stealing hogs. Deeming it however, incon-
sistant with his official standing to try the case in a Court Leet, it was
referred to "ye Hon^-'e ye Gov'', (Saint Clement's Court Records). In
"Journal of Correspondence of Council of Safety, I7~.S, p. 134.
328 COLONIAL MARYLAND
is still called the "Queen Tree Farm". As late as 1774, it
was still a "trading post", and the place where public sales
of property in the neighborhood were usually conducted/ A
few miles below, on the Three Notched Road, was the old
"wayside inn", known as "Floyd's". It was standing in
1813/ and the place of its location still bears the name.
The following are the ports or places of entry in Saint
Mary's County, established from time to time, by Act of
Assembly, and where all imported goods and wares coming to
the County, were required to be unloaded, and all tobacco and
other commodities to be exported had to be taken for inspec-
tion and payment of export duty: Saint Mary's City; Saint
Inigoes, on Stephen Milburn's land ; Saint George's, on Gil-
bert Mackey's land ; Leonard-Town, on Abrahams Barnes'
land; New Town, on William Bretton's land; Bretton's Bay,,
on John Bailey's land ; Wicomico River, on John Llewellin's
land: Indian Town, on his Lordships Manor; Chaptico, on
Philip Keys land ; Westwood, on Thomas Gerrards land ; Piles
Fresh, on Joseph Piles land; (the two latter in Saint Mary's
County until 1695) Hamburg, on Philip Keys land; Cole's
Creek, on the Patuxent, Mr. Cole's land; Harvey Town, on
Town Creek, on Hugh Hopewell's land, and Saint Joseph's,
at Abbington Creek, on the Patuxent.^
The old brick "ware houses", which were erected at
these ports, and which stood as monuments to the shipping
trade of the past, for many years after they ceased to be used
1688, complaint w^s made to Lord Baltimore by the King of Chaptico
against Francis Knott and others, for "destroying the corn and beans of
the Indians" and for "bringing strong drink into said Chaptico town."
(Archives, CI. Pro. 53). The Chapticons was one of the six tribes of
Indians that Lord Baltimore proposed to settle on Calverton Manor
containing about 10,000 acres, but his plan of colonization appears to
have proven entirely impracticable, as in 1692, a formal treaty was en-
tered into between Governor Copley and "Tom Calvert, King of Chap-
tico," defining the rights and privileges of the latter over his ancient
domain. Bozman, 676; Archives (Pro. CI. 321.) As to this Manor, see
chapters on The Land Tenure.
' Maryland Gazette.
"Griffith's Map of Maryland. - ''Bacon; Hanson.
S A 1 X T M A R ^• • S CO V X T Y
329
for the' purpose of their construction, liave all yielded to the
ravages of time and have passed away. Several of them, iiow-
ever, were still standing within the recollection of persons still
living, among them, the one at Brambly on the Wicomico, at
the warehouse farm in Saint Georges and at Town Creek on
the Patuxent.
The first public road in Saint Mary's County of which
there is any record, is the one leading from Saint Mary's City
to the Patuxent. It "was called the "Mattapany Path", and
was referred to as early as 1639.' In 1643 it was stated by
Father Philip Fisher, the priest in charge at Saint Mary's,
in a letter to his Provincial, that "a road by land through the
forest has just been opened from Maryland to \^irginia."'
This is interesting as showing the existence of a road 'however
impossible to identify it from so scant a reference. In 1674.
an Act was passed "for amending the ways out of Charles
County into the City of Saint Mary's", and which, after
reciting the fact that the crossing at the head of the Wicomico
River had been rendered dangerous "since the building of the
mill there", provided that the Counties of Charles and Saint
]\Iary's should construct a highway "passable for horse and
foote over such place of Zachiah swamp within two miles of
said mill upward as shall seem most convenient".' The road
thus referred to was probably the one which still leads from
Charles County to Saint Mary's J3y way of Allen's Fresh, Chap-
tico and Leonard-Town. An early reference is also made to
a road leading from Saint Clement's Manor, by way of the
"Wolf's Trap" and "Ironstone Hill" to Chaptico. It was
called the "Chaptico Indian Path".' The road leading from
Point Lookout to the northern extremity of the county was
in use as early as 1692, and was then called the "Patux-
ent main road".' In 1704, this, in common with certain other
roads in the" Province, was bv order of the General Assembly*
"Patent to Mary Throughton, 1639, Liber, i, p. 67.
= Neiirs Maryland, p. 49- 'Archives (.^ss. Pro. 1674) p. 408.
*Will. Luke Gardiner, 1703. Saint Mary's County.
^Arcliivcs (CI. Pro. 1692) p. 475- "Act. 1704. C. 21.
330 COLONIAL MARYLAND
marked by having notches cut in the trees at stated intervals
along the road. The number of notches for this road, it being
the one that led "to the Port of Annapolis", was three,' and
from these primitive guide marks, some of which may still be
seen — it was called the "Three Notched Road" the name it
bears to-day.
The first mail route established in Maryland was in 1695.
It started at "Newton's Point upon Wicomico River" and
extended by way of Allen's Mill", Benedict, Annapolis and
Newcastle to Philadelphia. The post rider was John Perry,
who received £50 per annum, and was required to make the
round trip eight times a year." It is stated that the system
did not pay, and after the death of the first postman, in 1698,
ceased to be carried on, and was not afterwards revived.'' But
that it was revived is proven by the fact that in 1773, Charles,
Lansdale had the contract for the mail route between Leonard-
Town and Annapolis, and advertised to receive orders at the
various stopping places for purchases on commission.' These
places in Saint Mary's were James Jordan's, Wicomico and
Chaptico."
Prior to 1661, letters were sent in Maryland by private
hand or special messenger, or were left at the nearest tavern
or public house to be sent by the first conveyance which the
landlord found available, but by Act of Assembly, of that
year," all "letters touching the public afifairs" of the Prov-
ince, were, "without delay, to be sent from house to house
by the direct way, until they be safely delivered as directed".
Each householder was required to start it to the next house,
within half an' hour after receiving it, under penalty of 100 fts.
of tobacco.
In 1713, this curious system was abolished, and the duty
devolved upon the Sheriffs of the several counties, who were
required to "take care of all public letters and packets, and
to expeditiously convey them, according to their respective
Mbid. -Journal U. H. 1695, p. 809; Scharf, i, p. 361.
'■" McMahon, p. 266. ' Maryland Gazette, April 14, 1773.
Mbid. ■ '''Archives (Ass.' Pro. 1661) p. 415.
S A I X T M A R \' • S C ( )" L' X T Y 33 1
directions, to the Sheriff or L'luler Sheriff' of the next adjacent
county",' for which the Sheriff of Saint Mary's County re-
ceived as compensation, 800 tbs. of tobacco.*"
These Acts of Assembly, however, only applied to letters
of a public character. For the conveyance of private letters,
no provision was made until 1695. when the mail route before
mentioned, was established; and, in 1713," it was made, for
the first time, a penal offense in Maryland, to open a letter
without authority.
Among- the older land-niark> in the county, are it> "an-
cient mill seats". Recognized as a public necessity, water
mills, from an early date, were made in Maryland, the subject
of special legislation, granting to the owner unusual privileges,
and, at the same time, imposing wholesome restrictions upon
tiiem. among others the right to obtain through a Court of
.Chancery, ten acres of land on each side of the stream where
the mill was to be located, and making it a misdemeanor to
charge more toll than one-sixth for corn and one-eighth for
wheat.*
Of the mills erected in Saint Mary's at an early date, the
exact location of many of them is still perfectly discernible.
Among them may be mentioned the mill on "Mill Creek", at
St. Mary's City, and which was there as early as 1634 ;
Dandy's mill, at Xewtown. there before 1657; Lord Baltimore's
mill, on "Gardiner's Creek", at 'Mattapany, there before 1690 ;
the mill on "Tomakokin Creek", on Saint Clement's Manor,
there before 1701 ; the mill at head of Saint Mary's River, at
"Great Mills", there before 1728: Major Barnes" mill on
"Bretton's Bay Run", above the "Plank Bridge", there be-
fore 1748; Keys mill on "Saint Clement's Bay Run", tliere l)e-
fore 1764: Bond's mill on "Chaptico Run", there before 1774:
the "over shot water mill", at "Charlotte Hall", there before
1775 ; Tubman's mill, at the head of "Trinity ( Smith's) Creek",
there before 18 13.' Wind mills also, were not uncommon
'Act, 1 71.1. C. 2. 'Ibid.
'Ibid. 'Act. 1704. C. 16.
■•Relation of Maryland. 16.^5: .\rcliivis (Test. Pro. 1657) pp. 5.15.
^,V. Archives (Pro. CI. 1600) iS-': Will. J-hn Coodc: Will. Pliilip Key:
332 COLONIAL MARYLAND
in early Maryland. Several of these old relics, in appearance
like watch towers, zealously guarding the past, were to be
seen in Saint Mary's up to a very recent date. The last of
them standing were at "New Town", "Saint Clement's Manor",
and "Corn Field Harbor", but they, like their companions,
have at last yielded to that ruthless plunderer — time."
The first will probated in Saint Mary's County, was dated
Will, Zack Bond; Act, 1748, C. 4; Maryland Gazette, September 15th,
1774; Map, Maryland, 1813, Griffith.
^ On the road leading from Leonard-Town to Chaptico and about
fifty yards above the "plank bridge" over the fresh of Bretton's Bay,
was the old ford, or crossing place. A few rods west of the ford, and
about the same distance from the bridge, on the east side of the road,
stands a small house on a little hill, and which is known as "Gibbet
Hill." It is said that the last execution there was of a negro man, for
the murder of a lady and her two daughters. The scene of the tragedy
was the residence , which stood on the Saint Joseph's branch of
the same road, a short distance above Shanks' Mill, and about a quarter
of a mile north of the "Maryland Spring." As the story is recorded,
during the absence of his master, a negro man, Peter, believing that by
the death of the family his freedom would be obtained, murdered his
mistress and her two daughters, and when caught was lying in wait for
his master, who was at Shanks' Mill, and his two sons who were at
school, near by. After his trial and conviction, Peter was taken to "Gib-
bet Hill" for execution. Tradition says that he was hung up in an iron
cage, in front of the public road, and there left to die from starvation.
It is also said that the screams of this starving criminal were so dis-
tressing, that many persons refused to travel the road. The good
sense of the community revolted at the inhumanity of such a method
of punishment, and Peter, it is said, was the last criminal in Saint
Mary's County who died on the Gibbet.— Saint Mary's, Beacon, Feb-
ruary, 24th, 1853. There are many traditions in old Saint Mary's con-
nected with the early settlement of the State, and with times of a later
date, which if collected and published, w6uld be of great interest.
Hardly a neighborhood but has its old story to-be recounted by some
old dame of a past generation. The old people are passing away, and
these old legends with them. It would be well, while yet time, for
some lover of legendary lore to gather these old legends and preserve
them from irretrievable loss. An Irving would have found in them rich
material ; and but for some humble chronicler that great "Wizard of
the North" could not have given to the world his immortal master-
pieces.—J. F. Morgan, in "St. Mary's Beacon."'
S A I X T M A R V ' S C O- U X T V
333
September 22nd, 1635. The caption is as follows: "The last
will and Testament of ]\lr. William Smith, made at Augusta
Carolina, at Saint Mary's City, in .Maryland, anno dmi 1635".
The document indicates careful preparation, and strongly marks
the religious faith of the testator, at that day not an uncom-
mon custom. The clause making reference to this is as fol-
lows:
"And further I profess that I die a member of the Catholic
Roman Church, out of wch there is noe salvation". As a
counterpart to this, the will of Thomas Allen, made soon there-
after, indicates very different rehgious convictions. It provides
that the overseers of his will are not to allow his children "to
live with a papist". In making further provision for his chil-
dren, he directed, that, if his estate proved insufficient to main-
tain them, and it should be necessary to put them out to work,
they "should not be put to the mortar", or made "mortar boys",
thus showing the hard labor attending the then common pro-
cess of converting corn into meal and hominy. On the back
of his will and of even date, he curiously requests that, should
he "die suddenly, and the cause be not directly known, speedy
inquiry be made, and that Xick and Marks, Irishmen, at Piny
Neck, be questioned as suspicious persons to me best known".
This singular feature of his will seems to have been the re-'
suit of well founded apprehension, rather than a mere ex-
centricity, since shortly afterward he was "found dead upon
the sands by Point Lookout in Saint Xicholas Manor, badly
shot and mutilated".'
As reflecting upon the interesting question of Colonial life,
business pursuits, dress, furniture, etc., the early wills and
inventories of Saint Mary's — an unbroken record from 1680 to
the present time — are among the richest repositories of "his-
toric lore" to be foujid in Maryland, and are of inestimable
value.
In the matter of dress — then a decide<l badge of rank and
station in life — they furnished a ready key. The "cloth suit",
"dimitv suit", "mohair >uit". "leathern suit", "hair skin suit".
■ 'Archives (Pro. Ct. 1637) 403-
334 COLONIAL MARYLAND
"plush coats", silk and satin "waiscoats", dimity and velvet
"waiscoats", silk "socks", Irish, Dutch and Holland "socks" ;
silver, gold, cloth and leather "belts" ; silver and gold "knee"
and "shoe buckles" ; silver, gold and leather "hat bands" ; hat
^'feathers" and "plumes" ; silk and worsted "hoods", "head
cloths" and "scharfs" ; "spangled peticoats" : tufted Holland
peticoats ; "taffeta suits"; "surge suits"; "silk gloves"; "buck-
skin gloves" ; "signet rings" and "finger rings", are among the
articles of wearing apparel used by men and women during
the first fifty years of Colonial life in Saint Mary's. Later
reference to "watches", and still later to "wigs", is to be
found.
In the matter of furniture, table appointments, etc., may
be mentioned, the "parlor bed" ; "trundle bed" ; the "dresser" ;
the "chest of drawers"; the "looking glass"; later the "peir
glass" and still later the "chimney glass" ; silk and worsted
"bed curtains" ; beds, pillows and boulsters with "conuise
ticking" and filled with "feathers", "flock" or "cat tail"; Dutch
linen "sheets" and "napkins" ; "Holland Blankets" ; "dimity
coverlets"; "quilted coverlets"; "Turkish rugs"; "forms";
"crickets"; "stools" and "chairs" (the latter not common);
the "harpsicord" and "spinnet", the "joined dining table" ; brass
and iron "and-irons" ; silver, brass and iron "candlesticks" ;
"silver salvers" ; "iron knives" ; "silver knives" ; wooden
"dishes" ; and "platters" ; the "silver sack cup" ; "sugar tank-
ard" ; "tea tankard" ; "pewter plates" ; "pewter dishes" ; "pew-
ter cups and saucers" ; "pewter salt sellers" ; "pewter spoons",
and pewter household vessels of almost every description. It
is worthy of note, that the reign of pewter in early Maryland
was practically unbroken for the first forty years, when the
silver service made its appearance, and still later, with the in-
troduction of tea and coffee, came china cups and saucers, and
soon full sets of porcelain table ware. Occasional references
are to be found to the "sedan chair", the "bladen" and the
"horse chair", but it curiously appears that neither the table
fork or the plow are mentioned in the testamentar\- proceed-
S A 1 X T M A R >• • S CO U N T Y
335
ings of Saint ^[ary"s County dnrini,^ the first eighty years of
its history.
On the 3rd of December 1773, the Maryland Gazette pro-
posed and pubHshed a plan for consolidating into one institu-
tion the free schools of Southern Maryland, of which each
County had one.*
The following year, a similar plan, but embracing only
the Counties of Saint Mary's, Charles and Prince George, was
urged upon the General Assembly of Maryland and passed'—
the origin of Charlotte Hall.- The Act provided for the sale
of the lands and houses of the free schools in the three
Counties, the proceeds to be added to the "sums of money
which sundry persons have subscribed to further the com-
mendable purpose", as well as the money then in the hands
of the visitors of the free schools for said counties,' and that
with said several sums of money, "one school be erected at the
place commonly called the Cool Sf>ri]igs, in Saint Mary's
' The first general school system in Maryland was inaugurated un-
der the Act of 1723, which provided for one school in each County;
each school to be governed by a board of seven visitors, who were to
purchase 100 acres of land as near the centre of their respective Coun-
ties as practicable, and with due regard to the boarding of children,
and were to have the necessary buildings erected and employ a compe-
tent teacher of "grammar, good writing and arithmetic" who was to
have the use of the farm and to receive the sum of £20 sterling per an-
num. The visitors appointed under the Act of Saint Mary's County,
were Rev. Leigh Massey and Messrs. James Bowles, Nicholas Lowe,
Samuel Wilkinson, Thomas Waughop, Thomas Trueman Greenfield and
Justinian Jordan. (Act, 1723, C. 19). ^s early as 1671, an effort was
made to establish through the Legislature, a "public educational insti-
tution" in Maryland, but it was not successful/ In 1694. however, an
act was passed "for the maintenance of free schools" and the following
year another was passed "for the encouragement of learning," both of
which provided a "school fund," to be raised l)y an export duty on furs,
etc. In 1704 and again in 1717, this duty was extended to other articles,
and in I7i9'an Act was passed giving to the public "school fund" the
estates of persons who died in the Province intestate .and without
known legal representatives. In addition, certain fines and forfeitures
went to the "school fund." From these various sources a fund had been
accumulated by 1723, sufficiently large to purchase a farm of 100 acres
and erect a school in each of the twelve Counties in the Trovince.
^Act, 1774. C. 14.
336 COLONIAL MARYLAND
County, to be called Charlotte Hall". The institution was to
be governed by a president and twenty-one trustees, who were
created a body politic, with right of succession, of whom fif-
teen were to constitute a quorum, reduced in 1777^ to seven,
and in 1783 to five.^
In 1798, the school fund of Calvert was united to Char-
lotte Hall. This County thus acquired the right to participate
in its management, and became entitled to a representation of
seven in its Board of Trustees,^ subsequently, however, the
funds which belonged both to Calvert and Prince George were
withdrawn from Charlotte Hall for the exclusive use of those
Counties, thus leaving the control of the institution to Charles
and Saint Mary's.
One of the first official acts of the Trustees, was an efifort
to get a water mill built there, as will appear from the follow-
ing advertisement: "To let. to the lowest bidder, at the Cool
Springs in Charlotte Hall, on Tuesday, the fourth day of
October, 1774. The building of an overshot water mill at said
place. A full meeting of the Trustees for Charlotte Hall, is
earnestly requested". Henry Tubman, Clerk.* The actual ope-
ration of the school commenced in 1796.^
Few institutions have established a higher record for honor
and usefulness, than Charlotte Hall ; none has contributed more
in moulding the character and shaping the destiny of the youth
of Maryland, and the splendid results which it has achieved
in its labors of more than a century, may well be a source of
pride and gratification to the people of the State."
'Act, 1777, C. 3. ' "Act, 1783, C. 19.
^ Act, 1798, C. '92. * Maryland Gazette, September 22, 1774.
° School Records.
'The first Board of Trustees of Charlotte Hall, was composed of
Governor Robert Eden, president; Hon. George Plater, Rev. George
Gowndrill, John Reeder, Thomas Bond, Richard Barnes, Philip Key,
and Henry Greenfield Sotherbn, for Saint Mary's ; Rev. Isaac Campbell,
Richard Lee, William Smallwood, Francis Ware, Josias Hawkins,
George Dent and Dr. James Craig, for Charles ; Hon. Benedict Cal-
vert, Rev. Henry Addison, Josiah Beall, Robert Tyler, Joseph Sim.
Thomas Contee, and Dr. Richard Brooke, for Prince George. (Act,
SAINT .MARY'S C O U X 'J' Y
337
■ In 1798, the General Assembly made Charlotte Hall the
subject of a perpetual endowment. The Act provides that the
Treasurer of Maryland, "shall be forever hereafter, authorized
and required to pay annually, on or before the first day of
June, to the president and trustees of Charlotte Hall, the sum
of eight hundred dollars"/
It may be interesting to note, tliat the "Cool Springs", at
which this early and successful seat of Academic learning is
located, are the oldest known medicinal springs in Maryland,
and became historic in the very early annals of the Province.
As early as 1698, Governor Francis Nicholson, "having
received an account of some extraordinary cures wrought at ye
Cool Springs", in order that their beneficial properties might
be availed of by all persons, the legislature appointed trustees
"to purchase the land adjoining to ye Fountains of Healing
w^aters, called ye Cool Spring, in Saint Mary's County, for
houses to be build on for ye entertainment of such poor, im-
potent persons as should resort hither for cure".''
An appropriation of iioo s. was made,'' a building was
erected, bibles and prayer-books were furnished and a lay-
reader appointed, who was to read prayers twice a week, for
which he was to receive twelve pence per day. "His Excel-
lency is also pleased to allow to the said people, every Sunday,
a mutton, and as much corn as will amount to thirteen shillings
a week".^ It was also "ordered, that, the person who reads
1774, C. 14.) The following is a list of the Principals of Charlotte Hall
from the beginning of its operations to the present time :■ Rev. Hatch
Dent, elected 1796; Rev. George Ralph, 1799; Hugh Maguire. 1809;
Dennis Don Levy, 1810; Rev. William Duke, 1812; Rev. John Ireland,
1813; Nathaniel K. G. Oliver, 1815; John Wade, 1816: Philip Briscoe,
1817; John Miltimore, 1826; Philip Briscoe, 1837; Dr. Charles Kraitsir,
1840, Rev. George Claxton, 1842; Rev. Samuel Callahan, 1846; N. F. D.
Brown, 1852; Herbert Thompson, 1875; William T. Briscoe, chairman,
1877; R. W; Silvester, 1887; George M. Thomas, 1892. The following
is also a list of the Presidents of the Board of Trustees within the
same period: Right Rev. Thomas John Claggett, 1796; Dr. Parnam,
'Act, 1798, C. 107. 'Act, 1698, C. 16.
' Scharf, i, p. .364. '.-Mien's MSS. in Whittingham Library.
338 COLONIAL MARYLAND
prayers take an account of what persons come thither, who
are cured, and of what distempers"/
Governor Nathaniel Blackistone subsequently alluded to
the subject in an address to the General Assembly, in which,
after enumerating the many blessings for which the people
should be thankful, he added, "and for restoring health to us
and blessing us with several beneficial and healing springs of
water, called the Cool Springs, which by His blessing, have
wrought many wonderful and signal cures".'
In this connection it should be noted, that "ye Fountain
of Healing Water" still flows, and doubtless possesses the
1799; Major William Thomas, 1812; John Campbell, 1813; Luke W.
Barber, 1826 ; George Thomas, 1837 ; Gen. William Matthews, 1852 ;
Gen. Walter Mitchell, 1857; Col. Chapman Billingsley, 1871; Col. John
Henry Sotheron, 1875, and Col. John F. Dent.
The "Washington Society," organized February 22nd, 1797; whose
membership is composed of students elected from Charlotte Hall, enjoys
the proud distinction, it is said, of being the oldest surviving literary
and debating society in Maryland. On its list of members may be found
the names of many of Maryland's most distinguished sons. Motto :
"Palmam qui meruit ferat." On October 24th, 1871, the "Stonewall
Society" was united with it, and since then it has been known as the
"Washington and Stonewall Society." The Society library contains
about two thousand volumes, and among them, are some rare and valu-
able works.
* The following is the record of the first proceedings of the Com-
missioners appointed to execute this Act.
"November ye 24th 1698
"At a meeting at ye coole Springs by Col : John Coarts Esqr.
Captn : Philip: Hoskins : Captn : James :_ Keech : Captn : John: Beane:
Captn: Jacob: Moorelan. and Captn: Ben Halle, appointed trustees
by act of Assembly for ye purchasing of fifty Acres of Land of Captn :
John : Dent : or anny other person interrested in ye Sd : Land whereon
ye Sd : Springs or fountains of healing waters doth- lye. for the settleing
and building of a house uppon ye Sd: Land; wherein ye sd : foun-
tains should be included according to ye sd : act to them directed they
ye sd : trustees in pursuance with ye sd. act. did at ye sd. meeting treat
with ye sd : Captn : John : Dent : & ye sd. Captn : John : Dent : did make-
appear before them that ye interest lay in him ; whereuppon ye sade
- Scharf. Vol. i, p. 364.
S A 1 X T M A R ^" S (' f ) r X T Y 339
same virtue and efficacy which jj^ave to thein their early re-
nown.
The delegates from Saint Mary's County to the several
Provincial Conventions of Maryland, which sounded the key-
note of the American Revolution, signed the famous articles
"Association of the Freemen of Maryland" and established
the "Council of Safety" as the Provincial Government of the
State, were Abraham Barnes, Henry Greenfield Sotheron and
Jeremiah Jordan, June 1774: John Allan Thomas, Richard
Barnes, Jeremiah Jordan and John DeButts. December. 1774;
same in July 1775, with John Reeder, Jr.. in place of John
Allan Thomas; same in December 1775, with John Allen
Thomas, in place of John Reeder. Jr.: (3eorge Plater, Richard
Barnes. John Reeder, Jr., and Athanasius Ford, May 1776;
same in June 1776, with Jeremiah Jordan in addition; same in
August 1776. with Ignatius Fenwick. in place of Mr. Ford.'
Saint Mary's was quick to respond to the suggestion to
elect a "Committee of Safety" and "Correspondence" for the
County, and the following is the record of the meeting for
that purpose, held December 23rd, 1775:
"S.MXT Mary's County.
"On public notice being given for the gentlemen, free-
holders and others, of the sai(i County to meet at the Court
House, at Leonard-Town, on Friday, the twenty-third day of
December last. Met agreeable to said notification a consider-
trustees did buy and purchase of him ye sd : Dent fifty Acres of the
sade Land wherein ye sd : Springs or fountains of healing waters weere
included in compliance with the sd : Act of Assembly to them ye sd :
trustees directed for which sd : fifty Acres of. Land, they ye sd :
trustees weere to pay him tlie sd : John: Dent: twenty live pounds
sterling. And it was likewise ordered by the sd : trustees, that Capt :
James Keech, was to send for ye Surveyor of St. marys Cou'nty to have
ye sd : fifty Acres of Land laid out by the last tuesday in march next,
and to have a conveyance drawnc by the sd survey that ye sd Land may
be made over by ye sd Captn John Dent according as yo In we pre-
scribes."—Vestry Records of .-\11 Faith Parish.
Journal of Conventions.
340 COLONIAL MARYLAND
able number of the most respectable inhabitants, when it being
proposed that, for the more orderly and effectually carrying
on the present business, it would be necessary to make choice
of a chairman, as also to appoint a clerk to officiate for the
day, Mr. Jeremiah Jordan was thereupon unanimously elected
to the chair, and Timothy Bowes appointed clerk to the said
meeting,
"Mr. Jeremiah Jordan in the chair.
"Mr. Timothy Bowes, clerk.
"Several of the proceedings of the continental congress
being read, as well as the late resolves of the provincial con-
vention, which were unanimously approved of. The chair-
man, addressing himself to those assembled, informed them,
that the intent and design of the present convention, among
many other things, was principally to make choice of a general
committee for the country — a committee of correspondence —
as also a committee, to meet, if necessary, the provincial
committee, to be held at Annapolis, on Monday, the 24th
day of April next, in order to carry into execution the
association agreed on by the continental congress, as well as
the resolves of the late provincial convention. Upon which
the following gentlemen were chosen as a general committee
for the county, to wit : Mr. William Thomas, Mr. Cornelius
Barber, major Zachariah Bond, Mr. William Hammersly, Mr.
John Llewellin, Mr. James Eden, Mr. Gerard Bond, Mr. John
Shanks, Jun., Mr. John Eden, Jun., Mr. Wilfred Neale, Mr.
William Bond, Mr. Meveril Lock, Mr. Richard Bond, Dr.
John Ireland, Mr. Cyrus Vowles, Mr. Athanasius Ford, Col.
Abraham Barnes, Dr. Henry Reeder, Mr. John Barnes, Mr.
Richard Barnes, Mr. Timothy Bowes, Mn William Williams,
Mr. John Fenwick, Mr. John Greenwell (of Ignatius) Mr.
\'ernon Hebb, Mr. William Watts, Mr. George Guyther, Mr.
Ignatius Combs, Mr. John McLean, Mr. John McCall, Mr.
John Black, Mr. John DeButts, Mr. William Taylor, Mr.
Maffey Leigh, Mr. George Cook, Mr. James Adderton, Mr.
Robert Armstrong, Mr. Bennet Biscoe, Mr. Richard Clark,
Mr. Edward Fenwick, Mr. Thomas Griffin, Mr. William
SAINT MARY'S COUNTY 341
Jenkins, Jun., Mr. Nicholas Sewall, Mr. Nicholas L. Sewall,
Mr. William Cavenaugh, Mr. Jenifer Taylor, Mr. Ignatius
Taylor, Mr. Robert Watts, Mr. Henry Carroll, Mr. Hugh
Hopewell, Mr. Hugh Hopewell, Jun., Mr. John Abel, younger,
JMr. Samuel Jenifer, Mr. John Abell, sen., Mr. Edward Abell.
jun., Mr. Peter L'rquhart, Mr. John H. Read, Mr. Thomas
Forrest, sen., Mr. Ignatius Fenwick, (Coles) Mr. John Smith,
(Patuxent) Mr. Enoch Fenwick, Mr. John Reeder, Jun., Mr.
Thomas A. Reeder, Mr. William Killgour, Mr. John H.
Broome, Mr. William Bruce, Mr. Henry Tubman, Mr. Henry
G. Sotheron, Mr. Robert Hammit, Mr. Herbert Blackiston,
Mr. John A. Thomas, Mr. Jeremiah Jordan, Mr. William
Bayard, Mr. Joseph Williams, Mr. Samuel Abell, sen., Mr.
Samuel Abell, Jun.
"A general committee for the county elected, the next
step taken was making choice of a committee of correspondence
when the following gentlemen were chosen, with power for
any three or more of them to act as occasion should require,
to wit: Col. Abraham Barnes, Mr. Richard Barnes, Timothy
Bowes, Mr. Athanasius Ford, Dr. Henry Reeder, Mr. John
DeButts, Mr. Jeremiah Jordan, Mr. John A. Thomas, Mr.
John Black.
"This business completed, a committee was chosen to
meet the provincial committee, to be held at Annapolis, on
Monday the 24th day of Apri4 next, if necessary, when the
following gentlemen were elected for that purpose, to wit:
Mr. Jeremiah Jordan, Mr. Richard Barnes, Mr. John Reeder,
Jun., Mr. John Barnes, :\Ir. John A. Thomas, Mr. John De-
Butts, Mr. Henry G. Sothoron,
"Signed per
"Timothy Bowes, clerk".'
In the ''Council of Safety" and in the "Continental Con-
gress". Saint Mary's was represented by the Hon. George
Plater, elected to the former in 1776,° and the latter in. 1778.'
In addition to its regular quoto of men in service, under
'Maryland Gazette, January 5th. i775 " McMahnn. 419.
» Scharf, 3. P- 753-
342 COLO N I A L M A R Y L A N D
requisition, Saint Mary's furnished to the revolution a large
independent company, under command of Captain John Allen
Thomas.' This Company became identified with the regular
army, and for its valor and efficiency, was honorably mentioned
by Major General Wm. Smallwood, in his report of October
1776, to the Maryland Convention."
In addition to the company of Captain John Allen Thomas,
which formed a part of General Smallwood's first battalion,
and which went to the front in July 1776, and her quota of
men for the Maryland Flying Camp, Saint Mary's the follow-
ing year furnished eighteen companies for the Revolution, and
the Council of Safety commissioned the following officers to
command them. For the upper battalion, composed of nine
companies, Jeremiah Jordan, colonel, John Reeder, lieutenant-
colonel, John Allen Thomas, (Jr.) major, Charles Jordan.
Gerard Bond, John Thomas, Thomas Attaway Reeder, John
Alills, James Roach, Edmund Plowden, William Kilgour and
William Bond, captains ; John Eden, John Shanks, Francis Mil-
lard, John Breen, Thomas Nicholls, James Raper, William
Spink, John Edwards and Edward Mattingly. first lieutenants ;
Clement Gardner, William Thomas, John Cartwright, William
Walton, William Raper, Joseph Stone, Benjamin Edwards and
Johnathan Edwards, second lieutenants ; Meveral Lock, Stephen
Tarlton, Clement Power, Zachary Hammett, Henry Swann,
Joseph Woodward, Wilfred Reswick, Johnson, Sothoron and
William Cartwright, ensigns.
For the lower battalions, composed also of nine companies.
Ignacius Fenwick, colonel, \>rnon Hebb, lieutenant-colonel,
Ignacius Taylor, major ; John Armstrong, John H. Abell, John
Smith, Ignacius Abell, John Greenwell, John Mackall, Samuel
Jenifer, Hugh Hopewell and William B. Smoot, captains ; Alex-
ander Watts, Robert Armstrong, Zachary Forrest, Enock Abell,
Philip Fenwick, Thomas Jenkins, John Abell, John Asquith
and George Gaither, first lieutenants ; Ignicius Combs, W^illiam
Bennett, Zepheniah Forrest, I'arton Abell, Bennett Combs, Ben-
jamin Morgan, Richard King, JohnChesley and John Lang-
' Journal of Convention. ^~ "Annals of Annapolis.
SAIXT .MAk^S CdUXTY 343
ley, second lieutenants; Georcre H. Lei^Wi. iVnjaniin Williams.
John Smith, John Mills, James Williams, Philip Evans, Georj^a-
Asquith, Robert Jarboe and Joshua Tarlton, ensigns.'
On the reorganization of the "Maryland Line" in 1794,
in compliance with the Act of Congress, the following officers
from Saint Mary's County were elected: Brigadier General
John Hanson Briscoe ; Lieut. Cols. George Plater and Henry
Xeale; Majors William Thomas, John Armstrong. William
Somerville and Francis Hamersley.' While the first attempted
infringement of the "non importation agreemejit", of the
Maryland Convention was in the arrival in the Saint Mary's
River in August, 1774, of the brig, Mary and Tom, from
London, with tea, consigned to Robert Findlay and others
(but which, was not unloaded, and was returned)," Saint
Mar>''s County was the scene of but one actual engagement
during the Revolution. In July 1776, Lord Dunmore, with
about 300 men in armed galleys, took possession of Saint
George's Island. In the engagement with Captain Beall's
Company of ^Militia he was wounded and a mid-shipman on
the "Roebuck" was killed. Dunmore's fleet, amounting to
about forty sail, was anchored at the mouth of Saint Mary's
River. On the 26th of July, Captain Xicholson of the "De-
fence", and Major Price, attempted to recapture the Island,
but were unsuccessful. Price, however, stationed a battery
on ''Cherry F"ield Point" and dfove the sloop of war "Fowey"
out of the river. Early in August the enemy abandoned the
Island, leaving several galleys and some military stores be-
hind them.'
The members of the committee from Saint Mary's County
appointed by the General Assembly, to draft the famous Res-
olutions declarative of the constitutional rights and privi*
leges of the people, and also, the instructions for the govern-
ment of the" members from Maryland of the Stamp Act Con-
gress of 1765, and which passed the "Remonstrance -to Parlia- .
'Journal Council of Safety, 177, p. 344.
"Maryland Gazette, June 12, 1794. '' Scliarf, j, p. 139.
* Scharf, 2, pp. 268, 269.
344 COLONIAL MARYLAND
ment", were the Hon. Edmund Key and the Hon. Daniel
Wolstenholme.'
In 1774, Saint Mary's County raised by private subscrip-
tion, for the Maryland "Revolutionary Fund", the sum of
i6oo sterling, the fifth largest contribution by any county
in the State." In 1776, an additional sum of £224, i s. and
3 p. in gold was raised, which, while not a gratuity from the
county, was an advance, to be redeemed only in paper money
of the Continental Congress.
In this connection it should be noted, that in 1780, when
the State was without means or credit, and the army without
supplies and in danger of dissolution, the Hon. Philip Key, a
patriotic son of Saint Mary's, and then a representative in the
Legislature of Maryland, furnished to the cause, out of his
own private means, the sum of ii50O in money, and 10 hogs-
heads of tobacco, the third largest subscription made by any
single individual in the State.'
The representatives* from Saint Mary's, in the first Gen-
eral Assembly held after the Declaration of Independence,
'Old Kent, p. 253; Scharf, i, p. 538. ^Scharf, 2, p. 168.
'Ibid, 2, p. 375.
*The earliest local officers of Saint Mary's County were, Thomas
Cornwaleys, "Commander;" James Baldridge "High Sheriff," and John
Lewger, "Conservator of the Peace." The judicial powers of the latter,
were analogous to those vested in the "County Court" as subsequently
established. The first Justices of the County Court, were Wm. Evans,
John Abbington, Thos. Matthews, Thos. Dent, Richard Willan, John
Lawson, Thos. Turner and Luke Gardner. The first Clerk was Walter
Hall, who was in turn succeeded (during the period preceding the
establishment of the Royal Government in Maryland) by Nicholas
Painter, John Skipwith, John Llewellin and Henry Denton. Vacancies
on this bench, during the same period, were filled by the appointment
from time to time, of the following Justices : Robert Slye. John Nut-
hall, Nicholas Young, John Jarboe, Wm. Bretton, John Vanhockman,
Randall Hanson, Wm. Rosewell, Wm. Barton, Wm. Boarman, Richard
Lloyd, James Martin, John Warren, Richard Gardiner, Kenelm Chesel-
dine, Joshua Doyne, Wm. Langworth, Robert Mason, Wm. Hatton and
Robert Carville.
The office of Judge of the Orphans Court was one of responsibility
and dignity, and was filled by the leading men in the County. They
SAINT MARVS COUNTY 345
and which formally established, in 1777, the first State Gov-
ernment in Maryland, were the Hons. William Thomas, James
Jordan, Athanasius Ford, and John Hattoh Reid.' The Sena-
tor was the Hon. George Plater. The election — the first in
Maryland as a State — was held in Leonardtown, on Novem-
ber 25th. for Senate electors and on December i8th. (1776)
for members of the House of Delegates, the Judges of election
being Major, Henry Tubman. Abraham Barnes, and Hugh
Hopewell." The representatives from Saint Mary's in the
convention which framed the first constitution of the State,
were, Hon.. George Plater. Ignatius Fenwick, Richard Barnes
were appointed by the Governor. Those who served in Saint Mary's
during the half century succeeding the Revohition, were : John Hatton
Read, from 1778 to 1780; Thomas Bond, 1778 to 1783, and 1784 to 1787;
WilHam Kilgour, 1778 to 1783, and 1784 to 1797; John DeButts, 1779 to
,1783, and 1784 to 1797; Ignatius Taylor, 1782 to 1783; Vernon Hebb,
1782 to 1783; Ignatius Fenwick. 1782 to 1786; Hanson Briscoe, 1782 to
1791 ; John Shanks, 1782 to 1784; John Ireland, 1783 to 1784; Zachary
Forrest, 1786 to 1791; William Somerviile, 1787 to 1803; Edmund Plow-
den, 1791 to 1805; Maj. Wm. Thomas, 1797 to 1802; Henry Gardiner,
1802 to 1803; Raphael Neale, 1802 to 1806; Philip Key, 1803 to 1804.
and 1808 to 1812; James Egerton, 1804 to 1810; Philip Ford. 1804 to
1805; Thomas Barber, 1804 to 1815; Athanatius Fenwick, 1806 to 1807,
and 1820 to 1821 ; Dr. Henry Ashton, 1810 to 181 1 ; Gen. James Thomas,
181 1 to 1813, and 1819 to 1822; Dr. Joseph Stone, 1812 to 1813, and
1819 to 1835; Zachary Forrest, 1812 to 1813; Henry Gardiner. 1812 to
1814; Luke W. Barber, 1813 to 182^; Col. John Rousby Plater, 1815 to
1816; Henry Neale, 1815 to 1816; John Leigh, 1815 to 1817; James
Hopewell, 1816 to 1817; Henry G. S. Key, 1816 to 1819; William B.
Scott, 1817 to 1819; George Thomas, 1822 to 1832; John Hanson Bris-
coe, 1830 to 1831; Stephen Gough, 1831 to 1835; Cornelius Combs,
1834 to 1835.
The Registers of Wills during the same period were. Jeremiah Jor-
dan, 1777 to 1804; James Forrest, 1804 to 1826; E. J. Millard, 1826 to
1834, George Combs, 1834 to 1856. The duties of this office were per-
formed, prior to the organization of the State Government, by a Deputy
Commissary General. Those who filled the office from the beginning of
the last century to the above date, were: James Keech, 1700 to 1706;
William Aisquith, 1706 to 1718; John Baker. 1718 to 1723; Thomas
Aisquith, 1723 to 1762; Stanton Edwards. 1762 to 1766; Samuel .Abell.
House Journal, i777-
Ibid.
346 COLONIAL MARYLAND
and Jeremiah Jordan/ The representatives in the Convention
for the ratification of the Constitution of the United States and
of which George Plater was president, were the Hons. George
Plater, Richard Barnes, Nicholas L. Sewall, and Charles Chil-
ton.''
The first local officers for Saint Mary's County, under the
State Government, were. County Lieut. Richard Barnes f Jus-
tices of the County Court. Jeremiah Jordan, John Reeder, Jr.,
Henry Greenfield Sothoron, Richard Barnes, Henry Reeder,
Vernon Hebb, Ignatius Taylor, Henry Tubman, Bennet Biscoe,
John Shanks, John Hanson Biscoe, John Ireland, Ignatius Fen-
wick, Robert Watts, Nickolas L. Sewall, and Robert Arm-
strong. The Judges of the Orphan's Court were, Henry Green-
field Sothoron, Richard Barnes, Henry Reeder, Vernon Hebb.
and John Reeder, Jr. ; Sherifif, Jenifer Taylor ; Clerk, Daniel
Wolstenholme; Register of Wills, Jeremiah Jordan; Surveyor.
jr., 1766 to 1770; John Allen Thomas, 1770 to 1777. It is regretted that,
owing to the destruction of the records, a complete list of the names of
the "High Sheriffs" of the County, prior to the Revolution, (when the
office lost much of its importance and the name was changed to that of
Sheriff only) can not here be furnished, but among them, were: James
Baldridge, 1637, (first High Sheriff) ; C. Thorougood, 1641 ; Edward
Parker, 1642; Philip Land, 1649; Nicholas Guyther, 1659; Daniel
Clocker, 1660; Richard Willan, 1662; Wm. Evans, 1663; Thos. Dent,
1664; John Lawson, 1665; Nicholas Young, 1666; John Jarboe, 1667;
Walter Hall, 1668; Wm. Boarman, 1679; Joshua" Doyne, 1684; John
Baker; 1686; Garrett VanSweringin, 1687; Robert Carse, 1690; Robert
Mason, 1692; John Coade, 1694; Thos-. Hatton, 1700; Jas. Hay, 1702;
John Coade, 1706; Thos. T. Greenfield, 1720; John Cartright, 1739; Wm.
Cartright, 1743 ; Gilbert Ireland, 1745; Robert Chesley, 1748; M. Lock,
1754; Philip Key, 1755; John Eden, 1760; Jeremiah Jordan, 1766;-
Watts, 1770; Jenifer Taylor, 1772, and Samuel Abell, 1776.
Among the County clerks during the period embraced between the
establishment of the RoyarGovernment in Maryland and the Revolution,
and for the succeeding century, were : John Skipwith, John Llewellin,
Henry Denton, Richard Ward Key, Benj. Young, Daniel Wolstenholme,
Timothy Bowes, James Kilgour, Joseph Harris, Wm. T. Maddo.x, Jas.
T. Blackistone, John A. Comalier.
^ Journal of Convention. " Il)idv ' Scliarf. 2. p. 453.
S A I X T M A K V ' S CO V X T Y
347
Jesse Lock : Coroners, James .Mills. Thoiuas Greentieid, Steplicn
Tarlton, John Attaway Clark, and Mackelery Hanimett.'
At the first constitutional convention for Presidential
Electors, 1788, Saint Mary's had two candidates, the Hon.
George Plater on the Federalist, and the Hon. \Vm. Thomas,
Jr., on the Anti-Federalist ticket. The former ticket was
triumphantly elected throughout the State.
The representatives in Congress from Saint Mary's have
been the Hons. Philip Key in the 2nd ; Raphael Xeale in the
i6th, 17th, and i8th; Clement Dorsey in the 19th, 20th, and
2ist; J. M. S. Causin in the 28th, and Benjamin G. Harris in
the 38th, and 39th.
Presidents of the Senate of Maryland from Saint Mary's,
were George Plater, 1781-2-4-5-6 and 7; John Thomas. 1797-
1800; William Thomas, 1 806-8-9- 1 o- 1 1 - 1 2 and 13; Richard
Thomas, 1836-7-8-9- 1840- 1-2 and 3. Speakers of the House of
Delegates. Philip Key, 1795-6; Richard Thomas, 1830-1 and
2; William J. Blackistone,- 1834-47; John F. Dent, 1854.
Saint Mary's has had the honor of two Governors of
Maryland under State Government, the Hon. George Plater,
elected in 1792, and the Hon. James Thomas, elected in 1832.
and re-elected the two succeeding terms.'
"■ Scharf. 3, Appendix. '■' Scharf. 2. p. 549-
CHAPTER XVI
Chronicles of Saint Mary's County
T N the absence of skilled labor, variety of material and effec-
tive mechanical tools and wood working machinery, the
houses in Saint Mary's, in early colonial times, were necessarily
small and unpretentious. They had outside brick roof chimneys,
and many of them brick gables up to the line of the roof plates,
above which the ends, like the sides, were usually of frame,
constructed of heavy and roughly squared timbers, put
together with mortise and tenon, and boarded up with thick
plank, sometimes covered with clapboards or shingles. They
were generally one and one-half stories high, with steep roof,
covered with lapped shingles, which, with the weather boarding,
were put on with wrought iron nails. A little later, the
gambrel roof and the hipped roof, wiih deeply sunken mullion
and dormer windows became, prominent features, and with
them came more capacious buildings. A few were con-
structed with double roof, with porch running the whole length
of the house, and the porch roof being extended up and
joined on to the comb of the main roof. The effect of this
curious design is exceedingly odd and quaint, what ever may
be said in favor of the protection and comfort which it afforded.
By the early part of 1700, however, many handsome and state-
ly buildings' had been erected, some of which still stand
and are models of ease and liberality, as well as of the higher
order of architecture of that day, and which in their impres-
sion of graceful design and handsome finish, are scarcely sur-
])assed by the more costly country dwellings of modern times.
The whole of Saint Mary's county lying south of Smith's
Creek was originally comprised in three large Manors; Saint
Michael's, which extended from Point Lookout to a line drawn
from Oyster Creek to Deep Creek ; Saint Gabriel's, which ex-
SAINT MARY'S COUNTY 349
tended irom the north side of Saint Michael's Manor to a
line drawn from Saint Jerome's Creek to Broad Creek ; Trinity
Manor, which extended from the north side of Saint Gabriel's
to a line drawn from Trinity ( Smith's Creek) to Saint Jerome's
Creek.
These ^Manors were granted to Governor Leonard Calvert
in 1639,' with the right of Court Baron and Court Leet, a
right which appears to have been exercised at least once, as
shown by the following record: "At a Court Baron held at
the Manor at Saint Gabriel, on the 7th of March, 1656, by the
Steward of the Manor, one Martin Kirke took of 'the lady of
the Manor in full court, by delivery of the said Stewart, by the
rod, according to the custom of said Manor, one message lying
in the said Manor, by the yearly rent of and etc., and the said
Kirke, having done his fealty was thereof admitted tenant".*
The mansion house of these manors was located at "Piney
Neck", near what is now known as the "Pine", and is re-
ferred to as a large frame building with brick foundations and
chimneys.' The first tenants on these manors, of which there
is any record, were Thomas Butler on Saint Michaels, Henry
James and Martin Kirke on Saint Gabriel, and John Langford
and Robert Smith on Trinity." In 1707, these Manors, the
Piney Neck estate excepted,^ were owned by the children of
George Parker, by inheritance from their mother, the daughter
of Gabriel Parrot." They are now divided into numerous
farms among which may be meiltioned "Calvert's Rest", and
the beautiful estate called "Cornfield Harbor". See Ridgely
42.
^ Liber, i, pp. 121, 122. *Bozman, 581.
'Archives (Pro. Ct.) pp. 189, 321. * Kilty, p. 103.
° This estate was purchased from the Hon. Wm. Calvert, the only
son of Governor Leonard Calvert, by Charles Egerton, Esq., who in
1698 devised it to his eldest son Charles Egerton, who had married
Mary, tlie only daughter of James Neale by his first wife, Elizabeth Cal-
vert, the only daughter of William, and grand-daughter of Governor
Leonard Calvert. Their grandson, James Egertoji, in r765; devised
it to his only son, Charles Calvert Egerton. in the possession of whose
descendants it remained for many years.
'■'Rent Rolls, Saint Mary's County.
350 COLONIAL MARYLAND
On the opposite side of Smith's Creek from Trinity Manor
was Saint EHzabeth's Manor, which contained two thousand
acres and within the limits of which the "Jutland" estate is
located. It was granted to Thomas Cornwaleys in 1639, but
•was subsequently owned by the Hon. Wm. Bladen/ Adjoin-
ing this on the northeast, was Saint Inigoe's Manor (for an
account of which see Saint Inigoe's Church), while bordering
on it, and Saint Inigoe's Creek, was the estate called "Cross
Manor". It contained two thousand acres, and was the home
of the Hon. Thomas Cornwaleys, one of the wealthiest, as
well as one of the most distinguished men in early Maryland,
to whom it was granted in 1639, There is evidence that the
old Cornwaleys' house (long occupied by the family of Cap-
tain Randolph Jones) was built at a very early date." and it
is probably the oldest brick house to-day in Maryland. Whilst
/so materially modified, that an accurate description of its
original architecture cannot be obtained, the lines separating
the old walls from the new, are distinctly marked, and show
it to have been a substantial and capacious building.
Mattapany, beautifully located near the mouth of^ the
Patuxent, is historic by reason of having been the residence of
Charles, Lord Baltimore, and the place from which many of
the Proprietary orders and proclamations were issued, and
where one session of the General Assembly, and several meet-
ings of the Council were held.^ On it was originally located
^ This was the early home in Maryland of the Hon. William Bladen,
member of the House, Clerk of the Council and the first "public
printer" of the Province. He was, the father of Governor Thomas
Bladen, who married Barbara, daughter of Sir Thomas Janssen, and
also of Ann, the wife of Col. Benjamine Tasker, Commissary General,
Commissioder of the Land Office, member of the Council, and, by virtue
of his position as "first in the Council," became Governor of the Prov-
ince upon the death of Governor Samuel Ogle. He was the son of
Col. Thomas Tasker, member of the House and Treasurer of Maryland,
and was the father of Rebecca Tasker, the wife of Daniel Dulaney,
and of Elizabeth Tasker, the wife of Christopher Lowndes.
-Archives (Pro. Ct. 164-') p. 182; Ibid, 1650, p. ,^06; Scharf, i, p.
149.
•'McMahon, p. 2^,7 \ Scharf, 1. p. 316; Pro. CI. 1778.
S A J X T M A 1< ^■ • S CO I- X '1' V 35 1
the Indian viilage of the Mattapients. Shortly after the land-
ing of the Maryland Colonists, King Pantheon presented this
plantation to the 'Jesnits, who established a store-house and
missionary station there.' As a result, however, of the con-
flict between Baltimore and the Jesuits in 1641, a formal
release was executed to the former, for Mattapany, in com-
mon with all other lands in Maryland held by the society, or
l)y other persons for its use."
In 1663, a special warrant was issued for Mattapany con-
taining 1,000 acres, with addition of 200 acres, ^by the Pro-
prietary to Hon. Henry Sewall, Secretary of the Province and
member of the Council from August. 1661, to the time of his
death. April 1665. On April 20th. 1665. the patent for Matta-
pany and addition, was granted to his widow," Jane Sewall.
who, in 1666, married Governor Charles Calvert, afterwards
Lord Baltimore.' Governor Calvert erected at Mattapan\, a
large brick mansion, which was for many years his private
residence. The house, says an early writer, was built "for con-
' McSherry, p. 47 ; Johnson, p. 56.
■ Brown, p. 55 ; Johnson, p. 86. " See Patent in Land Office.
* Lady Baltimore, ( widow of Hon. Henry Sewall. was the daughter
of Vincent Lowe and Anne Cavendish of London, and a sister of Col.
Vincent Lowe, of Maryland. She had by her first marriage. children-
Nicholas, who married Susannah, daughter of Col. William Burgess ;
Mary, married Col. WiUiam Chandler; Anne, married, ist Col. Benja-
min Rozier, and 2nd, Col. Edward Pye ; Jane, married Hon. Philip Cal-
vert, and Elizabeth, married, ist, Dr. Jesse Wharton, and. 2nd. Col.
William Digges. a member of the Maryland Council and son of Gov-
ernor Edward Digges. of Virginia. Colonel Digges was in command at
Saint Mary's at the time of its evacuation, in 1689. After that, he
located on "'Warburton Manor," in Prince George's County. Maryland,
nearly opposite Mount Vernon. He left a son. William, a daughter.
Jane (who married Col. John Fitzgerald, of Virginia), and grand-
children, Charles. George, and Thomas. Through the Sewalls and
Digges, there are still many descendants of Lady Jane Baltimore living
in the Counties of Southern Maryland.
It may be interesting to note that old "Fort Warburton"- stood on
a part of Warburton Manor. The land for it was purchased by the
United States in 1794. for $.vooo. When rebuilt, after it was blown up
in 1814. it was called "F"ort Washington."
352 COLONIAL MARYLAND
venience rather than magnificence"/ A fort and magazine
were also erected there," and "Brick Hill Point" on the estate.
was the place of general rendezvous for the militia, by order of
the Council/ In 1682, an Act was passed making provision
for a "sufficient guard to be kept at Mattapany, for the de-
fense of the Right Hon. the Lord Proprietary, and with him
the magazine and military supplies there".^
When the Maryland Deputies were driven from Saint
Mary's City during the Protestant Revolution, they took refuge
in the garrison at Mattapany, and it was there that the formal
articles of surrender were executed in August, 1689.' In
1690, the Proprietary petitioned the Maryland authorities to
deliver to him the Mattapany house, plantation and stock, and
to render an account of the operation of his Lordship's mill
there, located on Gardiner's Creek. This was denied, except
as to the stock, upon the ground that, the whole plantation,'
and all of its appurtenances, had with the garrison, been
"surrendered under articles to His ^Majesty's use"." Two
years later, however, by order of Council, the estate was given
up and formally placed into the possession of Col. Henry Dar-
nall, the agent of the Proprietary.'
The last notice of the old Calvert house was in 1773, when
it was reported to be in a state of dilapidation and decay. It
has long since disappeared, though its foundation and cemented
cellar may still be seen. The building was about 60 x 30 feet,
with a capacious wing, and stood about 250 yards southward
of the present commodious dwelling house of Mattapany. The
garrison, the site of which is still discernible, stood about 100
yards nearer the river, and on the river bank in the rear of the
present dwelling house, are the remains of an old earthen forti-
fication— probably a remnant of the ancient bulwark of defense
for Mattapany.
"Mattapany", or /'Mattapany Sevvall", as it was called,
came back into the possession of the Sewalls in 1722, by grant
^ Old Mixon. - Scharf, i, p. 316.
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1676) p. 31.
Mbid. Ass. Pro. 1682, p, 3.^«. ,-''McMahon, p. j.^j-
"Archives (CI. Pro. 1600) p. 1X2. n- ' Ibid, Um)2, p. ^u.
S A I N T M A K ^■ • S C ( ) U X T N' 353
from file 2nd Charles Lord lialtimore to Nicholas Sewall, sun
of the original proprietor, and it remained in the family until
early in the present century.
Susquehannah, adjoining Mattapany on the east, and situ-
ated on the Patuxent, is noted as having been the home of
Christopher Rousby. the King's Collector General, who was
fatally stabbed in an altercation with Col. George Talbot, a
member of the Council and Surveyor General of the Province.'
The Tombstone, a massive marble slab, covering the grave of
Colonel Rousby, on this estate, bears the following inscription :
"Here lyeth the Body of Xpher Rousbie esquire, who
was taken out of this World by a violent Death received on
Board his majesty's ship 'The Quaker Ketch', Capt. Thomas
Allen command'r the last day of Oct'r 1684. And alsoe of Mr.
John Rousbie, his Brother, who departed this natural Life on
board the Ship Baltimore. Being arrived in Patuxent river
the first day of February 1685, memento mori".
Susquehannah is otherwise noted as the place at which
' Talbot was at once arrested, and in spite of the efforts of the
Council to have him tried in Maryland, he was carried off to Virginia and
delivered up to the rapacious Governor, Lord Howard of Effingham,
who treated all the remonstrances of the Marylanders with contempt.
Baltimore, anxious that his kinsmen should have, at least, the chance
of a fair trial, obtained an order from the Privy Council to have him
sent to England. But when the cyder, dated January 1685, reached
Virginia, the bird had flown. In the dead of winter, Talbot's devoted
wife, and two brave and faithful retainers, sailed down the bay in a
little skiff, and up the Rappahannock to a point near Gloucester, where
he was imprisoned. Here they contrived by some devise to effect the
release of the prisoner, and carried him off in safety to his distant
Manor, Susquehannah, in Cecil County. The hue and cry was pro-
claimed, and so hot was the pursuit, according to local tradition, that
Talbot was forced to secret himself in a cave, where he was fed by
two trained hawks which brought him wild fowl from the river. How-
ever, this may have been, he soon surrendered himself to the ^luthorities.
who delivered him to Effingham. The order of the Privy Council
being disregarded, he was, in April, 1685, tried and convicted. The
Proprietary was, however, not idle in his kinsman's I)eha!f, and obtained
from the King a pnrdi n. in time to save hh life— Hnnvn. Ili-i-v -t
.Maryland, 146.
354 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the Council held its meeting July ist. 1661, and determined upon
the famous expedition against the Dutch on the Delaware.'
After the death of Colonel Rousby, Susquehannah reverted
^ On the Calvert side of the Patuxent, and nearly opposite Susque-
hanna, is the estate known as Rousby Hall — one of the handsomest, and
until the dwelling house was destroyed in the war of 1812, one of the
most highly improved places in Southern Maryland. It was the home of
Col. John Rousby (possibly a descendant of John Rousby who is buried
at Susquehannah) who was the father of Ann, wife of Hon. Edward
Lloyd and of the Hon. John Rousby of Rousby Hall, the father of Ann,
wife of Gov. George Plater. Col. John Rousby's wife was Barbara, the
daughter of Henry and Francis Morgan of Kent County, and the author
of the famous narrative of the troubles in Maryland consequent upon the
Protestant Revolution. She married secondly Richard Smith of Saint
Leonards, Captain of Militia, of Calvert County, Surveyor General 1693,
died 1714, son of Richard (and Eleanor) Smith of Calvert County, who"
came to Maryland in 1649, Attorney General in 1655, ^nd member of
the House from 1660 to 1667. Richard and Barbara Smith had sons,
Richard, Charles, Somerset and Walter, who have representatives still
living in Calvert and Saint Mary's, and daughters Anne, Elizabeth and
Barbara, progenitors of the Parker's, Hellens', and Dawkins' of Calvert
County. Hon. John Rousby, only son of Col. John Rousby, and the
father of Mrs. Plater, died in 1750 at the early age of twenty-three and
is buried at Rousby Hall, where his tomb may still be seen.
■ The following romantic incident in the life of Mrs. Plater is handed
down by those who vouch for its truth. Mrs. Rousby her mother, noted
alike for her beauty, dignity, position and wealth, became a widow at
the age of twenty, her only child being then an infant. Among her
many suitors was Col. William Fitzhugh of Virginia. His position and
fortune were good, but the fair widow of Rousby Hall was inflexible.
Colonel Fitzhugh, however, who had served under Admiral Vernon at
Carthegena, was not to be subdued and continued to press his suit. On
one occasion having paid a visit to Mrs. Rousby, and on leaving the
house to take his boat, the nurse appeared, bearing in her arms the in-
fant heiress of Rousby Hall. Snatching the child from the nurse's
arms, and unheeding the cries of the baby, the desperate soldier-lover
sprang into his boat and ordered his men to push from the shore. When
some distance out in the Patuxent, he held the child over the water,
threatening to drown it if its mother did not relent and agree to become
his wife. The mother half frantic, stood upon the river bank while her
mad lover held her innocent child between sky and water. Believing
that the threat would be executed sh^, yielded and sealed her fate,
by becoming shortly afterwards Mrs. Col. William Fitzhugh, and the
baby that was not drowned became the wite of Gov. George Plater.
S A I X T M A R Y ' S C O L' X T Y
355
to the Proprietary, and, in 1700 it was oranled to Richard
Smith. This patent was executed by Mary Darnall.' the wife
of Colonel Henry Darnall, the agent of the Proprietary, and is
one of the very few instances in which such authority was
exercised by a woman in Maryland. Shortly afterward it
became the property of a branch of the Maryland, Carroll
family, and for many generations continued to be their attrac-
tive homestead.
Cedar Point, at the mouth of the Patuxent, and adjoining
Susquehannah, was the Sewall estate. It was granted by Lord
Baltimore, in 1676 to Nicholas Sewall, his step-son. in whose
family it remained until a very recent date.^
These three estates, Mattapany. Susquehannah, and Cedar
Point, originally occupied nearly the whole of that fertile and
beautiful plateau bordering on the mouth of the Patuxent.
Above Mattapany, and near Town Creek on the Patuxent
was Saint Joseph's ]\Ianoi; containing 1350 acres. It belonged
to the Edloes,* and consequently to the Platers.' On Abbing-
' See patent in Land Office.
"Major Nicholas Sewall, Secretary of Maryland in 1683, member of
Council from 1684 to 1689, and son of Hon. Henry Sewall, of "Matta-
pany," married Susannah, daughter of Hon. William Burgess, of Anne
Arundel! County. They left sons Charles and Henry. The latter's
widow, Elizabeth, in 1728, married Hon. Wm. Lee of the Council, father
of Thomas, the father of Governor 1 homas Sim Lee. Nicholas, son of
Henry and Elizabeth Sewall, married Miss Darnall of "Poplar Hill,"
Prince George County. Among the more prominent of the Sewalls of
later times, were Hon. Nicholas Lewis Sewall of "Cedar Point," mem-
ber of convention for ratification of the constitution of the United
States, and Robert Darnall Sewall of "Poplar Hill." The last named
estate is a part of the once famous and beautiful plantation in Prince
George's County, known as the "Woodyard." and the home of Col.
Henry Darnall, who came to Maryland in 1665. hi^ brother John Darn-
all. having located at Portland Manor, Anne .Arundel County. Eleanor,
daughter of Col. Henry Darnall, married Clement Hill. Archbishop
Carroll's, mother, Eleanor Brooke Darnall was of the "Woodyard." as
was also Mary, the wife of Charles Carroll of CarroUton.' Robert
Darnall, grandson of Col. Henry Darnall, lost all of this magnificent
estate except "Poplar Hill"— about 800 acres— and which came into pos-
session of the Sewall's through the marriage above mentioned.
'Patent in Land Office. * Will, George Plater, 1751.
356 COLONIAL MARYLAND
ton Creek, on this Manor, the port of Saint Joseph's was
erected in 1688.
Between Town Creek and Cuckolds Creek was "Resurrec-
tion Manor". It was patented, in 1650, to Thomas Corn-
waleys.^ Shortly afterwards it came into possession of the
Plowden family, where it remained for several generations.^
On this Manor, two sessions of the Privy Council were held,
the one on December 12th, 1659, the other, June 27th, 1662.''
"Satterly", now called Sotterly, on the Patuxent, oppo-
site Saint Leonards Creek, was the Plater homestead. It
is beautifully located and highly improved. The house, built
about 1730, is a handsome model of antique architecture. It
is- in the shape of the letter "Z", is one and a half stories
high with steep gambrall roof, surmounted by a cupola and
penetrated by triangular capped dormer windows. It is a
frame building with brick foundations, brick gables, brick
porches and flagstone colonnade. A secret brick arch-way leads
from the cellar to the foot of the hill below the house. The
rooms are capacious, with ceilings of medium height on the
lower floor, and hipped and low on the upper floor. The main
hall, library, and original dining, room, are furnished in hand-
,somely panneled wood from the ceiling to the floor. The
parlor is finished entirely in wood, both ceiling and side
walls, artistically paneled and elaborately carved. The shell
carvings forming the ceilings of the parlor alcoves are especi-
ally unique and handsome. The window frames are of walnut
and the door solid mahogany, swung on solid brass strap
hinges extending about two feet across the door. This room
presents one of the finest specimens of colonial interior finish
and decoration to be found in Maryland. The stairway is also
of mahogany, with grooved rail, and balustrade and newel
post of an ingenius device of filigree work. A tradition in
the Plater family is that the work on the parlor and stair-way
was done by a mechanic named Bowen, who was one of the
"King's seven year convicts", transported to Maryland, pur-
Patent in Land Office.
Will of George, Edmund and Henrietta Plowden.
Archives (CI. Pro.) p. 381, 460.^"
SAIXT MARY'S COUNTY 357
chased by the lloii. lieurj^a- I Mater and iihi-raled in consid-
eration of his niasterly workmanship at Sotterly. In the
front yard formerly stood two small square l.uildings. with
cone shaped roofs. The one stood at the garden gate and was
used as a wine and smoking room ; the other stood immediately
opposite, and was used as the office of the Collector and Xaval
Officer of the Patuxent District. The former of these is now
at the foot of the yard, opposite the old "Gate Lodge" ; the
other is in the barn yard, flanked by a series of sheds and used
as a granary. Near the centre of the garden, and- about thirty
yards from the house, still stands in good preservation, a relic
of the olden times — the Sotterly sun dial. A capacious brick
stable and carriage house Ix'ars the date o( its erection — 1734.
carved in the brick.
Sotterly was originally a part of "Peuwick's AIaiK)r"V ,, : . -/^
It was purchased from it by the Hon. James Bowles, contained ^^ i.^'^^C'',
2000 acres and was for many years known as "Bowies' Separa- •'""
tion". Its present name, after the Plater homestead in Eng-
land, as well as many of its architectural beauties, it owes to
its subsequent owners — the Platers — in whose possession it
came by intermarriage with the widow of Mr. Bowles.*
' Of the marriage of the Hon. George Plater, father of Governor
Plater, in the Maryland Gazette of June i6th, 1729, the following notice
appeared: "On Thursday last the Hon. George Plater was married to
Mrs. Rebecca Bowles, relict of Jarrfes Bowles, Esq., a gentlewoman of
considerable fortune."
Mrs. Rebecca Bowles was the daugliter of Col. Thomas Addison
and Elizabeth, his wife, the daughter of Thomas Tasker. treasurer of
Maryland. James Bowles, her first husband, who died January, 172",
was a member of the Council of Maryland, and son of Tobias Bowles,
of London. Their children were Eleanor, who married, ist, William,
son of Governor Sir William G.ooch, and married, 2nd, Warner Lewis,
both of Virginia; Mary and Jane Bowles, one of whom married Wil-
liam, son of Henry and Martha (Burwell) Armistead of Virginia.
Hon. George Plater died June 17th, I755. his wife having died be-
fore 1751. They left children— Governor George, Ann, Elizabeth, and Re-
becca Plater, who married, in 1744, Col. John Taylor, of Mount Airy,
Virginia, and who died in 1787, leaving children: Elizabeth, married, in
1767, Edward Lloyd, father of Governor Edward Lloyd, of Maryland:
Rebecca married, in 1769, Francis Lightfoot Lee. "the signer": Eleanor
358 COLONIAL M A R Y L A N D
For more than a century, Sotterly was conspicuous as the
homestead of this family — than which none other, perhaps,
was more closely identified with the history of Maryland, both
as a colony and as a State. ' The Hon. George Plater was a
member of the Assembly and Attorney General of Maryland
as early as 1691, and from 1692 to 1720, was the Collector of
Customs for the Patuxent. His son, George Plater, was for
many years a member of the Council, and was Naval Officer
of the Patuxent, and, from 1746 to 1755, was Secretary of the
Province. His son, George Plater, was a member of the
House of Delegates in 1758; Naval Officer of the Patuxent.
from 1767 to 1774; Judge of the Provincial Court, from 1771
to 1773; Member of the Council, in 1773 and 1774; Member
of the Council of Safety of Maryland, in 1776; Member of the
Constitutional Convention of Maryland, in 1776; Member of
the Senate of Maryland and President of that body, in 1784;
married, in 1772, Ralph Wormly ; Ann, married, in 1773, Thomas
Lomax ; Mary, married, in 1776, Mann Page ; Catherine, married, in
1780, Landon Carter; Jane, married, in 1791, Robert Beverly; Sarah,
married, in 1799, Col. William Augustine Washington (all of Virginia) :
John, born 1771, married 1792, Anne, daughter of Governor Benjamin
Ogle, of Maryland, died 1828, leavitig many children, among them
Henry Tayloe, of Alabama, and Benjamin Ogle Tayloe, of Washington.
D. C.
Governor George Plater, only son of Hon. George Plater, and heir
of Sotterly, was born in 1736, and was educated at William and Mary's
College. In 1760 he visited England, where he was introduced by let-
ters from Governor Horatio Sharpe. He seems to have made an agree-
able impression while there upon Lord Baltimore, who shortly after
indicated to Governor Sharpe his desire to -have him associated "in the
affairs of the Province,'' and with which he soon became so prominently
connected. He married Ann Rousby, the only child of Colonel John
Rousby, of the once famous and beautiful estate on the Calvert
side of the Patuxent, known as "Rousby Hall." Mrs. Plater enjoys
the reputation of having been a woman possessed of rare personal
beauty and stately elegance. Her rich patrimony, added to the already
large estate of her husband, enabled the occupants of Sotterly to live in
courtly style and in full keeping with their distinguished position, as is
clearly attested by the will of Governor Plater and the inventory of his
estate. Governor George and. Ann Rousby Plater left two daughters,
Ann and Rebecca (whose fame for bcanty and accomplishments have
S A ] X I" .M A R Y ' S COUNTY
359
Delegate to "the Continental Congress, from 1788 to 1791 ;
Member of the Convention for the ratification of the Constitu-
tion of the United States, and President of that body in 1788;
Presidential Elector, in 1789, and (jovernor of Maryland, in
1792.
Besides being so closely identified with Maryland in her
struggle for independence and in laying the foundations of free
government, his name conspicuously appears upon the pages of
lived to the present day), and three sons, George. Thomas, and John
Rousby Plater. Ann Plater married the distinguished jurist and states-
man, Philip Barton Key, and Rebecca married General Uriah Forrest,
of the Maryland line; George, eldest son of Governor George Plater
and heir of Sotterly, married ist, March 9th, 1795, Cecilia B. Bond,
of "Southampton," and 2nd, March 22nd. 1798. Elizabeth Somerville.
He died in 1802, leaving by his first marriage, George, who inherited
Sotterly and lost it, and by his second, Ann Elizabeth Plater, who
married her cousin, John Rousby Plater. Judge John Rousby, second
son of Governor George Plater, married Elizabeth Tuttle, of Annapolis,
Maryland. He died in 18.^2, leaving children— i. Elizabeth, who married
May 5th, 1818, Stephen Gough, and left issue. Elizabeth .■\., Stephen,
Sophia, Mary, Louise, Georgiana, and John Rousby Gough; 2. Dr.
William, who married, ist, Mrs. McEldeny, by whom he had one son,
William, and 2nd, Louise Hobbie, by whom he had children. John
Rfuisby, Mayhew, married Alice Bland, and Louisa Plater; 3. Sophia,
married William G. Ridgely, nephew of Hon. Charles Ridgely, of
Hampton, and had issue, Elizabeth, Thomas, Louise, Emily, William,
.Ann Key, and Sophia Matilda Ridgely; 4, John Rousby, married, 1st,
November 3rd, 1816, his cousin, Anne Plater, who died without issue,
and 2nd, Matilda Edmonson, by whom he had issue, John Rousby and
Charlotte Plater, the latter being the wife of General E. Law Rodgers,
of Baltimore.
Thomas, the third son of Governor George Plater, inherited the
famous estate, "Rousby Hall," and sold it. He represented his dis-
trict in Congress 1801 to 1805. His daughter, Ann Plater, was another
noted beauty of the family, and of whom many reminiscences still sur-
vive. She became the wife of Major George Peter, of Montgonury
County, distinguished in the military service in 1812— a belle and a luTo
of ye oklen time.
Early in the present century, Sotterly passed out of the Plater fam-
ily, and since then, the mansion house and a small portion (about 400
acres) of the once vast domain of Sotterly. has been in the p..^^-^'^^- n
of the family of Dr. Walter Hanson Stf.ne Briscoe.
36o C O L O N I A L M A R Y L A N 13
his country's history, during- a period of half a century, in
nearly every important move made by her people. He died
at Annapolis, February loth, 1792. His remains "attended
by the Council and State officials, were taken the next day,
by way of South River, to Sotterly", where he is buried in
what is now an open field, and without even a simple slab to
mark the last resting place of a son of Maryland, whose state-
manship and zeal are so closely interwoven with her govern-
ment, and whose whole life, from the dawn of early manhood
to the grave, was conspicuous for disinterested devotion and
distinguished service to the State and to the Nation. Oh !
Spirit of Liberty, where sleeps your thunder !
His sons were — George, a colonel in the Maryland line,
Thomas, a member of Congress from Maryland, from 1801 to
1805 ; and Judge John Rousby Plater, who was the Presidential
Elector in 1797; in 1812, and for several terms thereafter, he
was a member of the Plouse of Delegates of Maryland, and
from 1823 to the time of his death, 1832, filled with distinc-
tion and honor, the position of Associate Judge of the First
Judicial District of Maryland.
Below De La Brooke, and separated from it by Cat Creek,
was "Fenwick's Manor", granted in 165 1, to Mr. Cuthbert
Fenwick, prominent in the early councils of the Province, and
the progenitor of a long line of descendants, distinguished
both in Church and State. The manor extended down the
Patuxent as far as Saint Cutiibert's (Cuckold's) Creek, and
that part of it bordering on this creek still retains its original
name — Saint Cuthbert's.
The manor house, it is said, stood on the site occupied
by the residence of the late Joseph Forrest. This house was
referred to as early as 1659, in the famous '.proceedings against
Edward Prescott, for "hanging a witch", in which Colonel
John Washington, of Virginia, the great-grandfather of Gen-
eral George Washington, was the principal witness. "He
will be called", says the summons of Washington, "uppon
his tryal the 4th or 5th day of Octob.r next, at the Court to bee
held then att the Patuxent, near Mr. Fenwick's house". In
this connection it may be interesting to note that Colonel
SA 1 \ T M A k N' "S CO L' X T \' 3M
Washington, 'in reply to this summons, wrote that lie would
be unable to attend court on the days named "because then.
God willing, I intend to gette my yowng sonne baptized. All
the Company & Gossips being allready invited". The pro-
ceedings also show that at the trial of the case, no witnesses
appearing, the prisoner was acquitted.'
Nearing the manor house of Fenwick's Manor, stood "Fen-
wick's Mill", long since disappeared, though the outlines of
the old mill dam were plainly visible within the recollection of
many persons still living, and near the mouth of Cole's Creek
stood one of the public warehouses of the Province, known
as "Cole's Inspection". There was on the manor, also,
"Fenwick's Tavern", a part of which is still- standing and
constitutes a portion of the dwelling house on the estate of
Mr. James T. King.''
De La Brooke, on the Patuxent, was settled in 1650. by
"Robert Brooke, Esq., arrived out of England on the 2<nh
ascendency of the Cromwell party in Maryland, was President
of the Council and, as such, Governor of the Province." In the
' Record of this case is printed in full in Brown's History, pp. 84-86,
^ On the north side of, and close to the road leading from Oakville
to Forrest Wharf (presumably on that part of Fenwick's Manor which
was the estate of Henry Lowe), may still be found an old tombstone
bearing the following inscription: "Here Lyeth interred the Body of
Susannah Maria Lowe. Late wife of' Henry Lowe, of the family of the
Bennetts, who departed this life the 28th day of July 1714 In the 4Sth
year of her Age." Mrs. Susannah Maria Lowe was no less a personage
than the daughter of Richard Bennett and his wife, Henrietta Maria
Neale, the daughter of Captain James Neale. She married, ist. John
Darnall, and had a daughter, Henrietta Maria Darnall. She married.
2nd, Colonel Henry Lowe, who died in 1717- They left children— Kliza-
beth, who married Henry Darnall, of Portland Manor; Bennett.
Thomas, Dorothy, who married Francis Hall; Mary, who married Fd-
ward Neale; Nicholas, Ann, Susannah, and Henry Lowe. Susannah
Lowe married Charles Digges. and their daughter married- Governor
Thomas Sim Lee. the grandfather of Mary Digges Lee. mother ol
Governor John Lee Carroll.
' Robert Brooke was the son of Thomas Brooke, of Whitccluircb.
England, and Susan Foster, his wife, the daughter of Sir Thomas Fos-
ter, and sister of Sir Thomas Foster, Jr., Lord Chief Justice of Eng-
362 COLONIAL MARYLAND
written memorandum which he left of his family, he says :
"Robert Brooke, Esq., arrived out of England on the 29th
day of June, 1650, in the 48th year of his age, with his wife
and ten children". "He was the first that did seat the
Patuxent, about twenty miles up the river, at De La Brooke.^
Besides his own family, he brought at his own cost and charge,
twenty-eight other persons.
The settlement was erected into a county, called Charles,
and Mr. Brooke made its Commander. De La Brooke, con-
taining two thousand acres, which formed the chief seat of the
Brooke colony, was erected into a manor, with the right of
Court Baron and Court Leet, and his oldest son, Baker Brooke,
made lord of the manor."
The house of De La Brooke stood about a mile from the
river, on the brow of the hill, and about fifty yards north of
the road leading from the present De La Brooke House to the
Three-Notched Road. It was a commanding situation — the
broad plains below ; the river, with its curves, creeks, coves,
land. He married, ist, Mary, daughter of Thomas Baker, of London.
and 2nd, Mary, daughter of Roger Mainwaring, Dean of Worcester,
and Bishop of Saint David's. Robert Brooke was commissioned, by
Lord Baltimore, Commander of Charles County, and a member of the
Privy Council, before he left England, in 1650. Why he subsequently
united with Cromwell's Commissioners for the reduction of Maryland,
is a question upon which but little light has been thrown. It has been
suggested that he was actuated by the belief that by accepting a position
in the Cromwell Council he could the better serve and protect Balti-
more's interests in the Province, but the latter did not so understand it,
for he was quick in retribution, deposing him both as Councilor and
Commande.r. The facts rather point to the conclusion that his religious
sympathies were with the Cromwell party,, and hence his attitude.
Historians, generally, have assumed that he was 71 Roman Catholic,
though Bozman says he was a "Puritan," and Allen, that he was a
"High Church Protestant." Certain it is, that he stood very high in the
confidence of the Cromwell party, in fact, as President of its Council,
was practically made its leader; arid his son, Thomas Brooke, was a
member of the Council under the Royal Government in Maryland, as
well as one of the first Vestrymen of .Saint Paul's Parish, Calvert
County.
'Memoirs of R. B. Taney, p. 25. '-Sec Patent in Land Ofiioc.
S A 1 X T y\ A R N • S C 6 L' X T \' 363
and isfaiuls. j^ivinjj: it a land ami water view ni<>.>t iinixj>inj;
and picturesque. It was a brick l)uildinJ^^ alx)ut thirty by
forty feet, one and one-half stories high, with steep roof and
dormer windows. The rooms on the lower floor were hand-
somely wainscoted, and the parlor was also embellished with
massive wooden cornice and frieze, on which were carved in
relief, roses and other floral designs. The house was de-
stroyed about sixty years ago, but it still stands in the rec-
ollection of many persons famihar with its quaint architec-
ture and handsome finish. A mass of moss-coyered bricks
and an excavation still mark the spot where, for nearly two
hundred years, stood the first manor house on the Patuxent.
De La Brooke is otherwise noted as the place at which the Coun-
cil, with Governor Ciiarles Calvert, met on July igth.' 1662.
The lower part of De-la IJrooke manor, subsequently
came into the possession of Henry Queen, John Ford and
John Francis Taney ; the mansion house and the upper part
of the manor in Richard 'Boarman.' and later in his daughter,
Catherine Brooke Boarman, wife of Major William Thomas.
and a descendant of Baker Brooke, the first lord of the
manor, and liis wife Ann. the daughter of Governor Leonanl
Calvert.
Adjoining Dc-la i'.rokc. is Cremona, and. while a more
modern estate, perhaps, than those embraced in the period
under consideration, it should' be mentioned because of its
singular beauty, both in its picturesque location, and in the
imposing and hospitable appearance of its attractive mansion.
Higher up the river, is the fine estate known as "Trent
Hall".' It was granted, in 1658. to Major Thomas Truman,
' Rent Rolls.
^On this old estate is the Truman and Greenfield grave-yard, noted
as containing probably the oldest tombstones in Maryland. The earliest
of them are to the memory of General James Truman, "wlin died tiie
7th day of August. 1672. being aged tifty years": "Xathaniel Truman,
Gent," who "died the 4th of March, 1678" ; Thomas Truman, "w Im died
the 6th of Deceml>er, Anno. 1685. Aged sixty years. The mcnmry
of the just is Blessed. Prnv. y^' iQc'' & ye 7 Vsc" ; M.iry. '•wife and
relict of Thomas Truman, Esq., wlu) died the 6th of July. .\nno. 1686,
364 COLONIAL MARYLAND
a member of the Privy Council/ When first granted it was
called "Trent Neck", and contained six hundred acres, but
in 1705, under a re-survey for his nephew, Thomas Truman
Greenfield, it was enlarged to two thousand, three hundred
and fifty-four acres."
The "Plains", at first called "Orphans' Gift", situated
on the Patuxent, above "Trent Hall", is an old estate of
Aged fifty-two years" ; Thomas Truman Greenfield, "who departed this
life December loth, 1733, in the fifty-first year of his age"; Walter
Greenfield, "son of Colonel Thomas Truman Greenfield, and Anne his
wife, who departed this life on the 28th of May, 1739, in the fourteenth
year of his age. A Dutiful Son; the Glory of his Mother"; Captain
Thomas Truman Greenfield, "son of Colonel Thomas Truman Green-
field and Susanna, daughter of Kenelm Cheseldjme and granddaughter
of Thomas Gerrard, Esq., of Bromley in Lancashire, who died 29th
of November, in the 23rd year of his age, A. D. 1744."
^ Major Thomas Truman commanded the Maryland militia in the
joint attack made by Maryland and Virginia, in 1763, upon the Indians
on account of a number of murders alleged to have been committed by
them, the Virginia forces being led by Colonel John Washington,
Colonel Mason, and Major Alderton. On reaching the fort of the Sus-
quehannoughs, Major Truman summoned their chiefs to a parley, and
after receiving assurances that it was not they, but the Senecas, who had
committed the outrages, expressed himself as satisfied with the truth of
that_ statement. Thus assured, the chiefs returned to the colonial camp
the next day, by which time the Virginia militia had arrived. They were
again interrogated as to the affair, with the result that Colonel Washing-
ton, and a large number of soldiers in both companies, became con-
vinced, it would seem, that at least five of the Indians then before them,
were guilty, and urged that they be at once killed. Truman protested,
but it appears, ultimately yielded, and the five were taken out and toma-
hawked. For this offense, Major Truman was arraigned before the
Lower House, where articles of impeachment were brought against him,
and the General Assembly convicted him of violating his instructions
and commission. The two houses, however, being unable to agree upon
the penalty— the Upper House insisting upon the death penalty, and the
Lower House, upon a pecuniary fine only — he escaped punishment alto-
gether, but the Proprietary dismissed him from the Council.
Many historians have done Major Truman the — perhaps uninten-
tional— injustice of simply recording the fact of his attainder and con-
viction. But it is, due to him that it be said, that the proceedings in his
1st H. & J., Maryland Reports, p^■3l6.
SAINT MARY'S COUNTY 365
exceptional attractiveness.' It was. in its early hi>tory, the
home of the Jowles family — a family which, though now ex-
tinct in name, at least in Southern Maryland, was one of great
distinction in the colonial annals of the State — but it subse-
quently, through intermarriage, came into the possession of
case indicate that he was largely the victim of policy, growing out of a
desire to pacify the Indians, as well as a narrow construction of the
terms of his commission. The testimony shows that Major Truman, at
first, warmly protested against the act, and only yielded when he found
the Virginia Commanders, as well as the soldiers, keen for what they be-
lieved to be a summary act of justice, and when he thought further op-
position useless, or, in the language of the reply of the Lower to the
Upper House, when it was the result of "the unanimous consent of the
Virginians, and the general impetuosity of the whole held, as well Mary-
landers as Virginians, upon the sight of the christians murdered," * * *
and the "very Indians that were there killed being proved to be mur-
derers, both of them and several others," and further, when the act be-
'came a necessity to prevent a mutiny of the whole army. But the Upper
House thought differently, ai\d insisted that if Truman escaped lightly
it would "not give any satisfaction to the heathens, with whom the
public faith had been broke, and until such actions are iii a more public
manner disowned the Indians may take notice thereof." * * * "It is not
to be expected that any faith or credit will be given to any treaties we
shall have with them, which in this dangerous juncture of affairs, the
country will stand in need of." — (Archives, Ass. Pro. 1676) pp. 475-481,
485-493, 500-504.) That the Susquehannoughs held the Virginia, and
not Maryland forces responsible for the occurrence, is fully attested by
the fact that when they attempted to^seek revenge, their whole aim was
directed at Virginia, and resulted in the famous Bacon's rebellion.
' The "Plains" formerly embraced within its domain, the estates of
"Chesley's Hill" and "Orphans' Gift," and in the old family grave-
yard there, may be found tombstones bearing the following early in-
scriptions :
"Here lies Interred the body of Colonel Henry Peregrine Jowles,
who departed this life the 31st day of March, 1720, in the 49th year of
his age."
"Here lies. Interred the body <>i .Mr. John I-'orbcs, who d<.'i)artt(l
this life the 26th day of January, 1737. in the 37th year of his age."
"Here lies interred the body of Mary Sothoron, wife of Henry
Greenfield Sothoron, only child of Major Zachariah Bond. Born the
i4tli ('ay of January, 1736, and died the nth of October, 1763. .\ged 26
year';."
■T'nili'r this t< mb is flenn-ited the remains of John I'orbos. who
366 COLONIAL MARYLAND
the Sothorons, and for many generations has been their inter-
esting homestead. The dwelling house — a capacious brick
building, and erected, it is said, prior to the Revolution, by
the Hon. Henry Greenfield Sothoron — is a unique and impos-
ing specimen of colonial architecture. This old mansion still
bears the scars of war, inflicted upon it in 1812, in a conflict
between the British fleet and the Maryland militia stationed
' there, in the attempt on the part of the latter to prevent the
fleet from going further up the river.
On the opposite side of the Patuxent, and forming an
interesting historical, as well as a picturesque feature of the
landscape, and which can be seen from the Saint Mary's side
of the river, may be mentioned Point Patience, once under
consideration as the site of Maryland's Capital ; the house of
Richard Preston, the seat of government under the Puritan,
reign in Maryland ; Saint Leonard's Creek, famous as the
scene of the heroism and exploits of Commodore Barney ;
Brome's Island, near Saint Leonard's noted as the place se-
lected for the execution of the first capital punishment in
Maryland: Calverton, but shortly afterward called "Battle
Town", on Battle Creek, laid out as the first county seat of
Calvert County, and which it continued to be until 1725, when
the county seat w^as removed to William's Old Fields, called
was born on the 19th day of March. 1757. He departed this life
on the 31st day of Dec. 1804, in the 48th year of his age. He was a
good man."
"Maria Forbes, liorn 1803. died 1805."
At "Chesley's Hill" is a stone bearing the following: "This monu-
ment is erected to the memory of John Chesley of Saint Mary's County,
who died December the 5th, 1767, in the 64th year of his age. He was
magistrate of said County upwards of 30 years,' during several of which
he presided as judge of the Court, and always distinguished himself for
ability and uprightness.
"Beneath this stone the cold remains are laid.
Of one who has the debt of nature paid,
Truth as she passes drops the silent tear,
Laments the Husband, Parent, Friend,
Duty and love have thus inscribed- his name.
Rut virtue ranks it in the"'" Book of Fame."
S A I X 'J- M A k \' • S C O r X T \' 367
Trince 1'Vedcric after ijjS. Xcar I'.atllc Town is the handsome
Taney homestead, the seal of that (hstin^niished family for
many generations/ and the birth-place of. the illustrious Giief
Justice Roger Brooke Taney, while separated from it by Battle
Creek, is Brooke Place Manor, in later life the Iwme of Gov-
ernor Robert Brooke.'
Among the places of interest lying between the Patuxent
and Wicomico ri\ers. should be noted "Forrest Hall", "Hill^v
Lee", "Indian Town". "Hamburg", and "Luckland",
the latter, formerly a large estate, embracing among others,
the beautiful homestead of Mr. John A. Barber."
"Deep Falls", the Thomas homestead, is situated near
village of Chaptico. In the proprietary grant, dated March
26th, 1680, it was called "Wales", but when the improve-
ment, known as "the falls", was completed, the name was
changed to the one it bears to-day. The present mansion was
erected by Major William Thomas, about 1745. It is, in ap-
pearance, an English country dwelling house, and, while its
builder aimed at massive simplicity, rather than architectural
display, it is of graceful and pleasing design and finish. It is
a large, double, two-story frame building, with brick founda-
tions and brick gables to the upper line of the first story, when
the brick work branches into two large outside chimneys at
each gable end of the house. It is sixty feet long and forty
^Archives (Ass. Pro. 1662) p. '435 ; Bozman, 2, p. 205; Annals of
Annapolis, p. 46; Memoirs Com. -Barney, pp. 256, 257; Archives (Test
Pro. 1657) p. 545; Ibid, CI. Pro. 1669. p. 47; Ibid, Ass. Pro. 1682, p.
j.So; Act, 1725, C. 11; Act. 1728. C. 17; Memoirs R. B. Taney, p. 20.
■ Dr. Luke Earlier, the progenitor of the Barber family in Southern
Maryland, came to Maryland in 1654, distinguished himself in the battle
of the Severn, and for his bravery on that occasion, and his fidelity to
the Proprietary throughout the Puritan rule in Maryland, he, together
with Major Thomas Truman, William Barton and others, was made the
subject of a special donation, each receiving one thousand acres of land,
by order of Baltimore. In 1656, he was appointed a men'iber of the
Privy Council, and the following year, was promoted to the office of
Deputy Governor of the Province, acting in the absence of Governor
I'endall. He died before i''7i. 11 i< \vi<li)\v niarrit-d John Bloomfield, of
Saint Marv's Citv.
368 COLONIAL MARYLAND
feet deep, with wide piazzas, front and back, running- the
whole length of the house, and supported by handsome, mas-
sive pillars.
On a line with the front of the house, is a long corridor,
with a capacious wing, one and a-half stories high, and
which constitutes the culinary department. The hall, as
distinguished from a mere passage, is a feature that does not
exist, it is believed, in any other colonial house in Saint Mary's.
It is a large, well finished, square room, and is flanked on one
side by a parlor, on the other by a dining-room, separated
from it by a partition consisting of a series of folding doors,
and in the rear by a long passage, running at right angles,
into which it opens, and through which entrance is obtained
to the back porch, by a door immediately opposite the front
door, and the archway between the hall and the passage.
The stairway is in the passage. Its sides are carved, with
maple newel posts and rosewood top, surmounted with an ivory
knob, rosewood rail, and bird's-eye maple balustrade, the two
latter extending around the corridors above.
In front, is the entrance to the house, through a gently
ascending avenue, about forty yards wide and three hundred
yards long, lined on each side with a row of ornamental trees,
with a background of cone-shaped cedars. In the rear, are
five falls, or terraces, each one hundred feet long and ten feet
deep, which lead to a plateau below. About two and a-half
acres of this plateau is the garden. It is Queen Anne in
design, is artistically laid off, and, at one time, was highly
ornamented with fine specimens , of shrubbery and flowers.
On the right and left of the house, is a broad ■. ,...-^^.>f about
three acres, made picturesque by its gentle ur„>u. iops, and
its rich and varied foliage. "Deep Falls" is one *•,■ the few
places in Saint Mary's, which is still in the family of its origi-
nal proprietor, and the old graveyard there, dedicated to family
burial more than a century and a half ago, contains within its
sacred limits, the successive generations that have lived and
passed away.
"Basford Manor", or "liasford", as now called, sit-
S A I X T M A K \' • S C O L' X 1' \' 369
uated near Chaptico, was granted to Dr. Thomas Gerrard, in
March, 1650.' It, was bounded as follows : "On the South
with the Manor of Saint Clement's, on thie west with the Wic-
cocomoco River, on the north with a bay called Chapticon Cay,
on the east with a line drawn southeast from a marked oak
standing in a marsh, near the said bay, called Tapster's Marsh,
unto the first fountain of Tommahkockin, or the fresh creek
running into Saint Clement's Bay", and was laid out for
fifteen hundred acres, but l)y a re-survey it was found to con-
tain a liiuch larger area. Tl:e annual quit-rent- was fifteen
bushels of corn. This manor was sold by Dr. Gerrard to
Governor Thomas Xotley, who, in 1678, laid off 300 acres of
it as the "Manor Lodge", named it "liachelor's Hope", and
placed it in the possession of Colonel Benjamin Rozer,* a
member of the Council when Governor of the Province, and
who married Ann Sewall. step-daughter of Lord Baltimore.
Governor Notley sold "Basford Manor" to Lord Baltimore,
who conveyed "Bachelor's Hope" to Joshua Doyne, the re-
mainder of the manor being subsequently divided up and sold
as follows: 100 acres to James Mills, 100 to Notley Gold-
smith, 100 to Michael Goldsmith, 100 to John Goldsmith. 100
to John Reeves, 104 to Nathaniel Truman Greenfield, 200 to
Benjamin Moulton, 200 to Edward Turner, 200 to John Smith.
69 to Samuel Maddox, 150 to John Maddox. 277 to John
Eden.^
The manor house, a frame building with brick gables and
ciiimneys, one and a-half stories high, and steep gambrel roof,
while un^"etentious in exterior design, contained a great deal
nne mterior decoration, consisting of elaborate wood-
^ . Occupied a commanding position on the Wicomico
River, ihis old monument of colonial times, stood almost
unchanged until a few years ago, when it was destroyed by
fire. The road passing through "Bachelor's Hope" is still
known, as the manor road. In 1773, the manor house at
' See Patent, Liber A. B. L. H. p. 166, Land Office.
-Rent Rcills, Saint Mary's and diaries County, i, p. 41-
' Rent mils. Saint Mary's Cr)nnty, i. Manors, p. -'9.
370 COLONIAL MARYLAND
Bashford, and about three hundred acres of the manor, came
into the possession of Major WiUiam Thomas, Sr.,^ and it
continued to be owned by his descendants until late in the
present century, when it was disposed of, and that part of the
manor known as "Bachelor's Hope", purchased in its stead.
"Notley Hall", on the Wicomico, and adjoining "Bash-
ford Manor", was the home of Governor Thomas Notley.
He sold it to Lord Baltimore, who owned it for many years.
Baltimore was deprived of the use of it after the Protestant
Revolution, in Maryland, but it was restored to him in 1692.
by order of the Council.' Nothing remains, it is to be re-
gretted, of the old Notley house, save a few broken yellow
bricks, a brick under-ground passage-way, which led from
the cellar to the river, about fifty yards below, to mark the
spot on which it stood.
"Notley Hall" is frequently mentioned in the early
provincial records, and is ^ place of historic interest, as well
as of rare and exceptional beauty. It may be interesting to
note that among the references which the early records make
to this old estate, is one of a visit to Lady Baltimore, at "Not-
ley Hall", in 1683, by Mrs. Doyne, of "Bachelor's Hope".'
. "Saint Clement's Manor" was granted, in November,
1639, to "Thomas Gerrard, Gent", for many years a member
of the Council, and one of the most prominent men in the
Province. It contained, at first, Saint Clement's Island and
the neck of land lying between the Potomac River, Saint
Clement's Bay, and a line drawn from Saint Patrick's to Saint
Katherine's Creek, in all about 1030 acres. In June, 1642, a
second patent was obtained for the manor, by which it was
extended over to the Wicomico River, and was made to em-
brace all the land which lay between the "Potomack River",
the "Wicocomoco River", Saint Clement's Bay", "Ger-
rard's Creek", and "Tomaquoakin Creek", and a line drawn
from the head of "Gerrard's Creek",. 460 perches, to a Span-
^ Deed, John Goldsmith to WilHani Thomas, Land Office ; will,
WiUiam Thomas, Saint Mary's Count\\
"Archives (CI. Pro. 1692) p. 311. ^ Ibid, 1683, p. 183.
SAIN T M A k ^■ • S CO l' X T V 371
ish oak, "marked witli twelve notches, standing on the head
of Tomaquoakin run, or fresh creek", as well, also, as the
island of "Saint Clement's, Saint Katherine's, and Saint
Margaret's",' containing, as was supposed, 6.000 acres, but
in reality embracing 11,400 acres."
Saint Clement's was erected into a manor, Mr. (Jerrard
made lord of the manor, and vested with all the royalties and
privileges usually belonging to manors in England, among
them the right of Court Baron and Court Leet. It is worthy
of note, that Saint Cement's has passed into history as the
only one of the old Maryland manors whose records, to any
material extent, have survived the ravages of time. The
records, written in quaint old English, of the Courts Baron
and Courts Leet, held on Saint Clement's, between 1659
and 1672, have been preserved. They are in the Maryland
Historical Society, and may be found herein printed in full in
Chapter VTII, "The Judicial System of Colonial Maryland".
Among the older estates carved out of Saint Clement's
Manor, may be mentioned "Longworth Point", the Blackiston
homestead, and the residence of Nehemiah Blackiston when
President of the Council, in 1690; "Saint John", the Gardi-
ner homestead ; "Little Hackley", the Shanks homestead :
"Bluff Point", the Coade homestead; "Mattapany", the
Cheseldine homestead," and "Bushwood", the Slye home-
stead. At the latter place, then the home of Robert Slye,
^ See Patents in Land Office.
' The Proprietary "quittrent" for Saint Clement's was at the rate
of one shilling per annum for every fifty acres. The following interest-
ing receipt has been preserved by the Maryland Historical Society :
"March 8th 1659. Received then of Thomas Gerrard of St. Clem-
ent's manor, the full summe of sixty pounds in full discharge of ten
years rent ended at Christmas 1659 [for St. Clement's manor], the
said being pa,id in Tob., at two pence per pound.
" I say received by me, Phillip Calvert, Trer.
"Witness William Ffuller, Ri. Even."
^ Kenelm Cheseldine and John Coade were, perhaps, the most
prominent leaders in the Protestant Revolution of 1688, and were
both rewarded for their services in that connection. This preferment,
and the subsequent history of the two men materially reflect upon the
372 C O L O N I A L MARYLAND
Speaker of the Lower House of Assembly in 1658, the Council
of Maryland met, in 1659/ "Bushwood" occupies a pictur-
esque position on the commanding elevation overlooking the
Wicomico. The house, a capacious brick building with two
large wings and four-sided roof, capped with balustrade ob-
servatory, is strikingly imposing, and presents a charming
specimen of colonial architecture. It at one time contained a
great deal of handsomely-chiseled wood interior decorations,
much after the design of those at "Sotterly", and said to
have been the work of the same artistic hand, but this has, in
recent years, been largely removed. Bushwood in 1669, passed
from Robert to his son and heir Capt.Gerard Slye, and from him
to his son George, who in 1773 devised it to his nephew Edmond
Plowden. On this, then very large estate, and near what is
now known as "Bushwood Wharf", was located the once
promising port and town of Wicomico"."
On what part of "Saint Clement's Manor" the manor house
stood has not been definitely ascertained, but it is believed to
have been that part of it called "Brambly". Certain it is, that
his son, Justinian, who was left in charge of the manor when
Dr. Gerrard took up his residence in Virginia, and to whom
he afterwards devised the greater part of it, lived there. In
his will, dated 1685, he speaks of it as "my now dwelling
house and plantation" on said manor called Brambly,^ and as
early as 1664, Dr. Gerrard himself referred to it as "Gerrard's
question as to whether the real motive which prompted the move was re-
gard for the puhlic weal and in the interest of religion, as was alleged,
or was in fact, a design to overthrow the Proprietary and entrench
themselves in power. It has been well said in this connection, that "in
times of revolution, men will rise to power, in' whose mouths the alleged
causes of revolution are but the watch-words to denote a party, or the
calls to lure it on; and whose hearts have never joined the service of
the lip. But, as naturally- as the muddy particles which float upon it
denote the perturbed stream, does the elevation of such men indicate
^Archives (CI. Pro. 1690) p. 206; Ibid, 1659, p. 383; will, Luke Gar-
diner; will, John Coade; 4th H. & McH. Maryland Reports, p. 179. ist
Ibid, p. 15.3-
- Act, 1688, C. 6. ^ Will Record, Annapolis.
SAINT MARY'S COUNTY 373
Brambly".' which, in connection with the fnrther fact that
Brambly appears to have been the name of the Gerrard home-
stead in England,' gives both color and .streni,nh to the theory
that the beautiful and splendid estate of that name, on Saint
Clement's Manor, was also the seat of Dr. Gerrard, the first
proprietor and lord of the manor.
Of the style or character of the manor house at Saint
Clement's, nothing is known, but it is liighly probaljle that it
was built of brick, as Dr. Gerrard employed a brick-maker on
the manor, in 1643.' and which, it may be added: is the earli-
est reference the records furnish of brick making in Maryland.
.Saint Clement's Manor is also historical by reason of the fact
that it was the spot on which the notorious rebellion of Gov-
ernor Josiah Fendall was enacted. The details of this tragedy
are given in Chapter III, "The First Capital", but it should
here be noted, that the Legislature, through which this nefa-
rious scheme was to be carried out, met for the purpose at the
residence of Mr. Gerrard, on Saint Clement's Manor. The
the over-excitement of the movement, and diminish the force of its alle-
gations against those at whom the revolution is aimed." — (McMahon. p.
238.) Sheseldine was made Speaker of the Protestant Convention,
which assembled immediately after the close of the revokition, and also
of the first Assembly convened under the Royal Government, in 1692 ■
he was also appointed Commissary General of the Province, from whicl
office he was dismissed, in 1697, ''for carelessness and negligence in
omce."—iC\. Pro., H. D., Part 2d,' p. 539-^ What applied to him in
office, seems to have developed in the case of his only son, Kenelm
Cheseldine, into "carelessness and negligence" in morals.— (See ist
H. & McH. Maryland Reports, p. 103; 4th Ibid, p. 314; 2 Bland, p. 76)
After the Revolution, Coade was made a Colonel of the militia, and
also Receiver of Customs for the Potomac District, and, at the same
time, was "asserting that religion was a trick, reviling the Apostles,
denying the divinity of the Christian religion, and alleging that all
morals worth having were contained in Cicero's offices." For this
grossly blasph'cmous conduct, he was dismissed from office, and was
presented by the grand jury of Saint Mary's County, for "atheism and
blast>hemy."—See Liber H. D. Part 2d. pp. 393-397-
' ist H. & McH. Maryland Reports, p. 112.
'Tombstone of Thomas T. Greenfield, at Trent Hall.
'Archives (CI. Pro. 1643) P- 213.
374 COLONIAL MARYLAND
second day of the session, it adjourned to a house owned by
Mr. Robert Slye, at Wicomico, before mentioned, and it was
there that independence was formally proclaimed, and that
Fendall issued his famous proclamation as Governor of the
little Republic of Maryland.'
As the active friend and ally of Fendall, in this conspir-
acy, Mr. Gerrard was tried, convicted, ajid sentenced to ban-
ishment, and confiscation of Saint Clement's Manor, and his
other property in [Maryland. The sentence, however, was
commuted, and the order of confiscation dismissed, but he was
politically disfranchised and prohibited forever from again hold-
ing public office.* After this Mr. Gerrard moved across the
Potomac into Virginia (leaving Saint Clement's in charge of
his son, Justinian Gerrard), where he, in 1670, with John Lee,
Henry Corbin, and Isaac Allerton, erected a "banquetting
house" at the corner of their respective lands.' In his will,
dated 1672, he requested to be buried in Maryland by the side
of his wife, Susanna, who was probably buried on Saint Clem-
ent's Manor. Mr. Gerrard was himself a Roman Catholic, but
his wife, as well as a large number of the freeholders and
tenants on Saint Clement's were Protestants,^ and a Protest-
ant church was erected there, on Saint Paul's Creek, as early
as 1642.'
After the death of Mr. (ierrard, information reached the
Proprietary that Saint Clement's contained a much larger area
of land than was set forth in the patent. A re-survey of the
'Ibid, Ass. and CI. Pro. 1659.
Mbid, CI. Pro. 1660, p. 402.
"■ Meade's Virginia, 2, p. 146. ^ Day Star, p. 58.
'Who Were the Early Settlers of Maryland.
Dr. Thomas Gerrard married, ist, Susannah Snow, sister of Jus-
tinian and Abel Snow, and 2nd, Rose Tucker, widow of John Tucker,
of Virginia, who died in 1671. She left children by her first marriage —
Sarah, who married Blakiston, and Rose, who married William
Fitzhugh of Virginia. — (Virginia Historical Society, Vol. i, No. 3,
January, 1894, p. 269.) Dr. Gerrard died in December, 1673, leaving by
his first marriage, sons Justinian, Thomas, and John, and daughters Su-
sannah, who married ist, Robert Slyc, and 2(1, Joliii Coadc ; Elizabeth,
who married Nehemiah Blackiston, and Mar\. and a .grandson. Gerrard
S A I X T M A K V • S C O I' X I" ^- 375
manor was brdercd, by which il was ascertained to contain
11,400 acres, being 4.500 acres more than Mr. lierrard had
been paying- the "annual quit-rent" upon.
A scicri facias was issued again^it Mr. Justinian Gerrard,
his son and heir-at-law, and in 1678, the I'rovincial Court
decided that the patent had been "unduly and illegally ob-
tained", and ordered it to be cancelled. A new patent was,
however, issued to Mr. Justinian Gerrard for the manor, with
a "quit-rent" based "on the correct acreage. Saint Clement's
Manor was, in 17 10, purchased by Charles Carroll, and the
last official notice we have of it as a manor, is to be found in
the celebrated case of Carrall and Llewellin, in 1750, over
that part of it embraced within the limits of the estate called
JJrambly.'
Xear Saint Clement's 3kIanor, but not a part of it. was
"Bush wood Lodge", noted as the early homestead of the
Key family in Maryland,' and was at one time distinguished
for the high character of ^its improvement. The mansion house,
erected, it is said, about 1730, by Philip Key — the progenitor
of the family in Maryland, a lawyer of first rank, and a mem-
ber of the Privy Council — enjoys the reputation of having
been one of the handsomest houses at that time in the Prov-
ince. The parlor walls, tradition says, were made of alternate
panels of carved wood and mirror. It was destroyed by fire
early in the present century, ,the house now there being the
second to occupy the place of the original."
Peyton. — (See his will, Will Record, Annapolis.) His sons Justinian
and Thomas both died without issue.. John, his third son, left issue.
.Su>^annah, who died unmarried, and John, whose widow Jane, married
Richard Llewellin, father of John Llewellin. of Brambly. — (Paper in
possession of the Author, submitted to Thomas Stone, before 1750.
for legal opinion as to heirs-at-law of Dr. Gerrard.)
'ist H.,& McH. Maryland Reports, p. 110.
""See will of Philip Key, 1764, Will Record, Saint Mary's County.
*T.he fact should not go unnoticed, that at "Bushwood Lodge""
were born and reared, among otiiers, Edmond K!ey, .Attorney "General of
Maryland and a member of the committee which drafted the famous
instructions for the Stamp .Act Congress; Thomas Key. the father nf
Judge Edmond Key; and I'rancis Key, the father of Pliilii) Barton Key.
376 COLONIAL M A R Y L A N D
For an account of "Newtown Manor", or "Little Bret-
ton", as officially named, see Chapter IX, "Some of Mary-
land's Early Churches".
"Tudor Hall", the Key homestead, is situated near
Leonard-Town. It was originally the home of the Barnes
family, and on it may still be seen, the ancient tombstones,
covering the graves of Major Abraham and Colonel Richard
Barnes, two of early Maryland's most distinguished sons.
The house, a handsome brick building, occupies a promi-
nent and strikingly-pleasing position, overlooking Bretton's Bay,
and is conspicuous for the graceful design and dignified sim-
plicity of its architecture and finish.
Near it is a grove of stately oaks — sentinels of the prime-
val forest — one of which, a majestic white oak, is said to
measure twenty-nine feet in circumference.
"Porto Bello" was the Hebb homestead. It is on the
Saint Mary's River, nearly opposite Saint Mary's City. The
house stands on a graceful eminence near the river, and com-
mands an extensive and rarely beautiful view of both land and
water. It is a large frame building, with brick foundations
and gables, hipped roof, and semi-dormer windows, and pre-
sents an interesting specimen of colonial architecture. The
interior finish, while not elaborate, is unique and handsome,
and over the parlor mantel, built in the brick wall, is a large
mirror, said to have been placed there when the house was
erected.
Local history and family tradition say, that William Hebb,
his friend, Lawrence Washington, and his neighbor, Edwin
Coade — midshipmen in the British navy — on their return, after
the war between England and Spain, named their estates after
persons and places connected therewith, Hebb calling his "Porto
Bello", in honor of the celebrated battle of that name, in
which he was engaged ; Coade naming his "Carthegena",
after the noted Spanish town of that name ; and Washington
the distinguished jurist and statesman, and Ann Ross Key, wife of Chief
Justice Roger Brooke Taney; and Francis Scott Key, author of the
"Star Spangled Banner" — that national anthem -whose "martial and in-
spiring strains'' that have long since encircled the earth.
S A I X T M A k N' • S CO L' X T .V 377
giving his tlie name of "Mount \ crudu"', in coniplimcnt to
Admiral Vernon, under whom they all served.
Among the other ancient estates in Saint Mary's may he
mentioned, "Evelynton Manor", in the "Baronie of Saint
Marie's", at Piney Point, granted to Hon. George Evelyn, in
1638; "Forrest Lodge", in Saint George's, gjranted to Patrick
Forrest, in 1665 ; "Dryden", adjoining West Saint Mary's
Manor, granted to Kenelm Cheseldinc, in 1676; "Hunting
Creek", adjoining Park Hall'', granted to Hon, Thomas Hatton,
in 1654; "Snow Hill", near Saint Mary's City, granted to
Abel Snow, in 1637 ; and the manors of "West Saint Mary's"
opposite Saint Mary's City, containing 1730 acres; "Beaver
Dam", between Indian Bridge and Leonard-Town, containing
7,680 acres; and "Chaptico", on the northwest side of'Chaptico
Bay and Run, containing 6,110 acres. These manors belonged
to Lord Baltimore, and were retained by the Baltimore family,
almost in their entirety, until the American Revolution.
\"-
/ 9
Appendix
iV S shedding light upon tlie escapade referred to in note on pages
36 and 37— that of breaking open the old Vault, at Saint Marys
—the following letter, accidently discovered, .and never before
published, is of historic interest and value. The letter, dated August
I St.. 1799, was written by one of the participants, Dr. .-Mexander Mc-
Williams, to his mother. The author was then a student of medicine
under Dr. Barton Tabbs, who resided at Tabb's Purchase, afterwards
known as White Plains, near Saint Mary's City, and who was the son
of Rev. Moses Tabbs, for many years Rector at William and Mary
Parish. Dr. McWilliams afterwards served as surgeon in the navy, and
subsequently located in Washington City. This letter, still in excellent
l>reservation, is now in the possession of his nephew, Mr. James Mc-
Williams, of Saint Mary's Cotmty. That part of it relating to family
matters, is, of course, here omitted :
August 1st, 1799.
De.\r Rel.ations:—
s
The oldest people now living, have for many years past spoken of a
vault that was at Saint Mary's Church, in which was one of the first
American governors and his lady, who were in leaden coffins and em-
balmed for the purpose of being sent and interred in England, but being
disappointed in passage there, it w^s determined a vault should be
erected and they enclosed therein, the door locked, and the key thrown
into the river. This was the account which was handed us from the
oldest people now living, who had been informed by their fathers, and
they got it from their fathers, etc., but none of them remembered their
names. Into this curious affair. Doctor Tabbs and Mr. James Biscoe
were determined to search but never did. I hearing it mentioned pro-
posed to Mr. George Campbell to accompany me. there and open it.
which request he willingly agreed to. Our intention was connnunicated
to Mr. James 'Biscoe, Basil Biscoe and Doctor Tabbs who were all
pleased with it and agreed to join us. Agreeable to appoimment the
27th instant, all except Doctor Tabbs were there by 9 o'clock and nearly
twenty others, although we were private as we could be or thought
necessary. We first began to dig down as low as the door, but the
ground being hard prevented us. The attempt was then made on top
which was below the surface of the earth. Mowovcr, after near four
38o APPENDIX
hours of excessive hard labor, we opened a small hole, and heard the
bits of bricks rattle down on the coffins. I peeped in and saw two
along side of each other. The hole being made larger, Mr. Campbell
with a rope was let down and I followed him and to our astonishment
we saw the coffins were of wood, the planks of which were easily sep-
arated, which we did, and behold it contained most elegant leaden
coffins, the smaller of which was by a rope, with difficulty got out
and conveyed to a shed close by where awaited the spectators anxious
to behold the contents. We removed the lid and to our surprise saw
within it another coffin of wood. The lid of this being knocked off, we
saw the winding sheet perfect and sound as was every other piece of
garment. When the face of the corpse was uncovered it was ghastly
indeed, it was the woman. Her face was perfect, as was the rest
of the body but was black as the blackest negro. Her eyes were sunk
deep in her head, every other part retained its perfect shape. The loss
of three or four of her upper fore teeth was supplied with a piece of
wood between. Hex hair was short, platted and trimmed on the top
of her head. Her dress was a white muslin gown, with an apron
which was loose in the body, and drawn at the bosom nearly as is
now the fashion only not so low, with short sleeves and high gloves but
much destroyed by time. Her stockings were cotton and coarse, much
darned at the feet, the clocks of which were large and figured with half
diamonds worked. Her gown was short before and gave us a view of
all her ankle. Her cap was with long ears and pinned under the chin.
A piece of muslin two inches broad which extended across the top of
her head as low as her breast, the end was squared and trimmed with
half inch lace as was the cap. The body was opened and the entrails
removed and filled with gums and spice, and the coffin filled with the
same. She was a small woman, and appeared delicate. In the coffin of
the man was only the bones which were long and large. His head was
sawed through the brain removed, and filled with embalmment, but he
was not so well done as the other, or had been there much longer as
he was much more gone. The winding sheet of the body was marked
in such letters- as these
\> ^^ *
on the lid was such as these A "y ^^^L ' ^^^ vault was
nearly ten foot square, nicely /\ • I ,^ ''' arched with a
brick floor. We saw wlicre ^ ^ • tlig door was
but it was I)rickc(l up. The - air in there
APPENDIX 381
was cool and impregnated with a sweet balmy smell, originating from
the coffins, but I thought proper to sprinkle it with rum. The length of
time that these bodied have been here must have been two hundred
years or more as we have not the smallest account who they were more
than what I have mentioned. Since writing the above 1 have heard a
man say who is si.\ty years of age, that it was one Copely. He got
his information from his father who was eighty years of age when h'3
died, and his was handed him by his great grand father who built the
vault and came in as a servant to this Copely. This seems to be the
best account, and most probable. After spending the day in hard labor
we replaced them as before, and returned home, all acknowledging
themselves perfectly satisfied and abundantly rewarded for their trouble.
Numbers since regret their not knowing it as they might have been
there. Others wish it again opened, and some are displeased at its being
opened at all.
.ALEX.AXDER Mc WILLI. A MS.
Index
A Page
Abington Creek 326, 355
Abington, Jolin, Gent., curious
- warrant to note 99
Acknowledgments, See deeds.
Addison, Col. Thomas 357
Admiralty, Court of 134
Alderman of St- Mary's City. . 22, 61
Allerton, Col. Isaac 374
All Faith Parish 201,206
All Saints Church 198
Alms House 326
Anacosta 18
Appeals, Court of 143, 146
Appeals, Right of 143, 145
Ark and Dove 9, 10
.\ssize. Courts of • ■ 135
Assernbly, The General 48-49
Attorneys. Regulation as to 141
Augusta Carolina 317
B
Bachelor's Hope 369
Bailiff, Court 116
Baltimore, Lady note 351
Baltimore, Lords, instructions of,
14 ; report of, note, 22 ; makes
religious toleration cardinal
rule, 69; home of Charles,
43-350; marriage of. note 351.
wills of ■ • note 96
Barber, Dr. Luke note 367
Baron and Leet, Courts of.... 122
Barnes. Major Abraham and Col.
Richard 3.19. 341- 3/6
Barney, Commodore 366
Bashford Manor 369
Battle Creek 366
Battle of the Severn ■.... 54
Battle Town t 366
Beall, Brig.-Gen. Resin 242
Beaver Dam Manor 377
Blackiston's Island, identified as
St. Clement's 12, 13. 14
Blackiston, Col. Nehemiah,
12. 58, 60, 200, 371
Blackiston, James T note 346
Blackiston, Gov. Nathaniel 3.3^
Page
Bladen, Hon. William note 350
Bluff Point Estate J 98. 371
Burrough, English local mode of
inheritance . .' • • . .note 103
Bowes, Timothy ....•: 340, 341
Bowles, Hon. James note 357*
Bozman, John L.... 11, note 112, 319
Brambly Estate . . 327, 372, 373, 375
Brandywine, Battle of . 268, 269
Brent, Dep. Gov. Giles ., 44
Brent, Mistress Margaret 26, 44
Bretton. Hon. William, 216, note, 218
Brice, Jacob. .\dj. Md. Line.... 240
Brome, Dr. John Mackall. . .note 45
Brome's Island 366
Brooke, Hon. Baker, marriage of,
• • note S3
Lord De La Brooke Manor... 362
Brooke, Gov. Robert, pres. of
Council, 54; commander of
county, 318; deposed, 318; re-
ligion of, 361 ; home of .362
Brooke Place Manor 366
Budd.'r(or Birds) Creek 3-'0
Bushwnod 108. 37-'
C
(Calvert, Lady Jane 35'
Calvert, Gov. Leonard, makes
treaty with Indians, 16; laid
out first town, 16: his home,
26: his manors, .349: aids in
laying foundation of govern-
ment, 52; enforces religions
toleration. 70; I-'irst Chief Jus-
tice, m; driven to Virginia,
70: expedition against Clai-
l)orne. 235 ; death of. 52: life
and character of, 52, 53; fam-
ily of. 53; Monument. of. 65;
son and daughter of note ^3
Calvert, Hon.' Phili]). appointed
governi ir .^6
Hr.mc of 46
Chancellor 46
Marriage of note 35'
Calvert County 318. note 354
384
INDEX
Page
Calverton Manor and Town, 107, 466
Camden, Battle of, 284, 285, 286, 295
Cannon from Fort St. Inigoes.. 221
Canon, 4, Title, 2, not in force,
note 186
-Capital, Maryland's First, loca-
tion of, 19; erected into a city,
22; map of, appendix B; char-
acter of improvements, 22;
houses, public buildings, 24, 47;
political history of, 48-50; an
historic battlefield, 50-51 ; re-
moval of, 60-62 ; historical im-
portance of . . • • 67-68
Carberry, Rev. Joseph 221
Carroll, Arch. Bishop note 355
Carroll, Charles of Carroll
note 241, 307. 355
Carroll, Gov. John Lee. . • • . .note 361
Carthagena 376
Carvel, Atty. Gen. Robert 42
Castle, The Governor's 41
Causin, J. M. S... 347
Caution Money 88
Cedar Point 355
Certificates, Land 89
Chancellor in, 132
Chancellors Point, View of--.. 16
Place of first landing 16
Chancery, Court of 132, I34
Chapel, The first, used conjointly
by " Protestants and Roman
Catholics ■ - ,37, 39
Later history of 39, 40
Its graveyard a place of burial 40
Chapel of St. Clement's Manor 198
Chapels of Ease, 198, 203, note, 206
Chaptico Manor 377
Chaptico Town - - . . 198, 3^7
Chaptico, King o.f note 327
Charter, F"irst Municipal 22
Charlotte Hall 3.15- 33^
Cherry Field Point • 344
Cheseldine, Kcnelm 44, note 372
Chesley's Hill 366
Churches, Early .-. 190,223
Church Endowments, Early, 194, L98
Church Rstablishment, Acts re-
lating to, 154, 189; character of,
note, T64, 165 ; clergy under,
176, r77; their tenure, T74, 176;
induction of, 175, 176; Mary-
land and English contrasted,
165, 179; tax under, 172, 180;
Page
swept away by Revolution, 180 ;
new conditions after, 180, 189;
law applicable to- -...note 161, 185
Church Tax, Controversy over,
note 179
Church, Trinity 35, 36
Church Wardens 161, 162
Clergymen, Protestant first in
Province 154, 155, note 155
Tenure of - - 170
Character of 176, 177
Names of 195, 200, 204, 2aS
Clerks of Courts 115, note 346
docker's Fancy 47
Coade, John -• 58, note 371
Cohongoronta, Early name of
upper Potomac note 18
Commissary General 132
Coin, Early Maryland note 57
Conveyancing, Methods of
• • 100, 102, X03
Colors, for Counties note 321
Cool Spring 335, 338
Copley, Thomas note 81, 219
Copley, Sir Lionel, first Royal
Governor - • 59, 60
Death and burial of.... --note 60
Copley Vault note 60, ap. A
Confiscation, Acts of 95. 96
Cornfield Harbm^^^. . ._ . 349
Cornwallis, CaptJTTios., 36^ notes,
. .-T-^-^--.-.^.-7-Tr-.-.-r:-. . . .52, 350, 344
Council of Safety .-.. 340, 341
Council Chambers 28
Court Houses, Ordered Built.... 117
At Leonardtown 322, 324
Courtes, Capt. John. ......... 60-138
Courts, See several titles of Ad-
- miralty, Assize, Baron and
Leet, Chancery, County, Oyer
and Terminer, Prerogative,
Provincial Court of Appeals
and King in Council County
Court, organization of, 114,
115; judges of, 116: their com-
pensation, 116; oath of, note,
119; quorum of, It6; terms of,
117; administrative duties of,
T17, T18: rules of, note, 117;
jurisdiction of, 119, 120, 121;
appeals from, t2I ; appeals to, 113
Countv Committee 34^
C^wpens, Battle of 289, 293
Cremojia Estate 3^3
r X ]:» !• X
Page
Crier, Court ....•■ n6
CromweH's CoiiiiiiissiniKTs, 54, 228
Cross ^[anor .?50
Ciickholds (St. CuthluTt's) Creek
: ••.. .156
1)
Dalrytnple, Confouiuls St. Clem-
ent's with Heron Island 11
Darnall. Col. Henry. Eleanor
Brook, Mary, John, Rohert,
' '. 354. note 355
Deeds, Ackn<5\vledgnient and En-
rollment of . • 101, note loi
DeBoore. Brig.-Gen 266
Deep Creek • ■ 349
DeKalb, Gen. Baron 284-286
Deep Falls 367, 368
De La Brooke •• . . . . 362, 363
Descent, Rules of 102
Digges, Col. William, Sec'y of
Province, 28 ; in command of
Sfr. Mary's at time of its evac-
uation, 1689. 58; his manor the
site of Fort Warl)urton, now *
Forr Washington note 3Si
Districts. Laying out of 321
Dorsev, Clement • • 347
Dryden Estate 377
Ducking Stool 117
Dulaney. Daniel, His Masterly
Contribution to anto-Revolu-
tionary Literature note 241
Dunmore's l""leet ■ • 343
E
Early Court Officers 344
I'ast Saint Mary's 44
Escheats ■ • Of
Egerton, Charles • • M^
Enrollment of Conveyances loi
Entailments 104
Eutaw Springs. Battle <rf . . 206, 297
F.velyton Manor s^77
V
Fealty ■••• Qi
Fendall, Gov. Josias', Rebellion of
55. 56. .V3
Fenwick's Manor ....•• 357
IHag, The Maryland, Design of,
opp. 234
Earlv uses of 235
I'ines ' 92
Fleet, Capt. Henry ••... I5
I'agc
hord, Capt. Benj 294
Forrest Hall 367
Forts Camden and Watson ... 295
Forts Miffen and Mercer 271
Fort St. Inigocs 24. 220, 221
Fort Saint Mary's 24, 25
Fort Warburton 351
Fort Washington ..... 257, 258. .^31
Frederick County Court ... .note 241
I'rencli Alliance, The,
i-:2-2y(\ 298-300
G
Garrison Mattapany .' 59, 352
General Court, Established .... 146
Abolished 146
Gerard, Dr. Thomas. . 12. 70, yjQt-yj2
Germantown, Battle of .... 270, 271
Gerard, Justinian . -. . 374, ,375
Gerard's Creek 370
Gibbett Hill . note 332
Gist, Col. Mordecai, his Hero-
ism at Long Island 245. 246
Glebes • • . 167, 193, 194. 198. 207
Graveyards, Early, 40, 193, 194.
203.'2i7, 222, 353, note 361. 363.
364,_ 365, 368.
Green's Rest 45
Greene, Gen. Nathaniel, super-
seded Gates in Command of
Southern Department 2S7
His campaign one of the most
brilliant in the war for inde-
pendence 290, 298
Ground Rents . . • • 9395
Guilford Court House. Battle
of 293. 204
H
Hamburg yz^', 367
Hanson. Pres. John.- note 241
Harford. Henrv, last Proprietary
of Md ' 95. 96
Harlem Heights. Battle of 235
Harvey Hundred and Town, ,321, 326
Heron Island . .' Ii, 12
Howard, John Eager, the Hero
of Cowpens • • 290. 296-297
Hundreds, Civil Division' 321-
Hunting Creek THl
1
Indentures '02
Indians, Characteristics and Hab-
its of. note. 10, 11: religion
386
I N D E X
Page
of, note, 16; names of, note,
18 ; manners of, 107 ; money of,
note, 107; attempted coloniza-
tion of 107
Indian Town Estate 367
Induction, Its uses and Abuses,
170, 171, 176, 184
Ingle, Richard 51
Inheritance, Modes of, 102, loj,
• • note 103
Jail, First Erected
Jail at Leonardtown 324,
Jellie's Tavern
Jenifer, Daniel, Home of
Jesuit Fathers, note 49, note. Si,
• • notes 219,
Jones, John Paul
Jordan, Jeremiah 339,
Judges, Appointment and Comp-
ensation of, 116, 132, 136, 140;
character of, 153; oath of, note,
Judicial System, Development of,
115.
Various courts under, 112, 113,
122, 130, 133, 135, 137, 144,
146; Characteristics of, 147-
153-
Jury, Selection and Compensa-
tion of, 118. 139, 140; right to
trial, by, 118; of manorial
courts
Justices of the Peace 113-
Jutland, Estate
34
325
34
28
221
276
342
119
122
117
3 SO
Key, Hon. Ednnind 343
Key, Hon. Philip 344, note
^346, 347. 375-
Key's Creek • 24, yj, 45
King and Qiiecn Parish.... 192-201
King in Council, Appeals to,
• -note 144
King's Mountain, P.attlc of . . 288-289
Lafayette, IMarquis, 266-273, 296-300
Land Office, Establishment of. . 90
Records of 07
Land Tenure, Character nf,
81-86; how and by whom land
could be obtained, 86-90; in
what f|uantity, 86-88; methods
Page
of transferring, 100-103; de-
scent of, 103, 104; system aris-
tocratic in tendency 107-110
Law Chambers 28
Laws of Province 79- 1 1 1
Lee, Light Horse Harry.... 280-297
Leonardtown, Llistory and map
of .' 322-325
Levy, First County 321, 322
Lewger, Sec'y, John, his home. .. 42
Conflict with Jesuits ..•■.. 78-80
Little Bretton Manor 218
Livery of Seizen 100
Long Island, Battle of 245-252
Longworth Point , 371
Lowe, Susannah Maria note 261
Lowentown ?,2y
Luckland 367
M
Mail Route, The I' irst 330
]\Ianors, Privileges and Powers
incident to 83, loi, 108
Manorial Courts. ... 122, note 122-131
Map of Leonardtown 325
Map of St. Mary's City app. B
Marriages, Early Records of,
• • note 209-217
.Market Square 37
Maryland, Area of note 86
Loss of Territory note 86
Maryland Reports, Early ..144, 145
Maryland in the Revolution, 238,
239, note 241-243
Maryland Line, One of the Few
Uniformed and Well Disci-
plined Organizations in the
American Army, 243; its her-
oism and valor, 240-302 ; bat-
' ties, 240-302 ; relied upon by
Washington for the most haz-
ardous duties, 243 ; Greene's
high' estimate of 297
Mattapanv. Street, and Estate,
24. 40, 42
Mayor and Aldermen of St.
Mary's City 61. note 6t
Middlebrook, Washington at, 266, 267
Middle Street ■•.... 27, 29, 37
Mills; Early 36, 37, note 37
Monmouth," Battle of 273, 274
Money, Various Kinds in l^se. 57
■ • note S7^ 229
l\f?irecroft, lohn 22
I X n K X
;vS-
Page
Morristown 264
Mortmain, Statutes of in, Force,
79. 80, 88
Mulberry Tree, Historic old, 32, .13, 65
N
Newtown Manor and Church, 216-218
Nicholson, Governor Francis,
60, 62, 337
Ninety-Six, Battle of 295, 29(5
Notiey Hall 370
Notley, Governor Thomas, 22, 369, 370
Niithead, Richard, The First
Printer 58
Oyer and Terminer Court of.... 135
Oath of Fidelity reserved Liber-
ty of Conscience- ■ 7^
Oath of Governor prescribed
Strict Observance of Tolera-
tion 70
Oath of Judges note 1 19
Palatinate, Maryland a 83
Nature of note 83, 84, 85
Parishes, Province divided into,
note 171
Patents for Land, how obtained. . 89
Peake, Indian Money 107
Paulus Hook 280, 281
Piepoudrie, Court of ...... . .note 38
Pillory 117
Pine Hill River, located... 318, 319
Piney Neck Estate. .. .349. note 349
Plains, The 364
Plater, Hon. George 357, note 357
Plater, Governor George, 358-
• • 360, note 358, 359
Point Patience 366
Point Lookout 9
Poplar Hill Church ...... 192, 196
Preston. Seat of Government un-
der Puritans . . . 36^^
Primogeniture, Law of. 102. 104,
. .. . • '. . .notes 103, 104
Princeton. Battle of 263
Prince Frederick 366
Printing Press 51, 57. 58
Protestant Revolution 58. 59
Provincial Court • ■ . . 137-131
Judges of 138
Public Roads, Early 329. 330
Q Page
Queen Tree, Place 327
Quia cmptores. Statute of.. note 85
Quigley, Capt. John, Builder of
First State House 29-30
Quit Rents 15. 94. 95
R
Rawlings, Col. Moses at F'ort
Washington 257
Relief 92, 93
Religious Denominations, Rela-
tive Early Growth of, note, 171, 172
Religious Toleration* in Early
Maryland 60-76
Rent Rolls 97
Resolutions, Stamp .Act 343
Resurrection Manor 356
Rifle Companies, The Md. Skill
in Marksmanship 239, 240
Revolutionary Fund 344
Rhode Island note 73-74
Roads, Early Public 329-330
Roanoke, Indian Money note 170
Rock Creek Parish 208, 209
Roman Catholic Places of Wor-
ship 37-41, 215-222
Rosecroft 47
Rousby, Col. Christopher ...... 353
Rousby Hall 354
Rousby, Col. John 353, note 354
Royal GoverniiK-nt 59-6o
S
Sacred Heart Church 222
Saratoga, Battle of 267, 277
Seal, The Great, imique. 223; the
first seal lost, 223 ; Great seal
of 1648. 224; captured, but re-
stored, 228 ; lesser seal at arms,
229; stamped on money, 230;
Great seal retained after Revo-
lution, 230, 231 ; new seal
adopted, 231, 2,12; second new
seal, 232; third seal after 1648.
232 ; the one now in use, 232,
233: illustrations of, 225, 228.
229, 230, 234: description of,
224-227 ; under royal govern-
ment. 231, 232; great seal of
the Ignited States . .notes 230-233
School System, Early. 335-3.^8,
note 338
.Separation of Church and State,
worked out by Marylan<l. . 77, 78
INDEX
Page
A momentous issue ....••.... '/^
How accomplished //-"^o
Baltimore at war with Jesuits,
80, 8 1
Sheriff's, Their Appointment and
Duties • • 114- 115, 11^"^
Sniallwood, Gen. William, Com-
mander of Maryland Line and
second in command of South-
ern Department, 240, 243, 246,
note 248, 253-256. 259, 266,
268, 270, 274, 2S5-287, 289, 297,
300.
Sotterly 356, 357
Spring, Governor's 42
State House, Maryland's first,
29, 30, 31
Picture of Z'2-
Grant of 64
Destruction of 65
Staten Island, Battle of 268
Stocks ••• IT7
Stewart, Major Jack, Stormmg
of Stony Point 279
Stewart, The Peggy ■ -note 241
Stony Point, Storming of . . . 279, 280
Susquehanna 353
Saint Aloysius Church 222
Saint Andrew's Parish..... 205, 208
Saint Clement's Island, an his-
toric spot II
Rescued from oblivion .... 12, 13
Saint Clement's Manor TH'^, ZIS
Courts of... note 122, 129
St. Elizabeth's Manor 350
St. Gabriel's Manor 349
St. Inigoes Church and Fort, 218, 221
St. Inigoes Mission note 221
St. John's Church 222
St. Jerome's Town • • 326
St. Joseph's Church 222
St. Joseph's Town 326
St. Joseph's Manor 355
St. Catherine's Island 13
St. Leonard's Creek 366
St. Margaret's Island 13
St. Mary's City, See First capital.
St. Mary's County, attractions of,-
^ 315. Ts^l^:. character of houses,
348; civil divisions of, "^17, 320;
county seat of, 322, 323; dele-
gates to convention from, 339.
343-347; early officers of, notes,
344, 346 ; after the Revolu-
tion, 344-347; features nf, 31^,
Page
T^'i'], governors from, 347; his-
torical interest of, 315; limits
of. 2)'^7-i^o\ officers of military
companies of, 342, 343; old es-
tates of, 348-377; other towns
of. 326-328; ports of, 328; rep-
resentatives of, in Congress,
347; seats of learning in, 65,
335-338; traditions of, note,
332; will records of 332-3.34
St. Mary's Parish 191-196
St. Mary's River 19-20
St. Michael's Manor 348
Snow Hill Manor yjl
Stars and Stripes, History of,
. . . ., note 237
Steubens, Gen. Baron ....•■ 272-273
Sterling, General 244. 246
Stone, Gov. William, 26, 54.
■ note 53. 54
Sullivan. Brig-Gen., 244, 261, 267- .
270, 278
T
Tabhs, Rev. Moses.... 193, 196.
205, appendix A
Taney, Chief Justice Roger B.,
note 53, 367
Tavern Rates Established by
Law note 35
Taxation, 25, y], 151. note, 157,
note 179, 321, 322
Tenure, Land 85, 86
Thomas, Governor James,
• • : note 345. 347
Thomas. Captain John Allen, 339,
• • • 341, 342, note 345
Thomas, Jahn Allen, Jr .342'
Thomas, Captain John.. 327, 342, 347
Thomas. Maj. William, Sr., 200,
340. 345. 367. 370
Thomas, Maj. William. Jr.. note
'^T,, note 2>2^, 342, note 342, ,347,
?^^?,- ' .
Tilghman," Col. Tench, note 241
Toleration, Religious, Practical
Existence of 60-75
Tomaquoakin ( T o m a k o k i n )
Creek 199. 370
Trenton, Battle of 261. 262
Trent Hall Estate 363
Trinity Church 35
Trinity Manor 349
1\ubman. Mai. Henry. 336. 341,
345. 34^>
I x I) i:x
3^;
Page
Tudor Hall 37^
Turner, Edward note I J4, .?<xj
Truman, Maj. Tlioin.i-. ?(>?. note. ?6.<
L
Urquliart. Rev. John . . ■ ■ ju.s
V
Valley Forge ^7-'--'73
Vault, The Copley, .u. note 33.
note 60, appendix A
Vestry, Laws Applicable to, 156-
164,' 169, 181-183. notes 183, 189
Vestrymen, Names of, 192. 200,
202, note J08
W
Washington, Gen. George, a mar-
vel in tactics and strategy and
a wonder in courage and en-
durance, 243-265, 266-271, 272-280
Waldron's old field, site of St.
Andrew's Church 206
Warden's Church 161^ 162
Ware, Francis, Lieut. Col. Md*
Line 24O
Warrants, Land . ••.... 89
Warehouses, Public 3-28
West St. Mary's ^L^nor 377
Western Reserve, the Extent and
Scope of, 303, 309: Maryland's
Page
movement t<> procure it f(»r the
Confederation, 305; resolutely
pursued her course and won
lier fight, 306. 308; her dele-
gates in Congress during the
contest, 307; importance of,
309; bearing of on National de-
velopment • • 310, 3'4
White, I'athcr .^nd^e^v. note 9,
.14, 17, note 49
Whipping Post 117
Wicomico Town . . • • 326. 374
Williams. Gen. Otho Holland,
Lieut, of First Rifle Co. and
Commander of Maryland Line,
2.TO, 257. 2f<?. 2i^). 292.
"Let Williams advance and
sweep the field" • • . . . 296
Wills. Records of 131. .^3^. 3.15
Williams Roger note 74-75
White Plains. Battle of 236
Walstenhome. Daniel • • 47
Wyoming Valley 278
Y
Veocomico. Iii<lian Village of. ... 15
Site of first capital 20
York-town, Battle of 298-.^oo
Z
Zachiah Swaniii I'A 329
f/iS
.;U\
St. Mary'jp
F1M T42 c 1
Chronicles of colonial yaryland
ThofMS. James it (James waiter). 1 CMOC
ST. MAOrS COU£Q£ OF MARYLAND LJBRARY
3 3127 00082 8444
MARYLAND
F Thomas, J.W.
181+ Chronicles of colonial
.TU2 Maryland.
187
DATE DUE
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