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GEORGE I. COCHRAN
JAMES R. MARTIN
GIFT OF
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MEYER ELSASSER
DR. JOHN R. HAYNES WILLIAM L. HONNOLD
MRS. JOSEPH F. SARTORI
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Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2007 with funding from
Microsoft Corporation
http :/Awww.archive.org/details/chroniclesofengu03monsiala
238
ea
=
THE
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.
ae
SHES
‘aaa
Ved
CONTENTS
THE THIRD VOLUME:
CHAP...
PAGE
Tue king of France sends different captains
with troops to harrass the Armagnacs on
the frontiers. The defeat of the count de
Ja Marche - -
(Ol 5 BLY aie be
The king of France sends ambassadors to.
England. The lord de Croy and the duke
of Bourbon’s children obtain their liberty.
Of count Waleran de St Pol - 9
CHAP. fi.
The dukes of Berry and of Orleans, with
others of their adherents, send an embassy
VOL.-1tL. b
iv
PAGE,
to the king of England. The consequences
of it - 2 “
CHAP IY.
Duke Louis of Bavaria is driven out of Paris
by the Parisians, and his people robbed.
Of the cardinal de Cambray, and the
prohibition of the king of England
CHAP, V.
The king of Sicily leaves Paris. The siege
of Domfront. The battle of St Remy du
Plain. The siege of Bellesme, and other
events of the year - =
CHAPS Vi.
Charles king of France, attended by other
princes, marches a large force from Paris
to Bourges. Letters from the king of
England, and other matters -
CHAP YI
The town of Vervins is taken by sir Clugnet
de Brabant, and afterward retaken. ‘The
castle of Gersies is won by sir Simon de
Clermont - - =
CHAP. MITE
The king of France receives certain information
that his adversaries had formed an alliance
with the king of England. The constable
marches into the Boulonois -
13
24
s
©
49
Vv
CHAP. IX.
The king of France lays siege to Fontenay and
to Bourges. The events that happened
while he remained there ° ¥
CHAP, :X.
The king of France decamps, and lays siege
to Bourges on the opposite side. A treaty
is conciuded between the two parties
CHAP. Xi:
‘The princes and lords within the city of Bourges
wait on the king and the duke of Acquitaine,
and afterward at Auxerre e
CHAP. Xi.
‘The king of France orders his edict respecting
the peace to be sent to his different officers
for proclamation in the- usual places, and
other matters - - :
CHAP. XIE
The war continues in the Boulonois. The
king returns to Paris. The duke of Orleans
satishes the English, and other matters
CEA Oey
The duke of Berry is dangerously ill. He is
visited by his daughter the duchess of
Bourbon, and by the duke of Burgundy.
Notice of other matters .
PAGR
62
13
85
SI
Vi
PAGE
CHAP. XV.
The king of France holds a grand assembly at
Paris on the reformation of abuses in the
government. Other matters 98
CHAP. XVI.
The duke of Acquitaine is displeased with his
chancellor. Jealousies arise among the great
lords, and other matters - 183
CHAP. XVIF.
Henry of Lancaster, king of England, who
had been a valiant knight, dies in this
year. Of the alliance between him and
13a:
the french princes -
CHAP. XVIII.
The king’s ministers are greatly alarmed at
the arrest of sir Peter des Essars and of
the duke of Bar. Other proceedings of
the Parisians ~ “
CRAY. XX.
The Parisians propose whatever measures
they please in the presence of the duke
of Acquitaine and the other princes.
Cruelties committed by them -
CHAP, AX:
The count de Vertus and several of the
nobility lIeaye Paris. Otier regulations
144
Vil
and edicts obtained from the king by the
Parisians - - “
CHAP. XXI.
King Ladislaus of Naples enters Rome with
a powerful army. The death of sir James
de la Riviere. The dismission of the
chancellor, and other matters -
CHAP. AXLE.
The ambassadors from the king of France
return with those from the princes to
Paris. They are joined by others,. who
negotiate a fourth peace at Poutoise
: CHAP. ACCT
The duke of Acquitaine orders the prisoners
to be liberated. The duke of Burgundy
leaves Paris. Several princes arrive there.
Their actions - -
CRAP excl.
The duke of Brittany comes to Paris. The
duke of Burgundy holds a council at
Lille. The actions of the count de Saint
Po], and other matters that happened at
this time - - -
Chi Aha oy.
The duke of Burgun’y :ol’s many councils
to consider of his situation, {varing that his
PAGD
165
182
212
229
vill
PAGE
enemies would turn the king against him,
which they afterwards did -
CHAP. XXXVI
Duke Louis of Bavaria marries at Paris. Of
those who had been banished on account of
the discords between the dukes of Orleans
and Burgundy, and of many other incidental
matters - - -
CHAP, XXXVI,
The king of France, fearing the peace would
be broken, publishes other edicts for its
preservation throughout the realm, and
also respecting the coin =
CHAP. 3X VEL,
The king of Sicily sends back the daughter of
the duke of Burgundy. The duke writes
letters to the king of France, containing
remonstrances, and otker matiers
CHAR OOK xe
The duke of Burgundy goes to Antwerp.
The arrest of sir John de Croy, and other
remarkable events that happened about this
period - - -
CHAPS XXX.
The duke of Burgundy marches a large force
toward Paris. He fixes his quarters at
234
24%
264
.
1X
, PAGE
Saint Denis. The events that happened
during this march, and in consequence
of it - - ~ 299
CHAP. XXXI.
On the retreat of the duke of Burgundy from
St Denis, the king of France issues orders
throughout his kingdom to raise forces to
march against him - = $24
v ape hay cael = »
HERE BEGINNETH
THE THIRD VOLUME
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET,
CHAP. i:
THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS DIFFERENT
CAPTAINS WITH TROOPS TO HARRASS THE
ARMAGNACS ON THE FRONTIERS. THE
Df& FEAT OF THE COUNT DE LA MARCHE.
Many of the nobles and captains were
now sent by the king to the countries of such
as were confederates with the duke of Orleans
and his party. In the number, the count de
la Marche was ordered into the Orleanois, to
subject it to the king’s obedience, in company
with the lord de Hambre.
VOU,1i1, B
)
Aymé de Vitry, Fierbourd, and others
Were sent against the duke of Bourbon, who
had done much mischief to the country of
Charolois; and having a large force with
them, they despoiled the Bourbonois and
Beaujolois. They advanced with displayed
banners before the town of Villefranche, in
which was the duke of Bourbon and his
bastard-brother, sir Hector, a very valiant
knight and renowned in war. ‘There was
with them a large company of knights and
esquires, vassals to the duke, who, seeing the
enemy thus boldly advancing, drew up in
handsome array and sallied forth to meet
them, and the duke himself joined them in
their intent to offer battle. A severe skirmish
ensued, in which many gallant deeds were
done on each side. The bastard of Bourbon
distinguished himself much in the command of
the light troops, and fought most chivalrously.
He was, however, so far intermixed with the
enemy that the duke was fearful of his being
slain or taken, and, sticking spurs into his
horse, cried out to his people, ¢ Push forward!
for my brother will be made prisoner unless
speedily succoured.’ Great part of his battalion
followed him on the gallop toward the enemy,
3
and the hattle was renewed with more energy:
many men at arms were unhorsed, wounded and
slain: at length, the van of the Burgundians,
under the command of :\ymé de Vitry, was
forced to fall back on the main army, which
was at a short distance off. The bastard, who.
had heen struck down, was remounted, and
returned to the duke. Before that dav, no
one person had ever heard the duke call him
brother.
About forty were slain on both sides, but
very many were wounded.
When the skirmish was ended, each party
retreated without attempting more,—the duke
and his men into Villefranche, and the others
toward the country of Charvlois, destroying
every thing on their march.
Other parties were sent to Languedoc,
Acquitaine and Poitou, to despo:l the couiitries
of the duke of Berry, the count d’ Armagnac,
andthelordd’Albreth. Sir Guichard Daulphin,
master of the king’s household, commanded one
division; and the two others were under the
Jord de Heilly, marshal of Acquitaine, aud
inguerrand de Bournouville.
They did infinite damage to the Jands of
the aforesaid lords; but one day, as the lord de
BY
4
Heilly was lodged in a large village called
Linieres, he was attacked at day-break by a
party of the duke of Berry, who defeated and
plundered great part of his men of their horses
and baggage: a few were killed and taken,—
but he and the majority of his army saved
themselves by retreating within the castle,
which held out for the king.
I must say something of the count de la
Marche and the lord de Hambre, who, as
I have said, were ordered into the Orleanois.
It is true, they might have under their command
from five to six thousand combatants, whom
they conducted, destroying all the country on
their line of march, as far as Yeure-la-Ville and
Yeure-le-Chastel. The count de la Marche
was quartered in the village of Puchet, and
the lord de Hambre in another town.
The moment their arrival at Yeure-la- Ville
vas known in Orleans, where were considerable
numbers of men at arms for the guard of the
country, about six hundred of them were
assembled under the command of Barbasan
de Gaucourt, sir Galliet de Gaulles, and a
knight from Lombardy, together with three
hundred archers. They marched all night as
secretly as they could to Yeure-la-Ville, to the
5
amount of about a thousand men, under the
guidance of such as knew the country well,
and where the count was lodged. The count
was, however, somehow informed of their
intentions, and, having armed his men, posted
the greater part of them in and about his
lodgings: the others he ordered to keep in a
body, and sent to the lord de Hambre to
acquaint him with the intelligence he had
received, that he might be prepared to come
to his assistance, should there be any necessity
for it. The count and his men were under
arms, Waiting for the enemy, the whole of the
night; but when day appeared, and no news
ot the enemy arrived, he was advised to repose
himsclf, and to order his men to their quarters.
Scon after sun-rise, one of the acdversary’s
scouts rode into the town, and, seeing that no
watch was kept, hastened back to intorm his
friends, whom he met near the place, of this
neglect. They instantly entered the town,
shouting, ¢ Vive le roi!’ but soon after, crying
out ‘ Vive Orleans! made a general attack on
the houses. The greater part hastened to the
lodgings of the count, who was preparing to
hear mass,—and the tumult becaine very great,
for the count and his people tougitt gallantly:
6
nevertheless, he was conquered and made
prisoner. The whole quarter was carried,
and all taken or slain. After this defeat, the
count and his men were conducted hastily to.
Orleans.
In the mean time, as the lord de Hambre
was coming to their assistance, he was misled
by a man whom he had chosen for his guide,
and, on his arrival, found the whole towa
destroyed, and the count with his men carried
off. Notwithstanding his grief for this event,
he pursued the enemy with all speed, and, by
his activity, overtook the rear, upon which he
fell manfully, and defeated part of it. He
rescucd some of the prisoners,—but the count,
with about four score (as it was told him),
-were sent forward as fast as horses could carry
them, and were to be confined in the prisens
of Orleans. The lord de Hambre was much
troubled that he could not rescue him. There
were siain in these two affairs from three to
four hundred men on both sides, but the greater
part were Armagnacs. Among others of the
party of the ccut de Vendome that were
mortally wounded was Guoit le Gois, eidest
son to Thomas le Gois, a capital citizen of Paris,
which caused great sorrow to the Parisians.
7
After this affair, the lord de Hambre
assembled, by the king’s orders, a larger force
than before, and made a very severe war on
the duchy of Orleans and all attached to that
party, which caused the country to suffer
greatly.
King Louis of Sicily arrived at this time
at Paris from Provence, attended by three
hundred men at arms well equipped, and was
lodged in his own hotel of Anjou. He was
grandly received by the king, the duke of
Acquitaine and theother princes, and united
himself with the king and the duke of Burgundy,
promising to join their party against the oy
of Orleans and their adherents.
The duchess of Burgundy and her daughter
came, nearly at the same time, from Burgundy
to the Bois de Vincennes, where the queen and
the duchess of Acquitaine resided, who received
her with much pleasure. Thence they went to
visit the dukes of Acquitaine and burgundy,—
and very gay and magnificent feasts were made
on their ariival. They remained for a long
time with the queen, living at the expense of
the king.
At this period, the king of France sent
the lord de Dampicrre, admiral of France,
5
with other lords, to Boulogne-sur-mer, to meet
the english ambassadors who were arrived at
Calais. They went together to Leulinghen,
where they agreed on a truce between the two
crowns for one year,—after which the admi al.
and his companions returned to the king at
Paris, where he was holding a grand assembly
of prelates and ecclesiastics for the general
reformation of the church. The particular
object of this assembly was to select proper
delegates to send to the holy father the pope,
to request that a convenient place might be
appointed for the holding of a general council.
But in truth very little was done, for they could
not agree on one single point: another meeting
was therefore fixed upou, when a greater
number of churchmen should be summoned
to attend it.
The Parisians, having loyally served the
king and the duke of Acquitaine in the late
wars, obtained, through the means of the duke
of Burgundy, that the power of the shrievalty,
with all its franchises, of which the city of
Paris had been deprived by royal authority in
the month of January, in the year 1384, should
be restored to it fully and freely by letcers
patent from the king. This created very
9
great rejoicings, and much increased the
popularity of the duke of Burguudy.
Cray othe
_ THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS AMBASSADORS
TO. ENGLAND.—THE LORD DE CROY AND
THE DUKE OF BOURBON’S CHILDREN OBTAIN
THEIR LIBERTY.—OF COUNT WALERAN DE
SAINT POL.
A\r the beginning of the month of May, the
duke of Burgundy, with the approbation of
the king of France, sent ambassadors to
England, namely, the bishop of Arras, the
provost of Saint Donas de Bruges, and the
provost of Viefville, to treat of a marriage
between one of the duke’s daughters and the
prince of Wales, a matter which had been
talked of before*. They found the king
of IXngland at Rochester, who honourably
entertained them, as did the other princes;
but the prince of Wales was part.cularly
* ‘Their passport is, in the Fgedera, dated January 1.
i412.
10
attentive, as their mission more immediately
concerned him.
In the course of a few days, the bishop
had fully explained the object of his coming
to the king, his sons, and council; and
having received a favourable answer, with
very handsome presents to himself and his
colleagues, they returned by way of Dover to
Calais, and shortly after arrived at Paris.
The ambassadors related, in the presence
ef the kings of France and Sicily, the dukes
of Acquitaine, Burgundy and Bar, and other
great lords of the council, a full detail of their
proceedings, and that the king of England
and his family were well pleased with their
proposals. Upon this, the duke of Burgundy
sent orders to his son the count de Charolois,
then at Gheit, to repair to Paris, to be present
at the festivals of Easter.
At this time, by the intercession of the
duchess of Bourbon, daughter to the duke of
Berry, with the duke of Orleans and others
of that party, the lord de Croy obtained his
_ liberty from the prison in which he had for
a considerable time been confined, and was
escorted sately to Paris. On his departure, he
promised by his faith to make sucn curnest
: 11 ;
applications to his lord, the duke of Burgundy,
that the duke of Bourbon’s children should be
delivered.
On his arrival at Paris, he was reccived
with joy by the dukes of Acquitaine and
Burgundy, especially by the latter; and a few
days after, he made the request he had promised,
and so successfully that the king and the other
lords gave the duke of Bourbon’s childrea their
liberty. They were sent for to Paris troin che
castle of Renty, where they were coniined ; and
they and their attendants were delivered without
any ransom to the care of sir John de Croy,
who escorted them to the territories of the duke
of Berry. The son of sir Mansart du Bos, who
had been taken with them, remaiiied prisoner
in the castle of Renty. |
The lord de Croy was nominated governor
of the county of Boulogne and captain of the
castle of Braye sur Somme, by the king, with
the approbation of the duke of Berry and the
aforesaid duchess. He also obtained, through
the recommendation of the duke of Burgundy,
the office of grand butler of itrance. ‘Vo sir
Pcter des Essars, provost of Paris, was given
the office of grand master of waters and turests,
12
which had been held by count Waleran de
St Pol, who was contented to yield it up.
7 The count de Saint Pol, now constable
ef France, ordered a large body of men at
arms to assemble at Vernon sur Seine. In
consequence, full two thousand armed with
helmets came thither, with the design of
making war on the inhabitants of Dreux, and
en the count d’Alengon and his people, who
had overrun parts of Normandy, near to
Rouen, where they had plundered every thing
they could Jay their hands on.
To provide for the payment of this force,
as well as for others in different parts of the
country which the king had employed under
various captains, a heavy tax was imposed
on the whole Kingdom, to be paid at two
instalments,—the first on the Sunday before
Easter, and the second at the end of June
following. This affected the poor people
very much; and in addition, the pope had
grated to the king a full tenth to be levied,
through France and Dauphiny, on all the
clergy, payable also at two terms,—the one
on St John the Baptist’s day, and the other
on All-saints following. The clergy were
39
greatly discontented,—but it was not on
that account the less rigorously levied,—and
commissioners were appointed to receive it
from them.
The constable set out in the holy week
from Paris for Vernon, to take the command
of the men at arms, and to Jead them against
the king’s enemies.
|
[A. D, 1412.]
CHAP? HE
THE DUKES OF BERRY AND OF ORLEANS,
WITH OTHERS OF THEIR ADHERENTS, SEND
AN EMBASSY TO THE KING OF ENGLAND.—
THE CONSEQUENCES OF IT.
A\r the commencement of this year, the dukes
of Berry, of Orleans, and of Bourbon, the
counts de Vertus, d’Angouléme, d’Alengon
and d’Armagnac, and the lord d’Albreth,
calling himself constable of France, with
other great lords, their confederates, sent
ambassadors to the king of England, with
14
instructions, under their seals, for them to
act according to the occasion with the king
of England, his children and ministers. 3
As thev were journeying through Maine
to vo to Brittany, and thence to England,
they. were pursued by the bailiff of Caen
in Normandy, who, with the aid of the
commonalty, attacked and defeated them,
making some of them prisoners, with their
sealed instructions and other articles: the rest
escaped as well as they could.
After the defeat, the bailiff dispatched
an account of it to the king and council at
Paris, and sent the sealed instructions, with
the other articles, in a leathern bag, well
secured. The king assembled a great council
at his palace of St Pol, on the Wednesday
after Easter, for the full examination of these
papers. He was present, as were the king of
Sicily, the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy,
the counts de Charolois, de Nevers, and de
Mortaigne, the lord Gilles de Bretagne, the
chancellor of France, namely, master Henry
de Marle*, the bishops of Tournay, of Amiens,
* Morery, in his list of chancellors, places Arnauld de
Corbie, lord of Joigny, from t+ 09 to 1413, and makes Henry
de Marle, lord of Veisigny, his successor in the latter year.
- 15
of Constance, and of Auxerre, the rector of
the university, the provost of Paris, and several
others, as well of the king’s council as capital
citizens of Paris and students of the university.
The chancellor of the duke of Acquitaine,
the lord d’Olhaing, lately an advocate in the
parliament, then declared, that there had been
given to his charge, by the king’s ministers, a
leathern bag, which had been taken by the
bailiff of Caen, together with a knight,
chamberlain to the duke of Brittany, from
de Faulcon d’Encre and friar James Petit,
of the order of the Augustins, and other
ambassadors from the lords mentioned in the
papers contained in the bag, which had been
transmitted by the said bailiff to the king’s
council. He added, that he had found in
this bag four blank papers, signed and sealed.
by four different persons, namely, Berry,
Orleans, Bourbon and Alencon. Each blank
had only the name signed on the margin above
the seal. He had also found many sealed
letters from the duke of Perry addressed to
the king of England, to the queen, and to
See post, where it is said, that sir Reginald (¢. e. sir Arnauld)
de Corbie was displaced (1413), and Eustace de Lactre
appointed in his plage,
16
their four sons; and in like manner, from the
duke of Brittany to the earl of Richmond and
to other noblemen in England. ‘There were:
also many letters without any superscription,
being credential ones for the aforesaid Faulcon
and friar James Petit, to the king and queen of
England.
These letters were publicly read, and in
them the duke of Berry styled the king of
England, ¢ My most redoubted lord and
nephew;’ and the queen, ‘ My most redoubted
and honoured lady, niece and daughter;’ and
they were signed with the duke of Berry’s own
hand. In the one to the queen, there were two
lines in his own handwriting, desiring her to
place full confidence in the said ambassadors.
These blanks were publicly displayed,—
and the king held them some time in his hand.
There was a small article on a single sheet
of paper contaming the instructions for the
ambassadors, which was likewise read aloud,
and contained a repctition of the charges made
against the duke of Burgundy, by the duchess
of Orleans and her sons, for the death of the
late duke of Orleans. It recited, that they
had frequently demanded justice of the king
ef France ior this murder, but could never
17
obtain it, because the duke of Burgundy had
prevented and evil counselled the king, by
persuading him that the duke of Orleans had
been a disloyal traitor to his king and country,
which was false,—adding, that the duke of
Burgundy had seduced the commonalty of
France, more especially the populace of Paris,
by asserting that the late duke of Orleans
wanted to destroy the king of France and his
family, which was also a falsehood, for it had
never even entered his thoughts.
These instructions contained, likewise, that
the duke of Burgundy had caused the king to
be angry with the duke of Brittany, because he
had obstructed his expedition against Calais,
and several other attempts which the duke of
Burgundy had plotted against England ; that
the duke of Burgundy had instigated the people
of Paris so greatly against the king and the duke
of Acquitaine that every thing was governed to
his will,—and he had now the royal family in
such subjection that they dared hardly to open
their mouths; that the Parisians, under pretext
of a bull granted by pope Urban V. against
the free companies that had ravaged France,
had caused them and their adherents to be
excommunicated, and had forcibly constrained
VOL, III. C
18
‘
the official at Paris to proceed against them in
the severest manner, and to denounce them
publicly, as excommunicated, with every
ageravation of circumstance.
These ambassadors were not to discover
themselves to any man in England, unless they
were sure of his support; and when they had
read the contents of these papers to the king,
they were to demand a private audience, and
declare from the dukes of Berry, of Orleans,
of Bourbon, and from the count d’Alencon,
that they were most anxious for his welfare
and honour, and ready to aid and assist him
against the duke of Burgundy, as well as
against the Welsh and Irish.
They were to add, that if they could not
succeed against the Scots, which they would
attempt, and in case they could not obtain all
they wished, they would engage to establish a
peace between him and the king of France;
and that if there were any lands to which he
laid claim, or pretended any right, on their
side the sea, they would manage the matter
to his full satisfaction. ‘They were also to
say, that for want of due justice being
adivinistered at home, they were come to
claim it from him, in regard to the death of
19
the late duke of Orleans; and as bearing the
name of king, it belonged to him to do justice;
and he would acquire perpetual honour to
himself, and great advantages to his subjects,
by granting them his aid and support. It was
also worthy of his interference, considering the
high rank of the late duke of Orleans. They
were likewise to say, that the undersigned
would serve him and his family, as well as
their descendants, in all times to come, and.
which they were enabled to do, even against
the most potent in the realm of France.
These ambassadors were also to require
an immediate aid against the duke of Burgundy,
of three hundred lances and three thousand
archers, who should receive pay in advance
for four months.
The chancellor of Acquitaine next
produced a sketch of their intended government
of France, containing many articles, which
were read aloud. Among other schemes, there
was to be imposed on every acre a tax called
a land-tax; and as there were deposits of salt
in the kingdom, there were likewise to be
granaries of wheat and oats for the profit of
the king: that all lands or houses which were
jn a ruinous state should be instantly repaired,
C2
ZO
or otherwise forfeited to the crown: that every
commoner should be forced to work or quit
the realm,;—and that there should be but
one weight and one measure throughout the
country. Item, that the duchies of Lorraine
and Luxembourg should be conquered, as
well as the towns in Provence and Savoy, and
annexed to the kingdom of France. Item,
that the university should be removed from
Paris, and one erected and nobly endowed for
the reception of numbers of discreet men.
There were many rolls produced, but not
read, as they were of little consequence. After
the chancellor of Acquitaine had concluded,
the provost of the merchants and the sheriffs
preferred two requests to the king, by the
mouth of a monk of the order of St Benedict
and doctor of divinity.
One was, that the king would be pleased
to grant to the city of Paris a third of the taxes
collected in that city in the same form and
manner as had been done during the reign of
king Charles, whose soul may God receive!
for the reparations of the said town and the
improvement of the river Seine, of which, as
the provost of merchants declared, they were
in great need; that it would be for the
21
advantage of the king and his good city that
certain repairs, very much wanted, should be
undertaken, and the place better fortified
against the bitter hatred which the dukes of
Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, and their faction
bore to it. He added, that the town of
Tournay was the best fortified, and in the
most complete repair of any in the knmgdom,
because the inhabitants allot certain sums for
this purpose; and that, if all the king’s enemies
were to besiege it, they would never be abie ta
injure it.
The other was, that orders should be given
to the chancellor to seal without opposition the
patent of an office vacant, or becoming so, by
the demission of one of the Armagnacs, which
had hitherto been refused.
They were told, that on the Thursday
ensuing, they should have answers to both of
these requests. .
The provost and sheriffs demanded beside,
that the chanccllor of France should lay
betore the king such letters as had come to
the knowledge of the duke of Acquitaine,
mentioning that the dukes of Berry, Orleans,
Bourbon, and the count d’Aleng n intended
making a new king, to the exciusion of his
22
present majesty and the duke of Acquitaine.
The chancellor replied, that the subject of
their present consideration was the letters
contained in the bag; that it was true, he
was in possession of letters and other papers
mentioning this circumstance, and that he
had assured the duke of Acquitaine of their
contents.
The chancellor of Acquitaine then
declared publicly to the king, that the grand
master of his household, sir Guichart Daulphin,
had written to inform the duke of Burgundy,
that the dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, and
the count d’Alengon, had again renewed their
oaths of alliance in the city of Bourges; that
the leaders of the confederacy had met in that
city, and had there determined to destroy the
king of France, his whole royal family, the
kingdom of France, aud the good city of
Paris, or perish themselves in the attempt.
The king was much affected on hearing
this, and replied with tears, ‘ We now fully
see their wickedness, and we entreat of you
all that are of our blood to advise and aid us
against them; for the matter not only regards
you personally, but the welfare of the whole
kingdom is m1 danger; and we shall therefore
23
expect the support of all present, and of every
loyal subject.’
The king of Sicily then rose, and, falling
on his knees before the king, said, ‘ Sire, I
entreat, that in regard to your own honour
and welfare, as well as for that of your realm,
you will order the most efficacious measures
to be pursued against these rebels, for there
seems to be instant need of it.’
In like manner, the dukes of Acquitaine
and Zurgundy, and all the other lords, knelt
to the king, and p-oftered him their services
to the utmost of their power. When this was
done, the assembly broke up, and all that had
passed was promulgated through Paris: even
accounts of it were sent in writing to different
bailiffs in the kingdom, tothe greatastonishment
of many.
at
CHAP..IV.
DUKE LOUIS OF BAVARIA IS DRIVEN OUT OF
PARIS BY THE PARISIANS, AND HIS PEOPLE
ROBBED.—OF THE CARDINAL DE CAMBRAY,
AND THE PROHIBITION OF THE KING OF
ENGLAND.
Apour this time, duke Louis of Bavaria,
brother to the queen of France, and residing
at Paris, was much suspected by the Parisians
of having in secret spoken favourably to the
king and queen of the dukes of Berry and
Orleans; and fearing it might be prejudicial
to them, knowing how much they were hated
by these dukes, they assembled one day in great
numbers, and sent to tell duke Louis, that they
were much displeased with him, for that he was
of the Orleans-party; and since he was so well
inclined to them, he must go and join them.
Duke Louis sent for answer, that he was
not of any party, but of that of the king.
The matter, therefore, rested in this state for
the present; but as he perceived they were
dissatisfied with him, and apprehending some
insult, he went away with very few attendants
25
to the castle of Marcoussy. Before his
departure, he had a waggon laden with his
plate and other most valuable effects, which
he sent off under the escort of three gentlemen
of his household,—one of whom was a young |
nobleman of about fifteen years old, of high
rank in Germany,—and some servants, to the
town of Valenciennes, intending to follow
them speedily. |
They had not proceeded far on their
journey when some of the burgundian party,
incited by avarice and cruelty, namely, the
bailitf de Foquesolle, his brother Jacotin,
Jacques de Bracquencourt, and others of their
companions, the greater part from Picardy,
having learnt the value of this convoy, by the
treachery of sir Morlet de Betencourt, followed
and overtook it between the rivers Seine and
Oise. They made a sudden attack, which was
no way resisted, putting to death most of the
attendants, and seizing the waggon, which
they carried off; with the young esquire above
mentioned, and lodged themselves at a nunnery
called Premy, near to the city of Cambray.
When they had tarried there two or three
days, they led the young man out of the nunnery
by night, and most inhumanly murdered him,
26
and threw him into a ditch full of water.
When he was dead, they drove a stake through
his body, to fix it at the bottom of the ditch;
and in this state was it found, some days after,
by the servants and workmen of the nunnery.
He was carried thence and interred in
the consecrated ground of the church, where,
afterward, was performed a most solemn service
for the salvation of his soul, at the expense
of his friends, who made great clamours and
Jamentations when they heard of his fatal end.
The Burgundians, having well secured
their prize, lodged it in the house of an
inhabitant of their acquaintance in Cambray,
and set off from the Cambresis to other parts
where they had business) On duke Louis
receiving information of this exploit, he was
in the utmost rage and grief, especially tor the
death of the young esquire, as well as for the
loss of his other servants, and his effects, aid
made heavy complaints of it to the king, the
duke of Acquitaine, and particularly to the duke
of Burgundy, whose vassals the perpetrators
said they were. The duke of Burgundy
promised him the restitution of his valuabies,
and the punishment of the offenders; but, a
few days aiter, duxe Louis set out trom the
27
€astle of Marcoussy, and was, by orders of the
duke of Burgundy, escorted by the vidame of
Amiens, with a considerable force, as far as the
town of Valenciennes, where he staid a long
time. At the end of six weeks, he learnt that
the greater part of his effects were deposited
in the town of Cambray: he therefore wrote
to the magistrates, and caused letters also to be
sent to duke William of Hainault, to whom he
was related: in short, he made so much stir
that his effects were restored to him,—that is to
say, all that had been deposited in Cambray.
The then bishop of Cambray was master
Peter d’Ailly, an excellent doctor of divinity :
he was created cardinal by pope John XXIII.
and took the title of Cardinal of Cambray.
John de Gaures, son to the lord de Liquerque,
master of arts, who was at that time with the
court of Rome, succeeded to this bishoprick.
At this period, Henry king of England
caused it to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet
in Calais, and in all the places bordering on
France, that none of his subjects, of whatever
rank, should any way interfere between the
two factions in France, nor go into France to
serve either of them by arnis or otherwise, under
pain of death and confiscation of fortune.
28
CHAP.’V.
THE KING OF SICILY LEAVES PARIS.—THB
SIEGE OF DOMFRONT.—THE BATTLE OP
SAINT REMY DU PLAIN.—THE SIEGE OF
BELLESME,—AND OTHER EVENTS OF THE
YEAR.
On Tuesday the goth day of April of this
year, the king of Sicily, by order of the king
and council, marched his men at arms out of
Paris in handsome array. He was escorted
eut of the town by the duke of Burgundy, the
provost of Paris, and a very great number of
noblemen and others. He hastened to Angers,
and to his possessions in the county of Maine,
to defend them against the counts d’Alencon
and de Richemont, who harrassed them much
by an incessant warfare. On his arrival at
Angers, he summoned al! his vassals, as well
knights and esquires as those who were
accustomed to bear arms, and sent them to
garrison all his towns which were near to those
of the enemy.
Shortly after, sir Anthony de Craon, the
borgne de la Heuse, knight, and other captains
29.
were sent by the king to the county of Alencons
to subject it to his obedience. They gained the
town of Domfront, but failed in taking the
castle; for it was very strong in itself, and well
garrisoned and provided with all necessary |
stores. They remained, however, before it,
annoying the garrison to the utmost of their
ability.
The garrison sent to the count d’Alengon
to require instant succours: he was much
grieved at the loss of the town of Domfront,
but answered by one of his heralds, that he
would very shortly come and give the enemy
battle, if they would wait for him there. Sir
Anthony de Craon and the other captains,
hearing this, dispatched messengers to the
king of France for reinforcements. The
king sent instant orders to the constable and
marshal of France, who were at Vernon with
a great armament, to advance to Domfront.
This they obeyed,—and the king of Sicily also
sent thither large reinforcements. But on the
day fixed for the battle, the count d’Alengon
neither came himself nor sent any forces.
The constable and the other commanders
having waited under arms the whole of that
day, seeing no signs of their adversaries coming,
$0
erected a strong bulwark against the castle, in
which they left a numerous garrison, to keep it
in check, and oppose any attempts to relieve it,
and then departed.
The constable marched to besiege the
town of St Remy du Plain, and sent+sir
Anthony de Craon, with a large force to
Vernon, to escort the cannons, bombards, and
other military engines, to St Remy. ‘There
were in company with the constable, his
nephew John of Luxembourg, sir Philip de
Harcourt and his brother sir James, the lord
de Beausault, the vidame of Amiens, the lord
d’Offemont *, the lord de Canny, the borgne
de la Heuse, Roux de Neele, Raoul son to the
vidame of Amiens, the lord de Lovroy, le
Galois de Renty +, sir Bort Queret, the lord
de Herbainnes, the lord de Saine, and many
noble knights and esquires, to the number of
twelve hundred helmets, and a large body of
archers.
They quartered themselves within the
town of St Remy, and around the castle,
which was tolerably strong and well garrisoned
* Guy de Nesle, vol. ii. p. 228.
+ Renty was the name of a considerable family in
Arteis. I can find nothing about asy of the others.
31
with men at arms, and summoned it to
surrender to the king’s obedience; but on a
refusal, some engines were pointed against the
walls, which did them much damage. During
this time, the lord de Gaucourt, sir John de
Dreues, sir Jean de Guarenchieres, Guillaume
Batillier, the lord d’Argiellieres, John de
Falloise, with other captains of the Orleans
and Alencon party, assembled a considerable
body of combatants, with the intent of making
an unexpected attack on the constable and
taking him by surprise.
In consequence, they marched on the loth
day of May from their place of rendezvous,
and, riding all night, came towards the end of
it very near their adversaries. The latter were,
however, day and night on their guard, and
had spies and scouts dispersed over the.country.
Morlet de Mons, Galien bastard of Auxi, and
others, were on guard when the Armagnacs
approached. They made Morlet de Mons
and Galien prisoners; but the rest escaped,
and, galloping as fast as their horses could
carry them to the main army, shouted out,
‘ To arms, to arms! adding, that the
Armagnacs were advancing in_battle-array
toward the camp, and had already made
52
prisoners of Morlet and Galien, with some
others.
The eonstable, searing the noise, ordered
his men to arm without delay, and dispatched
the lord de St Legier and the lord de Drucat,
two well experienced knights, to examine and
report the truth of this alarm. They had not
gone far before they saw the enemy advancing,
as had been said, on which they returned to
inform the constable of it. He immediately
caused his banner to be displayed, and _ his
trumpets sounded, and, sallying out of his
tent with a part of his men, drew them up
in battle-array to receive the enemy, and urged
the remainder of his men to make haste to join
him. When he had mounted his horse, he
rode along the line, to post his army most
advantageously, and exhorted the whole, in
the kindest manner, to combat boldly the
enemies of the king and crown of France.
By the advice of the most experienced,
his carts and baggage were disposed of in the
rear of his army, with varlets to guard them.
On each wing of the men at arms were posted
the archers and cross-bows, as far as they could
be extended. When every arrangement was
nade, and the enemy was in sight, several
33
new knights were created, as well by the
constable as by others present, namely, John
of Luxembourg, John de Beausault, Raoul
son to the vidame of Amiens, Alard de
Herbainnes, le Brun de Saine, Roux de Neele,
Raillers de Fransseurs, Regnault d’Azincourt,
and many more. This done, the constable
dismounted and posted himself under his
banner,—when instantly after the Armagnacs
entered the town, full gallop, thinking to
surprise their adversaries.
On perceiving they were prepared for
them, they charged the division of archers
and cross-bows with great shoutings, and at
the first shock killed about twelve: the rest
posted themselves very advantageously on the
other side of a ditch, whence they made such
good use of their bows and cross-bows that
they routed the horses, which were unable to
withstand the sharpness of their arrows, and
flung down many of their riders.
The constable then advanced his main
battalion, and cried out to them, ‘ Here, you
scoundrels! here I am whom you are secking
for: come to me!’ but their ranks were so
broken, chiefly by the bowmen, that they
could not rally, and, consequently, betook
VOL, III. D
34
themselves to flight. The army of the
constable, noticing this, fell on them lustily,
shouting their cries, and killed numbers: the
archers, being lightly armed, pursued them
vigorously, and put many to a cruel death.
There was near the field of battle a fish
pond, into which many horses ran with their
riders, and both were drowned.
A valiant man of arms from Brittany
attacked these archers with great gallantry,
expecting to be supported by his companions,
but he was soon pulled from his horse and
slain. The constable, seeing the defeat of his
enemies, mounted several on the fleetest horses,
that they might attack them in their flight,
and very many were indeed slain and taken:
the remnant fled for refuge to Alencon and
other towns belonging to their party.
More than four score prisoners were
brought to the constable, who was with his
Knights, rejoicing on the victory they had gained ;
and in the number were the lord d’Anieres,
knight, and sir Jaunet de Guarochieres, son to
the lord de Croisy, who was with the constable.
When he thus perceived his son led. prisoner,
he was so exasperated against him that he would
have killed him had he not been withheld.
35
Those who had made this attack on the
constable had brought with them a multitude
of peasants, in the expectation of destroying
him and his army,—but the reverse happened,
for upwards of four hundred of them were
killed in the field, and from six to eight score
made prisoners. Shortly after, the constable
returned into the town of St Remy du Plain,
whence he had dislodged in the morning;. and
this battle, ever since, has borne the name of
St Remy. He then made preparations to storm
the castle; but the garrison, seeing no chance
of further relief, surrendered it, and were, by
the constable, received to the obedience of the
king.
The king of Sicily had about eight
hundred chosen men at arms in the county
of Alengon,—and when he heard that the
Armagnacs had collected a large force to
march to raise the siege of St Remy, he sent
four score of his men to reinforce the constable,
who arrived at St Remy four hours after the
action was over. ‘They were overjoyed at the
victory, and the surrender of the castle, both
of which they were ignorant ot; and having
thanked God. for this good fortune, and
D2
$6
congratulated the constable thereon, they
returned to the king of Sicily.
The constable advanced to Belléme with
his army, accompanied by the marshal of
France and sir Anthony de Craon; and on
their arrival, they were soon joined by the king
of Sicily, with archers, cross-bows, and other
implements of war. They instantly formed
the siege of the castle,—the king of Sicily
investing it on one side, and the constable and
marshal on the other. Their attacks were so
severe and incessant that the garrison could
not withstand them, but surrendered on terms.
Having placed a new garrison there in the
king’s name, the constable marched away
toward Paris; the marshal returned to Dreux;
and the king of Sicily and his men went for
Mans, to guard his territories of Anjou.
On the constable’s arrival at Paris, he was
magnificently feasted by the king, and the dukes
of Acquitaine and Burgundy, as well for the
victory he had gained at St Remy as for other
matters, which, during his expedition, he had
brought to an honourable conclusion; and a
sum of money was instantly ordered him, for
the payment of his men at arms, Splendid
37
presents were also made him by the king and
the duke of Burgundy.
While thmgs were thus carried on
successfully against the count d’Alengon,
Aymé de Vitry and the bastard of Savoy *
kept up a continued warfare with the duke
of Bourbon in the Beaujolois; and about the
middle of April, an engagement took place
near to Villefranche, when two of the duke’s
captains, Vignier de Reffort and Bernardon
de Seres, were dvfeated, and with them eight
score men at arms, knights and esquires: few
escaped death or being made prisoners.
In another part of the kingdom, the lord
de Heilly and Enguerrand de Bournouville
were equally successful, and had subjected to
the king’s authority the greater part of Poitou.
They had very lately gained a victory over two
hundred of the duke of Berry’s men, near to
Montfaucon.
The grand master of the king’s household,
sir Guichard Daulphin, and the master of the
cross-bows of France, and sir John de Chalon +,
* Humbert, natural son of Amadeus VII- and brother
of Amadeus VIII. counts of Savoy.
+ John de Chalon, second son to Louis I. count of
Auxerre, and brother to Louis U,
38
were sent by the king’s orders, with ten
thousand horse, to lay siege to St Fargeau in
the Nivernois, which belonged to John son to
the duke of Bar. While there, they were in
daily expectation of a battle, but in vain:
however, when they had remained ten or
twelve days, with the loss of many men in
killed and wounded, the town surrendered,
and was by them regarrisoned in the king’s
name.
With similar success did the lord de
St George and the nobles of Burgundy make
war on the count d’Armagnac, in Gascony.
Sir Elyon de Jacques-Ville was stationed at
Estampes, and made daily conquests from the
Orleans-party, who at this period were very
unfortunate, for war was carried on against
them on all sides.
To provide a remedy, and to enable
themselves to make head against their
adversaries, they sent a solemn embassy to
Henry king of England, and to his children,
to solicit succours of men and money. ‘The
ambassadors, by means of their credential
letters and other papers which they brought
from these lords of France, treated with king
Tienry so that he consented to send to the
39
dukes of Berry, Orleans, and their party, eight
thousand combatants, under the command of
his second son, the duke of Clarence.
For the confirmation of this, he granted
to the ambassadors letters under his great seal,
which they carried back to the dukes of Berry,
Orleans, Bourbon, and the count d’Alengon
and others, whom they found at Bourges
waiting their return. They were much
rejoiced on seeing the great seal of the king
of England; for they expected to have
immediate need of his assistance, as they had
information that the duke of Burguady was
intending to lead the king in person to subdue
and conquer them.
CHAP VA;
CHARLES KING OF FRANCE, ATTENDED BY
OTHER PRINCES, MARCHES A LARGE FORCE
FROM PARIS TO BOURGES.——-LETTERS FROM
THE KING OF ENGLAND,—AND OTHER
MATTERS.
Tue council of state now determined that
the king should march in person agamst his
40
rebellious subjects, to reduce them to obedience,
Summonses were sent throughout the kingdom
for men at arms and archers to asseinble between
Paris and Melun; and at the same time, great
numbers of carriages were ordered to meet there
for the baggage. In like manner, the dukes of
Acquitaine and Burgundy issued their special
summonses.
When all was ready, and the king on
the point of leaving Paris on this expedition, a
large body of the Parisians and members of the
university waited on him, and earnestly required,
in the presence of his council, that he would not
enter into any treaty with his enemies without
their being included and personally named
therein. They remonstrated with him on the
necessity for this, as they were hated by his
enemies, because they had loyally served him
against them.
The king and council granted their request,
—The king then left Paris in noble array, on
Thursday the 5th day of May, and lay the first
might at Vincennes, where the queen resided :
he thence went through Corbeil to Melun,
where he remained some days waiting for his
men at arms. On the ensuing Sunday, the
dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy set out
41
from Paris to join the king at Melun, to which
place large bodies of men at arms and archers
repaired AG all parts of the kingdom.
On Saturday, the 14th of May, the king
marched his army from oT accompanied.
by the dukes of Acquitaine, Burgundy and Bar,
the counts de Mortain and de Nevers, with many
other great barons, knights and gentlemen. It
had been resolved in council, that the king
should not return to Paris until he had reduced
the dukes of Berry, Orleans and Bourbon,
with their adherents, to obedience.
He then advanced to Moret, in the
Gatinois, and to Montereau-Faut-Yonne. At
this last place, he was wounded in the leg by
a kick from a horse, but continued his march
to Sens, where he was confined by this accident
six days. The queen and the duchess of
Burgundy had hitherto attended him, but they
were now sent back by their lords to reside
at Vincennes. The count de Charolois was
ordered by his father to return to Ghent; and,
shortly after, the queen went to Melun, where
she held her court.
During this time the English, on the
frontiers of the Boulonois, took by storm the
fortress of Banelinghen, situated between
Ardres and Calais, and the inheritance of
42
the lord de Dixcunde*, notwithstanding there
were sealed truces between the kings of France
and England. It was commonly said that the
governor, John d’Estienbecque, had sold it to
the English foragum of money. The French
were much troubled when they heard of this
capture, but they could not any way ainend
#, and were forced to be contented. “The
governor and his wite resided quietly with the
English, which convinced every one that the
place had been sold, and also some of his
soldiers, who had been made prisoners, were
ransomed. This conduct of king Henry
surprised many; for he had appeared earnest
in his desire to marry his eldest son with
the daughter of the duke of Burgundy,—
but he had been turned from it by the oiters
and negotiations of the ambassadors before
mentioned, and had now united himself with
them.
The king of England wrote the following
Jetter to the towns of Ghent, Bruges, Y pres
and the Franc, which he sent by one ot his
heralds.
‘ Henry, by the grace of God, king of
England and i*rance, and lord of Ireland, to
* Q@. Dixmuyde
43
our honoured and wise lords the citizens,
sheriffs and magistrates, of the towns of
Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, and of the territory
du Franc, our very dear and especial friends,
we send health and greeting. Very dear and
respected lords, it has come to our knowledge,
through a very creditable channel, that under
the shadow of our adversary the king of
France, the duke of Burgundy, count of
Flanders, is making, or about to make, a
speedy march into our country of Acquitaine,
to wage war upon and destroy our subjects,
particularly on our very dear and well beloved
cousins the dukes of Berry, Orleans and
Bourbon, and the counts of Alengon, of
Armagnac, and the lord d’Albreth.
‘ Since, therefore, your lord perseveres in
his malicious intentions, you will have the
goodness to assure us, on the return of our
messenger, by your letters so soon as possible,
whether the Klemings be willing to conform
to the truces ateiy concluded between us,
without any way assisting their lord in his
wicked purpcses toward us.
‘ Understanding, honoured lords, and
very dear friends, that 1f your towa, and the
other towns in fianders, be desirous of
44
continuing the terms of the truces, to: the
advantage of Flanders, we are very willing,
on our part, to do the same. Very dear
friends, may the Holy Spirit have you alway
in his keeping !—Given under our privy seal,
at our palace of Westminster, the 16th day of
May, in the 13th year of our reign *.’
The Flemings sent for answer to this
fetter by the bearer, that they would no way
infringe the truces between the two countries;
but that they should serve and assist the king of
France their sovereign lord, and their count the
duke of Burgundy, as heretofore, to the utmost
of their power. This letter and answer were sent
to the duke of Burgundy, who was attending the
king in the town of Sens in Burgundy.
At this same time, the duke of Berry, by
the advice of the count d’Armagnac, coined
mioney with the same arms and superscription
as that of the king of France, in the town of
Bourges, to pay his troops, which greatly
exasperated the king and his council when
they heard thereof. Vhe coins consisted of
golden crowns and others, perfectly similar to
tose of the king.
* See this letter, and the treaty with the duke of Berry,
&c. in Rymer, A. D. 1412.
45
CHAP. VII.
THE TOWN OF VERVINS IS TAKEN BY SIK
CLUGNET DE BRABANT, AND AFTERWARD
RETAKEN.
THE CASTLE OF GERSIES IS
WON BY SIR SIMON DE CLERMONT.
A sour this same time, the town of Vervins,
which was very strong and rich, was taken by
treachery, by sir Clugnet de Brabant and
Thomas de Lorsies, lord of Boquiaux, and
some other gentlemen, to the amount of six
hundred men, from different countries, of the
party of the duke of Orleans. This was said
to have been effected by a butcher who had
been for ill conduct banished the town, and in
revenge had joined the army of sir Clugnet de
Brabant.
The butchers wife and family had
remained in the town; and one day, when
it was dusk, they hid themselves near the
gate, and about sun-rise, when the guard had
quitted the ramparts, and the gate was opencd
and the drawbridge let down, they made a
signal to the enemy, who was in ambuscade.
Sir Clugnet instantly entered the place, sounding
46
| trumpets, and shouting out, * The duke of
»
Orleans for ever!’ to the great surprise of the
inhabitants, who were far from expecting such
a morning salute.
Very few were made prisoners, but all
were robbed; and for three days the money
and plate of the lord de Vervins, who was
with the king, or on his road to joi him, as
well as every thing of value in the different
houses, were collected, and sent off by sir
Clugnet, to the amount of thousands of
florins, to the town of Ardennes *, that those
of his countrymen who had joined his party,
and those who had accompanied him on this
expedition, might be paid.
The neighbouring towns were astonished
when they heard of this event, and collected a
large force to enable them to besiege the enemy
in Vervins, and retake the town. The bailiff
of the Vermandois, sir le Brun de Bairins, the
lord de Chin, with many other knights and
citizens, hastened thither, to the number of
four hundred helmets and from six to eight
thousand infantry very well armed.
The lord de Vervins, who was of high
rank and a very expert knight, no sooner
* Q. Ardres ?
47
heard of his loss than he hastened to join the
besiegers, and led many brisk attacks on the
town. ‘Those who had captured it made an
excellent defence from the walls with bows
and cross-bows, so that the besiegers were
twenty-three days before it. On the 26th of
June, the lord de Boquiaux, Thomas de Lorsies,
son to the lord de Selebes, knights, the bastard
d’Esne, and those who were with them,
considering that their enemies were daily
increasing, and that they had done much
damage to the walls and houses, were afraid
of being killed or taken, and held a council
on the best means to escape. They defended
themselves with greater vigour than before, the
better to conceal their intentions; and when
the besiegers were at their dinner in their tents
and pavilions, and they had seen their guard
posted at one of the gates, they mounted their
horses fully armed,—and, having had the
gates thrown open, all except three, who were
asleep or too negligent, sallied out full gallop,
sticking spurs into their horses, and made with
all speed for the forest near the town.
The besiegers were astonished on secing
this, and, pushing aside their tables, mounted
instantly to pursue them, and followed with
48
such haste that they took about forty of them,
—and the rest saved themselves by dint of
speed. The royalists returned to the town
with their prisoners, and found there the three
negligent Armagnacs and some other wretches
of their party, who, by the command of the
bailiff of the Vermandois, were sent to prison ;
and when he had heard their confession, they
were by him sentenced to be beheaded. “The
bailiff then set out for Laon, whither he carried
the other prisoners, well bound, there to suffer
a similar punishment.
The lord de Vervins remained in his town
to put it into repair, and the lord de Chin and
the rest went to their homes.
A few days after, the castle of Cersies,
which was very strong, was taken by some of
the army of sir Clugnet de Brabant, namely,
by sir Simon de Clermont, a captain called
Millet d’Autre, and others, who won it one
morning by storm. But shortly after, the bailiff
of the Vermandois, with some of the aforesaid
Jords and a large body of the commonalty,
regained it by assault. Sir Simon and Millet
d’ Autre, with their companions, were all made
prisoners, carried to Laon, and beheaded. The
castle was new garrisoned for the king.
49
CHAP. VIII.
THE KING OF FRANCE RECEIVES’ CERTAIN
INFORMATION THAT HIS ADVERSARIES HAD
FORMED AN ‘ALLIANCE WITH THE KING
OF ENGLAND.—THE CONSTABLE MARCHES
INTO THE BOULONOIS. .
Donrne the residence of the king of France
at Sens in Burgundy, he received positive
intelligence, that the dukes of Berry, Orleans,
Bourbon, and their confederates, had formed
an alliance with the king of England, who had.
engaged to send a large army to their assistance,
to lay waste his king¢dom,—and that part of it
had already marched from Calais and the other
castles on the frontiers of the Boulonois, and
commenced the war.
They -had carried away much plunder,
and had set fire to the town of Merck on the
sea-shore, thus infringing the truces which
subsisted between them.
In consequence of this inroad, the king
of France ordered his constable, the count de
St Pol, to march thither, to assemble ail the
nobles of Picardy, and to garrison and victual
VOL: 41. Rk
50
the frontier towns, and to use every diligence
in opposing the further progress of the English;
_ for the duke of Burgundy had carried with him
all the youth, and the most warlike men, from
the countries of the Boulonois, Ponthieu, and
Artois, leaving behind only the superannuated
and such as were unable to bear arms.
The constable, hearing of the mischiefs
the English were doing, more of his own free
will than in obedience to the king’s, hastened
to Paris, laying all other matters aside, with
the borgne de la Heuse and some other knights
whom he left there, at the earnest entreaties of
the Parisians, to carry on the war against Dreux.
He went then to Picardy and to St Pol, to visit
his lady; thence he went to St Omer and to
Boulogne, inspecting the whole frontier, and
providing necessaries where wanted. ‘The
whole country was now alarméd and in
motion, insomuch that the English retired
worsted; but they very soon recommenced
their warfare.
When the constable saw this, and that
they did not abstain, he held a council of his
principal officers, such as the lord d’Offemont,
the lord de Canny, the lord de Lovroy, sir
Philip de Harcourt and others. At the
51
‘conclusion of it, he assembled a body of men
at arms, to the amount of fifteen hundred,
whom he put under the command of the lord
de Lovroy and one called Alin Quentin, and
ordered them to march toward the town and
castle of Guines. As they approached the
place on foot, the constable sent off, by
another road, forty helmets under sir John
de Renty, who was well acquainted with all
the avenues to the town, to make a pretence
of attacking it on that side, which was only
inclosed with a palisade and ditch, and
garrisoned with Dutchmen and other soldiers
who resided there.—The constable, with six
hundred combatants, advanced between the
town and Calais, to guard that road, and
to prevent the English, should they hear of
the attack, from sending any considerable
reinforcements. Thus did he remain between
his two battalions so long as the engagement
lasted. ‘The infantry, at day-break. began the
Storm with courage, and continued it a long
time, until they had succeeded in setting the
town on fire, so that upward of sixty houses
were burnt.—Those in the castle defended
themselves valiantly, and much annoyed the
assailants with stones and arrows shot from
‘62
their cross-bows. Perceiving the distress of
the townsmen, they opened a gate of the
castle to receive them,—and thus they escaped
death. By the advice of the said marshal de
Renty, his division made a retreat to where
they had commenced the attack, but not
without many being severely wounded : few,
however, were killed. The constable, when
informed of their retreat, made it known to
the whole army, and returned to Boulogne,
but leaving garrisons along the whole frontier,
who daily had some skirmishes with the
_- English.
CHAP. IX:
THE KING OF FRANCE LAYS SIEGE TO
FONTENAY AND TO BOURGES. THE
EVENTS THAT HAPPENED WHILE HE
REMAINED THERE.
Tue king of France having remained some
days at Sens, and having held many councils
on the state of his realm, marched thence to
Auxerre, and to la Charité on the Loire,
58
where he staid five days. He then advanced
toward a strong castle called Fontenay, in the:
possession of the Armagnacs, who, on seeing:
the great force of the king, instantly surrendered
it, on condition of having their lives and fortunes ,
saved. Several captains, who had commanded
on the frontiers against the Armagnacs, entered.
it,—and the army of the king was greatly
increased by troops daily arriving from all
quarters. In the number of those that came
were the lord de Heilly, Enguerrand de
Bournouville, the lord de Vitry and others.
The king marched from Fontenay to the
town of Dun-le-Roi in Berry, where he
encamped, and had it besieged by his army
on all sides, and well battered by his engines,
During this siege, Hector, bastard-brother to
the duke of Bourbon, with only three hundred
men, made an attack on a body of the king’s
army when foraging, and killed and took many.
After this exploit, he hastened back to Bourges,
and told the dukes of Berry and Bourbon of his
SUCCESS.
Dun-le-Roi was so much harrassed by the
cannon and engines of the besiegers that, on the
ninth day, the garrison offered to surrender, on
condition of their lives and fortunes being
5 &
spared, and that sir Louis de Corail, lately:
made seneschal of the Boulonois, should return
with his men in safety to the duke of Berry.
These terms were accepted, and the tqwn was
delivered up to the king. He remained there
for three days, and then departed with his army,
leaving sir Gautier de Rubes, a burgundy knight,
governor of the town. The king and his army
were quartered, on Friday the 10th day of June,
three leagues distant from Dun-le-Roi, at a
town near a wood. On the morrow he
continued his march, and came before the
city of Bourges, which was strong, very
populous, and full of every sort of provision
and wealth. This city was, in ancient times,
the capital of the kingdom of Acquitaine, and
is situated on the river Yeure. Through the
town, a small rivulet runs from Dun-le-Roi.
The lords within this town, namely, the
dukes of Berry and Bourbon, the lord d’ Albreth,
the count d’Auxerre*, John brother to the
duke of Bar, with the inhabitants, showed
every appearance of making a strong resistance.
There were also i Bourges many who had fled
their country, such as the archbishops of Sens
* Louis II. de Chalon, count of Auxerre, son‘ of
Louis I. and Mary of Parthenay.
55
and of Bourges, the bishops of Paris and of
Chartres, the lord de Gaucourt, Barbasan,
Aubreticourt, le borgne Foucault, and fifteen
hundred helmets, or thereabout,. and four
hundred archers and cross-bowmen.
When the king’s army approached, which
was estimated and commonly believed to consist
of upward of one hundred thousand horse,
some few sallied out of the town well armed,
shouting, ‘ Long live the king, and the dukes
of Berry and Bourbon! at the same time
falling desperately on the light troops of the
van, so that very many were killed and
wounded on each side; but the main army,
advancing, soon forced them to retreat.
When they had re-entered the town,
they set the gates wide open, and gallantly
made preparations for defence. The van
of the king’s army was commanded by the
grand master of the household, sir Guichard
Daulphin, and the lords de Croy and de Heilly,
knights, Aymeé de Vitry and Enguerrand de
Bournouville, esquires. “The lords de Croy
and de Heilly, in the absence of the marshals
of France, Boucicaut and de Longny, were
ordered by the king to exercise the functions
of marshals.
56
The rear division was commanded by
the lords d’Arlay, sir John de Chalon, the
lord de Vergy, marshal of Burgundy, the
lords de Ront and de Raisse.
In the king’s battalion were the dukes of
Acquitaine, Burgundy, and Bar, the counts
de Mortain and de Nevers, the lord Gilles de
Bretagne, and a numerous body of chivairy.
When the army arrived on the plain in front
of the city, they were from three to four hours
in arranging their places of encampment, and
in dividing the army under the different
commanders. Then, near to a gibbet, were
created more than five hundred knights, who,
with many others, had never before displayed
their banners. After this ceremony, the army
was advanced nearer to the town, and encamped
on the marshes on the side of the small river
before mentioned, and other flat grounds.—
Some tents and pavilions were pitched among
vineyards, and by the ruins of the houses
belonging to the priory of St Martin des
Champs, of the order of Cluny, and others
near to part of the suburbs which had been
destroyed by the inhabitants prior to the
arrival of the king’s army, and among the
Jarge walnut-trees adjoming.
57
It is true, that some from thirst drank
water from wells withgut the town; but
whoever did so died suddenly, so that the
wickedness and treachery of the besieged were
discovered. It was proclaimed by sound of
trumpet, that no one should in future drink
any well-water, but alway make use of spring
or running water, for that the wells had been
poisoned. The besieged afterward confessed,
that an herb called Icazi¢ by the Greeks, and
by the Latins Glastum, had been thrown into
the wells, to cause the deaths of all who should
drink out of them.
Though the townsmen could not now
pass the marches and cross the fords as usual
from fear of the besiegers, they had, by another
road, free communication with the country, so
that all manner of provision could be brought
into the town, to the great vexation of the lords
in the king’s army.
The besiegers had now approached pretty
near to the town, and had brought their artillery
to bear on it, so that, from the continued
cannonading and shooting from cross-bows,
they slew many of their adversaries.
The townsmen frequently insulted them
by their abuse, calling them false burgundian
58
traitors, who had brought the king thither
confined in his tent, as if he was not sound in
mind. They called the duke of Burgundy a
treacherous murderer; adding, that they would
instantly have opened their gates to the king if
he had not been there.
The Burgundians were not behind hand
m their replies, retorting on the Armagnacs
by calling them false and rebellious traitors to
their king, and using various other invectives
on each side; but the duke of Burgundy,
who heard all their abuse, made no reply
whatever, but only thought how he might
distress them the more.
On Wednesday the 13th of June, a truce
was agreed on between the two parties, at the
solicitation of the duke of Berry; but during
this time, some of the king’s household, incited
by treason, sent to the besieged,—* Sally forth :
now is the time!’ well knowing what they
would do. When precisely between one and
two o’clock in the afternoon, while the king
was in his tent, and the dukes of Acquitaine
and Burgundy were reposing, and the greater
part of the army disarmed, as not suspecting
any thing, about five hundred chosen men at
arms sallied out of two gates of the town, and
.
59
marched on as secretly as they could through
vineyards and by-paths to avoid being seen,
with the intent of surprising and taking the
king and the duke of Acquitaine, in their tents,
and putting the duke of Burgundy to death.
What they were afraid of happened ; for
two pages of the lord de Croy, riding their
coursers to exercise and to water, perceived
this body of five hundred marching toward
the army, and instantly galloped back again,
bawling out, ‘ To arms! here are the enemies
advancing, who have sallied out of their town.’
On hearing this, every one hastened to his tent,
and armed. ‘The vanguard drew up in array,
and soon met the enemy. The engagement
immediately commenced; but the Armagnacs
were overpowered ‘by their adversaries, who
increased every moment, so that they could
not withstand them. Six score were soon
killed, and about forty made prisoners: the
rest took disgracefully to flight, making all
haste back to Bourges, led on by the lord de
Gaucourt.
Among the slain were Guillaume Batiller,
who had been taken at the bettie of St Cloud,
and set at liberty, and Guillaume de Chailus,
knight, whose bodies, when stripped, were
60
thrown into the wells said to have been
poisoned, to serve them for a grave. In the
number of’ prisoners were the grand master of
the household of the duke of Berry, an esquire
of the lord d’Albreth, and also his principal
cook, called Gastard, who declared in the
presence of several, that he would name those
who had urged them to make this attempt.
In consequence, on the morrow were
arrested master Geoflry de Bouillon, secretary
to the duke of Acquitaine, and the family of
the lord de Boissay, first maistre d’hdtel to the
king,—and afterward one called Gilles deToisy,
esquire, a native of Beauvais, his servant, and
Enguerrand de Seure, esquire, a Norman, who
were all on this account beheaded before the
king’s tent; but as the lord de Boissay was only
suspected, and no proof brought to convict
him, he was imprisoned, and made to witness
the punishment of the others.
_ There were a body ot English and French
m the king’s army, consisting of about three
hundred, under the command of Ayme de
Vitry, two hundred of whom one day deserted ;
but, as they were making for the town, they
were so closely pursued that numbers cf them
were slain by lances, swords and arrows,
61
before they could enter the gates. One half
of the garrison of Gien-sur-Loire, consisting
of about four hundred helmets, attempted, on
the 19th of June, to enter the city; but, before
they could accomplish it, having been observed
by the besiegers, they were so vigorously
attacked that from one hundred to six score
were killed.
During the time the king was at this siege
of Bourges, the foragers were almost daily cut
off by the ambuscades of the enemy, they
themselves and their horses being slain or
taken ; and as they were obliged to seek forage
at the distance of six or eight leagues, the army
suffered much from famine. Moreover, the
waggons that brought provision from Burgundy
and other parts, were way-laid by the soldiers
of Sancerre, and other places in rebellion against
the king, and plundered: this caused great
distress to the besiegers, and very many were
disheartened from want of bread. However
it lasted not long, for by the vigilance of sir
Guichard Daulphin, he met the garrison of
Sancerre convoying provision to the town of
Bourges, when he attacked them, and forced
them to surrender the town and castle of
sancerre, which had been more active than
62
‘any others in preventing forage being brought
to the camp; and thus all dread of famine
was removed.
Toward the end of June, about sun-set,
four hundred men at arms made a sally from
the town, induced thereto by the information
of some of their prisoners, that the provost of
Paris, the admiral of France, and the vidame
d’Amiens, were coming to the camp with a
large sum of money from Parts to the king, to
enable him to pay his troops. In the hope of
defeating and plundering the above, they rode
on and posted themselves in a wood, the more
readily to surprise them. Intelligence of this
was however carried to the lord de Ront, by
some of his spies who had observed them
march out of the town; and he instantly made
the duke of Lorraine and the lord de Heilly
acquainted therewith. They collected about
five hundred men at arms, under pretence
of_a foraging party, and, leaving the camp,
crossed the river by an old bridge which they
repaired as well as they could, and took up
their quarters in a small vineyard, whence,
during the night, they sent off scouts to observe
the situation of the enemy. ‘They were found
m ambuscade, thinking to take the king’s
6$
treasure, but were themselves taken,—for no
sooner were these lords informed where they
were than they instantly attacked them, and
killed and took many: among the latter was a
gentleman named Guistardon de Seure: the
rest saved themselves by flight.
The duke of Lorraine and the lords de
Ront and de Heilly returned to the camp with
their prisoners, much rejoiced at their victory.
The duke of Berry, and those with him in
Bourges, were much grieved at this defeat,
and others of a similar nature; for he saw with
pain his country ruined, and daily witnessed the
deaths of his most valiant knights and esquires.
He nevertheless did not slacken in hisendeavours
to defend himself against all who wished to hurt
him,—and it frequently happened that his men
retaliated severely on the besiegers.
While these things were passing, sir Philip
de Lignac, grand master of Rhodes, who had
attended the king, exerted himself at various
times to bring about a peace between the two
parties. The count de Savoye had also sent
his marshal, and some of his principal knights,
to the king and to the duke of Berry, to
attempt the same thing. ‘They, therefore,
united in their endeavours, and, by permission
64
of the king and of the duke of Acquitaine,
who acted as his lieutenant, they had interviews
witheach party. Bytheir diligence, aconference
was appointed to be holden; and there were
added to them as commissioners, the master of
the cross-bows, the seneschal of Hainault and
some others.
The commissioners on the part of the
Armagnaes were the archbishop of Bourges,
the lord de Gaucourt, the lord de Tignonville,
the lord de Barbasan, the lord d’Aubreticourt
and others, who diligently exerted themselves
on cach side to bring a treaty to a conclusion.
They had frequent consultations on the subject
with the different princes of each party; but in
fact it was not a matter speedily to be finished,
for each of the partics was too much interested
and suspicious. It was strongly remonstrated
that the besieged had, during a truce, made a
treacherous attack on the army; and many
arguments were urged by both sides, which
greatly retarded the conclusion of a peace.
CHAP. X.:
THE KING OF FRANCE DECAMPS, AND LAYS
SIEGE TO BOURGES ON THE OPPOSITE SIDE.
—A TREATY IS CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE
TWO PARTIES.
Wren the king of France had remained
with his army for sixteen months before the
city of Bourges, on the side toward la Charité
sur Loire, without any hope of taking it, and
had perceived the town was well supplied with
provision on the side opposite to his camp, he:
broke up the siege, and ordered fire to be set
to all his quarters. He marched away, and
again encamped on the right of the city, about
four leagues distant, on the river, and near to
Yeure-le-Chatel.
The besieged, seeing their adversaries
thus suddenly decamp, thought it was done
from fear of the English, who had promised.
them their aid, and that they were marching
back to France. They were consequently
much rejoiced, and some of them. sallied
forth, with a multitude of peasants, in the
VOL, dt. F
66
expectation of making prisoners,—but it
happened otherwise than they looked for.
Enguerrand de Bournouville had, with
some other captains, remained behind, with
about three hundred men at arms in ambuscade,
and, when they saw it was time, issued forth,
killed many, and made more prisoners, and
returned to the king’s army.
On the morrow, the king and his whole
army crossed the river. One division advanced
toward Bourges, and another to Orleans, to
despoil and waste the country in the same.
manner as they had done on the opposite side.
The townsmen of Bourges, observing the army
to cross the river, hastily set fire to the suburbs
on that side, which were very extensive, to
prevent the enemy from occupying them, and.
some churches were also burnt: the more the
pity.
The king encamped his army round the
city on that side, and had his cannons and
engines pointed in such wise as effectually to
annoy the place. The besieged were not idle
in providing for their defence, and the means
of preventing the city from being taken, but
were very much grieved and cast down at the
great damage which had been done to it.
67
The duke of Acquitainé, son and
lieutenant to the king, saw with regret the
destruction of so noble a city, the capital of
Auvergne and Berry, and to which he was
heir, and, fearing its total ruin, forbade the
cannoneers, and those who had the direction
of the other engines, to fire any balls, or to
cast more stones into it, under pain of death.
The duke of Burgundy, on hearing these
orders, which counteracted his wish to push
matters to extremity, was much displeased
and surprised, and suspected the duke of
Acquitaine had changed his opinion, or was
moved with compassion toward his enemies :
however, in the conversation that passed
between them on the subject, the duke of
Acquitaine declared positively, that he would
put anend to the war. The duke of Burgundy
most earnestly begged of him, that if he were
determined upon it, he would conclude it
according to the terms that had been agreed
to by the king’s ministers at Paris, namely, that
if their adversaries should present themselves
with all humility before the king, and submit
themselves to his mercy, he would receive them,
but entreated that any terms he should make
might not be to his dishonour.
FY
68
The duke of Acquitaine replied, that in
truth the war had lasted too long; that it was
prejudicial to the king and kingdom, and that
he in the end might suffer from it,—for those
against whom the war was made were his
uncles, cousins-german, and others of his
kindred, by whom he should be greatly
assisted in any cases of need,—but he was
desirous that they should submit themselves
‘in the manner proposed in council before he
had left Paris.
The duke of Burgundy, in consequence
of this and other conversations, humbled
himself much toward the duke of Acquitaine;
for he had discovered that the business had
been discussed with some other great lords, of
whom he was very suspicious, and particularly
of the duke of Bar, who had, for some time
past, clearly shown he was displeased with him.
He, however, told the duke of Acquitaine
publicly, that he was satished that the
negotiations for a peace should be continued
- according to the good pleasure and honour of
the king and himself.
The commissioners were, therefore, ordered
to renew the conferences, which they willingly
obeyed. When they had reduced to writing
69
the demands and answers of the two parties,
they requested of the princes on each side, that
the dukes of Berry and Burgundy might meet
and conclude the treaty; and this was agreed
to by the king and the duke of Acquitaine,
and the leaders of the opposite party. °
An elevated place was fixed and well
secured for the meeting of the uncle and
nephew, for neither of them had much
confidence in the other. It was for this
reason that barriers were erected on a
platform, on which the dukes entered at
senarate ends, having bars between them, and
their council behind, whom they occasionally
consulted as to the demands and answers.
For greater security, a body of their men
at arms was stationed near to each, but not so
near as to hear any conversation that passed.—
They were both completely and handsomely
armed. ‘The duke of Berry, notwithstanding
he was seventy years of age, wore a sword,
dagger, and battle-axe: he had on a steel
scull-cap, and a rich clasp on his breast,—over
his armour a purple jacket, the cross belt of :
which was bespangled with pearls. After they ,
had been two hours together, they separated,
to outward appearance, in good humour ; but
70
the duke of Berry said peevishly to the duke
of Burgundy, ‘ Fair nephew and fair godson,
when your father, my dear brother, was living,
there was no need of any barriers between us:
we were alway on the most affectionate terms.”
The duke of Burgundy replied, ¢ My lord, it
has not been my fault.” The duke of Berry
then mounted his horse, and returned, with
his attendants, to Bourges,—and the duke of
Burgundy, in like manner, to the camp.
The knights of the duke of Burgundy,
on their return, said, that those of the duke of
Berry, in their common conversations, declared
themselves no way rebellious nor disaffected to
the king ; that their lord had been for some
time very unwell, and unable to command
them; that had he been otherwise, he would
not so long have left the death of his nephew
unpunished ; that in regard to their having
burnt, taken, and destroyed several towns
and castles, in different parts of the kingdom,
such as St Denis and Roye, which they had
plundered, they replied, that as their lords
were of the blood-royal, they had a right to
Jead their men at arms through any towns in
the realm, on their personal wars, for that
they had very just cause for attacking the
a (
duke of Burgundy, and that in so doing they
committed no offence against the king; but,
in regard to having refused to open the gates
of the city of Bourges when the king came in
person before it, they confessed themselves
guilty of contempt, for which they humbly
asked his pardon, as was stated in the treaty,
and offered him the keys of the town.
On the Wednesday following, the two
dukes again met, with their counsellors, at
the barriers im front of the city-gate, and
renewed their conference. When it was
concluded, they drank wine together, and
separated very joyfully. On the next day,
all the nobles and knights of the army
assembled before the tent of the duke of
Acquitaine, who appeared in state as the
representative of the king. He was attended —
by the dukes of Bar and Lorraine, and many
others of high rank.
The chancellor of Acquitaine, sir John
de Neelle, knight and licentiate of law, and
of great eloquence, then recited most notably
all the different acts of rebellion committed
by John de Berry, Charles d’Orleans, John
de Bourbon, John d’Alengon, Bernard
d’Armagnac and Charles d’Albreth, and
72
their adherents, declaring their alliance with
_the king of England, the king’s adversary,
and detailing all the destruction they had
brought on the kingdom,—concluding a long
speech by demanding, by orders of the king
and of his son the duke of Acquitaine, that
every person should now promptly deliver
his opinion, whether there should be peace
or war.
Many replied, that it were better peace
should be made with the above lords, and
that they should be reinstated in the king’s
favour, than otherwise, provided the peace
were a solid one; but others were of a contrary
opinion,—and thus ended this meeting, which
caused much murmuring. It is true, that at
this time the heat of the weather was excessive,
and great sickness prevailed in the army,
insomuch that very many, hearing daily of
the deaths of their companions, departed
without taking leave. There was a great
mortality among the horses, and the stench
of their carcases much infected the camp.
73
CHAPS AE
THE PRINCES AND LORDS WITHIN THE CITY
OF BOURGES WAIT ON THE KING AND THE
DUKE OF ACQUITAINE, AND AFTERWARD
AT AUXERRE.
Qn Friday the 15th day of July, when all
things had been settled, the dukes of Berry
and of Bourbon, the lord d’Albreth, the count
d’Eu*, the lord John de Bar, brother to the
duke of Bar, accompanied by many knights
and esquires bearing their banners, came forth
of the city toward the king’s army, and
entered the tent of the duke of Acquitaine,
who was surrounded by many nobles, such
as the dukes of Burgundy and Bar, and other
knights and esquires, the king being afflicted
with his usual disorcer.
Atter the treaty had been read and agreed
to, each kissed the other; but when the duke
* Charles d’Artois, count of Eu, son to the constable
d@’Eu (who died in Turkey 1397) and to Mary daughter of
the duke of bey. He married twice, but had no issue, and
in iain ended the royal branch of Artois, commencing in
Robert the good count d’Ar‘o's, who was killed in Egypt im
the year 1250, when accompanying iis brother St Louis.
V4
‘ef Berry kissed his nephew the duke of
Acquitaine, tears ran down his cheeks. This
treaty contained, among other articles, that the
treaty which had been concluded at Chartres
by the king and his council, between Charles
duke of Orleans and his brothers, respecting
the death of their late father, Louis duke of
Orleans, en the one part, and John duke of
Burgundy on the other, for being an accomplice
m the aforesaid death, should be kept inviolable
for ever; and that the marriage formerly
proposed between one of the brothers of the
Orleans family and a daughter of the duke of
Burgundy should take effect.
The other articles declared, that the duke
ef Berry and the lords of his party should
surrender to the obedience of the king all such
towns and castles as the king might cemand ;
and the duke entreated, that the king would
excuse and pardon him for not having before
submitted to his obedience the city of Bourges.
And also, that the atoresaid lords would
renounce ail confederations which had been
made between them, as well as all foreign
alliances agaist the duke of Burgundy, who
in like manner was to renounce the alliances
he might have formed against them.
75
That the king would restore to them,
fully and completely, all their towns, castles
and forts which he might have taken, excepting
such as had been demolished or razed, which
were to remain in their present state. The
articles also declared, that the officers of the
aforesaid lords who had been deprived of their
places should be reinstated.
Whien they had dined, the duke of Berry
presented the keys of the city of Bourges to the
duke of Acquitaine, as the representative of
the king, and then returned thither with his
companions. The due of Acquitaine caused
the peace to be proclaimed throughout the
army and country in the king’s name, acting
as his lieutenant. By the same proclamation,
it was most strictly ordered, that henceforth
no one of either party should personally abuse
another, either corporally or in his fortune,
nor use any opprobrious language, nor call
any one by the names of Armagnac or
Burgundian.
On Saturday, the 16th day of the same
month, king Louis of Sicily came trom his
possessions in Anjou and Maine, escorted by
three thousand two hundred men at arias,
knights and esquires, and accompanied by the
76
count de Penthievre with his Bretons, to assist
the king in his siege of Bourges. The king of
Sicily was very much rejoiced when he was
informed of the peace that had been concluded
with the princes; and on the morrow, attended
by the duke of Bar and a number of other
knights, he went into the city, and was there
magnificently entertained at dinner by the duke
and duchess of Berry.
The other lords dined in the duke’s palace,
and were grandly and plentifully served: after
dinner, they all returned to the camp. On
the ensuing Wednesday, the king of France
decamped from before the town, having
remained there, at this second siege, forty
days, at an immense expense, and with his
whole army marched back, the way they had
come, to la Charité sur Loire, where he was
lodged. hither came the dukes of Berry and
of Bourbon, and the lord d’Albreth, with the
commissioners trom the duke of Orleans and
his brothers, who, in the tent of the duke of
Acquitaine, and in his presence and in that of
the principal lords, made oath on the holy
evangelists punctually and faithfully to observe
the peace that had been concluded at Bourges.
They promised to swear the same in the
97
presence of the king; and as the duke of
Orleans and his brothers were absent, they
solemnly engaged that they would meet the
king, to take this oath personally before him,
on any appointed day, at Auxerre: when this
was done, they returned home. The peace
was again proclaimed by the king’s orders ;
and all persons were strictly enjomed, whatever
might be their rank, not to molest each other in
body or estate, and not to use any defamatory
language, or call any one by the name of
Armagnac.
After this, the king of Sicily, the dukes
of Acquitaine, Burgundy, and Bar, and all the
princes, counts, barons and chivalry, departed.
The king retained with him a great body of
the captains of his army, and their men at
arms, and gave permission for all the rest to
return to their homes. He went thence to
Auxerre, and was lodged in the episcopal
palace: the king of Sicily and the duke of
Acquitaine were quartered in the town, and:
their men in the adjacent villages. The lord
Gilles de Bretagne, on his arrival at Auxerre,
died of a dysentery.
In like manner, the count de Mortain,
brother to the king of Navarre, lost his life
78
tither at Auxerre or at Sancerre from the same
disorder. His body was carried to Paris, and
imterred in the church of the Carthusians.
Aymé de Vitry, sir John de Guistelle, John
d’Jcquennie, and several others, died on their
road home; and this disorder was so fatal
that from one thousand to twelve hundred
knights and esquires, not including varlets,
died of it, as it was reported to the lords in
Auxerre.
When the marshal de Boucicaut, the
count de Foix and the lord de St George, who
were carrying on the war against the count
d’Armagnac, heard that peace was concluded
between the king and his enemies, they
disbanded their army, and gave permission
for all to return home.
During the time the king was at Auxerre,
he had summoned the greater part of his nobles
and prelates thither, as well as the chief citizens
of the great towns, to witness the solemn
swearing to the observance of the peace. But
before they could arrive, other intelligence was
brought, which was far from being agreeable,
namely, that the English were at anchor, with
their whole navy, before the town of la Hogue
de St Vas, in the country of Coutantin; that they
79
had made a descent, and spread themselves
over the adjacent countries, destroying or
plundering every thing they could find, and
that their numbers amounted to about eight
thousand, of whom two thousand were men at
arms, and the rest archers or infantry, and that
they were under the command of the duke of -
Clarence, second son to the king of England.
These English had landed in consequence
of the treaty between the dukes of Berry and
Orleans ands their allies, and the king of
England, and were on their march to assist in
raising the siege of Bourges. “The counts of
Alengon and of Richemont went to meet them,
and received them most joyfully, although they
had come too late to do them any effectual
service; but, notwithstanding this, they exerted
themselves to the utmost to supply them with
horses and provision.
This force was much increased by the
junction of six hundred gascon helmets that
had likewise been subsidized by the confederates
at Bourges. When these forces were united,
they overran the country, and committed great
destruction.
_ The prisoners confined at Lille, as before |
mentioned, consisted of the lord de Hangest,
80 =
formerly master of the cross-bows of France,
- sir Louis de Bourdon, sir Charles de Gerammes,
Enguerrand des Fontaines, and some others.
They were all set at liberty by the count de
la Marche, on each paying a large ransom to
the person who had made him prisoner; and
in like manner were all others delivered, by
exchange or by ransom.
About the feast of the Assumption of our
Lady, those who had been summoncd by the
king of France arrived at Auxerre. In their
number, the Parisians came in great pomp;
and the dukes of Berry’ and Bourbon, and
the lord d’Albreth, also attended. The lord
d’Albreth, soon after his arrival, wished‘ to
resume the office of constable; but the count
Waleran de St Pol would not suffer him, and
exercised it himself. Many high words passed
between them ; and the lord d’Albreth, having
taken the oaths of peace, retired much displeased
and indignant.
On the ensuing Monday, the duke of
_ Orleans and his brother, the count de Vertus,
came to Auxerre, escorted by about two
thousand combatants. When all the lords
were arrived, they assembled on an extensive
plain without the city, near to a convent of
81
vuns, where had been erected a handsome
scaffolding, richly adorned, on which was
the duke of Acquitaine, as representative of
his father, the king of Sicily, the dukes of
Burgundy, of Bar, and others. —
The duke of Burgundy and his party
repeated the oaths they had before taken, as
also did the duke of Orleans and his friends ;
and the same proposal of marriage as had been
made at Chartres was again solemnly agreed
to take place, between the count de Vertus
and a daughter of the duke of Burgundy, on
the terms before mentioned:
The aforesaid lords then publicly renounced.
all confederations and alliances which they had
formed with Henry king of England, with his
sons, or with any others of the english nation,
enemies to France, the duke of Burgundy having
before declared that he had no connexion with
them,—and they agreed to write such letters to
the king of England as the king and his council
should advise.
They also promised and swore to renew
their oaths respecting the observance of this
peace in the king’s presence, so soon as he
should have recovered his health,—for at that
time he had had a relapse,—and to sign such
VOU. tir G
$2
papers as he would please, that they would
never again form any confederations or alliances
against each other; and that if either of them
should attempt to infringe the articles of this
peace, the others would unite against him or
them to enforce their due observance, and
oblige them to listen to reason.
At this ceremony, by orders of the king,
were some of the members of the parliament,
of the chamber of accounts, and of the
university of Paris, the provosts of Paris and
of the merchants, the sheriffs and some of
the principal citizens, to many of whom this
treaty was not very agreeable.
There were also present, in consequence
of the king’s summons, very many from Rouen,
Caen, Amiens, Pournay, Laon, Rheims, Troyes,
Langres, Tours, and from the chief towns in
the kingdom.
When this solemnity was over, all the great
lords went to dine with the duke of Acquitaine
at his lodgings. At this entertainment, which
‘was most splendid and abundant, the duke of
Burgundy served, and the counts de Nevers
and de St Pol, assisted by other noble knights,
carried the dishes. After they had dined, the
company amused themselves by playing at
83
divers games. These being ended, towards
dusk all retired to their lodgings. On the
morrow, and for several days following, they
continued feasting together, and, according to
all outward appearances, were in great harmony
with each other. Even the dukes of Orleans
and Burgundy rode out together, both on the
same horse, in company with other lords, and
showed such mutual affection as is becoming
brothers and near relations. Nevertheless, some
wicked tongues were not sparing of them behind.
their backs, but loudly spoke their minds.
With regard to the people, they were in
such crowds that it need not be asked if they
were pleased,—for they continually shouted
out, ¢ Gloria in excelsis Deo,’ as if they wished
to praise the gloriousness of the heavens. It
indeed seemed to them a kind of miracle that
such bitter hatred as had existed between these
great lords should be so speedily appeased.
When every thing was concluded, and
because this epidemic disorder raged at Auxerre,
the king and princes departed, and went by Sens
to Melun, where great feasts and entertainments,
with justings and dancings, were held by the
queen and her court, for joy of the happy
reconciliation ee had taken place between
GZ
84
the princes of the blood royal. In truth,
while the king resided at Melun, he recovered.
his health, and then, at the entreaties of the
queen, his daughter, the dukes of Acquitaine
and Burgundy, and of the king of Sicily, he
approved of and ratified the treaty of peace
that had been made. In cornsequence, he
delivered up all the castles, towns and lands,
which he had seized on account of the rebellion
of his nephews and other lords, as well secular
as ecclesiastic, and restored them to their free
possession. ‘Thus they re-entered their towns
and castles, but without any restitution for the
damages which had been done to them: several
of them had been nearly destroyed; and the
vineyards, forests and other lands, had suffered
greatly, with various mischiefs that had been
done to the farms. ‘That this peace might be
publicly known, and that no one might plead
ignorance, but that it should remain for ever
invjolate, the king issued the following edict.
$5
CHAP. XIL
HE KING OF FRANCE ORDERS HIS EDICT
RESPECTING THE PEACE TO BE SENT TO HIS
DIFFERENT OFFICERS FOR PROCLAMATION
IN THE USUAL PLACES, AND OTHER
MATTERS,
* Cuantes, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
lieutenant, greeting.—Among the heavy and
continued anxieties which we always feel for
the preservation of our crown and kingdom,
the warmest wish we have is to nourish love
and affection among our subjects, and to
guard them from all oppressions and other
inconveniences which are consequent on. civil
commotions, that they may live under us in
perfect tranquillity. Whereas many very
serious discords and divisions have arisen
within our realm between several of the
princes of our royal blood, their adherents
and allies, which have caused great mischiefs
to ensue, to the detriment of our faithful
subjects; and others still more disastrous
might have followed, had we not provided
86
a sufficient remedy. These discords have
occasioned to us the utmost grief of heart;
and for this reason we make known to thee,
that, through the grace of the sovereign King
of kings, our Creator and Saviour, and the
Giver of all peace; and through the diligent
exertions of our very dear and well-beloved
son the duke of Acquitaine, dauphin of
Vienne, and others who have laboured with
him, we have concluded a sound peace with
the aforesaid princes, our kindred, and their
confederates, in the manner and form expressed
in the treaty drawn up for this purpose.
_ © By this treaty all rancour and malevolence
between one party and another are extinguished,
and the princes aforesaid have solemnly sworn
on the holy evangelists, in the presence of our
very dear son, many prelates and other persons,
that they will strictly observe every article of
it, and no way infringe it, according to the
oaths which they had before taken on a similar.
occasion.
‘ For this reason, we therefore enjoin, and
most strictly command, thee to proclaim this
peace in all the squares and public places of
Amiens, by sound of trumpet, and then to
make proclamation of the same in all the
87
villages and other places within thy bailiwick,
particularly ordering all our subjects most
faithfully to keep this peace, under pain of
our highest displeasure, and of being criminally
guilty towards our royal person, forbidding any
person, whatever may be their rank, in our
name, in any wise to offend against any of its
articles, on pain of being corporally punished,
with confiscation of property.
‘ We, moreover, enjoin thee, that thou do
punish most severely and publicly, according
to the exigency of the case, any who shall
be found violating this peace in any degree
whatever, either by word or deed, who inay
be regularly accused before thee, so that it
may serve as an example to all others.
‘ Given at Melun, in the year of Grace
1412, and in the 32d of our reign.’ —Signed
by “the king from the report made to him
by the council held by my lords the dukes
of Acquitaine, Berry, Burgundy, Orieans and
Bourbon, the counts of Vertus and Alengon,
and John de Bar, with others present at it.
Countersigned, ‘ Emau, inspector.’
The English, during this time, had
advanced, from the Coutantin, into the
countries of Maine and Touraine, despoiling
88
the districts they marched through with fire
and sword. A gind council was held on
this subject at Melun, presided by the duke
of Acquitaine as the king’s locum tenens, and
at which were present the king of Sicily,
the dukes of Berry, Burgundy, Orleans and
Bourbon, the count de Vertus, the chancellors
of France, Acquitaine, and of Orleans, the
lords de Torsy, d’Offemont, with others, the
provost of the merchants, the sheriffs and
council of Paris,—when it was ordered, that
all persons capable of bearing arms, noble or.
not, should assemble, properly equipped at
Chartres, on the 8th day of October ensuing;
at which time and place, they should receive
pay for the defence of the realm, and to drive
the ancient enemies of France out of the
kingdom. This edict was copied, and sent
to the principal seneschalships and bailiwicks
of France sealed with the royal seal, by the
aforesaid princes, that a sufficient force might
be provided against the 8th day of October.
The Parisians, as being more nearly ©
affected, hastened to raise their levies of men
at arms and archers at Paris or at Melun,—
and others in the adjacent countries. Every
one, on the receipt of the king’s edict, assembled
89
his quota. Had the duke of Berry and those
of his party kept the engagements they had
made with the English, and paid them the -
large sum of two hundred thousand crowns,
according to their promises, they were ready to
return to England, either through Acquitaine
or Bourdeaux ; but from the melancholy state
of the country, they were unable to raise this
sum by any means they could offer,—and thus
their terms not being fulfilled, the English
thought they might pay themselves.
The king of Sicily returned, however, to
Anjou, to raise men for the defence of his
territories, whither the English were fast
advancing.
In these days, the duke of Acquitaine
reinstated the eldest son of the late grand
master Montagu in his office of chamberlain,
and obtained, through his entreaties with the
king, that all his estates should be restored,
which ought to have descended to him by
right of inheritance, so that, with the exception
of some trifling confiscations, he regained all
the patrimony he would have inherited from
his father and mother.
He obtained likewise the head of his father;
and one evening, about vespers, the provost of
9U
Paris, with his executioner, attended by twelve
guards, or thereabout, holding lighted torches
and carrying a ladder, followed by a priest
dressed in his robes, came to the market-place,
when the executioner mounted the ladder to
where the head of the late grand master had
been fixed to the end of a lance, and, taking it
off, delivered it to the priest, who received it
in a handsome napkin. Thus wrapped up,
he placed it on his shoulder, and carried it,
attended by these lighted torches, to the hotel
ot the late Montagu, grand master of the
king’s household.
The body was in like manner taken down
from the gibbet at Montfaucon, in the presence
of the provost, by his hangman, and brought
to Paris. It was there joined to the head,
placed in a handsome coffin, and carried in
great state, attended by his children, and a
numerous party of trends, with priests
chaunting, and a vast number of lighted
torches, to the church of the Celestins at
Miarcoussy, which he had tounded and
endowed in his lifetime and maue a convent
of monks, and there henourably interred.
Among cther gifts which he had made when
alive was the great beli, called St Catiierine, to
91
the church of Nétre Dame at Paris, as appears
from his arms and crest that are upon it.
CHAP. XIII.
THE WAR CONTINUES IN THE BOULONOIS.—
THE KING RETURNS TO PARIS.—THE DUKE
OF ORLEANS SATISFIES THE ENGLISH,—
AND OTHER MATTERS.
Dvurrne this time, king Henry of England
sent the earls of Warwick and Kyme, with
two thousand combatants, to Calais, whence,
with other garrisons, they invaded the
Boulonois, and did much mischief. They
burnt the town of Saumer-au-Bois, took by
storm the fort of Ruissault, pillaging, robbing,
and setting fire to every place they came to.
To oppose them, the king ordered to
St Omer count Waleran his constable, the
lord de Rambures, master of the cross-oows,
and the lord de fieitly, with a large body of
men at arms, who were posted in the various
garrisons,—and thus was the country harrassed
on all sides.
92
At this period, the king of France returned
to Paris, and was lodged in his hotel of Saint
' Pol, to the great joy of the Parisians, who sang
carols in all the streets, lighted bonfires, and
had great illuminations, shouting out all night,
* God save the king!’ There were, likewise,
very magnificent feasts aad other entertainments.
‘The king was ' attended, on his entry into Paris,
bythe dukesof Acquitaine, Burgundy, Bourbon,
and the count de Vertus. The queen, with the
dukes of Berry and Orleans, had remained at
the castle of Vincennes, and thence, on the
Sunday following, made her entry into Paris,
and was lodged with the king at the hétel de
St Pol. The duke of Orleans had accompanied
her part of the way ; but, when he approached
Paris, he separated from her, and took the road
for his county of Beaumont. The duke of
Berry staid at Vincennes.
Although the town of Chauny had been
surrendered to the king in perpetuity, he
restored it to the duke of Orleans, and, at the
same time, granted him permission to raise
from his vassals the sum of sixty thousand
florins of gold, by way of tax, for his own
private use. But he could never succeed in
the attempts which he made to regain his twe
ies
93
castles of Coucy and Pierrefons. When he had
been at Beaumont a few days, he departed,
and went to meet the English under the
command of the duke of Clarence, who had
landed, as has been said, at his request, and
satisfied him fully, as to the pay of his men, so
far as was in his power ; but as he could not
then advance the whole that was due’ for their
pay, the duke of Orleans gave, as a pledge
for the due fulfilment of his engagement, his
youngest brother, the count of Angouléme,
with many other gentlemen, namely, sir Marcel
le Borgne, Jean de Saveuses, Archambault de
Villiers, Guillaume le Boutillier, Jean David,
and others of his dependants. They were all
carried away by the duke of Clarence, who
retired with his English to Guienne.
The count of Angouléme was pledged for
the sum of two hundred and nine thousand
francs french money. When the duke of
Orleans had concluded this, he returned to
Blois; but these bondsmen remained in England
a long time, as shall be told hereafter. The
duke of Orleans sent some of his most able
knights to prevail on the king to restore to
him his castles of Coucy and Vierrefons, which
were held by the constable ; but although the
94
king granted his letters for the surrender of
them, the constable refused to obey, giving for
answer, that until he should be repaid the money
he had advanced to his men at arms for the
conquest of them, he would retain them,—
adding, that the king had made him a promise
of them, and had nominated sir Gerard de
Herbannes governor of Coucy, and of Pierrefons
sirCollard deFiennes. The castle of Pierrefons,
which was a very strong and handsome edifice,
was one night burnt to the ground, to the
great displeasure of the duke,—but as he
could not obtain any redress, he was forced
to endure it.
The duke of Burgundy, who resided at
Paris, to be near the king, about this time
caused sir Bourdin de Salligny to be arrested,
and carried prisoner to Flanders, where he was
confined some time, and then set at liberty.
Sir Bourdin had been the particular and
confidential friend of the duke; and it was
reported, that he was inclined to change sides
and turn to that of Orleans, and had even
betrayed some of the duke’s secrets.
In these days also, some very sharp words
passed between the bastard of Bourbon and a
butcher of Paris, called Denisot de Chaumont,
95
when the bastard said to him, *‘ Peace! hold
thy tongue: I shall find thee again another
time.’ Shortly after, Denisot, who had great
weight among his brethren of the trade,
collected a large body, and, with other
Parisians, they barricaded the streets with
chains,—but they were at length appeased by
the duke of Burgundy.
John duke of -Bourbon, the count
d’Armagnac and the lord d’Albreth were
ordered bythe king and council into Languedoc,
to oppose the enterprises of the duke of Clarence
and the English, who had fixed their quarters
in Acquitaine, and sorely oppressed all who
defended the french interest on the frontiers.
CHAP.uXKIV:
‘THE DUKE OF BERRY IS DANGEROUSLY ii
HE IS VISITED BY HIS DAUGHTER THE
DUCHESS OF BOURBON, AND BY THE DUKE OF
BURGUNDY.—NOTICE OF OTHER MATTERS.
Tue duke of Berry, who had come to Paris
to attend the king his nephew, and a grand
96
¢otiricil about to be holden, was taken
dangerously ill at his hétel of Neele; but by
the care and affection of his daughter the
duchess of Bourbon, who, on hearing of his
illness, had come to see him, and by her
nursing, he was soon restored to health. He
was also very frequently visited by his nephew
the duke of Burgundy.
While the duchess of Bourbon was at
Paris, she obtained from the king, and from
the dukes of Aequitaine and Burgundy, that
the body of Binet d’Espineuse, formerly the
knight of her lord the duke of Bourbon, should
be taken down from the gibbet of Montfaucon,
and his head from the market-house, where it
had been placed some time since by the king’s
officers of justice. She had it escorted by many
of his friends to the town of Espineuse, in the
county of Clermont, where it was honourably
interred.
The duke of Burgundy at this time had
the sole government of the kingdom, for
nothing was done but by his advice or that
of his friends.
Notwithstanding it had been promised
at the peace of Auxerre, by the king and the
princes of the blood, that every one, of whatever
97
party he might have been, should be reinstated
in his property in such offices as had been held
bythem, very many could not profit of this royal
favour; for with all their diligence in suing for
reinstatement, they met with nothing but delays,
more especially those who had been attached to
the Orleans-party. This caused much silent
bitterness and discontent; and both sides were
busily employed underhand on the means of
securing the support of the king and the
duke of Acquitaine,—one party making secret
attempts to gain the former, the other the
latter. Thus, therefore, there was not any
sincere love between them; and the war was
daily expected to recommence with greater
fury than before, as shall be more fully
explained.
I shall hereafter, towards the end of this
year 141%, lay before you all the letters and
treaties that passed between king Henry of
England and his children, and other princes,
on the one part, and the dukes of Berry,
Orleans, Bourbon, the counts d’Alencon,
d’Armagnac, the lord d’Albreth, and their
adherents, on the other part, and their mutual
engagements to each other.
VOL, ITI. H
$8
CHAP. XV.
HE KING OF FRANCE HOLDS A GRAND
ASSEMBLY AT PARIS ON THE REFORMATION
OF ABUSES IN THE GOVERNMENT.—OTHER
' MATTERS.
Tue king of France, by the advice of the
duke of Burgundy, summoned the greater part
of the princes, prelates, heads of universities,
and principal citizens of the great towns, to
Paris, to consider on several matters of great
importance to the kingdom in general, and
more especially respecting the reformation of
his ministers, who had for a long time very ill
governed the realm.
When this assembly had held many
consultations on the subjects laid before it,
its members determined that the university of
Paris should make their report in the name of
all,—which report was delivered to the king,
at his hotel of St Pol, in manner following.
‘To our most high and most excellent
prince, our sovereign lord and father. Your
most humble and devoted daughter the
university of Paris, your very submissive and
“99
obedient subjects the provost of the merchants,
the sheri¥s and citizens of your good town of
Paris, lay before you their opinions and advice,
as required by you, forthe welfare and happiness
of yourself and kingdom. ,
‘ In the first place, respecting the peace
that has been lately concluded between certain.
princes of your royal blood, according to the
terms your majesty has been pleased to lay
before us, we say, that all who have sworn
solemnly to keep this peace, and have hitherto
observed it, ought to continue this same
conduct, in pursuance of their mtentions
sworn to before God: but we think that you
should summon certain others of the lords of
your blood, and of their principal servants, to
swear personally before you to keep the peace;
and that for many reasons,—first, because they
never yet have taken the said oaths,—secondly,
because many among them do not keep the
peace.
‘ It is a notorious fact, that although
the English are in your kingdom, and in
conjunction with other companies, as well
natives as foreigners, daily commit waste on
the country, scarcely any attempts have been
made to oppose their further progress, and
HZ
100
petitions and clamours arise throughout the,
realm, . :
‘ Item, the count d’Armagnac, who is
your subject, pays no regard to the peace;
and, so far from observing it, is constantly .
making war on your more faithful subjects.
‘ Item, for the better observance of this
peace, we recommend that your majesty should
cause letters to be drawn up, in which all the
articles of the treaty shall be incorporated, and
sent to the different officers, or to whomsoever
else you may please, with orders to make
known all transgressors of them, that they
may be punished accordingly.
‘ With regard to the second point on
which you, our sovereign lord, demand our
advice, having fully considered all that concerns
your own honour and welfare, with every thing
that may tend to the prosperity of the kingdom,
we feel ourselves obliged to make known to
you what we perceive to be defects in your
government. We must begin by the bad
administration of the public finances, to
which you, as king, ought to have caused
more faithful attention to be paid. We
recommend, in the first place, that the
revenues of the royal demesne be divided
101
into four parts: one to be distributed in alms,
another to defray the expenses of your majesty,
those of the queen, the duke of Acquitaine, and
your household; another to pay the salaries of
your officers and servants; another to be applied
to the repairs of bridges, roads, mills, castles,
causeways, or other public works,—and the
overplus to be paid into the king’s treasury,
as was formerly done.
‘ Item, it clearly appears, that the finances
are not at this present time so regulated, which
is the fault of your treasurers, who have the
administration of them. The religious of
both sexes, as well belonging to convents as
to hospitals, are frequently forced to expend
their own money on the repairs of their
churches, without deriving any assistance
from the royal treasury, to their great
detriment, to the loss of their personal
comforts, the ruin of the churches, and the
failure of divine service, to the prejudice of
the souls of your predecessors, and to the
oppression of your own conscience.
‘ In regard to alms, it is well known
that scarcely any thing is paid; and as to the
expenses of yourself, the queen, and the duke
of Acquitaine, which are reguiated by sir
102
Pierre de-Fontenay, and paid by Raymond
Ragnier and Jean Pie, clerks of the exchequer,
they are found to amount to four hundred and
fifty thousand francs, as well received from the
royal demesnes as from other sources; whereas
in former times only ninety-two thousand francs
were received for this purpose, and your
predecessors kept up a royal state, and the
tradesmen were regularly paid, notwithstanding
the smallness of the sum: but at present this is
far from being the case, for the tradesmen are
not only unpaid, but your household and those
of the queen and the duke of Acquitaine are
frequently broken up.
‘ Even so lately as Thursday last, this
disgrace happened to the household of the
queen,-—whence it appears, that these sums
are not employed for your expenses, but
wasted at the will of your ministers, and
among their favourites, as we shall more fully
explain at a proper time and place.
‘ In. former days, the sum raised for the
expenses of the qucen’s household was but
thirty-six thousand. francs; but at present,
one hundred and forty thousand are raised on
this account, from taxes independant of the
revenues of her demesnes. ‘This difference
108
proceeds from the fault of the administrators
of this department, the principal of whom is
Raymond Ragnier, the treasurer; and he has
so managed this money destined for the use of
the queen that he has purchased large estates,
and built fine houses, as may be seen both in
town and country. The management of this
part of the finances should be examined into;
for beside the regular receipt, other sums are
demanded by way of extraordinaries.
‘ Item, there are also great abuses in the
offices of the master of your wardrobe, and of
the treasury; for those who have the direction
receive very large sums of money, and dispose
of them otherwise than in the payment of your
debts or to your advantage: the salaries of your
officers and servants are consequently in arrear,
and those who have supplied your table with
provision and wine cannot get their money.
Of course, these sums must be applied to their
own use, as is very apparent from the great
state they live in, from the nuinber of their
horses and other luxuries,—as in the instance
of Raymond Ragnier, who, in purchasing and
building, has expended, as it 1s said, upward of
thirty thousand francs.
i
104
_ § Charlot Poupart, master of the wardrobe,
and master William Bude, storekeeper, have also
made great acquisitions of property, and live at
an immense expense, which cannot bedonefrom
the salaries of their office, nor from their estates
before they had these offices given to them.
‘ There are likewise great defects in the
management of your stables, which is an office
of very great receipt, and the prodigious sums
that are there expended are not for your honour
nor profit.
- Item, in regard to the salaries of the
officers of your household, they are very ill
paid at the treasury; nor are their payments
any way regular, so that they suffer very great
poverty, and are unable to appear before you
so decently dressed as they would wish. ‘There
are, however, some favourites among them that
are very well paid.
‘ With respect to the repairs of your
castles, mills and other public works, they are
all going to ruin; and as for the overplus that
should remain to be paid into your private
treasury, there is not at this moment one
penny,—although in the days of king Philip,
king John, and king Charles, when the receipt
105
was not any thing like what it is now, there
were savings, but the treasury was then far
better managed. :
‘We must likewise observe, that this
kind of management of the finances has been
continued for nearly thirty years,—and that
those who have had the administration of
them have no way attended to your honour
or profit, or to the good of the kingdom, but
solely to their own private emolument.
‘ [It therefore befits your said daughter
the university of Paris to lay before you the
following facts, that a better administration of
your finances may be adopted. In the first
place, you have too many treasurers, who
have increased since the time before mentioned,
from the additional business in the office; and
several have forced themselves into it, who
before the expiration of the year have been
removed to make way for others of more
popularity in the country, God knows, they
would not be so eager to be admitted into this
office, were it not for the plundering daily
going on there; and if a treasurer do not
yearly gain from four to five thousand francs,
he thinks he is badly off. Where tornierly
there were but two treasurers, there are now
106
five or six from the great increase of business,
and at times there are six or seven. Thus, it
is clear as the day, that you lose every year
from sixteen to twenty thousand francs, from
the bad conduct of your treasurers. When
they are admitted to their office, they pay not
any attention to the discharge of the necessary
disbursements, nor to the oaths they took on
admission, but solely to the enormous grants
that have been surreptitiously obtained, which
are paid from their general receipt.
‘ In regard to the other offices where the
net receipt is paid, it passes through so many
hands that immense fortunes are made from
the exorbitant fees claimed by the treasurers :
these are Andrieu Guiffart, Burel Dampmartin,
Regnier de Bouligney, Jean Guerin, and the
director Nicolle Bonet, who was clerk to his
predecessor in office, Jean Chayf, and the
elerk master Guy Bouchier, who are all of
them useless and guilty of mismanagement,
except Jean Guerin, who has but lately come
ito the office, and has not as yet misbehaved
himself.
‘ Andrieu Cuiffart is particularly culpable
for having wasted ail the patrimony he had
received irom his father. Hie was ajpointed,
107
through the influence of the provost of Paris,
(who is his cousin by the mother’s side) to one
of the treasurerships, where he has amassed
such sums of money that he wears nothing
but sapphires, rubies, and other precious
diamonds, with the most costly dresses, and
rides the best of horses. He lives in the utmost
state with his side-boards covered with plate of
every description for ornament and use.
‘ Item, formerly it was not necessary to
have a treasurer tor the criminal prosecutions,
but only an occasional counsellor; but now
there are four counsellors, who receive very
large sums to your prejudice.
‘ In regard to the administration of those
taxes called Aides, there are officers appointed
for that purpose called Generals, through
whose hands pass ali that is ordered for. the
carrying on the wars, amounting, one year
with another, to twelve thousand francs. “The
aforesaid treasurers, by the connivance of these
generals, manage the finances very badly ; for
they commonly obtain their places through the
influence of friends, to whom the gem rais make
great gifts, to your loss. ‘The saiares of these
generals amount to trom two to iour thousand
francs yearly each; and it a general remain in
108
office for two years, he will acquire from nine
to ten thousand francs, or some such great
sum, by private gifts, and which are sometimes
levied on the properties of great lords without
their knowledge: particulars of such conduct,
and false certificates, were discovered during
the late inquiries for the reformation of
abuses.
‘ There is also another office, wrongfully
called the Treasury of Savings, under the
government of Anthony des Essars, for which
the sum of about one hundred and twenty
thousand francs is taken from the taxes. In
former times, this chest for savings was kept
under two locks, of which you had one key, to
take from it any sum that should be wanting
for yourself or your kmgdom. ‘Those, however,
who now have the management of it have so
acted that there is not one penny in the chest,
nor Js it known who in the world has been
bettered by it, excepting the admunistrators,
with the consent cf those they found in the
office, by drawing out false statements of
expenses, to your prejudice.
‘ Item, this aforesaid Anthony has the
keeping of your wardrobe and jewels, and is so
negligent that whatever may be wanting for
109
your dress is bought from day to day, of which
he alone is culpable.
‘ Item, after this comes another office,
called the Cofferers, held by Maurice de Rully,
who, in general, receives daily ten golden.
crowns, which he ought to deliver into your
hands to spend according to your pleasure;
but the coffers are empty, for he has dissipated
their contents,—and under shadow of this
office, immense sums have been wasted, as
shall be spoken of in proper time and place.
‘ The manner in which you, the queen
and the duke of Acquitaine, are pillaged, is
easily shown; for when you have need of a
speedy sum of money for the war, or for any
other urgent necessity, application must be
made to certain money-lenders, who, for usury,
make a trafhc of money, and supply your
wants on having your plate and jewels in
pawn, and at an exorbitant loss in the interest
paid for these loans, insomuch that what may
be worth ten thousand francs costs you fifteen
or sixteen; and thus your losses are annually
very great from these usurious practices
and pretended exchanges. You may readily
suppose that your officers must be accomplices
in this traffic, and that this alone will occasion
‘110
such an empty treasury. Your inferior servants
are much distressed and ill treated; and in this
manner are not only your own affairs but those
‘of the princes of your blood managed, without
any exception.
‘ Item, it is proper that you should be
made acquainted with the tricks and deceit
of those officers called Generals, in the receipt
of your finances. When any receiver shall
have lent you a sum amounting to five or six
thousand crowns over and above his receipt,
he is dismissed from his office, to prevent him
from reimbursing himself, and another put in
his place, who will receive the whole of the
taxes in that department. When, therefore,
there shall be little or nothing to receive,
he that was dismissed will be replaced in
his office, provided he has made sufficient
presents to his superior officers. By this
means, the aforesaid receiver can neither be
paid nor pay what he owes; and thus they
ride one on another, to the ruin of your
finances,—and you drink your wine sour.
‘ Item, when there is an ambassador to
be sent, or even a simple canon to be dispatched
to a foreign country, money for their expenses
must be borrowed trom usurers; and it frequently
{il
happens that the aforesaid ambassador cannot
depart for want of money, which renders the
embassy useless, and the kingdom suffers
greatly from it. |
‘ Item, it is also necessary that you should
know what is become of all the money that for
these last two years has been raised, as well
from the domains of the crown as from the
very numerous and heavy taxes and impositions
of all sorts, of which the provost of Paris
has, as is notorious, taken on himself the
management, and styled himself Director and
General Superintendant of the Finances.
‘ Item, it should likewise be remembered,
that other great officers, as well as the provost,
have held many offices of importance, which
they have sold, and pocketed the amount, to
your great disadvantage and contrary to your
royal edicts, and also to the prejudice of the
kingdom,—for, by this system, ignorant and
improper persons are put into the said offices.
‘ Item, the provost of Paris, who had
held for some time the office of grand master
of waters and forests, has now resigned it to
the lord de Jury, for which six thousand francs
have been levied. But beside the provostship
ef Paris, he holds the government of the town
112
of Cherbourg and its dependancies, which
brings him an annual rent of six thousand
francs, with the government of Nemours,
amounting to two thousand more. Your
Income is also ruined by another mode, namely,
by the immense number of receivers, treasurers,
clerks, comptrollers and other officers, who
swallow enormous sums by way of fees, over
and above the regular fees of office, of which
the provost and his dependants have the greater
‘share, and which they regard as their own
personal property, to your great loss, and to
the delay of payments to many of your faithful
servants, knights, and counsellors of state. It
is daily witnessed, that when a young man has
been appointed to any of the above offices,
however poor his situation may have been
before, or how little versed he may be in the
management of public affairs, he soon becomes
rich, keeps a grand establishment, and purchases
large estates and manors, all at your expense.
‘ There are great frauds committed by
your treasurers of the war department, who
are accustomed to take from your knights and
esquires blank receipts sealed by them, of which
they make a very bad use, as they know to their
cost: but they can more fully inform you on
113
thi$ head than we can. It is melancholy to
hear their complaints of the delays in the
payment of their salaries, which are always
much curtailed, at least to the «reater part of
them. It is consequently now become a rule
among your men at arms, when their salary is
in arrear, to pay themselves from the countries
they are quartered in, saying, that, since they
cannot obtain their pay, they must live by their
service.
‘ Item, whenever these directors or
superintendants of your finances are called
upon, they make answer, that they are ready
to produce their accounts, as if that were
sufficient, and even go so far as to desire
commissioners may be appointed to inspect
and examine them; but, under correction,
this answer is futile,—and if the real culprits
are to be discovered, let their original srate,
and what substance they possessed before they
entered into office, be inquired into, —what the
amount of their salaries and fees, how much
their reasonable expenditure, and ten what is
their present income, what estates they possess,
and what buildings they have erected. It is
notorious, that the superior officers are rch
and magnificent, but that they were indigent
VOU. Tile I
114
before their appointments to office, and that
some of them have purchased houses of great
value, namely, master Jean Chastegnier,
Guillaume Luce, and Nicaise Bouses. To
say the truth, every loyal subject must be
astonished and grieved at heart when he -
witnesses such management, that you, their
lawful prince and sovereign, should be thus
robbed, and that all your finances should be
lodged in such beggarly purses, by the aforesaid,
whose purses are swollen out, and by those who
have preceded them, without any regard to your
own wants, or to those of the state.
‘ Item, since mention has been made of
the grand state in which many live, it seems to
your daughter, that such a style of living is too
generally adopted throughout your kingdom ;
and she fears, from the evils that daily result
from it, lest God may be angered against his
people.
‘ Item, in regard to the great councils,
they are not held in the manner they ought to
be; for generally almost every one is admitted,
whereas none but wise and discreet men, such
as knights and clerks, should be suffered to
enter, to a competent number receiving pay
and salaries from you, and from none other,—
115
tind these should always have an attentive eye
to your personal profit and honour, and to the
strengthening of your crown and kingdom.
It frequently happens, from the numbers
admitted, that business of every sort is
neglected or delayed, and that when any
good resolution has been made, as now and
then will be the case, it remains unexecuted,
however nearly it may affect your interests.
—Foreign ambassadors shou'd have their
negotiatiens terminated, and our own should
be dispatched; and whenever any thing
conclusive has, by mature deliberation, been
settled, it ought not to be broken off by a few
persons afterward, as has often happened.
‘ Item, it is very distressing to hear
such loud complaints of the debility of your
government in protracting business. We even
see the lord de Mouberon, the viscount de Murat,
and those of la Rochelle, complaining of the
delays of your council, although they are
employed for the service of your kingdom,
and declaring, that if more energy is not
exerted, they must necessarily make peace
with your enemies,—and thus you may lose
many of your faithful vassals.
12
116
‘ In regard to the administration of justice:
in the reali, your court of parliament, which is
the most eminent, is not governed as it is wont
to have been. Formerly it was composed of
excellent lawyers, as well secular asecclesiastical,
of a mature age and learned in the laws; and
from its great fame for learning and justice,
without partiality to any one, was resorted to,
not only by Christians of all nations, but even
by Saracens, who have applied to it for
judgment.
‘ For some short time past, through
favour of friends, relations, or other means,
many young men have been admitted who
are ignorant of the laws and unworthy of
such honour, by which the authority and
fair reputation of this court is greatly lessened.
There are also other inconveniences attending
these indiscriminate admissions: for instance,
there are in this court many sons, brothers,
nephews and relations sitting together, and
many others who are Jineally connected, as is
the case with the family of the first president,—
and from this circumstance great injustice may
ensue in the decisions of the court.
‘ Item, there are now before the parliament
several causes between poor persons, that are,
Sty
as it were, dead; for the members do not use
such expedition in deciding upon them as they
in reason should.
‘ Item, respecting the chamber of accounts,
nothing is done, for all causes are there buried ;
for although some new members have been
lately admitted, no progress seems to be made.
Among the new ones is Alexander Boursier,
who has several times been receiver-general of
taxes, and whose accounts are said not yet to
have been closed. You may, consequently, be
a great loser in this business; for he who ought
to be narrowly examined himself, is appointed
to examine and reduce the accounts of others.
¢ Item, the better to effectuate his own
business, this Alexander has so well practised.
that he has got Jean Vautier, who was his
clerk, appointed to succeed him in the office
of receiver-general ; and notwithstanding the
royal ordinances, and the oaths which receivers,
and other officers in the receipt of taxes, take
on entering their offices, to make the proper
payments in regard to alms, they avoid, as-
it is said, by dissimulafion and fraud, these
distributions of alms, and frequently infringe
the aforesaid ordinances.
118
‘ Item, respecting the administering of
justice on those guilty of crimes against the
revenue laws, it appears to us that the great
multiplicity of officers is useless in this general
dissipation of the substance of the kingdom,
as well as the numbers of inferior officers, who,
from their salaries and the presents they receive,
devour the wealth of the country; for the greater
part of these aforesaid officers are intruded on
this court by the influence of friends.
‘ We must also notice the many presidents
of the criminal court. During the reign of
king Charles, there was but one, or two at the
utmost,—whereas at present there are seven,
who receive each annually one hundred livres,
not includmmg the notaries. Were we to enter
into any detail respecting the masters of requests
of the king’s houschold, God knows how far it
would lead us. [n former times, ancient men,
experienced in the laws and customs of the
realm, were appointed to such places, who
replicd to all the petitions presented to them,
and signed such as they judged expedient,
so that the matter Was speedily decided in
chancery; but now raw and inexperienced
youths are appointed, who expedite nothing
119
but by orders from the chancellor,—and this
occasions supernumerary Officers to be named,
to supply their defects, whose pay is very great,
and of course to your loss.
‘ Item, in respect to your chancery, it is
well known, that your chancellor of France
undergoes great labour, and is very deserving
of a large salary, but without prejudice to your
realm. Although his salary should not amount
to more than two thousand livres parisis, he has
nevertheless, for these last twenty years, taken,
besides these two thousand livres and the gift of
two thousand livres for the profits of the great
seal, fines on remissions and registerings, of
twenty sols parisis, which in the course of 2
year amount to a very large sum of money.
He has also received other two thousand francs
from the taxes levied for the support of the
war. Item, he receives annuaily for his robes
two hundred francs; and aiso from the treasury,
for the use of his chancery, five or six hundred
livres parisis. He receives likewise, in addition
to the above gifts, to a very large amount, on
the different taxes and impositions. He has
likewise signed and sealed with too great facility
letters patent for large sums, without making
any Opposition: the particulars of them may
120
be found in the accounts of Michel de Sabulon
and Alexander Boursier, and in the accounts
of several others, who have not failed to make
advantage of them. ‘To speak more plainly
in regard to this article, there will be found in
the above accounts grants, to the amount of
six thousand francs, to private persons, sealed
by the chancellor, although he well knew that
this money was appropriated for carrying on
the war.—These grants bring considerable
emolument to the chancery, whose finances
are managed by master Henry Machalie and
master Buder, comptroller of the seal of
chancery. They charge double fees on the
king’s dues, namely, those of notary and
secretary, and receive exorbitant salaries and
presents; and in such wise is your chancery
governed that no great profit comes to you,
although the emoluments of it are immense.
In regard to the fees of notaries, as they connect
themselves with whomever they please, we shall
enter more fully into their detail when occasion
offers.
‘ Item, there are several offices in the
kingdom which are incompatible, and yet are
held by the same persons, who serve them by
proxy, and thus in different ways pillage your
121
subjects of theirmoney. The debasement of your
coin must not be forgotten,—and its weight and
value have been lately so much diminished
that a crown is now of less worth than two
sols were formerly. The penny and twopenny
pieces are scarcely worth as many farthings,
which is very prejudicial to your people; and
thus the good money is carried off;—for the
Lombards in their exchanges collect all the
good, and make payment in the new coin.
‘ You ought to know by whose advice
this debasement of the value of your coin has
been made, for it is commonly said to have
been thus lowered in value by the provost of
Paris, the provost of the merchants, and Michel
Lallier, who have taken upon themselves the
management of your mint; and although they
may have allowed you some profit on this
diminution of the coin, the loss that you and
the queen will ultimately suffer is incomparably
greater, as you may learn from those who are
competent to give you information.
‘ Although your daughter and others of
your subjects have uow briefly laid before you
the guilt of the aforesaid, this is not enough,
nor wil several days suffice, to cnter into a full
detail of all the wickedness and disgraceful
122
conduct of your ministers and their adherents..
Very many others, beside those we have named,
are equally guilty, but we now pass them over,
in the expectation of more amply speaking of
them hereafter, for the welfare of yourself and
ef your kingdom.
‘ In regard to the aid, advice and support,
most sovereign lord, which you demand trom
your aforesaid daughter, and other loyal
subjects, whom you have summoned for the
purpose, they pray to God that he would be
pleased, out of his grace, to comfort and
advise you, for we are willing to expose our
lives and fortunes in your service and support:
indeed, we are bounden so to do by the solemn
resolutions entered into at our last congregation,
feeling ourselves greatly obliged to your royal
majesty for the innumerable acts of kindness
shown to us.
‘ The first advice we shall give regards
your finances, that they may be put under a
better administration as speedily as may be,
We therefore recommend it as expedient for
you to shut the hands of all vour treasurers,
directors and receivers, without any exception,
and to dismiss them from their offices, taking,
at the same time, possession of all their fortunes,
123
moveable and immoveable, and having their
persons secured, until they shall have rendered
you a just account of their administration.
‘ Item, we think it necessary that you
should annul all assignments of grants and
extraordinary pensions. We advise, that you
instantly command, under pain of death and
confiscation of goods, all receivers, treasurers,
and other officers in the country, as well of
your domain as of other taxcs, to bring you
the whole sums they may have in their hands,
and that they make no payment whatever, by
way of assignation, to any one, however great
his rank, excepting to such as yourself shall
then order; that, at the same time, they bring
you their books, and ail papers concerning
their receipt, and that, on their arrival, they
have no communication whatever with the
aforesaid directors, under pain of the above
punishments.
‘ Item, in order the more effectually to
establish order in your finances, seeing the
great waste and misapplication of tie large
sums that have been raised for your personal
defence, and in support of the war, you will
order the whole of the receipt of taxes to be
124
_ produced before you, as is your right, that
henceforth they may be applied according to
the true intent of raising them, and as the
urgency of events may require. When the
great need of such an ordinance is considered, no
one ought to be dissatisfied ; and on this subject
have the goodness to keep in remembrance the
prudent conduct of your father king Charles,
whose soul may God receive! who nobly
employed his taxes in driving the English
out of his kingdom, and by this means made
himself master of fortresses that were not
before under his subjection: his officers and
army were, at the same time, well paid; and
there remained to him an overplus, which
served him to purchase many precious jewels.
‘ Item, should these means not be sufficient
for your immediate wants, it seems to us that
as you have treasuries in different parts, you
may justly take from them, for they are alike
your own. ‘[here are also a number of very
Fich persons, to the number of sixteen hundred,
who can at any time be named to you: these
eught to assist in the support of the poor,—
for one third of them do not pay, one with
another, one hundred francs, which ‘certainly
125
‘cannot oppress them ; but repayments may be
made them when the treasury shall be better
filled, according to the most advised plan.
‘ Item, we recommend that you nominate
for receivers of ygur finances, as well from
your demesne, as from the taxes, prudent
persons, fearing God, without avarice, and
who were never employed in any such
offices, with reasonable salaries, but without
any extraordinary presents, by whom your
finances will be distributed according to the
wants of the state, and the overplus paid into
your privatetreasury. Whensuchare appointed,
all deputy-receivers, and tax-collectors, should
be ordered to produce their papers and books
to them.
‘ Item, we recommend that all the schedules
of the common expenses of yourself, the queen
and the duke of Acquitaine, be carefully
examined, so that the annual amount may
be exactly known, which we believe does not
exceed two hundred thousand francs; for
the treasurers do not receive more than that
sum from the demesne or taxes.
‘ Item, in regard to the court of parliament,
jt is necessary that all inefficient members be
dismussed, and replaced by others better
126°
informed, who shall adhere to ancient usageés.
'.The presidents of finances, of the civil and
criminal courts, with the greffiers, treasurers
and clerks, must be handsomely provided for,
but reduced to a competent number.
‘Item, the chamber of accounts must
undergo similar regulations; and the members
of it should consist of men of a prudent age,
who may inform you of any mismanagement
in the finance-department.
‘ Item, in regard to the minor officers,
and deputy-receivers of finance, we think that
if the whole of this business was put under
the management of the presidents, you would
gain considerably, whereas these minor officers
swallow up great sums in salaries and fees.
‘ Item, it appears to us that you ought to
select certain wise men, that they may be solely
your council, in conjunction with the princes
of your blood, and that they may loyally
advise you for the real good of yourself and
state, having their attention directed to nothing
else, and that, when so doing, they should be
strenuously supported by you in such wise that
whatever they may propose for the welfare of
the state mzy be instantly put into execution,
without any opposition whatever. They should
127
\
take such oaths as are usually taken, or any
more solemn ones, such as you shall think
proper.
‘ Item, we recommend that the defence
of the frontiers of Picardy, of Acquitaine,
and of other parts, be sufficiently provided
for, by allotting adequate sums of money. for
the payment of men at arms and repairs of
castles, so that all danger of invasion, and
other inconveniences, may be prevented.
‘ Item, to check as much as possible the
daily oppression of the lower orders, by provosts
and other inferior officers, it will be necessary
to nominate honest and discreet persons, with
moderate salaries, to overlook their conduct,
and see that these men do not surcharge the
poor by exorbitant fines.
‘ Item, there are several other oppressive
grievances that have lasted for a considerable
time, and which cannot be immediately
remedied. Your daughter and aforesaid dutiful
subjects promise to apply themselves diligently
concerning them; and they most humbly and
earnestly supplicate you to reform the abuses
they have stated to you, and more especially
those that relate to your treasury, which has
been exceedingly wasted, and that without any
128
cause. They also beg of you to appoint #
commission of the princes of your blood, with
other well-informed persons, no way connected
or related to those who have had the management
of your finances, that they may reform and
punish all who have been culpable, let their
rank be what it may.
‘ Item, we also entreat that you would
order the prelates and chief citizens in the
different provinces, to impeach those who in
their districts have been guilty of any peculations
in your finances. All these things, most
redoubted lord, have your aforesaid daughter
and dutiful subjects laid before you, as being
anxiously interested 1n your honour and welfare,
and in the preservation of your crown and
kingdom. Your aforesaid daughter has not
done this through any expectation of worldly
profit, but simply as her duty; for it is well
known she has not been accustomed to hold
offices, nor to seek for such profits, but solely
to attend to her studies, and to remonstrate
with you on what touches your honour and
welfare whenever the case may require it.
‘ But although she has several times
presented herself before you, to remonstrate
on some of the before-mentioned grievances,
129
no remedy has been hitherto applied, by
which your kingdom 1s in the utmost possible
danger. Your faithful and loyal subjects again
acquit themselves of their duty; and, that
the reformation may now be entered upon in
earnest, your aforesaid daughter requires the
aid of your eldest son the duke of Acquitaine,
and of the duke of Burgundy, by whom a
reform was some time since begun, with
heart and hand, without sparing any one,
with whom your daughter joined, considering
such reformation was so much wanted.
‘ However, from the great opposition
made by those who were interested in checking
it, no great progress was made, for they were
afraid the consequences would have been fatal
to them. They urged every objection to it, as
well as those now in power. We demand also
the assistance of our much-honoured lords of
Nevers, of Vertus, of Charolois, of Bar, and
of Lorraine, of the constable and marshal of
France, of the grand master of Rhodes, of the
admiral, of the master of the cross-bows, and
in general of all the chivalry and esquiredom
in the realm, whose peculiar duty is to watch
tor the preservation of your crown, and also of
your counsellors and all other your subjects,
VOL. Il. K
156
who, according to their several situations, may
wish to acquit themselves toward your majesty.4
‘ It has been publicly said by some, that
your aforesaid daughter has made thisexposition
to your majesty, through hatred to particular
persons, and from the reports of five or six.
May it please you to know, that she has never
been accustomed to gain information by such
means, but has learnt the existence of the
before-stated grievances from their public
notoriety ; and there is no man so ignorant as
not to be fully sensible of the truths we have
asserted, and of the culpability of those we
have impeached. She has also received
informations from many who are attached to
your person, who have not indeed been gainers
by it; but in further regard to them, she will
be silent, unless you shall order otherwise in a
private audience.
‘ Your daughter, therefore, concludes by
begging your majesty to pursue diligently, and
without delay, an examination and reform of
the above grievances, in which she will join
without the least personal disrepect to your
royal person, otherwise your daughter would
not acquit herself properly in regard to youw
royal majesty.’
131
After this conclusion, the university
demanded of the princes, prelates, and lords,
then present, that they would avow that what
they had declared would be for the honouf
of the king and the welfare of the kingdom,
which they complied with; adding, that they
were ready to assist in carrying the aforesaid
reforms into ¢xecution to the utmost of their
power.
The king's mitiisters, more especially
those of the finances, were thunderstruck, and
fearful of an immediate arrest. Among them,
master Henry de Marle, chancellor of France,
seeing that he was accused with the others,
found means of admission to the king, and by
his fair promises, and by engaging to pay 4
very large sum of ready money within a tew
days, he contrived to gain his iavour.
On the following Saturday, the.gd day
of March; Andrew Guiffart, one of the
treasurers, was arrested and confined in the
Chatelet: his associate, John Guerin, took
refuge in a church,—and thither also fled sir
Peter des Essars, provost of Paris, who lately
had great command intheexpeditionto Bourges.
he duke of Burgundy had hitherto supported
him, but his affection was cooled, for the provost
K 2
132
had lately shown himself more attached ‘to the
party of Orleans.
Having formed the resolution of quitting
Paris, sir Peter des Essars sent Thomelin de
Brie with five other men at arms to gain
possession of the bridge at Charenton, that
his passage over it might be secured; but
they were made prisoners by the inhabitants
of Charenton, who had received information
of their coming, and carried back to the tower
of the Louvre, wherein they were confined.
The provost, learning this, took another road,
and escaped to Cherbourg, of which place he
was the governor, and remained there for some
time. Shortly afterward, Baudrin de la Heuse
was appointed provost of Paris, for the king
had now relapsed into his former disorder.
The duke of Acquitaine, however, took the
whole government of the kingdom into his
own hands; and many of the king’s ministers,
particularly those in the treasury, were ordered
to be put under arrest, until they should have
rendered a faithful account of all their
receipts.
133
CHAPS <VA-
‘THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE IS DISPLEASED
WITH HIS CHANCELLOR. JEALOUSIES
ARISE AMONG THE GREAT LORDS,—AND
OTHER MATTERS.
Iw these days, at a full council, of which the
duke of Acquitaine was president, high words
passed between the chancellor of France and the
lord d’Ollehaing * chancellor of Acquitaine,
insomuch that the latter told the chancellor
his words were not gospel; and the other
madly replied, that he lied in his throat.—
Several other abusive expressions were used by
him, and so often that the chancellor of France
said, ‘ You abuse me, who am chancellor of
France, and have often done so: nevertheless,
I have always borne it patiently, from respect
to my lord of Acquitaine, who is now present,
and shall even still sutter it.’
Sut the duke of Acquitaine, hearing these
words, arose in a ‘passion, and, taking his
* Sir John de Neele in the original, and so before.
Was sir J. de Neele lord of Oillehaing? It appears so from
Dew lnOr
134
chancellor by the shoulders, thrust him out
of the council-chamber, saying, ‘ You are a
wicked and proud vagabond, for having thus
abused the ehancellor of my lord the king in
my presence,—and I have no further need
of your services.’ In consequence, the lord
d’Ollehaing resigned the seals, which were
given to master John de Vailly, advocate in
the parliament, who was appointed chancellor
ef Acquitaine in his stead.
The queen attempted, but in vain, to
appease her son, as did the duke of Burgundy,
who had recommended the late chancellor to
him; for he now took the whole government
into his hands, and insisted that every thing
should be done according to his pleasure.
Some of his confidential servants encouraged
him in this conduct, as the welfare of the
kingdom concerned him more than any: one
else; and since, as he was now of a proper age
to govern, it was absolutely necessary for him
to take the reins, considering the melancholy
state of the king his father.
Among those who thus encouraged him
were the duke of Bar, duke Louis of Bavaria,
the count de Vertus, and others of that taction
then at Paris, who visited him often, and desired
135
fothing more than that he would take the
government of the kingdom upon himself.
The duke of Burgundy was duly informed
of all these intrigues, and saw clearly that their
object was to drive him from the administration,
which very much displeased him. He formed
different plans, and remembered that the duke
of Acquitaine had told him, when_ before
Bourges, that he would put an end to the war,
and was sensible that the treaty of peace then
concluded was contrary to the engagements
sworn to be observed at the royal council held
at Paris previous to their march from the
capital. Nevertheless, he did not openly show
that he was hurt by what was passing.
At this time, the county of Poitou was
given to John de Touraine *, at the instance
of duke William of Hainault, whose daughter
he had married. The Poitevins made all the
opposition they could, as they preferred being
vassals to the king; but it was taken possession
of in the name of the duke of Touraine, by the
lords d’ Andregines and de Mouchas, members
of duke William’s household, who brought with
them the king’s grant of this county, which
was proclaimed in the usual manner.
* Second son of the king.
136
At the same period, namely, about Mid
Lent, some of the inhabitants of Soissons rose
suddenly in rebellion, and, advancing to the
castle, broke down all the out-walls as well as
those which surrounded their city, to open a
free entrance on all sides. They also demolished
the bridge over the river that gave access to the
castle, so that none could gain admittance but
by means of boats, which might formerly have
been done without their leave. This castle
belonged to the duke of Orleans, who was
much exasperated by their conduct, although at
the moment he could not obtain any reparation,
notwithstanding he had remonstrated with the
king’s ministers on the subject.
At the request of the duke of Acquitaine,
the head and body of sir Mansart du Bos, who
had been beheaded at Paris, were restored to
his widow and children. At ten o’clock at
night, his head was taken down from the
market-place, and his body from Montfaucon :
they were united together in a coffin, and
carried to the town of Rainsseval, in the
diocese of Amiens, where his remains were
honourably interred near the bodies of his
father and ancestors.
137
CHAP. XVII.
HENRY OF LANCASTER, KING OF ENGLAND,
WHO HAD BEEN A VALIANT KNIGHT, DIES
IN THIS YEAR.—OF THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN
HIM AND THE FRENCH PRINCES.
“Towarp the end of this year, died, Henry of
Lancaster, king of England. He had in his
time been a valiant knight, eager and subtile
against his enemies, as is recorded in history,
which also has enregistered the strange and
disgraceful manner of his obtaining the crown
of England, by dethroning his cousin-german
Richard, after he had reigned peacefully for
twenty-two years. He was before his death
sorcly oppressed with leprosy, which pitifully
put an end to him, and he was royally and
honourably interred among his ancestors in
Westminster Abbey.
This king left behind him four sons,—
namely, Henry prince of Wales, who succeeded
to the throne, Thomas duke of Clarence, John
duke of Bedford, and Humphry duke of
138
Glocester,—and a daughter married to Philip
Barbatus, duke of Bavaria *.
All the four sons were handsome, well
made, and versed in the different sciences,—
and in process of time each had great commands,
of which mention shall be hereafter made. But
we must not omit reporting a conversation that
passed between the king and his eldest son at
his last moments. He was so sorely oppressed
at the latter end of his sickness that those who
attended him, not perceiving him breathe,
eoncluded he was dead, and covered his face
with a cloth. It was the custom in that
country, whenever the king was ill, to place
the royal crown on a cushion beside his bed,
and for his successor to take it on his death,
The prince of Wales, being informed by the
- attendants that his father was dead, had carried
away the crown; but, shortly after, the king
uttered a groan, and his face was uncovered,—
* Monstrelet has forgotten Philippa of Lancaster,
Henry’s younger daughter, married to Eric king of
Denmark, and died without issue. His elder daughter
outliving the duke of Bavaria, and her second husband the
king ot Arragon, was matried to the duke of Bar, but had
Mo issue by any of them.
139
when, on looking for the crown, he asked what
was become of it? His attendants replied, that
‘ my lord the prince had taken it away.’ He
bade them send for the prince; and on his
entrance, the king asked him why he had
carried away the crown! ‘ My lord,’ answered
the prince, ‘ your attendants, here present,
afirmed to me that you were dead; and as
your crown and kingdom belong to me as
your eldest son, after your decease, I had
taken it away.’
The king gave a deep sigh, and said,
‘ My fair son, what right have you to it?
for you well know 1 had none.’ ¢ My lord,’
replied the prince, ¢ as you have held it by
right of your sword, it is my intent to hold
and defend it the same during my lite.” The
king answered, ‘ Weill, act as you see best;
] leave ail things to God, and pray that he
would have mercy on me!’ Shortly -after,
without uttermg another word, he departed
this lite.
After the king’s interment, the prince of
Wales was most honourably crowed king,
in the presence of the nobles aud prelates of
Kngland, no one appearmmg to contest his
140
right.—When the duke of Clarence and the
English in the duchy of Acquitaine, heard of
king Henry’s death, they returned as speedily
as they could to England, for at that moment
there was a truce between the two countries.
But, notwithstanding thr truce, the English
on the frontiers of Calais continued to make
mroads on, and to harrass, the Boulonois,
msomuch that the constable was obliged to
reinforce the garrisons of Ardres, Gravelines,
and other places in the french interest.
Here follows a copy of the treaty concluded
by king Henry IV. and his children, on the one
part, and the dukes of Berry, of Orleans, of
Bourbon, the counts d’Alengon, d’Armagnac,
and the lord d’ Ajbreth on the other, on the 8th
day of May, in the year 1412.
It was first agreed to by the above lords,
or by their commissioners, that they would
expose their lives and fortunes in the service
of the king of England, his heirs and successors,
whenever they should be required so to do, in
all their just quarrels,—in which they inciude
the king of England’s warfare in Guienne as
a just quarrel, and maintain that the duchy of
(sulenne and its dependencies belong to him
144
by right of succession, and that. by such
dec fenton and assistance they shall no we
act contrary to their loyalty.
‘ item, the aforesaid lords make offer,
by themselves or their delegates sufficiently
authorised, of their sons, daughters, nephews,
nieces, relations, in short, of all their subjects,
to contract such marriages as shall be agreeable
to the aforesaid king of I¢ngland.
‘ Item, they likewise make offer of all
their towns, castles, treasures, and in general
all belonging to them for the assistance of
the said king and his heirs in all their lawful
quarrels, saving their loyalty, which they have
more fully explained in other acts passed
between them.
‘ Item, they also make offer of all their
friends and adherents, to support the said king
in the recovery of his duchy of Guienne.
‘ Item, the aforesaid lords are willing,
without any fraud or deceit, to acknowledge
at the altar, or in-any sacred place, the said
king’s right to the duchy of Guienne, in as
full a manner as any of iis predecessors ever
possessed it.
‘ Item, the aforesaid lords acknowledge,
by themselves or their delegates, that all the
142
totvns, castles, and possessions they may havé
in Guienne, they hold under the king of
England, as the true duke of Guienne,
promisine every service due from their
homage, to be performed in the best possible
manner by them.
¢ Item, they also engage to deliver up to
the king of England, as far as lies in their
power, all towns and castles, said to have
belonged to the king of England, to the
number of twenty, as well castles as towns,
which are fully detailed in the treaty *.
‘ In regard to the other towns and
fortresses that are not under their obedience,
they will gain them, or assist the king of
England or his heirs to gain them, at their
expense and with a sufficient number of men.
‘ Item, as is more fully detailed in the
treaty, that it shall be agreeable to the king of
England that the duke of Berry, his loyal
uncle, subject and vassal, that the duke of
Orleans, his subject and vassal, and in like
manner the count d’Armagnac, do hold
under him the following lands by fealty and
homage. The duke of Berry shall possess
* See the original treaty in the Foedera. It is dated
the 18th of May, and not the 8th as in Monstrelets
143
the county of Poitou during his life: the
duke of Orleans shall hold the county of
Angouléme for his life, and the county of
Perigord in perpetuity: the count d’ Armagnac
shall hold four castlesspecified in thetreaty, upon
the terms and conditions therein declared.
‘ Item, among the engagements entered
into by the king of England as duke of
Guienne, he was to guarantee them safé
possession of the above places, and to defend
them against all enemies whatever, and afford
them the assistance due from their true and
superior lord,—and he was also to aid them
in bringing the duke of Burgundy to exemplary
punishment.
« And the said king was not to make
or enter into any treaties with the duke of
Burgundy, his children, brother, or with any
of his adherents, without the previous consent
ef the aforesaid princes.
‘ Item, the king of England promises to
assist the aforesaid lords as his loyal vassals in
all their just wars, and to enforce recompense
to them by the duke of Burguady for all the
damages he may have done to them.
‘ Item, the king of Esgland will instantly
send them eight thousand combatants to their
144
aid against the duke of Burgundy, who has
excited the king of France to march against
them with the whole force of his realm.’
This treaty of alliance was signed and
sealed by the parties on the 8th day of May,
in this year 1412. The aforesaid princes,
however, agreed to pay the men at arms,
whom the king of England should send to
them, and gave sufficient securities for so
doing.
PAG Ds. DAL]
CHAPS XY IT.
THE KING'S MINISTERS ARE GREATLY
ALARMED AT THE ARREST OF SIR PETER
DES ESSARS AND OF THE DUKE OF BAR.—
OTHER PROCEEDINGS OF THE PARISIANS.
Av the beginning of this year, the king’s
ministers, that is to say, those who had had
the management of the finances under their
care for twenty years past, were much pressed
to give in their accounts. Several public and
145
private accusations were made against them,
which caused the greater part to fear that
they should not escape with honour. Many
had been arrested, and others had fled, whose
fortunes had been sequestrated by the king.
They sought, therefore, by divers means,
to obtain the protection of those princes who
governed the king; and sir Peter des Essars,
who had fled to Cherbourg, through the
interest of the duke of Acquitaine, was
remanded to Paris. He secretly entered the
bastille with his brother sir Anthony, but not so
privately as to prevent its being known to some
of the Parisians, who disliked him, and who
instantly acquainted the duke of Burgundy
and his people with it, by whom he was
equally hated. A party of the commonalty
was soon collected; and headed by sir Elion de
Jacqueville, then governor of Paris, and some
others of the duke of Burgundy’s friends, they
marched to the bastille, and made prisoners
of sir Peter des Essars and his brother, whom
they first led to the castle of the Louvre and
then to the prison of the palace. When this
was done, they again assembled, to the amount
of six thousand, under the standard of the
aforesaid Jacqueville, who was joined by sir
MOL. iit. lu
146
Robert de Mailly, sir Charles de Lens, and
several other men at arms of the household of
the duke of Burgundy,—and about ten o’clock
in the morning they drew up before the hétel
of the duke of Acquitaine.
The principal instigators of this insurrection
of the commonalty were, Jeannot Caboche, a
skinner of the slaughter-house of Saint James,
master John de Troyes, a surgeon at Paris, and
Denisot de Chaumont, who,*having forcibly
entered the apartment of the duke, addressed.
him as follows: * Our most redoubted lord,
here are the Parisians, but not al] in arms, who
on behalf of your good town of Paris, and for
the welfare of your father and yourself, require
that you cause to be delivered up to them certain
traitors who are now in your hétel.’
The duke, in a fury, replied, that such
affairs did not belong to them, and that there
were no traitors in his hotel. They answered,
that if he were willing to give them up, well
and good,—otherwise they would take them
before his face, and punish them according
to their deserts. During this conversation, the
dukes of Burgundy and of Lorraine arrived;
and several of the Parisians at the same time
entered the hotel, and instantly seized master
147
Jean de Vailly, the duke’s new chancellor,
Edward duke of Bar, cousin-german to the
king, sir James de la Riviere, the two sons
of the lord de Boissay, Michel de Vitry and
his brother, the two sons of sir Reginald de
Guiennes, the two brothers de Maisnel, the
two de Geremmes, and Peter de Naisson.
The duke of Acquitaine, witnessing this
outrage committed before his eyes, turned to
the duke of Burgundy, and angrily said,—
‘ Father-in-law, this insurrection has been
caused by your advice: you cannot deny it,
for those of your household are the leaders
of it. Know, therefore, that you shall one
day repent of this; and the state shall not
alway be governed according to your will and
pleasure.’
The duke of Burgundy replied, by way of
excusing himself, ¢ My lord, you will inform
yourself better, when your passion shall be
somewhat cooled.’ But, notwithstanding this,
those who had been seized were carried off, and
confined in different prisons.
They afterward made search for master
Raoul Bridoul, the king’s secretary, wao, as
they were carrying him away, was struck by
ene that hated him with a battle-axe on the
L 2
148
head, and thrown dead into the Seine. They
also murdered a very rich upholsterer, who
was an eloquent man, called Martin d’Aue,
and a cannon-founder, an excellent workman,
but who had been of the Orleans-party, whose
bodies they left naked two whole days in the
square of St Catherine.
They compelled the duke of Acquitaine
to reside with the king his father, in the hétel
de St Pol, and carefully guarded the gates that
he might not quit Paris. Some said this was
done for his amendment, as he was very
young, and impatient of contradiction, but
others assigned different reasons: among them
was one, that he had intended to have tilted on
May-day in the forest of Vincennes, and that
he had ordered sir Peter des Essars to meet
him there with six hundred helmets, and to
pay them for one month, and that this order
had been executed. It was added, that the
duke of Orleans and those of his party were
collecting large bodies of men at arms to
join the duke of Acquitaine in the forest of
Vincennes, which had greatly displeased the
duke of Burgundy and the Parisians.
It was melancholy to behold this reign
of the mob, and the manner in which they
149
conducted themselves in Paris, as well toward
the king as toward the other lords. |. They also
wrote letters to the different towns to inform
them that what they had done was for the
welfare of the king and kingdom, and required
of them to give them all aid and advice should
there be any necessity for it, and to remain
obedient in their fidelity to the king and his
eldest son. ,
Afterward, that no assembly of men at
arms might be made by any lord, the king, at
the request of these same Parisians, published
an edict, addressed to all the seneschals and
bailiffs in the realm, of the following tenour.
‘ Charles, by the grace of God} king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
lieutenant, greeting.
¢ Whereas, in the divisions and disputes
that so lately harrassed our kingdom, we, .and
our very dear eldest son the duke of Acquitaine,
dauphin of Viennois, have so successfully
Jaboured, that, through God’s grace, we have
established a solid peace in our realm, for the
observance of which the greater part of our
jiege subjects have given security, aud have
pronused, on their oaths, to Keep aid preserve
150
it, and not to issue any summons, or to raise
any men, without our express permission.
‘ Notwithstanding this, we have heard
that some of our blood, and others, are making
preparations to raise men, by way of companies,
in different parts of our kingdom, which may
not only be very expensive to the country, but
cause other great inconveniences, unless an
immediate remedy be provided.
‘ These, therefore, are to enjoin you to
cause this our prohibition to be most publicly
proclaimed in the usual places within your
bailiwick, and to forbid any person, under
penalty of death and confiscation of goods,
whether baron, knight or others, to obey any
summons from their superior lord, unless so
ordered by us, our son, or our well-beloved
cousin the count de St Pol, constable of
France, or others so commissioned by us.
That no doubts may arise in regard to these
our intentions, we send you this sealed with
our great seal. You will likewise inform all
our vassals, that whenever and wherever we, or
our son, may send for them, they must obey.
‘ And because our very dear uncle and
cousin the dukes of Berry and of Lorraine are
151
sontinually in our service, our intention is nof
that their vassals or subjects should be prevented
going to them whenever they are sent for, or
whenever they may employ them in our service ;
and sheuld any in yous bailiwick act contrary
to the premises, we will and order that you
constrain them to do their duty, by arrest and
seizure of goods. |
* Given at Paris the 9th day of May in
the year 1413, and of our reign the 33d.’ It
was thus signed by the king, on the report
made to him of the counci) held by the
dukes of Acquitaine, Berry and Lorraine,
and others, by J. Millet. It was then sent
off, and proclaimed throughout the kingdom
in the usual places.
The Parisians in those days wore an
uniform dress with white hoods, to distinguish
all who were of their party. They even made
many of the nobles and prelates wear it; and
what was more, the king himself afterward put
it on, which seemed to many discreet persons
very ridiculous, considering the abominable
and detestable manner of the Parisians, aad
their cruelties, which were almost beyond
bearing; but they were so powerful, and
obstinate in their wickedness, that the princes
152
knew not well how to provide a remedy.
They were also strengthened in it from the
belief that they should be supported by the
duke of Burgundy and his party, should there
be occasion for it.
CHAP. XIX.
‘THE PARISIANS PROPOSE WHATEVER
' "MEASURES THEY PLEASE, IN THE
' PRESENCE OF THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE
“AND THE OTHER PRINCES.—CRUELTIES
“! COMMITTED BY THEM.
Ow Thursday the 11th of May, the Parisians
held. a great assembly, and made various
propositions, in the presence of the dukes of
Acquitaine, Berry, Burgundy and Lorraine,
the counts of Nevers, Charolois, and many
nobles and prelates, with others, wearing
white hoods by way of uniform, who were
said to exceed twelve thousand in number.
‘Toward the conclusion, they presented a roll
to the duke of Acquitaine, which he would
have refused to accept; but they constrained
him not only to take it, but to read its
153
contents publicly. Sixty persons, as well
absent as present, were charged in this roll
as traitors: twenty of whom were instantly
arrested, and confined in prison. In_ this
number were the lord de Boissay, master of
the household to the king, Michel Lallier,
and others to the number above mentioned.
The absent that had been thus accused were
summoned. by sound of trumpet, in all the
squares of Paris, to appear within a few days,
under penalty, in case of disobedience, of having
their properties confiscated to the king’s use.
On the 18th day of this same month, the
king recovered his health, and went from his
hotel of St Pol to the church of Notre Dame,
wearing a white hood like the other princes.
When he had finished his prayers, he returned
home accompanied bya vast multitude of people.
On the Monday following, the Parisians had
their city surrounded by numbers of men at
arms, so that no person might leave it without
permission: the gates were closely shut, and
the bridges drawi up and watched by a
numerous guard at each, armed with all
sorts of weapons. They also appointed
armed divisions of tens in all the streets;
and when this was done, the provost of the
154
merchants, the sheriffs, and other leaders
-marched a large body of armed men to the
hotel of St Pol, which they surrounded with
a line three deep; and having given their
orders. how they were to act, they waited on
the king, the queen, and the dauphin, who
were perfectly ignorant of their proceedings.
There was at this time a grand assembly
of nobles in Paris, namely, the dukes of Berry,
Burgundy, Lorraine, and duke Louis of Bavaria,
brother to the queen, who was on the morrow
to marry, at the hotel de St Pol, the sister of
the count d’Alengon, the widow of the lord
Peter de Navarre, count de Mortain. The
counts de Nevers, de Charolois, de St Pol,
constable of France, and many more great
barons and prelates, were likewise present.
They there ordered a carmelite friar, called
friar Eustache, to harangue the king, who,
having taken for his .text ¢ Nisi Dominus
custodierit civitatem suam, frustra vigilat qui
custodit eam,’ discoursed weil and long upon
jt, and made some mention of the prisoners, of
the bad state of the government of the kingdom,
and of the crimes that were committed.
When he had endd his speech, the
chancellor of France bade him say who were
155
his protectors, when instantly the provost of
merchants and the sheriffs acknowledged him.
But as there were but few people present, and
as they did not speak loud enough, according
to the will of the chancellor, some of them
descended to the court to call those of the
greatest birth and weight that had remained
armed below.
The principal leaders returned with them
to the king’s apartment, and with bended knees
avowed that what father Eustache had said was
conformable to their sentiments; that they had
the sincerest love for him and for his family,
and that their sole wish was to serve his royal
majesty with clean and pure hearts; that every
thing they had done had been for the welfare
of himself and his kingdom, as well as for the
preservation of his person and family.
While this was passing, the duke of
Burgundy, noticing the line of armed men
that were drawn up three deep, and surrounding
the king’s hétel, went down and earnestly
entreated of them to retire, demanding of
them what they wanted, and why they were
thus come armed; tor that it was neither decent
nor expedient that the kiuig, who was so lately
recovered trom his illness, staould thus see them
156
drawn up, as it were, in battle-array. They -
replied, they were not assembled with an ill
intent, but for the good of the king and his
kingdom: they concluded by giving him a
roll, and said, they were on no account. to
depart thence until those whose names were
therein inscribed should be delivered up to
them, namely, Louis of Bavaria, brother to
the queen, and the following knights: Charles
de Villers, Courard Bayer, Jean de Neelle lord
d’Ollehaing, the archbishop of Bourges, master
William Boisratier, confessor to the queen, Jean
Vineent, Colin de Pieul, Jeannet de Cousteville,
Mainfroy, treasurer to the duke of Acquitaine,
and a courier of the duke of Orleans, who
happened accidentally to be in Paris, having
brought letters trom his master to tue king; the
lady Bona d’Armagnac, lady of Montauban *,
la dame du Quesnoy, ja dame d’Avelays, la
dame de Noyon, la dame du Chastei, and tour
other damseis.
When the duke of Burgundy found that
every thing he could say was vain, he went to
the queen, and showed her the list they had
given to nim, telling her what they required.
* Bona, eldest daugiiter of the constable d’ Armagnac,
afterwards imainied to Ciatics Guke of Orleans.
157
She was much troubled thereat, and, calling
her son the dauphin, bade him return with the
duke of Burgundy, and entreat them most
affectionately in her name to desist for only
eight days from their present demands, and
that on the eighth day she would without fail
deliver up her brother, or suffer them to arrest
him, and carry him a prisoner to the Louvre,
to the palace, or whitherseever they should
please. |
The duke of Acquitaine, hearing these
words from his mother, retired to a private
chamber and wept bitterly,—but was followed
by the duke of Burgundy, who exhorted him
not to weep, which he complied with, and
wiped away his tears. They descended to
the Parisians, and the duke of Burgundy
explained in a few words the request of the
queen; but they positively refused to grant it,
and declared they would go up to the queen’s
apartment,—and should those contained in the
list be refused to be given up, they would take
them by force, even in the king’s presence, and
carry them away prisoners.
The two dukes, hearing this answer,
went back to the quien, whom they found
an conversation with her brother and the
158
king. ‘They reported their reception frorti
the Parisians,—when the duke of Bavaria,
seeing he could not escape, full of bitterness
and distress, descended down to them, and
desired that he alone might be taken into
custody; that if he were found guilty, he
might be punished without mercy,—otherwise
that he might instantly have his liberty, and go
to Bavaria, never,more to return to France.
The others also, with the ladies and
damsels, were forced to surrender themselves,
but it was not without great lamentations and
effusion of tears. “They were directly put two
and two on horseback, each horse escorted by
four men at arms, and carried, some prisoners
to the Louvre, and others to the palace, -
followed by a large body of the Parisians
under arms. When this was done, the king
went to his dinner, and the queen with her
son retired in great grief to their apartments.
Within a short time, the courier was set
at liberty,—and so was the lord d’Ollehaing,
who was reinstated in the office of chancellor
of Acquitaine, from which he had _ been
dismissed.
The duke of Burgundy had under his
guard his cousin-german the duke of Bar,
159
sir Peter and sir Anthony des Essars, with
other prisoners confined in the Louvre, whom
he caused to be attended by his servants, and
for whose security he had pledged himself.
But he acted quite contrary, and returned —
them to the Parisians, who imprisoned them
closely, and caused twelve knights to be
nominated by the king as commissaries, and
six examiners, to inquire into their offences,
and to condemn and punish them according
to the heinousness of their crimes and the
exigence of the case.
In consequence of this, a statement was
drawn up by directions of the duke of Berry,
uncle to the duke of Bar, the countess de
St Pol, and others his friends, and given fo
the Parisians, who sent it to the university of
Paris for their advice and approbation of what
they had done. The university replied, that
they would no way intermeddle nor advise in
the business; and they moreover declared, in
full council before the king, that so far trom
having advised the arrest of the duke of Bar
and the other prisoners, they were much
displeased that it had taken place.
The Parisians, theretore, secing that the
ziniversity was disunited from them, and fearing
160
that their conduct would, in after times, bé
examined into, obtained from the king and
his council a royal edict, as an indemnity and
excuse for their actions, the tenour of which
was as follows.
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to all to whom these presents shall
come, greeting, on the part of our dear and
well-beloved, the provost, sheriffs, citizens and
inhabitants of this good town of Paris.
‘ We make known, that for our urgent
profit and welfare, and also for that of our
very dear son the duke of Acquitaine, dauphin
of Viennois, and for the public welfare, for
the security of our good town of Paris, and to
obviate inconveniences that might have arisen
from the malversation of some of our ministers,
as well those of justice as others, and in order
to prevent such malversations from increasing,
certain arrests have lately taken place on divers
men and women, as well of our blood and
household as of those of our very well beloved
consort the queen, of our son, and our very
dear daughter the duchess of Acquitaine, and
countess of Charolois, for the effecting of which
arrests a large assemblage of men at arms was
thought expedient, considering the rank and
161
power of those to be arrested, who are now
confined in our prisons of the Louvre, of our
palace, and in different prisons in our good
town of Paris. | |
‘ The crimes alledged against them are
for treasonable practices committed against
us, our said son, the welfare of the kingdom
and that of our good city of Paris, and also
concerning the government of our person, of
our son, and of the police of our said town
and kingdom, for all of which sufficient judges
have been appointed, who will examine into
their various delinquencies, and punish in such
wise as the public good may require, so that
our good city of Paris, which is the head of
our realm, may not again suffer any alarms
through their fault, or that of their accomplices,
who, fearing the consequences, have escaped
out of the city.
‘ For these causes, and from the great
love and loyalty they bear to us, who are their
sovereign and natural lord, as well as to our
said eldest son, the aforesaid provost, sheriffs,
and citizens of Paris, have requested these
presents, in order that good government may
be restored, the security and welfare of our
person and state be provided for, and that such.
VOL. IIT, M
162
arrests and imprisonments may be considered
as solely done out of the purity of their loyal
intentions towards us, our family, and the public
good of the realm.
‘ We will, therefore, that such arrests and
imprisonments be so considered, and that they
be regarded as done for the true honour and
profit of us and of our crown; and that all
who have been abettors or aiding in the above
arrests and imprisonments, noble or not noble,
shall be deemed praiseworthy; and by the advice
of some of our kindred, as well as by that of
our great council, we do approve of and avow
such acts.
‘ By the tenour of these presents we
acknowledge and hold them for agreeable, and
forbid that for these causes, or for any others
that may be connected with them, those who
have thus acted be any way harrassed or
molested in body or estate, or any suit be
preferred against them in our courts of justice,
by any means or pretext whatever, but that
they shall be held acquitted in perpetuity.
‘ We give this, therefore, in command to
all our beloved and faithful counsellors, who
now hold or shall hereafter hold our courts of
parliament at Paris, all masters of requests in
163
eur household, and those holding similar
situations in our royal palace, all officers in
our exchequer, and all commissaries named to
inspect our finance and domain, as well as those
lately appointed to examine into the charges
brovght against the prisoners in our castle
of the Louvre, and elsewhere in our prisons
in Paris, to the provost of Paris, to all our
seneschals, bailiffs, provosts, judges and other
officers of justice at present and in times to
come, and to each as in duty bound, that they
do proclaim these presents in the accustomed
public places, and that they do see that the
commands herein contained be not infringed
or disobeyed, so that the engagements we have
entered into with the parties demanding these
presents may be punctually observed.
‘ And as the parties may wish hereafter
to renew the publicity of these presents, we will
that there be exact copies made of them under
the seal of the Chatelet, or other royal seals, to
make them as authentic as the original, and
that they may be of equal efficacy. Given at
Paris the 24th day of May, in the year of Grace
1413, and of our reign the 33d.’
It was thus signed by the king in council ;
at which were present the dukes of Berry
M 4
164
and Burgundy, the constable of France, the
archbishop of Bourges, the bishop of Evreux,
the bishop of Tournay, the grand master of
the household, the lord de la Trimouille
governor to the dauphin, sir Anthony de
Craon, sir Philippe de Poitiers, the chancellor
of Burgundy, the abbot of St Jean, master
Eustace de la Chere, the lords de Viefville, de
Mont-Beron *, de la Rochefoucault +, the
provost of Paris, sir Charles de Savoisy, the
hermit de Faye, Jean de Courcelles, the lord
d’Allegrez {, master Mille d’Orgemont, Raoul
Je Saige, Mille d’Angeul, Jean de Longneux,
and many others. ‘ P. Naucron.’
* Cailed before ‘ Mouberon;’ but Montberon is right.
James, son of Imbert lord of Montberon in Angoumois, was
made mareschal of France in 1422, in the place of John de
Villiers de l’Isle-Adam.
+ Guy VIII. lord of la Rochefoucault, was one of the |
first lords of Guienne who did homage to the crown of France
after the peace of Bretigny. Fyoissart mentions a duel whiclz
took place in 1380 between this nobleman and William lord
of Montferrand, at which he was attended by two hundred
gentlemen of his own family. He married Margaret de
Craon, lady of Marsillac and Montbazor, by whom he had
two sons, Foulcault II. lord of la Rochefoucault, mentioned
hereafter, and Aymar lord of Montbazon and Sainte Maure.
t Called ‘ Allaigre’ in the original. Alegre is the
name of a noble and ancient family’of Auvergue. |
165
CHAP, XX;
TME COUNT DE VERTUS AND SEVERAL OP
THE NOBILITY LEAVE PARIS. OTHER
REGULATIONS AND EDICTS OBTAINED
FROM THE KING BY THE PARISIANS.
Doarne these melancholy times, the count
de Vertus, indignant at the arrest of the
duke of Bar and other nobles, secretly left
Paris, attended by two persons only, without
the knowledge of the king or the duke of
Burgundy, and hastened to his brother the
duke of Orleans, at Blois, to whom he related.
all the extraordinary events that had passed.
in Paris, as well in the hotel of the king as
in that of the dauphin, and elsewhere, to the
great displeasure of the duke of Orleans.
The duke of Burgundy was much vexed.
at the departure of the count de Vertus, for
he had hopes to accomplish the marriage that
had been for some time agreed on between him
and his daughter. Many other noblemen
quitted Paris from fear of the changes that
were taking place, namely, sir James de
166
Chastillon, eldest son to the lord de Dampierre,
the lords de Croy and de Roubaix, Coppin de
la Viefville, master Raoul, head provost of
St Donas at Bruges, Pierre Genstiere, who had
lately been provost of merchants, and many
more. Several were particularly remanded by
the duke of Burgundy, who returned in great
alarm, and not without cause; for of those
who had been imprisoned, many were daily,
without regard to sex, drowned in the Seine,
or miserably put to death, without any form
of law or justice.
On the 26th day of May, the king went to
the parliament, and, at the instance of the duke
of Burgundy and the Parisians, held a royal
sitting, and caused several edicts to be published.
respecting the reformation of abuses. These,
and other regulations for the government of
the kingdom, were sent to the different
bailiwicks, and other usual places, for
proclamation. One of them was directed
against sir Clugnet de Brabant, who in
company with other captains had assembled
in great force on the river Loire, to be ready
to march to Paris,—the tenour of which was
as follows.
167
¢ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
lieutenant, greeting.—Whereas it has come
to our knowledge, that notwithstanding the
very great oppressions which our subjects
have suffered in various parts of our realm
from the assembling of large bodies of men at
arms, which the princes of our blood, and
other barons, have thought proper, at different
periods, to raise on their own authority,—
there are still several who now continue such
practices, to the great grievance of our faithful
subjects. We have caused to be published
and proclaimed throughout our realm, as well
by messages as by sealed letters, our strict
prohibition of such acts, under very heavy
penalties ; and we have ordered, that none, of
whatever rank he may be, subject or foreigner,
shall have the boldness to raise any men in
future on their own sole authority, whether by
way of companies or otherwise, without our
special orders, or in obedience to our summons
to come to serve us.
« Several of our kindred, however, contrary
to these our orders, and in opposition to the
treaty of peace lately concluded at Auxerre by
168
us; to put an end to dissentions which had
arisen in our family, and which they solemnly
swore to observe, are now preparing to assemble
large bodies of men at arms without any
authority or licence from us, and to unite
them with a numerous army of English and
foreigners, to carry into effect their damnable
purposes, which they have plotted against —
us and our government, according to the
information we have received.
‘ We have been repeatedly assured that
they are favoured and supported by many in
an underhand manner; and to force others to
join them, they harrass and despoil all who
have served us, more especially those who
assisted us in our late expedition to Bourges,
when we considered them as enemies of the
state, and marched thither with the intent of
correcting them sufficiently for their outrageous
conduct. |
‘ They at this moment, as we have had
sufficient information, commit every sort of
violence, by killing our subjects, violating
damsels, setting fire to houses and villages,
and despoiling churches, and many other.
atrocious crimes, such as the bitterest enemies
169
of the country would commit, and which are
such bad examples that they must not longer
be suffered.
‘ In consequence, therefore, of the
Jamentations and heavy complaints that have
been made to us, we are resolved to remedy
these grievances, which are so highly displeasing
to us, in the most effectual manner: we therefore
most expressly enjoin and command you, by
these presents, that you instantly make public
proclamation, by sound of trumpet, of this our
prohibition, for any knight, esquire, or others
accustomed to bear arms, of whatever rank
they may be,—and we order them, on pain of
our severest anger, and on the loyalty they owe
us, not to arm themselves, nor to join any
bodies that may have assembled in arms within
our kingdom without our especial authority,
nor to obey the summons of any one related to
our person or not, on any occasion whatever,
unless they be particularly ordered by us to join
them for the good of our service.
‘ All whom you shall hear of having
such intentions, you will command, in our
name, to desist, and peaceably to return to
their dwellings, or whither else they may
please, without doing any harm to our
170
subjects. Should they refuse to obey your
orders, and persist in their wicked intentions,
you will instantly take possession, in our name,
of all their castles, dwellings and possessions,
causing an exact inventory to be made out,
of the real and annual value, which you will
place in the hands of safe persons to administer
such estates, to render us an exact account of
their amount, and to relinquish them whenever
we may see good. You will also proceed
against them as rebels; for we abandon them
to you to imprison and punish according as
you shall judge expedient.
‘ You will likewise, should they have
quitted their dwellings, pursue them by every
means in your power, shutting them out from
all towns, and depriving them of provisions,
and harrassing them in every way deserving
of their disobedience, and to serve as an example
to others.
‘ It is not, however, our intention that
such of the princes of our blood as are now
near our person, and in our service, should be
prevented from ordering their vassals to come
to them, or frem employing them for our
Welfare, as they shall specify in their summons;
but they must not, on their march, live on the
17?
country, or despoil the inhabitants. Should
any of them do the contrary, we command
you to proceed against them as against the
aforesaid ; and you will inflict on them such.
punishments as their demerits require, without
paying regard to any letters of protection they
may show to you.
‘ To enable you to execute these our
orders, we give you full authority to call upon
and assemble all our vassals and subjects to
your aid, and as many as you shall think
necessary for the occasion, and to lead them
to any parts of your bailiwick where you shall
hear of any robberies or other rebellious acts
being done. And we strictly enjoin, by these
presents, all our vassals and subjects, on the
faith and loyalty they owe us, and under pain of
corporal punishment and confiscation of goods,
to obey your orders, and to assist you heartily
to accomplish the above commands.
‘ That no one may pretend ignorance
of them, you will cause these presents to be
proclaimed in all the different parts of your
bailiwick, or wherever else you shall judge
proper. We also command all our officers of
Justice, and others having authority under us,
and we entreat all our friends and wellwishers,
172
to aid and support you on this service, and
diligently to keep up a good understanding
with you thereon, and to show you every
favour, even allowing their dwellings to be
turned into prisons, should the exigency of
any case require it,—for we delegate to you
full and complete authority, notwithstanding
any opposition or appeal made to the contrary.
Given at Paris the 6th day of June, in the year
of Grace 1413, and of our reign the 33d.’
Then signed by the king, on the report of
_ his council,—at which were present my lords of
Berry, Burgundy, the constable, the chancellor
of Burgundy, Charles de Savoisy, Anthony de
Craon, the lords de Viefville, de Montberon,
Cambrilach, d’Allegrez, and many others,—
“2. Naucron.
This edict was sent to the different.
bailiwicks and seneschalships in the kingdom
of France, and proclaimed in the usual
places. |
4178
CHAP. XXI1.
KING LADISLAUS OF NAPLES ENTERS ROME
WITH A POWERFUL ARMY.——THE DEATH
OF SIR JAMES DE LA RIVIERE.—THE
DISMISSION OF THE CHANCELLOR,—-—-AND
OTHER MATTERS.
Tirs year, Ladislaus king of Naples and
Sicily, at the instigation of some false and
disloyal traitors, marched a very large army
to Rome, which he entered without resistance,
and began to pillage the whole of it,—at the
same time making prisoners the most powerful
and rich citizens, who were forced to ransom
themselves by paying heavy sums of money.
Pope John and his cardinals, witnessing
these transactions, took flight in the utmost
fear, and escaped from castle to castle, until
they at length reached Bologna, where the
pope fixed his court. The greater part of
their estates were despoiled by this army of
{Ladislaus, who for a long time reigned in
Rome; and when, in consequence of certain
accommodations, -he departed, he carried
i74
away many precious jewels from the churches
and palaces.
Sir James de la Riviere, brother to the
count de Dampmartin, was taken prisoner
with the duke of Bar, in the hétel of the
duke of Acquitaine, and carried to the
palace-prison, where it was reported, that
from indignation at this treatment, he had
struck himself so roughly with a pewter-pot
on the head as to beat his brains out. His
body was thence carried in a cart to the
market-place of Paris, and beheaded.
But the truth was otherwise; for sir
Elion de Jacqueville, knight to the duke of
Burgundy, visiting him in prison, high words
passed between them, and he called him a false
traitor. Sir James replied, that he lied, for that
he was none such,—when Jacqueville, enraged,
struck him so severe a blow on the head with
a light battle-axe which he had in his hand that
he killed him. He then spread abroad this
rumour of his having put an end to his life
himself by means of a pewter pot, which was
propagated by others through the town, and
believed by very many.
Shortly after this event, Mesnil Berry,
carver to the duke of Acquitaine, and a native
f
V5
of Normandy, was led to the market-place,
and there beheaded. His head and that of
sir James de la Riviere were affixed to two
lances, and their bodies hung by the shoulders
on the gibbet of Montfaucon.
On the Thursday in Whitsun-week,
Thomelin de Brie, who had been page to
the king, was, with two others, taken from
the prison of the Chatelet to the market-place,
and beheaded: their heads were fixed on three
spears, and their bodies hung at Montfaucon
by the shoulders. These executions took place
at the request of the Parisians.
And because sir Reginald * de Corbie,
a native of Beauvais, though an old and
discreet man, was not agreeable to them, he
was dismissed from his office of chancellor of
France, and sir Eustache de Lactre+, at the
solicitation of the duke of Burgundy, appointed
to succeed him.
On Tuesday, the 20th of June, Philip
count de Nevers espoused, at the castle of
* Called ‘ Ernault’ a little after, which agrees with
Moreri’s Arnoid.— See ante, p. 14, note.
+ In Moreri’s list, Henry de Marle succeeds Arnauld
de Corbie in 1413, and is succecded by Eustache de Laitre
in 1418,
176
Beaumont, the sister of the count d’Eu, in
the presence of the duchess of: Bourbon, her
mother, and the damsel of Dreux, who had
been principally instrumental in forming this
martiage.
After the festivities of the wedding, the
new-married couple were conducted by the
duchess of Bourbon and the damsel of Dreux
to Maizieres, on the Meuse, which belonged to
the count de Nevers. The count d’Eu, who
had been of the party, soon after returned to
his county, where he collected a large body of
men at arms, to the amount of two thousand
combatants, under the pretext of making war
on the lord de Croy, in revenge for an attack
made upon him some time since, as has been
mentioned, by his eldest son sir John de Croy ;
but it was not so, for he marched his army
across the Seine at Pont-de-l’Arche, and
thence to Verneuil in Perche, where were
assembled king Louis of Sicily, the dukes of
Orleans, Brittany, and Bourbon, the counts
de Vertus and d’Alengon, with many other
great barons, lords, and knights, not only on
account of the imprisonment of the dukes of
Bar and of Bavaria, or of the other prisoners, but
for the deliverance of the duke of Acquitaine,
177
*vho had informed them by letters, which had
been confirmed by the count de Vertus, that
he himself, the king, and the queen were kept
as prisoners under the control of the Parisians,
and that they were not allowed any liberty,
which was highly displeasing to them, and
disgraceful to royalty.
This had caused so large an assembly
of these great lords, who, after mature
consideration, wrote letters to the king, to
his great council, and to the Parisians, desiring
them to allow the duke of Acquitaine to go
whithersoever he pleased, and to set at liberty
the dukes of Bar and of Bavaria, and all other
prisoners. Should they refuse to comply, they
declared war against the town of Paris, which
they would destroy to the utmost of their power,
and all within it, except the king and such of
his royal blood as may have therein remained.
With regard to those that had becn murdered,
they said nothing of them; for as they were
dead, they could not have them back.
These letters were laid before the king
in council, where it was determined to send
ambassadors to these lords to negotiate a peace,
who were kindly received by them.
VOL. III. N
$78
On Saturday, the Ist day of July, after
his trial had been concluded, sir Peter des
Essars, lately provost of Paris, and son to
the late Philippe des Essars, a citizen of that
town, was beheaded in the market-place, his
head fixed on the market-house, and his body
hung at Montfaucon in the usual manner. His
brother, sir Anthony, was in great danger of
being also executed; but through the activity
of some friends, a delay of his trial was procured,
and he afterward obtained his full liberty.
In these days, as the king was in good
health, he went to the cathedral of Paris to
say his prayers and hear mass. When it was
over, he visited the holy relics: he departed
and returned to his hétel, accompanied by the
duke of Burgundy and the constable of France,
and followed by crowds of people who had
assembled to see him.
On the morrow, the 6th of July, it was
ordered in the king’s council, presided by the
duke of Acquitaine, that John de Moreul,
knight to the duke of Burgundy, should be
the bearer of letters and royal summons to the
two bailiwicks of Amiens and of Vermandois,
and to all the provostships within them. He.
was commanded to assemble all the prelates,
179
Counsellors and magistrates of these districts;
and then, in full meeting, to read aloud these
letters from the king, sealed with his great seal,
and dated this 6th day of July. Countersigned;
« John Millet,’ according to the resolution of
council, at which had been present the duke
of Burgundy, the constable of France, the
chancellor of Acquitaine, the chancellor of
Burgundy, and several others.
‘These letters contained, in substance, an
exhortation that they would remain steady and
loyal in their duty to the king, and be ready
to serve him or the dauphin whenever and
wherever they should be summoned to march
against the enemies of the kingdom and the
public weal; that they should place confidence
in his knight, counsellor and chamberlain, sir
John de Moreul, according to the instructions
given him under the king’s privy seal, which,
he was to show and give them to read.
When he had visited many towns and
provostships in these bailiwicks, he came on
Monday, the 16th day of July, from Dourlens
to Amiens, and there, in the presence of the
nobles, prelates, and principal inhabitants of
the great towns within the district, he read his
letters and instructions with a clear and loud
AY oD
|
180
voice, for hé was a man of great eloquence.
He explained how much the peace and union
of the kingdom had been and was troubled ;
how the trials of those who had been beheaded
at Paris were carried on before a sufficient
number of able and honest men, as_ well
knights as advocates of the parliament, and
other lords and discreet men, who had been
nominated for this purpose by the king ; and
how sir James de la Riviere, in despair, had
killed himself with a pewter pot in which he
had had wine, as well as the manner in which
he had done it.
The charges which were brought against
those who had been beheaded occupied each
sixty sheets of paper,—and he assured them,
that good and impartial justice had been
administered to all who had been executed,
without favour or hatred having any concern
in their just sentences. He asserted, that the
duke of Acquitaine had never written such
letters to the princes of the Orleans-party as
they had published; and he concluded,—
* Know then, all ye present, that what I have
just been saying are notorious truths.’
After this, he asked whether they were
Joyal and obedient to the king, and desired
18}
they would tell him their intentions. The
nobles and prelates, and the rest of the
assembly, instantly replied, that they had
always been obedient to the king, and were
ready to serve him, believing that he had told
them the truth. In confirmation of this, he
required letters from the provost, with which
he returned to Paris. |
In like manner were other knights sent,
in the king’s name, with similar letters and
instructions to the different bailiwicks and
seneschalships within the realm, who, being
equally successful, returned with letters of the
same import.
While these things were passing, the
English appeared off the coast of Normandy
with a large fleet of ships, and landed at the
town of Treport, where having plundered all
they could find, and made some prisoners, they
set fire to it, and burnt the town and monastery,
and also some of the adjoining villages. When
they had remained about twenty-two hours on
shore, they re-embarked and made sail for
I¢ngland with their booty.
18y
CHAP. XXII.
THE AMBASSADORS FROM THE KING OP
FRANCE RETURN WITH THOSE FROM THE
PRINCES TO PARIS.—THEY ARE JOINED BY
OTHERS, WHO NEGOTIATE A FOURTH PEACE
AT PONTOISE.
Ow Wednesday, the 12th day of July, the
ambassadors whom the king and the dukes
of Acquitaine, Berry, and Burgundy, had sent
to the princes of the blood, namely, the bishop
of Tournay, the grand master of Rhodes, the
lords d’Offemont and de la Viefville, master
Peter de Marigny, and some others, returned
from their embassy. The answer they had
brought having been soon after considered in
council, the king ordered the dukes of Berry
and Burgundy to go with the aforesaid
ambassadors to Pontoise, when the king of
Sicily, the dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon,
the counts d’Alencon and d’Eu came to
Vernon, and thence sent their ambassadors
to Pontoise, to explain to the dukes of Berry
and Burgundy, and the other ambassadors, the
causes of their griefs, and the great miseries
183
that must ensue should the war take place thag
was on the point of breaking out.
One of their ambassadors harangued well
in clear and good French on the above subjects :
the substance of what he said was as follows,
‘ To explain what has been intrusted to us
by our lords, namely, the king of Sicily, the
dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon, the counts
d’Alencon and d’Eu, to you, my very redoubted
lords of Berry and Burgundy, and to the °
gentlemen of the great council of the king
and of my lord of Acquitaine, now in their
company, since it becomes me to speak the
words of peace, trusting in Him who is the
sole Author of peace, and in the good will of
my hearers, I shall take my text from the 33d
Psalm, ¢ Oculi mei semper ad Dominum;’
that is to say, My eyes are always turned to
the Lord; and continue my discourse from
what the wise Plato says, among other notable
things, that all princes or others intrusted with
the affairs of government should obey the
commands of their sovereign in all they shall
do for the public welfare, laying aside every
private consideration for their own advantage,
and regard themselves as part of a wiuole, the
184
smallest member of which being wounded, the
effect is felt by the head or chief lord.
‘ I consider, therefore, the kingdom of
France as a body, of which our sovereign
lord the king is the head, and his subjects the
members. But in what degree shali I place
my lords the princes who have sent us hither,
or you, my lords, who hear me? for we know
of no other head but our sovereign lord.—
J can neither liken you to the head nor to the
aforementioned members, on account of your
rank; but I think I may compare you to the
members nearest to the head, for among them
may be counted the eyes, which are of ihe
greatest use toit. I shall consequently com:pare
you to the eyes, and for three singularly good
reasons.
‘ First, the eyes ought to be well placed
and formed alike; for should one be placed
differently trom the other, half closed or awry,
the whole person 1s disgraced and acquires the
name of Blind or Squinter. Now, it seems
to me, that as my lords who have sent us,
and you, my lords, who hear me, have persons
handsomely made, you ought to be of one mind,
and tending towards good ; for you have eyes
185
of a clear understanding, and of real affection,
* Oculi sapientis in capite ejus.’
« Secondly, the eyes are the most striking
parts of the human body, and have a full view
over every part of it, as the prophet Ezekiel
says, in his 33d chapter, ‘ Speculatorem dedi
te domui Israel.’ Just so are our princes of
the blood, for from their sinvular and strong
affection to their sovereign lord and_ his
kingdom, they constantly watch over and
guard him.
‘ Thirdly, from the nobleness of the eye,
wich 49) -Of a circular storm, and of such
sensibility that when any other member of the
body is hurt, or struck with griei, 1t weeps, as
the prophet Jeremiah says in the 19th chapter,
‘ Plorans, plorabit, et educet oculus meus
lachrimam quia captus est grex Domini.’ In
like manner Valerrus Maximus relates, in his
8th book, that when Marcellus the tyrant saw
his city despoiled by the enemy, who had taken
it by storm, he could not refrain froin weeping,
which was becommg a real eye. Certainly it
ought to bewail the pain of its members, as
Codrus, duke of Athens, did, who caused
himself to be slain to gain a victory over his
cne:mes, as is related by Julius Frontinus, and
186
this same Valerius Maximus in his 8th book.
And because all our lords are and ought to be
of the same stamp, I have compared them
thereto by saying, ‘ Oculi mei semper ad
Dominum.’
‘ As for me, being the spokesman of those
who have been charged to come hither by our
lords, we do not think of comparing ourselves
to eyes, but solely to the very humble servants
of the eve, being no greater parts of the
members than the nail on the little finger,
ready at the calls of our superiors; and from
their commands have we been led to speak of
such high concerns, which was matter of great
grievance to us; but it is for the sake of peace,
and in obedience to the eye, ‘ Oculi mei semper
ad Dominum;’ for in all times, every one should
obey his lord, more especially when he is in
adversity,—as Tully says in his treatise on
Friendship,—Come to thy friend in prosperity,
when he calls thee; but when he shall be in
adversity, wait not to be called. I apply this
to all landholders who are not the unmediate
ministers of a king, or of the Lord, according
to the apostle St Peter, who says in his second
chapter, ‘ Submit yourselves to every ordinance
of man for the Lord’s sake, whether it be to
187
_the king as supreme,’ &c. And again, ¢ Be
obedient in the fear of our Lord, not only to
the good and just but to the ignorant.’ Thus
may every one repeat the text I have chosen,
‘ Oculi mei semper ad Dominum.’
‘ Notwithstanding my lords who have
sent us hither having the eyes of clear
understanding, and affected with a true love
to their sovereign as the head of the whole
body of this Christian kingdom, are fearful
that what Isaiah says in his 8th chapter may
be applied to them ; ‘ Speculatores ejus cxci
omnes ;’ and that they may be said to resemble
the hog who devours the fruit that falls from
the tree, without ever looking up. to the tree
whence it falls. | Nevertheless, they having
considered the events that have lately taken
place in Paris, are full of grief lest the whole
body of the kingdom should consequently suffer
such destruction as, from its continuation, may
be mortal to it, which God, out of his gracious
mercy, avert!
‘ In the first place, they have heard of the
arrests and executions of the servants of the
king, queen and duke of Acquitaine, to whom
alone belongs the cognizance of: any offences
committed by them, and to none others.
t88
They have also been informed that the samé
conduct has been followed in regard to the
ladies and damsels of the queen and the
duchess of Acquitaine, which things, from
honour to the queen their mistress, as well as
for the respect due to the female sex and to
modesty, ought not to have been done.
‘ The laws declare and command, under
heavy penalties, that modest women shall not
be publicly handled; and the honour of their
families would seem to assure them of not
being so treated, for which they make loud
lamentations.
‘ Notwithstanding that the cognizance of
any crime committed by a prince of the royal
blood belongs solely to the king, the duke of
Bar has been imprisoned, who is cousin-german
to the king our lord, which causes much sorrow
to our lords, more particularly to the king and
queen of Sicily (who 1s his niece), who loudly
cry out for his deliverance, as well as for that
of duke Louis of Bavaria, brother to the
queen. They are more hurt at the form and
manner in which they were arrested; for,
according to what has been teld them, they
were seized by those who were not king’s
officers, nor had any authority for so doing
189
from him, but merely by a mob of common
people, who forcibly broke down the doors
of the king’s and the duke of Acquitaine’s
apartments, saying to the latter many rude
and impudent things, which, as is reported,
have greatly displeased him; and they are
particularly anxious to know why such
disgraceful acts were done, as they are
lgnorant what could have caused them.
‘ Could any just reasons be alledged, they
would not be so much astonished as they now
are. But to coutinue: it has been told them
that my lord is even deprived of his liberty,
and that he cannot leave his hétel, or at least
that he is not suffered to go out of Paris; and
that no one of his kindred, or of any high
rank, are suffered to converse with him, but
only those who guard him, as is done to
common prisoners in many cases. ‘This is
matter of as serious grief to him and to
my said lords, thus to be deprived of the
conversation and sight of their sovereign lord
on earth, as it would be to be debarred the
vision of God in another life.
‘Item, they complain, that since these
events letters have becn sent by the town of
Paris to the aforesaid lords, and to others,
ios
and also to the chief towns in the kingdoriy
to declare that these arrests, imprisonments
and executions, have taken place with the
approbation of the duke of Acquitaine. They
therefore lament such letters being sent, for
none but the princes of the blood ought
to be made acquainted with the acts of
government, or with such charges as are
made against different lords. There was,
beside, no pretence for these letters, for no one
had ever interfered with the government of the
duke of Acquitaine; and it should seem to
have been done solely with a view to inflame
and instigate the people to some acts prejudicial
to the king, to my lord of Acquitaine, his
whole family, and even against these lords
now present.
‘ They also complain, that through the
importunity of these same Parisians, orders
have been sent to their barons, knights,
esquires and vassais, not to obey any summons
they may receive from them, but to remain at
home until the constable, or some other of the
lords within Paris, shall send for them; and at
this grievance they feel very indignant, for they
have never done any thing, or had intentions
of so acting, as to deserve to be deprived of the
491
service of their vassals; and when the king
should have occasion for them, they should
have served in their company, &c.
‘ Item, they likewise complain of many
expressions, and other orders, by which several
officers take possession of castles and forts, and
place in them new governors, dismissing very
able captains, noble and valiant knights, who
have loyally served their whole life without
reproach, and still intend to serve the king.
‘ These things are very unusual and
extraordinary, and create much uneasiness, by
the bad example they afford as well to the
head as the other members, to the producing
of subversion and total ruin. This good
kingdom has long been prosperously governed,
chiefly by its regular police and strict justice,
which are founded on three things, and have
caused it to excel all other kingdoms.
‘ First, by its great learning, by which the
Christian faith has been defended, and justice
and equity maintained.
‘ Secondly, by its noble and gallant
chivalry, by which not only this kingdom,
but the whole of the faith has been supported
and encouraged.
192
© Thirdly, by the numbers of loyal subjects;
who, by their subordination and obedience, have
given strength to the government.
‘ But now these three things, by the present
perverse mode of acting, will be completely
overturned ; for all seems running to disorder,
and one fills an office suited to another, so that
the feet which ought to support the body, head
and arms, now want totake the place of the head,
and thus every thing will fall into confusion,
and all the members quit the situations they
were naturally designed for, as the civil law
says, ‘ Rerum commixtione turbantur officia.’
‘ For these reasons, my lords have sent us
to supplicate the king, the queen, and my lord
of Acquitaine, and to request of you, our very
dear and redoubted lords, and of you gentlemen
of the great council of the king and the duke
of Acquitaine now present, that each of you
would, according to the exigence of the case,
apply a sufficient remedy. It seems to my
lords, that, according to the opinion of
physicians, abstinence is the grand preservative
of the body natural from sickness: we therefore
pray you, that all such acts as have lately taken
place may be put an erd to, and that all
193
éxtraordinary commissions miay. cease, : that,
honour and justice may have due attention
paid to them, and that liberty and the
accustomed prerogatives be restored to the
king and the duke of Acquitaine, as to the
eyes of justice ; and that they may be preserved,
from all offence from churchmen, nobility, and.
people, as the body, the arms, and the legs are
bound to guard and defend the head,—for this
will be the only and secure means of establishing
peace, and as the Psalmist says, ‘ Quia justicia
et pax osculatz sunt.’
‘ St Augustin declares, that every one
wishes for Peace in his house; but Justice, who
is her sister, lodges in the house of another ;
and all who wish for true Peace must have
also her sister Justice. Should any one say,
that abstinence would be dangerous from fear
of two different things, such as war and
rigorous justice, we reply, in the name of our
lords, that they will eschew both to the utmost
of their power, and will employ themselves
heartily in following this abstinence, and in
the expulsion of all such men at arms as shall
injure the country by every means they can
mse.
VOL, III. °
194
¢ In regard to rigorous justice, they intend
to follow in this the manner of all princes,
keeping in mind the sentence of Plato, that
when a prince is cruel to the commonwealth,
he resembles the guardian who unwisely chastises
his ward, whom he had undertaken to watch
over and defend. They will carefully imitate
the conduct of their predecessors of the
most noble house of France, who have
been accustomed to show nothing but good
humour and kindness, laying aside all rancour
against the good city of Paris, and all other
towns that may have been guilty of improper
acts; and they supplicate the king, the queen,
and my lord of Acquitaine, that an entire
oblivion may be passed over what may have
been done on one side as well as on the other.
‘ My lords are particularly desirous that
the king, the queen, and the duke of Acquitaine
should have full liberty to make their residence
at Rouen, Chartres, Melun, Montargis, or at
any other place more suitable than Paris, for
their loyal subjects to have access to them ; not
through any malevolence toward this town, or
against its mhabitants, but to avoid any sort of
riot that might take place between their servants
and some of the citizens.
495
* And I beg the lords now present. to
consider on the most secure means for the
meeting of my lords with their majesties and
the duke of Acquitaine, and to obviate all
pretence of suspicion or alarm, when my lords
shall attend at any proper place to provide for
the better government of the kmgdom, and for
the establishment of a solid peace. Let this
matter be weil weighed, for our lords and.
ourselves dre perfectly well inclined to attend
to the honour and advantage of the head and
of all its members.
‘ Should I have said too little, my lords
and companions will be eager to amend it;
and should [ have said too much, or any
thing that may have angered any of my lords
here present, they will be pleased to attribute
it to my simplicity and ignorance, and to the
strong affection I bear to the king, and my
earnestness that a, firm and lasting peace may
be concluded. [ am naturally bound to this
by my oath of fidelity, and also from the anxiety
my lord the king of Sicily has to promote this
desirable end. Should [ therefore have said
more than was necessary, you will not of course
attribute it to any rashness, or disaffection that
A may feel; for such has never entered my
O02
196
thoughts, or those of my lord of Sieily or his
companions.’
After this, several propositions for peacé
were made on each side, that tranquillity might
be restored to the kingdom, and an end put
to the present disorders. Some articles were
drawn up, of the following tenour.
© First, there shall be perfect union and
love between the princes of the blood, which
they will keep, and swear to observe, like
affectionate relatives and friends, and shall
mutually interchange letters to this purpose;
and, for a greater confirmation of the above,
the principal officers and servants of each lord.
shall do the same. '
‘ Item, the princes of the blood who have
sent ambassadors will cease from all acts of
warfare, and will not summon any more men
at arms; and if any summonses should have
been issued, they will instantly annul them.
‘ Item, they will do every thing in their
power to recal those who form the companies
of Clugnet, Louis Bourdon, and others their
adherents, by every possible means. Should
these companies refuse to comply, these lords
would then unite themselves with the king’s
forces, and compel them to obedience, er
197
destroy them, and all others the king’s enemies,
who might wage war against him or his
kingdom.
‘ Item, they will promise that they ai
not bear any malice or revenge for whatever,
things may have been done in the city of Paris,
nor do by themselves or others any mischief to,
that town, or its inhabitants, under pretext of
justice, or any other cause whatever; and
should any security be required for the
observance of this article, they shall suffer it
to be given, and even afford every assistance
thereto to the utmost of their power.
‘ tem, these princes will make oath upon
the true cross of God, on the holy evangelists,
and on the word of honour of a prince, that
they will strictly observe every article of this
treaty, without any fraud or subterfuge, and
will give to the king letters containing the
above oath, signed with their seals.
‘ Item, on the accomplishment of the
above, the ambassadors from the aforesaid
princes require, that the king would be pleased
to annul and revoke all his summonses for
assembling men at arms, and order all warfare
to cease in the realm, except against the above
mentioned companies,
198
“© © Item, he will also revoke all ordets lately
wsued, to take possession of different castles
and forts, and to dismiss from them the
governors appointed by the princes, placing
others in their room; and all such castles and:
forts shall be delivered up in the same state in:
Which they were taken possession of ; and. after:
a certain time, all who for any act by them
committed, in opposition to the king’s ministers,
may have been imprisoned or banished, shall
have their liberties, and be recalled home; and
this shall take place in the course of the king’s
ordinary justicé, without any commissioners
being appointed, or interfering therein. ,
‘ Item, when all these things shall have
been done, the king, the queen, and my lord of
Acquitaine shall, on an appointed day, come
out of Paris to a fixed place of meeting, where
the princes of either party shall meet, to
confirm the good union among them, and to
advise on the necessary business for the welfare
of the king and his realm; and should any
one suspect that these princes, or any of their
party, have the mtention of instigating the
king, the queen, or my lord of Acquitaine, to
take vengeance on the town of Paris, or, in
revenge to any of its inhabitants, seize on the
199
- government, or to carry off the king and my
lord of Acquitaine, or that this meeting was
proposed with any evil design, they are willing
to give whatever security may be thought
advisable.’ :
These propositions having been reduced,
to writing, and agreed to by the different lords
who had been commissioned for that purpose,
each party returned to the places they had come
from. The dukes of Berry and Burgundy, with
their companions, reported to the king the
points of their embassy, as contained in the
memorial which had been drawn up for the
good of the kingdom. ;
When this matter had been well considered,
in a council to which the members of the
university and of the municipality of Paris had
been admitted, it was agreed on by the king
and the duke of Acquitaine, that what had
been settled by the commissioners on each side
should be confirmed. In consequence, various
ordinances were drawn up, to be transmitted to
the bailiwicks and seneschalships in the realm,
in order to their promulgation at the usual
places, of which copies follow underneath.
During this melancholy time, Clugnet de
Brabant, sir Louis de Bourden, and other
200
captains of that party, advanced with sixteen
thousand combatants, wasting and despoiling
the country of the GAtinois, and giving out
that they were on their march to make war on
the Parisians. These latter were much angered
thereat, and dispatched sir Elyon de Jacqueville
with sixteen hundred helmets, and a large body
of other combatants, to meet them as far as
Montereau-faut-Yonne; but the two armies
did not meet,—and that of the Parisians was
disbanded without fighting.
At this time, the constable and admiral
of France were, with the bishop of Tournay,
sent by the king to Boulogne-sur-mer, to meet
ambassadors from the king of England, namely,
the earl of Warwick, the bishop of St Davids
and others, who had arrived at Calais. “They
met at Leulinghen, and, after some negotiations,
agreed on a truce between the two kingdoms,
to last until the ensuing Easter, which was
proclaimed throughout both realms.
Here follows a copy of those royal
ordinances before mentioned.
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, and to each
of the inhabitants of that town, grecting.—We
make known to you, that on account of the
201
improper and.unjust imprisonment of our very
dear and well beloved cousin and brother in
Jaw, the dukes of Bar and of Bavaria, with
other of our officers, as well as of the
households of our dear companion the queen,
and of our well beloved son the duke of
Acquitaine, and other ladies and damsels
attached to them; our very dear cousin and
nephew, the king of Sicily, the duke of
Bourbon, the counts of Alengon and of Eu,
have made heavy complaints, as well respecting
the manner in which these imprisonments were
made, as likewise regarding the disgust which
these events, and others that have taken place
in our good town of Paris, have caused to our
very dear son; and on this occasion the
disaffected princes have lately come to the
‘town of Verneuil, whither we sent, on our
part, properly-instructed ambassadors, and
also with them our very dear uncles the dukes
of Berry and of Burgundy.
‘ Some of the inhabitants of Paris went
by our orders to Pontoise; and our aforesaid
cousin and nephews the king of Sicily, the
dukes of Orleans, of Bourbon, and the counts
d’Alengon and d’Eu, came to the town of
Vernon, and thence sent their ambassadors to
202
. explain‘and signify to our aforesaid uncle and
cousin the dukes of Berry and of Burgundy,
and to our ambassadors, the cause of their
complaints, and to remonstrate on the perils
of the war that would speedily ensue unless
their grievances were redressed.
« These matters having been fully discussed,
proposals of peace and union between all parties
were brought forward to avoid the miseries of
a civil war. Many articles were agreed on:
the first was, that a solid peace should be
established between the princes of the blood
royal, which they were solemnly to swear to
observe, and mutually to exchange deeds to
this effect; but every one was to have the same
liberty as before of declaring his opinion.
¢ The whole of the articles seemed very
reasonable to the members of the university of
Paris and of our court of parliament, as well
as to many of the good citizens of our town of
Paris, who were ready to examine them more
fully, and report their opinion to us on the
‘Thursday following. ®
‘ But notwithstanding this approbation,
there were some of low degree and narrow
minds, who by their own authority had seized
on the government of the city of Paris, and
203
who have been the cause of the war continuing.
so long, in order the better to keep their |
authority. These persons excited some of
the princes of the blood and others to war by
their false machinations, with the hope that
their murders and robberies would remain
unpunished, and that they should escape the
vengeance due to their crimes. In consequence,
by persevering in their wickedness, they practised
so effectually that the meeting which had been
appointed for Thursday was put off to Saturday
the 5th of the month, in the expectation that
they should before that day be enabled, by their
base intrigues, to prevent peace from being
agreed to,—the truth of which, under the
pleasure of God, shall shortly be made public.
But through the grace of God, the university
of Paris, our chambers of parliament and of
accounts, the different religious orders, and
the principal inhabitants of Paris assembled,—
and having many fears of the ill-intentioned
preventing that peace which they most earnestly
wished for, by every attempt to obstruct so great
a blessing as peace and union throughout the
kingdom, came to us at our hétel of St Pol in
the afternoon, and desired an audience for the
purpose of remonstrating on the happy effects
204
that would ensue from the establishment of
peace.
‘ They demonstrated the blessings of
peace and the evils of war, and the necessity
there was for proceeding instantly to the
completion of the articles that had been
agreed to by the ambassadors on each side,—
and demanded, that the Saturday which had
been fixed on should be anticipated, by naming
the ensuing Friday, and that proper regulatious
should be made for the security of the city.
‘ On the Friday, those who were desirous
of peace went to the town-house in the Greve,
thinking to meet their friends, and come with
them to us in our hétel of St Pol; but they
were prevented by those ill inclined to peace,
who, though of low degree, had before come
to our said hotel, and with them some varlets,
all armed under authority of the government
which they had usurped over the city of Paris.
—On this account, therefore, these prudent
wellwishers to peace assembled in the square
of St Germain de |’Auxerrois in Paris, and in
other places, in great numbers and with firm
courage; and though the others did every
thing in their power to throw obstacles in their
way, in all their attempts they were baffled.
205
é This assembly, on breaking up, left
St Germain in regular order, as they had
determined on; and on appearing in our
presence, as well as in the presence of our
son, our uncle and cousins, the dukes of
Acquitaine, Berry, and Burgundy, with others
of our council, a peace was agreed on, and the
articles ordered to be carried into execution.
Punishment was at the same time, to the great
joy of the sober citizens, ordered to be inflicted,
according to reason and justice, on all who had
any way attempted to prevent a peace being
made.
‘ Immediately after this had been done,
and our will declared, our son, our uncle and
our cousin aforesaid, mounted their horses,
and went to set at liberty our cousin and
brother-in-law the dukes of Bar and of
Bavaria, who had for a long time been
confined in the Louvre, and also many other
knights and officers of our own and our son’s
households, who had been imprisoned for
some time in the dungeons of the palace and
of the Chatelet, by force of the aforesaid evil
minded and low persons, who, now perceiving
that good government was likely to be restored,
according to reason and justice, hid themselves
20@
hike foxes, or fled,—and since that time, it has
not been known where they may be found or
arrested.
‘ This inclines us to fear that they may
seduce others to follow their wicked example, —
by their dangerous and false lies, as they have
before done, and that events more pernicious
may ensue than what we have lately experienced,
and which,it concerns every one, through the
grace of Ged, to prevent with all diligence.
‘ This peace is considered as so advantageous
to all parties that the king of Sicily, the dukes
of Orleans, of Bourbon, and the counts of
Alencon and of Eu, have since sent their
ambassadors to Paris, who daily attend to the
due execution of all the articles of it, having
fully approved of it and of every thing that
has been done by us; and the rupture of this
peace at thismoment would cause thedestruction
of us, our kingdom, and of all our faithful and
good subjects.
‘ For this cause, we expressly enjoin and
command you not to give credence to any thing
you may hear to the contrary,—for what we
have assured you above is the real truth,—by
any of these evil-minded persons who are
inimical to the peace, nor to show them any
(209
manner of favour,—but, on the contrary, to
throw them into prison, and send them to us,
that we may inflict such punishment on them
as the heinousness of the case may require.
¢ And you, bailiff, will cause the above to
be proclaimed in all the considerable towns and
villages within your jurisdiction; and you will
- also require from the clergy of the different
churches, collegiate and others, within your
bailiwick, that they do make processions, and
offer up devout prayers to Heaven, for the
effecting of the above peace, and that our
Lord, through his grace, would incline to
make it perpetual. You will also personally
be careful that there be no failing on your
part in the due execution of this our will and
pleasure.
‘ Given at Paris the 12th day of August,
in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign
the 33d.’ Signed by the king and his council,
present the dukes of Acquitaine, of Berry, and of
Burgundy, the marshal Longny. < Ferron.’
Another edict was published by the king
against men at arms and other warriors, and
to secure the people against their inroads, which
was sent to all the bailiwicks and seneschalships
‘ia the kingdom, of the following tenour,
-
. 208
© Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
lieutenant, greeting.
‘ It has come to our knowledge, that
within a short time many men at arms, archers
and cross-bewmen, and other warriors, without
any licence from us given, either by. written
orders or otherwise, have unlawfully assembled,
and continue so to do, in very many places and
towns of our kingdom, with the intent of
marching toward our good city of Paris, and
pillaging and murdering our poor subjects, and
committing other ruinous acts and excesses, by
which our faithful subjects are sorely oppressed,
in addition to what they had before suffered, as
well from the effects of the late war as from the
epidemic disorder and mortality which ensued
IN consequence, causing the country to be
deserted, whence great and irreparable evils
may fall on us and our kingdom, if not speedily
prevented.
‘ We therefore, desirous of guarding and
preserving, to the utmost of our power, our
people from such like plunderings and ill
treatment, as we are bounden so to do,—and
_ beside seeing a probability that the discords
which have taken place between several of our
209
blood and kindred are likely to be put an end
to,—shall use (with God’s good pleasure) every
means in our power to have it accomplished.
‘ We .therefore command and strictly
enjoin you, that on the receipt of this letter,
you lay aside all other business whatever, and
instantly cause our commands to be publicly
proclaimed with a loud voice, and with sound
of trumpet, in such places where proclamations
have been usually made. You will also make
this our pleasure known to ail our captains,
governors, and men at arms within any fort,
castle, or forming any garrisons within your
said bailiwick; and you will strictly enjoin, that
no person shall dare to assemble in arms without
our especial licence first had and obtained, under
pain of corpora] punishment and confiscation of
goods. And should any such assemblies have
taken place within your bailiwick, they must,
on hearing the proclamation of this our pleasure,
instantly disperse, and return to their homes.
¢ Should any bodies of men at arms have
taken possession of a town or fortress within
your district, you will command them, in our
name, lastantly to surrender it to you, and
depart thence; and you will renew the garrison
with such persons as you shall judge expedient,
VOL. IM. v
310
and take the command of such town or fort
yourself, until you shall receive further orders.
Should they refuse to surrender themselves to
you, you will make them your prisoners, and
execute such justice upon them as theircase may
require; and should it seem necessary, you will
employ force against them to reduce them to
obedience, and summon to your aid all the
nobles resident within your bailiwick, taking
care to have a superior force to those you are
about to attack, and keeping it up so long as
you shall judge it right for the maintaining
tranquillity in the country. And we order alf
our nobles, on the fealty they owe to us, to obey
your orders whenever the case shall require it.
‘ Should it happen, that during any
engagements that may take place between
you and our rebellious subjects, any of them
be killed or wounded, we will not that such
murders be prejudicial to any one employed
under your orders, but that they be acquitted
and freed from all pursuits for the same
hereafter, as we grant them our full pardon.
We will likewise, that all arms, horses, or
baggage that may be taken from any of our
rebellious subjects, shall be converted toward
paying the expenses of those who shall have
taken and imprisoned such disobedient rebels.
211
‘ We therefore give full licence and
authority to all our subjects, should they be
constrained to employ force against these
rebels, to seize and hold possession of any
parts of their territories without ever being
called to account hereafter for so doing. And
we especially command all our civil officers
and subjects to afford you every aid’ in their
power, and to obey your commands.
‘ We also direct, that our well-beloved
members of the courts of justice, all masters
of requests, as well of our hotel as of the
parliament, all bailiffs and sergeants, and
every other dependant on the courts of law,
do suspend all processes that may have been
proceeding against any of the nobles employed
in executing our orders, from the day they shall
have set out until fifteen days after their returns
without their suffering any thing prejudicial to
themselves or their possessions, or to those who
may have been securities for them. Should any
such acts have taken place, you will order every
thing to be replaced on the same ground as
before the nobles had sct out on the expedition;
for such is our pleasure, according to the tenour
of this present letter,—a copy of which, under
our royal seal, we shall send you, because the
prZ
4 be
Original cannot be exhibited in all places wher¢
there may be occasion for it; and to this copy
you will give equal credence as to the original
letter.
‘ Given at Paris, the 5th day of August,
in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign
the 33d.’ It was signed by the king in
council,—present the dukes of Acquitaine,
Berry, Burgundy, Bar, the duke Louis of
Bavaria, and others. Countersigned, ‘ Ferron.’
These two edicts were carried to Amiens, and
proclaimed the 20th day of the same month.
CHAP. XSITE:
THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE ORDERS THE
PRISONERS TO BE LIBERATED.—THE DUKE
OF BURGUNDY LEAVES PARIS.—SEVERAL
PRINCES ARRIVE THERE.—THEIR ACTIONS.
Ow the 4th day of September, the duke of
Acquitaine, in consequence of the king’s
commands, caused all the prisoners confined
within the palace to be set at liberty; and,
shortly after, the whole of the furniture of
2I3
John de Troyes, then keeper of the palace,
and who had gone abroad for some private
affairs, was carried out of the same, in pursuance
of the orders of the duke of Acquitaine, by those
Parisians who had usually accompanied him.
His office of keeper of the palace was taken’
away, and restored to him who had _ before
holden it. In like manner were several offices
in Paris restored to their former holders, namely,
to Anthony des Essars, to the two dukes of Bar
and of Bavaria; the former being reinstated in
his government of the Louvre, and the other
in that of the bastille.
When the prisoners had been set at liberty,
the duke of Acquitaine ordered all the bells of
the churches to ring together, and two days
and nights were passed in the utmost joy
and revelling throughout the town, for the
re-establishment of peace, which was a
delightful sight.
The lord de Viefville and sir Charles de
Lens, brother to the chatelain de Lens, were
arrested in the hotel of the duke of Burgundy;
but sir Robinet de Mailly, for fear of being
taken, fled,—and the lord de Vietville, at the
entreaty of the duke of Burgundy and his
daughter, the duchess of Acquitaine, obtained
v14
his liberty. Sir Charles was confined in the
prisons of the Chatelet,—and the other, who
had fled, was banished the realm.
The lord de Jacqueville, during his
absence, was deprived of his government of
Paris; and, hearing of this while he was
at Monterau-faut-Yonne with some of his
principal supporters among the butchers,
they all fled to Burgundy: at the same time,
Jean Caboche, master Jean de Troyes and his
children, with many others of the Parisians,
hastened into Flanders. Master Eustace de
Lactre, the new chancellor of France, fled
like the rest from Paris,—and in his place
Was appointed master Arnold de Corbie, who
had before been chancellor of France, but, at
his own request, on account of his age, had
been deprived of it, when the first president of
the parliament of Paris was nominated in his
stead. Master John Jouemel, king’s advocate,
was made chancellor of Acquitaine.
Very many knights, particularly those
who had been appointed commissioners to
try the late prisoners, quitted Paris; and the
duke of Burgundy, observing the conduct of
his son-in-law the duke of Acquitaine, began
to be apprehensive that he was not well pleased
215
with his former conduct, and that he would
remember the outrages which had _ been
committed personally against him, as well
in his hotel as elsewhere, as has been before
related, and would have him arrested. He
daily saw the most faithful of his adherents
quit Paris privately, and without taking leave
of him: some of them were even made
prisoners,—and he was told that there had
been guards placed round his hétel of Artois,
and that great numbers of those who had been
enemies to the duke of Acquitaine were now
reconciled to him.
To prevent any dangerous consequences,
and to avoid the perils that might ensue, he
prevailed on the king to hunt in the forest
of Ville-neuve. The lord de St George
accompanied him,—and when he found the
opportunity favourable, he took leave of the
king, saying, that he had received such
intelligence from Flanders as would force
him to return thither instantiy, on account
of the important business which he would
have to transact. On saying this, he set off,
and passed the wood ot Bondis in much fear:
he continued his road without stopping, and
attended by a small company, to St Maixence,
216
where he lay that night. On the morrow, very
early, the lord de Ront came thither to meet
him, with two hundred men at arms, and
thence escorted him in a few days to Lille in
Flanders.
When his departure was known, the
Parisians and others attached to the Orleans
party began loudly to murmur against him,
saying that he had fled for fear of being arrested.
Those of his party who had remained in Paris
were in great alarm; for daily some of them
were imprisoned, and summary justice done
upon them. Even the two nephews of Jean
Caboche were executed, after having been fur
some time dragged through the streets; and
the host of the hdtel of the ‘ huis de fer,’
named Jean de Troyes, cousin-german to
master Jean de Troyes, the surgeon, of
whom mention has been made, sutftered in
like manner.
In respect to the queen, the dukes of
Acquitaine, Berry, Bar and Bavaria, they
were perfectly pleased and happy that the
duke of Burgundy had quitted Paris, as were
many of the great lords: in short, the whole
town was now turned against him both in
words and deeds.
237
It was not long before the dukes of Orleans
and of Bourbon, the countsd’ Alencgon, de Vertus,
d’Eu, de Vaudemont and de Dammartin, the
archbishop of Sens, friar Jacques le Grand, and
the borgne Foucault, came in handsome array
to Paris; and the dukes of Berry, Bar and
Bavaria, the bishop of Paris, with many nobles
and citizens, went out on horseback to meet
them, and escorted them, with every sign of
joy, to the palace, where the king, the queen,
and the duke of Acquitaine were waiting to
receive them.
Their reception by the royal family was
very gracious, and they all supped at the
palace, after which they retired to their
different hétels in the town. On the morrow,
the lord Charles d’Albreth came to Paris,
when the office of constable was instantly
restored tohim. On the 8th day of September
following, the king, at the instance of the
aforesaid lords, held a grand council in the
usual chamber of parliament, and issued
the following edict, which was proclaimed
throughout his realm.
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
Hrance, to all to whom these presents shall
come, greeting.
218
¢ Whereas, during the discords and
dissensions that took place between several
of our blood and kindred, many damnable
falsehoods have been reported to us; under
pretext of which our council have been very
much constrained, and our city of Paris did
not enjoy its usual freedom, and ourself was
not advised so loyally as we ought to have
been for the honour and general welfare of the
public, as it has since appeared, for several acts
have been done that were partial and irregular.
Others of our subjects were under the greatest
alarm (and this happened to some of tried
courage), for they saw that those were in
danger of losing every thing dear to them
who should utter the truth. In fact, several
of our prelates, nobles, and members of our
council were wrongfully arrested, robbed of
their wealth, and forced to pay ransoms for
their liberty, which caused many of our
wellwishers to absent themselves from our
council, and even to fly from Paris.
‘ Many letters patent were unjustly and
damnably obtained in our name, sealed with
our seal, and sent to our sovereign father, the
head of Christian princes, at the holy college
of Rome, and to other monarchs, declaring
219
that these letters were sent with our full
knowledge and approbation.
‘ We have lately been well informed from
papers that have been discovered, and_ laid
before us in council, of a fact of which indeed
we had our suspicions, that envy and malice
were the grounds on which our uncle John de
Berry, our nephews Charles of Orleans and his
brothers, John de Bourbon, John d’Alengon,
Charles d’Albreth, our cousins, and Bernard
d’Armagnac, with their: accomplices and
supporters, were charged with the wicked
and treasonable design of depriving us and all
our descendants of our royal authority, and
expelling us our kingdom, which God forbid!
and also with the design of making a new
king of France, which is an abominable thing
to hear of, and must be painful even in the
recital to the hearts of all our loyal subjects.
In regard, therefore, to such charges, those
who have made them are gui!ty of iniquitously
imposing upon us, and are culpable of enormous
crimes as well treasonable as otherwise.
‘ Very many defamatory libels have been
written and affixed to the doors of churches,
as well as distributed to several persons, and
published in different places, to the great
220
-dishonour and contempt of some of thé
highest of our blood, such as our very
dear and well-beloved son, our well-beloved
nephews and cousins, the dukes of Orleans and
of Bourbon, the counts de Vertus, d’Alencon,
d’Armagnac, and d’Albreth, constable of
France, and against other nobles and barons,
our wellwishers, consequently against ourself
and our government.
‘ We, therefore, for these causes, do by
these letters patent give permission to our said
uncle, nephews, cousins, and to their adherents,
to seize on and destroy the lands and property
of all who may have been guilty of the aforesaid
acts, declaring them to have forfeited to us both
their bodies and estates.
‘ We the more readily consent to their
being thus sorely oppressed, because they,
under pretence of an ancient bull which had
been issued against the free companies forty
yearsago, without any permission and authority,
did raise and assemble companies of men at arms
against us and against our realm. “This bull
could not any way reter, as the simple inspection
of it would show, to our said son, uncle, nephew,
or cousins, but was applied to them, through
wicked counsel, without any authority from
221
our said sovereign father the pope, without any
deliberations holden on the subject,—nor was
any suit instituted, as was usual in such cases;
but without any forms of proceeding that
should have been observed, or any preceding
admonitions, they were illegally, through force
and partiality, condemned as excommunicated,
with all their adherents and friends,—which
sentence was, in defiance of truth, publicly
proclaimed throughout our kingdonn.
‘ They were likewise declared traitors and
wicked persons, banished our kingdom, and
deprived of all their possessions and offices.
On this occasion, many injurious reports were
industriously spread abroad against them, and
they were themselves treated with the utmost
inhumanity. Several of them were put to
death without any attention being paid to
their souls, like to outlaws and beasts, without
administration of the sacraments of the holy
church, and then thrown into ditches, or
exposed in the fields, like'dogs, to be devoured
by the birds.
‘ Such acts are damnably wicked and
cruel, more especially among Christians and
true Catholics, and have been done at the
instigation of seditious persons, disturbers of
222
the peace, and illwishers to our said uncle,
nephews and cousins, by means of their
abominable fictions in order to gain their
false and wicked purposes, as we have since
been more fully and truly informed.
‘ We therefore, desirous, as is reasonable,
that such false accusations as have been
brought against those of our blood and their
adherents, should not remain in the state they
are now in, to their great disgrace, and earnestly
wishing that the real truth should be published,
and reparation made for theseillegal proceedings,
make known that we are fully persuaded, from
the information we have received, that our said
uncle, son, nephews, cousins, prelates, barons,
nobles, and others their partisans, have ever
had loyal intentions toward our person, and
have been good relatives and obedient subjects,
such as they ought to be in regard to us,
and that all which has been done has been
treacherously, and wickedly, and surreptitiously
contrived against truth and reason, at the
instances and importunities of these aforesaid
seditious disturbers of the peace, by whom all
letters and edicts, that any way tend to tarnish
their honour, have been procured under false
pretences.
223
© We declare, by these presents, that such
edicts and letters patent have been wrongfully
and surreptitiously issued, and are of no weight,
having been procured by those rebellious
disturbers of the peace, authors of the evils
that have afflicted our city of Paris, and whom
we also declare guilty of high treason.
‘ Being desirous that the truth of these
crimes should be made public, and that all
may be acquainted with the real facts, to
prevent any evil consequences that might
ensue to us and to our realm, were they to
remain in ignorance, as may happen to any
prince who has subjects to govern, we therefore
make known, and assert it for truth, that we
being at our usual residence in Paris, in
company with our very dear and well-beloved
consort the queen, our very dear and well
beloved son the duke of Acquitaine, our uncle
the duke of Berry, with several others of our
kindred, and such of our. servants and
councillors as were accustomed to attend on
us,—it happened that on the 27th day of
April last past, sir Elion de Jacqueville,
Robinet de Mailly, Charles de Recourt, called
de Lens, knights, William Bareau, at that time
@ sccretary, a surgeon, named Jean de Troyes,
QI4t
and his children, Thomas le Goys. and his
children, Garnot de Saint Yon, butcher,
Symon de Coutelier, skinner of calf skins,
Bau de Bordes, Andrieu Roussel, Denisot de
Chaumont, master Eustace de Lactre, master
Pierre Canthon, master Diusque Francois,
master Nicolle de Saint Hilaire, master Jean
Bon, master Nicolle de Quesnoy, Jean Guerin,
Jean Pimorin, Jacques Laban, Guillaume Gente,
Jean Parent, Jacques de Saint Laurent, Jacques
de Rouen, Martin de Neauville, Martin de
Coulonniers, master Toussaints Bangart, master
Jean Rapiot, master Hugues de Verdun, master
Laurens Calot, Jean de Rouen, son to a tripe
woman of Puys Nétre Dame, Jean Maillart,
an old clothes-seller, with many others, their
accomplices, of divers ranks and conditions,
(who had, before this time, held frequent
assemblies, and secret conspiracies in many
places, both in the day and night-time)
appeared in a very large body armed, with
displayed standard, by way of hostility, before
our said residence of Saint Pol, without our
having any knowledge of such their disorderly
intent.
‘ They proceeded thence to the hotel of
cur son the duke of Acquitaine, which they
225
‘vould forcibly enter, and broke open the gates
of it contrary to the will of our said son, his
attendants and servants. Having done this,
they entered his apartment in opposition to
his expostulations and prohibitions; and when
there, they seized by force and violence our
cousin-german the duke of Bar, the chancellor
of our said son, with many other nobles our
chamberlains and counseilors to our son,
and carried them away whithersoever they
pleased : some of them they confined in close
imprisonment, where they detained them so
long as they were able. These excesses raised
the anger of our son.in so violent a degree that
he was in danger of suffering a serious disorder
from it.
‘ The said seditious rebels, persisting in
their wicked courses, came to us in our hotel
of St Pol, when they proposed, or caused to
be proposed, whatever seemed good to them,
positively declaring, however, that they would
have certain persons, whose names were written
down in a small roll, which they had with
them, which persons were then in our company.
-——Among the number were Louis duxe of
Bavaria, brother to our consort the queen, and
many other nobles, our knights, counsellors,
Nee melelilcs QQ
896
the master of our household, with numbers of
our servants of different ranks and conditions.
These they arrested by force against our will,
and carried them to prison, or wherever else -
they pleased, as they had done to the others.
‘ After this, they entered the apartments
of the queen our consort, and in her presence,
and contrary to her will, they seized many
ladies and damsels, several of whom were of
our kindred, and carried them away to prison,
as they had done to the others. This disloyal
and indecent conduct so greatly alarmed our
dear consort the queen, that she was in great
danger of losing her life from the illness that
ensued.
‘ After the imprisonment of these several
persons of both sexes, the insurgents proceeded
against them, contrary to all law and justice,
by very severe tortures, and even put to death
many of the nobility in the prisons, afterward
publishing that they had killed themselves.
Their bodies they hung on gibbets, or flung
them into the Seine. Some they beheaded.
privately while in prison. With regard to the
ladies whom they had arrested, they treated
them most inhumanly; and although they
were urgently pressed to allow the laws te
227
take their course, in regard to these prisoners,
and that the court of parliament, as was
reasonable, should take cognizance of them,
they positively refused every request of the sort,
and had letters drawn up as seemed good to
them, and to which they had the great seal
of our chancery set by force, and, besides,
constrained our son to sign all their acts with
our seals manual, as approving of their deeds.
‘ That they might have the chancellor the
more under their command, to seal whatever
edicts they should please to have proclaimed,
they dismissed from that office our well-beloved
Arnold de Corbie, who had so long and so
faithfully served us, and put in his place master
iXustace de Lactre, by whom letters were sealed
and issued contrary to all truth, but conformable
to the acts of these wicked men. We were
deceived bythem, from want of able counsellors,
and from freedom of speech not being permitted,
as has before been noticed.
‘ All these letters, therefore, and edicts
mandatory that have been published to the
dishonour of our said uncle, nephews, cousins,
and their friends and adherents, we holding a
bed of justice in our court of parliament, in
the presence of many of our blood-royal,
Gr
228
prelates, churchmen, as well members of the
university of Paris, our daughter, as from
elsewhere, several great barons, and other able
persons of our council, and many principal
citizens of Paris, do now annul, condemn and
for ever annihilate. And we forbid all our
subjects, under pain of incurring our highest
indignation, to act, by word or deed, any way
hereafter contrary to the strict tenour of this
our will and pleasure. Should any of these
disgraceful acts be produced in courts of
justice, we forbid any faith to be placed in
them, and order them to be torn and destroyed
wherever they may be found.
‘ In consequence whereof, we command
our beloved and faithful counsellors of our
parliament, our provost of Paris, and all
others our bailiffs, seneschals, provosts and
officers of justice, or their heutenants, each
and all of them to cause this our present edict
to be publicly proclaimed by sound of trumpet
m the usual places where proclamations are
made, that none may plead ignorance of this
our will. And we also command, that it be
publicly read by all prelates and clergymen, or
such as have usually preached to the people,
that in time to come they may not again be
“seduced by similar evil machinations..
229
¢ We also order, that as full obedience be
paid to all copies of these presents, sealed with
our seal, as to the original. In testimony of
which, we have set our seal to these presents.
Given in our great chamber of the parliament
of Paris, at a bed of justice holden the lyth
day of September, in the year 1413.
« By the king, holding his bed of justice
in his court of parliament.’ Countersigned,
‘ Baye.’—This ordinance was, consequently,
proclaimed in Amiens* on the 15th day of
December following.
CHAPS XRAY.
THE DUKE OF BRITTANY COMES TO PARIS.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY HOLDS A COUNCIL
Al LILLS.-—IlHe ACTIONS OF THE COUND
DEST. POL,=——-AND, OTHER MATTERS THAT
HAPPENED: AT, THIS TIME;
Ar this period, John duke of Brittany, son in
Jaw to the king, came to Paris, with his brother
* "The name of the city of Amiens is inserted in this
aud in most of the former state-papers merely by way of
230
the count de Richemont. The duke d’Fvreux *-
and the earl of Rutland arrived there also from
England, to treat of the marriage of their king
with Catherme daughter to the king of France,
and to prevent the alliance which the duke of
Burgundy was desirous of formmg between the
king of England and his daughter--. These
ambassadors, having explained to the king
of France and his ministers the cause of their
coming, returned to England.
The duke of Burgundy, during this time,
was holding a grand council at Lille, which
example. It was probably the nearest bailiwick to Monstrelet’s
place of residence, and the edicts, &c. which he inspected were
those directed to this particular bailiff.
* "There was clearly no such person as the duke
d’Evreux ; but the earl of Rutland himself was also duke of
Aumerle ; and, both being norman titles, Monstrelet might
have confounded them. But I can find no mention of an
embassy ia which the earl of Rutland was concerned.
+ Monstrelet must have mistaken the names of these
ambassadors ; for in the Foedera mention is made of a promise
from the king of England, by his commissioners, the bishop
of Durham, the carl of Warwick and doctor Ware ft, ‘ De
non contrahendo, citra certum diem, cum aliqua alia muliere,
nisi cum Katerina Francia, matrimonio.’— Dated Westminster,
28th January 1414.
{ This, however, seems to refer to the second embassy
mentioned after.
231
was attended by.deputies from Ghent, Bruges,
Ypres, the Quatre Mestiers, and by many
nobles: among the latter was count Waleran
de St Pol, constable of France, who had just
concluded the negotiation with the English at
Boulogne and Leulinghen. ‘The envoys from
England were the earl of Warwick and the
bishop of St Davids, and others, who were
commissioned to treat of a truce between the
two kings, which was agreed on to last until
the feast of St John the Baptist next ensuing.
The count de St Pol, when on this
business, received letters from the king of
France, ordering him to come to Paris and
surrender the constable’s sword. Finding that
it was intended to deprive him of this office,
he came to ask advice of the duke of Burgundy,
who counselled him not to obey these orders ;
aud in consequence, he went to his castle of
St Pol en Ternois, where his lady resided, and
thence to Amiens, and there tarried four days.
From. Aimiens; he. sent” tov ‘Paris; as
ambassadors to the king of France, his nephew
the count de Conversen and the vidame of
Amiens, attended by master Robert le Jeusne,
advocate at Amiens, to harangue the king on
the subject of their embassy. On their arrival,
232
the advocate opened his harangue in full
council before the king, the chancellor and
the other members of it, saying, that the
constable, the count de St Pol, his lord and.
master, had never been of any party which had
disturbed the realm; that he had never raised
any troops, nor had attacked any of the king’s
castles, as several others had done. |
When he had finished his speech, he was
required to produce those who would vouch
for what he had said, as had been done in
similar cases; but the ambassadors would not
support him, and he was instantly arrested and
confined in the prisons of the Chatelet, where
he remained for two days; and it was with
great difficulty that the duke of Bar, brother
in law to the count de St Pol, by his entreaties,
obtained his liberty.
On Saturday, the day after the feast of
St Mor*, the count de St Pol left Amiens, and
returned dispirited and melancholy to his own
county.
Other royal edicts were now published
at Paris and sent to all parts of the kingdom
for proclamation, complaining of the great
disorders that had been committed in the
* St Mor, Q. St Maur?
ra
capital by the Parisians, to the great displeasure
of the queen and the duke of Acquitaine.—
I shall not particularise these edicts, for the
atrocious acts of the Parisians have been
already sufficiently declared.
Soon after these proclamations, the duke
of Orleans, conformably to the articles of the
peace, demanded of the king restitution of his
castles of Pierrefons and Coucy, which the
count de St Pol had refused to surrender to
him. His request was granted, and orders
were sent to sir Gasselins du Bos, bailiff of
Sens, to go thither and receive the homage
due to the king,—and thus they were restored
to the duke of Orleans.
On the following Saturday, the count
d’Armagnac, and Clugnet de Brabant, knight,
came to Paris with a numerous company of
men at arms, and were received by the king,
lords and barons, with great joy. All, or the
greater part of those who had followed the
faction of the duke of Orleans, now came
to Paris,;—and the affairs of the nation were
governed according to their good pleasure, for
the king and the duke of .scquitaine were at this
tinie under their iniauagemcut. With regard
to the Burgundy-taction, they were kept at
234
a distance, and could scarcely ever obtain an
audience, how high soever their rank might
be, insomuch that such as had remained in the
town were forced to hold down their heads, and.
to hear many things that were neither pleasant
nor agreeable to them.
CHAP. XN:
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY HOLDS MANY
COUNCILS TO CONSIDER OF HIS SITUATION,
FEARING THAT HIS ENEMIES WOULD TURN
THE KING AGAINST HIM, WHICH THEY
AFTERWARDS DID®.
Tus duke of Burgundy, while these things
were passing, resided in the town of Lille,
* At the head of this chapter, in the edition of
Monstrelet in Lincoln’s-inn’ Library, (which is the black
letter of Anthoine Verard,—I can find no date), is a curious
wooden print, representing, perhaps, the duke of Burgundy and
his lords in couacil; but I do not usderstand what the figures
of dead bodies 1m the back ground are meant for.
I should suspect that the print is misplaced, and is
meant to describe the bloody entry of the duke into Paris
some time after.
265
where he had assembled many great lords to
consult and have their advice respecting the
situation he was then in. He received almost
daily intelligence from Paris, and learnt how
his enemies governed the king and the duke
of Acquitaine, and were labouring to keep
those of his party at a distance from the royal
presence, in order to prevent their receiving
any marks of favour or benevolence.
The duke forined various opinions on
this intelligence, and suspected, what indeed
afterward happened, that his adversaries would
succeed in setting the king and the duke of
Acquitaine at variance with him, and in the
end making war upon him. He was, however,
prepared to meet whatever events might befal
him.
At this period, the earl of Warwick, the
bishop of St Davids, and others, waited upon
him, to treat of a marriage between the king
of England and a daughter of the duke,
notwithstanding the embassy that had been
sent to the king of France on a similar subject.
‘These ambassadors and the duke of Burgundy
could not agree on the terms of alliance, and
they consequently returned to [ngland.
On the 4th day of October, the lords
@Offemont and de Moy came to St Pol en
236
Ternois, by orders from the king of France,
to demand from the count de St Pol, that he
would surrender to them, or send to the king,
his constable’s sword. The count replied, that
he would never willingly, nor without the advice
of his friends, comply with such a request, but
that he would refer the matter to the counsel
of his friends, and would shortly send such
an answer that the king should be satisfied
therewith. These lords, having heard this,
returned to Paris, after having been honourably
entertained by the constable, and related to the
king and council what they had done, which
was not any way agrecable to those who had
sent them.
This same day, another royal edict was
published against ail who should not strictly
keep the peace, forbidding every one to spread
abroad any evil reports that would tend to
create discord and commotion, and to call any
one by such sirnaines as should engender strife,
and renew the mischiefs that had so lately
desolated the kingdom. It was proclaimed
throughout France, and was of the following
tenour.
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
lientenant, greeting.
237
‘ It has come to our knowledge, that
whereas by great and mature deliberation of
council, and by the aid and diligence of many
of our blood and other discreet men of our
realm, we have, by the grace of God,
established a peace between several of our
kindred, among whom disputes and discords
had arisen and continued for a considerable
time. We have first shown all the points of
the treaties that had been proposed, after
mature council, as well to those of our blood
and great council as to the prelates, barons,
and knightsof our different courts of parliament,
and to other officers of justice in the court of
the Conciergerie, and also to our well-beloved
daughter the university of Paris, the clergy
and citizens of our capital, who have been all
delighted therewith, and have unanimously
supplicated us to complete the peace, which,
through the mercy of God, we have done.
‘ For the greater security of its observance,
our very dear and well beloved eldest son,
nephews, uncle and cousins,—that 1s to say,
J.ouis duke of Acquitaine, dauphin of Vienne,
the dukes of Berry, Burgundy, Orleans, Brittany,
Bourbon, and of Bar,—the counts d’Alengon,
\ ertus, Richemont, d’Iu, Vendosme, and many
238
others of our blood,—have promised and sworty
in our presence, on the word of a son to a king
and a prince, on part of a piece of the true cross,
and upon the holy evangelists of God touched
corporally by them, never more in any respect
to misbehave toward us, but to pay a due
regard to their own honour and rank, and
henceforward to act toward each other like to
kind relations and friends.
‘ This they declare they have done without
any fraud, deception, or mental reservation, and
promise most faithfully to observe this union,
and to deposit in our hands their several letters
patent.
¢ In like manner have the different ranks
of our faithful subjects promised and sworn to
the due observance of that affection, loyalty,
and service they owe to us, and that they will
most strictly keep this aforesaid peace concluded
between the princes of our blood,—and that
they will, to the utmost of their power, prevent
it from being in any way infringed, as is more
fully explained in others of our letters patent.
« Nevertheless, there are, as we learn,
several within your bailiwick full of evil
intentions, who, believing that no proceedings
will take place against them for any commotions
239
they may excite, and that they may remain
unpunished in body or goods, do daily spread
abroad reports injurious to the said peace,
and by wicked murmurings endeavour to raise
discontents against it, and also to make use of
such odious sirnames as have been by this peace
strictly forbidden, and by other acts and speeches
urge on the people to dissensions that may
produce fresh warfare; which things are highly,
and not without cause, displeasing to us.
‘ We will, that the aforesaid peace be most
_strictly kept, and such is our firm intention, that
all means of future dissensions may be put an
end to, and that every kind of warfare cease
in our kingdom, so that each person may
henceforward live in peace and tranquillity.
We therefore command, that you do instantly
cause these presents to be most solemnly
proclaimed by sound of trumpet in every
part within your bailiwick wherever any
proclamations have been or are usually made.
‘ Our will and purpose is, to preserve this
peace most strictly inviolate, and to observe it
in the manner that has been so solemnly sworn
to in our presence, without suffering it to be
infringed by any person whatever. And we
expressly command that you do most attentively
24.0
regard its preservation, and that you do maké
very exact inquiries after all who may in any
manner attempt its infringement. We rigorously
forbid any factious sirnames to be used, and all
other wordsand expressions that have a tendency
to revive past dissensions, under pain of corporal
punishment and confiscation of goods. And.
any such whom you shall find disobeying these
our commands you will punish in such wise
that he or they be examples to deter others
from committing the like,—and see that there
be no failure in this through any fault or neglect
of your own.
‘ For the due fulfilment of these our
commands, we give full powers, as well to
yourself as to your deputies and under officers,
notwithstanding any letters, edicts, prohibitions,
oppositions, or appeals to the contrary. Given
at Paris, the 6th day of October, 1413,
Signed by the king in his great council, in
the presence of the king of Sicily, the dukes
of Berry, Crleans, Bourbon, the counts de
la Marche, d’Alencon, d’EKu, Vendosme,
Armagnac, the constable, the count de
Tancarville, the grand master ‘of the
household, the master of the cross-bows,
the admiral, the chancellors of Acquitaine
241 |
and. of Orleans, the lords d’Oyrront *, dé
Torey, de Ray de Boyssay, de Bauquille,
Vhermite de la Fayette, and many more.—
Countersigned, ‘ P. Naucron.’
This edict was afterwards proclaimed at
Amiens, and in that bailiwick, on the 3d day
of November in the same year.
CHAP. XXVI.
DUKE LOUIS OF BAVARIA MARRIES AT PARIS,
—OF THOSE WHO HAD BEEN BANISHED ON
ACCOUNT OF THE DISCORDS BETWEEN THE
DUKES OF ORLEANS AND BURGUNDY,—AND
OF MANY OTHER INCIDENTAL MATTERS.
Iw these days, duke Louis of Bavaria, brother
to the queen of I*rance, espoused, at the hétel
of St Pol, the widow of the lord Peter de
Navarre, formerly count de Mortain. At this
wedding, the king and many others of the
princes tilted, for there were very grand feasts
on the eccasion.
On the morrow, sir Robinet de Mailly,
sir Inlyon de Jacquevillc, Ices Goys, namely,
* DOyrront. Q. D’Orgemont?
V Oss 111. R
242
father and son, master John de Troyes,
Denisot de Chaumont, Caboche, and others
who have been before mentioned as having
suits brought against them in parliament, were
for ever banished from Paris. The duke of
Burgundy very soon received information of
this, as he was at St Omer, where he had
assembled the nobility of Artois, to deliberate
on the subject of taxes, and they had granted
him one equal to what the king annually levied.
He was not well pleased with this intelligence,
for the greater part of those who had been
banished were then with him; and they daily
urged him to march a powerful army to Paris,
assuring him, that if he would appear before it,
the Parisians would instantly declare for him,
and drive his enemies out of the town. The
duke, however, being otherwise advised, would
not comply with their request.
About this time there was a violent quarrel
between the dukes of Orleans and Brittany, on
the subject of precedency, insomuch that it came
to the ears of the king, who decided for the
duke of Orleans. On this, the duke of Brittany
Jeft Paris in ll humour; but before he departed,
he had some high words with his brother-in-law
the count d’Alencon, in consequence of his
243
telling him that he had in his heart a lion as
big as a child of one year old, which greatly
angered the duke, and caused a hatred between
them.
At this period, the borgne de la Heuse
was, by the king’s order, dismissed from the
provostship of Paris, and master Andrieu
Marchant, advocate in the parliament,
appointed in his stead. Sir Guichart
Daulphin,. grand master of the king’s
household, the lord de Rambures, master of
the cross-bows of France, and sir Anthony
de Craon, were also dismissed, by order of
the duke of Acqu:taine, and commanded not
to return to Paris until the king should send
for them. In like manner were three hundred
persons, as well men as women, driven out of
Paris because they were attached to the party
of the duke of Burgundy.
The count de Vendosme was made grand
master of the cross-bows, and several were
restored to their former offices.
About this time, sixteen hundred horse,
whom the duke had sent for from Burgundy,
marched through Champagne, the Cambresis,
and thence into Artois: Tie duke was at
RY
244
Lille, and with him the count de St Pol, who
had come thither to consult him whether or
not he should surrender the constable’s sword:
The duke advised him to retain it, and said
that he would support him to the utmost of
his power. In consequence, the count sent the
vidame of Amiens again to Paris, to inform the
king and his council of his intention to keep
the constable’s sword.
Another edict, to forbid any persons
whatever from bearing arms, was now
published, the tenour of which was as
follows.
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
lieutenant, greeting.
‘ Since, through the Divine Grace, we
have succeeded in establishing a peace between
some of our kindred, among whom discords
and dissensions had taken place,—on which
we ordered, that all foreign men at arms and
archers should instantly quit our kingdom, and
no longer live upon and harrass our subjects,
as they had been accustomed to do, and which
was highly displeasing to us,—
‘ Know ye, that we will that this our
order be most strictly obeyed, and that nothing
245
Be done to the contrary, to the oppression of
our said subjects, or to their hindrance in living
under us in peace and tranquillity. For this,
and other sufficient reasons which move us,
we expressly command you to cause this our
pleasure to be publicly proclaimed by sound of
trumpet, in all places within your bail:wick
where proclamations have been usually made,
that no knight or noble esquire, of whatever
rank he may be, shall put on arms or attend
to the commands of any superior lord whatever
to begin and carry on a warfare in any part of
our realm, under pain of forfeiture of his goods
and estate, unless he shall have our especial
commands for so doing.
¢ All such as you shall find acting contrary
to this our order you will punish, so that they
may be examples for others; and you will seize
on all their goods and chattels tor our use,
because they have been guilty of disobedience
and disloyalty towards us their sovereign lord,
without having received cur commands. Be
careful that this order be obeyed, and not
neglected through any fault of yours.
‘ Given at the Bois de Vincennes, the
vod day of October, in the ycar of Grace
1413, and of our reign the 33d.’
246
It was signed by the king in his great
council,—present the lord de Preaulx*, the
count de Tancarville, the lords de Montenay
and de Cambrillac, Pierre de !’Esclut, and
several others. This edict was proclaimed in
Amiens the 12th day of November following.
On the Monday preceding the feast of
Aill-saints, the duke of Burgundy gave a
grand entertainment at Lille. The Monday
and Tuesday, the knights and esquires tilted,
namely, the duke himself, his son the count de
Charolois, the duke of Brabant and the count
de Nevers, his brothers.
Soon after this feast was over, and the
company departed, the lord de Dampierre,
admiral of France, the bishop of Evreux,
and others, came to Lille as ambassadors
from the king of France, and commanded
the duke, in the king’s name, by virtue of
their royal orders, not to enter into any treaty
or agreement with the king of England, for
the marriage of his daughter or otherwise,
under pain of having his estates confiscated.
‘They summoned him to surrender to the king
* James de Bourbon, grand butler of France, son to
James I. count de la Marche, and uncle to the present counts
de la Marche and Vendéme, and lord of Carency.
247
. three castles which were garrisoned by his men,
namely, Cherbourg, Caen, and Crotoy,—and
ordered him, on his allegiance, to maintain the
peace he had so solemnly sworn to observe with
the duke of Orleans, his brothers, their friends
and adherents. The duke, on hearing these
commands, made no reply whatever to the
ambassadors, but called for his boots, and rode
off instantly for Oudenarde. The ambassadors
returned to Rolaincourt le Chatel, - which
belonged to the admiral, on the eve of Saint
Martin, and thence came to Paris,
CHAP. XXVIII.
THE KING OF FRANCE, FEARING THE PEACE
WOULD BE BROKEN, PUBLISHES OTHER
EDICTS FOR ITS PRESERVATION THROUGHOUT
THE REALM, AND ALSO RESPECTING THE
COIN.
Tue king of France, suspecting that the
peace lately concluded at Pontoise would be
broken, by several who were endeavouring
to excite fresh disturbances by their seditious
speeches, published the following edict.
248
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to all those to whom these presents
may come, greeting.
‘ Since it 1s a duty appertaining to our
royal majesty, as well as to all princes who
have subjects to govern, and consonant to the
establishment and ordinance of God, appointed
by the divine, canon, and civil law, that a
good and strict police should be observed and
supported for the well governing and keeping
in peace our people, and to avoid all wars and
intestine divisions, which we have always had
most earnestly at heart, and are determined to
prevent as much as shall lie within our power,
-—It has, however, happened, that quarrels and
dissensicns have arisen between some of the
princes of our blood, whence have sprung
intestine warfares, to the great detriment of
our subjects. residing within towns, as well as
of those employed in rural affairs.
‘ We have, through the wholesome advice
of many discreet and wise persons of our blood
and council, as well as of our daughter the
university of Paris, and several of its citizens,
concluded a peace between the contending
parties, which each has most solemnly sworn,
on the holy relic of the true cross, most
249
faithfully to preserve, and not invalidate in the
smallest trifle. On this occasion, we have
overlooked and pardoned the crimes that have
been committed during these divisions in our
good city of Paris.
‘ We have also given our letters of pardon,
tied with silken cords and sealed with green
wax; and this peace, so sworn, we have had
proclaimed throughout our kingdom, and
wherever else we have thought it necessary, so
that no one may plead ignorance of it, and
carry ona warfare from partiality or attachment
to either of the late contending parties, or by
murmurs or seditious words endeavour to
infringe this peace, and renew the dissensions
that have so much distressed our realm, by any
means, or in any measure whatever.
‘It has, notwithstanding, come to our
knowledge, that many evil-disposed persons,
as well within our tuwn of Paris as elsewhere,
and of various ranks and conditions, do
privately murmur, and use many seditious
expressions in their secret meetings, in order
to overturn this peace, and attempt to excite
the commonalty of Paris to second their
damnable ends and intcntions,—to stir up a
mortal war to our evident disadvantage, to tue
250
peril of our realm and government,—to put art
end to all legal justice, and to the destruction
of all good and loyal subjects who are desirous
of peace. This conduct imperiously demands
an efficient and speedy remedy, to prevent the
dangers that might otherwise ensue.
‘ Know ye, that we have held divers
councils on the above with the princes of our
blood, and with our wisest and most prudent
counsellors, to provide and to determine on the
most effectual means to check such treasonable
practices. We therefore order and enjoin,
by these presents, that whoever may have
knowledge of any person or persons, who,
since the signature of the peace at Pontoise,
have murmured, or do murmur, or spread
abroad any factious words or expressions, to
excite the populace against the said peace, or
shall have knowledge of any conspiracy or
damnable secret meetings, and will denounce
them to any of our officers of justice, so that
legal cognizance may be taken of the same,
shall, on the conviction of such persons,
receive one third part of the goods and estates
that may, in consequence of the sentence or
sentences passed on them, be adjudged to
ourself, And we further will, that this our
251
edict be published throughout the realm, that |
all diligence may be used to discover such
traitors as are seditiously active in disturbing
the peace, so that punishment may be inflicted
upon them according to the heinousness of
their offences, as violators of the peace, and to
serve for an example to others. We will that
full credit be given to the copies of these
presents, the same as if they were the original.
‘ We thercfore give it in command to our
bailiff of Amiens, or to his Leutenant, and to
all others our officers and subjects within our
realm, each as it may behove him, to see that
the above ordinance be duly and diligently
put into execution, and that it be no way
neglected. In witness whereof, we have to
these presents affixed our seal.
‘ Given at Paris the last day but one of
Octeber, in the year of Grace 1413, and of
our reign the 33d.’ Signed by the king in his
great council,—present the king of Sicily, the
dukes of Berry, of Orleans, the counts de
Vertus, d’Eu, de Richemont, de Vendosme,
the constable of Irance, the archbishop of
Sens, and several others. | Countersigned,
‘-Gotitier,’
252
This edict was proclaimed in Amiens the’
15th day of December, in the same year.
The king was at this period busied in
making some regulations respecting the coi,
and in consequence issued an edict, which he
ordered to be promulgated throughout the
kingdom: the tenour of it was as follows :
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
licutenant, greeting.
‘ Know ye, that in order to provide for
the security of the public welfare of our
kingdom, and to obviate the great varieties of
coins that for some time have had currency
in our realm, we do ordain, after mature
deliberation with our council, that a coin be
struck of the form of deniers, called Gros,
which shall be current for twenty deniers
tournois, and of five sols to five deniers, the
fourth part of a denier of the poids de marc
of Paris,—and coms cf half a gros and half
a quarter of a gros, twenty sols six deniers
tournois being the value of each,—also small
crowns, of the value of fifteen sols tournoig
each. Those gros, half gros, quarter gros,
which have been formerly coined, and blancs
253
of ten deniers, and of five deniers, shall have
currency with the new money.
‘ We therefore command and enjoin you _
to make this our will respecting the regulation
of our coin as public as*possible, so that no one
may plead ignorance of it,—and you will cause
this edict to be proclaimed in all the usual
places of your bailiwick. You will observe
its regulations without favour or affection to
any one, and punish such as may act contrary
thereto, that they may be examples to others.
‘ Given at Paris the 13th day of November
in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign
the 33d.’ It was thus signed by the king on
the report of the council held in the chamber of
accounts,—present the archbishop of Bourges,
the bishop of Noyon, the members of the
chamber of accounts, the officers of the
treasury, the master and monoyers of the
mint, and countersigned, ¢ Le Begue.’
[t is true, that the king was fearful beyond
measure of the peace being interrupted; and,
anxiously desirous of preventing it from being
infringed, he issued anether edict much
stronger than the preceding ones to all the
bailitts and sencschals in his kingdom.
954
¢ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the. bailiff of Amiens, or to his
lieutenant, grecting.
‘ Whereas during the time we were last
at Auxerre, through the Divine Providence,
and great deliberation of council, we succeeded
in the establishment of peace between some of
the princes of our blood, and between our
subjects, which was afterward confirmed in
our good town of Paris. Our princes then
faithfully promised to keep this peace without
any way infringing it, or suffering it to be
infringed by others.
‘ We, considering that peace is advantageous
to us, our realm, and our subjects, and reflecting
upon the manifold and numberless evils that
would result should it be broken, are desirous
to preserve it with our whole heart, and to
prevent it from being in the smallest degree
infringed.
‘ For these and other considerations that
move us, we strictly charge you to have these
presents publicly proclaimed with sound of
trumpet in all the accustomed places within
your bailiwick; and that you forbid all persons
to obey any summons or proclamations that
255
may have been issued by any of the princes of
our blood, in their own or in our name, of
whatever rank or condition he may be,—or
whether any such shall be issued under pretext
of serving us, or on any colour or pretence
whatever. And you will strictly charge all
vassals not to obey any such summons, or to
bear arms accordingly, under pain of forfeiture
of body and estate to us, and of suffering such
punishment as may be adjudged for their
disobedience to us and to our crown. Should
any vassals be already set out to join their
respective lords, or about to do so, you will
command them to return instantly to their
homes, and not to depart thence until they
shall receive our letters patent, under our
great seal, to that purpese, signed in our
great council subsequent to the date of these
presents.
‘ You will also make proclamation, that
tor this occasion only we do exempt all our
loyal subjects, vassals to any lord, from obeying
his summons; and we will that for this their
disobedience they do not suffer in body or
estate, or be pursucd in any courts of justice ;
but our intention 3s to guard and preserve them,
256
from all oppression by every legal means, of;
Should it be necessary, by force of arms.
‘ You will’ hasten to all places within
your jurisdiction where you shall know there
are any assemblies of men at arms, and forbid
them to proceed any further, commanding
them to return to their homes, under the
penalties aforesaid. Should they refuse to
obey you, and become rebellious to your
commands, you will force them to obedience
by every means in your power; by placing
within their mansions, and on their estates,
men who shall destroy and waste them, by
uncovering their houses, or by any the most
rigorous means, even by force of arms, should
there be occasion, calling to your aid our good
and faithful subjects, so that you may have
sufficient power to make yourself obeyed ; and
we command all our subjects to pay due respect
to your orders, so that the end proposed may
be obtained. Should any who disobey you be
killed or wounded in the conflict, we will that
no legal steps be pursued against you or your
supporters ; and should any horses, baggage,
or other effects, be taken from these rebellious
ubjects, we will that they remain in full
257
possession to the captors, or to those who shall.
have assisted you. Ko
‘ In regard to such as you ‘shall have
had due information of being disobedient to
these our commands, you will arrest them any
where but in places of sanctuary, and have
them conveyed, under sufficient escorts, to our
prisons of the Chatelet in Paris. Should you
not find them out of sanctuary, you will leave
a process of citation at such of their houses as
may be within your jurisdiction ; ‘otherwise
you will summon them with a loud voice, and
with sound of trumpet, at the places in which
they usually assemble, to appear before us on
a certain day at our court of parliament in
Paris. Should it happen to be the vacation’of
parliament, when there are not any pleadings,
they must appear at the next sittings, under
pain of confiscation of their goods, their fiefs
and tenements, for having committed treason
against us, and of being proceeded against by
our attorney-general in such wise as he in his
judgement shall think fit.
‘ You will take possession of all the
effects, moveable and immoveablé, of such as
you shall have served processes upon, making
ovt a just inventory of the same, and placing
VOL. TT!. 3
258
them in such safe hands that, should it be
judged expedient, they may be faithfully
restored, notwithstanding any opposition or
appeals to the contrary, until our faithful
counsellors, holding our courts of parliament,
shall have determined on what you have done,
according to the report which you shall deliver
to them under your seal. We shall order these
our counsellors, after having heard the parties,
not to delay doing strict justice on such as shall
have been disobedient to our commands, and
to use such diligence that you may not suffer ;
for should there be any neglect on your part
in the execution of these our commands, we
shall have you punished for the same, that you
may serve for an example to others.
‘ We have noticed that you have not
been active in carrying into effect different
orders which we have sent to you on this
subject since the peace concluded at Auxerre,
from which many inconveniences have arisen,
which have given us, and not without cause,
much displeasure against you. We therefore
command you to report to us what you shall
have done in the execution of these our
orders, the days and places where you shall
have proclaimed them, that we may have due
259
information of the measures which you shail
take; and you will likewise report to us
whether any princes of our blood, or others,
are assembling men at arms, and at what
places. Instantly on such intelligence coming
to our knowledge, we will give you further
orders, and full powers to carry them into
effect ; and we shall command all our officers
of justice, in the most express manner, to obey
and assist you therein to the utmost of their
power. They will give you counsel, aid, and.
the use of their prisons, should need be, and
should you call on them for assistance,—for
such is our pleasure, and thus we order it,
notwithstanding any letters and ordinances
surreptitiously obtained to the contrary.
‘ Given at Paris, the lith day of
November, in the year of Grace 1413, and
of our reign the 33d.’ Signed by the king in
his great council,—present the king of Sicily,
the dukes of Berry and Orleans, the counts
d’Alengon, de Vertus, the duke of Bar, Louis
of Bavaria, the counts d’fu, Vendosme, and
de Richemont, the constable, the chaacellor of
Acquitaine, and several more.
‘This edict was proclaimed in Amiens the
i3th day of December, in the same year.
6 32
260
Here follows another edict of the king’
of France, to forbid knights or esquires to
obey the summons of any lord, under certain
penalties.
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
heutenant, greeting.
‘ It has come to our knowledge, that
although the restoration of peace has put an
end to all those assemblies of men at arms,
and obviated the great inconveniences that
usually ensued from them; and that although
we have caused it to be proclaimed in our
good town of Paris, and elsewhere throughout
the realm, that no persons whatever should in
future hold such assemblies, but that all persons
should retire to their own homes under pain
of incurring our displeasure, and forfeiting life
and estate, yet our subjects, whether in Picardy
or in other parts, instead of showing due
obedience to this our command, have assembled
in arms without our licence in the aforesaid
country, and elsewhere in the kingdom, as we
have had information, disturbing and infringing
the peace, and thus acting expressly contrary to
our positive commands, to the injury of our
subjects and kingdom,—and greater would
261
gnsue, were we not provided with a suitable
remedy.
‘ We therefore, after due deliberation of
council, do most strictly order and enjoin you,
by these presents, that you positively forbid,
under pain of corporal punishment and
confiscation. of goods, all nobles or others
within your bailiwick, of whatever condition
or rank they may be, to arm themselves or
to attend any congregations of men at arms,
under pretence of serving us, or in consequence
of summons from others, without our especial
order and licence so to do, by letters from our
council of a subsequent date to these presents.
Should any such assemblies have actually taken
place, you will order them instantly to depart
in peace, without injuring the country, and
return to their homes.
‘ In case any one should prove rebellious,
and refuse compliance with your orders, you
will instantly arrest him, and take possession in.
our name of all his goods, estates, fiefs, and
every article of his property, making out an
exact inventory of all, which you will intrust
to the care of persons sufficiently responsible,
so that the whole may be restored, should we
see occasion for the same. You will place in
262
their fortresses and castles such persons as shalt
be wealthy enough to keep them in a proper —
state, until the matter shall be decided by our
great council. You will arrest, imprison, and
punish all who shall act contrary to these our
commands; and that you may have sufficient
force to effect this, you will call to your aid all
our loyal subjects and our faithful allies, as well,
within as without your jurisdiction, and 1a such
numbers as you shall judge expedient.
‘ We therefore command all our vassals,
on their faith and loyalty, and under pain of
corporal punishment and confiscation of effects,
that they do instantly obey your summons, and
arm themselves to support you in the carrying
these presents mto complete execution. You
will be careful that there be no failure on your
part, for we shall call you severely to account
for any neglect. To accomplish this our
purpose, we delegate to you full power and
authority, and we command all our officers of
justice, and others our allies and weliwishers,
to attend diligently to your orders, and to
afford you every assistance of which you may
be in need.
‘ We also enjoin all our well-beloved
counsellors of our parliament, masters of
‘263
requests in our household, those employed in
the courts of request of our palace in Paris,
the provost of Paris, you bailiff, and you
lieutenant, and all other officers of justice
within our realm and their lieutenants, and
each of them as the case may happen, that
you do withhold all legal proceedings for
quarrels, debts, or other suits that may any
way attach such persons, noble or otherwise,
as may be in your company for the better
executing these presents, for the space of
fifteen days after their return home from
assisting you, and that you keep an exact
account of the time, without suffering any
injury to be offered to them or their sureties ;
and should any thing prejudicial to them be
attempted, you will see that all things be
replaced precisely in the state they were in at
the time he or they came to your aid, for such
is our pleasure according to the tenour of these
presents,—to the copy of which (for the original
cannot be carried every where), under our royal
signet, we will that the same credence be given
as if it were the original.
‘ Given at Paris the 14th day of November,
in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign the
33d,’ Signed by the king in his great council,
264
~—present the king of Sicily, the dukes of Berry,
of Orleans, and of Bar, the counts d’Alengon,
de Vertus, d’Eu, de Vendosme, de Tancarville,
the constable, the chancellor of Acquitaine,
with others. Countersigned, ¢ P. Naucron.’
It was proclaimed in Amiens, the 13th day of
December of the same year.
CHAP. XXVIIL
THE KING OF SICILY SENDS BACK THE.
DAUGHTER OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.—
THE DUKE WRITES LETTERS TO THE KING
OF FRANCE, CONTAINING REMONSTRANCES,
AND OTHER MATTERS.
Ow the goth day of November, in this year,
the king of Sicily sent back to the city of
Beauvais, Catherine daughter to John duke of
Burgundy, who had been betrothed to Louis,
the king of Sicily’s eldest son, according to
treaties that had been entered into between the
two parties, and in consequence of which the
duke had caused her te be most honourably
escorted to Angers. But the king afterward
265
sent her back, attended by the lord de Longny,
marshal of France, and others, to the amount
of six score horse, knights, esquires, ladies and
damsels, belonging to the duke of Burgundy,
who had sent them for that purpose. By them
she was conducted in great sorrow to Amiens,
and thence to her father at Lille, who was much
vexed on the occasion, and conceived thereat
a mortal hatred to the king of Sicily, which
lasted all their lives.
Shortly after, this lady Catherine of
Burgundy, who was, for her tender years,
a very gracious lady, died in Ghent, without
ever having been married.
In this same month, the duke of
Burgundy sent letters to the king of France
at Paris, containing his respectful salutations,
his complaints and his accusations against
his enemies, the contents of which were as
follow.
‘ John duke of Burgundy, count of
Flanders, of Artois, and palatine of Burgundy:
my most-redoubted and dear lord, I recommend
myself most humbly to you, being perpetually
desirous, as is right, to hear of the good estate
of your health,—and may God, 1n his gracious
pleasure, continue it to you in the best possible
966
manner, according to your good desire and
wishes! I most earnestly supplicate you, my
most-redoubted and beloved lord, that [ may
as often as possible be ascertained of this from
yourself, for God knows how much I wish
your prosperity; and I cannot have greater joy
in this world than to hear satisfactory news of
you,—and may God, out of his holy grace,
grant that I may-alway hear such as may be
agreeable to you, and such as I may wish
for myself! Should it please you, my most
redoubted and dear lord, to know how I am,
I was in excellent health on the departure of
these letters, thanks to God,—and may he
alway continue you in the same! Most dear
and redoubted lord, I presume that it is
im your good remembrance, that by your
proclamation, issued by advice of my most
redoubted lord the duke of Acquitaine, your
son, and by my advice also, and by that of
many lords of yeur blood, and of your grand
council, and at the earnest and humble request
of your daughter the university of Paris, and
of the clergy of the said city, of the provost
of merchants and the sheriffs, and in general
of other good people of your said city, were
notified certain ordinances, as well of your
267
grand council aforesaid, as of many other
great lords and counsellors, of myself, of the
university aforesaid, and of the clergy of the
aforesaid city of Paris, for the effecting of
peace and union among the lords of your.
blood, as the only means for the reparation of ©
the miseries the whole kingdom suffered under,
which was in thorough desolation, and must
have been destroyed if God had not inspired
you with a desire of peace. By these means,
each loyal subject of your realm may have the
hope of sleeping in peace and tranquillity, as
was most notably said and explained in your
presence, and before many of the princes of
your blood and others, by a very able knight,
counsellor to my very dear lord and cousin the
king of Sicily.
« Nevertheless, my most-redoubted lord,
although [ had sworn to observe this peace in
your presence, with a loyal faith and the most
upright intentions, as several who attended
might have noticed; and notwithstanding,
because I did suspect that after my departure
some persons might imagine various strange
matters, tending to the infraction of the peace,
I sent to you, as soon as [ could, letters, to assure
you of my cordial intentions of maintaining
468
the object of your ordinance,—and in greater
confirmation, I sent to you some of my
confidential servants, principally on _ this
account, as it may please you to remember $
yet notwithstanding this, my most dear lord,
and that I have not committed any act to
infringe your ordinance, whatever accusations
have been brought against me by some people,
who (saving the honour and reverence always
due to you) have spoken contrary to truth:
many things have, in like manner, been done
against the sense of your ordinance, to the
contempt, prejudice, and scandal of myself
and mine, who have been pointed out in the
aforesaid ordinance. _
‘I am, therefore, the less bound ‘to
proceed according to your will and that of
your very dear son, my redoubted lord, and
of the princes of your blood, and members
of your grand council; but I am_ pressed
thereto from the instigations and extraordinary
importunities of some who have for a long time
been contentious, and are still the same, in very
strange manner,—whom may God, out of his
holy grace, reclaim, and bring to a proper sense
of duty, as there is great need, and which I most
earnestly desire.
269
* For a fuller declaration of the above, it
is true, my most-redoubted lord, that at the
instigation of some persons, shortly after I had
sworn to the observance of the peace, several
skirmishes with armed men were made in Paris,
near to my hétel, which seemed to have been
conducted and done in contempt of me, to the
prejudice of my character and of the persons
of my adherents; for since I quitted Paris, no
such things have taken place, nor have any
congregations of armed men been heard of;
but what is worse, if I were to believe what
some have told me, it was intended to lay hands
on my person before I departed from Paris, which
is no sign of good peace or union,
‘ It is a fact, that before and since I left
Paris, several of your good and faithful servants,
and some of mine, have been arrested and
imprisoned without having done any thing to
deserve such treatment, and others have been
obliged, by force and treacherous conduct, to
quit Paris.
‘It is also known, that all who had
shown any affection or attachment to me
were deprived of their offices, honours and
estates, without any thing being proved to
#70
their prejudice, excepting that they were too
good Burgundians, and this is now daily
continued. Should they declare, that such
things were done by me during the time
I was at Paris in the service of your majesty,
and that I was constantly in the habit of
making such changes, to this a good and true
answer may be given; for supposing this were —
so, if the terms of your ordinance be considered,
they will appear founded particularly on peace,
union, and affection; and these late changes
that have taken place have been caused by a
spirit of revenge, which is the reverse of love
and peace, and a strong mark of division. It
would therefore have been more conformable
to the meaning of your ordinance, and more
to the advantage of your realm, if such offices
had been filled by persons fairly selected, and
not through any spirit of revenge.
‘ By reason of this same spirit, scarcely
any of your servants, my most redoubted lord,
or those of my lady the queen, or the princes
of your blood, or the university, could venture
to speak with those known to be attached to
my person and honour, for fear of being”
severely punished.
271
* There have also been many assemblies
holden, in which harangues have been made
highly prejudicial to my honour and contrary
to truth, (saving the honour and respect due
to you,),and in which expressions have been
uttered as having been said by me, but too
confusedly for their meaning to be well
understood, and positively contradictory to
the peace made at Chartres as well as at
Auxerre, and against the terms so lately
sworn to, which may be of very bad example,
and contrary to the doctrine of Cato, tending
to provoke dissensions and warfare, which may
ultimately, which God forbid, prove of the
greatest detriment and destruction to your
kingdom.
‘ Many letters have been published in
various places, as well within as without
your realm, making very light, to all who
shall peruse them, of your honour, my
most-redoubted lord, of that of my lord of
Acquitaine, of several princes of your blood,
of the university, and of many of the principal
inhabitants of Paris.
‘ If it should be advanced by some of the
writers of these letters, that they have been
published to clear their own honour, whicla
272
~ had been stained by other letters, they ought
at least to have kept to the truth, and not have’
laid the blame on those who were well inclined
to keep the terms of your edict.
‘ I have likewise been charged, contrary
to the truth, with having entertainedmen at
arms in direct violation of your ordinance, and
with having by such means greatly injured and
harrassed your subjects. The fact is, what
I have before told you, and of which I have
sent you information, that by your orders I had
a command of a thousand men at arms with
my lord and uncle of Berry and others, to
whom you had given orders to oppose several
enterprises that were undertaken by some of
the free companies even at the gates of Paris,
to your great disgrace and scandal. Instantly
after the proclamation of your edict, I
countermanded them, nor have I ever since
summoned any, or quartered them on the
country.
‘ Should any bodies of men at arms
throughout the realm say that they belong
to me, they have neither had my summons
nor are they under my command, and I am
perfectly ignorant of their intentions; but as
there are yet several free companies that stil’
278
keep harrassing the country, they may perhaps
have assembled to drive them out of it.
‘ It is a well-known fact, my most
redoubted lord, that there are some who
have for a long time maintained, and do so
still, large bodies of men at arms, between the
rivers Loire, Seine, and Yonne, and elsewhere,
directly contrary to your ordinance, to the utter
ruin of your people, for they make in their
pillaze no distinction between churchmen and
others; and this also is laid to my charge, as
they alledve that they keep these bodies under
arms for fear lest | should raise a large force
and march it against Paris, in direct violation
of your ordinance: but this, saving the
reverence due to your majesty, 1s a falsehoods
for I have not done this, nor ever thought of
doing what would be displeasing to you, in
any manner whatever,—nor will I alter this
conduct, but, so long as I shall live, will
remain your true and loyal relation and
obedient subject.
© [tis-a tact, that several,as’ b have’ been
informed, have publicly declared, contrary to
truth, that [ maintained in Paris murderers
and assassins, ready to put them to death. In
answer to this, my most dear lord, | afhirm tor
Woven ng e Th
274
truth, that I not only never did so, but that
{ never thought of such a thing; but these
are not the first aspersions they have cast
upon me. ,
‘ Many have been banished merely from
hatred to me, who declare that they were not
deserving such punishment, and are ready to
prove it, if they be assured of personal security,
and of having fair justice done them. I do
not say this from any desire to screen from
punishment the wicked or such as may have
displeased you, my most-redoubted lord, my
lady the queen, or my lord of Acquitaine, but
in behalf of those who have been so ill treated.
from contempt to me.
‘ I must also complain, that several
persons have gone to the houses of my poor
servants in Paris, which are adjoining to my
hotel of Artois, and have ransacked them from
top to bottom, under pretence that letters had
been sent thither by me, to be delivered to
different persons near to the market-place, to
excite them to raise a commotion in your city
of Paris, and particularly in the markets,—
for which cause many of the wives of my
faithful servants have been very harshly
treated, and examined at the Chatelet on
275
this subject. May it please you to know,
most-redoubted lord, that I never have written
myself, nor caused to be written by others, any
thing that was contrary to your ordinance.
‘ Those who make such accusations
against me act wickedly, for they may give
you and others a bad opinion of me; and
those who know Paris are well aware that
neither the inhabitants of that or any other
quarter would, for their lives, act any way that
would be to your dishonour. With regard to
me, may God no longer grant me life, when
I shail act contrary to your good pleasure!
‘ Tnow come to the heaviest charge against
me. Itis reported, but contrary to truth, saving
your reverence, that I have entered into a treaty
of marriage with F¢ngland, and that, as the
marriage-portion of my daughter, f am to
transfer the castles of Cherbourg and Caen,
with other places mentioned in the said treaty,
to the great prejudice of you and your kingdom.
Such things | have neither done nor even
thought of; and [ wish to God that all within
your realm had alwavs been as loyal m the
preservation of your person and progeny, your
crown and dignity, as | have been, and shall
ever be, during my life.
2716
‘ Other acts, that shall at a proper
opportunity and place be declared, have been
done contrary to your edict, prejudicial to my
own honour and to that of my friends,—but
those are already touched upon, and what
remain are not only directly against the spirit
of your edict, but tend to throw upon my
person the utmost possible dishonour; and
they are the most effectual means of depriving
me not only of your good graces but of those
of my lady the queen, and of my lord of
Acquitaine, whose happiness and _ prosperity
I have ever desired and shall anxiously promote
above all earthly blessings.
‘ However, my most-redoubted lord,
do not write these things to you, as meaning
in any way to infringe your ordinance, or to
violate the peace of the kingdom, which has
of late been so sorely harrassed, in various
ways, that the most perverse mind should feel
compassion for it.
‘ Should any persons now affirm, that
J have intentions of avoiding or disobeying
the true meaning of your ordinance, [ positively
declare, that I have never had such thoughts,
nor have ever wished to give any opposition
to its being carried into full effect; but on the
277
contrary, I have supported it as much as any of
your kindred or subjects have done throughout
the realm. It is nevertheless very true, that
T have sought for the means of keeping this
peace firm and inviolate in your whole kingdom,
foreseeing events that might possibly happen
should it be infringed. I therefore most humbly
supplicate you, my most-redoubted lord, that
you would be pleased to redress the above
causes of complaint in such wise that those
who have been injured may not have further
reason to grieve, and that your ordinance may
be fulfilled to your own welfare and honour as
well as to the good of your realm, so that every
one, as has been before said, may sleep in peace
aid tranquillity,—to the accomplishment of
which [ am ready to ofter all my corporal
and worldly effects, together with these of my
friends, and every power that God may have
granted to me, according as it shall be your
good pleasure to dispose of them.
« And, my most dear and redoubted lord,
I beseech the blessed Son of God to have you in
his holy keeping, and to bless you with a long
and happy life. Written in our town of Ghent,
the 16th day of November.’
278
These dispatches were presented, by:
Flanders king at arms, to the king, who
received them very kindly; but those who
governed him were not weil pleased thereat,
and would not suffer the king to make any
answer in writing. ‘The chancellor of Frai:ce
told the herald, that the king had very
favourably received what his lord the duke
of Burgundy had written, and weuld consider
of it and send an answer at a proper time and
place. After this, the king at arms lett Paris,
and returned to his lord in Flanders.
Notwithstanding the letters which the.
duke of Burgundy had written to the king
of France in his justification, those who had
the management of the king did not in the
least abate the rigour with which they were
proceeding against the duke. A few days
after the departure of Flanders king at arms,
there was a great assembly of theologians
holden at Paris, by the bishop of Paris and
the inquisitor of the faith, to consider on
certain propositions maintained before some
f the princes of the royal blood and the duke
of Burgundy, and by him supported, against
the late Louis duke of Orleans, through the
‘279
organ of master John Petit, and to declare
ieties such propositions be not heretical
and erroneous.
Many were much troubled at this meeting,
lest the duke of Burgundy should be displeased
with them for attending it, and that in time to
come they might suffer for it. Here follows
the form of a schedule that was delivered to
some of the doctors in theology. _
‘ On the part of the bishop of Paris, the
inguisitor and council of faith duly assembled,
—reverend doctors, be it known, that we have
sent to you a schedule containing certain
propositions, with their reprobations ; and we
require from you, under pain of forfeiture, that
you deliver your opinions thereon publicly, in
writing or by speech, whether these assertions,
which have brought notorious scandal on the
king’s council and on the catholic faith, are
erroneous and damnable, that we may proceed
thereon as the canon law requires.
‘On Wednesday, the goth day of this
month of December, will the first proposition
be considered, namely, ¢ Any tyrant legally
may and ought to be put to death by any
vassal or subject, even by lying in wait tor hia,
by flatteries and adulatious, notwithstanding
280
any confederation entered into between them,
and after oaths having mutually passed, and
without waiting for the sentence of any judge
whatever.’ This proposition, thus staied
generally for a maxim, 1s, according to the
common acceptance of the word ‘ tyrant,’
an error in our faith, contrary to the
doctrine of good morals, and contrary to
the commandments of God: * Non occides
propria auctoritate;?> Thou shalt not kill of
thy own authority; and in the 26th chapter
of St Matthew, ‘ Omnes qui acciprunt gladium
gladio peribunt.’
‘ This doctrine tends to the subversion
of all public order, and of each prince and
sovereign, and opens a road for all licentiousness
and every consequent evil, such as frauds,
violations of oaths, treasons, lies, and general
disobedience between vassals and_ lords,
distrust of each, and consequently perdurable
damnation. |
‘ Item, he who shall pertinaciously
affirm this error, and the others which follow,
is an heretic, and ought to be punished as such,
even after his death. ‘ Notatur in decretis
guestione quinta, the other proposition.—
St Michael, without any orders or command
281
from Gop, or others, but moved solely by his
natural affections, slew Lucifer with everlasting
death, for which he is receiving spiritual riches
beyond measure. |
‘ This proposition, however, contains
many errors of faith,—for St Michael did net
slay Lucifer, but Lucifer slew himself by his
sin, and Gop put him to an everlasting death.
Beside, St Michael did receive orders from
Gop to thrust Luciter out of paradise: ¢ Quia
omnis potestas est a Deo; et hoc sciebat Michael,
quia constitutus erat a Deo priiceps, quem
honorem non sibi assumpsit. Nota quomodo
Michael non est ausus inferre auditum
‘blasphemia, sed dicit, imperet tib1 Dominus:
in epistola Jude.’
‘ God might also have given him more
spiritual riches, and the power of receiving
them: therefore he did not obtain such riches
through his natural affection.
* With regard to the other proposition,—
Phineas killed Ziimri without any co.amand
from Gop, or from Moses, and Zimri had
not committed idolatry. This proposition is
contrary to the book containing this history,
according to the reading of learned docturs,
and according to reason and the nature of
282
things. You will see in the 25th chapter of
the book of Numbers, ¢ Dicit Moyses ad judices
Israel, Occidat unus quisque proximos suos,
qui initiati sunt Beelphegor et ecce unus, &c.
glosa. Josephus dixit, quod Zimri et principes
in tribu Symeon duxerant filias,’ &c. Again,
Moses, without any orders, slew the Egyptian,
so that this assertion is contrary to the text of
the Bible, Actuorum vil. according to the
explanation of learned doctors, and according
to reason. Textus,—* Estimabant, autem
intelligere fratres, quoniam Deus per manum
ipsius daret salutem Hierusalem,’ &c.
¢ Judith did not sin in flattering Holofernes,
nor Jehu by falsely saying that he would worship
Baal. This is favourable to the error of those
who have declared that lies may be lawtul on
some occasions. St Austin writes thus against
such doctrine to St Jerome, ‘ Si inquit admissa
fuerint vel officiosa mendacia tota scriptura
divine vacillabit auctoritas.”. The other case
brought forward to support the proposition,
that Joab killed Abner after the death of
Absalom, is contrary to the text expressed in
the holy Scriptures, | Regum 1. cap. where
it is said, that long before the death of Absalom
Joab slew Abner.
283
‘ The assertion, that it is not perjury
to commit such actions, although oaths of
fellowship may have been given on both sides,
is false, for it is gross perjury, and unprofitable
to such as may swear to treacherous alliances :
it is fraud, deception, and clear perjury ; and
to maintain that such actions are lawful is an
error of faith.’ :
When these propositions had been fully
discussed, they were condemned as heretical
opinions, and errors against the faith.
CHAP Oe A
THE DUKE. OF BURGUNDY ‘GOES 10: ANTWERP.
——T Hb ARREST OF «SIR- JOHN. DE: CROY,-——
AND OTHER REMARKABLE. EVENTS. THAT
HAPPENED ABOUTL TillS PERIOD.
Nearry about. this time, the duke of
Burgundy held at .ntwerp a very confidential
council, of his most tricd friends, on the state
of lus affairs, at which were present his brother
of Brabant and his two brothe.s-in-law, namely,
duke Wilham, and John of Brabant bishop of
984
Liege, the counts de St Pol and de Cleves.
He had assembled them particularly to know
whether they would support him in the war
which France was silently meditating against
him. They all promised him their aid against
his adversaries, excepting the persons of the
king of France and his children.
When the council broke up, the duke of
Burgundy returned to Artois, in his country
of Flanders, and the other lords to the places
whence they had come. On the feast of the
Circumcision, a sergeant at arms came to
St Pol en Ternois, and presented to the count
letters from the king of France, containing
"positive orders, under pain of his highest
displeasure, not to bear arms nor to assemble
any men at arms to accompany the duke of
Burgundy or others into his kingdom without
his especial licence; and that he should give
an acknowledgement of the receipt of this
royal command, which the count did.
While these things were passing, the duke
of Acquitaine resided in the Louvre with his
state, and the duchess and her attendants at
the hotel of St Pol. On Wednesday, the 12th
day of January, the’ queen, attended by the
duchess, went to visit her son. A short time
285
before, by the advice of the king of Sicily, the
dukes of Berry, of Orleans, and other princes
of the blood, she had caused four knights and
many other servants belonging to her son of
Acquitaine to be arrested and carried away
from the Louvre, which had so much enraged
the duke that he wanted to sally out to call the
populace to his aid, in rescuing these prisoners.
The princes, his relatives, would not permit
him to do this; and the queen his mother
appeased his anger in the best manner she
could, and then went to the king in the hotel
de St Pol, leaving with her son the before
mentioned princes, who pacified his anger by
gentle and kind words.
The four knights who had been arrested
were sir John de Croy, the lord de Broy, sir
David de Brimeu, sir Bertrand de Montauban,
and some others, who very soon after, on
promising not to return to the duke of
Acquitaine, were set at liberty. Sir John de
Croy was detained prisoner, and carried as such
to Montlehery.
Although that the duke of Acquitaine
pretended to be satisfied, he nevertheless
secretly sent one of his servants to the duke
ef Burgundy to desire that he would hasten ta
286
Paris with all his forces: he afterward wrote
to him several letters with his own hand, and
without the knowledge of the queen or the
princes.
When the duke of Burgundy received this
intelligence, he was well pleased, as he wished
for nothing more than such a pretext to march
to Paris, and instantly issued a summons to
men at arms from all countries, appointing a
day for them to meet him at Espelry, near
St Quentin in the Vermandois: For his
exculpation, and that the cause of this
armament might be known, he wrote letters
to all the principal towns in Picardy, a copy of
which is as follows:
‘ Very dear and good friends, you must
have it in your remembrance how that last
year, in the month of August, my lord the
king returning from his city of Bourges, and
tarrying in the town of Auxerre, was desirous
that peace should be established for ever between
the princes of his bleod, and commanded that
it should not only be sworn to be observed by
them, but likewise by the prelates, nobles,
universities and principal cities in his realm.
You likewise know that all present at Auxerre
did most soleranly swear to its observance, as
287
\
well for themselves as for those on whose part
they were come thither.
‘ My lord the king did afterwards issue
letters throughout his realm for the more
strictly keeping of this peace, and that it
might be sworn to; and you also know that
we ourself, and others of the princes of the
blood, did, by the king’s command, take a
solemn oath to maintain this peace, according
to the schedule drawn up for this purpose at
Auxerre; in which, among other things, it was
ordained that a good and perfect union should
subsist between these lords, and that henceforth
they should live in a manner becoming good.
relatives and friends.
‘ Now although this peace has been much
wished for by us, and that we have never
infringed it, or suffered it to be intringed by
others in any degrce, nevertheless offensive
conduct has been holden toward us by the
detestable injuries which many have attempted
to do to our most redoubted lady and daughter
the duchess of Acquitaine, as is notorious to the
whole kingdom, without farther entering into
particulars.
‘ Very contemptuous conduct has been
uscd toward ourself, and personal miuries have
288
been done us, in banishing from Paris ever?
person that was known to be attached to us of
to our aforesaid lord of Acquitaine; in defaming
our honour in several public assemblies and
in various places, by sermons and harangues,
which, notwithstanding the pain it has cost
us, we have patiently borne, and shou!d have
continued ta do so from our love of peace,
which is the sovereign good to this kingdom,
and to avert all the miseries and distress that
must otherwise ensue, had not our most
redoubted lord and son, the duke of Acquitaine,
made known to us, that, after many injurious
excesses which had been committed towards
him, to his infinite mortification, he was
confined in the Louvre like a prisoner, with
the drawbridge of the said castle drawn up,
which is an abomination that ought not only
to be displeasing to us but to every good subject
and wellwisher to our lord the king.
‘ In consequence of this treatment, my
most-redoubted lord and son has several times,
by messengers and letters, requested our aid
and succour to free him from the perilous
situation in which he is held; and since we are
so intimately connected by blood, marriage, and
vther confcderations, with our said lord the
289
king, and our beloved lord the duke of
Acquitaine, his son, the loyalty and affection
we owe to both will prevent us from failing
to comply with his demand of assistance and
support. We have, therefore, determined to
advance to Paris with as large a body of men
at arms as we can muster, for the security of
our person, and that it may please God that
we may see in all good prosperity my aforesaid
lord the king, my lady the queen, my much .
redoubted lord of Acquitaine, and my well
beloved daughter his duchess; and likewise
that we may deliver them from the danger
they are in, and set them, as is but reasonable,
at full liberty, without having the smallest
intentions of violating the peace of the
kingdom.
‘ We signify this to you, very dear and
good friends, that you may be acquainted with
our object, and act accordingly, as becometh
wellwishers, and truly obedient suljects, to my
said lord the king. Know, therefore, for a
truth, that our intentions and will are such as
we have said, and none other; and we therctore
cntreat you most earnestly, from our heart, that
in this business, which is of such consequence
to my said lords, and for the tranquillity and
VOUe Ils U
290
peace of the realm, you will come forward
to our assistance as speedily as possible, that it
may be accomplished to our honour and that
of my lords the king and the duke of Acquitaine,
and for the common good of the realm, and
that you will so bear yourselves, that your
excellent loyalty may be visible toward my
lord the king, the duke of Acquitaine, to the
public welfare, and in like manner to ourself,
who are only desirous of peace.
‘ We have a perfect confidence in you,
very dear and good friends,—and may God
have you in his holy keeping !
‘ Written in our town of Lille the 23d
day of January, in the year of our Lord 1413,
on the eve of our departure.’
The superscription was, ‘ To my very
dear and well beloved the resident burgesses
and inhabitants of the town of Amiens.’
These letters thus sent by the duke of
Burgundy, and also the levy of men at arms
which he was making, were immediately
known at Paris; and to counteract the
enterprises of the duke, a reconciliation took
place between the duke of Acquitaine and.
the king’s ministers, in consequence of which
the duke was prevailed on to write letters to.
291
different towns to put an end to the intended
expedition of the duke of Burgundy. ‘These
letters were of the following tenour :
‘ Louis, eldest son to the king of France,
duke of Acquitaine, and dauphin of Vienne,
to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his lieutenant,
greeting. ee
« Whereas it has lately come to our
knowledge that our very dear and well beloved
father-in-law, the duke of Burgundy, has for
a short time past begun to raise a large body
of men at arms, and still continues to do the
same, with the intent, as it is said, of marching
them to us, which may be very prejudicial to
my lord the king, his realm and subjects, and
more especially so to the peace which has been
so lately concluded at Auxerre between many
princes of our royal blood : we have therefore
very fully explained ourself to our aforesaid
father-in-law by a letter, the contents of which
are as under :
‘ Louis, eldest son to the king of France,
duke of Acquitaine and dauphin of Vienne,
to our very dear and well-beloved father the
duke of Burgundy health and aficction.
‘ You know how often my lord the king
has repeated his commands to you, beth by
2
292
letter and by able ambassadors, not to raise any
bodies of men at arms that might be hurtful
to the welfare and profit of his kingdom.
You know also what oaths you took, as well
at Auxerre as at Paris.
‘ Ithas, nevertheless, cometothe knowledge
of our lord the king, that, contrary to the terms
of the peace concluded between our said lord
and yourself, and sworn to at Auxerre, you
have raised, and continue to raise, bodies of
men at arms, with the design, as it is said,
of coming to us; and, as a pretence for the
levying these men at arms, you have published
letters as from us, desiring that you would
come to our aid with a large force, which
thing we have neither done nor thought of
doing.
‘ Because we are truly sensible, that your
coming hither at this time would be very
prejudicial to the said peace and welfare of
the realm, our said lord the king sends you
a sergeant at arms of the parliament, with his
positive commands not to come hither.
‘ We therefore require, and also command
you in hisname, and on theloyalty and obedience
you owe him, aswell as for the love and affection
you bear to him and to us, and for the good of
293
the realm, which you say you have had alway
at heart, that notwithstanding any letters or
messages you may have had from us, you do
for the present lay aside all thoughts of coming
to us, otherwise you will incur the anger of
our lord the king, and that you do disband |
any bodies of men at arms which are already
assembled, and instantly countermand such as
have not yet joined.
‘ Should you have any causes of complaint,
or should ‘any thing have happened likely to
violate the peace, make them known to my
Jord, or to us; for we know for a truth, that
my said lord will provide such remedies for
them as shall give you satisfaction.
‘ Given at Paris, the 24th day of January,
in the year 1413.
‘ We also require and command you, the
bailiff of Amiens, in the name of my aforesaid
lord, to have these presents publicly proclaimed
in all usual places where proclamations have
been made, within your bailiwick, forbidding,
in the king’s name, all his vassals and subjects,
as has been before notified to them, to obey
the summons of our said father the duke of
Burguady, either on the pretext stated by him
or any other, without his especial order and
294
licence, as may appear in his letters patent,
subsequent to the date of these presents.
« Given at Paris the 24th day of January,
in the year of Grace 1413.’
Signed by the duke of Acquitaine, and
countersigned <« J. de Cloye.’
The duke of Burgundy, however, in spite
of these commands from the king and the
duke of Acquitaine, would not desist from his
enterprise; and the king then issued a summons
for men at arms to oppose him, and published.
the following edict :
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
lieutenant, health and greeting.
‘ It has come to our knowledge, that our
cousin the duke of Burgundy, in opposition to
the articles of the peace concluded by us,
between him and others of our blood, and
sworn to at Auxerre and at Paris, has raised,
and continues to raise, large bodies of men at
arms, notwithstanding our positive orders to
the contrary, as well by letters as by especial
ambassadors sent to him for this purpose; and
has already quitted his country, and is on the
march, as he declares, to come to Paris, by
which the said peace will be destroyed, and
295
would cause numberless evils and irreparable
injuries to our realm and subjects, unless a
speedy and effectual remedy be provided
against It.
‘ Having, therefore, deliberately weighed
the consequences, and the probable means of
opposing the enterprises of the duke of
Burgundy, we have determined to exert our
whole power against him, and all others who
shall in any way attempt to infringe the said
peace, and to call for the aid and support of
all our loyal subjects. 7
‘ We therefore do command and expressly
enjoin you, under pain of incurring our
displeasure, to proclaim these presents in a
solemn manner, with a loud voice and with
sound of trumpets in all towns and other
accustomed places within your jurisdiction,
commanding all our vassals and lege subjects,
on the faith they owe us, to appear in arms on
the 5th day of February next, in our town of
Mondidier *, ready to follow us to our town
of Paris, or wherever else it may please us to
Jead them.
* Mondidier,—a town in Picardy, nine leagues from
Amiens, twenty-three from Paris.
296
¢ They will find in the town of Mondidier
sufficient persons authorised by us to reccive
them, with orders. to allow such pay as shalk
content them; and at the same time, they will
inform them whither they are to direct their
march. |
‘ You will make this known to all our
said vassals and subjects, and forbid them, under
the heaviest penalties of corporal punishment
and confiscation of effects, and of being counted
as traitors to our crown, to comply with any
summons, prayers, or entreaties, of the said
duke of Burgundy, or others, whether of our
blood or not, under any pretence or colour of
aiding us, to,;bear or assemble in arms, or in
any way to obey them without our especial
leave and licence, in letters patent, of a later
date than these presents. Should any have
joined the duke of Burgundy or others, you
will order them instantly to depart home, even
supposing they should be of the kindred or
vassals liege of the said duke or others, and
had, in consequence of their fiefs, been
summoned to assemble in arms; for in this
instance we do exempt them not only trom
obeying such commands, but do promise to
guarantee and defend them from any ill
297 | :
consequences that may ensue from their
disobedience.
‘ Should it happen, that after the
proclamation of these our commands, any
of our vassals within your bailiwick shall set
out to join the duke of Burgundy in arms, or
Should those who have joined him not return |
to their homes, but remain in arms with the
said duke, or with any others who may have
summoned them, we most strictly order and
enjoin, that with the least possible delay, and
without any excuse or dissimulation whatever,
you do seize, in our name, having had a just
and true inventory made, all their moveables —
and immoveables, estates, houses, and all other
effects whatever; and that you do put the same
under the management of sufficient persons as
may, at a fit tine and place, reader a good
account of them, proceeding at the same ume —
to the extremity of the penalties incurred by
such for their disobedicn e.
‘ You will also arrest and imprison all
persons whom you shall discover withia your
bailiwick endeavouring, by les and talse
reports, to sow discord among our loyal
subyects, or Im any Way attcempung a preach
ot the peace; and for this purpose we dcicyate
>
298
to you, by these presents, full power and
authority for the punishing of all whom you
shall find guilty of such disloyal conduct.
We likewise command all our other bailiffs,
governors of towns, castles and bridges, and
all our officers of justice, diligently to assist
you in obeying these our commands; and we
also enjoin these our aforesaid officers to permit
all our loyal subjects to pass free and unmolested
with their horses and baggage when travelling
to join us, on showing only a certificate from
you under the royal seal of your bailiwick, that
they are on their march to us, or elsewhere on
our service, notwithstanding we may before have
ordered them not to suffer any men at arms to
pass or repass, whatever may have been their
rank or condition, without our especial licence
contained in letters pateut of a prior date to
these presents.
‘ Given at Paris the 26th day of January,
in the year 14153.’ Signed by the king, on the
report of a grand council held by the queen,—
present the duke of Acquitaine. Countersigned,
‘ Mauregard.’
This ordinance was sent to Amiens, and
to other towns of France,—and with it the king
inclosed other letters to many towns on the line
299
“
of march which the duke of Burgundy would
probably take, forbidding him, or any of his
people, to pass the frontiers of the realm, under
pain of incurring his indignation.
CHAP. XXX.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY MARCHES A LARGE
FORCE TOWARD PARIS.—HE FIXES HIS
QUARTERS AT ST DENIS.—THE EVENTS
THAT HAPPENED DURING THIS MARCH,
AND IN CONSEQUENCE OF IT.
‘Tue duke of Burgundy, to accomplish his
expedition to Paris, on leaving s\rras, made
for Peronne, intending to enter France; but
the inhabitants, who had before received the
king’s orders not to let him pass, sent to him,
the lord de Longueval, their governor, to excuse
them for denying him entrance into their town.
Although the duke was far from being pleased,
he, however, pretended indifference to their
conduct, marched his forces beside the town,
and crossed the Somme at Lsclusieu *, and
* Esclusieu,--a village in Picardy, near Peronne.
800 ~
went to Roye in the Vermandois. He thence
sent forward his brother the count de Nevers,
who had joined him with a handsome company,
to Compiegne.
The count treated so successfully with the
townsmen of Compiegne that, notwithstanding
the commands of the king, they consented to
permit him to pass. ‘The principal reasons
for their assenting were the copies of the
correspondence between the duke of Acquitaine
and the duke of Burgundy, which were shown
to them, and which contained the express
wishes of the duke of Acquitaine for the duke
of Burgundy to come to his aid.
The tenour of the. above and of the
certificate was as follows.
¢ To all who these presents shall see,
Jean Clabault, esquire-keeper for the king
of the seal of the bailiwick of Vermandois
established at Roye, greeting.
‘ Know ye, that on the 23d day of
February, of the present year 1413, the most
puissant and noble prince my lord duke of
Burgundy has exhibited to us, and shown three
letters sealed and signed by the most exceijlent
and puissant prince the duke of Acquitaine,
80}
which we have held, seen, and read, word by
word,—the contents of which are as follow.
‘ Very dear and well beloved father, we
order, that on the receipt of this letter, you
lay all excuses aside and come to us, well
accompanied for your own proper security ;
and as you fear our anger, do not fail coming.
Written with our own hand, at Paris, the 4th
day of December *.’ Signed, ¢ Louis.’
‘ The address was, ‘ To our very dear and
well beloved father the duke of Burgundy.’
‘ Another letter was in these terms:
‘ Very dear and well beloved father, I
wrote to you some time since, to desire you
would come to me very well accompanied.
{ therefore entreat and order, that you
hasten hither as speedily as may be, but well
accompanied, for good reasons: do not fail,
for I will bear you through the whole matter,
as shall be seen. Written with my own hand,
in Paris, the 13th day of December.’ Signed
by himself, ¢ Louis.’
‘ The superscription was, ¢ To our very
dear and well bcloved father the duke of
Burgundy.’
* December. So in the original, but it must be a
mistake,
$0g
¢ The third letter contained,—' Very
dear and well beloved father, I have twice
written to you to come hither, and you have
not complied: I, however, write again, to order
that you lay all other considerations aside, and
come to me well accompanied for your own
security: do not fail to come to me with all
possible speed, notwithstanding any other letters
you may receive from me to the contrary. We
trust that you will instantly obey from the love
you bear to us, and from the fear of our
displeasure. We have certain causes to desire
your company, which affect us in the strongest
manner possible. Written with my own hand,
this 29d day of December,’ and signed by
himself, ‘ Louis.’
‘ The superscription was the same as the
foregoing.
‘ As a testimony that we have seen and
read the above letters, we have affixed the
seal of this bailiwick (saving the rights of the
king and others) to this copy, which we have
faithfully collated with the original, in the
presence of Jean Billart, esquire-warden for
the king in the provostship of Roye, and of
the exempted lands of Charmy, and of the
jurisdiction of Roye; and in the presence of
805
Pierre de la Beane, comptroller of salt in Roye,
of Nicholas d’Ardelchanons, of Roye, Jean
Pellehaste, master Guillaume de la Garde,
_ master Godefroy Baudun, Brissart, royal notary,
on the day and year aforesaid, and thus signed,
Brissart.’
On the third day, the duke of Burgundy
left Roye, and went to Compiegne, where,
having prevailed on the principal inhabitants
to ‘support his party, he took the road for
Senlis, whither he had sent forward the lord
de Robaix, to know if the townsmen would
admit him. ‘his they positively refused to do,
in consequence of the orders from the king,—
and the duke then took the road by Baron * to
Dampmartin +, whither the lords of Burgundy
had advanced with a powerful force to mect
him.
News was daily carried to Paris, to the
duke of Acquitaine and the other princes of
the blood, of the duke of Burgundy’s march
and approach to the capital. When the last
intelligence came, the duke of Acquitaine was
dining with a canon in the cloisters of Notre
* Baron,—a town iv Picardy, diocese of Sens.
+ Dampmartin,—a town in the isle of France, nine
leagues from Paris.
30
Dame in Paris; and the moment it was known,
the king of Sicily, the duke of Orleans, the
counts de Vertus,. de Richemont, d’Eu,
d’Armagnac, with many other great lords,
attended by a numerous body of men at arms, ’
assembled in the cloisters, where the duke of
Acquitaine mounted his horse. This force
was divided into three battalions, the van,
center, and rear,—which done, they advanced
to the front of the church of Nétre Dame, and
thence marched to the town-house, where they
halted. ‘The van was commanded by three
counts, namely, those of Vertus, of Eu, and
of Richemont, who rode together in front,
followed close by their attendants, and at a
little distance by the battalion.
In the center division were the king of
Sicily and the dukes of Acquitaine and of
Orleans, followed by a very considerable
body of men at arms. The rear battalion
was commanded by the count d’Armagnac,
Louis Bourdon and the lord de Gaule, who,
like the other conimanders, rode all three in
front of their men. The whole was estimated
at eleven thousand horse. On their coming
to the town-house, a trumpet was sounded,
when the chancellor of Acquitaime made his
$05
appearance, and, by orders of the duke, told
the people of Paris, who were following them,
that he, as eldest son and heir to the king and
kingdom of France, thanked them for their:
loyalty and affection, which they had now
shown to him, and that he hoped they would’
exert themselves to the utmost of their power
to oppose the duke of Burgundy in his wicked
projects, who, in defiance of the king’s positivé’
commands, and in violation of the peace, had
marched an arimed force into.the heart of: the!
realm; that he affirmed and assured them, that!
he had never sent for. him, nor written to him!
to come to Paris, notwithstanding he had
declared he had received letters from him to
the above purport.
The chancellor then asked the duke if he
would vouch for what he had said, who replied,
that he would vouch for it, as he had spoken
nothing but the truth. After this had been.
said, they marched away in the same order as
before, to the Place du Croix du Viroir, where
they again halted, when the chaicellor from
horseback, in front of the duke of Acquitaine,
repeated to the numerous populace there
assembled what he had betore said in the
Place de Gréve, -which speccu was again
VOL; Ti. x
306
avowed by the duke of Acquitaine, after
which he retired to the Louvre. The duke
of Orleans went to the priory of St Martin
des Champs, the king of Sicily to the bastille
of St Anthony, the count of Armagnac and
Louis Bourdon to the hétel d’Artois, and the
others elsewhere. Shortly after, the duke of
Berry came from his hétel de Neelle to visit
the duke of Acquitaine in the Louvre, and
thence retired to the Temple, where he and
his men had their quarters. The different
lords went diligently about the streets of Paris
to check any tumults that might arise,—and
they had all the gates closed excepting those
of St Anthony and of St James.
Notwithstanding they were so numerous
in men at arms, they were very fearful of the
populace rising against them, in favour of the
duke of Burgundy, more especially those who
lived in the quartier des Halles.
The duke of Burgundy advanced from
Dampmartin to St Denis, which was open to.
him, for the inhabitants had fled. He there
quartered his whole army, and lodged himself
at the hétel of the Sword. His force might:
consist of full two thousand helmets, knights
and esquires, from Artois, Picardy, Flanders,
807
Rethel and Burgundy, with from two to three
thousand combatants, archers, cross-bows and
armed varlets. He was accompanied by sir
John de Luxembourg, with all the vassals of
his uncle the count Waleran de St Pol.
On the third day after the duke of.
Burgundy’s arrival at St Denis, he sent his
king at arms, Artois, to Paris, bearing letters
to the king, the queen, the duke of Acquitaine,
and the commonality of the town,—in which
he requested that they would permit him to
wait on them, to explain the cause of his thus
coming to St Denis, which, he said, was only
with good intentions, no way to make war,
nor to demand redress from any person, but
solely in obedience to the commands of the
duke of Acquitaine, whom he was bound to
serve and obey.
When the king at arms arrived at the
gates of Paris, he was led to an hotel,—when
shortly after, a man came to him, whom he did
not know, and told him to make haste to quit
the town, or his person would be rudely treated.
Perceiving that he should not be heard, nor
allowed to deliver his letters, he was mounting
his horse, when the countd’ Armagnac advanced
x Z
308
and said to him, that should he or any others
come again to Paris from theduke of Burgundy,
he would have their heads cut off. Upon this,
he returned to his lord the duke of Burgundy,
at St Denis, and related to him all that had
passed, and how rudely he had been dealt with,
which so much displeased the duke that he
resolved, by the advice of his council, to march
thither in person with his whole force.
On the morrow morning, therefore, the
army was drawn up in the fields in battle-array
as if they were about to engage an enemy, and
thus marched to the gate of St Eustache,
which was closed; and there they remained
in battle-array for a considerable space, which
was a handsome sight. The duke again sent
his king at arms to the gate of St Honoré,
which was also closed, to demand from those
stationed over the gate that four of his most —
confidential knights, who were near at hand
to the king at arms, might be admitted with
him, to explain the causes of his coming, which
tended to nothing but a solid peace. He was
answered by those above the gate, that if he did
not speedily withdraw, they would discharge
bolts and arrows at him;—-adding, that they
309
would have nothing to say to the duke of
Burgundy nor to his knights. Upon this,
they retired to the army.
During this time, [Enguerrand de
Bournouville, with about four hundred
combatants, had dismounted, and, with the
standard of the duke, had advanced to the
ga‘e of St Honoré, to see if he could do
any thing; for they had great hopes that
the populace would rise in sufficient force to
give them entrance through one of the gates,
~ which, however, did not happen.
Enguerrand, nevertheless, said a few
words to Bourdon, who was over the gate,
but who made him no reply; and, finding
nothing was to be done, he retreated to the
main body. In his retreat, some cross-bows
were discharged at him, and one of his men
was wounded, although neither himself nor
any of his companions had shown the least
offensive intentions, by arrows or otherwise,
against those of Paris,—for it had been
forbidden them by the duke out of respect
to the king and the duke of Acquitaine.
The duke, seeing the matter hopeless,
marched his army back to St Deius, and
caused Jetiers to be written, which, during
310
the night, some of his partisans affixed to.
the doors of the church of Notre Dame, of
the palace, and elsewhere in Paris. He sent
copies also to the principal towns in France,
the tenour of which was as follows.
‘ We John duke of Burgundy, count of
Flanders and Artois, palatine of Burgundy,
lord of Salines and Mechlin, make known to
all, that by virtue of several letters written and
signed by the duke of Acquitaine himself, we
came toward Paris, to employ ourselves for the
welfare of the king, by command of my lord .
of Acquitaine, and withal to aid and deliver
him from the servitude in which he is held at
this moment; in which cause we shall cheerfully
exert every power and influence which God may
have granted to us in this world; and we signify
to all the wellwishers of the king and of my lord
of Acquitaine, that they shall be set (if we be
able) at full liberty to exercise their free will and
pleasure,—and those who have thus confined
them shall be banished, that it may be known
to all that we do not come hither on any
ambitious schemes to seize the government of
the kingdom, and that we have no desire to
hurt or destroy the good town of Paris, but
are ready to fulfil and maintain every article
311
which we had sworn to observe in the king's
edict.
‘ We are also willing to return to any of
our territories, provided others who have sworn
to the same ordinance do so likewise,—but they
act contrary to it: and we will, that God and
1] the world know, that until we shall be
sensible that my lord the king and my lord of
Acquitaine enjoy their full liberty, and that
those who now manage public affairs have
retired to their several countries, and my said
lord the king is provided with honest, able,
and notable counsellors and knights, as well
as my lord of Acquitaine, we will never desist
from our enterprise, nor quit the kingdom
of France; for we had much rather die than
witness my lord the king and my lord of
Acquitaine in such subjection.
‘ We cannot help being astonished that
the citizens and loyal subjects of his majesty
can be so hard of heart as to suffer him to
remain in this disgraceful slavery ; and we are
the more surprised that, knowing how nearly
we are related to him, they have refused to
receive either our knights or our herald, or to
permit any one trom us to present our letters
to my lord the king, my lady the queen, my
$12
lord of Acquitaine, or to the good town of
Paris. |
‘ And although we came before the walls
ef Paris without committing any hostile act
whatever, by the command aforesaid, in order
to treat of matters touching the peace and
welfare of the kingdom, our men have been
killed and wounded, without listening to any
proposals which they might have made. The
count d’ Armagnac even told our king at arms,
that if he should return again, his head would
be struck off,—which is an insult hard to be
borne, when we have come hither with our
company, paying for all our expenses, as the
near relation and neighbour of my lord the
king and my lord of Acquitaine, requiring the
aid of all good and loyal subjects against those
who have kept in servitude and in peril my said
lord of Acquitaine, signifying to them, at the
same time, that we should, in proper time and
place, charge them with treason against their
sovercien, Of this you need not doubt,—for,
by the aid of God and our just cause in this
quarrel, we will pursue and maintain it, with
the utmost o/ our powers, and with the assistance
of very many of the principal towns in the realm,
who have attached theniselves to us.
315
¢ Given at St Denis, under our privy seal,
in the absence of the grand council, the 11th
day of February, in the year 1413.’
When these letters were found posted in
several of the public places of Paris, those who
were disaffected to the duke of Burgundy had
stronger suspicions of his cenduct than before;
and they took such precautions in the guard of
the town that no inconvenience happened.
During the time the duke of Burgundy
remained at St Denis, the lord de Croy, who |
had accompanied him, sent twenty of his
most expert and determined men at arms, well
mounted, to cross the Seine near to Conflans;
thence they rode as secretly as they could, with
Jance in hand, to the town of Montlehery,
where they lodged themselves in two inns near
to each other, pretending to be of the Orleans
party. Sir John de Croy, son to the lord de
Croy, was prisoner, as has been before said,
in the castle of that town, and had received
intimation of their coming by a chaplain who
had the care of him. He made a pretence of
going to hear mass in the church that was
hard by the castle, when these men at arins
who were ready prepared, and on the watch,
mounted ther horses, hastened toward sir
314
John, whom they instantly set on a led horse,
and thence galloped briskly to Pontoise: they
afterward took the road to the ford where they
had before crossed the Seine, and made such
good haste that they brought sir John safe to
his father in St Denis.
This enterprise was highly praised by the
duke of Burgundy and the lord de Croy: the
principal leaders of it were Lamont de Launoy,
Villemont de Meneat, Jenninet de Molliens,
Jean Roussel,—the whole amounting to the
number aforesaid. They were, however, sharply
pursued by the garrison of Montlehery, but
they could not overtake them by reason of the
variety of roads they took.
The duke of Burgundy again sent Artois,
king at arms, to Paris, with letters to the king
of Sicily and to the dukes of Orleans and
Berry, to notify to them the causes of his
coming, and to request that they would suffer
him, or at least some of his people, to speak
with the king aud the duke of Acquitaine ;
that he was come with good intentions, for
he was willing punctually to keep all he had
promised and sworn to, provided they on their
_ part would dothe same; adding, that they must
allow the king and the duke of Acquitaine to
315
rule and govern the kingdom, without keeping
them in servitude, more especially the duke of
Acquitaine, whom they detained to his great
displeasure. But when the king at arms came
to the gate of St Anthony, he was told that he
would not be adinitted, nor any letters received
from him, and that if he did not hasten away,
they would treat him disrespectfully. On
hearing this, he considered for a few minutes,
and then placing the letters at the top of a
cleft stick which he stuck in the ground, made
off as fast as he could to St Denis, when the
duke was more discontented than ever.
Perceiving that he could no way succeed
in his object, he deliberated with his council
whether he should return to his own country,
and within a few days retreated to Compiegne
by the way he had come. In this town, and
in that of Soissons, he left strong garrisons of
men at arms and archers. He appointed sir
Hugh de Launoy governor of Compiegne,
with the lords de Sainct Ligier and de Forez,
Hector and Philippe de Saveuse, Louvelet de
Mazaheghen, and other expert men at arms,
to the amount of five hundred combatants or
thereabout.
316 :
In Soissons he placed Enguerrand de
Bournouville, sir Colart de Phiennes, Lamon
de Launoy, Guoit de Boutilliers Normant, sir
Pierre de Menault, and many more warriors. '
It was resolved by the aforesaid duke and
his chivalry, and by the good towns above
mentioned, that until the king and the duke
of Acquitaine should be at full liberty, and
until they should regulate their conduct by the
counsel of such good men and true as they
themselves should approve, and until the lords
aforesaid, who thus kept them under restraint,
and the troops in their pay should retire each to
his own territory—as he, the duke of Burgundy,
and those of his party, offered to return to their
estates and countries—they would never change
their resolution, and would yield no obedience
to the command of the king, as issued by
the advice of his present counsellors or their
abettors.
This resolution the duke was to signify to
the principal towns, and to all the well-disposed
persons in the kingdom, and even to summon
them in the names of the king and the duke of
Acquitaine to unite theinselves to his party for
the more effectually accomplisuing so desirable
517
an object; for by so doing each person would
acquit himself of his loyalty, and gain renown
for life; and the duke promised to aid and
support them to the utmost of his power, for
the security of which he issued his especial
letters. ioe :
After this, he departed from Compiegne,
and returnedto Arras. Hesenthis Burgundians,
to the amount of about seven hundred lances,
to quarter themselves in the Cambresis, and in
Tierache, in contempt of the king of Sicily,
whom he did not love, any more than sir
Robert de Bar *, who had refused to assist
him in this expedition, although he was his
liege-man.
He issued orders from Arras for the three
estates of Artois to meet him the ¢d day of
May, more particularly the nobles, when a
great parliament was holden on the state of his
affairs. He there caused to be displayed by
the lord d’Ollehaing the three letters the duke
of Acquitaine had written to him, which being
read, he declared on his faith, in the presence of
all the lords, that they were written and signed
by the duke of Acquitaine’s own hand.
* Count of Soissons, mentioned above.
318
When those present had promised to
serve him against all but the king of France
and his children, he ordered his ministers to
write to many of the principal towns letters
of the following import, which were sent to
Amiens. He then departed from Arras for
his county of Flanders, to do the same.
‘ Very dear and good friends, being ever
desirous that you and all other loyal subjects of
my lord the king, the wellwishers of the duke
of Acquitaine, dauphin of Vienne, should be
advertised of whatever may affect his honour
and estate, that of his realm and the public
good, that efficient remedies may be provided
according to the exigency of the case, we in
consequence signify to you the very singular
request of my said lord of Acquitaine, duly
made to us by three different letters, written
and signed by his own hand, containing in
substance, that on the pleasure and service
we were ever willing to do him, we should
incontinently come to him as well and greatly
accompanied as possible.
‘ We obeyed these his orders, as in duty
bound, knowing the bondage and danger he
was and still is in, from his confinement in the
castle of the Louvre by certain persons, contrary
$19
to justice and reason, and to his sore and bitter
displeasure. We marched’ an armed force in
consequence, not through any ambition or lust
of having any part in the government of the
kingdom, nor to break or any way infringe the
peace we have so lately promised and sworn to
keep, which we are above all things desirous
of preserving, but solely in obedience to the
good will and pleasure of my lord the king
and of my said lord of Acquitaine, and to
obtain for him his just freedom. For this
cause did we peaceably advance to the town
of St Denis, without molesting or despoiling
any person, but paying courteously for all that
we had need of; and instantly on our arrival
there, we sent by our herald, Artois king at
arms, sealed letters addressed to my lord the
king, my lady the queen, my lord of Acquitaine,
and to the good town of Paris,—in which we
notified our coming, not with any intent of
warfare, or to infringe the peace, but by the
orders of my lord of Acquitaine, and to obey
his good pleasure (as the saying 1s), requesting
at the same time to have audiences of my lord
the king and of my lord of Acquitaine, to
the performance of our duty, and to the’
$20
accomplishment of their will and pleasure, to
which we are bound.
‘ Notwithstanding this, the presentation of
our said letters was most rigorously prevented
by the count d’Armagnac and his adherents,
without any reasonable cause, and through
contempt and malice to us and our friends.
The said count even told our herald, that if
he did not instantly depart, or if any of our
people should again return on this errand,
he would have their heads cut off. In
consequence, we marched in person from the
town of St Denis, grandly accompanied by.
men at arms and archers, on the Saturday, the
10th of this month, February, to the walls of
~ Paris, without doing harm to any person, but
with the intent of amicably explaining the
reasons for our thus appearing in arms, and
with the expectation of receiving a more
gracious answer than was given to our herald ;
but when we had arrived before the town, and
had sent to the gate of St Honoré, which was
the nearest to us, our herald, and after him
four of our principal knights, to request an
hearing, they were told, that if they did not
imimediately retire, the guards would shoot at-
Sel
them; and without hearing er saying any more,
some cross-bows were discharged, which was,
and not without reason, highly displeasing
to us.
¢ Although all these disorderly acts were
done without the knowledge or consent of
the king, or of the duke of Acquitaine, and
although several of our officers were made
prisoners, we most patiently bore the whole,
from our love of peace; and from our
affectionate duty to the king and my lord of
Acquitaine, we quietly returned to St Denis,
where, during our stay, we periatted all sorts
of provision to pass free to Paris, the same as
before our arrival there. We have nevertheless
had information, that through malicious
Instivations, contrary to the honour and
interest of my lord the king, my lord of
Acquitaine, and the public welfare, and
against their will and intention, very many
letters have been unjustly and wickedly issued,
by which the king has, as we are told, banished.
from his kingdom us and all who attended us
before the walls of Paris,—notwithstanding
that neither we nor they have at present, or at
any other time, neglected our duty to him, nor
are we of those who formerly besic ed him in the
VOL. Y
$22
town of Paris, and who have, in many parts
of his realm, damnably set fire to houses,
slain his subjects, forced women, violated
maidens, pillaged and destroyed churches,
castles, towns and mansions, committing at
the same time unheard-of cruelties and
mischiefs.
‘ The advisers of this measure, proceeding
in their wicked projects from bad to worse, keep
my lord the king and my lord of Acquitaine
under their subjection and control.
‘ On this account, therefore, my very dear
and good friends, and because such things are
contrary to the articles of the peace concluded
at Auxerre, and confirmed at Pontoise, we,
who are of so great importance, cannot longer
suffer them, more especially when we consider
the dangerous state in which the king and
my lord of Acquitaine are held. Deputations
have been likewise sent from many of the great
towns, such as Paris, Rheims, Rouen, Laon,
Beauvais and others, who have solemnly sworn
to support and assist all who shall maintain
this peace, and strenuously to oppose those
who shall infringe it. We affirm these things
to you for truth, so that should you hear the
contrary you may not give credit to it, but ever
S25
remain faithful and loyal subjects to’ my lord
the king and my lord of Acquitaine, such as
you have ever been, and aid and assist us in
the part we have taken, for we have the utmost
confidence in your Zeal.
‘ In truth, we expect, through the help of
God, and other assistance, for the relief of my
lord the king and my lord of Acquitaine, that
we may obtain for them full and free liberty of
government, such as they ought to possess, and
that those who now keep them in bondage may
be dismissed from their presence, to reside in
their own countries, as we are ready to do, for
the due observance of the said peace, and the
common good of the kingdom, objects of which
we are very desirous. ;
‘ Should there be any things which you
may wish to have done, that are within our
power, know for certain that we will, with
God’s pleasure, do them with a hearty good
will,—and may he have you in_his_ holy
keeping! Written in our town of Arras, and
sealed with our privy seal, the 27th day ot
February, in the year 1413.’
‘Vhere was also written on the margin,
‘ The duke of Burgundy, count of landers
and Artois; and that you, my very dear and
¥°2
$24
good friends, may be fully assured of the
authenticity of the letters from my lord of
Acquitaine, mentioned in this paper, we send
you with these presents ‘true copies of the
originals, under an official seal,’ and signed
‘ Vignier. This letter was drawn up on
sealed paper, and had for its address, ‘ Ta
our very dear and well beloved, the resident:
burgesses and inhabitants of the town of
Amiens.’
CHAP KOCK -
ON THE RETREAT OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY
FROM SAINT DENIS, THE KING OF FRANCE
ISSUES ORDERS THROUGHOUT HIS KINGDOM
TO RAISE FORCES TO MARCH AGAINST HIM.
W wen it was known to the king of France,
the duke of Acquitaine, the princes of the blood.
then in Paris, and to the members of the council,
that the duke ef Burgundy, on his retreat from
St Denis, had left large garrisons in the towns
of Compiegne, Soissons, and other places
belonging to the king, or at least under his
325
government, they were . greatly surprised,
thinking he had no just cause for so doing.
To obviate the consequences of this
conduct, certain royal edicts were instantly
dispatched throughout the bailiwicks and
seneschalships in the realm, commanding
them to raise forces to resist the future
proceedings of the duke of Burgundy, which
edicts, and particularly that addressed to the
bailiff of Amiens, were as follows.
‘ Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his
lieutenant, greeting.
‘ Tocheck the many great and numberless
evils that have befallen our kingdom, to the
prejudice of ourself and of the public welfare,
from the quarrels and wars that have arisen
between some of the princes of our blood, and
that our subjects may live in tranquillity under
our government, and that henceforward they
may be ruled with justice, which cannot take
place but in times of peace,—we have, after
mature deliberation, effected an union between
these said princes of our blood, which they
have most solemnly promised and sworn in our
presence to keep inviolate. Although it be
not lawful for any of our subjects, whether of
: 326
eur blood or not, and even contrary to our
express orders, to assemble any bodies of men
at arms within our realm, yet it has come to
our knowledge that our cousin of burgundy
has complained of certain acts done, as he says,
to his prejudice, and contrary to the articles of
the said peace,—and for this cause he has
occupied, or caused to be occupied, several
castles and fortresses belonging to us, and
against our will; that he has received in his
country, and admitted to his presence, several
evil doers who have been guilty of treason
against us. In consequence, we sent able
ambassadors to our said cousin of Burgundy,
to admonish him to keep the peace, to offer
him every legal means of redress, and to cause
such reparation to be made him for any
infringement of the peace, as the case might
require. At the same time we summoned him
to surrender the castles to us, as he was bound
to do; and we commanded him not to receive
any such evil doers in future, enjoming him to
send those whom he had admitted to us, that
they night undergo such punishments as justice
should order.
‘ These commands he has not obeyed, nor
sent any satistactory answer. Having learnt
327
that after this our said cousin of Burgundy was.
assembling a large body of men at arms, we sent
one of the sergeants at arms of the parliament
with sealed letters to him, to forbid him to raise
any forces whatever. Notwithstanding this, in
defiance of the treaty of peace and of our positive
orders, our cousin of Burgundy continued to
assemble men at arms and archers from all
parts; and with this army he has marched
from his own country, and, by fraudulent and
traitorous means, has, against our will, gained
possession of our towns of Compiegne and
Soissons, which he still holds, and has placed
therein garrisons of men at arms. | He also
attempted to gain by force our town of Senlis,
and has refused to surrender our castles and
fortresses aforesaid, which he detains contrary
to our commands: he admits to his country
and to his presence every person guilty toward
us, without ever sending them to us, as we
had commanded him to do. He has likewise
detained by torce our sergeant at arms of the
parliament and otier messengers from our
dearly beloved companion the queen, and trom
our very dear and well beloved son the duke of
Acquitaine, bearing letters from them to forbid
him to do any acts contrary to the said peace,
328
and without sending to us or to them any:
answers whatever..
‘ Our said cousin of Burgundy, in
defiance and contempt of these our orders
and prohibitions, has marched a numerous.
army near to Paris, accompanied by all or the
greater part of those criminals who have been
found guilty of treason against us, and therefore.
banished our realm.
‘ All these said things have been done,.
committed, and perpetrated by our said cousin
of Burgundy, his adherents and allies, contrary
to our royal will and pleasure, in opposition
to the articles of the said peace, against the
tranquilhty' of our subjects and the public.
good of our kingdom.
‘ Great inconveniences may therefore
arise, unless a speedy remedy be applied to
this disloyal conduct. Wishing to obviate
these evils, and to reduce to obedience those
of our subjects who may have joined our said
cousin the duke of Burgundy, whose enterprises
we will no longer tolerate, but are determined
to repress them with the aid of those of our.
blood, and our other good and faithful subjects,
in such wise that it shall be an example to all
others.
329
‘ We therefore command and strictly
enjoin, that on receiving these presents, you do,
with a loud voice and with sound of trumpet,
in our name, proclaim the arriere-ban*; and
that you do repeat this proclamation throughout
your bailiwick, so that no one may plead
ignorance of it, enforcing obcdience to the
same from all nobles and others within your
jurisdiction who have been used to arms, or in
a state to bear arms, and from all who may
hold fiefs or arriere-fiefs of the value of twenty
livres tournois. You will see that prompt
attention be paid to our command by all
nobles, citizens and inhabitants of the towns
within your bailiwick, on the faith and homave
they owe to us, and under pain of confiscation
of estates and goods, should they not join us in
all diligence with the greatest possible number
of men at arms and archers, without any excuse
or denial whatever.
* You will enjoin the inhabitants of your
principal towns to send instantly to our good
* Arricre-ban,—‘ a pro lamation, whereby those that
hold of the king by a mesne tenure are sumi:.oned to assemble
and serve him in his wars, —differenc from dan, whereby such
are called as hold immediately of hin, —also the whole troop
ef those mesne tenants or under vassals 50 assembled.’
Cugrave’s Dict.—see ‘ Ban’ and ‘ drricre-ban.®
330
city of Paris men at arms and archers, mounted
on horseback and sufficiently accompanied,—.
and we command them thus to do for our
service in this matter, and wherever else we
may employ them, forbidding them at the
same time, under the severest éxecution of
the penalties aforesaid, to obey, in any manner
whatever, the summons, orders, or requests of
our said cousin of Burgundy, or under pretence
of serving us, or under other pretexts, to aid or
promote his designs.
‘ Should any persons within your
jurisdiction -have joined him, let them
instantly return, and not give him either
support or advice. You ‘will arrest alk
whom you shall know to be favourable to
him, or who have jomed him, whenever you
can lay hands on them. Should you not be
able to do this, summon them, under pain of
banishment; and take possession, in our name,
of all their effects, moveable and immoveable,
whatever, which you will administer on our
behalf.
¢ You will also make public proclamation
in our name, for all prelates, abbots, priors,
chapiains and other churchmen, who are bound
to supply us with carts, sumpter horses, and
331
other services from their fiefs, instantly to
perform them and send them to us. You
will, in case of their neglecting the same, seize
their temporalities, or use such other measures
as are customary 1n such like cases.
* At the same time, you will strictly forbid
in our name, under the aforesaid penalties, all
labourers, tradespeople, or others, excepting
those before mentioned, to assemble in arms,
or to collect together in companies, after the
manner of the pillagers in former tinies, but
give orders that they do apply to their labour
or trades. Should any be found to act contrary,
you will imprison them, and inflict on them
such punishinent as justice may ordain, to serve
as examples to others.
‘ We likewise command and enjoin you
to suffer all men at arms and archers, whether
from our kingdom or elsewhere, that may be
on their march to join us, to pass treely through
your bailiwick, without any let or hindrance
whatever, notwithstanding any letters or orders
from us to the contrary, wuless of a suvsequent
date to these prescits, and signed by ourselt in
council; and you will afford to such person or
persons every aid, encouragement, aud advice,
should need be, sa any of our towns, Castles,
352.
bridges or passes, that may tend to obstruct
them on their march. This we order to be
done without refusal or contradiction, for such
| ¥s our will and pleasure; and you will certify
to our faithful chancellor your proceedings in
this business, that your diligence may be the
more apparent; and be careful, under pain
of deprivation of office, and of the aforesaid
punishments, that there be no neglect on your
part.
< We will beside, and command you by
these presents, that in regard to all quarrels,
suits, debts, or prosecutions for any matters in
htigation that may have been brought before
you within your bailiwick against those who
may have set out to join us in obedience to
our summons, you do defer pronouncing any
sentence or sentences thereon, until fifteen days
be expired after the return home of the parties
serving us, and that you do order all provosts,
judges, or officers under you, to do the same ;
and should any sentences have been passed, or
further proceedings thereon, you will stay the
same, and without delay make every possible
reparation.
‘ For the carrying our said will into
execution, we, by these presents, do give you
$33
full and ample authority; and by them also
we command all officers of justice, and others
our subjects, diligently to attend to and obey
your orders, issued for the above purposes,
and to afford you aid and advice, and even
the use of their prisons, should it be found
necessary.
‘ Given at Paris, the 8th day of February,
in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign
the 33d.’ Signed, on the report of the grand
council held by the queen, the duke of
Acquitaine and others, ‘ Jean du Chastel.’
‘This edict was sent to Amiens, and there
preclaimed. It caused great distress to all who
had joined the party of the duke of Burgundy,
as well within Paris and its neighbourhood as
elsewhere, for very many were arrested and
beheaded : others were imprisoned, and their
fortunes confiscated.
Another edict was soon after issued, after
great deliberation in council, and published
throughout France, by which the duke of
Burgundy was deprived of all the favours
that had formerly been done him, and he and
all his partisans were banished the kingdom.
his was the tenour of the edict.
834
© Charles, by the grace of God, king of
France, to all to whom these presents shall
come, greeting.
© Whereas, after the very cruel and
damnable murder lately perpetrated by the
order and instigation of John our cousin of
Burgundy, on the person of our very dear
and well beloved only brother Louis, duke of
Orleans, of good memory, whose soul may
God pardon! the said duke of Burgundy
came to our good town of Paris, attended by
a numerous body of men at arms, against our
will and in defiance of our commands to the
contrary, and there endeavoured to justify
himself from this atrocious murder, by means
notoriously false, and by many arguments
scandalous and offensive to our majesty and
to the public weal.
‘ We, considering the very many evils that
might ensue in consequence of this murder to
our subjects and kingdom, and being desirous
to obviate the same, did order our very dear
son and beloved nephew, the present duke of
Orleans, with our very dear and well beloved
nephew the count de Vertus, his brother,.
children to our late brother, and minors, to
Boo
meet us in our town of Chartres, where we
formed a pacification between our said nephews
and the duke ef Burgundy; and although the
terms of this pacification were extraordinary
and harsh to our said nephews, nevertheless
they subscribed to them in obedience to us,
and from pity to the subjects of the realm,
who must have suffered greatly from the
intestine wars that would otherwise have
taken place.
‘ Notwithstanding the duke of Burgundy
swore in our hands to the observance of this
treaty, and that he would thenceforward be
a loyal and sincere friend to our said nephews
and their adherents, he very shortly acted
contrary to this oath and solemn promise, by
revenging himself on some of our servants,
whom he suspected to have advised us to
have justice done on him for the murder of
our said brother the duke of Orleans, and
also to continue his wicked designs of gaining
the sole government of our person and
kingdom. This was the true reason for his
committing so foul a murder, and for arresting
many of our faithful servants,—some of whom
he caused to be put to death, and, by unjust
336
and iniquitous means, exacted from other§
exorbitant and immense sums of money.
‘ In consequence, our nephews of Orleans,
seeing that the duke of Burgundy was infringing
daily, and in various ways, the treaty which
he had sworn to keep at Chartres, and was
regardless of all that he had promised, most
humbly but earnestly supplicated us at different
times, that we would administer justice on the
murderers of their father, as we were bounden
to do; but the duke of Burgundy, who had
deprived us of our most loyal servants, and in
their room had placed others attached to him,
prevented us from hearing their complaints,
and from rendering the justice it became us to
administer. And what was worse, our nephews
perceiving that they could not obtain any redress
from us, through the interference of the duke
of Burgundy, resolved to make war personally
upon him, to revenge the murder of their father,
as was natural for them to do.
‘ The duke of Burgundy then accused
them (and published falsely, contrary to all
resemblance of truth, as we are fully informed
and assured), that they and others of our
blood, being in their company, wished to.
337
deprive us of our royal estate and di enity;
and make a new king. of France. And under
pretence of these lies and charges, contrary to
all truth, he raised our people against: them,
wishing to cover his wicked intentions and \
quarrel with lies, whence, as every one knows,
so many and serious misfortunes have arisen.
‘ Under pretext of this warfare, the duke
of Burgundy has caused to be arrested and
confined in our prison of the Chatelet at
Paris, and elsewhere, numbers of considerable
gentlemen, knights and squires, because he
charged them with being favourable to the
wellwishers of the party of our nephews, or
inclined to others of our blood and lineage
in their company: many whom he thus
imprisoned he made suffer the cruellest
tortures, and then put them to death without
a shadow of reason or justice.
‘ Some he starved to death in prison,
denying them confessors or any of the
ecclesiastical sacraments, throwing their bodies
into the fields to be devoured by dogs, birds,
or wild beasts, without allowing them to
have Christian burial, or that their new-born.
children should be baptised, which is expressly
VOR. git z
338
against our religion. In these transactions,
the most horrid and unheard-of cracls. were
~ committed.
* Under cover of this war, which neither.
was nor ought to have been ours, but his own,
and personal to himself, this Burgundian caused
excessive and extraordinary taxes to be raised on
our people, by tailles, loans, and other means ;
such as seizing the treasures of churches, the
deposits in our courts of parliament, Chatelet,
and elsewhere, which had been there placed for
the advantage of widows, and children under
age, or for the purpose of completing purchases
or repayment of mortgages.
‘ The said Burgundian also made great
depreciations in our coin, by which he gained.
large sums of money, but to the severe loss
of us, our people, and the public welfare.
By these and other equally fraudulent means
has he reaped very considerable profit, and for
these two or three years last past has applied
to his own benefit the money of our people,
amounting to ten hundred thousand golden
florins at the least, as has been clearly
demonstrated to us by the statement of the
accounts, without any part of it being
employed for our service.
339
* This has caused a failure and total
‘stoppage of commerce, so necessary to us and
our kingdom, for some time past; consequently
the revenues of our demain and taxes have been.
shamefully diminished, as is notorious to all.
‘ But not contented with this, and in
the design of totally destroying our nephews
aforesaid, our very dear and well beloved
uncle the duke of Berry, and several others
of our blood, with the intent of gaining the
sole government of our kingdom to Himself,
the duke of Burgundy constrained us and
our dearly beloved eldest son the duke of
Acquitaine to oppose with force of arms our
said nephews and their adherents, under colour
that the war was ours—whereas it was no such
thing—and obliged us to march from Paris
against them, as if they had not alway been
our very loyal and affectionate relatives and
subjects. ‘
*< In fact, we laid siege to the city of
Sourges, wherein was our uncle aforesaid ;
and we were detained before it for upwards
of six weeks against our will, and to our
very great displeasure.
‘ We and our son were in great personal
danger, as well from the excessive heat of the
a ‘a
‘$40
season as from the attacks made on our army;
insomuch that we thought it right to remove to
‘our town of Auxerre, where we had assembled
our said uncle, nephews, and other princes of
our blood. There, by the grace of God and
_his holy aid, and by the commands of ourself
and of our eldest son, certain articles of
pacification were drawn up and agreed to
by our said uncle, son, and nephews, with
their allies, on the one part, and the duke of
Burgundy and his allies on the other,—which
articles both parties solemnly promised and
swore before us to keep, without any way
infringing them.
‘ Nevertheless, not long after we were
returned to our town of Paris, the said duke
of Burgundy, contrary to his promise on oath,
came thither, intending to annul the said peace
made by us, and sworn to by him, as has been
before said, and caused to be drawn up certain
letters in our name, which he had attached to
our edict concerning the peace, by which he
made us repeal and annul the greater part of
what had been granted by us and our said
eldest son, thus infringing the articles of
the peace, namely, the restitution of estates,
inheritances, honours and offices, to such as
$41
had adhered to the party of our said uncle
and nephews, and to others of our blood and
lineage, their allies and partisans. He has,
moreover, retained, for a long space of time,
against our will, and contrary to the agreements
we had entered into, and his own oath, the
castles of Coucy and -Pierrefons, belonging to
cur said nephew the duke of Orleans, with
riany other castles, estates, and houses of
several of that party, notwithstanding letters
of restitution granted by us, and verified by
our court of parliament. Neither the duke
- of Orleans nor any of his adherents could
regain the possession of their lands,—for there
was scarcely any one member of our court of
parliament who dared to gainsay the will and
enterprises of the duke of Burgundy or his
accomplices, who were solely bent on having
the entire management of us, of our dear
companion the queen, our well beloved eldest
son the duke of Acquitaine, and the whole
government of the realm.
‘ To keep us in the greater subjection,
the said Burgundian raised persons of low
rank and consideration in Paris to places of
trust, who, by his authority and exhortations,
and being in his full confidence, undertook the
$42
government of our royal self, that of the queen,
the duke of Acquitaine and the whole kingdom.
These persons frequently came to our councils,
and those of our court of parliament, in a violent
and disorderly manner, menacing our faithful
and honest counsellors in such wise that the
regular course of justice was stopped; and it
was inpossible to prevent whatever they should
ordain or desire from being agreed to, one way
or other. 2
‘ In pursuing their wicked courses and
damnable designs, it is a fact, that on Friday
the 28th day of April last passed, when the said,
Burgundian, his accomplices, adherents, and.
people of low degree began to perceive that
several of our blood and lineage, and others.
our officers, and those of our well beloved
son, the members of the university, wealthy
merchants and loyal burgesses of the town of
Paris, were discontented with their mode of
government, suspecting also that they intended
even to drive them from their power and
authority by force, and then punish them for
their malversations, caused a great assembly
of the populace to be holden, the most part
of whom knew not for what they were thus
assembled.
345
‘ Then, without any justifiable reason,
they marched with displayed banners, in a
warltke manner, to the hotel of our said on,
whence, against his commands and will, and ©
to his great displeasure, they carried away our
very dear and well beloved cousin the duke of
Bar, with many others the especial counsellors
and servants of our said son, according to a
written list of names which the duke of
Burgundy held in his hand, and who had
them first conducted to his hétel of Artois,
and thence to different prisons.
‘ Not long after, on another day, these
same people of low degree, by the practices
of the duke of Burgundy again returned to
our palace of St Pol with displayed banners,
and with force and violence, contrary to our
will and pleasure, as well as in disobedience
to the commands of our said queen and eldest
son, they seized our very dear and well beloved
brother Louis duke of Bavaria, with other
officers of our said son, and also certain ladies
and damsels attached to and in the service of
our said companion the queen, whom they
arrested in her chamber, she being present,
and carried to different prisons, where they
svere long detained in great persenal danger.
$44
‘ This same populace, ‘through the
connivance and encouragement of the duke
of Burgundy, committed a variety of crimes
and excesses, such as seizing day and night,
without any judicial authority, many of our
officers and other inhabitants of our: said town
of Paris, confining them in prisons, murdering
some, and. throwing the bodies of others into
the river, by which means they were drowned,
ransoming several for large sums of money,
without any. one daring to check or. punish
such atrocious acts.
‘ All this was done through the practices.
and support of the duke of Burgundy; by:
which means he has detained us, our companion
the queen, and our said eldest son, in such
subjection and danger that we had not liberty
to do any one thing as we should have
pleased ; for atter these arrests had taken place,
he appointed others to fill their places, who
were firmly attached to him and his measures.
Even persons of the lowest order were raised
by him to offices,—and this conduct was
pursued until it pleased the Lord, by means
of the activity and diligence of our very dear
and well beloved cousin the king of Sicily, in
conjunction Wi ith cur dear nephews of Orleans,
345 °
our well beloved cousins the duke of Bourbon,
the counts d’Alengon, d’Eu, and others of our
royal blood, many prelates, barons, knights,
esquires, and several of our court of parliament
and of our dear daughter the university of Paris,
and capital burgesses of that town, to restore
us, our dear companion the queen and son, to
that liberty which we should reasonably enjoy;
and the peace that had been agreed to at
Auxerre was again confirmed and sworn to
by the said Burgundian, and others of our
blood and lineage. Nevertheless, the duke of
Burgundy, prior to the expedition which our
said eldest son made, by means of the populace
of Paris, on the 4th day of August last past,
exerted hinself to the utmost to put an end to
this peace, by having it published in several
hotels and other places in Paris, that if the
people consented to such a peace, it would be
the ruin of the town, which was notoriously
false.
‘ Since the peace was thus renewed
and confirmed, the duke of Burgundy has
been much discontented; and when some of
those disturbers of the peace, persons of low
degree, quitted Paris under pretence of going
to Burgundy, though in fact they went ta
$46
Flanders, Artois, and other territories of the
duke, he received them graciously, criminals as
they were, with other traitors and murderers
of our said brother the duke of Orleans,
notwithstanding we had sent him especial
ambassadors, who, among other things,
required and commanded him in our name
that those criminals whom he had received,
and who had been convicted of treason against
us, and consequently banished the realm for
ever, should be delivered up that justice might
be done on them. They also demanded
restitution of several castles that he kept
possession of, by himself or others, contrary
to our pleasure, namely, the castles of Crotoy, |
Laon, and Chinon,—but to all these demands
he has been disobedient.
‘ The worst part of his conduct is, that
under colour of the most abominable falsehoods,
he has raised as large a body of men at arms
and archers as was possible, as well from his
own countries of Burgundy and Savoy as from
Flanders, Artois and elsewhere, which he has
marched to the walls of our good town of
Paris. To gain partisans, and an undisturbed
march, he has sent sealed letters to several of
our large towns to require aid and support,
347
under colour that he was marching to Paris
by the command of our said eldest son, to
deliver us from the bondage in which, as
he said, we were detained, and which is a
notorious falsehood,—for we never enjoyed
greater liberty than we do at this moment,
and have done ever since his departure from
Paris.
‘ It is also false that he has had any
commands from us on this subject: on the
contrary, we and our dear son have, by our
letters patent, positively forbidden him, under
pain of our displeasure, to dare to come betore
us with any assemblage of men at arms,
which he has not only disregarded and paid
no attention to, but has imprisoned one of the
sergeants at arms of our court of parliaient,
whom we had sent with the above letters patent,
solemnly to torbid his assembling any bodies of
men at arms, and which he properly executed.
‘ Pursuing his evil desigas, his conduct
from bad becomes worse; and, contemmung
the orders of us, who are his sovereign, he
marched like a rebel, 10 a hostile manner,
toward our town or Paris, with the largest
force he could collect, in direct opposition to
our express commands, thus breaking the
548
peace which he had so solemnly sworn to
keep, and rendering himself unworthy of those
graces and favours which had been shown him’
in former times. He has with him, and under
his obedience, all those false traitors who on
conviction of their treasons have been for ever
banished the kingdom, that through their
means he may be enabled to stir up sedition
in our good town of Paris and elsewhere.
* He has gained possession of our town
of Compiegne, although we had sent orders
to the inhabitants not to suffer him to enter it
with any body of men at arms, or in an hostile
manner, which orders were shown to him; but
he held them in contempt, and what is worse
he now occupies that town, and has placed
therein a garrison contrary to our commands.
Yn like manner has he taken possession of the
town of Soissons, although the inhabitants
had received orders similar to those sent to
Compiegne, of which the army of the duke
of Burgundy was assured.
‘ This Burgundian has even advanced his
army to St Denis, which he has seized and
made his head-quarters, contrary to our will
and pleasure, forming of it, as it were, a
frontier to our good town of Paris; and by
$49
way of demonstrating his wickediess and
infamous designs, he advanced his army with
displayed banners, and in a warlike manner, to
the very walls of Paris, and remained there a
long time in battle-array. He even sent his
scouts to the very gates, in the hope of raising
a sedition among the populace, and then
entering the town by force of arms, contrary
to our will, and thus acting like an enemy, and
being guilty of the crime of high treason toward
us, many complaints of which have been and
are daily made to us on this subject.
‘ Know ye, that having considered the
above acts, and others connected with them,
and the whole of the duke of Burgundy’s
conduct since the death of our said brother to
this present time, inasmuch as he has been ever
ready to proceed by force of arms, and has several
times notoriously disobeyed our commands,
more especially in this last act, when we
positively enjoined him not to march any
armed force to Paris, and in several others,
which he has obeyed or not according to his
pleasure. For these causes he is and must be
esteemed ungrateful, and undeserving of all
the favours that have been shown him by us
in former times.
$50
© Having therefore held a grand council
on the above, to which persons of all ranks
were admitted, and having duly considered the
same, we declare that the duke of Burgundy,
and all who shall give him any aid, support or
advice, or join his company, contrary to our
said edicts, issued by us to forbid the same,
shall be, and are by these presents, held and
reputed rebels to us, and violators of the peace,
-consequently enemies to us and to the public
welfare of our kingdom. For these causes we
have determined to call out our arriere-ban, and
to muster such forces of those who have been
accustomed. to bear arms as may be sufficient
to enable us to resist the perverse dispositions
and attempts of the duke of Burgundy, his
accomplices and adherents, to reduce them to
that subjection and obedience which they owe
to us, and to punish them for their traitorous
misdeeds, so that honour may redound to us,
and they may serve in future as examples to
all others.
‘ We give it in command by these presents
to our well beloved and faithful counsellors,
members of our parliament, to the provost of
Paris, to the bailiff of Amiens, and to all other
cur officers of justice, to their deputies, and to
351
ach of them to whom it may appertain, that
they do proclaim these presents, or cause them to
be proclaimed, in the most public places within
their jurisdictions where such proclamations
have usually been made, so that no one miay
plead ignorance of the same.
‘ Commanding also, at the same time,
that all our officers and subjects who may
have been used to arms do hasten with all
possible speed to join and serve us in such
things as we may command, with as many men
at arms as they can collect, under pain of our
highest displeasure and suffering confiscation
of effects, or such other punishment as may
be awarded against all who shall in any way
disobey these our said commands.
‘ In testimony of which, we have to these
presents afhixed our sea].—Given at Paris, the
10th day of February, in the year of Grace
1413, and of our reign the 33d*.” Thus
* There is the most extraordinary confusion of dates
throughout these state-papers, which it is, probably, utterly
impossible to rectify by any conjectural emendations: but it
seems right to take some notice of the circumstance, as at first
sight it appears a most culpable oversight. It is not only here
but throughout the book that this confusion prevails, as is very
evident from the challenges of the arragonian esquire in the
beginning of the volume.
$52
signed by the king, on the report of the great
council, held by the queen and my lord of
Acquitaine. Countersigned, ¢ Derion.’
This edict was proclaimed in Amiens, and
afterward in the provostships, and throughout
the bailiwick by commission from the said
bailiff.
END OF THE THIRD VOLUME:
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