HANDBOUND
AT THE
Van dyke
J.C KLellogg
-VEKNOR OF MASS AC ''1 1 1 'SKTTS
CHRONICLES
OF
THE FIRST PLANTERS
OF
THE COLONY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY,
FROM 1623 TO 1636.
NOW FIRST COLLECTED FROM ORIGINAL RECORDS AND CONTEMPORANEOUS
MANUSCRIPTS, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NOTES.
BY ALEXANDER YOUNG.
Sicut patribus, sit Deus nobia.
rf
BOSTON:
CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN.
MDCCCXLVI.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1846, by
ALEXANDER YOUNG,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
BOSTON:
PRINTED BT FREEMAN AND BOLLES,
DEVONSHIRE STREET.
TO
THE HONORABLE
LEMUEL SHAW, LL.D.
CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,
THIS VOLUME
IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED
BY
HIS FRIEND AND PASTOR.
PKEFACE.
THE unexpected favor with which the publication
of the " Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the
Colony of Plymouth, " was received, whilst it fur-
nished gratifying proof of a growing interest in the
early annals of New-England, encouraged the editor
to enter into the collateral but broader field of the
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, and to gather up
here the scattered sheaves of a no less abundant
harvest. The present volume, it is believed, will be
found to contain every authentic document relating
to the planting of the Colony of Massachusetts, from
its first faint dawnings in 1623 to the full sunrise of
1636, with the single exception of Winthrop's His-
tory, to which it may be considered an introduction
or supplement. Its chief and peculiar value, as well
as that of its predecessor, consists in the fact that it
imbodies the earliest materials for the History of our
Commonwealth, written by men who lived at the
time, on the spot, and were personally engaged in
VI PREFACE.
the transactions which they record. Such documents
can never become obsolete, can never be superseded
by subsequent narratives, however eloquent or beau-
tiful, but must always be appealed to as the solid
groundwork of our history. In the estimation of not
a few, the severe and simple beauty of their Doric
structure outvies the florid ornaments of more stately
and ambitious edifices.
The numerous references in the Notes, though to
some they may appear unnecessary, will enable the
reader to verify my statements, and will point him to
the sources of additional information. The former
volume of Chronicles is included among the works
referred to, to save the necessity of repeating what
has already been said.
No nation or state has a nobler origin or lineage
than Massachusetts. My reverence for the character
of its founders constantly rises with the closer study
of their lives, and a clearer insight into their prin-
ciples and motives. Much as has been said in com-
mendation of them, their worth has never been over-
rated, and we should never be tired of recounting
their virtues. "Vestra autem pietas, viri exules,
quae maluit patriam quam Evangelium deserere, com-
modisque carere temporariis quam permisceri sacris a
Christo alienis, egregiam sane meretur laudem.'
ALEXANDER YOUNG.
BOSTON, JUNE 1, 1846.
CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAGE.
I. JOHN WHITE'S BRIEF RELATION OF THE OCCASION OF
PLANTING* OF THIS COLONY . . . . l
II. WILLIAM HUBBARD'S NARRATIVE OF THE DISCOVERY
AND FIRST PLANTING OF THE MASSACHUSETTS 17
HI. THE ORIGINAL RECORDS OF THE GOVERNOR AND COM-
PANY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY, IN NEW-ENGLAND 37
IV. GOVERNOR CRADOCK'S LETTER TO CAPTAIN JOHN EN-
,DICOTT . . . . . . 129
V. THE COMPANY'S FIRST GENERAL LETTER OF INSTRUC-
TIONS TO ENDICOTT AND HIS COUNCIL . . 141
VI. THE COMPANY'S SECOND GENERAL LETTER OF INSTRUC-
TIONS TO ENDICOTT AND HIS COUNCIL . . 172
VII. THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT FOR THE COLONY . 192
VIII. THE ALLOTMENT OF THE LANDS . . . 197
IX. OATHS OF OFFICE FOR THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL 201
X. THE COMPANY'S AGREEMENT WITH THE MINISTERS 205
XI. FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S JOURNAL OF HIS VOYAGE . 213
XII. FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S NEW-ENGLAND'S PLANTATION 239
XIII. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR PLANTING NEW-ENGLAND 269
XIV. THE AGREEMENT AT CAMBRIDGE . . . 279
XV. THE COMPANY'S LETTERS TO HIGGINSON AND ENDICOTT 285
Vlll CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAGE.
XVI. THE GOVERNOR AND COMPANY'S HUMBLE REQUEST TO
THEIR BRETHREN IN AND OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 293
XVII. DEPUTY GOVERNOR DUDLEY'S LETTER TO THE COUNTESS
OF LINCOLN ..... 301
XVEI. CAPTAIN ROGER CLAP'S MEMOIRS . . . 343
XIX. THE EARLY RECORDS OF CHARLESTOWN . . 369
XX. WILLIAM WOOD'S DESCRIPTION OF MASSACHUSETTS 389
XXI. JOHN COTTON'S LIFE AND LETTERS . . 417
SAMUEL WHITING'S LIFE OF JOHN COTTON . 419
COTTON'S LETTER TO HIS WIFE . . . 432
COTTON'S LETTER TO THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN . 434
COTTON'S REASONS FOR HIS REMOVAL TO NEW-ENGLAND 438
XXII. RICHARD MATHER'S JOURNAL . . . 445
XXIII. ANTHONY THACHER'S NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK 483
XXIV. THOMAS SHEPARD'S MEMOIR OF HIS OWN LIFE 497
WHITE'S BRIEF RELATION.
THE PLANTERS PLEA. Or the Grovnds of Plantations Examined,
and vsuall Objections answered. Together with a manifesta-
tion of the causes mooving such as have lately vndertaken a
Plantation in NEW-ENGLAND : For the satisfaction of those that
question the lawfulnesse of the Action. 2 Thess. v. 21. Prove
all things, and holdefast that which is good. LONDON. Print-
ed by William Tones. 1630. sm. 4to. pp. 88.
CHAPTER I.
A BRIEF RELATION OF THE OCCASION OF PLANTING
OF THIS COLONY.
THE ensuing faithful and unpartial narration of the CHAP.
first occasions, beginning, and progress of the whole ^
work, is laid before the eyes of all that desire to re-
ceive satisfaction, by such as have been privy to the
very first conceiving and contriving of this project of
planting this Colony, 1 and to the several passages
that have happened since ; who also, in that they
relate, consider they have the searcher of all hearts
and observer of all men's ways witness of the truth
and falsehood that they deliver.
About ten years since, a company of English,
part out of the Low Countries, and some out of Lon-
don and other parts, associating themselves into one
body, with an intention to plant in Virginia, in their
passage thither being taken short by the wind, in the
depth of winter, the whole ground being under snow, 9 *
were forced with their provisions to land themselves style
1 This fact gives to the Narrative the sanction of the highest authority.
THE SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOUTH.
CHAP, in New-England, upon a small bay beyond Matta-
chusets, 1 in the place which they now inhabit, and
0> call by the name of New Plymouth. 2 The ground
11. being covered a foot thick with snow, and they being
without shelter, and having amongst them divers
women and children, no marvel if they lost some 3 of
their company ; it may be wondered how they saved
the rest. But notwithstanding this sharp encounter
at the first, and some miscarriages afterward, yet,
conceiving God's providence had directed them unto
i
that place, and finding great charge and difficulty in
removing, they resolved to fix themselves there ; and
being assisted by some of their friends in London, 4
having passed over most of the greatest difficulties
that usually encounter new planters, they began to
subsist at length in a reasonably comfortable man-
ner ; being, notwithstanding, men but of mean and
weak estates of themselves ; 5 and after a year's expe-
rience or two of the soil and inhabitants, sent home
tidings of both, and of their w^ell-being there, which
1 It seems to us somewhat strange by the editor of this volume, p. 101,
to speak of Plymouth as on a " small note 2 .
bay beyond Massachusetts." But 3 Before the first of April, that
for some time after the first settle- is, in less than four months, forty-
ment of the country, the name Mas- four of the hundred persons who
sachusetts was usually confined to constituted the company, died. See
the territory lying around Boston Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 198.
harbour, from Nahant to Point Al- 4 Some of these friends in London
derton. See Savage's Winthrop, were also interested in the Massa-
i. 27, 121. chusetts Company ; such as John
9 We find here no allusion what- White, Thomas Goffe, Samuel
ever to the alleged treachery of the Sharpe, John Re veil, and John Po-
captain of the Mayflower, who is cock. See the Collections of the
said by Morton in his New-England's Massachusetts Historical Society,
Memorial, p. 34, to have been brib- iii. 48.
ed by the Dutch to carry that vessel 6 With the exception of Winslow
north of their plantation on Hud- and Standish, the first settlers of
son's river. See this charge exam- Plymouth Colony were, in point of
ined in the Chronicles of the Pilgrim family and property, much inferior
Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth, to those of Massachusetts.
ORIGIN OF THIS COLONY. O
occasioned other men to take knowledge of the place, CHAP.
and to take it into consideration. 1
About the year 1623, some western merchants, less,
who had continued a trade of fishing for cod and bar-
tering for furs in those parts for divers years before, 2
conceiving that a Colony planted on the coast might
further them in those employments, bethought them-
selves how they might bring that project to effect,
and communicated their purpose to others, alleging
the conveniency of compassing their project with a
small charge, by the opportunity of their fishing
trade, in which they accustomed to double-man
their ships, that, by the help of many hands, they
might despatch their voyage and lade their ship
with fish while the fishing season lasted ; which
could not be done with a bare sailing company.
Now it was conceived that, the fishing being ended,
the spare men that were above their necessary sail-
ors, might be left behind with provisions for a year ;
and when that ship returned the next year, they
might assist them in fishing, as they had done the
former year ; and, in the mean time, might employ
themselves in building, and planting corn, which,
with the provisions of fish, fowl and venison, that the
land yielded, would afford them the chief of their
food. This proposition of theirs took so well, that
1 The publication in London, in 2 In the year 1620 there went six
1622, of Bradford and Winslow's or seven ships from the west of
Journal, and in 1624, of Winslow's England to fish on, the northeastern
Good News from New-England, un- coasts of New-England ; in 1621,.
doubtedly did much to draw the at- ten or twelve ; in 1622, thirty-five ;
tention of the people of England to in 1623, about forty ; and in 1624,
the subject of colonizing the north- about fifty. See Prince's Annals,,
ern part of this continent. See both pp. 157,185,201, 210,224, (8vo.
of these documents in the Chronicles ed. Boston, 1826.)
of Plymouth, pp. 109 and 269.
O DESIGN OF THE PLANTATION.
CHAP, it drew on divers persons to join with them in this
project ; the rather because it was conceived that
not only their own fishermen, but the rest of our
nation that went thither on the same errand, might
be much advantaged, not only by fresh victual, which
that Colony might spare them in time, but withal,
and more, by the benefit of their ministers' labors,
which they might enjoy during the fishing season ;
whereas otherwise, being usually upon those voyages
nine or ten months in the year, they were left all
the while without any means of instruction at all. 1
Compassion towards the fishermen, and partly some
expectation of gain, prevailed so far that for the
planting of a Colony in New-England there was
raised a stock of more than 3000, intended to be
paid in in five years, but afterwards disbursed in a
shorter time.
How this stock was employed, and by what errors
and oversights it was wasted, is, I confess, not much
pertinent to this subject in hand. Notwithstanding,
because the knowledge thereof may be of use for
other men's direction, let me crave leave, in a short
digression, to present unto the reader's view the
1 " There were more than a few been very fine settlements in the
attempts of the English to people northeast regions ; but what is be-
and improve the parts of New-Eng- come of them ? I have heard that
land which were to the northward one of our ministers, once preaching
of New Plymouth. But the designs to a congregation there, urged them
of those attempts being aimed no to approve themselves a religious
higher than the advancement of people from this consideration, that
some worldly interests, a constant otherwise they would contradict the
series of disasters has confounded main end of planting this wilderness,
them, until there was a plantation Whereupon a well-known person,
erected upon the nobler designs of then in the assembly, cried out,
Christianity. And that plantation, ' Sir, you are mistaken. You think
though it has had more adversaries you are preaching to the people at
than perhaps any one upon earth, the Bay. Our main end was to
yet, having obtained help from God, catch fish.' " Mather's Magnalia,
it continues to this day. There have i. 61, (Hartford ed. 1820.)
FOURTEEN MEN AT CAPE ANN. 7
whole order of the managing of such moneys as were CHAP.
X*
collected, with the success and issue of the business ~
undertaken. 1623 '
The first employment, then, of this new raised
stock was in buying a small ship of fifty tons, which
was, with as much speed as might be, despatched
towards New England upon a fishing voyage ; the
charge of which ship, with a new suit of sails, and
other provisions to furnish her, amounted to more
than <300. Now by reason the voyage was under-
taken too late, she came at least a month or six
weeks later than the rest of the fishing ships that
went for that coast ; and by that means wanting fish
to make up her lading, the master thought good to
pass into Mattachusets Bay, 1 to try whether that
would yield him any ; which he performed, and
speeding there better than he had reason to expect,
having left his spare men behind him in the country
at Cape Anne, he returned to a late and consequently
a bad market in Spain, and so home. The charge of
this voyage, with provision for fourteen spare men
left in the country, amounted to above <800, with
the <300 expended upon the ship, mentioned before.
And the whole provenue, besides the ship, which
remained to us 2 still, amounted not to above c200.
So the expense, above the return of that voyage,
came to <600, and upwards.
The next year was brought to the former ship a 1624.
Flemish fly-boat, 3 of about a hundred and forty tons ;
1 See note * on page 4. paper, White, was one of the ad-
2 From this expression, us, it venturers.
would seem that the author of this 3 The Half-Moon, in which Henry
8 TWO FISHING-VESSELS EMPLOYED.
CHAP, which being unfit for a fishing voyage, as being built
< ~ merely for burthen, and wanting lodging for the
1624. men which she needed for such an employment, they
added unto her another deck, (which seldom proves
well with Flemish buildings,) by which means she
was carved so high that she proved wait, 1 and una-
ble to bear any sail ; so that before she could pass
on upon her voyage, they were fain to shift her first,
and put her upon a better trim, and afterwards, that
proving to little purpose, to unlade her, and take
her up and fur her. Which notwithstanding it were
performed with as much speed as might be, yet the
year was above a month too far spent before she
could despatch to set to sea again. And when she
arrived in the country, being directed by the master
of the smaller ship, upon the success of his former
year's voyage, to fish at Cape Anne, not far from
Mattachusets Bay, 2 sped very ill, as did also the
smaller ship that led her thither, and found little
fish ; so that the greater ship returned with little
more than a third part of her lading, and came back
(contrary to her order, by which she was consigned
to Bourdeaux,) directly for England ; so that the Com-
pany of Adventurers was put to a new charge to hire
a small ship to carry that little quantity of fish she
brought home to market.
The charge of this voyage, with both the ships,
Hudson discovered the noble river wait, when she has not her due bal-
now called by his name, and explor- last, that is, not enough to enable
ed it above Albany, was a fly-boat her to bear her sails or keep her
or yacht of eighty tons. See Moul- stiff. Hubbard, in his History of
ton's History of the State of New New England, p. 322, speaking of
York, pp. 202, 245, and Brodhead's Lamberton's ill-fated ship, says that
Address before the New York Hist, she "was ill built, very walt-sid-
Society, p. 14. ed."
1 Walt, crank. A ship is said to 2 See note l on page 4.
THIRTY-TWO MEN AT CAPE ANN. b)
amounted to about 2200 ; whereof <800 and up- CHAP.
ward must be accounted for the building and other
charges about the greater ship. By these two ships 1624 -
were left behind in the country about thirty-two
men, the charges of whose wages and provision
amounted to at the least 500 of the sum formerly
mentioned. The provenue of both the voyages that
year exceeded not the sum of 500, at the most.
The third year, 1625, both ships, with a small 1625.
vessel of forty tons, which carried kine 1 with other
provisions, were again set to sea upon the same
voyage, with the charge of 2000, of which sum the
Company borrowed and became indebted for 1000,
and upwards. The great ship, being commanded by
a very able master, having passed on about two
hundred leagues in her voyage, found herself so
leaky by the carpenter's fault, (that looked not well
to her calking,) that she bare up the helm and re-
turned for Weymouth, and having unladen her pro-
visions and mended her leak, set herself to sea again,
resolving to take advice of the wind whether to pass
on her former voyage, or to turn into Newfoundland ;
which she did, by reason that the time was so far
spent that the master and company despaired of do-
ing any good in New-England, where the fish falls
in two or three months sooner than at Newfoundland.
There she took fish, good store, and much more than
she could lade home. The overplus should have
been sold and delivered to some sacke or other sent
to take it in there, if the voyage had been well man-
The first cattle, a bull and three low. See Prince's Annals, p. 225.
heifers, were brought to Plymouth (8vo. ed. Boston, 1826.)
in March, 1624, by Edward Wins-
10 ILL SUCCESS OF THE ENTERPRISE.
CHAP, aged. But that could not be done, by reason that
the ship, before she went, was not certain where to
1625. ma k e ner fi s h. jjy ^is accident it fell out that a
good quantity of the fish she took was cast away, and
some other part was brought home in another ship.
At the return of the ships that year, fish, by rea-
son of our wars with Spain, falling to a very low
rate, the Company endeavoured to send the greater
ship for France. But she being taken short with a
contrary wind, in the west country, and intelligence
given in the mean time that those markets were
overlaid, they were enforced to bring her back
again, and to sell her fish at home as they might.
Which they did, and with it the fish of the smaller
ship, the New-England fish about ten shillings the
hundred by tale, or thereabout, the Newfoundland
fish at six shillings four pence the hundred ; of which
was w^ell nigh eight pence the hundred charge raised
upon it after the ship's return. By this reason the
fish, which at a market in all likelihood might have
yielded well nigh 2000, amounted not, with all the
provenue of the voyage, to above 1100.
Unto these losses by fishing, were added two
other no small disadvantages ; the one in the coun-
try by our land-men, who being ill chosen and ill
commanded, fell into many disorders, and did the
Company little service ; the other by the fall of the
price of shipping, which was now abated to more
than the one half ; by which means it came to pass,
that our ships, which stood us in little less than
1200, were sold for 480.
The occasions and means then of wasting this stock
are apparently these : first, the ill choice of the place
ABANDONMENT OF THE ENTERPRISE. 11
for fishing. The next, the ill carriage of our men at CHAP.
land, who having stood us in two years and a half in
well nigh 1000 charge, never yielded 100 profit.
The last, the ill sales of fish and shipping. By all
which the Adventurers were so far discouraged, that
they abandoned the further prosecution of this de-
sign, and took order for the dissolving of the com-
pany on land, and sold away their shipping and other
provisions.
Two things withal may be intimated by the way ;
the first, that the very project itself of planting by
the help of a fishing voyage, can never answer the
success that it seems to promise ; which experienced
fishermen easily have foreseen beforehand, and by that
means have prevented divers ensuing errors. Where-
of, amongst divers other reasons, these may serve for
two ; first, that no sure fishing-place in the land is
fit for planting, nor any good place for planting found
fit for fishing, at least near the shore ; and, secondly,
rarely any fishermen will work at land, neither are
husbandmen fit for fishermen but with long use and
experience. The second thing to be observed is,
that nothing new fell out in the managing of this
stock, seeing experience hath taught us that, as in
building houses, the first stones of the foundation are
buried under ground and are not seen, so in planting
colonies, the first stocks employed that way are con-
sumed, although they serve for a foundation to the
work.
/
But to return to our former subject, from which
we digressed. Upon the manifestation of the West-
ern Adventurers' resolution to give off their work,
12 SETTLEMENT AT NAHUMKEIK.
CHAP, most part of the land-men, being sent for, returned.
But a few of the most honest and industrious resolved
1626. to sta y behind, and to take charge of the cattle sent
over the year before ; which they performed accord-
ingly. And not liking their seat at Cape Anne,
chosen especially for the supposed commodity of fish-
ing, they transported themselves to Nahum-Keike?
about four or five leagues distant to the south-west
from Cape Anne.
Some then of the Adventurers, that still continued
their desire to set forward the plantation of a Colony
there, conceiving that if some more cattle were sent
over to those few men left behind, they might not
only be a means of the comfortable subsisting of such
as were already in the country, but of inviting some
other of their friends and acquaintance to come over
to them, adventured to send over twelve kine and
bulls more ; and conferring casually with some gen-
tlemen of London, 2 moved them to add unto them as
many more. By which occasion, the business came
1627. to agitation afresh in London, and being at first ap-
proved by some and disliked by others, by argument
1 The author, White, in another haven of comfort, but happened also
part of his work, after referring to to put a Hebrew name upon it ; for
the opinion held by some that the they called it Salem, for the peace
Indians might formerly have had which they had and hoped in it ; and
some intercourse with the Jews, ob- so it is called unto this day." Ma-
serves, " Howsoever it be, it falls ther probably derived this whimsical
out that the name of the place which etymology from Scottow, who says,
our late Colony hath chosen for their " Its original name was called Naum-
seat, proves to be perfect Hebrew, kek, the Bosom of Consolation, being
being called Nahum Keike, by inter- its signification, as the learned have
pretation, The Bosom of Consola- observed." See Planter's Plea, p.
tion" Gotten Mather also says, 14, Mather's Magnalia, i. 63, and
" Of which place I have somewhere Joshua Scottow's Narrative of the
met with an odd observation, that Planting of the Massachusetts Colo-
the name of it was rather Hebrew ny, p. 51, (Boston, 1694.)
than Indian ; for Nahum signifies a Their names will appear here-
Comfort, and Keik signifies a Haven ; after in the records of the Com-
and our English not only found it a pany.
THE EMIGRATION WITH END1COTT. 13
and disputation it grew to be more vulgar ; insomuch CHAP.
that some men showing some good affection to the ^~
work, and offering the help of their purses if fit men 162 ?.
might be procured to go over, inquiry was made
whether any would be willing to engage their per-
sons in the voyage. By this inquiry it fell out that
among others they lighted at last on Master ENDE-
coTT, 1 a man well known to divers persons of good
note, who manifested much willingness to accept of
the offer as soon as it was tendered ; w^hich gave
great encouragement to such as were upon the point
of resolution to set on this work of erecting a new
Colony upon the old foundation. Hereupon divers
persons having subscribed for the raising of a reason-
able sum of money, a patent was granted with large
encouragements every way by his most excellent
Majesty. 2 Master Endecott was sent over Governor, 1628.
assisted with a few men, and arriving in safety there ^ e
in September, 1628, 3 and uniting his own men with s t
those which were formerly planted in the country -
into one body, they made up in all not much above
fifty or sixty 4 persons.
*
1 " A fit instrument to begin this farthered by the honored Mr. Rich-
wilderness-work, of courage bold, ard Bellingham." A previous pa-
undaunted, yet sociable, arid of a tent had been obtained from the
cheerful spirit, loving and austere, Council for New England, March
applying himself to either, as occa- 19, 1628. It was under this that
sion served." Edward Johnson's Endicott came out, and not under
Wonderworking Providence, ch. ix. the broad seal of England, as erro-
(London, 1654.) neously stated by Gov. Bradford,
* " Deputy governor Dudley, Mr. Secretary Morton, and Edward John-
Hubbard, and others, wrongly place son. See Prince's Annals, pp. 249,
Mr. Endicott's voyage after the 250, 254 ; Mass. Hist, Coll. xii. 63;
grant of the royal charter, whereas and Morton's New-England's Memo-
he came above eight months be- rial, p. 137, (Davis's edition, Bos-
fore." The patent of the Massa- ton, 1826.)
chusetts Company was confirmed by 3 This was the first emigration
the king, Charles I. March 4, 1629. under the authority of the Massa-
Edward Johnson says it was " pro- chusetts Company,
cured by advice of one Mr. White, 4 It will be seen from Higginson's
an honest counsellor-at-law, as also Narrative, in a subsequent part of
14 THE EMIGRATION WITH HIGGINSON.
CHAP. His prosperous journey, and safe arrival of himself
and all his company, and good report which he sent
528 - back of the country, gave such encouragement to the
work, that more adventurers joining with the first
undertakers, and all engaging themselves more deeply
for the prosecution of the design, they sent over the
1629. next year about three hundred persons more, 1 most
servants, with a convenient proportion of rother-
beasts, 2 to the number of sixty or seventy, or there-
about, and some mares and horses ; of which the kine
came safe for the most part, but the greater part of
the horses died, so that there remained not above
twelve or fourteen alive.
By this time the often agitation of this affair in
sundry parts of the kingdom, the good report of Cap-
tain Endecott's government, and the increase of the
Colony, began to awaken the spirits of some persons
of competent estates, 3 not formerly engaged. Con-
sidering that they lived either without any useful
employment at home, and might be more serviceable
in assisting the planting of a Colony in New-England,
[they] took at last a resolution to unite themselves
for the prosecution of that work. And, as it usually
falls out, some other of their acquaintance, seeing
such men of good estates 3 engaged in the voyage,
this volume, that on his arrival at- try Words, p. 51, and Richardson's
Salem in June, 1629, he found there Eng. Diet, under Rout,
about a hundred persons with Endi- 3 Winthrop, Isaac Johnson, Sal-
cott. tonstall, Dudley, Cradock, the Vas-
1 This was the second emigration, sals, and most of the Massachusetts
under Higginson. He says, " We Company, were men of " good " and
brought with us about two hundred "competent estates." Winthrop
passengers and planters more." had an estate of six or seven hun-
2 Cows, oxen. " The old Saxon dred pounds a year, and Johnson's
word hrutan signifies to snort, snore, interest in the New-England adven-
or rout in sleeping. To rowt or ture was six hundred pounds. See
rawt is to low like an ox or cow. Hutchinson's History of the Colony
Hence also the Saxon hruther, bos, a of Massachusetts Bay, i. 14, 16.
rother-beast." Ray's North Coun- (London, 1760.)
THE EMIGRATION WITH WINTHROP. 15
some for love to their persons, and others upon other CHAP.
respects, united unto them ; which together made up
a competent number, (perhaps far less than is re- 163 -
ported,) and embarked themselves for a voyage to April.
New-England, where I hope they are long since
safely arrived. 1
This is an unpartial though brief relation of the
occasion of planting of this Colony. The particulars
whereof, if they could be entertained, were clear
enough to any indifferent judgment, that the suspi-
cious and scandalous reports raised upon these gen-
tlemen and their friends, (as if, under the color of
planting a Colony, they intended to raise and erect a
seminary of faction and separation,) are nothing else
but the fruits of jealousy of some distempered mind,
or, which is worse, perhaps, savor of a desperate
malicious plot of men ill affected to religion, endeav-
ouring, by casting the undertakers into the jealousy
of State, to shut them out of those advantages which
otherwise they do and might expect from the counte-
nance of authority. Such men would be intreated to
forbear that base and unchristian course of traducing
innocent persons under these odious names of Separa-
tists 2 and enemies to the Church and State, for fear
lest their own tongues fall upon themselves by the
justice of His hand who will not fail to clear the in-
nocency of the just, and to cast back into the bosom
of every slanderer the filth that he rakes up to throw
in other men's faces. As for men of more indiffe-
1 This was the third or great em- paratists. For the difference be-
igration, under Winthrop. tween the two, consult the Chroni-
The first planters of Massachu- cles of Plymouth, pp. 398, 414-17.
setts were Nonconformists, not Se-
16
THE PLANTERS PLEA.
CHAP, rent and better tempered minds, they would be seri-
-~ ously advised to beware of entertaining and admitting,
1630. mucn m ore countenancing and crediting such un-
charitable persons as discover themselves by their
carriage, and that in this particular, to be men ill
affected towards the work itself, if not to religion, at
which it aims, and consequently unlikely to report
any truth of such as undertake it. 1
1 The PLANTERS' PLEA., from
which this chapter is extracted, was
printed in London in 1630, soon af-
ter the sailing of Winthrop's fleet,
as appears from page 15. It has
fenerally been ascribed to the Rev.
ohn White, of Dorchester, Eng-
land, of whom some account will be
given hereafter. The copy which I
use, and which formerly belonged to
Increase Mather, has on the title-
page, in his hand- writing, " Mr.
White, of Dorchester, Author."
This may be considered good au-
thority, as Increase Mather probably
derived his information from his fa-
ther, Richard, who came over in
1635, or from some other of the
first settlers. The work is an ori-
ginal, contemporaneous authority, of
the highest value, as it contains facts
relating to the earliest attempts at
settlement in Massachusetts Bay,
which can be found nowhere else,
and these facts furnished by the per-
sons who were themselves engaged
as adventurers in these attempts.
See page 3. In his Preface the au-
thor says, " The reader is intreated
to observe that the particulars of this
small pamphlet being all ranged un-
der these two heads, matters of fact
or of opinion, in the former the author
sets down his knowledge, and conse-
quently what he resolves to justify."
In the Preface to John Cotton's
sermon, entitled " God's Promise to
his Plantation," delivered just be-
fore the departure of Winthrop's
company, I. H. (which I suppose
to be the initials of John Humphrey,
who, though chosen Deputy Gov-
ernor of the Colony, remained be-
hind, and did not come over till July
1634,) says, "Erelong, (if God
will,) thou shalt see a larger decla-
ration of the first rise and ends of
this enterprise, and so clear and full
a justification of this design, both in
respect of that warrant it hath from
God's word, and also in respect of
any other ground and circumstance
of weight that is considerable in the
warrant of such a work, as (I hope)
there will easily be removed any
scruple of moment which hitherto
hath been moved about it." The
Planters' Plea corresponds to this
description, and I have no doubt is
the work which the writer intended
to announce.
The Planters' Plea appears to
have been unknown to our histo-
rians. Neither Mather, Prince,
Hutchinson, Bancroft, nor Grahame
make any use or mention of if. Hub-
bard may have had it ; but I think
he derived his knowledge of the first
settlement of the Colony from Co-
riant and his companions.
HUBBARD'S NARRATIVE
CHAPTER II.
N
THE DISCOVERY AND FIRST PLANTING OF THE MAS-
SACHUSETTS.
SEVERAL mariners and persons skilled in naviga- CHAP.
tion, (whether employed by others in a way of fish- ^
ing and trading, or to satisfy their own humors in
making further and more exact discoveries of the
country, is not material,) had some years before look-
ed down into the Massachusetts Bay. 1 The inhabit-
ants of New Plymouth had heard the fame thereof, i62i.
and in the first year after their arrival there took an
occasion to visit it, 2 gaining some acquaintance with
the natives of the place, in order to future traffic with
them. For which purpose something like a habita-
tion was set up at Nantasket, 3 a place judged then
1 Capt. John Smith appears to 2 Gov. Bradford says, "We re-
have been the first navigator, of turned with a considerable quantity
whom we have any account, that of beaver and a good report of the
penetrated to the bottom of Massa- place, wishing we had been seated
chusetts Bay. This was in 1614. there." See the original Journal of
He says, " The country of the Mas- the expedition in the Chronicles of
sachusetts is the paradise of all those Plymouth, pp. 224-229.
parts ; for here are many isles all 3 A peninsula at the entrance of
planted with corn, groves, mulber- Boston harbour, now called Hull,
ries, salvage gardens, and good bar- which name it received from the
bours." Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. General Court in 1644. See Sav-
118. age's note on Winthrop, ii. 175.
20 ROGER CONANT AT NANTASKET.
CHAP, most commodious for such an end. There Mr. Ro-
ger Conant, with some few others, after Mr. Lyford
and Mr. Oldham were, for some offence, real or sup-
posed, discharged from having anything more to do
1624. at Plymouth, 1 found a place of retirement and recep-
tion for themselves and families for the space of a
year and some few months, till a door was opened
for them at Cape Anne, a place on the other side the
Bay, (more convenient for those that belong to the
tribe of Zebulon than for those that chose to dwell
in the tnts of Issachar,) whither they removed
1625. about the year 1625. And after they had made
another short trial thereof, for about a year's contin-
1626. uance, they removed a third time down a little lower
towards the bottom of the Bay, being invited by the
accommodations which they either saw or hoped to
find on the other side of a creek near by, called
1 John Lyford came over to Ply- a Court, and charges Lyford and Old-
mouth in the spring- of 1624, and ham with plotting against us. Old-
John Oldham in August, 1623. Ro- ham being outrageous, would have
bert Cushman, in a letter dated Lon- raised a mutiny ; but his party
don, Jan. 24, 1624, writes, " We leaves him, and the Court expels
send a preacher, though not the them the colony." Edward Wins-
most eminent, for whose going Mr. low, the agent of the Plymouth Co-
Winslow and I gave way, to give lony in England, afterwards made
content to some at London." Gov. such disclosures there respecting
Bradford also speaks of " the min- Lyford as confounded the party
ister, Mr. John Lyford, whom a among the merchant adventurers
faction of the adventurers send to who adhered to him, and he was
hinder Mr. Robinson." Lyford judged unfit for the ministry. "By
wrote home to the adverse part of this, (says Prince,) it seems as if the
the adventurers in 1624, counselling Rev. Mr. White and the Dorchester
them that " the Leyden company, gentlemen had been imposed upon
Mr. Robinson and the rest, must still with respect to Lyford and Oldham,
be kept back, or else all will be spoil- and had sent invitations to them be-
ed." " Lyford," says Bradford, fore this discovery." A minute ac-
" soon joins with Oldham, and they count of this affair, which appears
fall a plotting both against our to justify the Plymouth people, may
church and government, draw a be seen in Morton's Memorial, pp.
company apart, set up for them- 111-122. See also Prince's Annals,
selves, and he would administer the pp. 226-232, and Chronicles of Ply-
sacrament to them by his Episcopal mouth, p. 476.
calling. Upon this the Governor calls
PREPARATION FOR THE COLONY. 21
Naumkeag, which afforded a considerable quantity CHAP.
of planting land near adjoining thereto. Here they -
took up their station, upon a pleasant and fruitful
neck of land, environed with an arm of the sea on
each side, in either of which vessels and ships of
good burthen might safely anchor. In this place,
(soon after by a minister, 1 that came with a company 1629.
of honest planters, called Salem, from that in Psalm
Ixxvi. 2,) was laid the first foundation on which the
next colonies were built.
Notwithstanding the many adventures which had
hitherto been made, by sundry persons of estate and
quality, for the discovery and improvement of this
part of America, called New-England, nothing could
as yet be settled by way of planting any colony upon
the coast, with desirable success, save that of New
Plymouth. 2 As for the rest of the plantations, they
were like the habitations of the foolish, as it is in
Job, cursed before they had taken root.
But the vanishing of all the forementioned at-
tempts did but make way for the settling the Colony
of the Massachusetts ; and this was the occasion
thereof.
As some merchants from the west of England had
for a long time frequented the parts about Mun-
1 Francis Higginson, who says in The Plymouth Company's in 1607,
his Journal, " When we came first near the mouth of the Kennebec ;
to Naimkecke, now called Salem." (2.) Weston's at Wessagusset
Roger Conant, the founder of it, ex- ( Weymouth) in 1622 ; (3.) Robert
pressly disclaims having had " any Gorge's at the same place in 1623 ;
hand in naming that town." See (4.) David Thomson's at the mouth
Mass. Archives, Towns, i. 217. of the Piscataqua in 1623 ; and (5.)
These abortive attempts to plant Captain Wollaston's at Quincy in
colonies in New-England, were, (1.) 1625.
V
22 FISHING-STAGES AT CAPE ANN.
CHAP, higgon, 1 for the taking of fish, 2 &c., so did others,
especially those of Dorchester, make the like attempt
upon the northern promontory of the Massachusetts
Bay, in probability first discovered by Capt. Smith,
1614. before or in the year 1614, and by him named Tra-
gabizanda, 3 for the sake of a lady from whom he re-
ceived much favor while he was a prisoner among
the Turks ; by whom also the three small islands at
the head of the Cape were called the Three Turks'
Heads. But neither of them glorying in these Ma-
hometan titles, the promontory willingly exchanged
its name for that of Cape Anne, imposed, as is said,
by Capt. Mason, 4 and which it retaineth to this day,
in honor of our famous Queen Anne, the royal con-
sort of King James ; and the three other islands are
now known by other names. 5
Here did the foresaid merchants first erect stages
whereon to make their fish, and yearly sent their
ships thither for that end for some considerable time,
until the fame of the Plantation at New Plymouth,
with the success thereof, was spread abroad through
all the western parts of England so far, as that it
began to revive the hopes of some of those merchants
who had not long before adventured their estates to
promote so honorable a design as was the planting
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth Sparks's American Biography, ii.
Colony, page 182, note 4 , and Wil- 191-194, 197, and Mass. Hist. Coll.
liamson's History of Maine, i. 61. xxvi. 97, 118, 120.
2 "It is well known, before our 4 This is a mistake. The name
breach with Spain, (1624,) we was altered by Prince Charles, in
usually sent out to New-England honor of his mother, Anne of Den-
yearly forty or fifty sail of ships of mark. See Mass. Hist Coll. xxvi.
reasonable good burthen for fishing 97, 99, and xxiii. 20.
only." Planters' Plea, p. 23. See 6 They are now called Straits-
also note on p. 5. mouth island, Thacher's island, a:id
3 See Hillard's Life of Smith in Milk island.
A PLANTATION AT CAPE ANN. 23
and peopling this new world ;* although, finding CHAP.
hitherto but small encouragement that way, they
were ready to withdraw their hands.
On this consideration it was, that some merchants
and other gentlemen about Dorchester did, about
the year 1624, at the instigation of Mr. White, the 1624.
famous preacher of that town, upon a common stock,
together with those that were coming to make fish,
send over sundry persons, in order to the carrying
on a Plantation at Cape Anne, conceiving that plant-
ing on the land might go on equally with fishing on
the sea in those parts of America.
Mr. John Tylly 2 and Mr. Thomas Gardener 3 were
employed as overseers of that whole business ;
the first with reference to the fishing, the other with
respect to the planting on the main land, at least for
one year's time; at the end of which Mr. White, 1625.
with the rest of the Adventurers, hearing of some
religious and well-affected persons, that were lately
removed out of New Plymouth, out of dislike of their
principles of rigid Separation, of which number
Mr. ROGER CoNANT 4 was one, a religious, sober, and
1 In 1623, thirteen of the Compa- tiers of New-England, with Sav-
ny of Adventurers in England, writ- age's Winthrop, ii. 367.
ing to their brethren at New Ply- 4 ROGER CONANT, to whom be-
mouth, tell them, " Let it not be longs the high honor of being the
grievous to you that you have been first planter of the Colony of Massa-
instruments to break the ice for chusetts Bay, was born at Budleigh,
others who come after you. The near Sidmouth, in the county of
honor shall be yours to the world's Devon, in the year 1593, as we in-
end." Bradford in Prince, p. 220. fer from the record in the parish re-
2 John Tylley was admitted a gister of East Budleigh, which
freeman March 4, 1635. See Sav- states that he was baptized April 9,
age's Winthrop, ii. 365. 1593. He was probably the son of
3 Thomas Gardner removed to William Conant, who, as appears
Salem with Conant, was admitted a from the same register, was married
freeman May 17, 1637, and was a Nov. 26, 1588. We have no ac-
member of the General Court the count of the time or manner in which
same year. Compare Farmer's Ge- Roger Conant came over to New-
nealogical Register of the first set- England. Christopher Conant was
24 CONANT APPOINTED AGENT.
CHAP, prudent gentleman, yet surviving about Salem till
~ the year 1680, wherein he finished his pilgrimage,
1625. having a great hand in all these forementioned trans-
actions about Cape Anne, they pitched upon him,
the said Conant, for the managing and government
of all their affairs at Cape Anne. The information
he had of him, was from one Mr. Conant, a brother
of his, and well known to Mr. White; and he was so
well satisfied therein, that he engaged Mr. Hum-
phrey, the treasurer of the joint Adventurers, to write
to him in their names, and to signify that they had
chosen him to be their governor in that place, and
would commit unto him the charge of all their affairs,
as well fishing as planting. Together with him,
likewise, they invited Mr. Lyford, lately dismissed
from Plymouth, to be the minister of the place ; and
Mr. Oldham, also discharged on the like account
one of the passengers in the Anne, Bass river, in what is now the town
which arrived at Plymouth in 1623. of Beverly, on which he settled, and
But I find no evidence in Gov. Brad- in 1671, the General Court made
ford or Morton, or in any of the Ply- him a grant of two hundred acres
mouth records or authorities, to con- more, on the ground of his being
firm the statement here made by "an ancient planter." He died
Hubbard, that Roger Conant was Nov. 19, 1679, in the 87th year of
once a resident in that colony, and his age. Hutchinson says, " He is
was expelled from it with Lyford always spoken of as a person of
and Oldham. Still it may have worth. The superior condition of the
been so ; and Hubbard may have got persons who carne over with the char-
his information from Conant him- ter cast a shade upon him, and he
self. The same mystery hangs lived in obscurity. Governor's Isl-
over his arrival and early residence and, in Boston harbour, [on which is
here, as over Walford, Blackstone, now Fort Warren,] was formerly
and Maverick. They all probably called Conant's island." Conant had
came over in some of the fishing- four sons. Roger, the second, was
vessels that were constantly hover- the first child born in Salem, and on
ing on the coast. He was admitted that account received from the town,
a freeman of the Colony May 18, in 1640, a grant of twenty acres of
1631, and was a representative from land. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii.
Salem in the first Court of Deputies, 250-255, xxviii. 306; Savage's
held in 1634. In 1636, he received Winthrop, i. 130, ii. 362 ; Stone's
from that town a grant of two hun- Hist, of Beverly, p. 18; and Hutch-
dred acres of land at the head of inson's Hist, of Mass. i. 7.
CONANT REMOVES TO CAPE ANN. 25
from Plymouth, was invited to trade for them with CHAP.
the Indians. All these three at that time had their
dwelling at Nantasket. Mr. Lyford accepted, and 1025.
came along with Mr. Conant. Mr. Oldham liked
better to stay where he was for a while, and trade
for himself, and not become liable to give an account
of his gain or loss. But after a year's experience, 1626.
the Adventurers, perceiving their design not like to
answer their expectation, at least as to any present
advantage, threw all up ; yet were so civil to those
that were employed under them, as to pay them all
their wages, and proffered to transport them back
whence they came, if so they desired.
It must here be noted, that Mr. Roger Conant, on
the foresaid occasion made the superintendent of
their affairs, disliked the place as much as the Ad-
venturers disliked the business ; and therefore, in
the mean while, had made some inquiry into a more
commodious place near adjoining, on the other side
of a creek, called Naumkeag, 1 a little to the west-
ward, where was much better encouragement as to
the design of a Plantation, than that which they had
attempted upon before at Cape Anne ; secretly con-
ceiving in his mind, that in following times (as since
is fallen out) it might prove a receptacle for such
as upon the account of religion would be willing to
begin a foreign Plantation in this part of the world ;
of which he gave some intimation to his friends
in England. Wherefore that reverend person, Mr.
WHITE, (under God, one of the chief founders of
1 Capt. John Smith writes this Mass. Hist Coll. xxvi. 97, 107, 118
Naemkeck, Naemkecke, and Nairn- and xxiii. 22, 34.
keck. See note on page 12, and
26
WHITE WRITES TO CONANT.
CHAP, the Massachusetts Colony in New-England,) 1 being
grieved in his spirit that so good a work should be
1626. suffered to fall to the ground by the Adventurers
thus abruptly breaking off, did write to Mr. Conant
not 'so to desert the business, faithfully promising
that if himself, with three others, (whom he knew to
be honest and prudent men, viz. John Woodberry,
John Balch, 2 and Peter Palfreys, 3 employed by the
1 JOHN WHITE, " usually called,"
says Anthony Wood, " patriarch of
Dorchester, or patriarch White,"
was born at Stanton St. John in
Oxfordshire, in 1575, and was edu-
cated first at Winchester, and then
at New College, Oxford, of which
he was fellow. In 1605 he became
rector of Trinity parish in Dorches-
ter. Wood says, " He was for the
most part of his time a moderate
Puritan, and conformed to the cere-
monies of the Church of England
before and when Archbishop Laud
sat at the stern." On the breaking
out of the civil wars, he sided with
the popular party ; and his house
and library having been plundered
by the royalists under Prince Ru-
pert, he came to London, and was
made minister of the Savoy parish.
In 1643 he was chosen one of the
Assembly of Divines at Westmin-
ster, and " showed himself one of
the most learned and moderate
among them, and his judgment was
much relied on therein." Soon
after he was appointed rector of
Lambeth, in Surrey. When the civil
wars were over, he returned to Dor-
chester, and in 1647 was chosen
warden of New College, but declin-
ed the honor. He died suddenly
July 24, 1648, in his 74th year, and
was buried July 2 1 , in the porch of
St. Peter's in Dorchester. Wood
says, "He was a person of great
gravity and presence, and had al-
ways influence on the Puritanical
party, near to and remote from him,
who bore him more respect than
they did to their diocesan." Fuller,
in his Worthies, says that " he had
a patriarchal influence both in Old
and New England." Callender, in
his Historical Discourse on Rhode
Island, calls him " the father of the
Massachusetts Colony." His name
will often occur hereafter in the
meetings of the Massachusetts Com-
pany in London. See Wood's
Athen. Ox. iii. 236, (ed. Bliss) ;
Fuller's Worthies of England, ii.
233 ; Hutchins's History of Dorset,
i. 390 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii.
306 ; and Rhode Island Hist. Coll.
iv. 67.
2 John Balch is said to have come
from Bridge water, in Somersetshire.
He was made a freeman May 18,
1631. In 1636, he received, at the
same time with Conant, a grant of
two hundred acres of land at the
head of Bass river, near the present
residence of Mr. John Bell, in Bev-
erly, where he died in 1648. He
was an intelligent, exemplary, and
useful citizen. He had two wives,
Margaret and Agnes, and three sons,
the second of whom, John, married
Mary, the daughter of Roger Co-
nant, and was drowned in crossing
the ferry to Beverly, Jan. 16, 1662.
See Farmer's Gen. Register, and
Stone's Hist, of Beverly, p. 23.
3 Peter Palfrey was admitted a
freeman May 18, 1631. In May,
1632, when each town in the Colony
chose two men to advise with the
Governor and Assistants at the next
Court about raising a public stock
the " embryo of a parliament," as
Savage calls it Palfrey was joined
with Conant in this trust. In 1635,
CONANT RESOLVES TO REMAIN. 27
Adventurers,) would slay at Naumkeag, and give CHAP.
J.X*
timely notice thereof, he would provide a patent for
them, and likewise send them whatever they should 1626
write for, either men, or provision, or goods where-
with to trade with the Indians. Answer was return-
ed, that they would all stay on those terms, entreat-
ing that they might be encouraged accordingly. Yet
it seems, before they received any return according
to their desires, the three last mentioned began to
recoil, and repenting of their engagement to stay at
Naumkeag, for fear of the Indians and other incon-
veniences, resolved rather to go all to Virginia ;
especially because Mr. Lyford, their minister, upon
a loving invitation, was thither bound. 1 But Mr.
Conant, as one inspired by some superior instinct,
though never so earnestly pressed to go along with
them, peremptorily declared his mind to wait the
providence of God in that place where now they
were, yea, though all the rest should forsake him, 2
he was a deputy from Salem in the in his own hand- writing, " of Roger
second General Court. In 1636, Conant of Bass River, alias Bev-
with the other first planters, he re- erly," dated May 28, 1671. In lhat
ceived a grant of two hundred acres petition he says, that he " hath been
of land on Bass river. In 1653 he a planter in JNeAv-England forty
removed to Reading, where he died years and upwards, being one of the
Sept. 15, 1663. His estate was first, if not the very first, that rer-
apprized at .84 10s. His wife's solved and made good any settle-
name was Edith, and he had a son ment, under God, in matter of plan-
Jonathan, and three daughters, Je- tation, with my family, in this Col-
hodan, Remember, and Mary. De- ony of the Massachusetts Bay, and
scendants of this worthy planter have been instrumental both for the
remain in Salem, and the present founding and carrying on of the
Secretary of the Commonwealth, same ; and when, in the infancy
John Gorham Palfrey, claims him thereof, it was in great hazard of
as his ancestor. See Farmer's Re- being deserted, I was a means,
gister, Savage's "Winthrop, ii. 362, through grace assisting me, to stop
and Prince's Annals, p. 394. the flight of those few that then
1 "And there shortly dies." were here with me, and that by my
Bradford, in Prince, p. 245. utter denial to go away with them,
; In the Archives of the Common- who would have gone either for
wealth there is preserved a petition, England, or mostly for Virginia, but
28 JOHN WOODBURY SENT TO ENGLAND.
CHAP, not doubting, as he said, but if they departed, he
should soon have more company. The other three,
observing his confident resolution, at last concurred
1627. with him, and soon after sent back John Woodberry 1
for England to procure necessaries for a Plantation.
But that God, who is ready to answer his people
before they call, as he had filled the heart of that good
man, Mr. Conant, in New-England, with courage and
resolution to abide fixed in his purpose, notwithstand-
ing all opposition and persuasion he met with to the
contrary, had also inclined the hearts of several others
in England to be at work about the same design. For
about this time the Council established at Plymouth for
the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New-
England, 2 had, by a deed indented under the common
1628. seal, bearing date March 19, 1627, bargained and sold
thereupon stayed to the hazard of and toils contribute to prepare a re-
our lives." In the same petition he fuge for his countrymen." His
says that he " was the first that had wife's name was Agnes, and his
a house in Salem," that " those that son, Humphrey, born in 1609, came
were then with him were all from to Salem with his father in 1628,
the western part of England," and and was living in 1681. The home-
that he himself was " born at Bud- stead has remained in the family
leigh, a market-town in Devonshire, since the first settlement. All bear-
near unto the sea." See Mass. Ar- ing the name of Woodbury in New-
chives, Towns, i. 217. The peti- En gland probably descend from John
tion is printed entire in Mass. Hist, or his brother "William. See Farm-
Coll, xxvii. 252. er's Register and Stone's History of
1 John Woodbury is said to have Beverly, pp. 21-23.
come from Somersetshire, in Eng- 2 On the 3d of Nov. 1620, King
land. He was made a freeman May James signed a patent by which the
18, 1631, and in 1635 was chosen, adventurers to the northern colony
with Palfrey, a deputy to the Gene- of Virginia between forty and forty-
ral Court, and again in 1638. In eight degrees north, were incorpora-
1636, in connection with Conant, ted as " The Council established at
Balch, and Palfrey, he received Plymouth, in the county of Devon,
from the town a grant of two hun- for the planting, ruling, ordering
dred acres of land on Bass river, and governing of New-England in
" He was an energetic, faithful and America." This is the great civil
worthy man, and took an active part basis of the future patents and plant-
in the settlement and transactions of ations that divide the country. See
the Colony. He died in 1641, hav- the patent in Hazard's Collection of
ing lived to see his perils, suffering's State Papers, i. 103.
A PATENT OBTAINED. 29
unto some knights and gentlemen about Dorchester, CHAP.
namely, Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, knights,
Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicot, 1628 -
and Simon Whetcomb, 1 gentlemen, that part of New-
England that lies between Merrimack and Charles
river, in the bottom of the Massachusetts Bay. And
not long after, by the means of Mr. White, the fore-
said gentlemen were brought into acquaintance with
several other religious persons of like quality in and
about London, such as Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Johnson,
Mr. Dudley, Mr. Cradock, and Mr. Goffe, and Sir
Richard Saltonstall ; who being first associated to
them, at last bought of them all their right and in-
terest in New-England aforesaid ; and consulting
together about settling some Plantation in New-Eng-
land upon the account of religion, where such as
were called Nonconformists might, with the favor
and leave of the King, have a place of reception if
they should transport themselves into America,
there to enjoy the liberty of their own persuasion in
matters of worship and church discipline, without
disturbance of the peace of the kingdom, and without
offence to others not like-minded with themselves,
did at the last resolve, with one joint consent, to
petition the King's Majesty to confirm unto the fore-
named and their associates, by a new grant or patent,
the tract of land in America forementioned ; which
was accordingly obtained. 2
1 " It is very likely the three per- projected, we hear no more of them,
sons first named in this grant had The other three remained." Hutch-
nothing more in view by the pur- inson's Hist. Mass. i. 9.
chase than a settlement for trade 2 " Some of the principal of the
with the natives, or for fishery, or liberal speakers in parliament being
for other advantageous purposes, committed to the Tower, others to
As soon as a colony for religion was other prisons, this took away all
30 ENDICOTT AT SALEM.
Soon after, the Company, having chosen Mr. Cra-
dock, Governor, and Mr. Goffe, Deputy Governor,
1628 * with several others for Assistants, sent over Mr. En-
*
dicot, in the year 1628, to carry on the Plantation
of the Dorchester agents at Naumkeag, or Salem,
and make way for the settling of another Colony in
the Massachusetts. He was fully instructed with
power from the Company to order all affairs in the
name of the Patentees, as their agent, until them-
selves should come over ; which was at that time
intended, but could not be accomplished till the
year 1630. With Mr. Endicot, in the year 1628,
came Mr. Gotte, 1 Mr. Brakenberry, 2 Mr. Daven-
hope of reformation of Church gov- l " Mr." Charles Gott was admitted
eminent from many not affecting a freeman May 18, 1631, and was a
Episcopal jurisdiction, nor the usual representative from Salem in the
practice of the common prayers of General Court in 1635, He was a
the Church, whereof there were deacon of the Church there ; and the
several sorts, though not agreeing selectmen of the town, on June 25,
among themselves, yet all of like 1638, voted to him and John Home
dislike of those particulars. Some five acres of land, which was long
of the discreeter sort, to avoid what known as the Deacons' Marsh. It
they found themselves subject unto, was situated in South Fields, near
made use of their friends to procure Castle Hill. He removed to Wen-
from the Council for the Affairs of ham, which he represented in 1654,
New-England to settle a colony and died in 1667 or 1688. A letter
within their limits ; to which it written by him to Gov. Bradford,
pleased the thrice-honored Lord of July 30, 1629, giving an account of
Warwick to write to me, then at the choice of Skelton and Higginson
Plymouth , to condescend that a pa- as pastor and teacher of the church
tent might be granted to such as at Salem, is contained in Mass. Hist,
then sued for it. Whereupon I Coll. iii. 67. It appears by this let-
gave my approbation so far forth as ter that he and his wife had both
it might not be prejudicial to my son been at Plymouth ; and from this
Robert Gorges's interests, whereof fact I am almost tempted to believe
he had a patent under the seal of that he arrived there, and did not
the Council. Hereupon there was come with Endicott in the Abigail.
a grant passed as was thought rea- See Farmer's Register and Felt's
sonable. But the same was after Annals of Salem, i. 183.
enlarged by his Majesty, and con- 2 Richard Brackenbury took the
firmed under the great seal of Eng- oath of freeman May 14, 1634, and
land ; by the authority whereof the in 1636 received a grant of seventy-
undertakers proceeded so effectually, five acres of land. He was one of
that in a very short time numbers the early settlers of Beverly, and
of people of all sorts flocked thither died there in 1685, aged 85. See
in heaps." Sir Ferdinando Gorge, Farmer's Gen. Register, and Stone's
in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 80. Beverly, p. 24.
THE EMIGRANTS WITH ENDICOTT. 31
port, 1 and others ; 2 who, being added to Capt. Trask 3 CHAP.
and John Woodberry, (that was before this time re
turned with a comfortable answer to them that sent
him over,) went on comfortably together to make pre-
paration for the new Colony that were coming over ;
the late controversy that had been agitated with too
much animosity betwixt the forementioned Dorches-
ter planters and their new agent, Mr. Endicot, and
his company then sent over, being by the prudent
moderation of Mr. Conant, agent before for the Dor-
chester merchants, quietly composed ; 4 that so meum
and tuum y that divide the world, should not disturb
the peace of good Christians, that came so far to
1 Richard Davenport was admit- be made freeman on the 19th of Octo-
ted a freeman Sept. 3, 1634, and her, 1630. He represented Salem
was a representative in 1637 from five years, from 1635 to 1639. In
Salem, where he resided till 1642. January, 1636, he received from that
He was ensign-bearer at the time town, at the same time with Conant,
that Endicott cut the cross out of Palfrey, Woodbury, and Balch, a
the King's colors, was a lieuten- grant of two hundred acres of land
ant in the Pequot war, in which he on Bass river. He was a captain
was dangerously wounded, and af- under Stoughton in the Pequot war,
terwards was captain of the castle and died in 1666. It would appear
in Boston harbour, where he was from the text that he was one of Cc-
killed by lightning, July 15, 1665, nant's company, and not, as Felt
aged 59. See Farmer's Register, says, "among the emigrants who
Savage's Winthrop, i. 146, 192, came in the Abigail," with En-
233, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. dicott. See Farmer's Register,
146, 236. Stone's Beverly, p. 20, Felt's Sa-
2 The omission here of the name lem, p. 44, and Mass. Hist. Coll.
of the Spragues, (Ralph, Richard, xviii. 146, 147, 236.
and William,) invalidates the asser- 4 White alludes to this controver-
tion of Felt that they " were among sy between the old planters under
the emigrants who came in the Abi- Conant and the new comers with
gail," with Endicott, and confirms Endicott, when in speaking of the
the construction put by Gov. Everett change of name from Nahumkeik to
on the statement in the Charlestown Salem, he says that it was done
records, that " they arrived at Salem "upon a fair ground, in remem-
at their own charge," that is, as brance of a peace settled upon a con-
" independent adventurers, not mem- ference at a general meeting be-
bers of Gov. Endicott's Company." tween them and their neighbours,
See Felt's Salem, p. 44, and Ed- after expectance of some dangerous
ward Everett's Address at Charles- jar." See page 12, and Planters'
town on the anniversary of the arri- Plea, p. 14. See also what Hub*
val of Gov. Winthrop, p. 19. bard says, Mass. Hist Coll. xv,
3 " Mr." William Trask desired to 113.
32 SICKNESS AMONG THE COLONISTS.
CHAP, provide a place where to live together in Christian
amity and concord.
In the same year were sent over several servants
upon the joint stock of the Company, who, arriving
there in an uncultivated desert, for want of whole-
some diet and convenient lodgings, were many of
them seized with the scurvy and other distempers, 1
which shortened many of their days, and prevented
many of the rest from performing any great matter of
labor that year for advancing the work of the Plant-
ation. Yet was the good hand of God upon them so
far, as that something was done which tended to ad-
vantage ; nor was, upon that account, an evil report
brought upon the place by any of them, so as to dis-
courage others from coming after them.
During this whole lustre of years, from 1625, there
was little matter of moment acted in the Massachu-
setts, till the year 1629, after the obtaining the pa-
tent ; the former years being spent in fishing and
trading by the agents of the Dorchester merchants
and some others of the west country.
1625. In one of the fishing voyages about the year 1625,
under the charge and command of one Mr. Hewes,
employed by some of the west country merchants,
there arose a sharp contest between the said Hewes
and the people of New Plymouth, about a fishing-stage,
built the year before about Cape Anne by Plymouth
men, but was now, in the absence of the builders
1 " Upon which," says Governor Salem, May 11, 1629, says, " I ac-
Bradford, " Mr. Endicott, hearing knowledge myself much bound to
we at Plymouth have a very skilful you for your kind love and care in
doctor, namely, Mr. Fuller, sends sending Mr. Fuller amongst us."
to our governor for him, who forth- See Prince's Annals, p. 253, Mor-
with sends him to their assistance." ton's Memorial, p. 144, and Chron-
JEndicott writing to Bradford from icles of Plymouth, p. 223.
DISPUTE AT CAPE ANN. 33
made use of by Mr. Hewes his company ; which the CHAP.
other, under the conduct of Capt. Standish, very -
eagerly and peremptorily demanded. For the Com- 1625 -
pany of New Plymouth, having themselves obtained
a useless patent for Cape Anne about the year 1623, 1 1623.
sent some of the ships, which their Adventurers em-
ployed to transport passengers over to them, to make
fish there ; fo'r which end they, had built a stage
there in the year 1624. 2 The dispute grew to be 1624.
very hot, and high words passed between them ;
which might have ended in blows, if not in blood and
slaughter, had not the prudence and moderation of
Mr. Roger Conant, at that time there present, and
Mr. Peirce's 3 interposition, that lay just by with his
ship, timely prevented. For Mr. Hewes had barri-
cadoed his company with hogsheads on the stage-
head, while the demandants stood upon the land, and
might easily have been cut off. But the ship's crew,
by advice, promising to help them build another, the
difference was thereby ended. 4 Capt. Standish had
1 Robert Cushman, writing to Chronicles, and who " deserves hon-
Gov. Bradford from London, Jan. orable mention among the early na-
24, 1624, says, " We have taken a vigators between Old England and
patent for Cape Ann." Prince's New." See Savage's valuable note
Annals, p. 226. on Winthrop, i. 25, to which no-
2 Christopher Levett, who was on thing can be added.
the coast of New -England in 1624, 4 Gov. Bradford gives a different
says, that " the people of New Ply- version of this affair. He says that
mouth have begun a new plantation " some of Lyford and Oldham's
at Cape Ann ; but how long it will friends in the company of the mer-
continue, I know not ;" and Capt. chant adventurers in London, set
John Smith, writing in 1624, says, out a ship a fishing, and getting the
" At Cape Ann there is a planta- start of ours, they take our stage
tion begun by the Dorchester men, and other provisions made for fishing
which they hold of those of New at Cape Ann the year before, to
Plymouth ; who also by them have our great charge, arid refuse to re-
set up a fishing- work." See Mass, store it without fighting; upon
Hist. Coll. xxviii. 181, and Prince's which we let them keep it, and our
Annals, pp. 227, 228, 230. Governor sends some planters to
5 Capt. William Peirce, whose help the fishermen build another."
name will frequently occur in these And in a letter to the Council for
3
34 MILES STANDISH.
CHAP, been bred a soldier in the Low Countries, and never
ii.
entered the school of our Saviour Christ, or of John
1625. Baptist, his harbinger ; or, if he was ever there, had
forgot his first lessons, to offer violence to no man,
and to part with the cloak rather than needlessly
contend for the coat, though taken away without
order. A little chimney is soon fired ; so was the
Plymouth captain, ^a man of very little 'stature, yet of
a very hot and angry temper. The fire of his pas-
sion soon kindled, and blown up into a flame by hot
words, might easily have consumed all, had it not
been seasonably quenched. 1
In transactions of this nature were the first three
years spent in making way for the planting of the
Massachusetts. 2
New-England, dated June 28, 1625, No one has ever charged him either
he writes, " We are now left and with failure in point of obedience or
forsaken of our adventurers, who of wantonly exceeding the limits of
have not only cast us off, but enter- his commission. If the arm of flesh
ed into particular course of trading, was necessary to establish the rights
and have by violence and force taken and defend the lives and property of
at their pleasure our possession at colonists, in a new country, sur-
Cape Ann." See Prince's Annals, rounded with enemies and false
p. 233, and Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 38. friends, certainly such a man as
1 This account of Standish is gra- Standish, with all his imperfections,
phic, but flippant and unjust. Judge will hold a high rank among the
Davis remarks, " It does not appear worthies of New-England." See
that his conduct was reprehensible. Morton's Memorial, p. 126, Bel-
He acted under authority, and was knap's American Biography, ii. 330,
sent to enforce a manifest right." and Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 125.
Belknap says, "The best apology 2 WILLIAM HUBBARD, from whose
for Captain Standish is, that as a History of New-England this Chap-
soldier he had been accustomed to ter is taken, was born in England in
discipline and obedience; that he 1621, and came to this country with
considered himself as the military his father in 1635. He was one of
servant of the Colony, and received the first class that graduated at
his orders from the Governor and Harvard College, in 1642, and about
people. Sedentary persons are not the year 1657 was settled in the
always the best judges of a soldier's ministry at Ipswich, where he died
merit or feelings. Men of his own Sept. 14, 1704, at the age of 83.
profession will admire the courage His History of New-England was
of Standish, his promptitude and de- completed in 1680, to which time it
cision in the execution of his orders, is brought down, but contains few
HUBBARD, THE HISTORIAN.
35
facts after 1650. In 1682, the Gen-
eral Court of Massachusetts granted
him fifty pounds " as a manifestation
of thankfulness" for his work. It
remained in manuscript till 1815,
when it was published by the Mas-
sachusetts Historical Society in the
15th and 16th volumes of their Col-
lections. The manuscript was of
great use to Mather, Prince, and
fiutchinson, and until it was printed
was held in high estimation as an
original authority for our early his-
tory. But the collation of it with
the complete edition of Gov. Win-
throp's History of New-England,
published by Mr. Savage in 1825,
disclosed the source whence Hub-
bard had derived his facts, and even
his language through successive
pages. He seems to have sustained
the same literary relation to Win-
throp, that Secretary Morton did to
Gov. Bradford, that of a close but
not very accurate copyist. A just
estimate of the value of his History
is given by Mr. Savage in his note
on Winthrop, i. 297.
The most original and valuable
part of Hubbard's History is un-
questionably this very Chapter, in
which he gives us a statement of
facts in relation to the first settle-
ments at Cape Ann and Salem,
which can be found nowhere else.
Now from whom did he obtain these
facts? Most probably from Roger
Conant, the father of the Colony, of
whom he was a contemporary and
neighbour. Living at Ipswich, he
must have been acquainted with this
prominent old planter, who resided
but a few miles from him, at Bev-
erly, and who survived till 1679. CHAP.
Some of the facts which he relates II.
he could hardly have obtained from
any other source ; as for instance,
Mr. White's acquaintance with Co-
nant's brother, his procuring Mr.
Humphrey to write to Conant, and
his subsequently writing to him
himself "not to desert the business."
The manner too in which Hubbard
speaks of Conant, indicates one with
whom he was personally acquainted,
and for whose character and intel-
lect he felt the highest respect. He
speaks of him as " that good man,"
as " a religious, sober and prudent
gentleman," and in a particular
emergency, as " one inspired by a
superior instinct." In another part
of his History he mentions "a
strange impression on the mind of
Roger Conant to pitch upon Naum-
keag." Now the fact of such " in-
spiration" and " impression" could
have been derived only from Co-
nant's own mouth. We may there-
fore consider that in this Chapter
we have Roger Conant's own narra-
tive, as taken down by Hubbard in
the conversations which he held with
him when collecting the materials
for his History.
I have copied this Chapter from
Hubbard's MS., preserved in the
archives of the Massachusetts His-
torical Society, and have thus been
enabled to correct several errors in
the printed volume of the History.
See Hutchinsou's Mass. ii. 147, and
Farmer's Memorials of the Gradu-
ates of Harvard College, pp. 12-17,
and Holmes's Annals of America,
i. 490. (2d ed.)
THE COMPANY'S RECORDS.
CHAPTER III.
RECORDS OF THE GOVERNOR AND COMPANY OF THE
MASSACHUSETTS BAY IN NEW-ENGLAND.
[Prefixed to the Records of the Company are certain memoranda, in
the handwriting of Washburne, their first Secretary, of articles to be
procured and sent over for the use of the Plantation at Naumkeak, and of
the new Colony to be planted in Massachusetts Bay. They are preserved
here as antique curiosities, showing us how the planters were furnished
with arms, clothing, and provisions.]
[To be] cast in to the ballast of the ships. 1 CHAP.
2 loads of chalk,
10 thousand of bricks, 2 and . "'"" '/' 1629 *
5 chaldron of sea-coals, 3
Nails,
Iron, 1 ton,
Steel, 2 fagots, 4 '
Lead, 1 fodder, 5
1 The names of these ships were 4 A term for a parcel of small
the Talbot, the George, the Lion's bars of steel, weighing 120 pounds.
Whelp, the Four Sisters, and the 5 From the Dutch fuder, a cart-
Mayflower. They carried out Hig- load. It relates properly to lead,
ginson and his company, and sailed and Ray says it signifies a certain
in April and May. weight, viz. eight pigs, or 1600
2 To build furnaces, fire-places, pounds. But Bailey and Dyche
and chimneys. both say that the weight varies in
3 For the use of the smiths. different places, in London 1956
40 APPAREL FOR THE COLONISTS.
CHAP. Red lead, 1 barrel,
in.
Salt, sail-cloth, copper.
1629.
Francis Johnson. 1
Raphe White, at corner of Philpot Lane, for aqua-vitae. 1
Apparel for 100 Men.
400 pair of shoes,
300 pair of stockings, whereof 200 pair Irish, about
13d. a pair, (Mr. Deputy,) 2 100 pair of knit
stockings, about 25. 4d. a pair, (Mr. Treasurer,) 2
10 dozen pair of Norwich garters, 3 about 5s. a
dozen pair,
400 shirts, - f
200 suits doublet and hose, of leather, lined with
oiled-skin leather, the hose and doublet with
hooks and eyes,
100 suits of Northern dussens, or Hampshire ker-
seys, lined, the hose with skins, the doublets
with linen of Guildford, 4 or Gedlyman serges,
2s. Wd. to 3s. a yard, 4J to 5 yards a suit, at
the George, in Southwark,
400 bands, 5 300 plain falling bands, 100 [ 6 ] bands,
pounds, at Newcastle 2100, in Der- rosette on one side. See the History
byshire 2400, sometimes more, of British Costume, in the Library of
sometimes less, according to the Entertaining Knowledge, xxiv. 275.
custom of the several liberties where 4 A town in Surrey, formerly eel-
it is melted or made. See Tyr- ebrated for its manufactures,
whitt's Chaucer, v. 94, and Ray's 5 The great stiff ruffs of Queen
North Country Words, p. 31. Elizabeth's time were exchanged in
1 These are memoranda in the James's reign for wide horizontal
margin. collars and broad falling bands. To
2 I suppose the Deputy Governor these succeeded the small Geneva
and the Treasurer were to provide bands, like those worn by clergy-
these arti les. men, which have since been super-
3 At this time the stockings were seded by stocks and neckcloths,
gartered beneath the knee, and the See British Costume, pp. 274, 305.
garters fastened in a large bow or 6 Illegible.
APPAREL FOR THE COLONISTS. 41
100 waistcoats of green cotton, bound about with CHAP.
J.11*
red tape,
100 leather girdles, 1 " 1629 -
100 Monmouth caps, 2 about 2s. apiece,
100 black hats, lined in the brims with leather,
500 red knit caps, milled, about 5d. apiece,
200 dozen hooks and eyes, and small hooks and
eyes for mandilions,
16 dozen of gloves, whereof 12 dozen calf's leath-
er, and 2 dozen tanned sheep's leather, and 2
dozen kid,
Ells sheen 3 linen for handkerchers,
J a deker 4 of leather, of the best bend 5 leather,
50 mats to lie under 50 beds aboard ship,
50 rugs,
50 pair of blankets, of Welsh cotton,
100 pair of sheets,
50 bed-ticks and bolsters, with wool to put them
in, Scotch ticking,
Linen for towels, and tablecloths, and napkins,
Sea chests,
3 c. Peppering hops, and 1 c. particular.
16th March. Agreed the apparel to be 100 man- Mr.
dilions, 6 lined with white cotton, 12d. a yard,
i
1 Girdles performed the office of 3 Fair, shining.
our modern suspenders. 4 A dicker is a term used by the
2 " The best caps," says Fuller, tanners to express a quantity con-
" were formerly made at Monmouth, sisting of ten hides. See Bailey
where the Cappers' Chapel doth and Dyche.
still remain." They were formerly 5 Sole leather, cut from the best
much worn, particularly by soldiers, part of the hide a technical
" Wearing leeks in their Monmouth word, still in use among leather-
caps." dealers.
Shakspeare's Hen. V. Act iv. Sc. 7, 6 A soldier's garment, a loose
Fuller's Worthies, ii. 116, (4to ed.) cassock or sack covering the whole
42 SUPPLIES FOR THE COLONY.
CHAP, breeches and waistcoats, and 100 leather suits,
in.
doublets and breeches, of oiled leather, 100 pair
1629. breeches of leather, 1 'drawers to serve to wear with
both their other suits.
[Send to] Sherbrooke by to-morrow in the after-
noon.
Proclamation to hinder the selling guns and gun-
powder.
[Nujmber of cattle,
[Have] Blood here to help them. 2
To provide to send for New-England.
MINISTERS,
Patent, under seal,
' A Seal, 3 , ^4. -a* fad '
Men skilful in making of pitch, of salt,
Vine-planters,
Wheat, rye, barley, oats, a hogshead of each in
the ear ; beans, pease, stones of all sorts of fruits, as
peaches, plums, filberts, cherries ; pear, apple,
quince kernels ; pomegranates, woad seed, saffron
heads, liquorice seed, (roots sent, and madder roots,)
potatoes, hop roots, hemp seed, flax seed, against
of the body, and usually without ! On account of its durability,
sleeves. leather was for a long time the ordi-
" Thus put he on his arming truss, fair nary material for clothing among
shoes upon his feet, the common people of England.
About him a mandilion, that did with The leather breeches have come
buttons meet, d t d
Oi purple, large, and full of folds, J
curl'd with a warmful nap, Memoranda, written in the mar-
A garment that 'gainst cold in nights gin.
did soldiers use to wrap." 3 ^his seal was of silver, as will
Chapman's Homer, Iliad, book x. ; be seen hereafter.
Hist, of British Costume, p. 267.
CANNON FOR THE COLONY. 43
winter, coneys, currant plants, tame turkeys, shoes, CHAP.
linen cloth, woollen cloth, pewter bottles, of pints
and quarts, brass ladles and spoons, copper kettles, 1629 -
of [illegible] making, without bars of iron about them,
oiled skins of leather, madder seeds.
23d February, 1628.
This day, delivered a warrant to Mr. George Har- Feb.
QO
wood, Treasurer, to pay [Mr.] Barnard Michell one
hundred pounds, in part of the freight of the [Abi-
gail,] Henry Gauden, master, from Weymouth to
Nahumkeke, the goods shipped [per bill] of lading
dated 20th June last, being per bill of lading 46^
tons [of goods,] beside the charge of Captain John
Endecott, his wife, and [blank] persons of his com-
pany, their passage and diet.
26th. William Sherman hath liberty for fourteen 26.
days to fetch his vines in Northampton, near [torn
off] ferry.
26th February, 1628.
Necessaries conceived meet for our intended voyage for
New- England, to be prepared forthwith.
For our five pieces of ordnance, long since bought
and paid for, Mr. John Humphry is entreated and
doth promise forthwith to cause them to be delivered
to Samuel Sharpe, who is to take care for having fit
carriages made for them.
Arms for 100 Men.
3 drums, to each two pair of heads,
2 ensigns,
44 ARMS FOR THE COLONY.
CHAP. 2 partisans, 1 for captain and leftenant,
3 halberds, 2 for three sergeants,
9 - 80 bastard muskets, with snaphances, 3 four foot in
20! the barrel, without rests,
6 long fowling-pieces, with musket bore, six and
a half foot long,
4 long fowling-pieces, with bastard musket bore,
five and a half foot long,
10 full muskets, four foot barrel, with matchcocks
and rests, 4
90 bandoleers, 5 for the muskets, each with a bullet
bag,
10 horn flasks, for the long fowling-pieces, to hold
two pound apiece, and
100 swords, and belts,
60 corselets, 6 and 60 pikes, 20 half pikes,
1 A variety of the pike or spon- torn a sharp iron ferule, for sticking
toon, introduced in Henry the it into the ground. Meyrick. iii. 41.
Eighth's time. Its blade was 5 Bandoleers were little cylindri-
broader than that of the pike, and cal wooden boxes, covered with
that part of it which was near the leather, each containing one charge
staff was formed in the manner of a of powder for a musket, to facilitate
crescent. It is still carried by the the loading of the piece. Twelve of
yeomen of the guard. them were suspended to a belt worn
" Shall I strike at it with my partisan ? VGT th % le ^ folder ; and at the
bottom of the belt, at the right hip,
Shakspeare, Hamlet, Act i. Sc. 1 ; were hung the bullet bag and prim-
See Meyrick, ii. 285. ing box. These little cases were
1 A weapon consisting of a staff sometimes made of tin. They were
about five feet long, with a steel used till the close of the 17th centu-
head, in the shape of an axe, for- ry, when they were superseded by
merly carried by the sergeants of the cartridge and cartridge-box,
foot and artillery. See Crabbe's See Meyrick, iii. 77, British Cos-
Technological Dictionary. tume, p. 273.
The snaphanca was the Dutch 6 "A kind of armour chiefly worn
name for the firelock. It differed by pikemen. Strictly speaking, the
from the modern firelock in the ham- word corselet means only that part
mer not forming the covering of the which covered the corse or body ;
pan. See Meyrick, iii. 101. but was generally used to express
1 On account of the heaviness of the whole suit, under the term of a
the long matchlock muskets, a rest corselet furnished or complete, which
was ussd, which was a staff, on the included the head-piece and gorget,
top of which was a kind of fork to the back and breas s, with skirts of
receive the musket, and at the hot- iron, called tasses, hanging over the
ARMS FOR THE COLONY. 45
., o i i (8 barrels for the fort, CHAP.
12 barrels powder, in.
( 4 for small shot,
Shot, 1 Ib. to a bandoleer, 1629 -
8 pieces of land ordnance for the fort, whereof 5
already provided,
I ( 2 demi-culverins, 1 30 cwt. apiece,
( 3 sakers, 2 each weighing 25 cwt.
. ._, ( 1 whole culverin, 3 as long as may be,
I 2 small pieces, iron drakes,
For great shot, a fit proportion to the ordnance,
A seine, being a net to fish with.
For the Talbot* if 100 passengers and 35 mariners,
three months, the mariners accounted double. 5
45 tuns beer, whereof 6 tuns 4s. ) -,
1 " 39 tuns 6s. ) eer '
Malaga and Canary casks, 16s. a tun,
6 tuns of water,
12 m. of bread, after | c. to a man,
22 hogsheads of beef,
40 bushels pease, a peck a man the voyage,
20 bushels oatmeal,
4 c. haberdine, 6 62 cople each c.- (each cople
makes 1 1 pound) and half a pound a man per
day, ' l
8 dozen pounds of candles,
thighs." Meyrick's Ancient Ar- 3 A cannon 5i inches in the bore,
mour, iii. 21 . weight of metal 4500 pounds, weight
1 A piece of cannon four inches of shot 17 pounds.
in diameter in the bore, and carrying 4 The Talbot was a ship of 300
a ball of 94 pounds. See Meyrick, tons.
iii. 65, 70. 5 Because they must be supplied
2 A smaller piece of artillery, 3 with provisions for the return voyage,
inches in the bore, weight of shot 8 Salted cod-fish.
5h pounds. Meyrick, ibid.
46 STORES FOR THE SHIPS.
CHAP. 2 tierces of beer vinegar,
bushels mustard seed,
1629. 20 gallons oil Gallipoli, 1 or Majorca, two quarts a
Feb.
26. man >
2 firkins of soap,
2 rundlets Spanish wine, 10 gallons apiece,
4 thousand of billets, 2
10 firkins of butter,
10 c. of cheese,
20 gallons aqua-vitae.
. 26th February, 1628.
Agreed with John Hewson to make eight pair of
welt neat's leather shoes, crossed on the outside with
a seam, to be substantial, good over leather, of the
best, and two soles, the inner sole of good neat's
leather, and the outer sole of tallowed backs, 3 to be
two pair of ten inches, two pair of eleven inches,
two pair of twelve inches, and two pair of thirteen
inches' size.
The proportions we intend is,
1 of 10 inches,
3 of 11 inches,
3 of 12 inches, f ~'
1 of 13 inches, J
2 of 8 inches, )
2 of 9 inches, ) 2s ' 4d '
And he to refer it to the Company whether to allow
Id. per pair more.
1 Gallipoli, a sea-port in the king- 2 Of firewood, to be used on ship-
dom of Naples, on the Gulf of Ta- board.
ranto, is the chief mart of the oil 3 Hides, dressed with tallow in-
produced in this region. stead of oil.
MONOPOLY OF SALT. 47
2d March, 1628. Present, CHAP.
J.J.X*
THE GOVERNOR, MR. ADAMS,
THE DEPUTY, MR. NOELL, 1629.
MR. WRIGHT, MR. WHETCOMBE, March
MR. VASSALL, MR. PERRY,
MR. HARWOOD, MR. HusoN. 1
MR. COULSON,
This day James Edmonds, a sailor, fisher, and a
cooper, was propounded to serve the Company ; as
also Sydrach Miller, a cooper and a cleaver ; who
demanding 45 for him and his man the first year,
,50 a year the second and third year, and Ed-
monds's demands being 10 the first year, 15 the
second, and 20 the third year, both held too dear
for the Company to be at charges withal.
Also, for Mr. Malbon, it was propounded, he hav-
ing skill in iron works, and willing to put in 25 in
stock, it should be accepted as 50, and his charges
to be borne out and home from New-England ; and
upon his return, and report what may be done about
iron works, consideration to be had of proceeding
therein accordingly, and further recompense, if there
be cause to entertain him.
Touching making of salt, it was conceived fit that
commodity should be reserved for the general stock's
benefit ; yet with this proviso, that any planter or
brother of the Company should have as much as he
might any way have occasion to make use of, at as
cheap rate as themselves could make it ; provided,
1 " This is the first account of those offices by virtue of their pa-
names set down at their meetings, tent from the New-England Coun-
in the Massachusetts Court Records, cil." Prince, p. 254. What precedes
By Governor is doubtless meant Mr. seems to be the notes and memoran-
Cradock, and by Deputy Governor, da of Washburne, the Secretary.
Mr. Goff ; who seem to be chose to
48 THE BOSTON MEN.
CHAP, if the Company be not sufficiently provided for them-
selves, then particular men may have liberty to make
1629. f or their own expense and use any way, but not to
transport nor sell.
Touching John Oldham, 1 the Governor was order-
ed to confer with him upon any indifferent course
that might not be prejudicial to the Company.
Also, it being propounded by Mr. Coney, 2 in behalf
of the Boston men, 3 (whereof divers had promised,
1 Oldham, after his expulsion from annals, we are indebted to Mr. Sa-
Plymouth with Lyford in the sum- vage's filial pilgrimage to our father-
mer of 1624, retired, as we have land, the fruits of which he has em-
seen, to Nantasket. Returning in bodied in his delightful Gleanings
the spring of 1625, without leave, for New-England History, contained
he was ejected a second time from in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 243-348.
the colony in a summary and igno- See particularly page 343.
minious manner. After declining, 3 It is gratifying to find " the Bos-
the same year, the invitation of the ton men ' ' so early engaged in the
Dorchester adventurers, to trade for work. "Lincolnshire," says Hutch-
them with the Indians, he sailed in inson, "contributed greatly, and
1626 for Virginia, and on his voyage more of our principal families derive
being delivered from extreme dan- their origin from thence than from
ger, he becomes penitent, and " after any part of England, unless the city
carries himself fairly to us," says of London be an exception." Among
Bradford, " and we give him liberty the prominent Boston men, who
to come and converse with us when came to this country, besides Cotton,
he pleases." After this reconcilia- were Thomas Dudley, Richard Bel-
tion, so great was the confidence of lingham, John Lever ett, with his
the Plymouth people in him, that in father Thomas, William Codding-
June, 1628, when Morton, the rioter ton, and Atherton Hough. The three
of Merry Mount, was arrested and first named were governors of Mas-
sent prisoner to England, he was sachusetts, and Coddington was the
committed to Oldham s custody. At father and governor of Rhode Island,
this time he seems to be prosecuting Hough was mayor of the borough in
his own private affairs. See Prince's 1628, Bellingham was recorder from
Annals, pp. 231, 236, 252 ; Morton's 1625 to 1633, and Thomas Leverett
Memorial, p. 120 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. was an alderman. The Rev. Sam-
iii. 63. uel Whiting, who had been minister
2 This was probably the "Mr. of Skirbeck church, less than a mile
Thomas Cony," who at an assembly from Boston, and was afterwards
held at the Guildhall of the borough the minister of Lynn, in our Colony,
of Boston on the 22d July, 1633, had a father and brother both may-
communicated to the mayor and bur- ors of the borough. Under these
gesses an intimation from the Bishop circumstances it is not surprising
of Lincoln, that Mr. John Cotton, that the name of the native place of
late vicar of Boston, had resigned so many of the prominent colonists
his vicarage on the 8th of that month, should have been given to the pen-
For this as well as for many other insula which even then to their im-
new facts illustrative of our early agination " presaged some sumptu-
THEIK, PROPOSITION ACCEPTED.
49
March
2.
though not in our book underwritten, to adventure CHAP.
400 in the joint stock,) that now their desire was ~
that ten persons of them might underwrite 25 l a 1629 -
man in the joint stock, they withal promising with
these ships to adventure in their particular above
250 more, and to provide able men to send over
for managing the business ; which, though it be pre-
judicial to the general stock, by the abatement of so
much money thereout, yet appearing really to con-
duce more to the good of the Plantation, which is
most desired, it was condescended unto.
ous city." It was probably for this
reason, and not for the one common-
ly assigned, viz. out of respect for
Mr. Cotton, who did not come over
till three years afterwards, that at a
Court of Assistants held at Charles-
town, Sept. 7, 1630, it was "ordered
that Trimountain shall be called
Boston." See Hutchinson's Hist,
of Mass. i. 18, Mass. Hist. Coll.
xxviii. 343, and Snow's History of
Boston, pp. 32, 33.
Boston is a borough town in Lin-
colnshire, 116 miles north of Lon-
don, and 36 south-east of Lincoln,
situated on both sides of the river
Witham, five miles from the sea.
It sends two members to Parliament.
The parish church in which Cotton
preached, built in 1309, is 382 feet
in length by 99 in breadth, and the
tower is 262 feet in height, and re-
sembles that of the cathedral at
Antwerp. It forms a conspicuous
landmark for sailors, being visible at
sea -for forty miles. " Among the
parish churches of England," said
Edward Everett, in his beautiful
Address at Plymouth, Dec. 22,1845,
' ' there is not a finer than the church
at Boston, almost a cathedral in size,
and unsurpassed by any of its class
in the beauty of its architecture. I
went many miles out of my way to
behold this venerable pile ; and
while I mused beneath its arches,
ascended its grand tower, and stood
before the altar at which Cotton
ministered, I gained new impressions
of the Christian heroism, the spirit-
ual grandeur of the men, who turn-
ed their backs on all this sacred
grandeur and beauty, as well as on
all the comforts and delights of civ-
ilized life, that they might freely
worship God in cabins and garrets,
under exile and penury in the old
world, and in face of the gaunt ter-
rors of this unsubdued wilderness."
See Thompson's Hist of Boston, in
Lincolnshire, and the Parliamentary
Gazetteer of England, i. 229.
1 Prince, quoting this record, page
254, says, 10 a man one of the
very few errors that I have detected
in the accurate Annalist.
50 AGREEMENT WITH SAMUEL SHARPE.
CHAP.
J^_ The 3d March, 1628. Present,
1629. THE GOVERNOR, MR. NOELL,
March MR. DEPUTY, MR. SHARPE.
q
MR. WRIGHT,
It was at present debated how some good course
might be settled for the division of the lands, and
that all men intending to go in person or to send
over, might underwrite and seal some instrument to
be made, whereby every man to be tied to such Or-
ders as shall be agreed upon here ; and that a copy
of this agreement be sent to Dorchester, 1 for all men
to underwrite and seal, that intend to take their
passage in the Lion's Whelp, 2 or else order to be
taken that the ships proceed without them.
Mr. Samuel Sharpe, with whom there hath been
an agreement made in the behalf of the Company to
give him 10 per year for three years, to have the
oversight of the ordnance to be planted in the fort
to be built upon the Plantation, and what else may
concern artillery business to give his advice in ; but
for all other employments was left to be entertained
by any particular brethren of the Company, who for
other occasions had entertained him already, and
held not fit to be at further charge in that kind.
The said Sharpe is also entertained to oversee the
[servants] and employments of certain particular 3
1 Dorchester, which may be con- Church, in which patriarch White
sidered the cradle of the Massachu- preached, was pulled down in 1824,
setts Colpny, is a borough town in and a new church erected on the
Dorsetshire, on the southern bank site. See Parl. Gaz. of England,
of the river Frome, 120 miles from i. 602.
London, and having in 1831 a popu- 2 The Lion's Whelp was a vessel
lation of 3033. It is under the gov- of 120 tons.
eminent of a mayor, and sends two 3 Sharpe was Cradock's agent, as
members to Parliament Trinity will be seen hereafter.
SIR WILLIAM BUERETON.
men of the Company. But for the general, 1 present- CHAP.
ed a bill for three drums and other particulars, -
amounting to five pounds, nineteen shillings ; which
the Treasurer hath order to pay.
The 5th March, 1628. Present, March
5.
THE GOVERNOR, MR. WRIGHT,
MR. DEPUTY, MR. NOWELL,
MR. TREASURER, MR. WHITE,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. WHETCOMBE.
CAPT. VENN,
A new proposition being made in the behalf of
Mr. Oldham to be entertained by this Company, it
was deferred to further consideration.
Also, John Washburne being propounded for Sec-
retary to the Company, it was conceived fit to en-
tertain him, but deferred till another [time.]
A proposition being made by Sir William Brere-
ton 2 to the Governor, of a patent granted him of
1 The general stock, the Compa- into the main land northeast from
ny's concern. the said cape Nahant." Now the
1 Captain Robert Gorges, son of grant made by the Plymouth Coun-
Sir Ferdinando, obtained a patent cil to the Massachusetts Company,
from the Council of Plymouth, dated March 19, 1628, covered this same
Dec. 13, 1622, ten miles in breadth territory, and also the tract granted
and thirty miles into the land, on the by John Gorges to John Oldhani. ;
northeast side of Massachusetts Bay. and hence the disputes of the Corn-
On the death of Robert, his patent pany with Brereton and Oldham. It
descended to his brother John, who appears that Brereton sent over sev-
by a deed dated Jan 10, 1629, con- eral families and servants, who pos-
veyed to Sir William Brereton, of sessed and improved large tracts of
Handforth, in the county of Chester, the said land, and made several
Bart., and his heirs, " all the land in leases. He seems to have been
breadth lying from the east side of preparing to come over himself, but
Charles river to the easterly part of on the breaking out of the civil wars,
the cape called Nahant, and all the taking the popular side, he found
lands lying in length twenty miles employment in the Long Parliament
northeast into the main land from and the army, and was at the head
the mauth of the said Charles river, of the forces that reduced Chester,
lying also in length twenty miles See Mass, Archives, Lands, i. 1 ;
52 JOHN PRATT, THE SURGEON.
CHAP, lands in the Massachusetts Bay by Mr. John Gorges,
and that if this Company would make him a promise,
1629 - so as he consent to underwrite with this Company,
it might not be prejudicial to his patent, it was re-
solved this answer should be given him, namely, that
if he please to underwrite with us without any con*
dition whatsoever, but to come in as all other
adventurers do, he should be welcome upon the same
conditions that we have.
A proposition being made to entertain a surgeon
for the Plantation, Mr. [blank] Pratt 1 was propound-
ed as an able man, upon these conditions, namely,
that c40 should be allowed him, viz. for his chest
<25, the rest for his own salary for the first year,
provided he continues three years, the Company to
be at charge of transporting his wife and a [servant,]
and to have 20 a year for the other two years, and
to build him a house at the Company's charge, and
to allot him a hundred acres of ground. But if he
stay but one year, then the Company to be at charge
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 6, 18 ; Haz- says, " This man was above sixty
ard's State Papers, i. 152 ; and Mass, years old, an experienced surgeon,
Hist. Coll. xxvi. 75. who had lived in New-England
1 Pratt's name was John. He many years, and was of the first
settled at Newtown, or Cambridge, church at Cambridge in Mr. Hook-
but removed to Connecticut in 1636. er's time, and had good practice,
In Nov. 1635, he was cited before and wanted nothing. But he had
the Court of Assistants for a letter been long discontented, because his
which he had written to England, , employment was not so profitable to
" wherein he raised an ill report of himself as he desired, and it is like
this country." He made an equivo- he feared lest he should fall into
cal and rather unsatisfactory apolo- want in his old age, and therefore
gy, which is printed at length in he would needs go back into Eng-
Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 126. In land, (for surgeons Were then in
Nov. 1644, he sailed from Boston great request there by occasion of the
with his wife, for Malaga, in a new wars,) but God took him away child-
ship of 400 tons, which was lost on less." See Savage's Winthrop, i.
the coast of Spain, and they were 173, ii. 239, and Hutchinson's Col-
both drowned. Governor Winthrop lection of Papers, p. 106.
THOMAS GRAVES, THE ENGINEER. 53
of his bringing back for England, and he to leave his CHAP.
servant and the chest for the Company's service. > ~
Agreed with Robert Morley, servant to Mr. An- 1629.
drew Mathewes, late barber surgeon, to serve the
Company in New-England, for three years ; the first
year to have 20 nobles, 1 the second year [30, and
the third] year 20 marks, 2 to serve as a barber and
a surgeon, on all occasions belonging to his calling
to any of this Company that are planters, or their
servants ; and for his chest and all in it, whereof he
hath given an inventory, [if, on the] sight of it, it be
approved, five pounds is [to be allowed] and paid to
him for it, and the same to be forthwith paid.]
The business concerning the division of the lands,
propounded the 3d of this month, was again taken
into consideration, and it was resolved that Captain
Waller, Captain Venn, Mr. Eaton, and Mr. Adams,
Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. Wright, Mr. Vassall, Mr.
Treasurer, with the Governor, and Deputy, shall
consider seriously of the business, calling to their
assistance Mr. Graves, Mr. Sharpe, or any other,
and to set down in writing what course they con-
ceive fit to be held herein, whereby an equality may
be held, to avoid all contention 'twixt the adventur-
ers ; and Tuesday morning appointed for the com-
mittees to meet about this business.
[At] this Court also Mr. Thomas Graves was pro-
pounded to go over with the ships now bound for
New-England, to have his charges borne out and
home ; and being a man experienced in iron works,
1 A noble is an old English coin, 13s. 4d., just twice as much as the
worth about 6s. Sd. noble.
2 A mark is an old coin, worth
54 ARMS FOR- THE COLONY.
CHAP, in salt works, in measuring and surveying of lands,
and in fortifications, &c., in lead, copper, and alum
1629 - mines, having a charge of wife, five children, a man
5 and maid-servant ; after some conference with him,
he tendering his employment, to go and return with
one of our ships, to the Company's discretion for his
salary in that time, it was thought fit that he should
consider 'twixt this and to-morrow what to demand in
case he do return presently with the ships he should
take his passage in ; and what his demands would
be if the Company should continue him there, and
be at charges of the transportation of his wife and
family thither in their next ships, if he take liking to
continue in New-England.
Mr. John Malbon 1 being also desired to be here,
after conference had with him touching the proposi-
tion made in his behalf the 2d of this month, he was
wished to consider what further proposition he would
make, that the Company might take it into consid-
eration.
The 6th March, 1628.
6. Agreed with Mr. Thomas Steevens, armourer in
Buttolph Lane, for twenty arms, viz. corselet, breast,
back, culet, gorget, tasses, 2 and head-piece 3 to each,
varnished all black, with leathers and buckles, at
1 Not Oldham, as Felt has it in plates, fastened to the cuirass with
his Annals, i. 64. hooks, and reaching down to the
2 Defensive armour : the culet, or middle of the thigh. See Meyrick's
guarde de reins, for the lower part of Ancient Armour, and Grose's Mili-
the body, the gorget for the neck, tary Antiquities.
and the tasses for the front part of 3 The head-pieces were probably
the thighs. These last were append- morions, circular scull-caps, with a
ages to the ancient corselet, consist- rim round them,
ing of skirts, made of overlapping
WASHBURN CHOSEN SECRETARY. 55
175. each armour, excepting four which are to be CHAP.
with close head-pieces, and these four armours at ~
24s. apiece, to be delivered all by the 20th of this 1629>
month ; whereof one left now for a sample, 6.
Agreed with John Wise, shoemaker in Mark Lane,
for
1 dozen pair shoes, of tens
3 dozen "- " of 11 .
3 dozen " " of 12 \ at 2s ' ld ' a P air '
1 dozen pair of 13 j
1 dozen pair of 8 ) 2 _, . ;;
. P ~ > ai AS. oa. a pair,
1 dozen pair 01 9 )
10 dozen pair, to be delivered by the 20th of
this month.
The 9th March, 1628.
This day John Washborne is entertained for Secre- 9.
tary for one whole year, to enter the courts, to keep
the Company's accounts, to make warrant for all
moneys to be brought in or paid out, and to give no-
tice at every meeting of such as are backward in pay-
ment of their subscriptions ; as also for all provision
to be made ready, to call upon such as have the
charge thereof, whereby the ships now bound for
New-England 1 may be despatched by the 25th of this
month, at furthest. His salary for this year is to be
[torn off], he, in the premises and the office of a Sec-
retary, to perform [his] faithful, diligent and true en-
deavours, whereunto [he] doth fully [consent and]
agree. JOHN WASHBORNE. S
1 With Higginson's company. 2 The original is Washburne's own
signature.
56 PEOVISIONS FOR THE COLONY.
CHAP. Agreed with John Gace, of London, turner, for
~ forty bandoleers, 1 to be made of neat's leather, broad
.629. gj rc [i eS) each with twelve charges, whereof one a
TYT Troli
9. priming [box, the boxes] of wood, covered with black
leather, at 2s. apiece, to be delivered next meeting,
the boxes to be for bastard musket size, excepting
ten for full musket size ; and those to be marked M,
the other for bastard muskets, B.
Moreover, agreed with him for ten dozen of shov-
els and spades, at eighteen shillings the dozen, of
three several sizes, whereof the smallest proportion
to be of the smallest sizes ; and three spades and
three shovels left here for samples.
This day these things were ordered to be provided
by these men, for 120 men's provisions.
i\yr r TT (120 flitches bacon,
Mr. Thomas Hewson, <
( 120 gallons sweet oil,
150 quarters of meal,
30 quarters of pease, at 265.
15 q'rs of Croats, at 4s. full dried,
Mr. Deputy, < 2 firkins of butter, 17*.
60 quarters of malt, 17s. 6d.
30 c. of cheese.
10. This Wth March, 1628, I, Thomas Graves, of
Gravesend, in the county of Kent, gent., and by my
profession skilful and experienced in the discovery
and finding out of iron mines, as also of lead, copper,
mineral salt, and alum, 2 in fortifications of all sorts,
according to the nature of the place, in surveying of
1 See note on page 44. ing the Records. The word is now
2 Alum. So says Prince, quot- obliterated in the MS.
GRAVES'S CONTRACT. 57
I
buildings and of lands, and in measuring of lands, in CHAP.
describing a country by map, in leading of water - L
[courses] to proper uses for mills or other uses, in 1629 -
finding out all sorts of limestones and materials for jj c
buildings, in manufacturing, &c., have this present
day agreed to serve the New-England Company, and
in their employment to take my passage for New-
England, in such ship as they shall appoint me ; and
during my stay there, according to the conditions
hereafter expressed, to do my true and uttermost
endeavour, in all or any the particulars above men-
tioned, for the most good and benefit of the said
Company ; and I do hereby faithfully promise to do
my uttermost endeavour for the discovery of aught
that may be beneficial to the Company, and not to
conceal aught from them whom I shall be enjoined to
reveal the same unto, that may tend or conduce to
the good and profit of the said Company. Neither
that I shall 1 or disclose aught that they shall enjoin
me to keep secret, to any man whomsoever ; but in
all things to bend my uttermost skill and ability to
do the Company the best, true, and faithful service I
may or can perform.
In consideration whereof, the said Company are to
bear all my charges by sea into New-England, toge-
ther with my charges during my stay in their em-
ployments in New-England, and my charges at sea
in my return home, apparel only excepted, which is
to be always at my own charge. And it is agreed
moreover, that from the time of my first landing in
New-England, to the time of the return from thence
1 A word seems to have been accidentally omitted.
58 GRAVES'S CONTRACT.
CHAP, for London of such ships as shall be sent from Lon-
iii.
don next after Michaelmas next, and in which I shall
329> take my passage for London, that there shall be al-
IQ lowed unto me five pounds for each month that I
shall continue in New-England, as aforesaid, for my
salary or wages, but nothing to be allowed [for] my
charges during the time of my being at sea outward
and home ; with this further proviso, that in case the
said Company, [after I] shall have continued six or
eight months in the country [aforesaid], shall desire
my continuance in [the same for] three years from
the time of my f [irst arrival], I will and do hereby
[torn off] thereof. [And the said Company, in case
it be] their intent to retain me in their service to the
end of three years, do hereby promise to be at the
charge of the transportation into New-England of my
wife, five children, a boy and a maid servant, and
withal to build me a convenient house for myself and
my said family at their charges, and thereto to assign
me one hundred acres of land, and to have part
thereof planted at the Company's charge, against the
coming of my family, whereby they may subsist ; till
I shall be possessed of my family, to perform the
same, or otherwise to allow me some competency of
necessary victuals for the subsistence of me and my
family till the next season of planting and reaping
after their arrival. And it is further agreed, that if
I continue in the Company's employments for three
years, the payment of five pounds per month for my
salary is to be utterly void ; and my yearly allowance
in money, from the time of my first arrival in New-
England to the end of three years, to be after the
rate of fifty pounds by the year ; provided always,
GRAVES'S CONTRACT. 59
that my said family going over as aforesaid, there CHAP.
shall be such a proportion of land allowed me for . ~
them hereafter as if they had now taken their passage 1629.
with me in the ships now bound for New-England. I
And for further recompense for my true and faithful
endeavours in the said Company's employments,
(which I do promise, with God's assistance, to per-
form truly and sincerely, to the best of my ability
and understanding,) I do and shall refer myself
wholly to the Company's discretion, as my true en-
deavours and the success thereof, through God's
mercy, shall encourage them to do.
In witness of all the premises, I have hereunto set
my hand and seal this present 10th day of March,
anno 1628, in London.
THO. GRAVES. 1 [Seal.]
Witness hereunto,
GEORGE HARWOOD,
JOHN VENN.
The 10th March, 1628. Present,
THE GOVERNOR, MR. EATON,
MR. DEPUTY, MR. ADAMS,
CAPT. VENN, MR. WHETCOMB,
MR. TREASURER, MR. HUTCHINS.
MR. VASSALL,
A proposition was made this day by Samuel Sharpe,
who was formerly entertained to do his endeavour in
the Company's employments concerning artillery
business, (as appeareth the 3d of this month,) that
all or the better part of his salary might be paid him
1 Graves's signature is in his own handwriting.
60 CHARGES OF THE PATENT.
CHAP, now, to provide him apparel withal; and if he should
happen to die before he had deserved it, his said ap-
529 parel should satisfy it. Upon debate whereof, it was
March
10. thought fit that twenty pounds should be paid him ;
and this to be the Treasurer's warrant for payment
thereof, upon his salary of <10 a year, for three
years ; I say, twenty pounds, to be paid him pre-
sently.
This day being appointed to take into considera-
tion touching the division of the lands in New-Eng-
land, where our first Plantation shall be, it was, after
much debate, thought fit to refer this business to the
Governor, and a committee to be chosen to that pur-
pose to assist him ; and whatsoever they shall do
herein, that to stand for good.
This day order was given to the Treasurer for pay-
ment of twenty pounds more to Mr. John Humphry
towards charges of our patent ;* and this to be his
warrant for the payment thereof.
Captain Venn, 2 Mr. Eaton, Mr. Samuel Vassall,
and Mr. Nowell, and Mr. Whetcombe, or any three
of them, are intreated once more to confer with Mr.
1 The patent had been obtained, as " leading the city after him in se-
by the solicitation of Lord Viscount ditious remonstrances." Hutchin-
Dorchester, March 4, 1629. Chal- son says, " he was in the design
mers prints a copy of the docket of from the beginning, and intended to
the grant to Sir Henry Rosewell and have removed, but never did. Upon
others, and remarks, " The follow- the change of affairs in England, he
ing paper demonstrates that what made a figure there, being one of the
was so strongly asserted during the members for the city in the Long
reign of Charles II. , to prove that Parliament, and among the most ac-
the Charter was surreptitiously ob- tive in the opposition to the Court,
tained, is unjust." See page 29, and was one of the King's judges."
and Chalmers's Political Annals, He was one of the ten, Pym and
pp. 136, 147, 148. Hambden being two others, whom
2 Mr. John Venn, commonly call- Charles charged with high treason,
ed Captain or Colonel Venn, was a See Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebel-
distinguished citizen of London, lion, ii. 10, 91, iii. 618, (Oxford ed.
and is commemorated by Clarendon 1826), and Hutchinson's Mass. i. 18.
JOHN AND SAMUEL BROWNE.
John Oldham [to see what] accommodation may be CHAP.
made 'twixt the Company and him, that [their differ- ~
kt-k/-C0 YY10TT Vv/~k o/- <->/-V"lYY- \ f\r\ O+iH A O iQ \3 ,
J..1- JL *_VV_, V^ v T* X-t-^V 1/JL.M. V_^ ^_X \^X JL. -. -* f .-' V-V T ^^v*.*. ,
X J
ences may be accomm]odated.
12th March, 1628. Present, : - ; $& '*&
MR. WHETCOMB, MR. TREASURER,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. NOWELL.
John Browne, ffent., and Mr. Samuel Browne, of March
12
Roxwell, in Essex, [proposing] to take their passage
in the Company's ships for New-England, at their
own charge, and intending to plant there, it is agreed
by these [present,] that for their passage and diet
they shall pay five pounds [each] ; and that for their
encouragement, land shall be allotted to them [there]
as if they had subscribed fifty pounds in the general
stock, [and to have the same] privileges as others
that are in the patent do.
JOHN BROWNE,
SAMUEL BROWNE/
Richard Claydon, 2 aged thirty-four years, or there-
abouts, carpenter, who being desirous to transport
himself, his wife, one daughter of [torn off] years
old, his sister of fourteen years old, his brother Bar-
naby Cflaydon,] aged twenty-three years, and his
brother-in-law Thomas Hanscombe, aged [torn off],
for New-England, in the Company's ships, it is pro-
mised [this] day, that he being able to furnish 40
towards the charges of him and his, what shall be
These signatures are in their that Claydon was of Bedfordshire,
own handwriting-. parish of Sutton.
2 It appears from a marginal note,
62 CLOTHING FOR THE COLONY.
CHAP, wanting the Company will [furnish] ; upon this con-
dition, that upon their arrival in New-England, what
629> he shall be indebted to the Company shall be paid
T^s/roli
12. by the labor of himself, and his two servants or bro-
thers aforesaid, allowing them all three 85. the day
for so long time [until] they have paid this debt,
and in that time finding [these] three persons diet at
the Company's charge, and whilst [he is] earning
out this debt to instruct any of the Company's ser-
vants in the trade of a ploughwright. And there is
land to be [allotted] to him and his, as is usual, by
the Company's orders, to those that transport them-
selves. Written this 12th March, 1628.
RICHARD
Cannot go this voyage.
, ; The 16th March, 1628.
16. Bespoken of Mr. Durbridge, at 2s. Id. a pair, 6
dozen pair of shoes, to be delivered this week, viz.
(4 pair delivered.)
1 dozen pair of tens,
2 dozen pair of 11,
, ; 2 of 12,
1 dozen pair of 13.
The 16th March, 1628.
Bespoke of Mr. Mayo, at lO^d. per yard for beds
and bolsters,
20 bedticks, (Scotch ticking, f broad,) 2iV long,
and 1^ yards broad, 11 yards each bed and bolster.
1 Claydon's signature, and his " Cannot go this voyage," are in
his own handwriting.
16.
PROVISIONS AND ARMS. 63
Bespoke the day abovesaid, of Robert Harret, 8 CHAP.
dozen pair neat's leather shoes,
1 dozen 10,V . ^ - * u A 1629 '
at 25. la. per pair, to be good March
3 dozen 11, ,. , ,, , ,,
' i liquored neat s leather, ac-
3 dozen 12, f ,. ,,
cording to the pattern.
1 dozen 13, J
Estimate of WO men, charge of them and their provi-
sions, with others noted,
100 men, their charge, 16 a man . . . ,1500
Freight of the ship Talbot, 5 months, <80
per month . . ' ...... 400
Victuals and wages 32 men, 10 a month, 350
The Lion's Whelp set to sea ..... 500
20 cows and bulls, 4 apiece ... 80 -j
10 mares and horses, 6 apiece . . 60 > 610
Charges of these ........ 470 )
3360
Agreed with [illegible] Churchill for 100 swords,
with [torn out] blades, at 4s. 6d. apiece, to have all
chapes, 1 and 10 short swords, at 2s. apiece, and Po-
lonia hilts, at 3s 4d., as many as we like, to be de-
livered within eight days.
Bought of Felix Boreman, dwelling in Fleet Lane.
14 swords, at 4s. 6d apiece
7 ditto, at 35. apiece J> 4 12s.
4 ditto, at 25. apiece
25 swords.
( Chape is the little thin plate of silver, iron or brass, at the point of
the scabbard of a sword.
64 SUPPLIES FOR THE COLONY.
CHAP. Agreed with Mr. Raphe White, in Philpot Lane, 1
for 12 gallons aqua-vitse, 2s. 6d. a gallon.
9< 12 sides of bacon, delivered by John Gladwing, at
16. Mr. Goff 's, of 74 J stone, each stone 8 lbs. ? at 2s. 5d.
a stone.
17th March, 1628.
17. A warrant was made for payment of <120 to Mr.
Nathaniel Wright, for so much paid by him to Mr.
Jarvis Kirk, Mr. William Barkley, and Mr. Robert
Charlton, for the ship.
Also, to pay for iron and steel.
Also, to pay for buhrs 2 to make mill-
stones, 110, 25. apiece, bought of Edward
Casson, of London, merchant tailor, . . 11
14 c. of plaster of Paris, ISd. per c. . 110
And porterage, weighing the plaster, and
casting out of the buhrs, 12d. and 23d. . 3
12 4
fe The 19th of March, 1628.
19> A warrant was made for payment of twelve pounds
and twelve shillings unto Mr. Gaw^en Helme and
Thomas Brickhed for two coppers 3 for the Lion's
Whelp. I say for <12 12s. Qd.
1 See page 40. an iron hoop." This stone abounds
2 " This is a hard, siliceous stone, at Epernay, in France. It has also
remarkable for its cellular structure, been discovered within ten or twelve
containing always a greater or less miles of Zanesville, Ohio, of a qual-
number of irregular cavities. Hence ity equal if not superior to the best
its surface, however worn and level- French buhr, and in great abun-
led, is always rough. This proper- dance. SeeBigelow's Technology,
ty renders buhrstone an invaluable p. 13, (ed. 1829,) and Dr. Frederick
material for millstones. When it is HalFs Letters from the West, ( 1840)
not found of sufficient size for this p. 70.
use, small pieces of it are fitted to- 3 Boilers, to cook in.
gether, cemented, and bound with
FRANCIS HIGGINSON, OF LEICESTER. 65
The 19th of March, 1628. CHAP.
A warrant was made for payment of eighteen
1629
pounds unto Mr. [blank] Browne, and is for one bale J
of French cloth, for the Lion's Whelp. I say <18. 19.
The 19th of March, 1628.
A warrant was made for payment of twenty-five
pounds, fifteen shillings, unto Mr. John White, of
Redding, for thirty quarters of malt, to go in the
ships. I say 25 IQS. Od.
23d of March, 1628. Present, 1 23.
THE GOVERNOR, MR. HUMFREY,
MR. DEPUTY, WILLIAM VASSALL,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. WHETCOMB,
MR. DAVENPORT, MR. NOWELL.
CAPT. VENN,
At this meeting intimation was given by Mr. No-
well, by letters from Mr. Isaac Johnson, that one
Mr. HIGGESON, of Leicester, an able minister, prof-
fers to go to our Plantation ; who being approved for
a reverend, grave minister, fit for our present occa-
sions, it was thought by these present to entreat Mr.
John Humfry to ride presently to Leicester, 2 and, if
Mr. Higgeson may conveniently be had to go this
present voyage, that he should deal with him ; first,
if his remove from thence may be without scandal to
that people, and approved by the consent of some of
the best affected among them, with the approbation
1 This line, torn off from the top 2 Leicester is 97 miles fromLon-
of the leaf, is restored from Prince, don.
p. 256.
5
66 ARTHUR HILDERSHAM.
CHAP, of Mr. Hildersham, 1 of Ashby-de-la-Zouch ; secondly,
that in regard of the shortness of the time, the Com-
629 pany conceive it would be best, if he so thought
23. gd 5 to leave his wife and family till towards Bar-
tholomew, for their better accommodation. Yet if it
should be held inconvenient, that may be referred to
himself to take [his wife and] two children with him ;
thirdly, that for his entertainment, the Company
[torn off.] 2
April 30th April, 1629*
30 * It is further ordered by these present, that the
Governor, the Deputy, and Council aforesaid, or the
1 Arthur Hildersham, Malleus He- character and writings were held in
reticorum, as he was called, Mauler high esteem by the fathers of New-
of Heretics, as old Fuller would ren- England. "It is affirmed," says
der it, was, according to Echard, Hubbard, " that Mr. Hildersham
" a great and shining light of the advised Mr. Higginson and other
Puritan party, and justly celebrated ministers looking this way, to agree
for his singular learning and piety." upon their form of church govern-
He was born at Stetch worth, in Cam- ment before they came away from
bridgeshire, Oct. 6, 1563, and was England." See Fuller's Worthies,
educated at Christ's College, Cam- i. 164, and Church Hist. iii. 370 ;
bridge. In 1593, he was presented Neal's Puritans, ii. 245 ; Brook's
by his kinsman, the Earl of Hunt- Lives of the Puritans, ii. 376-388 ;
ingdon, to the benefice of Ashby-de- Echard's Hist, of England, p. 451,
la-Zouch, 18 miles from Leicester, (ed. 1720); Nichols 's Hist, of Leices-
where he preached 43 years. In tershire, ii. 622; Mass. Hist. Coll.
the course of that time he was four xv. 118.
times silenced and restored. In 1615 2 A leaf of the MS. is here miss-
he was committed to the Fleet pri- ing. Hubbard, p. 121, and Prince,
son by the High Commission, where p. 257, both appear to have had it.
he remained three months. In 1616 I have endeavoured in vain to supply
that execrable Court again proceed- this deficiency by procuring an an-
ed against him, fined him =2000, cient copy of these Records now ex-
excommunicated him, degraded him isting in England. Prince quotes
from the ministry, and ordered him from the Records under April 16,
to be again imprisoned. Foreseeing " Sixty women and maids, 26 child-
the danger, however, he concealed ren, and 300 men, with victuals,
himself and escaped. In 1625 he arms, apparel, tools, 140 head of
was restored to his living ; but when cattle, &c., in the Lord Treasurer's
Laud was in power, he was again warrant (to go to New-England.)"
silenced, and was not restored till a 3 The first part of the Record of
few months before his death, which this meeting is wanting. It appears
took place March 4, 1632, when he from Prince, p. 258, who had it,
was in the 69th year of his age. His that at this meeting they chose Mr.
THE COUNCIL IN NEW-ENGLAND. 67
major part of them, shall make choice of a Secretary, CHAP.
and such other Officers as shall in their discretions
seem requisite and needful for the peaceable and 1629
quiet government of the Plantation ; and shall frame
such oaths, and administer the same to every [one]
of them for the execution of his place and office for
the year ensuing next after they shall have taken
[the said] oaths, as they in their discretions, or the
greater number of them, shall think good.
And it is ordered, that the said Governor, Depu-
ty, Council, and other Officers aforesaid, shall be
established and continue in their said several places
for one whole year, or until this Court shall think fit
to choose others in the place or places of them, or
any of them ; and in case of death, &LC.
It is further ordered, that the said Governor, Mr.
Endecott, [or his Deputy,] and the said Council, be-
ing chosen as aforesaid, and having taken their oaths
respectively to their places, or the greater number
of them, (whereof the Governor or Deputy to be
always one,) at any of their meetings, (which the
said Governor, at his discretion, or in his absence
the Deputy, is hereby authorized to appoint, as oft
as there shall be occasion,) shall have full power and
authority, and they are hereby authorized by power
derived from his Majesty's letters patent, to make,
ordain, and establish all manner of wholesome and
reasonable orders, laws, statutes, ordinances, direc-
tions and instructions, not contrary to the laws of
the realm of England, for the present government of
Endicott Governor of the Plantation, Thomas Graves, and Samuel Sharp,
and Messrs. Higginson, Skelton, to be of his Council.
Bright, John and Samuel Brown,
68 THE GOVERNMENT IN NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP, our Plantation, and the inhabitants residing within
- ~ the limits of our Plantation ; a copy of all which or-
9> ders is from time to time to be sent to the Company
April . - _ -
so. in England. 1
It is ordered by these presents, that a copy of the
Acts and Orders 2 made this present day for settling
the government in the Plantation of the Massachu-
setts Bay aforesaid, shall be fairly engrossed, and
sent under the Company's seal, subscribed by the
Governor and Deputy, by the speediest 3 conveyance
for New-England that can be had.
All this confirmed by erecting of hands.
Mr. Walgrave, Mr. Pelham, and Mr. Humphry,
and Mr. Nowell, are entreated to frame the form of
the oath for the Governor, Mr. Endicott, and also
for his Deputy, and for the Council, 4 which shall be
sent over and be administered to them in New-Eng-
land.
May Thursday, the 1th May, 1629. Present,
7.
THE GOVERNOR, MR. COULSON,
MR. DEPUTY, MR. NOWELL,
MR. ALDERS EY, MR. HUMPHRY,
MR. ADAMS, MR. THO. PULYSTON.
MR. HUTCHINS,
The last Court was read, and confirmed by these
present.
1 Some words in this and the pre- 3 They wished to anticipate Old-
ceding paragraph, torn off or oblite- ham in his contemplated settlement
rated in the manuscript, I have been in Massachusetts Bay. For this
enabled to restore from the " Form purpose the Company's instructions
of Government," sent over to Endi- to Endicott were despatched by the
cott, and which embodies the sub- George about a fortnight before the
stance and often the language of this sailing of the other ships which car-
day's record. ried out Higginson and his com-
2 These Acts and Orders for the pany.
settling the Government, will be 4 These oaths will also be found
found in a subsequent part of this in a subsequent part of this volume,
volume.
JOHN OLDHAM'S PATENT. 69
A form of an oath for the Governor beyond the CHAP.
HI.
seas, and of an oath for the Council there, was drawn ~
and delivered to Mr. Humphry to show the Council. 1 1629 -
Letters are to be written about lands to be allotted
to each adventurer.
Also, about Mr. Fra. Webb's business for a
mill, &c.
To have those punished beyond seas that sell
guns.
To have some men's lands laid together.
The llth of May, 1629. Present this day, n
MR. DEPUTY, MR. HUMFREYS,
MR. TREASURER, MR. VASSALL,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. PETERS,*
MR. ADAMS, MR. PINCHON,
MR. NOWELL, MR. WHYTE.
MR. HUTCHINS,
This day Mr. Oldham propounded unto Mr. White,
thatlie would have his patent examined ; and it is
agreed by the Court not to have any treaty with him
about it, by reason it is thought he doth it not out of
love, but out of some sinister respect.
A warrant delivered unto Mr. Seale for ten dozen
and two hats, at 2s. per dozen, for the sum of 20s. 4d.
1 The Privy Council. early as May 30, 1628. See Hutch-
2 This was the celebrated Hugh inson's Mass. i. 9.
Peters. He was in the Company as
FIRST ELECTION DAY.
The 13th of May, 1629. 1 Present this day,
THE GOVERNOR, MR. PINCHON,
MR. DEPUTY, MR. HUTCHINS,
MR. TREASURER, MR. HEWSON,
MR. GLOVER, MR. BACKHOUSE,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. BALLARD,
MR. ADAMS, MR. CROWTHER,
MR. OFFIELD, MR. .WHICHCOTE,
MR. WHETCOMBE, MR. WHITE,
MR. FOXCROFT, MR. PETERS,
MR. VASSALL, MR. CRANE,
MR. PERRY, MR. HUMPHRY.
MR. NOWELL,
Delivered a warrant unto Richard Bowry for twelve
pounds, 12, as parts of <18, the other i being
to be paid for the Governor, and is for his appren-
tice, Robert Seale, his time.
Mr. Matthew Cradock is this day chosen by the
consent of the generality of the Company to be Gov-
ernor to the New-England Company for the year
following ; Mr. Thomas Goffe, 2 Deputy ; also, Mr.
George Harwood, 3 Treasurer to the said Company.
1 " Hubbard styles this the second hands was paid the money raised in
court of election, when by the royal 1624 for buying up impropriations
charter it is the first; though by and supporting "lecturers" or
virtue of the former patent from the preachers in destitute places in
New-England Council, it seems the England. Two other members of
Company had chosen a governor, &c. the Massachusetts Company, John
the year before." Prince, Annals, White, the lawyer, and the Rev.
p. 260 ; Hubbard, in Mass. Hist. John Davenport, afterwards of New
Coll. xv. 122. Haven and Boston, were among
2 Goffe was a London merchant, these feofees. They were sup-
and had been previously engaged in pressed and ruined by Laud in 1633.
furthering the Colony at New Ply- A good account of their purpose
mouth. His name occurs frequently may be found in Carlyle's Cromwell,
in Winthrop's Journal. See Mass. i. 50, 70, 88, (Am. edit.) See
Hist. Coll. iii. 48. Brook's Lives of the Puritans, i. 75,
3 I find the name of George Har- and Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, ii.
wood, citizen of London, in the list 248.
of the twelve feofees into whose
OFFICERS OF THE COMPANY CHOSEN. 71
The Assistants being this day to be chosen, two CHAP.
in.
of the former Assistants, mentioned in the patent,
viz. Mr. John Endecott and Mr. John Browne being 1629 -
IVtav
out of the land, the other sixteen were confirmed, xs.
viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Isaac Johnson,
Mr. Samuel Aldersey, Mr. John Venn, Mr. John
Humphry, Mr. Symon Whetcombe, Increase Nowell,
Richard Perry, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel Vassall,
Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutch-
ins, George Foxcroft, William Vassall, and William
Pinchion ; and to make up the number of eighteen,
Mr. John Pocock and Mr. Christopher Coulson were
chosen Assistants. And of these all, excepting Mr.
Isaac Johnson, Samuel Aldersey, John Venn, Nathan-
iel Wright, Samuel Vassall, Theophilus Eaton and
Christopher Coulson, took their oaths appertaining.
William Burges, Humphry Lewis, John Wash-
borne, and Lawrence Roe, being all put in election
for the place of Secretary, by a free election, Mr.
William Burges was chosen Secretary for the year
ensuing. 1
Humphry Seale chosen and sworn Beadle.
It is this day ordered, that whensoever any Court
of Assistants shall be summoned, whosoever of the
Assistants comes not, 'twixt 25 March and 29 of
September, before eight of the clock in the morning,
and from 29 September to 25 March, before 9 of the
clock in the morning, shall forfeit twelve pence for
every such offence ; and if he come not within two
hours after either of the said hours respectively, then
two shillings for every default each man to forfeit
1 Washburne, I suspect, was su- ble chirography. He certainly de-
perseded on account of his illegi- served to be.
72 NAMES OF THE COMPANY^ OFFICERS.
CHAP, and pay ; and for want of payment within [blank]
days, after demand made by the officer of the Com-
1629. p an y 5 the fine double to be set upon his account;
always [provided, upon the pleasure] of the Govern-
or, Deputy, or a lawful expression of approbation, [a
line or two torn off.]
It is also agreed, that for any that shall have pri-
vate conference after the Court is summoned, by the
Governor or his Deputy knocking of the hammer
thrice on the table, to sit down and attend the Court,
that sixpence by every person for every such offence
shall be paid.
It is agreed, that three pounds shall be paid John
Washbourne for his pains as Secretary to the Com-
pany for the time past.
The Names of the Governor, Deputy, Treasurer, and
Assistants, for the year 1629, and other Officers.
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, Governor.
MR. THOMAS GOFFE, Deputy.
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD, Treasurer.
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. SAMUEL VASSALL,
MR. ISAAC JOHNSON, MR. THEOPHILUS EATON,
MR. SAMUEL ALDERSEY, MR. THOMAS ADAMS,
MR. JOHN VENN, MR. THOMAS HUTCHINS,
MR. JOHN HUMFREY, MR. GEORGE FOXCROFT,
MR. SYMON WHETCOMBE, MR. WILLIAM VASSALL,
MR. INCREASE NOWELL, MR. WILLIAM PINCHION,
MR. RICHARD PERRY, MR. JOHN POCOCK,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, MR. CHRISTOPHER COWLSON.
Assistants.
WILLIAM BURGIS, Secretary.
HUMPHREY SEALE, Beadle.
GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONY. 73
At a Court of Assistants, on Monday, the 18th of May, CHAP.
1629. Present,
1629
MR. GOVERNOR, MR. THOMAS ADAMS,
MR. DEPUTY, MR. SYMON WHETCOMBE,
SIR R. SALTONSTALL, MR. RICHARD PERRY,
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD, Treasurer, MR. JOHN POCOCK,
MR. JOHN HUMPHREY, MR. GEORGE FOXCROFT.
William Burgis, chosen by the last General Court
to be Secretary for the year ensuing, was now ad-
mitted and sworn accordingly ; upon the salary of
twenty marks from the day he was chosen, for the
said year.
The Acts made at a Court the 30th of April last,
for choosing and establishing a Governor, Deputy,
Council, and other Officers in New-England, was
now read ; and this Court thought fit to add there-
unto, that they shall be established in their said sev-
eral places for one whole year, or till such time as
the Company here shall think fit to choose others in
the places of them, or any of them ; and that in case
any of them shall depart this life before the expira-
tion of the time they were so chosen for, that the
Governor or Deputy and Council, at an ample Court
assembled, shall have power to nominate and choose
fit person or persons to succeed him or them so de-
ceased in the said place' or places for the residue of
the time unexpired.
Upon motion made for allotment of land to the
several adventurers and planters, 1
Mr. Humphreys and Mr. Adams are desired to
meet and consider what provisions are fit to be now
1 There appears to be something omitted here.
/4 THE ALLOTMENT OF LAND.
CHAP, sent over to Captain John Indicott and his family,
and to provide the same accordingly.
The names of all the adventurers to be now sent
is. over, with the several sums by them underwritten ;
and it is ordered that the Governor and Council
there shall have power to allot unto every particular
adventurer that shall desire the same by himself or
his assignees, two hundred acres of land upon the
sum of c50 adventure in the general stock in this
first dividend, and proportionably for more or less
according to their several adventures ; and Mr. Go-
vernor, Deputy, Mr. Whyte, and Mr. Adams, and
Mr. Whetcombe are to meet at Mr. Governor's
house 1 to-morrow morning at six of the clock to ad-
vise and conclude of this business.
19. The 19th of May, 1629. [Present,]
MR. GOVERNOR, MR. WHETCOMBE,
MR. WHYTE, MR. ADAMS.
Concerning the allotment of land to those persons
as are adventurers in the common stock, it is thought
fit that letters be written to the Governor to set out
and allot unto them after the propoition of two hun-
dred acres of land for 60 adventure, and after that
rate for more or less, to the intent to build their
houses and to improve their labors thereon. And if
within ten days after their arrival, and demand made
by any particular adventurer in the common stock,
or his servant for him, the same be not so allotted,
1 Governor Cradock's house was in St. S within 's Lane, near London
Stone.
THE ALLOTMENT OF LAND. 75
that each man, being an adventurer, is hereby per- CHAP.
mitted free liberty to build in any place where him ~
self shall think most convenient, with reservation 1629 -
not to build or manure that already built on or ma-
nured ; provided that if the plot of ground whereon
the town is intended to be built be set out, and it be
publicly known to be intended for that purpose, that
then no man shall presume to build his house any-
where else, (unless it be in the Massachusetts Bay, 1
and there according to such directions as shall be
thought meet for that place.) But in case his allot-
ment be not set out within the town where he shall
build, and having, in his own name or in the behalf
of his master, made request to the Governor to have
the same assigned to him, if it be not done within
ten days after his arrival, it shall be free for any in
such case, being an adventurer in the common stock,
to build his house within the aforesaid plot of ground,
set out for the town to be built on, and to impale to
his own use proportionable to half an acre of ground
for 50 adventure in the common stock ; unless a
greater or lesser proportion be formerly determined
of by the Governor and Council ; in which case that
proportion is to be made use of and appropriated to
each man within the liberties of the plot set out for
the town to be built on. And it is ordered, that
conveyance be made in the Company's name, with
the common seal of the Company to it, to any that
shall desire it, for each man's peaceable enjoying of
that land he holds, at the charge of the Company.
It is further thought fit and ordered, that all such
1 See note l on page 4.
76 THE ALLOTMENT OF LAND.
CHAP, persons as go over at their own charge, and are ad-
> ~ venturers in the common stock, shall have lands
1629. allotted to them for themselves and their families
19 Y forthwith, fifty acres of land for each person ; but
being no adventurers in the common stock, shall
have fifty acres of land for the master of the family,
and such a proportion of land more, if there be cause,
as, according to their charge and quality, the Gov-
ernor and Council of New-England shall think neces-
sary for them, whereby their charge may be fully
and amply supported ; unless it be to any with whom
the Company in London shall make any other par-
ticular agreement, to which relation is to be had in
such case. And for such as transport servants, land
shall be allotted for each servant, fifty acres to the
master ; which land the master is to dispose of at his
discretion, in regard the servants' transportation,
wages, &c., is at the master's charge.
21. A Court of Assistants, on Thursday the 21st of May,
' ; ' : ~ 1629 - Present,
MR. GOVERNOR, MR. BILSON,
MR. GOFF, Deputy, MR. THOMAS HUSON,
MR. HARWOOD, Treasurer, MR. INCREASE NOELL,
MR. ADAMS, MR. HUMPHREY,
MR. WHICHCOYTE, CAPT. WALLER,
MR. FOXCROFT, MR. HUTCHINS.
MR. EATON,
/
Mr. Eaton took the oath of Assistant. And he
is desired to accompany Mr. Humphrey to Mr. Whyte,
the counsellor, to be satisfied concerning the admin-
istering oaths to the Governor and Council in New-
THE GOVERNMENT IN NEW-ENGLAND. 77
England. Mr. Whetcombe is also desired to be with CHAP.
them.
The Court of the 18th of May was now read, as also
the Order conceived by Mr. Governor and others
concerning the allotment of lands, and a part of the
letter 1 formerly written in this particular was con-
firmed ; whereunto this Court thought fit to add,
If within ten days after the arrival of these ships, and
demand made by any person, adventurer in the com-
mon stock, or his or their servant, of their allotment
of land, the same not being done, that then each per-
son be permitted to seat himself and build his house
in a convenient place not formerly built [upon] nor
manured, and enclose the same to his or their use,
not exceeding the one half of that proportion which
by the former order of this Court is allowed ; and
when the dividend is made, to be free to make his
choice within the said allotment, if he dislike that he
had formerly chosen.
It is thought fit that the Secretary .draw out at
large the Orders 2 concerning the establishment of
the Governor and Council in New-England, as also
the Order 2 made concerning the allotment of lands ;
and Mr. Governor, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Treasurer, Mr.
Adams, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Hutchins, Mr. Nowell, Mr.
Whetcombe, Mr. William Vassall, or any four of
them, whereof the Governor or Deputy to be always
one, are desired and appointed to meet and resolve
of these Orders, and to affix the Company's seal
thereunto ; as also for preparing letters to be now
1 The letter here referred to was in a subsequent part of this volume,
one written to Endicott on the 17th 2 These Orders will be found in a
and 21st of April. It will be found subsequent part of this volume.
78 x OFFICERS OF THE PLANTATION.
CHAP, written, and to resolve and determine of all other
in.
1629.
business requisite for despatching of these ships. 1
May A Meeting at the Governor's house on Friday, the 22d
22> of May, 1629. Present,
MR. GOVERNOR, MR. ADAMS,
DEPUTY, MR. HUMPHREY.
The Orders drawn for the establishment of the
Governor, Deputy, and Council, and other Officers
in the Plantation at the Mattachusetts Bay in New-
England, as also the Orders for the dividing and allot-
ment of land there to the adventurers and others,
were now read, advised on, corrected, and concluded
on, &c. ; together with the General Letter from the
Company here to the Governor and Council there. 2
All which are appointed to be fairly engrossed, and
the said Orders to be sealed with the common seal of
the Company, and sent over upon the ships now
ready to depart for New-England.
June A General Court the llth of June, 1629. Present,
MR. GOVERNOR, MR. WILLIAM VASSALL,
MR. DEPUTY, MR. WEBB,
MR. HARWOOD, Treasurer, MR. HUMFREY,
MR. ADAMS, MR. CRANE,
MR. JOHN VENN, MR. PULLISTON,
MR. BACKHOUSE, MR. FOXCROFT.
This Court was appointed to take consideration of
1 These ships were, the May- 2 This is their Second Letter to
flower, the Four Sisters of 400 tons, Endicott, dated May 18th. It will
and the Pilgrim. They sailed about appear hereafter,
the end of this month.
HENRY GAUDEN'S DEMAND. 79
raising of moneys for payment of divers debts and CHAP.
bills ; and thereupon an estimate was made of what ~
was owing, per severals' bills, and which are of ne- 1629 -
cessity to be presently paid. n.
That another day be appointed, and the whole
Company to be summoned by tickets, which is
thought fit to be on Wednesday next.
Mr. Godden, 1 master of the ship [blank], made
demand of freight pretended to be due unto him for
his last voyage ; but he not expressing a certain sum,
this Assembly think fit to defer him till the next
Court ; and in the mean time he is desired to bring
in a note of what is due, as also to give security to
the Company to free them from any further de-
mands, &,c., and thereupon a final conclusion thereof
to be made.
A General Court at the Deputy's house on Wednesday,
the 17th of June, 1629. Present, I7 '
MR. GOVERNOR, MR. COOKE,
MR. DEPUTY, MR. CLARKE,
SIR R. SALTONSTALL, MR. BALLARD,
MR. GEORGE FOXCROFT, MR. PULISON,
MR. RICHARD PERRY, MR. WALGRAVE,
MR. ADAMS, MR. BACKHOUSE,
MR. WHITCOMBE, MR. DAVIS,
MR. POCOCKE, MR. EDMUND WHYTE,
MR. JOHNSON, CAPT. WALLER,
MR. NOELL, CAPT. VENN,
MR. HARWOOD, Treasurer, MR. DAVIS, S
MR. WHYTE, MR. THOMAS ANDREWS,
MR, PELHAM, MR. ALDERSEY.
1 Henry Gauden was master of the 3 Mr. Davis's name was probably
Abigail, the ship that -carried over repeated by mistake.
Endicott and his company. See p. 43.
80
RAISING OF MONEY.
CHAP. Mr. [blank] Johnson 1 sworn an Assistant of this
Company, being chosen thereunto at a Court the
1629 - 13th of May, 1629.
i Mr. Governor moved that a course might be set-
tled for bringing in of moneys, and
Mr. Treasurer returned a note concerning the
Leicestershire men.
It was propounded,
To increase their former subscriptions,
To invite others to underwrite,
To borrow money for a time to supply the
occasions,
To take up money at interest,
That those here present do furnish []200 or
[]100 apiece, to have allowance for it.
The Court taking into consideration the necessity
of a present supply of the sum of 1500, for dis-
charging of debts and bills, and that the moneys un-
derwritten by the adventurers, and not yet brought
in, nor not likely to be brought in, in convenient time
for satisfaction of those debts and bills which are of
necessity to be presently paid ; upon several propo-
sitions made, it is desired and concluded on, that
those of the Company here present would each of
them voluntarily lend such a sum of money as he
shall think fit, for advancing the sum wanting, and to
have the common seal of the Company for the re-
payment thereof, according to the time for which he
or they so lend the same ; and also that the Secretary
be appointed to go to such others of the Company
not present as Mr. Governor shall name, to intimate
1 This was Isaac Johnson, already account of him will be given here-
mentioned on pp. 65 and 72. Some after.
MONEY SUBSCRIBED. 81
the same unto them, and to desire them to under- CHAP.
in.
write what sums they will lend for this occasion,
according as many of the Company here present 1629 -
have done. And it is ordered that the common seal ^
of the Company be given to them, and all others
that will lend, for repayment thereof at such time as
they shall desire the same.
Names of those in Court that underwrit to lend.
SIR R. SALTONSTALL, .100 SYM. WHETCOMBE, .25
MR. GOVERNOR, 150 THO. HUTCHINS, 25
MR. DEPUTY, 50 EDW. COOKE, 50
[RICHARD] PERRY, 25 DAN. BALLARD, 25
[THOMAS] ADAMS, 50 EDM. WHYTE, 20
INCREASE NOELL, 25 JOSEPH CARON,' 25
GEORGE HARWOOD, 50 [SAMUEL] ALDERSEY, 50
RICHARD WHYTE, 25 THO. ANDREWS, 25
MR. CLARK, 25
Auditors appointed for auditing the accounts, viz.
Mr. Symon Whetcombe, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr.
Noell, Mr. Perry, Mr. Crane, Mr. Clarke, Mr. Eaton,
and Mr. Andrews ; 2 these eight, or any four or more
of them, to meet at a convenient time and place to
audit the accounts.
A Committee for reducing of all former Orders -
into a method, viz. the Governor, Mr. Whyte, Mr.
Davenport, Mr. Johnson, Capt. Waller, Capt. Venn,
1 Probably the same person who ed with Richard, probably his bro-
signed the instructions to Endicott, ther, a haberdasher at the Mermaid
May 30, 1628, and who is there in Cheapside, who was also interest-
called Joseph Caxon. See Hutch- ed in the Plymouth adventure, and
inson's Mass. i. 9. was an eminent benefactor of the
2 Thomas Andrews was a London Massachusetts Colony, having sent
merchant, living in Bowe Lane, and them sixteen heifers and upwards
was mayor of the city in 1551. He of 500 in money. See Mass. Hist.
was one of the adventurers that Coll. iii. 48, xxi. 22, and Savage's
were interested in the Plymouth Winthrop, i. 136, 374, ii. 75, 212,
Colony. He is not to be confound- 342.
6
82 THE ACCOUNTS TO BE AUDITED.
CHAP. M r . Aldersey, Mr. Adams, Mr. Wright, and Mr.
XI. I.*
' ~ Darby, they or any four of them, and to present the
? T 6 i 29 ' same to the next General Court, to be ratified and
June .
17. confirmed, in part or in whole, as shall be then
thought fit ; which are then by the Secretary to be
entered into a fair book to be kept for that purpose,
according to the usage and custom of other Compa-
nies.
July A General Court holdenfor the Company of the Malta-
28 ' chusetts Bay, in New-England, at Mr. Deputy's
house, on Tuesday the 28th of July, 1629. Present,
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, Governor,
MR. THOMAS GOFF, Deputy,
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD, Treasurer,
MR. THOMAS ADAMS, MR. SAMUEL VASSALL,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, MR. JOSEPH BRADSHAWE,
MR. THEOPHILTJS EATON, MR. BURNELL,
MR. RICHARD PERRY, MR. REVELL,
MR. INCREASE NOELL, MR. DANIEL BALLARD,
MR. SYMON WHETCOMBE, MR. SPURSTOWE,
MR. JOHN POCOCK, MR. THOMAS HEWSON,
MR. [CHRISTOPHER] COLSON, MR. WOODGATE,
MR. [THOMAS] HUTCHINS, MR. WEBB,
MR. WILLIAM PINCHON, Ma. CRANE,
Assistants. Generality.
The business treated on at the last meeting was
now read ; and thereupon the accounts of Mr. Gov-
ernor, Mr. Deputy, and Mr. Treasurer, being now
presented to this Court, the Auditors formerly ap-
pointed for auditing the Company's accounts were
now desired to meet and peruse and audit these ac-
counts ; which they have agreed to do to-morrow in
the afternoon.
A LETTER FROM ENDICOTT. 83
It was moved by Mr. Governor, that a ship of four CHAP.
hundred tons and of good force being now to be sold, -
should be bought for the Company's use, upon their 1629.
general stock ; or that some particular members of
the Company would undertake to buy the said ship,
in regard the Company are not now in cash ; and
that the Company will not only employ that ship,
but take other ships of them of less defence, for
transport of their cattle and all other commodities,
from time to time, so long as they shall be willing to
furnish such shipping. Whereupon Mr. Governor
declared that he was willing to take | part of the
said ship, or under,
And did write { part, MR. REVELL,
MR. DEPUTY, T ^ MR. ALDERSEY,
MR. ADAMS, | MR. MILBURNE,
MR. WRIGHT, ^ MR. HUSON,
MR. EATON, ^ THE COMPANY,
MR. WHETCOMBE, T ^ &c.
A letter 1 of the 27th of May from Mr. John En-
decott was now read ; wherein, amongst other things,
he complains of the profane and dissolute living of
divers of our nation, former traders to those parts,
and of their irregular trading with the Indians, 2 con-
trary to his late Majesty's Proclamation, 3 desiring
that the Company would take the same into their
serious consideration, and to use some speedy means
1 This letter, unfortunately, is 3 This proclamation, prohibiting
not preserved. interloping and disorderly trading to
2 Endicott probably had in view New- England in America, was is-
Morton, of Mount Wollaston, who sued by James I. on the 6th of No-
is said to have been the first in these vember, 1622. It is printed in Ry-
parts to sell guns and ammunition mer's Fcedera, xvii. 416, and in
to the Indians, and to teach them Hazard's State Papers, i. 151.
their use. See Morton's Memorial,
p. 138.
84 IRREGULAR TRADING WITH THE INDIANS.
CHAP, here for reformation thereof. Whereupon the Pro-
~ clamation made in anno 1622 was read, and it is
9< thought fit that suit be made to his Majesty or the
28. Lords 1 for renewing thereof, with addition of such
beneficial clauses as shall be needful for reforming
so great and unsufferable abuses ; and Mr. Governor,
Mr. Aldersey, Mr. Wright, and Mr. Eaton, are
desired to repair to the Lord Keeper 2 and Mr. Sec-
retary Coke 3 to acquaint their Honors herewith, and
afterwards a petition to be presented to the Council
Board accordingly. 4
A note of divers propositions offered to the consi-
deration of this Company by one John Betts was
read, pretending that he is able to discover divers
things for the good and advancement of the Planta-
tion, and the benefit of this Company. Whereupon
some of those here present were desired to inquire
further of him, not only of his ability, but of his de-
portment in his life and conversation, and then the
Company to treat with him as they shall think fit.
Also, Mr. Webb moved concerning a Frenchman,
being a physician, and otherwise well qualified, who
is desirous to go over to live upon the Company's
Plantation, and gave good commendations both of his
sufficiency and of his godly life and conversation ;
1 Of the Privy Council. 4 In compliance with this petition,
2 Lord Coventry, late Sir Tho- a new proclamation was issued by
mas, was at this time lord keeper of Charles I. on the 24th of November,
the great seal of England. See 1630, forbidding the disorderly trad-
Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, ing with the salvages in New-Eng-
i. 80. land in America, especially the fur-
3 Sir John Coke ; not, as might nishing the natives in those and
at first be supposed, Edward, the other parts of America by the Eng-
famous Coke upon Littleton, who lish with weapons and habiliments
was then in his 81st year. See Cla- of war. See it in Rymer's Fcedera,
rendon's Rebellion, i. 113, and Miss xix. 210, and in Hazard's State Pa-
Aikin's Charles I. i. 361. pers, i. 311.
CRADOCK'S PROPOSITION. 85
and of one Mr. Gardner, an able and expert man in CHAP.
divers faculties ; who are to be further inquired of
and treated with, against the next meeting of the 1629 -
n July
Company. 28.
It is also thought fit and ordered, that letters be
written to those in the country to pay in what they
are behind upon their subscriptions ; and that some
tradesmen here in London that have occasion to
travel into any of those parts, be desired to receive
the money on the Company's behalf.
And lastly, Mr. Governor read certain propo-
sitions conceived by himself, 1 viz. That for the
advancement of the Plantation, the inducing and
encouraging persons of worth and quality to trans-
plant themselves and families thither, and for other
weighty reasons 2 therein contained, to transfer the
government of the Plantation to those that shall
inhabit there, and not to continue the same in subor-
dination to the Company here, as now it is. This
business occasioned some debate ; but by reason of
the many great and considerable consequences there-
upon depending, it was not now resolved upon, but
those present are desired privately 3 and seriously to
consider hereof, and to set down their particular
reasons in writing pro et contra) and to produce the
same at the next General Court ; where they being
reduced to heads, and maturely considered of, the
Company may then proceed to a final resolution
1 Let it be noted, that Cradock prudent or safe to mention at that
was at the bottom of this move- time.
ment. 3 Privately, secretly. This is
2 What these other weighty rea- noteworthy. They doubtless appre-
sons were, we are left to conjecture, hended that measures might be taken
Considerations of a religious nature to defeat their purpose, should it be-
it would not, perhaps, have been come known to those in authority.
86 SHALL THE GOVERNMENT AND PATENT
CHAP, thereon. And in the mean time they are desired to
in. .
carry this business secretly, 1 that the same be not
1629. divulged.
A General Court holden at Mr. Deputy's house, the 28th
of August, 1629. Present,
Aug. MR. GOFF, Deputy, MR. NOWELL,
28> MR. HARWOOD, Treasurer, MR. FOXCROFT,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. WHYTE,
MR. JOHNSON, MR. COOKE,
MR. DAVENPORT, MR. BALLARD,
MR. HUMFREYS, MR. WRIGHT,
MR. ADAMS, MR. WHETCOMBE,
CAPT. VENN, MR. SMITH,
MR. POCOCK, MR. REVELL,
MR. PERRY, MR. DAVIS,
MR. COLSTON, MR. EATON,
MR. PlNCHION, MR. COLBRAND.
MR. WM. VASSALL,
Mr. Deputy acquainted this Court, that the espe-
cial cause of their meeting was to give answer to
divers gentlemen, intending to go into New-Eng-
land, whether or no the chief government of the
Plantation, together with the patent, should be set-
tled in New-England, or here. 2 Whereupon it was
ordered, that this afternoon Mr. Wright, Mr. Eaton,
Mr. Adams, Mr. Spurstowe, and such others as they
1 See note 3 on preceding page. England, by the first of March next,
2 Only two days before, namely, to inhabit and continue there, pro-
on the 26th of August, a mutual vided that before the last of Septem-
agreement had been made and sign- ber next the whole government,
ed at Cambridge, by Saltonstall, together with the patent for the said
Winthrop, Johnson, Dudley, Hum- Plantation, be first, by an order of
phrey, Nowell, Pynchon, Thomas Court, legally transferred and estab-
Sharpe, William Vassall, and others, lished to remain with them and
that they would embark with their others who shall inhabit upon the
families for the Plantation in New- said Plantation.
BE TRANSFERRED TO NEW-ENGLAND? 87
%
should think fit to call unto them, whether they were CHAP.
J in.
of the Company or not, to consider of arguments
against the settling of the chief government in New- 1629 -
England ; and on the other side, Sir Richard Salton- 28.
stall, Mr. Johnson, Capt. Venn, and such others as
they should call unto them, to prepare arguments
for the settling of the said government in New-Eng-
land ; and that to-morrow morning, being the 29th
of August, at 7 of the clock, both sides should meet
and confer and weigh each other's arguments, and
afterwards at 9 of the clock, (which is the time ap-
pointed of meeting for a General Court,) to make
report thereof to the whole Company, who then will
determine this business.
A General Court at Mr. Deputy 9 s house, the 29th of 39.
August, 1629. Present,
MR. DEPUTY, MR. HARWOOD, Treasurer,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. PERRY,
MR. JOHNSON, MR. FOXCROFT,
MR. DAVENPORT, MR. DAVIS,
MR. ALDERSEY, MR. IRONSYDE,
MR. HUMFREY, MR. PlNCHON,
CAPT. WALLER, MR. WILLIAM VASSALL,
CAPT. VENN, MR. HOWE,
MR. ADAMS, MR. BALLARD,
MR. EATON, MR. NOWELL,
MR. SAMUEL VASSALL, MR. WEBB,
MR. WRIGHT, MR. WHETCOMBE,
MR. COLSTON, MR. COLBRAND.
MR. POCOCK,
This day the Committees which were appointed to
meet yesterday in the afternoon to consider of argu-
ments pro et contra touching the settling of the gov-
88 THE TRANSFER RESOLVED UPON.
CHAP, ernment of the Company's Plantation in New-Eng-
^ land, being according to the order of the last Court,
1629. me t together, debated their arguments and reasons
A 2 u 9 g ' on both sides ; where were present many of the As-
sistants and Generality ; and after a long debate,
Mr. Deputy put it to the question, as followeth :
As many of you as desire to have the patent and
the government of the Plantation to be transferred to
New-England, so as it may be done legally, hold up
your hands. So many as will not, hold up your hands.
When, by erection of hands, it appeared by the
general consent of the Company, that the govern-
ment and patent should be settled in New-England,
and accordingly an Order to be drawn up. 1
19.' A General Court holden at Mr. Deputy's house, the
^.: 19th of Sept. 1629. Present,
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, Governor, MR. COLSON,
MR. THOMAS GOFF, Deputy, MR. PINCHON,
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD, Treasurer, MR. HUTCHINS,
MR. SPURSTOWE, MR. PERRY,
MR. POCOCK, MR. WHETCOMBE,
MR. WRIGHTE, and others.
1 It has been justly remarked that of the territory, under such forms of
a transaction similar to this in all its government and magistracy as
circumstances, is not easily to be should be fit and necessary. But
met with in story. It certainly stands the boldness of the step is not more
alone in the history of English colo- striking than the silent acquiescence
nization. The power of the Corpo- of the King in permitting it to take
ration to make the transfer has been place. See the whole matter dis-
seriously doubted and even denied, cussed in Grahame's History of the
It is evident from the Charter, that United States, i. 221-224 ; Robert -
the original design of it was to con- son's History of America, ch. x. ;
stitute a corporation in England like Chalmers's Political Annals, p. 151 ;
that of the East India and other Hutchinson's Mass. i. 13 ; and Sto-
great Companies, with powers to ry's Commentaries on the Constitu-
settle plantations within the limits tion, i. 50.
THE AFFAIR OF THE BROWNES. 89
At this Court letters 1 were read from Capt. Endi- CHAP.
cott and others from New-England. And whereas a v^-~
difference hath fallen out betwixt the Governor there 1629>
and Mr. John and Samuel Browne, it was agreed by
the Court, that for the determination of those differ-
ences, Mr. John and Samuel Browne might choose
any three or four of the Company on their behalf, to
hear the said differences, the Company choosing as
many. 2 Whereupon the said Mr. John and Samuel
Browne made choice of Mr. Samuel Vassall, 3 and
Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Symon Whetcombe, and
1 These letters are unfortunately Parliament voted him .10,445 125.
missing. 2d. for the damages he had thus
2 This certainly seems to be a sustained, and resolved that he
very fair course of proceeding to- should be further considered for his
wards the Brownes, whose case will imprisonment and personal suffer-
be more circumstantially stated ings. He was one of the 300 mem-
hereafter. And yet Chalmers says, bers who signed the protestation to
" When the persons who had been support the liberty of Parliament,
thus expelled, arrived in England, and subscribed 1200 against the
they naturally applied to the Gov- rebels in Ireland, his name appear-
ernor and Company for reparation of ing at the head of the list. In 1643
their wrongs ; but it appears not from he took the covenant, and in 1646
their records that they ever received was appointed one of the commis-
any redress. The insolence of con- sioners for the kingdom of England
tempt was superadded to the injus- for the conservation of the peace
tice of power. The General Court with Scotland. He never came over
was at that time too much occupied to this country, and I have not been
in preparing for an important change, able to ascertain when he died. His
to attend to the first duty of all rul- son John settled in Jamaica, and
ers, to give protection to the injur- John 's grandson, Florentius Vassall,
ed." Chalmers's Political Annals, Esq., of London, in 1766 sent over
p. 146. a marble monument in honor of his
3 Samuel Vassall was the son of great-grandfather, Samuel, which
the gallant John Vassall, an alder- was set up in King's Chapel, in
man of London, who in 1588, at his Boston, where it is still to be seen,
own expense fitted out and com- From the inscription on this monu-
manded two ships of war against the ment I have derived the greater part
Spanish Armada. Samuel was like- of the preceding account. The late
wise an alderman of London, and an Lord Holland married Elizabeth, a
eminent merchant, and represented grand-daughter of Florentius Vas-
that city in two successive Parlia- sail. See Greenwood's Hist, of
ments, in 1640 and 1641. In 1628 King's Chapel, pp. 131, 207 ;
he was the first who refused to sub- Burke 's Hist, of the Commoners of
mit to the tax of tonnage and pound- Great Britain, i. 499 ; Rush worth's
age, for which his goods were seized Hist. Coll. i. 641, Appendix, p. 57;
and his person imprisoned by the and Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 294.
Star Chamber Court. In July, 1641,
90 SHIPS RETURNED FROM NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP. Mr. William Pinchion ; and for the Company there
~ were chosen Mr. John Whyte, Mr. John Davenport,
1629. Mr. Isaac Johnson, and Mr. John Wynthropp ; who,
SfP*- with the Governor or Deputy, are to determine and
iy
end the business the first Tuesday in the next term ;
and if any of the aforenamed parties be absent, others
to be chosen by either [of the] parties in their stead.
For the unlading of the ships now come, viz. the
Lion's Whelp and the Talbot, it was desired that
the Governor and Deputy would take such order
therein as they should think fit.
And lastly for the five boys returned from New-
England upon the Talbot, it is to be advised on what
course to be taken for their punishment, either by
procuring Mr. Recorder his warrant, by complaining
to the Judge of the Admiralty, or otherwise.
29< A General Court holden at Mr. Deputy's house, on
Tuesday, the 29th of Sept. 1629. Present,
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, Governor, MR. ANDREWS,
MR. THOMAS GOFF, Deputy, MR. ROE,
CAPT. WALLER, MR. REVELL,
CAPT. VENN, MR. HUSON,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, MR. WEBB,
MR. THOMAS ADAMS, MR. WOODGATE,
MR. GEORGE FOXCROFT, MR. PULISTON,
MR. RICHARD PERRY, MR. BATEMAN,
MR. NOWELL, MR. WYNCHE,
MR. SYMON WHETCOMBE,
At this Court were read the Orders made the 28th
and 29th of August last, concerning the transferring
of the patent and government of the Plantation into
LETTERS FROM THE BROWNES. 91
New-England. But that business being of great and CHAP.
weighty consequence, is thought fit to be deferred
for determination until Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. 1629 -
Johnson, and other gentlemen be come up to Lon- 39.'
don, and may be here present ; and in the mean
time it was propounded that a committee should be
appointed,
To prepare the business ;
To take advice of learned counsel whether the
same may be legally done or no ;
By what way or means the same may be done, to
correspond with and not to prejudice the govern-
ment here ;
To consider of the time when it will be fit to do it ;
To resolve on whom to confer the government ;
and divers other circumstances material to be resolv-
ed on, &c.
The next thing taken into consideration was the
letters from Mr. John and Samuel Browne to divers
of their private friends here in England, whether the
same should be delivered or detained, and whether
they should be opened and read, or not. And for
that it was to be doubted by probable circumstances,
that they had defamed the country of New-England,
and the Governor and government there, it was
thought fit that some of the said letters should be
opened and publicly read, which was done accord-
ingly ; and the rest to remain at Mr. Deputy's house,
and the parties to whom they are directed to have
notice, and Mr. Governor, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Treas-
urer, and Mr. Wright, or any two of them, are en-
treated to be at the opening and reading thereof, to
the end the Company may have notice, if aught be
92 THE SHIP EAGLE TO BE BOUGHT.
CHAP, inserted therein which may be prejudicial to their
~ government or Plantation in New-England. And it
1629 - is also thought fit that none of the letters from Mr.
29*' Samuel Browne shall be delivered, but kept to be
made use of against him as occasion shall be offered.
The business of clearing the two ships 1 lately
come home, paying and discharging the men, and
housing the goods, is recommended to the care of
Mr. Deputy, who hath undertaken the same.
It is also thought fit and ordered, that the Secre-
tary shall write out a copy of the former grant to the
Earl of Warwick and others, 2 which was by them
resigned to this Company, to be presented to his
Lordship, he having desired the same.
The Governor moved to know the resolution of
the Company concerning buying the ship Eagle ;
and it was concluded on, as formerly, that the said
ship should be bought by those hereafter named,
viz.
THE GOVERNOR, ^ MR. REVELL,
THE DEPUTY, $ MR. ALDERSEY,
MR. ADAMS, | MR. MILBURNE,
MR. WRIGHT, MR. HUSON,
MR. EATON, -& THE COMPANY,
MR. WHETCOMBE, T V
And Mr. Governor is desired to go on and conclude
the bargain upon such terms as he can. And it was
1 The Lion's Whelp and the Tal- England Colonies. Winthrop says
bot. See page -90. in his Journal, July 9, 1634, that he
2 This was the grant made March " received a letter from the Earl of
19, 1628, by the Council for the Af- Warwick, wherein he congratulated
fairs of New-England to Sir Henry the prosperity of our Plantation, and
Roswell and his associates, and by encouraged our proceedings, and
them transferred tox-the Massachu- offered his help to further us in it."
setts Company. Sir Robert War- See pp. 28-30, and Savage's Win-
wick was a member of that Council, throp, i. 137.
and a stanch friend of the New-
MONEY TO BE RAISED. 93
further thought fit and resolved on, that this ship, CHAP,
being of good force, and bought for the safety and -L<
honor and benefit of the Plantation, shall always be
preferred in that voyage before any other ship, 1 and 39.'
to have some consideration in her freight above other
ships accordingly.
It is also thought fit, for the present raising of
money, that sale be made of the beaver skins ; and
to that purpose a rate was now set upon them of 205.
per pound. And Mr. Nathaniel Wright being here
present, is to have time till to-morrow to accept of
them at that rate, or to return his answer ; and in
the mean time the skins not to be sold under that
rate, the sale of them being referred to Mr. Gov-
ernor and Mr. Deputy.
Also some speech was had concerning the deliv-
ery of the petition to the Lords of the Council. But
this is deferred till their Lordships' coming to London.
Mr. Treasurer and Mr. Adams are desired to make
an abstract of those who are behind with their sub-
scriptions, to the end some course may be taken to
call in for those moneys.
For the twelve cows, and three calves, and two
mares, and two foals, it is thought fit that they be
forthwith sold, rather than kept at charges all this
winter ; which is recommended to the care of Mr.
Bateman and Mr. Huson.
Also concerning the five boys returned in the Tal-
bot, Mr. Whetcombe and Mr. Noell are desired to
acquaint Sir Henry Martyn with their misdemeanour,
1 Her name was afterwards chang- son, Esq., one of the Assistants of
ed to the Arbella, in honor of the the Massachusetts Company. See
Lady Arbella, daughter of the Earl Edward Johnson's Hist, of New-
of Lincoln, and wife of Isaac John- England, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 79.
94 LETTERS FROM NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP, and to advise what punishment may be inflicted upon
them, and how the Company may be legally dis-
1629. cnar g e( i of them.
29.' Upon the desire of Mr. John and Samuel Browne,
it is thought fit and ordered, that they should have
a copy of the accusation sent from New-England
against them, to the end they may be the better pre-
pared to make answer thereunto.
Mr. Wright is desired to take care of the sale of
the clapboard and other wood.
Also, letters from Robert Moulton, the shipwright,
and from the coopers and cleavers of wood, consist-
ing of divers particulars, were now read ; which are
to be abbreviated, and fitting answers to be made
unto them, by the return of the next ships to New-
England.
Oct. A General Court at the Deputy's house, on Thursday,
15 ' the 15th of October, 1629. Present,
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, Governor, MR. GEORGE FOXCROFT,
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD, Treasurer, MR. INCREASE NOELL,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. BALLARD,
MR. JOHN DAVENPORT, MR. REVELL,
MR. ISAAC JOHNSON, MR. DUDLEY,
MR. SAMUEL ALDERSEY, MR. WINTHROP,
MR. JOHN HUMFRY, MR. WEBB,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, MR. HUSON,
MR. JOHN VENN, MR. YOUNG,
MR. THOMAS ADAMS, MR. WHICHCOYTE,
MR. WILLIAM VASSALL, MR. CRANE,
MR. SYMON WHETCOMBE, MR. OWEN RoE, 1
MR. WILLIAM PINCHION, MR. FORD,
With divers others of the Generality.
1 Owen Howe was a silk-mercer the Rebellion," says Anthony Wood,
jn London. "In the beginning of "being a violent Covenanter, and
THE JOINT STOCK OF THE COMPANY. 95
The especial and only occasion of this meeting CHAP.
beinz to consider and resolve of the settling the
1 P O Q
trade in New-England, (now upon transferring the ^ '
government thither,) for the encouragement as well 15.
of the adventurers in the joint stock here, as of those
who already are, and of others who intend to go over
in person to be planters there, and for their mutual
correspondency and behoof, and the advancement of
the Plantation to the end which was at first intended;
the Court took the same into due and mature consid-
eration ; and after a long debate, and sundry opin-
ions given, and reasons why the joint stock, (which
had borne the brunt of the charge hitherto, and was
likely to bear much more,) should have certain com-
modities appropriate thereunto, for reimbursement
and defrayment thereof, and divers objections being
made to those reasons, all which was largely dis-
cussed and well weighed, the Court, in conclusion,
afterwards an Independent, he was Charles I. to come in, he surrendered
by Cromwell's interest made a prime himself; so that after his trial had
officer (lieutenant colonel, I think) in passed in the sessions-house in the
the militia of London, and became a Old-Bailey, he was condemned to
firebrand in that city, and an enemy perpetual imprisonment, and his es-
to its ancient civil government. In tate confiscated. What became of
1648 he was nominated one of the him afterwards, I know not." He
King's judges, sat on the bench w r as scout-master general in Crom-
when he was several times before well's army, and being in his suite
them, stood up as consenting when when he visited Oxford, in May,
sentence was passed for severing his 1649, he received from the Univer-
head from his body, and at length sity, with his other chief officers,
set his hand and seal to the warrant the honorary degree of Master of
for his execution. About that time Arts. In this way we get the above
he was made keeper of the maga- lean but authentic sketch of him
zines and stores, and received -'5000 from crabbed Anthony. There is a
to buy arms. In 1659, July 7, he letter of Rowe's to Governor Win-
was constituted colonel of the mili- throp, dated Feb. 18, 1636, in which
tia of the said city by the Rump he expresses his desire and intention
Parliament, and was then in great to come to Massachusetts, where it
favor with them. But in the year appears he had cattle and desired a
after, when his Majesty was restor- farm. See- Wood's Fasti Oxon. ii.
ed, and a proclamation thereupon 136, (ed. Bliss) ; Carlyle's Crom-
was issued out for all such persons well, i. 296, 364 ; Hutchinson's Col-
that had sat in judgment orr King lection, p. 59.
96 CHURCHES AND PUBLIC WORKS.
CHAP, for accommodation of both parts, fell upon a modera-
' tion, 1 as followeth, viz.
That the Company's joint stock shall have the
15.' trade of beaver and all other furs in those parts
solely, for the term of seven years from this day, for
and in consideration of the charge that the joint stock
hath undergone already, and is yet annually to bear,
for the advancement of the Plantation.
That for the charge of fortifications, the Compa-
ny's joint stock to bear the one half, and the planters
to defray the other, viz. for ordnance, munition,
powder, &c. But for laborers in building of
forts, &c. all men to be employed in an equal pro-
portion, according to the number of men upon the
Plantation, and so to continue until such fit and
necessary works be finished.
That the charge of the ministers now there or that
shall hereafter go to reside there, as also the charge
of building convenient churches, and all other public
works upon the Plantation, be in like manner indiffe-
rently borne, the one half by the Company's joint
stock for the said term of seven years, and the other
half by the planters.
That the ordnance already provided for fortifica-
tion be rated as they cost, as also all powder and
munition whatsoever concerning arms, so as the same
be delivered there for public use ; and this to be
accounted as part of the joint stock of the Company.
All which being several times read, was by Mr.
Governor put to the question, and by general con-
sent, by erection of hands, was agreed and concluded
on, and ordered accordingly.
1 That is, compromise.
A COMMITTEE APPOINTED. 97
And forasmuch as by [a] former Order the patent CHAP.
and government is to be transferred to New-Eng- -~
land, a Committee is appointed, part of the adven- 1629 -
Oct.
15.
turers here, and part of those that intend to go over,
viz.
MR. DAVENPORT, SIR RICHARD S ALTON STALL, 1
MR. WRIGHT, MR. JOHNSON,
MR. PERRY, MR. WINTHROP,
CAPT. WALLER, MR. HUMFRY,
CAPT. VENN, MR. DUDLEY,
MR. ADAMS, MR. VASSALL,
MR. WHETCOMBE, MR. PINCHON, and
MR. YOUNG, MR. DowNiNG. 2
MR. SPURSTOWE, and
MR. REVELL.
Who are desired to meet to-morrow morning, to
confer of and draw fit and convenient clauses to be
inserted in Articles of Agreement, which may be
commodious for either part, and to prepare the same
for a Court of Assistants, appointed that afternoon
to determine thereof.
1 Those in the second column, I he represented five years in the
suppose, intended to go over. General Court. He, and not Cali-
Emanuel Downing was of the bute Downing, (as is erroneously
Inner Temple, and married a sister stated by Anthony Wood,) was the
of Governor Winthrop. He came father 'of the notorious Sir George
over, I suppose, in 1638, for I find Downing. Simon Bradstreet, an
it stated in the Colony Records, that Assistant, and afterwards Governor
on the 14th of December of that of the Colony, married a daughter
year, " Mr. Endicott and Mr. John of Emanuel Downing. See Wood's
Winthrop, Jr. had order to give Mr. Athen. Oxon. iii. 108, (ed. Bliss) ;
Emanuel Downing the oath of free- Hutchinson's Mass. 18, 111 ; Win-
dom." He resided at Salem, which throp's N. E. i. 49, 100, ii. 240, 369.
98 MANAGEMENT OF THE JOINT STOCK.
A Court of Assistants at the Deputy's house, on Friday,
the 16th of October, 1629. Present,
1629.
Q MR. MATTII. CRADOCK, Governor, MR. G. HARWOOD, Treasurer,
16. SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. WINTHROP,
MR. ISAAC JOHNSON, MR. HUSON,
MR. DUDLEY, MR. WHETCOMBE,
MR. JOHN HUMFRY, MR. PERRY,
MR. WILLIAM VASSALL, MR. POCOCK,
MR. REVELL, MR. SPURSTOWE,
MR. GEORGE FOXCROFT, MR. PINCHON,
MR. ADAMS, CAPT. VENN,
MR. SAMUEL VASSALL.
This Court was appointed to treat and resolve,
upon the transferring of the government to New-
England, what government shall be held at London,
whereby the future charge of the joint stock may be
cherished and preserved, and the body politic of the
Company remain and increase ;
What persons shall have the charge of the man-
aging of the joint stock both at London and in New-
England ; wherein it is conceived fit that Capt. En-
decott continue the government there, unless just
cause to the contrary.
These and other things were largely discussed ;
and it was thought fit and natural that the govern-
ment of persons be held there, the government of
trade and merchandises to be here.
That the joint stock being mutual, both here and
there, that some fit persons be appointed for man-
aging thereof in both places.
But for that there is a great debt owing by the
joint stock, it was moved that some course might be
taken for clearing thereof before the government be
LETTERS TO ENDICOTT AND HIGGINSON. 99
transferred ; and to this purpose it was first thought CHAP.
fit that the accounts should be audited, to see what ^~
the debt is. But the business not admitting any such 1629 -
delay, it was desired that Mr. Governor and Mr.
Treasurer would meet to-morrow, and make an esti-
mate of the debts, and prepare the same against a
meeting to be on Monday next, to determine this
question.
The ship Eagle is to be freighted from Bristol.
Lastly, letters were read and signed to Mr. Ende-
cott, Mr. Skelton, and Mr. Higgison, as appears by
the entries of them in the book of copies of letters. 1
A Meeting at Mr. Deputy's house, on Monday, the 19th
of October, 1629. Present, ' . ' w.
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, Governor, MR. FOXCROFT,
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD, Treasurer, SIR R. SALTONSTALL,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, MR. ISAAC JOHNSON,
CAPT. VENN, MR. DAVENPORT,
MR. PINCHON, MR. WHYTE, the preacher,
MR. WILLIAM VASSALL, MR. WHYTE, S the counsellor,
MR. HUSON, MR. WYNTHROPP,
MR. NOELL, MR. DUDLEY.
MR. ADAMS,
The occasion of this meeting being to resolve of
the alteration of the government, and therein to con-
1 These letters, in the handwrit- 2 This was probably the Mr.
ing of Burgess, the Secretary, are White, described by Clarendon as
preserved in the first book of Deeds " a grave lawyer, but notoriously
in the Registry of Suffolk. The disaffected to the Church," who was
MS. is probably a part of the origi- chairman of the parliamentary com-
nal Letter-Book here referred to. mittee on religion in 1640. See
They will be found in another part Clarendon's Rebellion, i. 348.
of this volume.
100 THE PLANTERS AND ADVENTURERS.
CHAP, sider how the debts upon the joint stock shall be first
^-~ discharged, and how the same shall be hereafter man-
1629. aged ; and herein what was formerly treated on was
again related. And for that divers questions will
arise to be determined in this business, which will
take up much time, and cannot be so conveniently
done at a Court, it was thought fit that certain com-
mittees be appointed, on either part, to meet and
make propositions each to other, and set the same
down in writing ; and if they can, to agree and con-
clude of a fit end to be made for the good of the
Plantation ; and if any differences happen which they
cannot agree on, that then the same be referred to the
umpirage and determination of some of the preach-
ers, to be chosen to that purpose ; who are desired
to set down in writing what they shall think in con-
science is fit to be done indifferently for the good of
the work and the encouragement both of planters
and adventurers. And to this purpose, Articles be-
tween the planters and adventurers for performance
of what shall be determined, was now drawn by Mr.
Whyte, the counsellor, read and approved, and are
to be presented to-morrow at a General Court, to be
ratified, and then sealed ; and at that Court the Go-
vernor and Assistants to be chosen for the govern-
ment in New-England.
THE PURCHASE OF THE EAGLE CONFIRMED. 101
A General Court holden at Mr. Goff, the Deputy's house,
on Tuesday, the 20th of October, 1629. Present,
1629.
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, Governor, MR. DAVENPORT, ) , , a Oct.
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. WHYTE, J 20 *
MR. ISAAC JOHNSON, MR. WINTHROP,
CAPT. JOHN VENN, MR. DUDLEY,
MR. [SAMUEL] ALDERSEY, MR. PULISTON,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, MR. BALLARD,
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD, Treasurer, MR. JOB BRADSHAW,
MR. JOHN HUMFRY, MR. COOKE,
MR. WILLIAM VASSALL, MR. REVELL,
MR. WILLIAM PINCHON, CAPT. WALLER,
MR. GEORGE FOXCROFT, MR. BALLARD,*
MR. INCREASE NOELL, MR. WOODGATE,
MR. CHRISTOPHER COLSON, MR. STEPHENS,
MR. RICHARD PERRY, MR. FRANCIS FLYER,
MR. THOMAS ADAMS, MR. SPURSTOWE,
MR. JOHN POCOCK, MR. HUSON,
MR. THOMAS HUTCHINS, MR. ROE,
MR. WEBB,
Assistants. With some others of the Generality.
Mr. Governor caused to be read the Order formerly
made concerning the buying of the ship E agle ;
and desired to know the pleasure of the Court for
confirmation thereof. Whereupon some debate be-
ing had, the Order was well approved of; but for
that it is wished that the gentlemen that are to go
over should have the i part of the said ship which
was formerly allotted to the Company, (the Company
being out of cash, and for other reasons,) they not
having notice thereof till now, desired time till the
afternoon to consider thereof, and to give their an
1 Clergymen.
2 Mr. Ballard's name is probably repeated by mistake.
102 ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT.
CHAP, swer ; which was condescended unto, and the same
in.
- ~ is then to be determined accordingly.
1629. After which Mr. Governor acquainted those pre-
20*' sent, that the especial occasion of summoning this
Court was for the election of a new Governor, Dep-
uty, and Assistants, the government being to be
transferred into New-England, according to the for-
mer Order and resolution of the Company. But be-
fore the Court proceeded to the said election, certain
Articles of Agreement, conceived at a meeting yes-
terday between the adventurers here at home and
the planters that are to go over, as well for the man-
aging and settling of the joint stock, as for reconcil-
ing of any differences that may happen upon this
change of government, was now read, and recom-
mended to the Court for their approbation, and for
the nomination and appointment of a competent num-
ber of committees, to meet and treat and resolve of
these businesses. The Articles themselves were
approved of, and five committees on either part were
thereupon chosen, viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr.
Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Johnson, and Mr. Hum-
fry, for the planters ; and for the adventurers was
chosen Mr. Governor, Mr. Aldersey, Mr. Wright,
Mr. Hutchins, and Capt. Venn. And in case the
said committee, or the greater number of them,
should differ in any one or more particulars, and not
agree thereon, there was chosen for umpires Mr.
Whyte, the counsellor, Mr. Whyte, of Dorchester,
and Mr. Davenport, 1 to whom the decision and de-
1 John Davenport was born in the degrees of A. M. and B. D.
1597, at Coventry, of which city his He became a noted preacher among
father was mayor. He was educa- the Puritans, and at length minister
ted at Oxford, where he received of St. Stephen's, Coleman-street,
JOHN DAVENPORT, OF NEW HAVEN. 103
i
termination of all such differences is referred, accord- CHAP.
ing to the tenure of the said Articles of Agreement. ~
And it being further taken into consideration, that in 1629 -
regard of the shortness of the time limited to the 20.
committees, many things of weight and consequence
in this so great a business may either not be at all
thought on, or otherwise left unresolved, by them
and the said umpires, it is therefore thought fit by
this Court that the said committee and umpires shall
continue till the end of this term ; and whatsoever
material things for the good of the Plantation shall in
that time be treated on and resolved by them, the
same to be as valid and effectual as if it had been
done before the expiration of the time limited by the
London. About the year 1627, he efice bestowed on him. Not being
was appointed one of the feoffees for entirely satisfied, however, with the
buying in of impropriations ; con- proceedings there, he yielded to the
cerning which see note 3 on page 70. urgent letters of John Cotton, and
Being persecuted by the prelates for came over to New-England in June,
his nonconformity, and a warrant 1637, with Theophilus Eaton, who
having been issued by the High had been one of his parishioners in
Commission to summon him before London, and Edward Hopkins, and
them, he resigned his benefice Dec. with them laid the foundations of the
18, 1633, and fled into Holland. Colony of New Haven in 1638. In
Archbishop Laud says in his annual 1668, in his 71st year, he removed
account to the King, dated Jan. 2, to Boston to become the pastor of
1634, " Since my return out of the First Church, and died there in
Scotland, Mr. John Davenport, vicar 1670. He was buried by the side
of St. Stephen's in Coleman-street, of Cotton, and near to Governor
whom I used with all moderation, Winthrop, in the northern corner of
and about two years after thought I King's Chapel grave-yard. Increase
had settled his judgment, [not quite, Mather wrote some account of his
my Lord !] having him then at ad- life. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii.
vantage enough to have put extrem- 889, (ed. Bliss) ; Newcourt's Re-
ity upon him, but forbore it, hath pertorium, i. 537 ; Laud's Troubles
now resigned his vicarage, declared and Trial, pp. 348, 526 ; Mather's
his judgment against conformity with Magnalia, i. 226, 292-302; Win-
the Church of England, and is since throp's N. England, i. 227; Hutch-
Sme (as I hear) to Amsterdam." inson's Mass. i. 82, 115, 215; Em-
ere he preached for some time to erson's Hist, of the First Church
the English congregation; but on in Boston, pages 110-124; Prof,
the breaking out of the civil wars, Kingsley's Cent. Discourse, pp. 12,
he returned to England, as other 62; Leonard Bacon's Historical Dis-
Nonconformists did, and had a ben- courses, pp. 75-155.
104 JOHN WINTHROP, OF GROTON,
"?n. P * Articles. And it was further thought fit that all
" ~ such others of the Company as will, may from time
Oct> to time have access to the said committee, to pro-
pound such things as they conceive beneficial for the
business, or to present their opinions in writing, but
not to debate with them for interrupting their pro-
ceedings.
All which being put to the question, was approved
of, and by erection of hands ordered accordingly.
And now the Court proceeding to the election of
a new Governor, Deputy, and Assistants, which, upon
serious deliberation, hath been and is conceived to
be for the especial good and advancement of their
affairs ; and having received extraordinary great
commendations of Mr. JOHN WYNTHROP, 1 both for
1 Of JOHN WINTHROP, the first and embarked his all to promote the
Governor of the Massachusetts Col- settlement of New-England. It is a
ony, the narrow limits of a Note very full evidence of the esteem in
will not permit us to speak ade- which he was held, that, when many
quately or worthily ; and we must gentlemen of character, some of
therefore refer those who wish to them of noble alliance, were con-
know the particulars of his life and cerned in the same undertaking with
understand his character, to the me- him, he, by a general voice, was
moir in Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. placed at their head." He says
337-358, to the account given by himself, "I was first chosen to be
Mather, in the Magnalia, i. 108-120, Governor without my seeking or ex-
and to his own Journal, or History pectation, there being then divers
of New-England, (with Savage's other gentlemen who, for their abil-
invaluable notes,) and his admirable ities every way, were far more fit."
letters appended to both volumes of He was eleven times chosen Gov-
that work. Suffice it now to say, ernor, and spent his whole estate in
that he was born at Groton, in Suf- the public service. His son John,
folk, Jan. 12, 1588, and was de- and his grandson, Fitz-John, (who
scended from an ancient and honor- was a captain in Col. Read's regi-
able family. He was bred to the ment at the Restoration in 1660,)
law, as his ancestors had been be- were successively governors of Con-
fore him, one of them, Adam Win- necticut Colony, and Wait Still, an-
throp, having been an eminent law- other grandson, was chief justice of
yer in the reign of Henry VIII. Massachusetts. Stephen, another
Such was the gravity and steadiness son of the elder Winthrop, went to
of his character, that, at the early England in 1645 or 1646, had the
age of eighteen, he was made a jus- command of a regiment, and suc-
tice of the peace. " He had an es- ceeded Harrison in his major-gen-
tate of six or seven hundred pounds eralship, was a member of Parlia-
a year, which he turned into money, ment for Scotland in 1656, and was
CHOSEN GOVERNOR OF THE COMPANY. 105
his integrity and sufficiency, as being one every CHAP.
-I -L 1-
[way 1 ] well fitted and accomplished for the place of -
Governor, did put in nomination for that place the
said Mr. John Winthrop, Sir Richard Saltonstall, 20.'
Mr. Isaac Johnson, and Mr. John Humfry ; and the
said Mr. Winthrop was with a general vote and full
consent of this Court, by erection of hands, chosen
to be Governor for the ensuing year, to begin on
this present day ; who was pleased to accept thereof,
and thereupon took the oath to that place apper-
taining.
much trusted by the Protector. The Fort Warren is built, was granted
family, in every generation, have to him, and the name was changed
occupied high stations, and been de- to the Governor's Garden. " Nov.
servedly held in great respect in 7, 1632, there is about fifty acres of
New-England. Its character is now meadow ground granted to John
worthily sustained by the Hon. Ro- Winthrop, Esq., present Governor,
bert C. Winthrop, who represents lying between Cobbett's house and
the city of Boston in the Congress Wanottymies' river;" and, March
of the United States. Gov. Win- 4, 1634, the wear at Mistick was
throp was in his -43d year when he granted to him and Matthew Cra-
sailed for New-England. He died dock, of London. It is much to
March 26, 1649, in the 62d year of be regretted that Gov. Winthrop's
his age, and was buried, April 3d, "larger discourse of all things,"
in the northern corner of the King's mentioned in a letter to his wife,
Chapel burial-ground, in Boston. July 16, 1630, and twice afterwards
His son John, governor of Connecti- referred to in his letters to his son,
cut, was interred in the same tomb July 23 and Aug. 14, is lost. It
in April, 1676. " The Green," the may have contained interesting state-
Governor's town lot, included the ments, not included in his Journal
land now owned by the Old South or History. In his magnanimity,
Church in Washington-street, and disinterestedness, and moderation,
his house stood about opposite in his mingled firmness of principle
School-street. Prince, the Annalist, and mildness of temper, in his har-
who died in 1758, says that Win- monious character, consistent life,
throp " deceased in the very house and well-balanced mind, the Father
I dwell in." It was a two-story of Massachusetts reminds us of the
building, of wood, and remained till great " Father of his country," and
it was destroyed by the British is the only name in our history
troops for fuel in 1775. The Gov- worthy to stand as a parallel to
ernor's portrait, an original painting, WASHINGTON. See Mass. Col.
hangs in the Senate Chamber of Records, in MS., i. 82, 85, 95, 131;
Massachusetts. "Sept. 6, 1631, Hutchinson's Mass. i. 14, 151 ; Sa-
there is granted to Mr. Governor, vage's Winthrop, i. 64-68, 126,
600 acres of land, near his house at 318, 396; ii. 338, 357, 372, 373,
Mistick." This was then and has 376 ; Thurloe's State Papers, v.
ever since been called the Tenhills 366.
Farm. April 3, 1632, Conant's l This word seems to have been
Island, in Boston harbor, on which accidentally omitted.
JOHN HUMPHREY, DEPUTY GOVERNOR.
In like manner, and with like free and full con-
sent, Mr. John Humfry 1 was chosen Deputy Gov-
1629. ernor an( j
Oct.
CHAP.
III.
20.
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL,
MR. ISAAC JOHNSON,
MR. THOMAS DUDLEY,
MR. JOHN ENDECOTT,
MR. INCREASE NOELL,
MR. WILLIAM VASSALL,
MR. WILLIAM PINCHON,
MR. SAMUEL SHARPE,
MR. EDWARD ROSSITER,
MR. THOMAS SHARPE,
MR. JOHN REVELL,
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK,
MR. THOMAS GOFF,
MR. [SAMUEL] ALDERSEY,
MR. JOHN VENN,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT,
MR. THEOPHILUS EATON, and
MR. THOMAS ADAMS,
were chosen to be Assistants. Which said Deputy,
1 John Humphrey, it will be re-
collected, was one of the six original
patentees to whom the grant of
Massachusetts Bay was made by the
Council of Plymouth. See page 29.
He was also one of the original pa-
tentees of the Colony of Connecti-
cut. It will be seen presently, that
he stayed behind, and did not come
over with Winthrop, as he intended.
He married Susan, daughter of
Thomas, the third Earl of Lincoln,
and brought her with their children
to Massachusetts in 1632, and set-
tled at Swampscot, in Lynn. In
expectation of his arrival, he was
chosen an Assistant, and continued
to be re-elected to that office as long
as he remained in the Colony. John
Cotton, in a letter to Lord Saye and
Sele, written in 1636, says, "Mr.
Humfrey was chosen for an Assist-
ant (as I hear) before the Colony
came over hither ; and though he be
not as yet joined into church fellow-
ship (by reason of the unsettledness
of the congregation where he liveth,)
yet the Commonwealth do still con-
tinue his magistracy to him , as know-
ing he waiteth for opportunity of en-
joying church fellowship shortly."
He was admitted to the church in Sa-
lem Jan. 16, 1638. Upon an invitation
from Lord Say, he intended, in the
year 1640, to have removed to the
Bahama Islands ; but the island of
Providence being taken by the Span-
iards, he abandoned that design.
Soon after, having met with great
losses by fire, and his estate being
much impaired, he sold his farm at
Swampscot to Lady Moody, (for
nine or eleven hundred pounds, says
Lechford,) and returned to England
October 26, 1641. This estate pro-
bably included the 500 acres granted
him by the General Court May 6,
1635, in fulfilment of the resolve
passed Nov. 7, 1632, by which "it
is referred to Mr. Turner, Peter
Palfry and Roger Conant to set out
a proportion of land in Saugus to
John Humfry, Esq." Winthrop
speaks of him as " a gentleman of
special parts of learning and activity,
and a godly man, who had been one
of the first beginners in the promot-
ing of this Plantation, and had labor-
ed very much therein. ' ' A letter of
his to Winthrop, dated Sept. 4, 1 646,
is preserved in Hutchinson's Collec-
tion, p. 159. See Mass. Col. Re-
cords, in MS., i. 95, 149; Win-
throp's N. E., i. 75, 332, ii. 13, 26,
46 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 15, 493,
498 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 97 ;
Hazard's State Papers, i. 318 ;
Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 495.
MONEY TO BE PAID. 107
and the greatest part of the said Assistants, being CHAP.
present, took the oaths to their said places appertain
ing respectively. 1629.
A Court of Assistants, at Mr. Goff's house, on Friday, Nov.
the 20th of November, 1629. Present,
MR. JOHN WYNTHROP, Governor, MR. THOMAS GOFF,
MR. JOHN HUMFRV, Dep. Gov. MR. WILLIAM PINCHION,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. [CHRISTOPHER] GOLSON,
MR. THOMAS DUDLEY, MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK,
MR. THOMAS ADAMS, MR. GEORGE HARWOOD,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, MR. JOHN REVELL,
MR. [THOMAS] HUTCHINS, MR. INCREASE NOELL.
The especial occasion of this meeting was 10 ad-
vise of a course for bringing in of moneys for pay-
ment of mariners' wages, freight of ships, and other
debts. And thereupon Mr. Cradock acquainted
those present what sums he had disbursed for ac-
count of the Company, and what more was owing
for mariners' wages upon the ships Talbot, May-
flower, and Four Sisters, 1 and for the freight of those
ships, amounting to 1200 and upwards ; which the
Court think fit and order to be first paid before any
other debts. And Mr. Governor desiring to have
power from the Court to grant warrants for payment
of moneys, as was formerly accustomed, the same
was condescended unto ; and a warrant was now
made and signed by the Governor and Deputy, di-
rected to Mr. Harwood, the Treasurer, for payment
of [<]800 to Mr. Cradock, so soon as money shall
come to his hands.
1 Which had lately returned from New-England, having carried over
Higginson and his company.
COMPLAINT OF THE BROWNES.
Some debate was had concerning Mr. John and
Samuel Browne's complaining that their goods,
1629. p ra j se d i j n New-England, are undervalued, and
ISTov.
20. divers things omitted to be praised ;* wherein they
desire to have relief, and justice done. It is there-
upon thought fit, that if they can produce proof
thereof, then they are to be relieved here ; other-
wise, the same is to be suspended, and all the objec-
tions they can make to be taken notice of and re-
commended to Mr. Governor, to be considered of
and determined after his arrival in New-England,
when he may hear the praisers' answers to those
objections ; and in the mean time Mr. Cradock to
pay the money charged upon him for the same.
Mr. Beecher, master of the ship Talbot, desired
to have in a bond, which he entered into, to Mr.
Pratt 2 for wages or allowance to a chirurgeon for the
Lion's Whelp, who was to have 2s. 6d. for every
person in the ship, according to an agreement made
with them ; the number of the persons being about
125, of which Mr. Beecher had formerly delivered a
particular note to Mr. Goff. The Court conceiving
the said allowance to be exorbitant, and more than
is usual in like cases, do desire that the chirurgeon
be appointed to be here the next General Court, and
then such conclusion is to be made with him as shall
be fit.
Lastly, Mr. Smith, the accomptant, attended them
with their accounts ; and after perusal thereof, it
appearing that divers were behind with their whole
subscriptions or part thereof, it was thought fit
.
1 Appraised. 2 S< e note l on page 52.
ANOTHER LETTER FROM ENDICOTT. 109
for the present supply of moneys, tickets should be CHAP.
sent unto them to desire them to send in the sums
by them underwritten ; to which purpose a list of 1629
their names and sums was now drawn out, and tick-
ets are forthwith to be made accordingly.
A General Court on Wednesday, the 25th of November, 25.
1629. Present,
MR. JOHN WINTHROP, Governor, MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK,
MR. JOHN HUMFRY, Deputy, CAPT. WALLER,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. WHYTE,
MR. ISAAC JOHNSON, MR. DAVENPORT,
MR. THOMAS ADAMS, MR. HUSON,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, MR. BACKHOUSE,
MR/THEOPHILUS EATON, MR. FOXCROFT,
MR. WILLIAM PINCHION, MR. WOODGATE,
CAPT. VENN, MR. BRADSHAW,
MR. INCREASE NOELL, and others.
A letter 1 of the 5th of September from Mr. Ende-
cot, the Governor, and others in New-England, was
now read ; as also Mr. Governor acquainted those
present with certain testimonies sent over against one
William Rovell, master of a ship of [blank], concern-
ing some insolent and misbeseeming speeches uttered
by him in contempt of the Company's privileges and
government ; which is to be taken into further con-
sideration, and be proceeded against, when other
certificates are come, which are expected, concern-
ing that business.
This day being one one of the four quarter days
appointed by the Charter for keeping a General
1 This letter is not preserved.
110 MORE MONEY TO BE RAISED.
CHAP. Court, the general business of the Plantation should
J. 1 J.
have been treated on. But by reason of the small
1629. appearance, and shortness of time, nothing was done
Nov.
25.' therein. Only the Governor made relation of the
proceedings of the joint committee concerning the
settling of the joint stock ; that notwithstanding
there had been all good concordancy and fair pro-
ceedings between them, yet by reason of the great-
ness of the business and the smallness of the supplies,
they could not bring the same to a wished effect, but
only had reduced it to certain propositions, to be
represented to the consideration of the Company to
receive their resolution therein.
The accomptant having made an estimate of the
accounts, the joint stock appears to be in arrear
.3000, and upwards. Towards which 3000 there
is [<]1900 in subscriptions not yet brought in, and
about 8 or <900 upon freight of ships.
There will be a necessity for supply of necessaries
for the Company's servants, . . .2000 1
For merchandises for trade, . . 500
For munition and artillery for fortification, 500
So as there being an inevitable necessity of [a]
supply of money, either to revive the old stock or to
raise anew, the propositions were now expressed, viz.
1. That all the former adventurers should double
their former subscriptions.
2. That the servants, cattle, and all merchandises
or provisions belonging to the joint stock, should be
sold, and the underwriters be paid their propor-
tions of what shall accrue or arise thereof.
Felt, Annals of Salem, i. 141, errs in making this 1000.
UNDERTAKERS PROPOSED. Ill
3. Or lastly, that the old stock be put over to cer- CHAP.
tain undertakers, upon such conditions as can be
agreed on, and they to go on with the work and l
manage the business, to bear all charges, and to 25.
stand to profit and loss, and to pay the underwriters
their principal by them brought, at the end of seven
years ; and this to be understood not to exclude any
who have affection to this business, but that they may
come in under those undertakers for such sums as
they shall think fit to adventure ; but that for the
better furtherance and facilitating the business, the
same to be managed by few hands. And for the en-
couragement of such undertakers, the committee
have thought of certain inducements, viz.
That they shall have
The one half of the beaver ;
The sole making of salt ;
The sole transportation of passengers, servants
and goods to be transported at reasonable rates ;
To be allowed a reasonable profit upon all such
provisions as they shall keep in magazine there for
the use and relief of the inhabitants.
All which premises the Governor recommended
to the consideration of those present. But by reason
of the small appearance, nothing could be determin-
ed ; and therefore a special Court is appointed for
this purpose on Monday next, and the whole Com-
pany to be summoned by tickets to be present.
Lastly, upon the motion of Mr. Whyte, to the end
that this business might be proceeded in with the
first intention, which was chiefly the glory of God,
and to that purpose that their meetings might be
112
CHAPLAINS OF THE GENERAL COURT.
CHAP, sanctified by the prayers * of some faithful ministers
~ resident here in London, whose advice would be
1629. likewise requisite upon many occasions, the Court
25^' thought fit to admit into the freedom of this Com-
pany 2 Mr. John Archer 3 and Mr. Philip Nye, 4 min-
isters here in London, who being here present kindly
accepted thereof. Also Mr. Whyte did recommend
unto them Mr. Nathaniel Ward, 5 of Standon.
1 This shows the antiquity of the
practice, still observed in Massachu-
setts, of opening the meetings of the
Legislature, or General Court, with
prayer.
2 This admission of freemen was
authorized by the Charter of the
Company, and was a practice long
observed in the Colony. The Char-
ter provides, that " the Governor
and Company shall have full power
and authority to choose, nominate
and appoint such and so many as
they shall think fit, and that shall be
willing to accept the same, to be
free of the said Company and Body,
and them into the same to admit."
3 I can find no account of John
Archer in Newcourt's Repertorium
Ecclesiasticum, nor in any of the
ecclesiastical registers. I doubt
therefore whether he was a minister
of London. There may be an error
perhaps in the Christian name.
4 Philip Nye was born in 1596,
and was educated at Magdalen Hall,
Oxford, where he took the degree
of A. M. in 1622. In 1630, accord-
ing to Anthony Wood, be was cu-
rate of St. Michael's church in Corn-
hill, London. In 1633 he fled from
Laud's persecutions into Holland,
and became minister of a church at
Arnheim, where he remained till the
end of 1640, at the opening of the
Long Parliament, when he returned
to England. In 1643 he was ap-
pointed one of the Assembly of Di-
vines, and the same year was sent
by the Parliament into Scotland,
with Sir Henry Vane, jr. and Ste-
phen Marshall, whose daughter he
had married, as commissioners to
ask for assistance and expedite the
Covenant. He was one of the chap-
lains who attended the commis-
sioners to Charles I. in the Isle of
Wight in December, 1647, and was
made one of the Triers of preachers
in 1653. He was the principal per-
son in managing the meeting of the
Congregational Churches at the Sa-
voy, by the Protector's order, held
Oct. 12, 1658. At the Restoration
in 1660, it was debated in Parlia-
ment whether he should be except-
ed from the bill of indemnity, and
his life was spared solely on condi-
tion that he should never hold any
office, civil, ecclesiastical, or milita-
ry. He died in 1672, aged 76. See
Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 963, Fasti,
i. 386, 406 ; Clarendon's Rebellion,
iv. 153.
5 Nathaniel Ward, the eccentric
and facetious author of " The Sim-
ple Cobbler of Agawam in Ameri-
ca," was the son of John Ward, a
celebrated Puritan divine, and was
born at Haverhill, in Suffolk, of
which town his father was minister,
about the year 1570. He was en-
tered at Emanuel College, Cam-
bridge, in 1596, and took the degree
of A. M. in 1603. He was origin-
ally intended for the law ; but trav-
elling on the continent, he fell in at
Heidelberg with the learned David
Paraeus, by whom his mind was
turned to theology. On his return
to England, he became preacher at
St. James's, Duke's Place, London,
in 1626, and afterwards was rector
of Standon Massye, in Essex, 16
LIABILITIES OF THE JOINT STOCK. 113
A General Court at Mr. Goff's house, on Monday, the CHAP
in.
last of November, 1629. Present, -
MR. JOHN WINTHROP, Governor,
MR. JOHN HUMFRY, Deputy, 30. '
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD, Treasurer,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. THOMAS ADAMS,
MR. ISAAC JOHNSON, MR. THEOPHILUS EATON,
MR. THOMAS GOFF, MR. INCREASE NOELL,
MR. THOMAS DUDLEY, MR. JOHN REVELL,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, MR. WILLIAM PINCHON,
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, Assistants.
With many of the Generality. 25.
It was propounded to the Court that whereas the
joint stock was engaged to the value of 2500, pre-
sent debt, and there was necessarily required 1500
miles from London, where he felt ed editor of the Code remarks that
the iron hand of the intolerant Laud. "The Body of Liberties exhibits*
There is extant a letter of his, writ- throughout the hand of the practised
ten to John Cotton, Dec. 13, 1631, lawyer, familiar with the principles
in which he says, "I was yesterday and the securities of English liberty."
convented before the bishop, I mean In 1647 he returned to England, and
to his court, and am adjourned to became minister of Shenfield, in
the next term. I expect measure Essex, where he died, aged about
hard enough, and must furnish apace 83. Fuller places him among the
with proportionable armor." Hav- learned writers of Emanuel College,
ing been excommunicated and de- Cambridge, and also mentions him
prived of his clerical office for non- in his Worthies of England, ii. 344.
conformity, he came over to Mas- * 'The Simple Cobbler of Agawam,"
sachusetts in 1634, and was soon by which he is now best known, was
chosen pastor of the church in Ips- written in this country, and printed
wich, from which office he was dis- at London in 1647, and reprinted at
charged at his own request in 1636. Boston in 1686 and again in 1843.
In 1641 he was chosen by the free- A good account of it and its author
men of the Colony, without the con- may be seen in the Monthly Anthol-
sent of the Governor and magistrates, ogy, vi. 341. Mr. Savage speaks
to preach the Election Sermon. At of it as a " work very attractive for
the request of the General Court he its humor, and curious for its exe-
composed " The Body of Liberties," crable spirit." See Col. Records,
which in Dec. 1641, was adopted by i. 217, 317, MS. ; Mather's Magna-
them, and was the first Code of Laws lia, i. 470; Hutchinson's Mass. i.
established in New-England. Wu> 120 ; Winthrop's N. E. i. 154, 322,
throp, in recording this transaction, ii. 35, 55 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv. 2,
says that Ward " had been formerly xxviii. 190-237, 248, 9 ; Newcourt'*
a student and practiser in the course Repertorium, i. 917,, ii.. 545.
of the common law ;" and the learn,-
8
114 PRIVILEGES OF THE JOINT STOCK.
CHAP, present disbursement for maintenance of the servants
- now in the Plantation, and for commodities for truck
1629 - and munition, that the adventurers would be pleased
^n v ' to double their former subscriptions. Which being
ou.
not assented unto by the Court, it was propounded
and agreed by general consent, that ten persons
should be chosen, five of the adventurers, and five of
the planters, who should take the joint stock at the
true value, and take upon them the engagements and
other charges ; for which there should be appropri-
ated to the joint stock, for seven years, these privi-
leges which follow, viz.
1. Half the trade of the beavers, and all other furs,
2. The sole making of salt,
3. The furnishing of a magazine at set rates,
4. The sole transportation of passengers and goods
at certain rates.
For which end there was a committee appointed
to value the joint stock, viz. Mr. White, 1 of Dorches-
ter, Mr. Thomas GoiF, Mr. Webb, Mr. Increase No-
ell ; who taking upon them the charge of the said
r)ec - business, did the next day (the Court then sitting
upon adjournment,) make certificate of their pro-
ceedings to this effect, viz.
That whereas divers sums had been disbursed in
public charges, as transporting of ministers and their
families, ammunition, &c., which were not now to
be valued to the undertakers, as being to remain
1 Here we take leave of the ven- at a distance of 120 miles from Lon-
erable patriarch of Dorchester, and don, it has been seen that he fre-
have only to regret that he never quently came up to attend the Courts
came over to see the Colony, in of the Company. See an account of
whose welfare he took so early and him on page 26.
deep an interest. Although he lived
PRIVILEGES OF THE OLD ADVENTURERS. 115
always to the Plantation ; and whereas many of the CHAP.
servants, which were transported at extraordinary
charge, do not prove so useful as was expected, and
so will not yield the undertakers any such benefit as '
may answer their charge ; divers of the cattle and
provisions likewise miscarrying, through want of ex-
perience in the beginning of such a work, they could
not find the said stock to remain clear and good (the
debts discharged) above one third part of the whole
sum which hath been adventured from the first to
this present day ; which value, upon due examina-
tion and long debate, was allowed by all the Court*
Whereupon it was propounded and agreed by the
whole Court, that the old adventurers, (in lieu of this
abatement of two-thirds of their adventures,) should
have an addition of a double proportion of land, ac-
cording to the first proportion of two hundred acres
for <50 ; and that they should have liberty to put in
what sums they pleased to be added to their former
adventures, so as they subscribed the same before
the first day of January now next following ; and
such as live in the country, remote from the city of
London, to enter their subscriptions before the se-
cond of February next ; and that any of the said
adventurers may take out their adventures after the
aforesaid rate ; and further, that it should be lawful
for all other persons (with consent of any three of
the undertakers) to put in what sums of money they
please, to be traded in the joint stock, (upon such
allowance to the common stock for public uses, in
regard that they shall bear no part in the former
losses,) as the said adventurers, or three of them,
shall agree with them for, from time to time ; and
116 TEN UNDERTAKERS CHOSEN.
CHAP, that all adventurers shall pay in their adventures in
such time and manner as shall be agreed between
162 9 - them and the said undertakers, or any three of them.
i e . ( It was also agreed by the Court, that in regard
the undertakers should bear the greatest charge and
burthen, and all other adventurers should have equal
part of the gain, if any did proceed, that therefore
they should have 5 in the hundred clear gains of
the said joint stock, both in and out, all charges be-
ing deducted.
And that the joint stock being thus managed, at
the end of seven years, (to be accounted from this
day,) as well the said stock, as the proceed and pro-
fit thereof, to be divided to every man proportionably,
according to his adventure ; and all the said privi-
leges then to cease, and all persons to be at liberty
to dispose of their parts in the joint stock at their
own pleasures. 1
Hereupon the Court thought fit to desire the gen-
tlemen hereunder named to undertake the joint stock
upon the terms before propounded, viz.
MR. JOHN WINTHROF, the Gov. MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, Knt. MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT,
ISAAC JOHNSON, ESQ. MR. THEOPHILTJS EATON,
MR. THOMAS DUDLEY, MR. THOMAS GOFF,
MR. JOHN REVELL, MR. JAMES YOUNG.
Which gentlemen, upon much entreaty of the
Court, did accept of the said charge, and accordingly
were chosen to be undertakers, to have the sole
1 " We have no account of any any trade ever carried on for the
dividend ever made, nor indeed of Company." Hutchinson, i. 13.
TRANSPORTATION OF PASSENGERS. 117
managing of the joint stock, with all things incident CHAP,
thereunto, for the space of seven years ; as is afore- - ~
said. 1629 -
And it was agreed to desire and nominate Mr. Al-
dersey to be Treasurer for the said Company ; and
that all moneys which shall come in to the joint stock,
or that shall be given to the common stock, shall be
paid unto him, and to be issued out upon warrant
under the hands of the said undertakers, or any three
of them, as occasion shall require.
It was also ordered by the Court, that the under-
takers should provide a sufficient number of ships, of
good force, for transporting of passengers, at the rate
of <5 a person, and <4 a ton for goods ; which shall
be ready to set sail from London by the first day of
March ; and that if any passengers be to take ship
at the Isle of Wight, the ships shall stop there twen-
ty-four hours ; and that all such as intend to pass
over shall give in their names, with 40s. towards
their freight, to one of the said undertakers abiding
in London, in the Michaelmas term before, and shall
deliver their goods on shipboard before the 20th of
February following ; and shall give security for the
rest of their freight, as they can agree with the said
undertakers, either for money to be paid here, or for
commodity to be delivered in the Plantation.
Further it was agreed, that for the transportation
of children, this rate shall be kept, viz. sucking child-
ren not to be reckoned ; such as under four years
of age, three for one ; under eight, two for one ;
under twelve, three for two. And that a ship of
200 tons shall not carry above 120 passengers com-
plete ; and so of other ships, after the same propor-
118 THE TRADE OF THE PLANTATION.
CHAP. tion. And for goods homewards, the freight shall
- ~ be, for beavers 3 per ton, and for other commodi-
1629. t j eg 4Q 5 p er ton . anc [ suc h as w in have their goods
i. ' assured, shall pay <5 per c.
Concerning the magazine, it is likewise agreed,
that the undertakers should furnish the Plantation
with all such commodities as they shall send for ;
and the planters to take them off and retail them at
their pleasure, allowing the undertakers <25 in the
hundred above all charges, and the planters to have
liberty to dispose of their part of the beavers at their
own will ; and every man may fetch or send for any
commodity for his own use, where or how he please,
so as he trade not with interlopers, so long as he
may be furnished sufficiently by the adventurers at
the rates aforesaid.
Lastly, it is ordered, that in regard this Court
could not set down particular direction for every-
thing which may be fit to be considered and provid-
ed for in all or any of the matters aforesaid, therefore
the said undertakers should have power to meet and
consult about the premises ; and what orders and
directions they, or the greater number of them, shall
set down, shall be accounted legal, and to be duly
observed, until it shall be thought fit by this Court
to alter or determine the same.
Provided always, that if those that intend to in-
habit upon the Plantation shall, before the first of
January next, take upon them all the said engage-
ments and other charges of the joint stock, then the
power and privileges of the undertakers to deter-
mine, and all the trade, &c. to be free.
DEBATE ABOUT THE JOINT STOCK. 119
A General Court, holden at Mr. Goff's house, on the C " AP -
J.XL*
15th of December, 1629. Present,
1629.
MR. JOHN HUMFRY, Deputy, ^
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. WILLIAM PINCHION, 15.
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, MR. INCREASE NOELL,
MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT, CAPT. VENN,
MR. JOHN REVELL, MR. THOMAS ADAMS,
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD, Assistants.
With divers of the Generality.
Mr. Deputy caused to be read the Acts and Or-
ders made at the last General Court of the 30th of
November ; which being of great consequence, as
namely for settling the joint stock, and managing of
the whole business, it was desired the same should
receive confirmation by this Court. Upon debate
whereof, some exceptions were taken by those who
had doubled their adventures, conceiving themselves
to be wronged in having both their sums drawn down
to so low a rate as one third part ; alleging that the
second sum was paid in upon a proposition of trade,
which went not forward, and not as unto the joint
stock for the Plantation.
This business received a large discussion, and
Capt. Waller and Mr. Vassall were content to give
the first 50 to the Plantation, so as their other <50
might go on wholly in this new stock. But foras-
much as this concerned divers others who were in
the same case, and that it could not be done without
alteration of the Act made the 30th of November,
which was done by a General Court, upon mature
and deliberate consideration, and that the undertak-
ers would not continue their said undertaking but
120 THE MINISTERS APPOINTED REFEREES.
CHAP, upon the same conditions, which were then pro-
pounded and concluded on,
1629. This Court, in conclusion, put it to the question,
15 and by erection of hands every particular of the
former Court was ratified and confirmed. And the
matter in difference with them who had doubled
their adventures being no more to each of them than
between 50 and 33 6s. 3d., was by mutual consent
referred to the three ministers here present, Mr.
Davenport, Mr. Nye, and Mr. Archer, who are to
reconcile the same between the new undertakers
and them.
1630. A General Court, holden at Mr. Goff's house, on Wed-
JFeb, nesday, the IQth of February, 1629. Present,
MR. JOHN WINTHROP, Governor,
MR. JOHN HUMFRY, Deputy,
MR. ISAAC JOHNSON, MR. INCREASE NOELL,
MR. MATTHEW CRADOCK, MR. NATHANIEL WRIGHT,
MR. THEOPHILUS EATON, MR. JOHN REVELL,
MR. THOMAS ADAMS, MR. WILLIAM PINCHON,
MR. GEORGE HARWOOD,
With many others of the Generality.
Forasmuch as the furtherance of the Plantation
will necessarily require a great and continual charge,
which cannot with convenience be defrayed out of
the joint stock of the Company, which is ordained
for the maintenance of the trade, without endanger-
ing the same to be wasted and exhausted, it was
therefore propounded that a common stock should be
raised from such as bear good affection to the Planta-
tion and the propagation thereof, and the same to be
employed only in defrayment of public charges, as
A COMMON STOCK TO BE RAISED. 121
maintenance of ministers, transportation of poor fam- CHAP.
ilies, building of churches 1 and fortifications, and all - ~
other public and necessary occasions of the Planta- 163 -
tion. And the Court do think fit and order that two 10.
hundred acres of land shall be allotted for every .50,
and so proportionably for what sums shall be brought
in by any to this purpose. And Mr. George Har-
wood is chosen Treasurer for this account of the
common stock, which he accepted of; who is to re-
ceive all such money as shall be by any sent in, and
to issue out the same upon warrant under the hands
of any two or more of the undertakers. And it is
further agreed on and ordered, that an Order be
drawn up and published under the seal of the Com-
pany, to signify and declare to what uses all such
moneys as are given to the common stock shall be
employed, and what land shall be allotted to each
man that gives thereunto, as well for their satisfac-
tion as the encouragement of others to so laudable
and charitable a work ; and it was further taken into
consideration, and ordered, that this allotment or
division of land shall not prejudice the right of any
the adventurers who are to have land, and have not
yet the same allotted out unto them, nor unto those
whose land is already set out according to the
former order and direction of this Court. Yet,
nevertheless, it is further agreed, that if for good
and weighty reasons, and for the benefit of the Plant-
ation in general, there shall be occasion to alter any
1 Thus houses of public worship house was a later innovation, which
are also called churches, at the Court sprang up in this country, and
held Oct. 15th of the preceding year- ought to have been long ago sup-
See page 96. The word meeting- pressed.
122 SIR WILLIAM BRERETON'S APPLICATION.
CHAP, particular man's allotment, the said party is to have
such due recompense for the same as, in the wisdom
1630. of the Governor and Company, there resident, shall
^ b< be thought reasonable and expedient.
JL v
Motion was made on the behalf of Sir William
Brewerton, 1 who, by virtue of a late patent pretends
right and title to some part of the land within the
Company's privileges and Plantation, in New-Eng-
land ; yet nevertheless he is content (intends) 2 not
to contest with the Company, but desires that a pro-
portionable quantity of land might be allotted unto
him for the accommodation of his people and ser-
vants now to be sent over. Which request the
Court taking into due consideration, do not think fit
to enter into any particular capitulation with him
therein, nor to set out any allotment of land for him
more than the six hundred acres he is to have by
virtue of his adventure in the joint stock, nor to ac-
knowledge anything due unto him as of right, by
virtue of his said patent, nor to give any considera-
tion in case he should relinquish his pretended right;
but they are well content he should join with them
in the prosecution of this business, according to their
Charter, and do promise in the mean time, that such
servants as he shall send over to inhabit upon the
Plantation, shall receive all courteous respect, and
be accommodated with land, and what else shall be
necessary, as other the servants of the Company.
Which answer was delivered unto those that were
sent from him ; and the Court desired also that Capt.
1 See note 2 on page 51.
2 In the original MS. thus- hltend . s
is content.
GRIEVANCES OF THE BKOWNES. 123
Waller and Mr. Eaton 1 would signify the Company's CHAP.
JJLl*
affection and due respect unto him, he having written ~
to them about this business. '
A writing of grievances of Mr. Samuel and John 10.
Browne was presented to this Court, wherein they
desire recompense for loss and damage sustained by
them in New-England ; which this assembly taking
into consideration, do think fit that upon their sub-
mitting to stand to the Company's final order- for
ending of all differences between them, (which they
are to signify under their hands,) Mr. Wright and
Mr. Eaton are to hear their complaint, and to set
down what they in their judgments shall think requi-
site to be allowed them for their pretended damage
sustained, and so to make a final end with them ac-
cordingly.
Mr. Roger Ludlowe 2 was now chosen and sworn
1 Theophilus Eaton, the father of ates for the place which they after-
the Colony of New-Haven, was wards called New-Haven. On the
born about the year 1590, at Stony 25th of October, 1639, he was cho-
Stratford, in Oxfordshire, of which sen governor of the infant Colony,
place his father was the minister, to which office he was annually re-
He was educated at Coventry, elected till his death, Jan. 7, 1658, a
whither his father had removed, period of more than eighteen years.
and at school formed an intimate See Hubbard's Hist. N.E. 317, 329 ;
acquaintance and friendship with Mather's Magnalia, i. 136 ; Win-
John Davenport, son of the mayor throp's Hist. i. 228, 237, 259, 405;
of the city, whose parishioner he TrumbulPs Connecticut, i. 95-100,
afterwards became in London, and at 231 ; Kingsley's Cent. Discourse at
whose instigation he came to New- New -Haven, pp. 11,75; and Ba-
England. Eaton was a wealthy con's Hist. Discourses, pp. 109, 354.
London merchant, largely engaged 2 Roger Ludlow was the brother-
in business, and deputy- governor of in-law of Endicott, and came over
the company of merchant adventur- with the west-country people, Ros-
ers that carried on the Baltic trade, siter, Warham, Maverick, Roger
So great was his judgment and ex- Clap, &c., in the Mary & John,
perience, gained by travel and prac- which sailed from Plymouth March
tice in affairs, that he was sent by 20, and arrived at Nantasket May 30,
Charles I. as his agent to the court thirteen days before Winthrop's ar-
of Denmark. In company with Da- rival at Salem. He was one of the
venport he arrived at Boston, June first settlers of Dorchester, and was
26, 1637, and on the 30th of March, re-elected Assistant until 1634, when
1638, they sailed with their associ- he was chosen Deputy Governor.
124 THE LAST COURT IN LONDON.
CHAP, an Assistant in the room of Mr. Samuel Sharpe, who
in.
by reason of his absence had not taken the oath.
And lastly, upon the petition of Humphry Seale,
the beadle of this Company, the Court were content
and agreed to give him twenty nobles for his year's
salary ending at Christmas last ; which is to be paid
by Mr. Aldersey, the Treasurer, out of the joint
stock. 1
In the Colony Records, under date stitution, and the compiler of the
Nov. 7, 1632, it is stated, " There first Connecticut Code, adopted in
is one hundred acres of land granted 1649, and printed at Cambridge in
to Mr. Roger Ludlowe, to enjoy to 1672. For jurisprudence, he ap-
him and his heirs forever, lying be- pears to have been second to none
twixt Musquantum Chapel and the who came into New-England at that
mouth of Naponsett." He removed time. Had he possessed a happier
with the first emigrants to Windsor, temper, he would probably have
in Connecticut, of which town he been the idol of the people, and
may be considered the founder ; in shared in all the honors which they
1636 was chosen an Assistant of could have given him." See Mass.
that Colony, and in 1639 Deputy Col. Rec. i. 95, MS. ; TrumbulPs
Governor, to which office he was Connecticut, i. 64, 103, 109, 177,
several times re-elected. In 1637 218 ; Hubbard's N. E., p. 165 ;
he was out in the Pequot war, with Hutchinson's Mass. i. 35, 43, 98 ;
Stoughton and Mason, in pursuit of Winthrop's N. E., i. 28, 132, 233,
Sassacus. In 1639 he removed to 235.
Fairfield, and in 1654 went to Vir- 1 Here Secretary Burgess's re-
ginia, where it is supposed he died, cord ends. He stayed behind, and
Trumbull says, " He appears to never came over. The remainder
have been distinguished for his abil- of the Records is in the handwriting
ities, especially his knowledge of the of Simon Bradstreet, who was the
law, and the rights of mankind. He first Secretary after their arrival in
rendered most essential services to New-England. See Ed. Johnson,
this Commonwealth ; was a princi- in Mass. Hist. Coll. ii. 87, and Col.
pal in forming its original civil con- Rec. MS. i. 55.
WINTHROP'S COMPANY AT SOUTHAMPTON.
125
At a Meeting of Assistants at Southampton, 1 March
18th, 1629. Present,
MR. GOVERNOR,
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL,
MR. JOHNSON,
MR. DUDLEY,
MR. HUMFREY,
MR. NOWELL,
MR. PINCHION,
MR. GOFFE.
1630.
March
18.
It was ordered, and concluded, by erection of
hands, that Sir Brian Janson, Kt., 2 Mr. William
Coddington, and Mr. Simon Bradstreet, 3 gentlemen,
1 Southampton is situated at the
head of an estuary running up from
the Isle of Wight, called the South-
ampton Water. It was from this
same port that the Pilgrims sailed in
the Mayflower and Speedwell, in
July, 1620. See Chronicles of the
Pilgrims, p. 89.
2 Governor Winthrop, writing to
his son John " from aboard the Ar-
bella, riding at the Cowes, March
22, 1630," says, " There is newly
come into our Company, and sworn
an Assistant, one Sir Brian Janson,
of London, a man of good estate,
and so affected with our society, as
he hath given 50 to our common
stock, and 50 to the joint stock."
Winthrop's Hist. N. E., i. 367.
3 Simon Bradstreet was the young-
est of the Assistants who came over
with Winthrop, being at this time
only 27 years of age. He was born
in March, 1603, at Horbling, in Lin-
colnshire, of which town his father
was a Nonconformist minister, and
was educated at Emanuel College,
Cambridge, of which his father had
been one of the first fellows, and
there took the degree of A. B. in
1620 and of A. M. in 1624. He
was for some time stew r ard of the
Earl of Lincoln, and afterwards
served the Countess of Warwick in
the same capacity. Before leaving
England, he married Ann, daughter
of Thomas Dudley, another of the
Assistants, she being at this time
only 16 years of age, and after her
death he married the sister of Sir
George Downing. He served the
Colony as Assistant, Secretary,
Agent in England in 1662, Commis-
sioner for the United Colonies, and
Governor, in 1679, when in his 76th
year. After the deposition of An-
dros, in 1689, he was chosen Presi-
dent of the Council of Safety, when
in his 87th year, and then again Go-
vernor, which office he held till the
arrival of Sir William Phips with
the new charter in 1692. He lived
to be the Nestor of New-England,
having been born at the beginning
of the century in 1603, and wanting
but three years of completing it.
He died March 27, 1697, at Salem.
The Latin inscription on his monu-
ment is printed in Mass. Hist. Coll.
vi. 288. " Oct. 3, 1632, there is sixty
acres of meadow ground granted to
Simon Bradstreet in the marsh
ground against the Oyster Bank;"
and May 14, 1634, five hundred acres
more are granted to him. See Col.
Rec. i. 93, 118, MS. ; Mather's
Magnalia, i. 126 ; Hutchinson's
Mass. i. 18, 219, 323, 382, ii. 13,
105 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 247,
249.
WINTHROP'S FLEET AT COWES.
CHAP, shall be chosen in the rooms and places of Assistants
in.
: of Mr. Nathaniel Wright, merchant, Mr. Theophilus
0< Eaton, and Mr. Thomas Goffe, of London, merchants.
is. Sir Brian Janson was sworn an Assistant before
the Governor and Mr. Dudley the same day. 1
23.
March 23d, 1629.
Mr. William Coddington, Mr. Simon Bradstreet,
and Mr. Thomas Sharpe, being formerly chosen As-
sistants, did now take the oath of Assistants before
the Governor, Mr. Dudley, and other Assistants.
1 Joshua Scottow, in his " Nar-
rative of the Planting of the Massa-
chusetts Colony, anno 1628," printed
at Boston in 1694, says, page 13,
" Some of their choice friends, as
the Reverend Mr. Cotton and others,
went along with them from Boston,
in Lincolnshire, to Southampton,
where they parted, and he preached
his farewell sermon." This infor-
mation he may have received from
the venerable Simon Bradstreet, to
whom he dedicates his book, and
who was then living at the advanced
age of 91. We know that Cotton
did deliver a sermon, entitled
" God's Promise to his Plantations,"
in 1630, and that it was printed the
same year ; but whether it w y as
preached at Boston to his parishion-
ers who were then coming over,
(among whom were Dudley and
Coddington,) or at Southampton,
may be a question. That it was at
the latter place, as stated by Scot-
tow, is rendered probable by a state-
ment of Dr. Samuel Fuller, the
physician of New-Plymouth, who,
writing to Governor Bradford from
Charlestown, June 28, 1630, soon
after the arrival of Winthrop's fleet,
says, " Here is a gentleman, one
Mr. Coddington, a Boston man, who
told me that Mr. Cotton's charge at
him, instead
by breaking
himself, set
with Paul's
Hampton was, that they should take
advice of them at Plymouth, and
should do nothing to offend them."
See pp. 16 and 48, and Mass. Hist.
Coll. iii. 75.
Hubbard states, p. 125, we know
not on what authority, that " Mr.
John Winthrop, the Governor of
the Company, at a solemn feast
amongst many friends a little before
their last farewell, finding his
bowels yearn within
of drinking to them,
into a flood of tears
them all a weeping,
friends, while they thought of see-
ing the faces of each other no more
in the land of the living." Mather,
in the Magnalia, i. 69, mentions the
same circumstance, deriving it, doubt-
less, from Hubbard's MS. See also
Ed. Johnson's Hist. N. E., ch. 12.
" Here is a fleet of fourteen sail,
furnished with men, women, child-
ren, all necessaries, men of handi-
crafts, and others of good condition,
wealth and quality, to make a firm
Plantation in New-England, between
42 and 48, north latitude ; but stay
at Southampton and thereabouts ti.il
May, to take 260 kine, with other
live cattle, &c." Howes, Continu-
ation of Stow's Annals, quoted in
Prince, p. 270.
THOMAS DUDLEY CHOSEN DEPUTY. 127
At a Court of Assistants aboard the Arbella, 1 March CHAP.
in
23, 1629. Present, ^~
1 f* O f\
MR. JOHN WINTHROP, Governor* MR. WILLIAM CODDINGTON,
March
SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL, MR. THOMAS SHARPE, 23.
MR. ISAAC JOHNSON, MR. WILLIAM VASSALL,
MR. THOMAS DUDLEY, MR. SIMON BRADSTREET.
Mr. John Humfrey, (in regard he was to stay
behind in England,) was discharged of his Deputy-
ship, and Mr. Thomas Dudley chosen Deputy in his
place. 2
1 The Arbella, formerly the Ea- says Hutchinson, i. 19, " of persons
gle, a ship of 350 or 400 tons, man- of rank and good circumstances in
ned with 52 seamen and 28 pieces of life bidding a final adieu to all the
cannon, was at this time riding at conveniences and delights of Eng-
Cowes, a well-known anchoring- land, their native country, and ex-
ground near the Isle of Wight, and posing themselves, their wives and
in the vicinity of Portsmouth. Here children, to inevitable hardships and
she remained till Monday, the 29th, sufferings, in a long voyage across
when she proceeded to Yarmouth, the Atlantic, to land upon a most
See note * on page 93, and Win- inhospitable shore, destitute of any
throp's Hist. i. 1, 367. kind of building- to secure them from
2 This is the last record of the the inclemency of the weather, and
Massachusetts Company in England, of most sorts of food to which they
Winthrop, with a fleet of four ships, had been always used at their former
the Arbella, the Talbot, the Am- home ? The sickness and mortality
brose, and the Jewel, sailed from which prevailed the first winter, they
Co wes, March 29, and from Yar- did not foresee." A nobler body of
mouth, in the Isle of Wight, Aprils, men never left their native soil to
Passing through the Needles, on the colonize a new land. What does
9th they were off Portland, and on Bancroft mean (Hist. U. S. ii. 455,)
the 10th over against Plymouth, and by " the Puritan felons that freight-
in sight of the Lizard. On the llth ed the fleet of Winthrop"? Let
they passed Scilly, and took their him who would understand the char-
departure. They made land on the acter of these men, read the admi-
American coast June 6, were within rable Address delivered by Gov.
sight of Cape Ann on the llth, cast Everett at Charlestown in 1830, on
anchor inside of Baker's island on the Second Centennial Anniversary
the 12th, where they remained over of the arrival of Gov. Winthrop.
Sunday, and on the 14th warped It was in reference to the persecu-
ship into the inner harbour of Salem, tion and exile of such men, that
Winthrop kept a minute journal of Milton, writing in 1641, said,
the voyage, which is printed at the " What numbers of faithful and
beginning of his History. The fleet freeborn Englishmen, and good
that brought over Winthrop's com- Christians, have been constrained to
pany consisted of fifteen ships, and forsake their dearest home, their
the number of persons was not far friends and kindred, whom nothing
from 1500. "What must we think," but the wide ocean, and the savage
128
THE COMPANY S RECORDS.
1630
CHAP, deserts of America, could hide and
III. shelter from the fury of the bishops.
> ~ ^ if we could but see the shape of
our dear mother England, as poets
are wont to give a personal form to
what they please, how would she
appear, think ye, but in a mourning
weed, with ashes upon her head,
and tears abundantly flowing from
her eyes, to behold so many of her
children exposed at once, and thrust
from things of dearest necessity,
because their conscience could not
assent to things which the bishops
thought indifferent ? Let the astrolo-
ger be dismayed at the portentous
blaze of comets and impressions in
the air, as foretelling troubles and
changes to States ; I shall believe
there cannot be a more ill-boding
sign to a nation, (God turn the omen
from us !) than when the inhabitants,
to avoid insufferable grievances at
home, are enforced by heaps to for-
sake their native country." Prose
Works, i. 37, (Symmons's ed.)
These RECORDS of the Governor
and Company of the Massachusetts
Bay in New-England, before the
bringing over of the Charter by Gov.
Winthrop, now for the first time
printed from the original manuscript
in the archives of the Common-
wealth, are for the most part, in
good order and preservation. This
is especially true of by much the
larger and more important portion of
them, kept after the organization of
the Government and the choice of
Officers, May 13, 1629, when Wil-
liam Burgess was chosen Secretary,
whose handwriting is very distinct
and legible. The preceding por-
tion, kept by the first Secretary,
John Washburn, who wrote an exe-
crable hand, is considerably mutila-
ted on the edges, particularly the
lower edge, by the constant wear
and tear of two hundred years and
more. One leaf, too, at least, if not
more, is missing, as stated on page
66. Still, torn and tattered though
it be, it is a most interesting and
invaluable relic ; and the Record,
taken as a whole, constitutes an
authentic history, such as no other
Colony, ancient or modern, pos-
sesses, of its origin and foundation.
The copy of this Record in the Land
Office is inaccurate and worthless.
Great pains have been taken to se-
cure entire correctness in the copy
from which this is printed, by a mi-
nute and patient collation of it with
the original manuscript, at long in-
tervals of time, and by different eyes
and hands.
GOV. CRADOCK'S LETTER
TO
CAPTAIN ENDICOTT.
9
CHAPTER IV.
CRADOCK'S LETTER TO ENDICOTT.
WORTHY SIR AND MY LOVING FRIEND,
ALL due commendations premised to yourself
and second self, with hearty well-wishes from myself
and many others, well-willers and adventurers in
this our Plantation, to yourself and the rest of your 6
good company, of whose safe arrival being now
thoroughly informed by your letters, bearing date
the 13th September last, which came to my hands
the 13th this instant February, we do not a little
rejoice ; and to hear that my 'good cousin, your wife,
were perfectly recovered of her health, would be ac-
ceptable news to us all ; which God grant, in his
good time, that we may. 1
Meanwhile I am, in the behalf of our whole Com-
pany, (which are much enlarged since your depart-
1 She did not live long ; for we the physician of New Plymouth,
find by Gov. Winthrop's Journal, who we know visited Salem on pro-
that Endicott was married again, fessional duty in the time of prevail-
August 18, 1630, to Elizabeth Gib- ing sickness there. "Dr. Noddy did
son. The unscrupulous Morton, in a great cure for Capt. Littleworth.
his New English Canaan, chap. 18, He cured him of a disease called a
intimates that the first wife was kill- wife." See note on page 32, and
ed by the quackery of Dr. Fuller, Winthrop's N. E., i. 30.
132 MORE COLONISTS COMING OVER.
CHAP, ure out of England,) 1 to give you hearty thanks for
^ your large advice contained in this your letter, which
1629. j h ave f u iiy imparted unto them, and farther to cer-
Vpfi
16. tify you that they intend not to be wanting by all
good means to further the Plantation. To which
purpose, (God willing,) you shall hear more at [large
from] them, and that speedily ; there being one ship
bought for the Company, 2 of 100 3 tons, and two
others hired, of about 200 tons each of them, one of
19, the other of 20 4 pieces of ordnance; besides, not
unlike but one other vessel shall come in company
with these ; in all which ships, for the general
stock and for particular adventures, there is likely
to be sent thither 'twixt 2 and 300 persons, (we
hope to reside there,) and about 100 head of cattle.
Wherefore, as I wrote you in a letter 5 sent by Mr.
Allerton, 6 of New-Plymouth, in November last, so
the desire of the [Company] is, that you would en-
deavour to get convenient housing fit to lodge as
many as you can against they do come ; and withal
what beaver, or other commodities, or fish, (if you
have the means to preserve it,) can be gotten ready
to return in the foresaid ships ; likewise wood, if no
better lading be to be had ; that you would endeav-
our to get in readiness what you can, whereby our
ships, whereof two are to return back directly hither,
1 Endicott left England about June before it was mutilated. Telt, Annals
20, 1628. His instructions were of Salem, i. 47, errs in saying 200.
dated London, May 30. See pp. 13, 4 Erased in the MS., but restored
30, 43 ; Prince's Annals, p. 249 ; . from Prince. Felt, ibid, errs in
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 9. calling it 10.
This was the Lion's Whelp, a 5 This letter has not been pre-
vessel of 120 tons. served.
3 This is obliterated in the MS. 6 See an account of Isaac Aller-
I have restored it from Prince, An- ton in the Chronicles of Plymouth,
nals, p. 253, who quoted the letter p. 195.
COMMODITIES TO BE SENT HOME. 133
may not come wholly empty. There hath not been CHAP.
a better time for the sale of timber these two seven
years than at present, and therefore pity it is these 1629 -
ships should come back empty, if it might be made iV
ready that they need not stay for it ; otherwise, men's
wages and victuals, together with the ships', will
quickly rise too high, if to be reladen with wood,
and that the same be not ready to put aboard as soon
as the ships are discharged of their outward lading.
I wish also that there be some sassafras 1 and sarsa-
parilla sent us, as also good store of sumach, if there
to be had, as we are informed there is. The like do
I wish for a ton weight at least of silk grass, and of
aught else that may be useful for dying, or in physic ;
to have some of each sent, and advice given withal
what store of each to be had there, if vent may be
found here for it. Also I hope you will have some
good sturgeon in a readiness to send us, and if it be
well cured, 2 or 300 firkins thereof would help well
towards our charge.
We are very confident of your best endeavours for
the general good, and we doubt not but God will in
mercy give a blessing upon our labors ; and we trust
you will not be unmindful of the main end of our
Plantation, by endeavouring to bring the Indians to
the knowledge of the Gospel ; which that it may be
the speedier and better effected, the earnest desire
of our whole Company is, that you have a diligent
and watchful eye over our own people, that they live
unblamable and without reproof, and demean them-
selves justly and courteous towards the Indians,
thereby to draw them to affect our persons, and con-
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 130, note 3 .
134 THE CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES.
CHAP, sequently our religion ; as also to endeavour to get
some of their children to train up to reading and con-
1629. sequently to religion, whilst they are young ; herein
F i e 6 b ' to young or old to omit no good opportunity that
may tend to bring them out of that woful state and
condition they now are in ; in which case our prede-
cessors in this our land sometimes were, and, butTor
the mercy and goodness of our good God, might have
continued to this day. But God, who out of the
boundless ocean of his mercy hath showed pity and
compassion to our land, he is all-sufficient, and can
bring this to pass which we now desire, in that coun-
try likewise. Only let us not be wanting on our
parts, now we are called to this work of the Lord's ;
neither, having put our hands to the plough, let us
look back, but go on cheerfully, and 'depend upon
God for a blessing upon our labors ; who by weak
instruments is able, (if he see it good,) to bring glo-
rious things to pass. Be of good courage, go on,
and do worthily, and the Lord prosper your en-
deavour.
It is fully resolved, by God's assistance, to send
over two ministers, at the least, with the 1 ships now
intended to be sent thither. But for Mr. Peters, 2
1 " At the least, with the " is re- of the Puritans, he vent to Holland,
stored from Prince. and |became pastor of an Independ-
2 Hugh Peters, (or Peter, as he ent Church at Rotterdam, having
himself uniformly spelt his name,) for a colleague the celebrated Dr.
was born at Fowey, in Cornwall, in William Ames, whose wife and
1599, and was educated at Trinity children, after .his death in 1633,
College, Cambridge, where he took came to New-England, bringing
the degree of A. M. in 1622. Upon with them his valuable library. Pe-
leaving the University he came to ters was one of the earliest members
London, and was appointed lecturer of the Massachusetts Company. In
at St. Sepulchre's. Towards the May, 1628, he subscribed .'50 to
close of 1629, when Laud, (" our the joint stock of the Plantation, and
great enemy," as Winthrop calls he was one of the fourteen who
him, ii. 31,) began his persecution signed the first instructions to Endi-
HUGH PETERS. 135
he is now in Holland, from whence his return hither CHAP.
IV.
I hold to be uncertain. Those we send you, shall ^ L,
be by the 1 approbation of Mr. White, of Dorchester, 1629.
and Mr. Davenport. For whatsoever else you have
given advice, care shall be taken, (God willing,) to
cott, Sept. 13, 1628. It appears storation he was apprehended as a
from pages 69 and 70, that he at- regicide, although he had not been
tended the courts of the Company one of the King's judges, was tried,
held on the llth and 13th of May, condemned, and executed Oct. 16,
1029, three months after the date of 166.0. After his death, his wife,
this letter. Of course he must have whom he had married in New-Eng-
come over, for a season, from Hoi- land, and who had been insane, re-
land. After remaining six years turned to this Colony, and was sup-
in that country he carne to New- ported by a collection of j30 a year
England Oct. 6, 1635. Gov. Win- until 1671. Gov. John Winthrop,
throp, speaking of his arrival, says, of Connecticut, married a daughter
"amongst others came Mr. Peter, of Hugh Peters. The common ac-
pastor of the English church in Rot- counts we have of Peters, Vane,
terdam, who, being persecuted by the Cromwell, and their associates, are
English ambassador who would from the pens of bigoted royalists
have brought his and other churches and churchmen, like Clarendon. A
to the English discipline and not new and more favorable view of
having had his health these many Cromwell has recently been given
years, intended to advise with the to the world by the ingenious editor
ministers here about his removal." of his Letters and Speeches. I have
Dec. 21, 1636, he took charge of been favored with the perusal, in
the Church in Salem, being the manuscript, of a very able vindica-
fourth minister, Higginson and Skel- tion of the character of Hugh Peters,
ton having died, and Roger Wil- from the pen of a recent successor
Hams having left in Nov. 1635. of his in the First Church in Salem,
Winthrop calls him " a man of a the Rev. Charles W. Upham, of
very public spirit and singular activ- whose Life of Sir Henry Vane, in
ity for all occasions," and says that the fourth volume of Sparks 's Amer-
" he went from place to place labor- ican Biography, Mr. Grahame, the
ing, both publicly and privately, to historian of the United States, re-
raise up men to a public frame of marks, " New-England has now re-
spirit." In 1641, Aug. 3, he was paid Vane's noble devotion by the
sent with Thomas Weld, the minister best memoir of that great man, that
ofRoxbury, as agent of the Colony has ever been given to the world."
to attend to its interests in the mo- It is hoped that Mr. Upham's Life
ther country, and " to congratulate of Hugh Peters may soon be pub-
the happy success there." Neither lished. See Winthrop 's Hist. i. 65,
of them returned. During the civil 169, 173, 176, ii. 24, 25, 31 ; Hutch-
wars Peters made himself active and inson's Mass., i. 9, 98; Carlyle's
conspicuous. In 1641 he was "chap- Cromwell, i. 164, 186,370; Mass.
lain to the train," and secretary to Hist. Coll., vi. 250-254, 285,
Cromwell. In 1649 he was chap- xxviii. 248 ; Monthly Repository,
lain to the Parliamentary forces sent (London,) xiv. 525-532, 602-607 ;
against the rebels in Ireland, and one Peters's Last Legacy to his Daugh-
of the Triers of preachers, and in ter, (1661,) p. 99.
1651 was one of the commissioners l " Shall be by the" also restor-
for amending the laws. At the Re- ed from Prince.
136 THE PLANTING OF TOBACCO.
CHAP, perform the needful, as near as we can, and the times
* ~ will permit ; whereof also you may expect more
1629. ample advertisement in their General Letter, 1 when
^g b< God shall send our ships thither.
The course you have taken in giving our country-
men their content in the point of planting tobacco
there for the present, (their necessity considered,)
is not disallowed ; but we trust in God, other means
will be found to employ their time more comfortable
and profitable also in the end ; and we cannot but
generally approve and commend their good resolu-
tion to desist from the planting thereof, whenas they
shall discern how to employ their labors otherwise ;
which we hope they will be speedily induced unto,
by such precepts and examples as we shall give
them.
And now minding to conclude this, I may not
omit to put you in mind, however you seem to fear
no enemies there, yet that you have a watchful eye
for your own safety, and the safety of all those of our
nation with you, and not to be too confident of the
fidelity of the salvages. It is [a proverb trite] as
true, " the burnt child dreads the fire." Our coun-
trymen have suffered by their too much confidence in
Virginia. 2 Let us by their harms learn to beware ;
and as we are commanded to be innocent as doves,
so withal we are enjoined to be wise as serpents.
The God of heaven and earth preserve and keep you
1 The General Letter from the Go- Indians, by a preconcerted signal,
vernor and Company to Endicott is fell upon the English settlements
printed immediately after this letter there, and killed 347 persons. See
ofCradock's. Smith's Virginia, ii. 64-79, (Rich-
1 He probably alludes to the mas- mond ed.) ; Stith's Virginia, pages
sacre in Virginia, on the 22d of 208-213; and Grahame's Hist. U. S.
March, 1622, when, at mid-day, the i. 74-79, (2d ed.)
MATTHEW CRADOCK, OF LONDON.
137
from all foreign and inland enemies, and bless and CHAP.
prosper this Plantation, to the enlarging of the king
dom of Jesus Christ ; to whose merciful protection I 1629 -
Feb.
recommend you and all your associates there, known IG.'
or unknown ; and so till my next, w r hich shall be,
(God willing,) by our ships, who I make account will
be ready to set sail from here about the 20th of this
next month of March, 1 I end ; and rest,
Your assured loving friend and cousin,
MATTHEW CRADOCK. S
From my house in Swithen's Lane? near London Stone,
this 16th February, 1628, stilo Anglia.*
1 The ships did not actually sail
till the middle of April.
2 MATTHEW CRADOCK, the first
Governor of the Massachusetts Com-
pany, was a wealthy London mer-
chant, and, it will be recollected,
was usually the highest in all sul>
scriptions for the good of the Colo-
ny. He owned the Ambrose and
the Jewel, two of the ships in Win-
throp's fleet, and went to the Isle of
Wight to take leave of the emi-
grants. On his leaving the Arbella
on the 29th of March, " the captain
gave him a farewell with four or five
shot." He came aboard the same
vessel again at Yarmouth, April 6,
and on his taking leave, " the cap-
tain gave him three shot out of the
steerage for a farewell." He never
came over to New-England ; but he
continued to take an interest in the
Colony, and befriended it essentially
at home. He had an agent and ser-
vants here, and capital engaged in
fishing and trading. He had a house
at Marblehead and another at Ips-
'wich, and employed fishermen at
both places. His name frequently
occurs in the Records of the Colony.
At a Court held at Watertown,
March 8, 1631, "it was ordered that
Thomas Fox, servant to Mr. Crad-
ock, shall be whipped." Nov. 7,
1632, "Mr. Matthew Cradock is
fined 4 for his men being absent
from training divers times." At a
Court held March 4, 1634, "the
wear at Mistick is granted to John
Winthrop, Esq., present Governor,
and to Mr. Matthew Cradock, of
London." March 4, 1635, "All
the ground, as well upland as mea-
dow, lying and being betwixt the
lands of Mr. No well and Mr. Wil-
son on the east, and the partition
betwixt Mistick bounds on the west,
bounded with Mistick river on the
south and the rocks on the north, is
granted to Mr. Matthew Cradock,
merchant, to enjoy to him and his
heirs forever." This farm was
within the present town of Maiden,
opposite Winthrop's farm at Ten-
hills. William Wood, who was
here in 1633, says in his New-Eng-
land's Prospect, chap, x., "On the
east side (of Mistick river) is Mr.
Cradock's plantation, where he hath
impaled a park, where he keeps his
cattle till he can store it with deer.
Here likewise he is at charges of
building ships. The last year one
was upon the stocks of 100 tons.
That being finished, they are to
build one twice her burden." He
was a member of Parliament from
the city of London in 1640. He left
a claim upon the Colony, which in
1648 amounted to 679 6s.
138
CRADOCK S LETTER.
CHAP.
IV.
1629,
His widow, Rebecca, married the
Rev. Benjamin Whitchcot, D. D.
His son or grandson was a dissent--
ing minister at Wickambrook in
1690. A descendant, George Cra-
dock, was an inhabitant of Boston in
the middle of the last century. See
Col. Rec. i. 68, 95, 108, 143 ; Win-
throp's Hist. i. 2, 4,60, 124, ii. 25 ;
Hutchirison's Mass. i. 18, 22 ; Felt,
Annals of Salem, i. 56.
3 It will be observed that he does
not say, St. Swithin's. On St.-
Swithin's Lane and London Stone,
see Stow's Survey of London, p. 416
and 420, (ed. 1618.) St. Swithin's
Lane goes from near the junction of
Cornhill and Lombard street to Can-
non street. It is the street next
east of Walbrook, and parallel to it.
4 That is, old style, by which the
year began on the 25th of March.
The Julian year, and the new or
Gregorian style, were not adopted
by law in England and her depend-
encies till 1752.
This letter must have been
brought over by some fishing-vessel,
for we know of no ship of the
Company's sailing from England
to Salem till the middle of April,
when the George Bonaventure
brought the First General Letter of
Instructions to Endicott. The ori-
ginal letter lies loose in the first
volume of the Colony Records,
where it has probably lain for more
than two hundred years. Like the
volume itself, it is in a tattered con-
dition ; and it is a marvel that it
exists at all. Several words, now
torn off, I have restored from a copy
made twenty-seven years ago, when
the letter was less mutilated.
THE COMPANY'S INSTRUCTIONS
TO
ENDICOTT AND HIS COUNCIL.
CHAPTER V.
THE COMPANY'S FIRST GENERAL LETTER OF INSTRUC-
TIONS TO ENDICOTT AND HIS COUNCIL.
LAUS DEO! 1
In Gravesend, the Ytth of April, 1629.
LOVING FRIENDS,
WE heartily salute you. We have received your CHAP.
letter 2 of the 13th of September, by which we take
notice of your safe arrival, blessing God for it. We l * 29<
have formerly requested Mr. Cradock, our Governor, 17.
to write you of the receipt thereof, and give advice
how we purposed to proceed in setting forward our
Plantation ; whose letters, if they be come to your
hands, (as we hope they are,) will put life into your
affairs, and encourage you to provide for the enter-
tainment of such as are now coming.
Since your departure we have, for the further
strengthening of our grant from the Council at -Ply-
mouth, obtained a confirmation of it from his Majesty
1 A not unusual mode of com- 2 This letter has not been pre-
mencing a letter at the time this served,
was written. See Garlyle's Crom-
well, i. 132.
THE COLONY CHARTER.
CHAP, by his letters patents under the broad seal of Eng-
~ land ; ] by which said letters patents we are incorpo-
1629 - rated into a body politic, with ample power to govern
^7* L and rule all his Majesty's subjects that reside within
the limits of our Plantation, as by the duplicate 2
thereof, under the broad seal, which we have deliv-
ered to Mr. Sharpe to be delivered to you, doth fully
appear.
And for that the propagating of the Gospel is the
thing we do profess above all to be our aim in set-
tling this Plantation, we have been careful to make
plentiful provision of godly ministers; by whose faith-
ful preaching, godly conversation, and exemplary
life, we trust not only those of our own nation will
be built up in the knowledge of God, but also the
Indians may, in God's appointed time, be reduced to
the obedience of the Gospel of Christ. 3 One of them
is well known to yourself, viz. Mr. Skelton, 4 whom we
1 The original Charter, with the 2 This duplicate of the Charter is
broad seal appendant, which was preserved in the Athenaeum at Sa-
brought over by Gov. Winthrop, is lem. The party-colored string, by
carefully preserved in a glass case which the royal seal was appended,
in the office of the Secretary of State, remains, but the seal itself is gone,
at the State House in Boston. It is 3 Cradock, in his letter to Endi-
distinctly and beautifully engrossed cott, mentions this as " the main
on parchment, and has on it the head end of the Plantation," and the
of the sovereign by whom it was Charter also avers, that " to win and
granted, Charles I. That this is the invite the natives of the country to
original, and not a copy, is proved the knowledge and obedience of the
by the fact that on it is the follow- only true God and Saviour of man-
ing certificate of Gov. Cradock hav- kind and the Christian faith, in our
ing taken his oath of office before royal intention, and the adventurers'
Sir Charles Caesar, Master in Chan- free profession, is the principal end
eery. " Praedictus Matthseus Cra- of this Plantation."
docke juratus est de fide et obedi- 4 Samuel Skelton was educated
entia Regi et successoribus suis, et at Clare Hall, Cambridge, where he
de debita exequutione officii Guber- took the degree of A. B. in 1611,
natoris juxta tenorem praesentium, and of A, M. in 1615. He is said
18 Martii, 1628, coram me, Carolo by Mather to have come from Lin-
Caesare, Milite, in Cancellaria Ma- colnshire ; but as it is here related
gistro. that Endicott "formerly received
CHAR. C.ESAR." much good by his ministry," it is
MINISTERS FOR THE COLONY. 143
have the rather desired to bear a part in this work, CHAP.
for that we are informed yourself have formerly re- - ~
ceived much good by his ministry ; he cometh in the 1629
George Bonaventure, Master Thomas Cox. Another n*
is Mr. Higgeson, 1 a grave man, and of worthy com-
mendations ; he cometh in the Talbot. The third is
Mr. Bright, 1 some times trained up under Mr. Daven-
port, who cometh in the Lion's Whelp. We pray
you, accommodate them all with necessaries as well -
as you may, and in convenient time let there be
houses built them, according to the agreement 2 we
have made with them, copies whereof, as of all others
we have entertained, shall be sent you by the next
ships, time not permitting it now. We doubt not
but these gentlemen, your ministers, will agree lov-
ingly together ; 3 and for cherishing of love betwixt
them, we pray you carry yourself impartially to all.
more probable that he was of Dor- Salem route, about 200 acres,, grant-
setshire, from which county Endi- ed to Mr. Samuel Skelton, called by
cott came. Nothing is known of his the Indians Wahquack. Also there
history whilst in England. Arriy- is granted to Mr. Skelton one acre
ing at Naumkeak on the 24th of of land on which his house standeth,
June, he was, on the 20th of July, and ten acres more in a neck of land
chosen and ordained pastor of the abutting on the south river, and
church there ; and from this circum- upon Mr. Higgenson's ground on
stance it has been inferred that he the west. Likewise there is grant-
was older than Higginson, who at ed to Mr. Skelton two acres more
the same time was chosen and or- of ground lying in Salem, abutting
dained teacher. He died at Salem on Capt. Endicott's ground on the
August' 2, 1634. Edward Johnson, south." See Col. Rec. i. 90, MS. ;
who was one of Winthrop's compa- Winthrop, i. 137 ; Mather, i. 331 ;
ny, and may have known him per- Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 67. xii. 71,
sonally, describes him, in his quaint xxviii. 248.
way, as "a man of a gracious 1 Some account of Higginson and
speech, full of faith, and furnished Bright will be given hereafter, under
by the Lord with gifts from above the date when the former died, and
to begin this great work of His, the latter returned home,
that makes the whole earth to ring This agreement is preserved,
again at the present day." It is a and is printed in a subsequent part
little remarkable that we have no of this volume,
further accounts of him from the 3 Bright did not agree very well
writers of that or the succeeding age. with his colleagues, and returned to
"July 3, 1632, there is another neck England in little more than a year,
of land, lying about three miles from
144 THE GOVERNOR'S COUNCIL.
CHAP. For the manner of the exercising their ministry, and
^ - teaching both our own people and the Indians, we
l ea ve that to themselves, hoping they will make
God's word the rule of their actions, and mutually
agree in the discharge of their duties. And because
their doctrine will hardly be well esteemed whose
persons are not reverenced, we desire that both
by your own example, and by commanding all others
to do the like, our ministers may receive due
honor.
We have, in prosecution of that good opinion we
have always had of you, confirmed you Governor of
our Plantation, and joined in commission with you
the three ministers, namely, Mr. Francis Higgonson,
Mr. Samuel Skelton, and Mr. Francis Bright ; also
Mr. John and Mr. Samuel Browne, Mr. Thomas
Graves, and Mr. Samuel Sharpe ; and for that we
have ordered that the body of the government there
shall consist of thirteen persons, we are content the
old planters * that are now there within our Planta-
tion and limits thereof, shall choose two of the dis-
creetest and judicial men from amongst themselves
to be of the government, that they may see we are
not wanting to give them fitting respect, in that we
would have their consent, (if it may be,) in mak-
ing wholesome constitutions for government : always
provided, that none shall be chosen, or meddle in
their choice, but such as will live amongst us and
conform themselves to our government. But if they
shall refuse to perform this our direction, then we
The old planters were Conant, at Cape Ann, and afterwards re-
Palfrey, Woodbury, Balch, and their moved to Naumkeag. See pp. 12,
associates, who had been induced by 22-28.
the Dorchester adventurers to settle
THE OLD PLANTERS. 145
hereby authorize you and those nominated to be of CHAP.
the Council aforesaid, to nominate and elect two
such men as in your opinions you shall hold meet for 1629 -
that place and office ; and for the other three which f
will be wanting to make up the full number of thir-
teen, (which we have styled the Council of the Mat-
tachusetts Bay,) we hereby authorize [you,] with the
aforenamed seven persons, to choose and nominate
them out of the whole body of the Company, as well
of those that are there, as of those that are to come
now, not doubting but, all partiality set apart, you
will make choice of such men as may be most useful
and careful to advance the general good of our Plan-
tation.
And that it may appear, as well to all the world,
as to the old planters themselves, that we seek not
to make them slaves, (as it seems by your letter
some of them think themselves to be become by
means of our Patent, 1 ) we are content they shall be
partakers of such privileges as we, from his Majesty's
especial grace, with great cost, favor of personages
of note, and much labor, have obtained ; and that
they shall be incorporated into this Society, and en-
joy not only those lands which formerly they have
manured, but such a further proportion as by the ad-
vice and judgment of yourself, and the rest of the
Council, shall be thought fit for them, or any of
them. And besides, it is still our purpose that they
should have some benefit by the common stock, as
1 Conant and his associates, as government, and their little planta-
was very natural, appear to have tion absorbed by his Colony. The
been jealous of the new comers who Massachusetts Company seem to
had arrived with Endicott, and pro- have treated the old planters with
bably did not like it that their au- great consideration and kindness,
thority was to be superseded by his See page 31.
10
146 THE PLANTING OF TOBACCO.
CHAP, was by your first commission 1 directed and appoint-
ed ; with this addition, that if it be held too much to
162 ^' take thirty per cent, and the freight of the goods for
17. and in consideration of our adventure and disburse-
ment of our moneys, to be paid in beaver at six shil-
lings per pound, that you moderate the said rate, as
you with the rest of the Council shall think to be
agreeable to equity and good conscience. And our
further orders is, that none be partakers of any the
aforesaid privileges and profits, but such as be peace-
able men, and of honest life and conversation, and
desirous to live amongst us, and conform themselves
to good order and government.
And as touching the old planters, their earnest
desire for the present to continue the planting of
tobacco, (a trade by this whole Company generally
disavowed, and utterly disclaimed by some of the
greatest adventurers amongst us, who absolutely
declared themselves unwjlling to have any hand in
this Plantation if we intended to cherish or permit
the planting thereof, or any other kind, than for a
man's private use, for mere necessity,) we are of
opinion the old planters will have small encourage-
ment to that employment ; for we find here, by late
experience, that it doth hardly produce the freight
and custom ; neither is there hope of amendment,
there being such great quantities made in other
places, that ere long it is like to be little worth.
Nevertheless, if the old planters, (for we exclude all
others,) conceive that they cannot otherwise provide
for their livelihood, we leave it to the discretion of
* Endicott's first instructions were dated London, May 30, 1628. See
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 9.
JOHN OLDHAM'S PRETENSIONS. 147
yourself and the Council there, to give way for the CHAP.
present to their planting of it in such manner and
with such restrictions as you and the said Council
shall think fitting ; having an especial care, with as
much conveniency as may be, utterly to suppress the
planting of it, except for mere necessity. But, how-
ever, we absolutely forbid the' sale of it, or the use
of it, by any of our own or particular men's servants,
unless upon urgent occasion, for the benefit of health,
and taken privately.
Mr. John Oldham 1 came from New-England not
long before your arrival there, by whom we have had
no small distraction in our business, having been cast
behind at the least two months' time in our voyage, 2
through the variety 3 of his vast conceits of extraor-
dinary gain of three for one propounded to us, to be
made and raised in three years, if he might have the
managing of our stock, preferring to be contented
for his own employment, so he might have the over-
plus of the gains. With whom, after long time spent
in sundry treaties, 4 finding him a man altogether
unfit for us to deal with, we have at last left him to
his own way ; and, as we are informed, he with some
others are providing a vessel, and is minded, as soon
as he can despatch, to come for New-England, pre-
tending to settle himself in Mattachusetts Bay, claim-
1 Oldham left New-England in Higginson, Skelton, Samuel Sharpe,
June, 1628, and Endicott left Eng- and their company. It appears from
land June 20, and arrived at Naum- page 43, that the Company were
keak Sept. 6. Of course they must preparing for this voyage as early as
have crossed each other on the At- Feb. 26 ; yet the ships did not sail
lantic. See pp. 20, 43, and Mass, till after the middle of April.
Hist. Coll. iii. 63, and Prince's An- 3 So in the manuscript ; but no
nals, p. 249. doubt an error of the Secretary, in
This was the voyage of the copying, for vanity.
George, the Talbot, and the Lion's 4 See pp. 48, 51, 61, 69.
Whelp, the ships that brought out
148 THE TRADE IN BEAVER.
CHAP, ing a title and right by a grant from Sir Ferdinando
^_ Gorge's son, 1 which we are well satisfied by good
1629. counsel is void in law. He will admit of no terms of
agreement, unless we will leave him at liberty to
trade for beaver with the natives ; which we deny to
the best of our own planters. Neither is he satisfied
to trade himself, with his own stock and means,
which we conceive is so small that it would not much
hinder us, but he doth interest other men, who, for
aught we know, are never likely to be beneficial to
the planting of the country ; their own particular
profits, (though to the overthrow of the general Plan-
tation,) being their chief aim and intent.
Now, as we shall unwillingly do any act in debar-
ring such as were inhabitants before us of that trade,
as in conscience they ought to enjoy, so shall we as
unwillingly permit any to appropriate that to their
own private lucre which we, in our religious inten-
tions, have dedicated to the common charge of build-
ing houses for God's worship, and forts to defend
such as shall come thither to inhabit. 2 We fear that
as he hath been obstinate and violent in his opinions
here, so he will persist and be ready to draw a party
to himself there, to the great hindrance of the com-
mon quiet. We have therefore thought fit to give you
notice of his disposition, to the end you may be-
ware how you meddle with him ; as also that you may
use the best means you can to settle an agreement
with the old planters, so as they may not hearken to
Mr. Oldham's dangerous though vain propositions.
We find him a man so affected to his own opinion,
1 See note 2 on page 51. 8 See page 96.
CAUTION ABOUT OLDHAM. 149
as not to be removed from it, neither by reason nor CHAP.
any persuasion ; and, unless he may bear sway, and
have all things carried to his good liking, we have 1(
little hope of quiet or comfortable subsistence where 17.
he shall make his abode. And therefore, if you shall
see just cause, we hereby require you and the Coun-
cil there to exercise that power we have, (and our
privileges will bear us out in it, 1 ) to suppress a mis-
chief before it take too great a head. Not that we
would wrong him, or any man that will live peacea-
bly within the limits of our Plantation ; but as the
preservation of our privileges will chiefly depend,
under God, upon the first foundation of our govern-
ment, so if we suffer so great an affront as we find is
intended towards us, by the proceedings of Mr. Old-
ham and his adherents, in our first beginnings, we
may be sure they will take heart and be emboldened
to do us a far greater injury hereafter. And there-
fore we pray you and the Council there to advise
seriously together for the maintenance of our privi-
leges and peaceable government ; which if it may be
done' by a temperate course, we much desire it,
though with some inconvenience, so as our govern-
ment and privileges be not brought in contempt,
wishing rather there might be such a union as might
draw the heathen by our good example to the em-
bracing of Christ and his Gospel, than that offence
should be given to the heathen, and a scandal to our
* By the Charter it was provided, within the precincts and parts of
that " all officers employed by the New-England aforesaid, according
Company in the government of the to the orders and instructions of the
Plantation, shall have full and abso- Company, not being repugnant to
lute power and authority to correct, the laws and statutes of the realm of
punish, govern and rule all persons England." See the Charter in Haz-
as shall at any time hereafter inhabit ard, i. 239 ; Hutchinson's Coll. p. 1.
150 MASSACHUSETTS BAY TO BE OCCUPIED.
CJIAP. religion, through our disagreement amongst our-
selves.
But if necessity require a more severe course,
FT? when fair means will not prevail, we pray you to
deal as in your discretions you shall think fittest for
the general good and safety of the Plantation, and
preservation of our privileges. 1 And because we
would not omit to do anything which might strengthen
our right, we would have you (as soon as these ships,
or any of them, arrive with you, whereby you may
have men to do it,) send forty or fifty persons to
Mattachusetts Bay, 2 to inhabit there ; which we pray
you not to protract, but to do it with all speed ; and
if any of our Company in particular shall desire to
settle themselves there, or to send servants thither,
we desire all accommodation and encouragement
may be given them thereunto, whereby the better to
strengthen our possession there against all or any that
shall intrude upon us, which we would not have you
by any means to give way unto ; 3 with this caution,
notwithstanding, that for such of our countrymen as
you find there planted, 4 so as they be willing to live
under [our] government, you endeavour to give them
1 These instructions seem to ap- understood only the territory border-
prove and justify Endicott's attack ing on Boston harbour, from Nahant
upon Morton's riotous company at to Point Alderton. Naumkeak was
Mount Wollaston, soon after his not included in it.
arrival in the preceding year. See 4 The planters in Massachusetts
Hubbard's N. E., p. 104 ; Morton's Bay at this time were William
Memorial, pp. 138, 141, note, where Blackstone at Shawmut, (Boston),
the chronology is set right. Thomas Walford at Mishawum,
1 See note * on page 4. (Charlestown), Samuel Mavericl^
3 All this shows the anxious de- at Noddle's Island, (East Boston),
sire and settled determination of the and David Thompson, at Thomp-
Company to anticipate Oldham, and son's Island, near Dorchester. How
by preoccupying the ground, to get or when they came there, is not
the exclusive possession of Massa- known. See Johnson, Hist. N. E.,
chusetts Bay ; by which was then ch. 17.
RALPH SMITH, THE MINISTER. 151
all fitting and due accommodation as to any of our- CHAP.
selves ; yea, if you see cause for it, though it be with ^-
more than ordinary privileges in point of trade. 1629.
Mr. Ralph Smith, 1 a minister, hath desired passage $"
in our ships ; which was granted him before we
understood of his difference in judgment in some
things from our ministers. But his provisions for
his voyage being shipped before notice was taken
thereof, through many occasions wherewith those
intrusted with this business have been employed, and
forasmuch as from hence it is feared there may grow
some distraction amongst you if there should be any
1 We learn from Hutehinson, exercise the office of a pastor among
who, as well as Hubbard and Prince, them, "were more induced there-
appears to have had the leaf now unto, possibly, by his approving the
torn out of the Colony Records, con- ligid way of Separation principles,
taining the proceedings of the courts than any fitness for the office he un-
held April 8 and 30, 1629, that, "of dertook ; being much overmatched
the four ministers provided, Ralph by him that he was joined with in
Smith was required to give under the presbytery, [Elder Brewster,]
his hand, that he would not exercise both in the point of discretion to rule
his ministry within the limits of the and aptness to teach; so as, through
patent without the express leave of many infirmities, being found una-
the Governor upon the spot." He ble to discharge the trust committed
seems to have been a Separatist in to him with any competent satisfac-
England, which occasioned the cau- tion, he was forced soon after to lay
tion used with him. He remained it down." Gov. Winthrop says,,
but a very short time at Salem, for that in Dec. 1635, Smith "gave
in the end of June, says Gov. Brad- over his place," that John Norton;
ford, " he goes with his family to might have it. This, perhaps, was
some straggling people at Nan- only temporarily ; for Morton says r
tasket ; where some Plymouth peo- that in Dec. 1638, Gorton was sum-
pie, putting in with a boat, find him moned to the court at Plymouth to.
in a poor house that would not keep answer a complaint made against
him dry. He desires them to carry him by Smith. He was residing
him to Plymouth ; and seeing him there as late as 1641, and Sept. 27
to be a grave man, and understand- 1642, sold his house and land to the
ing he had been a minister, they Rev. John Reyner, his successor in
bring him hither; where we kindly the church. In Nov. 1645, he was
entertain him, send for his goods called to preach at Manchester, on
and servants, and desire him to ex- Cape Ann, and he died at Boston
ercise his gifts among us; after- March 1, 1662. See Hutehinson 's
wards choose him into the minis- Mass. i. 10; Winthrop, i. 91, 175, ii.
try, wherein he remains for sundry 253 ; Hubbard, pp. 97, 121 ; Prince,
years." Hubbard speaks disparag- pp. 257, 261, 262 ; Morton's Mem.
ingly of his abilities, saying that the p. 202 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 110
Plymouth people, in calling him to Felt's Salem, i. 80.
152 THOMAS GRAVES, THE ENGINEER.
CHAP, siding, though we have a very good opinion of his
honesty, yet we shall not, [we] hope, offend in charity
1629. to fear the worst that may grow from their different
judgments. We have therefore thought fit to give
you this order, that unless he will be conformable to
our government, you suffer him not to remain within
the limits of our grant.
We take notice that you desire to have Frenchmen
sent you that might be experienced in making of salt
and planting of vines. 1 We have inquired diligently
for such, but cannot meet with any of that nation.
Nevertheless, God hath not left us altogether unpro-
vided of a man able to undertake that work ; for that
we have entertained Mr. Thomas Graves, 2 a man
1 It appears somewhat singular delled and laid out the plan of that
that they should have seriously town, with streets about the hill,
thought of planting vineyards in measured out two acre lots for the
this cold region. "Vine-planters' 1 inhabitants, and "built the great
are mentioned on page 42 among house for such of the Company as
what the Company were to " pro- are shortly to come over, which
vide to send for New-England." In afterwards became the meeting-
1634, the yearly rent of Governor's house." At the end of the third
Island, in Boston harbour, was a edition of Higginson's New-Eng-
hogshead of wine. That island had land's Plantation, printed in London
been granted to Gov. Winthrop in 1630, is "a letter sent from New-
April 3, 1632, on condition that he England by Master Graves, Engi-
should plant a vineyard or orchard neer, now there resident." In
there. See Col. Rec. i. 85, 141. White Kennett's American Library,
2 Of Thomas Graves, the engi- or Catalogue of Books and Papers
neer, very little is known, except which he gave in 1713 to the Soci-
what is contained in the preceding ety for the Propagation of the Gos-
Records of the Company and in this pel in Foreign Parts, page 237, is
letter. Very soon after his arrival the following entry : "A copy of a
at Salem, at the end of June, he was Letter from an Engineer sent out to
sent by Gov. Endicott, with the New-England, written to a friend in
Rev. Francis Bright, Abraham Pal- England, A. D. 1629, giving an ac-
mer, and others, to take possession count of his landing with a small
of Massachusetts Bay, in conformity company at Salem, and thence going
with the instructions sent over by and making a settlement at Massa-
the Company. He pitched on Mish- chusetts Bay, and laying the found-
awum, (now Charlestown,) where ation of a town, to which the Gov-
he found Walford, the smith, and ernor gave the name of Charles-
perhaps the Spragues, (unless, as is town ; with a pleasing description of
more probable, they were of the U)0 the exceeding pleasantness and fruit-
who came with him.) The Charles- fulness of the country, and of the
town records inform us that he mo- civility of the natives. In one sheet
GRAVES'S QUALIFICATIONS. 153
commended to us as well for his honesty, as skill in CHAP,
many things very useful. First, he professeth great
skill in the making of salt, both in ponds and pans, 1629 '
as also to find out salt springs or mines. Secondly, n. 1
he is well seen in mines and minerals, especially
about iron ore and iron works. Thirdly, he is able
to make any sort of fortifications. Fourthly, he is
well able to survey and set forth lands. He hath
been a traveller in divers foreign parts to gain his
experience. Therefore we pray you take his advice
touching the premises, and where you intend to sit
down in, to fortify and build a town, that it may be
qualified for good air and water, according to your
first instructions, 1 and may have as much natural
help as may be ; whereby it may with the less labor
and cost be made fit to resist an enemy. So soon as
you have made trial of his sufficiency, write us your
opinion how long you conceive it will be fit for us to
continue him in our service ; for that he is tied 2 to
MS. Ex dono Rev. Alexandri with another Thomas Graves, who
Young, S. T. B." There can be was mate of the Talbot on her
no doubt that the author of this let- first voyage, and who, according to
ter was Graves. This circumstance, Winthrop, writing under June 3,
to say nothing of the identity of the 1635, " had come every year for
donor's name with my own, prompt- these seven years." Besides, the
ed me to apply, four years ago, to rear-admiral of that name was born
Gov. Everett, then our Minister at in 1605, arid in 1629 was only twen-
the Court of Great Britain, to pro- ty-four years old, whilst the engineer
cure for me a copy of it. He very at this time had a family of five
obligingly applied in my behalf to children. It is probable that he soon
the Secretary of the Society, but no returned to England, as no notice of
document of the kind was to be him occurs in the subsequent history
found in their archives. Search was of the Colony. See page 54; Win-
then made, at his instance, in the throp's Hist. i. 161, and Frothing-
Library at Lambeth, but with like ham's excellent History of Charles-
ill success. It is to be feared that town, p. 26.
the manuscript is irrecoverably lost. l These first instructions to Endi-
Graves was admitted a freeman cott are not preserved. See Hutch-
May 18, 1631, and Prince, p. 321, inson's Mass. i. 9.
appends to his name this remark, 2 Graves's contract is printed on
" after, a rear-admiral in England." pp. 56-59.
I think he confounds the engineer
154 THE ALLOTMENT OF LANDS.
CHAP, serve us one whole year absolutely, and two years
more if we should give him order to stay there so long.
1629 So we hope to receive your advice time enough to give
17" him order to stay out full three years, or to come
home at the end of one year. His salary costs this
Company a great sum of money ; besides which, if
he remain with us, the transporting of his wife, and
building him a house, will be very chargeable ; which
we pray you take into your consideration, that so we
may continue or surcease this charge, as occasion
shall require.
In our next we intend to send you a particular of
such as are to have land allotted and set out unto
them, that so you may appoint unto each man an
equal proportion by lot, according to what is to be
allowed in the first dividend ;* touching which we
shall then give you more large instructions. Mean-
while, for such as have sent over servants and cattle
in these ships, 2 and for such as have more to come
in two other ships, 3 which we hope will be ready to
set sail within ten days, our desire is, they should
either be accommodated at Nahumkeeke, or in the
Mattachusetts Bay, or in both places, if they desire
it, with all the conveniency that may be ; and for
such grounds as shall be allotted unto them, that the
same be conveyed unto them, if they desire it, at
any time within one year after their entering upon it,
and to be accounted as part of their first dividend.
But if they shall dislike it at any time before a gene-
ral distribution be made by lot to all the adventurers,
1 See pp. 69, 73-77. 3 They despatched three others,
2 The George, the Talbot, and the Mayflower, the Four Sisters,
the Lion's Whelp. and the Pilgrim.
PRIVATE ADVENTURERS. 155
then they may have liberty to do it, and take in lieu CHAP.
thereof as by lot shall fall out amongst other private ^-
adventurers.
We recommend unto you Sir Richard Saltonstall A P ril
and Mr. Isaac Johnson, who send over servants and
cattle in these ships, desiring you will take care for
their present accommodation, as aforesaid ; and as
for them, so we may not omit to pray you likewise
to give all good accommodation to our present Gov-
ernor, Mr. Matthew Cradock, who, with some parti-
cular brethren of our Company, have deeply engaged
themselves in their private adventures in these ships,
and those to come ; and as we hold these men that thus
deeply adventure in their private, to be, under God,
special instruments for the advancing and strength-
ening of our Plantation, which is done by them with-
out any charge to the Company's general stock,
wherein notwithstanding they are as deep or deeper
engaged than any other, so being contented to be
debarred from all private trading in furs for three
years, we do hold it very requisite in all other their
desires to give them all accommodation and further-
ance that reasonably may be propounded by them,
or any for them ; their good beginnings in the in-
fancy of our Plantation worthily deserving of us all
favor and furtherance.
We have caused a common seal 1 to be made, which
we send you by Mr. Sharpe.
This seal, mentioned on page 42, appropriateness of this device is lost
is stamped on the back of this vol- in the present seal of the Common-
ume. In the centre stands an In- wealth, where the Indian is retained,
dian, raising the Macedonian cry, but an arm brandishing a sword is
(Acts, xvi. 9,) " Come over and placed over his head, and for the old
help us;" in allusion to the main motto is substituted Algernon Sid-
end of the Plantation, the conversion ney's well-known line, " Ense petit
of the natives to Christianity. The placidam sub liber tate quietem."
156 ARTICLES SENT OVER FOR THE COLONY.
CHAP. If you want any swine, we have agreed with those
' of New Plymouth that they deliver you six sows
1629. w j tn pjg ? f or w hich they are to be allowed 9 in ac-
count of what they owe unto Mr. Goffe, our Deputy.
And for goats, we have bought forty-two for the
general and particular men's accounts, which shall
be sent you by these and the next ships, or at least-
wise so many of them as they can conveniently carry.
We have followed your advice, and sent most of
our guns snaphance, 1 bastard musket bore ; and we
have also sent store of powder and shot, grain for
seed, both wheat, barley, and rye, in the chaff, &c. 2
As for fruit-stones and kernels, the time of the year
fits not to send them now ; so we purpose to do it
per our next. Tame turkeys shall be now sent you,
if may be ; if not, per other ships. We are disap-
pointed of the provisions ordered to have been
sent you for yourself and Mrs. Endicott ; but, God
willing, they shall come by the next.
We have made our servants' apparel of cloth and
leather ; which leather is not of oil skins, 3 for we
found them over dear. Yet if this prove not profita-
ble, upon your second advice we will send you oil
skins.
For such of our nation as sell munition, guns, or
other furniture, to arm the Indians against us, or
teach them the use of arms, we would have you to
apprehend them and send them prisoners for Eng-
land, 4 where they will not escape severe punishment,
1 See note 3 on page 44. Wollaston, and sent him home. See
! See page 42. note l on page 48, and Mass. Hist.
1 See pages 40 and 42. Coll. iii. 62 ; Morton's Memorial,
4 It was on this g ound that, be- 136-141 ; Prince s Annals, pp. 250
fore Endicott's arrival, Standish had to 252.
already arrested Morton, at Mount
SAMUEL SHARPE, MASTER-GUNNER. 157
being expressly against the Proclamation. 1 You CHAP.
have had former caution given you to take heed of *
being too secure in trusting the Indians, 2 which we 1629 -
again commend to your care ; and that you may be n"
the better able to resist both foreign enemies and
the natives, if either should assail you, we pray you
let all such as live under our government, both our
servants and other planters and their servants, be
exercised in the use of arms, and certain times
appointed to muster them ; in which business Mr.
Sharpe 3 and Mr. Graves will be assistant to you.
Mr. Sharpe is by us entertained 4 to be master-gunner
of our ordnance ; in which service he is to employ
so much of his time as the charge of that office doth
require, and in the rest he is to follow other employ-
ments of our Governor's and others, for whose em-
ployment he is particularly sent over.
Enclosed you shall receive a factory 5 of such pro-
vision of victual and other necessaries as we have
sent for the general account, to which we refer you,
nothing doubting but you will be a provident stew-
ard to husband our provisions to the best advantage.
We also send you the particular names of such as
are entertained for the Company's service ; amongst
which we hope you will find many religious, dis-
creet, and well-ordered persons, which you must set
| See pages 83 and 84. low. He was Cradock's agent in
In Cradock's letter. See page the Colony. He remained at Sa-
136. lem, where he was chosen a ruling
1 Samuel Sharpe was chosen an elder of the church. He was never
Assistant of the Company in Eng- afterwards a magistrate ; and died
land April 30, 1629, and again Oct. in 1658. See pages 50, 59 and 124;
20, 1629. But being out of the Prince, p. 271.
country, and not able to take the * See the agreement with Sharpe
oath, he was superseded in his on page 50.
place, Feb. 10, 1630, by Roger Lud- 5 Inventory.
158 DISCIPLINE TO BE EXERCISED.
CHAP, over the rest, dividing them into families, placing
some with the ministers, and others under such as
1629. being honest men, and of their own calling, as near
jy 11 as may be, may have care to see them well educated
in their general callings as Christians, and particular
according to their several trades, or fitness in dis-
position to learn a trade. And whereas, amongst
such a number, notwithstanding our care to purge
them, there may still remain some libertines, we de-
sire you to be careful that such, if any be, may be
forced, by inflicting such punishment as their offences
shall deserve, (which is to be, as near as may be,
according to the laws of this kingdom,) to conform
themselves to good order ; with whom, after admo-
nition given, if they amend not, we pray you proceed
without partiality to punish them, as the nature of
their fault shall deserve ; and the like course you are
to hold both with planters and their servants ; for all
must live under government and a like law. And to
the end you may not do anything contrary to law,
nor the power granted us by his Majesty's letters
patents, we have, as aforesaid, sent you the duplicate
of the letters patents under the great seal of Eng-
land, ordering and requiring you and the rest of the
Council there, not to do anything, either in inflicting
punishment on malefactors, or otherwise, contrary
to or in derogation of the said letters patents ; but,
if occasion require, we authorize you and them to
proceed according to the power you have. Never-
theless, we desire, if it may be, that errors may be
reformed with lenity, or mild correction ; and if any
prove incorrigible, and will not be reclaimed by
gentle correction, ship such persons home by the
TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS. 159
Lion's Whelp, 1 rather than keep them there to infect
or to be an occasion of scandal unto others ; we be-
'
1629
ing fully persuaded that if one or two be so reship- '
ped back, and certificate sent home of their misde- 17.
meanour, it will be a terror to the rest, and a means
to reduce them to good conformity. And, atove all,
we pray you be careful that there be none in our
precincts permitted to do any injury, in the least {
kind, to the heathen people ; and if any offend in
that way, let them receive due correction. And we
hold it fitting you publish a proclamation to that
effect, by leaving it fixed under the Company's seal
in some eminent place, for all to take notice at such
time as both the heathen themselves, as well as our
people, may take notice of it. And for the avoiding
of the hurt that may follow through our much famil-
iarity with the Indians, we conceive it fit that they
be not permitted to come to your Plantation but at
certain times and places, to be appointed them. If
any of the salvages pretend right of inheritance to all
or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we
pray you endeavour to purchase their title, that we
may avoid the least scruple of intrusion. 2
1 This was Endicott's authority satisfied there are no complaints
and apology for sending home the against this Province by his Majes-
JBrownes. ty's agents for Indian affairs; and
2 These instructions were literally that no settlement has been made or
and scrupulously observed by the attempted by us without proper au-
first settlers of Massachusetts as thority. It is with much pleasure
well as of Plymouth. They made we remind your Excellency and in-
conscience of paying the natives to form the world, that greater care
their satisfaction for all parts of the was taken of the Indians by our
territory which were not depopula- pious ancestors during the old char-
ted, or deserted, and left without a ter, and by this government under
claimant. The government of the the new, even to this day, than was
Province, writing home to Lord ever required of us by the British
Shelburne, the Secretary for the government. Nothing has been
Colonies, in 1767, say, " We are omitted by the province since 1633
160 UNITY TO BE MAINTAINED.
CHAP. We have, in the former part of our letter, certified
~ you of the good hopes we have of the love and
9t unanimous agreement of our ministers, they having
17. declared themselves to us to be of one judgment, and
to be fully agreed on the manner how to exercise their
ministry*; which we hope will be by them accordingly
performed. 1 Yet, because it is often found that
some busy persons, led more by their will than any
good warrant out of God's word, take opportunities
by moving needless questions to stir up strife, and by
that means to beget a question, and bring men to
declare some difference in judgment, most com-
monly in things indifferent, from which small begin-
nings great mischiefs have followed, we pray you
and the rest of the Council, that if any such disputes
shall happen amongst you, that you suppress them,
and be careful to maintain peace and unity. 2
We desire you to take notice of one Lawrence
Leech, 3 whom we have found a careful and painful
to this day, which justice or human- Holmes's Annals, i. 217, ii. 150;
ity required, within this jurisdiction. Colony Laws, p. 132.
We glory in the conduct of our go- l " By this," says Prince, p. 258,
vernment, we make our boast of it " it appears Mr. Bright was a Puri-
as unexampled ; and we have been tan ; and Mr. Hubbard seems mista-
free and spontaneous on our part, ken in supposing him a Conformist ;
We assure you, that being animated unless he means in the same sense
by the same principles with our as were many Puritans in those days,
ancestors, we shall do everything who by particular favor omitted the
which duty to the King, and the more offensive ceremonies and parts
maxims of good policy, of justice in the Common Prayer, while, for
and equity to the Indians can re- the unity and peace of the Church,
quire." The first President Adams and in hopes of a farther reforma-
being asked his opinion concerning tion, they used the other." See
the treatment of the Indians in New- Hubbard, pp.112, 113, and John-
England, replied, that he believed it son, Hist. N. E., ch. 9.
to have been just. " In all my 2 This would serve to justify En-
practice at the bar," said he, " I dicott in his summary proceedings
never knew a contested title to lands, to suppress the schismatical and
but what was traced up to the Indian anarchical conduct of the Brownes.
title." See Chronicles of Plymouth, 3 Lawrence Leach was admitted
p. 259 ; Hutchinson's Mass, ii. 266 ; a freeman May 18, 1631. He was
SIX SHIPWRIGHTS SENT OVER. 161
man, and we doubt not but he will continue his dili- CHAP.
gence ; let him have deserving respect. The like
we say of Richard Waterman, 1 whose chief employ- 1629 -
ment will be to get you good venison. n"
We have sent six shipwrights, of whom Robert
Molton 2 is chief. These men's entertainment is
very chargeable to us ; and by agreement it is to be
borne two-thirds at the charge of the general Com-
pany, and the other third is to be borne by Mr. Cra-
dock, our Governor, and his associates, interested
in a private stock. We hope you will be careful to
see them so employed as may countervail the charge,
desiring you to agree with Mr. Sharpe that their
labor may be employed two thirds for the general
one of the thirteen men (selectmen) 148 ; Callender's Hist. Disc. 89, 97 ;
of Salem ; and that town, in 1636, Backus, Hist, of the Baptists in N.
made him a grant of 100 acres of E., i. 92 ; Hague, Hist. L)isc. p. 32 ;
land. He died in 1662, aged 83, Staples, Annals of Providence, pp.
having been a useful and respectable 30, 33, 35, 76, 112, 121; Mass.
citizen. See Felt's Annals of Sa- Hist. Gol . xix. 170, 182.
lem, pp. 215, 536, (1st ed. 1827.) . 2 Robert Moulton was admitted a
1 Richard Waterman lived at Sa- freeman May 18, 1631. He was
lem till he was required by the Gen- chosen constable of Charlestown
eral Court, March 12, 1638, with April 1, 1634, and the same year
other familists or antinomians, to was a deputy from that town in the
quit the Colony. He joined Roger General Court. " May 14, 1634,
Williams at Providence, in October, Mr. Beecher, Mr. Pierce, and Ro-
and became one of the founders of bert Moulton are desired to treat
that city and of the Baptist church with Mr. Stevens and Mr. Mayhew
there, the first of the name in Amer- for the building of the sea-fort by
ica. In Jan. 1643, with Randall the great." After this he removed
Holden and Samuel Gorton, he pur- to Salem ; for in 1637 he was one
chased of the Indians the tract of of the thirteen men, and represented
land called Shawomet, (now War- that town the same year in the Gen-
wick,) and in September was arrest- eral Court, and was one of those
ed there, with the rest of Gorton's that were ordered to be disarmed for
company, by order of the General signing the petition or remonstrance
Court of Massachusetts, and brought in favor of Wheelwright. Morton's
to Boston. After his discharge, he Point, in Charlestown, (or Molten's,
returned to Providence. He was as it was formerly called, according
one of the commissioners for that to Winthrop, i. 154,) was probably
town in the General Assembly of named after him. He died in 1655.
Rhode Island in 1650, and one of the See page 94 ; Col. Rec. MS. i. Ill,
town magistrates in 1655. He was 117; Felt's Salem, 105,527, (ed.
living as late as 1658. See Col. 1827) ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 129,
Rec. i. 218 ; Winthrop, ii. 120, 137, 215, 248.
11
162 THE RETURN CARGOES OF THE SHIPS.
CHAP. Company, and one third for Mr. Cradock and his
' associates ; praying you to accommodate the said
1629. M r> Cradock's people in all fitting manner, as he
doth well deserve.
Such cattle, both horses, mares, cows, bulls and
goats, as are shipped by Mr. Cradock, are to be
divided in equal halves 'twixt him and the Company ;
which was omitted to be done here, for avoiding
partiality ; so you must do it equally there.
We pray you to be careful to make us what
returns you possibly may, the better to enable us
to send out a fresh supply. We hope you have
converted the commodities you carried with you
for truck, into beaver, otter, or other furs, which
we pray you send us by the Talbot ; as also any
other commodities you have provided in readiness
against the ship's coming thither. But pray do
not detain her any long time to cut timber, or any
other gross lading ; for she is at 1 50 a month
charges, which will soon eat out more than the
goods she should stay for is worth. Wherefore,
pray make what expedition you can to unlade her
goods, and to put such things aboard her as you
have ready, and send her hitherward again as soon
as you may.
We have sent five weight of salt in the Whelp,
and ten weight in the Talbot. If there be any
shallops to be had to fish withal, and the season of
the year fit, pray let the fishermen, (of which we
send six from Dorchester,) together with some of
the ships' company, endeavour to take fish, and let
it be well saved with the said salt, and packed up in
hogsheads, or otherwise, as shall be thought fittest,
SATURDAY AFTERNOON TO BE KEPT. 163
and send it home by the Talbot or Lion's Whelp. CHAP.
Now, forasmuch as the Lion's Whelp belongeth to ~
the Company, you may, if there be hope to do good 1 ? 2 ? 1 *
by it, keep her there some time after the Talbot ; 17.
but unless it be to very good purpose, do not detain
her, but let her come home in company of the Tal-
bot. The George Bonaventure is to land her pas-
sengers, and other things belonging to the general
Company or to particular men, and so set sail for
Newfoundland ; and we pray you let it be your care
to despatch her as soon as may be.
William Ryall and Thomas Brude, coopers and
cleavers of timber, are entertained by us in halves
with Mr. Cradock, our Governor. Pray join others
that can assist them unto them, and let them pro-
vide us some staves, and other timber of all sorts, to
be sent us by the Talbot, Whelp, or the other two
ships that come after. But we pray you consider
the charge of these ships, and detain them not for
small matters. Rather use all diligence to send
them away.
If, at the arrival of this ship, Mr. Endicott should
be departed this life, (which God forbid,) or should
happen to die before the other ships arrive, we au-
thorize you, Mr. Skelton, and Mr. Samuel Sharpe,
to take care of our affairs, and to govern the people
according to order, until further order. And to the
end the Sabbath may be celebrated in a religious
manner, we appoint that all that inhabit the Planta-
tion, both for the general and particular employ-
ments, may surcease their labor every Saturday
throughout the year at three of the clock in the
afternoon ; and that they spend the rest of that day
164 A MINISTER TO BE SENT TO MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
CHAP, in catechising and preparation for the Sabbath, as the
^ ministers shall direct. 1
1629. If it shall please God to take away by death any
of the thirteen that shall be chosen and appointed
for the Council, (of which yourself or your successor
is to be one,) in such case the then being Gov-
ernor and the surviving Council shall from time to
time make choice of one or more to supply the place
of such as shall be wanting ; and that there may no
difference arise about the appointing of one to be
minister with those you send to inhabit at Mattachu-
setts Bay, we will have you, in case the ministers
cannot agree amongst themselves who shall under-
take that place, to make choice of one of the three
by lot ; and on whom the lot shall fall, he to go with
his family to perform that work. 2
We have advised you of the sending of William
Ryall and Thomas Brude, cleavers of timber. 3 But
1 This serves to show that the and practise that the Christians of
custom, once universal throughout New-England have generally done
New-England, of "keeping" Sa- so." Hutchinson says it was some
turday afternoon and evening, was time before this custom was settled,
not of home origin or invention, but Mr. Hooker, in a letter written
was early enjoined and introduced about the year 1640, says, " The
from abroad. The practice no doubt question touching the beginning of
originated from the injunction in Le- the sabbath is now on foot among
viticus, xxiii. 32, " From even unto us, hath once been spoken to, and
even shall ye celebrate your sab- we are to give in our arguments,
bath." The Jewish sabbath (Satur- each to the other, so that we may
day,) began at six o'clock of our ripen our thoughts concerning that
Friday evening, and the preparation truth, and if the Lord will, it may
for it at three in the afternoon, more fully appear ;" and in another
There is an allusion to this in letter, March, 1640, " Mr. Huit
Matthew xxvii. 62, and John xix. hath not answered our arguments
42, where " the day of the prepara- against the beginning the sabbath
tion," and "the Jews' preparation at morning." See Mather's Mag-
day," are spoken of. Mather says nalia, i. 253, and Hutchinson's
that John Cotton " began the sab- Mass. i. 428.
bath the evening before ; for which 2 Bright went, as appears from
keeping of the sabbath from evening the Charlestown records. He had
to evening he wrote arguments be- a wife and two children,
fore his coming to New-England ; 3 See page 150.
and I suppose 'twas from his reason
LAMBERT WILSON, THE SURGEON. 165
indeed the said Thomas his name is Brand, and not CHAP.
Norton ;* but there is one Norton, 2 a carpenter, - ^-
whom we pray you respect as he shall deserve. 1629.
There is one Richard Ewstead, a wheelwright, n*
who was commended to us by Mr. Davenport for a
very able man, though not without his imperfections.
We pray you take notice of him, and regard him as he
shall well deserve. The benefit of his labor is to be
two-thirds for the general Company and one-third for
Mr. Cradock, our Governor, being his charges is to
be borne according to that proportion ; and withal
we pray you take care that their charges who are for
partable employments, whether in halves or thirds,
may be equally defrayed by such as are to have
benefit of their labors, according to each party's pro-
portion. Their several agreements, or the copies
thereof, shall be (if God permit) sent you by the
next ships.
We have entertained Lambert Wilson, chirurgeon,
to remain with you in the service of the Plantation ;
with whom we are agreed that he shall serve this
Company and the other planters that live in the
Plantation, for three years, and in that time apply
himself to cure not only of such as came from hence
for the general and particular accounts, but also for
the Indians, as from time to time he shall be directed
by yourself or your successor and the rest of the
Council. And moreover he is to educate and in-
struct in his art one or more youths, 3 such as you
1 Probably an error of the pen 3 We have here the embryo of a
for Brude. Medical School, undoubtedly the
1 Probably the Mr. Norton with first contemplated on the continent
whom the congregation at Salem of America. Whether it ever went
agreed to build a suitable meeting- into operation, or how it succeeded,
house in 1634. See Felt's Salem, we are not informed.
p. 72, (ed. 1827.)
166 JOHN HIGGINSON, OF SALEM.
CHAP, and the said Council shall appoint, that may be help-
- ~ ful to him, and, if occasion serve, succeed him in the
1629. Plantation ; which youth or youths, fit to learn that
n* profession, let be placed with him ; of which Mr.
Hugesson's son, 1 if his father approve thereof, may
be one, the rather because he hath been trained up
in literature ; but if not he, then such other as you
shall judge most fittest, &c.
The 21st of April, in Gravesend.*
21. The afore-written is, for the most part, the copy 3
of our General Letter, sent you together with our
patent under the broad seal, and the Company's seal
in silver, by Mr. Samuel Sharpe, passenger in the
George, who, we think, is yet riding in the Hope ; 4
but, by means of stormy weather, the Talbot and
Lion's Whelp are yet at Blackwall. 5 By these ships
that are to follow we intend (God willing,) to supply
both in our advice and in our provisions what is
1 This was John, the eldest son, 425, ii. 176 ; Trumbull's Connecti-
at this time nearly thirteen years cut, i. 279, 280, 296 ; Kingsley's
old, having been born Aug. 6, 1616. Hist. Disc. p. 102.
He had been educated at the gram- 2 Gravesend is on the right bank
mar school in Leicester, England, of the Thames, 22 miles below Lon-
After his father's death in August, don, in Kent. All vessels sailing
1630, he accompanied his mother to from the port of London were, till
Charlestown, and afterwards to recently, obliged to clear out at
New Haven. For a while he Gravesend. Gov. Cradock had pro-
taught a school at Hartford, and bably gone down there to take leave
having studied divinity, became a and put his letters on board,
preacher in 1637, and officiated three 3 This identical copy, in the hand-
or four years as a chaplain at Say- writing of Burgess, the Secretary of
brook fort. His mother died in the Company, is preserved in excel-
1640, and in 1641 he removed to lent order at the end of the first
Guildford, and in 1660 succeeded volume of Deeds in the Registry of
his father in the church at Salem, Suffolk ; and it is from that we
being its sixth minister. He died print.
there Dec. 9, 1708, aged 92, having 4 A reach in the Thames, just
been a preacher more than seventy below Gravesend.
years. See Mather's Magnalia, i. 5 Blackwall is only four miles
10, 330 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. from St. Paul's, down the Thames.
FAMILY DISCIPLINE TO BE MAINTAINED. 167
wanting now. In the mean-while we pray you ac- CHAP.
V
commodate business with your true endeavours for
the general good in the best and discreetest manner 1629 -
,- April
that you may. 21.
For the better accommodation of businesses, we
have divided the servants belonging to the Company
into several families, as we desire and intend they
should live together ; a copy whereof we send you
here enclosed, that you may accordingly appoint
each man his charge and duty. Yet it is not our in-
tent to tie you so strictly to this direction, but that
in your discretion, as you shall see cause from time
to time, you may alter or displace any as you shall
think fit.
Our earnest desire is that you take special care,
in settling these families, that the chief in the family,
at least some of them, be grounded in religion ;
whereby morning and evening family duties may be
duly performed, and a watchful eye held over all in
each family, by one or more in each family to be
appointed thereto, that so disorders may be prevent-
ed, and ill weeds nipped before they take too great
a head. It will be a business worthy your best en-
deavours to look unto this in the beginning, and, if
need be, to make some exemplary to all the rest ;
otherwise your government will be esteemed as a
scarecrow. Our desire is to use lenity, all that may
be ; but, in case of necessity, not to neglect the
other, knowing that correction is ordained for the
fool's back. And as we intend not to be wanting on
our parts to provide all things needful for the main-
tenance and sustenance of our servants, so may we
justly, by the laws of God and man, require obe-
168 JOHN AND SAMUEL BROWNE.
CHAP, dience and honest carriage from them, with fitting
^ labor in their several employments ; wherein if they
1629 - shall be wanting, and much more if refractory, care
21" must be taken to punish the obstinate and disobe-
dient, 1 being as necessary as food and raiment. And
we heartily pray you, that all be kept to labor, as
the only means to reduce them to civil, yea a godly
life, and to keep youth from falling into many enor-
mities, which by nature we are all too much inclined
unto. God, who alone is able and powerful, enable
you to this great work, and grant that our chiefest aim
may be his honor and glory. And thus wishing you
all happy and prosperous success, we end and rest
Your assured loving friends,
The Governor and Deputy
Of the New-England Company
For a Plantation in Mattachusetts Bay.
Through many businesses we had almost forgot-
ten to recommend unto you two brethren of our
Company, Mr. John and Mr. Samuel Browne, who,
though they be no adventurers in the general stock,
yet are they men we do much respect, being fully
persuaded of their sincere affections to the good
of our Plantation. The one, Mr. John Browne, is
sworn an Assistant here, and by us chosen one of the
Council there ; a man experienced in the laws of
our kingdom, and such an one as we are persuaded
will worthily deserve your favor and furtherance ;
which we desire he may have, and that in the first
division of lands there may be allotted to either of
them two hundred acres.
1 Some word, such as order or discipline, is here accidentally omitted.
JOHN OLDHAM'S GRANT. 169
I find Mr. OldhamV grant from Mr. Gorge is to CHAP.
him and John Dorrell, for all the lands within Mat ^
tachusetts Bay, between Charles river and Abousett 2 1629.
river, containing in length, by a straight line, five April
miles up the said Charles river, into the main land
northwest from the border of the said Bay, including
all creeks and points by the way, and three miles in
length from the mouth of the foresaid river of Abou-
sett, up into the main land, upon a straight line south-
west, including all creeks and points, and all the land
in breadth and length between the foresaid rivers,
with all prerogatives, royal mines excepted. The
rent reserved is twelve pence on every hundred acres
of land that shall be used ; William Blaxton, 3 clerk,
1 We hear nothing more of Old- the immediate cause of the Pequot
ham, after his unsuccessful attempt War. See Winthrop's Hist. i. 76,
to negotiate with the Massachusetts 80, 129, 189-192, ii. 362.
Company and to get his claim to 2 Saugus river, in Lynn. See
territory within their patent allowed, Lewis's History of Lynn, p. 21.
till May 18, 1631, when he was ad- 3 William Blackstone, (or Blax-
mitted a freeman of the Colony. Of ton, as it was spelt by his son, and
course, before this was done, he by Ed. Johnson, in his History of
must have abandoned his pretensions New-England,) the first European
and made terms with the colonial occupant of the peninsula on which
government. When he came over, Boston is built, was a clergyman, a
for the last time, is uncertain, Puritan and Nonconformist, and was
whether in the vessel he was at this educated atEmanuel College, Cam-
time providing, or in one of the bridge, where he took the degree of
Company's three ships that sailed A.B. in 1617, and of A.M. in 1621.
in June, after Higginson's departure, He was one of the first settlers in
or in one of Winthrop's fleet. He Massachusetts Bay, having been as-
was one of the early settlers of Wa- sessed in June, 1628, for the cam-
tertown, and was evidently trusted paign against Morton of Mount Wol-
and respected in the Colony. We laston. Lechford, who was here in
find him in May, 1632, one of the 1637, says that Blackstone lived at
two deputies sent from Watertown Boston nine or ten years. Now, as
to advise with the Governor and As- he left Boston in the spring of 1635,
sistants about raising a public stock ; this would determine his residence
arid he was also one of the three re- here as early as 1625 or 1626. He
presentatives of that town in the first may have been one of the company
General Court of Delegates, held whom Robert Gorges brought over
May 14, 1634. He was a fearless in Sept. 1623, and one of " the un-
and enterprising trader with the na- dertakers" to whose charge and
tives, and his murder by the Indians custody he left his plantation at
of Block Island in July, 1636, was Wessagusset, when he returned to
170
WILLIAM BLACKSTONE, OF BOSTON.
CHAP, and William Jeffryes, 1 gentleman, authorized to put
v.
~-~ John Oldham in possession. Having a sight of his
1629.
A P ril England in 1624. It certainly ap-
21- pears from this letter, that he was
at this time acting as an agent of
John Gorges, (who, after his brother
Robert's death, had succeeded to his
patent,) and was empowered by him,
in conjunction with Jeffries, to put
Oldham in possession of the territory
which he had leased him. Accord-
ing to the united testimony of the
Charlestown Records, Edward John-
son, and Roger Clap, Blackstone,
at the time of Winthrop's arrival,
"was dwelling alone at a place
called by the Indians Shawmut,
where he only had a cottage, that
plain neck called Blackstone's neck,
on a point of land called Black-
stone's Point." This was the place
afterwards called Barton's Point,
near Craigie's bridge, and opposite
the State's Prison. He was admit-
ted a freeman May 18, 1631. Ma-
ther, i. 221, and after him, Hutchin-
son, i. 21, says, that Blackstone
claimed the whole peninsula, on the
ground that he was the first person
that had slept upon it. Such a claim
could not be allowed by the gov-
ernment of Massachusetts, since by
their charter the whole territory
within the Bay vested in them.
Still they seem to have treated him
generously ; for at a Court held
April 1, 1633, it was " agreed that
Mr. Wm. Blackstone shall have fifty
acres of ground set out for him near
to his house in Boston, to enjoy for-
ever;" which must have been at
least a fourteenth part of the whole
peninsula. The next year, 1634,
he sold this land to the other inhab-
itants of the town for 30, reserv-
ing for himself only about six acres
on the Point where he had built his
house. To pay this sum, a rate of
six shillings to each householder
was assessed Nov. 10, 1634 ; and
Blackstone probably removed the
next spring, 1635, with a stock of
cows which he had purchased with
the money he had received. Lech-
ford says that Blackstone " went
from Boston because he would not
join with the church ;" and Cotton
Mather says, that "this man was,
indeed, of a particular humour, and
he would never join himself to any
of our churches, giving this reason
for it, 'I came from England be-
cause I did not like the lord-bish-
ops ; but I can't join with you, be-
cause I would not be under the lord-
brethren.' There is no ground,
however, for the intimation thrown
out by certain writers, that he was
driven away by intolerance or harsh
usage. He seems to have been a
contemplative, recluse sort of per-
son, and, amidst the growing popu-
lation of the peninsula, he doubtless
pined for the seclusion and quiet
which he had enjoyed when he was
its solitary, undisturbed possessor.
These he found in his new resi-
dence, in the southern part of the
present town of Cumberland, in
Rhode Island, about thirty-five miles
to the southward of Boston, and
three miles above the village of
Pawtucket, on the eastern bank of
the beautiful river that now bears
his name. The spot he selected
was then within the jurisdiction of
New-Plymouth, the government of
which, in 1671, granted him the
land on which he had settled, being
about 200 acres. In the Records of
that Colony, under" 1661, his place
is mentioned as that " where one
Blackstone now sojourneth." The
antiquarian pilgrim may identify it
by inquiring for the Whipple farm,
within a few rods of Whipple 's
bridge, a mile and a half above
Valley Falls, on the west side of
the stage road from Pawtucket to
Worcester. Here Blackstone lived
a retired and quiet life, cultivating
his garden and orchard, and study-
ing his books, of which he had 186
volumes, among them three bibles
and eleven Latin folios and quartos,
which he probably brought with him
THOMAS JEFFREY, OF IPSWICH.
171
grant, this I found. Though I hold it void in law, CHAP
yet his claim being to this, you may, in your discre
tion, prevent him by causing some to take possession 1629
A -~. -U-. 1
of the chief part thereof. 2
April
21.
from Emanuel College. These
books were all destroyed with his
house, in Philip's War, which broke
out only a few weeks after his death.
On July 4th, 1659, he was married
at Boston, by Gov. Endicott, to Sa-
rah Stevenson, widow of John Ste-
venson, by whom he had one son,
John, who survived him, and was a
minor at the time of his father's
death. The old man died in May,
1675, and was buried on his own
farm on the 28th of the month. He
could not have been far from eighty
years of age, as he was probably
about 21 when he graduated at Cam-
bridge in 1617. His well, with the
stoning almost entire, is still to be
seen, and also the cellar of his house,
and his lonely grave by the side of
Study Hill. A few years since it
was marked by a large round white
stone. But this has disappeared,
and two rude stones now stand at
the head and foot of the grave.
How long will it be before some one
of the princely merchants of the
renowned peninsula which he first
tenanted, will erect a worthy monu-
ment over his grave, or build a cen-
otaph to his memory in the metropo-
lis of New-England ? See Savage's
Winthrop, i. 44, ii. 362; Mass.
Hist. Coll. hi. 63, xii. 70, 86, xix.
174, xx. 170, xxiii. 97, 399, xxviii.
247; Hazard, i. 391 ; Holmes's An-
nals, i. 377 ; Prince's Annals, pp.
221-224; Snow's Boston, pp. 31,
50 ; Frothingham's Charlestown,
p. 45 ; Daggett's Attleborough, pp.
24-34 ; Bliss's Rehoboth, pp. 2-14.
1 William Jeffrey, or Jeffries, was
an old planter in New-England be-
fore the arrival of Endicott ; for we
find his name among those who, in
June, 1628, were assessed for the
expenses of arresting Morton and
sending him home. He was at this
time probably residing at Cape Ann
or Ipswich. It is not known when
or how he came over. He was
among the first admitted to be free-
men, May 18, 1631. Jeffrey's
'Creek, now Manchester, and Jef-
frey's Neck, in Ipswich, were un-
doubtedly called after him. In 1638,
with Nicholas Easton, he removed
to the vicinity of the Rhode Island
Plantations ; and in 1642 his name
appears among the proprietors of
Weymouth. He appears to have
claimed the neck of land in Ipswich,
called by his name, on the ground
of a purchase from the natives ; for
we find by an act of the General
Court, passed in 1666, that 500
acres of land were granted to him
" on the south side of our patent,
[probably at Weymouth,] to be a
final issue of all claims by virtue of
any grant heretofore made by any
Indians whatsoever." By a letter
which Morton, of Merry Mount,
wrote to him in May, 1634, it would
seem that Jeffrey was formerly one
of his friends, for he addresses him
with the familiar title, " My very
good gossip." See Winthrop's
Hist. i. 44, 138, ii. 361 ; Hutchin-
son's Mass. i. 31 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
iii. 63 ; Felt's Hist, of Ipswich, p.
9 ; Leach's Hist, of Manchester,
MS. p. 4, in the Archives of the
Mass. Hist. Society.
This last paragraph, in the sin-
gular number, was probably written
by Gov. Cradock.
CHAPTER VI.
THE COMPANY'S SECOND GENERAL LETTER OF IN-
STRUCTIONS TO ENDICOTT AND HIS COUNCIL.
London, 28th May, 1629.
CHAP. AFTER our hearty commendations our last unto
you was of the 17th and 21st April, sent by the last
ships, viz. the George Bonaventure, Thomas Cox,
28. master, who set sail from the Isle of Wight the 4th
of this month, and seconded 1 by the Talbot, Thomas
Beecher, master, and the Lion's Whelp, John Gibbs,
master, who set sail also from the Isle of Wight
about the llth of this month ; which letter being
large, and consisting of many particulars, hath been
confirmed here ; and herewith you shall receive a
copy 2 thereof, desiring you to take especial care of
the performance and putting in execution of all things
material therein mentioned, and particularly, amongst
others, that point concerning publication to be made
that no wrong or injury be offered by any of our peo-
1 The duplicate of their first letter that is preserved in the first book of
was sent by the Talbot. See page the Suffolk Registry of Deeds, and
166. from which we have printed the let-
2 It is this second copy, probably, ter. See page 166.
JOHN ENDICOTT APPOINTED GOVERNOR. 173
pie to the natives there. 1 To which purpose we CHAP.
desire you, the Governor, to advise with the Coun
cil in penning of an effectual edict, upon penalty to 1629
be inflicted upon such as shall transgress the same ;
which being done, our desire is, the same may be
published, to the end that all men may take notice
thereof, as also that you send a copy thereof unto us
by the next return of the ships.
We have, sithence our last, and according as we
then advised, at a full and ample Court 2 assembled,
elected and established you, Captain John Endicott,
to the place of present Governor in our Plantation
there, as also some others to be of the Council with
you, as more particularly you will perceive by an
Act of Court 3 herewith sent, confirmed by us at a
General Court, 4 and sealed with our common seal ;
to which Act we refer you, desiring you all punctu-
ally to observe the same, and that the Oaths 5 we
herewith send you, (which have been here penned
by learned counsel, to be administered to each of
you in your several places,) may be administered in
such manner and form as in and by our said Order is
particularly expressed ; and that yourselves do frame
such other Oaths, as in your wisdoms you shall think
fit to be administered to your Secretary or other
officers, according to their several places respec-
tively.
1 See page 159. authorized by the Charter, were
* This Court was held April 30, called Great and General Courts.
1629. See page 66. Hence the origin of the title by
3 This Act of Court, establishing which the Legislature of Massachu-
the government in New-England, is setts is still designated,
preserved, and is printed at the end 5 These oaths are preserved, and
of this letter. See also pp. 68, 78. are printed in a subsequent part of
4 The four quarterly meetings, or this volume. See also page 69.
general assemblies of the Company,
174 ALLOTMENT OF LAND TO THE ADVENTURERS.
CHAP. We have further taken into our consideration the
fitness and conveniency, or rather a necessity, of
1629. ma ki n g a dividend of land, and allotting a proportion
to each adventurer, and otherwise ; and to this pur-
pose have made and confirmed an Act, 1 and sealed
the same with our common seal, to the particulars
whereof we refer you, desiring you with all conve-
nient expedition to put the same in execution ; and
for your better direction in the allotment, we have
herewith sent you (as by our last we promised) a
list of all the several adventurers, and of the sum by
each of them adventured, 2 desiring that upon the
dividend each adventurer may have his allotment of
land ; as also such others as are no adventurers,
coming in person at their own charge, 3 and the ser-
vants of adventurers sent over to reside upon the
Plantation, may have such a proportion of land allot-
ted unto and for them as by our said Order is ap-
pointed. And whereas divers of the Company are
desirous to have the lands lie together, 4 we holding
it fit herein to give them all accommodation, as tend-
1 This Act will also be found at John Endicott, Daniel Hodsen, Ed-
the end of this letter. See also pp. ward Ford, Daniel Ballard, Thomas
74_78. Hewson, Andrew Arnold, Richard
2 The following is a list of the Bushord, Richard Young, George
names of the adventurers in May, Way, Richard Bellingham, Job
1628. The first two subscribed Bradshaw, Joseph Bradshaw, Henry
100 each, and the rest 50 each : Durley, Thomas Hutchins, Charles
Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knt., Whichcoyt, George Foxcroft, Wil-
Isaac Johnson, Esq., Mr. Samuel liam Crowther, Nathaniel Mans-
Aldersey, John Venn, Hugh Peter, trey. Several of these names have
John Humfrey, Thomas Stevens, not occurred in the Company's Re-
George Harwood, John Glover, cords, and of these two we know
Matthew Cradock, Simon Whet- came over, Richard Bellingham and
combe, Francis Webb, Increase Abraham Palmer. See Felt's Sa-
Nowell, Mr. A. C., Richard Tuff- lem, i. 509.
neale, Richard Perry, Joseph Of- 3 The Brownes were of this class,
field, John White, Joseph Caron, See pages 61 and 168.
Thomas Adams, Richard Davis, 4 See page 69.
Abraham Palmer, William Darby,
THE NAMES AND CONTRACTS OF THE COLONISTS. 175
ing to the furtherance of the Plantation, do pray you CHAP.
to give way thereunto for such as shall desire the
same, whether it be before a dividend be made ac- 1629 -
cording to our direction, or at the time of the allot-
ment to observe the same course.
You shall also receive herewith the copies of all
the several agreements made with the servants and
others sent over in the three last ships for account
of the Company, together with their several names,
for your better direction in employing them in their
several places according to those agreements ; as
also the names of the servants of such particular
members of the Company as went over in the said
ships ; desiring you that a due register be taken and
kept, from time to time, of all the persons formerly
sent over, or that shall hereafter come to the Planta-
tion, both of the names, and quality, and age of each
particular person, and for or by whom they are sent
over. 1
We send you also herewith a particular of all the
goods and cattle sent in those forenamed ships, as
also of what goods, cattle, or other provisions we
now send upon 2 these three ships, viz. the May-
flower, 3 of Yarmouth, William Peirse master, the
Four Sisters, of London, Roger Harman master, the
Pilgrim, of London, William Wollridge master ;
amongst which we have remembered you, the Gov-
ernor there, with certain necessaries promised by
our last ; 4 and if in aught we have been now wanting,
The agreements, lists of names vessel that brought the Pilgrim Fa-
and registers, mentioned in this pa- thers to Plymouth in 1620. See
ragraph, are not preserved. Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 99, 108,
Upon used for in, as on p. 176. and Savage's Winthrop, i. 1.
The Mayflower is the renowned 4 See page 156.
176 THE INDIANS' LANDS TO BE PURCHASED.
CHAP, we shall, upon notice from you, see the same sup-
~ plied by our next. 1
1629. Whereas in our last we advised you to make com-
position with such of the salvages as did pretend any
title or lay claim to any of the land within the terri-
tories granted to us by his Majesty's charter, we
pray you now be careful to discover and find out all
such pretenders, and by advice of the Council there
to make such reasonable composition with them as
may free us and yourselves from any scruple of
intrusion ; 2 and to this purpose, if it might be con-
veniently done, to compound and conclude with them
all, or as many as you can, at one time, not doubting
but by your discreet ordering of this business, the
natives will be willing to treat and compound with
you upon very easy conditions.
We pray you, as soon as these ships are discharg-
ed, to cause a particular to be taken and sent us at
their return for England, of the names of all such
persons as come upon them to remain in the country ;
as also a note of the cattle and all manner of goods,
of what kind soever, landed out of them, with the
several marks, and names of the owners thereof.
The like whereof we desire to receive from you of the
former three ships, viz. the George, Talbot, and
Lion's Whelp ; to the end we may compare the same
with the invoices here, and receive freight, if any be
omitted.
The charge we are at in sending over servants for
the Company is very great, the recompense whereof
We have no other General Let- the Colony the next spring rendered
ter from the Company ; and proba- further instructions unnecs.sary.
bly none was written. The transfer 2 See page 159.
of the Charter and Government to
FAMILY REGISTERS TO BE KEPT. 177
(under God) depends upon their labor and endeav- CHAP.
ours ; and therefore our desire is that you appoint a
careful and diligent overseer to each family, who is 1629 -
to see each person employed in the business he or 2 g y
they are appointed for. And to the end both your-
selves there and we here may from time to time have
notice how they employ their time, we have sent you
divers paper books, which we pray you to distribute
to the said overseers, who are to keep a perfect re-
gister of the daily work done by each person in each
family ; a copy whereof we pray you send unto us
once every half year, or as often as conveniently you
may. But if you conceive that the said register may
be too much to write particularly every day, we de-
sire that a summary may be taken thereof, at the
least every week, registered in the book kept for
that family, and at each week's end the same to be
examined and subscribed by two, three, or four such
discreet persons as you shall think fit to appoint for
that purpose.
And for the better governing and ordering of our
people, especially such as shall be negligent and
remiss in performance of their duties, or otherwise
exorbitant, our desire is that a house of correction 1
be erected and set up, both for the punishment of
such offenders, and to deter others by their example
from such irregular courses.
Richard Claydon, 2 a wheelwright, recommended
unto us by Dr. Wells to be both a good and painful
workman, and of an orderly life and conversation,
1 Thus early was this useful and 2 In his contract, on page 61, he
necessary institution contemplated, is called a carpenter, and is to in-
if not established, in the Colony. struct in the trade of a plough wright.
12
178 RICHARD INGERSOLL, OF BEDFORDSHIRE.
CHAP, our desire is, that upon all occasions he may have
your furtherance and good accommodation, as you
1629 - shall find him by his endeavours to deserve: to
May
as; whom, as to all others of fitness and judgment, let
some of our servants be committed, to be instructed
by him or them in their several arts, &LC.
There is also one Richard Haward and Richard
Inkersall, 1 both Bedfordshire men, hired for the
Company with their families, who we pray you may
be well accommodated, not doubting but they will
well and orderly demean themselves.
Our Governor, Mr. Cradock, hath entertained
two gardeners, one of which he is content the Com-
pany shall have use of, if need be ; and we de-
sire that Barnaby Claydon, 2 a wheelwright, may
serve Mr. Sharpe for our said Governor here, or
1 Richard Ingersoll remained at in the witchcraft delusion in 1692.
Salem, where he received from the His great grandson, Nathaniel, mar-
town, April 6, 1635, two acres for a ried Bethiah Gardner in 1737, and
house lot, in 1636 eighty acres more, had nine children, one of whom,
and Dec. 23, 1639, twenty acres of Mary, married Habakkuk Bowditch,
meadow in the great meadow. and was the mother of the late Dr.
" The 16th of llth mo. 1636, it is Bowditch, the eminent mathemati-
agreed that Richard Inkersell shall cian, the author of the Practical
henceforward have one penny a time Navigator, and the world-renowned
for every person he doth ferry over commentator on La Place. What
the north ferry, during the town's a contrast between the sphere and
pleasure." He died in 1644, leav- the influence of the two extreme
ing a widow, Ann, and three sons, links in this long genealogical chain
George, John, and Nathaniel, and between the humble ferryman
four daughters. It appears from his who transported the first settlers of
will, which was witnessed and pro- Naumkeak over North River, and
bably written by Gov. Endicott, and the great pilot who by means of his
from the inventory of his estate at- invaluable book steers the ships of a
tached to it, that, at the time of his nation round the globe ! Numer-
death, he was a substantial farmer, ous descendants of Richard Ingersoll
owning two houses, 203 acres of are living in Salem, and also in
land, and a large number of cattle. Gloucester, and all the children of
His son Nathaniel was chosen dea- Dr. Bowditch bear the honorable
con of the church at Salem Village, surname of the ancient ferryman.
(Danvers,) Nov. 24, 1689, and at Records of the Bowditch family, MS.
the same time was lieutenant, and 2 Brother of Richard. See p. 61.
inn-holder, and took an active part
THE PLANTERS FROM DORSET AND SOMERSET. 179
some other person in lieu of him that may give him CHAP.
V 1*
content.
Some things we are desired by Mr. Whyte, 1 the 1629>
minister, to recommend unto your care, viz. that you
would show all lawful favor and respect unto the
planters that came over in the Lion's Whelp out
of the counties of Dorset and Somerset ; that you
would appoint unto William Dodge, 2 a skilful and
painful husbandman, the charge of a team of horses ;
to appoint Hugh Tilly and William Edes for servants
to Sir Richard Saltonstall ; to give approbation and
furtherance to Francis Webb 3 in setting up his saw-
mill ; and to take notice that all other persons sent
over by Mr. Whyte are servants to the Company,
whatsoever he hath written to the contrary, this be-
ing now his own desire.
The charge of these three ships now sent, though
every man that hath any private adventure in
them is to pay for his particular, yet the hazard
of profit and loss by the freighting of them all, and
men's wages and victual, with victual for the pas-
sengers, is to be borne one half by the Company's
general stock, and one half by the Governor and his
partners their private stock ; so is also the fishing
to be returned by them, as the salt sent in them is.
1 See notes on pages 16 and 26. and killed two Indians. See Hub-
2 William Dodge lived at Salem, bard's Indian Wars, p. 59 ; Stone's
on Bass liver, or Cape Ann side ; Hist, of Beverly, p. 15 ; and Farm-
and when that part of the territory er's Gen. Register.
was incorporated as Beverly, he was 3 Francis Webb was one of the
chosen, Nov. 23, 1668, one of the first adventurers, and a member of the
selectmen of the new town, and was Company. He subscribed 50 to
one of the founders of the church the joint stock in May, 1628, and
there in 1667. It was probably his his name occurs at six of the courts
son, William Dodge, jr., who was in the preceding Records. Felt, i.
out in King Philip's War, and Jan. 171, errs in putting his name among
21, 1676, saved the life of his friend the colonists. See pp. 69 and 174.
180 TOOLS AND MATERIALS FOR SHIP-BUILDING.
CHAP. Wherefore we pray you, when your ships are dis-
- chaged, if any surplus shall be in victuals that they
can spare, as also of other provisions, that was pro-
28. vided for the passengers 7 accommodation, let the same
be equally divided, one half to the Governor there
for the Company, the other half to Mr. Samuel
Sharpe for the use of Mr. Cradock, our Governor,
and his partners. All provisions for the fishing at
sea is here equally borne in halves. So are all the
provisions for shipping of all the cattle in these three
ships ; and accordingly we desire the deals and cask
may be divided there.
The provisions for -building of ships, as pitch, tar,
rosin, oakum, old ropes for oakum, cordage and sail-
cloth, in all these ships, with nine firkins and five
half-barrels of nails in the Four Sisters, are two-
thirds for the Company in general, and one-third for
the Governor, Mr. Cradock, and his partners ; as is
also the charge of one George Farr, 1 now sent over
to the six shipwrights, formerly sent. Our desire is,
a storehouse may be made, apt for the provisions of
the shipwrights and their tools, whereof Robert
Moulton 2 to have the chief charge, and an inventory
to be sent us of all the tools, the new by themselves
and old by themselves, that are sent over for the use
of the said shipwrights, or any of them, in these and
the former ships ; in like manner of all provisions
any way concerning shipping ; to the end we may
here examine and find that the Company may be
duly charged with their two-thirds parts of the
1 George Farr was a farmer at Elizabeth, who was buried March
Lynn in 1630, was admitted a free- 11, 1687. See Lewis's History of
man May 6, 1635, and died in 1661, Lynn, p. 27.
leaving eight children, and a widow, 2 See pages 94 and 161.
FISHING-VESSELS TO BE BUILT ON SHARES. 181
charge, and no more, and the Governor likewise and CHAP.
his partners with one-third part, and no more ; and
our desire is, that these men be kept at work 1629 -
TVTji V
together, adding to their help such of the Company's 33.
servants as you shall find needful, and proportionably
one half as many of Mr. Cradock's, which course we
hold most equal ; and that accordingly as any ves-
sels be built, first that both parties may be accom-
modated for the present occasion ; but so soon as
three shallops shall be finished, two of them to be
set out for the Company, by lot, or as you shall agree
there to make an equal division, and one for our
Governor and his partners ; with whose agent, Mr.
Sharpe, if you shall think fit to agree upon equal
terms, either in thirds or halves, to fish together,
when you shall have vessels fitting, or for setting any
other design forward that may conduce to the good
of all parties, the charge to be borne indifferently by
each party proportionably, we leave to your care
and good discretions, desiring and heartily praying
that love and unity may be continued without any
heart-burning. And as our Governor 1 hath engaged
himself beyond all expectation in this business, not
only in his particular, but by great sums disbursed
for the general, to supply the wants thereof, so our
desire is, that you endeavour to give all furtherance
and friendly accommodation to his agents and ser-
vants there, not doubting but you shall find them
likewise ready to accommodate the Company in what
they may, the Company standing in need of their
help.
1 Matthew Cradock. See note 2 on page 137.
182 THE CATTLE SENT OVER FOR THE COLONY.
CHAP. The cattle 1 now and formerly sent have been all
VI.
provided by the Governor, excepting three mares
1629 that came out of Leicestershire ; but as well those,
28 y as all the rest, are agreed upon to be shipped, the
one half at the charge and upon the adventure of the
general Company, the other half for the Governor
and his partners. And because all occasions shall
be avoided of just exceptions in their division, it is
agreed the division shall be made after the arrival
there ; that so whatsoever it shall please God to send
thither in safety, a division may be then made there-
of by lot, or in such equal manner as you, the Gov-
ernor there, and Mr. Sharpe, shall hold to be in-
different. And in case Mr. Samuel Sharpe should
be sick or absent, the Governor's desire is, that
Henry Haughton 2 supply his place herein, and in
other his occasions there.
And as in our former, 3 so now again we especially
desire you to take care that no tobacco be planted
by any of the new planters under your government,
unless it be some small quantity for mere necessity,
and for physic, for preservation of their healths ;
and that the same be taken privately by ancient men,
and none other ; and to make a general restraint
thereof, as much as in you is, by persuading the old
planters to employ themselves in other business, ac-
cording to our example, and not to permit that any
tobacco be laden there upon our ships. 4
1 The George had on board, when and died in the winter of 1629-30,
she sailed, thirty cows, twelve mares leaving one child. See Prince's
and some goats ; and thirty cows Annals, pp. 263, 271 ; Hutchinson's
and ten mares were expected by the Coll. p. 51.
ships that were now sent. 3 See page 146.
2 Henry Houghton was the first 4 See pages 136 and 146. To-
ruling elder of the church in Salem, bacco derives its name not from the
TOBACCO NOT TO BE PLANTED.
183
Since the above written, we have, upon further CHAP.
VI.
consideration, resolved that the charge of the six *
fishermen sent over in the Lion's Whelp, and three 1 1629 -
May
more now sent by our Governor, should be borne, %s.
two-thirds by the general Company and one-third
by Mr. Cradock and partners ; the like for salt and
other necessaries for fishing. In consideration where-
of, and for that they will have a like interest in the
shallops, our desire is, that the benefit of their labor,
island of Tobago, nor from Tabaco,
a province of Yucatan, but from the
forked tube through which the na-
tives of Hayti inhaled its fumes into
their nostrils. It was sent from
America into Spain and Portugal by
Hernandez de Toledo in the year
1559. Jean Nicot, ambassador from
France to the court of Lisbon, in
1660, transmitted the seeds of the
plant to his sovereign, Catharine de
Medici ; and hence it derived the
popular title of the Queen's Herb,
and the Ambassador's Herb, and its
botanical name of Nicotiana. On its
first introduction into Europe, nu-
merous and extraordinary medicinal
virtues were ascribed to it, as may
be seen in Monardes and Frampton.
It appears to have been brought into
England by Ralph Lane and his
companions on their return from
Virginia in 1586, and to have be-
come fashionable there among the
young gallants, and even the ladies
of the court, by the example of its
use set by Sir Walter Raleigh.
King James, however, on his acces-
sion to the throne, blew his " Coun-
terblast to Tobacco," and in 1604
issued a commission to restrain the
consumption of it, by laying a duty
on it of Ss. 8d. a pound, and prohib-
iting its use by " persons of mean
and base condition," and confining
it to " the better sort." In 1620
he issued another Proclamation, in
which, after declaring his " dislike
of the use of tobacco, being a weed
of no necessary use," he forbade
the planting of it in England, and
the importation of it, except by per-
sons licensed for the purpose, and
then only fiom Virginia and the
Sommer Islands, a Proclamation
which was renewed by Charles I.
in 1625, and followed by another in
1634, in which he assumed the sole
preemption of it, and appointed a
commission to manage the monop-
oly. The planting of tobacco in
England is still prohibited by law,
and the import duty is about 1200
per cent. In 1638, it was ordered
by the General Court of Massachu-
setts, that " no man shall take any
tobacco within ten poles of any
house, or near any barn, corn, or
hay-cock, as may occasion the firing
thereof, nor shall take any tobacco
in any inn, except in a private room
there, so as neither the master of
the said house, nor any other guest
there, shall take offence thereat."
See Oviedo, Sommario della Natu-
rale et Generale Historia dell' In-
die Occidentali, lib. v. cap. 2, in
Ramusio, iii. 113 ; Frampton, loy-
full Newes out of the New-found
Worlde, fol. 34-45 ; Bigelow's Me-
dical Botany, ii. 171-199 ; Raleigh's
Works, i. 73-77, (Oxford, 1829) ;
Rymer's Fredera, xvi. 601, xvii.
190, 233, 621, 633, 668, xviii. 19 ;
Mass. Colony Laws, p. 146, (ed.
1672,) p. 194, (ed. 1814.)
1 Two of these were subsequently
dismissed by the Governor, and did
not come over ; as will be seen here-
after.
184 IMPLEMENTS FOR FISHING SENT OVER.
CHAP, both in fishing and otherwise, (the trade of beaver
excepted, in which, if you use any of these fishermen
1629 - as seamen, you must recompense their labors by
IVtcLV
28. other men to supply their place,) be equally divided,
two- thirds for the use of the general Company, and
one-third for our Governor, Mr. Cradock, and part-
ners, proportionably. And for such others as are to
be assisting to these men in their fishing, you are to
appoint two-thirds of them to be of the general Com-
pany's servants, and one-third of the servants of Mr.
Cradock and his partners accordingly.
The charge of the freight of these three ships,
their men, victuals, &c., will stand us in about
240Q ; and their freight outward will nothing near
countervail that charge. Wherefore we pray you
to ease it what you may by sending us returns in fish
or other lading ; and we desire you to give them all
expedition, for otherwise their monthly pay, being
about <400 per month for these three ships, will
soon swallow up the gains we shall make of anything
they may bring home from thence.
We have now sent by these three ships twenty-
nine weight of salt, viz. eleven weight in the May-
flower, fifteen in the Four Sisters, and three weight
in the Pilgrim, together with lines, hooks, knives,
boots, and barrels, necessary for fishing ; desiring
our men may be employed either in harbour or upon
the Bank 1 to make use thereof for lading our ships ;
wherein we desire you to confer and advise with Mr.
Peirce, who hath formerly fished there. And if you
1 Of Newfoundland, which, very ite place of resort for the fishermen
early after the discovery of the coast of Europe.
of North America, became a favor-
SHIP-BUILDING IN THE COLONY. 185
send the ships to fish at the Bank, and expect them CHAP.
not to return again to the Plantation, that then you ^~
send our bark, 1 that is already built in the country,
to bring back our fishermen, and such provisions as
they had for fishing, viz. of salt, if any remainder be,
as also of hooks, lines, knives, boots, and barrels,
which to them will be of no use, their fishing being
ended, but may be of use to you upon all occasions.
And as we have hereby desired that a store-house
be built for the shipwrights and their provisions, and
an inventory kept thereof, so we desire likewise that
the same course be observed for the fishermen, and
an inventory be duly kept of all the provisions and
implements for fishing, and a copy thereof to be sent
unto us ; and that such a careful person be appoint-
ed to take care and charge thereof, to preserve the
1 This was probably the first ves- tons was launched at Boston. The
sel built in the Colony, and preceded, author of New-England's First
by at least two years v the building Fruits, writing from Boston, Sept.
of Winthrop's bark at Mistick, call- 26, 1642, says, "Besides many
ed the Blessing of the Bay, of 30 boats, shallops, hoys, lighters, pin-
tons, which was launched July 4, naces, we are in a way of building
1631. Cradock, as we have seen, ships of an 100, 200, 300, 400 tons,
page 137, carried on ship-building Five of them are already at sea,
at his plantation on Mistick river, many more in hand at this present,
and in 1633 had a vessel on the we being much encouraged herein
stocks of 100 tons, and the next year by reason of the plenty and excel-
was to build another of twice the lency of our timber for that purpose,
burden. In 1636, a ship of 120 and seeing all the materials will be
tons, called the Desire, was built at had there in short time." Such
Marblehead. In 1640 Hugh Peters was the origin and early progress
" procured some to join for building of ship-building in Massachusetts,
a ship at Salem of 300 tons, and the a branch of her industry which,
inhabitants of Boston, stirred up by in the year ending April 1, 1845,
his example, set upon building an- employed 1017 men, and produced
other at Boston of 150 tons." Her 112 vessels, whose burthen was
name was the Trial. In the sum- 26,312 tons, and whose value was
mer of 1642 five ships more were $1,172,147. See Savage's Win-
built, three at Boston, one at Dor- throp, i. 57, 60, 193, ii. 24, 65,
Chester, and one at Salem. In 1644, 173, 278 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 248 ;
a ship of 250 tons was built at Cam- Statistics of the Condition and Pro-
bridge, and another of 200 at Bos- ducts of certain Branches of Indus-
ton. Oct. 17, 1646, a ship of 300 try in Massachusetts, p. 362.
186 THOMAS BEARD, THE FIRST SHOEMAKER.
CHAP, same from loss and spoil, as you in your discretions
~ shall think fit ; which we pray you take into your
1629. especial care and consideration ; and so to order this
2 g y and other business, by distributing the care thereof
to several persons, that the burthen be not too heavy
to any particular, and so the business itself suffer.
And this care we desire may be taken, for that we
know not how soon we may resolve of some other
division.
Thomas Beard, 1 a shoemaker, and Isaac Rickman,
being both recommended to us by Mr. Simon Whet-
combe, 2 to receive their diet and house-room at the
charge of the Company, we have agreed they shall
be with you, the Governor, or placed elsewhere, as
you shall think good, and receive from you, or by
your appointment, their diet and lodging ; for which
they are to pay, each of them, after the rate of <10
per annum. And we desire to receive a certificate
under the hand of whomsoever they shall be so dieted
and lodged with, how long time they have remained
with them, in case they shall otherwise dispose of
themselves, before the year be expired, or at least-
wise at the end of each year, to the end we may here
receive payment according to the said agreement.
The said Thomas Beard hath in the ship the May-
flower divers hides, both for soles and upper leathers,
which he intends to make up in boots and shoes there
in the country. We pray you let Mr. Peirce, the
master of the said ship, view the said leather, and
estimate what tonnage the same may import ; that so
1 Thomas Beard was admitted a as appears from the preceding Rec-
freeman May 10, 1643. ords, was a very active member of
2 Whetcombe was one of the pa- the Company, and a constant at-
tentees named in the Charter, and, tendant at its meetings.
LANDS TO BE HELD BY SERVICE. 187
the said Beard may either pay unto you there after CHAP.
the rate of 4= per ton for freight of the same ; the ~
like for his diet, if there be occasion to use any of his 1629
commodities ; or otherwise, upon your advice, we
may receive it of Mr. Whetcombe, who hath prom-
ised to see the same discharged. We desire also
the said Thomas Beard may have fifty acres of land
allotted to him, as one that transports himself at his
own charge. But as w r ell for him as all others that
shall have land allotted to them in that kind, and are
no adventurers in the common stock, which is to
support the charge of fortifications, as also for the
ministry 1 and divers other affairs, we hold it fit that
these kind of men, as also such as shall come to in-
herit lands by their service, should, by way of ac-
knowledgment to such from whom they receive these
lands, become liable to the performance of some ser-
vice, certain days in the year, and by that service
they and their posterity after them to hold and inherit
these lands ; 2 which will be a good means to enjoy
their lands from being held in capite, and to support
the Plantation in general and particular.
We may not omit, out of our zeal for the general
good, once more to put you in mind to be very cir-
cumspect in the infancy of the Plantation to settle
some good orders, whereby all persons resident upon
our Plantation may apply themselves to one calling,
1 See pages 96 and 148. Hutch- and cheap to authorize it, or render
inson, i. 14, says that no notice was it practicable ; and accordingly it
taken in the Colony of the provision was all held in fee simple. One of
that one half of the charge of the the early settlers, writing home from
fortifications and support of the min- New-Plymouth in 1621, says, " We
isters should he paid out of the joint are all freeholders ; the rent-day
stock. doth not trouble us." See Chroni-
This feudal tenure was never cles of Plymouth, p. 250.
established. Land was too plentiful
188 JUSTICE TO BE IMPAKTIALLY ADMINISTERED.
CHAP, or other, and no idle drone be permitted to live
~ amongst us ;* which if you take care now at the first
1629. to establish, will be an undoubted means, through
God's assistance, to prevent a world of disorders,
and many grievous sins and sinners.
The course we have prescribed for keeping a daily
register in each family, of what is done by all and
every person in the family, will be a great help and
remembrance to you, and to future posterity 2 for the
upholding and continuance of this good act, if once
well begun and settled ; which we heartily wish and
desire, as aforesaid.
And as we desire all should live in some honest
calling and profession, so we pray you to be unpar-
tial in the administration of justice, and endeavour
that no man whatsoever, freeman or servant to any,
may have just cause of complaint herein. And for
that it cannot be avoided but offences will be given,
we heartily pray you to admit of all complaints that
shall be made to you, or any of you that are of the
Council, be the complaint never so mean, and pass
it not slightly over, but seriously examine the truth
of the business ; and if you find there was just cause
for the complaint, endeavour to right the oppressed
in the best manner you can. " But, howsoever, take
some strict course to prevent the like ; and such as
are by us put in authority, as subordinate governors
of families, if they shall abuse any under their gov-
ernment, and after a gentle admonition do not reform
1 This is noteworthy. ed. They might have thrown light
2 Posterity would have liked to see on the history of families, and the
these family registers, and regrets character and struggles of the first
that none of them have been preserv- planters.
SWEARERS TO BE PUNISHED. 189
it, fail not speedily to remove them, as men more fit CHAP.
to be governed than to govern others, and place
more fit and sufficient men in their stead. But if 1629 '
May
you find any complaint to be made without just cause 28.
given, let not such a fault escape without severe
punishment, and that forthwith, and in public,
whereby to terrify all others from daring to complain
against any that shall be set over them without a just
cause. We pray you take this earnestly to heart,
and neglect not the due execution thereof upon
plaintiff or defendant, according to the nature of the
offence. It will be a means, through God's mercy,
of preventing many inconveniences and disorders,
that otherwise will undoubtedly befall you and the
whole government there.
And amongst other sins we pray you make some
good law r s for the punishing of swearers, whereunto
it is to be feared too many are addicted that are ser-
vants sent over formerly and now. These and other
abuses we pray you who are in authority to endeav-
our seriously to reform, if ever you expect comfort
or a blessing from God upon our Plantation.
We have discharged divers servants here that we
had entertained and been at great charges with some
of them. Yet fearing their ill life might be prejudi-
cial to the Plantation, we rather thought fit to dis-
miss them and lose our charges, than to burthen the
Plantation with them. 1 Amongst others, in like
1 The Company seem to have afterwards Lieutenant-Governor, in
taken all possible precautions to pre- the Election Sermon which he
vent immoral persons from going preached in 1668, " God sifted a
over to their Plantation. They in- whole nation, that he might send
tended to colonize only "the best." choice grain over into this wilder-
As was said by William Stoughton, ness."
190 SPIRITS NOT TO BE SOLD TO THE INDIANS.
CHAP, manner dismissed by the Governor, two of the three
fishermen of his formerly mentioned are gone. We
VI.
1629. doubt no t but God will in due time provide us suffi-
May
28. ciently with honest and able servants, and we hope
these sent will be conformable to good government ;
which if they do willingly and cheerfully, will be the
greater comfort to you and us ; if otherwise, w r e
doubt not but you in your good discretions will know
how to proceed with such. Wherein, and in all
things else you go about, we beseech the Almighty
so to direct you, as that God alone may have the
glory, and you and we comfort here temporally, and
hereafter perpetually.
We pray you to take notice that in these and the
former ships there is shipped in cattle and other pro-
visions, according to particular invoices here enclos-
ed ; but whether all things be inserted in the same
invoices we make doubt, and therefore pray you to
be careful a due register be kept of all put ashore.
We pray you endeavour, though there be much
strong waters sent for sale, yet so to order it as that
the salvages may not, for our lucre sake, be induced
to the excessive use, or rather abuse of it ;* and at
any hand take care our people give no ill example ;
and if any shall exceed in that inordinate kind of
drinking as to become drunk, we hope you will take
care his punishment be made exemplary for all
others. Let the laws be first published to forbid
these disorders, and all others you fear may grow
up ; whereby they may not pretend ignorance of the
1 In conformity with this direc- liquors to the Indians. See Mass.
tion, several orders were made, at Colony Laws, p. 76, (ed. 1672,) p.
different times, forbidding any per- 134, (ed. 1814.)
son in the Colony selling strong
THE COMPANY'S INSTRUCTIONS. 191
one nor privilege to offend ; and then fear not to put CHAP.
good laws, made upon good ground and warrant, in ~
due execution. 1629.
And so recommending you and all your affairs to
the protection of the Almighty, we conclude, and
rest, Yours, &c.
Gravesend, 3 June, 1629.
To the worshipful our very loving friends, CAPT. JOHN ENDECOTT,
ESQ., Governor, FRANCIS HIGGENSON, SAMUEL SKELTON,
FRANCIS BRIGHT, JOHN and SAMUEL BROWNE, SAMUEL
SHARPE, THOMAS GRAVES, and the rest of the Council for
London's Plantation in the Mattachusetts Bay, in New-
England. 1
c
1 These two General Letters of manifest to any one who will inspect
Instructions to Gov. Endicott and and compare them with his entries
his Council, are bound up at the end in the first volume of the Court
of the first book of Deeds in the Re- Records at the State House. The
gistry of Suffolk. How they came manuscript is either the duplicate
there, is not known. They are in the mentioned on page 166, or part of
hand-writing of Burgess, the second the Company's Letter Book, men-
Secretary of the Company, as will be tioned on page 99.
CHAPTER VII.
THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT FOR THE COLONY.
CHAP. A GENERAL Court holden at London the 30th day
J^i. of April, 1629, by the Governor and Company of the
1629. Mattachusetts Bay, in New-England. 1
April
O/-i
Whereas the King's most excellent Majesty hath
been graciously pleased to erect and establish us, by
his letters patents under the great seal of England,
to be a body corporate, entitled The Governor and
Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in New-England ;
and thereby hath endowed us with many large and
ample privileges and immunities, with power to make
good and wholesome laws, orders, and ordinances,
for the better maintenance and support of the said
privileges, and for the better and more orderly and
regular government to be observed in the prosecu-
tion and propagation of our intended voyages and the
Plantation there ; authorizing us to nominate and
appoint and select fit persons amongst ourselves for
the managing, ordering and governing of our affairs,
both in England and in the places specified and
1 See pages 66, 68, 73, and 144.
ENDICOTT APPOINTED GOVERNOR. 193
granted unto us by virtue of his Majesty's said char- CHAP.
ter : We have, in the prosecution of the said power
and authority given us, and in conformity thereunto, 1629 -
and to the purpose and intent thereof, and not other- so*
wise, thought fit to settle and establish an absolute 1
government at our Plantation in the said Mattachu-
setts Bay, in New-England ; which, by the vote and
consent of a full and ample Court now assembled, is
thought fit and ordered, as followeth, viz.
That thirteen of such as shall be reputed the most
wise, honest, expert, and discreet persons, resident
upon the said Plantation, shall, from time to time,
and at all time hereafter, have the sole managing and
ordering of the government and of our affairs there ;
who, to the best of their judgments, are to endeav-
our so to settle the same as may make most to the
glory of God, the furtherance and advancement of
this hopeful Plantation, the comfort, encouragement,
and future benefit of us and others, the beginners
and prosecutors of this so laudable a work ; the said
thirteen persons so appointed to be entitled by the
name of The Governor and Council of London's Plant-
ation in the Mattachusetts Bay in New-England.
And having taken into due consideration the
merit, worth, and good desert of Captain John
Endecott, and others lately gone over from hence
with purpose to reside and continue there, we have,
with full consent and authority of this Court, and by
erection of hands, chosen and elected the said Cap-
tain John Endecott to the place of present Governor
in our said Plantation.
V
1 This is noteworthy.
13
194 ENDICOTT'S COUNCIL.
CHAP. Also, by the same power, and with the like full
~ and free consent, we have chosen and elected Mr.
1629. Francis Higgesson, Mr. Samuel Skelton, Mr. Francis
Bright, Mr. John Browne, Mr. Samuel Browne, Mr.
Thomas Graves, and Mr. Samuel Sharpe, these
seven, to be of the said Council ; and do hereby give
power and authority to the said Governor and those
seven to make choice of three others, such as they,
or the greater number of them, in their discretions
shall esteem and conceive most fit thereunto, to be
. also of the said Council.
And to the end that the former planters 1 there
may have no just occasion of exception, as being ex-
cluded out of the privileges of the Company, this
Court are content, and do order, by erection of hands,
that such of the said former planters as are willing
to live within the limits of our Plantation, shall be
enabled and are hereby authorized, to make choice
of two, such as they shall think fit, to supply and
make up the number of twelve of the said Council ;
one of which twelve is by the Governor and Council,
or the major part of them, to be chosen Deputy to
the Governor for the time being.
And further, the Court doth authorize and ' give
power to the said Governor and Council, or the ma-
jor part of them, (whereof the Governor or Deputy
to be always one,) to make choice of a Secretary and
such other subordinate officers, to attend them at
their courts, meetings, or otherwise, as in their dis-
cretions shall seem meet and needful. And to the
end that every one of the forenamed officers, as well
Governor, Deputy, and Council, as others whom
1 Conant and his associates, employed by the Dorchester adventurers.
See page 145.
THE GOVERNMENT CHOSEN FOR ONE YEAR. 195
they shall think fit to nominate and choose, may be CHAP.
the more careful in performance of the charge com- - L
mitted unto them, it is by this Court thought fit and 1629.
A '1
ordered, that each of them shall take an oath, proper |
to that place he shall be elected and chosen to, which
is to be administered unto him or them at the time
of his or their election or admittance into the said
several place or places.
And we do hereby authorize [blank] to administer
unto the Governor the oath to his place appertain-
ing ; and that the Governor, having taken his oath,
as aforesaid, shall administer the oath to the Deputy
appertaining to his place. And we do further hereby
authorize the Governor, or Deputy, or either of them,
to administer the oath to the rest of the Council, and
unto all others the several officers respectively ;
which said oaths are to be administered in a public
Court, and not elsewhere.
It is further concluded on, and ordered by this
Court, that the said Governor, Deputy, and Council,
before named, so chosen and established in their
several places, shall continue and be confirmed
therein for the space of one whole year, from and
after the taking the oath, or until such time as this
Court shall think fit to make choice of any others to
succeed in the place or places of them, or any of
them. And if it shall please God that any of them,
or any others to be hereafter chosen to any office
there, shall depart this life before the expiration
of the time they were so chosen, or for any misde-
meanour or unfitness shall be held unmeet for the
place he was formerly chosen unto, that then the
Governor, or Deputy, and Cotmcil, or the greater
number of them, at an ample Court assembled, shall
196 THE GOVERNMENT TO MAKE LAWS.
CHAP, have power, and hereby are authorized, not only to
remove and displace such unfit person or persons, 1
1629. k^ a i so to nominate and choose a fit person or per-
sons to succeed him or them so deceased, removed,
or displaced, as aforesaid, into the said place or
places, for the residue of the time unexpired.
And it is further agreed on and ordered, that the
Governor for the time being, shall have power, and
is hereby authorized, to call courts and meetings in
places and at times convenient, as to his discretion
'shall seem meet ; which power is hereby also con-
ferred upon the Deputy, in the absence of the said
Governor. And the said Governor or Deputy, to-
gether with the said Council, being chosen and as-
sembled as aforesaid, and having taken their oaths
respectively to their several places, they, or the
greater number of them, whereof the Governor or
Deputy to be always one, are authorized by this Act,
grounded on the power derived from his Majesty's
charter, to make, ordain, and establish all manner of
wholesome and reasonable laws, orders, ordinances,
and constitutions, 2 (so as the same be no way repug-
nant or contrary to the laws of the realm of Eng-
land,) for the administering of justice upon malefac-
tors, and inflicting condign punishment upon all other
offenders, and for the furtherance and propagating of
the said Plantation, and the more decent and orderly
government of the inhabitants resident there. 3
1 This justified Endicott in dis- 3 This Act for establishing the
placing the Biownes from the Coun- government in New-England, is
cil. They had been guilty, to say printed from the copy transcribed
the least, of a misdemeanour. into the Company's Records, by
2 Instructions, in the Charter and Secretary Burgess, fol. 11-14.
in the Company's Records. Seep. 67.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE ALLOTMENT OF THE LANDS.
AT a Court of Assistants on Thursday, the 21st of
May, 1629. 1 ? ' V
This Court taking into due and mature considera- CHAP
VIII.
tion how necessary it will be that a dividend be * ~L
forthwith made of some competent quantity of land 1629
Tvls/v
in the London Plantation in New-England, both for 21.
the present accommodation of the people lately gone
thither, as well to build them houses, as to enclose
and manure, and to feed their cattle on, have thought
fit and ordered, that the Governor, Deputy, and
Council there shall make a dividend accordingly,
and allot the same unto the several adventurers and
others, as folio we th, viz.
That two hundred acres of land be by them allot-
ted to each adventurer for <50 adventure in the
common stock, and so after that rate, and according
to that proportion, for more or less, as the adventure
is, to the intent they may build their houses and
improve their labors thereon.
1 See pages 74-77.
198 THE ALLOTMENT OF LANDS.
CHAP. That every adventurer in the common stock, or
VIII. J
his servant for him or on his behalf, shall make re-
9 * quest or demand to the Governor or Deputy and
21. Council, to have a proportion of land allotted unto
him accordingly ; and if, within ten days after such
request or demand made, the same be not set out
and allotted unto him, then such person or persons
are, by virtue of this Act, permitted and authorized
to seat him or themselves, and build his or their
house or houses, and enclose and manure ground in
any convenient place or places not formerly built
upon or manured ; provided that the land so made
choice of by any such person or persons do not ex-
ceed in quantity the one half of the land which is to
be allotted unto him or them by dividend, according
to this order above written ; with liberty also, when
the first dividend shall be made, to take his or their
allotment of land as others do, in lieu of this, if in
the mean time the first choice shall be disliked by
them, or any of them.
And for further explanation of this Act, it is
thought fit, that if the plot of ground whereon the
town is to be built be set out, and that it be publicly
known to be intended for that purpose, that then no
man shall presume to build his house in any other
place, unless it be in the Mattachusetts Bay, and
there according to such direction as shall be thought
meet for that place. And in case his allotment for
building his house within the plot of ground set out
for building of the town be not appointed unto him
within ten days after demand or request to the Gov-
ernor or the Deputy and Council for the same, it
shall be free for any, being an adventurer in the
THE ALLOTMENT OF LANDS. 199
common stock, or his servant for him or on his be- CHAP.
half, to build his house in any place within the said
plot set out for the town, and to impale to the qnan- 1629
tity of half an acre of ground for each <50 adventure
in the common stock ; unless a greater or lesser
proportion be formerly determined by the Governor
and Council, by which each builder is to be guided
and directed.
It is further thought fit and ordered, that all such
as go over in person, or send over others at their
own charge, and are adventurers in the common
stock, shall have lands allotted unto them for each
person they transport to inhabit the Plantation, as
well servants as all others ; which fifty acres of land,
so allotted- to servants or others, is hereby ordered
to be to and for the use of his master or setter forth,
being an adventurer in the common stock, to dispose
of at his discretion, in regard the master, &c. is at
the charge of the said servant and others their trans-
portation, wages, and otherwise. But for such as
being no adventurers in the common stock shall
transport themselves and their families, it is ordered
that fifty acres of land shall be allotted and set out
for the master of the family, and such a proportion
of land more, if there be cause, as, according to their
charge and quality, the Governor and Council of the
Plantation there shall think necessary for them,
whereby their charge may be fully and amply sup-
ported; unless it be to any with whom the Company
in London have or shall make any other particular
agreement, to which relation is to be had in such
case.
And to the end every adventurer may the more
200 THE ALLOTMENT OF LANDS.
CHAP, safely and peaceably enjoy their said lands allotted
unto them or chosen by them, and the houses they
1629. build thereupon, as abovesaid, it is thought fit and
IVTav
21. ordered by this Court, that conveyances shall be
made thereof unto each particular man for the land
he possesseth, in the Company's name, and the com-
mon seal of the Company to be thereunto affixed by
the Governor and Council there, at the charge of
the Company ; which common seal is by this Court
thought fit and ordered to be committed to the charge
and keeping of the Governor for the time being, and
in his absence, to his Deputy there.
All which premises before mentioned the Compa-
ny do by general consent ratify, establish and con-
firm ; and do also order, that copies of -these Acts
shall be sent over to the Governor and Council there
resident, subscribed by the Governor, Deputy, and
six of the Assistants here, and sealed with the com-
mon seal of the Company. 1
1 See page 78. ny's Records, in the handwriting of
This Act for the allotment of the Secretary Burgess, fol. 11-16.
lands is also taken from the Compa-
CHAPTER IX,
OATHS OF OFFICE FOR THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL. 1
The Oath of the Governor in New-England?
You shall be faithful and loyal unto our Sovereign CHAP
Lord, the King's Majesty, and to his heirs and sue- ~
cessors. You shall support and maintain, to your 1629
power, the government and Company of the Matta-
chusetts Bay, in New-England, in America, and the
privileges of the same, having no singular regard to
yourself in derogation or hindrance of the common
wealth of this Company ; and to every person under
your authority you shall administer indifferent and
equal justice. Statutes and ordinances shall you
none make without the advice and consent of the
Council for the government of the Mattachusetts
Bay in New-England. You shall admit none into
the freedom of this Company but such as may claim
the same by virtue of the privileges thereof. You
shall not bind yourself to enter into any business or
process for or in the name of this Company, without
See page 69. istered to the Deputy." Marginal
2 " This oath is also to be admin- note in the MS.
202 THE GOVERNOR'S OATH.
CHAP, the consent and agreement of the Council aforesaid,
UL.
but shall endeavour faithfully and carefully to carry
1629. yourself in this place and office of Governor, as long
ay * as you shall continue in it. And likewise you shall
do your best endeavour to draw on the natives of
this country, called New-England, to the knowledge
of the True God, and to conserve the planters, and
others coming hither, in the same knowledge and
fear of God. And you shall endeavour, by all good
means, to advance the good of the Plantations of this
Company, and you shall endeavour the raising of
such commodities for the benefit and encouragement
of the adventurers and planters as, through God's
blessing on your endeavours, may be produced for
the good and service of the kingdom of England, this
Company, and their Plantations. All these premises
you shall hold and keep to the uttermost of your
power and skill, so long as you shall continue in the
place of Governor of this fellowship. So help you
God!
The Oath of the Council in New-England.
You swear to be faithful and loyal to our Sovereign
Lord, the King's Majesty, and to his heirs and succes-
sors. You shall from time to time give your best
advice and counsel for supporting and maintaining
the common wealth and corporation of The Governor
and Company of the Mattachusetts Say, in New-Eng-
land ; not sparing for love nor dread, for favor nor
meed, but according to the statutes and ordinances
THE OATH OF THE COUNCIL. 203
made and to be made by virtue of the Charter of the CHAP.
IX
said Company, shall effectually assist the Governor, ~
or his Deputy and Council of the said Company, in 1629.
executing the said statutes and ordinances ; having
no singular regard to yourself in derogation of the
common wealth of the same. All these premises
you shall hold and truly keep to your power, so
long as you shall continue in the place or office of
one of the said Council. So help you God ! 1
1 These Oaths of Office for the setts, pages 75 and 76, having been
Governor and Council, are copied inserted there out of place, by some
from the first volume of the Records mistake. They are in the hand-
of the General Court of Massachu- writing of Secretary Burgess.
THE COMPANY'S AGREEMENT
WITH THE MINISTERS.
CHAPTER X,
AGREEMENT OF THE NEW-ENGLAND COMPANY WITH
THE MINISTERS. 1
The Agreement with Mr. Bright.
I, FRANCIS BRIGHT, of Roily, 2 in Essex, clerk, CHAP.
have this present 2d February, 1628, agreed with '-~
the Company of Adventurers for New-England, in 1629.
America, to be ready with my wife, two children,
and one maid-servant, by the beginning of March
next, to take our passage to the Plantation at or near
Massachusetts Bay, in New-England, as aforesaid ;
where I do promise, God sparing me life and health,
to serve the said Company in the work of the minis-
try, by my true and faithful endeavours, for the space
of three years. For and in consideration whereof,
these several particulars are this day agreed upon by
the said Company, and by me accepted, namely :
1. That 20 shall be forthwith paid me by the
Company's treasurer towards charges of fitting
1 See page 143. London. See Newcourt's Reperto-
a The name of this town is now rium, ii. 482.
spelt Rayleigh. It is 26 miles from
208 FRANCIS BRIGHT'S AGREEMENT.
CHAP, myself with apparel and other necessaries for the
,/L*
voyage.
1629. 2. That <10 more shall be paid me by him to-
XV 1
2 . ' wards providing of books ; which said books, upon
my death or removal from the charge now intended
to be transferred upon me, are to be and remain to
such minister as shall succeed in my place for the
said Company ; and before my departure out of Eng-
land, I am to deliver a particular of the said books.
3. That 20 yearly shall be paid me for three
years, to begin from the time of my first arrival in
New-England, and so to be accounted and paid at
the end of each year.
4. That during the said time, the Company shall
provide for me and my family aforementioned, neces-
saries of diet, housing, firewood, and shall be at the
charge of the transportation of us into New-England ;
and at the end of the said three years, if I shall not
like to continue longer there, to be at charges of
transporting us back for England.
5. That in convenient time a house shall be built,
and certain lands allotted thereunto ; which, during
my stay in the country and continuing in the minis-
try, shall be for my use, and after my death or re-
moval, the same to be for succeeding ministers.
6. That at the expiration of the said three years,
one hundred acres of land shall be assigned- unto me,
for me and my heirs forever.
7. That in case I shall depart this life in that
country, the said Company shall take care for my
widow, during her widowhood and abode in that
country and Plantation ; the like for my children
whilst they remain on the said Plantation.
FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S AGREEMENT. 209
8. That the milk of two kine shall be appointed CHAP.
me toward the charge of diet for me and my family, ^-L
as aforesaid, and half their increase during the said 1629<
-p i
three years, to be likewise mine ; but the said two g. '
kine and the other half of the increase to return to
the Company at the end of the said three years.
9. That I shall have liberty to carry bedding,
linen, brass, iron, pewter, of my own, for my neces-
sary use during the said time.
10. That if I continue seven years upon the said
Plantation, that then one hundred acres of land more
shall be allotted to me for me and my heirs forever. 1
The Agreement with Mr. Higginson.
A true note of the allowance that the New-England April
Q
Company have, by common consent and order of
their Court and Council, granted unto Mr. Francis
Higginson, 2 minister, for his maintenance in New-
England, April 8, 1629. ^ *" :
1. Imprimis, that <30 in money shall be forth-
with paid him by the Company's treasurer towards
the charges of fitting himself with apparel and other
necessaries for his voyage.
2. Item, that 10 more shall be paid over by the
said treasurer towards the providing of books for
present use.
3. Item, that he shall have 30 yearly paid him
for three years, to begin from the time of his first
1 See Felt's Annals of Salem, i. 510. 2 See page 65.
14
210 FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S AGREEMENT.
CHAP, arrival in New-England, and so to be accounted and
- paid him at the end of every year.
1629. 4 item, that during the said time, the Company
A *1
P Q shall provide for him and his family necessaries of
diet, housing and firewood, and shall be at charges
of transporting him into New-England ; and at the
end of the said three years, if he shall not like to
continue there any longer, to be at the charge of
transporting him back for England.
5. Item, that in convenient time a house shall be
built, and certain lands allotted thereunto ; which,
during his stay in the country, and continuance in
the ministry, shall be for his use ; and after his
death or removal, the same to be for succeeding
ministers.
6. Item, at the expiration of the said three years,
a hundred acres of land shall be assigned to him and
his heirs forever.
7. Item, that in case he shall depart this life in
that country, the said Company shall take care for
his widow during her widowhood and abode in that
country and Plantation ; and the like for his child-
ren whilst they remain upon the said Plantation.
8. Item, that the milk of two kine shall be ap-
pointed towards the charges of diet for him and his
family as aforesaid, and half the increase of calves
during the said three years ; but the said two kine,
and the other half of the increase, to return to the
Company at the end of the said three years.
9. Item, that he shall have liberty of carrying over
bedding, linen, brass, iron, pewter, of his own, for
his necessary use during the said time.
10. Item, that if he continue seven years upon the
HIGGINSON AND SKELTON's AGREEMENT. 211
said Plantation, that then a hundred acres of land CHAP.
more shall be allotted him for him and his forever. 1
1629.
April
8.
The 8th of April, 1629. Mr. Francis Higgeson
and Mr. Samuel Skelton, intended ministers for this
Plantation, and it being thought meet to consider of
their entertainment, who expressing their willing-
ness, together also with Mr. Francis Bright, being
now present, to do their endeavour in their places of
the ministry, as well in preaching, catechising, as
also in teaching or causing to be taught the Compa-
ny's servants and their children, as also the salvages
and their children, whereby to their uttermost to
further the main end of this Plantation, being, by the
assistance of Almighty God, the conversion of the
salvages the propositions and agreements conclud-
ed on with Mr. Francis Bright the 2d of February
last were reciprocally accepted of by Mr. Francis
Higgeson and Mr. Samuel Skelton; 2 who are in every
respect to have the like conditions as Mr. Bright
hath. Only, whereas Mr. Higgeson hath eight 3
1 This Agreement is printed from in Westmoreland, where he died in
an early MS. 1672, aged 55. 3. Timothy, ten.
* In Felt's Annals of Salem, i. 4. Theophilus, nine. 5. Samuel,
511-513, is an account of moneys eight, who at his mother's death in
due to him from the Company in 1640, was bound as a servant to
1629 and 1630, including his charges Gov. Eaton, of New Haven, for two
for provisions and clothing. years. 6. Ann, six. 7. Mary, four,
3 Their names, and their ages at who died on the passage, May 19.
this time, so far as I have been able 8. Charles, one, who. in 1640, was
to determine them from the data I bound apprentice to Thomas Fugill
have, were as follows: 1. John, for nine years. There was a 9th
thirteen, concerning whom see note ! child, born in Salem, called Neo-
on p. 166. 2. Fiancis, twelve, who phytus, who had been placed with
after studying at Leyden and other Atherton Hough, at Boston, to be
universities on the continent, return- brought up. See Kingsley's Hist,
ed to England, and was settled in Disc. p. 103 ; Mather's Magnalia,
the ministry at Kirkby-Stephen, i. 330.
212 HIGGINSON AND SKELTON's AGREEMENT.
CHAP, children, it is intended that <10 more yearly shall
be allowed him towards their charges. And it is
1629. a g ree d that the increase to be improved of all their
grounds, during the first three years, shall be at the
Company's disposing, who are to find their diet
during that time; and 10 more to Mr. Higgeson,
towards his present fitting him and his for the voyage.
FRANCIS HIGGESON.
SAMUEL SKELTON.
Further, though it was not mentioned in the
Agreement, but forgotten, Mr. Higgeson was pro-
mised a man-servant, to take care and look to his
things, and to catch him fish and fowl, and provide
other things needful, and also two maid-servants, to
look to his family.
HIGGINSON'S JOURNAL
OF
HIS VOYAGE TO NEW-ENGLAND
A TRUE Relation of the last Voyage to New-England, declaring all
circumstances, with the manner of the passage we had by sea,
and what manner of country and inhabitants we found when we
came to land ; and what is the present state and condition of the
English people that are there already.
Faithfully recorded according to the very truth, for the satisfaction
of very many of my loving friends, who have earnestly requested
to be truly certified in these things.
Written from New-England, July 24, 1629.
If any curious critic that looks for exactness of phrases, or expert
seaman that regards propriety of sea terms, &c.
CHAPTER XI. ^ ! ' vv - r,^'
HIGGINSON'S JOURNAL OF HIS VOYAGE.
A TRUE Relation of the last Voyage to New-Eng- CHAP.
land, made the last summer, begun the 25th of April,
being Saturday, Anno Domini, 1629. 1629.
April.
The Company of New-England, consisting of many
worthy gentlemen in the city of London, Dorchester,
and other places, aiming at the glory of God, the
propagation of the Gospel of Christ, the conversion
of the Indians, and the enlargement of the King's
Majesty's dominions in America, and being author-
ized by his royal letters patents for that end, at their
very great costs and charge furnished five ships to
go to New-England, for the further settling of the
English Plantation that they had already begun
there. 1
The names of the five ships were as followeth :
The first is called the Talbot, 2 a good and strong
ship, of three hundred tons, and nineteen pieces of
1 Under Endicott, in 1628, the 2 Francis Higginson, with his
year before. See pages 13 and 30. family, sailed in the Talbot. See
page 143.
216 NAMES OF THE SHIPS.
CHAP, ordnance, and served with thirty mariners. This
ship carried above a hundred planters, six goats, five
1629. g rea t pieces of ordnance, with meal, oatmeal, pease,
and all manner *of munition and provision for the
Plantation for a twelvemonth.
The second the George, 1 another strong ship also,
about three hundred tons, twenty- pieces of ordnance,
served with about thirty mariners. Her chief car-
riage were cattle, twelve mares, thirty kine, and
some goats. 2 Also she had in Tier fifty-two planters,
and other provision.
The third is called the Lion's Whelp, 3 a neat and
nimble ship, of a hundred and twenty tons, eight
pieces of ordnance, carrying in her many mariners
and above forty planters, specially from Dorches-
ter 4 and other places thereabouts, with provision,
and four goats.
The fourth is called The Four Sisters, as I hear,
of about three hundred tons ; which fair ship carried
many cattle, with passengers and provision.
The fifth is called the Mayflower, 5 carrying pas-
sengers and provision. 6
Now amongst these five ships, the George having
some special and urgent cause of hastening her pas-
1 Samuel Skelton, with his wife, 3 Francis Bright, with his wife
went in the George. See page 143. and two children, was in the Lion's
2 The Colony of Massachusetts Whelp. Seepage 143.
Bay was, in this particular, much 4 See page 50.
earlier and better provided than the 5 Thirty-five of the Leyden con-
Colony of New Plymouth had been, gregation, with their families, came
The latter had no cattle till March, over to Plymouth at this time in the
1624, when Mr. Edward Winslow Mayflower and Talbot. See Mass.
brought over a bull and three Hist. Coll. iii. 66 ; Prince, pp. 261,
heifers; whereas as early as 1626, 264; Chronicles of Plymouth, page
twelve cows at least had been sent 482.
over to Cape Ann. See pages 9 6 There was a sixth vessel sent,
and 12, and Prince's Annals, p. 225. called the Pilgrim. See page 175.
THE SHIPS DROP DOWN THE THAMES. 217
sage, 1 set sail before the rest, about the midst of
April. And the Four Sisters and the Mayflower,
being not thoroughly furnished, intended, as we
heard, to set forth about three weeks after us. But
we that were in the- Talbot and the Lion's Whelp,
being ready for our voyage, by the good hand of
God's providence, hoisted up sail from Gravesend on
Saturday the 2.5th of April, about seven o'clock in 25.
the morning. Having but a faint wind we could not
go far that day, but at night we anchored against
Leigh, 2 which is twelve miles from Gravesend, and
there we rested that 'night, and kept Sabbath the 26.
next day.
On Monday we set forward and came to the Flats, 3 27.
a passage somewhat difficult by reason of the narrow-
ness of the channel 4 and shallowness of the water;
f j
and going over this we were in some danger ; for
our ship being heavy laden and drawing deep water,
was sensibly felt of us all to strike three or four
times on the ground. But the wind blowing some-
what strong, we were carried swiftly on, and at last,
by God's blessing, came safe to anchor at Gorin 5
road.
Tuesday we went a little further, and anchored 28
over against Margate town, staying for a wind for
the Downs.
1 On account of the cattle she had Sheerness to the North Foreland,
on board and also on account of See Norie's British Channel Pilot,
the instructions she was carrying 1 out pp. 13-17.
to Endicott to anticipate Oldham in 4 The channel is called the Five
occupying- Massachusetts Bay. See Fathoms Channel,
pages 68 and 150. 5 The Gore is one of the anchor-
! Leigh is near the mouth of the ages most commonly used, especially
Thames. by large ships bound to the Downs,
3 These Flats, under different before coming to Margate and the
names, extend from the Nore and North Foreland. See Norie, p. 17.
218 THE SHIPS IN THE DOWNS.
CHAP. Wednesday, we came safely, though with much
turning and tacking, through the Gulls, 1 into the
1629. D ownS5 2 and stayed that night.
H\ Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, the wind blew
May hard from south-west, and caused our ship to dance ;
l * 2< and divers of our passengers, and my wife specially,
were sea-sick. Here the King's ship called the As-
surance pressed two of our mariners. Here we saw
many porpoises playing in the sea, which they say is
a sign of foul weather.
3 - Sabbath day, a windy day and cold. We kept
Sabbath, staying still at the Downs.
4. Monday, God sent us a fair gale of wind, north
north-east, whereby we came merrily from the
Downs; and passing Dover we saw six or seven
sail of Dunkirkers 3 wafting after us. But it seemed
they saw our company was too strong for them, for
then we had with us three or four ships that went
for the Straits ; 4 so they returned back from pursu-
ing us any longer. But sailing with a good wind,
we went speedily, and at night came near the Isle of
Wight ; but being dark, we durst not put into the
channel, 5 but put back for sea-room four hours, and
then other four hours sailed back again the same
way.
1 The common track for large icles of Plymouth, note 4 on page
ships to the Downs is through the 123, and Norie, p. 28.
Gull Stream. This is bounded on 3 Dunkirk was at this time part
the eastern side by the Goodwin of the Spanish Netherlands, and
Sands, and on the western side by there was war between England and
the Elbow. Gull, and Brake Sands. Spain.
See Norie, p. 23. 4 Of Gibraltar, bound up the Me-
2 The Downs, or Dunes, properly diterranean.
signify sand-hills on the coast. But 5 The channel between the Isle of
the word is now used to designate Wight and the coast of Hampshire,
the well-known anchorage off Deal, entering at St. Helen's, and corn-
inside of the Goodwin. See Chron- ing out at the Needles.
THE SHIPS AT COWES. 219
Tuesday, early in the morning, we entered the CHAP.
channel, the wind being weak and calm, and passed
by Portsmouth very slowly ;. but in the afternoon 1629 -
the wind quickened, and we were forced to anchor a ^
little on this side Cowcastle ;* but the wind growing
more favorable, we weighed and came to anchor
again right against Cowcastle, thinking to stay that -Of
night, the wind being very calm. Here I and my
wife, and my daughter Mary, and two maids, and
some others with us, obtained of the master of the
ship to go ashore to refresh us and to wash our
linens ; and so we lay at Cowes 2 that night. But
the wind turning when we were absent, they hoisted
sail and left us there, and anchored eight miles fur-
ther, over against Yarmouth, 3 about eight of the
clock at night.
Wednesday, betime in the morning, the shallop 6.
was sent from the ship to fetch us to Yarmouth.
But the water proved rough, and our women desired
to be set on shore three miles short of Yarmouth ;
and so went on foot by land, and lodged in Yarmouth
that night.
On Thursday and Friday, there master Beecher, 4 7, 8.
1 A small castle, in the form of a name, with his wife's, Christian,
crescent, was built at West Cowes, stands second on the list of those
on each side of the river Medina, in who subscribed the covenant of the
the reign of Henry VIII. The part church in that place, Nov. 2, 1632,
on the west side still remains. See having been dismissed for that pur-
Parl. Gaz. i. 517. pose from Boston church, Oct. 14.
5 See note 1 on page 127. He was one of the first selectmen of
Yarmouth is in the Isle of Charlestown, and was one of its
Wight. representatives at the first Court of
4 Thomas Beecher commanded Deputies held May 14, 1634, and
the same vessel, the Talbot, in again in 1635 and 1636. In May,
Winthrop's fleet, the next year. 1635, he was appointed by the Gen-
He was one of the early members of eral Court captain of the fort at Cas-
the church in Boston, and was ad- tie Island. He died in 1637. See
mitted a freeman Nov. 6, 1632. Col. Rec. i. 150 ; Savage's Win-
He settled in Charlestown, and his throp, i. 2, ii. 363 ; Frothingham's
220 THE SHIPS AT YARMOUTH.
CHAP, allowed by the Company, 1 gave me forty shillings to
make our provision of what things we would for the
1629. voyage.
9 ay Saturday, we went to board again ; and this day
we had two other men pressed to serve the King's
ship ; but we got one again by entreaty.
10. The Sabbath, next day, we kept the ship, where I
preached in the morning, and in the afternoon was
entreated to preach at Yarmouth ; where Mr. Meare
and Captain Borley 2 entertained us very kindly, and
earnestly desired to be certified of our safe arrival in
New-England, and of the state of the country. 3
11. Monday morning, blew a fair wind from east south-
east ; and the Lion's Whelp having taken in all her
provision for passengers, about three of the clock in
the afternoon we hoisted sail for the Needles, 4 and
by God's guidance safely passed that narrow passage
a little after four o'clock in the afternoon ; and being
entered into the sea, from the top of the mast we
discerned four sail of ships lying southward from us.
But night coming on, we took in our long-boat and
Hist, of Charlestown, p. 80 ; Bud- tain in Queen Elizabeth's time, and
ington's Hist, of First Church in being taken prisoner at sea, was
Charlestown, pp. 33, 184. kept prisoner in Spain three years.
1 The Company of Adventurers Himself and three of his sons were
for New-England, who had made captains in Roe's voyage." Win-
the Agreement with the ministers, throp, i. 4. Burleigh was probably
Skelton charged the Company 2 a Puritan.
10s. for the expenses he incurred at 3 It was partly, perhaps, to grat-
Tilbury, Cowes, and Yarmouth, be- ify them, that Higginson wrote this
ing wind-bound. See Felt's Salem, Journal of his Voyage and his New-
i. 511. England's Plantation. Seep. 214.
2 " Captain Burleigh, captain of 4 The Needles' channel is so call-
Yarmouth castle, a grave, comely ed from the sharp rocks, which, at
gentleman, and of great age, came the western extremity of the Isle of
aboard us, and stayed breakfast ; Wight, shoot up like needles. The
and offering us much courtesy, he sharp-pointed granite peaks in the
departed, our captain giving him neighbourhood of Mont Blanc are
four shot out of the forecastle for his called Aiguilles, or Needles.
farewell. He was an old sea-cap-
FAREWELL TO ENGLAND. 221
shallop, and the next day we had a fair gale of east-
erly wind, that brought us towards night as far as -
A r T J 1629
the Lizard.
May
Wednesday, the wind still holding easterly, we is.
came as far as the Land's End, in the utmost part of
Cornwall, and so left our dear native soil of England
behind us ;* and sailing about ten leagues further,
we passed the isles of Scilly, and launched the same
day a great way into the- main ocean. And now my
wife and other passengers began to feel the tossing
waves of the western sea, and so were very sea-sick.
And this is to be noted, that all this while our pas-
sage hath been upon the coast of England, and so
ought truly to be accounted the first day of our part-
ing with Old England.
Thursday the same easterly wind blew all day and u.
night, and the next day, so that some of the seamen is.
thought we were come by this time two hundred
leagues from England ; but toward night the wind
was calm.
Saturday we were becalmed all day. This day is.
met us a little ship of Bristol, that came from Chris-
topher islands. 2
1 Cotton Mather says, that" when ruptions in it. But we go to prac-
they came to the Land's End, Mr. tise the positive part of church re-
Higginson, calling up his children formation, and propagate the Gospel
and other passengers unto the stern in America. ' And so he concluded
of the ship, to take their last sight with a fervent prayer for the King,
of England, said, ' We will not say, and Church, and State, in England,
as the Separatists were wont to say and for the presence and blessing of
at their leaving of England, Fare- God with themselves in their present
well, Babylon ! Farewell, Rome! undertaking for New-England."
But we will say, Farewell, dear See Mather's Magnalia, i. 328.
England! Farewell, the Church of 2 " That every thing approaching
God in England, and all the Christ- to an acknowledgment of the author-
ian friends there ! We do not go to ity of the Pope, and his power of
New-England as Separatists from canonization, might be avoided, they
the Church of England ; though we never used the addition of Saint
cannot but separate from the cor- when they spoke of the Apostles and
222 THE FIRST SABBATH AT SEA.
CHAP. Sabbath, being the first Lord's day we held at sea,
was very calm, especially in the morning. But we
1629. were disturbed in our morning service by the ap-
TYT?LV
17. proach of a Biscayner's ship, a man-of-war, that
made towards us, and manned out his boat to view
us ; but finding us too strong for him, he durst not
venture to assault us, but made off.
This day my two children, Samuel and Mary, be-
gan to be sick of the small pox and purples together,
which was brought into the ship by one Mr. Browne,
which was sick of the same at Gravesend ; whom it
pleased God to make the first occasion of bringing
that contagious sickness among us, wherewith many
were after afflicted.
is. Monday calm still, the wind being north-west,
blowing a little towards evening, but contrary to our
course.
19. Tuesday wind south-west, as little helpful as the
former, and blowing very weak. This day the mas-
ter of our ship, myself and another, went aboard the
Lion's Whelp, where Mr. Gibbs 1 made us welcome
with bountiful entertainment. And this day, towards
night, my daughter grew sicker, and many blue spots
were seen upon her breast, which affrighted us. At
the first we thought they had been the plague tokens ;
but we found afterwards that it was only a high mea-
sure of the infection of the pocks, which were struck
again into the child ; and so it was God's will the
the ancient Fathers of the Christian which Saint had been prefixed."
church ; and even the usual names Hutchinson, Hist, of Mass. i. 429.
of places were made to conform. See also note 3 on page 138 ; Win-
The island of St. Christopher's was throp, i. 60, ii. 33.
always written Christopher's, and, l John Gibbs was captain of ihe
by the same rule, all o.her places to Lion's Whelp. See page 172.
MARY HIGGINSON DIES. 223
child died about five of the clock at night, being the CHAP,
-A.!.
first in our ship that was buried in the bowels of the
great Atlantic sea; which, as it was a grief to us 1629 '
]Ma,v
her parents, and a terror to all the rest, as being 19;
the beginning of a contagious disease and mortality,
so in the same judgment it pleased God to remember
mercy in the child, in freeing it from a world of mis-
ery, wherein otherwise she had lived all her days.
For being about four years old, a year since, we
know not by what means, swayed 1 in the back, so
that it was broken, and grew crooked, and the joints
of her hips were loosed, and her knees went crook-
ed, pitiful to see. Since which time she hath had
a most lamentable pain in her belly, and would oft-
times cry out in the day and in her sleep also, " My
belly ! ' which declared some extraordinary distem-
per. So that in respect of her we had cause to take
her death as a blessing from the Lord to shorten her
misery.
Wednesday a wet morning. The wind was west 20.
south-west, and in the afternoon north-west and by
west, both being contrary to our course, which was
to sail west and by south. Thus it pleased God to
lay his hand upon us by sickness and death and con-
trary winds ; and stirred up some of us to make the
motion of humbling ourselves under the hand of God
by keeping a solemn day of fasting and prayer unto
God, to beseech him to remove the continuance and
further increase of these evils from us ; which was
willingly condescended unto, as a duty very fitting
and needful for our present state and condition.
1 Drawn to one side.
224 A FAST KEPT ON BOARD.
C HAP. Thursday, there being two ministers in the ship,
^cVJ.
*~ Mr. Smith 1 and myself, we endeavoured, together
1629
with others, to consecrate the day as a solemn fast-
May t ...
21. ing and humiliation to Almighty God, as a further-
ance of our present work. And it pleased God the
ship was becalmed all day, so that we were freed
from any incumbrance. And as soon as we had done
prayers, (see and behold the goodness of God !)
about seven o'clock at night the wind turned to
north-east, and we had a fair gale that night as a
manifest evidence of the Lord's hearing our prayers.
I heard some of the mariners say, they thought this
was the first sea-fast that ever was kept, and that
they never heard of the like performed at sea before.
22. Friday the wind fair, and east northerly, and for
our purpose for New-England. It did blow strongly,
and carried us on amain with tossing waves, which
did affright them that were not wonted to such
sights.
23. Saturday the same wind blowing, but more gently.
Now we were comforted with hope of my son Sam-
uel's recovery of the pox.
24. The second Lord's day, a fair day, an orderly
wind, and prosperous.
25. On Monday a fair, firm gale, the wind south south-
west.
26> Tuesday, about ten of the clock in the morning,
whilst we were at prayers, a strong and sudden blast
came from the north, that hoisted up the waves, and
tossed us more than ever before, and held us all the
day till towards night, and then abated by little and
1 Ralph Smith. See note 1 on page 151.
A TERRIBLE STORM. 225
little till it was calm. This day Mr. Goffe's great CHAP.
dog 1 fell overboard, and could not be recovered.
Wednesday the wind still north, and calm in the 1629
morning ; but about noon there arose a south wind
which increased more and more, so that it seemed to
us, that are landmen, a sore and terrible storm ; for
the wind blew mightily, the rain fell vehemently, the
sea roared, and the waves tossed us horribly ; be-
sides, it was fearful dark, and the mariners' mate
was afraid, and noise on the other side, with their
running here and there, loud crying one to another
to pull at this and that rope. The waves poured
themselves over the ship, that the two boats were
filled with water, that they were fain to strike holes
in the midst of them to let the water out. Yea, by
the violence of the waves the long-boat's cord, which
held it, was broken, and it had like to have been
washed overboard, had not the mariners, with much
pain and danger, recovered the same. But this last-
ed not many hours, after which it became a calmish
day. All which while I lay close and warm in my
cabin, but far from having list to sleep, with Jonah ;
my thoughts were otherwise employed, as the time
and place required. Then I saw the truth of the
Scriptures, Psalm cvii. from the 23d to the 32d ; and
my fear at this time was the less, when I remember-
ed what a loving friend of mine, a minister, accus-
tomed to sea-storms, said to me, that I might not be
1 Why Mr. Goffe's great dog was tery grave, has thus become indisso-
sent over to the Colony, it is difficult lubly connected with the history of
to surmise, unless it was to defend the Colony, as much as the Deputy
the sheep from the wolves. There Governor himself, and they will go
is a naivet& in relating this incident, down to posterity together. See
which is quite noticeable. Mr. note 2 on page 70.
Goffe's great dog, buried in his wa-
15
226 ANOTHER FAST KEPT.
CHAP, dismayed at such storms, for they were ordinary at
sea, and it seldom falls out that a ship perisheth at 1
1629< them if it have sea-room ; which I the rather write,
2*7! that others as well as myself, by the knowledge
hereof, may be encouraged and prepared against
these ordinary sea-storms.
28. Thursday, south wind ; calm at night.
29. On Friday a boisterous wind, blowing cross, but
was allayed towards night with a shower of rain.
30. Saturday, south-west wind, but fair and quiet.
31. Sabbath day, being the third Lord's day, fair and
calm. We saw abundance of grampus fishes, 2 two
or three yards long, and a body as big as an ox.
June Monday, the wind westerly and calm. But be-
sides our being stayed by contrary winds, we began
to find the temperature of the air to alter and to be-
come more sultry and subject to unwholesome fogs.
For coming now to the height of the Western Isl-
ands, some of our men fell sick of the scurvy, and
others of the small pox, which more and more in-
creased ; yet, thanks be to God, none died of it but
my own child mentioned. And therefore, according
to our great need, we appointed another fast for the
next day.
2. Tuesday, we solemnly celebrate another fast.
The Lord that day heard us before we prayed, and
gave us answer before we called ; for early in the
morning the wind turned full east, being as fit a
wind as could blow ; and sitting at my study on the
ship's poop, I saw many bonny fishes 3 and porpoises 4
1 At for in or by. 4 The porpoise, (delphinus pho-
2 See Chronicles of Plymouth, cana,) of the cetacean class of the
note 5 on page 152. Mammalia, porcopesce, Ital., porc-
3 Bonitos. poisson, Fr., hog-fish, Eng. It is
HALF-WAY TO NEW-ENGLAND. 227
pursuing one another, and leaping some of them a CHAP.
-X.1.
yard above the water. Also, as we were at prayer
under the hatch, some that were above saw a whale 1629>
puffing up water not far from the ship. Now my
wife was pretty well recovered of her sea-sickness.
Wednesday a fair day, and fine gale of full east 3 -
wind. This day myself and others saw a large round
fish sailing by the ship's side, about a yard in length
and roundness every way. The mariners called it a
sun-fish. 1 It spreadeth out the fins like beams on
every side, four or five.
Thursday and Friday the wind full east. We 4, 5.
were carried with admiration on our journey. By
this we were more than half way to New-England.
This day I saw a fish very strange to me, (they call
it a carvel,) which came by the ship's side, wafting
along the top of the water. It appeared at the first
like a bubble above the water, as big as a man's
fist ; but the fish itself is about the bigness of a man's
thumb ; so that the fish itself and the bubble resem-
bleth a ship with sails, which therefore is called a
carvel. 2
Saturday wind direct east still. 6.
The fourth Sabbath we kept at sea. The wind 7.
full easterly till noon, and then it came full south-
so called from the supposed resem- l Carvel is a Spanish name for a
blance of its projecting snout to that light vessel without decks. The
of the hog. See Griffith's Cuvier, iv. fish which resembled it, was proba-
453 ; Shaw's Zoology, ii. 504 ; Nat- bly the Physalia, called by sailors
uralists' Library, Mammalia, vi. 222. the Portuguese man-of-war, a mo-
1 A species of Acalephae, Medusa luscous animal, which has a large
or Cyanca, familiarly known under air-bag to aid its swimming, and a
the names of sea-jellies and sea-net- comb or crest, which answers as a
ties. The fins here mentioned are sail. See Griffith's Cuvier, xii. 490,
its tentacles. See Griffith's Cuvier, 569-571 ; Chronicles of Plymouth,
xii. 482, 562-569 ; Gould's Report note 2 on page 86.
of the Invertebrata of Massachusetts,
p. 347.
228 ON THE BANK OF NEWFOUNDLAND.
CHAP, east, a strong gale that night and the next day till
xi. .
night.
9 * Tuesday the same wind held till nine o'clock in
9. the morning, and then a great shower, which lasted
till about seven at night, and then it was a very calm.
Here we sounded with a deep-lead 1 line above a
hundred fathom, and found no bottom. This day
we saw a fish called a turtle, a great and large shell-
fish, swimming above the water near the ship.
10. Wednesday wind northerly, a fine gale, but calm-
ish in the afternoon.
n. Thursday, the wind at north, an easy gale and
fair morning. We saw a mountain of ice, shining as
white as snow, like to a great rock or cliff on the
shore. It stood still, and therefore we thought it to
be on ground, 2 and to reach the bottom of the sea ;
for though there came a mighty stream from the
north, 3 yet it moved not ; which made us sound,
and we found a bank 4 of forty fathom deep, where-
upon we judged it to rest, and the height above was as
much. We also saw six or seven pieces of ice float-
ing on the sea, which was broken off from the former
mountain. We also saw great store of water-fowl
swimming by the ship within musket shot, of a pied
1 The deep-sea-lead, spelt dipled 3 This was the tide, or the strong
in the manuscript, and commonly current that runs counter to the Gulf
pronounced e%>sey-lead, weighs from Stream, from the Banks of New-
14 to 18 or 20 pounds, and the deep- foundland to Cape Florida,
sea-line is from 90 to 110 fathoms. 4 They were now on the eastern
See Dana's Seaman's Friend, page edge of the Grand Bank of New-
17. foundland, which extends from
2 These icebergs are frequently about the latitude of 42 to 50, or
grounded in 40 and 50 fathoms wa- upwards. About the latitude of 45,
ter, and in foggy weather their vi- its breadth is nearly four degrees,
cinity may be known by the intense To the northward and southward it
coldness they diffuse, and by the narrows almost to a point, and seems
roar of the waters breaking against insensibly to drop into fathomless
them. water.
FOGGY WEATHER. 229
color, and about the bigness of a wild duck, about CHAP.
forty in a company ; the mariners call them hag-birds. 1
Toward night came a fog, that the Lion's Whelp was 1629 -
lost till morning. And now we saw many bonitos,
porpoises, and grampuses, every day more and more.
Friday foggy and calmish, the wind northerly in the 12.
morning, but about noon it came south-east, a dainty
loom-gale, 2 which carried us six leagues a watch.
Saturday the same wind till night, and we saw 13.
great store of porpoises and grampuses..
The fifth Sabbath, the same wind. Towards noon u.
it began to be foggy, and then it rained till night.
We went four or five leagues a watch.
Monday a fair day, but foggy ; the same wind 15,
blowing, but with fresh gales, carried us seven
leagues a watch. In the afternoon it blew harder,
so the sea was rough, and we lost the sight of the
Lion's Whelp. It being foggy, we drummed for
them, and they shot off a great piece of ordnance ;
but we heard not one another.
Tuesday wind south and by east ; foggy till about i$.
10 o'clock. While we were at prayers, it cleared
up about an hour, and then we saw the Lion's Whelp
distant about two leagues southward. We presently
tacked about to meet her, and she did the same to
meet us ; but before we could get together, a thick
fog came, that we were long in finding each other.
This day we sounded divers times, and found our-
selves on another bank, 3 at first forty fathom, after
1 Probably a species of the Mer- * A gentle, easy gale of wind, in
ganser. The approach to the Banks which a ship can carry her topsails,
may be known by the appearance of 3 " On the western side of the
numerous sea-fowls, such as guille- Great Bank, and to the southward
mots and divers. of the island of Newfoundland and
230 FIRST SIGHT OF LAND.
CHAP, thirty-six, after thirty-three, after twenty-four. We
~ thought it to have been the bank over against Cape
1629. g a ble, but we were deceived ; for we knew not cer-
T *
16. tainly where w r e were, because of the fog. After
three or four hours' company we lost the Lion's
Whelp again, and beat our drum and shot off a great
piece of ordnance, and yet heard not of them. But
perceiving the bank to grow still the shallower,
we found it twenty-seven and twenty-four fathoms.
Therefore, being a fog, and fearing we were too near
land, we tacked about for sea-room for two or three
watches, and steered south-east.
17. Wednesday very foggy still, and wind south and
by west ; and sounding, found no bottom that we
could reach.
is. Thursday wind full west, and contrary to us. This
day a notorious wicked fellow, that was given to
swearing and boasting of his former wickedness,
bragged that he had got a wench with child before
he came this voyage, and mocked at our days of fast,
railing and jesting against Puritans ; this fellow fell
sick of the pocks, and died. We sounded and found
thirty-eight fathom, and stayed for a little to take
some codfish, and feasted ourselves merrily.
19. Friday, wind west still, a very fair, clear day.
About four o'clock in the afternoon some went up to
the top of the mast, and affirmed, to our great com-
fort, they saw land to the north-eastward.
20. Saturday wind south-west, a fair gale. We sound-
Nova Scotia, a chain of banks ex- depths, from 20 to 70 fathoms, ad-
tends almost two degrees from the mirably situated, in dark weather,
land. These are called Green Bank, to warn the mariner of his approach
Banquereau, Sable Island Bank, &c. towards the land." Blunt's Ameri-
All these have soundings of various can Coast Pilot, p. 12.
CAPE SABLE IN SIGHT. 231
t
ed and found forty, thirty, twenty-two, and a little CHAP.
.A. I.
after no ground.
Sabbath, being the sixth Lord's day, wind west- 1629.
erly, but fair and calm. 21.
Monday, wind easterly, a fair gale. This day we 22.
saw a great deal of froth not far from us. We feared
it might be some breach of water against some [ j. 1
Therefore the master of our ship hoisted out the
shallop, and went with some of the men to see what
it was ; but found it only to be a froth carried by the
stream.
Tuesday the wind north-east, a fair gale. This 23
day we examined five beastly Sodomitical boys which
confessed their wickedness, not to be named. The
fact was so foul, we referred them to be punished by
the Governor, when we came to New-England,
who afterwards sent them back to the Company,
to be punished in Old England, as the crime de-
served. 2
Wednesday, wind north-east, a fair day and clear. 24.
About nine o'clock in the morning we espied a ship
about four leagues behind us, which proved the
Lion's Whelp, which had been a week separated
from us ; we stayed for her company. This day a
child of goodman Black's, 3 which had a consumption
before it came to ship, died. This day we had all a
clear and comfortable sight of America, and of the
Cape Sable, that was over against us seven or eight
1 Here are two words which I 2 See pages 90 and 93.
cannot decipher. They look like 3 This man's name was probably
ned grales. The copyist puts a star Blake. The name of that ancient
over them, seeming to intimate that and respectable family, the Blakes
he could not make them out. Hutch- of Dorchester, is usually found writ-
insonhasitroc&s. But no such word ten Black in old family papers and
is to be found in the MS. records.
232 CAPE ANN IN SIGHT.
CHAP, leagues northward. Here we saw yellow gilliflowers
on the sea.
1629. Thursday wind still north-east, a full and fresh
as 1 . 6 gale. In the afternoon we had a clear sight of many
islands and hills by the sea-shore. Now we saw
abundance of mackerel, a great store of great whales
puffing up water as they go ; some of them came
near our ship. Their greatness did astonish us that
saw them not before ; their backs appeared like a
little island. At five o'clock at 1 night the wind
turned south-east, a fair gale. This day we caught
mackerel.
26. Friday a foggy morning, but after clear, and wind
calm. We saw many schools of mackerel, 2 infinite
multitudes on every side of our ship. The sea was
abundantly stored with rockweed and yellow flowers,
like gilliflowers. By noon we were within three
leagues of Cape Ann ; 3 and as we sailed along the
coasts, we saw every hill and dale and every island
full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer we
came to the shore, the more flowers in abundance,
sometimes scattered abroad, sometimes joined in
sheets nine or ten yards long, which we supposed
to be brought from the low meadows by the tide.
Now what with fine woods and green trees by land,
1 Here the MS. ends ; and for the be rapidly declining. Thus in the
rest of the Journal I am obliged to year ending April 1, 1837, the num-
rely upon Hutchinson, who used the her of barrels caught was 234,059,
MS. when it was entiie. See his valued at $ 1,639,402, whilst in the
Collection, p. 42. year ending April 1, 1845, the
2 The spring mackerel appear on number was only 86,628, valued at
the coast of Massachusetts about the $637,052. Compare the Statistical
end of May, and towards the middle Tables of the Industry of Massachu-
of June they become very plentiful, setts for those years, and see Sto-
The numbers taken, however, vary rer's Report on the Fishes of Mas-
exceedingly from year to year, and sachusetts, p. 41.
upon the whole the fishery seems to 3 See page 22.
ARRIVAL IN CAPE ANN HARBOUR. 233
and these yellow flowers 1 painting the sea, made us CHAP.
.X.1.
all desirous to see our new paradise of New-Eng
land, whence we saw such forerunning signals of 1629 -
fertility afar off. 2 Coming near the harbour towards 26.
night, we tacked about for sea-room.
Saturday a foggy morning ; but after eight o'clock 27.
in the morning very clear. The wind being some-
what contrary at south and by west, we tacked to
and again with getting little, but with much ado.
About four o'clock in the afternoon, having with
much pain compassed the harbour, and being ready
to enter the same, (see how things may suddenly
change !) there came a fearful gust of wind and rain
and thunder and lightning, whereby we were borne
with no little terror and trouble to our mariners,
having very much ado to loose down the sails when
the fury of the storm struck us. 3 But, God be prais-
ed, it lasted but a while, and soon abated again.
And hereby the Lord showed us what he could have
done with us, if it had pleased him. But, blessed be
God, he soon removed this storm, and it was a fair
and sweet evening.
We had a westerly wind, which brought us, be-
tween five and six o'clock, to a fine and sweet har-
bour, seven miles from the head point 4 of Cape Ann.
This harbour twenty ships may easily ride therein ; 5
1 These may have been butter- Cape Cod ! See Chronicles of Ply-
cups, which had been washed from mouth, pp. 104-106.
the shore, and become mixed with 3 In Hutchinson, " held up ;"
rock- weed, kelp, and tangle ; or, which is unquestionably an error,
more probably, a species of animal 4 By the head-point I suppose he
plants, Actiniee, sea- anemones or means the part of the Cape near
fixed sea-nettles. See Griffith's Thacher's Island.
Cuvier, xii. 494, 572. 6 The outer harbour will contain
2 How different was this scene 400 ships, and the inner harbour 200
from that which met the eyes of the fishing-vessels. It is an excellent
Pilgrims, in November, 1620, when harbour, and well protected, except
they made the opposite headland of from a south-west storm.
234 ARRIVAL AT NAIMKECK.
CHAP, where there was an island, 1 whither four of our men
^\. _^ B
- with a boat went, and brought back again ripe straw-
1629. b err j es an( j gooseberries, and sweet single roses. 2
Thus God was merciful to us in giving us a taste and
smell of the sweet fruit as an earnest of his bountiful
goodness to welcome us at our first arrival. This har-
bour was two leagues and something more from the
harbour at Naimkecke, 3 where our ships were to rest,
and the Plantation is already begun. But because
the passage is difficult, and night drew on, we put
into Cape Ann harbour.
28. The Sabbath, being the first we kept in America,
and the seventh Lord's day after we parted with
England.
29. Monday we came from Cape Ann to go to Naim-
kecke, the wind northerly. I should have told you
before, that, the planters spying our English colors,
the Governor 4 sent a shallop with two men on Satur-
day to pilot us. These rested the Sabbath with us
at Cape Ann ; and this day, by God's blessing and
their directions, we passed the curious and difficult
entrance into the large, spacious harbour of Naim-
kecke. And as we passed along, it was wonderful
to behold so many islands, 5 replenished with thick
wood and high trees, and many fair, green pastures.
And being come into the harbour, we saw the
1 Ten-pound Island, on which a full topographical description of
there is now a light-house. which may be seen in Bentley's
2 The sweet briar. Gooseberries History of Salem, in Mass. Hist.
are still found on the island, and be- Co'.l. \i. 219-222. See also Bow-
fore it was cleared up, *wild straw- ditch's Chart of the Harbours of
berries were also obtained there. Salem, Beverly, Marblehead and
3 The distance from Gloucester to Manchester, and the accurate and
Salem harbour is about nine miles. beautiful Map of Massachusetts,
4 Endicott. made by order of the Legislature in
5 Baker's Island, Great and Little 1844.
Miseries, Coney Island, and others,
THE VOYAGE FORTY-FIVE DAYS LONG. 235
George to our great comfort, there being come on CHAP.
Tuesday, which was seven days before us. We
rested that night with glad and thankful hearts that 1629 -
God had put an end to our long and tedious journey ^9.
through the greatest sea in the world.
The next morning the Governor came aboard to 30.
our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited
me and my wife to come on shore and take our lodg-
ing in his house ;* which we did accordingly.
Thus you have a faithful report, collected from
day to day, of all the particulars that were worth
noting in our passage.
Now in our passage divers things are remarkable.
First, through God's blessing, our passage was
short and speedy ; for whereas we had a thousand
leagues, that is, three thousand miles English, to sail
from Old to New England, we performed the same
in six weeks and three days.
Secondly, our passage was comfortable and easy
for the most part, having ordinarily fair and moderate
wind, and being freed for the most part from stormy
and rough seas, saving one night only, which we that
were not used thought to be more terrible than in-
deed it was ; and this was Wednesday at night,
May 27th. \ < I
Thirdly, our passage was also healthful to our
passengers, being freed from the great contagion of
the scurvy and other maledictions, 2 which in other
passages to other places had taken away the lives of
1 Higginson says, in another place, that it was "a fair house, newly
built for the Governor."
2 Maladies, diseases.
236 THE VOYAGE A HEALTHFUL ONE.
CHAP. many. And yet we were, in all reason, in wonder-
ful danger all the way, our ship being greatly crowd-
p^V^ x. t
1629. ec [ w i t h passengers ; but, through God's great good-
ness, we had none that died of the pox but that
wicked fellow that scorned at fasting and prayer.
There were indeed two little children, one of my own,
and another beside ; but I do not impute it merely to
the passage, for they were both very sickly children,
and not likely to have lived long, if they had not gone
to sea. And take this for a rule, if children be health-
ful when they come to sea, the younger they are the
better they will endure the sea, and are not troubled
with sea-sickness as older people are, as we had ex-
perience in many children that went this voyage.
My wife, indeed, in tossing weather, was something
ill by vomiting ; but in calm weather she recovered
again, and is now much better for the sea-sickness. 1
And for my own part, whereas I have for divers
years past been very sickly, and ready to cast up
whatsoever I have eaten, and was very sick at Lon-
don and Gravesend, yet from the time I came on
shipboard to this day I have been strangely health-
ful. 2 And now I can digest our ship diet very well,
which I could not when I was at land. And indeed
in this regard I have great cause to give God praise,
that he hath made my coming to be a method to cure
me of a wonderful weak stomach and continual pain
of melancholy wind from the spleen. Also divers
children were sick of the small pox, but are safely
recovered again ; and two or three passengers, to-
1 She lived till 1640, in which 2 Yet he died in August of the
year she died, at New Haven, in next year, of a hectic fever, ac-
Connecticut. See note 3 on page cording to Cotton Mather. See the
211. Magnolia, i. 329.
THE VOYAGE PLEASANT AND PROFITABLE. 237
wards the latter end of the voyage, fell sick of the CHAP.
scurvy, but coming to land recovered in a short time. > ~
Fourthly, our passage was both pleasurable and 1629.
profitable. For we received instruction and delight
in beholding the wonders of the Lord in the deep
waters, and sometimes seeing the sea round us ap-
pearing with a terrible countenance, and, as it were,
full of high hills and deep valleys ; and sometimes it
appeared as a most plain and even meadow. And
ever and anon we saw divers kinds of fishes sporting
in the great waters, great grampuses and huge
whales, going by companies, and puffing up water
streams. Those that love their own chimney-corner,
and dare not go far beyond their own town's end,
shall never have the honor to see these wonderful
works of Almighty God.
Fifthly, we had a pious and Christian-like passage ;
for I suppose passengers shall seldom find a company
of more religious, honest and kind seamen than we
had. We constantly served God morning and even-
ing by reading and expounding a chapter, singing,
and prayer. And the Sabbath was solemnly kept,
by adding to the former, preaching twice and cate-
chising. And in our great need we kept two solemn
fasts, and found a gracious effect. Let all that love
and use fasting and praying, take notice that it is as
prevailable by sea as by land, wheresoever it is faith-
fully performed. Besides, the shipmaster and his com-
pany used every night to set their eight and twelve
o'clock watches with singing a psalm, and prayer
that was not read out of a book. 1 This I write not
1 That is, extempore, according Justin Martyr says, the officiating
to the mode of the early Christians, minister in the public worship of the
238 END OF HIGGINSON'S VOYAGE.
CHAP, for boasting and flattery, but for the benefit of those
- ~ that have a mind to come to New-England hereafter,
1629 - that if they look for and desire to have as prosperous
ie * a voyage as we had, they may use the same means
to attain the same. 1
So letting pass our passage by sea, we will now
bring our discourse to land, on the shore of New-
England; and I shall, by God's assistance, endeavour
to speak nothing but the naked truth, and both ac-
quaint you with the commodities and discommodities
of the country. 2
primitive church, " offered prayers New-England, July 24, 1629," and
and thanksgivings according to his was undoubtedly sent home on the
ability." See his Second Apology, return of the Talbot and Lion's
towards the end, Opera, p. 98, (ed. Whelp, which arrived in England
Cologne, 1686.) Origen, too, con- before Sept. 19. See page 90.
tra Celsum, lib. viii. pp. 386, 402, 2 The principal part of the pre-
says the same thing ; and Tertullian ceding Journal is printed from an
in his ApoL, cap. 30, says, " We old MS., which, though not the
pray without a prompter, because original, is unquestionably a very
our prayers flow from our own early copy. It was in the posses-
minds : sine monitore, quia de pec- sion of Hutchinson, but not of
tore oramus." Opera, v. 80, (ed. Prince. It is now the property of
Semler.) the Massachusetts Historical Soci-
1 It appears from page 214, that ety. See page 232.
this Journal was " written from
FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S
NEW-ENGLAND'S PLANTATION.
NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION. Or a Short and Trve Description
of the Commodities and Discommodities of that Countrey. Writ-
ten by Mr. Higgeson? a reuerend Diuine now there resident.
Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by Mr. Graues, an Enginere,
out of New-England. The third Edition, enlarged.
LONDON. Printed by T. and R. Cotes for Michael Sparke, dwell-
ing at the Signe of the Blew Bible in Greene Arbor. 1630.
sm. 4to. pp. 25.
1 Mr. Higginson's name does not pages, is demonstrated by the colla-
appear on the title-page of the first tion of the volumes, by which it ap-
edition, printed the same year ; nor pears that the typographical errors
is Graves's Letter printed in that of the first edition are not to be
edition. I have both editions before found in the third. The appearance
me, loaned me by Edward A. Crown- of three editions of this pamphlet in
inshield, Esq. of Boston. That they the course of a year, shows the in-
were actually distinct editions, and terest with which the infant Planta-
not merely different in their title- tion was regarded in England.
TO THE READER.
READER,
Do not disdain to read this Relation; and 1630
look not here to have a large gate, and no building
within, a full-stuffed title, with no matter in the
book. But here read the truth ; and that thou shalt
find without any frothy, bombasting words, or any
quaint, new-devised additions, only as it was written
(not intended for the press) by a reverend divine
now there living, who only sent it to some friends 1
here which were desirous of his Relations ; which is
an epitome of their proceedings in the Plantation.
And for thy part, if thou meanest to be no planter
nor venturer, do but lend thy good prayers for the
furtherance of it. And so I rest a well-wisher to all
the good designs both of them which are gone, and
of them that are to go. 2
M. S. 3
1 Among them were Isaac John- 2 This indicates that the first edi-
son and Increase Nowell, who was tion of the book was printed before
a relative, besides his parishioners at the sailing of Winthrop's fleet, that
Leicester, and the persons who treat- is, before April,
ed him so kindly at Yarmouth. See 3 The initials of Michael Sparke,
pages 65 and 220. the publisher. See page 240,
16
CHAPTER XII.
NEW-ENGLAND'S PLANTATION. 1
CHAP. LETTING pass our voyage by sea, 2 we will now
* ~ begin our discourse on the shore of New-England.
1629. ^^ b ecause th e }jf e an d welfare of every creature
to 7 here below, and the commodiousness of the country
Sept " whereas such creatures live, doth, by the most wise
ordering of God's providence, depend, next unto
himself, upon the temperature and disposition of the
four elements, Earth, Water, Air, and Fire, (for as
of the mixture of all these all sublunary things are
composed, so by the more or less enjoyment of the
wholesome temper and convenient use of these con-
sisteth the only well being both of man and beast
in a more or less comfortable measure in all coun-
tries under the heavens,) therefore I will endeavour
1 This Relation was probably sent 2 It is evident from page 238, that
home on the return of the Four Sis- this Narrative was a continuation of
ters and Mayflower, which arrived the Journal of the Voyage. But
in England before Nov. 20th. Of the Journal, it seems, was not deem-
course it covers a space of only ed of sufficient importance to be
about three months, from the first printed with it, and was accordingly
of July to the middle or end of Sep- omitted, and was never subsequently
tember. See pages 107 and 240. printed in England.
THE SOIL OF NEW-ENGLAND. 243
to show you what New-England is, by the consider- CHAP.
ation of each of these apart, and truly endeavour, by > -
God's help, to report nothing but the naked truth, 1629 -
and that both to tell you of the discommodities as tV
well as of the commodities. Though, as the idle pro- Se P*-
verb is, " Travellers may lie by authority,' 1 and so
may take too much sinful liberty that way, yet I may
say of myself, as once Nehemiah did in another case,
" Shall such a man as I lie ?" No, verily. It be-
cometh not a preacher of truth to be a writer of
falsehood in any degree ;* and therefore I have been
careful to report nothing of New-England but what I
have partly seen with mine own eyes, and partly
heard and inquired from the mouths of very honest
and religious persons, 2 who by living in the country
a good space of time have had experience and know-
ledge of the state thereof, and whose testimonies I
do believe as myself.
First therefore of the Earth of New-England, and all
the appurtenances thereof.
It is a land of divers and sundry sorts all about
Masathulets 3 Bay, and at Charles river is as fat black
earth as can be seen anywhere ; and in other places
1 And yet he was accused of ex- son's installation on the 6th of Aug.
aggerating the advantages of the and with whom he then had ample
country. See Dudley's letter to the opportunity to confer. See Morton's
Countess of Lincoln, in a subsequent Memorial, p. 146, and Prince's An-
part of this volume. nals, p. 263.
2 Conant and his associates ; per- 3 So spelt in the original ; possi-
haps, also, Gov. Bradford and others bly a typographical error, although
from the Colony of New-Plymouth, it is spelt four times afterwards in
who came to Salein as messengers the same manner.
from the church to attend Higgin-
244 MUCH CLEARED GROUND.
CHAP, you have a clay soil, in other gravel, in other sandy,
* ~ as it is all about our Plantation at Salem, for so our
1629. town is now named. 1
t y The form of the earth here, in the superficies of it,
Sept. j g ne ither too flat in the plainness, nor too high in
ha!? hills, but partakes of both in a mediocrity, and fit
for pasture or for plough or meadow ground, as men
please to employ it. Though all the country be, as
it were, a thick wood for the general, yet in divers
places there is much ground cleared by the Indians, 2
and especially about the Plantation ; and I am told
that about three miles from us a man may stand on
a little hilly place and see divers thousands of acres
of ground as good as need to be, and not a tree in the
same. It is thought here is good clay to make brick
and tiles and earthen pots, as need to be. At this
instant we are setting a brick-kiln on work, to make
bricks and tiles for the building of our houses. For
stone, here is plenty of slates at the Isle of Slate 3 in
Masathulets Bay, and limestone, freestone, and
smooth-stone, and iron-stone, and marble-stone 3 also
in such store, that we have great rocks of it, and a
harbour hard by. Our Plantation is from thence
called Marble-harbour. 4
1 See pages 12 and 31. the trade of fishing. There was
2 See Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. made here a ship's loading offish
124, 167 and 206. the last year, where still stand the
3 This Isle of Slate and the mar- stages and drying scaffolds." In
ble-stone have never yet been found. Professor Sewall's oration, delivered
4 A name nearly resembling this, in 1769 at the funeral of the Rev.
now belongs to an adjoining town, Edward Holyoke, President of Har-
which in 1649 was set off from Sa- vard College, who had once been a
lem. Wood, who was here in 1633, minister in that town, it is thus gra-
says, in his New-England's Pros- phically described : " Marmaracria,
pect, part i. ch. 10, " Marvilhead is oppidum maritimum, saxis abun-
a place which lieth four miles full dans, inde Nov-anglice dictum
south from Salem, and is a very MarUehead ; asperrima vox, aures
convenient place for a plantation, Latinas horride perstringens." See
especially for such as will set upon Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 54.
WONDERFUL FERTILITY OF THE SOIL. 245
Of minerals there hath yet been but little trial CHAP.
XII
made, yet we are not without great hope of being - -
furnished in that soil. 1629.
The fertility of the soil is to be admired at, as ap-
peareth in the abundance of grass that groweth every Se P t
where, both very thick, very long, and very high in
divers places. But it groweth very wildly, with a
great stalk, and a broad and ranker blade, 1 because
it never had been eaten with cattle, nor mowed with
a scythe, and seldom trampled on by foot. It is
scarce to be believed how our kine and goats, 2
horses and hogs do thrive and prosper here, and like
well of this country.
In our Plantation we have already a quart of milk
for a penny. But the abundant increase of corn
proves this country to be a wonderment. Thirty,
forty, fifty, sixty, are ordinary here. Yea, Joseph's
increase in Egypt is outstripped here with us. Our
planters hope to have more than a hundredfold this
year. And all this while I am within compass ; what
will you say of two hundred fold, and upwards ? It
is almost incredible what great gain some of our
English planters have had by our Indian corn. Cred-
ible persons have assured me, and the party himself
avouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of
thirteen gallons of corn he hath had increase of it
fifty-two hogsheads, every hogshead holding seven
bushels of London measure, and every bushel was
by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much
1 Probably the meadow spear 2 They had at this time in the
grass (poa nervata), or the foul mea- Plantation about forty cows, and as
dow grass. See Dewey's Report many goats, as Higginson himself
on the Herbaceous Plants of Mas- informs us in a letter at the end of
sachusetts, p. 246, and Bigelow's this Relation.
Plants of Boston and Vicinity, p. 35.
246 NATURAL PRODUCTIONS OF THE COUNTRY.
CHAP, beaver as was worth eighteen shillings ; and so of
~ this thirteen gallons of corn, which was worth six
1629. shillings eight pence, he made about <327 of it the
year following, as by reckoning will appear ; where
Sept. y OU ma y see } 1OW Q OC [ blesseth husbandry in this
land. There is not such great and plentiful ears of
corn I suppose any where else to be found but in
this country, being also of variety of colors, as red,
blue, and yellow, &c. j 1 and of one corn there
springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you
many ears of divers colors, that you might see the
truth of it.
Little children here, by setting of corn, may earn
much more than their own maintenance.
They have tried our English corn at New Ply-
mouth Plantation, 2 so that all our several grains will
grow here very well, and have a fitting soil for their
nature.
Our Governor hath store of green pease growing
in his garden as good as ever I eat in England.
This country aboundeth naturally with store of
roots of great variety and good to eat. Our turnips,
parsnips and carrots are here both bigger and sweeter
than is ordinarily to be found in England. Here are
also store of pumpions, cowcumbers, and other things
of that nature which I know not. Also, divers excel-
lent pot-herbs grow abundantly among the grass, as
strawberry leaves in all places of the country, and
plenty of strawberries in their time, and penny-royal,
winter-savory, sorrel, brooklime, liverwort, carvel,
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth, 2 See Chronicles of Plymouth,
note l on p. 131, and note 4 on p. 133 ; pages 231 and 370.
and Dewey's Report, p. 253.
THE PLANTS AND TREES OF NEW-ENGLAND. 247
and watercresses ; also leeks and onions are ordi- CHAP.
nary, and divers physical herbs. 1 Here are also
abundance of other sweet herbs, delightful to the 1629 -
smell, whose names we know not, and plenty of to
single damask roses, 2 very sweet ; and two kinds of ept '
herbs that bear tw r o kinds of flowers very sweet,
which they say are as good to make cordage or cloth
as any hemp or flax 3 we have.
Excellent vines are here up and down in the
woods. Our Governor hath already planted a vine-
yard, 4 with great hope of increase.
Also, mulberries, plums, raspberries, currants,
chestnuts, filberts, walnuts, small-nuts, hurtleber-
ries, and haws of white-thorn, near as good as our
cherries in England, they grow in plenty here.
For wood, there is no better in the world, I think,
here being four sorts of oak, differing both in the
leaf, timber, and color, all excellent good. There
is also good ash, elm, willow, birch, beech, sassa-
fras, juniper, cypress, cedar, spruce, pines and fir, 5
that will yield abundance of turpentine, pitch, tar,
masts, and other materials for building both of ships
and houses. Also here are store of sumach 6 trees,
that are good for dyeing and tanning of leather ;
likewise such trees yield a precious gum, called
white benjamin, that they say is excellent for per-
fumes. Also here be divers roots and berries,
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth, port, p. 83 ; and Bigelow's Plants,
pp. 132, 165, and 234; Dewey's p. 130.
Report, p. 209. 4 See note l on page 152.
2 The sweet briar (rosa rubigi- 5 See Chronicles of Plymouth,
nosa.) See Chron. Plym. 234 ; pages 118, 124, 164, 165.
Dewey's Report, p. 55 ; and Bige- 6 See page 133 ; Dewey's Re-
low's Plants, p. 209. port, p. 200 ; and Bigelow's Plants,
3 See Chronicles of Plymouth, page 125.
note 2 on page 166 ; Dewey's Re-
248 THE BEASTS OF NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP, wherewith the Indians die excellent holding colors,
that no rain nor washing can alter. Also we have
9< materials to make soap ashes and saltpetre in abun-
July
to dance.
For beasts there are some bears, and they say
some lions 1 also ; for they have been seen at Cape
Anne. Also here are several sorts of deer, some
whereof bring three or four young ones at once,
which is not ordinary in England ; also wolves,
foxes, beavers, otters, martens, great wild cats, and
a great beast called a molke, 2 as big as 'an ox. I
have seen the skins of all these beasts since I came
to this Plantation, excepting lions. Also here are
great store of squirrels, some greater, and some
smaller and lesser ; there are some of the lesser
sort, they tell me, that by a certain skin will fly
from tree to tree, though they stand far distant. 3
Of the Waters of New-England, with the things belong-
ing to the same.
New-England hath water enough, both salt and
fresh. The greatest sea in the world, the Atlantic
Sea, runs all along the coast thereof. There are
abundance of islands along the shore, some full of
wood and mast to feed swine, and others clear of
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth, 3 " The third kind is a flying
note * on page 176. squirrel, which is not very big, slen-
2 Probably an error of the press der of body, with a great deal of
for moose. See Josselyn's New- loose skin, which she spreads square
England's Rarities, p. 19 ; Wood's when she flies ; which the wind
New-England's Prospect, part i. gets, and so wafts her bat-like body
ch. 6 ; and Emmons's Report on from pi ace to place." Wood's New-
the Quadrupeds of Massachusetts, England's Prospect, ch. 6.
pp. 74-78.
ABUNDANCE OF SEA-FISH. 249
wood, and fruitful to bear corn. Also we have store CHAP.
-2vll
of excellent harbours for ships, as at Cape Anne,
and at Masathulets Bay, and at Salem, and at many 1629.
other places ; and they are the better, because for J ^
strangers there is a very difficult and dangerous pas- Sept.
sage into them, but unto such as are well acquainted
with them they are easy and safe enough.
The abundance of sea-fish are almost beyond be-
lieving ; and sure I should scarce have believed it
except I had seen it with mine own eyes. I saw great
store of whales, and grampuses, and such abund-
ance of mackerels 1 that it would astonish one to be-
hold ; likewise codfish, abundance on the coast, and
in their season are plentifully taken. There is a fish
called a bass, 2 a most sweet and wholesome fish as
ever I did eat ; it is altogether as good as our fresh
salmon ; and the season of their coming was begun
when we came first to New-England in June, and so
continued about three months' space. 3 Of this fish
our fishers take many hundreds together, which I
have seen lying on the shore, to my admiration.
Yea, their nets ordinarily take more than they are
able to haul to land, and for want of boats and men
they are constrained to let a many go after they have
taken them ; and yet sometimes they fill two boats
at a time with them. And besides bass, we take
plenty of scate and thornback, and abundance of
1 See note 2 on page 232. was probably sent home by the
2 The striped bass, (labrax linea- Mayflower or Four Sisters, both of
tus.) See Wood, ch. 9, and Sto- which reached England before Nov.
rer's Report on the Fishes of Massa- 20, and had brought a letter, dated
chusetts, page 7. the 5th of September, from Gov.
3 This helps us to fix the date of Endicott and others. See pages
this Relation. It was not written 107, 109 and 242.
till after the first of September, and
250 EXCELLENCE OF THE WATER.
CHAP, lobsters, 1 and the least boy in the Plantation may
both catch and eat what he will of them. For my
9 - own part, I was soon cloyed with them, they were
to so great, and fat, and luscious. I have seen some
' ept * myself that have weighed sixteen pound ; but
others have had divers times so great lobsters as
have weighed twenty-five pound, 2 as they assured
me.
Also, here is abundance of herring, turbot, 3 stur-
geon, cusks, haddocks, mullets, eels, crabs, muscles,
and oysters. 4 Besides, there is probability that the
country is of an excellent temper for the making of
salt ; for, since our coming, our fishermen have
brought home very good salt which they found can-
died by the standing of the sea-water and the heat of
the sun upon a rock by the seashore ; and in divers
salt marshes that some have gone through, they have
found some salt in some places crushing under their
feet, and cleaving to their shoes.
1 And as for fresh water, the country is full of dainty
springs, 5 and some great rivers, and some lesser
brooks ; and at Masathulets Bay 6 they digged wells
and found water at three foot deep in most places ;
and near Salem they have as fine clear water as we
1 The lobster, (homarus America- ermen, weighed 28 pounds. See
nus,) the largest of all crustaceous Gould's Report, page 360.
animals, is found about all the isl- 3 See Chronicles of Plymouth,
ands in Massachusetts Bay, and in note 3 on page 164.
every cove along the coast. Probably 4 See Wood, ch. 9; Morton's
200,000 are annually taken in our New-English Canaan, book ii. ch.
waters, one half of which are 7; and Gould's Report, pages 121,
brought to Boston, See Gould's 135, 356, 360.
Report on the Invertebrate Animals 5 See Chronicles of Plymouth,
of Massachusetts, pp. 330 and 360. note 4 on page 129.
2 Wood, ch. 9, mentions "very 6 At Charlestown, whither Graves
large ones, some being 20 pounds had already gone. See note on
in weight." The largest that has page 152.
been seen of late by the Boston fish-
THE AIR OF NEW-ENGLAND. 251
can desire, and we may dig wells and find water CHAP.
where we list.
Thus we see both land and sea abound with store 1629.
of blessings for the comfortable sustenance of man's J JjJ y
life in New-England. Se P t -
Of the Air of New-England, with the temper and crea-
tures in it.
The temper of the air 1 of New-England is one spe-
cial thing that commends this place. Experience
doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthful
place to be found in the world that agreeth better
with our English bodies. Many that have been
weak and sickly in Old England, by coming hither
have been thoroughly healed, and grown healthful
and strong. For here is an extraordinary clear and
dry air, that is of a most healing nature to all such
as are of a cold, melancholy, phlegmatic, rheumatic
temper of body. None can more truly speak hereof
by their own experience than myself. My friends
that knew me can well tell how very sickly I have
been, and continually in physic, being much troubled
with a tormenting pain through an extraordinary
weakness of my stomach, and abundance of melan-
cholic humors. But since I came hither on this
voyage, I thank God I have had perfect health, and
freed from pain and vomiting, having a stomach to
digest the hardest and coarsest fare, who before could
not eat finest meat ; and whereas my stomach could
only digest and did require such drink as was both
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth, pages 233, 369.
252 THE CLIMATE OF NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP, strong and stale, now I can and do oftentimes drink
- ~ New-England water very well. And I that have not
1629. g 0ne without a cap for many years together, neither
t y durst leave off the same, have now cast away my cap,
Sept. an( j ^ wear none a t all in the day time ; and whereas
beforetime I clothed myself with double clothes and
thick waistcoats to keep me warm, even in the sum-
mer time, I do now go as thin clad as any, only
wearing a light stuff cassock upon my shirt, and stuff
breeches of one thickness without linings. Besides,
I have one of my children, that was formerly most
lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both
his hands and feet of the king's evil ; but since he
came hither he is very well ever he was, and there
is hope of perfect recovery shortly, even by the very
wholesomeness of the air, altering, digesting, and
drying up the cold and crude humors of the body ;
and therefore I think it is a wise course for all cold
complexions to come to take physic in New-Eng-
land ; for a sup of New-England's air is better than
a whole draught of Old England's ale.
In the summer time, in the midst of July and Au-
gust, it is a good deal hotter than in Old England,
and in winter January and February are much colder,
as they say ; but the spring and autumn are of a
middle temper.
Fowls of the air are plentiful here, and of all sorts
as we have in England, as far as I can learn, and a
great many of strange fowls which we know not.
Whilst I was writing these things, one of our men
brought home an eagle which he had killed in the
wood ; they say they are good meat. Also here are
many kinds of excellent hawks, both sea hawks and
THE FOWLS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 253
land hawks ; and myself walking in the woods with CHAP.
another in company, sprung a partridge 1 so big that
through the heaviness of his body could fly but a 1629 -
little w r ay ; they that have killed them say they are 7
as big as our hens. Here are likewise abundance of Sept *
turkeys 2 often killed in the woods, far greater than
our English turkeys, and exceeding fat, sweet, and
fleshy ; for here they have abundance of feeding all
the year long, as strawberries (in summer all places
are full of them) and all manner of berries and fruits.
In the winter time I have seen flocks of pigeons, 3
and have eaten of them. They do fly from tree to
tree, as other birds do, which our pigeons will not
do in England. They are of all colors, as ours are,
but their wings and tails are far longer ; and there-
fore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible
hawks in this country. In winter time this country
doth abound with wild geese, wild ducks, 4 and other
sea-fowl, that a great part of winter the planters
have eaten nothing but roast meat of divers fowls
which they have killed.
Thus you have heard of the Earth, Water, and Air
of New-England. Now it may be you expect some-
thing to be said of the Fire, proportionable to the
rest of the elements.
1 This, no doubt, was the par- 2 See Josselyn's New-England's
tridgeof New-England, the pheasant Rarities, p. 8 ; Bonaparte's Amer.
of the middle and western States, Ornithol. i. 79 ; Audubon, i. 1 ;
(tretao umbellus.) Wood and Mor- Nuttall, i. 639 ; Peabody, p. 352.
ton both remark that they are bigger 3 See Wood, ch. 8; Wilson, v.
.in body than the partridges of Eng- 102 ; Audubon, i. 319 ; Nuttall, i.
land. See Peabody's Report, page 029 ; Peabody's Report, p. 351.
354 ; Wilson's Amer. Ornithol. vi. 4 See Chronicles of Plymouth,
45 ; Audubon's Ornithol. Biog. i. note 6 on page 139, and note l on
211 ; Nuttall, i. 657. page 140.
254 ABUNDANCE OF FUEL.
CHAP. Indeed I think New-England may boast of this
element more than of all the rest. For though it be
1629. nere somewhat cold in the winter, yet here we have
plenty of fire to warm us, and that a great deal
cheaper than they sell billets and fagots in London ;
nay, all Europe is not able to afford to make so great
fires as New-England. A poor servant here, that is
to possess but fifty acres of land, may afford to give
more wood for timber and fire as good as the w r orld
yields, than many noblemen in England can afford to
do. Here is good living for those that love good
fires. And although New-England have no tallow
to make candles of, yet by the abundance of the fish
thereof it can afford oil for lamps. Yea, our pine
trees, that are the most plentiful of all wood, doth
allow us plenty of candles, which are very useful in
a house ; and they are such candles as the Indians
commonly use, having no other ; and they are no-
thing else but the wood of the pine tree cloven in
two little slices something thin, which are so full of
the moisture of turpentine and pitch that they burn
as clear as a torch. 1 I have sent you some of them,
that you may see the experience of them.
Thus of New-England's commodities. Now I will
tell you of some discommodities, that are here to be
found.
First, in the summer season, for these three
months, June, July, and August, 2 we are troubled
1 Pine-knots. " Out of these pines is gotten the candle- wood, that is so
much spoken of." Wood, ch. 5.
2 See note 3 on page 249.
THE INCONVENIENCES OF THE COUNTRY. 255
much with little flies called mosquitoes, 1 being the
same they are troubled with in Lincolnshire and the
fens ; and they are nothing but gnats, which, except
they be smoked out of their houses, are troublesome to
o
in the night season.
Secondly, in the winter season, for two months'
space, the earth is commonly covered with snow,
which is accompanied with sharp biting frosts, some-
thing more sharp than is in Old England, and there-
fore are forced to make great fires.
Thirdly, this country being very full of woods and
wildernesses, doth also much abound with snakes
and serpents, of strange colors and huge greatness.
Yea, there are some serpents, called rattlesnakes, 2
that have rattles in their tails, that will not fly from
a man as others will, but will fly upon him and sting
him so mortally that he will die within a quarter of
an hour after, except the party stinged have about
him some of the root of an herb called snake-weed 3
to bite on, and then he shall receive no harm. But
yet seldom falls it out that any hurt is done by these.
About three years since an Indian was stung to death
by one of them ; but we heard of none since that time.
Fourthly and lastly, here wants as yet the good
company of honest Christians, to bring with them
horses, kine and sheep, to make use of this fruitful
land. Great pity it is to see so much good ground
for corn and for grass as any is under the heavens,
to lie altogether unoccupied, when so many honest
men and their families in Old England^ through the
1 See Wood, ch. 11 ; and Harris's 2 See Josselyn, p. 38 ; Morton,
Report on the Insect^, of Massachu- ch. 5 ; Wood, ch. 11.
etts, page 40k. 3 See Wood^ ch. IK
ZOO THE NATIVES OF NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP, populousness thereof, do make very hard shift to live
one by the other.
1629.
July
to
Sept. Now thus you know what New-England is, as also
with the commodities and discommodities thereof.
Now I will show you a little of the inhabitants 1
thereof, and their government.
For their governors they have kings, which they
call saggamores, some greater and some lesser, ac-
cording to the number of their subjects. The greater
saggamores about us cannot make above three hun-
dred men, and other less saggamores -have not above
fifteen subjects, and others near about us but two.
Their subjects, about twelve years since, 2 were
swept away by a great and grievous plague that was
amongst them, so that there are very few left to in-
habit the country.
The Indians are not able to make use of the one
fourth part of the land ; neither have they any set-
tled places, as towns, to dwell in ; nor any ground
as they challenge for their own possession, but
change their habitation from place to place.
For their statures, they are a tall and strong-
limbed people. Their colors are tawny. They go
naked, save only they are in part covered with
beasts' skins on one of their shoulders, and wear
something before their privities. Their hair is gen-
erally black, and cut before, like our gentlewomen,
1 For the Indians of New-Eng- 1-20 ; and Daniel Gookin and Roger
land, see Edward Winslow, in Williams in Mass. Hist. Coll. i.
Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 354- 141-226, and iii. 203-238.
367 ; Wood's New-England's Pros- 2 In 1617. See Chronicles of
pect, part ii. chaps. 1-20 ; Morton's Plymouth, note 3 on page 183.
New-English Canaan, book i. chaps.
THE NATIVES OF NEW-ENGLAND. 257
and one lock longer than the rest, much like to our CHAP.
gentlemen, which fashion I think came from hence ^-^
into England. 1629 -
For their weapons, they have bows and arrows, "J
some of them headed with bone, and some with brass. Se P t
I have sent you some of them for an example.
The men, for the most part, live idly ; they do
nothing but hunt and fish. Their wives set their
corn, and do all their other work. They have little
household stuff, as a kettle, and some other vessels
like trays, spoons, dishes and baskets.
Their houses 1 are very little and homely, being
made with small poles pricked into the ground, and
so bended and fastened at the tops, and on the sides
they are matted with boughs and covered on the roof
with sedge and old mats ; and for their beds that
they take their rest on, they have a mat.
They do generally profess to like well of our com-
ing and planting here ; partly because there is abun-
dance of ground that they cannot possess nor make
use of, and partly because our being here will be
a means both of relief to them when they want,
and also a defence from their enemies, 2 wherewith
(I say) before this Plantation began, they were often
endangered.
For their religion, they do worship two Gods, a
good God and an evil God. The good God they
call Tantum, and their evil God, whom they fear
will do them hurt, they call Squantum.
For their dealing with us, we neither fear them
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth, borders of the Penobscot. See
note J on page 144. Chronicles of Plymouth, note 5 on
These were the Tarrateens, or page 225, and the Planters' Plea,
Eastern Indians, who lived on the page 27.
17
258 CONVERSION OF THE INDIANS.
CHAP, nor trust them : for forty of our musketeers will
XII.
~ drive five hundred of them out of the field. We use
1629. them kindly. 1 They will come into our houses
Jul ? sometimes by half a dozen or half a score at a time
to J
Sept. when we are at victuals, but will ask or take nothing
but what we give them.
We purpose to learn their language 2 as soon as
we can, which will be a means to do them good.
Of the present condition of the Plantation^ and what it is.
When we came first to Nehum-kek, we found
about half a score houses, and a fair house newly
built for the Governor. 3 We found also abundance
1 As they were instructed to do. dians, as he has been called, preach-
See pages 159 and 176. ed to them in their own language,
2 The first planters of Massachu- and subsequently undertook the
setts have been reproached for not Herculean task of translating the
attending sooner to one of the pro- whole Bible into the language of
fessed designs of their Plantation, the Massachusetts Indians, which
the conversion of the Indians to was printed at Cambridge in 1663,
Christianity. The reproach is un- and a second edition in 1685. A
merited. They attended to it as series of seven tracts, giving an ac-
soon as it was possible. For a count of the attempts to convert the
while they had to struggle with dis- natives of New-England to Christ-
ease and famine and the manifold ianity, from 1647 to 1655, may be
hardships attendant upon a new set- seen in the Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiv.
tlement. They had also to set up See also Daniel Gookin's Account
a Church and a State in the wil- in the same Coll. i. 169-224; Hutch-
derness. Then came the troubles inson's Mass. i. 161 ; and Francis's
of the Antinomian controversy, and Life of Eliot in Sparks's American
immediately upon that, broke out the Biography, vol. 5.
Pequot war. During all this period' 3 See page 240. According to
they had no fit opportunity to en- the deposition of Richard Bracken-
gage in this great work, and no bury, (who came over with Endicott
suitable instruments to prosecute it. in 1628,) taken in 1681, when he
As soon as these were raised up by was eighty years old, the house here
Providence, they entered upon the mentioned was built of the materials
work, learned the Indian languages, of another house erected at Cape
and preached to the natives. In Ann by Conant and his associates.
1646 the General Court of Massa- It is said that some of its timbers
chusetts passed an Act to encourage are contained in a house now stand-
the carrying of the Gospel to the ing in Salem, at the corner of Court
Indians, o,nd it was recommended to and Church streets. See note 2 on
the elders to consider how it might page 30, and Felt's Annals of Sa-
best be done. In the same year, lem, i. 122.
John Eliot, the Apostle to the In-
CONDITION OF THE PLANTATION. 259
of corn planted by them, very good and well liking. CHAP.
~^\. LA,
And we brought with us about two hundred passen-
gers and planters more, which, by common consent 1629 -
of the old planters, were all combined together into ]J, y
one body politic, under the same Governor. Sept>
There are in all of us, both old and new planters,
about three hundred, whereof two hundred of them
are settled at Nehum-kek, now called Salem, and the
rest have planted themselves at Masathulets Bay, 1
beginning to build a town 2 there, .which we do call
Cherton or Charles town.
We that are settled at Salem make what haste we
can to build houses, so that within a short time we
shall have a fair town.
We have great ordnance, 3 wherewith we doubt not
but we shall fortify ourselves in a short time to keep
out a potent adversary. But that which is our great-
est comfort and means of defence above all others, is
that we have here the true religion and holy ordi-
nances of Almighty God taught amongst us. 4 Thanks
be to God, we have here plenty of preaching, and dil-
igent catechising, with strict and careful exercise, and
good and commendable orders to bring our people
into a Christian conversation with whom we have to do
withal. And thus we doubt not but God will be with
pn
us ; and if God be with us, who can be against us ? viii. si.
Here ends Master Higgeson's Relation of New-
England.
According to the Instructions of 4 The church of Salem was formed
the Company. See page 150. August 6th, and the pastor, and
It was laid out by Graves, the teacher, and ruling elder, were or-
engineer. See note 2 on page 152. dained the same day. See Morton's
Winthrop, i. 29, 30, 39, 46, 127, Memorial, p. 146, and Prince's An-
calls it Charlton. nals, p. 263.
1 See pages 45, 50, 157.
260 MORE COLONISTS EXPECTED.
CHAP. Some brief Collections out of a Letter 1 that Mr. Hig-
XII.
ginson sent to his friends at Leicester.
1629.
s t ' There are certainly expected here the next spring
the coming of sixty families out of Dorsetshire, 2 who
have by letters signified so much to the Governor,
to desire him to appoint them places of habitations,
they bringing their ministers with them. Also many
families are expected out of Lincolnshire, 3 and a
minister with them, and a great company of godly
Christians out of London.
Such of you as come from Leicester, 4 I would
counsel you to come quickly, and that for two rea-
sons. First, if you linger too long, the passages of
Jordan, through the malice of Sathan, may be stop-
ped, that you cannot come if you would. 5 Secondly,
those that come first speed best here, and have the
1 " A letter then from New-Eng- mas Shepard embarked under the
land, and for a considerable time assumed name of his elder brother
after, was venerated as a sacred John, a husbandman. In April,
script, or as the writing of some 1637, a Proclamation was issued " to
holy prophet ; 'twas carried many restrain the disorderly transporting
miles, where divers came to hear of his Majesty's subjects to the Col-
it." Scottow's Narrative, p. 17. onies without leave-. " It command-
2 These were the west-country ed that " no license should be given
people, Warham and Maverick, them, without a certificate that they
Ludlow and Rossiter, of whom we had taken the oaths of Supremacy
shall hear more presently from Ro- and Allegiance, and had conformed
ger Clap, who came with them. to the discipline of the Church of
3 These were the Boston people, England." And in May, 1638, a
with whom Cotton was expected to fresh Proclamation was published,
come. See note 3 on page 48. " commanding owners and masters
4 His former place of residence in of vessels, that they do not fit out
England. See page 65. any with passengers and provisions to
These obstructions to emigra- New-England, without license from
tion were soon interposed. In 1633, the Commissioners of Plantations."
Cotton, Hooker and Stone with great See Chalmers's Annals, i. 161;
difficulty eluded the vigilance of the Rushworth's Collections, ii. 409 ;
pursuivants, and escaped from the Rymer's Fcedera, xx. 143, 223 ;
country. In 1635, Richard Mather Savage's Winthrop, i. 109 ; and
was obliged to keep close till the Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 268.
vessel was fairly at sea ; and Tho-
MORE CATTLE WANTED. 261
privilege of choosing choice places of habitations. C |?AP.
Little children of five years old may, by setting corn >
one month, be able to get their own maintenance 1629 -
abundantly. what a good work might you that ept '
are rich do for your poor brethren, to help them
with your purses only to convey them hither with
their children and families, where they may live as
well, both for soul and body, as any where in the
world. Besides, they will recompense the cost by
helping to build houses and plant your ground for a
time ; which shall be difficult work at the first, ex-
cept you have the help of many hands. Mr. John-
son, 1 out of Lincolnshire, and many others, have
helped our godly Christians hither, to be employ-
ed in their work for a while, and then to live of
themselves.
We have here about forty goats that give milk,
and as many milch kine. We have six or seven
mares and a horse, and do every day expect the
coming of half a score mares more, and thirty kine, 2
by two ships 3 that are to follow us. They that come
let them bring mares, kine and sheep, as many as
they can. Ireland is the best place to provide sheep,
and lies in the way. Bring none that are in lamb,
nor mares in foal, for they are in more danger to
perish at sea. Of all trades, carpenters are most
needful ; therefore bring as many as you can.
It were a wise course for those that are of abilities
to join together and buy a ship for the voyage, and
other merchandise ; for the Governor would that
1 Isaac Johnson, of whom more 3 The Four Sisters and the May-
hereafter, flower. See page 216.
* See note 2 on page 216.
262 TRANSPORTATION EXPENSIVE.
CHAP, any man may- employ his stock in what merchandises
he please, excepting only beaver skins, which
1629. com p anv of merchants reserve to themselves, and
the managing of the public stock. 1 If any be of the
mind to buy a ship, my cousin Nowell's 2 counsel
would be good. Also one Mr. [ ], 3 a very godly
man and the master of the ship we went in, and like-
wise one Mr. Graves, 4 the master's mate, dwelling in
Wapping, may herein stand you in stead. The pay-
ment of the transportation of things is wondrous dear,
as c5 a man, and 10 a horse, and commonly 3
for every ton of goods ; so that a little more than
will pay for the passage will purchase the possession
of a ship for all together.
No man hath or can have a house built for him
here unless he comes himself, or else sends servants
before to do it for him. It was an error that I now
perceive both myself and others did conceive, by
1 See pages 114 and 148. whom the first and the last gradu-
2 Increase Nowell, who was one ated at Harvard College in 1653 and
of the patentees mentioned in the 1664. See Savage's Winthrop, i.
Charter, and whose name occurs so 31 ; Budington's Hist, of the First
often in the Company's Records, Church in Charlestown, pp. 31, 190;
was one of the Assistants from the Prince's Annals, p. 334.
beginning till his death, and a very 3 This name, which the copyist
active and efficient member of the could not decipher, was Beecher,
Company. He came over with Gov. Thomas. See note 4 on page 219.
Winthrop, and settled at Charles- 4 This Graves was, the next year,
town, of which place he was the mate of the Arbella, the flag-ship of
first town-clerk, and one of the se- Winthrop's fleet, was afterwards
lectmen for nineteen years. He commander of a vessel, and is men-
was also chosen a ruling elder of tioned by Winthrop, under date of
Wilson's Church, but soon resigned June 3, 1635, as one " who had
that place on the ground of its being come every year for these seven
incompatible with the office of a civil years." He is probably the person
magistrate. For six years, from who was made a rear-admiral by
1644 to 1649, he was Secretary of Cromwell for capturing a Dutch pri-
the Colony, which he faithfully serv- vateer, and is not to be confounded
ed. He died poor, Nov. 1, 1655, with Graves, the engineer, mention-
leaving a widow, Parnel, and five ed on pp. 56 and 152. See Sav-
children, Samuel, Mehetable, In- age's Winthrop, i. 8, 161.
crease, Mary, and Alexander, of
A YEAR'S PROVISIONS TO BE BROUGHT. 263
not rightly understanding the merchants' meaning. CHAP.
For we thought that all that put in their money into
the common stock should have a house built for them, 1629 -
besides such a portion of land ; but it was not so.
They shall indeed have so much land allotted to
them when they come to take possession of it and
make use of it ; but if they will have houses, they
must build them. Indeed, we that are ministers, and
all the rest that were entertained and sent over and
maintained by the rest of the Company, as their ser-
vants, for such a time in such employments, all such
are to have houses built them of the Company's
charge, 1 and no others, nor otherwise. They that
put money into the stock, as they do a good work to
help forward so worthy a Plantation, so all the gain
they are like to have is according to the increase
of the stock at three 2 years' end by the trade of bea-
ver, besides the lands, which they shall enjoy when
they will.
All that come must have victuals with them for a
twelvemonth. I mean they must have meal, oatmeal,
and such like sustenance of food, till they can get
increase of corn by their own labor. For otherwise,
so many may come without provision at the first, as
that our small beginnings may not be sufficient to
maintain them.
Before you come, be careful to be strongly in-
structed what things are fittest to bring with you for
your more comfortable passage at sea, as also for
your husbandry occasions when you come to the
land. For when you are once parted with England,
1 See the Agreement with Bright 2 Probably an error for seven. See
and Higginson, on pp. 208 and 210. pp. Ill, 114, 116 and 117.
264 NECESSARIES FOR THE COLONY.
CHAP, you shall meet neither with taverns, nor alehouse,
~ nor butchers', nor grocers', nor apothecaries' shops
9 * to help what things you need, in the midst of the
great ocean, nor when you are come to land ; here
are yet neither markets nor fairs to buy what you
want. Therefore be sure to furnish yourselves with
things fitting to be had, before you come ; as meal
for bread, malt for drink, woollen and linen cloth,
and leather for shoes, and all manner of carpenters'
tools, and a good deal of iron and steel to make nails,
and locks for houses, and furniture for ploughs and
carts, and glass for windows, 1 and many other things,
which were better for you to think of them there
than to want them here.
Whilst I was writing this letter, 2 my wife brought
me word that the fishers had caught sixteen hundred
bass at one draught ; which, if they were in Eng-
land, were worth many a pound.
A Letter 2 sent from New-England by Master Graves*
Engineer, now there resident.
Thus much I can affirm in general, that I never
came in a more goodly country in all my life, all
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth, late news from New-England. I
note l on page 237. would have some of you read it to
2 The preceding letter was not a your mother, and let Forth copy out
part of Higginson's New-England's the observations and all that follows
Plantation. Yet it was written by from the K?, and the Letter in the
him about the same time, and comes end, and show it Mr. Mott and others
in more appropriately here than at that intend this voyage." See Win-
the end of the Journal of his voyage, throp's Hist. i. 361.
to which it was appended. I have 3 This Letter is not contained in
taken the liberty to insert it in this the first edition, printed the same
place. Gov. Winthrop undoubtedly year. It may be a part of the letter
refers to it, when, in a letter to his mentioned in note 2 on page 152.
son John, dated Oct. 9, 1629, he 4 See pages 53, 56, and note 2 on
writes, " I have sent down all the page 152.
FRUITFULNESS OF THE COUNTRY. 265
things considered. If it hath not at any time been CHAP.
manured and husbanded, yet it is very beautiful in L.
open lands, mixed with goodly woods, and again * 62 9.
open plains, in some places five hundred acres, some ' ept *
places more, some less, not much troublesome for to
clear for the plough to go in ; no place barren but
on the tops of the hills. The grass and weeds grow
up to a man's face in the lowlands, and by fresh
rivers abundance of grass and large meadows, with-
out any tree or shrub to hinder the scythe. I never
saw, except in Hungaria, 1 unto which I always par-
allel this country, in all or most respects ; for every
thing that is here either sown or planted prospereth
far better than in Old England. The increase of
corn is here far beyond expectation, as I have seen
here by experience in barley, the which, because it
is so much above your conception, I will not men-
tion. And cattle do prosper very well, and those
that are bred here far greater than those with you in
England. Vines do grow here plentifully, laden with
the biggest grapes that ever I saw ; some I have
seen four inches about. So that I am bold to say of
this country, as it is commonly said in Germany of
Hungaria, that for cattle, corn, and wine, it excelleth.
We have many more hopeful commodities here in
this country, the which time will teach to make good
use of. In the mean time, we abound with such
things which, next under God, do make us subsist ;
as fish, fowl, deer, and sundry sorts of fruits, as
musk-melons, water-melons, Indian pompions, Indian
pease, beans, and many other odd fruits that I cannot
name ; all which are made good and pleasant through
1 " He hath been a traveller in divers foreign parts." See p. 153.
266 HEALTHFULNESS OF THE COUNTRY.
CHAP, this main blessing of God, the healthfullness of the
XII
s _L country, which far exceedeth all parts that ever I
1629. h ave been in. It is observed that few or none do
Sept here fall sick, unless of the scurvy, that they bring
from aboard the ship with them ; whereof I have
cured some of my company only by labor. Thus
making an end of an imperfect description, and com-
mitting you to God, &c.
1630. A Catalogue of such needful things as every planter
doth or ought to provide to go to New-England ;
as namely for one man ; which, being doubled,
may serve for as many as you please, viz.
Victuals for a whole year for a man, and so after the
rate for more.
8 bushels of meal, 1 waistcoat,
2 bushels of pease, 1 suit of canvass,
2 bushels of oatmeal, 1 suit of frieze, 3
1 gallon of aqua-vitae, 1 suit of cloth,
1 gallon of oil, 3 pair of stockings,
2 gallons of vinegar, 4 pair of shoes,
1 firkin of butter. 2 pair of sheets,
7 ells of canvass, to make a
Apparel. bed and bolster,
1 Monmouth cap, 1 1 pair of blankets,
3 falling bands, 2 1 coarse rug.
3 shirts,
1 See note 2 on page 41. 3 A sort of coarse woollen cloth.
2 See note 5 on page 40.
THINGS NEEDFUL FOR THE PLANTER.
267
Arms.
1 armour, complete,
1 long piece,
1 sword,
1 belt,
1 bandoleer, 1
20 pound of powder,
60 pound of lead,
1 pistol and goose shot,
Tools.
1 broad hoe,
1 narrow hoe,
1 broad axe,
1 felling axe,
1 steel handsaw,
1 whipsaw,
1 hammer,
1 shovel,
1 spade,
2 augers,
4 chisels,
2 piercers, stocked,
1 gimlet,
1 hatchet,
2 frowers, 2
1 handbill, 3
1 grindstone,
1 pickaxe,
Nails, of all sorts.
Household Implements.
1 iron pot,
1 kettle,
1 frying-pan,
1 gridiron,
2 skillets,
1 spit,
Wooden platters,
Dishes,
Spoons,
Trenchers.
Spices.
Sugar,
Pepper,
Cloves,
Mace,
Cinnamon,
Nutmegs, Fruit.
CHAP.
XII.
U30.
Also, there are divers other things necessary to be
taken over to this Plantation, as books, nets, hooks
and lines, cheese, bacon, kine, goats, &,c. 4
1 See note 5 on page 44. 3 An edged tool, with a hooked
2 An edged tool, used in cleaving point, used to lop trees, hedges, &c.
laths. 4 This list of articles is not con-
tained in the first edition.
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
FOR PLANTING NEW-ENGLAND
CHAPTER XIII.
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE PLANTATION IN
NEW-ENGLAND ; WITH AN ANSWER TO SEVERAL
OBJECTIONS.
FIRST, it will be a service to the Church of great CHAP.
XIII
consequence, to carry the Gospel into those parts of. ^
the world, and to raise a bulwark against the king- 1629.
dom of Antichrist, which the Jesuits labor to rear up
in all places of the world.
Secondly, all other churches of Europe are brought
to desolation, and it may W? justly feared that the like
judgment is coming upon us ; and who knows but
that God hath provided this place to be a refuge
for many whom he means to save out of the general
destruction ?
Thirdly, the land grows weary of her inhabitants,
so that man, which is the most precious of all crea-
tures, is here more vile and base than the earth they
tread upon ; so as children, neighbours and friends,
especially of the poor, .are counted the greatest
burdens, which, if things were right, would be the
chiefest earthly blessings.
Fourthly, we are grown to that excess and in-
272 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
CHAP, temperance in all excess of riot, as no mean estate
- almost will suffice [a man] * to keep sail with his
1629. equals ; and he that fails in it, must live in scorn
and contempt. Hence it comes to pass, that all arts
and trades are carried in that deceitful manner and
unrighteous course, as it is almost impossible for a
good, upright man to maintain his charge, and live
comfortably in any of them.
Fifthly, the schools of learning and religion are so
corrupted as, (besides the unsupportable charge of
their education,) most children, even the best, witti-
est, and of fairest hopes, are perverted, corrupted,
and utterly overthrown by the multitude of evil ex-
amples and licentious governors of those seminaries.
Sixthly, the whole earth is the Lord's garden, and
he hath given it to the sons of Adam to be tilled and
improved by them. Why then should we stand
starving here for places of habitation, (many men
spending as much labor and cost to recover or keep
sometimes an acre or two of lands as would procure
him many hundreds of acfes, as good or better, in
another place,) and in the mean time suffer whole
countries, as profitable for the use of man, to lie
waste without any improvement ?
Seventhly, what can be a better work, and more
noble, and worthy a Christian, than to help to raise
and support a particular church while it is in its in-
fancy, and to join our forces with such a company of
faithful people as by a timely assistance may grow
stronger and prosper, and for want of it may be put
to great hazard, if not wholly ruined ?
1 So in Mather, Magnalia, i. 65, who says he transcribes from a MS.
FOR PLANTING NEW-ENGLAND. 273
Eighthly, if any such as are known to be godly, C HAP.
jtV. J-1X
and live in wealth and prosperity here, shall forsake ~
all this to join themselves with this church, and run 1629 '
in hazard with them of a hard and mean condition, it
will be an example of great use both for the remov-
ing of scandal and sinister and worldly respects, to
give more life to the faith of God's people in their
prayers for the Plantation, and also to encourage
others to join the more willingly in it.
OBJECTIONS.
OBJ. 1. It will be a great wrong to our own Church
and country to take away the best people ; and we
shall lay it more open to the judgments feared.
ANS. First, the number will be nothing in respect
of those that are left. Secondly, many that live to
no use here, more than for their own private fami-
lies, may be employed to a more common good in
another place. Thirdly, such as are of good use
here may yet be so employed as the Church shall re-
ceive no loss ; and since Christ's coming, the Church
is to be conceived as universal, without distinction
of countries ; so as he that doth good in any one place,
serves the Church in all places, in regard of the
unity. Fourthly, it is the revealed will of God that
the Gospel should be preached to all nations ; and
though we know not whether the Indians will re- ?
ceive it or not, yet it is a good work to observe
God's will in offering it to them ; for God shall have
glory by it, though they refuse it.
OBJ. 2. We have feared a judgment a long time ;
but yet we are safe. Therefore it were better to
stay till it come ; and either we may fly then, or if
18
274 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
CHAP, we be overtaken in it, we may well be content to
"VTTT
, L suffer with such a Church as ours is.
1629. ANS. It is likely that this consideration made the
Churches beyond the seas, as the Palatinate 1 and
Rochelle, 2 &c. to sit still at home, and not look out
for shelter while they might have found it. But the
woful spectacle of their ruin may teach us more wis-
dom, to avoid the plague while it is foreseen, and
not to tarry as they did, till it overtook them. If
they were now at their former liberty, we may be
sure they would take other courses for their safety.
And though most of them had miscarried in their
escape, yet it had not been half so miserable to
themselves, or scandalous to religion, as this des-
1 Frederic V., the Elector Pala- was reduced by famine in Oct. 1628.
tine of the Rhine, married, in 1612, This disastrous event prostrated the
the princess Elizabeth, daughter of Protestants in France, and broke their
James I. of England, and in 1619 spirits and their strength. Their af-
accepted the crown offered to him fairs became every day more afflictive
by the Protestants of Bohemia, and perilous. They saw and dread-
This election gave great offence to ed the approaching storm, but knew
Ferdinand, the Emperor of Germa- not how to evade it. Some of them
ny, who claimed the kingdom as his fled to England, but found no peace
own. He consequently invaded and there ; for Laud and other high
reduced both the Palatinate and Bo- churchmen drove them back. See
hernia, defeated the Palgrave near Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. v. 351 ; and
Prague in 1621, and put him under Dr. Holmes's Memoir of the French
the ban of the Empire. A dreadful Protestants, in Mass. Hist. Coll.
persecution of the Protestants now xxii. 18.
commenced through the Austrian Prince, the Annalist, referring to
territories, and the Catholic religion the two events mentioned in the
was forcibly introduced into the Pa- text, says, " In France and Navarre
latinate. An edict was issued, that the King begins to persecute the
the Protestant ministers should be Protestants, and turn them out of
forever exiled, and their churches their churches. In Bohemia and
closed. See Mod. Univ. Hist, xxvii. Germany the Imperial and Spanish
1-24 ; Coxe's Hist, of the House of forces are ruining the Reformed in-
Austria, i. 769-797, 815 ; Harte's terest ; and the King of England,
Hist, of Gustavus Adolphus, i. 238- extremely solicitous of matching his
246. only son, Prince Charles, to the
2 Rochelle, the principal seat and Spanish Infanta, refuses to support
strong-hold of the Huguenots, was his own daughter, the excellent
besieged by Cardinal Richelieu, and, Queen of Bohemia, the darling of the
after a long and desperate resistance, British Puritans." Annals, p. 179.
FOR PLANTING NEW-ENGLAND. 275
perate backsliding and abjuring the truth, which CHAP.
many of the ancient professors among them, and the
whole posterity that remain, are plunged into. 1629.
OBJ. 3. We have here a fruitful land, with peace,
and plenty of all things.
ANS. We are like to have as good conditions there
in time ; but yet we must leave all this abundance,
if it be not taken from us. When we are in our
graves, it will be all one whether we have lived in
plenty or in penury, whether we have died in a bed
of down or locks of straw. Only this is the advan^
tage of the mean condition, that it is a more freedom
to die. And the less comfort any have in the things
of this world, the more liberty they have to lay up
treasure in heaven.
OBJ. 4. We may perish by the way, or when we
come there, having 1 hunger or the sword, &c. ; and
how uncomfortable will it be to see our wives and
children and friends come to such misery by our
occasion.
ANS. Such objections savor too much of the flesh.
Who can secure himself or his from the like calami-
ties here ? If this course be warrantable, we may
trust God's providence for these things. Either he
will keep those evils from us, or will dispose them
for our good, and enable us to bear them.
OBJ. 5. But what warrant have we to take that
land, which is and hath been of long time possessed
of others the sons of Adam ?
ANS. That which is common to all is proper to
none. This savage people ruleth over many lands
1 Perhaps an error for braving.
276 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
CHAP, without title or property ; for they enclose no ground,
^L neither have they cattle to maintain it, but remove
their dwellings as they have occasion, or as they can
prevail against their neighbours. And why may not
Christians have liberty to go and dwell amongst
them in their waste lands and woods, (leaving them
such places as they have manured for their corn,) as
lawfully as Abraham did amongst the Sodomites ?
For God hath given to the sons of men a twofold
right to the earth ; there is a natural right, and a
civil right. The first right was natural, when men
held the earth in common, every man sowing and
feeding where he pleased. Then, as men and cattle
increased, they appropriated some parcels of ground
by enclosing and peculiar manurance ; and this in
time got them a civil right. Such was the right
which Ephron the Hittite had in the field of Machpe-
.
lah, wherein Abraham could not bury a dead corpse
without leave, though for the outparts of the country,
which lay common, he dwelt upon them and took the
fruit of them at his pleasure. This appears also in
Gen. Jacob and his sons, who fed their flocks as boldly in
xxvii.
i, 17. the Canaanites' land, for he is said to be lord of the
country ; and at Dothan and all other places men
accounted nothing their own but that which they had
appropriated by their own industry, as appears plainly
by Abimelech's servants, who in their own country
xxvi*. did often contend with Isaac's servants about wells
20.
which they had digged, but never about the lands
which they occupied. So likewise between Jacob
' and Laban ; he would not take a kid of Laban's
without special contract, but he makes no bargain
with him for the land where they fed. And it is
FOR PLANTING NEW-ENGLAND. 277
probable that if the country had not been as free for c ff-
Jacob as for Laban, that covetous wretch would have
made his advantage of him, and have upbraided Jacob 1629 -
with it, as he did with the rest. Secondly, there
is more than enough for them and us. Thirdly, God
hath consumed the natives with a miraculous plague, 1
whereby the greater part of the country is left void
of inhabitants. Fourthly, we shall come in with
good leave of the natives.
OBJ. 6. We should send our young ones, and
such as may best be spared, and not of the best of
our ministers and magistrates.
ANS. It is a great work, and requires more skilful
artisans to lay the foundation of a new building, than
to uphold and repair one that is already built. If
great things be attempted by weak instruments, the
effects will be answerable.
OBJ. 7. We see that those plantations that have
been formerly made, succeeded ill.
ANS. First, the fruit of any public design is not to
be discerned by the immediate success ; it may ap-
pear in time, that they were all to good use. Se-
condly, there were great fundamental errors in
others, which are like to be avoided in this ; for,
first, their main end and purpose was carnal, and not
religious ; secondly, they aimed chiefly at profit, and
not at the propagation of religion ; thirdly, they used
too unfit instruments, a multitude of rude, ungovern-
ed persons, the very scums of the land ; fourthly,
they did not stablish a right form of government. 2
1 See page 256, and Chronicles of of that date, written by John Win-
Plymouth, note 3 on p. 183. throp, jr. to his father, he says,
1 This paper was drawn up before " The CONCLUSIONS which you sent
August 21, 1629. For in a letter down, I showed my uncle and aunt,
278
THE CONCLUSIONS.
CHAP.
XIII.
1629
who like them well. I think they
are unanswerable ; and it cannot but
be a prosperous action, which is so
well allowed by the judgments of
God's prophets, undertaken by so
religious and wise worthies of Israel,
and indented to God's glory in so
special a service." Mr. Savage re-
marks on this, " The CONCLUSIONS
spoken of by the son were, no
doubt, a paper of Considerations for
the Plantation, with an Answer to
several Objections, probably drawn
by our author (Gov. Winthrop.) I
Jiaye had in my possession the larger
part of the original;" which he
since informs me was in the hand-
writing of Winthrop. Felt, in his
Annals of Salem, i. 69, ascribes it to
Higginson, but upon no other au-
thority than the general title which
Hutchinson prefixes to certain pa-
pers appended to the Journal of the
Voyage. The MS. used by Hutch-
inson is now in my possession, and
from that I print. It varies some-
what from Mather's copy in the
Magnalia, i. 65. See Savage's
Winthrop, i. 360,
THE AGREEMENT AT CAMBRIDGE
CHAPTER XIV. ,,,r|"
THE TRUE COPY OF THE AGREEMENT AT CAM-
BRIDGE, AUGUST 26, 1629.
UPON due consideration of the state of the Planta- CHAP.
XIV.
tion now in hand for New-England, wherein we, ^~i
whose names are hereunto subscribed, have engaged 1629
ourselves, and having weighed the greatness of the
work in regard of the consequence, God's glory and
the Church's good ; as also in regard of the difficul-
ties and discouragements which in all probabilities
must be forecast upon the prosecution of this busi-
ness ; considering withal that this whole adventure
grows upon the joint confidence we have in each
other's fidelity and resolution herein, so as no man of
us would have adventured it without assurance of the
rest ; now, for the better encouragement of ourselves
and others that shall join with us in this action, and
to the end that every man may without scruple dis-
pose of his estate and affairs as may best fit his pre-
paration for this voyage ; it is fully and faithfully
AGREED amongst us, and every of us doth hereby
freely and sincerely promise and bind himself, in the
282 THE AGREEMENT AT CAMBRIDGE.
CHAP, word of a Christian, and in the presence of God, who
is the searcher of all hearts, that we will so really
1629. en deavour the prosecution of this work, as by God's
assistance, we will be ready in our persons, and with
such of our several families as are to go with us, and
such provision as we are able conveniently to furnish
ourselves withal, to embark for the said Plantation
by the first of March next, at such port or ports of
this land as shall be agreed upon by the Company, to
the end to pass the seas, (under God's protection,)
to inhabit and continue in New-England : Provided
always, that before the last of September next, the
whole government, together with the patent for the
said Plantation, be first, by an order of Court, legally
transferred and established to remain with us and
others which shall inhabit upon the said Plantation : l
and provided also, that if any shall be hindered by
such just and inevitable let or other cause, to be
allowed by three parts of four of these whose names
are hereunto subscribed, then such persons, for such
times and during such lets, to be discharged of this
bond. And we do further promise, every one for
himself, that shall fail to be ready through his own
default by the day appointed, to pay for every day's
default the sum of 3, to the use of the rest of the
company who shall be ready by the same day and time.
This was done by order of Court, the 29th of
August, 1629. 2
RICHARD SALTONSTALL, THOMAS SHARPS,
THOMAS DUDLEY, INCREASE NOWELL,
WILLIAM VASSALL, JOHN WINTHROP,
NICHOLAS WEST, S WILLIAM PiNCHON, 4
ISAAC JOHNSON, KELLAM BROWNED
JOHN HUMFREY, WILLIAM COLBRON.
WILLIAM PYNCHON, OF SPRINGFIELD.
283
1 See pages 85-88, and 91.
2 This seems to have been a note
interpolated after the paper was
signed. See page 88.
3 West and Browne never came
over to the Colony, and nothing is
known concerning them.
4 William Pynchon, whose name
occurs so frequently in the Compa-
ny's Records, was a gentleman of
learning as well as religion. He
was one of the Assistants named in
the Charter, and came over with
Gov. Winthrop. He laid the found-
ation of the town of Roxbury, and
was the first member of the church
in that place. Early in 1636 he re-
moved to Connecticut river, with
eight others, and was the father of
the town of Springfield, which was
so named after the town in England
where he resided, near Chelmsford,
in Essex. In 1650, there appeared
in England a book entitled, " The
Meritorious Price of our Redemp-
tion, Justification, &c., clearing it
from some Errors, by William Pin-
chin, in New-England, gent." A
copy of tUis book was brought over
by a ship a few days before the
meeting of the General Court, which
was held Oct. 15, and which pro-
ceeded to pass the following order :
" This Court having had a sight of
a book lately printed, under the
name of William Pinchon, in New-
England, gent., and judging it meet,
do therefore order ; first, that a Pro-
test be drawn, fully and clearly to
satisfy all men that this Court do ut-
terly dislike it arid detest it as erro-
neous and dangerous ; secondly, that
it be sufficiently answered by one of
the reverend elders ; thirdly, that
the said William Pinchon, gent., be
summoned to appear before the next
General Court to answer for the
same ; fourthly, that the said book,
now brought over, be burnt by the
executioner, and that in the market-
place in Boston on the morrow, im-
mediately after the Lecture." The
Rev. John Norton, of Ipswich, was
entreated to answer the book, which
he did. The Protest of the Court
covers a page of their Records, and CHAP,
in it they condemn the book as
" false, erroneous, and heretical,"
and declare their purpose " to pro- 1629
ceed with the author according to
his demerits, unless he retract the
same, and give full satisfaction both
here and by some second writing to
be printed and dispersed in England."
The grand error of the book consist-
ed in regarding the sufferings of
Christ as merely " trials of his obe-
dience ;" and of course it was the
first heretical work on the Atone-
ment that was written in this coun-
try. At the next General Court,
held May 7, 1651, Pynchon appear-
ed, and explained or retracted the
obnoxious opinions, after having
conferred with the Rev. Messrs.
Cotton, Norris, and Norton. He
appeared before them again Oct. 14,
1651, but the judgment of the Court
on his errors and heresies was sus-
pended till the next session in May,
1652. Before that time, Mr. Pyn-
chon, seeing the storm gathering,
and doubtful what might be the re-
sult, prudently left the Colony and
returned to England, accompanied
by his son-in-law, Capt. Henry
Smith, and the Rev. George Moxon,
a graduate of Sydney College, Cam-
bridge, in 1623, who had been the
minister of Springfield since 1637.
Is it not probable, that Moxon him-
self was infected with the same her-
esy, and perhaps had a hand in writ-
ing the book ? From a letter of the
Governor and Council, preserved in
Mass. Hist. Coll. xxi. 35, it appears
that Sir Henry Vane had written
them a letter in behalf of Pynchon,
April 15, 1652, previous to which
he had probably arrived in England.
They speak of him as " one whom
we did all love and respect," and
intimate that he had privately held
this doctrine " above thirty years."
He died at Wraysbury, on the
Thames, in Buckinghamshire, in
October, 1662, aged 72 or 74. His
son, John, was a prominent man in
the Colony, and a long line of de-
scendants may be seen in Fanner's
284
WILLIAM PYNCHON, OF SPRINGFIELD.
CHAP. Genealogical Register. No copy of
XIV. Pynchon's book is known to exist in
- ' this country, but Mr. Savage found
1629. it in the British Museum, and two
other tracts written by him. A se-
ries of papers, belonging to him and
his family, is printed in the Mass.
Hist. Coll. xviii. 228-249. See Col.
Rec. ii. 280-3, 295, 328 ; Breck's
Century Sermon at Springfield,
pp. 15-17 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xvi.
308, xxviii. 248, 288, 294.
THE COMPANY'S LETTERS
TO
HIGGINSON AND ENDICOTT
CHAPTER XV,
V
THE COMPANY'S LETTER TO THE MINISTERS. 1
REVEREND FRIENDS,
THERE are lately arrived here, 2 being sent from CHAP.
the Governor, Mr. Endecott, as men factious and , L
evil conditioned, John and Samuel Browne, 3 being 1629 -
1 See note on page 99.
2 The Brownes arrived in London
before Sept. 19, in the Talbot or
Lion's Whelp. They probably left
Salem soon after the installation of
the ministers, which took place Au-
gust 6. Of course they remained in
New-England only five or six weeks,
having landed at Salem June 30.
See pages 89, 90, 235.
3 The case of the Brownes has
already been frequently mentioned
and referred to. See pages 89, 91,
94, 123, 168. We are fortunate in
having a statement of the affair from
one who was a contemporary and
probably an eye-witness. Gov. Brad-
ford, who was at Salem on the day
that Higginson and Skelton were
ordained, Aug. 6, tells us, (for, as
Prince says, p. xx. " Morton's His-
tory, down to 1646, is chiefly Gov.
Bradford's manuscript abbreviated,")
that " some of the passengers that
came over at the same time, observ-
ing that the ministers did not at all
use the Book of Common Prayer,
and that they did administer baptism
and the Lord's supper without the
ceremonies, and that they professed
also to use discipline in the congre-
gation against scandalous persons,
by a personal application of the word
of God, as the case might require,
and that some that were scandalous
were denied admission into the
church, they began to raise some
trouble. Of these, Mr. Samuel
Browne and his brother were the
chief, the one being a lawyer, the
other a merchant, both of them
amongst the number of the first pa-
tentees, men of estates, and men of
parts and port in the place. These
two brothers gathered a company
together, in a place distinct from the
public assembly, and there, sundry
times, the Book of Common Prayer
was read unto such as resorted thi-
ther. The Governor, Mr. Endicott,
taking notice of the disturbance that
began to grow amongst the people
by this means, he con vented the two
brothers before him. They accused
Oct.
16.
288 THE AFFAIR OF THE BROWNES.
CHAP, brethren ; who, since their arrival, have raised ru-
-?!L V
mors (as we hear,) of divers scandalous and intem-
1629. p e r a te speeches passed from one or both of you in
16.' your public sermons or prayers in New-England, as
also of some innovations attempted by you. We
have reason to hope that their reports are but slan-
ders ; partly, for that your godly and quiet condi-
the ministers as departing from the ny, four of whom were nominated
orders of the Church of England, by the Brownes themselves, to in-
that they were Separatists, and vestigate the affair. To what result
would be Anabaptists, &c. ; but for that committee came, we are not in-
themselves, they would hold to the formed ; but the fact of the appoint-
orders of the Church of England, ment of such a committee shows the
The ministers answered for them- disposition of the Company to do am-
selves, They were neither Separa- pie justice to the complainants, and
tists nor Anabaptists ; they did not disproves the charges of contempt
separate from the Church of Eng- and injustice alleged against them by
land, nor from the ordinances of God Chalmers, (Annals, p. 146.) We
there, but only from the corruptions find from page 94, that, at their re-
and disorders there ; and that they quest, the Brownes were furnished
came away from the Common Prayer with a copy of Endicott's accusation
and ceremonies, and had suffered against them, to enable them to pre-
much for their non-conformity in pare their defence, and from page
their native land; and therefore be- 123, that a statement of grievances,
ing in a place where they might which they presented to the Compa-
have their liberty, they neither could ny for loss and damage sustained in
nor would use them, because they New-England, was referred to an-
judged the imposition of these things other committee, with full power to
to be sinful corruptions in the wor- allow what indemnity they should
ship of God. The Governor and think proper, and so end the matter.
Council, and the generality of the Endicott undoubtedly thought he
people, did well approve of the min- was acting in conformity with his
isters' answer ; and therefore, find- instructions, in sending them home,
ing those two brothers to be of high See pages 159, 160, 196. Grahame,
spirits, and their speeches and prac- in his History of the United States,
tices tending to mutiny and faction, i. 218, says, " Notwithstanding the
the Governor told them that New- censure with which some writers
England was no place for such as have commented on the banishment
they, and therefore he sent them of these two individuals, the justice
both back for England at the return of the proceeding must commend it-
of the ships the same year ; and self to the sentiments of all impartial
though they breathed out threaten- men." Bancroft, i. 350, remarks
ings both against the Governor and that "faction, deprived of its lead-
ministers there, yet the Lord so dis- ers, died away," and adds, that
posed of all, that there was no fur- " the liberal Ebeling, i. 869, defends
ther inconvenience followed upon the measure." A mural tablet has
it." Morton's Memorial, p. 147. been erected to the memory of the
It appears from page 89, that on Brownes in the Episcopal church at
their return to England, a committee Salem,
of ten was appointed by the Compa-
THE COMPANY'S LETTER TO THE MINISTERS. 289
tions are well known to some of us ; as also, for that CHAP.
xv.
these men, your accusers, seem to be embittered > ~
against you and Captain Endecott for injuries which 1629 -
Oot
they conceive they have received from some of you 16 /
there. Yet, for that we all know that the best ad-
vised may overshoot themselves, we have thought
good to inform you of what we hear, that if you be
innocent you may clear yourselves ; or if otherwise,
you may hereby be entreated to look back upon your
miscarriage with repentance ; or at least to take
notice that we utterly disallow any such passages,
and must and will take order for the redress thereof,
as shall become us. But hoping, as we said, of your
unblamableness herein, we desire only that this may
testify to you and others that we are tender of the
least aspersion which, either directly or obliquely,
may be cast upon the State here ;* to whom we owe
so much duty, and from whom we have received so
much favor in this Plantation where you now reside.
So with our love and due respect to your callings,
we rest,
Your loving friends,
R. SALTONSTALL, THO. ADAMS,
ISA. JOHNSON, SYM. WHETCOMBE,
MATT. CRADOCK, Governor, WILLIAM VASSALL,
THO. GOFF, Deputy, WM. PINCHION,
GEO. HARWOOD, Treasurer, JOHN REVELL,
JOHN WINTHROP, FRANCIS WEBB.*
London, 16 October, 1629.
1 The Company seem to have Endicott, as we may infer from the
been very solicitous that nothing daring and reckless spirit with which
should be done in their Plantation he afterwards cut the red cross out
which might furnish a pretext for the of the King's colors, not being able
Government to revoke their Char- to brook what appeared to him a
ter. Such prudential considerations, Popish and idolatrous emblem,
however, weighed but little with 2 See note 3 on page 179.
19
290 THE COMPANY'S LETTER
THE COMPANY'S LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR.
SIR,
As we have written at this time to Mr. Skelton
.X.V.
and Mr. Higgison touching the rumors of John and
Samuel Browne, spread by them upon their arrival
16. here, concerning some unadvised and scandalous
speeches uttered by them in their public sermons or
prayers, so have we thought meet to advertise you
of what they have reported against you and them,
concerning some rash innovations 1 begun and prac-
tised in the civil and ecclesiastical government.
We do well consider that the Brownes are likely to
make the worst of any thing they have observed in
New-England, by reason of your sending them back,
against their wills, for their offensive behaviour, ex-
pressed in a general letter from the Company there. 2
Yet, for that we likewise do consider that you are in
a government newly founded, and want that assist-
ance which the weight of such a business doth re-
quire, we may have leave to think that it is possible
some undigested counsels have too suddenly been
put in execution, which may have ill construction
1 These innovations, I suppose, is, as far as I can yet gather, no
had reference principally to the form- other than is warranted by the evi-
ation of the church at Salem, the dence of truth, and the same which
adoption of a confession of faith and I have professed and maintained
covenant by the people, and their ever since the Lord in mercy reveal-
election and ordination of the minis- ed himself unto me, being far differ-
ters. Endicott, we know, sympa- ing from the common report that
thized fully with the Separatists of hath been spread of you touching
New-Plymouth. In a letter of his that particular." See Mass. Hist,
to Gov. Bradford, dated Naumkeak, Coll. iii. 66.
May 11, 1629, he writes, " I rejoice 2 It is to be regretted that this
much that I am by Mr. Fuller satis- letter is not now in existence. See
fied touching your judgment of the pages 89 and 94.
outward form of God's worship. It
TO GOVERNOR ENDICOTT. 291
with the State here, and make us obnoxious to any CHAP.
adversary. Let it therefore seem good unto you to
be very sparing in introducing any laws or commands 162
which may render yourself or us distasteful to the 16.'
State here, to which (as we ought) we must and will
have an obsequious eye. 1 And as we make it our
main care to have the Plantation so ordered as may
be most for the honor of God and of our gracious
Sovereign, who hath bestowed many large privileges
and royal favors upon this Company, so we desire
that all such as shall by word or deed do any thing
to detract from God's glory or his Majesty's honor,
may be duly corrected, for their amendment and the
terror of others. And to that end, if you know any
thing which hath been spoken or done either by the
ministers, (whom the Brownes do seem tacitly to
blame for some things uttered in their sermons or
prayers,) or any others, we require you, if any such
thing be, that you form due process against the offend-
ers, and send it to us by the first, that we may, as
our duty binds us, use means to have them duly
punished.
So not doubting but we have said enough, we shall
repose ourselves upon your wisdom, and do rest
Your loving friends.
Dated and signed as the former letter to Mr.
Skelton and Mr. Higgison.
To the Governor, Capt. Endecott*
In dealing with such unscrupu- vious to his coming to New-Eng-
lous persons as Charles I. and Laud, land, except what is stated on page
the Company had to exercise a good 143, that he had sat under Mr. Skel-
deal of the wisdom of the serpent, ton's ministry, perhaps in Lincoln-
See note l on page 289. shire. He was of course supersed-
Nothing is known of the life ed in his office of Governor of the
arid history of JOHN ENDICOTT pre- Colony by the arrival of Winthrop
292
JOHN ENDICOTT, OF SALEM.
CHAP, with the Charter, in 1630. He was,
XV. however, the same year chosen an
^ Assistant, which place he occupied
1629 nme y ears - I n 1636, he was chosen
a colonel, and commanded the first
unsuccessful expedition in the Pe-
quot War. In 1641, he was elected
Deputy Governor, which office he
held four years. He was chosen
Governor in 1644, 1649, 1651-53,
and 1655-1665, sixteen years, a
longer period than any Governor of
the Colony was in office under the
old Charter, and exceeded one year
only, under the new, by Shirley
alone. In 1645 he was chosen Ma-
jor General, which office he held for
four years. In 1644, he removed to
Boston, where he died, March 15,
1665, in his 77th year. His wife,
Anna Gover, a cousin of Gov. Cra-
dock, died soon after his arrival at
Salem. See page 131. His house
stood on the lot now occupied by
the shops in Tremont-street, at the
head of Court-street, in front of Pem-
berton Square. His portrait hangs
in the Senate Chamber, at the State
House. See Savage's Winthrop,
i. 26, 156, 158, 192 ; Snow's Hist,
of Boston, p. 148 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
xviii. 52.
Hutchinson says, i, 17, that " En-
dicott was among the most zealous
undertakers, and the most rigid in
principles. This disposition distin-
guished him, more than his other
mental accomplishments, or his out-
ward condition in life. I have seen
a letter from the Secretary of State
in King Charles the Second's time,
in which is this expression, ' The
King would take it well if the peo-
ple would leave out Mr. Endicott
from the place of Governor.' " Mr.
F. M. Hubbard, in his new edition
of Belknap's Amer. Biog. iii. 166,
remarks, " Gov. Endicott was un-
doubtedly the finest specimen to be
found among our Governors of the
genuine Puritan character. He was
of a quick temper, which the habit
of military command had not soften-
ed ; of strong religious feelings,
moulded on the sterner features of
Calvinism ; resolute to uphold with
the sword what he had received as
Gospel truth, and fearing no enemy
so much as a gainsaying spirit.
Cordially disliking the English
Church, he banished the Brownes
and the Prayer Book ; and , averse
to all ceremonies and symbols, the
cross in the King's colors was an
abomination he could not away with.
He cut down the Maypole at Merry
Mount, published his detestation of
long hair in a formal proclamation,
and set in the pillory and on the gal-
lows the returning Quakers. Infe-
rior to Winthrop in learning, in com-
prehensiveness to Vane, in tolerance
even to Dudley, he excelled them all
in the eye keen to discern the fit
moment for action, in the quick re-
solve to profit by it, and in the hand
always ready to strike." See note l
on page 13,
THE HUMBLE REQUEST,
THE HVMBLE REQVEST of His Majestie's loyall Subjects, the
Governour and the Company late gone for NEW- ENGLAND ; To
the rest of their Brethren, in and of the Church of England. For
the obtaining of their Prayers, and the removall of suspitions,
and misconstructions of their Intentions.
LONDON. Printed for IOHN BELLAMIE. 1630. sm. 4to. pp. 12.
CHAPTER XVI
THE COMPANY'S HUMBLE REQUEST,
REVEREND FATHERS AND BRETHREN,
THE general rumor of this solemn enterprise,
.A. V 1.
wherein ourselves with others, through the provi
1 o o f\
dence of the Almighty, are engaged, as it may spare
April
us the labor of imparting our occasion unto you, so 7.
it gives us the more encouragement to strengthen
ourselves by the procurement of the prayers and
blessings of the Lord's faithful servants. For which
end we are bold to have recourse unto you, as those
whom God hath placed nearest his throne of mercy ;
which, as it affords you the more opportunity, so it
imposeth the greater bond upon you to intercede for
his people in all their straits. We beseech you,
therefore, by the mercies of the Lord Jesus, to consi-
der us as your brethren, standing in very great need
of your help, and earnestly imploring it. And how-
soever your charity may have met with some occa-
sion of discouragement through the misreport of our
intentions, or through the disaffection or indiscretion
296
THE HUMBLE REQUEST
C xvi P * f some of us, or rather amongst us, 1 (for we are not
of those that dream of perfection in this world,) yet
- we desire you would be pleased to take notice of the
7" principals and body of our Company, as those who
esteem it our honor to call the Church of England,
from whence we rise, our dear mother ; and cannot
part from our native country, w T here she specially
resideth, without much sadness of heart and many
tears in our eyes, 2 ever acknowledging that such
hope and part as we have obtained in the common
salvation, we have received in her bosom and sucked
it from her breasts. 3 We leave it not therefore as
loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished
there ; but, blessing God for the parentage and edu-
cation, as members of the same body, shall always
rejoice in her good, and unfeignedly grieve for any
sorrow that shall ever betide her, and while we have
breath, sincerely desire and endeavour the continu-
ance and abundance of her welfare, with the enlarge-
ment of her bounds in the kingdom of Christ Jesus.
Be pleased, therefore, reverend fathers and breth-
1 There may be an allusion here you leave us or stay at home with
to the case of the Brownes. See us. O pray for the peace of Jerusa-
note 3 on page 287. lem; they shall prosper that love her.
2 This language, so full of sincere As God continueth his presence
and tender affection, exposes the with us, (blessed be his name!) so
falsity of Chalmers's statement, be ye present in spirit with us,
where he speaks of "the savage though absent in body. Forget not
fury with which they deserted their the womb that bare you, and the
native land." And this too when breasts that gave you suck. Even
he himself admits that they had ducklings, hatched under a hen,
been persecuted in England. See though they take the water, yet
Chalmers's Pol. Annals, pages 152 will still have recourse to the wing
and 165. that hatched them ; how much more
3 John Cotton, in his Discourse should chickens of the same feather
entitled "God's Promise to his and yolk ? In the amity and unity
Plantation," p. 18, delivered just of brethren, the Lord hath not only
before the sailing of Winthrop's promised but commanded a blessing,
fleet, said, " Be not unmindful of even life forevermore." See note *
our Jerusalem at home, whether on page 126.
OF WINTHROP AND HIS COMPANY. 297
ren, to help forward this work now in hand ; which CHAP.
WtA. V -1*
if it prosper, you shall be the more glorious, howso
ever your judgment is with the Lord, and your re- 163 -
ward with your God. It is a usual and laudable ex- 7"
ercise of your charity, to commend to the prayers of
your congregations the necessities and straits of your
private neighbours : do. the like for a Church spring-
ing out of your own bowels. We conceive much
hope that this remembrance of us, if it be frequent
and fervent, will be a most prosperous gale in our
sails, and provide such a passage and welcome for us
from the God of the whole earth, as both we which
shall find it, and yourselves, with the rest of our
friends, who shall hear of it, shall be much enlarged
to bring in such daily returns of thanksgivings, as
the specialties of his providence and goodness may
justly challenge at all our hands. You are not igno-
rant that the spirit of God stirred up the apostle Paul
to make continual mention of the Church of Philippi,
which was a colony from Rome ; let the same spirit,
we beseech you, put you in mind, that are the Lord's
remembrancers, to pray for us without ceasing, who
are a weak colony from yourselves, making continual
request for us to God in all your prayers.
What we entreat of you, that are the ministers of
God, that we also crave at the hands of all the rest
of our brethren, that they would at no time forget us
in their private solicitations at the throne of grace.
If any there be who, through want of clear in-
telligence of our course, or tenderness of affection
towards us, cannot conceive so well of our way as
we could desire, we would entreat such not to de-
spise us, nor to desert us in their prayers and afFec-
298 THE HUMBLE REQUEST.
tions, but to consider rather that they are so much
*tX V A.
- the more bound to express the bowels of their com-
1 ft Q f\
passion towards us, remembering always that both
7. nature and grace doth ever bind us to relieve and
rescue, with our utmost and speediest power, such
as are dear unto us, when we conceive them to be
running uncomfortable hazards.
What goodness you shall extend to us in this or
any other Christian kindness, we, your brethren in
Christ Jesus, shall labor to repay in what duty we
are or shall be able to perform, promising, so far as
God shall enable us, to give him no rest on your
behalfs, 1 wishing our heads and hearts may be as
fountains of tears for your everlasting welfare when
we shall be in our poor cottages in the wilderness,
overshadowed with the spirit of supplication, through
the manifold necessities and tribulations which may
not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we hope, unprofit-
ably, befall us. And so commending you to the grace
of God in Christ, we shall ever rest
Your assured friends and brethren,
JOHN WINTHROPE, Gov. RICHARD SALTONSTALL,
CHARLES FiNES, 2 ISAAC JOHNSON,
THOMAS DUDLEY,
GEORGE PHILLIPPS, S WILLIAM CODDINGTON,
&c. &c.
From Yarmouth^ aboard the Arlella, April 7, 4 1630. 5
1 Edward Johnson, who was one 2 Fines never came over. He
of the company that came with was probably a relative, perhaps a
Winthrop, says, "For England's brother, of William Fiennes, Vis-
sake they are going from England, count Saye and Sele. In company
to pray without ceasing for Eng- with his noble kinsman, Sir Richard
land. O England ! thou shalt find Saltonstall, John Pym, and the great
New-England prayers prevailing John Hampden, he was one of the
with their God for thee." See his patentees named in the grant of
Hist, of New-England, eh. 12, in Connecticut from the Earl of War-
Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 77. wick, in 1632, and is there styled
GEORGE PHILLIPS, OF WATERTOWN,
299
the honorable Charles Fiennes,
Esq. See Hazard's State Papers,
i. 318, and Trumbull's Connecticut,
i. 495.
3 The Rev. George Phillips was
educated at Gonville and Caius
College, Cambridge, where he took
the degree of A. B. in 1613, and of
A. M. in 1617. He was settled in
the ministry at Boxted, in Essex.
He came over in the fleet with Gov.
Winthrop,and united with Sir Rich-
ard Saltonstall and others in the set-
tlement of Watertown, of which
place he was chosen the minister,
and remained there till his death,
July 1, 1644. Winthrop calls him
" a godly man, specially gifted, and
very peaceful in his place, much la-
mented of his own people and
others." Dr. Fuller, of New Ply-
mouth, in a letter to Gov. Bradford,
dated Charlestown, June 28, 1630,
writes, "Here is come over, with
these gentlemen, one Mr. Phillips,
a Suffolk man, who hath told me in
private, that if they will have him
stand minister by that calling which
he received from the prelates in
England, he will leave them."
Tradition says he lived in the
Sawin house, now standing, oppo-
site the old burial-ground in Water-
town. His son, Samuel, was the
minister of Rowley. Most of the
families of the name of Phillips in
New-England, are descended, it is
believed, from the minister of Wa-
tertown. See Mather's Magnalia,
i. 339 ; Savage's Winthrop, ii. 171;
Francis's Hist, of Watertown, p. 33 ;
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 74, xv. 186,
xxviii. 248.
4 This was the day before they
left England. See page 127, note 2 .
5 Hubbard, in speaking of this
beautiful and touching Address, re-
marks, "It is commonly said that
the Declaration was drawn up by
Mr. White, that famous minister of
Dorchester, of whom there is oft
mention made in this History ; if so,
it had a reverend, learned and holy
man for its author." It seems more
probable, however, that it was writ- CHAP.
ten by Winthrop, or Johnson, or XVI.
some other one of those who signed -
it. "This paper," says Hutchin- 15 30.
son, i. 19, " has occasioned a dis-
pute whether the first settlers of the
Massachusetts were of the Church
of England, or not." It has also
exposed them to the imputation of
inconsistency and insincerity. But
there is no ground for such an im-
putation. When they wrote this
letter, they belonged to the Church
of England. They disliked her cer-
emonies, indeed, and abjured her
errors, but had never renounced her
fellowship. They were Puritans,
Nonconformists, but not Separatists,
differing in this respect from the
Colonists of New Plymouth. It
was not till they were in the wilder-
ness, far away from the pursuivants
and the bishops, that they set up
churches of their own, independent
of their mother Church. It should
be recollected, too, that this Fare-
well Letter was addressed not to the
persecuting prelates who had driven
them into the wilderness, but to
" their brethren of the Church of
England." There were many in
the Church at this time, both among
the clergy and laity, who were sigh-
ing for purity and reform, as much
so as those that emigrated, and were
prevented from emigrating either by
the lack of means or resolution, or
perhaps preferred to remain at home
and see what they could do there in
the way of church reformation.
With all such the departing colo-
nists wished to hold spiritual com-
munion, to retain their fellowship,
and be benefited by their prayers.
The foregoing paper is printed
from the original edition of 1630, a
copy of which is preserved among
the books in Prince's New-England
Library. It was probably publish-
ed immediately after the sailing of
Winthrop 's fleet, in April. See
Mather's Magnalia, i. 69-71 ;
Prince's Annals, 282-307; Mass.
Hist. Coll. xv. 126 ; Chronicles of
Plymouth, pp. 416, 435.
DUDLEY'S LETTER
TO THE COUNTESS OF LINCOLN.
CHAPTER XVIL
DEPUTY GOVERNOR DUDLEY'S LETTER,
To the Right Honorable, my very good Lady,
The Lady Bridget, Countess of Lincoln. 1
MADAM,
YOUR letters (which are not common nor cheap,)
following me hither into New-England, and bringing
with them renewed testimonies of the accustomed
March
favors you honored me with in the Old, have drawn 12.
from me this narrative retribution, which, (in respect
of your proper interest in some persons of great note
amongst us,) 2 was the thankfullest present I had to
send over the seas. Therefore I humbly entreat
1 The wife of Theophilus, the Deputy Governor in England, Oct.
fourth earl of Lincoln, and daughter 20, 1629, but did not come over till
of the Viscount Saye and Sele. 1632. See pp. 106 and 127. This
Dudley had been steward in the family had a more intimate connec-
family. See note 3 on page 75 in tion with the New-England settle-
the Chronicles of Plymouth. ments, and must have felt a deeper
2 The Lady Arbella, the wife of interest in their success, than any
Isaac Johnson, who came over with other noble house in England. Cot-
Winthrop, was the sister of the Earl ton Mather speaks of the family as
of Lincoln. The Lady Susan, an- "religious," and " the best family
other sister, was married to John of any nobleman then in England.
Humphrey, who had been chosen See Mather's Magnalia, i. 126.
>)
304
THOMAS DUDLEY, OF ROXBURY.
CHAP, your Honor this be accepted as payment from him
- who neither hath nor is any more than
1631. Your Honor's
Old thankful servant,
Boston, in New-England, March 12th, 1630. 2
T. D. 1
FOR the satisfaction of your Honor and some
friends, and for the use of such as shall hereafter
1 THOMAS DUDLEY, the author of
this letter, and one of the leading
planters of Massachusetts, was born
at Northampton, in 1577, being the
only son of Capt. Roger Dudley,
who was killed in battle. Young
Dudley was brought up in the fam-
ily of the Earl of Northampton, and
afterwards became a clerk to his
maternal kinsman, Judge Nichols,
and thus obtained some knowledge
of the law, which proved of great
service to him in his subsequent life.
At the age of 20, he received a
captain's commission from Queen
Elizabeth, and commanded a com-
pany of volunteers, under Henry IV.
of France, at the siege of Amiens,
in 1597. On the conclusion of peace
the next year, he returned to Eng-
land, and settled near Northampton,
where he was in the neighbourhood
of Dod, Hildersham, and other emi-
nent Puritan divines, and became
himself a Nonconformist. After
this, he was for nine or ten years
steward to Theophilus, the young
Earl of Lincoln, who succeeded to
his father's title Jan. 15, 1619.
But becoming desirous of a more
retired life, he removed to Boston,
in Lincolnshire, where he enjoyed
the acquaintance and ministry of the
Rev. John Cotton. He was after-
wards prevailed upon by the Earl of
Lincoln to resume his place in his
family, where he continued till the
storm of persecution led him to join
the company that were meditating a
removal to New-England. He was
one of the signers of the Agreement
at Cambridge, Aug. 29, 1629, and
we find him present for the first
time at the Company's courts, on
the 16th of October. When Win-
throp was chosen Governor, he was
made an Assistant ; and on Hum-
phrey's declining to go over with
the Charter, he was elected Deputy
Governor in his place. He was
continued in the magistracy from
the time of his arrival in New-Eng-
land till his death, having been cho-
sen Governor in 1634 and three times
afterwards, and Deputy Governor
thirteen times. In 1644 he was ap-
pointed the first Major General of the
Colony. He was the principal
founder of Newtown, now Cam-
bridge, and was very desirous to
have it made the metropolis. On
Mr. Hooker's removal to Hartford
in 1636, he removed to Ipswich, and
afterwards to Roxbury, where he
died July 31, 1653, in his 77th year.
His son Joseph was Governor, and
his grandson Paul Chief Justice, of
the Province of the Massachusetts
Bay. His eldest son, Samuel, mar-
ried Mary, daughter of Gov. Win-
throp, and his daughter Ann, who
was a poetess, was married to Gov.
Bradstreet. See Mather's Magna-
lia, i. 120-123 ; Hutchinson's Mass.
i. 14, 183 ; Savage's Winthrop, i.
50 ; Morton's Memorial, p. 255 ;
and note 3 on page 125.
2 That is, old style, the new year
beginning on the 25th of March.
See note 4 on page 138.
CHICKATALBOT, OF NEPONSET. 305
intend to increase our Plantation in New-England, I CHAP.
- *- * * A
have, in the throng of domestic, and not altogether -
free from public business, 1 thought fit to commit to 1631
March
memory our present condition, and what hath befal- 12.
len us since our arrival here ; which I will do short-
ly, after my usual manner, and must do rudely, hav-
ing yet no table, nor other room to write in than by
the fireside upon my knee, in this sharp winter ; to
which my family must have leave to resort, though
they break good manners, and make me many times
forget what I would say, and say what I would not.
* # # 2 sachjm m New-England, whom I saw the
last summer. Upon the river of Naponset, 3 near to
the Mattachusetts fields, 4 dwellethChickatalbott, 5 who
hath between fifty and sixty subjects. This man
least favoreth the English of any sagamore (for so
are the kings with us called, as they are sachims
southwards,) we are acquainted with, by reason of
the'old quarrel between him and those of Plymouth,
wherein he lost seven of his best men; 6 yet he lodg-
ed one night the last winter at my house in friendly
1 Dudley, it will be recollected, plague, who caused it to be cleared
was at this time Deputy Governor for himself." Wood's New-Eng-
of the Colony. See page 127. land's Prospect, part i. ch. 10.
2 A part of the MS. is here miss- 5 This, no doubt, is the sagamore
ing, probably, however, only a few mentioned in the preceding note.
lines, which may have contained a His residence, according to Wood's
description of the bays and rivers, map, made in 1633, was on the east-
followed by a brief notice of the In- ern bank of the Neponset, in Quin-
dian tribes living on them. cy, probably not far from Squantum.
3 The Neponset river separates He died in November, 1633, with
Dorchester from Quincy and Milton, many of his people, of the small pox.
4 "Three miles to the north of See Savage's Winthrop, i. 48, 115 ;
Wessaguscus, (Weymouth,) is Drake's Book of the Indians, book
Mount Wollaston, (in Quincy.) ii. 43 ; and Chronicles of Plymouth,
This place is called Massachusetts note 4 on page 226.
Fields, where the greatest sagamore 6 See Chronicles of Plymouth,
in the country lived, before the page 339.
20
306
THE INDIANS OF NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP, manner. About seventy or eighty miles westward
XVII. J .
from these are seated the Nipnett 1 men, whose
lm sagamore we know not, but we hear their numbers
12. exceed any but the Pecoates 2 and the Narragan-
sets, 3 and they are the only people we yet hear of in
the inland country. Upon the river of Mistick is
seated sagamore John, 4 and upon the river of Saugus
1 The Nipnets, or Nipmucks,
dwelt chiefly about the great ponds
in Webster, Massachusetts ; but
their territory extended southward
into Connecticut more than twenty
miles. They were partly tributary
to the Narragansetts, and partly to
the Massachusetts Indians. The
Blackstone river was originally the
Nipmuck river. See the map of
New-England in Hubbard's Indian
Wars, printed in 1677, which was
copied and prefixed to Judge Da-
vis's edition of Morton's Memorial ;
Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 43 ;
Hutchinson's Massachusetts, i. 459;
Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 147, 148, 185,
189-194.
2 The Pequods, the most warlike
and formidable tribe of Indians in
New-England, dwelt between the
Thames and Pawcatuck rivers, in
Connecticut, their chief seats and
forts being at New-London, Groton,
and the head of My stick river. In
1637, they were completely subdued
and nearly exterminated by the Con-
necticut and Massachusetts forces
under the command of Captains
John Mason, John Underbill, and
Israel Stoughton. There are four
contemporaneous Narratives of the
Pequot War, written by Mason,
Underbill, Lion Gardiner, and P.
Vincent, which are contained in
the Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. 120-153,
xxiii. 131-161, xxvi. 1-13. But
the best History of it, with an illus-
trative map, will be found in the
Rev. George E. Ellis's Life of Capt.
John Mason, in Sparks's Am. Biog.
xiii. 340-405. See also Hubbard's
Indian Wars, p. 116 ; Trumbull's
Connecticut, i. 41 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
i. 147.
3 The Narragansetts, a numerous
and powerful body of Indians, dwelt
between Pawcatuck river, along the
coast from Stonington round Point
Judith, and on the bay in Rhode
Island called by their name. On
the north their territory was bound-
ed by the Quinebaug and Nipmuck
countries. See Hutchinson's Mass.
i. 457 ; Potter's Early Hist, of Nar-
ragansett, pp. 1-11 ; Mass. Hist.
Coll. v. 239, xviii. 122, xxi. 210.
4 His Indian name was Wonoha-
quaham. He lived upon the neck
of land in Maiden, which lies be-
tween Maiden river and the creek
that separates the neck from Chel-
sea ; but his territory also included
Winesemett, afterwards called Rum-
ney Marsh, and now Chelsea. He
died Dec. 5, 1633, of the small pox,
and almost all his people, more than
thirty of whom were buried in one
day by Mr. Maverick, who lived at
Noddle's Island, now East Boston.
The Charlestown Records speak of
him as " of a gentle and good dis-
position," that he " loved the Eng-
lish, and gave them permission to
settle here." He left one son,
whom he commended to the care of
the Rev. Mr. Wilson, of Boston.
See Lewis's Lynn, pp. 16, 17 ;
Felt's Salem, i. 13, 16; Hutchin-
son's Mass. i. 461 ; Savage's Win-
throp, i. 49, 119, 120; New-Eng-
land's First Fruits, p. 2; and the
map in Wood's New-England's
Prospect, made in 1633, which is
THE SAGAMORES OF NEW-ENGLAND. 307
sagamore James, 1 his brother, both so named by the CHAP.
XVII.
English. The elder brother, John, is a handsome
young man, [one line missing] conversant with us, i 63 i-
affecting English apparel and houses, and speaking ^
well of our God. His brother James is of a far worse
disposition, yet repaireth often to us. Both these
brothers command not above thirty or forty men, for
aught I can learn. Near to Salem dwelleth two or
three families, 2 subject to the sagamore of Agawam,
whose name 3 he told me, but I have forgotten it.
This sagamore hath but few subjects, and them and
himself tributary to sagamore James, having been
before the last year (in James's minority) tributary
to Chickatalbott. Upon the river Merrimack is seat-
ed sagamore Passaconaway, 4 having under his com-
mand four or five hundred men, being esteemed by
his countrymen a false fellow, and by us a witch.
For any more northerly, I know not, but leave it to
after Relations.
Having thus briefly and disorderly, especially in
my description of the bays and rivers, set down what
is come to hand touching the [one line missing.]
Now concerning the English that are planted
copied and inserted in a subsequent and south side of that river was to-
part of this volume. gether called Naumkeke." See
1 His Indian name was Monto- Felt's Salem, i. 14.
wompate. His territory included 3 His name was Masconnomo, or
the towns of Saugus, Lynn, and Masconnomet. He came on board
Marblehead. He also died in Dec. Winthrop's ship the day after his
1633, of the small pox, "and most arrival at Salem ; and by a deed
of his folks." Consult the map and dated June 28, 1638, he sold to John
references in the preceding note. Winthrop, jr. for .20, all the
2 The Rev. John Higginson says, lands lying around the bay of Aga-
that when he came over with his warn, or Ipswich. See Savage's
father in 1629, " the Indian town of Winthrop, i. 27 ; and Felt's Histo-
wigwams was on the north side of ry of Ipswich, pp. 3 and 8.
the North river, not far from Si- 4 See Chronicles of Plymouth,
monds's, and then both the north note 2 on page 366.
308 THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH.
CHAP, here, I find that about the year 1620. certain English
XVII.
set out from Leyden, in Holland, intending their course
1620. f or Hudson's river, the mouth whereof lieth south of
the river 1 of the Pecoates, but ariseth, as I am in-
formed, northwards in about 43, and so a good part
of it within the compass of our patent. These, being
much weather-beaten and wearied with seeking the
river, 2 after a most tedious voyage 3 arrived at length
in a small bay lying north-east 4 from Cape Cod ;
Dec. where landing about the month of December, by the
L favor of a calm winter, such as was never seen here
since, begun to build their dwellings in that place
which now is called New Plymouth ; where, after
much sickness, famine, poverty, and great mortality,
(through all which God by an unwonted providence
carried them,) they are now grown up to a people
healthful, wealthy, politic and religious ; such things
doth the Lord for those that wait for his mercies.
These of Plymouth came with patents from King
James, 5 and have since obtained others from our
sovereign, King Charles, 6 having a governor and
council of their own.
1622. There was about the same time one Mr. Weston,
an English merchant, who sent divers men to plant
and trade, who sat down by the river of Wesaguscus.
1 The Thames, in Connecticut, 4 Plymouth harbour lies due west
running from Norwich to New Lon- from Cape Cod.
don, and emptying into Long Island 5 Not so. They had only a pa-
Sound, tent from the Virginia Company.
2 From his silence on the point, it See Chronicles of Plymouth, pages
would seem that Dudley had never 74 and 383.
heard of the alleged treachery of the 6 Another mistake. This second
captain of the Mayflower in carrying patent was not from the King, but
the Pilgrims north of Hudson's riv- from the Council for New-England,
er. See Chronicles of Plymouth, See Prince's Annals, pp. 268-270 ;
p. 101, note 2 . Chalmers's Political Annals of the
3 The voyage was 64 days long. United Colonies, p. 97.
See Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 105.
ORIGIN OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY. 309
But these coming not for so good ends as those of CHAP.
Plymouth, sped not so well ; for the most of them !
dying and languishing away, they who survived were
rescued by those of Plymouth out of the hands of 1623.
Chick atalbott and his Indians, who oppressed these
weak English, and intended to have destroyed them,
and the Plymotheans also, as is set down in a tract
written by Mr. Winslow, of Plymouth. 1
Also, since, one Captain Wollaston, with some 1625.
thirty with him, came near to the same place, and
built on a hill which he named Mount Wollaston. 2
But being not supplied with renewed provisions,
they vanished away, as the former did. 1626.
Also, divers merchants of Bristow, and some other
places, have yearly for these eight years, or there- 1623-
abouts, 3 sent ships hither at the fishing times to trade
for beaver ; where their factors dishonestly, for their
gains, have furnished the Indians with guns, swords,
powder and shot. 4
Touching the Plantation which we here have be- 1027.
gun, it fell out thus. About the year 1627, some
friends being together in Lincolnshire, 5 fell into dis-
course about New-England, and the planting of the
Gospel there ; and after some deliberation we 6 im-
parted our reasons, by letters and messages, to some
in London 7 and the west country ; 8 where it was
likewise deliberately thought upon, and at length with
often negotiation so ripened, that in the year 1628 9 1628.
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth, 6 Of course the writer, Dudley,
pp. 296-312, 327-345. was one of them.
2 In Quincy. See Hubbard, p. 102, 7 See pages 12 and 29.
and Prince, pp. 231 and 240. ! See pages 5, 21, 22, 29.
3 See note 2 on page 5. 9 The Charter from the King is
See note 4 on page 84. dated March 4, 1628, that is, 1629,
5 See note 3 on page 48. new style.
310 ENDICOTT SENT OVER.
CHAP, we procured a patent from his Majesty for our
planting between the Mattachusetts Bay and Charles
1628. r iver on the south, and the river of Merrimack
on the north, and three miles on either side of
those rivers and bay ; as also for the government of
those who did or should inhabit within that compass.
J ^ e And the same year we sent Mr. John Endecott, 1 and
some with him, to begin a Plantation, and to strength-
en such as he should find there, which we sent
thither from Dorchester 2 and some places adjoining.
From whom the same year receiving hopeful news,
1629. the next year, 1629, we sent divers ships over, with
Ap*; 11 about three hundred people, 3 and some cows, goats
May. and horses, 4 many of which arrived safely.
These, by their too large commendations of the
country and the commodities thereof, 5 invited us so
strongly to go on, that Mr. Winthrop, of Suffolk,
(who was well known in his own country, and well
approved here for his piety, liberality, wisdom, and
gravity,) coming in to us, we came to such resolu-
1630. tion, that in April, 1630, we set sail from Old Eng-
A P nl land with four good ships. 6 And in May following
1 See pages 13, 30. Cowes, March 28, 1630," says,
1 See pages 23-29. " We have only four ships ready.
3 Higginson's company. See The rest of our fleet, being seven
pages 14, 215-238. ships, will not be ready this sen'-
4 Prince, page 257, quoting the night. We are, in all our eleven
Company's Records, says 140 head ships, about seven hundred persons,
of cattle, and adds, that Dudley passengers, and two hundred and
seems too short in his statement, forty cows, and about sixty horses.
See note 2 on page 66. The ship which went from Ply-
6 He probably alludes to Higgin- mouth [the Mary & John] carried
son's and Graves 's description of about one hundred and forty persons,
the country and its advantages. See and the ship which goes from Bris-
pages 243 and 264. to we [the Lion] carrieth about
6 The Arbella, the Talbot, the eighty persons." The whole num-
Ambrose, and the Jewel. Win- ber in these thirteen vessels then
throp, writing to his wife " from was 920 persons ; and as the Hand-
aboard the Arbella, riding at the maid brought about sixty passen-
GOVERNOR WINTHROP S FLEET.
311
eight more followed ; two having gone before in CHAP.
^ * * A*
February and March, 1 and two more following in
June and August, besides another set out by a pri-
vate merchant. These seventeen ships arrived all
safe in New-England, 2 for the increase of the Planta-
tion here this year 1630, but made a long, a trouble-
some, and costly voyage, being all wind-bound long
in England, 3 and hindered with contrary winds after
they set sail, and so scattered with mists and tem-
pests that few of them arrived together. Our four
ships which set out in April arrived here in June June
and July, where we found the Colony in a sad and j u i y .
unexpected condition, above eighty of them being
dead the winter before ; and many of those alive
weak and sick ; all the corn and bread amongst them
all hardly sufficient to feed them a fortnight, inso-
gers, the emigrants amounted cer- * The Lion, Capt. William Peirce,
tainly to 980. See note 2 on page from Bristol, and the Mary & John,
127, and Savage's Winthrop, i. 37, Capt. Squeb, from Plymouth.
368.
3 We are indebted to Prince for the following table :
A list of Ships which arrived in New-England this year.
No.
Names.
Whence set sail.
When set sail.
When arrived.
Where arrived.
1
Lion
England.
Bristol.
1630.
Feb.
1630.
May,
New-England.
Salem.
2
3
Mary & John . . .
Arbella
Plymouth,
March 20,
April 8,
May 30,
June 12,
Nantasket.
4
Jewel
| Yarmouth,
u
" 13.
Ui
5
Ambrose
^ at the Isle
H
WJ
" 18.
\ Salem.
6
Talbot
of Wight,
((
Julv 2.
)
7
Mayflower
Whale
Southampton,
May,
"*j *j
1 " l>
Charlestown.
9
10
\l
Hopewell
William & Francis.
Trial
u
((
((
((
" 3,
[Salem.]
$ Charlestown.
12
Charles
1C
((
" 5,
( Salem.
13
II
((
" 6
[Salem.]
14
Gift
((
">
Au ^ 20
Charlestown.
l^i
June,
Ifi
Oct. 29
Plymouth.
17
( Another set out by
a private merchant
See pages 125-127, and Savage's Winthrop, i. 1-5.
312 REMOVAL TO CHARLESTOWN.
CHAP, much that the remainder of a hundred and eighty
-A. V 1 i ,
servants we had the two years before sent over,
1630. com i n g to us for victuals to sustain them, we found
ourselves wholly unable to feed them, by reason that
the provisions shipped for them were taken out of the
ship they were put in, and they who were trusted to
ship them in another failed us and left them behind ;
whereupon necessity enforced us, to our extreme
loss, to give them all liberty, who had cost us about
16 or 20 a person, furnishing and sending over.
But bearing these things as we might, we began
to consult of the place of our sitting down ; for Sa-
lem, where we landed, pleased us not. 1 And to that
17. purpose, some were sent to the Bay, 2 to search up
the rivers for a convenient place ; who, upon their
return, reported to have found a good place upon
Mistick ; 3 but some other of us, seconding these, to
approve or dislike of their judgment, we found a
place [that] liked us better, three leagues up Charles
river ; 4 and thereupon unshipped our goods into
other vessels, and with much cost and labor brought
July, them in July to Charlestown. But there receiving
1 " For the capital town," says ernor's island, and even then the
Prince, p. 308. distance up the river would hardly
2 Massachusetts Bay, that is, be three leagues. But distances at
Boston harbour, " made," as Wood this time were computed, not meas-
says, " by a great company of isl- ured, and of course could not be
ands, whose high cliffs shoulder out very exact. Dr. Fuller, of Ply-
the boisterous seas." See note l on mouth, in a letter to Gov. Bradford,
page 4, and N. E. Prospect, ch. 1. written from Charlestown, June 28,
3 " We went up Mistick river says, " The gentlemen here lately
about six miles," says Winthrop, come over are resolved to sit down
i. 27. at the head of Charles river, and
4 Probably at the place afterwards they of Matapan (Dorchester) pur-
called Newtown and Cambridge, and pose to go and plant with them. I
not Watertown, as Prince, p. 308, have been at Matapan, at the request
suggests ; for Watertown is after- of Mr. Warham, and let some twen-
wards mentioned as a place distinct ty of these people blood." See
from this. The reckoning must Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 74.
have been from Conant's or Gov-
THE SETTLEMENT OF BOSTON. 313
advertisements, by some of the late arrived ships, CHAP.
from London and Amsterdam, of some French pre
parations against us, (many of our people brought 163 -
with us being sick of fevers and the scurvy, and we
thereby unable to carry up our ordnance and bag-
gage so far,) we were forced to change counsel, and
for our present shelter to plant dispersedly, some at
Charlestown, 1 which standeth on the north side of
the mouth of Charles river ; some 2 on the south side
thereof, which place we named BosTON, 3 (as we in-
tended to have done the place we first resolved on;)
some of us upon Mistick, which we named Medford; 4
some 5 of us westwards on Charles river, four miles
from Charlestown, which place we named Water-
town ; 6 others of us two miles from Boston, in a place
1 At the head of whom was In- present town of Maiden, and a dif-
crease Nowell. See note 2 on page ferent location from the present
262. town of Medford. See Wood's N.
1 Among whom were Winthrop, E. Prospect, part i. ch. 10 ; Hutch-
Johnson, Coddington, and Wilson. inson's Mass. i. 22 ; and the very
3 At " a Court of Assistants hold- thorough note on pp. 89-93 of
en at Charlton, the 7th of Septem- Frothingham's History of Charles-
ber, 1630, it is ordered that Tri- town.
mountain shall be called Boston, 6 The chief of whom were Sir
Mattapan Dorchester, and the town Richard Saltonstall and the Rev.
upon Charles river Waterton." George Phillips.
" Thus this remarkable Peninsula, 6 Hubbard says, p. 135, " The
about two miles in length and one reason of the name was not left upon
in breadth, in those times appearing record, nor is it easy to find ; most
at high water in the form of two of the other Plantations being well
islands, whose Indian name was watered, though none of them plan t-
Shawmut, but I suppose on account ed on so large a fresh stream as that
of three contiguous hills appear- was." Farmer says, " It seems
ing in a range to those at Charles- highly probable that it was derived
town, by the English called at first from Waterton, a small place in the
Trimounlain, now receives the West Riding of Yorkshire, and not
name of Boston." Prince's An- far from Halifax, the residence of
nals, p. 315. See note 3 on p. 48 ; Gilbert Saltonstall, the ancestor of
Wood's N. E. Prospect, part i. Sir Richard Saltonstall, who was
ch. 10 ; and Snow's Hist, of Bos- one of the principal settlers of our
ton, p. 32. Watertown, and who might, from
4 This was where Cradock's men some local attachment or other cir-
had commenced a plantation, on the cumstance, have given this name to
north side of Mystick river, in the the tract ' westwards on Charles
314 MORTALITY IN THE COLONY.
CHAP, we named Rocksbury ;* others upon the river of
XVII.
Saugus, 2 between Salem and Charlestown ; and the
1630. western men 3 four miles south from Boston, at a
place we named Dorchester.
This dispersion troubled some of us ; but help it
we could not, wanting ability to remove to any place
fit to build a town upon, and the time too short to
deliberate any longer, lest the winter should sur-
prise us before we had builded our houses. The
best counsel we could find out was to build a fort to
retire to, in some convenient place, if any enemy
pressed us thereunto, after we should have fortified
ourselves against the injuries of wet and cold. So
ceasing to consult further for that time, they who had
health to labor fell to building, wherein many were
interrupted with sickness, and many died weekly,
yea, almost daily. 4 Amongst whom were Mrs. Pyn-
chon, 5 Mrs. Coddington, 6 Mrs. Phillips, 7 and Mrs.
Alcock, 8 a sister of Mr. Hooker's. 9 Insomuch that
river.' The early spelling of the dead. The Lord in mercy look
name, which is Waterton in the upon them! I can do them no good,
earliest records, and throughout this for I want drugs, and things fitting
letter, except in the above single to work with. Mrs. Coddington is
instance, seems to give some sup- dead." See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii.
port to this conjecture." But I 76.
can find no such place as Waterton 6 The wife of William Pynchon,
on any map of England, or in any one of the Assistants, an account of
Gazetteer. See Francis's Water- whom is given on page 283, note 4 .
town, p. 11, and New Hampshire 6 The wife of William Codding-
Hist. Coll. iv. 231. ton, another of the Assistants.
1 At the head of whom was 7 The wife of the Rev. George
William Pynchon, mentioned on Phillips. See note 3 on page 299.
page 283. 8 The wife of George Alcock,
2 Afterwards called Lynn. See deacon of the church in Dorchester,
note 2 on page 169. and afterwards of the church in
3 These were Ludlow, Rossiter, Roxbury. He was a representative
Warham, Maverick, and their asso- from the latter town at the first Ge-
ciates, who came in the Mary & John, neral Court, May 14,1634, and died
4 Dr. Fuller, writing to Gov. December 30, 1640. See Prince's
Bradford from Charlestown, August Annals, p. 399.
2, says, "The sad news here is, 9 The Rev. Thomas Hooker, who
that many are sick, and many are came over with John Cotton in Sept.
A HUNDRED RETURN IN THE SHIPS. 315
the ships being now upon their return, some for CHAP.
>. x V JL-L.
England, some for Ireland, there was, as I take it,
not much less than a hundred, (some think many 163 -
more,) partly out of dislike of our government, which
restrained and punished their excesses, and partly
through fear of famine, not seeing other means than
by their labor to feed themselves, which returned
back again j 1 and glad were we so to be rid of them.
Others also, afterwards hearing of men of their own
disposition, which were planted at Pascataway, 2 went
from us to them ; whereby though our numbers
were lessened, yet we accounted ourselves nothing
weakened by their removal. Before the departure
of the ships, we contracted with Mr. Peirce, master
of the Lion, of Bristow, to return to us with all speed
with fresh supplies of victuals, and gave him direc-
tions accordingly. With this ship returned Mr. Re-
veil, 3 one of the five undertakers here for the joint
1633, and settled at Cambridge, but been sent out by Gorges and Mason
in 1636 removed to Hartford, on and certain merchants who styled
Connecticut river. themselves " The Company of La-
1 How different was this from the conia." In 1628, Piscataqua was
conduct of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, assessed 2 10s. for the campaign
Although of the hundred persons against Morton, of Mount Wollas-
who came in the Mayflower, forty- ton, a sum equal to that paid by
four, nearly a half, had died before Plymouth ; and yet, in 1631, there
she returned to England, yet not one were but three houses on the river,
of the survivors embarked in her. In 1653, when the name of " Straw-
See Chronicles of Plymouth, note 2 berry Bank" was exchanged for
on page 199. Portsmouth, there were but fifty or
2 In the spring of 1623, a settle- sixty families there. See Belknap's
ment was commenced at two differ- New Hampshire, (Farmer's edit.)
ent places on the Piscataqua, by pp. 4-9, 434 ; Adams's Annals of
David Thompson, and Edward and Portsmouth, pp. 10, 11 ; Mass. Hist.
William Hilton. Thompson plant- Coll. iii. 63 ; Prince's Annals, pp.
ed himself on the southern shore of 215, 239, 268 ; Hubbard, 214-219 ;
the river, at its moutl^, which he Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 251,
called Little Harbour, and built a 351.
house on a peninsula, now called 3 John Revell never returned to
Odiorne's Point. The Hiltons seat- New-England. Mr. Savage sug-
ed themselves eight miles up the gests that " he was probably too
river, at Dover. Both parties had rich to adventure life and fortune
316
WILLIAM VASSALL AND FRANCIS BRIGHT.
CHAP, stock of the Company, 1 and Mr. Vassall, 2 one of the
~ Assistants, and his family, and also Mr. Bright, 3 a
1630. minister sent hither the year before.
The ships being gone, victuals wasting, and mor-
tality increasing, we held divers fasts 4 in our several
with us." He had been chosen one
of the Assistants Oct. 20, 1629, and
he was one of the merchant adven-
turers interested in the Plymouth
Colony. See pages 106 and 116 ;
Savage's Winthrop, i. 20 ; and
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 48.
1 See page 116.
2 William Vassall, as well as his
brother Samuel, mentioned on page
89, were, according to Hutchinson,
gentlemen of good circumstances in
England. He came back in 1635,
and settled at Scituate, in Plymouth
Colony. In 1646 he returned to
England, and in 1648 removed to
Barbadoes, and there died in 1655.
Winthrop speaks of him as " a man
of a busy and factious spirit, and
always opposite to the civil govern-
ment of this country and the way of
our churches." He left a son John
in Scituate, who removed from that
town in 1661. The Vassalls of
Quincy and Cambridge were de-
scendants of Samuel. See Savage's
Winthrop, ii. 261, 321 ; Hutchin-
son's Mass. i. 17, 145 ; Deane's
Hist, of Scituate, 60-89, 366-370 ;
Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv. 244 ; Harris's
Cambridge Epitaphs, p. 179.
3 Francis Bright was the son of
Edward Bright, of London, and was
born in 1602. He was matriculated
at New College, Oxford, Feb. 18,
1624, but probably left without tak-
ing a degree. In the Company's
Instructions to Endicott, on page
143, he is said to have been " some
time trained up under Mr. Daven-
port," and in his Agreement, on
p. 207, he is called " of Rayleigh,
in Essex," where he probably had
a lectureship. Soon after his arri-
val at Salem, June 29, 1629, he
went to Charlestown, in the records
of which place he is called " minis-
ter to the Company's servants."
As the Lion sailed in August, he
was in the country only about a
year. Edward Johnson, who came
in Winthrop 's fleet, says, " All this
while little likelihood there was
building the temple for God's wor-
ship, there being only two that be-
gan to hew stones in the mountains,
the one named Mr. Bright, and the
other Mr. Blaxton ; and one of them
began to build. But when they saw
all sorts of stones would not fit in
the building, as they supposed, the
one betook him to the seas again,
and the other to till the land, retain-
ing no symbol of his former profes-
sion but a canonical coat." On the
strength of this, Hubbard calls him
a Conformist, and so does Morton.
But the Company say in their Let-
ter, that "the ministers have de-
clared themselves to us to be of one
judgment, and to be fully agreed on
the manner how to exercise their
ministry." See note l on p. 160,
and note 3 on p. 169 ; Morton's Me-
morial, p. 145 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
xv. 112, 113, xii. 70, xxviii. 250.
4 Their first fast was kept Friday,
July 30, when Winthrop, Dudley,
Johnson, and Wilson entered into
church covenant, and laid the found-
ation of the church of Charlestown,
which is now the first church of
Boston. The day was also observ-
ed by their brethren of Plymouth in
their behalf. Another fast was
kept Aug. 27, when John Wilson
was ordained teacher, Increase
Nowell ruling elder, and William
Gager and William Aspinwall dea-
cons. See Morton's Memorial,
p. 159 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 31 ;
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 75.
FRANCIS HIGGINSON DIES. 317
congregations. But the Lord would not yet be de- CHAP.
m t *^" * *A*
precated ; for about the beginning of September died ~
Mr. Gager, 1 a right godly man, a skilful chirurgeon, 163 -
and one of the deacons of our congregation ; and ep '
Mr. Higginson, 2 one of the ministers of Salem, a zeal-
ous and a profitable preacher this of a consumption,
that of a fever ; and on the 30th of September died 30.
Mr. JOHNSON, 3 another of the five undertakers, (the
1 William Gager died Sept. 20. only a year afterwards. Mather
At the first Court of Assistants, says the last sermon he preached
held Aug. 23, it was "ordered that was to Winthrop's company on
Mr. Gager should have a house their arrival at Salem, from Matth.
builded him against the next spring, xi. 7, What went ye out into the wil-
ls to have a cow given him, and 20 derness to see ? He left a wife and
in money for this year, to begin the eight children, who after his death
20th June, 1630, and after 3Q per removed to Charlestown, and then
annum ; and all this to be at the to New-Haven. The portrait at the
common charge." His son John State House in Boston is not his,
went with the younger Winthrop but his son John's. See note 3 on
to New London, and in 1660 was page 211, and note J on page 236 ;
one of the founders of Norwich, Mather's Magnalia, i. 322.
where his descendants still remain. ' 3 ISAAC JOHNSON was of Clips-
William Gager graduated at Yale ham, in the county of Rutland, son
College in 1721, and was ordained of Abraham Johnson, Esq. He was
minister of the second church of the largest subscriber to the joint
Lebanon, May 27, 1725. See Ha- stock of the Company, and in April,
zard's State Papers, ii. 412 ; Trum- 1629, he valued his interest in the
bull's Connecticut, ii. 532 ; Caulk- New-England adventure at JC600.
ins's Hist, of Norwich, p. 103. His landed estate lay in the counties
2 FRANCIS HIGGINSON was born of Rutland, Northampton, and Lin-
in 1588, and was educated at Jesus coin. He left no children. In his
College, Cambridge, where he took last will, dated March 8, 1630, a
the degree of A. B. in 1609, and month before he sailed, of which
received the degree of A. M. from will the great John Hampden
St. John's College in 1613. He was one of the executors, he left
was a minister of one of the five some part of his personal estate to
parish churches of Leicester, but the Governor and Company. In a
through his intimacy with Hilder- previous will, dated April 28, 1629,
sham and Hooker, and his study of he gave to the Rev. John Cotton,
the Scriptures, he became a Non- from whom he acknowledges to have
conformist. He was accordingly received much help and comfort in
excluded from his pulpit ; but a lee- his spiritual state, .30 and a gown-
tureship was established for him, in cloth, and to him and Mr. Dudley
which he was maintained by the he gave the right of presentation to
voluntary contribution of the inhab- the parish church of Clipsham.
itants. He was in this situation Prince says, that Chief Justice Se-
when invited by the New-England wall informed him that Mr. Johnson
Company to go over to their Plant- was the principal cause of settling
ation. See p. 65. He was ordain- the town of Boston, and so of its
ed at Salem Aug. 6, 1629, and lived becoming the metropolis ; that he
318
ISAAC JOHNSON AND HIS WIFE.
CHAP, lady AuBELLA, 1 his wife, being dead a month before.)
xvii. J '
This gentleman was a prime man amongst us, having
;3 - the best estate of any, zealous for religion, and the
so. ' greatest furtherer of this Plantation. He made a most
godly end, dying willingly, professing his life better
spent in promoting this Plantation than it could have
been any other way. He left to us a loss greater than
Oct. the most conceived. Within a month after, died Mr.
23
Rossiter, 2 another of our Assistants, a godly man,
and of a good estate ; which still weakened us more.
had removed hither, and had chosen of Lincoln. Hubbard says that she
for his lot the great square, lying came " from a paradise of plenty
between Tremont, Court, Washing- and pleasure, which she enjoyed in
ton and School streets. Tradition the family of a noble Earldom, into
places his house about the centre of a wilderness of wants," and Mather
the north-east side, that is, near the adds, that " she took New-England
present site of the Court House, in her way to heaven." Johnson
He was buried, at his own request, says that the name of the ship Eagle
at the upper end of his lot, on Tre- had been changed to Arbella, in
mont-street, which was the origin honor of her, and that after the ar-
of the first burial ground in the town, rival of the fleet, she "and some
adjoining King's Chapel. Win- other godly women abode at Salem,
throp, i. 34, says " he was a holy but their husbands continued at
man, and wise, and died in sweet Charlestown, both for settling the
peace, leaving some part of his sub- civil government, and gathering an-
stance to the Colony." Edward other church of Christ." Dr. Holmes
Johnson, who came in the fleet with says, Annals, i. 206, " Dr. Holyoke,
him, says that " the Lord had in- of Salem, aged 99, informs me that
dued him with many precious gifts, she was buried about half a mile
insomuch that he was had in high distant from the body of the town,
esteem among all the people of God, near Bridge-street, leading to Bev-
and as a chief pillar to support this erly, about ten feet from the street."
new-erected building. He very The Johnson Grammar School, for
much rejoiced, at his death, that the girls, in Boston, was so called as a
Lord had been pleased to keep his mark of respect to her name and
eyes open so long, as to see one memory. See Mather's Magnalia,
church of Christ gathered before his i. 71, 340 ; Chronicles of Plymouth,
death ; at whose departure there p. 75 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 79,
was not only many weeping eyes, 86, xv. 132.
but some fainting hearts, fearing the 2 Edward Rossiter was of a good
fall of the present work." See family in the west of England, and
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 16 ; Prince's one of the founders of Dorchester.
Annals, pp. 316, 318, 333 ; Mass. His son lived afterwards at Combe,
Hist. Coll. xii. 87, xxviii. 244 ; in England, and his grandson, Ed-
Snow's Boston, p. 36. ward, was deacon of the church in
1 The Lady ARBELLA was a Taunton in 1682. See Hutchinson's
daughter of Thomas, the third Earl Mass. i. 17.
TWO HUNDRED DIE. 319
So that now there were left of the five undertakers l CHAP.
but the Governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, and my L
self, and seven other of the Assistants. 2 And of the 163 -
people who came over with us, from the time of their
setting sail from England in April, 1630, until De-
cember following, there died by estimation about two
hundred at the least : so low hath the Lord brought
us! 3
Well, yet they who survived were not discouraged,
but bearing God's corrections with humility, and
trusting in his mercies, and considering how, after a
lower ebb, he had raised up our neighbours at
1 See page 116. Henry Winthrop, the Governor's
2 Endicott, Ludlow, Nowell, Pyn- second son, who had accidentally
chon, Coddington, Bradstreet, and been left behind at the Isle of
Thomas Sharpe. See pp. 106, 127. Wight, was unfortunately drowned
3 Gov. Winthrop, in his Journal in a small creek at Salem, on the
writes, " The poorer sort of people, 2d of July, the very day he landed,
who lay long in tents, were much He was in his twenty-third year,
afflicted with the scurvy, and many He left his wife, Elizabeth, behind
died, especially at Boston and in England, and an only daughter,
Charlestown ;" and writing to his Martha, who was baptized May 9,
wife under date of Sept. 9 and Nov. 1630. His father, in his first letter,
29, he says, "the lady Arbella is dated July 16, to his own wife, who
dead, and good Mr. Higginson, my also was obliged to remain behind
servant, old Waters of Neyland, in England, writes, " We have met
and many others. I have lost with many sad and discomfortable
twelve of my family, viz. Waters things, as thou shalt hear after ;
and his wife, and two of his child- and the Lord's hand hath been
ren, Mr. Gager and his man Smith heavy upon myself in some very
of Buxall, and his wife and two near to me. My son Henry ! my
children, the wife of Taylor of Ha- son Henry ! Ah, poor child ! Yet
verhill and their child ; my son H. it grieves me much more for my
makes the twelve. And, besides dear daughter. The Lord strengthen
many other of less note, as Jeff, and comfort her heart to bear this
Ruggle of Sudbury, and divers cross patiently. I know thou wilt
others of that town, (about twenty,) not be wanting to her in this dis-
and one of L. Kedby his sons, the tress. Yet, for all these things, (I
Lord hath stripped us of some prin- praise my God,) I am not discour-
cipal persons, Mr. Johnson and his aged ; nor do I see cause to repent
lady, Mr. Rossiter, Mrs. Phillips, or despair of those good days here,
and others unknown to thee. We which will make amends for all."
conceive that this disease grew from See Savage's Winthrop, i. 7, 29,
ill diet at sea, and proved infec- 372; Hubbard's Hist. p. 131 ; Mass,
tious." Winthrop's History, i. 44, Hist. Coll. xxviii, 296, 297.
377, 379.
320 A FORTIFIED TOWN CONTEMPLATED.
CHAP. Plymouth, we began again in December to consult
about a fit place to build a town upon, leaving all
1630. thoughts of a fort, because upon any invasion we
were necessarily to lose our houses, when we should
retire thereinto. So after divers meetings at Boston,
28. Roxbury, and Waterton, on the 28th of December
we grew to this resolution, to bind all the As-
sistants (Mr. Endicott and Mr. Sharpe excepted,
which last purposeth to return by the next ship into
England,) to build houses at a place a mile east from
Waterton, near Charles river, 1 the next spring, and
to winter there the next year ; that so by our exam-
ples, and by removing the ordnance and munition
thither, all who were able might be drawn thither,
and such as shall come to us hereafter, to their
advantage be compelled so to do ; and so, if God
would, a fortified town might there grow up, the
place fitting reasonably well thereto.
I should before have mentioned how both the Eng-
lish and Indian corn being at ten shillings a strike, 2
and beaver being valued at six shillings a pound, we
made laws to restrain the selling of corn to the In-
dians, and to leave the price of beaver at liberty, 3
which was presently sold for ten and twenty shillings
a pound. I should also have remembered, how the
half of our cows and almost all our mares and goats,
sent us out of England, died at sea in their passage
hither, and that those intended to be sent us out of
Ireland were not sent at all ; all which, together
1 Winthrop, i. 39, says, " Dec. about it." This was at Newtown,
21, we met again at Watertown, afterwards called Cambridge,
and there, upon a view of a place a J Strike, a bushel,
mile beneath the town, all agreed it 3 These orders were passed at
a fit place for a fortified town, and the two Courts of Assistants held
we took time to consider further Sept. 28 and Nov. 9.
MORTON, OF MOUNT WOLLASTON. 321
with the loss of our six months' building, occasioned CHAP.
XVII
by our intended removal to a town to be fortified,
weakened our estates, especially the estates of the 163 -
undertakers, 1 who were 3 or 4000 engaged in the
joint stock, which was now not above so many hun-
dreds. Yet many of us labored to bear it as com-
fortably as we could, remembering the end of our
coming hither, and knowing the power of God, who
can support and raise us again, and useth to bring
his servants low that the meek may be made glorious
by deliverance.
In the end of this December departed from us the
ship Handmaid, of London, by which we sent away
one Thomas Morton, 2 a proud, insolent man, who has
lived here divers years, and had been an attorney in
the west countries while he lived in England. Mul-
titude of complaints were received against him for
injuries done by him both to the English and Indians ;
1 See page 116. sent home a second time, by the
2 Thomas Morton, if we may be- Massachusetts government, he did
lieve his own statement, first came all he could, in conjunction with Sir
to New-England in 1622 ; and if so, Christopher Gardiner and its other
he was probably one of Weston's enemies, to injure the Colony, and
unfortunate colony, which arrived in in 1637 published a scurrilous book
June of that year, and settled at against it, entitled " New-English
Wessaguscus, now Weymouth. In Canaan." He returned to New-
1625 he was with Wollaston's com- England in Dec. 1643, when he was
pany at Quincy ; and on Wollaston's called to account for his malprac-
departure for Virginia, Morton be- tices. His book and an abusive
came such a troublesome and dan- letter which he had written, were
gerous neighbour, by selling guns produced against him, and he was
and ammunition to the natives, that imprisoned about a year, and in
in 1628 the scattered plantations in Sept. 1644, fined 100. Not being
New-England combined, and em- able to pay the fine, he was permit-
ployed Capt. Standish to apprehend ted to escape, and went to Agamen-
him. He was sent prisoner to Eng- ticus, in Maine, where he died,
land in the custody of John Oldham, in 1645 or 1646. See Morton's
but returned in August, 1629, and Memorial, pp. 135-142 ; Savage's
took up his abode again at Merry Winthrop, i. 34, 138, ii. 151, 189-
Mount, as he called it. It was dur- 92 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 61-64 ,
ing his absence in England that En- Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 296,
dicott visited the Mount, and cut 334 ; Morton's New-English Ca-
down the Maypole. After being naan, ch. 2.
21
322 SAMUEL MAVERICK, OF NODDLE'S ISLAND.
CHAP, and amongst others, for shooting hail-shot at a troop
of Indians for not bringing a canoe unto him to cross
1630. a r i ver withal ; whereby he hurt one, and shot
Dec
through the garments of another. For the satisfac-
tion of the Indians wherein, and that it might appear
to them and to the English that we meant to do jus-
tice impartially, we caused his hands to be bound
behind him, and set his feet in the bilboes, and burn-
ed his house to the ground, all in the sight of the
Indians, and so kept him prisoner till we sent him
for England ; whither we sent him, for that my Lord
Chief Justice there so required, that he might punish
him capitally for fouler misdemeanours there perpe-
trated, as we were informed.
I have no leisure to review and insert things for-
gotten, but out of due time and order must set them
down as they come to memory. About the end of
Oct. October this year, 1630, I joined with the Governor
and Mr. Maverecke 1 in sending out our pinnace to
1 Samuel Maverick was found murtherers to protect him from the
here by Gov. "Winthrop, on his Indians." Gov. Winthrop says, on
arrival in June, 1630, living at his first visit to the Bay from Salem,
Nettle's Island, now East Boston. "June 17, we lay at Mr. Mave-
How long he had lived there, is un- rick's." Josselyn, who was here
known. As he was not assessed in 1638, says, " July 10, I went
for the campaign against Morton, in ashore upon Noddle's island, to Mr.
1628, it is to be presumed that he Samuel Maverick, the only hospita-
did not come over till the following ble man in all the country, giving
year. Edward Johnson, one of entertainment to all comers gratis ;"
Winthrop's company, says, that and Henry Gardner, in his New-
" on the north side of Charles river, England's Vindication, p. 9, (Lon-
they landed near a small island, don, 1660,) speaks of him as "the
called Noddle's island, where one most hospitable for entertainment of
Mr. Samuel Mavereck was then liv- people of all sorts." Winthrop tells
ing, a man of a very loving and us in his Journal, under July, 1637,
courteous behaviour, very ready to that " Mr. Vane went over to Not-
entertain strangers, yet an enemy to tie's island to dine with Mr. Mave-
the reformation in hand, being strong rick, and carried the Lord Ley with
for the lordly prelatical power. On him." This characteristic hospital-
this island he had built a small fort, ity of Mr. Maverick appears to have
with the help of one Mr. David been at times somewhat trouble-
Thompson, placing therein four some, for at a General Court held
RHODE ISLAND DISCOVERED. 323
the Narragansetts, to trade for corn to supply our CHAP.
wants ; but after the pinnace had doubled Cape Cod,
she put into the next harbour 1 she found, and there 163 -
meeting with Indians, who showed their willingness
to truck, she made her voyage there, and brought us
a hundred bushels of corn, at about four shillings a
bushel, which helped us somewhat. From the coast
where they traded, they saw a very large island, 2
four leagues to the east, which the Indians commend-
ed as a fruitful place, full of good vines, and free
from sharp frosts, having one only entrance into it,
by a navigable river, inhabited by a few Indians,
which for a trifle would leave the island, if the Eng-
lish would set them upon the main ; but the pinnace
having no direction for discovery, returned without
sailing to it, which in two hours they might have
done. Upon this coast they found store of vines full
of grapes dead ripe, the season being past ; whither
we purpose to send the next year sooner, to make
some small quantity of wine, if God enable us ; the
vines growing thin with us, and we not having yet
any leisure to plant vineyards. 3
But now having some leisure to discourse of the
motives for other men's coming to this place, or their
March 4, 1635, it was "ordered, also Winnisimet ferry, both to
that Mr. Samuel Maverick shall, Charlestown and Boston. He died
before the last of December next, March 10, 1664. See Winthrop,
remove his habitation for himself and i. 27, 232, ii. 51 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
his family to Boston, and in the xii. 86, xxiii. 220.
mean time shall not give entertain- l Probably the harbour of Chat-
ment to any strangers for longer ham, called by the Indians Mana-
times than one night, without leave moyk. See Chronicles of Plymouth,
from some Assistant ; and all this pages 217 and 300.
to be done under the penalty of 2 This was no doubt the island
jClOO." This order, however, was of Aquethneck, afterwards called
repealed in the following September. Rhode Island. Prince, p. 323.
The island on which he lived had 3 See pages 152 and 247
been granted him April 1, 1633, and
324 THE ENCOURAGEMENTS TO PLANTERS.
CHAP, abstaining from it, after my brief manner I say this :
- that if any come hither to plant for worldly ends, that
1631 - can live well at home, he commits an error, of which
he will soon repent him ; but if for spiritual, and that
no particular obstacle hinder his removal, he may
find here what may well content him, viz. materials
to build, fuel to burn, ground to plant, seas and
rivers to fish in, a pure air to breathe in, good water
to drink, till wine or beer can be made ; which, to-
gether with the cows, hogs and goats brought hither
already, may suffice for food ; for as for fowl and
venison, they are dainties here as well as in England.
For clothes and bedding, they must bring them with
them, till time and industry produce them here. In
a word, we yet enjoy little to be envied, but endure
much to be pitied in the sickness and mortality of our
people. And I do the more willingly use this open
and plain dealing, lest other men should fall short of
their expectations when they come hither, as we to
our great prejudice did, by means of letters 1 sent us
from hence into England, wherein honest men, out
of a desire to draw over others to them, wrote some-
what hyperbolically of many things here. If any
godly men, out of religious ends, will come over to
help us in the good work we are about, I think they
cannot dispose of themselves nor of their estates
more to God's glory and the furtherance of their own
reckoning. But they must not be of the poorer sort
yet, for divers years ; for we have found by experi-
ence that they have hindered, not furthered the work.
And for profane and debauched persons, their over-
1 These were probably the letters written by Higginson and Graves.
See note 5 on page 310.
CAUSES OF THE MORTALITY. 325
sight in coming hither is wondered at, where they CHAP,
shall find nothing to content them. If there be any
] ft 9 |
endued with grace, and furnished with means to feed
themselves and theirs for eighteen months, and to build
and plant, let them come over into our Macedonia
and help us, 1 and not spend themselves and their
estates in a less profitable employment. For others,
I conceive they are not yet fitted for this business.
Touching the discouragement which the sickness
and mortality which every first year hath seized upon
us and those of Plymouth, as appeareth before, may
give to such who have cast any thoughts this way,
(of which mortality it may be said of us almost as of
the Egyptians, that there is not a house where there X i?.36.
is not one dead, and in some houses many,) the natu-
ral causes seem to be in the want of warm lodging
and good diet, to which Englishmen are habituated
at home, and in the sudden increase of heat which
they endure that are landed here in summer, the salt
meats at sea having prepared their bodies thereto ;
for those only these two last years died of fevers who
landed in June and July ; as those of Plymouth, who
landed in winter, died of the scurvy ; 2 as did our
poorer sort, whose houses and bedding kept them
not sufficiently warm, nor their diet sufficiently in
heart. Other causes God may have, as our faithful
minister, Mr. Wilson, 3 lately handling that point,
1 This was the motto of the Col- ester, a canon of Windsor, and rec-
ony Seal. See note l on page 155. tor of CliiFe, in Kent ; and his mo-
8 See Chronicles of Plymouth, ther was the niece of Dr. Edmund
p. 198. Grindall, archbishop of Canterbury,
3 John Wilson, the first minister after whom he named his eldest son.
of the first church in Charlestown After studying four years at Eton,
and Boston, was born at Windsor Mather says he was admitted into
in 1588 His father, Dr. William King's College, Cambridge, in 1602,
Wilson, was a prebendary of Roch- in which he afterwards obtained a
326
JOHN WILSON, OF BOSTON.
CHAP, showed unto us ; which I forbear to mention, leav-
* ing this matter to the further dispute of physicians
163 K and divines.
fellowship. But Mr. Savage, who
inspected the registers of the Uni-
versity in 1842, found that he took
his degrees of A. B. and A.M. at
Christ's College in 1605 and 1609.
Becoming a Puritan and Noncon-
formist, he was forced by the bishop
of Lincoln to resign his fellowship
and leave the University. Upon this
his father sent him to London to stu-
dy law at the Inns of Court, where
he remained three years ; but find-
ing him strongly bent on the minis-
try, he permitted him to return to
Cambridge, and finish his studies,
and take his Master's degree. After
preaching at several places, he was
settled in the ministry at Sudbury,
in Suffolk, where he was a near
neighbour to Winthrop, at Groton.
After preaching here for awhile, he
was first suspended and then si-
lenced by the bishop of Norwich ;
but, through the interposition of the
Earl of Warwick, he again obtained
permission to exercise his ministry,
Tired, however, of being thus ha-
rassed, he embarked, at the age of
42, with some of his neighbours, in
Winthrop 's fleet. At the first Court
of Assistants, held at Charlestown,
Aug. 23, 1630, it was ordered that
a house should be built for Mr.
Wilson, and that he should have
.20 a year till his wife came over.
She was a daughter of Lady Mans-
field, widow of Sir John Mansfield,
and a near relative of Sir William
Bird. He returned from England
without her, May 26, 1632 ; and it
was not till his second visit that he
could prevail upon her to accompany
him to New-England, in 1635. She
probably had been discouraged by
the death of so many prominent fe-
males the first year. Gov. Win-
throp's wife, who had been neces-
sarily prevented from accompanying
her husband, writes thus to her son
in June, 1631, " Mr. Wilson is now
in London. He cannot yet persuade
his wife to go, for all he hath taken
this pains to come and fetch her. I
marvel what mettle she is made of."
Wilson was minister of the first
church in Boston 37 years, 3 years
before Mr. Cotton, 19 years with
him, 7 years with Mr. Norton,
and 4 years after him. Winthrop
speaks of him as " a very sincere,
holy man." He died Aug. 7, 1667,
in his 79th year. His Life was
written by Cotton Mather, and
Hutchinson says he had it "in
manuscript by another hand." His
will is preserved in the Probate Re-
cords of Suffolk, lib. vi. fol. 1, and
his portrait hangs in the hall of the
Massachusetts Historical Society.
His second son, John, who gradu-
ated in the first class at Harvard
College, in 1641, was ordained col-
league with Richard Mather at Dor-
Chester, in 1649, and after two years
removed to Medfield, where he was
pastor forty years, and died Aug.
23, 1691, aged 70. He married
Sarah, daughter of the Rev. Tho-
mas Hooker, of Hartford, and his
son John was baptized in his grand-
father Wilson's church at Boston,
July 8, 1649. It was Dr. Edmund
Wilson, a physician, a brother of
the minister of Boston, who gave
1000 to the Colony, with which
they purchased artillery and ammu-
nition. An inventory of these arti-
cles, sent over in the Griffin in 1634,
may be found in Mass. Hist. Coll.
xviii. 228. See also Winthrop, i.
50, 77, 81, 169, 172, 382 ; Morton's
Memorial, p. 326 ; Mather, i. 275-
292 ; Prince, 370 ; Hutchinson's
Mass. i. 258 ; Emerson's Hist, of
the First Church in Boston, pp. 1-
106 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 59,
xvii. 56, xxiii. 378, xxviii. 248,316;
Wood's Fasti Oxon. (edit. Bliss,)
part i. 322, 360 ; Ashmole's Anti-
quities of Berkshire, iii. 157.
A SHALLOP DRIVEN TO SEA. 327
Wherefore to return, upon the 3d of January died CHAP.
the daughter of Mr. Sharpe, 1 a godly virgin, making
a comfortable end, after a long sickness. The Plant-
I * I T)
ation here received not the like loss of any woman 3 '
since we came hither, and therefore she well de-
serves to be remembered in this place.
And to add to our sorrows, upon the 5th day came 5.
letters to us from Plymouth, advertising us of this
sad accident following. 2 About a fortnight before, 1630.
there went from us in a shallop to Plymouth six men
and a girl, who, in an hour or two before night, on
the same day they went forth, came near to the
mouth of Plymouth bay ; but the wind then coming
strongly from the shore, kept them from entering,
and drove them to sea-wards ; and they having no
better means to help themselves, let down their kil-
lock, 3 that so they might drive the more slowly, and
be nearer land when the storm should cease. But
the stone slipping out of the killock, and there-
by they driving faster than they thought all the
night, in the morning, when they looked out, they
found themselves out of sight of land ; which so as-
tonished them, (the frost being extreme and their
hands so benumbed with cold that they could not
handle their oars, neither had any compass to
steer by,) that they gave themselves for lost, and
lay down to die quietly. Only one man, who had
more natural heat and courage remaining than the
rest, continued so long looking for land, that, the
morning waxing clearer, he discovered land, and
Thomas Sharpe. 3 A wooden frame enclosing a
See Winthrop, i. 39, and stone, used for an anchor.
Wood's New-England's Prospect,
part i. ch. 2.
328 THE MEN REACH PLYMOUTH.
CHAP, with difficulty hoisted the sail ; and so the wind a
XVII.
- little turning, two days after they were driven from
1630. piy mou th bay, they arrived at a shore unknown unto
30' them. 1 The stronger helped the weaker out of the
boat, and taking their sail on shore, made a shelter
thereof, and made a fire. But the frost had so
pierced their bodies, that one of them died about
1631. three days after their landing, and most of the others
Jan. grew worse, both in body and courage, no hope of
jj
relief being within their view. Well, yet the Lord
pitying them, and two of them, who only could use
their legs, going abroad rather to seek than to hope
to find help, they met first with two Indian women,
who sent unto them an Indian man, who informed
them that Plymouth was within fifty miles, and offer-
ed together to procure relief for them ; which they
gladly accepting, he performed, and brought them
three men from Plymouth, (the Governor and Coun-
cil of Plymouth liberally rewarding the Indian, and
took care for the safety of our people,) who brought
them all alive in their boat thither, save one man,
who, with a guide, chose rather to go over land ;
but quickly fell lame by the way, and getting har-
bour at a trucking-house the Plymotheans had in
those parts, 2 there he yet abides. At the others'
landing at Plymouth, one of them died as he was
taken out of the boat. Another, and he the worst
in the company, rotted from the feet upwards, where
the frost had gotten most hold, and so died within a
few days. The other three, 3 after God had blessed
1 On Cape Cod, according to wich. See Chronicles of Plymouth,
Winthrop and Wood. page 306.
9 At Scusset harbour, in Sand- 3 The name of one of them was
DEATH OF RICHARD GARRETT. 329
the chirurffeon's skill used towards them, returned CHAP.
XVII.
safe to us. I set down this the more largely, partly
because the first man that died was a godly man of 1631 -
I rt -n
our congregation, one Richard Garrad, 1 who, at the
time of his death, more feared he should dishonor
God than cared for his own life ; as also because
divers boats have been in manifest peril this year,
yet the Lord preserved them all, this one ex-
cepted.
Amongst those who died about the end of this
January, there was a girl of eleven years old, the
daughter of one John Ruggles, 2 of whose family and
kindred died so many, 3 that for some reason it was
matter of observation amongst us ; who, in the time
of her sickness, expressed to the minister, and to
those about her, so much faith and assurance of sal-
vation, as is rarely found in any of that age ; which
I thought not unworthy here to commit to memory.
And if any tax me for wasting paper with recording
these small matters, such may consider that little
mothers bring forth little children, small common-
wealths matters of small moment, the reading where-
of yet is not to be despised by the judicious, because
small things in the beginning of natural or politic
bodies are as remarkable as greater in bodies full
grown.
Henry Harwood, " a godly man of l Garrad, or Garrett, was a shoe-
the congregation of Boston." At a maker, of Boston, and was the 55th
Court of Assistants, held the 16th member admitted to the church
of August following, it was ordered there.
"that the executors of Richard Gar- 2 John Ruggles was admitted a
rett shall pay unto Henry Harwood freeman July 3, 1632.
the sum of twenty nobles," proba- 3 Winthrop mentions Jeffrey Rug-
bly for the danger and suffering to gles, of Sudbury, among those who
which he had involuntarily subjected died. See note 3 on page 319.
him. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 40,
330 ARRIVAL OF THE LION.
CHAP. Upon the 5th of February arrived here Mr. Peirce,
with the ship Lion, of Bristow, with supplies of vict-
1631 - uals from England ;* who had set forth from Bris-
5, ' tow the 1st of December before. He had a stormy
passage hither, and lost one of his sailors 2 not far
from our shore, who in a tempest having helped to
take in the spritsail, lost his hold as he was coming
down, and fell into the sea ; where, after long swim-
ming, he was drowned, to the great dolor of those in
the ship, who beheld so lamentable a spectacle with-
out being able to minister help to him, the sea was
so high and the ship drove so fast before the wind,
though her sails were taken down. By this ship w r e
understood of the fight of three of our ships and two
English men-of-war coming out of the Straits, with
fourteen Dunkirkers, 3 upon the coast of England, as
they returned from us in the end of the last summer ;
who, through God's goodness, with the loss of some
thirteen or fourteen men out of our three ships, and I
know not how many out of the two men-of-war, got
at length clear of them ; the Charles, one of our
three, 4 a stout ship of three hundred tons, being so
torn, that she had not much of her left whole above
water. By this ship we also understood the death
of many of those who went from us the last year to
1 She arrived at Nantasket on son of Henry Way, one of the first
the 5th, and anchored before Boston settlers of Dorchester, who died in
on the 9th. The celebrated Roger 1667, aged 84. He had another son
Williams and his wife came in her. killed by the Eastern Indians in
Her cargo consisted of 34 hhds. June, 1632. See Savage's Win-
wheat meal, 15 hhds. pease, 4 hhds. throp, i. 43, 79 ; Blake's Annals of
oatmeal, 4 hhds. beef and pork, 15 Dorchester, p. 24 ; Wood's New-
cwt. of cheese, butter, suet, seed England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 2.
barley and rye, &c. They arrived 3 See note 3 on page 218.
in good order. See Savage's Win- 4 The other two were the Success
throp, i. 41, 43, 47. and the Whale. See Winthrop, i.
2 His name was Way, probably a 46.
ILL REPORTS OF THE COLONY AT HOME. 331
Old England, as likewise of the mortality there ; CHAP.
J XVII.
whereby we see there are graves in other places as
well as with us. lesi.
Also, to increase the heap of our sorrows, we re-
ceived advertisement by letters from our friends in
England, and by the reports of those who came
hither in this ship to abide with us, (who were about
twenty-six,) that they who went discontentedly from
us the last year, out of their evil affections towards
us, have raised many false and scandalous reports
against us, affirming us to be Brownists 1 in religion,
and ill affected to our State at home, and that these
vile reports have won credit with some who formerly
wished us well. But we do desire, and cannot but
hope, that wise and impartial men will at length con-
sider that such malecontents have ever pursued this
manner of casting dirt, to make others seem as foul
as themselves, and that our godly friends, to whom
we have been known, will not easily believe that we
are so soon turned from the profession we so long
have made in our native country. And for our
further clearing, I truly affirm, that I know no one
person, who came over with us the last year, to be
altered in judgment and affection, either in ecclesi-
astical or civil respects, since our coming hither.
But we do continue to pray daily for our sovereign
lord the King, the Queen, the Prince, the royal
blood, the Council and whole State, as duty binds us
to do, and reason persuades others to believe. For
how ungodly and unthankful should we be, if we
should not thus do, who came hither by virtue of his
Majesty's letters patent, and under his gracious pro-
1 See Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 416-444.
332 THE FIRST THANKSGIVING-DAY.
CHAP, tection ; under which shelter we hope to live safely,
xvii. . . J '
and from whose kingdom and subjects we now have
1631. received and hereafter expect relief. Let our friends
therefore give no credit to such malicious aspersions,
but be more ready to answer for us than we hear
they have been. We are not like those which have
dispensations to lie ; but as we were free enough in
Old England to turn our insides outwards, sometimes
to our disadvantage, very unlike is it that now, be-
ing procul afulmine, we should be so unlike ourselves.
Let therefore this be sufficient for us to say, and
others to hear in this matter.
Amongst others who died about this time was Mr.
Robert Welden, 1 whom, in the time of his sickness,
we had chosen to be captain of a hundred foot ; but
before he took possession of his place, he died, the
Feb. 16th of this February, and was buried as a soldier,
i fi
with three volleys of shot.
22. Upon the 22d of February we held a general day
of Thanksgiving throughout the whole Colony for
the safe arrival of the ship which came last with our
provisions.
About this time we apprehended one Robert
Wright, who had been sometimes a linen draper in
Newgate market, and after that a brewer on the
Bank side and on Thames street. This man we
lately understood had made an escape in London
from those who came to his house to apprehend him
for clipping the King's coin [one or two words wanting]
had stolen after us. Upon his examination he con-
1 Winthrop, i. 45, calls him "a sumption on the 18th. Perhaps his
hopeful young gentleman, and an military funeral took place on the
experienced soldier," and says that 18th.
he died at Charlestown of a con-
SIR CHRISTOPHER GARDINER. 333
fessed the fact, and his escape, but affirmed he had CHAP.
the King's pardon for it under the broad seal ; which
he yet not being able to prove, and one to whom he *
was known charging him with untruth in some of his
answers, we therefore committed him to prison, to
be sent by the next ship into England. 1
Likewise we were lately informed that one Mr. April.
Gardiner, who arrived here a month before us, and
who had passed here for a knight, by the name of
Sir Christopher Gardiner, all this while was no
knight, but instead thereof had two wives now living
in a house at London, one of which came about Sep-
tember last from Paris in France (where her husband
had left her years before) to London, where she had
heard her husband had married a second wife, and
whom, by inquiring, she found out. And they both
condoling each other's estate, wrote both their let-
ters to the Governor, (by Mr. Peirce, who had con-
ference with both the women in the presence of Mr.
Allerton, 2 of Plymouth,) his first wife desiring his
return and conversion, his second his destruction for
his foul abuse, and for robbing her of her estate, of.
a part whereof she sent an inventory hither, com-
prising therein many rich jewels, much plate, and
costly linen. This man had in his family (and yet
hath) a gentlewoman, whom he called his kinswoman,
and whom one of his wives in her letter names Mary
1 At a Court of Assistants held at however, he was discharged the
Boston, March 1, it was " ordered same year for acting contrary to
that Mr. Wright shall be sent prisoner their instructions. See an account
into England by the ship Lion, now of him in the Chronicles of Ply-
returning thither." mouth, note l on page 195. See
2 Isaac Allerton was at this time also Prince's Annals, pp. 358 and
in London, as an agent of the Ply- 361, and Winthrop, i. 57.
mouth Colony, from which office,
334 SIR CHRISTOPHER GARDINER.
CHAP. Grove, affirming her to be a known harlot, whose
-\. V AX*
sending back into Old England she also desired, to-
1631. g e ther with her husband. Shortly after this intelli-
21" gence, we sent to the house of the said Gardiner,
(which was seven miles from us,) to apprehend him
and his woman, with a purpose to send them both to
London to his wives there. But the man, who hav-
ing heard some rumor from some who came in the
ship, that letters were come to the Governor requir-
ing justice against him, was readily prepared for
flight, so soon as he should see any crossing the
river, or likely to apprehend him ; which he accord-
ingly performed. For he dwelling alone, easily
discerned such who were sent to take him, half a
mile before they approached his house ; and, with
his piece on his neck, went his way, as most men
think, northwards, hoping to find some English there
like to himself. But likely enough it is, which way
soever he went, he will lose himself in the woods,
and be stopped with some rivers in his passing, not-
withstanding his compass in his pocket, and so with
hunger and cold will perish before he find the place
he seeks. 1 His woman was brought unto us, and
1 Winthrop says that " he travel- England, but seem actuated by a
led up and down among the Indians spirit of adventure and an unaccount-
about a month ; but, by means of able love of frolic. Morton says,
the Governor of Plymouth, he was that Gardiner " came into those
taken by the Indians about Namas- parts, intending discovery." It is
ket, (Middleborough,) and brought not unlikely, however, that they
to Plymouth, and from thence he were both in the employment of Sir
was brought, by Capt. Underbill Ferdinando Gorges, who claimed a
and his lieutenant, Dudley, May 4, great part of the Bay of Massachu-
to Boston." There seems to be a setts, and had been sent over as his
mystery hanging over Gardiner, as agents or spies. We know that
well as Morton of Merry Mount, Gorges corresponded with them
which it is difficult to clear up. both, and by his intercepted letters
They appear to have had no definite it appears that he had some secret
object in view in coming to New- design to recover his pretended
FLOCKS OF PIGEONS. 335
confessed her name, and that her mother dwells CHAP.
u\_ Y 1-JL*
eight miles from Boirdly, in Salopshire, and that -
I f> q I
Gardiner's father dwells in or near Gloucester, and
was (as she said) brother to Stephen Gardiner, Bish-
op of Winchester, 1 and did disinherit his son for his
twenty-six years' absence in his travels in France,
Italy, Germany, and Turkey ; that he had (as he told
her) married a wife in his travels, from whom he was
divorced, and the woman long since dead ; that both
herself and Gardiner were Catholics till of late, but
were now Protestants ; that she takes him to be a
knight, but never heard when he was knighted.
The woman was impenitent and close, confessing no
more than was wrested from her by her own contra-
dictions. So we have taken order to send her to the
two wives in Old England, to search her further.
Upon the 8th of March, from after it was fair day- March
light until about eight of the clock in the forenoon,
there flew over all the towns in our plantations so
many flocks of doves, each flock containing many
thousands, and some so many that they obscured the
light, that it passeth credit, if but the truth should
be written ; 2 and the thing was the more strange,
right, and that he reposed much l This story, says Farmer, was
trust in Gardiner. On his return to probably invented by the pretended
England Gardiner was very active knight, to raise him in the estima-
in cooperating with Gorges and Mor- tion of his paramour. Gardiner,
ton in their endeavours to injure the the bishop of Winchester, was born
colonists, and deprive them of their 147 years before this examination,
patent. These attempts, however, and had been dead 75 years. See
were defeated by the friends of the New Hampshire Hist. Coll. iv. 245,
Colony in England, especially Sir and Harington's Nugae Antiquae,
Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Humphrey, ii. 64.
Mr. Cradock, and Emanuel Down- 2 Gov. Winthrop, writing in
ing. See Winthrop, i. 54,57, 100, 1643, says, " The pigeons came in
102, 106 ; Morton's Mem. p. 163 ; flocks, above 10,000 in one flock."
Prince, p. 352 ; Morton's New-Eng- See note 2 on page 253, and Win-
lish Canaan, book iii. ch. 30 ; Mass, throp, ii. 94, 331.
Hist. Coll. xxviii. 320, 323.
336
Sill RICHARD SALTONSTALL.
CHAP.
XVII.
1631.
March.
because I scarce remember to have seen ten doves
since I came into the country. They were all tur-
tles, as appeared by divers of them we killed flying,
somewhat bigger than those of Europe, and they flew
from the north-east to the south-west ; but what it
portends, I know not.
The ship now waits but for wind ;* which when it
blows, there are ready to go aboard therein for Eng-
land, Sir Richard Saltonstall, 2 Mr. Sharpe, Mr. Cod-
1 The ship, the Lion, was at Sa-
lem, whence she sailed April 1.
See Winthrop, i. 49, 52.
2 SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL,
one of the principal founders of the
Colony, was the son of Samuel Sal-
tonstall, and grandson of Gilbert
Saltonstall, of Halifax, in the West
Riding- of Yorkshire. His uncle,
Sir Richard, was Lord Mayor of
London in 1597. He married Grace,
daughter of Robert Kaye, Esq.,
who probably died before her hus-
band came over to this country, as
we find no mention of her, although
her daughters came with their fa-
ther. He was the founder of Wa-
tertown, and the first member of the
church there. Edward Johnson
says, " This town began by occa-
sion of Sir Richard Saltonstall, who
at his arrival, having some store of
cattle and servants, they wintered in
those parts." He remained in the
country less than a year, taking
home with him his two daughters
and one of his younger sons, and
leaving behind his two oldest sons,
Richard, the elder, being at this
time 20 years of age. He still con-
tinued, however, to take a deep in-
terest in the welfare of the Colony,
and befriended it essentially at home
against the machinations of its ene-
mies. He was also largely inte-
rested in the joint stock of the Com-
pany, and in June, 1635, sent over
a bark of 40 tons, with twenty ser-
vants, to plant at Connecticut, of
which Colony he was one of the pa-
tentees. By his will it appears he
was living in 1658. There is a fine
portrait of him in the possession of
one of his descendants in New York.
His eldest son, Richard, was born at
Woodsome, in Yorkshire, in 1610.
He was admitted to Emanuel Col-
lege, Cambridge, in 1627, but left
without taking a degree, in order to
accompany his father to New-Eng-
land. He went to England in Nov.
1631, and married Mariel, daughter
of Brampton Gurdon, Esq., of As-
sington, in Suffolk, whence his
grandson, the Governor of Connect-
icut, got the name of Gurdon Sal-
tonstall. Richard settled at Ips-
wich, and was chosen an Assistant
in 1637. He went to England again
in 1672, and returned in 1680. He
visited England a third time in
1683, having three daughters mar-
ried there, and died at Holme,
April 29, 1694, aged 84. A long
line of his descendants has illustra-
ted the name of Saltonstall down to
the present day, among whom not
the least eminent and worthy was
the late lamented Leverett Salton-
stall, of Salem, Mayor of that city,
President of the Senate of Massa-
chusetts, and a Representative in
the Congress of the United States,
who died May 8, 1845, in his 62d
year. See Winthrop, i. 49, 161 ;
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 15, 332 ;
Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 94, xiv. 154-
168, xviii. 42, xxviii. 249, 314,
xxix. 117-125; Francis's Hist, of
Watertown, pp. 14-17 ; Thoresby's
Hist, of Leeds, (ed. Whitaker,) ii.
236.
WILLIAM CODDINGTON, OF BOSTON.
337
dington, 1 and many others ; the most whereof pur-
pose to return to us again, if God will. In the mean
time, we are left a people poor and contemptible,
yet such as trust in God, and are contented with
our condition, being well assured that he will not
fail us nor forsake us.
I had almost forgotten to add this, that the wheat
we received by this last ship stands us in thirteen
or fourteen shillings a strike, and the pease about
eleven shillings a strike, 2 besides the adventure,
which is worth three or four shillings a strike ; which
is a higher price than I ever tasted bread of before.
Thus, Madam, I have, as I can, told your Honor
all our matters, knowing your wisdom can make good
use thereof. If I live not to perform the like office
of my duty hereafter, likely it is some other will do
it better.
Before the departure of the ship, (which yet was
wind-bound,) there came unto us sagamore John, 3
CHAP.
1 William Coddington, the father
of Rhode Island, was of Boston, in
Lincolnshire, " a godly man and of
good estate," according to Win-
throp. He was chosen an Assistant
at Southampton March 18, 1629,
just before the sailing of the fleet.
In a letter to John Cotton, written
after his return to England, and
dated June 4, 1632, he says, " I am,
I thank God, in bodily health ; yet
not enjoying that freedom of spirit,
being withheld from that place
which my soul desireth, and my
heart earnestly worketh after ; nei-
ther, I think, shall I see it till
towards the next spring." He re-
turned to New-England in May,
1633, bringing his second wife,
Mary, with him. The next year
he was chosen treasurer of the Col-
ony. He was one of the founders
and principal merchants of Boston,
22
where he built the first brick house.
In 1637, in the Wheelwright and
Hutchinsonian controversy, he sided
with Vane and Cotton against Win-
throp and Dudley, and on this ac-
count the people left him out of the
magistracy. In April of the next
year he left his advantageous situa-
tion at Boston, and his large proper-
ty and improvements at Braintree,
and removed to Rhode Island, of
which he was several times chosen
Governor, dying in that office, Nov.
1, 1678, in his 78th year. Callen-
der dedicated his Historical Dis-
course on Rhode Island, in 1739, to
his grandson, the Hon. William
Coddington. See Winthrop, i. 50,
102, 132, 220, 224, 265, 382;
Hutchinson, i. 24 ; Callender, 49-
53, 84, 96 (ed. 1838.)
5 See Winthrop, i. 46.
3 See note 4 on page 306.
338 TWO HOUSES BURNT.
CHAP, and one of his subjects, requiring satisfaction for the
burning of two wigwams by some of the English ;
1631. w hich wigwams were not inhabited, but stood in a
place convenient for their shelter, when upon occa-
sion they should travel that way. By examination
we found that some English fowlers, having retired
into that which belonged to the subject, and leaving
a fire therein carelessly, which they had kindled to
warm them, were the cause of burning thereof. For
that which was the sagamore's, we could find no
certain proof how it was fired ; yet, lest he should
think us not sedulous enough to find it out, and so
8. should depart discontentedly from us, we gave both
him and his subject satisfaction for them both. 1
The like accident of fire also befell Mr. Sharpe 2
17. and Mr. Colborne 3 upon the 17th of this March ;
both whose houses (which were as good and as well
furnished as the most in the Plantation,) were in two
hours' space burned to the ground, together with
much of their household stuff, apparel, and other
things ; as also some goods of others who sojourned
with them in their houses ; God so pleasing to ex-
ercise us with corrections of this kind, as he hath
1 "At a Court at Watertown, mentioned on page 157. The death
March 8, it was ordered that Sir of his daughter and the loss of his
Richard Saltonstall (as the fire had house probably induced him to re-
been occasioned by his servant, turn to England. He never came
James Woodward,) satisfy the In- back. See pp. 106, 127, and 327.
dians for the wrong done to them ; 3 William Colburn was admitted
which accordingly he did by giving a freeman May 18, 1631. He was
them seven yards of cloth." See a gentleman of great influence in
Col. Rec., and Prince, p. 345. Boston, and was representative of
2 Thomas Sharpe was chosen an the town in 1635 and the two suc-
Assistant Oct. 29, at the same time ceeding years. He was long a rul-
Winthrop was chosen Governor, ing-elder of the first church, after
His name stands the sixth on the ceasing to be deacon, and died Au-
list of the Boston church members, gust 1,1662. See Savage's Win-
He may have been a brother of throp, i. 37, ii. 361 ; Prince, pp.
Samuel Sharpe, the master-gunner, 321, 322.
MRS. SKELTON, OF SALEM, DIES. 339
done with others. For the prevention whereof in CHAP.
our new town, 1 intended this summer to be builded, , ~
we have ordered that no man there shall build his 1631.
chimney with wood, nor cover his house with thatch ;
which was readily assented unto, for that divers
other houses have been burned since our arrival,
(the fire always beginning in the wooden chimneys,)
and some English wigwams, which have taken fire
in the roofs covered with thatch or boughs.
And that this ship might return into Old England
with heavy news, upon the 18th day of March came is.
one from Salem, and told us that upon the 15th
thereof there died Mrs. Skelton, 2 the wife of the
other minister there ; who, about eighteen or twenty
days before, handling cold things in a sharp morning,
put herself into a most violent fit of the wind colic and
vomiting ; which continuing, she at length fell into
a fever, and so died, as before. She was a godly
and a helpful woman, and indeed the main pillar
of her family, having left behind her a husband and
four children, weak and helpless, who can scarce tell
how to live without her. She lived desired, and died
lamented, and well deserves to be honorably re-
membered.
Upon the 25th of this March, one of Watertown 25.
having lost a calf, and about ten of the clock at night
1 Called Cambridge in 1638. See winter. Winthrop, however, to
Winthrop, i. 265. According to the fulfil a promise which he had made
agreement, mentioned on page 320, to the people of Boston, took down
Dudley, Bradstreet, and the princi- his frame and removed it to the pe-
pal persons in the Colony, proceed- ninsula. This was a great disap-
ed the next spring to build their pointment to the rest of the compa-
houses at Newtown. Winthrop set ny, and caused a temporary coolness
up the frame of his house on the between the Governor and Deputy,
spot where he first pitched his tent; See Hubbard, p. 136 ; Winthrop, i.
and Dudley finished his house and 82 ; Prince, p. 363.
removed his family there -before 2 See note 4 on page 142.
340 A FALSE ALARM AT ROXBURY.
CHAP, hearing the howling of some wolves not far off,
JA. V 11*
- raised many of his neighbours out of their beds, that,
631> by discharging their muskets near about the place
March
25. where he heard the wolves, he might so put the
wolves to flight, and save his calf. The wind serv-
ing fit to carry the report of the muskets to Rocks-
bury, three miles off, at such a time, the inhabitants
there took an alarm, beat up their drum, armed
themselves, and sent in post to us to Boston, to raise
us also. So in the morning, the calf being found
safe, the wolves affrighted, and our danger past, we
went merrily to breakfast. 1
I thought to have ended before ; but the stay of
the ship, and my desire to inform your Honor of all
I can, hath caused this addition ; and every one hav-
ing warning to prepare for the ship's departure to-
ss, morrow, I am now, this 28th of March, 1631, sealing
my letters. 2
1 See Winthrop, i. 49. have been the earliest person in the
2 This Letter was sent by the Colony who had an antiquarian turn
Lion, Capt. Peirce, which sailed of mind, and who had already, in
from Salem April 1, and arrived at 1691 and 1694, published two works
London April 29. Wilson probably of his own, entitled " Old Men's
carried it. See Winthrop, i. 52. Tears for their own Declensions,
mixed with fears of their and
DUDLEY'S LETTER, the most in- posterity's farther falling off from
teresting as well as authentic docu- New-England's primitive constitu-
ment in our early annals, first ap- tion. Published by some of Bos-
peared in print at Boston, in 1696, ton's old Planters and some other,"
in a 16mo. volume of 56 pages, en- and " A Narrative of the Planting
titled "MASSACHUSETTS, or the First of the Massachusetts Colony, anno
Planters of New-England, the end 1628 ; with the Lord's signal pre-
and manner of their coming thither, sence the first thirty years." Where
and abode there : in several Epis- Dudley's Letter had lain all this
ties." It contained also The Hum- time, from 1631 to 1696, sixty-five
ble Request, Allin and Shepard's years, and why it had never been
Preface to their Defence of the An- printed before, either in England or
swer to the Nine Questions, and this country, it is difficult to ex-
John Cotton's Preface, in Latin, to plain. In 1834, that indefatigable
Norton's Answer to the Questions antiquary, John Farmer, of Con-
of Apollonius. It is not unlikely cord, N. H., printed an enlarged
that it was printed at the suggestion copy of it in the fourth volume of
of Joshua Scottow, who seems to the Collections of the New Hamp-
DUDLEY S LETTER.
341
shire Historical Society. In his
Preface to it he says, " The copy of
Gov. Dudley's Letter to the Coun-
tess of Lincoln, from which the fol-
lowing is printed, has lately been
discovered in a manuscript, of the
chirography of the beginning of the
seventeenth century, and bound up
with Johnson's Wonder-working
Providence, and Winslow's New-
England's Salamander Discovered,
works printed more than 180 years
since. It is valuable on account of
its containing much more than the
printed copy which was used by the
Annalist, Mr. Prince. It is to be
regretted that the first part of the
manuscript is missing ; how much, CHAP
cannot be ascertained, but probably XVII.'
only a small part. The description ^ v-^*
of the bays and rivers is wanting,
and a few lines giving some account
of the Indians. It has been copied
and compared with scrupulous care.
There is good reason to believe that
the original printed copy was made
from this manuscript, just so much
of it being marked as was print-
ed, and having the printer's mark
(thus ] ) for the end of the signa-
ture." Farmer's copy has been
followed in printing this Letter.
For an account of Scottow, see
Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv. 100-104.
ROGER CLAP'S MEMOIRS
" MEMOIRS of Capt. ROGER CLAP. Relating some of GOD'S
Remarkable Providences to Him, in bringing him into New-
England ; and some of the Straits and Afflictions, the Good
People met with here in their Beginnings. And Instructing,
Counselling, Directing and Commanding his Children and
Children's Children, and Household, to serve the LORD in their
Generations to the latest Posterity. Heb. xi. 4. He being
dead, yet speaketh,
" BOSTON in New-England : Printed by B. Green, 1731." 18mo.
pp. 34.
CHAPTER XVIII.
CAPTAIN ROGER CLAP'S MEMOIRS.
I THOUGHT good, my dear children, to leave with CHAP.
' J xviii.
you some account of God's remarkable providences
to me, in bringing me into this land, and placing me
here among his dear servants, and in his house, who
am most unworthy of the least of his mercies. The
Scripture requireth us to tell God's wondrous works
to our children, that they may tell them to their
children, that God may have glory throughout all
ages. Amen.
I was born in England, in Sallcom, 1 in Devonshire,
in the year of our Lord 1609. My father was a man A P ril
fearing God, and in good esteem among God's faith-
ful servants. His outward estate was not great, I
think not above <80 per annum. We were five
brethren, (of which I was the youngest,) and two
sisters. God was graciously pleased to breathe by
his holy spirit (I hope) in all our hearts, if in mine ;
1 Salcombe Regis is near the sea- Prince's Annals, p. 368, and Parl.
coast, about 12 miles east of Exe- Gazetteer,
ter. Population in 1831, 448. See
346 CLAP'S EARLY LIFE IN ENGLAND.
CHAP, which I am not altogether without hopes of. Four
XVIII. .
' of us brethren lived at home. I did desire my dear
father (my dear mother being dead,) that I might
live abroad ; which he consented to. So I first went
for trial to live with a worthy gentleman, Mr. Wil-
liam Southcot, who lived about three miles from the
city of Exon. 1 He was careful to keep a godly fam-
ily. There being but a very mean preacher in that
place, we went every Lord's day into the city, where
were many famous preachers of the word of God. I
then took such a liking unto the Rev. Mr. John War-
ham, that I did desire to live near him. So I re-
moved (with my father's consent,) into the city, and
lived with one Mr. Mossiour, as famous a family for
religion as ever I knew. He kept seven or eight
men, and divers maid-servants ; and he had a con-
ference upon a question propounded once a week in
his own family. With him I covenanted.
1629. I never so much as heard of New-England until I
heard of many godly persons that were going there,
and that Mr. Warham was to go also. My master
asked me whether I would go. I told him, were I
not engaged unto him, I would willingly go. He
answered me, that should be no hindrance ; I might
go for him, or for myself, which I would. I then
wrote to my father, who lived about twelve miles off,
to entreat his leave to go to New-England ; who was
so much displeased at first that he wrote me no an-
swer, but told my brethren that I should not go.
Having no answer, I went and made my request to
1 Exeter, the capital of Devon- miles west by south of London. Its
shire, and the emporium and orna- population in 1831 was 28,201.
ment of the west of England, is 173
HIS DEPARTURE FROM PLYMOUTH. 347
him ; and God so inclined his heart, that he never CHAP.
said me nay. For now God sent the reverend Mr.
Maverick, who lived forty miles off, a man I never 163 -
saw before. He having heard of me, came to my
father's house ; and my father agreed that I should
be with him and come under his care ; which I did
accordingly. So God brought me out of Plymouth
the 20th of March, in the year 1629-30, and landed March
me in health at Nantasket on the 30th of May, 1630,
I being then about the age of twenty-one years.
Blessed be God that brought me here !
There came many godly families in that ship. We
were of passengers many in number, (besides sea-
men,) of good rank. Two of our magistrates came
with us, viz. Mr. Rossiter and Mr. Ludlow. 1 These
godly people resolved to live together ; and there-
fore, as they had made choice of those two reverend
servants of God, Mr. John Warham and Mr. John
Maverick, to be their ministers, so they kept a sol-
emn day of fasting in the New Hospital in Plymouth,
in England, spending it in preaching and praying ;
where that worthy man of God, Mr. John White, 2 of
Dorchester, in Dorset, was present, and preached unto
us the word of God in the fore part of the day ; and
in the latter part of the day, as the people did solemn-
ly make choice of and call those godly ministers to
be their officers, so also the reverend Mr. Warham 3
1 See pages 310 and 123. only facts mentioned concerning
' See note l on page 26. him are, that he was the first minis-
' John Warham remained in the ter in New-England who used a
ministry at Dorchester till Septem- manuscript in the pulpit, and that he
her, 1636, when he removed, with was subject to fits of religious me-
the greater part of his church, to lancholy, so much so, that at times,
Windsor in Connecticut, and formed when he had administered the com-
the first settlement in that place, munion to his people, he shrunk
where he died April 1,1670. The from partaking of it himself. Ful-
348
ARRIVAL AT NANTASKET AND CHARLESTOWN.
May
30.
CHAP, and Mr. Maverick 1 did accept thereof, and expressed
XVIII.
' the same. So we came, by the good hand of the
1630. Lord, through the deeps comfortably, having preach-
ing or expounding of the word of God every day for
ten weeks together by our ministers.
When we came to Nantasket, Capt. Squeb, who
was captain of that great ship of four hundred tons, 2
would not bring us into Charles river, as he was
bound to do, but put us ashore and our goods on
Nantasket Point, and left us to shift for ourselves in
a forlorn place in this wilderness. But,- as it pleased
God, we got a boat of some old planters, and laded
her with goods ; and some able men, well armed,
went in her unto Charlestown, where we found some
ler, the Plymouth physician, in his
letter to Gov. Bradford, dated June
28, 1630, says, " I have been at
Mattapan, at the request of Mr.
Warham. I had conference with
them till I was weary. Mr. War-
ham holds that the visible church
may consist of a mixed people, god-
ly and openly ungodly ; upon which
point we had all our conference, to
which, I trust, the Lord will give a
blessing." He lost his wife in
1634. His daughter Eunice mar-
ried Rev. Eleazer Mather, son of
Richard Mather, of Dorchester, and
first minister of the church at North-
ampton ; and her only daughter,
Eunice, was the wife of Rev. John
Williams, of Deerfield, and was
killed by the Indians and French
under Hertel de Rouville, when
that town was burnt, and her hus-
band and children carried into cap-
tivity, in March, 1704. See Ma-
ther, i. 399 ; Winthrop, i. 385 ;
TrumbulPs Conn. i. 65, 467 ; Mass.
Hist. Coll. iii. 74 ; Hoyt's Indian
Wars, p. 186 ; Williams's Redeem-
ed Captive, printed in 1706.
1 John Maverick intended to ac-
company his church to Windsor,
but was prevented by his death,
which occurred Feb. 3, 1636, in his
60th year. Winthrop says that
" he was a man of a very humble
spirit, and faithful in furthering the
work of the Lord here, both in the
churches and civil state." The
only fact that he mentions about
him is, his narrow escape one day
from the explosion of a small barrel
of gunpowder, some of which he
was drying in a fire-pan in the new
meeting-house in Dorchester ! See
Winthrop, i. 72, 181.
Prince says, that " Mr. Maverick
was the elder person ; that they had
both been ministers in the Church
of England, and had therefore been
ordained by some bishop or other ;
as none other in those days were
allowed to preach in that kingdom,
nor any separate congregation al-
lowed there till the Civil Wars be-
gan in 1642. Nor would Mr. Mav-
erick and Warham have been allow-
ed to form a Congregational church
at Plymouth in England, were it
not of those who had taken their
passage for New-England, and were
just ready to sail hither." See
Prince's Annals, p. 369.
2 The Mary & John. See page
311.
THE FIRST LANDING AT WATERTOWN. 349
wigwams and one house; 1 and in the house there CHAP.
was a man which had a boiled bass, but no bread,
that we see. But we did eat of his bass, and then 1630>
]VIav.
went up Charles river, until the river grew narrow
and shallow, and there we landed our goods with
much labor and toil, the bank being steep ; 2 and
night coming on, we were informed that there were
hard by us three hundred Indians. One English-
man, that could speak the Indian language, (an old
planter,) went to them, and advised them not to
come near us in the night ; and they hearkened to
his counsel, and came not. I myself was one of the
sentinels that first night. Our captain was a Low June.
Country soldier, one Mr. Southcot, 3 a brave soldier.
In the morning, some of the Indians came and stood
at a distance off, looking at us, but came not near us.
But when they had been a while in view, some of
them came and held out a great bass towards us ; so
we sent a man with a biscuit, and changed the cake
for the bass. Afterwards, they supplied us with
bass, exchanging a bass for a biscuit cake, and were
very friendly unto us.
Oh, dear children ! forget not what care God had
1 Probably the " English palisa- 3 Capt. Richard Southcot was one
doed and thatched house," which of the first settlers at Dorchester,
the Spragues found on their arrival At a Court held July 26, 1631,
at Charlestown, " wherein lived " Capt. Southcot hath liberty to go
Thomas Walford, a smith." See for England, promising to return
the Charlestown Records, in the with all convenient speed." He
next chapter of this volume. probably never came back, as his
2 The place where they landed is name does not afterwards occur in
supposed to be near the spot where our annals. Had he been here,
the United States' Arsenal now this " brave Low Country soldier "
stands. This part of Watertown would undoubtedly have been en-
was, till quite a recent period, called gaged in the Pequot War. See
Dorchester Fields, and it is so called Winthrop, i. 57, ii. 361 ; Prince,
in the town records. See Francis's p. 358 ; Blake's Annals of Dorches-
Hist. of Watertown, pp. 9, 10, and ter, p. 10; Harris's Memorials of
Holmes's Annals, i. 203. the First Church in Dorchester, p. 64.
350 REMOVAL TO DORCHESTER.
xvm' over ki g dear servants, to watch over us and protect
us in our weak beginnings. Capt. Squeb turned
630 ' ashore us and our goods, like a merciless man: 1 but
June. 3
God, even our merciful God, took pity on us, so that
we were supplied first with a boat, and then caused
many Indians (some hundreds) to be ruled by the
advice of one man, not to come near us. Alas,
had they come upon us, how soon might they have
destroyed us ! I think we were not above ten in
number. But God caused the Indians to help us
with fish at very cheap rates. We had not been
there many days, (although by our diligence we had
got up a kind of shelter to save our goods in,) but
we had order to come away from that place, which
was about Watertown, unto a place called Mattapan,
now Dorchester, because there was a neck 2 of land
fit to keep our cattle on. So we removed, and came
to Mattapan. The Indians there also were kind
unto us.
12. Not long after came our renowned and blessed
Governor, and divers of his Assistants with him.
Their ships came into Charles river, and many pas-
sengers landed at Charlestown, many of whom died
the winter following. Governor Winthrop purposed
to set down his station about Cambridge, or some-
1 Winthrop, in his Journal, under rived from some early document left
June 17, says, "As we came home, by the first settlers of Windsor, who
(from Charlestown to Salem,) we came in the ship. See Winthrop's
came by Nantasket, and sent for Hist. i. 28, and TrumbulFs Con-
Capt. Squib ashore, and ended a necticut, i. 23.
difference between him and the pas- 2 This neck was called Dorches-
sengers," undoubtedly growing out ter Neck till it was annexed to the
of his recent ill treatment of them ; metropolis in 1804, since which time
and Trumbull says that " Capt. it has been called South Boston.
Squeb was afterwards obliged to See Harris's History of Dorchester
pay damages for this conduct.' 1 in Mass. Hist. Coll. ix. 162, and
This information he may have de- Snow's Hist, of Boston, p. 319.
SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS. 351
where on the river ; but viewing the place, liked CHAP.
J\ V 111.
that plain neck, that was called then Blackstone's
Neck, now Boston. 1 But in the mean time, before 163 -
they could build at Boston, they lived many of them
in tents and wigwams at Charlestown, their meeting-
place being abroad under a tree, where I have heard
Mr. Wilson and Mr. Phillips preach many a good
sermon.
Now coming into this country, I found it a vacant
wilderness, in respect of English. There were in-
deed some English at Plymouth and Salem, and some
few at Charlestown, 2 who were very destitute when
we came ashore ; and planting time being past,
shortly after provision was not to be had for money.
I wrote to my friends, namely to my dear father, to
send me some provision ; which accordingly he did,
and also gave order to one of his neighbours to sup-
ply me with what I needed, (he being a seaman ;)
who coming hither, supplied me with divers things.
But before this supply came, yea, and after too, (that
being spent, and the then unsubdued wilderness
yielding little food,) many a time if I could have filled
my belly, though with mean victuals, it would have
been sweet unto me. Fish was a good help unto
me and others. Bread was so very scarce, that
sometimes I thought the very crusts of my father's
table would have been very sweet unto me. And
when I could have meal and water and salt boiled
together, it was so good, who could wish better ?
In our beginning many were in great straits for
See note 3 on page 169. who came from Salem to Charles-
These were probably the town the year previous.
Spragues and their companions,
352 SUFFERINGS FROM FAMINE.
CHAP, want of provision for themselves and their little
XVIII
- ones. Oh the hunger that many suffered, and saw
1630. no hope in an eye of reason to be supplied, only by
clams, and muscles, and fish. We did quickly build
boats, and some went a fishing. But bread was with
many a very scarce thing, and flesh of all kind as
scarce. And in those days, in our straits, though I
cannot say God sent a raven to feed us, as he did
the prophet Elijah, yet this I can say, to the praise
of God's glory, that he sent not only poor ravenous
Indians, which came with their baskets of corn on
their backs to trade with us, (which was a good sup-
ply unto many,) but also sent ships from Holland
and from Ireland with provisions, and Indian corn
from Virginia, to supply the wants 1 of his dear ser-
vants in this wilderness, both for food and raiment.
And when people's wants were great, not only in
one town but in divers towns, such w r as the godly
wisdom, care, and prudence, (not selfishness, but
1 Edward Johnson, an eye-wit- himself among the Indians for corn,
ness, gives a graphic description of and can get none ; as also our hon-
the scarcity of provisions among the ored Governor hath distributed his
first colonists. " In the absence of so far, that a day or two more will
bread, they feasted themselves with put an end to his store, and all the
fish. The women once a day, as rest. And yet, methinks, our child-
the tide gave way, resorted to the ren are as cheerful, fat, and lusty,
muscle and clam banks, (which are with feeding upon those muscles,
a fish as big as horse-muscles,) clams, and other fish, as they were
where they daily gathered their in England with their fill of bread ;
families food. Quoth one, ' My which makes me cheerful in the
husband hath travelled as far as Lord's providing for us ; being fur-
Plymouth, (which is near forty ther confirmed by the exhortation of
miles,) and hath with great toil our pastor to trust the Lord with pro-
brought a little corn home with him ; viding for us, whose is the earth and
and before that is spent, the Lord the fulness thereof.' And as they
will assuredly provide.' Quoth the were encouraging one another, they
other, ' Our last peck of meal is now lift up their eyes, and saw two ships
in the oven at home a baking, and coming in ; and presently this news
many of our godly neighbours have came to their ears, that they were
quite spent all, and we owe one loaf come from Ireland, full of victuals."
of that little we have.' Then spake See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 125.
a third, ' My husband hath ventured
THE CHARITY AND TRUST OF THE PEOPLE. 353
self-denial,) of our Governor Winthrop and his As-
sistants, that when a ship came laden with provisions, -
they did order that the whole cargo should be bought 163 -
for a general stock ; and so accordingly it was, and
distribution was made to every town, and to every
person in each town, as every man had need. 1 Thus
God was pleased to care for his people in times of
straits, and to fill his servants with food and glad-
ness. Then did all the servants of God bless his
holy name, and love one another with pure hearts
fervently.
In those days God did cause his people to trust in
him, and to be contented with mean things. It was
not accounted a strange thing in those days to drink
water, and to eat samp or hominy without butter or
milk. Indeed, it would have been a strange thing
to see a piece of roast beef, mutton, or veal ; though
it was not long before there was roast goat. After
the first winter, we were very healthy, though some 1631.
of us had no great store of corn. The Indians did
sometimes bring corn, and truck with us for clothing
and knives ; and once I had a peck of corn, or there-
abouts, for a little puppy-dog. Frost-fish, muscles,
and clams were a relief to many. If our provision
be better now than it was then, let us not, and do
you, dear children, take heed that you do not, forget
the Lord our God. You have better food and rai-
ment than was in former times ; but have you better
hearts than your forefathers had ? If so, rejoice in
1 Winthrop mentions the same provisions at fifty in the hundred,
circumstance under April 12, 1636. (which saved the country 200,)
' ' The Charity, of Dartmouth, of 120 and distributed them to all the towns,
tons, arrived here laden with provi- as each town needed." See Win-
sions. Mr. Peter bought all the throp, i. 185, 388.
23
354 THE CONTENTEDNESS OF THE COLONISTS.
CHAP, that mercy, and let New-England then shout for joy.
* V ill.
Sure, all the people of God in other parts of the
world, that shall hear that the children and grand-
children of the first planters of New-England have
better hearts and are more heavenly than their pre-
decessors, they will doubtless greatly rejoice, and
will say, " This is the generation whom the Lord
hath blessed.' 1
I took notice of it as a great favor of God unto me,
not only to preserve my life, but to give me content-
edness in all these straits ; insomuch that I do not
remember that ever I did wish in my heart that I had
not come into this country, or wish myself back again
to my father's house. Yea, I was so far from that,
that I wished and advised some of my dear brethren
to come hither also ; and accordingly one of my
brothers, 1 and those two that married my two sisters,
1633. sold their means and came hither. 2 The Lord Jesus
Christ was so plainly held out in the preaching of
the Gospel unto poor lost sinners, and the absolute
necessity of the new birth, and God's holy spirit in
those days was pleased to accompany the word with
such efficacy upon the hearts of many, that our hearts
were taken off from Old England and set upon heaven.
The discourse not only of the aged, but of the youth
also, was not, "How shall we go to England?'
(though some few did not only so discourse, but also
1 This was Edward, an elder bro- for his first wife a sister of Roger
ther, who came over in 1633, and Clap, whose name w^as Sarah,
settled in Dorchester, where he George Weeks married the other
died, Jan. 8, 1664. sister. Of the 35 voters of the name
2 There were three cousins of of Clap now living in .Dorchester,
Roger Clap, the sons of his uncle all but one are descended from Ni-
Richard, who came to Dorchester, cholas. See the Collections of the
Their names were Thomas, Nicho- . Dorchester Antiquarian and Histor-
las, and John. Nicholas married ical Society, No. 1, pp. vi.-xi. 62.
THE POWER OF RELIGION. 355
went back again,) but "How shall we go to heaven? CHAP.
st-\. V .111..
Have I true grace wrought in my heart ? Have I
Christ or no ? ' how did men and women, young 163 -
and old, pray for grace, beg for Christ in those days.
And it was not in vain. Many were converted, and
others established in believing. Many joined unto
the several churches where they lived, confessing
their faith publicly, and showing before all the as-
sembly their experiences of the workings of God's
spirit in their hearts to bring them to Christ ; which
many hearers found very much good by, to help them
to try their own hearts, and to consider how it was
with them, whether any work of God's spirit were
wrought in their own hearts or no. the many
tears that have been shed in Dorchester meeting-
house at such times, both by those that have declar-
ed God's work on their souls, and also by those that
heard them. In those days God, even our own God,
did bless New-England !
After God had brought me into this country, he
was pleased to give me room in the hearts of his ser-
vants ; so that I was admitted into the church fellow-
ship at our first beginning in Dorchester, in the year
1630. f$^KMm
I now return to declare unto you some of the
wonderful works of God in bringing so many of his
faithful servants hither into this wilderness, and pre-
serving us and ours unto this day, notwithstanding
our great un worthiness, and notwithstanding the
many assaults and stratagems of Satan and his instru-
ments against God's people here. I say, wondrous
works. For was it not a wondrous work of God, to
put it into the hearts of so many worthies to agree
356 THE MAGISTRATES OF THE COLONY.
CHAP, together, when times were so bad in England that
XVIII.
they could not worship God after the due manner
1630. prescribed in his most holy word, but they must be
imprisoned, excommunicated, &LC., I say that so
many should agree to make humble suit unto our
sovereign lord the King to grant them and such as
they should approve of, a Patent of a tract of land in
this remote wilderness, a place not inhabited but by
very barbarous nations ? And was it not a wondrous
good hand of God to incline the heart of our King so
freely to grant it, with all the privileges which the
Patent expresseth ? And what a wondrous work of
God was it, to stir up such worthies to undertake such
a difficult work, as to remove themselves, and their
wives and children, from their native country, and to
leave their gallant situations there, to come into this
wilderness to set up the pure worship of God here ;
men fit for government in the magistracy and in
families, and sound, godly, learned men for the min-
istry, and others that were very precious men and
women, who came in the year 1630.
Those that came then were magistrates ; men of
renown were Mr. Winthrop, Governor, Mr. Dudley,
Deputy Governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. John-
son, Mr. Rossiter, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Nowel, and
Mr. Bradstreet. Mr. Endicott came before, and
others came then, besides those named. And there
came famous ministers in that year, and afterwards ;
as, to name some, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Warham, .Mr.
Maverick, and Mr. Phillips. In our low estate God
did cheer our hearts in sending good and holy men
and women, and also famous preachers of the word
of God ; as Mr. Eliot, Mr. Weld, Mr. Cotton, Mr.
THE MINISTERS OF THE COLONY.
357
Hooker, Mr. Bulkley, Mr. Stone, 1 Mr, Nathaniel CHAP.
Rogers, and Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, Mr. Shepard, Mr.
Mather, Mr. Peters, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Whiting, 163 -
Mr. Gobbet, Mr. Hubbard, Mr. Brown, Mr. Flint,
Mr. Thomson, Mr. Newman, Mr. Prudden, Mr. Nor-
ris, Mr. Huit, Mr. Street, and many others. 2 Thus
did God work wonderfully for his poor people here.
Before I proceed any further, I will inform you
that God stirred up his poor servants to use means
in their beginning for their preservation ; though a
low and weak people, yet a willing people to lay out
their estates for the defence of themselves and others.
They having friends in divers places who thought it
best for our safety to build a fort upon the island
now called Castle Island, at first they built a castle 1634.
1 Stoughton in the first edition of
1731, and all subsequent ones; but
in the copy which I have, which be-
longed to Prince, the Annalist, and
contains his notes and corrections,
he has written Stone in the margin.
There was no minister by the name
of Stoughton among the colonists.
2 John Wilson* was the minister
of Boston ; John Warham, of Dor-
chester, and afterwards of Windsor,
Conn. ; John Maverick, of Dorches-
ter ; George Phillips,* of Water-
town ; John Eliot * and Thomas
Weld,* of Roxbury ; John Cotton,*
of Boston ; Thomas Hooker* and
Samuel Stone,* of Hartford, Conn.;
Peter Bulkley,* of Concord ; Na-
thaniel Rogers,* of Ipswich ; Eze-
kiel Rogers,* of Rowley ; Thomas
Shepard,* of Cambridge ; Richard
Mather,! of Dorchester ; Hugh Pe-
ters,* of Salem ; John Davenport, f
of New-Haven, Conn., and after-
wards of Boston ; Samuel Whit-
ing,* of Lynn ; Thomas Cobbett, of
Lynn, and afterwards of Ipswich ;
Peter Hobart,* of Hingham ; Ed-
mund Brown, of Sudbury ; Henry
Flint and William Tomson,f of
Braintree; Samuel Newman, f of
Rehoboth ; Peter Prudden, of Mil-
ford, Conn. ; Edward Norris, of
Salem ; Ephraim Huet, of Wind-
sor, Conn. ; Nicholas Street, of
Taunton, and afterwards of New-
Haven, Conn, Of these ministers,
twenty-seven in number, fourteen,
(marked thus *,) had been educated
and taken their degrees at the Uni-
versity of Cambridge, in England ;
and four (marked thus f,) had stu-
died at Oxford. Most of the minis-
ters who came to New-England,
besides those contained in this list,
had been educated at one of the Uni-
versities. Of some of the above, an
account has already been given, and
of others due notice will be taken.
The limits of these Notes, however,
will not permit us to do justice to
them all ; and the reader is there-
fore referred to Mather's third book
of the Magnalia, i. 213, to Eliot's
New-England, and Allen's Ameri-
can Biographical Dictionaries. See
also Wood's Athenae et Fasti Oxon.
and Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 247-
250.
358
BOSTON CASTLE.
CHAP.
XVIII.
1634.
with mud walls, which stood divers years. First,
Capt. Simpkins was commander thereof; and after
him Lieut. Monish for a little space. When the
mud walls failed, it was built again with pine trees
1645. and earth; and Capt. Davenport was commander.
When that decayed, which was within a little time,
there was a small castle built with brick walls, and
had three rooms in it, a dwelling room below, a
lodging room over it, the gun room over that,
wherein stood six very good saker guns, and over it,
upon the top, three lesser guns. All the time of
our weakness, God was pleased to give us peace,
until the wars with the Dutch in Charles the Second's
time. At that time our works were very weak, and
intelligence came to us that De Ruyter, a Dutch
commander of a squadron of ships, was in the West
Indies, and did intend to visit us ; whereupon our
battery also was repaired, wherein are seven good
guns. But in the very time of this report, in July,
1665. 1665, God was pleased to send a grievous storm of
thunder and lightning, which did some hurt at Bos-
ton, and struck dead here at the Castle Island that
worthy, renowned Captain, Richard Davenport. 1
Upon which the General Court, in August 10th fol-
lowing, appointed another Captain 2 in the room of
him that was slain. But, behold ! God wrought for
us ; for although De Ruyter intended to come here,
July
15.
Aug.
10.
1 Being fatigued with labor, he
had lain down upon his bed to rest,
the window of the castle being open
against him. Three or four of the
people were hurt, and a dog was
killed at the gate. There was only
a wainscot partition between the
room where the captain was killed ,
and the powder magazine. No in-
jury was done to the building. See
Hubbard, p. 642, and Hutchinson's
Mass. i. 253.
2 This was Capt. Clap himself, as
we learn from the following record :
" At a General Court, begun Au-
gust 1, 1665, this Court having con-
sidered of the want of a captain for
the Castle, do nominate and appoint
Capt. Roger Clap to be captain
thereof." Col. Rec. iv. 551.
BOSTON CASTLE.
359
yet God by contrary winds kept him out ; so he CHAP.
went to Newfoundland, and did great spoil there.
And again, when danger grew on us by reason 1673 -
of the late wars with Holland, God permitted our
castle at that very time to-be burnt down, which
was on the 21st day of March, 1672-3. 1 But still March
God was pleased to keep this place in safety. The
Lord enlarge our hearts unto thankfulness !
I will now return unto what I began to hint unto
you before ; namely, that Satan and his instruments
did malign us, and oppose our godly preachers, say-
si.
1 The history of " THE CASTLE,"
from its commencement to the pre-
sent time, deserves to be recorded,
and there are abundant materials for
it in the Court Records, at the State
House. The limits of a Note, how-
ever, will not permit us to use them ;
and the topic, too, belongs more
properly to the history of the me-
tropolis. The first notice of it we
find in Winthrop's Journal, under
July 29, 1634; "The Governor and
Council, and divers of the ministers,
and others, met at Castle Island,
and there agreed upon erecting two
platforms, and one small fortifica-
tion to secure them both ; and, for
the present furtherance of it, they
agreed to lay out 5 a man, till a
rate might be made at the next Ge-
neral Court. The Deputy, Roger
Ludlow, was chosen overseer." At
the General Court, Sept. 3, it was
" ordered, that there should be a
platform made on the north-east side
of Castle Island, and a house built
on the top of the hill, to defend the
said platform." Edward Johnson
informs us, that " there was a castle
on an island, upon the passage into
the Mattachusetts Bay, wholly built
at first by the country in general.
But, by reason the country affords
no lime but what is burnt of oyster
shells, it fell to decay in a few. years
after. Hereupon (in 1644) the next
six towns take upon them to rebuild
it. The castle is built on the north-
east of the island, upon arising hill.
The commander of it is one Captain
Davenport, a man approved for his
faithfulness, courage, and skill.
Although this castle hath cost about
4000, yet are not this poor pilgrim
people weary of maintaining it in
good repair." Edward Randolph,
in his Narrative of the state of New-
England in 1676, writes, " Three
miles from Boston, upon a small
island, there is a castle of stone
lately built, and in good repair,
with four bastions, and mounted
with 38 guns, 16 whole culverin,
commodiously seated upon a rising
ground sixty paces from the water-
side, under which, at high-water-
mark, is a small stone battery of six
guns. The present commander is
one Capt. Clap, an old man ; his
salary jL'50 per annum. There be-
long to it six gunners, each 10
per annum." In 1705, its name
was changed to Castle William, and
in 1799, the island having been pre-
viously ceded to the United States,
it received the name of Fort Inde-
pendence. When the substantial
fortress now building on the site is
completed, it is hoped that the an-
cient name, " THE CASTLE," will
be restored. See Col. Rec. i. 122 ;
Winthrop, i. 137, ii. 155, 243;
Hutchinson's Massachusetts, i. 284 ;
Hutchinson's State Papers, p. 486 ;
Holmes's Annals, i. 493, ii. 412 ;
Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 56.
360 TROUBLES FROM THE ANTINOMIANS.
CHAP, ing they were legal preachers, but themselves were
for free grace and for the teachings of the Spirit ;
1636. an( j j-^gy prevailed so by their flatteries and fair
speeches, that they led away not only " silly women,
laden with their lusts, " but many men also, and
some of strong parts too, who were not ashamed to
give out that our ministers were but legal preachers,
and so endeavoured to bring up an evil report upon
our faithful preachers, that they themselves might be
in high esteem ; and many of them would presume
to preach in private houses, both men and women,
much like the Quakers. They would talk of the
Spirit, and of revelations by the Spirit without the
Word, as the Quakers do talk of the Light within
them, rejecting the holy Scriptures. But God, by
his servants assembled in a Synod at Cambridge in
1637. 1637, did discover his truth most plainly, to the es-
tablishment of his people, and the changing of some,
and to the recovery of not a few, which had been
drawn away with their dissimulations. Thus God
delivered his people out of the snare of the Devil at
that time. Let us, and do you in your generations,
bless the holy name of the Lord. " The snare is
broken, and we and ours are delivered/ 1 There
were some that not only stood out obstinate against
the truth, but continually reviled both our godly
ministers and magistrates, and greatly troubled our
Israel. But, by order of the General Court, they
were banished out of this jurisdiction ; and then had
the churches rest, and were multiplied. 1
1 The best account of this whole Antinomian Controversy in Massa-
affair will be found in the Rev. chusetts," in Sparks's Am. Biog.
George E. Ellis's " Life of Anne xvi. 167-376. The original author-
Hutchinson, with a Sketch of the ities are there all enumerated.
TROUBLES FROM THE QUAKERS. 361
Many years after this, Satan made another assault CHAP.
XVIII
upon God's poor people here, by stirring up the '.
Quakers to come amongst us, both men and women; 1656 -
who pretended holiness and perfection, saying they
spake and acted by the Spirit and Light within, which
(as they say) is their guide ; and most blasphemously
said that the Light within is the Christ, the Saviour,
and deceived many to their persuasion. But, blessed
be God, the Government and Churches both did bear
witness against them, and their loathsome and perni-
cious doctrine ; for which they were banished out of
this jurisdiction, not to return without license, upon
pain of death. The reason of that law was, because
God's people here could not worship the true and
living God, as He hath appointed us in our public
assemblies, without being disturbed by them ; and
other weighty reasons, as the dangerousness of their
opinions, &c. Some of them presumed to return, to
the loss of their lives for breaking that law, which
was made for our peace and safety. 1
Now as Satan has been a lying spirit to deceive
and ensnare the mind, to draw us from God by error,
so hath he stirred up evil men to seek the hurt of this
country. But God hath delivered his poor people
here from time to time ; sometimes by putting cour-
age into our magistrates to punish those that did re-
bel, and sometimes God hath wrought for us by his
providence other ways. Here was one RatclifF 2
1 For an account of the treatment land Rent ; Bishop's New-England
of the Quakers in Massachusetts, Judged ; Sewell's History of the
see Hutchinson's Hist, of Massa- Quakers, pp. 160, 171, 193-200.
chusetts, i. 196-205 ; Grahame's 2 Philip RatclifF was a servant of
Hist, of the United States, i. 303- Governor Cradock. On his return to
312 ; Mather's Magnalia, ii. 451- England, he became, with Morton
463 ; Norton's Heart of New-Eng- and Gardiner, a violent enemy to
362 DIXY BULL, THE PIRATE.
CHAP, spake boldly and wickedly against the Government
, ~ and Governors here, using such words as some judg-
163 * ed deserved death. He was for his wickedness
whipped, and had both his ears cut off in Boston,
A. D. 1631. I saw it done. There was one Mor-
ton, 1 that was a pestilent fellow, a troubler of the
country, who did not only seek our hurt here, but
went to England, and did his utmost there, by false
reports against our Governor ; but God wrought for
us, and saved us, and caused all his designs to be of
1632. none effect. There arose up against us one Bull, 2 who
went to the eastward a trading, and turned pirate,
and took a vessel or two, and plundered some plant-
ers thereabouts, and intended to return into the Bay,
and do mischief to our magistrates here in Dorches-
ter and other places. But, as they were weighing
anchor, one of Mr. Short's 3 men shot from the shore,
and struck the principal actor dead* and the rest
were filled with fear and horror. They having taken
one Anthony Dicks, 4 a master of a vessel, did endea-
vour to persuade him to pilot them unto Virginia ;
but he would not. They told him that they were
filled with such fear and horror, that they were afraid
of the very rattling of the ropes ; this Mr. Dicks told
the Colony. See Col. Rec. i. 86 ; and afterwards resided at their plan-
, Savage's Winthrop, i. 56; Morton's tation at Pemaquid. See Savage's
New-English Canaan, book iii. ch. Winthrop, i. 61, 79, ii. 177 ; Wil-
25 ; Mass. Hist". Coll. xxix. 244. liamson's History of Maine, i. 694 ;
1 See note 2 on page 321. Hazard's State Papers, i. 315 ;
2 See Winthrop, i. 79, 96, 104 ; Hutchinson's Coll. p. 114.
Hubbard, p. 160 ; Williamson's 4 Anthony Dix arrived at Ply-
Maine, i. 252. mouth in the Anne, in the summer
1 Abraham Shurte, or Shurd, or of 1623. In Dec. 1638, he was cast
Short, came over to the shores of away, in a bark of thirty tons, upon
Maine as early as 1625, as the agent the head of Cape Cod. See Chron-
of Gyles Elbridge and Robert Aid- icles of Plymouth, p. 352, and Win-
worth, in which year he purchased throp, i. 287.
the island of Monhegan for them,
CAPT. STONE KILLED BY THE PEQUOTS. 363
me with his own mouth. These men fled eastward, CHAP.
XVIII.
and Bull himself got into England ; but God destroy '
ed this wretched man. There was also one Capt. 1633 -
Stone, 1 about the year 1633 or 1634, who carried
himself very proudly, and spake contemptuously of
our magistrates, and carried it lewdly in his conver-
sation. For his misdemeanour, his ship was stayed ;
but he fled, and would not obey authority ; and there
came warrants to Dorchester to take him dead or
alive. So all our soldiers were in arms, and senti-
nels were set in divers places ; and at length he was
found in a great cornfield, where we took him and
carried him to Boston ; but for want of one witness,
when he came to his trial, he escaped with his life.
He was said to be a man of great relation, and had
great favor in England ; and he gave out threatening
speeches. Though he escaped with his life, not be-
ing hanged for adultery, there being but one witness,
yet for other crimes he was fined, and payed it ;
and being dismissed, he went towards Virginia.
But by the way putting into the Pequot country, to
trade with them, the Pequots cut off both him and
his men, took his goods, and burnt his ship. Some
of the Indians reported that they roasted him alive.
Thus did God destroy him that so proudly threaten-
ed to ruin us, by complaining against us when he
came to England. Thus God destroyed him, and
delivered us at that time also.
About that time, or not long after, God permitted
Satan to stir up the Pequot Indians to kill divers
The murder of this man, Capt. the Pequot War. See Winthrop,
John Stone, in 1633,by the Indians, i. 104, 111, 122, 148.
was one of the principal causes of
364 THE PEQUOT WAR.
CHAP. Englishmen, as Mr. Oldham, 1 Mr. Tilly, 2 and others ;
and when the murderers were demanded, instead of
1636. delivering them, they proceeded to destroy more of
our English about Connecticut ; which put us upon
sending out soldiers, once and again, whom God
prospered in their enterprises until the Pequot peo-
ple were destroyed. 3 See Mr. Increase Mather's
Relation of the Troubles which have happened in New-
England by reason of the Indians, from 1634 to 1675.
I say nothing to you of the late war, 4 but refer you
to the histories in print. Thus was the Lord pleased
to deliver us at that time also, and to put a fear and
dread of us into the hearts of the Indians round about
us ; and many of them did voluntarily put themselves
under the government of the English.
It also pleased God to put it into the hearts of
1646. some of our worthies, to consider that one end of our
coming hither was to preach the Gospel of our Lord
Jesus Christ to the Indians, 5 for the saving of God's
elect, and for the bringing into Christ's kingdom
those that were as in highways and hedges. Some
did therefore set themselves to learn the Indian lan-
guage, and so taught them to know God and the
Lord Jesus Christ, whom they never knew or heard
of before, nor their fathers before them, and to know
themselves, namely, their misery by nature and by
reason of sin. Among others, the principal was that
1 John Oldham. See note l on dian Wars ; Increase Mather's Brief
page 169. History; Church's History of King
1 John Tilley. See Winthrop, Philip's War ; Mather's Magnalia,
i. 200. ii. 485-499 ; Calender's Hist. Disc.
3 See note * on page 306. pp. 126-136 ; Grahame, i. 346-351.
4 Philip's War, which broke out 5 See note 2 on page 258.
in June, 1675. See Hubbard's In-
JOHN ELIOT, OF ROXBURY.
365
reverend man of God, Mr. John Eliot, 1 teacher of the CHAP.
JL\- V XXX
church of Christ at Roxbury ; whose great labor and
/> j f*
pains in catechising, preaching the word, and trans-
lating the Bible into the Indian language, God has
blessed, I doubt not, to the converting of many
among them. " He that converteth souls shall shine
as the sun in the firmament/ how glorious will
the shining of that star be in heaven ! I rejoice to
think of it.
Furthermore, know ye, that God wrought wonder-
fully for our preservation, when men abroad (and
doubtless some at home) endeavoured to overthrow
our government, and prevailed so far that Commis-
sioners were sent from England hither with such 1665.
1 John Eliot was born in 1604,
about November, as Prince sup-
poses. His birth-place is unknown.
Cotton Mather says, " it was a town
in England, the name whereof I can-
not presently recover." He was
educated at Jesus College, Cam-
bridge, where he took the degree of
A. B. in 1622. After leaving the
University, he was for some time an
assistant in a school kept by the
Rev. Thomas Hooker, (afterwards
of Hartford, Conn.) at Little Bad-
do w, near Chelmsford, in Essex.
But the tyranny of Laud, which
drove Hooker into Holland, led Eliot
to flee to America ; and he landed
at Boston, Nov. 3, 1631. Wilson,
the minister of the Boston church,
being at this time absent in England,
Eliot was invited to officiate in his
place, which he did for a year, till
Nov. 5, 1632, when he was estab-
lished teacher of the church in Rox-
bury, where he continued till his
death, May 20, 1690, at the advanc-
ed age of 86. Eliot is chiefly known
for his indefatigable labors in preach-
ing the Gospel to the natives, which
obtained for him the deserved title
of The Apostle to the Indians, and
for his arduous work of translating
the whole Bible into the language of
the Massachusetts Indians. " Since
the death of the Apostle Paul," says
President Everett, " a nobler, truer
and warmer spirit, than John Eliot,
never lived ; and taking the state of
the country, the narrowness of the
means, the rudeness of the age, into
consideration, the History of the
Christian Church does not contain
an example of resolute, untiring,
successful labor, superior to that of
translating the entire Scriptures into
the language of the native tribes of
Massachusetts; a labor performed,
not in the flush of youth, nor within
the luxurious abodes of academic
ease, but under the constant burden
of his duties as a minister and a
preacher, and at a time of life when
the spirits begin to flag." His wife's
name was Anna, and his sons, John
and Joseph, were ministers of New-
town, Mass., and Guildford, Conn.
See note 2 on page 258 ; Winthrop,
i. 64, 93, ii. 303-5 ; Mather, i. 474-
532 ; Prince, pp. 378, 408 ; Hutch-
inson,i. 162,211 ; Grahame, i.281-
88 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 5-35,
xxviii. 248 ; Francis's Life of Eliot,
in Sparks's Am. Biog. vol. 5.
366 THE COMMISSIONERS FROM ENGLAND.
CHAP, power and authority that doubtless put themselves
XVIII
\ (and too many among us) in hopes that they had at-
1665. tained their ends. They proceeded so far that they
set up a Court, appointed the time and place, and
gave out their summons, yea, for our then honored
Governor and Company personally to appear before
them. But the Lord our God was for us, though
troubles were very near. He stirred up a mighty
spirit of prayer in the hearts of his people. This
poor country cried, and the Lord heard, and deliv-
ered them from all their fears. And the Lord put
wisdom and courage into the hearts of his servants,
then sitting in the General Court, to give such An-
swers and to make such a Declaration, published by
a man appointed, on horseback, with the trumpet
sounding 1 before the Proclamation, to give the people
notice that something was to be published, which
was done in three several places in Boston, that it
put an end to their Court, and (through God's good-
ness) to our troubles at that time about that matter. 2
And as our Court did assert our privileges granted
unto us by Patent, and did adhere thereto, so our
God hath hitherto continued the same unto us :
Blessed be his glorious name ! I humbly beg of God
that he will in mercy continue those privileges unto
you and yours in your generations, for Jesus Christ's
sake. Amen. 3
i
1 See Hutchinson's Mass. i. 246. of Boston Castle from 1665 to 1686,
2 See Hutchinson's Mass. i. 230- in which year he removed to Bos-
256, 535 ; Hutchinson's Coll. 390, ton. In the Records of the General
407-425 ; Chalmers's Annals, pp. Court, Oct 19, 1664, I find the fol-
386-389; Grahame's Hist. United lowing order . " The Court judgeth
States, i. 331-342. it meet to grant Capt. Roger Clap
3 Roger Clap was a prominent 4, to be paid him by the Treas-
citizen of Dorchester, both in civil urer for his service in laying out the
and military affairs, and was captain southern line of our Patent." He
ROGER CLAP S MEMOIRS.
367
was married, Nov. 6, 1633, to Jo-
anna Ford, of Dorchester, England,
who, with her parents, came over in
the same ship with himself. He
died Feb. 2, 1691, in his 82d year,
and was buried in King's Chapel
grave-yard, where his grave-stone
may still be seen. A full account
of his children and descendants may
be seen in the first number of the
Collections of the Dorchester Hist,
and Antiq. Society. The family of
Clap is still among the most nume-
rous and respectable families in that
ancient town, and one of the name
at least (Ebenezer Clapp, jr.) cher-
ishes the memory of the fathers, and
is imbued with the true antiquarian
spirit.
In Prince's list of the manuscripts
which he used in compiling his An-
nals, he mentions " Capt. Roger
Clap's Account of the ancient affairs
of the Massachusetts Colony . " This
he obtained from James Blake, jr.,
of Dorchester, and caused it to be
printed in 1731. I happen to pos- CHAP.
sess Prince's own copy of that edi- XVIII.
tion, which contains his marginal
corrections and annotations, and in
which he has, by marks and num-
bers, rearranged the whole compo-
sition, so as to make the parts suc-
ceed each other in chronological or-
der, which was not the case in the
manuscript. This he seems to have
done with reference to a new edition
of the work. This arrangement I
have adopted, it being a manifest
and decided improvement. I have
also omitted whatever is not of a
historical character ; since Clap's
exhortations to his children, and his
account of his religious experiences,
though excellent in their way, do
not fall within the plan of this work,
and would swell the volume beyond
its assigned limits. The Memoirs
were probably written not long after
1676, for on page 364 the author
speaks of " the late war," by which
he means Philip's War, which broke
out in 1675, and lasted about'a year.
THE CHARLESTOWN RECORDS.
CHAPTER XIX,
THE EARLY RECORDS OF CHARLESTOWN.
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH, having (in the reign of our CHAP.
X7"TX7"
sovereign lord, James, by the grace of God King of Jzil.
England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of 1614.
the Faith,) made a discovery of some parts of Amer-
ica, lighted, amongst other places, upon the opening
betwixt Cape Cod and Cape Ann, situate and lying
in 315 degrees of longitude, and 42 degrees 20 min-
utes of north latitude ; where, by sounding and mak-
ing up, he fell in amongst the islands, and advanced
up into the Massachusetts Bay, till he came up into
the river between Mishawum, (afterwards called
Charlestown,) and Shawmutt, (afterwards called
Boston ;) and having made discovery of the land,
rivers, coves, and creeks in the said Bay, and also
taken some observations of the natures, dispositions,
and sundry customs of the numerous Indians, or na-
tives, inhabiting the same, he returned to England ;*
1 Captain Smith, in the summer lished his Description of New-Eng-
of 1614, ranged along the coast of land, which is reprinted in Mass.
New-England, in a small boat, with Hist Coll. xxvi. 95-140. The map
eight or nine men, from the Penob- is prefixed to vol. xxiii. of the same
scot to Cape Cod, and in 1616 pub- Collections. See note l on page 19.
372 ENDICOTT AND HIS COMPANY.
CHAP, where it was reported, that upon his arrival, he pre-
sented a map of the Massachusetts Bay to the King,
16 14 - and that the Prince, (afterwards King Charles the
First,) upon inquiry and perusal of the foresaid river,
and the situation thereof upon the map, appointed it
to be called Charles river.
Now upon the fame that then went abroad of the
place, both in England and Holland, several persons
of quality sent over some at their own cost, who
planted this country in several parts ; but for want
of judgment, care, and orderly living, divers died.
Others, meeting with many hazards, hardships, and
wants, at length being reduced to great penury and
extremity, were so tired out, that they took all
opportunities of returning to England ; upon which
several places were altogether deserted, and left.
Only some few that, upon a better principle, trans-
ported themselves from England and Holland, came
1620. and settled their Plantation a little within Cape Cod,
and called the same Plymouth, notwithstanding all
their wants, hazards, and sufferings, continued seve-
ral years in a manner alone ; at which time this
country was generally called by the name of New-
England.
At length, divers gentlemen and merchants of
London obtained a patent and charter for the Mas-
sachusetts Bay, from our sovereign lord King Charles
the First, gave invitation to [such] as would trans-
port themselves from Old England to New-England,
to go and possess the same ; and for their encour-
agement, the said patentees, at their own cost, sent
over a company of servants under the government of
Mr. John Endicott ; who, arriving within this Bay,
THE THREE SPRAGUES, BROTHERS.
373
settled the first Plantation of this jurisdiction, called CHAP.
xix.
Salem ; under whose wing there were a few also that
[did] settle and plant up and down, scattering in 1628
several places of the Bay ; where, though they met
with the dangers, difficulties, and [wants] attending
new plantations in a solitary wilderness, and so far
remote from their native country, yet were they not
long without company ; for in the year of our Lord
one thousand six hundred twenty-eight, came over
from England several people at their own charge,
and arrived at Salem. After which, people came
over yearly in great numbers ; in [torn off] years
many hundreds arrived, and settled not only in the
Massachusetts Bay, but did suddenly spread them-
selves into other colonies also.
Amongst others that arrived at Salem at their own
cost, were Ralph Sprague, 1 with his brethren, Rich-
ard 2 and William, 3 who, with three or four more, by
joint consent and approbation of Mr. John Endicott,
1 Ralph Sprague was the eldest
of the three brothers, and by occu-
pation a farmer. Their father, Ed-
ward Sprague, is said to have been
a fuller, of Upway, in Dorsetshire,
England. Ralph is supposed to
have been about 25 years old when
he came to this country. He was a
prominent and useful man in Charles-
town, one of the founders of the
church there in 1632, one of the se-
lectmen several years, in 1630 the
first constable, in 1639 lieutenant,
and a representative in 1637, and
eight times afterwards. He died in
1650, leaving a widow, Joanna, four'
sons, and a daughter. In 1639, the
General Court granted him 100 acres
of land, " he having borne difficul-
ties in the beginning." See Froth-
ingham's Charlestown, p. 21 ; Bud-
ington, pp. 33, 184.
2 Richard Sprague was a mer-
chant. He was one of the founders
of the church in Charlestown in
1632, a selectman several years,
and a representative of the town
from 1659 to 1666. He died Nov.
25, 1668, leaving a widow, Mary,
but no children. See Frothingham,
p. 22 ; Budington, pp. 33, 184.
3 William Sprague was the young-
est of the three brothers. In 1636
he removed to Hingham, where he
died Oct. 26, 1675, leaving a widow,
Millesaint, and eleven children. The
Spragues of Bridgewater are de-
scended from him. See Frothing-
ham, p. 22 ; Lincoln's History of
Hingham, p. 45 ; Mitchell's History
of Bridgewater, p. 306 ; Hosea
Sprague's Genealogy of the Sprague
family.
374 THOMAS WALFORD, THE SMITH.
CHAP. Governor, did, the same summer of anno 1628, un-
-X.I.A..
dertake a journey from Salem, and travelled the
1 f\ O ft
woods above twelve miles to the westward, and
lighted of a place situate and lying on the north side
of Charles river, full of Indians, called Aberginians. 1
Their old sachem being dead, his eldest son, by the
English called John Sagamore, 2 was their chief, and
a man naturally of a gentle and good disposition ;
by whose free consent they settled about the hill of
the same place, by the said natives called Mishaw-
um ; where they found but one English palisadoed
and thatched house, 3 wherein lived Thomas Walford, 4
a smith, situate on the south end of the westernmost
hill of the East Field, a little way up from Charles
river's side ; 5 and upon surveying, they found it was
a neck of land, generally full of stately timber, as
was the main, and the land lying on the east side of
the river called Mistick river, (from the farm Mr.
Craddock's 6 servants had planted, called Mistick,
which this river led up unto ;) and indeed generally
1 "The Abarginny men," says "he paid by killing a wolf." He
Edward Johnson, "consisted of removed to Piscataqua; but still
the Massachusetts, Wippanaps, and seems to have been an object of dis-
Tarratines." See Mass. Hist. Coll. trust, for, Sept. 3, 1633, " it is or-
xii. 66. dered that the goods of Thomas
2 See note 4 on page 306. Walford shall be sequestered and
3 See page 349. remain in the hands of Ancient Gen-
4 How or when Walford came to nison, to satisfy the debts he owes
Mishawum, is unknown. He pro- in the Bay to several persons." He
bably remained there but a few died in 1657. See Col. Rec. i. 71 ;
years ; for, at a General Court held Savage's Winthrop, i. 53 ; Bel-
April 12, 1631, " Thomas Walford, knap's New-Hampshire, pp. 28, 57,
of Charlton, is fined 405., and is en- (Farmer's ed.) ; Adams's Annals
joined, he and his wife, to depart of Portsmouth, pp. 18, 394 ; Froth-
out of the limits of this Patent before ingham, pp. 23, 84.
the 20th day of October next, under 5 Probably on the south side of
pain of confiscation of his goods, for Breed's Hill, a short distance from
his contempt of authority and con- the water. See Frothingham, p. 24.
fronting officers, &c." A month 6 See note 2 on page 137.
afterwards, he was fined 2, which
THE FIRST SETTLERS OF CHARLESTOWN.
375
all the country round about was an uncouth wilder- CHAP.
XIX
ness, full of timber.
1629
The inhabitants that first settled in this place, and
brought it into the denomination of an English town,
were in anno 1628 as follows, viz., Ralph Sprague ;
Richard Sprague ; William Sprague ; John Meech ;*
Simon Hoyte j 1 Abraham Palmer ; 2 Walter Palmer ;
Nicholas Stowers ; 3 John Stickline ;* Thomas Wai-
ford, smith, that lived here alone before ; Mr. [blank]
Graves, 4 who had charge of some of the servants of
the Company of Patentees, with whom he built the
great house 5 this year, for such of the said Company
1 Of John Meech, Simon Hoyt,
and John Stickline, or Stickland,
nothing is known except that the
two last were admitted freemen May
18, 1631. See Winthrop, ii. 361,
362.
2 Abraham Palmer was a mer-
chant, and a member of the Compa-
ny in England. He was one of the
fourteen who signed the instructions
to Endicott, May 30, 1628, and in
the same month he adventured 50
in the joint stock. He probably
embarked with Higginson, and
came to Charlestown with Graves,
in 1029. He was an active and in-
fluential citizen, and filled the offices
of town clerk and selectman. He
was one of the two deputies from
Charlestown at the first General
Court held in 1634, and five times
afterwards. He was a sergeant in
the Pequot War, and did good ser-
vice in the swamp fight. He re-
moved to Barbadoes, where he died
about 1653, leaving a widow, named
Grace. See note 2 on page 174 ;
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 9 ; Mass.
Hist. Coll. xv. 122, xviii. 146;
Frothingham's Charlestown, p. 22.
3 Nicholas Stowers was herds-
man in 1633. His duties were "to
drive the herd forth to their food in
the main every morning, and to
bring them into town every evening,
and to have fifty bushels of Indian
corn for keeping the milch cows till
Indian harvest be taken in." He
died May 17, 1646, leaving a widow,
Amy, and five children. See Froth-
ingham, p. 23.
4 See note 2 on page 152.
5 "April, 1633. Agreed and
concluded by the inhabitants, that
the sum of 10 be collected of the
said inhabitants, and be paid to John
Winthrop, Esq., Governor, and the
rest of the gentlemen interested in
the great house built in anno 1628,
by Mr. Graves and the Company's
servants ; which is for the purchase
of the said house, now the public
meeting-house in this town ; all
which was accordingly done." It
continued to be used as a place of
public worship till 1636, when a
new church was built " between the
town and the neck." The great
house was afterwards used as a tav-
ern, or ordinary, and in 1711 was
called "The Great Tavern." It
was probably destroyed when the
town was burnt by the British, June
17, 1775. It stood wholly in the
Square, opposite the lane by the
" Mansion House." See Fro thing-
ham, p. 96 ; Budington, pp. 35, 195.
376 GRAVES LAYS OUT THE TOWN.
CHAP, as are shortly to come over, 1 which afterwards be-
XIX.
- came the meeting-house ; and Mr. [blank] Bright, 2
1629. minister to the Company's servants.
By whom it was jointly agreed and concluded,
that this place on the north side of Charles river, by
the natives called Mishawum, shall henceforth, from
the name of the river, be called Charlestown ; which
was also confirmed by Mr. John Endicott, Governor.
It is jointly agreed and concluded by the inhabit-
ants of this town, that Mr. [blank] Graves do model
and lay out the form of the town, with streets about
the Hill ; which was accordingly done, and approved
of by the Governor.
It is jointly agreed and concluded, that each inha-
bitant have a two acre lot to plant upon, and all to
fence in common ; which was accordingly by Mr.
[blank] Graves measured out unto them.
Upon which, Ralph Sprague and others began to
build their houses, and to prepare fencing for their
lots, which was afterwards set up almost in a semi-
circular 3 form on the south and south-east side of
that field laid out to them, which lies situate on the
north-west side of the Town Hill. 4
1 " The Charlestown Records 3 Hence the street on which
here mistake in placing this in 1628; these houses were built is called
for Mr. Graves comes not over till Bow-street.
1629. And as by Deputy Governor 4 The Town Hill has been much
Dudley's Letter (p. 319,) there was reduced in height since the first set-
a great mortality among the English tlement. In 1646 it was ordered
at the Massachusetts Colony, in the that it " should lie common to the
winter of 1629-30, so by Capt. town forever," and in 1648, that
Clap's account, (p. 349,) there was " no more gravel should be digged
but one house and some few Eng- or fetched from it." Yet in 1782
lish at Charlestown in June succeed- large quantities of gravel were taken
ing." Prince, p. 261. from it. See Frothingham, p. 94,
2 Francis Bright. See note 3 on and Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 168.
page 316.
AN INDIAN CONSPIRACY. 377
Walter Palmer 1 and one or two more shortly after CHAP.
XIX
began to build in a straight line upon their two acre - L>
lots on the east side of the Town Hill, 2 and set up a 1629.
slight fence in common, that ran up to Thomas Wai-
ford's fence ; and this was the beginning of the East
Field.
About the months of April and May, in the year
of our Lord 1629, there was a great design of the April
Indians, from the Narragansetts, and all round about
us to the eastward in all parts, to cut off the English ;
which John Sagamore, who always loved the English,
revealed to the inhabitants of this town. But their
design was chiefly laid against Plymouth, (not re-
garding our paucity in the Bay,) to be effected under
pretence of having some sport and pastime at Ply-
mouth ; where, after some discourse with the Gov-
ernor there, they told him, if they might not come
with leave, they would without. Upon which the
said Governor sent their flat-bottomed boat (which
was all they had,) to Salem, for some powder and
shot. At which time it was unanimously concluded
by the inhabitants of this town, that a small fort
should be made on the top of this Town Hill, with
palisadoes and flankers made out ; which was per-
formed at the direction of Mr. [blank] Graves, by all
hands of men, women and children, who wrought at
digging and building till the work was done. But
that design of the Indians was suddenly broke up, by
*
Walter Palmer, probably a bro- eleven children. One of them,
ther of Abraham, removed soon after John, probably the eldest, remained
1642 to Rehoboth, of which town in Charlestown. See Frothingham,
he was one of the first settlers, and p. 23, and Bliss's Rehoboth, p. 70.
there died, about 1662, leaving 2 On the east side of Main-street.
378 THE SETTLERS BUILD ON THE TOWN HILL.
CHAP, the report of the great guns at Salem, only shot off
~ to clear them ; by which means they were so fright-
1630. e j ? t na t a ][ their companies scattered and ran away ;
and though they came nattering afterwards, and call-
ed themselves our good friends, yet were we con-
strained by their conspiracies yearly to be in arms. 1
June In the months of June and July, 1629, arrived at
jS y . this town, John Winthrop, Esq. Governor, Sir Rich-
ard Saltonstall, knight, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley,
Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Nowell, Mr. Pincheon, Mr. Broad-
street ; who brought along with them the charter or
patent for this jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay;
with whom also arrived Mr. John Wilson and Mr.
[blank] Phillips, ministers, and a multitude of people,
amounting to about fifteen hundred, brought over
from England in twelve ships. 2 The Governor and
several of the Patentees dwelt in the great house,
which was last year built in this town by Mr. Graves
and the rest of their servants.
The multitude set up cottages, booths and tents
about the Town Hill. They had long passage ; some
of the ships were seventeen, some eighteen weeks
a coming. Many people arrived sick of the scurvy,
which also increased much after their arrival, for
want of houses, and by reason of wet lodging in their
cottages, &c. Other distempers also prevailed ; and
although [the] people were generally very loving
and pitiful, yet the sickness did so prevail, that the
whole were not able to tend the sick, as they should
1 There is no account of this In- must have occurred, if it occurred at
dian conspiracy in Morton's Memo- all, in the next year, 1630. See
rial, or anywhere else. As Graves Prince, p. 277.
did not come over till June, 1629, it 2 See note z on page 311.
SICKNESS AND FAMINE. 379
be tended ; upon which many perished and died, 1 CHAP-
-X.1.A_.
and were buried about the Town Hill. By which
means [the] provisions were exceedingly wasted,
and no supplies could now be expected by planting.
Besides, there was miserable damage and spoil of
provisions by sea, and divers came not so well pro-
vided as they would, upon a report, whilst they were
in England, that now there was enough in New-Eng-
land. And unto all this there [some few words missing}
[and yet some imprudently selling much of the re-
mainder 2 ] to the Indians for beaver. All which
being taken into consideration by the Governor and
gentlemen, they hired and despatched away Mr.
William Pearce, with his ship, of about two hundred
tons, for Ireland, to buy more ; 3 and in the mean
time went on with their work for settling. In order
to which they, with Mr. John Wilson, one of the
ministers, did gather a church, and chose the said 30.
Mr. Wilson pastor ; the greatest number all this
time intending nothing more than settling in this
town ; for which the Governor ordered his house to
be cut and framed here. But the weather being hot,
many sick, and others faint after their long voyage,
people grew discontented for want of water, who
generally notioned no water good for a tow r n but
running springs. 4 And though this neck do abound
with good water, yet, for want of experience and
See pages 314, 319, and 325. ning water was one of the reasons
The words enclosed in [ ] are offered Dec. 14, 1630, which de-
obliterated in the MS., being at the cided the question in the negative
bottom of a page ; but restored from about building a fortified town on
Prince, p. 313, who copied from the the neck between Boston and Rox-
original. bury. See Savage's Winthrop, i.
See pages 315 and 340. 38, and Chronicles of Plymouth,
4 This same prejudice about run- note 4 on page 129.
380 NO GOOD WATER AT CHARLESTOWN.
CHAP, industry, none could then be found to suit the humor
XIX '
> ~ of that time, but a brackish spring in the sands, by
1630. the water side, 1 on the west side of the North-west
Field, 2 which could not supply half the necessities
of the multitude ; at which time the death of so
many was concluded to be much the more occasion-
ed by this want of good water. 3
This caused several to go abroad upon discovery.
Some went without the neck of this town, who trav-
elled up into the main till they came to a place well
watered ; whither Sir Richard Saltonstall, knight,
and Mr. [blank] Phillips, minister, went with several
others, and settled a plantation, and called it Water-
town. Others went on the other side of Charles
river, and there travelled up into the country, and
likewise finding good waters, settled there with Mr.
Ludlow, and called the plantation Dorchester ;
whither went Mr. [blank] Maverick and Mr. [blank]
Warham, who were their ministers.
In the mean time Mr. [blank] Blackstone, 4 dwell-
ing on the other side Charles river alone, at a place
1 This spring is supposed to have beheld the piteous case these people
been not far from the site of the were in. And that which added to
Winthrop Church, on the shore, to their present distress, was the want
the south of the State's Prison, of fresh water. For although the
See Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 165, and place did afford plenty, yet, for the
Frothingham's Charlestown, p. 31. present, they could find but one
2 The north-west field was in the spring, and that not to be come at
vicinity of Washington-street. but when the tide was down ; which
3 Edward Johnson, one of the caused many to pass over to the
sufferers, tells us, " The grief of south side of the river, where they
this people was further increased by afterwards erected some other towns,
the sore sickness which befell among and in October the Governor, Depu-
them, so that almost in every family ty, and Assistants, held their second
lamentation, mourning, and wo was Court, on the south side of the river,
heard ; and no fresh food to be had where they began to build, holding
to cherish them. It would assuredly correspondency with Charlestown,
have moved the most locked-up af- as one and the same." See Mass,
fections to tears, no doubt, had they Hist. Coll. xii. 87.
passed from one hut to another, and 4 See note 3 on page 169.
BLACKSTONE'S SPRING IN BOSTON. 381
by the Indians called Shawmutt. where he only had CHAP.
/ / "XT" T XT'
a cottage, at or not far off the place called Black '*
stone's Point, he came and acquainted the Governor 1630.
of an excellent spring there ; withal inviting him
and soliciting him thither. Whereupon, after the
death of Mr. Johnson 1 and divers others, the Gov- Sept.
30.
ernor, with Mr. Wilson and the greatest part of the
church, removed thither ; whither also the frame of
the Governor's house, in preparation at this town,
was also (to the discontent of some,) carried; 2 where
people began to build their houses against winter ;
and this place was called Boston.
After these things Mr. [blank] Pincheon and seve-
ral others planted betwixt Boston and Dorchester ;
which place was called Roxbury.
Now after all this, the Indians' treachery being
feared, it was judged meet the English should place
their towns as near together as could be. For which
end Mr. Dudley and Mr. Broadstreet, with some
others, went and built and planted between Charles-
town and Waterton ; who called it Newtown, which
was afterwards called Cambridge. 3
Others issued out to a place between Charlestown
and Salem, called Saugust, since ordered to be call-
ed Linn. 4
And thus, by reason of discouragements and diffi-
culties, that strangers in a wilderness at first meet
1 Isaac Johnson died Sept. 30. ters and magistrates had been edu-
See note 3 on page 317. cated. See note 2 on page 357,
2 A similar dissatisfaction was and Winthrop, i. 265.
felt when Winthrop removed the 4 So called in 1636, out of corn-
frame of his house from Newtown pliment, no doubt, to the Rev. Sam-
Cambridge) to Boston, in 1632. uel Whiting, the minister of the
See page 339, and Winthrop, i. 82. place, who had been a preacher at
3 In 1638, out of regard to the Lynn Regis, in Norfolk, England,
place where so many of their minis- See Winthrop, i. 204.
382 THE COLONISTS SCATTERED.
CHAP, withal, though as to some things but supposed, as in
X_ I A .
this case people might have found water abundant in
' this town, and needed not to have perished for want,
or wandered to other places for relief, would they
but have looked after it. But this, attended with
other circumstances, the wisdom of God made use of
as a means for spreading his Gospel and peopling of
this great and then terrible wilderness ; and this
sudden spreading into several townships came to be
of far better use for the entertainment of so many
hundreds of people, that came for several years fol-
lowing hither in such multitudes from most parts of
Old England, than if they had now remained all to-
gether in this town.
But after their departure from this town to the
peopling and planting of the towns aforesaid, and in
particular of the removal of the Governor, and the
greatest part of our new gathered church, with the
pastor, to Boston, the few inhabitants of this town
remaining were constrained, for three 1 years after,
generally to go to Boston on the Lord's day to hear
the word and enjoy the sacraments, before they
could be otherwise supplied.
A list of the names of such as stayed and became
inhabitants of this town in this year 1629, as follows :
Increase Nowell, Esq. ; 2 Mr. William Aspinwall ; 3
1 It was only two years ; for the removed to Boston. Taking an ac-
Charlestown church was gathered tive part in the Antinomian contro-
and the covenant entered into, Nov. versy, and having written the peti-
2, 1632. See Budington's Hist, of tion to the General Court in favor of
First Church in Charlestown, pages Wheelwright, in 1637, he was dis-
21 and 183 ; and Frothingham's franchised, disarmed, and banished.
Hist, of Charlestown, p. 70. Whereupon he retired, with Cod-
* See note 2 on page 262. dington and others, to Rhode Island,
3 William Aspinwall afterwards and was the first Secretary of that
NAMES OF THE FIRST PLANTERS.
383
Mr. Richard Palsgrave; 1 Edward Convers; 2 William CHAP.
Penn ; 3 William Hudson ; 4 Mr. John Glover ; 5 Wil -
liam Brackenburry ; 6 Rice Cole ; 7 Hugh Garrett ; 163 -
Ezekiel Richeson ; 8 John Baker ; 9 John Sales ; 10
Capt. [blank] Norton; 11 Mr. Edward Gibbons; 12
Mr. William Jennings ; John Wignall ; these four
went and built in the main, on the north-east side of
the north-west creek of this town.
Colony. In 1642 he returned to
Boston, tendered his submission,
and was reconciled to the Church
and State. He afterwards went to
England, where he died. See Sav-
age's Winthrop, i. 33, 245, 248, ii.
62 ; Calender's Rhode Island, p. 84.
1 Richard Palsgrave was the first
physician in Charlestown. He came
from Stepney, in the county of Mid-
dlesex, in England, and died about
1656, leaving a widow, Anne, who
removed to Roxbury. See Froth-
ingham, p. 78.
* Edward Converse was the first
ferryman between Boston and
Charlestown, and one of the first
settlers of Woburn, whither he re-
moved as early as 1643, and which
town he represented in 1660. He
died Aug. 6, 1663, leaving a widow,
Sarah, and three sons and two
daughters. See Winthrop, ii. 349,
and Frothingham, p. 78.
3 I find no such name as William
Penn among the colonists. It is
probably an error for James Penn,
who was chosen Aug. 23, 1630, "as
a beadle, to attend upon the Gov-
ernor, and always to be ready to
execute his commands in public
business." He was a ruling elder,
a representative in 1648, and a lead-
ing man in the church and common-
wealth. He died Sept. 30, 1671.
See Col. Rec. ; Winthrop, ii. 213,
216, 348 ; Prince, p. 404 ; Hutch-
inson's Mass. i. 269.
4 William Hudson removed to
Boston about 1640, and in 1643 re-
turned to England, and engaged in
military service on the Parliament's
side. See Snow's Boston, p. 108 ;
Frothingham, p. 78.
5 John Glover removed to Dor-
chester, where he became a promi-
nent man, was a selectman, a cap-
tain, a representative in 1637, and
an Assistant in 1652. Edward
Johnson calls him " a man strong
for the truth, a plain, sincere, godly
man, and of good abilities." He
died in Jan. 1654. See Winthrop,
i. 46, 212 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv.
24.
6 William Brackenbury was a
baker, and one of the principal men
of Maiden, and died in Aug. 1668,
aged 66.
7 Rise Coles was admitted a free-
man April 1, 1633, and died May
15, 1646.
8 Ezekiel Richardson was one of
the first settlers of Woburn, and
there died Oct. 28, 1647.
9 John Baker was a tailor, and
removed from Charlestown in 1637.
10 John Sales enjoys the unenvia-
ble reputation of having been " the
first known thief that was notori-
ously observed in the country."
See page 385.
11 He was killed by the Pequots
in 1633. See Winthrop, i. 123.
12 Edward Gibbons, according to
Scottow, "being the younger bro-
ther of the house, of an honorable
extract, and his ambition exceeding
what he could expect at home, he
rambled hither." He was origin'
ally one of Wollaston's plantation,
and a young gentleman "of a jocund
384 TWO ACRES ALLOTTED TO EACH PLANTER.
CHAP. Agreed and concluded by the inhabitants of this
~ town, that the great corn-field shall be on the east
1630. s id e O f the Town Hill; the fence to range along
even with those dwellings 1 where Walter Palmer's
house stands, and so along towards the neck of land ;
and that to every inhabitant dwelling within the
neck, be given two acres of land for a house-plot,
and two acres for every male that is able to plant.
But in consideration of the greatness of the charge
in fencing down to the neck of land, it is concluded,
that that be suspended at present, and that only a
cross fence be drawn at the neck of land from Mis-
ticke river to the water on the west of the neck ;
which, being computed, ariseth to one pole and two
foot an acre for so many acres as are at present allot-
ted ; and that the cattle be kept without upon the
main.
But now, as the winter came on, provisions began
temper;" but being at Salem in gation. He lost .2500 when La
August, 1629, when the church Tour's fort at St. John's was taken
was gathered and the ministers or- byD'Aulney in 1645, by which loss,
dained, he was so much affected by says Winthrop, he was quite un-
the solemnities, that he requested done. He was chosen an Assist-
to be admitted to their fellowship, ant in 1650, and was major general
This request, however, was pru- of all the forces from 1649 to 1651.
dently declined on the ground of his Johnson, who knew him, and was
being a stranger. He was soon af- himself a soldier, speaks of him as
terwards admitted to the Boston " a man of a resolute spirit, bold as
church. Winthrop mentions Gib- a lion, being wholly tutored up in
bons's " farm at Pullen Point;" and New-England discipline, very gen-
Edward Johnson, describing the erous, and forward to promote all
country as it appeared in 1630, says, military matters." He died Dec. 9,
" about one mile distant, (from 1654, leaving two sons, Jotham and
Noddle's island,) upon the river, John, who were born in Boston in
(Charles,) ran a small creek, taking 1633 and 1641. See Savage's
its name from major general Ed- Winthrop, i. 192, ii. 60, 238 ; Ma-
ward Gibbons, who dwelt there for ther, i. 329 ; Scottow's Narrative,
some time after." He represented p. 10 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 135,
Charlestown in the General Court 160 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 86, xvii.
in 1635 and 1636 ; soon after which 54.
he removed to Boston, and became * This was the beginning of Main-
largely engaged in trade and navi- street. Frothingham, p. 59.
ARRIVAL OF PROVISIONS. 385
to be very scarce, upon the grounds aforesaid, a^nd CHAP.
-A. I A.
people were necessitated to live upon clams, and
muscles, and ground-nuts, and acorns, and these got 163 -
with much difficulty in the winter time. Upon
which, people were very much tired and discour-
aged, especially when they heard that the Governor
himself had the last batch of bread in the oven ;* and
many were the fears of people that Mr. Pearce, who
was sent to Ireland to fetch provisions, was cast
away, or taken by pirates. But God, who delights
to appear in greatest straits, did work marvellously
at this time ; for before the very day appointed to
seek the Lord by fasting and prayer, about the
month of February or March, in comes Mr. Pearce, i63i.
laden with provisions. Upon which occasion the Feb -
O
day of Fast was changed, and ordered to be kept as
a day of Thanksgiving ; 2 which provisions were by 22.
the Governor distributed unto the people propor-
tionable to their necessities.
The summer this year proving short and wet, our less,
crops of Indian corn, (for all this while we had no
other,) was very small ; and great want threatened
us. At which time here happened in this town the
first known thief that was notoriously observed in
the country. His name was John Sales ; who, hav-
ing stolen corn from many people in this scarce time,
was convicted thereof before the Court, and openly
1 See pages 351 and 379. Ma- slant they spied a ship arrived at
ther says, that "on Feb. 5, 1631, the harbour's mouth laden with pro-
when he [Winthrop] was distribut- visions for them all." See Mather's
ing- the last handful of meal in the Magnalia, i. Ill ; Savage's note on
barrel unto a poor man distressed Winthrop, i. 46.
by the wolf at the door, at that in- * See pages 330 and 332.
25
386 MORTALITY AMONG THE INDIANS.
CHAP, punished, and all he had by law condemned and sold,
- - to make restitution.
1633. This w i n ter also proved very sharp and long, and
people were generally exceedingly pinched for want
of provisions ; for there came very little over this
year from England. But it pleased God to send an
unexpected and early supply ; for one Mr. Stratton
arrived here with his vessel in the beginning of
March. March, laden with Indian corn, from Virginia, which
he sold for ten shillings per bushel.
At this time began a most grievous and terrible
sickness amongst the Indians, who were exceeding
numerous about us, (called the Aberginians.) Their
disease was generally the small pox, which raged
not only amongst these, but amongst the Eastern
Indians also, and in a few months swept away multi-
tudes of them, young and old. They could not bury
their dead ; the English were constrained to help ; !
and that which is very remarkable is, that though
the English did frequently visit them in their sick-
ness, notwithstanding the infection, it was observed
that not one Englishman was touched with the dis-
ease. But it was extremely infectious among them-
selves, and mortal where it took any of them ; inso-
much as there was scarce any of them left. By
1 " It wrought much with them," ties, and buried their dead, and took
says Win throp, "that when their home many of their children. So
own people forsook them, yet the did other of the neighbours." Ed-
English came daily and ministered ward Johnson, a contemporary, re-
to them ; and yet few, only two cords the same general facts in his
families, took any infection by it. History of New-England, printed in
Among others, Mr. Maverick, of 1654. See note 4 on page 306, and
Winesemett, is worthy of a per- Winthrop, i. 119, 120; Morton's
petual remembrance. Himself, his Memorial, p. 175 ; Hutchinson's
wife, and servants, went daily to Mass. i. 34 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii.
them, ministered to their necessi- 127.
THE CHARLESTOWN RECORDS.
387
which awful and admirable dispensation it pleased CHAP.
-X-l-X.
God to make room for his people of the English na
tion ; who, after this, in the immediate years follow-
ing, came from England by many hundreds every
year to us, who, without this remarkable and terrible
stroke of God upon the natives, would with much
more difficulty have found room, and at far greater
charge have obtained and purchased land. 1
1 Prince enumerates among the
manuscripts which he used in com-
piling his Annals of New-England,
" the ancient records of the town of
Charlestown ; in the first volume
whereof is a particular history of the
first coming and settling of the Eng-
lish there and in the neighbouring
plaqes." And afterwards, in quot-
ing them, he says that they were
" written by Mr. Increase Nowell,
afterwards town-clerk of Charles-
town, and Secretary of the Mas-
sachusetts Colony." But this is
a mistake. Increase Nowell was
town-clerk in 1636 and 1637, and
assisted Abraham Palmer in the
same office in 1639. But the re-
cords which he made are not now in
existence. The earliest records
now extant, from which the preced-
ing Chapter is taken, were copied
in 1664, nine years after Nowell's
death, as appears by the following
order. " At a meeting of the Se-
lectmen, April 18, 1664, John
Greene is appointed by us to trans-
cribe the records of this town ; and
having begun the same in a book as
far as to folio eight, most whereof is
gathered by information of known
gentlemen that lived and were actors
in those times, we do approve of the
same, and consent that what is writ-
ten on those seven pages remain as
it is." Of course this record is not
a contemporaneous document, but a
digest from early papers and tradi-
tion. It contains, indeed, many in-
teresting statements, and some few
facts not to be found elsewhere.
Yet, as an authority, it is not to be
put upon a level with Dudley's
touching Letter, or even with Roger
Clap's homely Narrative. Its chro-
nology, too, is all wrong, anticipat-
ing a whole year, in a most extraor-
dinary manner, making Graves and
Bright arrive in 1628, and Governor
Winthrop and his company in 1629.
It may be that this error extends
also to the arrival of the Spragues,
and that they did not come to
Charlestown till 1629. See Prince's
Annals, pp. xvii. 250 ; and Froth-
ingham's History of Charlestown,
pp.2, 14, 61.
17
WILLIAM WOOD'S
DESCRIPTION OF MASSACHUSETTS.
NEW-ENGLANDS PROSPECT. A true, lively, and experimental!
description of that part of America, commonly called NEW
ENGLAND : discovering the state of that Coimtrie, both as it
stands to our new-come English Planters ; and to the old Native
Inhabitants.
Laying downe that which may both enrich the knowledge of the
mind-travelling Reader, or benefit the future Voyager. By
WILLIAM WOOD.
Printed at London by Tho. Cotes, for lohn Bellamie, and are to
be sold at his shop, at the three Golden Lyons in Corne-hill,
neere the Roy all Exchange. 1634. sm. 4to. pp. 112.
CHAPTER XX.
OF THE BAYS, HAVENS, INLETS, AND SEVERAL PLANT-
ATIONS OF NEW-ENGLAND.
FORASMUCH as the King's most excellent Majesty
hath been graciously pleased, by the grant of his
letters patents, at first to give life to the Plantations
of New-England, and hath daily, likewise, by his
favors and royal protection, cherished their growing
hopes ; whereby many of his Majesty's faithful sub-
jects have been emboldened to venture persons,
states, and endeavours, to the enlargement of his
dominions in that western continent ; wherefore I
thought fit, for the further encouragement of those
that hereafter, either by purse or person, shall help
forward the Plantation, to set forth these few obser-
vations, out of my personal and experimental know-
ledge.
The place whereon the English have built their
Colonies, is judged by those who have best skill in
discovery, either to be an island, 1 surrounded on the
1 The first settlers of New-Eng- and. See Chronicles of Plymouth,
land generally considered it an isl- pp. 256, 368.
392 MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
CHAP, north side with the spacious river C armada, and on
the south with Hudson's, river ; or else a peninsula,
1 633 these two rivers overlapping one another, having their
rise from the great lakes, which are not far off one
another, as the Indians do certainly inform us. But
it is not my intent to wander far from our Patent ;
wherefore I refer you to the thrice memorable dis-
coverer of those parts, Capt. Smith, who hath like-
wise fully described the southern and north-east
parts of New-England, with the noted headlands,
capes, harbours, rivers, ponds, and lakes, with the
nature of the soil, and commodities both by sea and
land, &c. within the degrees of forty-one and forty-
five. 1
The Bay of Massachusetts lieth under the degree
of forty-two and forty-three, bearing south-west from
the Land's End of England ; at the bottom whereof
are situated most of the English plantations. This
Bay is both safe, spacious, and deep, free from such
cockling seas as run upon the coast of Ireland
and in the channels of England. There be no stiff
running currents, or rocks, shelves, bars, quicksands.
The mariners having sailed two or three leagues
towards the bottom, may behold the two Capes em-
bracing their welcome ships in their arms, which
thrust themselves out into the sea in form of a half-
moon, the surrounding shore being high, and show-
ing many white cliffs, 2 in a most pleasant prospect,
with divers places of low land, out of which divers
rivers vent themselves into the ocean, with many
openings, where is good harbouring for ships of any
1 See pages 19 and 371. ity of Cape Cod,, are of a dazzling
2 The sand hills, at the extrem- white.
BOSTON HARBOUR. 393
burthen. So that if an unexpected storm or cross C HAP.
-X.-X..
wind should bar the mariner from recovering his de-
sired port, he may reach other harbours, as Plim- 1633 -
mouth, Cape Ann, Salem, Marvill Head ; all which
afford good ground for anchorage, being likewise
land-locked from wind and seas.
The chief and usual harbour is the still Bay of
Massachusetts, 1 which is close aboard the Planta-
tions ; in which most of our ships come to anchor,
being the nearest their mart, and usual place of land-
ing of passengers. It is a safe and pleasant harbour
within, having but one common and safe entrance, 2
and that not very broad, there scarce being room for
three ships to come in, board and board, at a time ;
but being once within, there is room for the anchor-
age of five hundred ships. This harbour is made by a
great company of islands, 3 whose high cliffs shoulder
out the boisterous seas ; yet may easily deceive any
unskilful pilot, presenting many fair openings and
broad sounds, 4 which afford too shallow waters for
any ships, though navigable for boats and small pin-
naces.
The entrance into the great haven is called Nan-
tascot ; 5 which is two leagues from Boston. This
place of itself is a very good haven ; where ships
1 Boston harbour, included be- tween George's and Lovell's isl-
tween Nahant and Point Alderton. ands.
Twice afterwards he calls it "the 3 See a list of these islands, some
still bay," to distinguish it from forty or more, in Mass. Hist. Coll.
the outer bay, included between iii. 295, and in Snow's History of
Cape Ann and Cape Cod. Boston, p. 114.
2 The ship channel, or main en- 4 The northern entrance to Bos-
trance into Boston harbour, com- ton harbour is called Broad Sound,
monly called the Light House Chan- It is not considered a proper channel
nel, lies between Boston Light on for large vessels, though they some-
the north side and Point Alderton times pass through it.
on the south, and then passes be- 5 See note 3 on page 19.
394 WEYMOUTH.
CHAP, commonly cast anchor, until wind and tide serve
XX
~ them for other places. 1 From hence they may sail
1633 - to the river of Wessaguscus, Naponset, Charles river,
and Misticke river ; on which rivers be seated many
towns. In any of these forenamed harbours, the sea-
men, having spent their old store of wood and water,
may have fresh supplies from the adjacent islands,
with good timber 2 to repair their weather-beaten
ships. Here, likewise, may be had masts or yards,
being store of such trees as are useful for the same
purpose.
Having described the situation of the country in
general, with all his commodities arising from land
and sea, it may add to your content and satisfaction,
to be informed of the situation of every several plant-
ation, with his conveniences, commodities, and dis-
commodities, &c.
Where, first, I will begin with the outmost plant-
ation in the Patent, to the southward ; 3 which is
called Wessaguscus, 4 an Indian name. This as yet is
1 Nantasket Road is still a favor- mas Weston in the summer of 1622.
ite anchorage. It lies between The plantation, however, was bro-
George's island and Hull. ken up and abandoned the next
2 This shows that the islands spring. A few months afterwards,
were at this time well wooded ; al- the ground was reoccupied by Capt.
though the settlers of New Ply- Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdi-
mouth, on their first visit to the nando, with William Morell, an
harbour in Sept. 1621, found some episcopal clergyman, "and sundry
of them " cleared from end to end." passengers and families." Losing
See Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 229. much of their goods and provisions
3 Bordering on the Old Colony of by a fire at Plymouth in November,
Plymouth. The dividing line be- some of them returned to England,
tween the Colonies is marked on the out of discontent and dislike of the
splendid topographical Map of Mas- country. Morell remained a year,
.sachusetts, made by order of the and wrote a Latin poem descriptive
Legislature in 1844. of the country and its productions,
4 Wessaguscus, afterwards called which is printed in Mass. Hist. Coll.
Weymouth, was first planted by i. 125-139. "At his going away,"
fifty or sixty men sent over by Tho- says Gov. Bradford, " he told some
QUINCY AND DORCHESTER. 395
but a small village ; yet it is very pleasant, and C HAP.
A..X..
healthful, very good ground, and is well timbered,
and hath good store of hay-ground. It hath a very 1633 -
spacious harbour for shipping before the town, the
salt water being navigable for boats and pinnaces
two leagues. Here the inhabitants have good store
of fish of all sorts, and swine, having acorns and
clams at the time of year. Here is likewise an ale-
wife river.
Three miles to the north of this, is Mount Walks-
ton, 1 a very fertile soil, and a place very convenient
for farmers' houses, there being great store of plain
ground, without trees. This place is called Massa-
chusetts Fields, where the greatest sagamore 2 in the
country lived, before the plague, who caused it to be
cleared for himself. The greatest inconvenience is,
that there is not very many springs, as in other
places of the country ; yet water may be had for
digging. A second inconvenience is, that boats can-
not come in at a low water, nor ships ride near the
shore.
Six miles further to the north lieth Dorchester,
which is the greatest town in New-England, 3 well
of our people he had a power of 2 Chickatabot. See page 305.
superintendency over the churches 3 Dorchester originally included
here, but never showed it. And in its territory the towns of Milton,
thus the second plantation at the Stoughton, Sharon, Canton, and
Massachusetts ended." But "some Foxborough. It was then about 35
few remain," he adds ; and these miles in length, and in some places
may have been the nucleus of the from six to eight in width. Some
subsequent permanent settlement, idea of its comparative wealth at
See p. 309 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. that time may be obtained from the
43 ; Prince's Annals, pp. 204, 214, fact, that in this year, 1633, when a
221, 224 ; Chronicles of Plymouth, rate of 400 was assessed upon the
pp. 297, 342. Colony, Dorchester was called upon
1 This hill in Quincy, near the to pay jG80, one-fifth of the whole,
shore, and not far from President whilst Boston, Roxbury, Charles-
Adams's seat, still bears the name town, and Watertown were each
of Mount Wollaston. taxed only .48, and Salem .28.
398 THE HILLS OF BOSTON.
CHAP, timber and firewood from the islands in boats 1 and
~ their hay in lighters. It being a neck, and bare of
1633. wooc i } they are not troubled with three great annoy-
ances, of wolves, rattlesnakes, and mosquitoes.
These that live here upon their cattle, must be con-
strained to take farms in the country, or else they
cannot subsist ; the place being too small to contain
many, and fittest for such as can trade into England
for such commodities as the country wants, being the
chief place for shipping and merchandise.
This neck of land is not above four miles in com-
pass ; 2 in form almost square, having on the south
side, at one corner, a great broad hill, 3 whereon is
planted a fort, which can command any ship as she
sails into any harbour within the still bay. On the
north side is another hill, 4 equal in bigness, whereon
stands a windmill. To the north-west, is a high
planters to settle at Shawmut at the hour. The fortification was begun
approach of a rigorous winter." May 24, 1632, the people of Charles-
Shaw's History of Boston, p. 77. town, Roxbury, and Dorchester
1 At a Court held Nov. 7, 1632, working upon it in rotation ; and in
" it is ordered that the inhabitants May, 1634, " it was in defence, and
of Boston shall have liberty to fetch divers pieces of ordnance mounted in
wood from Dorchester neck of land it." See Winthrop, i. 77, 99, 132.
for twenty years, the propriety of 4 This hill at the north end of
the land to remain to Dorchester." the city, opposite Charlestown, and
Col. Rec. i. 94. which formerly rose to the height of
2 The peninsula on which Boston 50 feet above the sea, was first call-
is built, contained originally about ed Windmill Hill, from the wind-
700 acres. Its whole length, from mill on its summit, which was
Roxbury line to Winnisimet ferry is brought down from Watertown in
two miles and three-fourths and 238 August, 1632, "because it would
yards. Its greatest breadth, from not grind but with a westerly wind."
Foster's wharf to Barton's point, is On the map of Boston, printed in
one mile and 139 yards. See Mass. 1722, it is called Snow Hill- About
Hist. Coll. iii. 242. the time of the Revolution, in 1775,
3 This hill was originally called it bore the name, which it still re-
Corn Hill ; but after the fort was tains, of Cupp's Hill, after William
built, it received the name of Fort Copp, the earliest proprietor of a
Hill, which it still retains. It is portion of it. See Winthrop, i. 87;
situated at the eastern extremity of Snow's Boston, p. 105.
the city, directly opposite the har-
THE TREMONT.
399
mountain, 1 with three little rising hills on the top of CHAP.
it ; wherefore it is called
1633.
THE TRAMOUNT.
From the top of this mountain a man may overlook
all the islands which lie before the bay, and descry
such ships as are upon the sea-coast. This town,
although it be neither the greatest nor the richest,
yet it is the most noted and frequented, being the
centre of the plantations, where the monthly Courts
are kept. 2 Here likewise dwells the Governor.
This place hath very good land, affording rich corn-
fields and fruitful gardens ; having likewise sweet
and pleasant springs. 3
1 The top of this beautiful hill,
which was in the rear of the State
House, was 138 feet above the level
of the sea. With its two adjoining-
eminences it occupied about 100
acres of ground. The easternmost
hill was where Pemberton Square
now stands, and the westernmost
occupied what is now called Mount
Vernon, near Louisburgh Square.
The central elevation received the
name of Sentry and afterwards Bea-
con Hill, from the beacon which
was placed on its summit to alarm
the country in case of invasion, by
setting fire to a tar-barrel fixed on
the top of it. This beacon was
blown down by the wind in Nov.
1789. The wood-cut represents
the three hills as they appeared
when seen from Charlestown. See
p. 313 ; Snow's Boston, pp. 65, 112,
315 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 244.
2 At a Court held Oct. 3, 1632,
" it is thought, by general consent,
that Boston is the fittest place for
public meetings of any place in the
Bay." It is still thought so, and
probably always will be.
3 " BOSTON," says Johnson, writ-
ing in 1652, " is the centre town
and metropolis of this wilderness
work. Environed it is with the
brinish floods, saving one small isth-
mus, which gives free access to the
neighbour towns by land on the
south side. On the north-west and
north-east two constant ferries are
kept for daily traffic thereunto. The
form of this town is like a heart,
400
BROOKLINE AND CHARLESTOWN.
CHAP. The inhabitants of this place, for their enlarge-
XX.
~ ment, have taken to themselves farm-houses in a
16384 place called Muddy -river? two miles from their
town ; 2 where is good ground, large timber, and
store of marsh land and meadow. In this place they
keep their swine and other cattle in the summer,
whilst the corn is on the ground at Boston, and bring
them to the town in winter.
On the north side of Charles river is Charles Towne?
naturally situated for fortifications,
having- two hills on the frontice-part
thereof next the sea ; the one well
fortified on the superficies thereof
with store of great artillery, well
mounted. The other hath a very
strong battery, built of whole tim-
ber, and filled with earth, at the de-
scent of the hill, in the extreme
point thereof. Betwixt these two
strong arms lies a large cove or bay,
in which the chiefest part of this
town is built, overtopped with a
third hill. All three, like overtop-
ping towers, keep a constant watch
to foresee the approach of foreign
dangers, being furnished with a
beacon and loud-babbling guns, to
give notice, by their redoubled echo,
to all their sister towns. The chief
edifices of this city-like town are
crowded on the sea-banks, and
wharfed out with great industry and
cost ; the buildings beautiful and
large, some fairly set forth with
brick, tile, stone, and slate, and or-
derly placed, with comely streets,
whose continual enlargement presag-
eth some sumptuous city. The won-
der of this modern age, that a few
years should bring forth such great
matters by so mean a handful ; and
they so far from being enriched by
the spoils of other nations, that the
states of many of them have been
spoiled by the lordly prelacy, whose
lands must assuredly make restitu-
tion. At this people's landing, the
hideous thickets in this place were
such, that wolves and bears nursed
up their young from the eyes of all
beholders, in those very places where
the streets are full of girls and boys,
sporting up and down, with a contin-
ued concourse of people. Good store
of shipping is here yearly built, and
some very fair ones. Both tar and
masts the country affords from its
own soil ; also store of victual both
for their own and foreigners' ships,
who resort hither for that end. This
town is the very mart of the land.
French, Portugals, and Dutch come
hither for traffic." Johnson's Hist.
N. E., ch. 20. See p. 313.
1 This place continued to be call-
ed Muddy-river and Muddy-river
Hamlet, till Nov. 24, 1705, when
it was incorporated as a distinct
town, by the name of Brookline.
See Winthrop, i. 88, 290 ; Dr.
Pierce's Hist, of Brookline, in Mass.
Hist. Coll. xii. 145.
2 That is, in a direct line across
the water, over which they used to
pass in boats when they went to
their farms. The Rev. John Cot-
ton, of Boston, had a farm here. It
included the two estates now owned
by John Kenrick and Moses Andem.
See Dr. Pierce's Address at Brook-
line, Oct. 14, 1845, p. 17.
3 "This town of Charles," says
Johnson in 1652, " is situated on the
north side of Charles river, from
whence it took its name, the river
being about five or six fathoms deep ;
over against the town many small
islands lying to the seaward of it,
and hills on either side. By which
CHARLESTOWN.
401
which is another neck of land, on whose north side CHAP,
runs Misticke river. This town, for all things, may
be well paralleled with her neighbour Boston, being 1633 *
in the same fashion with her bare neck, and con-
strained to borrow conveniences from the main, and
to provide for themselves farms in the country for
their better subsistence. At this town there is kept
a ferry-boat 1 to convey passengers over Charles riv-
er ; which, between the two towns, is a quarter of a
mile over, being a very deep channel. Here may
ride forty ships at a time.
Up higher it is a broad bay, 2 being above two
miles between the shores, into which runs Stony
river and Muddy river. 3 Towards the south-west,
in the middle of this bay, 2 is a great oyster bank. 4
Towards the north-west of this bay is a great
creek, upon whose shore is situated the village of
means it proves a very good harbour (church members) is about 160.
for ships ; which hath caused many Their corn land in tillage in this
seamen and merchants to sit down town is about 1200 acres ; their
there. The form of this town, in great cattle are about 400 head ;
the frontice-piece thereof, is like the sheep near upon 400." Johnson's
head, neck, and shoulders of a man. N. E., ch. 18.
Only the pleasant and navigable * By an order of the Court of As-
river of Mistick runs through the sistants, June 14, 1631, Edward
right shoulder thereof, and by its Converse was permitted " to set up
near approach to Charles river in a ferry between Charlton and Bos-
one place, makes a very narrow ton, for which he is to have 2d. for
neck ; by which means the chief every single person, and Id. apiece
part of the town, whereon the most if there be two or more." See Col.
buildings stand, becomes a penin- Rec. ; and Frothingham's Charles-
sula. It hath a large market-place, town, p. 94.
near the water side, built round 2 The Back Bay, as it is called,
with houses comely and fair ; forth west of the Common, across which
of which there issue two streets, runs the Mill-dam road, or Western
orderly built, with some very fair Avenue.
houses, beautified with pleasant 3 Muddy river is the boundary
gardens and orchards. The whole between Roxbury and Brookline.
town consists, in its extent, of about 4 "Aug. 6, 1633. Two men,
150 houses. Their meeting-house servants to one Moody, of Roxbury,
for Sabbath assembly stands in the returning in a boat from the wind-
market-place, very comely built mill, (on Copp's Hill,) struck upon
and large. The number of souls, the oyster bank." Winthrop, i. 106.
26
402 CAMBRIDGE.
CHAP. Medford, 1 a very fertile and pleasant place, and fit
~ for more inhabitants than are yet in it. This town
1633 - is a mile and a half from Charlestown ; and at the
bottom of this bay the river begins to be narrower,
being but half a quarter of a mile broad.
By the side of this river is built Newtown, which is
three miles by land from Charlestown, and a league
and a half by water. This place was first intended
for a city ; 2 but, upon more serious considerations, it
was not thought so fit, being too far from the sea,
being the greatest inconvenience it hath. This is one
of the neatest and best compacted towns in New-Eng-
land, having many fair structures, with many hand-
some contrived streets. The inhabitants, most of
them, are very rich, and well stored with cattle of
all sorts, having many hundred acres of ground paled
in with one general fence, which is about a mile and
a half long, which secures all their weaker cattle
from the wild beasts. On the other side of the river
lieth all their meadow and marsh ground for hay. 3
1 "Medford and Mistick were among the Indians, than hazard the
then distinct places, though not so fury of malignant adversaries, who
at present. Medford I take to have in a rage might pursue them ; and
been a small village at the lower therefore chose a place, situate on
part of Mistick river, now called Charles river, between Charlestown
Neck of Land, where a creek also and Watertown, where they erected
ran into Charles river." Hutchin- a town, called Newtown, now nam-
son's Mass. i. 22. See Winthrop, ed Cambridge. This town is com-
i. 69. pact closely within itself, till of late
! See pages 320 and 339. years some few straggling houses
3 " At this time those who were have been built. The liberties of
in place of civil government, having this town have been enlarged of late
some additional pillars to underprop in length, reaching from the most
the building, began to think of a northerly part of Charles river to the
place of more safety, in the eyes of most southerly part of Mystick river,
man, than the two frontier towns It hath well-ordered streets, and
of Charlestown and Boston were comely, completed with the fair
foi the habitation of such as the building of Harvard College. Their
Lord had prepared to govern this first pastor was the faithful and la-
Pilffrim people. Wherefore they borious Mr. Hooker. The people
rather made choice to enter farther of this town are at this day in a
WATERTOWN. 403
Half a mile westward of this plantation, is Water- CHAP.
-X..X.
towne, a place nothing inferior for land, wood, mea-
dow, and water, to New-towne. Within half a mile
of this town is a great pond, 1 which is divided be-
tween those two towns, which divides their bounds
northward. A mile and a half from this town is a
fall of fresh waters, 2 which convey themselves into
the ocean through Charles river. A little below this
fall of waters, the inhabitants of Water-towne have
built a wear to catch fish, wherein they take great
store of shads and alewives. In two tides they have
gotten one hundred thousand of those fishes. This
is no small benefit to the plantation. 3 Ships of small
thriving condition in outward things ; different spot from the present vil-
also both corn and cattle, neat and lage. Winthrop, too, says that "a
sheep, of which they have a good wear was erected by Watertown
flock, which the Lord hath caused men upon Charles river, three miles
to thrive much more in these latter above the town, where they took
days than formerly. This town was great store of shads." Winthrop,
appointed to be the seat of govern- i. 73.
ment; but it continued not long. 3 "Watertown," says Johnson,
This year (1633) a small glean of " is situate upon one of the branches
rye was brought to the Court as the of Charles river, a fruitful plot, and
first fruits of English grain ; at of large extent, watered with many
which this poor people greatly re- pleasant springs and small rivulets,
joiced to see the land would bear it. running like veins throughout her
But now the Lord's blessing that body ; which hath caused her inhab-
way hath exceeded all people's ex- itants to scatter in such manner,
pectation, clothing the earth with that their Sabbath assemblies prove
plenty of all kinds of grain." John- very thin, if the season favor not,
son, chap. 28. An excellent histo- and hath made this great town, con-
ry of Cambridge, written by the sisting of 160 families, to show no-
Rev. Dr. Holmes, the accurate au- thing delightful to the eye in any
thor of the Annals of America, is place. This town began by occa-
contained in Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. sion of Sir Richard Saltonstall, who,
1-67. A more enlarged history of at his arrival, having some store of
the town, prepared with indefatiga- cattle and servants, they wintered in
ble labor and research, is soon ex- those parts. This town abounds in
pected from the pen of the Rev. several sorts of fish at their seasons,
Lucius R. Paige, of Cambridge. bass, shad, alewives, frost-fish, and
1 Fresh Pond, from which most smelts. Their herd of kine, and
of the ice is obtained that is export- cattle of that kind, are about 450,
ed from Boston. with some store of sheep and goats.
From Wood's description, it Their land in tillage is near upon
would appear that the original set- 1800 acres. This church is increas-
tlement at Watertown was in a very ed to near about 250 souls in church
404
MEDFORD AND CHELSEA.
C xx ? ' burthen may come up to these two towns ; but the
% ~ oyster banks 1 do bar out the bigger ships.
1 e o o
The next town is Mistickef which is three miles
from Charles-towne by land, and a league and a half
by water. It is seated by the water's side very
pleasantly ; there be not many houses as yet. At
the head of this river are great and spacious ponds, 3
whither the alewives press to spawn. This being a
noted place for that kind of fish, the English resort
thither to take them. On the west side of this river
the Governor hath a farm, 4 where he keeps most of his
cattle. On the east side is Master Cradock's planta-
tion, where he hath impaled a park, where he keeps
his cattle, till he can store it with deer. Here like-
wise he is at charges of building ships. The last
year one was upon the stocks of a hundred ton. 5
That being finished, they are to build one twice her
burthen. Ships, without either ballast or loading,
may float down this river. Otherwise, the oyster
bank would hinder them, which crosseth the channel.
The last town in the still bay is Winnisimetf a
very sweet place for situation, and stands very corn-
fellowship. Their first pastor was My stick river. Medford continued a
Mr. Phillips, a man mighty in the manor or plantation till Oct. 15,
Scriptures, and very diligent to 1683, when it was made a separate
search out the mind of Christ there- town. See pages 313 and 374;
in contained." Johnson's Hist, of Savage's Winthrop, ii. 161 ; Froth-
New-England, ch. 23. An excel- ingham's Charlestown, pp. 89-93.
lent History of Watertown, in 151 3 My stick, Horn, and Spy Ponds,
pages octavo, was published in 1830, 4 Governor Winthrop's farm on
written by the Rev. Convers Fran- the banks of the Mystick was called
cis, formerly minister of the town, Tenhills, which name is still retain-
and now a professor in the Divinity ed. See note * on page 104.
School at Cambridge. 5 See note * on page 185.
1 See page 401. 6 Chelsea. A flourishing village
2 Mistick is now Medford. It was in this town, connected with Boston
originally the name of Cradock's by a steam-ferry, retains the ancient
farm or plantation, containing about name of Winnisimet.
2500 acres, on the north side of
THE ISLANDS IN BOSTON HARBOUR. 405
modiously, being fit to entertain more planters than CHAP.
-X..X..
are yet seated. It is within a mile of Charlestown, ~
1 r* f) o
the river 1 only parting them.
The chief islands which keep out the wind and
the sea from disturbing the harbours are, first, Deer
Island, 2 which lies within a flight-shot of Pullin-point.
This island is so called because of the deer, which
often swim thither from the main, when they are
chased by the wolves ; some have killed sixteen
deer in a day upon this island. The opposite shore
is called Pullin-point, because that is the usual chan-
nel boats use to pass through into the bay ; and the
tide being very strong, they are constrained to go
ashore, and haul their boats by the seaside, or roads ;
whereupon it was called Pullin-point. 3
The next island of note is Long Island, so called
from his longitude. Divers other islands be within
these, viz. Nodle's Isle, Round Isle, the Governor's
Garden, where is planted an orchard, and a vineyard,
with many other conveniences, and Slate Island,
Glass Island, Bird Island, &c. 4 These isles abound
with woods, and water, and meadow ground, and
whatsoever the spacious fertile main affords. The
inhabitants use to put their cattle in these for safety,
viz. their rams, goats, and swine, when their corn is
on the ground. Those towns that lie without the
Mystick. bly Apple Island. The Governor's
2 Deer island, lying between Point Garden is the island on which Fort
Shirley and LovelPs Island, keeps Warren is built. Slate Island is off
its original name. Crow Point, in Hingham. Grass
3 It is now called Point Shirley. Island (Glass probably an error,) is
See Winthrop,i. 90; Prince, p. 403; off Weymouth. Bird island was
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 299. between Noddle's and Governor's.
4 Long island still retains its an- Its soil is washed away, but it is
cient name. Noddle's island is now dry at low water.
East Boston. Round Isle is proba-
406 LYNN AND NAHANT.
CHAP, bay, are a great deal nearer the main, and reap a
* ~ greater benefit from the sea, in regard of the plenty
1633 - both of fish and fowl which they receive from
thence ; so that they live more comfortably, and at
less charges, than those that are more remote from
the sea, in the inland plantations.
The next plantation is Saugus, six miles north-east
from Winnesimet. This town is pleasant for situa-
tion, seated at the bottom of a bay, which is made
on the one side with the surrounding shore, and
on the other side with a long sandy beach. This
sandy beach is two miles long, at the end whereon is
a neck of land, called Nahant. 1 It is six miles in
circumference, well wooded with oaks, pines, and
cedars. It is, besides, well watered, having, besides
the fresh springs, a great pond 2 in the middle ; be-
fore which is a spacious marsh. In this neck is store
of good ground, fit for the plough ; but for the pre-
sent it is only used for to put young cattle in, and
wether-goats, and swine, to secure them from the
wolves. A few posts and rails from the low-water
marks to the shore keeps out the wolves, and keeps
in the cattle. One Black William, 3 an Indian duke,
out of his generosity, gave this place in general to
this plantation of Saugus ; so that no other can ap-
propriate it to himself.
Upon the south 4 side of the sandy beach the sea
beateth, which is a true prognostication to presage
1 See Lewis's History of Lynn, murder of Walter Bagnall. He was,
(2d ed.) pp. 21-27. probably, however, a different per-
This is called Bear Pond. See son from the Duke of Saugus. See
Lewis's Lynn, p. 29. Winthrop, i. 62, 99 ; Lewis's Lynn,
3 An Indian, called Black Will, p. 51.
was hung at Richmond's Isle in 4 More properly on the east side.
1632, for being concerned in the
RUMNY MARSH. 407
storms and foul weather, and the breaking up of the
frost. For when a storm hath been, or is likely to
be, it will roar like thunder, being heard six miles ;
and after storms, casts up great store of great clams,
which the Indians, taking out of their shells, carry
home in baskets.
On the north side of this bay is two great marshes,
which are made two by a pleasant river 1 which runs
between them. Northward, up this river, goes
great store of alewives, of which they make good red
herrings ; insomuch that they have been at charges
to make a wear, and a herring-house to dry these
herrings in. The last year were dried some four or
five last, 2 for an experiment ; which proved very
good. This is like to prove a great enrichment to
the land, (being a staple commodity in other coun-
tries,) for there be such innumerable companies in
every river, that I have seen ten thousand taken in
two hours by two men, without any wear at all, sav-
ing a few stones to stop their passage up the river.
There likewise come store of bass, which the Indians
and English catch with hook and line, some fifty or
threescore at a tide.
At the mouth of this river runs up a great creek 3
into that great marsh, which is called Rumny Marsh ; 4
which is four miles long and two miles broad, half of
it being marsh ground, and half upland grass, with-
out tree or bush. This marsh is crossed with divers
creeks, wherein lie great store of geese and ducks.
1 Saugus or Abousett river. See 3 Now called Chelsea Creek.
page 169. 4 In Chelsea. There is said to
2 A last of white herrings is 12 be a place of the same name in the
barrels ; of red herrings, 20 cades, County of Kent, England. See
or 20,000. See Richardson's Die- Am. Antiq. Soc. Trans, ii. 441.
tionary.
408 LYNN.
CHAP. There be convenient ponds for the planting of duck-
^~~ oys. Here is likewise, belonging to this place, 1
1633. divers fresh meadows, which afford good grass, and
four spacious ponds, 2 like little lakes, wherein is
store of fresh fish, within a mile of the town ; out of
which runs a curious fresh brook, 3 that is seldom
frozen, by reason of the warmness of the water.
Upon this stream is built a water-mill, and up this
river come smelts and frost-fish, much bigger than a
gudgeon. For wood, there is no want, there being
store of good oaks, walnut, cedar, asp, elm. The
ground is very good, in many places without trees,
fit for the plough. In this plantation is more Eng-
lish tillage than in all New-England and Virginia
besides ; which proved as well as could be expect-
ed, the corn being very good, especially the barley,
rye, and oats.
The land affordeth the inhabitants as many rarities
as any place else, and the sea more ; the bass con-
tinuing from the middle of April to Michaelmas,
which stays not above half that time in the bay.
Besides, here is a great deal of rock-cod and mack-
erel, insomuch that shoals of bass have driven up
shoals of mackerel from one end of the sandy beach
to the other, which the inhabitants have gathered up
in wheelbarrows. The bay that lieth before the
town, at a low spring tide, will be all flats for two
miles together ; upon which is great store of muscle-
banks and clam-banks, and lobsters amongst the
rocks and grassy holes. These flats make it unnavi-
1 That is, Saugus, or Lynn. 3 The name of it is Strawberry
2 Their names are Flax, Tomline, Brook. It conects the three first-
Cedar, and Spring. See Lewis's named ponds with Saugus river.
Lynn, p. 29. See Lewis's Lynn, pp. 20, 29, 84.
SALEM.
409
gable for ships. Yet, at high water, great boats, CHAP.
xx.
lighters, and pinnaces of twenty and thirty ton, may - -
sail up to the plantation ; but they need have a skil- 1633
fill pilot, because of many dangerous rocks and foam-
ing breakers, that lie at the mouth of that bay. The
very aspect of the place is fortification enough to
keep off an unknown enemy. Yet may it be fortified
at a little charge, being but few landing places there-
about, and those obscure. 1
Four miles north-east from Saugus, lieth Salem,
which stands on the middle of a neck of land very
pleasantly, having a South river on the one side, and
a North river on the other side. Upon this neck,
where the most of the houses stand, is very bad and
sandy ground. Yet, for seven years together, it
hath brought forth exceeding good corn, by being
fished but every third year. In some places is very
good ground, and very good timber, and divers
springs, hard by the sea-side. Here, likewise, is
store of fish, as basses, eels, lobsters, clams, &c.
Although their land be none of the best, yet beyond
those rivers is a very good soil, where they have
1 "Lynn," says Johnson, "is
between Salem and Charlestown.
Her situation is near to a river,
whose strong freshet, at breaking
up of winter, filleth all her banks,
and with a furious torrent vents it-
self into the sea. This town is fur-
nished with minerals of divers kinds,
especially iron and lead. The form
of it is almost square ; only it takes
too large a run into the land-ward,
as most towns do. It is filled with
about 100 houses for dwelling.
Here is also an iron mill in constant
use ; but as for lead, they have tried
but little yet. Their meeting-house
is on a level land, undefended from
the cold north- west wind, and there-
fore made with steps descending
into the earth. Their streets are
straight and comely, yet but thin of
houses. The people mostly inclin-
ing to husbandry, have built many
farms remote there ; cattle exceed-
ingly multiplied ; goats, which were
in great esteem at their first coming,
are now almost quite banished ; and
now horse, kine, and sheep, are
most in request with them. The
first feeder of this flock of Christ
was Mr. Stephen Batchelor, gray
and aged." Johnson's Hist. N. E.,
ch. 22. There is a History of Lynn,
including Nahant, by Alonzo Lewis,
in octavo, 278 pages, 2d ed., 1844.
410 MARBLEHEAD AND IPSWICH.
CHAP, taken farms, and get their hay, and plant their corn.
- ~ There they cross these rivers with small canoes,
1633. wn ich are made of whole pine trees, being about two
foot and a half over, and twenty foot long. In these
likewise they go a fowling, sometimes two leagues to
sea. There be more canoes in this town, than in all
the whole Patent ; every household having a water-
house or two. This town wants an alewife river,
which is a great inconvenience. It hath two good
harbours, the one being called Winter, and the
other Summer harbour, 1 which lieth within Derby's
fort ; 2 which place, if it were well fortified, might
keep ships from landing of forces in any of those two
places.
Marvill Head 3 is a place which lieth four miles full
south from Salem, and is a very convenient place for
a plantation, especially for such as will set upon the
trade of fishing. There was made here a ship's
loading of fish the last year, where still stand the
stages and drying scaffolds. Here be good harbour
for boats, and safe riding for ships.
Agowamme 4 is nine miles to the north from Salem,
1 Winter harbour is now called twenty miles farther up in the coun-
Cat Cove ; and Summer harbour is try, issuing forth a very pleasant
the principal harbour of Salem. See pond. But soon after it betakes its
Felt, i. 231, 241. course through a most hideous
2 This fort was probably built on swamp of large extent, even for
Naugus' Head, on Marblehead side, many miles, being a great harbour
It may have got its name from Wil- for bears. After its coming forth
liam Darby, one of the Company in this place, it groweth larger by the
London, who in May, 1628, sub- income of many small rivers, and
scribed 50 to the joint stock. See issues forth in the sea, due east over
p. 174, and Felt, i. Ill, 205. against the Island of Sholes, a great
3 See note 4 on page 244. place of fishing for our English na-
4 By order of Court, Aug. 4, tion. The peopling of this town is
1634, called Ipswich. " This town," by men of good rank and quality,
says Johnson, " is situated on a fair many of them having the yearly re-
and delightful river, whose first venue of large lands in England be-
rise or spring begins about five and fore they came to this wilderness.
MERRIMACK RIVER.
411
which is one of the most spacious places for a plant- CHAP.
ation. Being near the sea, it aboundeth with fish, - ~L
and flesh of fowls and beasts, great meads and 1633.
marshes and plain ploughing grounds, many good
rivers and harbours, and no rattlesnakes.
In a word, it is the best place but one, which is
Merrimacke? lying eight miles beyond it, where is a
river twenty leagues navigable. All along the river
side is fresh marshes, in some places three miles
broad. In this river is sturgeon, salmon, and bass,
and divers other kinds of fish. To conclude, the
This town lies in the sagamoreship
or earldom of Agawam, now by our
English nation called Essex. It is
a very good haven town, yet a little
barred up at the mouth of the river.
Some merchants here are ; but Bos-
ton being the chiefest place of resort
of shipping, carries away all the
trade. They have very good land
for husbandry, where rocks hinder
not the course of the plough. The
Lord hath been pleased to increase
them in corn and cattle of late, inso-
much that they have many hundred
quarters to spare yearly, and feed,
at the latter end of summer, the
town of Boston with good beef.
Their houses are many of them very
fair built, with pleasant gardens and
orchards, consisting of about 140
families. Their meeting-house is
a very good prospect to a great part
of the town, and beautifully built.
The church of Christ here consists
of about 160 souls." Johnson's N.
E., ch. 30. See Winthrop, i. 101,
133, 137. A History of this town,
written by the Rev. J. B. Felt, in
300 pages octavo, was printed in
1834.
1 Merrimack I take to be New-
bury, which Johnson thus describes.
" This town is situate about twelve
miles from Ipswich, near upon the
wide venting streams of Merrimack
river, whose strong current is such
that it hath forced its passage through
the mighty rocks ; which causeth
some sudden falls, and hinders ship-
ping from having any access far into
the land. Her banks are in many
places stored with oaken timber of
all sorts ; of which that which they
commonly call white oak is not in-
ferior to our English timber. In
this river lie some few islands of
fertile land. This town is stored
with meadow and upland ; which
hath caused some gentlemen, (who
brought over good estates, and find-
ing then no better way to improve
them,) to set upon husbandry ;
among whom that religious and sin-
cere-hearted servant of Christ, Mr.
Richard Dummer, some time a ma-
gistrate in this little commonwealth,
hath holpen on this town. Their
houses are built very scattering,
which hath caused some contending
about removal of their place for Sab-
bath assemblies. Their cattle are
about 400 head, with store of corn-
land in tillage. It consists of about
seventy families. The souls in
church fellowship are about a hun-
dred." Johnson's Hist. of. N. E.,
chap. 31. See Chronicles of Ply-
mouth, pp. 402, 403. A History of
Newbury, by Joshua Coffin, was
published in 1845, in octavo, 416
pages.
412 UNREASONABLE EXPECTATIONS.
CHAP, country hath not that which this place cannot yield.
So that these two places may contain twice as many
less, people as are yet in New-England, there being as
yet scarce any inhabitants in these two spacious
places. Three miles beyond the river of Merrimack is
the outside of our patent for the Massachusetts Bay.
These be all the towns that were begun when I
Aug. came for England; which was the 15th of August,
15> 1633.
I have informed you of the country in general, and
of every plantation in particular, with their com-
modities, and wherein one excelleth another. But
some, peradventure, may say that they have heard
that the people have been often driven to great wants
and extremities. To which I answer; it is true that
some have lived for a certain time with a little bread,
others without any. Yet all this argues nothing
against the country in itself, but condemns the folly
and improvidence of such as would venture into so
rude and unmanaged a country without so much pro-
visions as should have comfortably maintained them
in health and strength, till by their labors they had
brought the land to yield his fruit. I have myself
heard some say, that they heard it was a rich land,
a brave country ; but when they came there, they
could see nothing but a few canvass booths and old
houses, supposing at the first to have found walled
towns, fortifications, and corn-fields ; as if towns
could have built themselves, or corn-fields have
grown of themselves, without the husbandry of man.
These men, missing of their expectations, returned
home and railed against the country.
ALL NEW-ENGLAND MUST WORK. 413
Others may object, that of late time there hath CHAP.
.X.-X..
been great want. I deny it not. But look to the
original, and tell me from whence it came. The 1633 -
root of their want sprung up in England. For many
hundreds, hearing of the plenty of the country, were
so much their own foes and country's hindrance,
as to come without provision ; which made things
both dear and scant. Wherefore, let none blame
the country, so much as condemn the indiscreetness
of such as will needs run themselves upon hardship.
And I dare further assure any, that will carry provi-
sion enough for a year and a half, shall not need to
fear want, if he either be industrious himself, or have
industrious agents to manage his estate and affairs.
And whereas many do disparage the land, saying
a man cannot live without labor ; in that they more
disparage and discredit themselves, in giving the
world occasion to take notice of their dronish dis-
position, that would live of the sweat of another
man's brows. Surely they were much deceived, or
else ill informed, that ventured thither in hope to
live in plenty and idleness, both at a time ; and it is
as much pity that he that can work and will not,
should eat, as it is pity that he that would work and
cannot, should fast. I condemn not such, therefore,
as are now there, and are not able to work. But I
advise, for the future, those men that are of weak
constitutions to keep at home, if their estates cannot
maintain servants. For all New-England must be
workers in some kind. And whereas it hath been
formerly reported, that boys of ten or twelve years
of age, might do much more than get their living, 1
1 See page 246.
414 THE COUNTRY FAR FROM BEING POOR.
CHAP, that cannot be. For he must have more than a boy's
XX.
head, and no less than a man's strength, that intends
1633. t ij ve comfortably ; and he that hath understanding
and industry, with a stock of <100, shall live better
there than he shall do here of 20 per annum.
But many, I know, will say, If it be thus, how
comes it to pass then that they are so poor ? To
which I answer, that they are poor but in comparison.
Compare them with the rich merchants or great land-
ed men in England, and then I know they will seem
poor. There is no probability they should be ex-
ceeding rich, because none of such great estate went
over yet. Besides, a man of estate must first scatter
before he gather. He must lay out moneys for trans-
porting of servants and cattle and goods, for houses,
and fences and gardens, &LC. This may make his
purse seem light, and to the eye of others seem a
leaking in his estate. Whereas these disbursements
are for his future enrichments ; for he being once
well seated and quietly settled, his increase comes
in double. And howsoever they are accounted poor,
they are well contented, and look not so much at
abundance as a competency. So little is the poverty
of the country, that I am persuaded if many in Eng-
land, which are constrained to beg their bread, were
there, they would live better than many do here that
have money to buy it.
Furthermore, when corn is scarce, yet may they
have either fish or flesh for their labor. And surely
that place is not miserably poor to them that are
there, where four eggs may be had for a penny, and
a quart of new milk at the same rate ; where butter
is six pence a pound, and Cheshire cheese at five
WILLIAM WOOD. 415
pence. Sure Middlesex affords London no better CHAP.
XX
pennyworths. What though there be no such plenty ~
as to cry these things in the streets ? Yet every day 1633 -
affords these pennyworths to those that need them
in most places, I dare not say in all. Can they be
very poor, where for four thousand souls there are
fifteen hundred head of cattle, besides four thousand
goats, and swine innumerable ? In an ill sheep year
I have known mutton as dear in Old England, and
dearer than goat's flesh is in New-England ; which
is altogether as good, if fancy be set aside. 1
1 Of WILLIAM WOOD, the author travel was observation." He return-
of the preceding very accurate topo- ed to England in the ship Elizabeth
graphical description of Massachu- Bonadventure, Capt. Graves, and
setts, I can obtain no information, probably never came back. I pre-
He says in the Preface to his book, sume he is the person referred to in
"I have laid down the nature of the following order of the General
the country without any partial re- Court. " Sept 3, 1634, it is order-
spect unto it, as being my dwelling- ed that there shall be letters of
place, where I have lived these four thankfulness signed by the Court,
years, and intend (God willing) to and sent to the Countess of War-
return shortly again." Of course, wick, Mr. Paynter, Mr. Wood, and
he must have come over in 1629, others, that have been benefactors
probably with Higginson. At the to this Plantation." See Col. Rec.
end of the 12th chapter of his first i. 127, and Winthrop, i. 104, 107.
part he says that "the end of his
JOHN COTTON'S LIFE AND LETTERS.
27
CHAPTER XXI.
CONCERNING THE LIFE OF THE FAMOUS MR. COTTON,
TEACHER TO THE CHURCH OF CHRIST AT BOSTON,
IN NEW-ENGLAND.
WHAT I have to add concerning the life of this CHAP.
blessed man of God, now triumphing in glory, to
what hath been already set forth by the reverend
Mr. Davenport, 1 the worthy pastor of the Church of
Christ at New Haven, I shall hold forth in these
particulars ; first, concerning the place of his birth
and education, till he went to the University, and his
abode in Cambridge ; secondly, concerning his re-
moval from Cambridge to Boston, in Lincolnshire,
and what he met with and did there ; thirdly, con-
cerning his departure from thence into New-Eng-
1 Davenport's account is also
mentioned on page 51, and is quoted
on page 32, of John Norton's Life
of Cotton. Whether it was ever
printed, I have not been able to as-
certain. Dr. Bacon does not men-
tion it in his list of Davenport's
writings. Cotton Mather says, that
" when the tidings of Mr. Cotton's
decease reached New-Haven, Mr.
Davenport, with many tears, bewail-
ed it in a public discourse." Per-
haps it was the manuscript of this
discourse that Whiting and Norton
saw and used. Richard Mather also
preached a funeral sermon on his
friend, which probably was never
printed. See note * on p. 102 ; Ma-
ther's Magnalia, i. 249 ; Leonard Ba-
con's Historical Discourses, p. 389.
420 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON.
CHAP, land, and what service the Lord made him an instru-
- ment of in that remote country.
1585. j jp or t ^ e rgt tne pj ace O f hi s birth was the
Dec
4. ' town of Derby, 1 the most eminent place in that
country. His father 2 trained him up to such learn-
ing as the school afforded for the fitting him for
Cambridge ; whither he went when he was very
! 5 9 8 . young, at thirteen years of age, and was admitted
into the famous society of Trinity College ; where
he fell so hard to his study, and so profited in the
knowledge of the tongues and arts, that he had un-
doubtedly been Fellow there, but that at that time
their great Hall was then in building, 3 which caused
such expenses to them that the election was put by,
or at least deferred, till some longer time. And
this providence I cannot pass by concerning him,
that his father, whose calling was to be employed in
the study and practice of the law, had not many
clients that made use of his advice in law matters
before. It pleased God, after he was gone to Cam-
bridge, to put his father upon great practice, so that
he was very able to keep him there and allow him
liberal maintenance ; insomuch that the blessed man
said, " God kept me at the University/ 1
1 Derby is a borough and market is said to have spent 3000 in en-
town, the capital of Derbyshire, 126 larging and improving his College.
miles northwest of London. Popu- To him it is indebted for the Great
lation in 1841, 32,741. Court, as it is at present ; and he
2 His father's Christian name was built two sides of the Court, which,
Roland, after whom he called one of after his name, has since been called
his own sons. John's grandson, Nevile's Court. See Le Keux's
the minister of Sandwich, was bap- Memorials of Cambridge, vol. i.
tized at Dorchester May 3, 1668, Trinity College, p. 29 ; Fuller's
with the name Role-on- God. It was Hist, of the Univ. p. 174; Dyer's
afterwards spelt Roland. See Mass. Hist, of the Univ. ii. 331.
Hist. Coll. ix. 193. 4 He was admitted to the degree
3 This must refer to the additions of A. M. at Trinity College in 1606.
made in the mastership of Thomas See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 247.
Nevile, who died in 1615, and who
THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. 421
From Trinity College he removed to Emmanuel CHAP.
-X--X.1.
College, 1 the happy seminary of learning and piety,
where he was honored with a fellowship in that So-
ciety, after a diligent and strict examen, according
to the statutes of that House. Wherein this is worth
the taking notice of, that when the poser came to
examine him in the Hebrew tongue, the place where
he was to be examined was that in Isaiah iii., that
speaks against the bravery of women, which hath
more hard words together than any place in the Bi-
ble within so narrow a compass, and might have
posed a very good Hebrician ; but he was very
ready at it, and all those difficult words were easy
to him. Afterwards he was head-lecturer, and dean,
and catechist in the College, and was a diligent tutor
to many pupils, and very much beloved of them.
His exercises that he performed in the College,
whether in the way of common-place or dispute,
wanted not sinews and strength, were highly com-
mended and applauded of those that knew him.
The first time that he became famous throughout
the whole University, was from a funeral oration
which he made in Latin for Dr. Some, 2 who was* i GO 8.
Master of Peter House ; which was so elegantly and
oratoriously performed, that he was much admired
The Puritan College, at which which, when it becomes an oak,
more of our first ministers and ma- God alone knows what will be the
gistrates were educated than at any fruit thereof.' " See note 2 on page
other. It was founded in 1585, by 357 ; Fuller's Hist, of the University,
Sir Walter Mildmay. Fuller says, p. 205, (8vo. ed.) ; Dyer's Hist, of
that " coming to Court after he had the Univ. ii. 344-396 ; Le Keux's
founded his College, the Queen Memorials of Cambridge, vol. 2 ;
(Elizabeth) told him, ' Sir Walter, Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 247, 248.
I hear you have erected a Puritan 2 Robert Soame was elected Mas-
foundation.' ' No, madam,' saith he, ter of Peter House in 1589, and died
' far be it from me to countenance in 1608. See Fuller's History of
any thing contrary to your estab- the University of Cambridge, p. 48.
lished laws ; but I have set an acorn,
422 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON.
CHAP, for it by the greatest wits in the University. After
~ that, being called to preach at the University Church,
16 08< called St. Mary's, he was yet more famous for that
sermon, and very much applauded by all the gallant
scholars for it. After that, being called to preach
there again, God helped him not to flaunt, as before,
but to make a plain, honest sermon, which was
blessed of God to famous Dr. Preston's 1 soul's eter-
nal good. His Concio ad Clerum, when he took his
degree for Bachelor of Divinity, which was after he
had been at Boston half a year or more, was very
much admired, and applauded more than he desired.
His text was out of Matthew, v. 13. Vos estis sal
terra ; quod si sal infatuatus fuerit, quo salietur ? In
handling of which, both the matter and the rhetorical
strains, elegancy of phrase, and sweet and grave
pronunciation, rendered him yet more famous in the
University. And so did his answering of the Divin-
ity Act in the Schools, though he had a very nimble
opponent, Mr. William Chappel by name, who dis-
puted with him.
II. Concerning his removal from Cambridge to Bos-
ton, 2 in Lincolnshire, this is to be said, that his call
was good, for their desire was urgent, their need
pressed, their assembly of people very great, himself
very able, and his heart inclining to come to them.
At his first coming, he found some obstruction from
the Bishop of the Diocese, which was B. Barlow, 3
who told him he was a young man, and unfit to be
1 Dr. John Preston, at this time 2 See note on page 49 ; Pishey
fellow of Queen's, was afterwards Thompson's Hist, of Boston, p. 86 ;
Master of Emmanuel College. and Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 343.
Some account of him will be found 3 Barlow was succeeded in the
on a subsequent page. See the In- see of Lincoln by Dr. John Wil-
dex. Hams, in August, 1621.
THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. 423
over such a factious people. Mr. Cotton, being in- CHAP.
genuous, and undervaluing himself, thought so too,
and was purposing to return to the College again.
But some of Mr. Cotton's Boston friends, understand-
ing that one Simon Biby 1 was to be spoken with,
which was near the Bishop, they presently charmed
him ; and so the business went on smooth, and Mr.
Cotton was a learned man with the Bishop, and he
was admitted into the place, after their manner in
those days.
Well, to Boston the good man came, and for three
years he preached and lived so amongst them, that
they accounted themselves happy, as they well
might, in the enjoyment of him, both the town and
country thereabout being much bettered by him.
But it pleased God, after three or four years being 1615.
there, that he could not digest the ceremonies, that
were so pressed, nor conformity to them ; which, in
some space of time after, bred him trouble in the
Court of Lincoln, from which he was advised to ap-
peal to a higher Court. And employing Mr. Lev-
erit 2 (which was afterwards one of the ruling elders
of the Church at Boston in New-England,) to deal in
1 "Which some call Simony and arrived Sept. 4. On the 10th Oct.
Bribery." Marginal Note, by the he was chosen a ruling elder of Bos-
author, Samuel Whiting. It was ton church. Winthrop speaks of
by the influence of this same Simon him as "an ancient, sincere profes-
Biby, " a near alliance of the Bish- sor, of Mr. Cotton's congregation in
op's visiter," that Richard Mather England." His wife, Ann, came
was restored to his parish at Tox- with him. His son, John, knight-
teth in Nov. 1633, having been sus- ed by Charles II. in 1676, was
pended in the preceding August for Governor of the Colony from 1673
Nonconformity. See Mather's Mag- until his death, March 16, 1679, and
nalia, i. 405. his great-grandson, John, was Pre-
2 Thomas Leverett was an alder- sident of Harvard College from 1708
man of the borough of Boston ; to his death, May 3, 1724. See
which office he resigned July 22, Winthrop, i. 114, ii. 245; Hubbard,
1633, in view of embarking with his p. 190 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 269,
pastor for New-England, where he 323 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 343.
424 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON.
C HAP. that business, and he being a plain man, as Jacob
^L\-^\. J-*
was, yet subtile to get such a spiritual blessing, so
far insinuated himself into one of the proctors of the
High Court, that he sware in animam Domini, that
Mr. Cotton was a conformable man, and so he was
restored to Boston ; as likewise by the means that a
gentleman of Boston, called Mr. Bennett, used to
bring him in again.
After which, he was marvellous successful in his
ministry, till he had been twenty years there. And
1632. i n that twenty years' space he, on Lord's day, on
afternoons, went over thrice the whole body of di-
vinity in a catechistical way, and gave the heads of
his discourse to those that were young scholars, and
others in that town, to answer to his questions in
public in that great congregation ; and after their
answers, he opened those heads of divinity, and
sweetly applied all to the edification of his people,
and to such strangers as came to hear him. In the
morning on the Lord's day, he preached over the
first six chapters of the Gospel by John, 1 the whole
Book of Ecclesiastes, the Prophecy of Zephaniah, 2
and many other Scriptures ; and when the Lord's
Supper was administered, (which was usually every
month,) he preached upon 1 Cor. xi. and the whole
30th chapter of the 2 Chronicles, and some other
Scriptures about the Lord's Supper. On his lecture
days, he preached through the whole 1st and 2d
Epistles of John, the whole book of Solomon's Song,
the Parables of our Saviour, set forth in Matthew's
Gospel to the end of chapter 16th, comparing them
with Mark and Luke. He took much pains in private,
1 See note 3 on page 138, and 2 Norton, in his Life of Cotton,
note * on page 221. p. 17, says Zechariah.
THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. 425
and read to sundry younff scholars that were in his CHAP.
^V"^?~T
house, and some that came out of Germany, and had
his house full of auditors. Afterwards, seeing some
inconveniences in the people's flocking to his house,
besides his ordinary lecture on the fifth 1 day of the
week, he preached thrice more on the week days, on
the fourth and sixth days, early in the morning, and
on the last day, at three of the clock in the after-
noon. Only these three last lectures were perform-
ed by him but some few years, before he had another
famous colleague 2 with him, and not many years
before he left Boston. He always preached at the
election of their mayors, and at that time when they
took their oath, and were installed in their office,
and always (if he were at home,) at the funerals of
those of the abler sort that died. He was frequent
in duties of humiliation and thanksgiving ; in which
I have known him in prayer and opening the word
and applying it, five or six hours ; so indefatigable
he was in the Lord's work, and so ready to spend
and be spent for his people's souls.
He was of admirable candor, of unparalleled
meekness, of rare wisdom, very loving even to those
that differed in judgment from him, yet one that held
his own stoutly, arctt tenens accuratique defendens what
himself judged to be the truth. He answered many
1 This fifth day or Thursday lee- the Lecture day." See Winthrop,
ture he transferred to Boston in i. 112, 124 ; Frothingham's Sermon
New-England, where it has been at the close of the Second Century
continued ever since by his succes- since the establishment of the Thurs-
sors, the pastors of the First Church, day Lecture ; and Waterston's Dis-
The first notice of it is found in course on its reopening, Dec. 14,
Winthrop's Journal under March 4, 1843, in the Christian Examiner,
J634, by which it appears that it xxxvi. 24.
was already established. " By order 2 Anthony Tuckney, who marri-
of Court a mercate was erectediat ed his cousin, and succeeded him in
Boston, to be kept upon Thursday, the vicarage.
the fifth day of the week, being
426 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON.
CHAP, letters that were sent far and near ; wherein were
XXI.
handled many difficult cases of conscience, and many
doubts by him cleared to the greatest satisfaction.
He was exceedingly beloved of the best, and
admired and reverenced of the worst of his hearers.
Nothing was wanting to make him a complete min-
ister, nothing lacking to make him a perfect Chris-
tian, but the perfection of grace which he hath now
attained to, and the glory he hath now arrived at.
He was a man that was in great favor with Dr. Wil-
liams, 1 the Bishop of Lincoln, who admired him for
his learning, and (as I have been told,) when he was
Lord Keeper of the great seal, he went to King
James, and speaking of Mr. Cotton's great learning
and worth before him, the King was willing, not-
withstanding his Nonconformity, to give way that he
should have his liberty to go on without interruption
in his ministry ; which was very marvellous, consid-
ering how the King's spirit was carried out against
such men. The mystery of which Mr. Samuel Ward, 2
1 Dr. John Williams succeeded the Rev. Mr. Osbaldiston,) can be
Lord Bacon as Keeper of the Great resolved into nothing but envy and
Seal, July 10, 1621. Within a revenge." He died March 25,
month afterwards he was made Bi- 1649. See Fuller's Worthies, ii.
shop of Lincoln, and in 1641 Arch- 585, and Ch. Hist. iii. 290, 388, 402,
bishop of York. He was mild and 484-490 ; Hallam's Const. Hist. i.
tolerant towards the Puritans and 447 ; Aikin's Life of James I., ii.
Nonconformists, and this probably 132, 250, 254 ; Aikin's Life of
was the cause of the bitter hatred Charles I., i. 422-430, ii. 190 ;
and cruel persecution which he en- Neal's Puritans, ii. 197, 308.
countered from Laud. " This pro- 2 Samuel Ward was the son of
secution" says Bishop Warburton, the Rev. John Ward, ofHaverhill,
" must needs give every one a bad and brother of our Nathaniel Ward,
idea of Laud's heart and temper, mentioned on page 112. He seems
You might resolve his high acts of to have had the same vein of humor
power in the State into reverence with the author of " The Simple
and gratitude to his master ; his ty- Cobbler of Agawam." He was
ranny in the Church to his zeal for educated at Sidney College, Cam-
and love of what he called religion ; bridge, " of which he became fel-
but the outrageous prosecution of low," says Fuller, " being an ex-
these two men (Dr. Williams and cellent artist, linguist, divine and
THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. 427
of Ipswich, being ignorant of, spake merrily among
some of his friends, " Of all men in the world I envy
Mr. Cotton, of Boston, most ; for he doth nothing
in way of conformity, and yet hath his liberty, and I
do everything that way, and cannot enjoy mine/'
He had many enemies at Boston, as well as many
friends, and some that rose up against him, and plot-
ted secretly to undermine him, and others that prac-
tised more openly against him. But they all of them
were blasted, either in their names, or in their es-
tates, or in their families, or in their devices, or else
came to untimely deaths ; which shows how God
both owned his servant in his holy labors, and that in
the things wherein they dealt proudly against him,
he would be above them.
One thing more, and I have done with him, as he
was one of England's glories, and then come to him
as over the Atlantic ocean, and in New-England ;
and it is this, concerning his hospitality, wherein he
did exceed most that ever I heard of. And espe-
cially his heart and doors were open to receive, as
all that feared God, so especially godly ministers,
which he most courteously entertained, and many
other , strangers besides. Only one minister, Mr.
Racket by name, which had got into the fellowship
of famous Mr. Arthur Hildersham, 1 with many other
preacher. From Cambridge he was had three brethren ministers ; on
preferred minister of Ipswich, hav- the same token that some have said,
ing a care over, and a love from, all that these four put together would
the parishes in that populous place, not make up the abilities of their
Indeed he had a magnetic virtue father. Nor were they themselves
(as if he had learned it from the offended with this hyperbole, to have
loadstone, in whose qualities he was the branches lessened to greaten
so knowing,) to attract people's their root." See Fuller's Wor-
aftections. Yet found he foes as thies, ii. 344 ; Brook's Lives of the
well as friends, who complained of Puritans, ii. 452.
him to the High Commission. He J See note l on page 66.
428 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON.
CHAP, godly ministers, and being acquainted with their
secrets, betrayed them into the prelates' hands, this
man, coming into Boston, and meeting with Mr.
Cotton, the good man had not the heart to speak to
him, nor invite him to his house ; which he said he
never did to any stranger that he knew before, much
less to any minister.
III. Concerning the last thing, viz. his departure
from Boston to New-England. The times growing
perilous, he was envied of some at home, and others
abroad ; and letters missive were come to convent
him before the High Commission Court ; and a pro-
fligate fellow and a filthy fornicator, Gowen Johnson
by name, who not long after died of the plague, was
to bring the letters to him, as he did to some others
near him. Which when Mr. Cotton understood, he
looked for nothing from the Court but scorns and
prison ; and therefore, with advice from many able
heads and gracious hearts, he kept close for a time,
and fitted himself to go to New-England. 1
1633. And God bringing him and his company over in
safety, through his mercy, after they had been there
a while, there grew some trouble between those that
were to settle matters in church and commonwealth.
But Mr. Cotton then preaching before the General
1 " His forced flight " says John culty," says Winthrop, " all places
Davenport, " from Boston to Lon- being belaid to have taken Mr. Cot-
don for his safety from pursuivants ton and Mr. Hooker, who had been
sent to apprehend him, I well re- long sought for to have been brought
member ; and admire the special into the High Commission. But
providence of God towards myself the master being bound to touch at
and some others in it, amongst the Wight, the pursuivants attended
whom safe retirement and hiding- there, and in the mean time, the
places were provided for him in and ministers were taken in at the
about London." Davenport was at Downs." See note l on page 102,
this time vicar of St. Stephen's, in and note 5 on page 260 ; Norton's
Coleman-street, London. "They Life of Cotton, pp. 21, 32 ; Win-
got out of England with much diffi- throp, i. 109 ; Mather, i. 240, 241.
THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON, 429
Court an excellent sermon out of Haggai, ii. " Be CHAP.
XXI.
strong, Zerubbabel, and be strong, Joshua, and be strong,
ye people of the land,' &c., it pleased God so to com-
pose and calm and quiet spirits, that all apprehensions
were laid aside, and they went about the work of the
Lord very comfortably, and were much encouraged. 1
After which time, how useful he was to England, to
New-England, to magistrates, ministers, people, in
public, in private, by preachings, counsels, dissolv-
ing hard knots and answering difficult questions, all
knew that knew the grace of God so evidently mani-
fested in him. What Scriptures he went over on
Lord's days, in expounding and preaching, I cannot
certainly say, because I was of another church, 2
serving there according to the grace bestowed upon
me. But surely he went through very many. For
on his Lecture days he preached over the whole
book of the Revelation, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles,
the second and third Epistles of John, the two Epis-
tles of Timothy, with divers others ; all which shows
the unwearied pains which he took in the Lord's
work, besides all the books 3 that were written by
him, and other unknown labors that he went through. 4
1 Cotton preached the Election King's Chapel,) in the northern cor-
Sermon in May, 1634. See Win- ner, near the Savings' Bank, and
throp, i. 132. not far from Winthrop's tomb. In
Whiting was the pastor of the the same grave with Cotton's, re-
church at Lynn, where he was set- pose the ashes of his friend, John
tied in Nov. 1636. See Winthrop, Davenport. His daughter Maria
i. 204. married Increase Mather, and was
3 A list of Cotton's writings may the mother of Cotton Mather. His
be seen in Emerson's History of the son Seaborn married Dorothy, the
First Church in Boston, page 85. daughter of Gov. Bradstreet, and
4 Cotton died on Thursday, Dec. was settled in the ministry at Hamp-
23, 1652, between the hours of 11 ton, in New-Hampshire, where he
and 12, after the bell had called to was succeeded by his son John,
the Lecture. Upon the 29th he Seaborn's younger brother, John,
was interred in a brick tomb in the was the minister of Plymouth, and
old burying-ground, (adjoining the had two sons, John and Roland, who
430 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON.
CHAP. I could speak much more ; but at this present
L want strength. But this I say ; he may be a pattern
to us all, and happy they that come nearest him in
those things wherein he most followed Christ. I am
not like to live to see such another in New-England,
though I know God is able to double the spirit of
that Elias upon him that succeeds him, and upon
many others in our native country and here. It is
well for both the Bostons that they had such a light,
if they walk in the light, and continue in that word
of Christ and light of grace and truth that he held
out to them. I end all with that of our Saviour con-
cerning John Baptist, " he was a burning and a
shining light ;" and God grant the after words be not
verified of both Englands, and both Bostons. I
speak my fears, but would be glad to entertain bet-
ter hopes. My prayers shall be, that it may never
be said as of old, Fuimus Troes, fuit Ilium ; sed
jam seges est ubi Troja fuit. .Fuimus fideles, fuimus
cpilofooi, ; fuit Anglia, fuit Nov-Anglia, fuit Bosto-
nia, Europcea, Americana. Deus, Pater miserationum,
aver tat omen per viscera Jesu Christi ! Amen.
SAMUEL WHITING.*
Pastor Linnensis Nov-AngUcanus.
were the ministers of Yarmouth and had for a chamber-mate his cousin,
Sandwich. See Norton's Life of Anthony Tuckney, the colleague
Cotton, p. 46 ; Mather's Magnalia, and successor of Cotton in Boston
i. 300. church. He was a minister three
1 SAMUEL WHITING, the author years at Lynn Regis in Norfolk,
of the preceding biography, was of and afterwards at Skirbeck, less
a reputable family in Boston, in Lin- than a mile from Boston ; " where,"
colnshire, where he was born Nov. says Mather, " he was refreshed
20, 1597. His father and brother with the delightful neighbourhood
were both mayors of that borough, of his old friends, and especially
He was educated at Emanuel Col- those eminent persons, Mr. Cotton
lege, Cambridge, where he took the and Mr. Tuckney, to both of whom
degree of A. B. in 1616, and of A. he had some affinity." Being ha-
M. in 1620. At the University he rassed for his Nonconformity, he
SAMUEL WHITING, OF LYNN.
431
embarked for New-England, and
arrived at Boston May 26, 1636.
After spending a month- with his
kinsman, Atherton Hough, he re-
moved to Lynn, where he was or-
dained in November, and where he
continued till his death, Dec. 11,
1679, in his 83d year. His second
wife, Elizabeth, was the daughter
of Oliver St. John, who was Chief
Justice of England in Cromwell's
reign, and whose second wife was
a cousin of Cromwell's. One of
Whiting's sons, Samuel, was the
first minister of Billerica. His vi-
cinity to Cotton, before their remo-
val to America, afforded him the
best opportunities to obtain informa- CHAP.
tion concerning his life and history ; XXI.
and we are under great obligations *~~
to him for his admirable biographi-
cal sketch. It forms the foundation
of Norton's as well as of Mather's
Life of this great man. Both of
them appropriate Whiting's labors
most unceremoniously, and add but
little to his original sketch. See
note l on page 419 ; Winthrop, i.
204 ; Mather, i. 249, 452-461 ;
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 19 ; Carlyle's
Cromwell, i. 94, 97, 556 ; Thomp-
son's Hist, of Boston, pp. 100, 263,
264 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 248,
344.
432 JOHN COTTON'S LETTER TO HIS WIFE.
COTTON'S LETTER TO HIS WIFE.
DEAR WIFE, AND COMFORTABLE YOKE-FELLOW,
CHAP. IF our heavenly Father be pleased to make our
XXI.
- - - yoke more heavy than we did so soon 1 expect, re-
1632 * member (I pray thee,) what we have heard, that our
3.' heavenly husband, the Lord Jesus, when he first
called us to fellowship with himself, called us unto
this condition, to deny ourselves and to take up our
cross daily, to follow him. And truly, sweet heart,
though this cup may be brackish at the first taste,
yet a cup of God's mingling is doubtless sweet in the
bottom to such as have learned to make it their
greatest happiness to partake with Christ, a$ in his
glory, so in the way that leadeth to it.
Where I am for the present, 2 I am very fitly and
welcomely accommodated, I thank God ; so, as I see,
here I might rest, (desired enough,) till my friends
at home shall direct further. They desire also to
see thee here ; but that I think it not safe yet, till we
see how God will deal with our neighbours at home.
For if you should now travel this way, I fear you
will be watched and dogged at the heels. But I
hope shortly God will make way for thy safe coming.
Meanwhile, send me now by this bearer such linen
as I am to use.
1 May we not infer from this ex- 2 Cotton was at this time in con-
pression that they had been recently cealment in London. See note 1 on
married ? page 428.
JOHN COTTON'S LETTER TO HIS WIFE. 433
If Marsjarett be fit to come with this bearer, CHAP.
A_.\ I .
whither I shall direct him, she may come behind
him upon my mare, unless she desire to stay with
some other, at Boston ; which if she do, help her 3.
therein.
I pray you go to my mother, Havered, 1 and com-
mend my hearty respect and love to her ; and the
rather because I had not time to see her at my com-
ing out. To many other friends it will not be meet
to speak of me now. The Lord watch over you all
for good, and reveal himself in the guidance of all
our affairs.
So with my love to thee, as myself, I rest, desir-
ous of thy rest and peace in Him,
&MW\*igts J. C. *
October 3, 1632.
When you have read my letter to Margarett, seal
it up and give it her. Once again, Farewell in the
Lord. If she be not ready to come with him now, he
may come for her the next week.
[Addressed on the outside,]
To my dear wife, Mrs. SARAH COTTON,*
deliver this with speed.
1 Was this the mother of his first p. 57. Cotton's widow married the
wife, whom Mather, i. 237, calls Rev. Richard Mather, of Dorches-
Horrocks, married again to a Mr. ter. It appears from an endorse-
Havered 1 ment on this letter, in the handwrit-
2 This letter was written to his ing of Prince, the Annalist, that it
second wife, Sarah Story, who was was once in the possession of In-
a widow when he married her, pro- crease Mather. Prince prints a part
bably in 1632. His first wife, Eli- of it on page 419 of his Annals. It
zabeth Horrocks, with whom he is printed now for the first time
lived eighteen years, but had no entire, from the original, preserved
children, was living as late as Oct. among Prince's manuscripts in the
2, 1630, as appears from another Archives of the Mass. Hist. Society.
letter of his printed in the Appendix See Norton's Life of Cotton, p. 18 ;
to the Rev. Dr. Harris's Memorials Mather's Magnalia, i. 237.
of the First Church in Dorchester,
28
434 JOHN COTTON'S LETTER
COTTON'S LETTER TO THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN. l
To the Right Reverend and my very honorable good Lord, John,
Lord Bishop of Lincoln, at his palace in Buckden, 2 present these.
MY VERY GOOD LORD,
CHAP. IT is now above twenty years ago, since, by
the goodness of God, and for a good part of this time
1633. -fry y 0ur Lordship's lawful favor, I have enjoyed the
]VtaV
7. happiness to minister to the Church of God at Bos-
ton, a remote corner of your Lordship's diocese.
What I have done there, all this while, and how I
have spent my time and course, I must ere long give
account to the Great Shepherd of the sheep, the
Bishop of our souls. Meanwhile, give me leave to
make your Lordship this short account.
The bent of my course hath been, (according to
my weak measure,) to make and keep a threefold
Christian concord amongst the people ; between God
and their conscience ; between true-hearted loyalty
and Christian liberty ; between the fear of God and
the love of one another. That wherein I have most
seemed to your Lordship to fail, to wit, in not dis-
cerning Christian liberty to practise some commands
of authority in some circumstances, I do humbly
1 Dr. John Williams. See note * the Bishop of Lincoln, situated here,
on page 426. was pulled down by an order of
2 Buckden is in the county of Council, April 3, 1838. Some of
Huntingdon, on the western bank of the bishops of Lincoln have been
the Ouse, four miles southwest from interred in the church at Buckden.
Huntingdon. The ancient palace of
TO THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN. 435
thank your Lordship, and freely acknowledge your
Lordship hath not been wanting freely and often to
1 r> ty o
admonish me thereof, and that with such wisdom and
May
gravity, and with such well-tempered authority and 7.
mildness, that I profess unfeignedly no outward re-
spect in the world could have detained me from re-
questing your Lordship's favor, with ready subjec-
tion to your Lordship's counsel, that I might have
prolonged mine own peace and your Lordship's favor
together. But so it is, my good Lord, though I do
unfeignedly and deservedly honor your Lordship,
and highly esteem many hundreds of other reverend
divines, great lights of the Church, (in comparison of
whom, what am I, poor spark ?) who doubt not of
their liberty in those matters, yet to this day, (I
speak in the simplicity of my heart,) I can only fol-
low your Lordship with observance, and them with
reverence, but not with that plerophory of faith in
these things which in such cases the Apostle requir-
eth. Your Lordship well knoweth it is both the
Apostles' and Prophets' principle, (and it holdeth
in every righteous man, from the meanest to the
greatest,) Justus ex fide sud vivit, non attend ; and
therefore, howsoever I do highly prize and much
prefer other men's judgment and learning and wis-
dom and piety, yet in things pertaining to God and
his worship, still I must, as I ought, live by mine
own faith, not theirs. Nevertheless, where I cannot
yield obedience of faith, I am willing to yield pa-
tience of hope.
And now, my good Lord, I see the Lord, who
began a year or two ago to suspend, after a sort, my
ministry from that place by a long and sore sickness.
Rom.
xiv. 5.
436 JOHN COTTON'S LETTER
CHAP, the dresrs whereof still hang about me, doth now put
XXI
, ~L a further necessity upon me wholly to lay down my
1633. ministry there, and freely to resign my place into
7 a: your Lordship's hands. For I see neither my bodily
health, not the peace of the Church, will now stand
with my continuance there. I do now therefore hum-
bly crave this last favor at your Lordship's hand, to
accept my place as void, and to admit thereto such a
successor as your Lordship shall find fit, and the pa-
tron, which is the corporation of Boston, shall present
to you therefor. 1 The congregation is great, and
the church duties many, and those many times re-
quiring close attendance ; and I would be very loth
the service of God or the help of the people should
be in any sort neglected by my long discontinuance.
What though this resignation of my place into
your Lordship's hands may be defective in some form
of law, yet I trust your Lordship will never forget
the ancient moderation and equity of that honorable
1 " At an assembly holden at the same resignation, and did then pra-
Guildhall of the Borough of Boston, nounce the same vicarage to be ac-
in the county of Lincoln, this 22d tually void of incumbent, and that
day of July, 1633, before the Mayor, he did then, by the said Thomas
Aldermen, and Common Council : Cony, intimate to the Mayor and
"At this assembly, Mr. John Cot- Burgesses of Boston the voidance of
ton, late vicar of Boston, yielded up the same, to the end that the said
his place of being vicar, by his letter Mayor and Burgesses may, when
dated in July, 1633, which this they please, present some able per-
House have accepted. son thereunto."
"At this assembly there was an Whereupon the Corporation pro-
intimation delivered to the Mayor ceeded forthwith, as the Record
and Burgesses of this Borough, shows, and made choice of Mr. An-
from the right honorable John, Lord thony Tuckney to be their vicar,
Bishop of Lincoln, by the hands of who continued in office till 1660,
Mr. Thomas Cony, [town-clerk] of twenty-seven years. We are in-
this town, intimating that the 8th debted to Mr. Savage for this trans-
of July, 1633, Mr. John Cotton, late cript from the records of Boston,
vicar of Boston, had resigned his See his Gleanings for New-England
said vicarage to the said Bishop, and History, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii.
that the said Lord Bishop did the 344 ; and Thompson's Hist, of Bos-
same day, at his house in the Col- ton, pp. 86, 271.
lege of Westminster, accept of the
TO THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN. 437
and high Court of Chancery, whereunto your Lord- CHAP.
XXL
ship was advanced, to temper the rigor of legal jus- -
tice to the relief of many distressed. Never, I think, 1633 -
came there any cause before your Lordship more dis- 7.
tressed, nor more justly craving Christian equity.
Now the Lord of heaven and earth so guide and
keep and bless your Lordship on earth, that he may
delight to crown your Lordship with honor in hea-
ven, at the end of your days, through Jesus Christ.
Thus at once commending my humble suit, and late
vicarage, and the comfort of the whole congregation,
to your Lordship's honorable favor and integrity, I
humbly take leave, and rest
A bounden suppliant to your Lordship,
And for you, J. C.
May 7, 1633.
438 JOHN COTTON'S REASONS
COTTON'S REASONS FOR HIS REMOVAL TO
NEW-ENGLAND.
REVEREND AND BELOVED BROTHER IN OUR BLESSED SAVIOUR,*
CHAP. THAT which you observe touching; the wonder-
XXI.
- ~ ful goodness of the Lord to my wife and child in the
1634. m id s t of deep dangers, 2 I desire never to forget it,
3 ec< but to walk, (as the Lord shall be pleased to help
me,) according to that abundant faithfulness of his to
one so undeserving, all my days. Help me with
your faithful prayers so to do, that as by the prayers
of yourself and other brethren I acknowledge the
former mercy to have been granted me, so by the
same a faithful and fruitful use of it may be granted to
me likewise. Otherwise, (I may say it with shame,)
I see a frame of spirit in myself ready to turn every
grace of God into unprofitableness, yea, and forget-
fulness of the most high God, the God of our sal-
vation. Howsoever God dealt otherwise with my
cousin Tuckney, 3 (which might give unto some whom
1 This letter was addressed to one was baptized at Boston Sept. 8, four
of the Puritan ministers in England, days after his father's arrival. He
perhaps John Davenport, Richard was ordained the third minister of
Mather, or Thomas Shepard. Hampton, in 1660, and died April
2 This refers to the birth of his 19, 1686, aged 52. See Winthrop,
eldest son, born on the voyage in i. 110 ; Norton's Life of Cotton,
August, 1633, and whom he named page 18.
Seaborn, " to keep alive (said he,) 3 The wife of Anthony Tuckney,
in me, and to teach him, if he live, his colleague and successor in the
a remembrance of sea-mercies from church at Boston. Tuckney was
the hand of a gracious God." In born in Sept. 1599, at Kirton, four
the Triennial Catalogue of the Grad- miles from Boston, of which place
uates of Harvard College, under his father was minister. He was
1651, he is called Marigena. He educated at Emmanuel College,
FOR COMING TO NEW-ENGLAND. 439
it nearly concerned a seasonable advertisement,) yet
_A._-i.\ 1
I am persuaded it was in much faithfulness to her that -
God took her away, to prevent the disquietness and 634 *
discouragement of her spirit ; which the evils ensu- 3. '
ing, evils hastening upon the town, 1 would have
brought upon her. The Lord is wise and gracious,
and knoweth how to deliver his out of the hour of
temptation ; blessed forever be his name in Christ !
The questions you demand I had rather answer by
word of mouth than by letter. Yet I will not refuse
to give you account of my brother Hooker's removal
and mine own, seeing you require a reason thereof
from us both. We both of us concur in a threefold
ground of our removal.
1. God having shut a door against both of us from
ministering to him and his people in our wonted
congregations, and calling us, by a remnant of our
people, and by others of this country, to minister to
them here, and opening a door to us this way, who
are we that we should strive against God, and refuse
to follow the concurrence of his ordinance and prov-
idence together, calling us forth to minister here ?
If we may and ought to follow God's calling three
hundred miles, why not three thousand ?
Cambridge, with his cousin, our scribing the Confession. After the
Samuel Whiting, of Lynn. After Restoration he was one of the Corn-
graduating, he was chaplain to the missioners at the Conference held at
Earl of Lincoln till he was chosen the Savoy in 1661. He was soon,
fellow of his College. In 1645, he however, compelled to resign all his
was chosen Master of Emmanuel, places, on account of his Puritan-
and in 1653 Master of St. John's, ism and Nonconformityj and died at
He was also vice-chancellor of the London, in February, 1670, in his
University in 1648, and Regius Pro- 71st year. See note on page 430 ,
fessor of Divinity. He was one of Calamy's Nonconformists' Memo-
the Assembly of Divines that met at rial, i. 264 ; Neal's History of the
Westminster in 1643, and had a Puritans, iii. 141 ; Dyer's Hist, of
hand in drawing up the Assembly's Univ. of Cambridge, i. 119, ii. 354.
Catechism, but voted against sub- * Boston, in Lincolnshire.
440 JOHN COTTON'S REASONS
CHAP. 2. Our Saviour's warrant is clear and strong (as
we conceive,) in our case, that when we are dis-
634< tressed in our course in one country, (ne quid dicam
3. gravius,) we should flee to another. To choose
Matth. rather to bear witness to the truth by imprisonment
than by banishment, is indeed sometimes God's way ;
but not in case men have ability of body and oppor-
tunity to remove, and no necessary engagement for
John, to stay. Whilst Peter was young, he might gird
XXI. /
himself and go whither he would ; but when he was
old and unfit for travel, then indeed God called him
rather to suffer himself to be girt of others, and led
along to prison and to death. Nevertheless, in this
point I conferred with the chief of our people, and
offered them to bear witness to the truth I had
preached and practised amongst them, even unto
bonds, if they conceived it might be any confirmation
to their faith and patience. But they dissuaded me
that course, as thinking it better for themselves, and
for me, and for the church of God, to withdraw my-
self from the present storm, and to minister in this
country to such of their town * as they had sent be-
fore hither, and such others as were willing to go
along with me, or to follow after me .; the most of
the [obliterated] choosing rather to dwell in the [a
line and a half obliterated], there. What service my-
self or brother Hooker might do to our people or
other brethren in prison, (especially in close prison,
which was feared,) I suppose we both of us, by God's
help, do the same, and much more, and with more
freedom from hence, as occasion is offered ; besides
all our other service to the people here, which yet is
1 Boston, in Lincolnshire. See note 3 on page 48.
FOR COMING TO NEW-ENGLAND. 441
enough, and more than enough, to fill both our hands, CHAP.
-X.-A.1.
yea and the hands of many brethren more, such as
yourself, should God be pleased to make way for J e
your comfortable passage to us. 1 To have tarried in 3. '
England for the end you mention, to appear in de-
fence of that cause for which we were questioned,
had been, as we conceive it in our case, to limit
witness-bearing to the cause (which may be done
more ways than one,) to one only way, and that such a
way as we did not see God calling us unto. Did not
Paul bear witness against the Levitical ceremonies,
and yet choose rather to depart quickly out of Hie-
rusalem, because the most of the Jews would not
receive his testimony concerning Christ in that ques-
tion, than to stay at Hierusalem to bear witness to
that cause unto prison and death ? Not that we came
hither to strive against ceremonies, or to fight against
shadows ; there is no need of our further labor in
that course. Our people here desire to worship
God in spirit and in truth ; and our people left in
England know as well the grounds and reasons of our
suffering against these things, as our sufferings them-
selves ; which we beseech the Lord to accept and
bless in our blessed Saviour. How far our testimony
there hath prevailed with any others to search more
seriously into the cause, we do rather observe in
thankfulness and silence, than speak of to the pre-
judice of our brethren.
3. It hath been no small inducement to us to
choose rather to remove hither than to stay there,
that we might enjoy the liberty, not of some ordi-
nances of God, but of all, and all in purity. For
1 See note ' on page 438,
442 JOHN COTTON'S REASONS
C xxr P * t ^ ou ^ 1 we bless the Lord with you for the gracious
means of salvation which many of your congregations
4< do enjoy, (whereof our own souls have found the
3. ' blessing, and which we desire may be forever con-
tinued and enlarged to you,) yet seeing Christ hath
instituted no ordinance in vain, (but all to the per-
fecting of the body of Christ,) and we know that our
souls stand in need of all to the utmost, we durst not
so far be wanting to the grace of Christ and to the
necessity of our own souls, as to sit down somewhere
else, under the shadow of some ordinances, when by
two months' travel we might come to enjoy the lib-
erty of all.
To your second question, How far ministers are
bound to bear witness against corruptions cast upon
the face of God's ordinances, it is too large a point
for me to give answer to in the heel of a letter.
But thus much briefly. Witness is to be borne against
xviTis. corruptions, 1. By keeping a man's own garments
clean ; I mean his own outward practice. 2. By
Acts, declaring the whole counsel of God to his people,
JL JL*
26, 27. n ot shunning any part of it, as reasonable occasion
iThes. is offered, to prevent sin in them. 3. By avoiding
V 22 appearances of evil, as well as evil itself. Eleazar
durst not eat mutton, or bread, or any other clean
2 Mac. fooj^ when it had an appearance of eating swine's
21 ~ 25 - flesh, but chose death rather than deliverance by
such means ; whose story, though it be Apocryphal,
yet the example is authentical, as being ratified by
the Apostle's testimony among the rest of like na-
xi.%5. ture, where, by the others he speaketh of, he mean-
eth not other women, but other men ; for the word is
&U.oi, (masculine.) Howsoever, Peter's dissembling
FOR COMING TO NEW-ENGLAND. 443
is evidently blamed by Paul in a like case, when by CHAP.
his example he countenanced the imposing of cere- ^~
monies upon the Gentiles, to whom God never gave 1634 -
them. 4. By contending for the truth in a holy 3 e . c<
manner, when others contend with us against it. ^ai.
5. By giving account of our faith before magistrates, n - 14 -
if they call us to do it publicly, requiring to be in- J d |
formed of our doctrine and manner of life. Other- l ? eier>
wise, if they call us to know our opinions in private,
(intending to bring us into trouble,) or publicly,
rather as captious questionists than judicial govern-
ors, in such a case I suppose we may conceal our
minds, and put our adversaries upon proof, as our John
Saviour did.
But why do I spend time and words to you in
these things, who know them as well as I can tell
you ? I rather desire you may be kept in a peacea-
ble way of bearing witness to the truth, (if the will
of God be such,) than exposed to hazards by such
confessions as might prejudice your liberty. My
poor requests are to Heaven for you, as I desire you
might not forget me and mine, and all us here.
Now the God of peace and power guide and support
your spirit in all your holy endeavours, bless and
prosper your labors, and keep you as a chosen vessel
in the shadow of his hand, through him that hath
loved us.
Present my humble service to my right honorable
Lord ;* as also my dear affection to Mr. Ball, 2 Mr.
Slater, and all the brethren with you, especially to
1 The Earl of Lincoln. Thomas, the former of whom was a
2 There were two Puritan cler- graduate of Oxford, and the latter
gymen living in England at this of Cambridge. Thomas is probably
time by the name of Ball, John and the one here mentioned. He was
444
JOHN COTTON S REASONS.
CHAP. Mr. Dod, 1 Mr. Cleaver, 2 Mr. Winston, Mr. Cotton,
XXI
^ I with earnest desire of the continuance of all their
1634. prayers, with your own, in our behalf. So I rest
Your very loving brother
in our blessed Saviour,
J. C.
Boston, Dec. 3, 1634. 3
educated at Queen's College, was a
fellow of Emmanuel, and was set-
tled in the ministry at Northampton,
where he died June 21, 1659, aged
69. He wrote a Life of Dr. Pres-
ton, Master of Emmanuel. See
Wood's Athenae, ii. 670 (ed. Bliss);
Fuller's Worthies, ii. 232 ; Neal's
Puritans, ii. 365 ; Brook's Lives of
the Puritans, ii. 440, iii. 534.
1 John Dod was an eminent Pu-
ritan divine. He was born at Shot-
wick, in Cheshire, in 1550, and was
educated at Jesus College, Cam-
bridge, of which he was a fellow.
Fuller classes him among the learn-
ed writers of that College, and says
that " he was a passive Noncon-
formist, an excellent scholar, and an
exquisite Hebrician ; by nature a
witty, by industry a learned, and by
grace a godly divine ; successively
minister of Hanwell, in Oxford,
Fenny-Compton in Warwick, Can-
nons- Ashby and Fawsley, in North-
amptonshire, though for a time si-
lenced in each of them. He died in
1645, in his 96th year, and was bu-
ried at Fawsley ; with whom the
Old Puritan may seem to expire,
and in his grave to be interred ;
humble, meek, patient, hospitable,
charitable, as in his censures of, so
in his alms to, others." See Ful-
ler's Worthies, i. 191 ; Fuller's Ch.
History, iii. 479 ; Fuller's Hist, of
Cambridge, p. 129 ; Brook's Lives
of the Puritans, iii. 1-6 ; Neal's
Hist, of the Puritans, iii. 322.
2 Perhaps Robert Cleaver, who
was a Puritan minister at Dray ton,
in Northamptonshire, but silenced
by archbishop Bancroft for Noncon-
formity. He and Dod were joint
authors of several valuable religious
works. See Brook's Lives of the
Puritans, iii. 6, 516.
3 The original of this Letter is
preserved among the Hutchinson
manuscripts in the library of the
Mass. Hist. Society.
RICHARD MATHER'S JOURNAL.
CHAPTER XXII.
RICHARD MATHER'S JOURNAL.
PRAISE the Lord, my soul : and all that is with-
J xxii.
in me, praise his holy name ! Praise the Lord, * ~
my soul, and forget not all his benefits ! Yea, let all
that is within me, and all that is without me, praise
his holy name ! And let every thing that hath breath
praise the name of the Lord for ever and ever ! Who
gave unto us, his poor servants, such a safe and com-
fortable voyage to New-England ; the particular
passages whereof were as followeth.
We came from Warrington 1 on Thursday, April 1035.
16, and came to Bristol 2 on the Thursday following, A P ril
viz. April 23 ; and had a very healthful, safe, and 93.
prosperous journey all the way, (blessed be the name
of our God for the same,) taking but easy journeys,
because of the children and footmen, despatching
1 Warrington is a market town and Liverpool by railway. Popula-
in Lancashire, on the river Mersey, tion in 1841, 21,901.
77 miles from Birmingham, and 20 2 Bristol is 1 14 miles west from
miles equidistant from Manchester London, on the Avon, and in 1841
had a population of 140,158.
448 RICHARD MATHER AT BRISTOL.
, a hundred and nineteen or twenty miles in seven
AX.11.
- days. 1
635> Coming to Bristol, we found divers of the compa-
ny come before us ; but some came not till after us.
Howbeit, the last was come by the first of May.
Nevertheless, we went not aboard the ship until
Saturday, the 23d of May ; so that the time of our
staying in Bristol was a month and two days ; during
all which time we found friendship and courtesy at
the hands of divers godly Christians in Bristol. Yet
our stay was grievous unto us, when we considered
how most of this time the winds were steady, and
served directly for us. But our ship was not ready ;
so ill did our owners deal with us.
Going aboard the ship in King Road the 23d of
May, we found things very unready, and all on
heaps, many goods being not stowed, but lying on
disordered heaps here and there in the ship. This
day there came aboard the ship two of the searchers,
and viewed a list of all our names, ministered the
oath of Allegiance 2 to all at full age, viewed our
certificates from the ministers in the parishes from
whence we came, approved well thereof, and gave
us tickets, that is, licenses under their hands and
1 Cotton Mather says that his first had and obtained, and they to
grandfather, on his journey "to take the oaths of Supremacy and
Bristol, to take ship there, was Allegiance." Certificates were to
forced to change his apparel, that be given by the ministers and jus-
he might escape the pursuivants, tices of the several parishes, that
who were endeavouring to appre- this regulation had been complied
hend him." See Mather's Magna- with. The principal object of it
lia, i. 406. seems to have been to prevent the
2 Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, emigration of Puritan ministers to
" In a short time, numbers of peo- New-England. But the measure
pie of all sorts flocked thither (to was wholly ineffectual. See note 5
New-England,) in heaps, that at on page 260 ; Chronicles of Ply-
last it was specially ordered by the mouth, note :! on page 64 ; Mass.
King's command, that none should Hist. Coll. xxvi. 80, xxviii. 252-
be suffered to go without license 276.
THE JAMES AT ANCHOR IN KING ROAD. 449
seals to pass the seas, and cleared the ship, and so CHAP.
departed. When we came to King Road, which is a
spacious harbour of five or six miles broad, and four 1635 -
or five miles distant from Bristol, 1 we found near our 2 s7
ship another ship of Bristol, called the Diligence,
bound for Newfoundland, riding at anchor.
The 24th, being the Lord's day, the wind was 24.
strong in the morning, and the ship danced, and
many of our women and some children were not
well, but seasick, and mazy or light in their heads,
and could scarce stand or go without falling, unless
they took hold of something to uphold them. This
day Mr. Maud 2 was exercised 3 in the forenoon and I
in the afternoon. The wind still easterly.
The 25th, we that were passengers would fain 25.
have had anchor weighed and sail set, that we might
have been gone. But the mariners would insist that
they could not stir till the goods were stowed, and
the hatches or deck above cleared, &c. ; so we were
forced to sit still, and fall in hand with the goods.
Which stay was a greater grief unto us, because the
Diligence, that lay within two or three stones' cast
of us, did this morning go out in our sight.
The [26th,] Tuesday morning, the wind being 26<
1 Just below the junction of the was " a good man, and of a serious
Avon with the Severn. spirit, and of a peaceable and quiet
2 Daniel Maude was educated at disposition." See Savage's Win-
Emmanuel College, Cambridge, throp, ii. 215 ; Snow's History of
where he took the degree of A. B. Boston, p. 348 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
in 1606 and of A. M. in 1610. On xvi. 364, xvii. 33, xxviii. 248; New
the 12th of August, 1636, he was Hamp. Hist. Coll. iv. 7, 11.
chosen "free-school master' 1 of 3 The same expression is used by
Boston. In 1642 he became minis- Winthrop. " The Lord's day fol-
ter of the church at Dover, N. H., lowing, Mr. Cotton exercised in the
where he continued till his death in afternoon." " Mr. Phillips exercis-
1655. Edward Johnson speaks of ed with us the whole day." See
him as "godly and diligent in the Winthrop's Hist. i. 110, 371.
work," and Hubbard says that he
29
450 THE ANGEL GABRIEL ALSO IN KING ROAD.
CHAP, easterly, and the deck somewhat cleared, the mari-
XXII '
' ners began to address themselves for going. But
1635. a b ou t nine of the clock, when they had taken up one
^ y of their anchors, and were in a manner ready to set
forward, the wind turned directly against us, unto
the west ; so that we were forced to cast anchor
again, and sit still. This evening the Diligence,
that went out the day before, came in again, and
cast anchor about the place where she lay before,
and found us riding at anchor where she left us. And
another ship, also bound for New-England, came unto
us ; which other ship was called the Angel Gabriel.
27. On Wednesday, the wind continuing still at the
west, we having sent some of our men ashore to
fetch more bread and victuals, and more water for
the cattle, our master, Captain Taylor, went aboard
the Angel Gabriel, Mr. Maud, Nathaniel Wales, 1
Barnabas Fower, 2 Thomas Armitage, 3 and myself,
accompanying him. When we came there, we found
divers passengers, and among them some loving and
godly Christians, that were glad to see us there.
And soon after we were come aboard there, there
came three or four boats, with more passengers, and
1 Nathaniel Wales was admitted settled in Braintree, and had fifteen
a freeman Nov. 2, 1637, at the same children.
time with John Harvard, the found- 2 Barnabas Fower settled at Dor-
er of the College. He settled in Chester with his minister. He sub-
Dorchester, but removed to Boston sequently removed to Boston, and
as early as 1654, where he died died there in 1654. His wife's
Dec. 4, 1661, at an advanced age. name was Dinah, who died Dec. 27,
His wife's name was Susan. He 1642 ; after which he married a se-
had three sons, Nathaniel, jr., Tim- cond wife, whose name was Grace,
othy, and John. Nathaniel remov- By his first wife he had a son Elea-
ed to Boston with his father, and zar, born in 1636. See Blake's
died there May 10, 1662. Timothy Annals of Dorchester, p. 16.
and John settled in Dorchester. 3 Thomas Armitage, according to
Nathaniel, son of Nathaniel, jr., Lewis, was at Lynn in 1635, and in
1637 removed to Sandwich.
SIR FERDINANDO GORGES COMES ON BOARD. 451
one wherein came Sir Ferdinando Gor^e, 1 who came CHAP,
XXII
to see the ship and the people. When he was come,
he inquired whether there were any people there
that went to Massachusetts Bay. Whereupon Mr.
Maud and Barnabas Fower were sent for to come
before him. 2 Who being come, he asked Mr. Maud
of his country, occupation, or calling of life, &c.,
and professed his good will to the people there in
the Bay, and promised that, if he ever came there,
he would be a true friend unto them.
On Thursday, the wind being still at west, the 28.
master of the Angel Gabriel and some of their pas-
sengers came aboard our ship, and desired to have
our company, &c. This day their cattle came
aboard, and our master and some of the sailors and
passengers went ashore.
Friday morning, the wind was south-east ; but 29.
our master and some of the mariners being away, we
could not set sail. So being constrained to ride at
anchor still, and fearing a want if our journey should
prove long, some of our company were sent by boat
to Bristol to provide some more oats for the cattle,
and bread and other provisions for ourselves, which
they performed, and so came aboard again at evening.
Saturday, at morning, the wind waxed strong at 30.
north-west, and against our going out ; and, besides,
our master and some of the sailors were gone ashore
and not come aboard again ; so that this day also we
were constrained to sit still. In the afternoon the
wind waxed louder, and our ship danced with wind
1 For an excellent account of 2 Mather himself keeps in the
Gorges see Belknap's Am. Biog. i. background, probably from fear of
346-393. being recognized and stopped. See
note l on page 448.
452 THEY SET SAIL FROM KING ROAD.
CHAP, and waves, and many passengers, especially women,
' and some children, were seasick.
1635. The second Sabbath on shipboard. The wind
5 Jf easterly, and directly for us. But our master and
many of the sailors being away, and it being also the
Lord's day, there could be no going out that day. I
was exercised in the forenoon, and Mr. Maud in the
afternoon.
June Monday, the wind was westerly, and against us.
This day we sent some of our company ashore to
wash linens, and some to buy more hay and provi-
sions. Towards night the wind grew stronger, and
our ship danced, and many of the passengers were ill
through casting and seasickness.
2. Tuesday, the wind still westerly. This day we
sent some of our people ashore to provide more water
and hay for the cattle.
3. Wednesday morning, the wind was easterly, and
good for our purpose. But our master and many of
the sailors were away ; and those that were aboard
with us told us it was no going out till the wind was
settled, lest we should be forced to come in again,
upon change of wind, as the Diligence was. This
evening there came to anchor in King Road another
ship of Bristol, of 240 tons, called the Bess, or Eli-
zabeth, bound for Newfoundland, as there had done
another two or three days before, called the Mary,
which was also bound for Newfoundland.
4. Thursday morning, the wind serving for us, and
our master and all the sailors being come aboard, we
set sail, and began our sea voyage, with glad hearts
that God had loosed us from our long stay wherein
we had been holden, and with hope and trust that
FORCED TO ANCHOR IN THE CHANNEL. 453
he would graciously guide us to the end of our jour-
ney. We were, that set sail together this morning,
five ships, three bound for Newfoundland, viz. the 635
Diligence, a ship of 150 tons, the Mary, a small ship 4
of 80 tons, and the Besse ; and two bound for New-
England, viz. the Angel Gabriel, of 240 tons, [and]
the James, of 220 tons. And even at our setting
out, we that were in the James had experience of
God's gracious providence over us, in that the Angel
Gabriel, hauling home one of her anchors, had like,
being carried by the force of the tide, to have fallen
foul upon the forepart of our ship ; which made all
the mariners as well as passengers greatly afraid.
Yet, by the guidance of God, and his care over us,
she passed by without touching so much as a cable
or cord ; and so we escaped that danger. This day
we went about ten or twelve leagues afore twelve of
the clock, and then the wind turned to the west, and
the tide also was against us, so that we were forced
to come to anchor again in the channel, between
Wales and Winnyard, 1 in Somersetshire, and there
we abode till about six or seven of the clock at night ;
and then the tide turning for us, we tacked about
with the tide to and fro, as the wind would suffer,
and gained little, yet continued all night till about
two of the clock after midnight, and then (the tide
turning,) we came to anchor again.
Friday morning, the wind still strong at west, we 5.
tacked about again with the tide to and fro, till about
one of the clock after dinner ; about which time the
tide and wind being both against us, we came to an-
There is no such place as Winnyard in Somersetshire. It may possi-
bly be an error for Minehead.
454
THEY ANCHOR OFF LUNDY.
CHAP, chor again within sight of Lundy, about two leagues
short thereof; which Lundy is an island about twenty
35 leagues short of the Land's End, and twenty-eight
5. leagues from King Road. 1 This day many passen-
gers were very seasick, and ill at ease through
much vomiting.
This day, at night, when the tide turned, we set sail
6. again, and so came, on Saturday morning, to anchor
again under Lundy, where abiding, because the wind
was strong against us, some of us were desirous to go
ashore into the island. And speaking thereof to our
master, he was very willing to satisfy us therein, and
went with us himself. Mr. Maude, Mathew Michell, 2
1 This island lies off the entrance
of the Bristol Channel. It is high,
rising upwards of 450 feet above the
level of the sea, the shores consist-
ing of perpendicular granite cliffs.
It is about two miles and three
quarters in length, and half a mile
in breadth. There is still but one
farm-house on the island ; and live
stock, vegetables, and good water
may be obtained from the shore.
Lundy Road is on the east side of
the island. See Norie's British
Channel Pilot, p. 99.
2 The father of the Rev. Jona-
than Mitchell, who at this time was
only eleven years of age, and in
1650 succeeded Shepard as pastor
of the church in Cambridge. Mat-
thew Mitchell was from Halifax, in
Yorkshire. " All his family," says
Mather, " were visited with sick-
ness the winter after their first arri-
val at Charlestown, and the scarcity
then afflicting the country added to
the afflictions of their sickness. Re-
moving to the town of Concord, his
beginnings were there consumed by
fire, and some other losses befell him
in the latter end of that winter.
The next summer he removed unto
Saybrook, and the next spring unto
Weathersfield, upon Connecticut
river, by which he lost yet more of
his possessions, and plunged him-
self into other troubles. Towards
the close of that year he had a son-
in-law slain by the Pequot Indians ;
and many of his cattle were destroy-
ed, and his estate, unto the value of
some hundreds of pounds, was dam-
nified. A shallop, which he sent
unto the river's mouth, was taken
and burned by the Pequots, and
three men in the vessel slain, in all
of whom he was nearly concerned ;
so that indeed the Pequot scourge
fell more on this family than on any
other in the land. Afterwards there
arose unhappy differences in the
place where he lived, wherein he
met with many injuries ; for which
causes he transferred himself, with
his interests, unto Stamford, in the
Colony of New-Haven, where he
died in 1645, about the 55th year
of his age." Matthew Mitchell's
name is recorded by Trumbull
among the first settlers of Stam-
ford ; and Lion Gardiner speaks of
" old Mr. Mitchell " being with him
at Saybrook in the fall of 1636, and
says that the Indians " took the
brother of Mr. Mitchell, who is the
minister of Cambridge, and roasted
him alive." See Mather's Magna-
THEY LAND ON THE ISLAND. 455
George 1 Kenrick, myself, and some others, accompa-
-A. A.J.J.%
nying him. When we came into the island, we found -
only one house therein ; and walking in it from side
to side and end to end, one of the house being with c
us, we found thirty or forty head of cattle, about
sixteen or twenty horses and mares, goats, swine,
geese, &,c., and fowl and rabbits innumerable. The
island is seventeen hundred acres of land, but yields
no corn. Here we got some milk, and fowl, and
cheese, which things my children were glad of, and
so came aboard again. But the wind being strong
against us, especially towards night, we rode there
all night and the next day ; and many of our passen-
gers were this evening very sick.
The third Sabbath on shipboard. This day the 7.
wind still at west, against us, we lay still under
Lundy. Mr. Maude was exercised in the forenoon,
and I in the afternoon.
Monday, the wind still strong at west. This day 8.
we sent some of our people on shore to Lundy, to
fetch more water for the cattle.
Tuesday, the wind still strong against us. This 9.
morning the five ships, being all weary of lying at
Lundy, because the harbour was not very good, and
seeing the wind still contrary, weighed anchor again
and set sail for Milford Haven, 2 which is fourteen
lia, ii. 66 ; Morton's Memorial, p. (Brookline,) where his wife, Amy,
335 ; Hubbard, p. 199 ; Scottow's died Nov. 15, 1656, and from thence
Narrative, p. 14 ; Trumbull's Con- to Newton, where he died Aug. 29,
necticut, i. 67, 68, 79, 121, 125 ; 1686, aged 82. See Farmer's Gen.
Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 47, xxiii. 142, Reg.
143. 2 Milford Haven is the only safe
1 I am not sure that I have deci- port for a large ship between the
phered this word aright. It may Land's End and Holyhead. It is
possibly be John, who was at Bos- the most secure and commodious
ton in 1639, admitted a freeman harbour in England, and may be en-
in 1640, removed to Muddy-river, tered without a pilot, either by night
456 THEY ANCHOR IN MILFORD HAVEN.
CHAP, leagues from Lundy, and lies upon Pembrokeshire,
' in Wales, and came thither that night. This day,
5> as we came from Lundy to Milford Haven, the sea
9. wrought and was rough, and most of the passengers
were very sick, worse than ever before.
10 - Wednesday, the wind still against us, we lay still
in Milford Haven, and most of our people were in
good health, and many went on shore into the coun-
try, and brought more fresh water for the cattle,
more fresh victuals, as eggs, loaf bread, fresh fish,&c.
which things our children were glad of.
11 Thursday, the wind still against us. Many went
this day also on shore, to take the air, view the
country, &c., and some of us upon business, to pro-
vide more hay and provisions.
12. Friday. A knight of the country, dwelling near
Hartford West, 1 being aboard the Diligence, sent for
me to come to speak with him. Much wondering we
had what should be the matter, seeing I never knew
him, nor he me. When I came to him, he used me
courteously, invited me to his house, wished us all
good success, lamented the loss of them that stayed
behind, when so many of the best people, for uphold-
ing religion, were removed and taken away. 2 The
knight's name is Sir James Parret.
is. Saturday, wind still against us.
14. The fourth Sabbath on shipboard. This day Mr.
Maud, Mathew Michel, and many of our passengers,
or day, even with contrary winds, broke, and one of the principal towns
only taking the tide. In it the ship- of South Wales, situated at one of
ping of the whole British empire the inland extremities of the creek
might ride together in perfect safety, or bay called Milford Haven. It is
1 So in the MS. ; but the name seven miles from Milford.
of the town is Haverford-West. It 2 See note * on page 127.
is the capital of the county of Pern-
THEY GO ASHORE AT ANGLE. 457
and of the Angel Gabriel's, went to a church on CHAP.
XXII
shore, called Nangle, 1 where they heard two good '
and comfortable sermons, made by an ancient, grave J e
minister, living at Pembrooke, whose name is Mr.
Jessop. His text was Psalm xci. 11. " He will give
his angels charge, " &c. ; and his coming was purpose-
ly for the comfort and encouragement of us that went
to New-England. I was exercised on shipboard both
ends of the day, remaining there for the help of the
weaker and inferior sort, that could not go on shore.
Monday, I went on shore to Nangle, with my wife 15.
and children, John Smith and his wife, and Mary,
Susan Michel, 2 and divers others. It was a fair day,
and we walked in the fields, and at a house got some
milk, &c., wherewith we were much refreshed, and
came aboard again at evening.
Tuesday, a rainy day ; the wind still against us.
Wednesday, the wind still against us. n.
Thursday, the wind still against us. This day, in 18
the morning, our master and the seamen sent away
and set on shore one of the eamen, called Jephrey
Cornish, who had fallen out and been in quarrelling
and fighting with some of the seamen. The main
matter alleged against him, was his drunkenness, and
blasphemy, and brawling and cursing in his drunk-
enness. In the afternoon there came to the Angel
Gabriel and to our ship, Mr. Jessop, 3 to see the
Christians bound for New-England. He was a grave
and godly old man, one that had lost a good living
1 Angle, a village on the right of 3 He was the father of Constan-
the entrance to Milford Haven, so tine Jessop, also a Nonconformist
called from being, as it were, in an- minister. See Wood's Athen. Oxon.
gulo, in a nook. iii. 540, Fasti, i. 461, (ed. Bliss) ;
2 Probably the wife of Matthew Brook's Lives of the Puritans, iii.
Mitchell. 375.
458 THEY SAIL FROM MILFORD HAVEN.
CHAP, because of his Nonconformity, and wished us all
JLJLU<
well ; and we were much refreshed with his godly
5 * company and conference.
19. Friday, a foggy morning ; wind still westerly.
20. Saturday, the wind still hovering to and fro.
21. The fifth Sabbath on shipboard ; a fair, cheerful
summer day. This day I was exercised both ends
of the day, and had much comfort therein, because
the fairness of the day freed us from distraction, and
fitted us the better for attendance. Besides, the day
was more comfortable to us all, in regard of the
company of many godly Christians from the Angel
Gabriel, and from other vessels lying in the harbour
with us ; who, wanting means at home, were glad to
come to us, and we were also glad of their company,
and had all of us a very comfortable day, and were
much refreshed in the Lord.
22. Monday morning, the wind serving, with a strong
gale at east, we set sail from Milford Haven, where
we had waited for wind twelve days, and were car-
ried forth with speedy course, and about noon lost
all sight of land. The wind being strong, the sea
was rough this day, and most of our passengers were
very sick and ill through much casting.
23 Tuesday, the wind still easterly, and a very rainy
day. We were carried forward apace, and launched
forth a great way into the deep. But our people
were still very sick. This day, at evening, we lost
sight of the three ships bound for Newfoundland,
which had been in company with us from King Road ;
and our master thought it best for us to stay for the
Angel Gabriel, being bound for New-England, as we
were, rather than to leave her and go with the other
A PIRATICAL LOOKING VESSEL. 459
three. The Angel Gabriel is a strong ship, and well CHAP.
JLJLU.
furnished with fourteen or sixteen pieces of ordnance,
and therefore our seamen rather desired her compa- 1635 -
ny ; but yet she is slow in sailing, and therefore we 23.
went sometimes with three sails less than we might
have done, that so we might n6t overgo her.
Wednesday, the wind still at east, but not so 24.
strong as the other two days before. This morning
we saw abundance of porpoises 1 leaping and playing
about our ship ; and spent a great deal of time, till
two or three o'clock in the afternoon, in pursuing
(with the Angel Gabriel,) another ship, which we sup-
posed to have been a Turkish pirate, and to have ta-
ken the Mary. The ground of which supposal was,
because yesternight the Mary was in our sight, behind
her fellows, and a little ship, like to the Mary, had
been with the other ship this morning when we first
espied them. But the little ship parted from the
other, and we doubted she had been the Mary, taken
and sent away as a prize by the Turk ; and this made
us more willing to pursue them. But not being able
to overtake them, we left pursuing, and turned our
course again our own way.
Thursday, the wind still easterly ; in the morning 25.
wet and rainy ; but about noon a fair, sunshiny day.
Many of our passengers, that had been sick before,
began to be far better, and came with delight to
walk above, upon the deck.
Friday, wind at north, and afterward more west- 2 6.
ward. This day we saw many porpoises leaping and
running like about our ship.
1 See note 4 on page 226.
460 A PORPOISE CAUGHT.
CHAP. Saturday, wind still north-west ; but a fair, cool
.X..X.I.1.
day.
1635. The first Sabbath from Milford Haven, and the
27 sixth on shipboard ; a fair, cool day ; wind north-
28. erly, good for our purpose. I was exercised in the
forenoon, and Mr. Maud in the afternoon. This
evening we saw porpoises about the ship, and some
would fain have been striking ; but others dissuaded
because of the Sabbath ; and so it was let alone.
29. Monday morning, wind still northerly ; a fair,
cool day. This morning, about seven of the clock,
our seamen struck a great porpoise, and hauled it
with ropes into the ship ; for bigness, not much less
than a hog of twenty or twenty-five shillings apiece,
and not much unlike for shape, with flesh fat and
lean, like in color to the fat and lean of a hog ; and
being opened upon the deck, had within his entrails,
as liver, lights, heart, guts, &c., for all the world
like a swine. The seeing of him hauled into the
ship, like a swine from the sty to the trestle, 1 and
opened upon the deck in view of all our com-
pany, was wonderful to us all, and marvellous merry
sport, and delightful to our women and children.
So good was our God unto us, in affording us the
day before spiritual refreshing to our souls, and this
day morning also delightful recreation to our bodies,
at the taking and opening of this huge and strange
fish. In the afternoon the Angel Gabriel sent their
boat to our ship, to see how we did ; and our mas-
ter, Captain Taylor, went aboard the Angel, and
took Mathew Michel and me along with him. When
1 Trestle, a frame or support for a table, made triangular, or with
three legs.
THE WEATHER FAIR AND HOT. 461
we came thither, we found their passengers that had
been seasick now well recovered, the most of them,
1 (\ Q
and two children that had had the small pox well June *
recovered again. We were entreated to stay supper 29.
there with their master, &c., and had good cheer,
mutton boiled and roasted, roasted turkey, good
sack, &c. After which loving and courteous enter-
tainment, we took leave, and came aboard the James
again at night.
Tuesday, a fair, hot summer day, but small wind. so.
This day we saw with wonder and delight abundance
of porpoises, and likewise some grampusses, as big
as an ox, puffing and spewing up water as they went
by the ship.
Wednesday, a fair, hot summer day ; but the wind J ^
westerly, so that we gained little that day.
Thursday, rainy in the morning, but in the after- 2.
noon fair and clear ; but little wind all day.
Friday, wind strong at southward. We were 3.
carried on apace, after eight or nine leagues a watch,
as the seamen conceived ; (a watch is four hours, a
league is three miles.) This day some few of the
weakest passengers had some small remembrance
again of sea-qualms and sea-sickness.
Saturday, a very strong wind, but not much for us. 4.
This day the sea was very rough, and we saw the
truth of that Scripture, Psalm 107. Some were very
seasick ; but none could stand or go upon the deck,
because of the tossing and tumbling of the ship.
This day we lost sight of the Angel Gabriel, sailing
slowly behind us, and we never saw her again any
more.
The second Sabbath from Milford Haven, and the 5.
462 A PLEASANT SABBATH ON BOARD.
CHAP, seventh on ship. This day God was very gracious
^~ unto us, in giving a fair, calm, sunshiny day, that we
might above, upon the deck, exercise ourselves in his
worship. For if this day had been as the former for
wind and rain, we could not have known how to
have sanctified the Sabbath in any comfortable man-
ner. I was exercised in the forenoon, and Mr. Maud
in the afternoon.
6- Monday, wind north and north-east ; good for us,
had it been strong enough ; but being but weak, we
could not despatch much way. A fair day, and our
people were most of them hearty and cheerful. This
morning Mathew Michell and I spake to our master,
desiring him that we might not stay for the Angel,
because we doubted our hay for our cattle would not
hold out, and many casks of water were leaked and
spent. To which request he gave free assent, and
caused the sailors to make all the sail they possibly
could ; and so we went that day as the soft wind
could drive us.
7. Tuesday, a fair day, but soft wind at south. Our
people cheerful, and in good health.
8. Wednesday, wind westerly ; yet by tacking south-
ward and northward, we gained, as the seamen con-
ceived, twenty or twenty-one leagues.
9. Thursday, a strong wind at north-west, which
made the sea somewhat rough. Yet the passengers,
by the mercy of God, were few of them seasick.
This day and two days before we saw following the
ship a little bird like a swallow, called a pitterill*
1 The Stormy Petrel, or Mother Ornithol. Biog. iii. 486 ; NuttalPs
Carey's Chicken. See Wilson's Ornithology, Water Birds, p. 322.
Am. Ornithol. vii. 90 ; Audubon's
FOGGY AND ROUGH WEATHER. 463
which they say doth follow ships against foul weather; CHAP.
and we saw also this afternoon by the ship side a
great grampus, as big as an ox.
Friday, wind westerly, so that we could gain lit- 10.
tie. A fair day, and our people generally in good
health.
Saturday, much like. n-
The third Sabbath from Milford, and the eighth 12.
on shipboard. A very fair day, so that we had
liberty to serve God without distraction and dis-
turbance from weather. Mr. Maud was exercised
in the forenoon, and I in the afternoon. Wind
southward.
Monday, a foggy, misty day ; but a good gale of 13.
wind at south and by east, which carried us apace,
after ten leagues a watch.
Tuesday, also very foggy and misty. Wind south- u.
erly, but about noon became calm.
Wednesday, a strong wind northerly, which made 15.
the sea rough ; yet we went about eight or nine
leagues a watch. Few of us were seasick ; though
a wind not so strong and sea not so rough would, in
the beginning of our journey, have wrought more
upon us. But now we were better used unto it.
Thursday, a fair day ; though the wind being IG.
westerly, carried us more to the southward than else
we desired. This day we saw with wonder and de-
light an innumerable multitude of porpoises leaping
and playing about the ship. Towards evening the
wind was little.
Friday, calm in the morning. But afore noon, the 17.
wind waxed strong at north, and so continued all
day, and carried us a good speed in our course.
464 ABUNDANCE OF SEA-FOWL.
CHAP. Saturday, wind north-west, a fair, cool day. We
saw this morning a great many of bonitoes 1 leaping
and playing about the ship. Bonito is a fish some-
what bigger than a cod, but less than a porpoise.
19. Sabbath, a fair forenoon ; but at noon the wind
became stiff westward, which was against us. In the
afternoon it blew so hard and loud, that my voice
could scarce be heard, though I extended it to the
furthest that I could.
20 - Monday, a foggy and misty day ; wind about north-
west. We saw this day divers dolphins playing
about the ship, and many sea-fowl, hagbats, 2 and
others.
21. Tuesday morning a great calm after a hot night.
This morning our seamen took a bonito, and opened
him upon the deck ; of which, being dressed, our
master sent Mathew Michel and me part, as good
fish in eating as could be desired. About noon the
wind became north-east, good for our purpose, so
that we went that afternoon nine or ten leagues a
watch.
22. Wednesday, wind still about north-east, but not
so strong as the day before. Now we saw every day
abundance of sea-fowl, as pitterels, hagbats, &c.
23. Thursday morning, a fine gale of wind at north
and by east. Now we saw this morning abundance
of porpoises and grampuses, leaping, and spewing
up water about the ship. About eight or nine of the
clock the wind blew more stiffly, and we went about
1 " Or Spanish dolphins, a fish England, p. 7, in Mass. Hist. Coll.
about the size of a large mackerel, xxiii. 217.
beautified with admirable variety of 2 Higginson, in his Journal, calls
glittering colors in the water." them hag-birds. See page 229.
Josselyn's Two Voyages to New-
ON THE BANK OF NEWFOUNDLAND. 465
eight or nine leagues a watch. Towards evening, CHAP.
our seamen deemed that we were near to some land, -
because the color of the water was changed. But 1635 -
sounding with a line of a hundred and sixty fathom, gsf
they could find no bottom. It was a very cold wind,
like as if it had been winter, which made some to
wish for more clothes.
Friday, wind still northerly, but very faint. It 24.
was a great foggy mist, and exceeding cold, as it had
been December. One would have wondered to have
seen the innumerable numbers of fowl, which we saw
swimming on every side of the ship, 1 and mighty
fishes rolling and tumbling in the waters, twice as
long and big as an ox. In the afternoon we saw
mighty whales spewing up water in the air, like the
smoke of a chimney, and making the sea about them
white and hoary, as it is said in Job ; of such incred- Job)
ible bigness that I will never wonder that the body xh< 32t
of Jonas could be in the belly of a whale. At even-
ing our seamen sounded, and found ground at fifty
fathom.
Saturday morning, they sounded again, and found 35.
no bottom, conceiving thereby that we were the day
before on Newfoundland Bank, on the end of it
nearer to New-England. This day, about nine of
the clock, the wind turned from being northerly, and
came about by the east unto the south, and the great
fog vanished away, and it became a clear, sunshiny
day. This day Mathew Michel and I, taking notice
that our hay and water waxed scarce, went to our
master, entreating him to tell us how far he conceived
1 They were now near the Grand Bank of Newfoundland. See pages
228 and 229.
30
466 FOUR PORPOISES CAUGHT.
CHAP, us to want of our journey's end, that so we might
- ~ better know how to order our water and provisions
!5< for our cattle, which yet were all alive and in good
liking ; and he thereupon summed up all the passages
of our journey past, and conceived two hundred and
fifty leagues to be yet remaining unfinished.
On Friday, in the evening, we had an hour or two
of marvellous delightful recreation, which also was a
feast unto us for many days after, while we fed upon
the flesh of three huge porpoises, like to as many fat
hogs, striked by our seamen, and hauled with ropes
into the ship. The flesh of them was good meat,
with salt, pepper and vinegar ; the fat like fat bacon,
the lean like bull-beef; and on Saturday evening
they took another also.
26. The fifth Sabbath from Milford Haven, and the
tenth on shipboard ; a fair, sunshiny summer day,
and would have been very hot, had not God allayed
the heat with a good gale of southerly wind ; by which
also we were carried on in our journey after seven
leagues a watch. I was exercised in the forenoon,
and Mr. Maud in the afternoon. In the afternoon the
wind grew stronger, and it was a rough night for
wind and rain, and some had our beds that night ill
wet with rain beating in through the sides of the
ship.
27. Monday, wind still strong at south. This day we
spent much time in filling divers tuns of emptied cask
with salt water ; which was needful, because much
beer, fresh water, beef, and other provisions being
spent, the ship went not so well, being too light for
want of ballast. When this work was done, we set
forth more sail, and went that evening and all the
night following with good speed in our journey.
A LAND-BIRD LIGHTS ON THE SHIP. 467
Tuesday morning, a great calm, and very hot all CHAP.
u\-^\.i.J.*
the forenoon ; our people and cattle being much
afflicted with faintness, sweating, and heat. But 16
(lo ! the goodness of our God,) about noon the wind 28.
blew at north and by east, which called us from our
heat, and holp us forward in our way. This after-
noon there came and light upon our ship a little land-
bird, with blue-colored feathers, about the bigness of
a sparrow ; by which some conceived we were not
far from land.
Wednesday, not extremely hot, but a good gale of 29.
cooling wind. But yet, being at the west and by
north, it was against us in our way ; so that we were
forced to tack northward and southward, and gained
little. ; W^iOHA' 1 <fH f*fc
Thursday, wind still westerly, against us, all the so.
forenoon. But about one of the clock the Lord re-
membered us in mercy, and sent us a fresh gale at
south ; which, though weak and soft, yet did not
only much mitigate the heat, but also holp us some-
thing forward in our way. In the evening, about
sun-setting, we saw with admiration and delight, in-
numerable multitudes of huge grampuses, rolling
and tumbling about the sides of the ship, spewing
and puffing up water as they went, and pursuing
great numbers of bonitoes and lesser fishes ; so
marvellous to behold are the works and wonders of
the Almighty in the deep.
Friday, a great foggy mist all the forenoon, and si.
the wind west-northwest, which was against us. In
the afternoon the mist vanished, and the day cleared
up ; but the wind still against us, so that we gained
little, being forced to run a by-course, viz. north
and by east, and at night to run southward.
468 ABUNDANCE OF COD TAKEN.
CHAP. Saturday morning, a cool wind at north, whereby
we went on in our course an hour or two, though
!5- very slowly, because of the weakness of the wind,
i. ' Afterwards it became a great calm, and our seamen
sounded about one of the clock, and found ground at
sixty fathom. 1 Presently after, another little land-
bird came and light upon the sails of the ship. In
the cool of the evening, the calm still continuing,
our seamen fished with hook and line, and took cod
as fast as they could haul them up into the ship.
2. The sixth Sabbath from Milford, and the eleventh
on shipboard. This day was a day of great refresh-
ing to us ; not only because of preaching and pray-
ers, which we enjoyed for the good of our souls, but
also by reason of abundance of fowl which we saw
swimming in the sea, as a token of nearness of land.
Besides, our bodies fed sweetly on the fresh cod
taken the day before, of which our master sent Mr.
Maud and me good store. And the wind blew with
a cool and comfortable gale at south all day, which
carried us away with great speed towards our jour-
ney's end; so good was our loving God unto us,
as always, so also this day. Mr. Maud was exer-
cised in the forenoon and I in the afternoon.
But lest we should grow secure, and neglect the
Lord through abundance of prosperity, our wise and
3. loving God was pleased on Monday morning, about
three of the clock, when we were upon the coast of
land, to exercise us with a sore storm and tempest
of wind and rain ; so that many of us passengers,
with wind and rain were raised out of our beds, and
our seamen were forced to let down all the sails ;
1 See note 3 on page 229.
FOGS AND CALMS. 469
and the ship was so tossed with fearful mountains
A. A. 11.
and valleys of water, as if we should have been over --
whelmed and swallowed up. But this lasted not 1635 -
long ; for at our poor prayers the Lord was pleased Jf '
to magnify his mercy in assuaging the winds and seas
again about sunrising. But the wind was become
west, against us, so that we floated upon the coast,
making no despatch of way all that day and the night
following. And besides, there was a great fog and
mist all that day, so that we could not see to make
land, but kept in all sail and lay still, rather losing
than gaining, but taking abundance of cod and hali-
but, wherewith our bodies were abundantly refresh-
ed after they had been tossed with the storm.
Tuesday, the fog continued still all the forenoon. 4.
About noon, the day cleared up, and the wind blew
with a soft gale at south, and we set sail again, go-
ing on in our course, though very slowly, because of
the smallness of the wind. At night it was a calm,
and abundance of rain.
Wednesday morning, we had a little wind at north, 5.
but a foggy forenoon. In the afternoon, the day
somewhat cleared ; but it became a calm again.
Thus the Lord was pleased, with foggy mists and
want of winds, to exercise our patience and waiting
upon his good leisure, still keeping us from sight of
land, when our seamen conceived us to be upon the
coast. This day, in the afternoon, we saw multi-
tudes of great whales ; which now was grown ordi-
nary and usual to behold.
Thursday, a foggy morning ; afterward a very hot 6.
day, and great calm, so that we could make no way,
but lay still, floating upon the coast, and could not
come to any sight of land.
470 FIRST SIGHT OF LAND.
CHAP. Friday morning, a great fog still, and a slender
' soft wind at west-southwest. In the afternoon the
1635 - wind wakened, and we went forward with good
T*/ speed, though too far northward, because the wind
was so much on the west.
8. Saturday morning, we had a good gale of wind at
west-southwest ; and this morning our seamen took
abundance of mackerel ;* and about eight of the clock
we all had a clear and comfortable sight of America,
and made land again at an island called Menhiggin, 2
an island without inhabitants, about thirty-nine
leagues northward or northeast short of Cape Ann.
A little from this island we saw, more northward,
divers other islands, called St. George Islands, 3 and
the main land of New-England all along, northward
and eastward, as we sailed. This mercy of our God
we had cause more highly to esteem of, because
when we first saw land this morning, there was a
great fog, and afterward, when the day cleared up, we
saw many rocks and islands almost on every side us,
as Menhiggin, St. George Islands, Pemmaquid, &,c.
Yet, in the midst of these dangers our God preserv-
ed us ; though, because of the thick fog, we could
not see far about us to look unto ourselves. In
the afternoon, the wind continuing still westward,
against us, we lay off again to the sea southward,
and our seamen and many passengers delighted
themselves in taking abundance of mackerel.
1 See note 2 on page 232. her, on the coast of Maine, situated
2 See Chronicles of Plymouth, about the mouth of St. George's
note 4 on p. 182, and Williamson's river eastwardly, and on the east
History of Maine, i. 61 . margin of Broad or Muscongus Bay.
3 St. George's Islands are a clus- See them described in Williamson,
ter of islands, about twenty in num- i. 59, 60.
THEY ANCHOR AT RICHMOND'S ISLAND. 471
The seventh Sabbath from Milford, and the twelfth CHAP.
on shipboard. This day was a fair, clear, and com-
fortable day, though the wind was directly against 1635 -
us, so that we were forced to tack to and again, 9.
southward and northward, gaining little, but were
all day still in sight of land. Mr. Maud in the fore-
noon ; I in the afternoon.
Monday morning, the wind still continuing against 10.
us, we came to anchor at Richmond's Island, 1 in the
east part of New-England ; the Bay of Massachu-
setts, whither we were bound, lying thirty leagues
distant from us to the west. Our seamen were will-
ing here to cast anchor, partly because the wind was
against us, and partly because of necessity they must
come to anchor to take in a pilot somewhere before
we came to the Bay, by reason that our pilot knew
the harbours no further but to the Isle of Shoals.
When we came within sight of the island, the planters
there, (or rather fishers, for their chief employment
was fishing,) being but two families, and about forty
persons, were sore afraid of us, doubting lest we had
been French, come to pillage the island, as Penob-
scots had been served by them about ten days before. 2
1 Richmond's (or Richman's) Isl- goods, and gave them bills for them,
and is on the coast of Maine, near and bade them tell all the plantations
Cape Elizabeth. It is three miles they would come with eight ships
in circumference, and is only half a next year and displant them all. But,
mile from the main ; the strait being by a letter which the captain wrote
fordable at low water. This island to the Governor of Plymouth, it ap-
is frequently mentioned in the early peared that they had commission from
history of the country See Wil- Mons. Rossillon, commander at the
liamson's Maine, i. 30. fort near Cape Breton, called La
2 "At this time (Aug. 1635,)" Heve, to displant the English as far
says Winthrop, " a French ship as Pemaquid ; and by it they pro-
came with commission from the fessed all courtesy to us here." See
king of France, (as they pretended,) Winthrop, i. 166 ; Hubbard, p. 161 ;
and took Penobscott, a Plymouth Williamson's Maine, i. 262 ; Hutch-
trading house, and sent away the inson's Mass. i. 46 ; Holmes's An-
men which were in it, but kept their nals, i. 230.
472 THEY SAIL ALONG THE COAST.
CHAP. When we were come to anchor, and their fear was
past, they came some of them aboard to us in their
1635 - shallops, and we went some of us ashore into the isl-
io .' and, to look for fresh water and grass for our cattle ;
and the planters bade us welcome, and gave some of
us courteous entertainment in their houses.
11. Tuesday, we lay still at anchor at Richmond's
Island, the wind being still against us.
12. Wednesday morning, the wind serving with a
fresh gale at north and by east, we set sail from
Richmond's Island for Massachusetts Bay, and went
along the coast by Cape Porpus, 1 still within sight of
land. This day the wind was soft and gentle ; and
as we went along, our seamen and passengers took
abundance of mackerel. Towards night it became a
calm, so that then we could despatch little way.
13. Thursday morning, the wind was against us, at
south-southwest, and so had been all night before,
so that we tacked to and fro, gaining little, but con-
tinuing on the coast towards Cape Ann, within sight
of land for the most part, passing by Boon Islands, 2
Agamenticus, 3 &c. This evening our seamen desir-
ed to have anchored at Hog Island, 4 or the Isle of
Shoals, being seven leagues short of Cape Ann, and
thirteen or fourteen leagues from the Isle of Rich-
mond. But the wind being strong at south-south-
west, they could not attain their purpose, and so
were forced to lie off again to sea all night.
1 Cape Porpoise is near Kenne- hour. It is a noted landmark for
bunk harbour. mariners, being the first height seen
2 Boon Island is an island of rocks by them from the sea. See Wil-
a quarter of a mile in length, situa- liamson's Maine, i. 96, 231.
ted six or seven miles southeast from 4 Hog island is the largest of the
York harbour. Isles of Shoals, containing about
3 This mountain is about eight 350 acres,
miles northwesterly from York har-
THEY ANCHOR AT THE ISLES OF SHOALS. 473
Friday morning, the wind was strong at south- CHAP.
southwest, and so continued till towards evening,
and then was somewhat milder. This day we tacked 1635<
to and again all day, one while west and by north u'
towards Isles of Shoals, another while east-southeast
to sea again; Cape Ann, whither our way was, lying
from us south-southwest, directly in the eye of the
wind, so that we could not come near unto it. But
this evening, by moonlight, about ten of the clock,
we came to anchor at the Isles of Shoals, 1 which are
seven or eight islands and other great rocks, and
there slept sweetly that night till break of day.
But yet the Lord had not done with us, nor yet
had let us see all his power and goodness, which he
would have us to take knowledge of; and therefore,
on Saturday morning, about break of day, the Lord * 5 -
sent forth a most terrible storm of rain and easterly
wind, whereby we were in as much danger as, I
think, ever people were. For we lost in that morn-
ing three great anchors and cables ; of which cables
one, having cost <50, never had been in any water
before ; two were broken by the violence of the
waves, and the third cut by the seamen in extremity
and distress, to save the ship and their and our lives.
And when our cables and anchors were all lost, we
had no outward means of deliverance but by loosing
sail, if so be we might get to the sea from amongst
the islands and rocks where we anchored. But the
Lord let us see that our sails could not save us
neither, no more than our cables and anchors. For,
by the force of the wind and rain, the sails were rent
1 See a topographical and histor- Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 242-261 ;
ical account of these islands in Williamson's Maine, i. 23.
474 A TERRIBLE STORM.
C XKII' m sun der an d sp^t i* 1 pieces, as if they had been but
rotten rags, so that of the foresail and spritsail there
l5 - was scarce left so much as a hand-breadth that was
15." not rent in pieces and blown away into the sea. So
that at this time all hope that we should be saved, in
regard of any outward appearance, was utterly taken
away ; and the rather, because we seemed to drive
with full force of wind and rain directly upon a
mighty rock, 1 standing out in sight above the water ;
so that we did but continually wait when we should
hear and feel the doleful rushing and crashing of the
ship upon the rock. In this extremity and appear-
ance of death, as distress and distraction would suffer
us, we cried unto the Lord, and he was pleased to
have compassion and pity upon us ; for by his over-
ruling providence and his own immediate good hand,
he guided the ship past the rock, assuaged the vio-
lence of the sea and of the wind and rain, and gave
us a little respite to fit the ship with other sails, and
sent us a fresh gale of wind at [blank] , by which we
went on that day in our course south-west and by
west towards Cape Ann. It was a day much to be
remembered, because on that day the Lord granted
us as wonderful a deliverance as, I think, ever peo-
ple had, out of as apparent danger as I think ever
people felt. I am sure our seamen confessed they
never knew the like. 2 The Lord so imprint the me-
mory of it on our hearts, that we may be the better
for it, and be more careful to please him and to walk
uprightly before him as long as we live ; and I hope
1 At Piscataqua, says Winthrop, ton's Memorial, p. 179 ; Hubbard,
i. 165. pp. 199-201 ; Mather's Magnalia,
2 For a further account of this i. 406 ; Scottow's Narrative, p. 14.
storm, see Winthrop, i. 164 ; Mor-
CASUALTIES ON BOARD. 475
we shall 1 not forget the passages of that morning until
our dying day.
In the storm, one Mr. Willett, 1 of New Plymouth, 1635<
and other three men with him, having been turned 15.'
out of all their havings at Penobscot about a fortnight
before, 2 and coming along with us in our ship from
Richmond's Island, with his boat and goods in it
made fast at the stern of our ship, lost his boat with
all that was therein, the violence of the waves break-
ing the boat in pieces, and sinking the bottom of it
into the bottom of the sea. And Richard Becon,
lending his help to the seamen at the hauling of a
cable, had the cable catched about his arm, whereby
his arm was crushed in pieces, and his right hand
pulled away, and himself brought into doleful and
grievous pain and misery.
But in all this grievous storm, my fear was the
less, when I considered the clearness of my calling
from God this way ; 3 and in some measure (the
Lord's holy name be blessed for it,) he gave us
hearts contented and willing that he should do with
us and ours what he pleased, and what might be
most for the glory of his name ; and in that we rest-
ed ourselves. But when news was brought unto us
into the gunroom, that the danger was past, how
our hearts did then relent and melt within us ! and
how we burst out into tears of joy amongst ourselves,
in love unto our gracious God, and admiration of his
1 Thomas Willett was an Assist- Island, Aug. 4, 1674, aged 64. See
ant of Plymouth Colony from 1651 Morton's Memorial, pp. 250, 304 ;
to 1664, fourteen years. Farmer Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv. 100, 293.
says he was the first mayor of New l See page 471.
York after its conquest from the 3 That is, his call to come to
Dutch by the English in 1664, and New-England.
that he died at Barrington, in Rhode
476 THEY ARRIVE IN BOSTON HARBOUR.
CHAP, kindness, in granting to his poor servants such an
~ extraordinary and miraculous deliverance ! His holy
1635. name be blessed forever !
This day we went on towards Cape Ann, as the
wind would suffer, and our poor sails further, and
came within sight thereof the other 1 morning ; which
16. Sabbath, being the thirteenth we kept on shipboard,
was a marvellous pleasant day, for a fresh gale of
wind, and clear sunshiny weather. This day we
went directly before the wind, and had delight all
along the coast, as we went, in viewing Cape Ann,
the Bay of Saugust, the Bay of Salem, Marvil head,
Pullin Point, 2 and other places ; and came to anchor,
at low tide, in the evening, at Nantascot, in a most
pleasant harbour, like to which I had never seen,
amongst a great many of islands on every side. I
was exercised on shipboard both ends of the day.
After the evening's exercise, when it was flowing tide
again, we set sail again, and came that night to an-
chor again before Boston, and so rested that night
with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an
end to our long journey, being a thousand leagues,
that is, three thousand miles English, over one of
the greatest seas in the world. 3
Now this our journey, by the goodness of our God,
was very prosperous unto us, every manner of way.
First of all, it was very safe, and healthful to us ; for
though we were in the ship a hundred passengers, 4
besides twenty-three seamen, and twenty-three cows
and heifers, three sucking calves, and eight mares,
1 That is, the next morning ; a the same words in his Journal. See
peculiar use of the word. page 235.
8 See page 405-410. 4 Winthrop, i. 164, adds, " hon-
3 Higginson uses almost precisely est people of Yorkshire."
THE VOYAGE SAFE AND HEALTHFUL. 477
yet not one of all these died by the way, neither CHAP.
-X. -X.il.
person nor cattle, but came all alive to land, and ~
many of the cattle in better liking than when we first 1635 -
entered the ship ; and most of the passengers in as
good health as ever, and none better than mine own
family ; and my weak wife, 1 and little Joseph, 2 as
well as any other. Fevers, calentures, small pox,
and such diseases as have afflicted other passengers,
the Lord kept from among us, and put upon us no
grief in our bodies, but a little seasickness in the
beginning of the voyage ; saving that two or three
seamen had the flux, and Richard Becon lost his
right hand in the last storm, and one woman, and a
little child of hers, towards the end of the journey,
had the scurvy. The means of which infirmity in
her we all conceived to be the want of walking and
stirring of her body upon the deck ; her manner be-
ing to sit much, between the decks, upon her bed.
And a special means of the healthfulness of the pas-
sengers, by the blessing of God, we all conceived to
be much walking in the open air, and the comforta-
ble variety of our food. For seeing we were not
tied to the ship's diet, but did victual ourselves, we
had no want of good and wholesome beer and bread ;
and as our land stomachs grew weary of ship diet, of
salt fish and salt beef, and the like, we had liberty to
change for other food, which might sort better with
our healths and stomachs ; and therefore sometimes
we used bacon and buttered pease, sometimes but-
1 Sept. 29, 1624, he married Ka- ried the widow of John Cotton, Aug.
tharine, daughter of Edmund Holt, 26, 1656.
Esq., of Bury in Lancashire, by 2 Joseph was the fourth son, and
whom he had six children, all sons, the last born in England.
She died in Feb. 1655, and he mar-
478 TWO VESSELS LOST.
CHAP, tered bag-pudding, made with currants and raisins ;
and sometimes drinked pottage of beer and oatmeal,
163 5 - and sometimes water pottage, well buttered.
And though we had two storms by the way, the
one upon Monday, the 3d of August, the other on
Saturday, the 15th of the same, yet our gracious
God (blessed and forever blessed be his name !) did
save us all alive in them both, and speedily assuaged
them again. Indeed, the latter of them was very
terrible and grievous ; insomuch, that when we came
to land, we found many mighty trees rent in pieces
in the midst of the bole, and others turned up by the
roots, by the fierceness thereof. 1 And a bark going
from the Bay to Marvil head, with planters and sea-
men therein, to the number of about twenty-three,
was cast away in the storm, and all the people there-
in perished, except one man 2 and his wife, that were
spared to report the news. And the Angel Gabriel,
being then at anchor at Pemmaquid, was burst in
pieces and cast away in this storm, and most of the
cattle and other goods, with one seaman and three
or four passengers, did also perish therein, besides
two of the passengers that died by the way, the rest
having their lives given them for a prey. 3 But the
James, and we that were therein, with our cattle
1 Morton, describing the effects Narrative of the Shipwreck in the
of this storm in his New-England's next chapter.
Memorial, p. 180, says, " It blew 3 Scottow says that "the ship
down many hundred thousands of and whole cargo perished, but not
trees, turning up the stronger by one soul of seamen or passengers
the roots, and breaking the high miscarried." Hubbard too declares,
pine trees, and such like, in the that " the passengers were all pre-
midst ; and the tall young oaks, served alive, losing only their
and walnut trees of good bigness, goods." Yet Mather probably has
were wound as a withe by it, very the truth. See Winthrop, i. 165 ;
strange and fearful to behold." Scottow, p. 14 ; Hubbard, p. 199.
2 Anthony Thacher. See his
THE VOYAGE PLEASANT AND COMFORTABLE. 479
and goods, were all preserved alive. The Lord's CHAP.
XXII.
name be blessed forever !
Secondly, it was very delightful, while we took 1635<
pleasure and instruction in beholding the works and
wonders of the Almighty in the deep ; the sea some-
times being rough with mighty mountains and deep
valleys, sometimes again plain and smooth like a
level meadow, and sometimes painted with variety
of yellow weeds. 1 Besides it was a pleasant thing
to behold the variety of fowls and mighty fishes,
swimming and living in the waters.
Thirdly, it was comfortable to us, by means of the
fellowship of divers godly Christians in the ship, and
by means of our constant serving God morning and
evening every day, the daily duties being performed
one day by Mr. Maud, another by myself, and the
Sabbath's exercises divided, (for the most part,)
equally betwixt us too.
True it is, our journey was somewhat long. For
though from Monday, the 22d of June, when we lost
sight of our Old English coast, until Saturday, the
8th of August, when we made land again, at Men-
higgin, it was but six weeks and five days, yet from
our first entering the ship in King Road, on Satur-
day, the 23d of May, till our landing at Boston,
in New-England, on Monday, the 17th of August, it
was twelve weeks and two days. For we lay at an-
chor in King Road eleven days, before we ever set
sail, and three days at Lundy, and twelve days at
Milford, and spent three days in tacking between
King Road and Lundy, one day between Lundy and
1 Higginson also mentions these yellow flowers. See pp. 232, 233.
480
RICHARD MATHER, OF DORCHESTER.
CHAP. Milford, and eight days between Menhiggin and
\ A I I .
Boston. Nevertheless, our God preserved us all
1635. f^e W hii 6} and we had opportunity by these often
delays to take in more hay, oats, and fresh water,
and arrived in a good condition. Again let our gra-
cious God be blessed forevermore ! Amen. 1
1 RICHARD MATHER, the writer
of the preceding Journal, and the
progenitor of all the Mathers in
New-England, was born in 1596, at
the village of Lowton, in the parish
of Win wick, two miles from War-
rington, in Lancashire. His pa-
rents, Thomas and Margaret Ma-
ther, were of ancient families in that
village, but in reduced circumstances.
So great was his proficiency in his
studies at Winwick School, that in
1611, at the early age of fifteen, he
was invited to take charge of a pub-
lic school at Toxteth Park, near
Liverpool. Having spent seven
years in this occupation, and fitted
several scholars for the University,
he removed there himself, and was
entered a student of Brazen Nose
College, May 9, 1618, at the age of
22. But he had been here but a
few months before he was invited by
the people of Toxteth to return and
become their minister. This invita-
tion he accepted, preached his first
sermon Nov. 30, 1618, and was soon
after ordained by Dr. Morton, Bish-
op of Chester. After his marriage
in 1624, he removed his habitation
to Much-Woolton, three miles from
Toxteth, but continued to preach at
Toxteth. Having thus spent fifteen
years, he was suspended from his
ministry in August, 1633, for Non-
conformity to the ceremonies, but in
November following was restored
through the intercession of some
gentlemen in Lancashire. This re-
stored liberty, however, continued
not long ; for in 1634, Neal, Arch-
bishop of York, sent his visitors into
Lancashire, who suspended Mr. Ma-
ther again, chiefly for not wearing
the surplice. Being thus silenced,
and seeing no chance of resuming
his ministry, and apprehending fur-
ther persecution, "he meditated a re-
moval to New-England ; and he
was confirmed in this purpose by
urgent letters received from Cotton
and Hooker. On his arrival, he
remained for some months in Bos-
ton, and was admitted to the church
there Oct. 25, 1635, with his wife,
and Daniel Maud, his fellow-passen-
ger. He immediately received in-
vitations to settle at Plymouth , Rox-
bury, and Dorchester. By the ad-
vice of his friends Cotton and Hook-
er, he chose the last place, where a
new church was formed Aug. 23,
1636, (the former church, with its
pastor, Mr. Warham, having re-
moved to Windsor, in Connecticut,)
and he was ordained their teacher.
Here he spent the remainder of his
days, and died April 22, 1669, in
the 73d year of his age, and was bu-
ried in Dorchester bury ing-ground.
Of six sons, all by his first wife,
four, Samuel, Timothy, Nathaniel,
and Joseph, were born in England,
and two, Eleazar and Increase, in
New-England. Four of them were
settled in the ministry, Eleazar at
Northampton, in Massachusetts ;
Samuel at Dublin, in Ireland ; Na-
thaniel at Barnstable in Devonshire,
at Rotterdam in Holland, and in
London ; and Increase, President of
Harvard College and father of Cot-
ton. Mather, in Boston. Richard
Mather had begun a Memoir of him-
self, which he had brought down to
the 39th year of his age, being the
year in which he came to New-Eng-
land, but left it unfinished. It was
never printed, and is probably lost.
Extracts from it are contained in his
RICHARD MATHER, OF DORCHESTER.
481
Life, which has usually been ascrib-
ed to his son, Increase Mather, but
which, as appears from his son's
Preface to it, was written by some
other person who was "not willing
that his name should be published.
But it is done by one who hath had
the viewing of my father's manu-
scripts ; from whence, as well as
from personal and intimate acquaint-
ance of many years' continuance,
and other ways, he hath been truly
furnished with the knowledge of
what is here reported." One of the
Public Grammar Schools of Boston,
situated in that part of the city which
was formerly Dorchester Neck, is
called the Mather School, in honor
of this patriarch. See the Life of
Richard Mather, printed at Cam-
bridge, N. E., in 1670, (42 pages,
small 4to.) ; Mather's Magnalia, i.
401-414; Wood's Athen. Oxon.
iii. 832 (ed. Bliss) ; Blake's Annals
of Dorchester, pp. 14, 24.
The MS. of the preceding Jour-
nal, which is now printed for the
first time, was discovered in Dor-
chester in November, 1844, in a box
of old papers, which had not been
examined for twenty-five years.
The author of the Life of Richard CHAP.
Mather, mentioned above, had this XXII.
Journal, for on page 21 he quotes at -*
length the description of the storm. 1635.
The manuscript, which is the ori-
ginal, in the handwriting of the
author, is in excellent condition,
considering its age, 211 years, ex-
cept that two pages at the beginning
are a little torn in the margin. It
probably once belonged to James
Blake, the author of the Annals of
Dorchester, who died in 1750, and
from him descended to the Rev.
James Blake Howe, of Claremont,
N. H., whose son, William B. W.
Howe, of St. John's, Berkley, S. C.
found it in the box of papers left at
Dorchester by his father, and pre-
sented it to the Dorchester Anti-
quarian and Historical Society. By
the kindness of that Society, I have
been permitted to copy and insert it
among these Chronicles. The ac-
curacy of my copy has been secured
by its careful collation with another
copy, which had also been collated
with the original and corrected by
my friend the Hon. James Savage,
the editor of Winthrop's History,
and President of the Massachusetts
Historical Society.
31
ANTHONY THACHER'S
NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK.
CHAPTER XXIII.
TEACHER'S NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK.
I MUST turn my drowned pen and shaking hand to CHAP.
/> -X.-A.111.
indite the story of such sad news as never before this
happened in New-England. 1635.
There was a league of perpetual friendship be-
tween my cousin Avery 1 and myself, never to for-
sake each other to the death, but to be partakers of
each other's misery or welfare, as also of habitation,
in the same place. Now upon our arrival in New-
England, 2 there was an offer made unto us. My
cousin Avery was invited to Marble-head, 3 to be
their pastor in due time ; there being no church
planted there as yet, but a town appointed to set up
the trade of fishing. Because many there (the most
being fishermen,) were something loose and remiss
1 " This Mr. Avery was a pre- 2 They came in the James, from
cious, holy minister, who came Southampton, which arrived at Bos-
out of England with Mr. Anthony ton, June 3. See Winthrop, i. 161 ;
Thacher." Increase Mather's note. Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 319.
His baptismal name was John. s Marblehead was not set off from
Winthrop calls him " a minister in Salem till 1649. See note 4 on
Wiltshire, a godly man." See page 244, and page 410.
Winthrop, i. 165.
486 ANTHONY THACHER'S
CHAP, in their behaviour, my cousin Avery was unwilling
* to go thither ; and so refusing, we went to New-
1635. k err y ? ! intending there to sit down. But being soli-
cited so often both by the men of the place, and by
the magistrates, and by Mr. Cotton, and most of the
ministers, who alleged what a benefit we might be
to the people there, and also to the country and
commonwealth, at length we embraced it, and thither
consented to go. They of Marble-head forthwith
sent a pinnace 2 for us and our goods.
11. We embarked at Ipswich August 11, 1635, with
our families and substance, bound for Marble-head,
we being in all twenty- three souls, viz., eleven 3 in
my cousin's family, seven 4 in mine, and one Mr.
William Eliot, sometimes of New Sarum, and four
12. mariners. The next morning, having commended
ourselves to God, with cheerful hearts, we hoisted
sail. But the Lord suddenly turned our cheerful-
ness into mourning and lamentations. For on the
u. 14th of this August, 1635, about ten at night, hav-
ing a fresh gale of wind, our sails being old and
done, were split. The mariners, because that it
was night, would not put to new sails, but resolved
15. to cast anchor till the morning. But before daylight,
it pleased the Lord to send so mighty a storm, as
the like was never known in New-England since the
1 See note * on page 411. 3 Mr. Avery, his wife, a maid-
8 Winthrop, i. 165, says that servant, and " six small children,"
this was " a bark of Mr. Aller- according to Winthrop, i. 165.
ton's." Isaac Allerton was one of 4 Besides himself and his wife,
the Pilgrims who landed at Ply- and his four children, there was
mouth in the Mayflower. Moses probably his servant, or journeyman,
Maverick, of Marblehead, married Peter Higden, who came over with
his daughter Sarah. See Chroni- him from England. See Mass. Hist,
cles of Plymouth, p. 195, and Mass. Coll. xxviii. 319.
Hist. Collxxvii. 243-249, 301-304.
NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK. 487
English came, nor in the memory of any of the In- CHAP.
dians. 1 It was so furious, that our anchor came
home. Whereupon the mariners let out more cable, 1635 -
which at last slipped away. Then our sailors knew
not what to do ; but we were driven before the
wind and waves.
My cousin and I perceived our danger, [and] solemn-
ly recommended ourselves to God, the Lord both of
earth and seas, expecting with every wave to be swal-
lowed up and drenched in the deeps. And as my
cousin, his wife, and my tender babes, sat comforting
and cheering one the other in the Lord against ghast-
ly death, which every moment stared us in the face
and sat triumphing upon each one's forehead, we
were by the violence of the waves and fury of the
winds, (by the Lord's permission,) lifted up upon a
rock between two high rocks, yet all was one rock.
But it raged with the stroke, which came into the pin-
nace, so as we were presently up to our middles in
water, as we sat. The waves came furiously and vio-
lently over us, and against us, but, by reason of the
rock's proportion, could not lift us off, but beat her
all to pieces. Now look with me upon our distress,
and consider of my misery, who beheld the ship bro-
ken, the water in her, and violently overwhelming us,
my goods and provisions swimming in the seas, my
friends almost drowned, and mine own poor children
so untimely (if I may so term it without offence,) be-
fore mine eyes drowned, and ready to be swallowed
up and dashed to pieces against the rocks by the mer-
ciless waves, and myself ready to accompany them.
But I must go on to an end of this woful relation.
1 See note l on page 473.
488 ANTHONY THACHER'S
CHAP. In the same room whereas he sat, the master of
XXIII
* the pinnace, not knowing what to do, our foremast
1635, was CU |- d owrij our mainmast broken in three pieces,
the fore part of the pinnace beat away, our goods
swimming about the seas, my children bewailing me,
as not pitying themselves, and myself bemoaning
them, poor souls, whom I had occasioned to such an
end in their tender years, whenas they could scarce
be sensible of death. And so likewise my cousin,
his wife, and his children ; and both of us bewailing
each other in our Lord and only Saviour Jesus Christ,
in whom only we had comfort and cheerfulness ; in-
somuch that, from the greatest to the least of us,
there was not one screech or outcry made ; but all,
as silent sheep, were contentedly resolved to die
together lovingly, as since our acquaintance we had
lived together friendly.
Now as I was sitting in the cabin room door, with
my body in the room, when lo ! one of the sailors,
by a wave being washed out of the pinnace, was
gotten in again, and coming into the cabin room over
my back, cried out, " We are all cast away. The
Lord have mercy upon us ! I have been washed
overboard into the sea, and am gotten in again. "
His speeches made me look forth. And looking to-
wards the sea, and seeing how we were, I turned
myself to my cousin, and the rest, and spake these
words ; "0 cousin, it hath pleased God to cast us
here between two rocks, the shore not far from us,
for I saw the tops of trees, when I looked forth.'
Whereupon the master of the pinnace, looking up at
the scuttle hole of the quarter deck, went out at it ;
but I never saw him afterwards. Then he that had
NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK. 489
been in the sea, went out again by me, and leaped CHAP.
overboard towards the rocks, whom afterwards also *
I could not see. 1635 -
Now none were left in the bark, that I knew or 15.
saw, but my cousin, his wife and children, myself
and mine, and his maid-servant. But my cousin
thought I would have fled from him, and said unto
me, " cousin, leave us not, let us die together;'
and reached forth his hand unto me. Then I, letting
go my son Peter's hand, took him by the hand, and
said, " Cousin, I purpose it not. Whither shall I
go ? I am willing and ready here to die with you
and my poor children. God be merciful to us, and
receive us to himself;' adding these words, "the
Lord is able to help and deliver us.' 1 He replied,
saying, " Truth, cousin ; but what his pleasure is,
we know not. I fear we have been too unthankful
for former deliverances. But he hath promised to
deliver us from sin and condemnation, and to bring
us safe to heaven through the all-sufficient satisfac-
tion of Jesus Christ. This therefore we may chal-
lenge of Him.' To which I replying, said, " That
is all the deliverance I now desire and expect.' 1
Which words I had no sooner spoken, but by a
mighty wave I was, with the piece of the bark, wash-
ed out upon part of the rock, where the wave left
me almost drowned. But recovering my feet, I saw
above me, on the rock, my daughter Mary. To
whom I had no sooner gotten, but my cousin Avery
and his eldest son came to us ; being all four of us
washed out by one and the same wave. We went
all into a small hole on the top of the rock, whence
we called to those in the pinnace to come unto us,
490 ANTHONY TRACKER'S
CHAP, supposing we had been in more safety than they
' were in. My wife, seeing us there, was crept up
* 5 * into the scuttle of the quarter deck, to come unto us.
15. ' But presently came another wave, and dashing the
pinnace all to pieces, carried my wife away in the
scuttle, as she was, with the greater part of the quar-
ter deck, unto the shore ; where she was cast safely,
but her legs were something bruised. And much
timber of the vessel being there also cast, she was
some time before she could get away, being washed
by the waves. All the rest that were in the bark
were drowned in the merciless seas. We four by
that wave were clean swept away from off the rock
also into the sea ; the Lord, in one instant of time,
disposing of fifteen souls of us according to his good
pleasure and will.
His pleasure and wonderful great mercy to me was
thus. Standing on the rock, as before you heard,
with my eldest daughter, my cousin, and his eldest
son, looking upon and talking to them in the bark,
whenas we were by that merciless wave washed off
the rock, as before you heard, God, in his mercy,
caused me to fall, by the stroke of the wave, flat on
my face ; for my face was toward the sea. Inso-
much, that as I was sliding off the rock into the sea,
the Lord directed my toes into a joint in the rock's
side, as also the tops of some of my fingers, with my
right hand, by means whereof, the wave leaving me,
I remained so, hanging on the rock, only my head
above the water ; when on the left hand I espied a
board or plank of the pinnace. And as I was reach-
ing out my left hand to lay hold on it, by another
coming over the top of the rock I was washed away
NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK. 491
from the rock, and by the violence of the waves was CHAP.
XXIII.
driven hither and thither in the seas a great while,
1 r o c
and had many dashes against the rocks. At length, .
past hopes of life, and wearied in body and spirits, I 15.
even gave over to nature ; and being ready to receive
in the waters of death, I lifted up both my heart and
hands to the God of heaven. For note, I had my
senses remaining perfect with me all the time that I
was under and in water, who at that instant lifted
my head above the top of the water, that so I might
breathe without any hindrance by the waters. I
stood bolt upright, as if I had stood upon my feet ;
but I felt no bottom, nor had any footing for to stand
upon but the waters.
While I was thus above the water, I saw by me a
piece of the mast, as I suppose, about three foot
long, which I labored to catch into my arms. But
suddenly I was overwhelmed with water, and driven
to and fro again, and at last I felt the ground with
my right foot. When immediately, whilst I was
thus grovelling on my face, I presently recovering
my feet, was in the water up to my breast, and
through God's great mercy had my face unto the
shore, and not to the sea. I made haste to get out ;
but was thrown down on my hands with the waves,
and so with safety crept to the dry shore. Where,
blessing God, I turned about to look for my children
and friends, but saw neither, nor any part of the
pinnace, where I left them, as I supposed. But I
saw my wife about a butt length from me, getting
herself forth from amongst the timber of the broken
bark ; but before I could get unto her, she was got-
ten to the shore. I was in the water, after I was
492 ANTHONY THACHER'S
CHAP, washed from the rock, before I came to the shore, a
XXIII. _
quarter of an hour at least.
1635. When we were come each to other, we went and
15^' sat under the bank. But fear of the seas roaring,
and our coldness, would not suffer us there to remain.
But we went up into the land, and sat us down under
a cedar tree, which the wind had thrown down,
where we sat about an hour, almost dead with cold.
But now the storm was broken up, and the wind was
calm ; but the sea remained rough and fearful to us.
My legs were much bruised, and so was my head.
Other hurt had I none, neither had I taken in much
quantity of water. But my heart would not let me
sit still any longer ; but I would go to see if any
more were gotten to the land in safety, especially
hoping to have met with some of my own poor child-
ren ; but I could find none, neither dead, nor yet
living.
You condole with me my miseries, who now began
to consider of my losses. Now came to my remem-
brance the time and manner how and when I last
saw and left my children and friends. One was sev-
ered from me sitting on the rock at my feet, the
other three in the pinnace ; my little babe (ah, poor
Peter !) sitting in his sister Edith's arms, who to the
uttermost of her power sheltered him from the wa-
ters ; my poor William standing close unto them,
all three of them looking ruefully on me on the rock,
their very countenances calling unto me to help them;
whom I could not go unto, neither could they come
at me, neither would the merciless waves afford me
space or time to use any means at all, either to help
them or myself. Oh I yet see their cheeks, poor
NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK.
493
silent lambs, pleading pity and help at my hands.
Then, on the other side, to consider the loss of my dear -
friends, with the spoiling and loss of all our goods and
provisions, myself cast upon an unknown land, in a 15.
wilderness, I knew not where, nor how to get thence.
Then it came to my mind how I had occasioned the
death of my children, 1 who caused them to leave
their native land, who might have left them there,
yea, and might have sent some of them back again,
and cost me nothing. These and such like thoughts
do press down my heavy heart very much.
But I must let this pass, and will proceed on in
the relation of God's goodness unto me in that deso-
late island, on which I was cast. I and my wife
were almost naked, both of us, and wet and cold
even unto death. I found a snapsack cast on the
shore, in which I had a steel, and flint, and powder-
horn. Going further, I found a drowned goat ; then
I found a hat, and my son William's coat, both which
I put on. 2 My wife found one of her petticoats,
which she put on. I found also two cheeses and
some butter, driven ashore. Thus the Lord sent us
some clothes to put on, and food to sustain our new
lives, which we had lately given unto us, and means
also to make fire ; for in a horn I had some gunpow-
der, which, to mine own, and since to other men's
admiration, was dry. So taking a piece of my wife's
neckcloth, which I dried in the sun, I struck fire,
and so dried and warmed our wet bodies ; and then
skinned the goat, and having found a small brass pot,
His children were four in num- s We may infer from this that
her, William, Mary, Edith, and his son William was a full-grown
Peter. youth.
494 ANTHONY THACHER, OF YARMOUTH.
CHAP, we boiled some of her. Our drink was brackish
, ~ water. Bread we had none.
1635. There we remained until the Monday following ;
!7^ ' when, about three of the clock in the afternoon, in a
boat that came that way, we went off that desolate
island, which I named after my name, Thacher 9 s Woe?
and the rock, Avery his Fall, 2 to the end that their
fall and loss, and mine own, might be had in perpetual
remembrance. In the isle lieth buried the body of
my cousin's eldest daughter, whom I found dead on
is. the shore. On the Tuesday following, in the after-
noon, we arrived at Marblehead. 3
1 Now called Thacher's Island. Rev. Charles Chauncy, afterwards
It lies about two miles east of the President of Harvard College, mar-
south-east point of Cape Ann. ried, May 11, 1643, a daughter of
2 Now called Avery's Rock. the Rev. Ralph Partridge, of Dux-
3 ANTHONY THACHER, the writer bury, was ordained pastor of the
of this heart-rending Narrative, was church at Weymouth Jan. 2, 1645,
a tailor, from Salisbury, in Wilt- and installed the first pastor of the
shire, where his brother Peter was Third, or Old South Church, in Bos-
the rector of the church of St. Ed- ton, Feb. 16, 1670, where he con-
mund as early as 1622. It was tinned till he died, Oct. 16, 1678,
written in a letter to his brother, as aged 58. He was the progenitor of
Increase Mather says, "within a the long line of clergymen who have
few days after that eminent provi- illustrated the name of Thacher, the
dence happened to him, when mat- last of whom was my young friend
ters were fresh in his memory." and parishioner, the Rev. William
Anthony Thacher sailed from South- Vincent Thacher, the amiable and
ampton in April, 1635, in the James, accomplished pastor of the Unitarian
of London, and arrived at Boston Church at Savannah, in Georgia,
June 3. With him came his bro- who died July 16, 1839, aged 24.
ther's son, Thomas, then a youth of After this sad catastrophe, by
fifteen, his parents intending soon to which he lost all his children, An-
follow with the rest of the family ; thony Thacher resided at Marsh-
which intention, however, was pre- field; and "the General Court,"
vented by the death of his mother, says Winthrop, "gave him 26
Cotton Mather says that " a day or 13s. 4e?. towards his losses, and di-
two before that fatal voyage from vers good people gave him besides."
Newbury to Marblehead, our young In Jan. 1639, he removed to Yar-
Thacher had such a strong and sad mouth, on Cape Cod, being one of
impression upon his mind about the the three original grantees of land
issue of the voyage, that he, with in that town, where he resided till
another, would needs go the journey his death in 1668, aged about 80.
by land, and so he escaped perish- He left two sons and one daughter,
ing with some of his pious and pre- born after the disastrous shipwreck,
cious friends by sea." He was ed- John, Judah, and Bethiah, who, tra-
ucated for the ministry under the dition says, were the children of a
THE THACHER FAMILY.
495
second wife, named Elizabeth Jones, said to have been saved from the CHAP,
whom he married about six weeks shipwreck, are now in the possession XXIII.
before he left England. A long line of Mr. Peter Thacher, and such is
of descendants, the children of John, the veneration for these relics, that 1535
perpetuate the name at Yarmouth, every child of Thacher families that
Boston, and elsewhere. The late has been baptized in Yarmouth, has
Dr. James Thacher, of Plymouth, been carried to the baptismal font
was a descendant from Anthony in enwrapped in them." See Increase
the sixth generation. Winthrop Mather's Illustrious Providences,
pages2-14; Winthrop, i. 161, 165;
Mather's Magnalia, i. 441-448 ;
Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 277, xxviii.
the articles saved
mentions among
from the wreck " a truss of bed-
ding ;" and Dr. Thacher states that
" a cradle coverlet, of scarlet broad- 317, 319 ; N. Eng. Magazine, vii.
cloth, and some articles of clothing, 1-16.
THOMAS SHEPARD'S
MEMOIR OF HIS OWN LIFE.
32
CHAPTER XXIV
THOMAS SHEPARD'S MEMOIR OF HIMSELF.
T. j MY BIRTH AND LIFE, j S. ;
IN the year of Christ 1604, 1 upon the 5th day of CHAP
-A..A.-I- V
November, called the Powder Treason day, and that
very hour of the day wherein the Parliament should
have been blown up by Popish priests,! was then born; 5.
which occasioned my father to give me this name,
Thomas ; because, he said, I would hardly believe*
that ever any such wickedness should be attempted
by men against so religious and good [a] Parliament.
My father's name was William Shepard, born in a
little poor town in Northamptonshire, called Fosse-
cut, near Towcester; and being a 'prentice to one
Mr. Bland, a grocer, he married one of his daugh-
ters, of whom he begat many children, three sons,
John, William, and Thomas, and six daughters, Ann,
Margaret, Mary, Elizabeth, Hester, Sarah ; of all
1 This is a singular anachronism, 2 An allusion to the skepticism of
antedating the Powder Plot a whole the Apostle Thomas, recorded in
year. It is well known that it was the Gospel of John, xx. 25.
in 1605 that this plot was contrived.
500 SHEPARD'S PARENTAGE AND FAMILY.
CHAP, which only John, Thomas, Anna, and Margaret, are
still living in the town where I was born, viz. Tow-
cester, 1 in Northamptonshire, six miles distant from
the town of Northampton, in Old England.
I do well remember my father, and have some
little remembrance of my mother. My father was a
wise, prudent man, the peacemaker of the place ;
and toward his latter end much blessed of God in his
estate and in his soul. For there being no good min-
istry in the town, he was resolved to go and live at
Banbury, 2 in Oxfordshire, under a stirring ministry,
having bought a house there for that end. My mo-
ther was a woman much afflicted in conscience, some-
times even unto distraction of mind ; yet was sweetly
recovered again before she died. I being the young-
est, she did bear exceeding great love to me, and
made many prayers for me ; but she died when I was
1608. about four years old, and my father lived, and mar-
ried a second wife, now dwelling in the same town,
of whom he begat two children, Samuel and Eliza-
1614. beth, and died when I was about ten years of age.
But while my father and mother lived, when I was
1607. about three years old, there was a great plague in the
town of Towcester, which swept away many in my
father's family, both sisters and servants. I being
the youngest, and best beloved of my mother, was
sent away the day the plague brake out, to live with
my aged grandfather and grandmother in Fossecut,
a most blind town and corner, and those I lived with
also being very well to live, yet very ignorant. And
1 Towcester is a market town, 2 Banbury is a borough and mar-
eight miles from Northampton. Po- ket town, 69 miles northwest from
pulation in 1841, 2749. London. Population in 1841,7366.
HE IS SENT TO SCHOOL. 501
there was I put to keep geese, and other such country CHAP.
work, all that time much neglected of them ; and af-
terward sent from them unto Adthrop, a little blind 1607 -
town adjoining, to my uncle, where I had more con-
tent, but did learn to sing and sport, as children do
in those parts, and dance at their Whitson Ales ;*
until the plague was removed, and my dear mother
dead, who died not of the plague, but of some other
disease, after it. And being come home, my sister
Ann married to one Mr. Farmer, and my sister Mar-
garet loved me much, who afterward married to my
father's 'prentice, viz. Mr. Mapler, and my father
married again to another woman, who did let me see
the difference between my own mother and a step-
mother. She did seem not to love me, but incens-
ed my father often against me ; it may be that it
was justly also, for my childishness. And having
lived thus for a time, my father sent me to school to
a Welshman, one Mr. Rice, who kept the free school
in the town of Towcester. But he was exceeding
curst 2 and cruel, and would deal roughly with me,
and so discouraged me wholly from desire of learn-
ing, that I remember I wished oftentimes myself in
any condition, to keep hogs or beasts, rather than to
go to school and learn.
But my father at last was visited with sickness,
having taken some cold upon some pills he took, and
so had the hickets 3 with his sickness a week together;
1 These were the sports and the description of them in Brand's
dances usual in the country at Whit- Popular Antiquities, i. 157, (Ellis's
suntide. They were attended with edit. 1841) ; Hone's Every-Day
ludicrous gestures and acts of foole- Book, i. 685 ; Strutt's Sports and
ry and buffoonery, and commonly Pastimes, pp. 358, 367.
ended in drunkenness and debauch- l Crusty, peevish, snarling,
ery ; and of course were discounte- 3 Hickups, hiccoughs,
nanced by the grave Puritans. See
502 HE RESOLVES TO BE A SCHOLAR.
CHAP, in which time I do remember I did pray very strongly
' and heartily for the life of my father, and made some
covenant, if God would do it, to serve Him the bet-
ter, as knowing I should be left alone if he was gone.
Yet the Lord took him away by death, and so I was
1614. left fatherless and motherless, when I was about ten
years old ; and was committed to my stepmother to
be educated, who therefore had my portion, which
was a 100, which my father left me. But she neg-
lecting my education very much, my brother John,
who was my only brother alive, desired to have me
out of her hands, and to have me with him, and he
would bring me up for the use of my portion ; and
so at last it was granted. And so I lived with this
my eldest brother, who showed much love unto me,
and unto whom I owe much ; for him God made to
be both father and mother unto me. And it happen-
ed that the cruel schoolmaster died, and another
came into his room, to be a preacher also in the
town ; who was an eminent preacher in those days,
and accounted holy, but afterward turned a great
apostate, and enemy to all righteousness, and I fear
did commit the unpardonable sin. Yet it so fell out,
by God's good providence, that this man stirred up
in my heart a love and desire of the honor of learn-
ing, and therefore I told my friends I would be a
scholar ; and so the Lord blessed me in my studies,
and gave me some knowledge of the Latin and Greek
tongues, but much ungrounded in both. But I was
studious, because I was ambitious of learning and be-
ing a scholar ; and hence when I could not take notes
of the sermon, I remember I was troubled at it, and
prayed the Lord earnestly that he would help me to
HE ENTERS EMMANUEL COLLEGE. 503
note sermons ; and I see cause of wondering at the CHAP.
JvAlV.
Lord's providence therein ; for as soon as ever I had
prayed (after my best fashion) Him for it, I presently,
the next Sabbath, was able to take notes, who the
precedent Sabbath could do nothing at all that way.
So I continued till I was about fifteen years of age, 1619.
and then was conceived to be ripe for the University;
and it pleased the Lord to put it into my brother's
heart to provide and to seek to prepare a place for
me there ; which was done in this manner. One
Mr. Cockerill, Fellow of Emmanuel College in Cam-
bridge, being a Northamptonshire man, came down
into the country to Northampton, and so sent for
me ; who, upon examination of me, gave my brother
encouragement to send me up to Cambridge. And
so I came up ; and though I was very raw and young,
yet it pleased God to open the hearts of others to
admit me into the College a pensioner ; and so Mr.
Cockerill became my tutor. But I do here wonder,
and, I hope, shall bless the Lord forever in heaven,
that the Lord did so graciously provide for me ; for
I have oft thought what a woful estate I had been
left in, if the Lord had left me in that profane, igno-
rant town of Towcester, where I was born ; that the
Lord should pluck me out of that sink and Sodom,
who was the least in my father's house, forsaken of
father and mother, yet that the Lord should fetch me
out from thence, by such a secret hand.
The first two years I spent in Cambridge was in
studying, and in much neglect of God and private
prayer, which I had sometime used ; and I did not
regard the Lord at all, unless it were at some fits.
The third year, wherein I was Sophister, I began to
504 HE HEARS DOCTOR CHADDERTON.
CHAP, be foolish and proud, and to show myself in the Pub-
XXIV
'. lie Schools, and there to be a disputer about things
which now I see I did not know then at all, but only
prated about them. And toward the end of this
year, when I was most vile, (after I had been next
unto the gates of death by the small pox the year
before,) the Lord began to call me home to the fel-
lowship of his grace ; which was in this manner.
1. I do remember that I had many good affections,
but blind and unconstant, oft cast into me since my
father's sickness, by the spirit of God wrestling with
me ; and hence I would pray in secret, and hence,
when I was at Cambridge, I heard old Doctor Chad-
derton, 1 the master of the College when I came.
1619. And the first year I was there, to hear him, upon a
sacrament day, my heart was much affected ; but I
did break loose from the Lord again. And half a
1620. year after, I heard Mr. Dickinson common-place in
Gen. the Chapel upon those words, " I will not destroy it
' for ten's sake," and then again was much affected ;
but I shook this off also, and fell from God to loose
and lewd company, to lust, and pride, and gaming,
1 Laurence Chadderton was born tend the Conference at Hampton
at Chadderton, in Lancashire, in Court, and was also appointed by
1537, of an ancient and wealthy him the same year one of the Trans-
family. His parents, who were lators of the Bible He was a man
Papists, intended him for the Law, of great abilities and learning, a de-
and sent him to the Inns of Court, cided but moderate Puritan, and " a
But he soon became a Protestant, grave, pious, and excellent preach-
forsook the study of the Law, and er." He lived to see three succes-
entered Christ's College, Cam- sors in the mastership of his Col-
bridge, in 1564, of which he was lege, and died Nov. 13, 1640, in
chosen a Fellow three years after- the 103d year of his age. See Vita
wards. In 1584, when Sir Walter Chaddertoni, a Gul. Dillinghamo ;
Mildmay founded Emmanuel Col- Samuel Clarke's Lives, p. 145, (fol.
lege, he was chosen by him its first 1677) ; Fuller's Worthies, i. 550 ;
Master, in which office he continued Brook's Lives of the Puritans, ii.
thirty-eight years, till 1622. In 445; Dyer's Hist, of Univ. of Cam-
1603 he was one of the four Puritan bridge, ii. 351.
divines selected by James I. to at-
HE BECOMES DISSIPATED.
505
and bowling, and drinking. And yet the Lord left CHAP-
me not ; but a godly scholar, walking with me, fell
to discourse about the misery of every man out of 162 -
Christ, viz. that whatever they did was sin ; and
this did much affect me. And, at another time, when
I did light in godly company, I heard them discourse
about the wrath of God, and the terror of it, and
how intolerable it was ; which they did present by
fire, how intolerable the torment of that was for a
time ; what then would eternity be ? And this did
much awaken me, and I began to pray again. But
then, by loose company, I came to dispute in the
Schools, and there to join to loose scholars of other
Colleges, and was fearfully left of God, and fell to
drink with them. And I drank so much one day,
that I was dead drunk, and that upon a Saturday
night ; and so was carried from the place I had
dr inked at and did feast at, unto a scholar's chamber,
one Bassett, of Christ's College, and knew not where
I was until I awakened late on that Sabbath, and sick
with my beastly carriage. And when I awakened, I
went from him in shame and confusion, and went out
into the fields, and there spent that Sabbath lying hid
in the cornfields ; where the Lord, who might justly
have cut me off in the midst of my sin, did meet me
with much sadness of heart, and troubled my soul for
this and other my sins, which then I had cause and
leisure to think of. And note, when I was worst,
He began to be best unto me, and made me resolve
to set upon a course of daily meditation about the
evil of sin and my own ways. Yet although I was
troubled for this sin, I did not know my sinful nature
all this while.
506 SAMUEL STONE, OF HARTFORD.
CHAP. 2. The Lord therefore sent Dr. Preston 1 to be
XXIV.
Master of the College ; and Mr. Stone 2 and others
162 2 - commending his preaching to be most spiritual and
excellent, I began to listen unto what he said. The
first sermon he preached was Romans xii. " Be re-
newed in the spirit of your mind." In opening which
point, viz. the change of heart in a Christian, the
Lord so bored my ears, as that I understood what he
spake, and the secrets of my soul were laid open be-
fore me, the hypocrisy of all my good things I
thought I had in me ; as if one had told him of all
that ever I did, of all the turnings and deceits of my
heart ; insomuch as that I thought he was the most
searching preacher in the world, and I began to love
1 John Preston was born at Hey- a subtle disputant, and a perfect pol-
ford, in Northamptonshire, in 1587, itician." Echard styles him " the
and was admitted to King's College, most celebrated of the Puritans."
Cambridge, in 1604, and in 1609 See page 422 ; his Life by Thomas
was chosen a Fellow of Queen's. Ball in Clarke's Lives, pp. 75-114;
At this time he was a very ambi- Fuller's Worthies, ii. 171, Hist,
tious and aspiring student ; but hear- Cambridge, pp. 121, 206, Church
ing a sermon preached at St. Mary's Hist. iii. 355 ; Brook's Puritans, ii.
by our John Cotton, of Boston, he 352 ; Neal's Puritans, ii. 219 ; Ech-
was seriously impressed, and direct- ard's Hist, of Eng. ii. 72.
ed all his studies to a preparation 2 Samuel Stone was born at Hert-
for the ministry. He was appointed ford, in Hertfordshire, and was edu-
chaplain to the Prince of Wales, cated at Emmanuel College, where
and preacher at Lincoln's Inn, and he took the degree of A. B. in 1623,
on the resignation of Dr. Chadder- and of A. M. in 1627. To escape
ton in 1622 was chosen Master of persecution, he came over to New-
Emmanuel College. He was in England in Sept. 1633, in the same
great favor with the Duke of Buck- ship with Cotton and Hooker, was
ingham, and might have had the settled as colleague with the latter
bishoprick of Gloucester, but he pre- at Cambridge Oct. 11, 1633, and in
ferred the Lectureship of Trinity 1636 removed with him to Hart-
Church, Cambridge. On the acces- ford, on Connecticut river, which
sion of Charles I. the Duke offered received its name from his birth-
him the Great Seal, which he pru- place. He died July 20, 1663, be-
dently declined, though he had abil- ing probably about 60 years old.
ities enough to manage it. He died He accompanied Mason's expedition
July 20, 1628, being only 41 years in the Pequot War, as chaplain.
of age. Fuller, who classes him See Mather's Magnalia, i. 392 ;
among the learned writers of Queen's Winthrop, i. 108 ; Morton's Memo-
College, says " he was all judgment rial, p. 301 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
and gravity, an excellent preacher, xviii. 134, xxviii. 248.
SHEPARD'S SKEPTICISM. 507
him much, and to bless God I did see my frame, and CHAP.
J XXIV.
my hypocrisy, and self and secret sins, although I
found a hard heart, and could not be aifected with 1624
them.
3. I did therefore set more constantly upon the May
o
work of daily meditation, sometimes every morning,
but constantly every evening before supper ; and my
chief meditation was about the evil of sin, the terror
of God's wrath, day of death, beauty of Christ, the
deceitfulness of the heart, &c. But principally I
found this my misery ; sin was not my greatest evil,
did lie light upon me as yet ; yet I was much afraid
of death and the flames of God's wrath. And this I
remember, I never went out to meditate in the fields
but I did find the Lord teaching me somewhat of my-
self, or Himself, or the vanity of the world, I never
saw before. And hence I took out a little book I
have every day into the fields, and writ down what
God taught me, lest I should forget them ; and so
the Lord encouraged me, and I grew much. But, in
my observation of myself, I did see my atheism. I
questioned whether there were a- God, and my unbe-
lief whether Christ was the Messiah ; whether the
Scriptures were God's word, or no. I felt all man-
ner of temptations to all kind of religions, not know-
ing which I should choose ; whether education might
not make me believe what I had believed, and
whether, if I had been educated up among the Pa-
pists, I should not have been as verily persuaded
that Popery is the truth, or Turcisme is the truth.
And at last I heard of Grindleton, and I did ques-
tion whether that glorious estate of perfection might
not be the truth, and whether old Mr. Rogers's Seven
508 HIS SPIRITUAL TEMPTATIONS.
CHAP. Treatises, 1 and the Practice of Christianity, the book
" which did first work upon my heart, whether these
1624. men were not all legal men, and their books so.
But the Lord delivered me at last from them, and in
the conclusion, after many prayers, meditations,
duties, the Lord let me see three main wounds in my
soul. (1.) I could not feel sin as my greatest evil.
(2.) I could do nothing but I did seek myself in it, and
was imprisoned there ; and though I desired to be a
preacher, yet it was honor I did look to, like a vile
wretch, in the use of God's gifts I desired to have.
(3.) I felt a depth of atheism and unbelief in the main
matters of salvation, and whether the Scriptures were
God's word. These things did much trouble me,
and in the conclusion did so far trouble me, that I
could not read the Scriptures, or hear them read.,
without secret and hellish blasphemy, calling all into
question, and all Christ's miracles. And hereupon I
fell to doubt whether I had not committed the un-
pardonable sin ; and because I did question whether
Christ did not cast out devils from Beelzebub, &c.,
I did think and fear I had. And now the terrors of
God began to break in, like floods of fire, into my
soul.
For three quarters of a year this temptation did
last, and I had some strong temptations to run my
head against walls, and brain and kill myself. And
so I did see, as I thought, God's eternal reprobation
of me ; a fruit of which was this dereliction to these
1 Richard Rogers was settled in and Ezekiel Rogers, both eminent
the ministry at Weathersfield, in Puritan divines, and the latter of
Essex, and was twice suspended whom came over to New-England,
and silenced by Archbishop Whit- and was the first minister of Row-
gift. He was the father of Daniel ley. See Brook's Puritans, ii. 231.
HIS CONSCIOUSNESS OF SIN. 509
doubts and darkness, and I did see God like a con- CHAP.
-X.-X.1\ .
suming fire and an everlasting burning, and myself
like a poor prisoner leading to that fire ; and the 1624 -
thoughts of eternal reprobation and torment did
amaze my spirits, especially at one time upon a Sab-
bath day at evening. And when I knew not what
to do, (for I went to no Christian, and was ashamed
to speak of these things,) it came to my mind that
I should do as Christ, when he was in an agony. He
prayed earnestly ; and so I fell down to prayer.
And being in prayer, I saw myself so unholy, and
God so holy, that my spirits began to sink. Yet the
Lord recovered me, and poured out a spirit of prayer
upon me for free mercy and pity ; and in the con-
clusion of the prayer, I found the Lord helping me
to see my unworthiness of any mercy, and that I was
worthy to be cast out of his sight, and to leave my-
self with him to do with me what he would ; and
then, and never until then, I found rest, and so my
heart was humbled, and cast down, and I went with
a stayed heart unto supper late that night, and so
rested here, and the terrors of the Lord began to
assuage sweetly. Yet when these were gone, I felt
my senselessness of sin, and bondage to self, and
unconstancy, and losing what the Lord had wrought,
and my heartlessness to any good, and loathing of
God's ways. Whereupon, walking in the fields, the
Lord dropped this meditation into me, " Be not dis-
couraged, therefore, because thou art so vile, but
make this double use of it ; first, loathe thyself the
more ; secondly, feel a greater need and put a greater
price upon Jesus Christ, who only can redeem thee
from all sin." And this I found of wonderful use to
510 HIS RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE.
CHAP, me in all my course ; whereby I was kept from sink-
*~ ings of heart, and did beat Satan, as it were, with
1624. j^ own weapons. And I saw Christ teaching me
this before any man preached any such thing unto
me. And so the Lord did help me to loathe myself
in some measure, and to say oft, Why shall I seek
the glory and good of myself, who am the greatest
enemy, worse than the Devil can be, against myself;
which self ruins me, and blinds me, &c. And thus
God kept my heart exercised, and here I began to
forsake my loose company wholly, and to do what I
could to work upon the hearts of other scholars, and
to humble them, and to come into a way of holy
walking in our speeches and otherwise. But yet I
had no assurance Christ was mine.
4. The Lord therefore brought Dr. Preston to
preach upon that text, 1 Cor. i. 30, " Christ is made
unto us wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and
redemption." And when he had opened how all the
good I had, all the redemption I had, it was from
Jesus Christ, I did then begin to prize him, and he
became very sweet unto me, although I had heard,
many a time, Christ freely offered by his ministry, if
I would come in, and receive him as Lord, and Sa-
viour, and husband. But I found my heart ever un-
willing to accept of Christ upon these terms. I
found them impossible for me to keep [on] that con-
dition ; and Christ was not so sweet as my lust.
But now the Lord made himself sweet to me, and to
embrace him, and to give up myself unto him. But
yet, after this, I had many fears and doubts.
5. I found, therefore, the Lord revealing free
mercy, and that all my help was in that to give me
THOMAS WELDE, OF ROXBURY. 511
Christ, and to enable me to believe in Christ, and CHAP.
-A--2\.i V .
accept of him ; and here I did rest.
6. The Lord also letting me see my own constant 1624 -
vileness in everything, put me to this question,
Why did the Lord Jesus keep the law, had no guile
in his heart, had no unbrokenness, but holiness
there ? Was it not for them that did want it ? And
here I saw Christ Jesus's righteousness for a poor
sinner's ungodliness ; but yet questioned whether
ever the Lord would apply this and give this unto me.
7. The Lord made me see that so many as receive
him, he gives power to be the sons of God. And I j ^;
saw the Lord gave me a heart to receive Christ with
a naked hand, even naked Christ ; and so the Lord
gave me peace.
And thus I continued till I was six years' stand- 1025.
ing ; and then went, half a year before I was Master
of Arts, to Mr. Weld's house, 1 at Tarling, in Es-
1 Thomas Welde was educated he went to Ireland with Lord
at Trinity College, Cambridge, Forbes, but came back to England,
where he received the degree of A. and was ejected from his living in
B. in 1613, and of A. M. in 1618. 1662. Whilst in New-England he
He arrived at Boston June 5, 1632, took an active part in the proceed-
and in July was ordained the first ing against Mrs. Hutchinson, and in
minister of the church in Roxbury. 1664 published in London a book
In November following, John Eliot entitled " A Short Story of the
was settled as his colleague. In Rise, Reign and Ruin of the Anti-
1639 he assisted his colleague and nomians, Familists, and Libertines,
Richard Mather in making the New- that infected the Churches of New-
England Version of the Psalms ; England," and the same year a
and in 1641 was sent with Hugh Vindication of the New-England
Peters to England as an agent of Churches. His son Edmund grad-
the Colony. In 1646, when Ed- uated at Harvard College in 1650,
ward Winslow was sent out to an- and was settled in Ireland. Another
swer Gorton's complaint, Peters son, John, was a minister at Riton,
and Weld were dismissed from the in the county of Durham. A third
agency, and desired to return home, son, Thomas, remained in New-
But they both preferred to remain England, whose son Thomas grad-
in England. Weld was afterwards uated at Harvard College in 1671,
settled in the ministry at Gateshead, and was the first minister of Dun-
in the bishoprick of Durham, oppo- stable, N. H. See notes on pages
site Newcastle. Hutchinson says 135 and 365 ; Newcourt's Reperto-
512
THOMAS HOOKER, OF HARTFORD.
CHAP, sex ; where I enjoyed the blessing of his and Mr.
' Hooker's 1 ministry at Chelmesfoord. 2 But before I
526 came there, I was very solicitous what would become
of me when I was Master of Arts ; for then my time
and portion would be spent. But when I came
rium, ii. 578 ; Calamy's Noncon.
Mem. ii. 181 ; Winthrop, i. 77, 82,
258, ii. 25 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i.
98, 149, ii. 492, 504 ; Mass. Hist.
Coll. xxviii. 248.
1 Thomas Hooker, " the Light of
the Western Churches," as Cotton
Mather calls him, and "the father
and pillar of the churches of Con-
necticut," according to Trumbull,
was born at Marefield, in Leicester-
shire, about the year 1586. He
was educated at Emmanuel College,
Cambridge, where he took the de-
gree of A. B. in 1607, and of A. M,
in 1611, and was elected to a fellow-
ship. In 1626 he was chosen lec-
turer at Chelmsford, in Essex. Af-
ter preaching here four years with
great acceptance, he was obliged,
on account of his Nonconformity, to
relinquish his ministry, and set up a
grammar school at Little Baddow,
near Chelmsford, where he had John
Eliot, afterwards the Indian Apostle,
for his usher. Having been cited
before the spiritual court sitting at
Chelmsford, and bound over to ap-
pear before the High Commission,
he judged it prudent to retire into
Holland, where he preached as a
colleague to the celebrated Dr. Ames
of Rotterdam. But hearing that
many of his friends in Essex were
about emigrating to New-England,
he accepted their invitation to ac-
company them as their pastor. For
this purpose he returned to England,
and narrowly escaped arrest by the
pursuivants, and went on board the
ship at the Downs in disguise. In
company with Cotton, Stone, and
Haynes, he arrived at Boston Sept.
4, 1633, and on the llth of October
was chosen pastor of the church at
Newtown, (Cambridge,) Mr. Stone
being chosen teacher. In May, 1636,
he removed with his colleague and
most of his congregation to Hart-
ford, on Connecticut river, where he
remained till he died of an epidemic
disease, July 7, 1647. Winthrop,
speaking of the ravages of this epi-
demic, says, " But that which made
the stroke more sensible and griev-
ous both to them (at Connecticut,)
and to all the country, was the death
of that faithful servant of the Lord,
Mr. Thomas Hooker, pastor of the
church in Hartford, who, for piety,
prudence, wisdom, zeal, learning,
and what else might make him ser-
viceable in the place and time he
lived in, might be compared with
men of greatest note ; and he shall
need no other praise ; the fruits of
his labors in both Englands shall
preserve an honorable and happy re-
membrance of him forever." He
left a widow, Susan. His son Sa-
muel was the second minister of
Farmington, in Connecticut, and
three of his daughters, Joanna, Ma-
ry, and Sarah, married Rev. Tho-
mas Shepard, of Cambridge, Rev.
Roger Newton, the first minister of
Farmington, and Rev. John Wil-
son, of Medfield. See Mather, i.
302; Winthrop, i. 88, 108, 115,
187, ii. 310 ; Morton's Memorial,
p. 237 ; Trumbull's Conn. i. 293 ;
Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 248.
2 Chelmsford, so called from an
ancient ford on the river Chelmer,
near its junction with the Can, is a
county-town near the centre of Es-
sex, 29 miles east-northeast of Lon-
don. It is the great thoroughfare
between London and the towns of
Colchester, Harwich and Braintree,
and the county of Suffolk, and many
parts of Norfolk. Population in
1841, 6789. See Camden's Britan-
nia, p. 346.
DOCTOR WILSON'S LECTURESHIP. 513
thither, and had been there some little season, until CHAP.
XXIV
I was ready to be Master of Arts, one Dr. Wilson 1
had purposed to set up a Lecture, 2 and given <30
per annum to the maintenance of it. And when I
was among those worthies in Essex, where we had
monthly fasts, they did propound it unto me to take
the Lecture, and to set it up at a great town in Es-
sex, called Cogshall ; 3 and so Mr. Weld especially
pressed me unto it, and wished me to seek God
about it. And after fasting and prayer, the minis-
ters in those parts of Essex had a day of humiliation,
and they did seek the Lord for direction where to
place the Lecture ; and toward the evening of that
day they began to consider whether I should go to
Cogshall, or no. Most of the ministers were for it,
because it was a great town, and they did not know
any place [that] did desire it but they. Mr. Hooker
only did object against my going thither ; for being
but young and unexperienced, and there being an
old, yet sly and malicious minister in the town, who
did seem to give way to it to have it there, did
therefore say it was dangerous and uncomfortable for
little birds to build under the nests of old ravens and
kites.
But while they were thus debating it, the town of
1 Perhaps Dr. Edmund Wilson, the ceremonies, and they lectured on
a physician, who was brother of our market-days and Sunday afternoons,
John Wilson, of the First Church, as supplemental to the regular priest,
See note on page 326, and Wood's when he might happen to be idle, or
Fasti Oxon. i. 360, (ed. Bliss.) given to black and white surplices.
2 These Lectures, says Carlyle, They were greatly followed by the
were set up by the wealthy Puri- serious part of the community. See
tans in those parts of the country note 3 on page 70, and Carlyle's
which were insufficiently supplied Cromwell, i. 50, 86-88.
with preachers. The lecturers were 3 Coggeshall (Great) is a market
generally persons who were not in town in Essex, six miles from Brain-
priests' orders, having scruples about tree. Population in 1841, 3408.
33
514 THE LECTURE ESTABLISHED AT EARLS-COLNE.
Earles-Colne, 1 being three miles off from Essex.
.X..X.1 V
- hearing that there was such a Lecture to be given
1626. f ree iy 5 anc i considering that the Lecture might enrich
that poor town, they did therefore, just at this time
of the day, come to the place where the ministers
met, viz. at Tarling, 2 in Essex, and desired that it
might be settled there for three years ; (for no longer
was it to continue in any place, because it was con-
ceived if any good was done, it would be within such
a time ; and then, if it went away from them, the
people in a populous town would be glad to maintain
the man themselves ; or if no good was done, it was
pity they should have it any longer.) And when
they thus came for it, the ministers, with one joint
consent, advised me to accept of the people's call,
and to stay among them if I found, upon my preach-
ing a little season with them, that they still contin-
ued in their desires for my continuance there.
And thus I, who was so young, so weak, and un-
experienced, and unfit for so great a work, was called
out by twelve or sixteen ministers of Christ to the
work ; which did much encourage my heart ; and
for the Lord's goodness herein I shall, I hope, never
forget his love. For I might have been cast away
upon a blind place, without the help of any ministry
about me. I might have been sent to some gentle-
man's house, to have been corrupted with the sins
1 There are four parishes in the is about 35 miles north-east from
archdeaconry of Colchester known by London, and seven north-west from
the name of Colne, so called from Colchester. Population in 1841,
their situation on or near the river 1385. See Newcourt's Reperto-
Colne, distinguished by the several rium, ii. 182 ; Camden's Britannia,
additional names of their respective pp. 350, 358.
lords. The first of these is Colne- 2 Terling is a parish four miles
Comitis, or Earls-Come, so called from Witham. Population in 1841,
from the sepulture there of the earls 921 .
of Oxford, lords of this manor. It
SHEPARD GOES TO EARLS-COLNE. 515
in it. But this I have found ; the Lord was not con- $ A P.
.A..X.1 V .
tent to take me from one town to another, but from ~
the worst town I think in the world to the best place 1626>
for knowledge and learning, viz. to Cambridge.
And there the Lord was not content to give me good
means, but the best means, and ministry, and help of
private Christians ; for Dr. Preston and Mr. Good-
win 1 were the most able men for preaching Christ in
this latter age. And when I came from thence, the
Lord sent me to the best country in England, viz.
to Essex, and set me in the midst of the best minis-
try in the country ; by whose monthly fasts and con-
ferences I found much of God ; and thus the Lord
Jesus provided for me of all things of the best.
So being resolved to go unto Earles-Colne, in Es-
sex, after my commencing Master of Arts, and my 1627.
sinful taking of orders, about a fortnight after, of the
Bishop of Peterborough, viz. B. Dove, 2 1 came to the
1 Thomas Goodwin was an emi- dent of Magdalen College, Oxford,
nent Puritan divine, born at Rollesby, In 1653 he was appointed one of the
in Norfolk, Oct. 5, 1600. He was Triers of preachers, and at the Re-
educated in Christ's College, Cam- storation in 1660 was removed from
bridge, and was a Fellow of Catha- his presidency. Whereupon he re-
rine Hall. In 1628, he was chosen tired to London, and died there Feb.
to succeed Dr. Preston, of whom he 23, 1680, in his 81st year. See
was a great admirer, in the lecture- Wood's Fasti Oxon. ii. 179, (ed.
ship at Trinity Church, Cambridge, Bliss) ; Calamy's Nonconformists'
which he held till 1634, when he Memorial, i. 236 ; Fuller's Church
left the University and relinquished Hist. iii. 447, 461-467.
all his preferments, from unwilling- 2 Dr. Thomas Dove was educated
ness to conform. He remained in in Pembroke Hall, Cambridge. He
retirement till 1638, when he re- was chaplain to Queen Elizabeth,
moved to Holland, and became pas- Dean of Norwich, and in 1600 was
tor of a congregation at Arnheim. made Bishop of Peterborough. He
At the beginning of the Long Par- was a very ornate and florid preach-
liament in 1640, he returned to er ; and Queen Elizabeth, when she
England, and became one of the first heard him, profanely said " she
Assembly of Divines at Westmin- thought the Holy Ghost was de-
ster, being one of the five Dissent- scended again in this Dove" He
ing Brethren, or Congregationalists. died in 1631. See Harington's
He was a favorite of Cromwell, Nugae Antiquae, ii. 206, (ed. Park);
who in 1650 appointed him Presi- Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 368.
516 THE HARLAKENDEN FAMILY.
CHAP, town, and boarded in Mr. Cosins his house, an aged,
~ but godly and cheerful Christian, and schoolmaster
52 7 * in the town, and by whose society I was much re-
freshed, there being not one man else in all the town
that had any godliness but him that I could under-
stand. So having preached upon the Sabbath day
out qf 2 Cor. v. 19, all the town gave me a call, and
set to their hands in writing ; and so I saw God
would have me to be there ; but how to be there,
and continue there, I could not tell. Yet I sinfully
got a license to officiate the cure, of the Bishop of
London's register, 1 before my name was known, and
by virtue of that I had much help.
But when I had been here a while, and the Lord
had blessed my labors to divers in and out of the
town, especially to the chief house in the town, the
Priory, 2 to Mr. Harlakenden's children, where the
Lord wrought mightily upon his eldest son, Mr.
Richard, 3 (now dwelling there,) and afterward on
1 The diocese of London includes son of Roger Harlakenden, Esq.,
Essex. Mountain was at this time who in Sept. 1583, purchased of the
Bishop of the diocese. Earl of Oxford, for the sura of
2 In the time of William the Con- 2000, the manor and park of
queror, Aubrey de Vere, and Beat- Earls-Come, containing 1800 acres
rice his wife, sister of the Conquer- of land. Richard was born Dec. 21,
or, founded in the parish of Earls- 1600, married in May, 1630, Alice,
Colne a small convent or priory, daughter of Henry Mildmay, of
which he dedicated to St. Andrew. Graces, Essex, who was a cousin
Weever, whose book was published of our Gov. Winthrop, and died
in 1631, says that the house was Sept. 4, 1677. His name is men-
standing in his time, converted into tioned in the records of the proprie-
a private dwelling-place, as also the tors of Cambridge under the date of
old chapel, in which had been buried 1632, as one of " Mr. Hooker's or
thirteen earls of Oxford. See New- the Braintree company," the first
court's Repertorium, ii. 183 ; Wee- settlers of that town. Whatever
ver's Funeral Monuments, p. 614 ; rights he may have thus acquired,
Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum, he forfeited by not coming over,
i. 436. Being the eldest son and heir, he
3 Richard Harlakenden was the probably felt it his duty to remain
eldest son of Richard Harlakenden, on his paternal estate, in which re-
a gentleman of ancient family and solution he was doubtless confirmed
good estate, who was the second by his brother's early death in the
SHEPARD'S MODE OF PREACHING. 517
Mr. Roger, 1 who came over with me to New-Eng- CHAP.
AJV.1V.
land, and died here, Satan then began to rage, and
1 fi 9 7
the commissaries, registers, and others, began to
pursue me, and to threaten me, as thinking I was a
non-conformable man, when, for the most of that
time, I was not resolved either way, but was dark in
those things. Yet the Lord, having work to do in
the place, kept me, a poor, ignorant thing, against
them all, until such time as my work was done, by
strange and wonderful means. Notwithstanding all
the malice of the ministers round about me, the Lord
had one way or other to deliver me.
The course I took in my preaching was, first, to
show the people their misery ; secondly, the reme-
dy, Christ Jesus ; thirdly, how they should walk
answerable to his mercy, being redeemed by Christ.
And so I found the Lord putting forth his strength
in my extreme weakness, and not forsaking of me
when I was so foolish, as I have wondered since why
the Lord hath done any good to me and by me.
Colony. See Morant's Hist, of Es- pastor at Newtown, (Cambridge,)
sex, ii. 211 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. where he purchased Deputy-Gov-
10, xxviii. 314, 315. ernor Dudley's estate. He died
1 Roger Harlakenden, the second Nov. 17, 1638, of the small pox,
son, was born Oct. 1, 1611, and aged 27. In his will, which is in
married Elizabeth, daughter of God- the Probate Records of Suffolk, i.
frey Bosseville, Esq., of Gunth- 13, he mentions his estate in Eng-
wayte, in Yorkshire, June 4, 1635, land, " Colne Park, or the Little
two months before he embarked for Lodge." Winthrop says " he was
New-England. He came with Shep- a very godly man, and of good use
ard in the Defence, in Aug. 1635, both in the commonwealth and in the
bringing with him his wife and his church. He was buried with mili-
sister Mabell, born Sept. 27, 1614, tary honor, because he was lieuten-
and who afterwards married John ant colonel. He left behind a vir-
Haynes, Governor of Connecticut, tuous gentlewoman and two daugh-
who had large estates in Essex, and ters. He died in great peace, and
had come over two years before, left a sweet memorial behind him of
Roger Harlakenden was chosen an his piety and virtue." See Win-
Assistant in May, 1636, and was re- throp, i. 278; Mass. Hist. Coll.
elected the two following years, xxviii. 268, 315 ; Newell's Cam-
He settled with his friend and bridge Church-Gath. in 1636, p. 49.
518 LAUD FORBIDS HIM TO PREACH.
CHAP. So the time of three years being expired, the peo-
' pie would not let me go, but gathered about 40
1630. yearly for me ; and so I was intended to stay there,
if the Lord would, and prevailed to set up the Lec-
ture in the town of Towcester, where I was born, as
knowing no greater love I could express to my poor
friends than thus ; and so Mr. Stone, (Dr. Wilson
giving way thereto,) had the Lecture, and went to
Towcester with it, where the Lord was with him.
And thus I saw the Lord's mercy following me to
make me a poor instrument of sending the Gospel to
the place of my nativity.
So when I had preached a while at Earles-Colne,
about half a year, the Lord saw me unfit and unwor-
thy to continue me there any longer ; and so the
Bishop of London, Mountain, being removed to York,
and Bishop Laud, 1 (now Archbishop,) coming in his
place, a fierce enemy to all righteousness, and a man
fitted of God to be a scourge to his people, he pre-
D ec . sently, (having been not long in the place,) sent for
16t me up to London ; and there, never asking me
whether I would subscribe, (as I remember,) but
what I had to do to preach in his diocese, chiding
also Dr. Wilson for setting up this Lecture in his
diocese, after many railing speeches against me, for-
bade me to preach ; and not only so, but if I went to
preach any where else, his hand would reach me.
And so God put me to silence there, which did
somewhat humble me ; for I did think it was for my
sins the Lord set him thus against me.
[I was inhibited from preaching in the diocese of
1 " Our great enemy," as Win- on page 426. See Fuller's Church
throp calls him, ii. 31. See note * Hist. iii. 292, 471-477.
LAUD'S HARSH TREATMENT OF HIM. 519
London by Dr. Laud, bishop of that diocese. As CHAP.
-X.XIV.
soon as I came in the morning, about eight of the
clock, falling into a fit of rage, he asked me what 163 -
degree I had taken in the University. I answered ie.
him I was a Master of Arts. He asked, Of what Col-
lege ? I answered, Of Emmanuel. He asked, how
long I had lived in his diocese. I answered, Three
years and upwards. He asked, who maintained me
all this while, charging me to deal plainly with him ;
adding withal, that he had been more cheated and
equivocated with by some of my malignant faction,
than ever was man by Jesuit. At the speaking of
which words he looked as though blood would have
gushed out of his face, and did shake as if he had
been haunted with an ague fit, to my apprehen-
sion, by reason of his extreme malice and secret
venom. I desired him to excuse me. He fell then
to threaten me, and withal to bitter railing, calling
me all to naught, saying, "You prating coxcomb,
do you think all the learning is in your brain ?' He
pronounced his sentence thus, " I charge you that
you neither preach, read, marry, bury, or exercise
any ministerial function in any part of my diocese ;
for if you do, and I hear of it, I'll be upon your back,
and follow you wherever you go, in any part of the
kingdom, and so everlastingly disenable you.' ; I
besought him not to deal so in regard of a poor town.
And here he stopped me in what I was going on to
say. " A poor town ! You have made a company of
seditious, factious bedlams. And what do you prate
to me of a poor town ? ' I prayed him to suffer me
to catechize in the Sabbath days in the afternoon.
He replied, " Spare your breath. I'll have no such
520 SHEPARD SEES THE SIN OF CONFORMITY.
xxiv ^ e ^ ows P rate m m y diocese. Get you gone ; and
- now make your complaints to whom you will." So
away I went ; and blessed be God that I may go to
Him.] l
Yet when I was thus silenced, the Lord stirred me
up friends. The house of the Harlakendens were so
many fathers and mothers to me ; and they and the
people would have me live there, though I did no-
thing but stay in the place. But remaining about
1631. half a year, after this silencing, among them, the
Lord let me see into the evil of the English ceremo-
nies, cross, surplice, and kneeling. And the Bishop
of London, viz. Laud, coming down to visit, he cited
me to appear before him at the Court at Reldon ; 2
where I appearing, he asked me what I did in the
place ; and I told him I studied. He asked me,
What ? I told him the Fathers. He replied, I might
thank him for that ; yet charged me to depart the
place. I asked him, Whither should I go ? To the
University, said he. I told him I had no means to
subsist there. Yet he charged me to depart the
place.
Now, about this time, I had great desire to change
my estate by marriage ; and I had been praying
three years before, that the Lord would carry me to
such a place where I might have a meet yoke-fellow.
1 This passage included in brack- the Church of England in this day."
ets, is inserted from Prince, page See Laud's character portrayed in
338, who says, " I have by me a Hallam's Const. Hist. i. 450, (4th
manuscript of Mr. Shepard's, writ- ed. London, 1842,) and Macaulay's
ten with his own hand, in which are Essays, i. 241, (Phila. 1843.)
these words." Prince adds, "Thus 2 So in the manuscript, and in
did this bishop, a professed disciple Jacie's Letter, Kddon; both un-
of the meek and lowly Jesus, treat doubtedly errors for Peldon, which
one of the most pious, humble, dili- is a parish in Essex, five miles south
gent and faithful young ministers in by west of Colchester.
WELD IS ARRESTED. 521
And I had a call at this time to go to Yorkshire, to CHAP.
-A_-X.i V .
preach there in a gentleman's house. But I did not
desire to stir till the Bishop tired me out of this 1631 -
place. For the Bishop having thus charged me to
depart, and being two days after to visit at Dun-
mow, 1 in Essex, Mr. Weld, Mr. Daniel Rogers, 2
Mr. Ward, 3 Mr. Marshall, 4 Mr. Wharton, consulted
together whether it was best to let such a swine to
root up God's plants in Essex, and not to give him
some check. Whereupon it was agreed upon pri-
vately at Braintry, 5 that some should speak to him,
and give him a check.
So Mr. Weld and I, travelling together, had some
thoughts of going to New-England. But we did think
it best to go first unto Ireland, and preach there,
and to go by Scotland thither. But when we came
to the church, Mr. Weld stood and heard without,
being excommunicated by him. I being more free,
went within. And after sermon, Mr. Weld went up
to hear the Bishop's speech ; and being seen to fol-
low the Bishop, the first thing he did was to exam-
ine Mr. Weld what he did to follow him, and to
stand upon holy ground. Thereupon he was com-
mitted to the pursuivant, and bound over to answer
1 Dunmow (Great) is a market- Massey. See note 6 on page 112,
town on the western bank of the and note 2 on page 426.
Chelmer, 12 miles from Chelmsford 4 Stephen Marshall was acelebra-
and 38 miles from London. Popu- ted Puritan minister, at Weathers-
lation in 1841, 2792. field, in Essex, and afterwards at
2 Daniel Rogers was the son of Finchingfield, in the same county.
Richard Rogers, of Weathersfield, See Brook's Lives of the Puritans,
mentioned on page 508, and brother iii. 241-254 ; Neal's Puritans, iv.
of Ezekiel Rogers, of Rowley. See 169; Fuller's Worthies, i. 473;
Brook's Lives of the Puritans, iii. Newcourt's Repertorium, ii. 265.
149. 5 Braintree is a market-town in
3 Either old Mr. John Ward, of Essex, forty miles north-east of
Haverhill, or his son Samuel, of London, and eight east of Dunmow.
Ipswich, or Nathaniel, of Standon Population in 1841, 3670.
522 SHEPARD ESCAPES FROM THE PURSUIVANT.
CHAP, it at the High Commission. ' But when Mr. Weld
XXIV
- was pleading for himself, and that it was ignorance
1631. that made him come in, the Bishop asked him whither
he intended to go, whether to New-England, and if
so, whether I would go with him. While he was
thus speaking, I came into the crowd, and heard the
words. Others bid me go away. But neglecting to
do it, a godly man pulled me away with violence out
of the crowd ; and as soon as ever I was gone, the
apparitor calls for Mr. Shepard, and the pursuivant
was sent presently after to find me out. But he that
pulled me away, Mr. Holbeech by name, a school-
master at Felsted, in Essex, hastened our horses,
and away we rid, as fast as we could ; and so the
Lord delivered me out of the hand of that lion a
third time. 1
And now I perceived I could not stay in Colne
without danger ; and hereupon receiving a letter
from Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, 2 then living at Rowly, in
1 The preceding account is inci- answered, Yes. ' And why here
dentally confirmed by a letter dated then ? ' He hoped he had not offend-
Jan 9, 1632, written to John Win- ed. ' But he would make him an
throp, Jr. by Henry Jacie, acelebra- example to all such. Take him,
ted Puritan divine, mentioned by pursuivant.' The pursuivant called
Wood, in his Fasti Oxon. i. 435, Mr. Shepard, and said he would
(ed. Bliss.) He says, " The plague rather have Shepard ; but he esca-
having been lately at Colchester, the ped, and Mr. Weld, by a bond of
Bishop's visit was proprid persona 100 marks, (others bound with him)
at Keldon. There he excommuni- and so fled to Bergen." See Mass,
cated Mr. Weld, who had been sus- Hist. Coll. xxi. 236-238.
pended about a month, and requir- 2 Ezekiel Rogers was the second
ing Mr. Rogers, of Dedham, to sub- son of the venerable Richard Rogers,
scribe there, he refused ; so he sus- the minister of Weathersfield, in
pended him. Mr. Shepard he charg- Essex, and brother of Daniel Ro-
ed to be gone out of his diocese, as gers, mentioned on page 501, who
one that kept conventicles. Mr. succeeded his father in the same
Weld, after excommunication, com- parish. He was born in 1590, and
ing into a church where the Bishop at the early age of thirteen was sent
was visiting, the Bishop spied him, to Cambridge, where took the de-
and called him, and asked him if he gree of A. B. at Bennet College in
were on this side New-England, and 1604, and of A. M. at Christ's in
if he were not excommunicated. He 1608. On leaving the University
HE LEAVES EARLS-COLNE. 523
Yorkshire, to encourage me to come to the knight's CHAP.
house, called Sir Richard Darley, dwelling at a town *
called Buttercrambe, 1 and the knight's two sons, 1631 -
viz. Mr. Henry and Mr. Richard Darley, promising
me 20 a year for their part, and the knight promis-
ing me my table, and the letters sent to me crying
with that voice of the man of Macedonia, " Come
and help us,' : hereupon I resolved to follow the
Lord to so remote and strange a place ; the rather
because I might be far from the hearing of the mali-
cious Bishop Laud, who had threatened me, if I
preached any where. So when I was determined to
go, the gentleman sent a man to me to be my guide
in my journey ; who coming for me, with much grief
of heart I forsook Essex and Earles-Colne, and they
me, going, as it were, now I knew not whither.
he spent five or six years as chap- two wives and all his children, hav-
lain in the family of Sir Francis Bar- ing his house burnt with his furni-
rington, by whom he was presented ture and library, and by a fall from
to the benefice of Rowley, in York- his horse losing the use of his right
shire. Here he remained twenty arm, he died Jan. 23, 1661, aged 70.
years, till he was suspended, as he He was a cousin of the Rev. Na-
says, for refusing to read the Book thaniel Rogers, of Ipswich, and he
of Sports. He came to New-Eng- married for his second wife the
land in 1638, with some twenty fa- daughter of the Rev. John Wilson,
milies of good estate, from York- of Boston. Winthrop speaks of him
shire, and though earnestly solicited as " a man of special note in Eng-
to settle at New Haven, he com- land for his zeal, piety, and other
menced a new plantation between parts, a very wise man, a worthy
Ipswich and Newbury, to which son of a worthy father." In his
was given the name of Rowley, will he left to Harvard College a
from the former place of his resi- reversionary interest in his real es-
dence and ministry. Johnson says, tate, from which the College has
that these Yorkshiremen " were the derived $5000 of its funds. See
first people that set upon making of Winthrop, i. 278, 294, 324, ii. 99,
cloth in the western world ; for 308 ; Mather, i. 369 ; Brook's Puri-
which end they built a fulling-mill, tans, hi. 341 ; Gage's Hist, of Row-
and caused their little ones to be ley, pp. 55-67, 120-134 ; Mass,
very diligent in spinning cotton Hist. Coll. xxvii. 13, xviii. 248.
wool, many of them having been * Buttercrambe is a township in
clothiers in England." He preach- the parish of Bossall, in the north
ed the Election Sermon in 1643, riding of Yorkshire, twelve miles
and also preached before the Synod north-east of York, pleasantly situ-
at Cambridge in 1647. Having ated on the Derwent.
met with many misfortunes in losing
524 HE NARROWLY ESCAPES DROWNING.
CHAP. So as we travelled, (which was five or six davs
XXIV.
- together, near unto winter,) the Lord sent much rain
163L and ill weather, insomuch as the floods were up when
we came near Yorkshire, and hardly passable. At
last we came to a town called Ferrybridge, 1 where
the waters were up and ran over the bridge, for half
a mile together, and more. So we hired a guide to
lead us. But when he had gone a little way, the
violence of the water was such, that he first fell in,
and after him another man, who was near drowning
before my eyes. Whereupon my heart was so smit-
ten with fear of the danger, and my head so dizzied
with the running of the water, that had not the Lord
immediately upheld me, and my horse also, and so
guided it, I had certainly perished that bout. But
the Lord was strong in my weakness ; and we went
on, by some little direction, upon the bridge, and at
last I fell in ; yet in a place where the waters were
not so violent, but I sat upon my horse ; which, be-
ing a very good horse, clambered up upon the bridge
again. But Mr. Barley's man, for fear of me, fell in
also, but came out safe again ; and so we came to
the dry land, where we had a house, and shifted
ourselves, and went to prayer, and blessed God for
this wonderful preservation of us. And the Lord
made me then to profess that I looked now upon my
life as a new life given unto me ; which I saw good
reason to give up unto him and his service. And
truly, about this time, the Lord, that had dealt only
gently with me before, began to afflict me, and to let
me taste how good it was to be under his tutoring.
So I came to York late upon Saturday night ; and
1 Ferrybridge is 20 miles south-southwest of York, on the river Aire.
HE RESIDES IN YORKSHIRE. 525
having refreshed ourselves there, I came to Butter- CHAP.
XXIV
crambe, to Sir Richard's house, that night, very
wet and late, which is about seven miles off from 1631 -
York.
Now as soon as I came into the house, I found
divers of them at dice and tables ; and Mr. Richard
Darley, one of the brothers, being to return to Lon-
don the Monday after, and being desirous to hear me
preach, sent me speedily to my lodging, (the best in
the house,) and so I preached the day after once ;
and then he departed the day after, having carefully
desired my comfortable abode there. But I do re-
member I never was so low sunk in my spirit as
about this time. For, first, I was now far from all
friends. Secondly, I was, I saw, in a profane house,
not any sincerely good. Thirdly, I was in a vile,
wicked town and country. Fourthly, I was un-
known, and exposed to all wrongs. Fifthly, I was
unsufficient to do any work, and my sins were upon
me, &c. ; and hereupon I was very low, and sunk
deep. Yet the Lord did not leave me comfortless ;
for though the lady was churlish, yet Sir Richard
was ingenious, and I found in the house three ser-
vants, (viz. Thomas Fugill, 1 Mrs. Margaret Toute-
ville, 2 the knight's kinswoman, that was afterward
my wife, and Ruth Bushell, who married to Edward
1 Thomas Fugill was one of the out of office, and excommunicated
principal settlers of New-Haven, in from the Church. Soon afterwards
1638, one of the seven pillars of the he returned, it is believed, to Lon-
church there, and the first secretary don." See Trumbull's Conn. i.
of the Colony, with the title of 99, 106 ; Bacon's Historical Disc.
" public notary." Bacon says that pp. 24, 317 ; Kingsley's Hist. Disc,
"in the year 1645, he fell under pp. 83, 163.
censure for having made an incorrect l She was at this time 27 years
record for his own advantage. He old. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii.
was very sternly dealt with, turned 268.
526 HE IS MARRIED.
CHAP. Michelson, 1 ) very careful of me ; which somewhat
.X..X.1 V .
refreshed me.
But it happened, that when I had been there a little
while, there was a marriage of one Mr. Allured, 2
a most profane young gentleman, to Sir Richard's
daughter ; and I was desired to preach at their mar-
riage. At which sermon the Lord first touched the
heart of Mistress Margaret with very great terrors
for sin and her Christ-less estate. Whereupon others
began to look about them, especially the gentlewo-
man lately married, Mrs. Allured ; and the Lord
brake both their hearts very kindly. Then others
in the family, viz. Mr. Allured, he fell to fasting and
prayer and great reformation. Others also were
reformed, and their hearts changed ; the whole fam-
ily brought to external duties, but I remember none
in the town or about it brought home. And thus
the Lord was with me, and gave me favor, and
friends and respect of all in the family ; and the Lord
taught me much of his goodness and sweetness. And
when he had fitted a wife for me, he then gave me
her, who was a most sweet, humble woman, full of
Christ, and a very discerning Christian, a wife who
was most incomparably loving to me, and every way
amiable and holy, and endued with a very sweet
spirit of prayer. And thus the Lord answered my
'desires. When my adversaries intended most hurt
1 Edward Mitchenson and Ruth 2 There was a Colonel Alured,
his wife both came over to New- and some others of the name, from
England, and were members of the Yorkshire, who were somewhat
Church in Cambridge. Their child- conspicuous in the Civil Wars,
ren were Ruth, Bethia, Edward, and See Carlyle's Cromwell, i. 57, ii.
Elizabeth. See Newell's Cambridge 79, 80.
Ch. Gathering in 1636, p. 56.
HE REMOVES TO NORTHUMBERLAND. 527
to me, the Lord was then best unto me, and used me CHAP.
.X. A.1 V .
the more kindly in every place. For the Lord turn
ed all the sons, and Sir Richard, and Mr. Allured,
so unto me, that they not only gave her freely to be
my wife, but enlarged her portion also ; and thus I
did marry the best and fittest woman in the world
unto me, after I had preached in this place about a
twelvemonth. For which mercy to me in my exiled 1632.
condition in a strange place, I did promise the Lord
that this mercy should knit my heart the nearer to
Him, and that his love should constrain me. But I
have ill requited the Lord since that time, and forgot
myself, and my promise also.
But now when we were married, in the year 1632,
she was unwilling to stay at Buttercrambe, and I
saw no means or likelihood of abode there. For
Bishop Neale 1 coming up to York, no friends could
procure my liberty of him, without subscription.
And hereupon the Lord gave me a call to Northum-
berland, to a town called Heddon, five miles beyond
Newcastle. 2 Which when I had considered of, and
saw no place but that to go unto, and saw the people
very desirous of it, and that I might preach there in
peace, being far from any Bishops, I did resolve to
depart thither. And so being accompanied with Mr.
Allured to the place, I came not without many fears
of enemies, and my poor wife full of fears. It was
not a place of subsistence with any comfort to me
1 " Bishop Neile and Bishop 2 Newcastle is the county-town
Laud were a frightfully ceremonial of Northumberland, situated on the
pair of Bishops ; the fountain they left bank of the Tyne, ten miles
of innumerable tendencies to Papis- from the sea, and 273 from London,
tiy and the old clothes of Baby- Population in 1841, 49,860.
Ion ! " See Carlyle's Cromwell, i. 61.
528 HE PREACHES ABOUT NEWCASTLE.
CHAP, there. But the good Lord, who all my life followed
XXiV
- ~ me, made this place the fittest for me ; and I found
1632. man y SW eet friends and Christian acquaintance, Mrs.
Sherbourne maintaining me, and Mrs. Fenwick lend-
ing us the use of her house ; and so God comforted
us in our solitary, and yet married condition, many
ways.
Now when I was here, the Lord blessed my poor
labors both to the saints, and to sundry others about
and in Newcastle ; and I came here to read and
know more of the ceremonies, church government
and estate, and the unlawful standing of Bishops than
in any other place. I lived at Mrs. Fenwick' s house
1633. for a time, about a twelvemonth or half a year, and
then we went and dwelt alone in a town near Hed-
don, called [blank] , in a house wilich we found haunt-
ed with the Devil, as we conceived. For when we
came into it, a known witch went out of it ; and be-
ing troubled with noises four or five nights together,
we sought God by prayer to remove so sore a trial ;
and the Lord heard and blessed us there, and re-
moved the trouble. But after we were settled, the
Bishop put in a priest, who would not suffer me to
preach publicly any more. Hereupon the means was
used to the Bishop of Durham, Bishop Morton ; and
he professed he durst not give me liberty, because
Laud had taken notice of me. So I preached up and
down in the country, and at last privately in Mr.
Fenwick's house. And there I stayed till Mr. Cot-
ton, Mr. Hooker, Stone, Weld, went to New-Eng-
land ; and hereupon most of the godly in England
were awakened, and intended much to go to New-
England. And I having a call by divers friends in
HIS FIRST SON IS BORN. 529
New-England to come over, and many in Old Eng- CHAP.
land desiring me to go over, and promising to go "
with me, I did hereupon resolve to go thither, espe- 1633 -
cially considering the season. And thus the Lord
blessed me in this dark country, and gave me a son,
called Thomas, anno 1633 ; my poor wife being in
sore extremities four days, by reason she had an un-
skilful midwife. But as the affliction was very bitter,
so the Lord did teach me much by it, and I had need
of it ; for I began to grow secretly proud, and full of
sensuality, delighting my soul in my dear wife more
than in my God, whom I had promised better unto ;
and my spirit grew fierce in some things, and secretly
mindless of the souls of the people. But the Lord,
by this affliction of my wife, learnt me to desire to
fear him more, and to keep his dread in my heart.
And so, seeing I had been tossed from the south to
the north of England, and now could go no farther,
I then began to listen to a call to New-England.
The reasons which swayed me to come to New-
England were many. 1. I saw no call to any other
place in Old England, nor way of subsistence in
peace and comfort to me and my family. 2. Divers
people in Old England of my dear friends, desired
me to go to New-England, there to live .together ;
and some went before, and writ to me of providing a
place for a company of us ; one of which was John
Bridge ;* and I saw divers families of my Christian
friends who were resolved thither to go with me.
3. I saw the Lord departing from England when Mr.
1 John Bridge was at Cambridge had a son Matthew. SeeWinthrop,
in 163-2, admitted a freeman March ii. 347, 3r,5 ; Farmer's Genealogi-
4, 1635, a representative in 1637, cal Register ; NewelPs Church-Ga-
and a deacon of the church. He thering at Cambridge, p. 53.
34
530 HIS REASONS FOR GOING TO NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP. Hooker and Mr. Cotton were gone, and I saw the
XXIV
- hearts of most of the godly set and bent that way ;
1633. and I did think I should feel many miseries if I stayed
behind. 4. My judgment was then convinced not
only of the evil of ceremonies, but of mixed commu-
nion, and joining with such in sacraments ; though I
ever judged it lawful to join with them in preaching.
5. I saw it my duty to desire the fruition of all God's
ordinances, which I could not enjoy in Old England.
6. My dear wife did much long to see me settled
there in peace, and so put me on to it. 7. Although
it was true I should stay and suffer for Christ, yet I
saw no rule for it now the Lord had opened a door
of escape. Otherwise, I did incline much to stay and
suffer, especially after our sea-storms. 8. Though
my ends were mixed, and I looked much to my own
quiet, yet the Lord let me see the glory of those lib-
erties in New-England, and made me purpose, if
ever I should come over, to live among God's peo-
ple, as one come out from the dead, to his praise.
Though since I have seen, as the Lord's goodness,
so my own exceeding weakness to be as good as I
thought to have been.
And although they did desire me to stay in the
north, and preach privately, yet, 1. I saw that this
time could not be long without trouble from King
Charles. 2. I saw no reason to spend my time pri-
vately, when I might possibly exercise my talent
publicly in New-England. 3. I did hope my going
over might make them to follow me. 4. I consider-
ed how sad a thing it would be for me to leave my
wife and child (if I should die) in that rude place of
the north, where was nothing but barbarous wicked-
HE RETURNS TO EARLS-COLNE. 531
ness generally, and how sweet it would be to leave CHAP.
4 -A. ^v X V
them among God's people, though poor. 5. My lib
erty in private was daily threatened ; and I thought
it wisdom to depart before the pursuivants came out,
for so I might depart with more peace and lesser
trouble and danger to me and my friends. And I
knew not whether God would have me to hazard my
person, and comfort of me and all mine, for a disor-
derly manner of preaching privately (as it was repu-
ted,) in those parts.
So after I had preached my farewell sermon at
Newcastle, I departed from the north in a ship laden
with coals for Ipswich, about the beginning of June, j un e.
after I had been about a year in the north, the Lord
having blessed some few sermons and notes to divers
in Newcastle, from whom I parted, filled with their
love. And so the Lord gave us a speedy voyage
from thence to Ipswich, 1 in Old England, whither I
came in a disguised manner, 2 with my wife and child
and maid ; and stayed a while at Mr. Russell's 3 house,
another while at Mr. Collins 4 his house, and then
went down to Essex, to the town where I had
preached, viz. Earles-Colne, to Mr. Richard Harla-
kenden's house, where I lived privately, but with
much love from them all, as also from Mr. Joseph
Cooke, 5 and also w r ith friends at London and North-
1 Ipswich, an inland port, and the bridge. See Newell's Cambridge
capital of Suffolk, is situated on the Church-Gathering, pp. 47, 50.
north-eastern banks of the united 4 Perhaps Edward Collins, who
rivers Gipping and Orwell, 69 miles was admitted a freeman May 13,
north-east of London. Population 1640, and was deacon of the church
in 1841,24,940. at Cambridge. See Mather's Mag-
' See note 5 on page 260. nalia, ii. 116 ; Newell's Cam. Ch.
Perhaps John Russell, who was Gath. p. 53; Winthrop, ii. 370;
admitted a freeman at the same time Farmer's Genealogical Register.
with Shepard and Harlakenden, 5 Joseph Cooke came to New-
and was a prominent citizen of Cam- England in 1635 in the same ship
532 HE RESOLVES TO GO TO NEW-ENGLAND.
CHAP, amptonshire. And truly I found this time of my life,
' wherein I was so tossed up and down, and had no
1634. place of settling, but kept secret in regard of the
Bishops, the most uncomfortable and fruitless time,
to my own soul especially, that ever I had in my
life. And therefore I did long to be in New-Eng-
land, as soon as might be ; and the rather because
my wife, having weaned her first son, Thomas, had
conceived again, and was breeding ; and I knew no
place in England where she could lie in, without
discovery of myself, danger to myself and all my
friends that should receive me, and where we could
not but give offence to many, if I should have my
child not baptized. And, therefore, there being
divers godly Christians resolved to go toward the
latter end of the year, if I would go, I did therefore
resolve to go that year, the end of that summer I
came from the north. And the time appointed for
the ship to go out was about a month or fortnight
Sept. before Michaelmas, (as they there call it.) The ship
29 * was called the Hope, of Ipswich. The master of it,
a very able seaman, was Mr. Gurling, who professed
much love to me, who had got this ship, of 400 tons,
from the Danes, and, as some report, it was by some
fraud. But he denied it ; and being a man very
loving and full of fair promises of going at the time
with Shepard, being at that time 27 person of note in Cambridge, and
years old, and settled with his pas- represented that town in the Gene-
tor at Newtown. He and his bro- ral Court for five years, from 1636
ther George, and Samuel Shepard, to 1640. His wife's name was
are registered, in the list of passen- Elizabeth, and his children were Jo-
gers, under the disguised character seph, Elizabeth, Mary, Grace, and
of servants to Roger Harlakenden. Ruth. See Newell's Cam. Church
He was admitted a freeman of the Gath. pp. 47, 49, 52 ; Mass. Hist.
Colony March 3, 1636, with others Coll. xxviii. 268 ; Farmer's Geneal.
of the same company. He was a Register.
HE SAILS FROM HARWICH. 533
appointed, and an able seaman, hence we resolved CHAP.
to adventure that time, though dangerous in regard -
of the approaching winter. 1
Now here the Lord's wonderful terror and mercy
to us did appear. For being come to Ipswich with
my family, at the time appointed, the ship was not
ready, and we stayed six or eight weeks longer than
the time promised for her going ; and so it was very
late in the year, and very dangerous to go to sea. 2
And, indeed, if we had gone, doubtless we had all
perished upon the seas, it being so extreme cold and
tempestuous winter. But yet we could not go back,
when we had gone so far ; and the Lord saw it good
to chastise us for rushing onward too soon, and haz-
arding ourselves in that manner ; and I had many
fears, and much darkness, I remember, overspread
my soul, doubting of our way. Yet, I say, we could
not now go back. Only I learnt from that time never
to go about a sad business in the dark, unless God's
call within as well as that without be very strong,
and clear, and comfortable.
So that in the year 1634, about the beginning of Oct.
the winter, we set sail from Harwich. 3 And having
gone some few leagues on to the sea, the wind stop-
ped us that night, and so we cast anchor in a danger-
ous place, and on the morning the wind grew fierce, 17.
1 " Now one cause of our going 2 Edward Johnson says, that
at this time of winter was, because whilst they were waiting for the
we were persecuted in Old England ship to sail, plots were laid to en-
for the truth of Christ, which we trap and apprehend Shepard and
profess here. We durst not stay Norton. See the account at length
to make ourselves known, which in his Hist, of New-England, ch. 29.
would have been at the baptizing of 3 Harwich is a seaport in Essex,
the child. Hence we hastened for at the mouth of the Stour, having a
New-England." Shepard's Pre- spacious and safe harbour. Popula-
face to this Memoir. tion in 1841, 3289.
534 THE SHIP IS DRIVEN BACK TO YARMOUTH.
CHAP, and rough against us full, and drave us toward the
.X..X.1. V.
sands. But the vessel being laden too heavy at the
head, would not stir for all that which the seamen
Oct.
n. could do, but drave us full upon the sands near Har-
wich harbour ; and the ship did grate upon the sands,
and was in great danger. But the Lord directed one
man to cut some cable or rope in the ship, and so
she was turned about, and was beaten quite back-
ward toward Yarmouth, 1 quite out of our way.
But while the ship was in this great danger, a
wonderful miraculous providence did appear to us.
For one of the seamen, that he might save the ves-
sel, fell in when it was in that danger, and so was
carried out a mile or more from the ship, and given
for dead and gone. The ship was then in such dan-
ger, that none could attend to follow him ; and when
it was out of the danger, it was a very great hazard
to the lives of any that should take the skiff to seek
to find him. Yet it pleased the Lord, that being
discerned afar off floating upon the waters, three of
the seamen adventured out upon the rough waters,
and at last, about an hour after he fell into the sea,
(as we conjectured,) they came and found him float-
ing upon the waters, never able to swim, but sup-
ported by a divine hand all this while. When the
men came to him, they were glad to find him, but
concluded he was dead, and so got him into the skiff,
and when he was there, tumbled him down as one
dead. Yet one of them said to the rest, "Let us
use what means we can, if there be life, to preserve
it;' and thereupon turned his head downward for
1 Yarmouth (Great) is a seaport mouth of the Yare. Population in
in the county of Norfolk, at the 1841, 24,086.
A TERRIBLE STORM. 535
the water to run out. And having done so, the fel- CHAP.
XXIV.
1634.
low began to gasp and breathe. Then they applied
other means they had ; and so he bes:an at last to
Oct.
move, and then to speak, and by that time he came i?.*
to the ship, he was pretty well, and able to walk.
And so the Lord showed us his great power. Where-
upon a godly man in the ship then said, "This man's
danger and deliverance is a type of ours ; for he did
fear dangers were near unto us, and that yet the
Lord's power should be shown in saving of us."
For so, indeed, it was. For the wind did drive
us quite backward out of our way, and gave us no
place to anchor at until we came unto Yarmouth
roads an open place at sea, yet fit for anchor-
age, but otherwise a very dangerous place. And so
we came thither through many uncomfortable haz-
ards, within thirty hours, and cast anchor in Yar-
mouth roads. Which when we had done, upon a
Saturday morning, the Lord sent a most dreadful and is.
terrible storm of wind from the west, so dreadful that
to this day the seamen call it Windy Saturday ; that
it also scattered many ships on divers coasts at that
time, and divers ships were cast away. One among
the rest, which was the seaman's ship who came
with us from Newcastle, was cast away, and he and
all his men perished. But when the wind thus
arose, the master cast all his anchors ; but the storm
was so terrible, that the anchors broke, and the ship
drave toward the sands, where we could not but be
cast away. Whereupon the master cries out that we
were dead men, and thereupon the whole company
go to prayer. But the vessel still drave so near to
the sands, that the master shot off two pieces of ord-
536 THEY CUT DOWN THE MAINMAST.
CHAP, nance to the town, for help to save the passengers.
The town perceived it, and thousands came upon
4 * the walls of Yarmouth, and looked upon us, hearing
is.' we were New-England men, and pitied much, and
gave us for gone, because they saw other ships per-
ishing near unto us at that time ; but could not send
any help unto us, though much money was offered
by some to hazard themselves for us.
So the master not knowing what to do, it pleased
the Lord that there was one Mr. Cock, a drunken
fellow, but no seaman, yet one that had been at sea
often, and would come in a humor unto New-Eng-
land with us ; whether it was to see the country, or
no, I cannot tell. But sure I am, God intended it
for good unto us, to make him an instrument to save
all our lives ; for he persuaded the master to cut
down his mainmast. The master was unwilling to it,
and besotted, not sensible of ours and his own loss. 1
At last this Cock calls for hatchets, tells the master,
" If you be a man, save the lives of your passengers,
cut down your mainmast.' Hereupon he encour-
aged all the company, who were forlorn and hopeless
of life ; and the seamen presently cut down the mast
aboard, just at that very time 'wherein we all gave
ourselves for gone, to see neither Old nor New Eng-
land, nor faces of friends any more, there being near
upon two hundred passengers in the ship. And so
when the mast was down, the master had one little
anchor left, and cast it out. But the ship w r as driven
1 Edward Johnson, in his Hist, of ship was bewitched, and therefore
New-England, chap. 29, says that made use of the common charm ig-
" the master and other seamen made norant people use, nailing two red-
a strange construction of the sore hot horse-shoes to their mainmast."
storm they met withal, saying the See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 141.
THE WIND ABATES. 537
away toward the sands still ; and the seamen came CHAP-
XXIV
to us, and bid us look, pointing to the place, where "
our graves should shortly be, conceiving also that 1634 -
the wind had broke off this anchor also. So the
master professed he had done what he could, and
therefore now desired us to go to prayer. So Mr.
Norton 1 in one place, and myself in another part of
the ship, he with the passengers, and myself with the
mariners above decks, went to prayer, and committed
our souls and bodies unto the Lord that gave them.
Immediately after prayer, the wind began to abate,
and the ship stayed. For the last anchor was not
broke, as we conceived, but only rent up with the
wind, and so drave, and was drawn along, plough-
1 John Norton was born at Star- for the Colony, returned in Septem-
ford, in Hertfordshire, May 6, 1606, her, and died very suddenly on Sun-
and was educated, at Peter House, day, April 5, 1663, in his 57th year.
Cambridge, where he took the de- He was an accomplished scholar
gree of A. B. in Hi23, and of A. and theologian, as his writings
M. in 1627. He was for a time cu- show. He wrote a Life of his pre-
rateofthe church at Starford, and decessor, John Cotton; a treatise
afterwards chaplain to Sir William against the doctrines of the Quakers,
Masham, at High Lever, in Essex, entitled The Heart of New-England
But, like the other non-conformists Rent; an Answer to the heretical
of that day, he was so harassed by book of Pynchon, mentioned on page
the bishops and the pursuivants, that 283, and several other works, both
he resolved to emigrate to America, in English and Latin. In reference
After escaping, with his wife, from to one of the latter, Fuller, the
the storm mentioned in the text, he English Church historian says, "Of
returned to his friends in Essex, and all the authors I have perused con-
the next year embarked again, in cerning the opinions of these dis-
the same ship with Edward Wins- senting brethren, (the Congrega-
low, and arrived at Plymouth in tionalists,) none to me was more in-
October, 1635. Here he preached formative than Mr. John Norton,
through the winter, and the church one of no less learning than modes-
were very desirous of retaining him. ty , minister in New-England , in his
But he preferred to settle in the Answer to Apollonius, pastor in the
Massachusetts Colony, and in 1636 church of Middleburgh." He left
was ordained the second minister of a widow, Mary, but no children.
Ipswich. On the death of John See Winthrop, i. 175 ; Mather, i.
Cotton he was chosen to succeed 261-275 ; Morton's Memorial, page
him as teacher of the church in Bos- 298; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 219-
ton, and was installed colleague 223 ; Emerson's Hist, of the First
with Wilson July 23, 1656. In Church in Boston, pp. 88-98; Felt's
Feb. 1662, he was sent to England, Ipswich, p. 221 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
with Simon Bradstreet, as an agent xxviii. 248 ; Fuller, Hi. 467.
538 THE SHIP RIDES OUT THE STORM.
CHAP, ing the sands with the violence of the wind ; which
XXIV
' abating after prayer, though still very terrible, the
1634. s hip was stopped just when it was ready to be swal-
18. lowed up of the sands, a very little way off from it.
And so we rid it out ; yet not without fear of our
lives, though the anchor stopped the ship ; because
the cable was let out so far, that a little rope held
the cable, and the cable the little anchor, and the
little anchor the great ship, in this great storm. But
when one of the company perceived that we were so
strangely preserved, had these words, " That thread
we hang by will save us ;' for so we accounted of
the rope fastened to the anchor in comparison of the
fierce storm. And so indeed it did, the Lord show-
ing his dreadful power towards us, and yet his un-
speakable rich mercy to us, who, in depths of mercy,
heard, nay helped us, when we could not cry through
the disconsolate fears we had, out of these depths of
seas, and miseries.
This deliverance was so great, that I then did
think, if ever the Lord did bring me to shore again,
I should live like one come and risen from the dead.
This is one of those living mercies the Lord hath
shown me, a mercy to myself, to my wife and child
then living, and to my second son, Thomas, who was
in this storm, but in the womb of his dear mother,
who might then have perished, and been cut off from
all hope of means and mercy ; and unto my dear
friends then with me, viz. brother Champney, 1
1 Richard Champney came to Nov. 26, 1669. His wife's name
New-England, and was at Cam- was Jane, and his children were
bridge in 1635, was admitted a Esther, Samuel, Lydia, and Daniel,
freeman May 25, 1636, and was a See NewelPs Cambridge Church-
ruling-elder of the church in Cam- Gathering, pp. 48,50, 52 ; Farmer's
bridge in February, 1637. He died Genealogical Register.
SHEPARD LANDS AT YARMOUTH. 539
Frost, 1 Goff, 2 and divers others, most dear saints ; CHAP.
.2v-X.1V.
and also to all with me. And how would the name ~
of the Lord [have] suffered, if we had so perished. 1634 -
Oct
That the Lord Jesus should have respect to me, so 18.'
vile, and one at that time full of many temptations
and weaknesses, amazed [me] much, and deeply
afraid of God's terror, yet supported. I desire this
mercy may be remembered of my children, and their
children's children, when I am dead, and cannot
praise the Lord in the land of the living any more.
And so we continued that night, many sick, many
weak and discouraged, many sad hearts. Yet upon
the Sabbath morning we departed and went out of 19.
the ship ; I fear a little too soon, for we should have
spent that day in praising of Him. Yet we were
afraid of neglecting a season of providence in going
out while we had a calm ; and many sick folk were
unfit for that work, and had need of refreshing at
shore. So, upon the Sabbath-day morning, boats
came to our vessel from the town ; and so my dear
wife and child went in the first boat. But here the
Lord saw that these waters were not sufficient to
wash away my filth and sinfulness, and therefore he
cast me into the fire, as soon as ever I was upon the
sea, in the boat ; for there my first-born child, very
precious to my soul, and dearly beloved of me, was
1 Edmund Frost was admitted a 2 Edward Goffe was made a free-
freeman with Shepard's company man May 25, 1626, was a represent-
March 3, 1636, and was a ruling- ative in 1646 and 1650, and died
elder of the church in Cambridge. Dec. 26, 1658. His children by his
He died in 1672. His wife's name first wife, Joyce, were Samuel and
was Thomasine, and his children Lydia, and by his second wife, Mar-
were John, Samuel, Joseph, James, garet, were Deborah, Hannah, and
Mary, Ephraim, Thomas, and Sa- Abiah. See Newell, pp. 48, 49,
rah. See Newell, pp. 47, 48, 50, 52. 50, 54 ; Farmer's Gen. Reg.
540 HIS CHILD DIES.
CHAP, smitten with sickness. The Lord sent a vomiting:
XXIV.
- ~ upon it, whereby it grew faint ; and nothing that we
1634. could use could stop its vomiting, although we had
19." many helps at Yarmouth. And this was a very bit-
ter affliction to me ; and the Lord now showed me
my weak faith, want of fear, pride, carnal content,
immoderate love of creatures, and of my child espe-
cially, and begat in me some desires and purposes to
fear his name. But yet the Lord would not be en-
treated for the life of it, and after a fortnight's sick-
ness, at last it gave up the ghost, when its mother
had given it up to the Lord, and was buried at Yar-
mouth ; where I durst not be present, lest the pur-
suivants should apprehend me and I should be dis-
covered j 1 which was a great affliction, and very
bitter to me and my dear wife. And hereby I saw
the Lord did come near to me, and I did verily fear
the Lord would take away my wife also, if not my-
self, not long after.
And these afflictions, together with the Lord's
crossing us and being so directly against our voyage,
made me secretly willing to stay and suffer in Eng-
land ; and my heart was not so much toward New-
England. Yet this satisfied me, that seeing there
was a door opened of escape, why should I suffer,
and I considered how unfit I was to go to such a
good land, with such an unmortified, hard, dark, for-
mal, hypocritical heart ; and therefore no wonder if
1 Scottow, in his " Narrative of them both, (Shepard and Norton,)
the Planting of the Massachusetts but to seize their persons. But how
Colony," after describing the above strangely preserved, is not unknown
storm, says, page 15, " The next to some of us; though the house was
day they all landed safe ; and as beset by them, whenas they were
soon as ashore, two vipers designed at a pious meeting, then called a
not only to leap upon the hands of conventicle."
HE SPENDS THE WINTER IN NORFOLK. 541
the Lord did thus cross me. And the Lord made CHAP.
XXIV
me fear my affliction came in part for running too far
in a way of separation from the mixed assemblies in
England ; though I bless God I have ever believed
that there are true churches in many parishes in
England, where the Lord sets up able men and min-
isters of his Gospel, and I have abhorred to refuse
to hear any able minister in England.
So that now, I having buried my first-born, and
being in great sadness, and not knowing where to
go nor what to do, the Lord sent Mr. Roger Harla-
kenden and my brother, Samuel Shepard, 1 to visit me
after they had heard of our escape at sea ; who much
refreshed us, and clave to me in my sorrows. And
being casting about where to go and live, Mr. Bridge,
then minister in Norwich, sent for me to come and
live with him ; and being come, one Mrs. Corbet,
who lived five miles off Norwich, an aged, eminent,
godly gentlewoman, hearing of my coming, and that
by being with Mr. Bridge might hazard his liberty
by countenancing of me, she did therefore freely
offer to me a great house of hers, standing empty, at
a town called Bastwick ; 2 and there the Lord stirred
up her heart to show all love to me, which did much
lighten and sweeten my sorrows. And I saw the
Lord Jesus' care herein to me, and saw cause of
trusting him in times of straits, who set me in such a
1 Samuel Shepard came over with Ireland. His wife's name was
his brother, being at that time 22 Hannah, and his daughter Jane re-
years old, and settled at Cambridge, mained here. See Newell, pp. 47,
In 1639 he was one of the superin- 50, 54 ; Farmer's Genealog. Reg. ;
tendents for erecting the first col- Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 268.
lege-building at Cambridge. He 2 Bastwick, a hamlet in the parish
returned to England after 1645, and of Repps, in the county of Norfolk.
in 1658 was a major, and living in
542 HIS SECOND SON IS BORN.
CHAP, place ; where I lived for half a year, all the winter
* long, among and with my friends, (Mr. Harlakenden
1634. dwelling with me, and bearing all the charge of
housekeeping,) and far from the notice of my ene-
mies ; where we enjoyed sweet fellowship one with
another, and also with God, in a house which was
fit to entertain any prince for fairness, greatness and
pleasantness.
Here the Lord hid us all the winter long ; and
1 635. when it was fit to travel in the spring, we went up to
London, Mr. Harlakenden not forsaking me all this
while ; for he was a father and mother to me. And
when we came to London, to Mrs. Sherborne, not
knowing what to do nor where to live privately, the
Lord provided a very private place for us ; where
my wife was brought to bed and delivered of my
second son, Thomas, and none but our friends did
know of it. And so, by this means, my son was not
baptized until we came to New-England, the winter
April following, being born in London, April 5, 1635.
One remarkable deliverance my wife had when we
were coming up to London. Mr. Burrow r es, the
minister, kindly entertained us about a fortnight in
the way ; and when my wife was there, being great
with child, she fell down from the top of a pair of
stairs to the bottom. Yet the Lord kept her, and
the child also, safe from that deadly danger.
When we had been also at London for a time, and
began to be known in the place, my wife was brought
to bed. The Lord put it into our hearts to remove
to another place in Mr. Eldred's 1 house, in London,
1 Alured, called also Aired or Aldred. See page 526, and Carlyle's
Cromwell, i. 57.
HE SAILS FOR NEW-ENGLAND. 543
which stood empty ; and the very niffht we were all CHAP.
"VVTV
come away, then came the pursuivants and others to ~
search after us. But the Lord delivered us out of 1635 -
their hands. And so, when the Lord had recovered
my wife, we began to prepare for a removal once
again to New-England. And the Lord seemed to
make our way plain. 1. Because I had no other
call to any place in England. 2. Many more of
God's people resolved to go with me, as Mr. Roger
Harlakenden and Mr. Champney, &LC. 3. The Lord
saw our unfitness and the unfitness of our going the
year before. And therefore giving us good friends
to accompany us, and good company in the ship, we
set forward about the 10th of August, 1635, with Aug.
myself, wife, and my little son Thomas, and other *
precious friends, having tasted much of God's mercy
in England, and lamenting the loss of our native
country, when we took our last view of it. 1
In our voyage upon the sea, the Lord was very
tender of me, and kept me from the violence of sea-
sickness. In our coming we were refreshed with
the society of Mr. Wilson, 2 [and] Mr. Jones, 3 by their
faith, and prayers, and preaching. The ship 4 we
came in was very rotten, and unfit for such a voyage ;
1 He embarked in disguise, under he died about 1664, being over 70
the assumed name of his brother years of age. His son John gradu-
" John Shepard, husbandman." ated at Harvard College in 1643,
See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 268, and a daughter married Thomas,
276. son of Rev. Peter Bulkley, went
1 Rev. John Wilson, of Boston, with her father to Fan-field, and died
See note 3 on page 325. about 1652. See Winthrop, i. 169,
3 Rev. John Jones, who was col- 189, 217 ; Shattuck's History of
league with Peter Bulkley at Con- Concord, pp. 153, 160 ; TrumbulPs
cord about eight years, having been Conn. i. 280.
ordained pastor April 6, 1637, and 4 Her name was the Defence, of
then removed with part of his church London, C apt. Thomas Bostock.
to Fairfield, in Connecticut, where See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 268.
544 HE ARRIVES AT BOSTON.
CHAP, and therefore the first storm we had, we had a very
XXIV
- great leak, which did much appall and affect us. Yet
less. t ne Lord discovered it unto us when we were think-
ing of returning back again, and much comforted our
hearts. We had many storms ; in one of which my
dear wife took such a cold, and got such weakness,
as that she fell into a consumption, of which she
afterward died. And also the Lord preserved her,
with the child in her arms, from imminent and ap-
parent death. For by the shaking of the ship in a
violent storm, her head was pitched against an iron
bolt, and the Lord miraculously preserved the child
and recovered my wife. This was a great affliction
to me, and was a cause of many sad thoughts in the
ship, how to. behave myself when I came to New-
England. My resolutions I have written down in my
little book.
And so the Lord, after many sad storms and wea-
risome days, and many longings to see the shore,
the Lord brought us to the sight of it upon October
Oct. 2, anno 1635 ; and upon October the 3d, w r e arriv-
o
ed, with my wife, child, brother Samuel, 1 Mr. Har-
lakenden, Mr. Cookes, 2 &c. at Boston, with rejoicing
in our God after a longsome voyage; 3 my dear wife's
great desire being now fulfilled, w r hich was to leave
me in safety from the hand of my enemies, and
1 His younger brother, mentioned tain, and commanded the troops sent
on page 500, who was at this time to arrest Gorton and his company in
22 years of age, and who, as well 1643, was speaker of the House of
as the Cookes, came in the assumed Deputies in 1645, and was after-
character of servants to Roger Har- wards a colonel under Cromwell, in
lakenden. See Mass. Hist. Coll. Ireland. See Newell's Cam. Ch.
xxviii. 268, 273. Gath. pp. 47, 50 ; Winthrop, ii.
2 Joseph Cooke, mentioned in note 53, 137, 142; Mass. Hist. Coll.
6 on page 53 1 , had a brother George, xvii. 55, xxviii. 268.
who accompanied him, and who set- 3 Their passage was fifty-four
tied in Cambridge. He was a cap- days, from Aug. 10.
HE SETTLES AT CAMBRIDGE. 545
among God's people, and also the child under God's CHAP.
A.-X.1V .
precious ordinances. 1
Now when we came upon shore, we were kindly
UCt.
saluted and entertained by many friends, and were
the first three days in the house of Mr. Cottington, 2
being Treasurer at that time, and that with much
love.
When we had been here two days, upon the Mon-
day, October 5, we came, (being sent for by friends 5.
at Newtown,) to them, to my brother Mr. Stone's
house. And that congregation being upon their re-
moval to Hartford, at Connecticut, myself and those
that came with me, found many houses empty, and
many persons willing to sell ; and hence our compa-
ny bought off their houses to dwell in, until we
should see another place fit to remove unto. But
having been here some time, divers of our brethren
did desire to sit still, and not to remove farther ;
partly, because of the fellowship of the churches ;
partly, because they thought their lives were short,
and removals to new plantations full of troubles ;
partly, because they found sufficient for themselves
and their company. Hereupon there was a purpose
to enter into church fellowship, which we did the 1636.
year after, about the end of the winter ; 3 a fortnight Feb -
after which my dear wife Margaret died, being first 15 .
received into church fellowship ; which as she much
1 The child was baptized Februa- Discourse on the Cambridge Church-
ry 7, 1636. Gathering in 1636, delivered in the
2 William Coddington. See note l First Church of Cambridge, Feb. 22,
on page 337. 1846, by William Newell, Pastor of
1 It was on February 1st, 1636, the Church." The next year, 1H37,
old style, according to Winthrop, Shepard preached the Election Ser-
corresponding to Feb. llth of new mon and offered the prayer at the
style. See a graphic and beautiful opening of the Synod at Cambridge,
description of this transaction in "A See Winthrop, i. 179, 221, 237.
35
546 TROUBLES FROM THE FAMILISTS.
CHAP, longed for. so the Lord did so sweeten it unto her,
XXIV.
* ~ that she was hereby exceedingly cheered, and com-
1636. f or t ec i w ith the sense of God's love, which continued
until her last gasp.
No sooner were we thus set down and entered
into church fellowship, but the Lord exercised us
and the whole country with the opinions of Fami-
lists ; begun by Mrs. Hutchinson, 1 raised up to a
May great height by Mr. Vane, too suddenly chosen
25< Governor, and maintained too obscurely by Mr.
Cotton, and propagated too boldly by the members
of Boston, and some in other churches. By means
of which division by these opinions, the ancient and
received truth came to be darkened, God's name
to be blasphemed, the churches' glory diminished,
many godly grieved, many wretches hardened, de-
ceiving and being deceived, growing worse and
worse. The principal opinion and seed of all the
rest was this, viz. that a Christian should not take
any evidence of God's special grace and love toward
him by the sight of any graces, or conditional evan-
gelical promises to faith or sanctification, in way of
ratiocination, (for this was evidence, and so a w r ay
of works,) but it must be without the sight of any
grace, faith, holiness, or special change in himself,
by immediate revelation in an absolute promise.
And because that the whole Scriptures do give such
clear, plain, and notable evidences of favor to per-
sons called and sanctified, hence they said that a
second evidence might be taken from thence, but
1 See note l on page 360.
A SYNOD AT CAMBRIDGE. 547
no first evidence. But from hence it arose, that as CHAP.
XXIV
all error is fruitful, so this opinion did gender above
a hundred monstrous opinions in the country. Which 1636 -
the elders perceiving, having used all private broth-
erly means with Mr. Cotton first, and yet no healing,
hereupon, they publicly preached both against opin-
ions publicly and privately maintained. And I ac-
count it no small mercy to myself, that the Lord
kept me from that contagion, and gave me any heart
or light to see through those devices of men's heads ;
although I found it a most uncomfortable time to live
in contention ; and the Lord was graciously pleased,
by giving witness against them, to keep this poor
church spotless and clear from them.
This division in the Church began to trouble the
Commonwealth. Mr. Wheelwright, a man of a bold
and stiff conceit of his own worth and light, preached 1637.
(as the Court judged,) a seditious sermon, 1 stirring 2 a n /
up all sorts against those that preached a covenant
of works ; meaning all the elders in the country
that preached justification by faith, and assurance
of it by sight of faith, and sanctification, being
enabled thereto by the spirit. The troubles thus
increasing, and all means used for crushing and
curing these sores, a Synod was thought of and
called, from the example Acts xv. ; wherein, by the
help of all the elders joined together, those errors,
1 This sermon, the text of which blank page, that " it was left in the
was from Matth. ix. 15, has never hands of Mr. John Coggeshall, who
been printed ; but the larger part of was a deacon of the church in Bos-
the original manuscript, being the ton." A perfect copy of this ser-
last thirty-three pages, is preserved mon is contained in the first volume
in the archives of the Massachusetts of the Hutchinson manuscripts, be-
Historical Society. A compara- longing to the same Society. See
tively modern hand has written on a Winthrop, i. 215.
548 RESULT OF THE SYNOD.
CHAP, through the grace and power of Christ, were discov-
^v^vl V
ered, the defenders of them convinced and ashamed,
1637 the truth stablished, and the consciences of the
saints settled ; there being a most wonderful pres-
ence of Christ's spirit in that Assembly, held at
Aug. Cambridge anno 1637, about August, and continued
a month together, in public agitations. 1 For the
issue of this Synod was this :
1. The Pekoat Indians were fully discomfited.
For as the opinions arose, wars did arise ; and when
these began to be crushed by the ministry of the
elders, and by opposing Mr. Vane, and casting him
and others from being magistrates, the enemies be-
gan to be crushed, and were perfectly subdued by
the end of the Synod.
Nov. 2. The magistrates took courage, and exiled Mr.
Wheelwright, Mrs. Hutchinson, and divers Islanders,
whom the Lord did strangely discover, giving most
of them over to all manner of filthy opinions, until
many that held with them before, were ashamed of
them. And so the Lord, within one year, wrought
a great change among us.
At this time I cannot omit the goodness of God
as to myself, so to all the country, in delivering us
from the Pekoat furies. These Indians were the
stoutest, proudest, and most successful in their wars
of all the Indians. Their chief sachem was Sasakus,
a proud, cruel, unhappy, and headstrong prince ;
who, not willing to be guided by the persuasions
of his fellow, an aged sachem, Monanattuck, nor
fearing the revenge of the English, having first
1 See Sparks's American Bio- i. 237-241 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i.
graphy, xvi. 249-260 ; Winthrop, 67-69.
WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. 549
sucked the blood of Captain Stone and Mr. Oldham, 1 CHAP.
1 ^-V-tV..!. \ m
found it so sweet, and his proceedings for one whole > -
winter so successful, that having besieged and killed 1637 -
about four men that kept Seabrook fort, he adven-
tured to fall upon the English up the river at
Wethersfield, where he slew nine or ten men, April
women, and children at unawares, and took two
maids prisoners, carrying them away captive to the
Pekoat country. Hereupon, those upon the river
first gathered about seventy men, and sent them
into [the] Pekoat country, to make that the seat
of war, and to revenge the death of those innocents,
whom they barbarously and most unnaturally slew.
These men marched two days and nights from the May
way of the Naraganset unto Pekoat, being guided 5 24 -
by those Indians, then the ancient enemies of the
Pekoats. They intended to assault Sasakus's fort ;
but falling short of it the second night, the provi-
dence of God guided them to another, nearer, full of
stout men, and their best soldiers, being, as it were,
cooped up there, to the number of three or four
hundred in all, for the divine slaughter by the hand
of the English. These, therefore, being all night 25
making merry, and singing the death of the English
the next day, toward break of the day, being very 26
heavy with sleep, the English drew near within the
sight of the fort, very weary with travel and want
of sleep ; at which time five hundred Naragansets
fled for fear, and only two of the company stood
to it to conduct them to the fort, and the door and
entrance thereof. The English being come to it,
1 See pages 363 and 364.
550 THE PEQUOTS SUBDUED.
CHAP, awakened the fort with a peal of muskets, directed
XXIV
'. into the midst of their wigwams ; and after this,
1637. some undertaking to compass the fort without, some
2 g y adventured into the fort, upon the very faces of the
enemy, standing ready with their arrows ready bent
to shoot whoever should adventure. But the Eng-
lish, casting by their pieces, took their swords in
their hands, (the Lord doubling their strength and
courage,) and fell upon the Indians ; when a hot
fight continued about the space of an hour. At
last, by the direction of one Captain Mason, their
wigwams were set on fire ; which being dry, and
contiguous one to another, was most dreadful to the
Indians ; some burning, some bleeding to death by
the sword, some resisting till they were cut off;
some flying were beat down by the men without ;
until the Lord had utterly consumed the whole
company, except four or five girls they took prison-
ers, and dealt with them at Seabrooke as they dealt
with ours at Wethersfield. And 't is verily thought,
scarce one man escaped, unless one or two to carry
forth tidings of the lamentable end of their fellows.
And of the English not one man was killed, but one
by the musket of an Englishman, as was conceived.
Some were wounded much ; but all recovered, and
restored again. 1
Thus the Lord having delivered the country from
war with Indians and Familists, (who arose and fell
1636. together,) he was pleased to direct the hearts of the
S g pt< magistrates, (then keeping Court ordinarily in our
town, because of these stirs at Boston,) to think of
1 See page 364, and note 2 on page 306.
HARVARD COLLEGE FOUNDED. 551
erecting a School or College, and that speedily, to CHAP.
be a nursery of knowledge in these deserts, and ~
supply for posterity. 1 And because this town, 1636 -
then called Newtown, was, through God's great
care and goodness, kept spotless from the contagion
of the opinions, therefore, at the desire of some
of our town, the Deputies of the Court, having got
Mr. Eaton 2 to attend the School, the Court, for that
and sundry other reasons, determined to erect the
College here. 3 Which was no sooner done, but the 1637.
1 " After God had carried us safe management of the funds. For his
to New-England, and we had build- cruel treatment of his usher, Bris-
ed our houses, provided necessaries coe, he was dismissed from office,
for our livelihood, reared conven- sentenced by the Court to pay a fine
lent places for God's worship, and of twenty marks, and to pay Bris-
settled the civil government, one of coe =20. After this sentence, the
the next things we longed for and church at Cambridge excommuni-
looked after, was to advance learn- cated him. He went first to Pisca-
ing, and perpetuate it to posterity ; taqua, afterwards to Virginia, and
dreading to leave an illiterate min- then to England, where he lived
istry to the churches, when our pre- privately till the Restoration, then
sent ministers shall lie in the dust, conformed, and was settled at Bid-
And as we were thinking and con- deford, where he persecuted the
suiting how to effect this great work, Nonconformists, and at last died in
it pleased God to stir up the heart prison, where he had been put for
of one Mr. Harvard, a godly gentle- debt." See Winthrop, i. 308;
man and a lover of learning, there Mather, ii. 8 ; Hutchinson's Mass.
living amongst us, to give the one half i. 91.
of his estate, it being in all about 3 Edward Johnson says, "For
X'1700, towards the erecting of a place, they fix their eye upon New-
College, and all his library. After town, which, to tell their posterity
him another gave JE300 ; others whence they came, is now named
after them cast in more ; and the Cambridge ; and withal, to make
public hand of the State added the the whole world understand that
rest." New-England's First Fruits, spiritual learning was the thing they
p. 12, (London, 1643.) chiefly desired, to sanctify the other,
2 Nathaniel Eaton, brother of and make the whole lump holy, and
Theophilus Eaton, of New Haven, that learning, being set upon its
was admitted a freeman June 9, right object, might not contend for
1638. He had been educated under error instead of truth, they chose
Dr. Ames in Holland, and was this place, being then under the
known to Mr. Hooker whilst there, orthodox and soul-flourishing minis-
who says "he did not approve of try of Mr. Thomas Shepard ; of
his spirit, and feared the issue of whom it may be said, without any
his being received here." He was wrong to others, the Lord by his
intrusted not only with the educa- ministry hath saved many a hundred
tion of the students, but with the souls." Mass. Hist. Coll, xvii. 27.
552 JOHN HARVARD, OF CHARLESTOWN.
CHAP, chief of the magistrates and elders sent to England
to desire help to forward this work. But they all
1638. ne gi ec ting us, in a manner, the Lord put it into the
Sept. heart of one Mr. HARVARD, 1 who died worth 1600,
to give half his estate to the erecting of the School.
The man was a scholar, and pious in his life, and
enlarged towards the country and the good of it,
in life and death.
But no sooner was this given, but Mr. Eaton,
(professing eminently, yet falsely and most deceit-
fully, the fear of God,) did lavish out a great part
of it, and being for his cruelty to his scholars,
1639. especially to one Briscoe, 2 as also for some other
wantonness in life, not so notoriously known, driven
1640. the country, the Lord, about a year after, graciously
17?' made up the breach by one Mr. Dunstar, 3 a man
1 Of JOHN HARVARD little is not above thirty, supposing he en-
known. In 1628, he entered Em- tered college between his seven-
manuel College, Cambridge, where teenth and twentieth year. Froth-
he took the degree of A. B. in 1631, ingham makes it probable that his
and of A. M. in 1635. He was widow married the Rev. Thomas
admitted an inhabitant of Charles- Allen, of Charlestown. His library
town Aug. 6, 1637, " with promise consisted of 260 volumes, a cata-
of such accommodations as we best logue of which is preserved, though
can ; " was made a freeman Nov. 2 ; the books were destroyed in the fire
was admitted, with his wife Anna, of 1764. On the 6th of Sept.
a member of the church at Charles- 1828, a monument of granite, a
town Nov. 6 ; and " was sometime solid obelisk, fifteen feet high and
minister of God's word here," as four square at the base, was erected
assistant to the Rev. Zechariah to the memory of Harvard in the
Symmes. There is no account, burying-ground at Charlestown ; on
however, of his ordination. The which occasion an eloquent address
town records state that he had a was delivered by Edward Everett,
lot of land assigned him in 1637, now President of the College which
and the next year his share in an- he founded. See Winthrop, ii.
other allotment was a third larger 88, 342 ; Mather, ii. 7 ; Everett's
than Mr. Symmes's. He was ap- Orations, p. 163 ; Frothingham's
pointed, April 26, 1638, one of a Charlestown, p. 74 ; Budington's
committee "to consider of some Charlestown Church, pp. 44, 182,
things tending towards a body of 247; Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 16, 28,
laws," and had a grant of three xxviii. 248, 249.
and a half feet of ground for a 2 See an account of this in Win-
portal to his house. He died of a throp, i. .308.
consumption Sept. 14, 1638, aged 3 Henry Dunster is placed by Cot-
HENRY DTJNSTER, OF CAMBRIDGE. 553
pious, painful, and fit to teach, and very fit to lay CHAP.
the foundations of the domestical affairs of the Col- - ~
lege ; whom God hath much honored and blessed. 1640.
The sin of Mr. Eaton was at first not so- clearly
discerned by me. Yet, after more full information,
I saw his sin great, and my ignorance, and want
of wisdom, and watchfulness over him, very great ;
for which I desire to mourn all my life, and for the
breach of his family,
ton Mather among- the ministers of 1654, he resigned his president-
his "first class," that is, such as ship." On leaving Cambridge, he
were in the actual exercise of the retired to Scituate, where he was
ministry when they left England, employed in the ministry till his
But neither he, nor Morton, nor any death, Feb. 27, 1659. Mather re-
other writer, mentions the place of marks, that "he died in such har-
his ministry or birth. He was edu- mony of affection with the good
cated at Emmanuel College, Cam- men who had been the authors of
bridge, where he received the de- his removal from Cambridge, that
gree of A. B. in 1630, and of A. M. he, by his will, ordered his body to
in 1634. He arrived in New-Eng- be carried unto Cambridge for its
land in 1640, and was admitted a burial, and bequeathed legacies to
freeman June 2, 1641. The au- those very persons." Morton says,
thor of New-England's First Fruits that " his body was embalmed, and
(1643) says, "Over the College is removed to Cambridge, and there
Master Dunster placed, as Presi- honorably buried." The Corpora-
dent, a learned, conscionable, and tion of the College have lately taken
industrious man." Edward John- measures to erect a monument to
son (165*2) speaks of him as "one his memory on the spot where he
fitted from the Lord for the work, is supposed to have been buried, as
and by those that have skill that indicated by the ruins of a former
way, reported to be an able profi- monument, on which no traces of
cient in both Hebrew, Greek and an inscription remain. Dunster re-
Latin languages." He remained vised and polished the New-Eng-
in office fourteen years, till, as land version of the Psalms, which
Mather says, " his unhappy en- had been translated in 1640, by
tanglement in the snares of Ana- Eliot, Weld, and Mather, as men-
baptism filled the Overseers with tioned on page 511. His wife
uneasy fears lest the students by Elizabeth was the widow of the
his means should come to be en- Rev. Jesse Glover, who died on his
snared. Wherefore they labored passage to New-England in 1639 ;
with an extreme agony either to and he had three sons ; David, born
rescue the good man from his own May 16, 1645, Henry, born in 1650,
mistakes, or to restrain him from and Jonathan, born in 1653. See
imposing them upon the hope of Mather, i. 366, ii. 8, 10 ; Morton's
the flock. Of both which finding Memorial, p. 283 ; Deane's Scitu-
themselves to despair, they did as ate, p. 179 ; Peirce's Hist, of Har-
quietly as they could procure his vard Univ. p. 7 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
removal. Their uneasiness was so xvii. 25, 31, xxviii. 248; Farmer's
signified unto him that on Oct. 24, Genealogical Register.
554 SHEPARD MARRIES HOOKER'S DAUGHTER.
CHAP. But thus the Lord hath been very good unto me,
.X..X.1 V.
in planting the place I live in with such a mercy
164 * to myself, such a blessing to my children and the
country, such an opportunity of doing good to many
by doing good to students, as the School is.
After this, I fell sick after Mr. Harlakenden's
death, my most dear friend, and most precious ser-
vant of Jesus Christ. And when I was very low,
and my blood much corrupted, the Lord revived me,
and after that took pleasure in me, to bless my
labors, that I was not altogether useless nor fruitless ;
and not only to speak by me to his people, but
likewise to print my Notes upon the Nine Principles,
I intended to proceed on with in Yorkshire, but
never intended them, or imagined they should be
for the press. Yet six of them being finished in
Old England, and printed, and the other three de-
sired, I finished (the Lord helping,) those at Cam-
bridge ; and so sent them to England, where they
also are printed ; which I do not glory in, (for I
know my weakness,) that my name is up by this
means, but that the Lord may be pleased to do some
good by them there in my absence. For I have
seen the Lord making improvement of my weak
abilities as far as they could reach, and of myself
to the utmost ; which I desire to bless his name
forever for.
The year after those wars in the country, God
having taken away my first wife, the Lord gave me
a secon d> the eldest daughter of Mr. Hooker, 1 a
blessed store ; and the Lord hath made her a great
1 Her name was Joanna. See Farmer's Gen. Reg., art. Shepard.
TWO OF HIS CHILDREN DIE. 555
blessing to me to carry on matters in the family
with much care and wisdom, and to seek the Lord
God of her father.
The first child I had by her, being a son, died
through the weakness of the midwife, before it saw
the sun, even in the very birth. The second, whom 1641.
the Lord I bless hath hitherto spared, viz. my little
Samuel, 1 is yet living. The third son, viz. my son
John, after sixteen weeks, departed, on the Sabbath
day morning, a day of rest, to the bosom of rest, to
Him who gave it ; which was no small affliction and
heart-breaking to me, that I should provoke the
Lord to strike at my innocent children for my sake.
The Lord thus afflicting, yet continued peace to
the country, that amazing mercy, when all England
and Europe are in a flame. The Lord hath set me
and my children aside from the flames of the fires in
Yorkshire and Northumberland, whence if we had
not been delivered, I had been in great afflictions
and temptations, very weak and unfit to be tossed
up and down, and to bear violent persecution. The
Lord therefore hath showed his tenderness to me
and mine, in carrying me to a land of peace, though
a place of trial ; where the Lord hath made the
savage Indians, (who conspired the death of all the
English by Miantinomo upon a sudden, if Uncas 1643.
could have been cut off first, who stood in their
1 He was born in October, 1641, the death of his colleague, he says,
and was brought up, I believe, in "Little Sam. Shepard is well."
the family of his grandfather Hook- He was ordained at Rowley Nov.
er, at Hartford. In an unpublished 15, 1665, the third minister of that
letter that 1 have seen, written by town, and died April 7, 1668, aged
Samuel Stone of Hartford, and 26. See Gage's History of Rowley,
dated July 19, 1647, in which he pp. 19, 74.
gives a very affecting account of
556 HIS SECOND WIFE DIES.
CHAP, way, 1 and determined an open war upon us by the
> ~ privy suggestions of some neutral English on the
5 * Island,) 2 to seek for peace from us upon our own
26. terms, without bloodshed, August 26, 1645.
But the Lord hath not been wont to let me live
long without some affliction or other ; and yet ever
1646 mixed with some mercy. And therefore, April the
April 2d, 1646, as he gave me another son, John, so he
took away my most dear, precious, meek, and loving
wife, in child-bed, after three weeks' lying-in ; hav-
ing left behind her two hopeful branches, my dear
children, Samuel and John. This affliction was very
heavy to me ; for in it the Lord seemed to with-
draw his tender care for me and mine, which he
graciously manifested by my dear wife ; also refused
to hear prayer, when I did think he would have
hearkened and let me see his beauty in the land of
the living, in restoring of her to health again ; also,
in taking her away in the prime time of her life,
when she might have lived to have glorified the
Lord long ; also, in threatening me to proceed in
rooting out my family, and that he would not stop,
having begun here, as in Eli, for not being zealous
enough against the sins of his sons. And I saw that
if I had profited by former afflictions of this nature,
I should not have had this scourge. But I am the
Lord's, and He may do with me what he will. He
did teach me to prize a little grace, gained by a
cross, as a sufficient recompense for all outward
losses.
1 See Winthrop, ii. 131-134 ; 2 I suppose he means Gorton and
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 136, 138 ; his company.
Hazard's State Papers, ii. 7-9.
HER CHARACTER. 557
But this loss was very great. She was a woman CHAP.
XXIV.
of incomparable meekness of spirit, toward myself "
especially, and very loving; of great prudence to 1646
take care for and order my family affairs, being
neither too lavish nor sordid. in anything, so that
I knew not what was under her hands. She had an
excellency to reprove for sin, and discern the evils
of men. She loved God's people dearly, and [was]
studious to profit by their fellowship, and therefore
loved their company. She loved God's word ex-
ceedingly, and hence was glad she could read my
notes, which she had to muse on every week. She
had a spirit of prayer, beyond ordinary of her time
and experience. She was fit to die long before she
did die, even after the death of her first-born, which
was a great affliction to her. But her work not
being done then, she lived almost nine years with
me, and was the comfort of my life to me ; and the
last sacrament before her lying-in, seemed to be full
of Christ, and thereby fitted for heaven. She did
oft say she should not outlive this child ; and when
her fever first began, by taking some cold, she told
me so, that we should love exceedingly together,
because we should not live long together. Her
fever took away her sleep ; want of sleep wrought
much distemper in her head, and filled it with
fantasies and distractions, but without raging. The
night before she died, she had about six hours'
unquiet sleep. But that so cooled and settled her
head, that when she knew none else, so as to speak
to them, yet she knew Jesus Christ, and could speak
to him ; and therefore, as soon as she awakened out
of sleep, she brake out into a most heavenly, heart-
558 THOMAS SHEPARD'S MEMOIR.
CHAP, breaking prayer, after Christ, her dear Redeemer,
' for the spirit of life, and so continued praying until
1646 - the last hour of her death, "Lord, though I [am]
unworthy, Lord, one word, one word," &c. ; and
so gave up the ghost.
Thus God hath visited and scourged me for my
sins, and sought to wean me from this world. But
I have ever found it a difficult thing to profit even
but a little by the sorest and sharpest afflictions. 1
1 Shepard remained pastor of the from Thomas Shepard, of Cam-
church at Cambridge till his death, bridge. See Mather, i. 343-357,
Aug. 25, 1649, in the forty-fourth ii. 75, 100, 118, 125; Fuller's
year of his age. He is described Hist. Cambridge, p. 206 ; Hazard's
as "a poor, weak, pale-complec- State Papers, ii. 17 ; Budington's
tioned man." Edward Johnson Hist, of Charlestown Church, pp.
speaks of him as "that gracious, 54,81,219; Lewis's Lynn, p. 194 ;
sweet, heavenly-minded and soul- Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 152, xxviii.
ravishing minister, Mr. Shepard; " 248, 268.
and Fuller classes him among "the
learned writers of Emmanuel Col- The preceding Memoir is printed
lege." After the death of his sec- from the original manuscript, in
ond wife, he married a third, Mar- the hand-writing of Thomas Shep-
garet Boradel, by whom he had ard. It is evident that it was used
one son, Jeremiah, who became the by Mather in writing the Life of
minister of Lynn, Oct. 6, 1680. him in the Magnalia. In 1750, it
After his death, she married his was in the possession of Samuel
successor in the church at Cam- Blake, and, in 1768, of James
bridge, the Rev. Jonathan Mitchell. Blake, the author of the Annals
Shepard 's eldest son, Thomas, was of Dorchester ; from whom it de-
ordained pastor of the church in scended to the Rev. James Blake
Charlestown, April 13, 1659, in Howe, of Claremont, N. H., who
which place he was succeeded by presented it to the Shepard Con-
his son Thomas, May 5, 1680. gregational Society in Cambridge,
Samuel, as has been already stated for whose use it was transcribed
on page 555, was settled in the and printed in 1832. By the kind-
ministry at Rowley, Nov. 15, 1665. ness of the Rev. John A. Albro,
Anna, the daughter of the first the minister of that Society, I have
Thomas Shepard, of Charlestown, been favored with the loan of the
was married, in 1682, to Daniel manuscript, and been permitted to
Quincy. They had one son, named reprint it, in a much more accurate
John Quincy, born July 21, 1689, and attractive form. Although the
whose daughter Elizabeth married spelling has been modernized, and
William Smith, the minister of the punctuation corrected, not a
Weymouth, and his daughter, Abi- single word of the original has been
gail, married the first President altered or omitted, whilst several
Adams, and was the mother of John passages, left out in the first pub-
Quincy Adams, who is thus a de- lication of the Memoir, are now
scendant, in the sixth generation, inserted.
INDEX.
A.
Aberginians, the, 374, 386.
Abigail, the, 43, 79. See Gauden.
Abousett river, in Lynn, 169, 407.
Adams, John, President, his opinion concern-
ing the treatment of the Indians, 160.
Adams, Thomas, one of the Massachusetts
Company, 47, 53, 59, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73,
74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 86, 87, 90, 92,
93,94,97,98,99, 101,106,107,109, 113,119,
120, 174, 289.
Adventurers, the merchant, abandon their
enterprise, 11, 25. The beaver trade to be
reserved to the, 96, 114, 148, 262. Articles
of agreement between the planters and the,
100, 102. Privileges of the old, 115. Pri-
vate, 151. Names of the, 174.
Agamenlicus, Mount, 472.
Agawam,307. Sagamore of, 307. Described,
410. See Ip&icich, and Masconnomo.
Agreement, at Cambridge, England, 86,
279-284.
Air of New-England, 251.
Alcock, George, death of his wife, 314. No-
tice of him, 314.
Aldersey, Samuel, 68, 71, 72, 79, 81, 82, 83,
84, 87, 92, 94, 101, 102, 106, 117, 124, 174.
Aldworth, Robert, 362. See Monhegan.
Allerton, Isaac, 132, 486. Agent of the Ply-
mouth Colony, 333.
Allin, John, Rev., 340.
Allotment of land, 69, 73, 74-77, 154, 174,
197-200, 384.
Alured, Mr., 526, 527, 542 ; and Colonel, 526.
Ambrose, the, 127, 137, 310.
Ames, William, Rev., 512. His wife and
children come to New England, 134.
Anabaptists, 288.
Andrews, Richard, a benefactor of the Mas-
sachusetts Colony, 81.
Andrews, Thomas, 79, 90. Notice of him, 81.
Angel Gabriel, the, 453, 457, 458, 459, 460,
461. At anchor in King Road, 450, 451.
Cast away, 478.
Antinomian Controversy, 258, 360, 546. Best
account of the, 360.
Apparel for the Colonists, 40, 266.
Aquethneck, Rhode Island, 323.
Arbella, the, 93, 125, 127, 137, 262, 298, 310.
Archer, John, Kev., 112, 12 
