Skip to main content

Full text of "Chronicles of the Pilgrim fathers of the colony of Plymouth, from 1602-1625"

See other formats 


NYPL  RESEARCH  LIBRARIES 


3  3433  08176357  9 


'■^yxM, 


-^ecnc^    lt)(l^ 


ZA 


^ 


»w-- 


_„«il' 


/    ^    3    "9  L  PLYM-OUTH  COLONY. 


CHRONICLES 


OF 


THE    PILGRIM   FATHERS 


OF 

THE  COLONY  OF  PLYMOUTH, 

FROM  1602  TO  1625. 

NOW  FIRST  COLLECTED  FROM  ORIGINAL  RECORDS  AND  CONTEMPORANEOUS 
PRINTED  DOCUMENTS,  AND  ILLUSTRATED  WITH  NOTES 


By  ALEXANDER  YOUNG. 


'  Gentis  cunabula  i.o-Lte. 
'  The  mother  of  us  a'l.' 


BOSTON: 

CHARLES  C.  LITTLE  AND  JAMES  BROWN. 


MDCCCXLI. 

7V\  XC 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1841, 
By  Alexander  Young, 
,  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  tlie  District  of  Massachusetts. 


'fAL 


•  *  • 


boston: 

printed  by  freeiman  anx3  bolles, 

washington  street. 


TO 


THE    HONORABLE 


WILLIAM    PRESCOTT,    LL.D. 


IN  TOKEN  OF  HIGH  ESTEEM 


AND    SINCERE    REGARD, 


THIS  VOLUME 


IS    RESPECTFULLY    INSCRIBED 


BY  HIS  OBLIGED  FRIEND 


AND    PASTOR. 


PREFACE. 


This  volume  will  be  found  to  contain  an  authentic 
History  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  who  planted  the  Colony 
of  Plymouth,  from  their  origin  in  John  Robinson's  con- 
gregation in  1602,  to  his  death  in  1625,  written  by 
themselves.  Some  account  of  the  nature  of  these 
Chronicles,  and  of  the  circumstances  which  led  to  their 
compilation  in  this  form,  may  not  be  unacceptable  to 
the  reader. 

It  is  well  known  to  those  who  are  familiar  with  the 
early  history  of  New  England,  that  William  Bradford, 
the  second  governor  of  Plymouth,  wrote  a  History  of 
that  People  and  Colony  from  1602  to  1647,  in  270 
folio  pages  ;  which  was  used  by  Morton  in  compiling 
his  Memorial,  by  Hutchinson  in  writing  his  History  of 
Massachusetts,  and  by  Prince  in  digesting  his  Annals 
of  New  England.  The  manuscript  of  this  valuable 
work,  being  deposited  with  Prince's  library  in  the 
tower  of  the  Old  South  Church  in  this  city,  disap- 
peared in  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  when  this  church 


yj  PREFACE. 


was  occupied  by  the  British  troops,  and  has  long  since 
been  given  up  by  our  historians  as  lost.  The  most 
important  part  of  this  lost  History  I  have  had  the  good 
fortune  to  recover.  On  a  visit  at  Plymouth,  a  few 
years  since,  I  found  in  the  records  of  the  First  Church 
a  narrative,  in  the  hand-writing  of  Secretary  Morton, 
which,  on  comparing  it  with  the  large  extracts  in 
Hutchinson  ^  and  Prince,"  1  recognised  as  the  identical 
History  of  Governor  Bradford ;  a  fact  put  beyond  all 
doubt  by  a  marginal  note  of  Morton  at  the  beginning 
of  it,  in  which  he  says,  "  This  was  originally  penned 
by  Mr.  William  Bradford,  governor  of  New  Plymouth." 
This  fact  of  the  real  authorship  of  the  document  seems 
to  have  escaped  the  observation  of  all  who  had  pre- 
ceded me  in  examining  the  records,  such  as  Judge 
Davis,  Mr.  Bancroft,  and  even  of  Hazard,  who  attri- 
butes it  expressly  to  Nathaniel  Morton.^  Hazard 
copied  and  printed  the  larger  part  of  it,  as  a  work  of 
Morton's,  in  his  valuable  collection  of  State  Papers, 
though  in  a  very  incomplete  and  inaccurate  form,  not 
being  able  always  to  decipher  the  cramped  and  abbre- 
viated characters  in  which  it  is  written,  and  being 
frequently  obliged  to  leave  blank  spaces  in  his  page. 

'  By  comparing  the  second  chapter  in  this  volume  with  the  first  article 
in  Hutchinson's  Appendix,  ii.  449-451,  which  he  quotes  from  Bradford, 
it  will  be  found  that  they  agree  nearly  word  for  word. 

'  The  extracts  in  Prince  are  too  numerous  to  be  referred  to ;  the  prin- 
cipal are  on  pages  114,  120,  128, 130,  140-145,  147,  155,  160. 

"  Hazard's  State  Papers,  i.  349. 


PREFACE.  yjj 

By  the  favor  of  the  Plymouth  Church  I  was  permitted 
to  make  a  new  transcript  of  this  very  important  paper, 
the  entire  accuracy  of  which  has  been  secured  by  its 
careful  collation  with  another  copy  made  by  the  Rev. 
William  P.  Lunt,  of  Quincy,  who  kindly  favored  me 
with  the  loan  of  it.  The  value  of  this  document  de- 
pends upon  its  authorship,  and  cannot  be  over-esti- 
mated. It  takes  precedence  of  every  thing  else  relat- 
ing to  the  Pilgrims,  in  time,  authority,  and  interest. 
It  will  be  found  to  contain  a  detailed  history  of  their 
rise  in  the  north  of  England,  their  persecutions  there, 
their  difficult  and  perilous  escape  into  Holland,  their 
residence  in  that  hospitable  land  for  twelve  years,  the 
causes  which  led  to  their  emigration,  and  the  means 
which  they  adopted  to  transport  themselves  to  Ame- 
rica. 

The  next  document  is  Bradford's  and  Winslow's 
Journal  of  the  first  settlement  of  the  Colony,  containing 
a  minute  diary  of  events  from  the  arrival  of  the  May- 
flower at  Cape  Cod,  November  9,  1620,  to  the  return 
of  the  Fortune,  December  11,  1621.  This  document 
joins  on  to  the  former,  making  a  continuous  narrative. 
It  was  printed  in  London  in  1622,  with  a  Preface  signed 
by  G.  MouRT,  and  has  since  been  usually  cited  as 
Mourt's  Relation.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  notes  on 
pages  113  and  115  of  this  volume,  that  Mourt  was 
probably  George  Moiton,  the  father  of  Nathaniel,  the 
Secretary,  then  resident  in  England,  that  he  had  no 


Y^-j  PREFACE. 


hand  in  writing  the  Journal,  but  that  it  was  actually 
written  by  Bradford  and  Winslow,  a  circumstance 
which  gives  to  it  new  value  and  interest,  and  confers 
on  it  the  highest  authority.  In  1625  this  Relation 
was  abridged  by  Purchas,  and  printed  in  the  fourth 
volume  of  his  Pilgrims.  This  abridgment,  comprising 
only  about  half  of  the  original,  and  abounding  with 
errors,  was  reprinted  in  1802  in  the  eighth  volume  of 
the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Soci- 
ety. In  1 822,  after  an  interval  of  twenty  years,  the 
portions  omitted  by  Purchas  were  reprinted  in  the 
nineteenth  volume  of  the  same  Collections,  from  a 
manuscript  copy  of  the  original  edition,  made  at  Phil- 
adelphia. The  transcriber,  however,  omitted  some 
important  passages,  and  committed  many  errors  in 
copying.  The  parts  of  the  work  being  thus  disjointed, 
and  printed  in  separate  volumes,  rendered  the  reading 
of  it  extremely  difficult  and  repulsive.  The  present 
is  the  only  correct  and  legible  reprint  that  has  been 
made  since  the  appearance  of  the  original  in  1622. 

The  third  paper  is  Robert  Cushman's  Discourse, 
delivered  at  Plymouth  in  November,  1621,  reprinted 
from  an  old  copy  in  the  library  of  the  American  Anti- 
quarian Society. 

The  fourth  document  is  Edward  Winslow's  Relation, 
entitled  "Good  News  from  New  England,"  which  takes 
up  the  narrative  where  it  was  left  off  by  the  former 
Journal,  and  brings  it  down  to  September  10,  1623. 


PREFACE.  jj^ 

This  book  was  printed  in  London  in  1624,  was 
abridged  by  Purchas  in  the  same  way  as  the  former 
Relation,  was  reprinted  in  the  same  fragmentary  man- 
ner by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  in  1802, 
and  the  omissions  in  a  separate  volume  in  1822.  It  is 
now  reprinted  for  the  first  time  entire,  and  in  a  legible 
form,  from  the  original  London  edition,  for  which,  as 
well  as  for  the  original  of  Bradford's  and  Winslow's 
Journal,  I  am  indebted  to  the  rich  library  of  Harvard 
College. 

Next  in  order  is  Edward  Winslow's  "  Brief  Narra- 
tion of  the  true  grounds  or  cause  of  the  first  planting 
of  New  England,"  which  was  printed  at  London  in 
1646,  at  the  end  of  his  Answer  to  Gorton.  No  copy 
of  this  rare  book  is  known  to  exist  in  this  country. 
The  manuscript  from  which  I  print  was  kindly  copied 
for  me  by  the  Rev.  George  E.  Ellis,  of  Charlestown, 
from  the  printed  volume  in  the  British  Museum.  In 
this  paper  we  have  the  original  of  Robinson's  cele- 
brated farewell  address  to  the  Pilgrims  at  Ley  den,  and 
several  facts  relating  to  them  not  recorded  elsewhere. 

The  sixth  paper  is  a  Dialogue,  written  by  Governor 
Bradford,  which  has  never  before  appeared  in  print. 
A  fragment  of  it,  written  with  his  own  hand,  I  found 
among  the  manuscripts  in  the  cabinet  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society ;  but  the  entire  work  I  ob- 
tained from  the  records  of  the  First  Church  in  Ply- 
mouth, into  which  it  was  copied  by  Secretary  Morton. 


^  PREFACE. 

The  next  document  is  a  Memoir  of  Elder  Brewster, 
written  by  Governor  Bradford  as  part  of  his  History, 
and  also  copied  by  Morton  into  the  Church  records. 

The  volume  closes  wdth  some  letters  of  John  Robin- 
son, and  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden  and  Plymouth, 
procured  from  the  records  of  the  Plymouth  Church  and 
from  Governor  Bradford's  Letter  Book. 

The  value  of  these  contemporaneous  documents 
cannot  be  overstated.  They  are  the  earliest  chronicles 
of  New  England.  We  have  here  the  first  book  of  our 
history,  written  by  the  actors  themselves.  We  should 
esteem  it  a  fortunate  circumstance,  a  peculiar  privi- 
lege, that  we  thus  have  the  whole  story  of  the  origin 
of  this  earliest  of  our  northern  colonies  in  the  very 
words  of  the  first  planters.^  In  authority  and  import- 
ance nothing  can  exceed  them  ;  and  1  feel  that  I  have 
been  engaged  in  a  useful  as  well  as  interesting  labor 
in  collecting  together  and  illustrating  these  scattered 
memorials  of  the  Fathers.  The  notes  will  be  found  to 
be  copious  and  various,  touching  upon  all  points,  and 
in  all  cases  referring  to  authorities  from  which  the 
statements  may  be  verified,  and  fuller  information  be 
obtained.  Considering  myself  as  engaged  in  erecting 
another  monument  to  the  memory  of  the  Pilgrims,  I 
have  spared  neither  labor  nor  expense  in  endeavouring 
to  render  the  w^ork   accurate  and  complete.     If  the 

'  "  Quis  est  autem,  quem  non  moveat  clarissirais  moaumentis  testata 
consigaataque  antiquitas  ?  "     Cicero  de  Divinatione,  lib.  i.  40. 


PREFACE.  xi 

reader  shall  derive  from  its  perusal  the  same  satisfac- 
tion which  I  have  found  in  its  compilation,  I  shall  feel 
myself  abundantly  remunerated  for  this  labor  of  love. 

Regarding  these  documents  as  the  only  authentic 
chronicles  of  those  times,  I  have  considered  all  devia- 
tions from  them  in  subsequent  writers  as  errors,  and 
when  they  have  fallen  under  my  notice,  I  have  not 
scrupled  to  point  them  out.  In  this  I  have  no  other 
object  in  view  than  historical  accuracy  ;  and  accord- 
ingly for  whatever  errors  I  may  have  fallen  into,  I  shall 
hold  myself  equally  obnoxious  to  criticism. 

The  portrait  of  Governor  Winslow  at  the  beginning 
of  the  volume,  so  beautifully  engraved  by  House,  is  an 
accurate  copy  of  the  original  picture  painted  in  Lon- 
don in  1651,  in  his  57th  year.  This  picture,  the  only 
portrait  that  w^e  have  of  any  of  the  Pilgrims,  has  been 
handed  down  in  the  family  ever  since  it  was  painted, 
one  hundred  and  ninety  years  ago,  and  was  kept  till 
within  a  few  years  at  the  seat  of  the  Winslows,  in 
Marshfield.  It  is  now  the  property  of  Mr.  Isaac  Wins- 
low,  of  Boston,  the  only  surviving  male  descendant  of 
the  Governor,  by  whose  kindness  I  have  been  permit- 
ted to  have  it  engraved,  and  who  has  deposited  it,  with 
other  portraits  of  his  ancestors,  in  the  hall  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Historical  Society.  The  coat  of  arms  was 
probably  painted  at  the  same  time  with  the  picture, 
and  has  always  been  an  heirloom  in  the  family.  The 
fac-simile  of  Winslow's  signature  w^as  copied  from  a 


PREFACE. 
Xll 


letter  ^vrittcn  by  him  to  Governor  Winthrop,  from  his 
scat  at  «  Careswell,  this  17th  of  the  last  month,  1639." 
The  original  is  in  the  archives  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  and  it  was  printed  by  Hutchinson 
in  his  Collection  of  Original  Papers,  page  110. 

The  map  of  Plymouth,  on  page  160,  is  copied  by 
permission,  on  an  enlarged  scale,  from   the  accurate 
map  of  the  State,  now  in  preparation  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Simeon  Borden,  Esq.,  and  the  map  of  Cape 
Cod,  on  page  116,  is  partly  reduced  from  Major  Gra- 
ham's beautiful  chart,  and  partly  composed  from  recent 
surveys  made  for  the  State  map.     The  engraving  of 
the  Mayflower  on  page  108  is  copied  from  one  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh's  ships  in  De  Bure,  and  is  a  correct 
representation  of  the  vessels  of  that  day.     The  chairs 
of  Winslow,  Carver,  and  Brewster,  are  faithfully  drawn 
from  the  originals,  the  first  of  which  is  preserved  in 
the  Hall  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and 
the  last  two  in  the  Pilgrim  Hall,  at  Plymouth.     The 
seal  of  the  Colony  is  taken  from  the  title-page  of  the 
Book  of  the  General  Laws  of  New  Plymouth,  printed 
in  1685.     Judge  Davis  says,  "  it  originated  probably 
in  Mr.  Cushman's  advice  to  Governor  Bradford  in  a 
letter  from  England,  Dec.  18,   1624:      'Make  your 
corporation  as  formal  as  you  can,  under  the  name  of  the 
Society  in  Plymouth  in  New  England.'     Of  this  seal 
the  Colony  was   deprived  in   the   rapacious  days  of 
Andros.     On  a  return  to  the  old  paths,  the  Governor 


PREFACE.  Xiii 

was  requested  to  procure  its  restoration.  If  this  appli- 
cation were  successful,  the  seal  has  since  been  lost." 

In  regard  to  the  minuteness  of  some  of  the  particu- 
lars recorded  in  the  ensuing  pages,  no  better  apology 
can  be  offered  than  that  of  the  Roman  annalist : 
"  Pleraque  eorum  quas  referam  parva  forsitan  et  levia 
memoratu  videri,  non  nescius  sum.  Non  tamen  sine 
usu  fuerit  introspicere  ilia,  primo  adspectu  levia,  ex  quis 
magnarum  sa^pe  rerum  motus  oriuntur."'  — "  If  any 
tax  me  for  wasting  paper  with  recording  these  small 
matters,  such  may  consider  that  small  commonwealths 
bring  forth  matters  of  small  moment ;  the  reading 
whereof  yet  is  not  to  be  despised  by  the  judicious, 
because  small  things  in  the  beginning  of  natural  or 
politic  bodies  are  as  remarkable  as  greater  in  bodies 
full  grown."  ^ 

Boston,  June  1,  1841. 

'  Tacitus,  Ann.  lib.  iv.  32. 

'  Gov.  Dudley's  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln. 


LIST   OF    THE    ENGRAVINGS. 


Page. 

1.  Portrait  of  Governor  Winslow  i 

2.  The  Mayflower    .......         108 

3.  Map  of  Cape  Cod 116 

4.  Map  of  Plymouth  Bay  .         .         .         .         .         160 

5.  Governor  Winslow's  Chair     .         .         .         .         .     238 

6.  Governor  Carver's  Chair    .....         458 

7.  Elder  Brewster's  Chair 470 

8.  Seal  of  Plymouth  Colony   ....     Back  Title. 


CONTENTS. 


Chap  Page. 

Gov.  Bradford's  History  of  Plymouth  Colony       .  1 

I.  The  first  beginnings  of  this  church  and  people      .  .     19 

11,  Their  departure  into  Holland,  and  their  troubles  there- 
about, with  some  of  the  many  difficulties  they  found 
and  met  withal  .....  25 

ni.  Their  settling  in  Holland,  and  their  manner  of  living  and 

entertainment  there        .  .  ,  .  .33 

IV.  The  reasons  and  causes  of  their  removal  from  Holland         44 
V.  The   means  they  used  for  preparation  to  this  weighty 

voyage     .  .  .  .  .  .  .     52 

VI.  The  conditions  of  their  agreement  with  several  merchant 

adventurers  towards  the  voyage      ...  80 

VII.  Their    departure  from    Leyden,  and   embarkation  from 

Delft-Haven       .  .  .  .  .  .86 

VIII.  The  troubles  that  befell  them  on  the  coast  of  England, 
and  in  their  voyage  in  coming  over  into  New  England, 

and  their  arrival  at  Cape  Cod  ...  97 

/  - 

Bradford's  and  Winslow's  Journal      .  .  .  109 

IX.  The  first  planters'  combination  by  entering  into  a  body 
politic  together;  with  their  proceedings  in  discovery  of 
a  place  for  their  settlement  and  habitation    .  .         117 

X.  Their  landing  and  settling  at  New  Plymouth        .  .  163 

XI.  A  Journey  to  Pokanoket,  the  habitation  of  the  great  king 
Massasoit ;  the  message,  and  the  answer  and  entertain- 
ment they  received  from  him  ....         202 
Xn.  A  Voyage  to  the  kingdom  of  Nauset,  to  seek  a  boy  that 
had  lost  himself  in  the  woods ;  and  the  accidents  that 
befell  them  in  that  voyage  ....  214 

XIII.  A  Journey  to  the  kingdom  of  Namaschet,  in  defence  of 
the  great  king  Massasoit  against  the  Narragansetts,  and  to 
revenge  the  supposed  death  of  Tisquantum      .  .        219 


^y-^  CONTENTS. 

Chap.  P*"e- 

XIV.  A  Relation  of  their  voyage  to  the  Massachusetts,  and 

what  happened  there      .....  224 

XV.  A  Letter  from  Edward  Winslow  to  a  friend  in  England, 
setting  forth  a  brief  and  true  declaration  of  the  worth 
of  the  Plantation  at  Plymouth;  as  also  certain  useful 
directions  for  such  as  intend  a  voyage  into  New  Eng- 
land ......         230 

XVI.  Robert  Cushman's  reasons  and  considerations  touching 
the  lawfulness  of  removing  out  of  England  into  the 
parts  of  America       .....        239 

Cushman's  Discourse       .....  253 
XVII.  The  state  of  the  Colony,  and  the  need  of  public  spirit  in 

the  Colonists  .....        255 

WiNSLow's  Relation        .....  269 
XVIII.  The  first  planters  menaced  by  the  Narragansetts,  and 

their  second  voyage  to  the  Massachusetts  .  .  280 

XIX.  The  planting  of  Weston's  Colony  at  Weymouth,  and 

sundry  excursions  after  corn  .  .  .        296 

XX.  Winslow's  second  journey  to  Pokanoket,  to  visit  Massa- 

soit  in  his  sickness  .....  313 
XXI.  Standish's  expedition  against  the  Indians  of  Weymouth, 

and  the  breaking  up  of  Weston's  Colony  at  that  place  327 
XXII.  The  first  allotment  of  lands,  and  the  distressed  state  of  the 

Colony  ......        346 

XXIII.  The  manners,  customs,  religious  opinions  and  ceremonies 

of  the  Indians    ......  354 

XXIV.  The  situation,  climate,  soil,  and  productions  of  New  Eng- 

land ......        368 

Winslow's  Brief  Narration      ....  377 
XXV.  The  true  grounds  or  cause  of  the  first  planting  of  New 

England        ......        379 

Gov.  Bradford's  Dialogue  ....  409 

XXVI.  A  Dialogue,  or  the  Sura  of  a  Conference  between  some 
Young  Men  born  in  New  England,  and  sundry  Ancient 
Men  that  came  out  of  Holland  and  Old  England.  .  414 


^Sj' 


Gov.  Bradford's  Memoir  of  Elder  Brewster         .        459 
XXVII.  Memoir  of  Elder  William  Brewster  .  .  .461 

XXVIII.    Letters 471 


GOV.   BRADFORD'S  HISTORY 


OF 


PLYMOUTH  COLONY. 


MORTON'S   PREFACE. 


Christian  Reader, 

I  HAVE  looked  at  it  as  a  duty  incumbent  on  me  to 
commit  to  writing  the  first  beginnings  and  after  pro- 
gress of  the  Church  of  Christ  at  Plymouth  in  New 
England  ;  forasmuch  as  I  cannot  understand  that  there 
is  any  thing  particularly  extant  concerning  it,  and  al- 
most all  the  members  of  the  said  church,  both  elders 
and  others,  being  deceased,  by  whom  intelligence  of 
matters  in  that  behalf  might  be  procured.^  I  dare 
not  charge  the  reverend  elders  of  that  church  w  ho  are 
gone  to  their  rest,  with  any  neglect  on  that  behalf;  for 
when  they  were  in  Holland,  they  were  necessitated  to 
defend  the  cause  of  Christ  by  writing  against  opposites 
of  several  sorts  ;  so  as  such  like  employs,  together 
with  the  constant  and  faithful  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  their  offices,  probably  took  up  the  greatest  part  of 
their  time  ;  and  since  the  church  parted,  and  a  consid- 
erable part  thereof  came  unto  this  going  down  of  the 
sun,  it  might  be  neglected  partly  on  the  account  that 
divers  writings,  some  whereof  being  put  forth  in  print, 

^  In  1679,  the  year  previous  to  who  came  over  in  the  Mayflower, 
the  date  of  this  Preface,  twelve  only  See  Hutchinson's  History  of  Mas- 
were  living  of  the  hundred  and  one    sachusetts,  ii.  456. 


4  MORTON'S  PREFACE. 

did  point  at  and  in  a  great  measure  discriminate  the  af- 
fairs of  the  church ;  forasmuch  as  then  the  small  com- 
monwealth, in  our  first  beginning  at  New  Plymouth, 
consisted  mostly  of  such  as  were  members  of  the 
church  which  was  first  begun  and  afterwards  carried 
on  in  Leyden,  in  Holland,  for  about  the  space  of 
twelve  years,  and  continued  and  carried  on  at  Ply- 
mouth, in  New  England,  a  small  part  whereof  remain- 
eth  until  this  day.  If  any  thing  was  done  on  this  kind 
by  those  worthy  leaders,  I  suppose  the  blame  is  rather 
to  be  laid  on  those  which  had  the  first  view  of  their 
studies,  and  had  their  books  and  writings  in  custody 
after  their  decease ;  for  I  am  persuaded  that  such  was 
their  faithfulness  and  prudence,  as  that  they  did  not 
wholly  neglect  this  matter.^ 

Some  years  since  it  pleased  God  to  put  an  impulse 
upon  my  spirit  to  do  something  in  a  historical  way  con- 
cerning New  England,  more  especially  with  respect  to 
the  Colony  of  New  Plymouth ;  which  was  entitled 
New  EnglancVs  Memorial ;  ~   in  which  I  occasionally 

*  The  records  of  John  Robinson's  cords  of  Plymouth  Ch.  and  Mass. 
church  at  Leyden  contained,  no  Hist.  Coll.  iv.  107. 
doubt,  some  account  of  its  origin  "''  This  work  was  printed  at  Cam- 
and  its  memorable  vicissitudes  in  bridge  in  1669,  in  a  small  quarto 
England  and  Holland.  These  re-  volume,  of  198  pages,  and  the  ex- 
cords,  however,  were  probably  lost  peuse  was  defrayed  by  a  contribu- 
when  the  remnants  of  that  church  tion  in  the  several  towns  in  the  Co- 
were  scattered  after  his  death  in  lony.  The  greatest  part  of  Mor- 
1625.  The  church  at  Plymouth  had  ton's  information  was  "borrowed," 
no  settled  pastor  till  1629,  and  af-  as  he  informs  us,  "  from  his  much 
terwards,  for  long  intervals,  was  honored  uncle,  Mr.  William  Brad- 
destitute  of  a  regular  ministry  until  ford,  and  such  manuscripts  as  he 
1669.  when  John  Cotton,  son  of  the  left  in  his  study."  Prince,  the  New 
famous  John  Cotton,  of  Boston,  England  annalist,  whose  copy  of 
was  ordained.  No  records  were  the  first  edition  of  the  Memorial  is 
kept  by  either  of  his  three  prede-  now  before  me,  enriched  with  his 
cessors,  Ralph  Smith,  Roger  Wil-  marginal  notes  and  emendations, 
liams,  and  John  Reyner.  The  re-  says  that  "  Morton's  History,  from 
cords  of  the  church,  previous  to  his  the  beginning  of  the  Plymouth  peo- 
settlement,  are  in  the  handwriting  pie  to  the  end  of  1646,  is  chiefly 
of  Secretary    Morton.      MS.  Re-  Gov.  Bradford's  manuscript,  abbre- 


MORTON'S  PREFACE. 

took  notice  of  God's  great  and  gracious  work  in  erect- 
ing so  many  churches  of  Christ  in  this  wilderness. 
But  it  was  Judged  by  some  that  were  Judicious  that  I 
was  too  sparing  and  short  in  that  behalf ;  the  consider- 
ation whereof  put  me  on  thought  of  recollecting  some- 
thing more  particularly  relating  to  the  church  of  Ply- 
mouth. But  it  pleased  the  Lord  so  to  dispose,  that 
having  accomplished  my  desires,  some  time  after  the 
finishing  of  this  work  I  was  solicited  to  lend  it  to  a  re- 
verend friend  at  Boston,  where  it  was  burned  in  the 
first  fire  that  was  so  destructive  at  Boston,  in  the  year 
1667.'  Yet,  notwithstanding,  I  have,  through  the 
goodness  of  God,  crowded  through  many  difficulties 
to  achieve  it  the  second  time  ;  and,  for  that  end,  did 
once  again  repair  to  the  study  of  my  much  honored 
uncle,  William  Bradford,  Esquire,  deceased,^  for  whose 
care  and  faithfulness  in  such  like  respects  we  stand 
bound ;  as  firstly  and  mostly  to  the  Lord,  so  seconda- 
rily to  him  and  his,  whose  labors  in  such  respect  might 


viated."  In  fact,  Morton's  chief  Memorial  in  1669  ;  and  the  date  of 
merit  is  that  of  a  diligent,  but  not  "  the  first  fire  that  was  so  destruc- 
always  accurate  copyist  of  his  un-  tive  at  Boston"  was  Nov.  27,  1676. 
cle's  documents.  He  would  have  The  reverend  friend  to  whom  the 
done  a  much  greater  service  by  manuscript  had  been  lent,  was  In- 
causing  Gov.  Bradford's  History  to  crease  Mather,  whose  church  was 
be  printed  entire.  It  is  the  loss  of  destroyed  by  this  fire,  as  well  as  his 
that  work  that  now  gives  so  much  dwelling-house,  and  a  part  of  his 
value  to  his  extracts  and  compila-  library.  Increase  Mather  had 
tions.  The  fifth  edition  of  the  Me-  married  a  daughter  of  John  Cot- 
morial,  greatly  enlarged  by  the  ton,  of  Boston  ;  and  her  brother  be- 
valuable  notes  of  the  learned  ed-  ing  at  this  time  the  minister  of 
itor.  Judge  Davis,  was  printed  at  Plymouth,  this  circumstance  pro- 
Boston  in  1826,  in  an  octavo  vol-  bably  led  to  an  acquaintance  be- 
ume  of  480  pages.  See  Plymouth  tween  Mather  and  Secretary  Mor- 
Colony  Laws,  p.  153,  Morton's  IVIe-  ton.  See  Hutchinson's  Massachu- 
morial,  p.  10,  and  Prince's  Annals,  setts,  i.  349,  Snow's  History  of  Bos- 
p.  XX.  ton,  p.  164,  and   Cotton  Mather's 

'  This  is  unquestionably  an  er-  Memoirs  of  his  Father,  p.  79. 
ror;   it  should  be  1676.     'For  the  ^    Gov.   Bradford    died   May  9, 

^writer  says  he  began   this  compila-  1657,  in  his  69th  year. 
tion   after  the    publication  of   the 


MORTON'S  PREFACE. 

fitly  have  been  published  to  the  world,  had  they  not 
been  involved  in  and  amongst  particulars  of  other 
nature. 

Gentle  reader,  I  humbly  crave  thy  patience,  and  ac- 
ceptance of  this  small  treatise,  so  as  to  read  it  over 
considerately ;  wherein  so  doing  thou  wilt  discern 
much  of  the  goodness,  mercy,  and  power  of  God ;  who 
as  at  the  first  brought  this  fabric  of  the  world  out  of 
the  womb  of  nothing,  hath  brought  so  many  famous 
churches  of  Christ  out  of  so  small  beginnings ;  with 
many  other  useful  considerations  that  thou  mayest 
meet  with  in  the  serious  perusal  thereof.  So  leav- 
ing thee  and  this  small  work  to  the  blessing  of  the 
only  wise  God, 

I  remain  thine  in  Christ  Jesus, 

Nathaniel  Morton.^ 
Plymouth,  in  Neio  England,  January  \3th,  1680. 

•  Nathaniel  Morton  was  the  son  Court,  and  continued  in  this  office 

of  George  Morton,  who  had   mar-  till   his   death,   June  28,  1685,   in 

ried  in    England  a  sister  of  Gov.  his   73d   year.      His   residence   in 

Bradford,  and  came  over  to  Plym-  Plymouth  was  by  ihe  side  of  Wel- 

outh  with  his  family  in  July,  1623,  lingsly  Brook,  half  a  mile  south  of 

in  the  ship  Ann.      His  father  died  the    village.      See    Judge  Davis's 

in  June,  1624,  when  Nathaniel  was  Preface  to  Morton's  Memorial,  pp. 

twelve  years  old.     In  1645  he  was  iv.  and  101,  and  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 

chosen    Secretary    of   the   Colony  xiii.  178. 


INTRODUCTION. 


AN    INTRODUCTION   TO   THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY   OF 

THE   CHURCH   OF   CHRIST   AT   PLYMOUTH,   IN 

NEW   ENGLAND,   AS    FOLLOWETH.i 

It  is  well  known  to  the  godly  and  judicious,  how  intr. 
that  ever  since  the  first  breaking  out  of  the  light  of  the 
Gospel  in  our  honorable  nation  of  England,  —  which 
was  the  first  of  nations  whom  the  Lord  adorned  there- 
with, after  that  gross  darkness  of  Popery,  which  had 
covered  and  overspread  the  Christian  world,  —  what 
wars  and  oppositions  ever  since  Satan  hath  raised, 
maintained,  and  continued  against  the  saints  from  time 
to  time,  in  one  sort  or  other ;  sometimes  by  bloody 
death  and  cruel  torments,  otherwhiles  imprisonments, 
banishments,  and  other  hard  usages  ;  as  being  loth  his 
kingdom  should  go  down,  the  truth  prevail,  and  the 
churches  of  God  revert  to  their  ancient  purity,  and 
recover  their  primitive  order,  liberty,  and  beauty.  But 
when  he  could  not  prevail  by  these  means  against  the 
main  truths  of  the  Gospel,  but  that  they  began  to  take 
footing  in  many  places,  being  watered  with  the  blood 
of  the  martyrs  and  blessed  from  heaven  with  a  gracious 

*  This  was  originally  penned  by  Mr.  William  Bradford,  Governor  of 
New  Plymoulh.  —  Morton's  Note. 


8  INTRODUCTION. 

INTR.  increase  ;  he  then  began  to  take  him  to  his  ancient 
stratagems,  used  of  old  against  the  first  Christians  ; 
that  when  by  the  bloody  and  barbarousness '  of  the 
heathen  emperor  he  could  not  stop  and  subvert  the 
course  of  the  Gospel,  but  that  it  speedily  overspread 
with  a  wonderful  celerity  to  the  then  best  known  parts 
of  the  world,  he  then  began  to  sow  errors,  heresies, 
and  wonderful  desertions  amongst  the  professors  them- 
selves, working  upon  their  pride  and  ambition,  with 
other  corrupt  passions  incident  to  all  mortal  men,  yea 
to  the  saints  themselves  in  some  measure  ;  by  which 
woful  effects  followed,  as  not  only  bitter  contentions 
and  heart-burnings,  schisms,  with  other  horrible  con- 
fusions, but  Satan  took  occasion  and  advantage  thereby 
to  foist  in  a  number  of  vile  ceremonies,  with  many 
unprofitable  canons  and  decrees,  which  have  since  been 
as  snares  to  many  peaceable  poor  souls  even  to  this 
day ;  so,  as  in  the  ancient  times  the  persecution  by 
the  heathen  and  their  emperors  was  not  greater  than 
of  the  Christians,  one  against  another,  the  Arians'  and 
other  their  accomplices'  against  the  orthodox  and  true 
Christians  (as  witnesseth  Socrates  in  his  second  book, 
saith  he)  "  was  no  less  than  that  of  old  practised  to- 
wards the  Christians  when  they  were  compelled  and 
drawn  to  sacrifice  to  idols  ;  for  many  endured  sundry 
kinds  of  torments,  others  racking,  and  dismembering 
of  their  joints,  confiscating  of  their  goods,  some  be- 
reaved of  their  native  soil,  others  departed  this  life 
under  the  hands  of  the  tormentor,  and  some  died  in 
banishment,  and  never  saw  their  country  again."  ^ 
The  like  method  Satan  hath  seemed  to  hold  in  these 

1  So  in  the  MS.  ^  Eccles.  Hist.  lib.  ii.  cap.  27. 


INTRODUCTION.  9 

latter  times,  since  the  truth  began  to  spring  and  spread  intr. 
after  the  great  defection  made  by  Antichrist,  the  Man 
of  Sin.  For  to  let  pass  the  many  examples  in  sundry 
nations,  in  several  places  of  the  world,  and  instances 
of  our  own,  whenas  the  old  serpent  could  not  prevail  by 
those  fiery  flames,  and  other  his  cruel  tragedies,  which 
he  by  his  instruments  put  in  ure  every  where  in  the 
days  of  Queen  Marv  and  before,  he  then  began  another  15  53 

to 

kind  of  war,  and  went  more  closely  to  work,  not  only  i5  58. 
to  oppugn,  but  even  to  ruinate  and  destroy  the  kingdom 
of  Christ  by  more  secret  and  subtile  means,  by  kind- 
ling the  flames  of  contention  and  sow^ing  the  seeds  of 
discord  and  bitter  enmity  amongst  the  professors  and 
seeming:  reformed  themselves.  For  when  he  could  not 
prevail  by  the  former  means  against  the  principal  doc- 
trines of  faith,  he  bent  his  force  against  the  holy  disci- 
pline and  outward  regiment  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ, 
by  which  those  holy  doctrines  should  be  confirmed,  and 
true  piety  maintained  amongst  the  saints  and  people 
of  God. 

Mr.  Fox  recordeth  how  that,  besides  those  worthy 
martyrs  and  confessors  which  were  burned  in  Queen 
Mary's  days  and  otherwise  tormented,  many,  both  stu- 
dents and  others,  fled  out  of  the  land,  to  the  number  1554. 
of  eight  hundred,  and  became  several  congregations  at 
Wesel,  Frankfort,  Basle,  Emden,  Marburg,  Strasburg, 
and  Geneva,  &c.^  Amongst  whom,  especially  those 
at  Frankfort,  began  a  bitter  war  of  contention  and  per-  1555. 
secution  about  the  ceremonies  and  service  book,  and 
other  popish  and  antichristian  stuff,  the  plague  of  Eng- 
land to  this  day,  which  are   like  the  high  places  in 

•  Fox,  Acts  and  Monuments,  iii.     iii.  146,  and   Fuller's  Ch.  Hist,  of 
40.     See  also  Strype's  Memorials,     Britain,  ii.  405. 

2 


10  INTRODUCTION. 

iJNTR.  Israel  which  the  prophets  cried  out  against,  and  were 
their  ruin  ;  which  the  better  part  sought,  according  to 
the  purity  of  the  Gospel,  to  root  out  and  utterly  de- 
stroy, and  the  other  part,  under  veiled  pretences,  for 
their  own  ends  and  advancement,  sought  as  stiffly  to 
continue,  maintain,  and  defend  ;  as  appeareth  by  the 
Discourse  thereof  published  in  print  anno  1575,  a  book 
that  deserves  better  to  be  known  and  considered  than 
it  is.^  The  one  side  labored  to  have  the  right  worship 
of  God  and  discipline  of  Christ  established  in  the 
church  according  to  the  simplicity  of  the  Gospel,  with- 
out the  mixture  of  men's  inventions,  and  to  have  and 
to  be  ruled  by  the  laws  of  God's  word,  dispensed  in 
those  offices  and  by  those  officers  of  pastors  and  teach- 
ers and  elders,  according  to  the  Scriptures.  The  other 
party,  though  under  many  colors  and  pretences,  en- 
deavoured to  have  the  episcopal  dignity,  after  the  popish 
manner,  with  their  large  power  and  jurisdiction,  still 
retained,  with  all  those  court  canons  and  ceremonies, 
together  with  all  such  livings,  revenues,  and  subordinate 
officers,  with  other  such  means  as  formerly  upheld  their 
antichristian  greatness,  and  enabled  them  with  lordly 
and  tyrannous  power  to  persecute  the  poor  servants  of 
God. 


'  This  work  is  entitled,  "  A  Brief  the  view  and  consideration  of  the 
Discourse  of  the  Troubles  begun  at  most  Honorable  and  High  Court  of 
Frankfort,  in  Germany,  anno  Domi-  Parliament,  and  the  reverend  di- 
ni  1554,  about  the  Book  of  Common  vines  of  the  intended  ensuing  As- 
Prayer  and  Ceremonies,  and  contin-  sembly."  Hallam  says,  in  his  Con- 
ned by  the  Englishmen  there  to  the  stitutional  History  of  England, 
end  of  Queen  Mary's  reign  ;  in  the  chap,  iv.,  that  "  this  tract  is  fairly 
which  Discourse  the  gentle  reader  and  temperately  written,  though 
shall  see  the  very  original  and  be-  with  an  avowed  bias  towards  the 
ginning  of  all  the  contention  that  Puritan  party.  Whatever  we  read 
hath  been,  and  what  was  the  cause  in  any  historian  on  the  subject,  is 
of  the  same.  1575."  The  place  derived  from  this  authority."  Both 
where  it  was  printed  is  not  men-  editions  of  this  rare  book  are  in  the 
tioned.  It  was  reprinted  at  London  Library  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
in  1642,  and  "humbly  presented  to  torical  Society. 


INTRODUCTION. 


11 


This  contention  was  so  great,  as  neither  the  honor  intr. 
of  God,  the  common  persecution,  nor  the  mediation  of 
Mr.  Calvin   and  other  worthies  of  the  Lord  in  those 
places,  could  prevail  with  those  thus  episcopally  mind- 
ed ;  but   they  proceeded   by  all   means  to  disturb  the 
peace  of  this  poor  persecuted  church,  so  far  as  to  charge 
very  unjustly  and  ungodlily  (yet  prelate  like)  some  of 
their  chief  opposers  with   rebellion  and   high  treason 
against  the  Emperor,   and   other  such  crimes.^     And 
this  contention  died  not  wilh   Queen   Mary,  nor   was  1558. 
left  beyond  the  seas.     But  at  her  death,  these  people     7J' 
returning  into  England,  under  gracious  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, many  of  them  preserved  aspired  to  bishoprics  and 
other  promotions,^  according  to  their  aims  and  desires ; 


'  Calvin,  in  his  letter  of  Jan.  20, 
1555,  addressed  to  John  Knox  and 
William  Whittinghaoi,  at  Frank- 
fort, says,  "  In  the  liturgy  of  Eng- 
land I  see  that  there  were  many 
tolerable  foolish  things  ;  by  these 
words  I  mean  that  there  was  not 
the  purity  which  was  to  be  desired. 
These  vices,  though  they  could  not 
at  the  first  day  be  amended,  yet, 
seeing  there  was  no  manifest  im- 
piety, they  were  for  a  season  to  be 
tolerated.  Therefore  it  was  lawful 
to  begin  of  such  rudiments  or  abece- 
daries ;  but  so  that  it  behooved  the 
learned,  grave,  and  godly  ministers 
of  Christ  to  enterprise  farther,  and 
to  set  forth  something  more  filed 
from  rust,  and  piwer.  If  godly  reli- 
gion had  flourished  till  this  day  in 
England,  there  ought  to  have  been 
a  thing  better  corrected,  and  many 
things  clean  taken  away.  I  cannot 
tell  what  they  mean  which  so  great- 
ly delight  in  the  leavings  of  popish 
dregs."  Knox  was  soon  after  ac- 
cused of  treason  before  the  magis- 
trates of  Frankfort  by  some  of  the 
opposite  party,  on  the  ground  of 
certain  passages  in  a  book  of  his, 
entitled   An  Admonition   to   Chris- 


tians, in  which  he  called  the  em- 
peror of  Germany  "  no  less  an 
enemy  to  Christ  than  was  Nero;" 
in  consequence  of  which  he  was 
obliged  to  leave  the  city.  See  Dis- 
course of  the  Troubles  of  Frank- 
fort, pp.  35  and  44,  ed.  of  1575,  and 
Fuller's  Ch.  Hist.  ii.  411. 

*  See  in  Prince's  Annals,  p.  288, 
a  list  of  those  who  were  thus  pro- 
moted. It  is  a  just  remark  of  Hal- 
lam,  i.  188.  that  the  objections  to 
the  church  ceremonies  and  the  cleri- 
cal vestments  "were  by  no  means 
confined,  as  is  perpetually  insinu- 
ated, to  a  few  discontented  persons. 
The  most  eminent  churchmen,  such 
as  Jewel,  Grindal,  Sandys,  Nowell, 
were  in  favor  of  leaving  off  the  sur- 
plice and  what  were  called  the 
popish  ceremonies.  The  current 
opinion  that  these  scruples  were 
imbibed  during  the  banishment  of 
the  reformers,  mast  be  received 
wilh  great  allowance.  The  dislike 
to  some  parts  of  the  Anglican  ritual 
had  begun  at  home,  it  had  broken 
out  at  Frankfort,  it  is  displayed  in 
all  the  early  documents  of  Eliza- 
beth's reign  by  the  English  divines, 
far  more  warmly  than  by  their  Swiss 


12  INTKODUCTION. 

iNTR.  SO  that  inveterate  hatred  against  the  holy  discipline  of 
Christ  in  his  church  hath  continued  to  this  day ;  inso- 
much that,  for  fear  it  should  prevail,  all  plots  and  devices 
have  been  used  to  keep  it  out,  incensing  the  Queen 
and  State  against  it  as  dano;erous  to  her  commonwealth  ; 
and  that  it  was  most  needful  for  the  fundamental  points 
of  religion  should  be  preached  in  those  ignorant  and 
superstitious  times,  and  to  win  the  weak  and  ignorant, 
they  might  retain  divers  harmless  ceremonies  ;  and 
though  it  were  to  be  wished  that  divers  thing^s  were 
reformed,  yet  this  was  not  a  season  for  it ;  and  many 
the  like,  to  stop  the  mouths  of  the  more  godly,  to  bring 
them  on  to  yield  to  one  ceremonv  after  another  and 
one  corruption  after  another ;  by  these  ways  beguiling 
•  some  and  corrupting  others,  until  at  length  they  began 
to  persecute  all  the  zealous  professors  in  the  land,  (al- 
though they  knew  little  what  this  discipline  meant), 
both  by  word  and  deed,  if  they  would  not  submit  to 
their  ceremonies  and  become  slaves  to  them  and  their 
popish  trash,  which  have  no  ground  in  the  word  of 
God,  but  are  relics  of  the  Man  of  Sin.  And  the  more 
the  light  of  the  Gospel  grew,  the  more  they  urged  their 
subscriptions  to  these  corruptions,  so  as  notwithstanding 
all  their  former  pretences  and  fair  colors,  they  whose 
eyes  God  had  not  justly  blinded  might  easily  see 
whereto  these  things  tended.  And  to  cast  contempt 
the  more  upon  the  sincere  servants  of  God,  they  oppro- 
briously  and  most  injuriously  gave  unto  and  imposed 

15  64.  upon  them  that  name  of  Puritans,'  which  is  said  the 

correspondents.     The  queen  alone  origin  and  growth  of  Puritanism  in 

was  the  cause  of  retaining  those  ob-  England,  will  be  found  in  Prince's 

servances,  to  which  the  great  sepa-  Annals,  p.  282-307,  and  Bancroft's 

ration  from  the  Anglican  establish-  Hist,  of  the  United  States,  i.  278. 

ment  is  ascribed."     The  most  con-  '  The  era  of  the  English  Puri- 

cise  and  accurate  account  of  the  tans  properly  begins  in  1550,  when 


INTRODUCTION. 


13 


Novatians,  out  of  pride,  did  assume  and  take  unto  intr. 
themselves.'  And  lamentable  it  is  to  see  the  effects  ^^"^' 
which  have  followed.  Religion  hath  been  disgraced,  the 
godly  grieved,  afflicted,  persecuted,  and  many  exiled  ; 
sundry  have  lost  their  lives  in  prisons  and  other  ways. 
On  the  other  hand,  sin  hath  been  countenanced,  igno- 
rance, profaneness  and  atheism  increased,  the  Papists 
encouraged  to  hope  again  for  a  day. 

This  made  that  holy  man  Mr.  Perkins  cry  out  in  his 
Exhortation  unto  Repentance,  on  Zephaniah  ii,  "  Re- 
ligion," saith  he,   "  hath  been  amongst  us  this  thirty- 


Hooper  refused,  for  a  time,  to  be 
consecrated  in  the  ecclesiastical 
habits.  But  in  the  year  1564,  "  the 
Enelish  bishops,'' says  Fuller,  "con- 
ceiving themselves  empowered  by 
their  canons,  began  to  show  their 
authority  in  urging  the  clergy  of 
their  respective  dioceses  to  subscribe 
to  the  liturgy,  ceremonies,  and  dis- 
cipline of  the  Church;  and  such  as 
refused  the  same  were  branded  with 
the  odious  name  of  Puritans.  We 
need  not  speak  of  the  ancient  Ca- 
thari,  or  primitive  Puritans,  suffi- 
ciently known  by  their  heretical 
opinions.  '  Puritan  '  here  was  taken 
for  the  opposers  of  the  hierarchy 
and  church-service,  as  resenting  of 
superstition.  But  profane  mouths 
quickly  improved  this  nickname, 
therewith  on  every  occasion  to 
abuse  pious  people  ;  some  of  them 
so  far  from  opposing  the  liturgy, 
that  they  endeavoured  (according 
to  the  instructions  thereof  m  the 
preparative  to  the  Confession)  '  to 
accompany  the  minister  with  a  pure 
heart,'  and  labored  (as  it  is  in  the 
Absolution)  'for  a  life  pure  and 
holy.'  "  An  old  writer  of  the 
Church  of  England,  quoted  by 
Prince,  says,  "  they  are  called  Pu- 
ritans who  would  have  the  Church 
thoroughly  reformed ;  that  is,  purged 
from  all  those  inventions  which 
Kave  been  brought  into  it  since  the 


age  of  the  Apostles,  and  reduced 
entirely  to  the  Scripture  pvriti/." 
See  Fuller's  Ch.  Hist.  ii.  3^1.  474; 
Strype's  Annals,  i.  459-463  ;  Cam- 
den's Elizabeth,  p.  107;  Prince,  pp. 
100,  283;  Neal's  Puritans,  i.  46,  72, 
91.  (4to  ed.) 

'  "  Novatus,  a  presbyter  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  being  puffed  up 
with  pride  against  those  who  in  the 
times  of  persecution  had  lapsed 
through  infirmity  of  mind,  as  if 
there  were  no  further  hope  of  salva- 
tion for  them,  although  they  per- 
formed all  things  appertaining  to  an 
unfeigned  conversion  and  a  sincere 
confession,  constituted  himself  the 
ringleaderof  a  peculiar  sect,  of  those 
w'ho  by  reason  of  their  haughty 
minds  styled  themselves  Cathari, 
that  is,  the  Pure^  Eusebius,  Ec- 
cles.  Hist.  lib.  vi.  cap.  43.  His 
excessive  rigor  towards  the  lapsed 
appears  to  have  been  the  only  heresy 
of  Novatus ;  and  it  is  quite  as  likely 
that  the  name  of  Puritan  was  fas- 
tened upon  his  followers  in  derision 
and  reproach  as  that  they  assumed 
it  of  themselves;  as  we  know  was 
the  case  with  the  modern  Quakers 
and  Methodists.  For  an  account 
of  Novatus  and  his  opinions,  see 
Lardner's  Credibility,  part  ii.  ch. 
47  ;  Mosheim,  de  Rebus  Christiano- 
rum  ante  Const.  Magn.  Comment. 
512-527;  Jackson's  Nova tian,Praef. 


14  INTRODUCTION. 

iNTR.  five  years.  But  the  more  it  is  published,  the  more  it 
is  contemned  and  reproached  of  many,  &c.  Thus  not 
profaneness  nor  wickedness,  but  religion  itself  is  a  by- 
word, a  mocking-stock,  and  matter  of  reproach  ;  so  that 
in  England  at  this  day,  the  man  or  woman  that  begins 
to  profess  religion  and  to  serve  God,  must  resolve  with 
himself  to  sustain  mocks  and  injuries,  even  as  though 
he  lived  amongst  the  enemies  of  religion  ;  and  this 
common  experience  hath  been  too  apparent." ' 

But  before  I  pass  on,  I  cannot  omit  an  observation 
worthy  to  be  noted,  which  was  observed  by  the  author, 
viz.  Mr.  William  Bradford,  as  followeth. 

Saith  he  :  Full  little  did  I  think  that  the  downfall 
of  the  bishops,  with  their  courts,  canons,  and  ceremo- 
nies, had  been  so  near  when  I  first  began  this  writing, 
which  was  about  the  year  1630,  and  so  pieced  at  leisure 
times  afterwards,  or  that  I  should  have  lived  to  have 
seen  or  heard  of  the  same.^  But  it  is  the  Lord's  doing, 
^^^\'3  and  ought  to  be  marvellous  in  our  eyes.  "  Every  plant 
which  mine  heavenly  father  hath  not  planted,"  saith 
our  Saviour,  "  shall  be  rooted  up."^     "  I  have  snared 

'  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  421,  ed.  1613.  his  older  age  he  altered  his  voice, 
William  Perkins  lived  in  ihe  reign  and  remitied  much  of  his  former 
of  Elizabeth,  was  a  fellow  of  Christ's  rigidness,  often  professing  that  to 
College,  Cambridge,  and  a  Puritan  preach  mercy  was  the  proper  office 
Nonconformist.  He  was  a  strict  of  the  ministers  of  the  gospel." 
Calvinist,  and  had  a  controversy  '  Charles  I.  was  beheaded  and 
with  Arminius.  His  writings  were  the  church  establishment  over- 
held  in  high  esteem  by  the  fathers  thrown  in  1649. 
of  New  England.  Fuller  says,  in  ^  The  version  of  the  Bible  here 
his  Life  of  him  in  the  Holy  State,  quoted,  and  subsequently,  is  the 
that  "  he  would  pronounce  the  word  one  which  was  made  by  the  Eng- 
damn  with  such  an  emphasis  as  left  lish  exiles  at  Geneva,  in  the  reign 
a  doleful  echo  in  his  auditors' ears  of  Queen  Mary.  It  was  first  printed 
a  good  while  after.  And  when  in  1560,  and  was  so  highly  esteemed, 
catechist  of  Christ's  College,  in  ex-  particularly  on  account  of  its  notes, 
pounding  the  commandments,  ap-  that  it  passed  through  thirty  edi- 
plied  them  so  home,  able  almost  to  tions.  King  James  appears  to  have 
make  his  hearers'  hearts  fall  down,  had  a  special  dislike  of  it ;  for  in 
and  hairs  to  stand  upright,    But  in  the  Conference  at  Hampton  Court 


INTRODUCTION.  15 

thee,  and  thou  art  taken,  O  Babel,  (bishops)  and  thou  intr. 
wast    not    aware  :   thou    art   found    and   also  caught,   , 

a       '     Jer.  1. 

because  thou  hast  striven  against  the  Lord."    But  will    "^^' 
they  needs  strive  against  the  truth,  against  the  servants 
of  the   Lord,  what !   and   against   the  Lord  himself  ? 
Do  they  provoke  the  Lord  to  anger  ?    Are  they  stronger  ^^^■''• 
than  he  ?     No,  no,  they  have  met  with   their  match. 
Behold,  I  come  against  thee,  O  proud  men,  saith  the   -""f'- 
Lord   God  of  hosts  ;  for  thy  day  is  coming,  even  the 
time  that  I  will  visit  thee.    May  not  the  people  of  God 
now  say,  and  these  poor  people  among  the  rest,  The 
Lord   hath  brought  forth  our  righteousness  :   come,  let  "'Yo.''' 
us  declare  in  Zion  the  work  of  the   Lord  our  God. 
Let  all  flesh  be  still  before  the  Lord,  for  he  is  raised  ^"13;"' 
up  out  of  his  holy  place.* 

This  poor  people  may  say  among  the  thousands  of 
Israel,  When  the  Lord  brought  again  the  captivity  of  crxvi""i. 
Zion,  we  were  like  them  that  dream.     The  Lord  hath   vs.  3. 
done  great  things  for  us,  whereof  we  rejoice.     They 
that  sow  in  tears  shall  reap  in  joy.     They  went  weep-  vss.5,6. 
ing   and  carried  precious  seed  ;    but  they  shall  return 
with  joy,  and  bring  their  sheaves. 

Do  ye  not  now  see  the  fruits  of  your  labors,  O   all 
ye  servants  of  the  Lord  that  have  suffered  for  his  truth. 


"he  professed  that  he  could  never  Annals,  i.  229;  Troubles  at  Frank- 
yet  see  a  Bible  well  translated  in  fort,  p.  192;  Barlow's  Sum  and 
English ;  but  the  worst  of  all  his  Substance  of  the  Conference  at 
Majesty  thought  the  Geneva  lobe."  Hampton  Court,  p.  46;  Strype's 
This  opinion  of  the  royal  pedant  Life  of  Abp.  Parker,  205;  Fuller's 
would  not  lower  it  in  the  estimation  Ch.  Hist.  iii.  182,247. 
of  our  fathers,  who  used  it  in  Eng-  '  This  elevation  of  spirit  was  a 
land  and  Holland,  and  brought  it  considerable  time  after  the  first  pen- 
with  them  to  this  country.  King  ning  of  these  writings,  but  here  en- 
James's  version,  which  was  first  tered  because  of  the  suitableness  of 
printed  in  1611,  had  hardly  got  into  the  matter  going  before  it.  —  Mor- 
common  use  in  England  when  they  ton^s  Note. 
came  over  in  1620.     See  Strype's 


16  INTRODUCTION. 

INTR.  and  have  been  faithful  witnesses  of  the  same  ?  And 
ve  little  handful  amongst  the  rest,  the  least  amongst 
the  thousands  of  Israel  ?  You  have  not  had  a  seed- 
time, but  many  of  you  have  seen  a  joyful  harvest. 
Should   ye  not   then   rejoice,   yea,   again   rejoice,  and 

xix.7,"2.  say,  Hallelujah  !  salvation,  and  glory,  and  honor,  and 
powder,  be  to  the  Lord  our  God ;  for  true  and  righteous 
are  his  judgments. 

But  thou  wilt  ask,  What  is  the  matter  ?  What  is 
done  ?  —  Why,  art  thou  a  stranger  in  Israel,  that  thou 
shouldest   not   know  what   is   done  ?     Are  not   those 

%^.T'  Jebusites  overcome,  that  have  vexed  the  people  of  Israel 
so  long,  even  holding  Jerusalem  even  until  David's 
days,  and  been  as  thorns  in  their  sides  for  many  ages, 
and  now  began  to  scorn  that  not  any  David  should 
meddle  with  them  ;  they  began  to  fortify  their  tower, 
as  that  of  the  old  Babylonians.  But  these  proud  Ana- 
kims  are  now  thrown  down,  and  their  glory  laid  in  the 
dust.  The  tyrannous  bishops  are  ejected,  their  courts 
dissolved,  their  canons  forceless,  their  service-books 
cashiered,  their  ceremonies  useless  and  despised,  their 
plots  for  Popery  prevented,  and  all  their  superstitions 
discarded,  and  returned  to  Rome,  from  whence  they 
came  ;  and  the  monuments  of  idolatry  rooted  out  of 
the  land,  and  the  proud  and  profane  supporters  and 
cruel  defenders  of  these,  as  bloody  papists,  wicked 
atheists,  and  their  malignant  consorts,  marvellousiy 
overthrown.  And  are  not  these  great  things?  Who 
can  deny  it  ? 

But  who  hath  done  it  ?    Even  he  that  sitteth  on  the 

xu!n.  white  horse,  who  is  called  Faithful  and  True,  and 
judgeth  and  fighteth  righteously,  whose  garments  are 

»s.  L3.  dipped  in  blood,  and  his  name  was  called  The  Word 


INTRODUCTION.  17 

of  God ;  for  he  shall  rule  them  with  a  rod  of  iron  ;  for  intr. 
it  is  he  that  treadeth  the  wine-press  of  the  fierceness 
and  wrath  of  Almighty  God  ;  and  he  hath  upon  his  gar- 
ment and  upon  his  thigh  a  name  written,  The  King  of 
Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords.     Hallelujah  ! 

See  how  this  holy  man's  spirit  was  elevated  and  his 
heart  raised  up  in  praising  of  the  Lord  in  consideration 
of  the  downfall  of  the  proud  prelacy ;  as  he  and  many 
more  of  the  saints  had  good  reason,  who  felt  the  smart 
of  their  bitter  and  cruel  tyranny ;  who  are,  indeed,  a 
limb  of  Antichrist.  And  if  the  generality  of  the  saints 
had  been  thus  sensible  of  this  great  and  marvellous 
work  of  God,  possibly  that  proud  hierarchy  had  not 
got  up  so  soon  again  as  they  have  done,  soon  after  this 
good  man's  departure  out  of  this  world.'  Nevertheless, 
we  doubt  not  but  that  God  will  bring  them  down  in 
his  good  time.  For  undoubtedly  all  those  that  will 
not  that  the  Lord  Jesus  should  reign  over  them,  but 
instead  thereof  exercise  an  usurped  lordly  power  over 
the  poor  saints  of  God,  shall  be  brought  and  slain 
before  him,  and  (without  repentance)  shall,  together 
with  the  beast  and  false  prophet,  be  thrown  into  the  xfCao. 
lake  burning  with  fire  and  brimstone.  When  Babylon 
cometh  into  remembrance  before  God,  then  shall  the 
saints  with  the  angel  say,  Thou  art  just  and  holy,  ^W 
because  thou  hast  judged  these  things  ;  for  they,  (viz. 
the  whore  of  Rome  and  the  prelates,  their  adherents,) 
have  shed  the  blood  of  the  saints.  Give  them  blood  vs.  e. 
to  drink  ;  for  they  are  worthy. 


'Gov.  Bradford  died  May  9,  1657.     Charles  II.  was  restored  and 
l^piscopacy  reestablished  in  1660. 


18  INTRODUCTION. 

iNTR.       The  exordium  being  concluded,  I  shall  come  more 

^^^      nearer  my  intended  purpose,  viz.  in  reference  unto  the 

Church  of  Christ  at  Plymouth  in  New  England,  first 

begun  in  Old  England,  and  carried  on  in  Holland  and 

at  Plymouth  aforesaid. 


CHAPTER    I. 


OF  THE  FIRST  BEGINNINGS  OF  THIS  CHURCH  AND  PEOPLE. 

When,  by  the   travail  and  diligence  of  some   godly  chap. 
and   zealous   preachers,  and   God's   blessing  on  their  -^-^^^ 
labors,  as  in  other  places  of  the  land,  so  in  the  north  ^^jP/'" 
parts,  many  became  enlightened  by  the  word  of  God, 
and  had   their   ignorance  and   sins  discovered   by  the 
word  of  God's  grace,  and   began,  by  his   grace,  to  re- 
form their  lives  and  make  conscience  of  their  ways, 
the  work  of  God  was  no  sooner  manifest  in  them,  but 
presently  they  were   both  scoffed   and   scorned  by  the 
profane  multitude,  and  the   ministers  urged  with  the 
yoke  of  subscription,^  or  else  must  be  silenced  ;  and 
the  poor  people  were  so  urged  with  apparitors  and  pur- 
suivants and  the  Commission   Courts,^  as  truly  their 

'  Subscription  to  the  book  of  com-  persons,    twelve    of   whom    were 

mon  prayer,  the  rites  and  ceremo-  bishops,  many  more  privy  counsel- 

nies,  and  all  the  thirty-nine  articles,  lors,  and  the  rest  clergymen  or  civi- 

See  Fuller,  iii.  68 ;  Prince,  p.  99.  lians.     Its  spirit  and  mode  of  pro- 

*  This  was  the  celebrated  Court  ceeding  seem  to  have  been  derived 
of  High  Commission,  so  called  be-  from  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  The 
cause  it  claimed  a  larger  jurisdic-  commissioners  were  empowered 
lion  and  higher  powers  than  the  and  directed  to  inquire  of  all  heret- 
ordinary  courts  of  the  bishops;  its  ical  opinions,  to  punish  all  persons 
jurisdiction  extended  over  the  whole  absent  from  church,  to  visit  and  re- 
kingdom.  It  was  provided  for  by  reform  all  errors,  heresies,  and 
the  Act  of  Supremacy,  passed  in  schisms,  to  deprive  all  persons  of 
1559,  but  did  not  go  into  full  opera-  ecclesiastical  livings  who  main- 
tion  till  1584.  It  was  an  ecclesias-  tained  any  doctrine  contrary  to  the 
fical  court,  consisting  of  forty-four  thirty-nine  articles,  to  examine  all 


20  ORIGIN   OF   THE   PILGRIMS. 

CHAP,  affliction  was  not  small.  Which,  notwithstanding,  they 
— ^— '  bare  sundry  years  with  much  patience,  until  they 
were  occasioned,  by  the  continuance  and  increase  of 
these  troubles,  and  other  means  which  the  Lord  raised 
up  in  those  days,  to  see  further  into  these '  things  by 
the  light  of  the  word  of  God  ;  how  that '  not  only 
those  base  beggarly  ceremonies  were  unlawful,  but  also 
that  the  lordly,  tyrannous  power  of  the  prelates  ought 
not  to  be  submitted  to,  which  those  contrary  to  the 
freedom  of  the  Gospel  would  load  and  burthen  men's 
consciences  with,  and  by  their  compulsive  power  make 
a  profane  mixture  of  persons  and  things  in  the  worship 
of  God  ;  and  that  their  offices  and  callings,  courts  and 
canons,  &c.  were  unlawful  and  antichristian,  being 
such  as  have  no  warrant  in  the  word  of  God,  but  the 
same  that  were  used  in  Popery,  and  still  retained  ;  of 
which  a  famous  author  thus  writeth  in  his  Dutch  com- 
mentaries : — 
160  3.      a  \i  tjjg  coming  of  King  James  out  of  Scotland  into 

April.  =>     .  °   . 

England,^  the  new  king,"  saith  he,  "  found  there  estab- 

suspected  persons  on  iheir  oaths,  Puritans,  i.  84,  274,  285;  Hallam, 

and  to  punish  the  refractory  by  ex-  i.  215.   (4to  ed.) 
communication,  fine,  or  imprison-         '  I  have  inserted  the  words  these 

ment,  according  to  their  discretion,  and  that  from   Prince,  who  quotes 

They  had  full  authority   to   com-  this  passage  from  Bradford's  MS. 

mand  all  sheriffs,  justices,  and  other  See  his  Annals,  p.  100. 
officers  to  apprehend  and  bring  be-         *  At  the  famous   Conference  at 

fore    them    all    persons   that   they  Hampton  Court,  held  Jan.  14,  1604, 

should  see  fit.   Pursuivants  or  mes-  James  declared,  "I  will   none  of 

sengers  were  sent  to  the  houses  of  that  liberty  as  to  ceremonies;  I  will 

suspected  persons  with  a  citation  have  one  doctrine  and  one  disci- 

for  them  to  appear  before  the  com-  pline,  one  religion  in  substance  and 

missioners,   when    they   were   re-  ceremony.  —  I    shall    make   them 

quired  to  answer  upon  oath  to  a  [the  Puritans]  conform  themselves, 

series  of  interrogatories,  which  as  or  I  will  harry  them  out  of  the  land, 

Lord  Burleigh  said,  were  "so  curi-  or  else  do  worse.  —  If  any  would 

ously  penned,  so  full  of  branches  not  be  quiet,  and  show  his  obedience, 

and  circumstances,  as  he   thought  he  were  worthy  to  be  hanged."  — 

the  inquisitors  of  Spain  used  not  so  In  his  speech  at  the  opening  of  his 

many  questions  to  tr.ip  their  preys."  first  parliament,   March   19,   1604, 

See  Strype's  Annals,  iii.  ISO;  Neal's  he  "professed  that  the  sect  of  Purl- 


THEY   FORM   A    SEPARATE  CHURCH. 


21 


lished  the  reformed  religion,  according  to  the  reformed  chap. 
religion  of  King  Edward  the  Sixth,  retaining  or  keep-  — v^ 
ing  still  the  spiritual  state  of  the  bishops,  &c.  after  the 
old  manner,  much  varying  and  differing  from  the  Re- 
formed Churches  of  Scotland,  France,  and  the  Nether- 
lands, Emden,  Geneva,  &c.,  w^hose  Reformation  is 
cut  or  shapen  much  nearer  the  first  churches,  as  it  was 
used  in  the  Apostles'  times."  ^ 

So  many  therefore  of  these  professors  as  saw  the 
evil  of  these  things,  in  these  parts,  and  whose  hearts 
the  Lord  had  touched  with  heavenly  zeal  for  his  truth, 
they  shook  off  this  yoke  of  antichristian  bondage,  and, 
as  the  Lord's  free  people,  joined  themselves,  (by  ai602. 
covenant  of  the  Lord,)  into  a  church  estate,  in  the  fel- 
lowship of  the  Gospel,  to  walk  in  all  his  ways,  made 
known,  or  to  be  made  known  unto  them,  according  to 
their  best  endeavours,  whatsoever  it  should  cost  them.^ 


tans  or  Novelists  was  not  to  be  suf- 
fered in  any  well  governed  cotrimon- 
wealth."  In  a  private  letter  writ- 
ten about  the  same  time,  he  said, 
"  I  had  rather  live  like  a  hermit  in 
the  forest,  than  be  king  over  such  a 
people  as  the  pack  of  Puritans  that 
overrules  ihe  lower  house,"  He 
had  previously  written  to  his  son  in 
the  Basilicon  Doron,  "  Take  heed, 
my  son,  to  such  Puritans,  very  pests 
in  the  church  and  commonwealth. 
I  protest  before  the  great  God,  that 
ye  shall  never  find  with  any  High- 
land or  Border  thieves  greater  in- 
gratitude and  more  lies  and  vile 
perjuries  than  with  these  fanatic 
spirits."  Barlow's  Sum  and  Sub- 
stance, pp.  71,  83,  92  ;  Calderwood, 
Hist.  Ch.  Scotland,  p.  478 ;  Hallam, 
i.  332. 

In  conformity  with  these  views, 
on  the  5th  of  March,  1604,  he  issued 
a  proclamation,  that  the  same  reli- 
gion, with  common  prayer,  and 
episcopal  jurisdiction,  shall  fully 
and  only  be  publicly  exercised,  in 


all  respects,  as  in  the  reign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  without  hope  of  tolera- 
tion of  any  other ;  and  on  the  6th  of 
July  he  issued  another  proclamation 
in  which  he  ordered  the  Puritan 
ministers  either  to  conform  before 
the  last  of  November,  or  dispose  of 
themselves  and  families  some  other 
way  ;  as  being  men  unfit,  for  their 
obstinacy  and  contempt,  to  occupy 
such  places.  The  consequence  of 
this  was,  that  before  November  of 
the  next  year  more  than  three 
hundred  ministers  were  ejected, 
silenced,  or  suspended,  some  of 
whom  were  imprisoned,  and  others 
driven  into  exile.  Prince,  pp.  107, 
108,  110;  Neal's  Puritans,  i.  432. 

'  The  Reformed  Churches  shapen 
much  nearer  the  primitive  pattern 
than  England  ;  for  they  cashiered 
the  bishops,  with  their  court  canons  ^ 
and  ceremonies  at  the  first,  and  left  , 
them  amongst  the  Popish  trash,  to 
which  they  appertain.  —  Morton's 
Note. 

*  Prince  says,  "  Governor  Brad- 


'  22  JOHN   ROBINSON'S   CHURCH. 

CHAP.  And  that  it  cost  them  much  pains,  trouble,  sorrow, 
-^^^  affliction,  and  persecution,  and  expense  of  their  estates, 

&c.  this  ensuing  history  will  declare.' 
1606.  These  people  became  two  distinct  bodies  or  churches, 
in  regard  of  distance  of  place,  and  did  congregate  sever- 
ally, for  they  were  of  several  towns  and  villages,  some 
in  Nottinghamshire,  some  in  Lincolnshire,^  and  some 
of  Yorkshire,  where  they  bordered  nearest  together. 
In  the  one  of  these  churches,  besides  others  of  note, 
was  Mr.  John  Smith,^  a  man  of  able  gifts,  and  a  good 
preacher,  who  afterwards  was  chosen  their  pastor. 
But  these  afterwards  falling  into  some  errors  in  the 
Low  Countries,  there  for  the  most  part  buried  them- 
selves and  their  names. 

But  in  this  other  church,  which  must  be  the  subject 
of  our  discourse,  besides  other  worthy  men,  was  Mr. 
Richard  Clifton,  a  grave  and  reverend  preacher,  who 
by  his  pains  and  diligence  had  done  much  good,  and 

ford's  History  takes  no  notice  of  the  correct  reading,  as  Lincolnshire 
the  year  of  this  federal  incorpora-  borders  both  on  Nottinghamshire 
lion  ;  but  Mr.  Secretary  Morton,  in  and  Yorkshire,  whilst  Lancashire 
his  Memorial,  places  it  in  1602.  does  not.  Besides,  Prince  was  re- 
AnA  I  suppose  he  had  the  account  markable  for  his  accuracy,  and  is 
either  from  some  other  writings  of  less  likely  to  have  made  a  mistake 
Gov.  Bradford,  the  Journals  of  Gov.  in  deciphering  and  copying  a  word 
Winslow,  or  from  oral  conference  than  Morton.  He  tells  us,  "In  the 
with  them,  or  other  of  the  first  passages  relating  to  the  Plymouth 
planters  ;  with  some  of  whom  planters,  I  chiefly  use  Gov.  Brad- 
he  was  contemporary,  and  from  ford's  manuscript  History  of  that 
whence,  he  tells  us,  he  received  Church  and  Colony,  in  folio;  who 
his  intelligence."     Annals,  p.  100.  was  with  them  from  their  beginning 

*  "  These  seem  to  be  some  of  tne  to  the  end  of  his  Narrative,  which 

first  in  England  that  were  brave  is  now  before  me,  and  was  never 

enough    to    improve    the    liberty  published."     Annals,  p.  99. 

wherewith  the  divine  author  of  our  ^  Someaccountof  Smith,  Clifton, 

religion    has    made    us  free,   and  and  Robinson,  is  contained  in  Gov. 

observe  his  institutions  as  their  only  Bradford's  Dialogue,  in  a  subsequent 

rule  in  church  order,  discipline,  and  part  of  this  volume;   where  will 

worship. "     Prince,  p.  lOO.  also   be  found    a    more   extended 

^  I  have  substituted  Lincolnshire  memoir   of   Elder    Brewster,   also 

for  Lancashire,  on  the  authority  of  written  by  Gov.  Bradford. 
Prince.     This  is  most  likely  to  be 


THE  PILGRIMS  PERSECUTED.  23 

under   God   had    been  a   means  of  the  conversion  of  chap, 
many ;   and   also   that  famous   and  worthy  man,  Mr.  --^ — 
John  Robinson,  who  afterwards  was  their  pastor  for  1606. 
many  years,  until  the  Lord  took  him  away  by  death ; 
and  also  Mr.  William  Brewster,  a  reverend  man,  who 
afterwards  was  chosen  an  elder  of  the  church,  and  lived 
with  them  until  old  age  and  death. 

But,  after  these  things,  they  could  not  long  continue 
in  any  peaceable  manner,  but  were  hunted  and  perse- 
cuted on  every  side,  so  as  their  former  afflictions  were 
but  as  molehills  to  mountains  in  comparison  to  these 
which  now  came  upon  them.  For  some  were  taken 
and  clapped  up  in  prisons,  others  had  their  houses  beset 
and  watched  night  and  day,  and  hardly  escaped  their 
hands  ;  and  the  most  were  fain  to  fly  and  leave  their 
houses  and  habitations,  and  the  means  of  their  liveli- 
hood. Yet  these,  and  many  other  sharper  things  which 
afterward  befell  them,  were  no  other  than  they  looked 
for,  and  therefore  were  the  better  prepared  to  bear  them 
by  the  assistance  of  God's  grace  and  spirit.  Yet  seeing 
themselves  thus  molested,  and  that  there  was  no  hope 
of  their  continuance  there,  by  a  joint  consent  they 
resolved  to  go  into  the  Low  Countries,  where  they 
heard  was  freedom  of  religion  for  all  men,*  as  also  how 

'  After   the  introduction  of  the  Amsterdam  as  "a  common  harbour 

Reformed   religion   into   the  Low  of  all   opinions,   of  all  heresies." 

Countries  in  1573,  the  utmost  reli-  Baylie,  in  his  Dissuasive,  p.  8,  calls 

gious  freedom  was  allowed,  all  sects  Holland  "  a  cage  for  unclean  birds." 

were  tolerated,  and  an  asylum  was  Owen   Felltham,   in   his  amusing 

opened  for  fugitives  from  persecu-  description  of  the  Low  Countries, 

tion  from  every  land.    See  Grotius,  says   that    "all   strange  religions 

Annals,  p.  41;  Brandt,  i.  308;  Stra-  flock   thither."      Johnson,   in    his 

da,  i.  457.     This  honorable  pecu-  Wonderworking    Providence,    ch. 

liarity  has   often   been    made   an  15,  exclaims,  "  Ye  Dutch,  come  out 

occasion  of  reproach    against  the  of  your    hodge-podge  :    the   great 

country.    Thus  Bishop  Hall,  in  his  mingle  mangle  of  religion  among 

letter    to     Smith    and    Robinson,  you   hath  caused   the  churches  of 

Decade    iii.   Epist.    1,    speaks    of  Christ  to  increase  so  little  with  you, 


24 


THEY   RESOLVE  TO   FLY    INTO   HOLLAND. 


1607. 


CHAP,  sundry  from  London  and  other  parts  of  the  land,  that 
— ^-  had  been  exiled  and  persecuted  for  the  same  cause, 
were  gone  thither,  and  lived  at  Amsterdam,^  and  in 
other  places  of  the  land. 

So  after  they  had  continued  together  about  a  year, 
and  kept  their  meetings  every  Sabbath  in  one  place  or 
another,  exercising  the  worship  of  God  amongst  them- 
selves,^ notwithstanding  all  the  diligence  and  malice 
of  their  adversaries,  they  seeing  they  could  no  longer 
continue  in  that  condition,  they  resolved  to  get  over 
into  Holland,  as  they  could,  which  was  in  the  year 
1607  and  1608  ;  of  which  more  in  that  which  foi- 
loweth. 


standing  at  a  stay  like  corn  among 
weeds."  Beaumont  and  Fletcher, 
in  their  play,  The  Fair  Maid  of  the 
Inn,  introduce  one  of  their  charac- 
ters as  saying, 

"  I  am  a  schoolmaster,  Sir,  and  would  fain 
Confer  with  you  about  erecting  four 
New  sects  of  religion  at  Amsterdam." 

And  Andrew  Marvell,  in  his  "  Char- 
acter of  Holland,"  writes, 

"  Sure  when  religion  did  itself  embark, 

And  from  the  east  would  westward  steer 
its  ark, 

It  struck  ;  and  splitting  on  this  unknown 
ground, 

Each  one  thence  pillaged  the  first  piece  he 
found. 

Hence  Amsterdam,  Turk,  Christian,  Pa- 
gan, Jew, 

Staple  of  sects,  and  mint  of  schism,  grew  ; 

That  bank  of  conscience,  where  not  one  so 
strange 

Opinion,  hut  finds  credit  and  exchange. 

In  vain  for  catholics  ourselves  we  bear; 

The  universal  church  is  only  there." 

'  The  English  church  at  Am- 
sterdam was  that  of  which  Francis 
Johnson  was  pastor  and  Henry 
Ainsworth  teacher,  and  which  had 
been  originally  set  up  at  London, 
in  1592,  and  soon  afterwards  re- 
moved to  Holland.  It  came  very 
near  being  torn  in  pieces  at  first  by 
intestine  divisions,  but  afterwards 
flourished  under  a  succession  of 
pastors  for  more  than    a  century. 


In  1596  they  published  a  "  Confes- 
sion of  Faith  of  certain  English 
people  living  in  exile  in  the  Low 
Countries,"  which  was  reprinted  in 
1604,  in  "  An  Apology  or  Defence 
of  such  true  Christians  as  are  com- 
monly, but  unjustly,  called  Brown- 
ists."  This  work  has  sometimes 
been  confounded  with  John  Robin- 
son's "Just  and  Necessary  Apology 
of  certain  Christians  not  less  con- 
tumeliously  than  commonly  called 
Brownists  or  Barrowists,"  which 
was  first  published  in  1619.  Some 
account  of  Johnson  and  Ainsworth 
is  contained  in  Bradford's  Dialogue, 
in  a  subsequent  part  of  this  volume. 
See  Brandt's  History  of  the  Refor- 
mation in  the  Low  Countries,  i. 
479;  Neal's  Puritans,  i.  363,  386; 
Prince,  p.  303. 

'  In  a  memoirof  Elder  Brewster, 
written  by  Gov.  Bradford,  and 
copied  by  Morton  into  the  records 
of  the  Plymouth  Church,  it  is  stated 
that  "they  ordinarily  met  at  his 
(Brewster's)  house  on  the  Lord's 
Day,  which  was  within  a  manor  of 
the  (jishop's  ;  and  with  great  love  he 
entertained  them  when  they  came, 
making  provision  for  them  to  his 
great  charge,  and  continued  to  do 
so  while  they  could  stay  in  Eng- 
land." 


CHAPTER     II. 

OF     THEIR      DEPARTURE      INTO      HOLLAND,      AND      THEIR 

TROUBLES   THEREABOUT,    WITH   SOME    OF   THE   MANY 

DIFFICULTIES   THEY   FOUND   AND   MET   WITHAL. 

Being  thus  constrained  to  leave  their  native  country,  chap. 

.         n. 
their  lands  and  livings,  and  all  their  friends  and  familiar  — ^— 

acquaintance,  it  was  much,  and  thought  marvellous  by 

many.     But  to  go  into  a  country  they  knew  not,  but 

by  hearsay,  where  they  must  learn  a  new  language, 

and  get  their  livings  they  knew  not  how,  it  being  a 

dear  place,  and  subject  to  the  miseries  of  war,^  it  was 

by  many  thought  an  adventure  almost  desperate,  a  case 

intolerable,  and  a  misery  worse  than  death  ;  especially 

seeing  they  were  not  acquainted  with  trades  nor  traffic, 

(by  which  the  country  doth  subsist)  but  had  only  been 

*  TheNetherlandshave,  in  every  pendence.  The  best  account  of  this 
age,  from  the  earliest  times  down  war  will  be  found  in  the  conlem- 
to  the  last  great  conflict  at  Water-  porary  historians,  Bentivoglio,  Re- 
loo,  been  the  battle-ground  of  Eu-  latione  delle  Provincie  Unite  di 
rope.  Bishop  Hall  says  in  one  of  Fiandra,  Strada,  de  Bello  Belgico, 
his  epistles,  "It  were  pity  that  your  and  Grotius,  Annales  et  Historise 
Holland  should  be  still  the  amphi-  de  Rebus  Belgicis.  See  also 
theatre  of  the  world,  on  whose  Brandt's  History  of  the  Reforrna- 
scatfolds  all  other  nations  should  tion  in  the  Low  Countries,  Sir 
sit,  and  see  variety  of  bloody  shows,  William  Temple's  Observations 
not  without  pity  and  horror."  At  upon  the  United  Provinces  of  the 
this  time  Spain  was  waging  that  Netherlands,  Watson's  History  of 
dreadful  war  with  her  revolted  the  Reign  of  Philip  H.  and  HI.  and 
subjects  of  the  United  Provinces,  Grattan's  History  of  the  Nether- 
wjaich   terminated    in   their   inde-  lands,  in  Larduer's  Cyclopedia. 

4 


26  THE   FIRST   ATTEMPT   PREVENTED. 

CHAP,  used  to  a  plain  country  life  and  the  innocent  trade  of 

II.  ^  ... 
husbandry.     But   these  things  did  not  dismay  them, 

(although  they  did  sometimes  trouble  them,)  for  their 
desires  were  set  on  the  ways  of  God,  and  to  enjoy  his 
ordinances.  But  they  rested  on  his  jDrovidence,  and 
knew  whom  they  had  believed.  Yet  this  was  not  all. 
For  although  they  could  not  stay,  yet  were  they  not 
suffered  to  go  ;  but  the  ports  and  havens  were  shut 
against  them,  so  as  they  were  fain  to  seek  secret  means 
of  conveyance,  and  to  fee  the  mariners,  and  give  extra- 
ordinary rates  for  their  passages.  And  yet  were  they 
oftentimes  betrayed,  many  of  them,  and  both  they  and 
their  goods  intercepted  and  surprised,  and  thereby  put 
to  great  trouble  and  charge  ;  of  which  I  will  give  an 
instance  or  two,  and  omit  the  rest. 
1607.  There  was  a  great  company  of  them  purposed  to  get 
passage  at  Boston,  in  Lincolnshire  ;  and  for  that  end 
had  hired  a  ship  wholly  to  themselves,  and  made  agree- 
ment with  the  master  to  be  ready  at  a  certain  day,  and 
take  them  and  their  goods  in  at  a  convenient  place, 
where  they  accordingly  would  all  attend  in  readiness. 
So  after  long  waiting  and  large  expenses,  though  he 
kept  not  the  day  with  them,  yet  he  came  at  length, 
and  took  them  in,  in  the  night.  And  when  he  had 
them  and  their  goods  aboard,  he  betrayed  them,  having 
beforehand  complotted  with  the  searchers  and  other 
officers  so  to  do  ;  who  took  them  and  put  them  into 
open  boats,  and  there  rifled  and  ransacked  them,  search- 
ing them  to  their  shirts  for  money,  yea,  even  the  women, 
further  than  became  modesty ;  and  then  carried  them 
back  into  the  town,  and  made  them  a  spectacle  and 
wonderment  to  the  multitude,  which  came  flocking  on 
all  sides  to  behold  them.    Being  thus  by  the  catchpole 


THE    PILGRIMS   IMPRISONED. 


27 


officers  rifled  and  stripped  of  their  money,  books,  and  g:hap. 
much  other  goods,  they  were  presented  to  the  magis-  -'-^- 
trates,  and  messengers  sent  to  inform  the  Lords  of 
the  Council  of  them  ;  and  so  they  were  committed  to 
ward.  Indeed,  the  magistrates  used  them  courteously, 
and  showed  them  what  favor  they  could  ;  but  could 
not  deliver  them  until  order  came  from  the  Council 
table.  But  the  issue  was,  that  after  a  month's  im- 
prisonment the  greatest  part  were  dismissed,  and  sent 
to  the  places  from  whence  they  came  ;  but  seven  '  of 
the  principal  men  ^  were  still  kept  in  prison,  and  bound 
over  to  the  assizes.^ 

The  next  spring  after,  there  was  another  attempt  i608. 
made,   by  some  of   these  and  others,  to  get  over  at 
another  place  ;  and  it  so  fell  out  that  they  lighted  of  a 
Dutchman  at  Hull,  having  a  ship  of  his  own  belonging 


*  The  word  in  the  MS.  is  some ; 
but  I  have  no  doubt  that  seve^i  was 
the  original  reading.  Hutchinson, 
who  quotes  this  passage  at  length 
from  Bradford's  History,  reads  it 
seven;  and  it  will  be  seen  by  the 
next  note  that  Morion  himself, 
copying  another  manuscript  of  Gov. 
Bradford  alluding  to  this  same  af- 
fair, mentions  "  the  seven."  The 
word  men  I  have  also  restored  from 
Hutchinson.  See  his  History,  ii. 
450. 

*  Gov.  Bradford  says,  in  the  me- 
moir already  referred  to  on  page  24, 
that  Elder  Brewster  "  was  the  chief 
of  those  that  were  taken  at  Boston, 
in  Lincolnshire,  and  suffered  the 
greatest  loss,  and  one  of  the  seven 
that  were  kept  lonsest  in  prison, 
and  after  bound  over  to  the  assizes." 
The  books  that  were  in  the  boats 
probably  belonged  to  him,  as  we 
know  that  he  had  a  considerable 
library,  which  he  brought  over  with 
him  to  Plymouth.  A  catalogue  of 
them  is  contained  in  his  inventory, 
iif  the  Records  of  the  Old  Colony. 


The  whole  number  of  volumes  was 
275,  of  which  64  were  in  the  learned 
languages.  They  were  valued  at 
£43.  See  Morton's  Memorial,  p. 
221,  and  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iv.  117. 
Cotton  Mather,  in  his  Life  of 
Gov.  Bradford  in  the  Magnalia,  i. 
102,  stales  that  he  was  one  of  those 
that  were  taken  and  imprisoned  at 
Boston.  He  adds  that  "  Mr.  Brad- 
ford being  a  young  man  of  about 
eighteen,  was  dismissed  sooner 
than  the  rest,  so  that  within  a 
while  he  had  opportunity  with 
some  others  to  get  over  to  Zealand, 
through  perils  both  by  land  and  sea 
not  inconsiderable;  where  he  was 
not  long  ashore  ere  a  viper  seized 
on  his  hand,  that  is,  an  officer,  who 
carried  him  unto  the  magistrates, 
unto  whom  an  envious  passenger 
had  accused  him  as  having  fled  out 
of  England.  When  the  magistrates 
understood  the  true  cause  of  his 
coming  thither,  they  were  well 
satisfied  with  him;  and  so  he  re- 
paired joyfully  unto  his  brethren  at 
Amsterdam." 


28  THE   SECOND   EMBARKATION. 

*^H^P-  to  Zealand.  They  made  .agreement  with  him,  and 
-^^^'^^  acquainted  him  with  their  condition,  hoping  to  find 
1608.  jjjQj.g  faithfuhiess  in  him  than  in  the  former,  of  their 
own  nation.  He  bade  them  not  fear  ;  for  he  would  do 
well  enough.  He  was  by  appointment  to  take  them  in 
between  Grimsby  ^  and  Hull,  where  was  a  large  com- 
mon, a  good  way  distant  from  any  town.  Now  against 
the  prefixed  time,  the  women  and  children,  with  the 
goods,  were  sent  to  the  place  in  a  small  bark,  which 
they  had  hired  for  that  end,  and  the  men  were  to  meet 
them  by  land.  But  it  so  fell  out  that  they  were  there  a 
day  before  the  ship  came  ;  and  the  sea  being  rough,^  and 
the  women  very  sick,  prevailed  with  the  seamen  to  put 
into  a  creek  hard  by,  where  they  lay  on  ground  at  low 
water.  The  next  morning  the  ship  came  ;  but  they 
were  fast,  and  could  not  stir  until  about  noon.  In  the 
mean  time,  the  shipmaster,  perceiving  how  the  matter 
was,  sent  his  boat  to  be  getting  the  men  aboard,  whom 
he  saw  walking  about  the  shore.  But  after  the  first 
boat-full  was  got  aboard,  and  she  was  ready  to  go  for 
more,  the  master  espied  a  great  company,  both  horse 
and  foot,  with  bills  and  guns  and  other  weapons  ;  for 
the  country  was  raised  to  take  them.  The  Dutchman 
seeing  that,  swore  his  country's  oath,  ("  sacrament ") 
and  having  the  wind  fair,  weighed  his  anchor,  hoisted 
sails,  and  away. 

But  the  poor  men  which  were  got  on  board  were  in 
great  distress  for  their  wives  and  children,  which  they 

'  Grimsby  is  a  sea-port  town  in  ^  Mr.  Bancroft,  who  is  generally 

Lincolnshire,  near  the  mouth  of  the  very  accurate  in  his  facts,  errs  in 

Humber.   It  was  once  rich  and  pop-  saying  that  "  the  embarkation  was 

ulous,  and  carried  on  a  considerable  to  be  made  under   the   shelter  of 

foreign  trade.     See  Camden's  Bri-  darhness ;  "  and    also   draws  upon 

tannia,  p.  471,  and  Britton's  Topo-  his     imagination    for     "  a     night 

graphical  Description  of  the  County  storm"     Hist.  U.  S.  i.  302. 
of  Lincoln,  p.  689 


A   STORM   AT    SEA.  29 

saw  thus  to  be  taken,  and  were  left  destitute  of  their  chap. 
helps,  and  themselves  also  not  having  a  cloth  to  shift  — --^ 
them  with,  more  than  they  had  on  their  backs,  and  I6O8. 
some  scarce  a  penny  about  them,  all  they  had  being 
on  board  the  bark.  It  drew  tears  from  their  eyes,  and 
any  thing  they  had  they  would  have  given  to  have 
been  on  shore  again.  But  all  in  vain  ;  there  was  no 
remedy ;  they  must  thus  sadly  part ;  and  afterwards 
endured  a  fearful  storm  at  sea,  being  fourteen  days  or 
xnore  before  they  arrived  at  their  port ;  in  seven  whereof 
they  neither  saw  sun,  moon,  nor  stars,  and  were  driven 
to  the  coast  of  Norway ;  the  mariners  themselves  often 
despairing  of  life,  and  once  with  shrieks  and  cries  gave 
over  all,  as  if  the  ship  had  been  foundered  in  the  sea, 
and  they  sinking  without  recovery.  But  when  man's 
hope  and  help  wholly  failed,  the  Lord's  power  and 
mercy  appeared  for  their  recovery  ;  for  the  ship  rose 
again,  and  gave  the  mariners  courage  again  to  manage 
her ;  and  if  modesty  ^  would  suffer  me,  I  might  declare 
with  what  fervent  prayers  they  cried  unto  the  Lord  in 
this  great  distress,  especially  some  of  them,  even  with- 
out any  great  distraction.  When  the  water  ran  into 
their  very  ears  and  mouths,  and  the  mariners  cried  out, 
"  We  sink,  we  sink,"  they  cried,  if  not  with  miracu- 
lous, yet  with  a  great  height  of  divine  faith,  "  Yet, 
Lord,  thou  canst  save  ;  yet.  Lord,  thou  canst  save  :  " 
with  such  other  expressions  as  I  will  forbear.  Upon 
which  the  ship  did  not  only  recover,  but  shortly  after 
the  violence  of  the  storm  began  to  abate,  and  the  Lord 
filled  their  afflicted  minds  with  such  comforts  as  every 

'  From  this  expression,  as  well  ford  himself  was  in  the  vessel, 
as  from  the  whole  passage,  there  The  description  is  that  of  an  eye- 
/;an  hardly  be  a  doubt  that  Brad-     witness. 


30 


ARRIVAL   IN   HOLLAND. 


CHAP,  one  cannot  understand,  and  in  the  end  brought  them 

11 
-^•^-^  to  then-  desired  haven  ;  where  the  people  came  flocking, 

16  08.  admiring  their  deliverance,  the  storm  having  been  so 
long  and  sore,  in  which  much  hurt  had  been  done,  as 
the  master's  friends  had  related  unto  him  in  their  con- 
gratulations.' 

But  to  return  to  the  others  where  we  left.  The  rest 
of  the  men  that  were  in  the  greatest  danger  made  shift 
to  escape  away  before  the  troop  could  surprise  them, 
those  only  staying  that  best  might,  to  be  assistant  to 
the  women.     But  pitiful  it  was  to  see  the  heavy  case 


*  Cotton  Mather,  in  the  Magna- 
lia,  i.  101,  102,  records  this  and  the 
previous  attempt  to  escape  from 
England;  but  he  perversely  trans- 
poses their  chronological  order ;  the 
effect  of  which  is  to  make  it  appear 
that  Bradford  was  imprisoned  in 
Boston  after  he  had  escaped  to 
Holland.  He  did  not  derive  his  in- 
formation from  Bradford's  original 
manuscript,  but  from  this  copy  of 
it  in  the  records  of  Plymouth 
church,  which  he  cursorily  exam- 
ined when  on  his  visits  to  his  uncle, 
John  Cotton,  the  minister  of  that 
church. 

Mather  did  not  know  how  to  use 
his  valuable  materials,  and  took  no 
pains  to  ascertain  his  facts  or  verify 
his  statements.  One  instance  of 
hisutter  disregard  of  accuracy,  even 
when  it  could  be  easily  attained, 
will  suffice.  In  his  Life  of  his 
father.  Increase  Mather,  he  states, 
p.  24,  that  he  married  the  oiih/ 
daughter  of  John  Cotton  ;  whilst  in 
the  Magnalia,  i.  260,  he  asserts  that 
Cotton  had  three  daughters,  two  of 
whom  were  married.  One  would 
have  thought  that  he  might  have 
taken  the  trouble  to  find  the  exact 
truth  about  such  a  simple  fact  as 
this,  relating  to  his  own  mother. 
And  yet  Cotton  Mather  is  univer- 
sally cited  by  Europeans,  as  well 
as  by  our  own  countrymen,  who 


undertake  to  write  our  history,  not 
only  as  an  authority,  but  as  the 
highest  authority.  This  has  been 
the  case  from  Neal  and  Pvobertson 
downwards.  DeTocqueville,  whose 
selection  of  authorities  is  in  all 
other  respects  singularly  judicious, 
puts  the  Magnalia  at  the  head, 
calling  it  "  the  most  valuable  and 
important  document  on  the  history 
of  New  England  ;  "  and  Grahanie, 
whose  excellent  History  of  the 
United  Slates  evinces  great  dis- 
crimination, calls  it  "  the  most  con- 
siderable of  the  early  historical 
works,  and  the  most  interesting 
performance  that  the  literature  of 
New  England  has  ever  produced. 
The  biographical  portions,  in  par- 
ticular," he  adds,  "  possess  the 
highest  excellence,  and  are  supe- 
rior in  dignity  and  interest  to  the 
compositions  of  Plutarch."  It  is 
quite  time  that  it  was  generally 
understood  that  Cotton  Mather  is 
not  to  be  relied  upon  as  an  authority 
for  any  fact,  unsupported  by  other 
evidence.  Mr.  Savage,  the  learned 
editor  of  Winthrop's  Journal,  states 
the  simple  truth  when  he  says,  that 
"  Cotton  Mather  has  published  more 
errors  of  carelessness  than  any  other 
writer  on  the  history  of  New  Eng- 
land." De  Tocqueville,  p.  424; 
Grahame,  i.  415 ;  Savage's  Win- 
throp,  ii.  24. 


THE    WOMEN    LEFT   BEHIND.  31 

of  these  poor  women  in  this  distress  ;  what  weeping  chap. 
and  crying  on  every  side  ;  some  for  their  husbands  that  — v-^ 
were  carried  away  in  the  ship,  as  it  was  before  related  ;  16  08. 
others  not  knowing  what  should  become  of  them  and 
their  little  ones  ;  others  melted  in  tears,  seeing  their 
poor  little  ones  hanging  about  them,  crying  for  fear  and 
quaking  with  cold.  Being  thus  apprehended,  they 
were  hurried  from  one  place  to  another,  and  from  one 
justice  to  another,  until,  in  the  end,  they  knew  not 
what  to  do  with  them.  For  to  imprison  so  many 
women  and  innocent  children  for  no  other  cause,  many 
of  them,  but  that  they  would  ^  go  with  their  husbands, 
seemed  to  be  unreasonable,  and  all  would  cry  out  of 
them  ;  and  to  send  them  home  again  was  as  difficult, 
for  they  alleged  (as  the  truth  was)  they  had  no  homes 
to  go  to,  for  they  had  sold  or  otherwise  disposed  of 
their  houses  aud  livings.  To  be  short,  after  they  had 
been  thus  turmoiled  a  good  while,  and  conveyed  from 
one  constable  to  another,  they  were  glad  to  be  rid  of 
them  in  the  end  upon  any  terms,  for  all  were  wearied 
and  tired  with  them  ;  though,  in  the  mean  time,  the 
poor  souls  endured  misery  enough ;  and  thus  in  the 
end  necessity  forced  a  way  for  them. 

But  that  1  be  not  tedious  in  these  things,  I  wall  omit 
the  rest,  although  I  might  relate  other  notable  passages 
and  troubles  which  they  endured  and  underwent  in 
these  their  wanderings  and  travels,  both  at  land  and 
sea.^     But  I  haste  to  other  things.     Yet  I  may  not 

'  I  have  here  substituted  ivould,  the  worthy  Governor  did  not  see 

which    Hutchinson    gives    as   the  fit   to  preserve   the   particulars  of 

reading  of  Bradford's  MS  for  m!<si;,  these  perils  and   sufferings  of  his 

which  is  in  Morton's  copy-     There  brethren.     Could  he  have  foreseen 

'can  be  no  doubt  as  to  which  is  the  the  deep  interest  which,  two  hun- 

true  reading.  dred    years   afterwards,    would    be 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  felt  in  every  thing  relating  to  these 


32  RESULT  OF   THE  PERSECUTION. 

CHAP,  omit  the  fruit  that  came  hereby.  For  by  these  so 
^^v^^  public  troubles  in  so  many  eminent  places  ^  their  cause 
160  8.  became  famous,  and  occasioned  many  to  look  into  the 
same ;  and  their  godly  carriage  and  christian  behaviour 
was  such  as  left  a  deep  impression  in  the  minds  of 
many.  And  though  some  few  shrunk  at  those  first 
conflicts  and  sharp  beginnings,  (as  it  was  no  marvel,) 
yet  many  more  came  on  with  fresh  courage,  and  greatly 
animated  others  ;  and  in  the  end,  notwithstanding  all 
these  storms  of  opposition,  they  all  got  over  at  length, 
some  at  one  time  and  some  at  another,  and  met  to- 
gether again,  according  to  their  desires,  with  no  small 
rejoicing. 

poorexiles,  he  would  not  have  failed  know  ahout  their  trials  and  perse- 

to  record  the  minutest  occurrences  cutions.    They  were  not  aware  that 

in  their  history.    But  these  humble  they  were  to  be  the  germs  of  a  great 

and  modest   men  did  not  suppose  empire, 

that  posterity  would  be  solicitous  to  *  Boston,  Hull,  and  Grimsby. 


CHAPTER    III. 


OF  THEIR    SETTLING    IN    HOLLAND,  AND    THEIR    MANNER 
OF   LIVING  AND   ENTERTAINMENT  THERE. 


Being  now  come  into  the  Low  Countries,  thev  saw  chap. 

III. 
many  goodly  and  fortified  cities,  strongly  walled,  and  — v-^. 

guarded  with  troops  of  armed  men.  Also  they  heard  1^08. 
a  strange  and  uncouth  language,  and  beheld  the  differ- 
ent manners  and  customs  of  the  people,  with  their 
strange  fashions  and  attires ;  all  so  far  differing  from 
that  of  their  plain  country  villages,  wherein  they  were 
bred  and  born  and  had  so  long  lived,  as  it  seemed 
they  were  come  into  a  new  world.  But  those  were 
not  the  things  they  much  looked  on,  or  long  took  up 
their  thoughts ;  for  they  had  other  work  in  hand,  and 
another  kind  of  war  to  wage  and  maintain.  For  though 
they  saw  fair  and  beautiful  cities,  flowing  with  abun- 
dance of  all  sorts  of  wealth  and  riches,  yet  it  was  not 
long  before  they  saw  the  grim  and  griseled '  face  of 
poverty  coming  on  them  like  an  armed  man,  with 
whom  they  must  buckle  and  encounter,  and  from 
whom  they  could  not  fly.  But  they  were  armed  with 
faith  and  patience  against  him  and  all  his  encounters  ; 

*  Griseled,  for  grisly  —  frightful,  hideous. 
5 


34  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   AMSTERDAM. 

CHAP,  and  though  thej  were  sometimes  foiled,  jet  by  God's 
— v-^  assistance  they  prevailed  and  got  the  victory. 
1608.  Now  when  Mr.  Robinson,  Mr.  Brewster,  and  other 
principal  members  were  come  over,  (for  they  were  of 
the  last,  and  stayed  to  help  the  weakest  over  before 
them,)  such  things  were  thought  on  as  were  necessary 
for  their  settling  and  best  ordering  of  the  church  affairs. 
And  when  they  had  lived  at  Amsterdam  about  a  year, 
Mr.  Robinson,  their  pastor,  and  some  others  of  best 
discerning,  seeing  how  Mr.  John  Smith  and  his  com- 
pany was  already  fallen  into  contention  with  the  church 
that  was  there  before  them,  and  no  means  they  could 
use  would  do  any  good  to  cure  the  same  ;  and  also 
that  the  flames  of  contention  were  like  to  break  out  in 
that  ancient  church  itself,  (as  afterwards  lamentably 
came  to  pass)  ;  which  things  they  prudently  foreseeing, 
thought  it  was  best  to  remove  before  they  were  any 
way  engaged  with  the  same  ;  ^  though  they  well  knew 
it  would  be  much  to  the  prejudice  of  their  outward 


'  Neal,  Hist,  of  N.  England,  i.  pears  from  page  22,  only  a  short 
76,  falls  into  an  error  when  he  time  before  Robinson.  The  con- 
speaks  of  "  the  flames  of  conten-  tention  was  not  among  the  mem- 
tion  having  broken  out  in  Mr.  hers  of  Smith's  congregation,  but 
Smith's  church."  Belknap,  Amer.  between  his  church  and  "  the  church 
Biog.  ii.  157,  follows  it  when  he  that  was  there  before  them,"  "  that 
says,  "  these  people  (Smith  and  his  ancient  church,"  namely  Johnson's, 
congregation)  fell  into  controversy,  mentioned  in  the  note  on  page  24. 
and  were  soon  scattered  ; "  and  Baylie,  in  his  Dissuasive,  p.  16, 
Francis  Baylies,  Memoir  of  Ply-  Hornius,  Hist.  Eccles.  p.  232,  and 
mouth,  i.  11,  repeats  it  when  he  Neal,  Hist.  Puritans,  i.  437,  err  in 
says,  "  some  dissensions  happening  saying  that  Smith  set  up  his  church 
amongst  them,  (Smith's  people)  the  at  Leyden;  whereas  it  was  to  avoid 
church  was  dissolved."  This  error  him  and  his  company  that  Robinson 
arises  from  their  not  being  aware  removed  to  that  city.  Cotton,  in 
of,  or  not  attending  to,  the  fact  of  his  Way  of  Cong.  Churches,  p.  7, 
the  existence  of  another  congrega-  says,  "  I  understand  by  such  as 
tion  of  Separatists  at  Amsterdam,  lived  in  those  parts  at  that  time, 
which  had  been  established  many  Smith  lived  at  Amsterdam,  and 
years  before  Smith  settled  there ;  there  died,  and  at  Leyden  in  Hol- 
yvho  went  over  to  Holland,  as  ap-  land  he  never  came." 


REMOVAL  TO  LEYDEN.  35 

estate,  both  at  present  and,  in  likelihood,  in  the  future  ;  chap. 
as  indeed  it  proved  to  be. 

For  these  and  some  other  reasons  they  removed  to  16  09. 
Leyden,^  a  fair  and  beautiful  city,  and  of  a  sweet  situ- 
ation, but  made  more  famous  by  the  university  where- 
with it  is  adorned,  in  which  of  late  it  had  been  by  so 
many  learned  men  ;  ^  but  wanting  that  traffic  by  sea 
which  Amsterdam  enjoyed,  it  was  not  so  beneficial  for 
their  outward  means  of  living  and  estates.  But  being 
now  here  pitched,  they  fell  to  such  trades  and  employ- 
ments^ as  they  best  could,  valuing  peace  and  their 
spiritual  comfort  above  any  other  riches  whatsoever ; 
and  at  length  they  came  to  raise  a  competent  and  com- 
fortable living,  and  with  hard  and  continual  labor. 
Being  thus  settled,  after  many  difficulties,  they  con- 
tinued many  years  in  a  comfortable  condition,  enjoying 
much  sweet  and  delightful  society  and  spiritual  comfort 
together,  in  the  ways  of  God,  under  the  able  ministry 

^  "  By  several  passages  in  Gov.  sius,  and  Booerhave.    See  Grotius, 

Bradford's  manuscript  it  seems  as  Annals,  p.  266  ;  Brandt,  i.  312. 
if  they  began  to  remove  to  Leyden        ^  Cotton  Mather,  in  his  Life  of 

at  the  end  of  1608."      Prince,  p.  Gov.  Bradford,  in  the  Magnalia,  i. 

120.     The  distance  from  Amster-  102,  speaks  of  "  the  difficulties  to 

dam  to  Leyden  is  about  38  miles.  which  Bradford,  when  in  Holland, 

*  The  university  of  Leyden  was  stooped  in  learning  and  serving  of 
established  in  1575,  the  year  after  a  Frenchman  at  the  working  of 
the  memorable  siege  of  that  place,  silks;"  and  Belknap,  in  his  Amer. 
The  Prince  of  Orange,  wishing  to  Biog.  ii.  218,  says  that  Bradford, 
reward  the  citizens  for  their  con-  "  being  under  age,  put  himself  as 
stancy  and  valor,  gave  them  the  an  apprentice  to  a  French  Protest- 
choice  of  two  privileges  —  either  ant,  who  taught  him  the  art  of  silk- 
an  exemption  from  taxes,  or  a  uni-  dying."  Neither  of  them,  how- 
versity ;  they  chose  the  latter.  It  ever,  refers  to  any  authority  for 
has  been  at  times  one  of  the  most  their  statements.  Brewster  be- 
celebrated  in  Europe;  and  from  its  came  a  printer,  as  will  be  seen 
reputation  the  city  itself  was  called  hereafter  in  Bradford's  memoir  of 
the  Athens  of  the  West,  and  the  him.  Many  of  the  first  colonists 
North  Star  of  Holland.  Among  at  Plymouth  were  weavers,  from 
its  distinguished  professors  and  Yorkshire  and  Nottinghamshire, 
'scholars  were  Arminius,  Episco-  and  brought  over  their  looms  with 
plus,  Grotius,  Lipsius,  Junius,  Vos-  them.  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xiii. 
sius,  Descartes,    Scaliger,    Salma-  171. 


36  INCREASE  OF  THE   CHURCH. 

CHAP,  and  prudent  government  of  Mr.  John  Robinson  and 
— —  Mr.  William  Brewster,  who  was  an  assistant  unto  him 
1609  in  the  place  of  an  elder,  unto  which  he  was  now  called 
1617.  and  chosen  by  the  church  ;  so  as  they  grew  in  knowl- 
edge and  other  gifts  and  graces  of  the  spirit  of  God  ; 
and  lived  together  in  peace,  and  love,  and  holiness. 
y      And  many  came  unto  them  from  divers  parts  of  Eng- 
\     land,  so  as  they  grew  a  great  congregation.^     And  if 
at  any  time  any  differences  did  arise  or  offences  broke 
out,  (as  it  cannot  be  but  that  sometimes  there  will, 
even  amongst  the  best  of  men),  they  were  ever  so  met 
with  and  nipped  in  the  head  betimes,  or  otherwise  so 
well  composed,  as  still  love,  peace,  and  communion 
was  continued,  or  else  the  church  purged  of  those  that 
were  incurable  and  incorrigible,  when,  after  much  pa- 
tience used,  no  other  means  would  serve  ;  which  seldom 
comes  to  pass. 

Yea,  such  w^as  the  mutual  love  and  reciprocal  respect 
that  this  worthy  man  had  to  his  flock,  and  his  flock  to 
him,  that  it  might  be  said  of  them,  as  it  was  once  said  ^ 
of  that  famous  emperor,  Marcus  Aurelius,  and  the  people 
of  Rome,  that  it  was  hard  to  judge  whether  he  delight- 
ed more  in  having  such  a  people,  or  they  in  having 


'  II  is  impossible  to  ascertain  120  set  sail  from  England  in  the 
the  exact  number  of  Robinson's  Mayflowerand  Speedwell.  Oflhese 
congregation  ;  yet  we  may  approxi-  101  arrived  at  Plymouth  in  the  May- 
mate  to  it.  Gov.  Bradford  tells  us,  flower  in  1620  ;  36  came  in  the  For- 
in  his  Dialogue,  that  in  Johnson's  tune,  in  1631 ;  60  in  the  Ann,  in 
church,  "  at  Amsterdam,  there  were  1623 ;  35,  with  their  families,  in  the 
about  three  hundred  communicants;  Mayflower,  in  1629;  and  60  in 
and  for  the  church  of  Leyden,  they  1630  ;  — making  in  all  more  than 
were  sometimes  not  much  fewer  in  300,  including  the  "  families."  We 
number."  Edward  Winslowsays,  in  have  the  names  of  those  who  came 
his  Brief  Narrative,  that  "  the  dif-  in  the  first  three  ships  ;  and  also  a 
ference  of  number  was  not  great "  list  of  the  persons  in  the  Colony  in 
between    those  who  remained   at  May,  1627. 

Leyden  and  those  who  embarked        *  Golden   Book,  &c.  —  Morton's 

for  America.     Now  we  know  that  Note. 


JOHN   ROBINSON'S   CHARACTER.  37 

such  a  pastor.     His  love  was  ffreat  towards  them,  and  chap. 

.  Ill 

his  care  was  always  bent  for  their  best  good,  both  for  — v--- 

soul  and  body.  For,  besides  his  singular  abilities  in  1^09 
divine  things,  wherein  he  excelled,  he  was  able  also  to  1 6 1 7, 
give  direction  in  civil  affairs,'  and  to  foresee  dangers 
and  inconveniences  ;  by  which  means  he  was  very 
helpful  to  their  outward  estates  ;  and  so  was  every 
way  as  a  common  father  unto  them.  And  none  did 
more  offend  him  than  those  that  were  close  and  cleav- 
ing to  themselves,  and  retired  from  the  common  good ; 
as  also  such  as  would  be  stiff  and  rigid  in  matters  of 
outward  order,  and  inveigh  against  the  evils  of  others, 
and  yet  be  remiss  in  themselves,  and  not  so  careful  to 
express  a  virtuous  conversation.  They,  in  like  manner, 
had  ever  a  reverent  regard  unto  him,  and  had  him  in 
precious  estimation,  as  his  worth  and  wisdom  did  de- 
serve ;  and  although  they  esteemed  him  highly  whilst 
he  lived  and  labored  amongst  them,  yet  much  more 
after  his  death,^  when  they  came  to  feel  the  want  of 
his  help,  and  saw,  by  woful  experience,  what  a  treasure 
they  had  lost,  to  the  grief  of  their  hearts  and  wounding 
of  their  souls  ;  yea,  such  a  loss  as  they  saw  could  not 


'  It  has  been  the  practice  of  of  Mayhew,  Chauncy,  and  Cooper, 
the  Independent  or  Congregational  before  and  during  the  Revolution, 
clergy,  both  in  Old  and  New  Eng-  will  never  be  forgotten.  The  Con- 
land,  from  the  earliest  time?,  to  gregational  clergy  were  found,  at 
take  an  interest  and  part  in  public  that  time,  almost  to  a  man,  on  the 
affair;.  The  prominent  and  efficient  side  of  their  country's  independ- 
agency  which  they  exercised  in  the  ence  ;  and  they  have  ever  been  the 
infancy  of  our  colonial  settlements  earnest  and  consistent  advocates  of 
is  well  known  ;  Cotton,  Hooker,  and  "  liberty  with  order."  See  Hutch- 
Davenport  shared  at  least  an  equal  inson's  Mass.  i.  34,  419;  Trum- 
powerwith  Wintnrop,  Haynes,  and  bull's  Connecticut,  i.  91,99;  Bacon's 
Eaton  in  moulding  the  civil  polity  and  Kingsley's  Hist.  Discourses  at 
of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut.  New  Haven  ;  Tudor's  Life  of  Otis, 
^  The  services  of  Increase  Mather  in  pp.  140-155. 
obtaining  the  second  charter  of  ^  Mr.  Robinson  died  at  Leyden, 
Massachusetts  are  recorded  in  her  March  1st,  1625.  He  was  about 
history ;  and  the  patriotic  exertions  50  years  old.     Prince,  p.  237, 


38  THE   PILGRIMS   LIVE   IN   PEACE. 

CHAP,  be  repaired  ;  for  it  was  hard  for  them  to  find  such 
— -^'  another  leader  and  feeder  in  all  respects,  as  the  Tabo- 
160  9  rites  to  find  another  Ziska.^  And  although  thej  did 
1617,  not  call  themselves  orphans,  as  the  other  did,  after  his 
death,  jet  they  had  cause  as  much  to  lament,  in  another 
regard,  their  present  condition  and  after  usage. 

But  to  return.     I  know  not  but  it  may  be  spoken  to 
the  honor  of  God,  and  without  prejudice  to  any,  that 
such  was  the   humble  zeal  and  fervent  love  of  this 
people  (whilst  they  thus  lived  together)  towards  God 
.  and  his  ways,  and  the  single-heartedness  and  sincere 
j   affection  one  towards  another,  that  they  came  as  near 
f    the  primitive  pattern  of  the  first  churches  as  any  other 
5    church  of  these  latter  times  have  done,  according  to 
their  rank  and  quality.     But  seeing  it  is  not  my  pur- 
pose to  treat  of  the  several  passages  that  befell  this 
people  whilst  they  thus  lived  in  the  Low  Countries, 
(which  might  worthily  require  a  large  treatise  of  itself,) 
but  to  manifest  something  of  their  beginning  and  after 
progress   in  New  England,  which  I   principally  scope 
and  aim  at ;  yet,  because  some  of  their  adversaries  did, 
upon   the  rumor  of  their  removal,  cast  out  slanders 
against  them,  as  if  that  State  had  been  weary  of  them, 
and  had  rather  driven  them  out,  (as  the  heathen  histo- 

*  The  burning  of  John  Huss  and  sion  to  the  Mount  of  Transfigura- 

Jerome  of  Prague  by  order  of  the  tion,  on  which  the  Apostle  Peter 

Council  of  Constance,  in  1415  and  wished  to  build  tabernacles.    Here 

1416,  caused  great  indignation  and  they  founded  a  city,  to  which  also 

excitement  in  Bohemia,  their  native  they  gave  the  name  of  Tabor,  and 

country,  which  led  to  an  open  in-  from    it    were    themselves   called 

surrection.      The  insurgents  took  Taborites.  After  the  death  of  Ziska 

up  arms,  and  under  the  command  in  1424,  his  followers  were  incon- 

of  John  Ziska,  retired  to  a  moun-  solable,  and  considering  themselves 

tain    ten   miles  from    Prague,    to  deprived  of  a  parent  and  protector, 

which    they    gave    the    name    of  called   themselves    Orphans.     See 

Mount  Tabor,  from  the  tent  which  Gieseler's  Eccles.  Hist.  iii.  359,  and 

they  erected  there  for  the  celebra-  Encyc.  Amer.  articles   Ziska  and 

tion  of  the  communion,  and  in  allu-  Huss. 


THEIR   CREDIT   WITH   THE   DUTCH.  39 

ries  did  feign  of  Moses  and  the  Israelites  when  they  chap. 

.  .  .         ni. 

went  out  of  Egypt,)  ^  than  it  was  their  own  free  choice  — '^' 

and  motion,  I  will  therefore  mention  a  particular  or 

two  to  show  the  contrary,  and  that  good  acceptation 

they  had  in  the  place. 

And  first,  although  it  was  low  with  many  of  them, 
yet  their  word  would  be  taken  amongst  the  Dutch 
when  they  wanted  money,  because  they  had  found  by 
experience  how  careful  they  were  to  keep  their  word,^ 
and  saw  them  so  painful  and  diligent  in  their  callings, 
that  they  strove  to  get  their  custom,  and  to  employ 
them  above  others  in  their  work,  for  their  honesty  and 
diligence. 

Again  ;   the  magistrates  of  the  city,  about  the  time 
of  their  coming  away,  or  a  little  before,  in  the  public  1619. 
place  of  justice,  gave  this  commendable  testimony  of 
them,  in  reproof  of  the  Walloons,^  who  were  of  the 
French  church  in  the  city.     "  These  English,"  said      *— ' 
they,  "  have  lived  amongst  us  now  this  twelve  years,       \ 
and  yet  we  never  had  any  suit  or  accusation  come 


'  It  was  a  vulgar  slander  against  deep  despair,  Moses,  one  of  their 

the  Jews,  that  they  were  expelled  number,"  &:c.   Josephus  vindicates 

from  Egypt   on   account  of  their  his    countrymen  from    the    same 

having  the  leprosy.     Tacitus  says  charge,  as    alleged    by    Manetho, 

"  A  pestilential  disease,  disfiguring  Chseremon,  and  Lysimachus.    See 

the  race  of  men,  and  making  the  Tacitus,  Hist.  lib.  v.  3,  with  the 

body  an  object  of  loathsome  de-  comments  of  Brotier  and  Oberlin, 

formity,    spread    all    over   Egypt,  and  Josephus  against  Apion,  lib.  i. 

Bocchoris,  at  that  time  the  reigning  26-35. 

monarch,  consulted  the   oracle  of  *  A  great  honor  to  the  Gospel. — 

Jupiter  Hammon,  and  received  for  Morion's  Note. 

answer,  that  the  kingdom  must  be  ^  The  Walloons  are  the  inhabi- 

purified,  by  exterminating  the  in-  tants  of  the  southern  part  of  Bel- 

fected  multitude,  as  a  race  of  men  gium,  bordering  on  France.    Their 

detested  by  the  gods.     After  dili-  language  is  a  dialect  differing  from 

gent  search,  the  wretched  sufferers  the  French  and  German,  as  well 

were  collected   together,  and  in  a  as  the  Flemish,  and  is  said  to  re- 

'wild  and  barren  desert  abandoned  semble  the  old  French  of  the  thir- 

to  their  misery.     In  that  distress,  teenth     century.      See    Grattan's 

while  the  vulgar  herd  was  sunk  in  Hist,  of  the  Netherlands,  p.  1. 


40 


THE  ARMINIAN   CONTROVERSY. 


CHAP,  against  any  of  *   them.     But  your  strifes  and  quarrels 

— v-i-  are  continual,"  &c. 

1612.  In  these  times,  also,  were  the  great  troubles  raised 
by  the  Arminians  ;  ^  who,  as  they  greatly  molested  the 
whole  State,  so  this  city  in  particular,  in  which  was  the 
chief  university  ;  so  as  there  were  daily  and  hot  disputes 
in  the  schools  thereabouts.  And  as  the  students  and 
other  learned  were  divided  in  their  opinions  herein, 
so  were  the  two  professors  or  divinity  readers  them- 
selves, the  one  daily  teaching  for  it,  and  the  other 
against  it ;  which  grew  to  that  pass,  that  few  of  the 
disciples  of  the  one  would  hear  the  other  teach.  But 
Mr.  Robinson,  although  he  taught  thrice  a  week  him- 
self, and  wrote  sundry  books,^  besides,  his  manifold 
pains  otherwise,  yet  he  went  constantly  to  hear  their 


*  The  words  any  of  are  inserted 
from  Hutchinson,  ii.  454.  Morton 
himself  has  it  so  in  the  Memorial, 
p.  21. 

^  The  fullest  and  best  account  of 
Arminianism,  "  that  grand  choke- 
weed  of  true  Christianity,"  as  Cot- 
ton Mather  spitefully  calls  it, 
(Magnalia,  i.  46),  is  contained  in 
Brandt's  History  of  the  Reforma- 
tion in  the  Low  Countries. — James 
Arminius,  (Hermann),  born  at 
Oudewater,  in  fcsouth  Holland,  in 
1560,  after  having  been  fifteen  years 
a  minister  at  Amsterdam,  was 
chosen  professor  of  divinity  at  Ley- 
den  in  1603,  and  died  Oct.  9,  1609, 
in  his  49th  year.  The  best  Life  of 
him  is  by  Brandt.  See  also  his 
Life  by  Nichols;  Brandt's  Hist. 
Ref  ii.  25-63;  and  Bayle,  Diet. 
Hist,  et  Crit. 

*  The  following  are  the  titles  of 
the  books  which  Robinson  pub- 
lished after  his  arrival  in  Holland, 
and  before  the  embarkation  of  the 
Pilgrims  for  America.  1.  A  Justi- 
fication of  Separation  from  the 
Church  of  England ;  against  Mr. 


Richard  Bernard  his  invective,  inti- 
tuled The  Separatists'  Scheme. 
By  John  Robinson.  1610.  2.  Of 
Religious  Communion,  private  and 
public.  Wifh  the  silencing  of  the 
clamors  raised  by  Mr.  Thomas 
Helwisse  against  our  retaining  the 
baptism  received  in  England,  and 
admislering  of  baptism  unto  in- 
fants. As  also  a  survey  of  the 
confession  of  faiih  published  in 
certain  Conclusions  by  the  remain- 
ders of  Mr.  Smith's  company.  By 
John  Robinson.  1614.  3.  Apolo- 
gia Justa  et  Necessaria  quorundara 
Christianorum,  seque  contumelios6 
ac  communiter  dictorum  Brownis- 
tarum,  sive  Barrowistarum.  Per 
Johannem  Robinsonum,  Anslo- 
Leidensem,  suo  et  ecclesise  nomine, 
cui  prffifigitur.  1619.  This  work 
was  translated  into  English,  and 
printed  in  1644.  The  place  where 
these  books  were  printed  is  not 
inentioncdon  the  title-pageof  either 
of  them.  It  probably  was  Leyden, 
and  Elder  Brewster  may  have  been 
the  printer. 


ROBINSON   DISPUTES   WITH   EPISCOPIUS.  41 

readings,  and  heard  as  well  one  as  the  other.     By  chap. 

Ill 
which  means  he  was  so  well  grounded  in  the  contro-  — v-^ 

versy,  and  saw  the  force  of  all  their  arguments,  and 
knew  the  shifts  of  the  adversary  ;  and  being  himself 
very  able,  none  was  fitter  to  buckle  with  them  than 
himself,  as  appeared  by  sundry  disputes  ;  so  as  he 
began  to  be  terrible  to  the  Arminians  ;  which  made  * 
Episcopius,'  the  Arminian  professor,  to  put  forth  his 
best  strength,  and  set  out  sundry  theses,  which  by  1 613. 
public  dispute  he  would  defend  against  all  men.  Now 
Polyander,^  the  other  professor,  and  the  chief  preach- 
ers of  the  city,  desired  Mr.  Robinson  to  dispute  against 
him.  But  he  was  loth,  being  a  stranger.  Yet  the 
other  did  importune  him,  and  told  him  that  such  was 
the  ability  and  nimbleness  of  wit  of  the  adversary,  that 
the.  truth  would  suffer  if  he  did  not  help  them  ;  so  as  he 
condescended,  and  prepared  himself  against  the  time. 
And  when  the  time  came,  the  Lord  did  so  help  him  to 
defend  the  truth  and  foil  his  adversary,  as  he  put 
him  to  an  apparent  nonplus  in  this  great  and  public 
audience.  And  the  like  he  did  two  or  three  times 
upon  such  like  occasions  ;  the  which,  as  it  caused 
many  to  praise  God  that  the  truth  had  so  famous  a  '^ 
victory,  so  it  procured  him  much  honor  and  respect 
from  those  learned  men  and  others  which  loved  the 
truth.^ 


'  Simon  Episcopius   (Bisschop)  live,  says,  "our  pastor,  Mr.  Robin- 

and  Joha  Polyander  were  chosen  son,  in  the  time  when  Arminianistn 

professors  of  divinity  in  the  univer-  prevailed  so  much,  at  the  request  of 

sity  at  Leyden  in  1612.  See  Brandt,  the  most  orthodox  divines,  as  Poly- 

ii.  HI ;  Limborch's  Historia  Vitae  ander,  Festus  Hommius,  &c.  dis- 

Simonis  Episcopii,  p.  41;  Calder's  puted  daily  against  Episcopius  (in 

Memoirs  of  Episcopius,  p.  128,  and  the  Academy  at  Leyden)  and  oihers, 

Bayle,  Diet.  Hist,  et  Crit.  the  grand  champions  of  that  error, 

^  Winslow,  in  his  Brief  Narra-  and  had  as  good  respect  amongst 


42 


THE   DUTCH   ESTEEM  THE  PILGRIMS. 


CHAP. 
III. 


Yea,  so  far  were  they  from  being  weary  of  him  and 
his  people,  or  desiring  their  absence,  as  that  it  was  said 
1608  by  some,  of  no  mean  note,  that  were  it  not  for  giving 

to 

1620.  offence  to  the  State  of  England,^  they  would  have 
preferred  him  otherwise,  if  he  would,  and  allowed 
them  some  public  favor.  Yea,  when  there  was 
speech  of  their  removal  into  these  parts,  sundry  of 
note  and  eminency  of  that  nation  would  have  had 
them  come  under  them  ;  and  for  that  end  made  them 
large  offers.^     • 

Now  although  I  might  allege  many  particulars  and 
examples  of  the  like  kind  to  show  the  untruth  and 
unlikelihood  of  this  slander,  yet  these   shall  suffice, 


them  as  any  of  their  own  divines." 
I  find,  however,  no  account  of  this 
disputation  in  Brandt  or  in  any  of 
the  biographers  of  Episcopius.  Yet 
John  Hoornbeek,  a  professor  at 
Leyden,  says  in  his  Sumtna  Contro- 
versiarum  Religionis,  p.  741,  (pub- 
lished in  1658,)  "  Vir  ille  (Johannes 
Robinsonus)  gratus  nostris,  dum 
vixit,  fuit,  et  theologis  Leidensibus 
famiiiaris  ac  honoratus.  Scripsit 
prjEterea  varia  contra  Arminianos : 
frequens  quippe  et  acer  erat  Epis- 
copii  in  Academia  adversarius  et 
opponens."  Belknap  judiciously 
remarks  concerning  this  disputa- 
tion, "  It  is  usual,  on  such  occa- 
sions, for  the  partisans  on  both 
sides  to  claim  the  victory  for  their 
respective  champions.  AVhether  it 
were  so  at  this  time  cannot  be  de- 
termined, as  we  have  no  account 
of  the  controversy  from  the  Ar- 
minian  party."  Amer.  Biog.  ii. 
160. 

*  King  James  at  this  time  exer- 
cised an  unwarrantable  influence  in 
the  Low  Countries,  both  in  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  affairs.  He  drove 
Vorstius  from  his  professorship  at 


Leyden  for  his  heresies,  and  labored 
to  procure  his  banishment ;  and  pre- 
vented Ames  from  being  elected  to 
the  same  office.  He  seems  to  have 
kept  an  ambassador  at  the  Hague 
chiefly  to  inform  him  of  the  pro- 
gress of  the  theological  disputes  in 
that  country.  See  Winwood's  Me- 
morials, iii.  293-6,  304,  310,  357. 
Sir  Dudley  Carleton's  Letters,  pp. 
352,  373,  388,  435 ;  Brandt,  ii.  85, 
97. 

*  Henry  Hudson,  in  the  employ- 
ment of  the  Dutch  East  India  Com- 
pany, discovered  the  river  called  by 
his  name,  in  1609.  On  this  ground 
the  Dutch  claimed  the  adjoining 
territory  ;  a  few  huts  were  erected 
at  New  York  and  Albany  in  1613 
and  1615 ;  but  no  colony  was  settled 
in  the  New  Netherlands  till  1623. 
The  Dutch  West  India  Company 
was  incorporated  in  1621  for  this 
object  ;  but  individuals  had  for 
some  years  before  been  meditating 
colonization  on  the  Hudson  ;  and 
the  offers  to  the  Pilgrims  probably 
came  from  them.  See  Bancroft's 
United  States,  ii.  265,  272,  273, 
275,  277. 


THE   PILGRIMS    IN   HOLLAND. 


43 


seeing  it  was  believed  of  few,  being  only  raised  by  the 
malice  of  some  who  labored  their  disgrace.^ 


'  The  English  separatists  in  Hol- 
land attracted  the  notice  of  Cardinal 
Bentivoglio,  who  was  the  papal 
nuncio  in  that  country  from  1607  to 
1616,  though  he  misunderstood  the 
cause  of  their  leaving  England, 
supposing  it  to  be  commerce,  and 
not  religion.  He  says,  "  I  Puritani 
ancora  vi  son  tolerati,  che  sono  i 
piu  puri  e  piu  rigidi  Calvinisti,  i 
quali  non  vogliono  riconoscere  au- 
torita  alcuna  ne'  magistrati  politici 
sopra  il  governo  de'  loro  ministri 
heretici  ;  e  sono  quasi  tutti  de' 
Puritani  d'  Inghilterra,  che  per 
occasion  di  commercio  frequentan 


I'Ollanda,  e  le  altre  Provincie  Unite. 
—  I  Puritani  Inglesi  sono  in  Am- 
sterdam quasi  tutti  per  I'istesso 
rispetto  ;  e  se  ne  trattengono  alcuni 
medesimamente  per  occasione  di 
mercantia  nellacittadi  Midelburgo 
in  Zelanda.  Per  ogni  parte  dunque, 
e  da  tutti  gli  angoli,  si  puo  dire, 
delle  Provincie  Unite,  s'odono  i 
latrati,  e  gli  urlidi  tanti  infetti  loro 
seltarii."  Relazione  di  Fiandra, 
parte  ii.  cap.  ii.  This  hardly  affords 
ground  for  Bancroft's  statement, 
that  "  Robinson's  congregation  in- 
spired the  nuncio  of  Rome  with 
respect."     See  his  History,  i.  302. 


1608 

to 
1620. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

SHOWING  THE   REASONS  AND  CAUSES  OF  THEIR  REMOVAL. 

^^^P-      After  they  had  lived  in  this  city  about  eleven  or 
—      twelve  years,  (which  is  the  more  observable,  being  the 
^^to^  whole  time  of  that  famous  truce  between  that  State 
162  0.  and  the  Spaniards,)^  and  sundry  of  them  were  taken 
away  by  death,  and  many  others  began  to  be  well 
stricken  in  years,  the  grave  mistress  experience  having 
taught  them  many  things,  these   prudent  governors, 
with  sundry  of  the  sagest  members,  began  both  deeply 
1617.  to  apprehend  their  present  dangers  and  wisely  to  fore- 
see the  future,  and  think  of  timely  remedy.     In  the 
agitation  of  their  thoughts  and  much  discourse  of  par- 
ticulars hereabout,  they  began  to  incline  to  this  conclu- 
sion of  removal  to  some  other  place  ;  not  out  of  any 
newfangledness,  or  other  such  like  giddy  humor,  by 
which  men  are  many  times  transported,  to  their  great 
hurt  and  danger,  but  for  sundry  weighty  and   solid 


'  After  the  war  had  been  raging  Fiandra,  parte  iii.  lib.  viii.,  Opere 
for  more  than  thirty  years  between  Storiche,  iv.  564  ;  Grotius,  p.  542, 
Spain  and  the  United  Provinces,  569  ;  Brandt,  ii.  54  ;  Watson's 
by  the  mediation  of  Henry  IV.  of  Philip  III.  p.  275  ;  Grattan's  Nether- 
France  and  James  I.  of  England,  lands,  p.  226.  This  work  of  Benti- 
a  truce  of  twelve  years  was  con-  voglio  should  have  been  mentioned 
eluded  on  the  9th  of  April,  1609.  in  the  note  on  page  25. 
See  Bentivoglio,  Delia  Guerra  di 


THE   PILGRIMS   PROPOSE  TO  LEAVE  HOLLAND.  45 

reasons,   the  chief  of  which  I  will  here  recite  and  chap. 
briefly  touch.  v^-v-^ 

1 .  And  first,  they  found  and  saw  by  experience  the  1617. 
hardness  of  the  place  and  country  to  be  such,  as  few 
in  comparison  would  come  to  them,  and  fewer  that 
would  bide  it  out  and  continue  with  them.  For  many 
that  came  to  them,  and  many  more  that  desired  to  be 
with  them,  could  not  endure  the  great  labor  and  hard 
fare,  with  other  inconveniences,  which  they  underwent 
and  were  contented  with.  But  though  they  loved 
their  persons,  and  approved  their  cause,  and  honored 
their  sufferings,  yet  they  left  them  as  it  were  weeping, 
as  Orpah  did  her  mother-in-law  Naomi,  or  as  those  ?"/]' 
Romans  did  Cato  in  Utica,  who  desired  to  be  excused 
and  borne  with  though  they  could  not  all  be  Catos.^ 
For  many,  though  they  desired  to  enjoy  the  ordinances 
of  God  in  their  purity,  and  the  liberty  of  the  Gospel 
with  them,  yet,  alas,  they  admitted  of  bondage,  with 
danger  of  conscience,  rather  than  to  endure  these  hard- 
ships ;  yea,  some  preferred  and  chose  prisons  in  Eng- 
land rather  than  this  liberty  in  Holland,  with  these 
afflictions.  But  it  was  thought  that  if  a  better  and 
easier  place  of  living  could  be  had,  it  would  draw 
many  and  take  away  these  discouragements ;  yea, 
their  pastor  would  often  say  that  many  of  those  that 
both  writ  and  preached  how  against  them,  if  they 
were  in  a  place  where  they  might  have  liberty,  and 
live  comfortably,  they  would  then  practise  as  they 
did. 

^  Plutarch   says,  in  his  Life  of  him  to  trust  them  and  make  use  of 

Cato  the  Younger,  that  the  three  their  services  ;  but  as  they  were  no 

/hundred  Roman  citizens  who  were  Catos,  and  had  not  Cato's  dignity 

with  him  in  Utica,  intending   to  of  mind,  they  hoped  he  would  pity 

send  messengers  to  Ceesar  to  inter-  their  weakness." 
cede    in   their    behalf,   "  implored 


46  THE   REASONS   FOR   REMOVAL. 

CHAP.      2.  They  saw  that  although   the   people   generally 

— v-L  bore   all  their  difficulties  very  cheerfully  and  with  a 

1617.  resolute  courage,  being  in  the  best  of  their  strength, 

yet  old  age  began  to  come  on  some  of  them  ; '  and 

v''    their  great  and  continual  labors,  with  other  crosses  and 

sorrows,  hastened  it  before  the  time ;  so  as  it  was  not 

only  probably  thought,  but  apparently  seen,  that  within 

a  few  years  more   they  were  in  danger  to  scatter  by 

necessity  pressing  them,  or  sink  under  their  burdens, 

or  both ;  and  therefore,  according  to  the  divine  pro- 

/r?^-   verb,  that  "  a  wise  man  seeth  the   plague  when  it 

cometh,  and  hideth  himself,"  so  they,  like  skilful  and 

beaten  soldiers,  were  fearful  either  to  be  entrapped  or 

surrounded  by  their  enemies,  so  as  they  should  neither 

be  able  to  fight  nor  fly ;  and  therefore  thought  it  better 

to  dislodge  betimes  to  some  place  of  better  advantage 

and  less  danger,  if  any  could  be  found. 

3.  As  necessity  was  a  taskmaster  over  them,  so  they 
were  forced  to  be  such  not  only  to  their  servants,  but 
in  a  sort  to  their  dearest  children ;  the  which,  as  it  did 
a  little  wound  the  tender  hearts  of  many  a  loving  father 
and  mother,  so  it  produced  also  many  sad  and  sorrow- 
ful effects.  For  many  of  their  children,  that  were  of 
best  dispositions  and  gracious  inclinations,  having 
learned  to  bear  the  yoke  in  their  youth,  and  willing  to 
bear  part  of  their  parents'  burden,  were  oftentimes 
so  oppressed  with  their  heavy  labors,  that  although 
their  minds  were  free  and  willing,  yet  their  bodies 
bowed  under  the  weight  of  the  same,  and  became 
decrepit  in  their  early  youth  ;  the  vigor  of  nature  being 


'  We  know  the  age  of  but  few  Elder  Brewster  was  56  years  old, 
of  the  Pilgrims.  Carver  was  pro-  Robinson  45,  Bradford  32,  and  Ed- 
bably  one  of  the  oldest.     In  1620,     ward  Winslow  26. 


THE   REASONS   FOR   REMOVAL.  47 

consumed   in   the    very  bud,   as   it  were.     But  that  chap. 
which  was  more  lamentable,  and  of  all  sorrows  most  .^v-^ 
heavy  to  be  borne,  was  that  many  of  their  children,  by  1 6 1 7. 
these  occasions,  and  the  great  licentiousness  of  youth 
in  the  country,  and  the  manifold  temptations  of  the 
place,  were  drawn  away  by  evil  examples  unto  extra- 
vagant and   dangerous   courses,  getting  the   reins  on 
their  necks,  and  departing  from  their  parents.      Some 
became   soldiers,  others   took  them  upon  far  voyages 
by  sea,  and  other  some  worse  courses  tending  to  disso- 
luteness and  the  danger  of  their  souls,  to  the  great 
grief  of  their  parents  and  dishonor  of  God  ;  so  that  they 
saw  their  posterity  would  be  in  danger  to  degenerate 
and  be  corrupted. 

4.  Lastly,  (and  which  was  not  the  least,)  a  great 
hope  and  inward  zeal  they  had  of  laying  some  good 
foundation,  or  at  least  to  make  some  way  thereunto, 
for  the  propagating  and  advancing  the  Gospel  of  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  in  these  remote  parts  of  the  world  ; 
yea,  though  they  should  be  but  as  stepping-stones 
unto  others  for  performing  of  so  great  a  work. 

These,  and  some  other  like  reasons,^  moved  them  to 


'  Edward  Winslow,  in  his  Brief  days  from  their  sports  or  their  or- 
Narrative,  mentions  three  other  dinary  work;  and  the  English  di- 
reasons;  first,  their  desire  to  live  vines  took  notice  of  the  great  scan- 
under  the  protection  of  England  dal  which  the  neglect  of  the  Lord's 
and  to  retain  the  language  and  the  Day  at  Dort  gave  them,  exhorting 
name  of  Englishmen  ;  second,  the  Synod  to  interfere  with  the 
their  inability  to  give  their  child-  magistrates  for  preventing  the 
ren  such  an  education  as  they  had  opening  of  shops  and  the  exercise 
themselves  received ;  and  third,  of  trade  on  Sundays.  Sir  Dudley 
their  grief  at  the  profanation  of  Carleton,  too,  writing  from  the 
the  sabbath  in  Holland.  This  vi-  Hague  July  22,  1619,  says,  "  It 
elation  of  the  sabbath  attracted  the  falls  out  in  these  towns  of  Holland, 
attention  of  the  Synod  of  Dort,  that  Sunday,  which  is  elsewhere 
^which  assembled  in  1618.  The  the  day  of  rest,  proves  the  day  of 
Dutch  ministers  acknowledged  the  labor,  for  they  never  knew  yet  how 
great  difficulty  they  met  with  in  to  observe  the  sabbath."  See 
withdrawing  the   people   on  Sun-  Brandt,  iii.  28,  290  ;  Hales's  Letters 


48 


THEY   TURN   THEIR   EYES   TO  AMERICA. 


CHAP,  undertake  this  resolution  of  their  removal,  the  which 

IV. 

-^-^  they  afterward  prosecuted  with  so  great  difficulties ; 

1617.  as  by  the  sequel  will  appear. 

The  place  they  had  thoughts  on  were  some  of  those 
unpeopled  countries  of  America,  which  are  fruitful  and 
fit  for  habitation,  being  devoid  of  all  civil  inhabitants, 
where  there  are  only  salvage  and  brutish  people,  which 
range  up  and  down  little  otherwise  than  the  wild 
beasts.  This  proposition  being  made  public,  and  com- 
ing to  the  scanning  of  all,  it  raised  many  variable 
opinions  amongst  men,  and  caused  many  fears  and 
doubts  amongst  themselves.  Some,  from  their  reasons 
and  hopes  conceived,  labored  to  stir  up  and  encourage 
the  rest  to  undertake  and  prosecute  the  same  ;  others, 
again,   out   of    their    fears,    objected    against   it,   and 


from  the  Synod  of  Dort,  p.  8, 
(Glasgow,  1765) ;  Carleton's  Let- 
ters, p.  380. 

These  reasons  for  their  removal, 
as  stated  by  Bradford  and  Wins- 
low,  are  sufficient,  and  are  to  be 
received  as  the  true  and  sole  rea- 
sons. Yet  Douglass,  in  his  Sum- 
mary, i.  369,  says,  "  Being  of  un- 
steady temper,  they  resolved  to  re- 
move to  some  remote  country  in 
some  wilderness, — as  recluses." 
Chalmers,  in  his  Political  Annals, 
p.  85,  says,  "  After  twelve  years' 
unmolested  residence  they  became 
unhappy  in  their  situation,  because 
they  foresaw  the  destruction  of 
their  society  in  the  toleration  they 
enjoyed  ;  and  determined  to  seek 
new  adventures  in  America. — Con- 
tinuing unhappy  in  a  country  where 
they  were  obscure  and  unpersecut- 
ed,"  Sec.  Robertson,  in  his  History 
of  America,  book  x.  says,  "They  re- 
sided at  Leyden  for  several  years  un- 
molested and  obscure.  But  as  their 
church  received  no  increase,  either 
by  recruits  from  England  or  by 
proselytes  gained  in  the  country, 
ihey  began   to  be  afraid  that  all 


their  high  attainments  in  spiritual 
knowledge  would  be  lost,  if  they 
remained  longer  in  a  strange  land." 
And  Burke,  in  his  account  of  the 
European  Settlements  in  America, 
says  that  "  though  in  a  country  of 
the  greatest  religious  freedom  in 
the  world,  they  did  not  find  them- 
selves better  satisfied  than  they 
had  been  in  England.  They  were 
tolerated  indeed,  but  watched  ; 
their  zeal  began  to  have  dangerous 
languors  for  want  of  opposition  ; 
and  being  without  power  or  conse- 
quence, they  grew  tired  of  the  in- 
dolent security  of  their  sanctuary." 
These  sneers  are  as  contemptible 
as  they  are  unjust.  It  is  to  be  re- 
gretted that  any  respectable  writer 
in  this  country  should  have  incau- 
tiously given  currency  to  such  mis- 
representations. Chief  Justice 
Marshall  perceived  and  corrected 
the  error  into  which  he  had  been 
led  by  following  such  unworthy 
authorities.  Compare  his  Life  of 
Washington,  i.  90,  (first  ed.)  with 
his  History  of  the  American  Colo- 
nies, p.  78. 


REASONS  AGAINST  REMOVAL.  49 

sought  to  divert  from  it,  alleging  many  things,  and  chap. 
those  neither  unreasonable  nor  improbable  ;  as  that  it  ~^v-w 
was  a  great  design,  and  subject  to  many  inconceivable  1617. 
perils  and  dangers  ;  as,  besides  the  casualties  of  the 
seas,  (which  none  can  be  freed  from,)  the  length  of  the 
voyage  was  such  as  the  weak  bodies  of  men  and  wo- 
men and  such  other  persons,  worn  out  with  age  and 
travail,  (as  many  of  them  were,)  could  never  be  able 
to  endure  ;  and  yet  if  they  should,  the  miseries  of  the 
land  which  they  should  be  exposed  unto  would  be  too 
hard  to  be  borne,  and  likely,  some  or  all  of  them,  to 
consume  and  utterly  to  ruinate  them.^  For  there  they 
should  be  liable  to  famine,  and  nakedness,  and  the 
want,  in  a  manner,  of  all  things.  The  changing  of 
the  air,  diet,  and  drinking  of  water  would  infect  their 
bodies  with  sore  sicknesses ;  and  all  those  which 
should  escape  or  overcome  these  difficulties  should  yet 
be  in  continual  danger  of  the  salvage  people,  who  are 
cruel,  barbarous,  and  treacherous,  being  most  furious 
in  their  rage  and  merciless  where  they  overcome,  not 
being  content  only  to  kill  and  take  away  life,  but  de- 
light to  torment  men  in  most  bloody  manner  that  may 
be,  flaying  men  alive  with  the  shells  of  fishes,  cutting 
off  the  joints  and  members  of  others  by  piecemeals, 
and  broiling  them  on  the  coals,  and  causing  men  to 
eat  the  collops  of  their  flesh  in  their  sight  whilst  they 
live  ;  with  other  cruelties  horrible  to  be  related.  And 
surely  it  could -not  be  thought  but  the  hearing  of  these 
things  could  not  but  move  the  bowels  of  men  to  grate 

'  "Iramensus  ultra,   utque    sic  Italia  relicta,  Gerraaniam  peteret, 

/dixerim,  adversus  oceanus  raris  ab  informem  terris,  asperam  coelo,  tris- 

orbe  nostro  navibus  aditur  ?     Quis  tern  cultu  aspectuque,  nisi  si  patria 

porro,  prfeter  periculum  horridi  et  sit?"     Tacitus,  Germania,  ii. 
ignoti  maris,  Asia,  aut  Africa,  aut 


50  THE  OBJECTIONS  ANSWERED. 

CHAP,  within  them,  and  make  the  weak  to  quake  and  trem- 

IV. 

— '^-  ble.  It  was  further  objected,  that  it  would  require 
1  6 1 7.  greater  sums  of  money  to  furnish  such  a  voyage  and 
to  fit  them  with  necessaries,  than  their  estates  would 
amount  to.  And  yet  they  must  all  as  well  look  to  be 
seconded  with  supplies,  as  presently  to  be  transported. 
Also,  the  like  precedents  of  ill  success  and  lamentable 
miseries  befallen  others  in  the  like  designs,^  were  easy 
to  be  found  and  not  forgotten  to  be  alleged  ;  besides 
their  own  experience  in  their  former  troubles  and  hard- 
ships in  their  removal  into  Holland,  and  how  hard  a 
thing  it  was  for  them  to  live  in  that  strange  place, 
although  it  was  a  neighbour  country,  and  a  civil  and 
rich  commonwealth. 

It  was  answered,  that  all  great  and  honorable  ac- 
tions were  accompanied  with  great   difficulties,   and 
must  be  both  enterprised  and  overcome  with  answera- 
J     ble  courages.     It  was  granted  the  dangers  w^ere  great, 
J    but   not   desperate,   and    the    difficulties   were  many, 
\   but  not  invincible  ;   for  although  there  were  many  of 
them  likely,  yet  they  were  not  certain.     It  might  be 
that  some  of  the  things  feared  might  never  befall  them ; 
others,  by  providence,  care,  and  the  use  of  good  means, 
might  in  a  great  measure   be  prevented  ;  and  all  of 
them,  through  the  help  of  God,  by  fortitude  and  pa- 
tience, might  either  be   borne  or  overcome.     True  it 
was  that  such   attempts  were  not  to   be  made   and 
undertaken   but  upon   good  ground   and   reason,   not 
rashly  or  lightly,  as  many  have  done  for  curiosity  or 

'  The  entire  failure  of  the  plan-  serve  to  discourage  them  from  emi- 

tation    at      Sagadahoc,    near    the  grating  to  America.     See  Gorges's 

mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  in  1607,  Brief   Narrative,    in    Mass.  Hist, 

which  was  abandoned  in  less  than  Coll.  xxvi.  54  —  56;  Williamson's 

a  year,  and  the  slow  progress  of  the  Maine,  i.  197  —  203;   Bancroft,  i. 

Virginia   settlements,  might   well  124  —  152. 


■y 


THE  PILGRIMS  RESOLVE  TO  EMIGRATE.  51 

hope  of  gain,  &c.     But  their  condition  was  not  ordi-  chap. 
nary.     Their    ends  were   good  and  honorable,   their  — -^' 
calling  lawful   and   urgent,  and   therefore   they  might  i  6 1 7. 
expect  a  blessing  of   God   in   their  proceeding ;  yea, 
although  they  should  lose  their  lives  in  this  action,  yet 
they  might  have  comfort  in  the  same  ;  and  their  en- 
deavours would  be  honorable.     They  lived  here  but  as 
men  in  exile  and  in  a  poor  condition  ;  and  as  great 
miseries  might  possibly  befall  them  in  this  place  ;  for 
the   twelve  years  of  truce  were  now  out,^  and   there 
was  nothing  but  beating  of  drums  and  preparing   for 
war,  the  events  whereof  are  always  uncertain.     The 
Spaniard    might    prove   as   cruel    as    the    salvages    of 
America,  and  the  famine  and  pestilence  as  sore  here 
as  there,  and  hberty  less  to  look  out  for  remedy. 

After  many  other  particular  things  answered  and 
alleged  on  both  sides,  it  was  fully  concluded  by  the 
major  part  to  put  this  design  in  execution,  and  to  pro- 
secute it  by  the  best  means  they  could. 


*  The  twelve  years'  iruce,  con-     1621,  when  the  war  was  renewed, 
eluded  April  9,  1609,  expired   in     See  Note  on  page  44, 


CHAPTER  V. 

SHOWING    WHAT    MEANS    THEY    USED    FOR    PREPARATION 
TO  THIS   WEIGHTY   VOYAGE. 


And  first,  after  their  humble  prayers  unto  God  for 
his  direction  and  assistance,  and  a  general  conference 
16  17.  held  thereabouts,  they  consulted  what  particular  place 
to  pitch  upon  and  prepare  for.  Some,  and  none  of 
the  meanest,  had  thoughts  and  were  earnest  for  Guia- 
na,' or  some  of  those  fertile  places  in   those  hot  cli- 


'  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  published 
in  1596  his  "  Discovery  of  Guiana," 
Avhich  he  calls  a  mighty,  rich  and 
beautiful  empire,  directly  east  from 
Peru,  towards  the  sea,  lying  under 
the  equinoctial  line.  Its  capital 
was  "  that  great  and  golden  city, 
which  the  Spaniards  call  El  Dora- 
do, and  the  natives  Manoa,  and  for 
greatness,  riches,  and  excellent  seat 
it  far  exceedeth  any  of  the  world." 
Having,  in  1595,  sailed  up  the  Orin- 
oco 400  miles  in  quest  of  it,  he  says, 
"  On  both  sides  of  this  river  we 
passed  the  most  beautiful  country 
that  ever  mine  eyes  beheld  ;  plains 
of  twenty  miles  in  length,  the  grass 
short  and  green,  and  in  divers  parts 
groves  of  trees  by  themselves,  as 
if  they  had  been  by  all  the  art  and 
labor  of  the  world  so  made  of  pur- 
pose; and  still  as  we  rowed,  the 
deer  came   down  feeding  by  the 


water's  side,  as  if  they  had  been 
used  to  a  keeper's  call.  —  I  never 
saw  a  more  beautiful  country,  nor 
more  lively  prospects,  hills  so  rais- 
ed here  and  there  over  the  valleys, 
the  river  winding  into  divers 
branches,  the  plains  adjoining 
without  bush  or  stubble,  all  fair 
green  grass,  the  deer  crossing  in 
every  path,  the  birds  towards  the 
evening  singing  on  every  tree  with 
a  thousand  several  tunes,  the  air 
fresh,  with  a  gentle  easterly  wind; 
and  every  stone  that  we  stopped  to 
take  up  promised  either  gold  or 
silver  by  his  complexion.  —  For 
health,  good  air,  pleasure,  and 
riches,  I  am  resolved  it  cannot  be 
equalled  by  any  region  either  in  the 
east  or  west."  See  Raleigh's 
Works,  viii.  381,  398,  427,  442, 
462.  (Oxford  ed.) 

Chapinan,  too,  the  translator  of 


THEY  TURN  THEIR  THOUGHTS  TO  GUIANA.  53 

mates.  Others  were  for  some  parts  of  Virginia,^  where  chap. 
the  English  had  aheady  made  entrance  and  beginning.  -^^^^ 

Those  for  Guiana  alleged  that  the  country  was  rich,  1617. 
fruitful,  and  blessed  with  a  perpetual  spring  and  a 
flourishing  greenness  ;  where  vigorous  nature  brought 
forth  all  things  in  abundance  and  plenty,  without  any 
great  labor  or  art  of  man  ;  so  as  it  must  needs  make  the 
inhabitants  rich,  seeing  less  provision  of  clothing  and 
other  things  would  secure  them  than  in  more  colder  and 
less  fruitful  countries  must  be  had.  As  also  that  the 
Spaniards,  having  much  more  than  they  could  possess, 
had  not  yet  planted  there,  nor  any  where  very  near  the 
same.^ 

But  to  this  it  was  answered,  that  out  of  question 
the  country  was  both  fruitful  and  pleasant,  and  might 
yield  riches  and  maintenance  to  the  possessors  more 
easily  than  to  others  ;  yet,  other  things  considered,  it 
would  not  be  so  fit.  And  first,  that  such  hot  countries 
are  subject  to  grievous  diseases,  and  many  noisome 
impediments,  which  other  more  temperate  places  are 
free  from,  and  would  not  so  well  agree  with  our  Eng- 

Horaer,    in    a    poem    on    Guiana,     Grahanie's  History  of  the  United 
written    in   1595,   thus    celebrates     States,  i.  39. 

the  country :  '^  Although  England  and  Spain 

were  now  at  peace,  and  had  been 

" Guiana,  wliose  rich  feet  are  mines  of  !;old,      ^'"^e    1604,    and    SO    continued    till 
Whose  forehead  luiocks  against  the  roof  of     the    rupture    in    1624,   yet    the    Pll- 

„.   ^^'"■^'  ,  f  •  E.    ,    J ,    ,  ■         grims,  from  their  long  residence  in 

tetanus  on  her  tiptoe  at  fair  Lnslaiid  lookins,      tt   ii        i    i.     j    •      i_ -l     j     i  •         i 

Kissing  her  hand,  i,owii.g  her  mighty  breasi,     Holland,  had  mibibed  the  national 

And  every  sign  of  all  suhinissioii  malting,  repugnance    of  the    Dutch   tO   their 

o."  oC/'l^rsS'mald'!"'"'''"  '"^"  Spanish  oppressors,  a  feeling  which 

was   long    retained.      In   a   letter 

'  written  by  the  Plymouth  colonists 

See  Tytler's  Life  of  Raleigh,  p.  to  the  Dutch  on  Hudson's  river  in 

164  ;  and  Oldys's  Life  in  Raleigh's  1627,  they  speak  of  resisting  "  the 

Works,  i,  215.  pride  of  that  common  enemy,  the 

'  The  successful  colonization  of  Spaniards,  from  whose  cruelty  the 

Virginia  commenced   in   1607,  at  Lord  keep  us  both,  and  our  native 

Jamestown.     See    Stith's  History  countries."     See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 

of  Virginia,  p.  46  ;  Bancroft,  i.  125  ;  iii.  51,  52. 


54 


THEY   CONCLUDE   FOR   VIRGINIA. 


CHAP,  lish  bodies.     Again,  if  they  should  there  live   and  do 

well,  the  jealous   Spaniard    would  never   suffer  them 

1617.  long,  but  would   displaiit  and  overthrow  them,  as  he 
15  65.  did  the  French  in   Florida,'  who  were  settled   further 
21.    from  his   richest  countries;  and   the   sooner,   because 
they  should   have  none  to  protect  them,  and  their  own 
strength  would  be  too  small  to  resist  so  potent  an  ene- 
my and  so  near  a  neighbour. 

On  the  other  hand,  for  Virginia  it  was  objected,  that 
if  they  lived  amongst  the  English  which  were  there 
planted,  or  so  near  them  as  to  be  under  their  govern- 
ment, they  should  be  in  as  great  danger  to  be  troubled 
and  persecuted  for  their  cause  of  religion'^  as  if  they 
lived  in  England,  and  it  might  be  worse  ;  and  if  they 
lived  too  far  off,  they  should  neither  have  succour  or 
defence  from  them. 
^  And  at  length  the  conclusion  was,  to  live  in  a  dis- 

\  tinct  body  by  themselves,  under  the  general  govern- 

ment of  Virginia  ;  ^  and  by  their  friends  to  sue  to  His 


'  See  the  account  of  the  massacre 
of  the  Huguenots  in  Florida  by  the 
Spaniards,  in  Bancroft,  i.  67  —  70. 

*  Virginia  had  been  colonized  by 
persons  belonging  to  the  Church  of 
England,  and  attached  to  its  cere- 
monies and  institutions.  In  the 
orders  and  instructions  for  the 
government  of  the  colony,  issued 
by  King  James  under  his  sign 
manual  and  the  privy  seal  of  Eng- 
land, it  was  specially  enjoined  that 
"  the  word  and  service  of  God 
should  be  preached  and  used  accord- 
ing to  the  rites  and  doctrines  of  the 
Church  of  England."  See  Stith's 
Virginia,  p.  37,  and  Chalmers's  An- 
nals, p.  15. 

'  The  Virginia  Company  was 
established  in  1606.  On  the  10th 
of  April  of  that  year.  King  James, 
by  letters  patent,  divided  a  strip  of 


land,  of  100  miles  wide,  along  the 
Atlantic  coast  of  North  America, 
extending  from  the  34th  to  the  45th 
degree  of  north  latitude  —  a  terri- 
tory which  then  went  under  the 
common  name  of  Virginia  —  be- 
tween two  Companies,  who  were 
to  colonize  it.  The  First  or  South- 
ern Colony  was  granted  to  certain 
knights,  gentlemen,  merchants,  and 
adventurers  of  London,  who  were 
to  colonize  between  the  34th  and 
the  41st  degrees.  The  Second,  or 
Northern  colony,  was  granted  to 
persons  of  like  description  in  Bris- 
tol, Exeter,  and  Plymouth,  who 
were  to  plant  between  the  3Sth  and 
the  45lh  degrees.  Each  Company 
was  to  be  under  the  government  of 
a  council  of  thirteen,  and  neither  of 
them  was  to  plant  a  colony  withia 
a  hundred  miles  of  a  previous  settle- 


AGENTS   ARE  SENT   TO   ENGLAND.  55 

Majesty  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  grant  them  free  chap, 
liberty,  and  freedom  of  religion.    And  that  this  may  be  ~^v-^ 
obtained  they  were  put  in  good  hope   by  some  great  1617. 
persons  of  good  rank  and  quality  that  were  made  their 
friends.^ 

Whereupon  two-  were  chosen  and  sent  into  England, 
at  the  charge  of  the  rest,  to  solicit  this  matter  ;  who 
found  the  Virginia  Company  very  desirous  to  have  them 
go  thither,^  and  willing  to  grant  them  a  patent,  with 
as  ample  privileges  as  they  had  or  could  grant  to  any, 
and  to  give  them  the  best  furtherance  they  could  ;  and 
some  of  the  chief  of  the  Company  doubted  not  to  ob- 
tain their  suit  of  the  king  for  liberty  in  religion,  and  to 
have  it  confirmed  under  the  king's  broad  seal,  according  .d 
to  their  desires.  But  it  proved  a  harder  piece  of  work  ii 
than  they  took  it  for.  For  although  many  means  were 
used  to  bring  it  about,  yet  it  could  not  be  effected ;  for 


ment  made   by   the   other.      The  Carver  will  be  found  in  Belknap,  iL 

Second    or     Plymouth    Company  179,  267.     ' 

made  the  unsuccessful  attempt  in  ^  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  one  of 
1607  to  establish  a  colony  near  the  the  leaders  of  the  Second  or  Ply- 
mouth of  the  Kennebec.  The  First  mouth  Company,  says  "Before  the 
or  London  Company  was  the  one  unhappy  controversy  happened  be- 
to  which  the  agents  of  the  Pilgrims  tween  those  of  Virginia  and  myself, 
applied,  and  which  seems  at  this  they  were  forced,  through  the  great 
time  to  have  appropriated  to  itself  charge  they  had  been  at,  to  hearken 
exclusively  the  title  of  the  Virginia  to  any  propositions  that  might  give 
Company.  Douglass,  i.  370,  395,  ease  and  furtherance  to  so  hopeful 
Moulton,  History  of  New  York,  a  business.  To  that  purpose,  it 
p.  356,  and  Graharae,  i.  1S8,  err  in  was  referred  to  their  considerations 
saying  that  they  obtained  a  grant  how  necessary  it  was  that  means 
of  land  or  a  promise  of  a  patent,  might  be  used  to  draw  into  those 
from  the  Plymouth  Company.  See  enterprises  some  of  those  families 
the  Charter  in  Stith,  App.  p.  1,  and  that  had  retired  themselves  into 
in  Hazard's  State  Papers,   i.   50.  Holland  for  scruple  of  conscience, 

*  Among  others,  no  doubt.  Sir  giving  them  such  freedom  and 
Edwin  Sandys,  Sir  Robert  Naun-  liberty  as  might  stand  with  their 
ton,  and  Sir  John  Wolstenholme,  likings.  This  advice  being  heark- 
as  will  hereafter  be  seen.  ened  unto,  there  were  that  under- 

*  Robert  Cushman  and  John  took  the  putting  it  in  practice. 
Carver,  as  appears  by  the  letter  of  and  accordingly  brought  it  to  effect 
Sir  Edwin  Sandys  on  page  63.  The  so  far  forth,"  &;c.  See  Gorges, 
little  that  is  known  of  Cushman  and  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxvi.  73. 


56  THE  AGENTS   RETURN   UNSUCCESSFUL. 

CHAP,  there  were  divers  of  s;ood  worth  labored  with  the  king 

V  .  .    P 

^^-^  to  obtain  it,   amongst  whom  was   one '   of   his   chief 

1618.  Secretaries;  and  some  other  wrought  with  the  Arch- 
bishop- to  give  way  thereunto.  But  it  proved  all  in  vain. 
Yet  thus  far  they  prevailed  in  sounding  His  Majesty's 
pind,  that  he  would  connive  at  them,  and  not  molest 
them,  provided  they  carried  themselves  peaceably.  But 
to  allow  or  tolerate  them  by  his  public  authority  under 
his  seal,  they  found  it  would  not  be  granted.^  And 
this  was  all  that  the  chief  of  the  Virginia  Company, 
or  any  other  of  their  best  friends,  could  do  in  the  case. 
Yet  they  persuaded  them  to  go  on,  for  they  presumed 
they  should  not  be  troubled.'^  And  with  this  answer 
the  messengers  returned,  and  signified  what  diligence 
had  been  used,  and  to  what  issue  things  were  come. 

But  this  made  a  damp  in  the  business,  and  caused 
some  distraction.  For  many  were  afraid  that  if  they- 
should  unsettle  themselves,  put  off  their  estates,  and 
go  upon  these  hopes,  it  might  prove  dangerous,  and  but 

'  Winslow,  in  his  Brief  Narra-  He  had  been  promoted  to  it  from 
tive,  says  that  the  agents  "got  Sir  the  bisliopric  of  London,  April  9, 
Edwin  Sandys,  a  religious  gentle-  1611,  and  on  the  24th  of  June  was 
man  then  living,  to  stir  in  it,  who  swornamember  of  the  Privy  Coun- 
procured  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  then  cil.  See  an  account  of  him,  not  a 
principal  Secretary  of  State  to  King  very  favorable  one,  in  Clarendon's 
James  to  move  his  Majesty."  Sir  History  of  the  Rebellion,  book  i. 
Robert  Naunton  was  sworn  the  under  the  year  1633,  in  which  he 
king's  secretary  Jan,  8,  1618.  He  died.  He  was  too  mild  and  tolerant 
was  the  author  of  "  Fragmenta  for  Clarendon.  See  also  Wood's 
Regalia;  Observations  on  the  late  Athente  Oxon.  i.  583,  and  Neal's 
Queen  Elizabeth,  her  Times  and  Puritans,  i.  564. 
Favorites,"  "  the  fruit,"  as  Fuller  ^  The  word  granted  I  have  re- 
says,  "  of  his  younger  years."  stored  from  Prince,  p.  148. 
Belknap,  Am.  Biog.  ii.  170,  and  *  At  the  very  time  this  nego- 
Baylies,  Memoir  of  Plymouth  tiation  was  pending.  King  James 
Colony,  i.  16,  err  in  calling  him  issued  a  declaration,  (May  24, 
Norton.  See  Fuller's  Worthies  1618)  in  which  he  required  the 
of  England,  ii.  336  (4to  ed.)  ;  bishop  of  Lancashire  to  constrain 
Birch's  Memoirs  of  Queen  Eliza-  all  the  Puritans  within  his  diocess 
beth,  i.  369.  to  conform,  or  to  leave  the  country. 

"  The  See  of  Canterbury  was  at  Prince,  p.  147. 
this  lime  filled  by  Dr.  George  Abbot. 


OTHER   AGENTS    ARE    SENT.  57 

a  sandy  foundation.     Yea,  it  was  thought  they  might  chap. 
better  have  presumed  liereupon,  without  making  any  suit  — ^ 
at  all,  than,  having  made  it,  to  be  thus  rejected.     But  16  is. 
some  of  the  chiefest  thought  otherwise,  and  that  they 
might  well  proceed  hereupon,  and  that  the  King's  Ma- 
jesty was  willing  enough  to  suffer  them  without  moles-       ^ 
tation,  though  for  other  reasons  he  would  not  confirm 
it  by  any  public  act ;  and  furthermore,  if  there  was  no 
security  in  this  promise  intimated,  there  would  be  no 
greater  certainty  in  a  further  confirmation  of  the  same. 
For  if  afterward  there  should  be  a  j)urpose  or  desire  to   i 
wrong  them,  though  they  had   a  seal  as  broad  as  the 
house-floor,  it  would  not  serve  the  turn,  for  there  would 
be  means  enough  found  to  recall  or  reverse  it.     And 
seeing,  therefore,  the  course  is  probable,  they  must  rest 
herein  on  God's  providence,  as  they  had  done  in  other 
things. 

Upon  this  resolution  other  messengers  ^  were  de- 
spatched to  end  with  the  Virginia  Company  as  well  as  ^|l^- 
they  could,  and  to  procure  a  patent  with  as  good  and 
ample  conditions  as  they  might  by  any  good  means 
attain  ;  as  also  to  treat  and  conclude  with  such  mer- 
chants and  other  friends  as  had  manifested  their  for- 
wardness to  provoke  to  and  adventure  in  this  voyage. 
For  which  end  they  had  instructions  given  them  upon 
what  conditions  they  should  proceed  with  them ;  or 
else  to  conclude  nothing  without  further  advice.  And 
here  it  will  be  requisite  to  insert  a  letter  or  two  that 
may  give  light  to  these  proceedings. 

'  By  Mr.  Cushman's  letter  from  page  151.      Judge    Davis    follows 

London  of  May  8, 1619,  inserted  on  Prince  in  this  error,  in  his  valua- 

'a  following  page,  it  appears  that  ble  edition  of  Morton's  Memorial, 

these  messengers  were  Mr.  Cush-  p.  22.     They  were  not  despatched, 

man  himself  and  Mr.  Brewster;  it  will  be  seen,  till  more  than  a  year 

not  Mr.  Bradford,  as  Prince  says,  after  the  first  agents  were  sent. 

8 


58  CORRESPONDENCE   OF   THE    PILGRIMS 

CHAP.  A  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Sir  Edwiri  Sandys,^  directed  to 
— ^^        Mr.  John  Robinson  and  Mr.  William  Breivster.^ 

1617. 

Nov.  After  mj  hearty  salutations,  —  The  agents  of  your 
congregation,  Robert  Cushman  and  John  Carver,^  have 
been  in  communication  with  divers  select  gentlemen 
of  His  Majesty's  Council  for  Virginia ;  and  by  the 
writing  of  seven  articles,  subscribed  "*  with  your  names, 
have  given  them  that  good  degree  of  satisfaction  which 
hath  carried  them  on  with  a  resolution  to  set  forward 
your  desire  in  the  best  sort  that  may  be  for  your  own 
and  the  public  good  ;  divers  particulars  whereof  we 
leave  to  their  faithful  report,  having  carried  themselves 
here  with  that  good  discretion  as  is  both  to  their  own 
and  their  credit  from  whom  ^  they  came.  And  whereas, 
being  to  treat  for  a  multitude  of  people,  they  have 
requested  further  time  to  confer  with  them  that  are  to 
be  interested  in  this  action  about  the  several  particulars 
which  in  the  prosecution  thereof  will  fall  out  consider- 
able, it  hath  been  very  willingly  assented  unto  ;  and 
so  they  do  now  return  unto  you.''     If  therefore  it  may 

'  This  name  is  spelt  Sands  in  length  which   agree   almost  word 

the  MS.,  which  Stith  says  is  "  cer-  for  word  with  Bradford's  History. 

tainly  wrong."     See  the  Appendix  Compare  Hubbard,  pp.  44  —  50. 
to  his  History,  p.  10,  Note.  ^  These  were    the   agents   that 

-  This  letter  is  contained  in  Hub-  were  first  sent.     See  page  55. 
bard's  History  of  New  England,  in        ^  The  word  subscribed  is  inserted 

Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xv.  46,  but  very  from  Prince,  p.  142,  and  Hubbard, 

incorrectly  transcribed.  Prince  says,  p.  46. 

inhisAnnals,  pp.  xxi.  232,thatHub-        '"  I  substitute  wliom  for  whence, 

bard  "  had  never  seen  Gov.  Brad-  on  the  authority  of  Prince,  p.  142. 
ford's  History."    But  this  I  think  a        ^  From  the  expression  "they  do 

mistake,  since  Hubbard  relates  the  now  return  unto  you,"  it  is  evident 

whole  history  of  this  negotiation  that  the  agents  must  have  returned 


"O 


with  the  Virginia  Company,  which  to  Leyden  soon  after  this  letter  was 
is  nqt  contained  in  Morton's  Memo-  written,  of  which  they  were  un- 
rial,  and  which  he  could  have  got  doubtedly  the  bearers,  that  is  be- 
only  from  Bradford's  original  MS.  tween  Nov.  12,  the  date  of  the  let- 
or  from  Morton's  copy  of  it  in  the  ter,  and  Dec.  15,  the  date  of  Rob- 
records  of  the  Plymouth  Church,  inson  and  Brewster's  answer  to  it. 
He  gives  passages  of  considerable  Of  course  Prince,  p.  148,  and  Davis 


WITH  THE   VIRGINIA   COMPANY.  59 

please  God  so  to  direct  your  desires  as  that  on  jour  chap. 
parts  there  fall  out  no  just  impediments,  1  trust  by  the  ^^v^- 
same  direction  it  shall  likewise  appear  that  on  our  parts  ^^^^• 
all  forwardness  to  set  you  forward  shall  be  found  in  the    12. 
best  sort  which  with  reason  may  be  expected.     And 
so  I  betake  you  with  this  design,  (which  I  hope  verily 
is  the  work  of  God,)  to  the  gracious   protection  and 
blessing  of  the  Highest. 

Your  very  loving  friend, 

Edwin  Sandys.^ 
London,  Novemher  12,  1617. 

Their  Answer  was  asfolloweth. 

Right  Worshipful, 

Our  humble  duties  remembered,  in  our  own,  our  Dec 
messengers'  and  our  church's  name,  with  all  thankful 
acknowledgment  of  your  singular  love,  expressing  it- 
self, as  otherwise,  so  more  especially  in  your  great  care 
and  earnest  endeavour  of  our  good  in  this  weighty 
business  about  Virginia,  which  the  less  able  we  are  to 

on  Morton,  p.  22,  cannot  be  correct  was  in  1614  committed  by  James 

in   stating  that   they  returned   in  to  the  Tower  for  his  free  speech. 

May,  1618.     It  appears  from  Rob-  Anthony  Wood  says  lie  was  "a  per- 

inson   and   Brewster's   letter   that  son   of  great  judgment  and  of  a 

Carver  was  sent  a  second  time  to  commanding  pen,  a   solid   states- 

the   Council  of  Virginia,  in   Dec.  man,  ingenio  et  gravitate  morum 

1617,  attended  by  "  a  gentleman  of  insignis."  He  was  the  author  of 
the  company."  These  agents  may  "  Europce  Speculum ;  or  a  View  or 
have  returned  to  Leyden  in  May,  Survey  of  the  state  of  Religion  in 

1618.  Cushman  and  Brewster  the  western  part  of  the  V/orld," 
were  afterwards  sent  in  Feb.  1619,  and  of  a  metrical  version  of  the 
and  returned  late  in  the  same  year.     Book  of  Job,  the  Psalms  of  David, 

'  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  was  one  of  and  other  poetical  parts  of  Holy 

the  principal  members  of  the  Vir-  Writ.      He   died    in    1629.      See 

ginia  Company.     He  was  the  son  Wood's  Athense  Oxonienses,  i.  541 ; 

of  Archbishop  Sandys,  and  a  favo-  Walton's  Lives,  pp.  174,  178,  ISO, 

'rite  pupil  of  the  judicious  Hooker.  (Major's  ed.) ;  Hume's  England,  vi. 

In  Parliament,  he  was  "  a  member  39,  97,   Pickering's  ed.) ;  Hallam's 

of  great  authority,"   according  to  England,  i.  391—393. 
Hume,  and  taking  the  popular  side 


15. 


60  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  THE   PILGRIMS 

CHAP,  requite,  we  shall  think  ourselves  the  more  bound  to 
— v-^  commend  in  our  prayers  unto  God  for  recompense  ; 
1617,  whom  as   for  the   present  jou  rightly  behold   in  our 

Dec.  ,,  . 

15.  endeavours,  so  shall  we  not  be  wanting  on  our  parts, 
(the  same  God  assisting  us)  to  return  all  answer- 
able fruit  and  respect  unto  the  labor  of  your  love 
bestowed  upon  us.  We  have,  with  the  best  speed 
.  and  consideration  withal  that  we  could,  set  down  our 
requests  in  writing,  subscribed,  as  you  willed,  with  the 
hands  of  ^  the  greatest  part  of  our  congregation,  and 
have  sent  the  same  unto  the  Council"  by  our  agent,  a 
deacon  of  our  church,  John  Carver,  unto  whom  we  have 
also  requested  a  gentleman  of  our  company  to  adjoin 
himself;  to  the  care  and  discretion  of  which  two  we 
do  refer  the  prosecuting  of  the  business.  Now  we 
persuade  ourselves,  right  worshipful,  that  we  need  not 
to  provoke  your  godly  and  loving  mind  to  any  further 
or  more  tender  care  of  us,  since  you  have  pleased  so 
far  to  interest  us  in  yourself,  that,  under  God,  above 
all  persons  and  things  in  the  world  we  rely  upon  you, 
expecting  the  care  of  your  love,  the  counsel  of  your 
wisdom,  and  the  help  and  countenance  of  your  author- 
ity. Notwithstanding,  for  your  encouragement  in  the 
work  so  far  as  probabilities  may  lead,  we  will  not  for- 
bear to  mention  these  instances  of  inducement. 

1.  We  verily  believe  and  trust  the  Lord  is  with  us, 
unto  whom  and  whose  service  we  have  given  ourselves 
in  many  trials,  and  that  he  will  graciously  prosper  our 
endeavours  according  to  the  simplicity  of  our  hearts 
therein. 

2.  We  are  well  weaned  from  the  delicate  milk  of 

'  The  words  the  hands  of  I  restore        *  The   Council  of  the  Virginia 
from  Prince,  p.  142.  Company. 


WITH   THE   VIRGINIA   COMPANY.  61 

our  mother  country,  and  inured  to  the  difficulties  of  a  chap. 
strange  and  hard  land,  which  yet,  in  great  part,  we  v^v^ 
have  by  patience  overcome.  1617. 

.  Dsc. 

3.  The  people  are,  for  the  body  of  them,  industrious    15. 
and  frugal,  we  think  we  may  safely  say,  as  any  com- 
pany of  people  in  the  world. 

4.  We  are  knit  together  as  a  body  in  a  more  strict 
and  sacred  bond  and  covenant  of  the  Lord,  of  the  vio- 
lation whereof  we  make  great  ^  conscience  ;  and  by 
virtue  whereof  we  do  hold  ourselves  straitly  tied  to  all 
care  of  each  other's  good,  and  of  the  whole  by  every, 
and  so  mutual. 

5.  And  lastly,  it  is  not  with  us  as  with  other  men, 
whom  small  things  can  discourage,  or  small  discon- 
tentments cause  to  wish  themselves  at  home  again. 
We  know  our  entertainment  in  England  and  Holland. 
We  shall  much  prejudice  both  our  arts  and  means  by 
removal ;  where,  if  we  should  be  driven  to  return,  we 
should  not  hope  to  recover  our  present  helps  and  com- 
forts, neither  indeed  look  ever  to  attain  the  like  in  any 
other  place  during  our  lives,  which  are  now  drawing 
towards  their  periods. 

These  motives  we  have  been  bold  to  tender  unto 
you,  which  you  in  your  wisdom  may  also  impart  to  any 
other  our  worshipful  friends  of  the  Council  with  you, 
of  all  whose  godly  dispositions  and  loving  towards  our 
despised  persons  we  are  most  glad,  and  shall  not  fail 
by  all  good  means  to  continue  and  increase  the  same. 
We  shall  not  be  further  troublesome,  but  do,  with  the 
renewed  remembrance  of  our  humble  duties  to  your 
worship,  and  (so  far  as  in  modesty  we  may  be  bold) 
to  any  other  of  our  well-willers  of  the  Council  with 

'  The  word  ^rea<  is  restored  from  Prince,  p.  143. 


(32  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  THE    PILGRIMS 

CHAP,  jou,  we  take  our  leaves,  committing  your  persons  and 

— -^  counsels  to  the  guidance  and   protection  of  the  Al- 

1617.  midity. 
Dec.         ^     "^ 
15,'  Yours,  much  bounden  in  all  duty, 

John  Robinson, 

William  Brewster. 

Leyden,  the  I5th  of  Becemher^  1617. 

I  found  annexed  unto  the  foregoing  letters  these 
following  lines,  written  by  Mr.  Bradford  with  special 
reference  unto  the  fourth  particular  on  the  other  side 
written.' 

O  sacred  bond !  Whilst  inviolably  preserved, 
how  sweet  and  precious  were  the  fruits  that  flowed 
from  the  same.  But  when  this  fidelity  decayed, 
then  their  ruin  approached.  Oh  that  these  ancient 
members  had  not  died  or  been  dissipated,  (if  it  had 
been  the  will  of  God,)  or  else  that  this  holy  care  and 
constant  faithfulness  had  still  lived  and  remained  with 
those  that  survived,  that  were  in  times  afterwards  added 
mito  them.  But,  alas !  that  subtile  serpent  hath  slily 
wound  in  himself,  under  fair  pretences  of  necessity  and 
the  like,  to  untwist  these  sacred  bonds  and  ties,  and  as 
it  were  insensibly,  by  degrees,  to  dissolve  or  in  a  great 
measure  to  weaken  the  same.  I  have  been  happy,  in 
my  first  times,  to  see  and  with  much  comfort  to  enjoy 
the  blessed  fruits  of  this  sweet  communion.  But  it  is 
now  a  part  of  my  misery  in  old  age  to  find  and  feel 
the  decay  and  want  thereof,  in  a  great  measure,  and 
with  grief  and  sorrow  of  heart  to  lament  and  bewail 
the  same ;  and  for  others'  warning  and  admonition, 
and  my  own  humiliation,  do  I  here  note  the  same. 

'  On  page  61. 


WITH   THE   VIRGINIA    COMPANY.  63 

Thus  much  by  way  of  digression.  For  further  light  chap. 
in  these  proceedings  forenamed,  see  some  other  letters  -^v^^ 
and  notes,  as  followeth.  1618. 

The  Copy  of  a  Letter  sent  to  Sir  John  Wolstenholme} 

Right  Worshipful, 

With  due  acknowledgment  of  our  thankfulness  for  jan. 
your  singular  care  and  pains  in  the  business  of  Vir-  ^^* 
ginia,  for  our  and  (we  hope)  the  common  good,  we  do 
remember  our  humble  duties  unto  you,  and  have  sent, 
as  is  desired,  a  further  explanation  of  our  Judgments 
in  the  three  points  specified  by  some  of  His  Majesty's 
honorable  Privy  Council.  And  although  it  be  grievous 
unto  us  that  such  unjust  insinuations  are  made  against 
us,  yet  we  are  most  glad  of  the  occasion  of  making 
our  just  purgation  unto  the  so  honorable  personages. 
The  Declarations  we  have  sent  enclosed ;  the  one 
more  brief  and  general,  which  we  think  the  fitter  to 
be  presented ;  the  other  something  more  large,  and  in 
which  we  express  some  small  accidental  differences, 
which,  if  it  seem  good  unto  you  and  other  of  your 
worship's  friends,  you  may  send  instead  of  the  former. 
Our  prayer  unto  God  is,  that  your  worship  may  see 
the  fruit  of  your  worthy  endeavours,  which  on  our 
part  we  shall  not  fail  to  further  by  all  good  means. 

'  It  is  Worsingham  in  the  MS. ;  E.avvson,    Secretary  to    the    New 

but  this  is  an  error.    Prince,  p.  144,  England  Plantations,  by  Sir  John 

and  Hubbard,  p.  47,  write  it  Wors-  Wolstenholme,   son    of    the   indi- 

tenholme.   Sir  John  Wolstenholme  vidual  in  question,  dated  London, 

was  a   wealthy  merchant   and   a  Feb.  1,   1663,  in   which  he   says, 

fanner  of  the  customs,  one  of  the  "I   am    a   great   well-wisher   and 

principal  members  of  the  Virginia  good  friend  to  your  plantation,  and 

Company,  and  one  of  the  Council  so  was  my  father  before  me,  who 

established  by  the  second  charter,  died  24  years  since."     See  Stith's 

He  died  in  1639.     In  Hutchinson's  Virginia,   pp.  163,  167,    186,   and 

Collection  of  Papers,  p.  383,  there  App.  p.  16. 
is  a  letter  written  to  Mr.  Edward 


64  CORRESPONDENCE   OF   THE    PILGRIMS 

CHAP.  And  SO  praying  that  you  would,  with  all  conveniency 
— v-^  that  may  be,  give  us  knowledge  of  the  success  of  the 
1618.  business  with  His  Majesty's  Privy  Council,  and  accord- 
27.    ingly  what  your  further  pleasure  is,  either  for  our  di- 
rection or  furtherance  in  the  same,  so  we  rest 
Your  worship's,  in  all  duty, 

John  Robinson, 
William  Brewster. 
Leyden,  January  27,  1617,  old  style} 

The  first  brief  Note  ims  this. 

Touching  the  ecclesiastical  ministry,  namely,  of 
pastors  for  teaching,  elders  for  ruling,  and  deacons  for 
distributing  the  church's  contribution,  as  also  for  the 
two  sacraments,  baptism  and  the  Lord's  supper,  we 
do  wholly  and  in  all  points  agree  with  the  French 
Reformed  Churches,  according  to  their  public  Confes- 
sion of  Faith ;  though  some  small  differences. 

The  oath  of  Supremacy  we  shall  willingly  take,  if  it 
be  required  of  us,  if  that  convenient  satisfaction  be  not 
given  by  our  taking  the  oath  of  Allegiance.^ 

John  Robinson, 
William  Brewster. 

^  That  is,  Jan.  1618,  new  style.  Allegiance  was  drawn  up  and  ap- 

By  the   old  style  the  year  began  pointed  to  be  taken  by  all  the  king's 

March  25.  subjects.      This  was  an  oath   of 

*  In  1531,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  "  submission  and  obedience  to  the 
VIII.  the  king  was  declared  "  the  king  as  a  temporal  sovereign,  inde- 
supreme  head  of  the  Church  of  pendent  of  any  other  power  upon 
England,"  and  all  his  majesty's  earth."  By  the  third  charter  of  the 
subjects  were  required  on  oath  to  Virginia  Company,  their  Treasu- 
acknowiedge  his  supremacy.  In  rer,  or  any  two  of  the  Council, 
1558,  at  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  were  empowered  to  administer  the 
the  Act  of  Supremacy,  which  had  oaths  of  Supremacy  and  Allegiance 
been  repealed  under  Queen  Mary,  to  all  persons  going  to  their  Colo- 
was  restored,  and  all  persons  in  ny.  See  Burnet's  History  of  the 
office,  civil  or  ecclesiastical,  were  Reformation,  ii.  387  (folio) ;  Neal's 
required  to  take  the  oath.  In  1605,  Puritans,  i.  8,  11,  84,  117,  440; 
in  the  reigu  of  James,  the  oath  of  Stith's  App.  p.  28 ;  Hazard,  i.  78. 


WITH  THE   VIRGINIA   COMPANY.  65 

The  second  was  this.  chap. 

V. 

Touching    the    ecclesiastical    ministry,    [as    in    the  """"^^ 

1618 

former,  &c.]  we  aOTee,  in  all  things,  with  the  French  Jan. 
Reformed  Churches,  according  to  their  public  Confes- 
sion of  Faith  ;  though  some  small  differences  be  to  be 
found  in  our  practices,  not  at  all  in  the  substance  of 
the  things,  but  only  in  some  accidental  circumstances  ; 
as 

1.  Their  ministers  do  pray  with  their  heads  covered  ; 
we  uncovered. 

2.  We  choose  none  for  governing  elders  but  such  as 
are  able  to  teach  ;  which  ability  they  do  not  require. 

3.  Their  elders  and  deacons  are  annual,  or  at  the 
most  for  two  or  three  years  ;   ours  perpetual. 

4.  Our  elders  do  administer  their  office  in  admoni- 
tions and  excommunications,  for  public  scandals,  pub- 
licly and  before  the  congregation  ;  theirs  more  privately 
and  in  their  consistories. 

5.  We  do  administer  baptism  only  to  such  infants 
as  whereof  the  one  parent,  at  the  least,  is  of  some 
church,  which  some  of  their  churches  do  not  observe ; 
although  in  it  our  practice  accords  with  their  public 
Confession  and  the  judgment  of  the  most  learned 
amongst  them.  , 

Other  differences,  worthy  mentioning,  we  know 
none. 

(Subscribed,) 

John  Robinson, 
William  Brewster. 


QQ  CORRESPONDENCE  OF   THE   PILGRIMS 

CHAP.    P(i)^i  of  another  Letter  from  him  that  delivered  these. 

-.  g  H  Q  London.,  Feb.  14,  1617. i 

^^^'  Your  letter  to  Sir  John  Wolstenholme  1  delivered, 
almost  as  soon  as  I  had  it,  to  his  own  hands,  and 
stayed  with  him  the  opening  and  reading  thereof. 
There  were  two  papers  enclosed.  He  read  them  to 
himself,  as  also  the  letter ;  and  in  the  reading  he  spake 
to  me  and  said,  "  Who  shall  make  them  ?  "  viz.  the 
ministers.  I  answered  his  w^orship  that  the  power  of 
making  was  in  the  Church,^  to  be  ordained  by,  the  im- 
position of  hands  by  the  fittest  instruments  they  have. 
It  must  either  be  in  the  Church,  or  from  the  Pope  ; 
and  the  Pope  is  Antichrist.  "  Ho  !  "  said  Sir  John, 
"  what  the  Pope  holds  good,  (as  in  the  Trinity,)  that 
we  do  well  to  assent  to.  But,"  said  he,  "  we  will  not 
enter  into  dispute  now ;  "  and  as  for  your  letters,  he 
would  not  show  them  at  any  hand,  lest  he  should  spoil 
all.  He  expected  you  should  have  been  of  the  Arch- 
bishop's mind  for  the  calling  of  ministers  ;  but  it  seems 
you  differed.  I  could  have  washed  to  have  known  the 
contents  of  your  two  enclosed,  at  which  he  stuck  so 
much,  especially  the  larger.  I  asked  his  worship,  what 
good  news  he  had  for  me  to  write  to-morrow.     He 

'  That  is,  161S,  new  style.  imposition  of  hands  may  be  per- 
*  That  is,  the  congregation,  each  formed  by  some  of  the  brethren, 
separate  body  of  believers.  This  orderly  chosen  by  the  church  there- 
was  Brownism  ;  and  it  is  Indepen-  unto.  For  if  the  people  may  elect 
dency,  or  Congregationalism.  The  officers,  which  is  the  greater,  and 
Cambridge  Platform  says,  chaps,  wherein  the  substance  of  the  office 
8  and  9,  "  Calling  unto  office  is  by  doth  consist,  they  may  much  more 
the  church.  —  Officers  are  to  be  (occasion  and  need  so  requiring) 
called  by  such  churches  whereunto  impose  hands  in  ordination,  which 
they  are  to  minister.  —  The  choice  is  less,  and  but  the  accomplish- 
of  church  officers  belongeth  not  to  ment  of  the  other."  It  was  prac- 
the  civil  magistrates,  as  such,  or  tised  upon  at  the  first  ordination  in 
diocesan  bishops,  or  patrons. — In  America,  at  Salem,  in  1629.  See 
churches  where  there  are  no  elders,  Morton's  Memorial,  p.  146. 


WITH   THEIR   AGENTS   IN   ENGLAND.  67 

told  me,  "  Very  ^  good  news  ;  for  both  the  King's  chap. 
Majesty  and  the  bishops  have  consented."  He  said  ^^v^^ 
he  would   ffo  to  Mr.  Chancellor,  Sir  Fulke  Greville,^  1618. 

Feb. 

as  this  day,  and  next  week  I  should  know  more.  I  u. 
met  with  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  on  Wednesday  night.  He 
wished  me  to  be  at  the  Virginia  Court^  the  next  Wed- 
nesday, where  I  purpose  to  be.  Thus  loth  to  be 
troublesome  at  present,  I  hope  to  have  something 
next  week  of  certainty  concerning  you.  I  commit  you 
to  the  Lord. 

Yours, 

S.  B. 

These  things  being  long  in  agitation,  and  messen- 
gers passing  to  and  again  about  them,  after  all  their 
hopes  they  were  long  delayed  by  many  obstacles  that 
fell  in  the  way.  For  at  the  return  of  these  messen- 
gers into  England,  they  found  things  far  otherwise 
than  they  expected.  For  the  Virginia  Council  was 
now  so  disturbed  with  factions  and   quarrels  amongst 


'  The  word  very  is  restored  from  Faller's  Worthies,  ii.  415;  Birch's 

Prince,  p.  145.  Queen   Elizabeth,   i.   178;    Naun- 

^  Sir   Fulke    Greville    was   ap-  ton's  Fragmenta  Regalia,  p.  112. 

pointed   chancellor   of  the   exche-  (ed.  1824.) 

quer,  and  sworn  of  the  Privy  Coun-  ^  By  the  third  charter  of  Virginia 
oil  Oct.  1,  1614.  On  the  9th  of  it  was  provided  that  "the  Company 
Jan.  1621,  he  was  raised  to  the  shall  and  may  once  every  week,  or 
peerage  by  the  title  of  Lord  Brooke,  oftener,  at  their  pleasure,  hold  and 
of  Beauchamp's  Court.  Rewrote  keep  a  court  and  assembly  for  des- 
a  Life  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  patching  all  casual  matters  of  less 
"  The  First  Five  Years  of  King  consequence  and  weight  concern- 
James,"  which  is  contained  in  the  ing  the  plantation ;  and  for  all  af- 
Hftrleian  Miscellany,  v.  349  (Svo.  fairs  of  government  trade,  and  dis- 
ed.)  On  his  tomb-stone  in  War-  posal  of  lands,  there  shall  be  held 
wick  Church,  he  had  inscribed  this  every  year  four  great  and  general 
brief  but  noble  epitaph  :  "  Fulke  courts,"  at  which  all  officers  were 
Greville,  servant  to  Queen  Eliza-  to  be  chosen,  and  all  laws  and  or- 
beth,  counsellor  to  King  James,  dinances  enacted.  See  Stith,  App, 
and  friend  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney."  26,  and  Hazard,  i.  76. 
See  Wood's  Athense  Oxon.  i.  521 ; 


68  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  THE   PILGRIMS 

CHAP,  themselves,  as  no  business  could  well  go  forward ;  the 
^'^^-'  which  may  the  better  appear  in  one  of  the  messengers' 
1619.  letters,  as  followeth. 

To  his  Loving  Friends. 

May  I  had  thought  long  since  to  have  writ  unto  you  ;  but 
could  not  effect  that  which  I  aimed  at,  neither  can  yet 
set  things  as  I  wished.  Yet,  notwithstanding,  I  doubt 
not  but  Mr.  Brewster  hath  written  to  Mr.  Robinson  ; 
butl  think  myself  bound  also  to  do  something,  lest  I 
be  thought  to  neglect  you. 

The  main  hindrance  of  our  proceedings  in  the  Vir- 
ginia business  is  the  dissensions  and  factions,  as  they 
term  it,  amongst  the  Council  and  Company  of  Virginia, 
which  are  such  as  that  ever  since  we  came  up  no  busi- 
ness could  by  them  be  despatched.  The  occasion  of 
this  trouble  amongst  them  is,  that  a  while  since  Sir 
Thomas  Smith, ^  repining  at  his  many  offices  and 
troubles,  wished  the  Company  of  Virginia  to  ease  him 
of  his  office  in   being  treasurer  and  governor  of  the 

April  Virginia  Company.  Whereupon  the  Company  took 
occasion  to  dismiss  him,  and  chose  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  ^ 

'  Sir  Thomas    Smith   was   the  one  of  the  assignees  of  Sir  Walter 

first  treasurer  and  governor  of  the  Raleigh's  patent,  and  thus  became 

Virginia  Company,  and  continued  interested  in  the  colony  of  Virginia. 

in  office  till  superseded  by  Sir  Ed-  See  Belknap,  ii.  9—  19  ;  Stith,  pp. 

win    Sandys.     He   had   the    chief  42,  15S. 

management  of  their  atfairs,  and  -  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  was  elected 

presided  in  all  the  meetings  of  the  April  28,    1619.     Stith   says   that 

Council  and  Company.     He  was  a  "  he  was  a  person  of  excellent  un- 

London  merchant,  of  great  wealth  derstanding  and  judgment,  of  great 

and  influence,  governor  of  the  East  industry,  vigor  and  resolution,  and 

India    and    Muscovy    Companies,  indefatigable  in  his  application  to 

and  of  the  Company  associated  for  the  business  of  the  company  and 

the   discovery   of   the    north-west  colony."    His  election  was  brought 

passage.     In  1604he  was  sent  am-  about   by  the  Earl  of  Warwick's 

bassador  from  King  James  to  the  (Lord  Rich)  hostility  to  Sir  Tho- 

Emperor  of  Russia.     He  was  also  mas  Smith.     Sandys  was  very  ob- 


WITH   THEIR  AGENTS   IN   ENGLAND,  69 

treasurer   and  governor  of  the   Company,  he  having  chap. 
sixty  voices,  Sir  John  Wolstenhohiie  sixteen  voices,  ^^v^^ 
and  alderman  Johnson  ^  twenty-four.    But  Sir  Tiiomas  1 6 1 9. 
Smith,  when  he  saw  some  part  of  his  honor  lost,  was     8. 
very  angry,  and  raised  a  faction  to  cavil  and  contend 
about  the  election,  and   sought  to  tax  Sir  Edwin  with 
many  things  that  might  both  disgrace  him  and  also  put 
him  by  his  office  of  governor.     In  which  contentions 
they  yet  stick,  and  are  not  fit  nor  ready  to  intermeddle 
in  any  business;  and  what  issue  things  will  come  to,  I 
know  not,  nor  are  we  yet  certain.     It  is  most  like  Sir 
Edwin  will  carry  it  away ;  and  if  he  do,  things  will  go 
well  in  Virginia  ;   if  otherwise,  they  will  go  ill  enough 
always.     We  hope  in  two  or  three  Court  days  things 
will  settle.    Mean  space  I  think  to  go  down  into  Kent, 
and  come  up  again  about  fourteen  days  or  three  wrecks 
hence  ;  except  either  by  these  aforesaid  contentions,^ 
or  by  the  ill  tidings  from  Virginia,  we  be  wholly  dis- 
couraged ;  of  which  tidings  as  followeth. 

Capt.  Argall '  is  come  home  this  week.     He,  upon 

noxious  to  King  James  on  account  Stith  had  in  his  possession  copies 

of  his   political   principles.      The  of  the  records  of  the  Company,  from 

king  said  "he  knew  him  to  be  a  April   28,  1619  to   June   7,  1624. 

man  of  exorbitant  ainbition."    Ac-  vSee  also  a  declaration  made  by  the 

cordingly,  when  the  year  for  which  Council  of  Virginia,  in  1623,  enti- 

he  was  cliosen,  had  expired,  James  tied  "  The  Company's  Chief  Root  of 

objected  to  his  reelection,  and  in  a  the  Differences  and  Discontents," 

furious  passion  exclaimed,  "Choose  in  the  Appendix   to   Burk's   His- 

the  devil,  if  you  will,  but  not  Sir  tory  of  Virginia,  i.  316;  and  "A 

Edwin   Sandys."     To  get   out  of  Short  Collection  of  the   most  re- 

the  difficulty,  the  Company  chose  markable  passages  from  the  origi- 

the  Earl  of  Southampton  treasurer,  nal  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Vir- 

yi  and   Sandys  deputy.      See   Stith,  ginia   Company.     London,   1651." 

159,  178,  181 ;  Burk,  i.  322  ;  Short  (4to.  pp.  20.) 
Collection,  pp.  6,  8,  19.  ^  Sir  Samuel  Argall  was  a  kins- 

*  Alderman  Johnson  was  at  this  man  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  and  a 

time   the  deputy-treasurer  of  the  favorite  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 

'Company.     See  Stith,  p.  150.  who  procured  his  election  as  deputy 

^  For  an  account  of  the  conten-  governor  of  the  Virginia  Colony  in 

tions  in  the  Virginia  Company,  see  the  beginning  of  1617.    He  arrived 

Stith's  Virginia,  pp.  v.  158,  ISO.  in  Virginia  in  May ;  but  his  admin- 


70  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  THE   PILGRIMS 

CHAP,  notice  of  the  intent  of  the  Counci],  came  away  before 

V.         .  . 

— ^—  Sir  George  Yeardley  ^  came  there,  and  so  there  is  no 

1619.  small  dissension.     But  his  tidinirs  is  ill,  although  his 

May  . 

8.  person  be  welcome.  He  saith  Mr.  Blackwell's  ship 
came  not  there  until  March ;  but  going  towards  winter 
they  had  still  northwest  winds,  which  carried  them  to 
the  southward  beyond  their  course ;  and  the  master  of 
the  ship  and  some  six  of  the  mariners  dying,  it  seemed 
they  could  not  find  the  Bay,  till  after  long  seeking 
and  beating  about.  Mr.  Blackwell  is  dead,  and  Mr. 
Maggner,  the  captain.  Yea,  there  are  dead,  he  saith, 
a  hundred  and  thirty  persons,  one  and  other,  in  the 
ship.  It  is  said  there  was  in  all  a  hundred  and 
eighty  persons  in  the  ship,  so  as  they  were  packed 
together  like  herrings.  They  had  amongst  them  a 
flux,  and  also  want  of  fresh  water  ;  so  as  it  is  here 
rather  wondered  that  so  many  are  alive,  than  that  so 
many  are  dead.  The  merchants  here  say  it  was  Mr. 
Blackwell's  fault  to  pack  so  many  in  the  ship  ;  yea,  and 
there  was  great  murmuring  and  repining  amongst  them, 
and  upbraiding  of  Mr.  Blackwell  for  his  dealing  and  dis- 
posing of  them,  when  they  saw  how  he  had  disposed 
of  them,  and  how  he  insulted  over  them.  Yea,  the 
streets  at  Gravesend  rang  of  their  extreme  cjuarrelling, 
crying  out  one  of  another,  "  Thou  hast  brought  me  to 
this.     I  may  thank  thee  for  this."     Heavy  news  it  is, 

istration  was  so  tyrannical  and  in  1619,  and  was  empowered  to  in- 
oppressiv^e,  that  he  was  displaced  vestigate  the  charges  against  Argall 
the  next  year,  and  sailed  for  Ens-  on  the  spot.  But  the  earl  of  War- 
land  in  April,  1619.  See  his  Life  wick  having  sent  over  a  small  bark 
in  Belknap,  ii.  51 — 63;  Stith,  to  inform  him  of  what  was  prepar- 
pp,  145,  149  ;  Burk,  i.  317  —  322;  ing  against  him,  and  to  bring  him 
Smith's  General  History  of  Vir-  away,  Yeardley  did  not  arrive  in 
ginia,  ii.  33,  (Svo.  ed.  Richmond,  Virginia  till  ten  or  twelve  days 
1819.)  after  Argall's  escape.  See  Bel- 
'  Sir  George  Yeardley  was  knap,  ii.  61  —  72  ;  Stith,  p.  157  ; 
chosengovernorof  the  colony  early  Burk,  p.  322;  Smith,  ii.  37. 


WITH   THEIR  AGENTS   IN   ENGLAND.  71 

and  I  would  be  glad  to  hear  how  far  it  will  discourage,  chap. 
I  see  none  here  discouraged  much,  but  rather  desire  to  — v^^ 
learn  to  beware  by  other  men's  harms,  and  to  amend  1619. 

.  May 

that  wherein  they  have  failed  ;  as  we  desire  to  serve  s. 
one  another  in  love,  so  take  heed  of  being  enthralled 
by  other  imperious  persons,  especially  if  they  be  dis- 
cerned to  have  an  eye  to  themselves.  It  doth  often 
trouble  me  to  think  that  in  this  business  we  are  to 
learn,  and  none  to  teach.  But  better  so  than  to  depend 
upon  such  teachers  as  Mr.  Blackwell  was.  Such  a 
stratagem  he  made  for  Mr.  Johnson  and  his  people  at 
Emden  ;  much  was  their  subversion.  But  though  he 
then  cleanlily  yet  unhonestly  plucked  his  neck  out  of 
the  collar,  yet  at  last  his  foot  is  caught. 

Here  are  no  letters  come.  The  ship  Captain  Argall 
came  in  is  yet  in  the  west  parts.  All  that  we  hear  is 
but  his  report.  It  seemeth  he  came  away  secretly. 
The  ship  that  Mr.  Blackwell  went  in  will  be  here 
shortly.  It  is  as  Mr.  Robinson  once  said  ;  he  thought 
we  should  hear  no  good  of  them. 

Mr.  Brewster  is  not  well  at  this  time.  Whether  he 
will  go  back  to  you  or  go  into  the  north,  I  yet  know 
not.  For  myself,  I  hope  to  see  an  end  of  this  business 
ere  I  come,  though  I  am  sorry  to  be  thus  from  you.  If 
things  had  gone  roundly  forward,  I  should  have  been 
with  you  within  this  fourteen  days.  I  pray  God  direct 
us,  and  give  us  that  spirit  which  is  fitting  for  such  a 
business. 

Thus  having  summarily  pointed  at  things  which  Mr. 
Brewster,  I  think,  hath  more  largely  writ  of  to  Mr. 
Robinson,  I  leave  you  to  the  Lord's  protection. 

Yours,  in  all  readiness,  &c. 

Robert  Cushman. 

London,  May  the  8th,  1619. 


72  CORRESPONDENCE  OF   THE   PILGRIMS 

CHAP.  A  word  or  two,  by  way  of  digression,  touching  this 
-^v^--  Mr.  Blackwell.  He  was  an  elder  of  the  church  of 
1619.  Amsterdam,  a  man  well  known  of  most  of  them.  He 
declined  from  the  truth  with  Mr.  Johnson  and  the  rest, 
and  went  with  him  when  they  departed  asunder  in  that 
woful  manner  which  brought  so  great  dishonor  to  God, 
scandal  to  the  truth,  and  outward  ruin  to  themselves, 
in  this  world.  But  I  hope,  notwithstanding,  through 
the  mercies  of  the  Lord,  their  souls  are  now  at  rest 
with  God,  in  the  heavens,  and  that  they  are  arrived  in 
the  haven  of  happiness,  though  some  of  their  bodies 
were  thus  buried  in  the  terrible  seas,  and  others  sunk 
under  the  burden  of  bitter  afflictions.  He,  with  some 
others,  had  prepared  for  to  go  to  Virginia  ;  and  he  with 
sundry  godly  citizens  being  at  a  private  meeting  (I  take 
it,  at  a  Fast,)  in  London,  being  discovered,  many  of 
them  were  apprehended,  whereof  Mr.  Blackwell  was 
one.  But  he  so  glossed  with  the  bishops,  and  either 
dissembled  or  flatly  denied  the  truth  which  formerly  he 
had  maintained ;  and  not  only  so,  but  unworthily  be- 
trayed and  accused  another  godly  man  who  had  escaped, 
that  so  he  might  slip  his  own  neck  out  of  the  collar, 
and  to  obtam  his  own  freedom  brought  others  into 
bonds.  Whereupon  he  so  won  the  bishops'  favor,  (but 
lost  the  Lord's,)  as  he  was  not  only  dismissed,  but  in 
open  court  the  Archbishop  gave  him  great  applause 
and  his  solemn  blessing  to  proceed  in  his  voyage.  But 
if  such  events  follow  the  bishops'  blessing,  happy  are 
they  that  miss  the  same.  It  is  much  better  to  keep  a 
good  conscience  and  have  the  Lord's  blessing,  whether 
in  life  or  death.  But  see  how  that  man,  apprehended 
by  Mr.  Blackwell's  means,  writes  to  a  friend  of  his. 


WITH   THEIR  AGENTS   IN   ENGLAND.  73 

Riffht  dear  friend  and  christian  brother,  Mr.  Carver,  chap. 

.  V. 

I  salute  you  and  yours  in  the  Lord.  --^v^^ 

Sir,  as  for  my  own  present  condition,  I  doubt  not  1 61 8. 
but  you  well  understand  it  by  our  brother  Masterson,'  4. 
who  should  have  tasted  of  the  same  cup,  had  his  place 
of  residence  and  his  person  been  as  well  known  as 
myself.  Somewhat  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Cushman 
how  the  matter  still  continues.  I  have  petitioned  twice 
to  Mr.  sheriif,  and  once  to  my  Lord  Cook,^  and  have 
used  such  reasons  to  move  them  to  pity,  that  if  they 
were  not  overruled  by  some  others,  I  suppose  I  should 
have  soon  gained  my  liberty  ;  —  as  that  I  was  a  man 
living  by  my  credit,  in  debt  to  divers  in  our  city,  living 
in  more  than  ordinary  charges  in  a  close  and  tedious 
prison  ;  besides  great  rents  abroad,  all  my  business 
lying  still,  my  own  servant  lying  lame  in  the  country, 
my  wife  being  also  great  with  child  :  and  yet  no 
answer  until  the  Lords  of  His  Majesty's  Council  gave 
consent.  Kowbeit,  Mr.  Blackwell,  a  man  as  deep  in 
this  action  as  I,  was  delivered  at  a  cheaper  rate  with  a 
great  deal  less  ado,  yea,  with  an  addition  of  the  Arch- 
bishop's blessing.  I  am  sorry  for  Mr.  Blackwell's 
weakness.  1  wish  it  may  prove  no  worse  ;  but  yet  he 
and  some  others  of  them  were  not  sorry,  but  thought 
it  was  for  the  best  that  I  was  nominated  ;  not  because 
the  Lord  sanctifies  evil  to  good,  but  that  the  action 

*  Richard  Masterson  was  one  of  officious  with  part  of  his  estate  for 

Robinson's  church,  and  his  name  public  good,  and  a  man  of  ability, 

issubscribed,  with  others,  to  a  letter  as  a  second  Stephen,  to  defend  the 

written  from  Leyden  to  Bradford  truth  by  sound  argument,  grounded 

and  Brewster,  Nov.  30,  1625,  nine  on  the  Scriptures  of  truth."     See 

months  after  their  pastor's  death.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  ^i. 

On  his  coming  over  to  Plymouth,  ^  This  was  the  eminent  lawyer, 

he  was   chosen  a  deacon   of  the  whose   name   is    commonly  spelt 

church.     In  the  church  records  he  Coke.     See  an  account  of  him  in 

is  described  as  "  a  holy  man  and  Fuller's  Worthies,  ii.  128,  and  in 

an  experienced  saint,  having  been  Lardner's  Cab.  Cyc.  vi.  1  — 43. 

10 


74  THE   PILGRIMS   OBTAIN   A   PATENT 

CHAP,  was  good,   jea,   for   the  best.      One   reason    I  well 
^^^  remember  he  used  was,  because  this  trouble  would 

1 6 1 8.  increase    the   Virgmia    plantation;    that   now   people 
4.     began  more  generally  to  incline  to  go  ;  and  if  he  had 

not  nominated  some  such  as  I,  he  had  not  been  free, 
being  it  was  known  that  many  citizens,  besides  them- 
selves, were  there.  I  expect  an  answer  shortly  what 
they  intend  concerning  me.  I  purpose  to  write  to  some 
other  of  you,  by  whom  you  shall  know  the  certainty. 

Thus  not  having  further  at  present  to  acquaint  you 
withal,  commending  myself  to  your  prayers  I  cease, 
and  commit  you  and  us  all  to  the  Lord. 

Your  friend  and  brother,  in  bonds, 

Sabin  Starsmore.^ 

From  my  Chamier  in  Wood-street  Counter,^  Sept.  4:th,  1618. 

But  thus  much  by  the  way,  which  may  be  of  good 
use.  I  have  been  the  larger  in  these  things,  that  the 
rising  generation  may  seriously  take  notice  of  the  many 
difficulties  their  poor  leaders  underwent  in  the  first 
enterprises  towards  coming  into  New  England. 

1619.  But  at  last,  after  all  these  things,  and  their  long 
attendance,  they  had  a  patent  granted  them,  and  con- 
firmed under  the  Company's  seal.^   But  these  divisions 

'  There  was  a  Mr.  Staismore  prison-houses  pertaining  to  the 
among  the  associates  of  Henry  sheriffs  of  London.  Stow's  Survey 
Jacob,  who,  after  having  conferred  of  London,  p.  394,  (folio.) 
with  Mr.  Robinson,  in  Leyden,  ^  Morton  says,  in  his  Memorial, 
laid  the  foundation  of  an  Inde-  p.  22,  that  they  "obtained  letters 
pendent  or  Congregational  Church  patent  for  the  northern  parts  of 
in  England  in  the  year  1616.  See  Virginia,  of  King  James,  of  famous 
Neal's  Puritans,  i.  476.  Some  fur-  memory."  He  confounds  the  king 
ther  account  of  Jacob  will  be  given  with  the  Virginia  Company.  Dud- 
hereafter  in  a  Note  to  Bradford's  ley  makes  the  same  mistake  in  his 
Dialogue.  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln, 

2  The  Compter  in  Wood  Street,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  37.     Old- 
erected  in  1555,  was  one  of  the  mixon,  i.  29,  errs  in  saying  that 


FROM   THE   VIRGINIA   COMPANY. 


75 


and  distractions  had  shaken  off  many  of  their  pretended  chap. 
friends,  and  disappointed  them  of  many  of  their  hoped  -^^J-^ 
for  and  proffered  means.    By  the  advice  of  some  friends  1619. 
this  patent  was  not  taken  in  the  name  of  any  of  their 
own  company,^  but  in  the  name  of  Mr.  John  Wincob,^ 
a  religious  gentleman,  then  belonging  to  the  Countess 
of  Lincoln,^  who  intended  to  go  with  them.    But  God 
so  disposed  as  he  never  went,  nor  they  never  made  use 


"  Mr.  Brewster  made  an  agreement 
with  the  Company  for  a  large  tract 
of  land  in  the  southwest  parts  of 
New  England,"  an  error  into  which 
he  was  led  by  Cotton  Mather,  i.  47. 
The  Virginia  Company  could  grant 
no  patent  for  lands  north  of  the  40th 
degree.  The  authors  of  the  Modern 
Universal  History,  xxxix.  272,  err 
in  stating  that  "  their  intention 
was  to  have  made  a  settlement 
under  the  sanction  of  Gosnold's 
patent."  Gosnold  had  no  patent. 
Dunlap,  Hist,  of  N.  York,  i.  43, 
and  Hugh  Murray,  Hist,  of  Dis- 
coveries in  North  America,  i.  245, 
err  in  asserting  that  the  agents  of 
the  Pilgrims  negotiated  with  the 
Plymouth  Company.  See  p.  55, 
Note. 

'  The  word  company  I  restore 
from  Hubbard,  p.  47. 

^  Nothing  is  known  of  John 
Wincob.  Baylies,  in  his  Memoir 
of  Plymouth,  i.  17,  errs  in  calling 
his  Christian  name  Jacob.  It  was 
probably  to  avoid  notoriety  and 
escape  suspicion,  that  the  patent 
was  taken  out  in  the  name  of  an 
obscure  individual,  rather  than  in 
the  name  of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln, 
whose  grandfather,  Henry,  had  been 
one  of  the  Council  of  the  Virginia 
Company,  established  by  its  second 
charter  in  1609.  I  suppose  that  in 
consequence  of  the  Leyden  people 
being  out  of  the  realm,  the  patent 
would  not  be  granted  in  any  of  their 
inames.  See  Stith,  App.  p.  16  ; 
CoUins's  Peerage,  ii.  162. 

^  The  Countess  of  Lincoln  here 
mentioned     was     Elizabeth,     the 


daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Knevet,  and 
the  dowager  of  Thomas,  the  third 
earl  of  that  noble  house,  who  died 
Jan.  15, 1619.  Arthur  Collins  calls 
her  "a  lady  of  great  piety  and  vir- 
tue," and  Cotton  Mather  speaks 
of  the  family  as  "  religious,"  and 
"  the  best  family  of  any  nobleman 
then  in  England."  She  was  the 
mother  of  eighteen  children,  and 
wrote  a  book,  printed  at  Oxford  in 
1621,  entitled,  "The  Countess  of 
Lincoln's  Nursery,"  on  the  duty  of 
mothers  nursing  their  own  children. 
This  family  had  a  more  intimate 
connexion  with  the  New  England 
settlements,  and  must  have  felt  a 
deeper  interest  in  their  success,  than 
any  other  noble  house  in  England. 
Two  of  the  first  magistrates,  or 
assistants,  of  the  Massaciiusetts 
Colony  had  lived  many  years  in 
the  family  as  stewards,  a  capacity 
which  Wincob  also  may  have  sus- 
tained. Frances,  a  daughter  of  the 
Countess,  married  John,  son  and 
heir  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who 
took  so  active  a  part  in  the  attempts 
to  colonize  New  England.  Two 
other  daughters,  Susan  and  Arbella, 
married  two  other  of  the  principal 
colonists  of  Massachusetts,  John 
Humfrey  and  Isaac  Johnson,  and 
came  over  with  their  husbands  to 
America.  The  lady  Arbella  died 
at  the  end  of  August,  1630,  about 
six  weeks  after  her  arrival.  "  She 
came  from  a  paradise  of  plenty  and 
pleasure,  in  the  family  of  a  noble 
earldom,  into  a  wilderness  of  wants, 
and  took  New  England  in  her  way 
to  heaven."    Like  the  Spanish  lady 


76 


THE  PATENT  IS  SENT  OVER  TO  LEYDEN. 


1619. 


CHAP,  of  this  patent,  which  had  cost  them  so  much  labor  and 

-^v-^  charge  ;  as  by  the  sequel  will  appear.^ 

This  patent  being  sent  over  for  them  to  view  and 
consider,^  as  also  the  passages  about  the  propositions 
between  them  and  such  merchants  and  friends  as 
should  either  go  or  adventure  with  them,  and  espe- 
cially with  them  on  whom  they  did  chiefly  depend  for 
shipping  and  means,  whose  proffers  had  been  large, 
they  were  requested  to  fit  and  prepare  themselves  with 
all  speed. 

A  right  emblem  it  may  be  of  the  uncertain  things  of 
this  world,  that  when  men  have  toiled  themselves, 
they  vanish  into  smoke. 


mentioned  by  Peter  Martyr,  "  per- 
ceiving her  husband  now  furnish- 
ing himself  to  depart  to  the  un- 
known coasts  of  the  new  world, 
and  those  large  tracts  of  land  and 
sea,  she  spake  these  words  unto 
him :  Whithersoever  your  fatal  des- 
tiny shall  drive  you,  either  by  the 
furious  waves  of  the  great  ocean, 
or  by  the  manifold  and  horrible 
dangers  of  the  land,  I  will  surely 
bear  you  company.  There  can  no 
peril  chance  to  me  so  terrible,  nor 
any  kind  of  death  so  cruel,  that 
shall  not  be  much  easier  for  me  to 
abide,  than  to  live  so  far  separate 
from  you."  Her  husband  survived 
her  only  a  month  : 

"  He  tried 
To  live  without  lier,  lilted  it  not,  and  died." 

The  "  right  honorable  and  ap- 
proved virtuous  lady,  Bridget,  Coun- 
tess of  Lincoln,"  to  whom  Dudley 
addressed  his  letter  of  March  12, 
1031,  was  the  wife  of  Theophilus, 
the  son  of  the  Countess  mentioned 
in  the  test,  and  the  daughter  of 
Viscount  Saye  and  Sele.  See 
CoUins's  Peerage,  ii.  163  ;  Burke's 
Peerage,  Clinton  and  N  ewcastle  ; 
Walpole's  Royal  and  Noble  Au- 
thors, ii.  272  ;  Savage's  Winthrop, 


i.  34  ;  Hutchinson's  Mass.  i.  15, 
17 ;  Mather's  Magnalia,  i.  71,  126; 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  36,  40; 
Eden's  translation  of  Peter  Mar- 
tyr's Decades,  p.  84,  (ed.  1577.) 

'  The  whole  of  this  paragraph  is 
contained,  almost  word  for  word, 
in  Hubbard's  History,  p.  47,  which 
is  conclusive  proof  that  he  had  seen 
Bradford's  History.  See  Note  -  on 
page  5S.  —  Hubbard  says,  p.  50, 
"  that  a  patent,  as  is  afore  said,  was 
obtained,  is  published  in  print,  and 
affirmed  by  such  as  yet  survive  of 
the  first  planters ;  but  where  it  is, 
or  how  it  came  to  be  lost,  is  not 
known  to  any  that  belong  to  the 
said  colony."  Hubbard  wrote  his 
History  before  1682.  See  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  XV.  p.  iii.  —  Grahame,  i. 
410,  errs  in  asserting  that  Hub- 
bard's History  has  never  been  pub- 
lished ;  and  also  in  stating  that 
Gov.  Bradford's  History  of  Ply- 
mouth Colony  has  been  published. 

^  Prince,  p.  155,  quoting  from 
Gov.  Bradford's  MS.  history,  in- 
serts after  consider,  "with  several 
proposals  for  their  transmigration, 
made  by  Mr.  Thomas  Weston, 
of  London,  merchant,  and  other 
friends  and  merchants  as  should 
either,"  &c. 


THE   PILGRIMS   KEEP  A   FAST.  77 

Upon  a  receipt  of  these  things  by  one  of  their  mes-  chap. 

sengers,  they  had  a  solemn  meeting  and  a  day  of  hu ^^^ 

miliation,  to  seek  the  Lord  for  his  direction.  And  16 20. 
their  pastor  took  this  text.  "  And  David's  men  said  \^^/ 
unto  him,  See,  we  be  afraid  here  in  Judah.  How 
much  more,  if  we  come  to  Keilah,  against  the  host  of 
the  PhiHstines.  Then  David  asked  counsel  of  the 
Lord  again."  From  which  text  he  taught  many 
things  very  aptly,  and  befitting  their  present  occasion 
and  condition,  to  strengthen  them  against  their  fears 
and  perplexities,  and  encouraging  them  in  their  reso- 
lutions :  [and  then  conclude  how  many  and  who 
should  prepare  to  go  first ; '  for  all  that  were  willing 
could  not  get  ready  quickly.  The  greater  number 
being  to  stay,  require  their  pastor  to  tarry  with  them  ; 
their  elder,  Mr.  Brewster,  to  go  with  the  other ;  those 
who  go  first  to  be  an  absolute  church  ^  of  themselves,  "^ 
as  well  as  those  that  stay  ;  with  this  proviso,  that  as 
any  go  over  or  return,  they  shall  be  reputed  as  mem- 
bers, without  further  dismission  or  testimonial ;  and 
those  who  tarry,  to  follow  the  rest  as  soon  as  they  can. 

*  Winslow,  in  his  Brief  Narra-  had  not  been  "  an  absolute  church 
tive,  says,"  the  youngest  and  strong-  of  themselves,"  yet  before  the  for- 
est part  to  go  ;  and  they  that  went  mation  of  Higginson's  church  at 
should  freely  offer  themselves."  Salem,  a  majority  of  the  Leyden 

'^  The  Church  at  Plymouth  thus  congregation  had  actually  arrived 
became  the  First  Independent  or  at  Plymouth,  as  appears  from  the 
Congregational  Church  in  Ameri-  note  on  page  36.  Nor  is  there  any 
ca.  Of  course  the  statement  of  ground  for  Palfrey's  intimation,  in 
Holmes  in  his  accurate  Annals  of  his  Centennial  Discourse  at  Barn- 
America,  i.  160,  that  "  the  adven-  stable,  p.  9,  that  "the  first  church 
turers  and  their  brethren  remaining  in  Barnstable  is  the  representative 
in  Holland  were  to  continue  to  be  of  the  first  Congregational  Church 
one  church,"  is  incorrect ;  and  the  established  in  England,"  since  it 
position  of  Upham,  in  his  eloquent  appears  from  p.  21-24,  of  this  vol- 
Century  Lecture,  at  Salem  in  1829,  ume,  that  the  exception,  on  the  pre- 
Ahat  the  first  church  in  Salem  is  sumed  absence  of  which  he  builds 
*'the  First  American  Congrega-  this  opinion,  was  an  actual  fact, 
tional  Church,"  cannot  be  main-  namely,  that  "  Pvobinson's  church, 
tained.     Even  if  the  first  colonists  now  surviving  in  that  of  Plymouth, 


78  THE   PILGRIMS   PREPARE  TO  LEAVE   HOLLAND. 

CHAP.  Mr.  Weston^  coming  to  Leyden,  the  people  agree 
^^v-^  with  him  on  articles  both  for  shipping  and  money  to 
16  20.  assist  in  their  transportation;  then  send  Mr.  Carver 
and  Cushman  to  England  to  receive  the  money  and 
provide  for  the  voyage  ;  Mr.  Cushman  at  London,  Mr. 
Carver  at  Southampton.  Those  who  are  to  go  first 
prepare  with  speed,  sell  their  estates,  put  their  money 
into  the  common  stock  to  be  disposed  by  their  mana- 
gers for  making  general  provisions.  There  was  also 
one  Mr.  Martin^  chosen  in  England  to  join  with  Mr. 
Carver  and  Cushman.  He  came  from  Biherica,  in 
Essex ;  from  which  county  came  several  others,  as 
also  from  London  and  other  places,  to  go  with  them.] 


3 


■  In  the  foregoing  five  Chapters  the  reader  may  take 
a  view  of  some  of  the  many  difficulties  our  blessed  pre- 
decessors went  through  in  their  first  achievement  of 
this  weighty  enterprise  of  removal  of  our  Church  into 
these  American  parts.  The  immediate  following  re- 
lations in  Mr.  Bradford's  book,  out  of  which  divers  of 
these  matters  are  recollected,  do  more  especially  con- 
was  organized  on  Congregational  unsuccessful  attempt  to  establish  a 
principles  before  he  left  the  mother  rival  colony  at  Wessagussett,  now 
country  for  Holland."  With  the  Weymouth,  will  be  related  here- 
Historyof  Gov.  Bradford  to  support  after.  He  visited  Plymouth  twice 
her  claims,  the  First  Church  at  in  1623,  and  again  in  1624,  and 
Plymouth  cannot  recognise  the  then  sailed  for  Virginia.  He  died 
pretensions  of  any  other  American  at  Bristol,  (Eng.)  in  the  time  of  the 
church  to  priority  of  existence.  civil   war.      See  Prince,  pp.  216, 

'  Thomas  Weston  was  one  of  222,  224. 
the  most  active  of  the  merchant  ^  This  was  undoubtedly  Mr. 
adventurers,  and  Hubbard  says,  p.  Christopher  Martin,  who,  with  his 
72,  that  he  had  disbursed  £500  to  wife  and  two  children,  came  over 
advance  the  interest  of  Plymouth  in  the  Mayflower.  His  name 
colony.  Edward  Winslow  says,  stands  the  ninth  in  the  subscrip- 
in  1622,  "  he  formerly  deserved  tion  to  the  Compact  signed  at  Cape 
well  of  us,"  and  Bradford,  in  1623,  Cod,  Nov.  11,  1620,  and  he  died 
that  he  "becomes  our  enemy  on     Jan.  8,  1621. 

all  occasions."  He  employed  se-  ^  The  passage  included  in  brack- 
veral  vessels  in  trade  and  fishing  ets  is  taken  from  Prince,  p.  15G, 
on  the  coast  of  New  England.  His    who  copied  it  from  Bradford's  MS. 


CONDITIONS   AND   LETTERS. 


79 


cern  the  conditions  of  their  agreement  with  several  chap. 

V 

merchant  adventurers  towards  the  voyage,  &c.  as  also  ^.-v^ 
several  letters  sent  to  and  fro  from  friend  to  friend  16  20. 
relating  to  the  premises,  which  are  not  so  pertinent  to 
the  nature  of  this  small  History.  Wherefore  I  shall 
here  omit  to  insert  them,^  judging  them  not  so  suitable 
to  my  present  purpose  ;  and  here  also  cease  to  follow 
the  foregoing  method  by  way  of  Chapters.^ 


'  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  thai 
Morton  did  not  see  fit  to  copy  these 
letters.  It  will  be  seen,  a  few 
pages  further  on,  that  he  again 
testifies  that  "  their  transactings 
with  the  merchant  adventurers 
were  penned  at  large  in  Mr.  Brad- 
ford's book."  Though  omitted  in 
this  copy,  "  the  Conditions  "  were 
fortunately  preserved  from  oblivion 
by  Hubbard,  and  we  are  thus  ena- 
bled to  present  them  in  the  next 
Chapter.  They  are  undoubtedly 
the  most  valuable  portion  of  Hub- 


bard's History,  and  their  existence 
in  it  puts  it  beyond  a  doubt  that  he 
had  both  seen  and  used  Bradford's 
MS.  notwithstanding  Prince's  as- 
sertion to  the  contrary.  See  Note  ^ 
on  page  58. 

^  For  the  sake  of  uniformity  I 
have  taken  the  liberty  still  "  to  fol- 
low the  foregoing  method  by  way 
of  chapters,"  and  the  rather  as  I 
find  that  Morton  has  preserved  in 
his  Memorial,  pp.  30,  37,  and  67, 
the  original  titles  of  three  of  Gov. 
Bradford's  chapters. 


CHAPTER    VI 


THE   CONDITIONS    OF    THEIR   AGREEMENT    WITH    SEVERAL 
MERCHANT  ADVENTURERS   TOWARDS  THE   VOYAGE. 


[About  this  time  thej  were  informed  by  Mr.  Wes- 
ton and  others,  that  sundry  honorable  lords  and  worthy 
^^20- gentlemen  had  obtained  a  large  patent  from  the  King 
for  the  more  northerly  part  of  America,  distinct  from 
the  Virginia  patent,  and  wholly  excluded  from  their 
government,  and  to  be  called  by  another  name,  viz. 
New  England.'  Unto  which  Mr.  Weston  and  the 
chiefest  of  them  began  to  incline,  thinking  it  was  best 
for  them  to  go  thither ;  as  for  other  reasons,  so  chiefly 


»  On  the  23d  of  July,  1620,  King 
James  gave  a  warrant  to  his  soli- 
citor. Sir  Thomas  Coventry,  to 
prepare  a  new  patent  for  the  incor- 
poration of  the  adventurers  to  the 
northern  colony  of  Virginia,  be- 
tween 40  and  48  degrees  north, 
which  patent  the  king  signed  on 
Nov.  3, styling  them  "The  Council 
established  at  Plymouth,  in  the 
county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting, 
ruling,  ordering,  and  governing 
of  New  England,  in  America," 
which  is  the  great  civil  basis  of  all 
the  future  patents  and  plantations, 
that  divide  this  country.  Prince, 
p.  160.  See  the  patent  in  Hazard, 
i.  104;  and  the  warrant  in  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  xxvi.  64. 


The  name  of  New  England  was 
first  given,  in  1614,  by  the  famous 
Capt.  John  Smith,  to  North  Vir- 
ginia, lying  between  the  degrees  of 
41  and  45.  In  that  year  he  ranged 
along  the  coast,  from  the  Penobscot 
to  Cape  Cod,  in  a  small  boat,  with 
eight  men.  "I  took  the  descrip- 
tion "  he  says  "  of  the  coast  as  well 
by  map  as  writing,  and  called  it 
New  England.  At  my  humble 
suit,  Charles,  Prince  of  Wales,  was 
pleased  to  confirm  it  by  that  title." 
Smith,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxiii. 
20.  This  map  was  published  with 
his  "  Description  of  New  England," 
in  1616.  They  are  both  reprinted 
in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxiii.  1,  and 
xxvi.  95  — 140. 


THE   PILGRIMS   MEET   WITH   DISCOURAGEMENTS.  81 

for  the  hope  of  present  profit,  to  be  made  by  fishing '  chap. 
on  that  coast.  But  in  all  business  the  active  part  is  -^^^^ 
most  difficult,  especially  when  there  are  many  agents  16  20. 
that  may  be  concerned.  So  it  was  found  in  them  ; 
for  some  of  them  who  should  have  gone  in  England, 
fell  off,  and  would  not  go.  Other  merchants  and 
friends,  that  proffered  to  adventure  their  money,  with- 
drew and  pretended  many  excuses ;  some  disliking 
they  went  not  to  Guiana  ;  others  would  do  nothing 
unless  they  went  to  Virginia ;  and  many  who  were 
most  relied  on  refused  to  adventure  if  they  went  thither. 
In  the  midst  of  these  difficulties,  they  of  Leyden  were 
driven  to  great  straits  ;  but  at  the  length,  the  generality 
was  swayed  to  the  better  opinion.  Howbeit,  the  pa- 
tent for  the  northern  part  of  the  country  not  being 
fully  settled  at  that  time,  they  resolved  to  adventure 
with  that  patent  they  had,  intending  for  some  place 
more  southward  than  that  they  fell  upon  in  their  voy- 
age, at  Cape  Cod,  as  may  appear  afterwards. 

The  CONDITIONS,  on  which  those  of  Leyden  engaged 
with  the  merchants,  the  adventurers,^  were  hard  enough 

'  Edward  Winslow  says,  in  his  of  iheir  bringing  their  wives  and 

Brief     Narrative,    that    on    King  children    with   them   is  conclusive 

James   asking  the   agents   of   the  evidence  that  they  came  to  estah- 

Pilgrims  "what  profits  might  arise  lish  a  permanent  colony,  in  which 

in  the  part  they  intended,  it  was  the  several  occupations  of  farming, 

answered.  Fishing."  fishing,  and    trading,  would   each 

I  know  not  what  authority  have  its  proper  place. 
Hutchinson  had  for  asserting,  ii.  "  Little  is  known  of  these  mer- 
472,  that  "their  views  when  they  chant  adventurers.  Capt.  John 
left  England  were  rather  to  establish  Smith,  a  good  authority  in  such 
a/ac/ory  than  a  colony.  They  had  matters,  writing  in  1624,  says  that 
no  notion  of  cultivating  any  more  "the  adventurers  which  raised  the 
ground  than  would  afford  their  own  stock  to  begin  and  supply  this  plan- 
necessary  provisions,  but  proposed  tation,  were  about  seventy,  some 
that  their  chief  secular  employment  gentlemen,  some  merchants,  some 
should  be  commerce  with  the  na-  handicraftsmen,  some  adventuring 
fives."  This  seems  inconsistent  jireat  sums,  some  small,  as  their 
with  the  views  with  which  they  estates  and  affection  served.  These 
'eft  Holland;  and  the  simple  fact  dwell  most  about  London.     They 

11 


82  THE   CONDITIONS   OF  THE   PARTNERSHIP 

CHAP,  at  the  first  for  the  poor  people,  that  were  to  adventure 
— v-^  their  persons  as  well  as  then*  estates.  Yet  were  their 
16  20.  agents  forced  to  change  one  or  two  of  them,  to  satisfy 
the  merchants,  who  were  not  willing  to  be  concerned 
with  them  ;  although  the  altering  them  without  their 
knowledge  or  consent  was  very  distasteful  to  them, 
and  became  the  occasion  of  some  contention  amongst 
them  afterwards.     They  are  these  that  follow. 

1.  The  adventurers  and  planters  do  agree,  that 
every  person  that  goeth,  being  sixteen  years  old  and 
upward,  be  rated  at  ten  pounds,  and  that  ten  pounds 
be  accounted  a  single  share. 

2.  That  he  that  goeth  in  person,  and  furnisheth  him- 
self out  with  ten  pounds,  either  in  money  or  other 
provisions,  be  accounted  as  having  twenty  pounds  in 
stock,  and  in  the  division  shall  receive  a  double 
share. 

3.  The  persons  transported  and  the  adventurers 
shall  continue  their  joint  stock  and  partnership  the 
space  of  seven  years,  except  some  unexpected  impedi- 
ments do  cause  the  whole  Company  to  agree  other- 
wise ;  during  which  time  all  profits  and  benefits  that 
are  gotten  by  trade,  traffic,  trucking,  working,  fishing, 
or  any  other  means,  of  any  other  person  or  persons, 
shall  remain  still  in  the  common  stock  until  the 
division. 

4.  That  at  their  coming  there  they  shall  choose  out 
such  a  number  of  fit  persons  as  may  furnish  their  ships 

are  not  a  corporation,  but  knit  to-  served  by  Gov.  Bradford,  were  very 

gather  by  a  voluntary  combination  friendly  to  the  Colony,  and  a  few 

in  a  society  without  constraint  or  came  over  and  settled  in  it.   Others 

penalty,  aiming  to  do  good  and  to  were  unreasonable,  clamorous,  and 

plant  religion."    Smith's  Gen.  Hist,  hostile.     Their  names  in  1626  are 

of  Virginia,  ii.  251.    Some  of  these  preserved.     See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 

merchants,   as    appears  from    the  iii.  27  —  34,48. 
Correspondence    with    them    pre- 


WITH  THE  MERCHANT  ADVENTURERS.  83 

and  boats  for  fishing  upon  the  sea ;  employing  the  rest  chap. 
in  their  several   faculties  upon  the  land,  as   building  -^v-^ 
houses,  tilling  and  planting  the  ground,  and  making  1620. 
such  commodities    as    shall    be    most   useful   for   the 
Colony. 

5.  That  at  the  end  of  the  seven  years,  the  capital 
and  the  profits,  viz.  the  houses,  lands,  goods,  and  chat- 
tels, be  equally  divided  among  the  adventurers.  If  any 
debt  or  detriment  concerning  this  adventure  * 

6.  Whosoever  cometh  to  the  Colony  hereafter,  or 
putteth  any  thing  into  the  stock,  shall  at  the  end  of 
the  seven  years  be  allowed  proportionally  to  the  time 
of  his  so  doing. 

7.  He  that  shall  carry  his  wife,  or  children,  or  ser- 
vants, shall  be  allowed  for  every  person,  now  aged 
sixteen  years  and  upward,  a  single  share  in  the  divi- 
sion ;  or  if  he  provide  them  necessaries,  a  double  share  ; 
or  if  they  be  between  ten  years  old  and  sixteen,  then 
two  of  them  to  be  reckoned  for  a  person,  both  in 
transportation  and  division. 

8.  That  such  children  that  now  go  and  are  under 
the  age  of  ten  years,  have  no  other  share  in  the  divi- 
sion than  fifty  acres  of  unmanured  land. 

9.  That  such  persons  as  die  before  the  seven  years 
be  expired,  their  executors  to  have  their  parts  or  share 
at  the  division,  proportionably  to  the  time  of  their  life 
in  the  Colony. 

10.  That  all  such  persons  as  are  of  the  Colony  are 
to  have  meat,  drink,  and  apparel,  and  all  provisions, 
out  of  the  common  stock  and  goods  of  the  said  Colony. 

*  Here   something  seems   to  be  might,  possibly,  be  filled  up  from 

wanting,  of  the  nature  of  a  new  the  MS.  copy  of  Hubbard  in  Eng- 

article  or  condition,  which  cannot  land.     See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xiii. 

now    be    supplied.      This    hiatus  286  —  290. 


84 


THE   PILGRIMS   ACCEPT   THE   HARD   CONDITIONS. 


CHAP.       The  ditference  between  the  conditions  thus  expressed 

VI.  ,  .  .  . 

— v^-  and  the  former,  before  their  alteration,  stood  in  these 

162  0.  two  points  ;  first,  that  the  houses  and  lands  improved, 
especially  gardens  and  home-fields,  should  remain  un- 
divided, wholly  to  the  planters,  at  the  seven  years' 
end  ;  secondly,  that  the  planters  should  have  two  days 
in  the  week  for  their  own  private  employment,  for 
the  comfort  of  themselves  and  their  families,  especially 
such  as  had  them  to  take  care  for.* 

The  altering  of  those  two  conditions  was  very  afflic- 
tive to  the  minds  of  such  as  were  concerned  in  the 
voyage.  But  Mr.  Cushman,  their  principal  agent, 
answered  the  complaints  peremptorily,  that  unless  they 
had  so  ordered  the  conditions,  the  whole  design  would 
have  fallen  to  the   ground  ;  and  necessity,   they  said. 


>  Robertson  says,  in  his  History 
of  Ameiica,  book  x.,  "  Under  the 
inliuence  of  this  wild  notion  —  that 
the  Scriptures  contain  a  complete 
system  not  only  of  spiritual  instruc- 
tion, but  of  civil  wisdom  and  polity 
—  the  colonists  of  New-Plymouth, 
in  imitation  of  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians, threw  all  their  property  into 
a  common  stock."  This  misrepre- 
sentation, which  he  professes  to 
derive  from  Chalmers,  p.  90,  and 
Douglass,  p.  370,  (though  there  is 
nothing  in  either  of  them  to  sanc- 
tion the  statement,)  is  repeated  sub- 
stantially by  Grahame,  i  194,  and 
verbally  by  Murray,  Hist,  of  North 
America,  i.  246.  It  is  to  be  regret- 
ted that  credit  and  countenance 
should  have  been  given  to  such  an 
imputation  on  the  good  sense  of 
the  Pilgrims,  by  so  respectable  an 
American  writer  as  Chief  Justice 
Marshall,  in  his  Life  of  Washing- 
ton, i.  93,  (first  ed.)  and  in  his  His- 
tory of  the  American  Colonies,  p. 
SI. 

There  is  no  foundation  for  this 
charge.  The  Plymouth  people  were 
not  "  misguided  by  their  religious 
theories,"    nor    influenced    by   an 


"  imitation  of  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians," in  forming  their  joint  stock 
company.  They  entered  into  this 
hard  and  disadvantageous  engage- 
ment with  the  merchant  adven- 
turers not  voluntarily,  but  of  neces- 
sity, in  order  to  obtain  shipping  for 
transporting  themselves  to  Amer- 
ica ;  and  they  put  their  own  little 
property  into  a  common  fund  in 
order  to  purchase  provisions  for  the 
voyage.  It  was  a  partnership  that 
was  mstiluted,  not  a  community  of 
goods,  as  that  phrase  is  commonly 
understood.  They  dissolved  this 
partnership,  and  set  up  for  them- 
selves, as  soon  as  they  were  able  ; 
as  will  be  seen  hereafter. 

The  charge  is  destitute  of  foun- 
dation even  in  regard  to  the  primi- 
tive Christians.  "Nothing  like  a 
community  of  goods,"  says  Mil- 
man,  "  ever  appears  to  have  pre- 
vailed in  the  Christian  community. 
Mosheim  appears  to  me  to  have 
proved  this  point  conclusively." 
See  Milman's  History  of  Christian- 
ity, i.  389,  and  Mosheim 's  Disser- 
tation "  De  vera  natura  commu- 
nionis  bonorum  in  ecclesia  Hiero- 
solymitana."     Diss.  ii.  t — 53. 


A  VESSEL  AND   PILOT   ARE   PROVIDED.  85 


havino;  no  law,  they  were  constrained  to  be  silent.     The  chaf. 

&  "^  VI. 

poor  planters  met  with  much  difficulty  both  before  and  ^-^ 
after  the  expiring  of  the  seven  years,  and  found  much  1620. 
trouble  in  making  up  accounts  with  the  adventurers 
about  the  division  ;  at  which  time,  though  those  that 
adventured  their  money  were  no  great  gainers,  yet 
those  that  adventured  their  lives  in  carrying  on  the 
business  of  the  Plantation  were  by  much  the  greatest 
sufferers.]  ^ 

[Mr.  Robinson  writes  to  Mr.  Carver,  and  complains  ^^^^ 
of  Mr.  Weston's  neglect  in  getting  shipping  in  Eng- 
land ;  for  want  of  which  they  are  in  a  piteous  case  at 
Leyden.  And  S.  F.,  E.  W.,  W.  B.,  and  J.  A.^  write  lo. 
from  lieyden  to  Mr.  Carver  and  Cushman,  that  the 
coming  of  Mr.  Nash^  and  their  pilot  is  a  great  en- 
couragement to  them. 

Mr.  Cushman,  in  a  letter  from  London  to  Mr.  Carver  lo. 
at  Southampton,  says  that  Mr.  Crabe,  a  minister,  had 
promised  to  go,  but  is  much  opposed,  and  like  to  fail ; 
and  in  a  letter  to  the  people  at  Leyden,  that  he  had 
hired  another  pilot,  one  Mr.  Clark,'*  who  went  last 
year  to  Virginia  ;  that  he  is  getting  a  ship,  hopes  he 
shall  make  all  ready  at  London  in  fourteen  days,  and 
would  liave  Mr.  Reynolds  tarry  in  Holland,  and  bring 
the  ship  ^  there  to  Southampton.]  ^ 

'  The  passage  within  brackets  is        '  The  name  of  Thomas  Nash  is 

taken  from  Hubbard's  History.     It  subscribed,  with  others,  to  a  letter 

is  impossible  to  say  where  he  ob-  written  at  Leyden  Nov.  30,  1625, 

tained   it,  except  from    Bradford's  addressed  to  Bradford  and  Brewster. 

MS.     It  is   to  be  found   nowhere  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  44. 
else,  and  is  essential  to  the  com-         ''  Clark,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter, 

pleteness  of  the  History.     I  have  was  master's  mate  on  board  the 

taken  care  to  collate  Hubbard's  MS.  Mayflower. 

which  is  in  the  archives  of  the  Mas-        *  The    small    ship,    called    the 

^achuselts  Historical  Society.  Speedwell,  of  which  Reynolds  was 

*  These  doubtless  are  the  initials  captain, 
of  Samuel  Fuller,  Edward  Wins-        *  These  last  two  paragraphs  are 

low,  William  Bradford,  and  Isaac  taken  from   Prince,    p.    158,  who 

Allerton.  copied  them  from  Bradford's  MS. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

OF  THEIR  DEPARTURE  FROM  LEYDEN,  AND  EMBARKATION 

FROM   DELFT-HAVEN. 


CHAP 
VII. 


After  such  travail  and  turmoils  ^  and  debates  which 
they  went  through,  things  were  gotten  ready  for  their 
1620.  departure  from  Leyden.  A  small  ship  was  provided  in 
Holland,  of  about  sixty  tons,  which  was  intended,  as 
to  serve  to  transport  some  of  them  over  the  seas,  so  to 
stay  in  the  country  and  to  tend  upon  fishing  and  such 
other  affairs  as  might  be  for  the  good  and  benefit  of  the 
whole,  when  they  should  come  to  the  place  intended.^ 


*  "Much  of  their  troubles  re- 
specting this  matter  is  not  express- 
ed in  this  book."  —  Morton's  Note. 

*  This  vessel  was  less  than  the 
average  size  of  the  fishing-smacks 
that  go  to  the  Grand  Bank.  This 
seems  a  frail  bark  in  which  to  cross 
a  stormy  ocean  of  three  thousand 
miles  in  extent.  Yet  it  should  be 
remembered,  that  two  of  the  ships 
of  Columbus  on  his  first  daring  and 
perilous  voyage  of  discovery  were 
light  vessels,  without  decks,  little 
superior  to  the  small  craft  that  ply 
on  our  rivers  and  along  our  coasts. 
Peter  Martyr  d'Anghiera,  the  con- 
temporary of  Columbus,  and  the 
first  writer  who  mentions  the  dis- 
covery of  America,  says  "  Ex  regio 
fisco  destinata  sunt  tria  navigia ; 
UDum  onerarium  cavatura.alia  duo 


levia  mercatoria,  sine  caveis,  quee 
ab  Hispanis  caravela;  vocantur." 
De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  i.  cap.  i.  (p.  2, 
ed.  1587.)  "At  the  length  three 
ships  were  appointed  him  at  the 
king's  charges;  of  the  which  one 
was  a  great  carrack  with  decks, 
and  the  other  two  light  merchant 
ships  without  decks,  which  the 
Spaniards  call  caravels."  (Eden's 
trans,  p.  8,  ed.  1577.)  Frobisher's 
fleet  consisted  of  two  barks  of 
twenty-five  tons  each,  and  a  pin- 
nace of  ten  tons,  when  he  sailed  in 

1576,  to  discover  a  north-west  pas- 
sage to  the  Indies.  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  too,  embarked  on  his  voyage 
for  circumnavigating  the  globe,  in 

1577,  with  five  vessels,  of  which 
the  largest  was  of  one  hundred, 
and  the  smallest  of   fifteen  tons. 


THE   PILGRIMS   LEAVE  LEYDEN.  87 

Another  was  hired  at  London,  of  burden  about  nine- 
score,  and  all  other  things  got  in  a  readiness. 

So  being  ready  to  depart,  thej  had  a  day  of  solemn  1620. 
humiliation,  their  pastor  taking  his  text  from  Ezra  the 
viiith.  21.  "  And  there,  at  the  river,  by  Ahava,  I  pro- 
claimed a  fast,  that  we  might  humble  ourselves  before 
our  God,  and  seek  of  him  a  right  way  for  us,  and  for 
our  children,  and  for  all  our  substance."  Upon  which 
he  spent  a  good  part  of  the  day  very  profitably,  and 
suitably  to  their  present  occasion.^  The  rest  of  the 
time  was  spent  in  pouring  out  prayers  to  the  Lord  with 
great  fervency,  mixed  with  abundance  of  tears.  And 
the  time  being  come  that  they  must  depart,  they  were 
accompanied  with  the  most  of  their  brethren  out  of  the   Ju'y 

.  ,  21. 

city  unto  a  town  sundry  miles  off,  called  Delft-Haven,^ 
where  the  ship  lay  ready  to  receive  them.  So  they 
left  that  goodly  and  pleasant  city,  which  had  been  their  J^e^, 
resting-place  near  twelve  years.  But  they  knew  they 
were  Pilgrims,^  and  looked  not  much  on  those  things. 

The  bark  in  which  Sir  Humphrey  '  Edward    Winslow,   who    was 

Gilbert  perished  was  of  ten   tons  present,  has  preserved  a  portion  of 

only.     The    Little    James,  which  Robinson's  farewell  discourse.     It 

the   Company   sent  over   to    Ply-  will  be  found  in  his  Brief  Narra- 

mouth  in  July  1623,  was  a  pinnace  tive,  in  a  subsequent  part  of  this 

of  only  forty-four  tons.     See  Na-  volume;  but  it  ought  to  be  read  in 

varrete,  Coleccion  de  Viages,  ii.  p.  this  connexion. 

11,  Doc.  Diplom.  7;  Irving's  Life  of  *  Delft-Haven  is  a  commodious 

Columbus,   i.   113,  iii.  303  —  306;  port  on  the  north  side  of  the  Maas, 

Kippis's   Biog.    Britann.    v.    345  ;  two  miles  south-west  from  Rotter- 

■  Aikin's  Gen.  Biog.  iii.  449,  iv.  249;  dam,  eight  miles  from   Delft,  and 

Bancroft,  i.  91 ;  Prince,  p.  220. —  about  24  miles  south  of  Leyden. 

Bancroft,  i.  306,  is   inaccurate  in  ^  "I  think  I  may  with  singular 

saying   that  "  the  Speedwell   was  propriety  call  their  lives  a  piJgrim- 

purchased  in  Z,o?it?on;"  and  Mather,  age.     Most  of  them  left  England 

i.  47,  in  stating  that  she  was  hii-ed,  about  the  year  1609,  after  the  truce 

in  which  error  he  is  followed  by  with  the  Spaniards,  young  men  be- 

the  authors  of  the  Mod.  Univ.  Hist,  tween  twenty  and  thirty  years  of 

xxxix.  272.  —  In   a  vessel   of  the  age.   They  spent  near  twelve  years, 

§ame  name,  of  fifty  tons,  Martin  strangers  among  the  Dutch,  first  at 

Pring  had  in  1603  coasted   along  Amsterdam,  afterwards  at  Leyden. 

the  shores  of  New  England.     See  After  having  arrived  to  the  meridian 

Prince,  p.  102 ;  Belknap,  ii.  124.  of  life,  the  declining  part  was  to 


xi.  J3. 


88  THE   SAD   PARTING   AT   DELFT-HAVEN. 

CHAP,  but  lifted  up  their  eyes  to  heaven,  their  dearest  country, 
^-v^^  and  quieted  their  spirits. 

1620.  When  they  came  to  the  place,  they  found  the  ship 
and  all  things  ready ;  and  such  of  their  friends  as  could 
not  come  with  them,  followed  after  them ;  and  sundry 
also  came  from  Amsterdam '  to  see  them  shipped,  and 
to  take  their  leave  of  them.  That  night  was  spent 
with  little  sleep  by  the  most,  but  with  friendly  enter- 
tainment^ and  Christian  discourse,  and  other  real  ex- 
July  pressions  of  true  Christian  love.  The  next  dav,  the 
wind  being  fair,  they  went  on  board,  and  their  friends 
with  them  ;  when  truly  doleful  was  the  sight  of  that 
sad  and  mournful  parting ;  to  see  what  sighs  and  sobs 
and  prayers  did  sound  amongst  them  ;  what  tears  did 
gush  from  every  eye,  and  pithy  speeches  pierced  each 
other's  heart ;  that  sundry  of  the  Dutch  strangers,  that 
stood  on  the  quay  as  spectators,  could  not  refrain  from 
tears.  Yet  comfortable  and  sweet  it  was  to  see  such 
lively  and  true  expressions  of  dear  and  unfeigned  love. 
But  the  tide,  which  stays  for  no  man,  calling  them 
away,  that  were  thus  loth  to  depart,  their  reverend  pas- 
tor, falling  down  on  his  knees,  and  they  all  with  him, 
with  watery  cheeks  commended  them,  with  most  fer- 
vent prayers,  to  the  Lord  and  his  blessing ;  and  then, 
with  mutual  embraces  and  many  tears,  they  took  their 
leaves  of  one  another,  which  proved  to  be  their  last 
leave  to  many  of  them. 

Thus   hoisting   sail,  with  a  prosperous   wind,^  they 

be  spent  in  another  world,  among         '  The  distance  from  Amsterdam 

savages,  of  whom  every  European  to  Delft-Haven  is  about  50  miles, 
must  have  received  a  most  unfavor-        *  Prince,  p.  159,  reads  entertain- 

able,  if  not  formidable  idea.    'Tan-  ing. 

turn   religio    potuit    suadere.'" —         'Edward  Winslow  says,  in  his 

Hutchinson,  Hist.  Mass.  ii.  452.  Brief  Narrative,  "  We  gave  them  a 

The  term  Pilgrims  belongs  ex-  volley   of    small    shot    and    three 

clusively  to  the  Plymouth  colonists,  pieces  of  ordnance." 


THE   PILGRIMS   ARRIVE  AT   SOUTHAMPTON.  89 

came  in   a   short   time  to  Southampton,^  where  they  chap. 

.  VII. 

found  the  bigger  ship  come  from  London,^  Ijins:  ready  — ^ 
with  all  the  rest  of  their  company.  After  a  joyful  16  20. 
welcome  and  mutual  congratulation,  with  other  friendly 
entertainments,  they  fell  to  parley  about  their  proceed- 
ings. [Seven  hundred  pounds  sterling  are  laid  out  at 
Southampton,  and  they  carry  about  seventeen  hundred 
pounds  venture  with  them ;  and  Mr.  Weston  comes 
thither  from  London  to  see  them  despatched.]  ^ 


A  brief  Letter  written  by  Mr.  John  Robinson  to  Mr. 
John  Carver,  at  their  parting  aforesaid,  in  which  the 
tender  love  and  godly  care  of  a  true  pastor  appeal's. 

My  Dear  Brother, 

I  received  enclosed  your  last  letter  and  note  of  in- 
formation, which  I  shall  carefully  keep  and  make  use 
of,  as  there  shall  be  occasion.  I  have  a  true  feeling  of 
your  perplexity  of  mind  and  toil  of  body ;  but  I  hope 
that  you,  having  always  been  able  so  plentifully  to 
administer  comfort  unto  others  in  their  trials,  are  so 
well  furnished  for  yourself,  as  that  far  greater  difficul- 
ties than  you  have  yet  undergone  (though  I  conceive 
them  to  be  great  enough)  cannot  oppress  you,  though 
they  press  you,  as  the  Apostle  speaketh.  "  The  J^l^^i^^ 
spirit  of  a  man  (sustained  by  the  Spirit  of  God)  will 


'  Southampton  is   a   seaport  in  "  After  London,  Prince,  p.  160, 

Hampsiiire,  situated  at  the  head  of  inserts  from  Gov.  Bradford's  MS., 

an   estuary,  running  up  from   the  "  Mr.  Jones  master,  with  the  rest 

isle  of  Wight,  called  the  Southamp-  of   the   company,   who    had   been 

ton  Water.    It  was  the  rendezvous  waiting  there  with  Mr.  Cushmaa 

of    seven   of   Winthrop's   fleet   in  seven  days." 

March,  1630,  when  he  was  prepar-  ^  The   sentence    in   brackets   is 

ifig  to  transport  his  colony  to  Massa-  from    Prince,  p.   160,   who  quotes 

chusetts  Bay.    See  Savage's  Win-  Bradford's  MS. 
throp,  i.  2,  366. 

12 


90  ROBINSONS   LETTER  TO   CARVER. 

CHAP,  sustain   his  infirmity."     I    doubt   not    so  will  yours ; 


VII. 


and  the  better  much,  when  you  shall  enjoy  the  pre- 
16  20.  sence  and  help  of  so  many  godly  and  wise  brethren, 
for  the  bearing  of  part  of  your  burden  ;  who  also  will 
not  admit  into  their  hearts  the  least  thought  of  suspi- 
cion of  any  the  least  negligence,  at  least  presumption, 
to  have  been  in  you,  whatsoever  they  think  in  others.^ 
Now  what  shall  I  say  or  write  unto  you  and  your  good 
wife,  my  loving  sister  r  Even  only  this ;  I  desire,  and 
always  shall,  mercy  and  blessing  unto  you  from  the 
Lord,  as  unto  my  own  soul ;  and  assure  yourself  that 
my  heart  is  with  yon,  and  that  I  will  not  foreslow^  my 
bodily  coming  at  the  first  opportunity.  I  have  written 
a  large  letter  to  the  whole,  and  am  sorry  I  shall  not 
rather  speak  than  write  to  them  ;  and  the  more,  con- 
sidering the  want  of  a  preacher,^  which  I  shall  also 
make  some  spur  to  my  hastening  towards  you.  I  do 
ever  commend  my  best  affection  unto  you  ;  which  if  I 
thought  you  made  any  doubt  of,  I  would  express  in 
more,  and  the  same  more  ample  and  full  words.  And 
the  Lord,  in  whom  you  trust,  and  whom  you  serve 
ever  in  this  business  and  journey,  guide  you  with  his 
hand,  protect  you  with  his  wing,  and  show  you  and  us 
his  salvation  in   the  end,  and   bring  us,  in  the  mean 


'  This    sentence    indicates    the  it  seem  to  betoken  that  the  burden 

great  confidence  reposed  in  Carver  of  government  was  expected  to  rest 

by  the  Church.     His  being  sent  as  on  him,  as  it  afterwards  turned  out. 

their  first  and  principal  agent  to  See  Hutchinson,  ii.  456. 

England,  shows  that  he  was  a  lead-  *  Foreslow,  —  delay, 

ing  and   trusted    man  among  the  ^  It  appears  from  page  85,  that 

Pilgrims,  a  fact  which  is  confirmed  "  Mr.  Crabe,  a  minister,  had  prom- 

by  the  circumstance  of  his  being  iscd  to  go."     They  suffered  much 

selected  by  Robinson  as  the  indi-  afterward  for  want   of  a   regular 

vidual   to   whom    to   address   this  pastor, 
parting  letter.     Some  passages  in 


ROBINSON'S  LETTER  TO  HIS  FLOCK.  91 

while,  together   in   the   place  desired  (if  such  be   his  chap 
good  will)  for  his  Christ's  sake.     Amen. 


VII. 


Yours,  ij6  2  0. 

John  Robinson. 


July  27th,  1620. 


This  was  the  last  letter  that  Mr.  Carvpr  lived  to  see 
from  him.' 

At  their  parting,  Mr.  Robinson  ^  writ  a  letter  to  the 
whole  company,  which,  although  it  hath  already  been 
printed,  yet  I  thought  good  here  likewise  to  insert  it.^ 

Loving  Christian  Friends, 

I  do  heartily  and  in  the  Lord  salute  you,  as  being 
those  with  whom  I  am  present  in  my  best  affections, 
and  most  earnest  longings  after  you,  though  I  be  con- 
strained for  a  while  to  be  bodily  absent  from  you.  I 
say  constrained,  God  knowing  how  willingly,  and 
much  rather  than  otherwise,  I  would  have  borne  my 
part  with  you  in  this  first  brunt,  were  I  not  by  strong 
necessity  held  back  for  the  present.  Make  account  of 
me,  in  the  mean  while,  as  of  a  man  divided  in  myself 
with  great  pain,  and  as  (natural  bonds  set  aside)  hav- 
ing my  better  part  with  you.  And  though  I  doubt  not 
but  in  your  godly  wisdom  you  both  foresee  and  resolve 
upon  that  which  concerneth  your  present  state  and 
condition,  both  severally  and  jointly,  yet  have  I  thought 
it  but  my  duty  to  add  some  further  spur  of  provocation 

'  Carver  died  in  April,  1621.  the    Plymouth    colonists    in    Dec. 

'  Oldmixon,  i.  29,  errs  in  saying  1621,  and    in   1669,  in    the    New 

that  "  Mr.  Robinson  did  not //ye  to  England's  Memorial.      There  are 

go  in  person  "  with   the   first  colo-  some  variations  in  the  text  of  these 

nists.     He  lived  till  1625.  several  copies.     It  is  not  in  Neal's 

^  It  was  printed  in  1622,  in  the  New  England,  as  stated  by  Prince, 

Relation,  or  Journal,  sent  over  by  p.  160. 


92  ROBINSON'S   LETTER   OF   ADVICE 

CHAP,  to  them,  that  run  well  already ;  if  not  because   you 


VII. 


need  it,  yet  because  I  owe  it  in  love  and  duty. 


16  20.  And  first,  as  we  are  daily  to  renew  our  repentance 
with  our  God,  especially  for  our  sins  known,  and  gen- 
erally for  our  unknown  sins  and  trespasses,  so  doth  the 
Lord  call  us  in  a  singular  manner,  upon  occasions  of  such 
difficulty  and  danger  as  lieth  upon  you,  to  a  both  more 
narrow  search  and  careful  reformation  of  our  ways  in 
his  sight ;  lest  he  calling  to  remembrance  our  sins  for- 
gotten by  us  or  unrepented  of,  take  advantage  against 
us,  and  in  judgment  leave  us  for  the  same  to  be  swal- 
lowed up  in  one  danger  or  other.  Whereas,  on  the 
contrary,  sin  being  taken  away  by  earnest  repentance, 
and  the  pardon  thereof  from  the  Lord  sealed  up  unto 
a  man's  conscience  by  his  Spirit,  great  shall  be  his 
security  and  peace  in  all  dangers,  sweet  his  comforts 
in  all  distresses,  with  happy  deliverance  from  all  evil, 
whether  in  life  or  in  death. 

Now  next  after  this  heavenly  peace  with  God  and 
our  own  consciences,  we  are  carefully  to  provide  for 
peace  with  all  men,  what  in  us  lieth,  especially  wdth 
our  associates  ;  and  for  that  end,  watchfulness  must  be 
had,  that  we  neither  at  all  in  ourselves  do  give,  no,  nor 
easily  take  offence,  being  given  by  others.  Wo  be  unto 
the  world  for  offences  ;  for  although  it  be  necessary 
(considering  the  malice  of  Satan  and  man's  corruption) 

ivUhV.  that  offences  come,  yet  wo  unto  that  man,  or  woman 
either,   by   w^hom    the    offence    cometh,   saith   Christ. 

.^S°r  And  if  offences  in   the  unseasonable  use  of  things  in 

IX.  lo.  o 

themselves  indifferent  be  more  to  be  feared  than  death 
itself,  as  the  Apostle  teacheth,  how  much  more  in 
things  simply  evil,  in  which  neither  honor  of  God  nor 
love  of  man  is  thought  worthy  to  be  regarded. 


TO  THE   WHOLE   COMPANY.  93 

Neither  yet  is  it  sufficient  that  we  keep  ourselves,  chap. 


VII. 


by  the  grace  of  God,  from  giving  offence,  except  withal 
we  be  armed  against  the  taking  of  them,  when  they  162  0. 
be  given  by  others.  For  how  unperfect  and  lame  is 
the  work  of  grace  in  that  person  who  wants  charity  to 
cover  a  multitude  of  offences,^  as  the  Scripture  speaks. 
Neither  are  you  to  be  exhorted  to  this  grace  only  upon 
the  common  grounds  of  Christianity,  which  are,  that 
persons  ready  to  take  offence,  either  want  charity  to 
cover  offences,^  or  wisdom  duly  to  weigh  human  frail- 
ties, or,  lastly,  are  gross  though  close  hypocrites,  as 
Christ  our  Lord  teacheth  ;  as  indeed,  in  my  own  ex-  vufi-s. 
perience,  few  or  none  have  been  found  which  sooner 
give  offence,  than  such  as  easily  take  it ;  neither  have 
they  ever  proved  sound  and  profitable  members  in 
societies,  which  have  nourished  this  touchy  humor. 
But,  besides  these,  there  are  divers  motives  provoking 
you,  above  others,  to  great  care  and  conscience  this 
way.  As  first,  you  are  many  of  you  strangers,  as  to 
the  persons,  so  to  the  infirmities  one  of  another,  and 
so  stand  in  need  of  more  watchfulness  this  way ;  lest, 
when  such  things  fall  out  in  men  and  women  as  you 
suspected  not,  you  be  inordinately  affected  with  them  ; 
which  doth  require  at  your  hands  much  wisdom  and 
charity,  for  the  covering  and  preventing  of  incident 
offences  that  way.  And  lastly,  your  intended  course 
of  civil  community  will  minister  contiliual  occasion  of 


*  The  passage  between  '  and  '  —  the  recurrence  of  the  word  of^ 

is  omitted    in    Morton's   copy,  in  fences — the  eye  of  the  transcriber 

the  Church  Records, but  is  restored  glancing     over      the     intervening 

from  his  Memorial,  p.  26.     It  is  words.     This  is   what  the  critics 

also  contained  in   the   Relation  or  calls   an    o/xoiOTklevToy.      See   Le 

Journal  mentioned  in  the  Note  on  Clerc's  Ars  Critica,  ii.  49;  Michae-' 

page  91.     The  cause  of  tliis  acci-  lis,  Introd.  N.  T.   i.  271,  (Marsh's 

dental  omission  is  evident  enough  ed.);  Wetstein,  N.  T.  ii.  863. 


94  ROBINSON'S   LETTER  OF   ADVICE 

CHAP,  offence,  and  will  be  as  fuel  for  that  fire,  except  you 


VII. 


diligently  quench  it  with  brotherly  forbearance.  And 
162  0.  if  taking  of  offence  causelessly  or  easily  at  men's 
doings  be  so  carefully  to  be  avoided,  how  much  more 
heed  is  to  be  taken  that  we  take  not  offence  at  God 
himself;  which  yet  we  certainly  do,  so  oft  as  we  do 
murmur  at  his  providence  in  our  crosses,  or  bear  impa- 
tiently such  afflictions  as  wherewith  he  pleaseth  to 
visit  us.  Store  we  up  therefore  patience  against  the 
evil  day  ;  without  which  we  take  offence  at  the  Lord 
himself  in  his  holy  and  just  works. 

A  fourth  thing  there  is  carefully  to  be  provided  for, 
to  wit,  that  with  your  common  employments  you  Join 
common  affections,  truly  bent  upon  the  general  good  ; 
avoiding,  as  a  deadly  plague  of  your  both  common 
and  special  comfort,  all  retiredness  of  mind  for  proper 
advantage,  and  all  singularly  affected  any  manner  of 
way.  Let  every  man  repress  in  himself,  and  the 
whole  body  in  each  person,  as  so  many  rebels  against 
the  common  good,  all  private  respects  of  men's  selves, 
not  sorting  with  the  general  conveniency.  And  as 
men  are  careful  not  to  have  a  new  house  shaken  with 
any  violence  before  it  be  well  settled,  and  the  parts 
firmly  knit,  so  be  you,  I  beseech  you,  brethren,  much 
more  careful  that  the  house  of  God,  which  you  are, 
and  are  to  be,  be  not  shaken  with  unnecessary  novel- 
ties, or  other  oppositions,  at  the  first  settling  thereof.^ 

'  "  Plutarch,"  says  Jeremy  Tay-  and  put  out   of    shape  by   many 

lor,  " compares  a  new  marriage  to  slight    accidents;    but    when    the 

a  vessel  before  the  hoops  are  on."  materials  come  once  to  be  settled 

"  Therefore  "   Plutarch    adds,    "  it  and  hardened  by  time,  nor  fire  nor 

behooves    those    people    who    are  sword    will    hardly  prejudice   the 

newly  married  to   avoid   the  first  solid   substance."     See   Plutarch's 

occasions  of  discord  and  dissension  ;  Morals,  iii.  17,  (ed.  1694) ;  Taylor's 

considering     that     vessels    newly  Works,  v.  260,  (Heber's  ed.) 
formed  are  subject  to   be  bruised 


TO   THE    WHOLE   COMPANY.  95 

Lastly,  whereas  you  are  to  become  a  body  politic,  chap. 
using  amongst  yourselves  civil  government,  and  are  — v-i^ 
not  furnished  ^vith  any  persons  of  special  eminency  1620. 
above  the  rest  to  be  chosen  by  you  into  office  of  gov- 
ernment, let  your  wisdom  and  godliness  appear  not  only 
in  choosing  such  ])ersons  as  do  entirely  love  and  will 
diligently  promote  the  common  good,  but  also  in  yielding 
unto  them  all  due  honor  and  obedience  in  their  lawful 
administrations,  not  beholding  in  them  the  ordinariness 
of  their  persons,  but  God's  ordinance  for  your  good  ; 
nor  being  like  the  foolish  multitude,  who  more  honor  the 
gay  coat  than  either  the  virtuous  mind  of  the  man,  or 
glorious  ordinance  of  the  Lord.  But  you  know  better 
things,  and  that  the  image  of  the  Lord's  power  and 
authority,  which  the  magistrate  beareth,  is  honorable, 
in  how  mean  persons  soever.  And  this  duty  you  both 
may  the  more  willingly  and  ought  the  more  conscion- 
ably  to  perform,  because  you  are,  at  least  for  the  pre- 
sent, to  have  only  them  for  your  ordinary  governors 
which  yourselves  shall  make  choice  of  for  that  work. 

Sundry  other  things  of  importance  I  could  put  you 
in  mind  of,  and  of  those  before  mentioned  in  more 
words.  But  I  will  not  so  far  wrong  your  godly  minds 
as  to  think  you  heedless  of  these  things  ;  there  being 
also  divers  among  you  so  well  able  to  admonish  both 
themselves  and  others  of  what  concerneth  them.  These 
few  things,  therefore,  and  the  same  in  few  words,  I  do 
earnestly  commend  unto  your  care  and  conscience, 
joining  therewith  my  daily,  incessant  prayers  unto  the 
Lord,  that  He  who  hath  made  the  heavens  and  the  earth, 
the  sea  and  all  rivers  of  waters,  and  whose  providence 
IS  over  all  his  works,  especially  over  all  his  dear  child- 
ren, for  good,  would  so  guide  and  guard  you  in  your 


96  ROBINSON'S   LETTER  OF   ADVICE. 

CHAP,  ways,  as  inwardly  by  his  Spirit,  so  outwardly  by  the 


VII. 


hand  of  his  power,  as  that  both  you,  and  we  also,  for 
16  20.  and  with   you,  may  have  after  matter  of  praising  his 
name  all   the  days  of  your  and  our  lives.     Fare  you 
well  in  Him  in  whom  you  trust,  and  in  whom  I  rest 
An  unfeigned  well-wisher  of  your 

Happy  success  in  this  hopeful  voyage, 

John  Robinson. 


This  letter,  though  large,  being  so  fruitful  in  itself 
and  suitable  to  their  occasions,  I  thought  meet  to  insert 
in  this  place.* 


'  There  is  no  date  to  this  letter ;  that  letter  Robinson  says,  "  I  have 
but  it  was  written  about  the  same  written  a  large  letter  to  the  whole." 
time  as  the  one  to  Carver,  since  in 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

OF  THE  TROUBLES  THAT  BEFELL  THE  FIRST  PLANTERS 
UPON  THE  COAST  OF  ENGLAND,  AND  IN  THEIR  VOYAGE 
IN  COMING  OVER  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND,  AND  THEIR  ARRI- 
VAL AT  CAPE  COD,  ALIAS    CAPE  JAMES. 

All    things   being   got  ready,   and  every   business  chap. 
despatched,   the    company   w^as  called    together,   and  -^^- 
this    letter    read    amongst    them  ;    which    had    good  16  2  0. 
acceptation    with    all,    and    after    fruit    with     many. 
Then  they  ordered  and   distributed  their  company  for 
either  ship,  as  they  conceived  for  the  best,  and  chose 
a  governor  and  two  or  three  assistants  for  each  ship, 
to  order  the  people  by  the  way,  and  to  see  to  the  dis- 
posing  of   their   provisions,  and  such  like  affairs ;  all 
which  was   not  only  with  the  liking  of  the  masters  of 
the  ships,  but  according  to  their  desires. 

Which  being  done,  they  set  sail '  from  thence  about 
the  fifth  of  August.~     [But,  alas,  the  best  enterprises     5. 

'  Smith,  in  bis  New  England's  appear  in  the  book  entitled  New 

Trials,  printed  in  1622,  and  Pur-  England's  Menioria),  page  31 ;  and 

chas,    in    his    Pilgrims,   iv.    1840,  likewise  of  the  voyage,   and  how 

printed    in    1625,    say   they    sailed  they  passed  the   sea,  and  of  their 

"  with  about  120  persons."  safe  arrival  at  Cape  Cod,  see  New 

*"  But  what  befell  them  further  England's    Memorial,    page    33." 

upon  the  coast   of  England,  will  Mortoii's  Note. 

13 


21 


98  THEY   ARE   COMPELLED   TO   PUT   BACK   TWICE. 

CHAP,  meet   oftentimes    with    many    discourasfements.      For 

-^'—  they  had  not  sailed  far,  before  Mr.  Reynolds,  the  mas- 

16  20.  terof  the   lesser  ship,  complained  that   he  found  his 

ship  so  leaky,  as  he  durst  not  put  further  to  sea.     On 

Aug.  which  they  were  forced  to  put  in  at  Dartmouth,  Mr. 

Jones,  the  master  of  the  biggest  ship,  likewise  putting 

in  there    with    him  ;    and    the    said    lesser    ship    was 

searched,  and   mended,  and  judged   sufficient   for  the 

Aug.  voyage  by  the  workmen  that  mended  her.     On  which 

both  the  said  ships  put  to  sea  the  second  time.     But 

they  had  not  sailed  above  a  hundred  leagues,  ere  the 

said   Reynolds  again  complained  of  his  ship  being  so 

leaky  as  that  he  feared  he  should  founder  in  the  sea  if 

he  held  on  ;  and   then  both  ships  bore  up  again,  and 

went  in  at  Plymouth.^    But  being  there  searched  again, 

no  great  matter  appeared,  but  it  was  judged  to  be  the 

general  weakness  of  the  ship. 

But  the  true  reason  of  the  retarding  and  delaying 
of  matters  was  not  as  yet  discerned.  The  one  of 
them  respecting  the  ship,  (as  afterwards  was  found,) 
was  that  she  was  overmasted  ;  which  when  she  came 
to  her  trim  in  that  respect,  she  did  well,  and  made 
divers  profitable  and  successful  voyages.  But  second- 
ly, and  more  especially,  by  the  deceit  of  the  master 
and  his  company,  who  were  hired   to  stay  a  whole 


As  this  account  of  the  voyage  it  from  what  is  contained  in  the 

is  substantially  Bradford's,  as  ap-  Church  records, 
pears  from  comparing  it  with  the         '  Grahame,  i.  190,  errs  in  saying 

extracts  from  his  MS.  in  Prince,  that  "the  emigrants  were  at  first 

and  as  Morton  refers  to  his  Memo-  driven  back  by  a  storm,  which  t?e- 

rial  merely  to   save   the   labor  of  stroyed  one  of  their  vessels;"  and 

copying,  and    would    undoubtedly  Gorges  is  wrong  in   stating  that 

have  inserted  it  had  he  caused  his  they  sailed  in  three  ships,  "whereof 

uncle's    History   to    be   printed,  I  two   proved  unserviceable,  and  so 

have  deemed  it  proper  to  make  it  a  were    left    behind."       See    Mass. 

part  of  the  narrative  ;  enclosing  it.  Hist.  Coll.  xxvi.  73, 
however,  in  brackets  to  distinguish 


o' 


THEY   DISMISS   ONE   OF  THEIR   VESSELS.  99 

year  in   tlie  country  ;   but   now  fancying   dislike,  and  chap. 

fearing  want  of  victuals,  they  plotted  this  stratagem  to  — v^- 

free   themselves,   as   afterwards   was   known,   and   bvi^^o. 

Au" 
some  of  them  confessed.     For  they  apprehended  that 

the  greater  ship  being  of  force,  and  in  whom  most  of 
the  provisions  were  bestowed,  that  she  should  retain 
enough  for  herself,  whatsoever  became  of  them  and 
the  passengers.  But  so  strong  was  self-love  and  de- 
ceit in  this  man,  as  he  forgot  all  duty  and  former  kind- 
ness, and  dealt  thus  falsely  with  them. 

These  things  thus  falling  out,  it  was  resolved  by  the 
whole  to  dismiss  the  lesser  ship  and  part  of  the  com- 
pany with  her,  and  that  the  other  part  of  the  company 
should  proceed  in  the  bigger  ship.^  Which  when  they 
had  ordered  matters  in  reference  thereunto,  they  made 
another  sad  parting,  the  one  ship,  viz.  the  lesser,  going 

*  Neal,  in  his  History  of  New  was  a  matter  of  necessity,  as  the 

England,  i.  86,  says,  "  Mr.  Cush-  Mayflower    could    not    carry    the 

man  and   his   family,  with   some  whole.     Bradford,    as    quoted    by 

others  that  were  more /frtr/H/,  went  Prince,  p.   161,  says,   "they  agree 

ashore,  and  did  not  proceed  on  the  to  dismiss  her,  (the  Speedwell,)  and 

voyage."     Baylies,  too,  in  his  Me-  those  who  are  willing,  to  return  to 

moir   of    Plymouth,    i.    25,    says,  London,    though    this     was    very 

"about  twenty  of  the  passengers  grievous    and   discouraging;    Mr. 

were  discouraged,  and    would  not  Cushman     and    family    returning 

reimbark."     There   is   no   ground  with    them."     In    the    text,    too, 

for   such    an    imputation    on    the  which   is  virtually  Bradford's,   we 

courage  or  perseverance  of  any  of  are   told,  "  it  was  resolved  by  the 

the  emigrants  ;  and   it  is  a  matter  itj/to/e  to  dismiss  the  lesser  ship  and 

of  regret  that  Mr.  Bancroft  should  part   of  the   company    with    her." 

have  lent  to  it  the  sanction  of  bis  It  was  the  captain  and  crev/  of  the 

authority.  Hesays,  i.  307,  "  the  f?7?2-  Speedwell  that  were  unwilling  to 

z£?  and  the  Aes/ia/»jo- Avere all  freely  go,  not   his   passengers;   and    the 

allowed  to  abandon  the  expedition,  error   seems  to  have   arisen   from 

Having  thus  winnowed  their  num-  considering  the   word  company,  in 

bersof  thecoHwr(//7/and  thef/i5({//(T<-  the  passage  "  by  the  deceit  of  the 

ed,"  Sec.    Yet  Robert  Cushman,  one  master  and  his  company,"  as  mean- 

of  the  most  energetic  and  resolute  of  ing  the  emigrants   instead  of  the 

the  Pilgrims,   "who  was  as  their  sailors;  in  which  latter  sense  it  is 

right  hand,"  and  who  came  over  in  constantly  used   at  the  present  day 

the  next  ship,  the  Fortune,  in  Nov.  by  merchants  and  seamen.  —  Smith 

1621,  was  among  those  thus  "  win-  and  Purchas  say  they  discharge  20 

nowed."     The  dismissal  of  a  part  of  their  passengers. 


100  THEIR   LONG  AND   BOISTEROUS   VOYAGE. 

CHAP,  back  for  London,  and  the  other,  viz.  the  Mayflower,' 
vni. 
-^-v^-  Mr.  Jones  bemg  master,  proceeding  on  in  the  intended 

16  20.  voyage. 

These  troubles  being  blo\vn  over,  and  now  all  being 

Sept.  compact  together  in  one  ship,  they  put  to  sea  again 
with  a  prosperous  wind.^  But  after  they  had  enjoyed 
fair  winds  for  a  season,  they  met  with  many  contrary 
winds  and  fierce  storms,  with  which  their  ship  was 
shrewdly  shaken,  and  her  upper  works  made  very 
leaky  ;  and  one  of  the  main  beams  of  the  mid-ships 
was  bowed  and  cracked,''  which  put  them  to  some  fear 
that  she  would  not  be  able  to  perform  the  voyage ;  on 
which  the  principal  of  the  seamen  and  passengers  had 
serious  consultation  what  to  do,  whether  to  return  or 
hold  on.  But  the  ship  proving  strong  under  water,  by 
a  screw  ^  the  said  beam  was  brought  into  his  place 
again ;  which  being  done,  and  well  secured  by  the 
carpenter,  they  resolved  to  hold  their  voyage 
And  so,  after  many  boisterous  storms,  in  which  they 


'  The  Mayflower  is  a  ship  of  re-  x.,  and  Marshall,  Life  of  Washing- 
nown  in  the  history  of  the  coloni-  ton,  i.  91,  and  again  Hist.  Amer. 
zation  of  New  England.  She  was  Col.  p.  80,  err  in  crowding  the 
one  of  the  five  vessels  which  in  whole  120  into  the  ship.  Oldmixon, 
1629  conveyed  Higginson's  com-  i.  30,  who  generally  outdoes  all 
pany  to  Salem,  and  also  one  of  the  others  in  his  blunders,  magnifies 
fleet  which  in  1630  brought  over  the  number  to  150. 
Winthrop  and  his  Colony  to  Mas-  ^  Prince,  p.  161,  reads  this  word 
sachusetts  Bay.  See  Savage's  icracked  in  Bradford's  MS. 
Winthrop,  i.  2;  Hutchinson's  Col-  ^  Prince,  p.  161,  quotes  Brad- 
lection  of  Papers,  p.  33;  Hazard,  i.  ford's  MS.  as  saying,  "a  passenger 
278.  having  brought  a  great  iron  screw 

'  With  100  persons,  besides  the  from  Holland." 
crew  of  the  vessel,  according  to  '"  "  Nov.  6,  dies  at  sea  William 
Smith  and  Purchas  —  which  cor-  Butten,  a  youth,  and  servant  to 
responds  exactly  to  the  num-  Samuel  Fuller,  being  the  only  pas- 
ber  that  arrived  at  Cape  Cod,  ac-  senger  who  dies  on  the  voyage." 
cording  to  Gov.  Bradford's  list,  pre-  Bradford,  in  Prince,  p.  161.  One 
served  by  Prince,  p.  172.  —  Neal,  child  was  born,  and  called  Oceanus, 
Hist.  N.E.  i.  87,  Douglass,  i.  370,  the  son  of  Stephen  Hopkins,  Brad- 
Robertson,  History  of  America,  book  ford,  in  Prince,  p.  172. 


5 


THEY   FALL   IN    WITH   CAPE   COD. 


101 


could   bear  no  sail,  but  were  forced  to  lie  at  hull  many  chap. 

VIII 

days  together/  after  long  beating  at  sea,  they  fell  in  — v-^- 
with   the   land  called   Cape   Cod;*  the  which  being  1 6  20. 
made,  and  certainly  known  to  be  it,  they  were  not  a     9. 
little  joyful. 


'  On  Nov.  3,  about  a  week  before 
their  arrival  at  Cape  Cod,  King 
James  had  signed  the  patent  for 
the  incorporation  of  the  adventu- 
rers to  the  Northern  Colony  of 
Virginia,  or  New  England.  The 
Pilgrims,  however,  did  not  hear  of 
this  till  the  arrival  of  the  next  ship, 
the  Fortune,  in  Nov.  1621.  See 
Note  on  page  80,  and  Prince,  p. 
180. 

*  Cape  Cod,  the  most  remarka- 
ble feature  in  the  configuration  of 
the  New  England  coast,  and  the 
first  spot  in  it  ever  pressed  by  the 
footsteps  of  Englishmen,  was  dis- 
covered May  15, 1602,  by  Bartholo- 
mew Gosnold,  who  gave  it  the 
name  on  account  of  the  abundance 
of  cod  which  he  caught  in  its  neigh- 
bourhood. John  Brereton,  who  was 
one  of  the  companions  of  Gosnold, 
and  wrote  a  Journal  of  the  voyage, 
says,  they  first  made  land  May  14, 
in  lat.  43°,  and  "  about  three  of  the 
clock  the  same  day  in  the  after- 
noon we  weighed,  and  standing 
southerly  off  into  the  sea  the  rest 
of  that  day  and  the  night  following, 
with  a  fresh  gale  of  wind,  in  the 
morning  we  found  ourselves  em- 
bayed with  a  mighty  headland. — 
At  length  we  perceived  this  head- 
land to  be  parcel  of  the  main. — 
In  five  or  six  hours  we  pestered 
our  ship  so  with  codfish,  that  we 
threw  numbers  of  them  overboard 
again.  —  We  sailed  round  about 
this  headland  almost  all  the  points 
of  the  compass,  the  shore  very  bold, 
the  land  somewhat  low,  full  of 
goodly  woods,  but  in  some  places 
plain."  Henry  Hudson,  Aus:.  3, 
J609,  saw  land  in  41°  43',  and^sail- 
ing  north,  anchored  at  the  north 
end  of  this  headland.  Five  of  his 
men   went  on   shore  and   "  found 


goodly  grapes  and  rose  trees,  and 
brought  them  aboard  with  them." 
Supposing  it  to  be  an  island,  and 
that  he  was  its  first  discoverer,  he 
called  it  New  Holland.  In  a  Dutch 
map,  printed  at  Amsterdam  in 
1659,  by  Nicholas  John  Vischer, 
the  whole  Cape  is  called  Nieuw 
Hollant,  and  the  northern  extremi- 
ty is  called  Staaten  Hoeck,  State 
Point,  or  Witte  Hoeck,  White 
Point,  probably  from  the  white 
sand  hills.  The  French  called  it, 
for  the  same  reason.  Cap  Blanc. 
Capt.  John  Smith,  who  surveyed 
the  coast  in  1614,  says,  "Cape 
Cod  is  a  headland  of  high  hills  of 
sand,  overgrown  with  shrubby 
pines,  hurts,  and  such  trash,  but  an 
excellent  harbour  for  all  weathers. 
This  Cape  is  made  by  the  main  sea, 
on  the  one  side,  and  a  great  bay  on 
the  other,  in  form  of  a  sickle.  On  it 
doth  inhabit  the  people  of  Pawmet." 
Charles,  Prince  of  Wales,  altered 
its  name  to  Cape  James,  in  honor 
of  his  father.  But  the  original 
name  could  not  be  so  easily  sup- 
planted; "a  name,"  says  Cotton 
Mather,  "which  I  suppose  it  will 
never  lose  till  shoals  of  codfish  be 
seen  swimming  on  its  highest 
hills."  See  Purchas's  Pilgrims,  iv. 
1647;  iii.  587;  De  Laet,  Indise 
Occidentalis  Descriptio,  p.  70; 
Moulton's  N.  Y.  p.  206;  N.  Y. 
Hist.  Coll.  i.  121  ;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 
xxvi.  119;  Mather's  Magnalia,  i. 
43.  For  the  use  of  Brereton's 
Journal  I  am  indebted  to  the  kind- 
ness of  Mr.  Aspinwall,  U.  S.  Con- 
sul at  London,  who,  at  my  request, 
sent  over  a  copy  of  this  very  rare 
work  to  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society. 
It  will  appear  in  the  next  volume 
of  their  Collections. 


102 


THEY   STAND   SOUTH   FOR   HUDSON'S   RIVER. 


CHAP.      After  some   little   deliberation  had   amongst  them- 

VIII.  .  .  ^ 

^-—  selves  with  the  master  of  the  ship,  they  tacked  about 
162  0.  to  stand  to  the  southward  to  find  some   place  about 

Nov.  .  .  .  . 

9.  Hudson's  river  (according  to  their  first  intentions)  for 
their  habitations.^  But  they  had  not  sailed  that  course 
above  half   a  day,  before   they  fell  amongst  perilous 


'  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
Pilgrims  intended  to  settle  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Hudson's  river. 
This  is  evident  from  the  early  nar- 
ratives written  by  Bradford  and 
Winslow.  As  their  patent  from 
the  Virginia  Company  did  not  au- 
thorize them  to  plant  themselves 
north  of  the  40th  degree,  they 
probably  designed  to  settle  south  of 
the  Hudson,  somewhere  in  New 
Jersey.  But  head  winds,  the  shoals 
and  breakers  of  Cape  Cod,  and  the 
lateness  of  the  season,  conspired  to 
prevent  their  original  purpose.  As 
Belknap  says,  ii.  188,  "  having  been 
so  long  at  sea,  the  sight  of  any  land 
was  welcome  to  women  and  chil- 
dren ;  the  new  danger  was  formi- 
dable ;  and  the  eagerness  of  the 
passengers  to  be  set  on  shore  was 
irresistible." 

Morton,  in  his  Memorial,  gives 
another  account  of  the  matter.  He 
says,  p.  34,  "  Their  putting  into 
this  place,  (Cape  Cod  harbour,)  was 
partly  by  reason  of  a  storm,  by 
which  they  were  forced  in,  but 
more  especially  by  the  fraudulency 
and  contrivance  of  Mr.  Jones,  the 
master  of  the  ship;  for  their  inten- 
tion, as  is  before  noted,  and  his 
engagement,  was  to  Hudson's  river. 
But  some  of  the  Dutch  havingnotice 
of  their  intentions,  and  having 
thoughts  about  the  same  time  of 
erecting  a  plantation  there  likewise, 
they  fraudulently  hired  the  said 
Jones,  by  delays  while  they  were  in 
England,  and  now  under  pretence  of 
the  danger  of  the  shoals,  &:c.  to  dis- 
appoint them  in  their  going  thither." 
He  adds,  in  a  note,  "  Of  this  plot 
betwixt  the  Dutch  and  Mr.  Jones  I 
have  had  late  and  certain  intelli- 
gence."     But    the    contemporary 


narratives,  written  by  Bradford  and 
Winslow,  say  not  a  word  about  this 
treachery  of  the  captain  ;  nor  does 
Bradford's  History,  as  quoted  by 
Prince,  p.  162,  who  is  therefore 
obliged  to  derive  this  statement 
from  Morton.  Morton  is  the  first 
to  mention  it,  and  he  does  it  in  a 
book  printed  in  1669,  half  a  century 
after  the  event  is  said  to  have  oc- 
curred. He  says,  it  is  true,  that  he 
"had  late  and  certain  intelligence 
of  this  plot."  If  it  had  been  early 
intelligence,  it  would  have  been 
more  certain.  But  Morton  was 
only  eleven  years  old  when  he 
came  over  with  his  father  to  Ply- 
mouth in  1623  ;  and  in  1669,  when 
he  published  his  book,  all  the  first 
comers  were  dead,  who  could  have 
furnished  credible  information  on 
this  point.  They  had  died,  and 
"given  no  sign"  —  not  even  lisped 
a  syllable  of  complaint  against  the 
master  of  the  Mayflower.  It  was 
too  late  then  to  get  certain  intelli- 
gence of  a  fact  that  had  slumbered 
for  fifty  years,  and  which,  if  well 
founded,  would  from  the  first  land- 
ing have  been  notorious,  and  had  a 
place  in  every  account  that  was 
written  of  the  Colony.  The  silence 
of  Bradford  and  Winslow  seems 
conclusive  on  the  point.  —  Yet  this 
story  has  been  repeated  from  Morton 
in  an  endless  series  by  Hubbard, 
Mather,  Prince,  Neal,  Hutchinson, 
Belknap,  Holmes,  Baylies,  and 
Grahame,  down  to  the  present 
time.  Moulton,  in  his  unfinished 
but  valuable  History  of  New  York, 
p.  355,  was  the  first  to  question  it. 
Bancroft,  i.  309,  relieves  the  captain 
from  the  charge  of  "  treachery,"  but 
subjects  him  to  another  charge 
of  "  ignorance  and  self-will,"  for 


THEY   PUT   BACK   TO   CAPE   COD   HARBOUR. 


103 


shoals  and  breakers,^  and  they  were  so  far  entangled 
therewith  as  they  conceived  themselves  in  great  dan- 
ger;  and  the  wind  shrinking  upon  them  withal,  they 
resolved  to  bear  up  again  for  the  Cape  aforesaid.  The 
next  day,  by  God's  providence,  they  got  into  the  Cape 
harbour.]  ^ 

Being  now  passed  the  vast  ocean  and  a  sea  of  trou- 
bles, before  their  preparation  unto  further  proceedings, 
as  to  seek  out  a  place  for  habitation,  &c.  they  fell  down 
upon  their  knees  and   blessed  the  Lord,  the  God  of 


CHAP. 

vni. 


162  0. 


Nov. 
11. 


which  there  seems  as  little  ground 
as  for  the  other.  —  I  know  not  why 
Oldmixon,  i.  29,  and  Grahame,  i. 
190,  call  Jones  a  Dutchman. 

'  The  Mayflower  probably  made 
the  Cape  towards  its  northern  ex- 
tremity. The  perilous  shoals  and 
breakers,  among  which  she  became 
entangled  after  sailing  above  half  a 
day  south,  (or  south-south-west,  as 
the  contemporary  account  states,  in 
Bradford's  Journal,)  were  undoubt- 
edly those  which  lie  off  the  south- 
eastern extremity  of  the  Cape,  near 
Monamoy  Point.  The  Pollock  Rip, 
the  most  considerable  of  these, 
corresponds  to  the  "  roaring  " 
shoals  mentioned  by  Bradford,  in 
Prince,  p.  162.  She  may  also  have 
encountered  the  Great  and  Little 
Round  Shoals.  It  is  not  likely  that 
she  sailed  far  enough  south  to  fall 
in  with  the  Bass  Rip  or  the  Great 
Rip.  Before  she  could  reach  these, 
the  current  and  the  flood  tide  pro- 
bably drove  her  in  between  Mona- 
moy Point  and  Nantucket.  Had 
the  wind  permitted  her  to  pursue  a 
southern  course,  she  might,  in  a  few 
hours,  have  found  an  opening,  and 
passed  safely  to  the  westward. 

Gabriel  Archer,  in  his  Relation 
of  Gosnold's  voyage,  in  Purchas, 
iv.  164S,  says,  "We  trended  the 
coast  southerly;  twelve  leagues 
from  Cape  Cod  (Provincetown)  we 
descried  a  point,  with  some  breach 
(breaker)  a  good  distance  off,  and 


keeping  our  luff  to  double  it,  we 
came  on  the  sudden  into  shoal 
water ;  yet  well  quitted  ourselves 
thereof.  This  breach  we  called 
Tucker's  Terror,  upon  his  express- 
ed fear.  The  point  we  named 
Point  Care."  Tucker's  Terror  is 
no  doubt  the  Pollock  Rip,  and 
Point  Care  is  Monamoy  Point. 
Robert  Juet,  Hudson's  mate,  in  his 
account  of  their  voyage,  after 
stating  that  they  first  made  the 
land  at  the  south-eastern  point  of 
the  Cape,  says,  "  We  found  a  flood 
come  from  the  south-east,  and  an 
ebb  from  the  north-west,  with  a 
very  strong  stream,  and  a  great 
hurling  and  noises."  This  too  was 
the  Pollock  Rip.  Smith  says, 
"Towards  the  south  and  south- 
west of  this  Cape  is  found  a  long 
and  dangerous  shoal  of  sands  and 
rocks ;  but  so  far  as  I  encircled  it, 
I  found  thirty  fathom  water  aboard 
the  shore,  which  makes  me  think 
there  is  a  channel  about  this  shoal." 
This  also  must  have  been  the  Pol- 
lock Rip.  See  Purchas,  iii.  587; 
N.  Y.  Hist.  Coll.  i.  121;  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  xxvi.  119. 

^  "Let  us  go  up  in  imagination 
to  yonder  hill,  and  look  out  upon 
the  November  scene.  That  single 
dark  speck,  just  discernible  through 
the  perspective  glass,  on  the  waste 
of  waters,  is  the  fated  vessel.  The 
storm  moans  through  her  tattered 
canvass,  as  she  creeps,  almost  sink- 


104 


THE   PILGRIMS   AT   CAPE  COD. 


CHAP,  heaven,  who  had  brought  them  over  the  vast  and  furi- 

VIII.  .        '^  - 

-^v-^  ous  ocean,  and  delivered  them  from  all  perils  and  mis- 
1620.  eries  thereof,  again  to  set  their  feet  on  the  firm  and 

Nov.  '     ^^ 

Stable  earth,  their  proper  element.  And  no  marvel  if 
they  were  thus  Joyful,  seeing  wise  Seneca  was  so  af- 
fected with  sailing  a  few  miles  on  the  coast  of  his  own 
Italy,  as  he  affirms  he  had  rather  remain  twenty  years 
in  his  way  by  land,  than  pass  by  sea  to  any  place  in  a 
short  time ;  so  tedious  and  dreadful  was  the  same  to 
him.' 

But  here  I  cannot  but  stay  and  make  a  pause,  and 
stand  half  amazed  at  these  poor  people's  condition  ; 
and  so  I  think  will  the  reader  too,  when  he  well  con- 
siders the   same.     For  having  passed  through  many 


ing,  to  her  anchorage  in  Province- 
town  harbour ;  and  there  she  lies 
with  all  her  treasures,  not  of  silver 
and  gold,  (for  of  these  she  has 
none,)  but  of  courage,  of  patience, 
of  zeal,  of  high  spiritual  daring. 
So  often  as  I  dwell  in  imagination 
on  this  scene  ;  when  I  consider  the 
condition  of  the  Mayflower,  utterly 
incapable  as  she  was  of  living 
through  another  gale  ;  when  I  sur- 
vey the  terrible  front  presented  by 
our  coast  to  the  navigator,  who, 
unacquainted  with  its  channels  and 
roadsteads,  should  approach  it  in 
the  stormy  season,  I  dare  not  call 
it  a  mere  piece  of  good  fortune, 
that  the  general  north  and  south 
wall  of  the  shore  of  New  England 
•should  he  broken  by  this  extraordi- 
nary projection  of  the  Cape,  run- 
ning out  into  the  ocean  a  hundred 
miles,  as  if  on  purpose  to  receive 
and  encircle  the  precious  vessel. 
As  I  now  see  her,  freighted  with 
the  destinies  of  a  continent,  barely 
escaped  from  the  perils  of  the  deep, 
approaching  the  shore  precisely 
where  the  broad  sweep  of  this  most 
remarkable  headland  presents  al- 
most the  only  point  at  which  for 
hundreds  of  miles  she  could  with 


any  ease  have  made  a  harbour,  and 
this  perhaps  the  very  best  on  the 
seaboard,  I  feel  ray  spirit  raised 
above  the  sphere  of  mere  natural 
agencies.  I  see  the  mountains  of 
New  England  rising  from  their 
rocky  thrones.  They  rush  forward 
into  the  ocean,  settling  down  as 
they  advance  ;  and  there  they  range 
themselves  a  mighty  bulwark 
around  the  heaven  directed  vessel. 
Yes,  the  everlasting  God  himself 
stretches  out  the  arm  of  his  mercy 
and  his  power  in  substantial  mani- 
festation, and  gathers  the  meek 
company  of  his  worshippers  as  in 
the  hollow  of  his  hand."  Edward 
Everett's  Address  at  the  Cape  Cod 
Centennial  Celebration  at  Barnsta- 
ble, Sept.  3,  1S39,  p.  45. 

'  Seneca  says,  in  his  53d  Epistle, 
that  he  set  out  to  sail  only  from 
Parthenope  (Naples)  to  Puteoli, 
(Pozzuoli,)  and  to  get  thither  the 
sooner,  launched  out  into  the  deep 
in  a  direct  course  to  Nesis,  (Nisida,) 
without  coasting  along  the  shore. 
This  beautiful  letter,  which  is  well 
worth  reading,  may  be  found  in 
Thomas  Morrell's  translation  of  the 
Epistles,  i.  184,  (London,  1786,  2 
vols.  4to.) 


THE    PILGRIMS   AT   CAPE   COD.  105 

troubles,  both  before  and  upon  the  voyage,  as  aforesaid,  chap. 
they  had  now  no  friends  to  welcome  them,  nor  inns  to  — v— 
entertain  and  refresh  them,  no  houses,  much  less  towns,  i  6  20. 
to  repair  unto  to  seek  for  succour.^     It  is  recorded  in 
Scripture  as  a  mercy  to  the  Apostle  and  his  shipwrecked 
company,  that  "  the  barbarians  showed  them  no  small  xxvulo 
kindness"  in  refreshing  them.     But  these  salvage  bar- 
barians,  when   they  met   with  them,   (as    after   will 
appear,)  were  readier  to  fill  their  sides  full  of  arrows, 
than  otherwise.     And  for  the  season,  it  was  winter  ;  ^ 
and  they  that  know  the  winters  of  that  country,  know 
them  to  be  sharp  and  violent,  and  subject  to  violent 
storms,  dangerous   to  travel   to  known   places,  much 
more  to  search  out  unknown  coasts.     Besides,  what 
could  they  see  but  a  hideous  and  desolate  wilderness, 
full  of  wild  beasts  and  wild  men  ?  and  what  multitudes 
there  might  be  of  them  they  knew  not.     Neither  could 
they,  as  it  were,  go  up  to  the  top  of  Pisgah,  to  view 

*  "  The    nearest    plantation    to  their  houses  and   provide  for   the 

them  is  a  French  one  at  Port  Royal,  winter.     But  being  obliged  to  put 

who  have  another  at  Canada  ;  and  back  twice,  and  then  meeting  with 

the  only  English  ones  are  at  Vir-  head  winds,  and  having  a  boisterous 

ginia,  Bermudas,  and  Newfound-  passage   of    sixty-four  days,   they 

land;  the  nearest  of  these  about  lost  two  months,  and  arrived  just 

five  hundred  miles  off,  and  every  as  the  winter  set  in.     The  winter 

one  incapable  of  helping   them."  was  more  severe  than  they  had  been 

Prince,  p.  180.  accustomed  to,  but  it  was  unusually 

^  Grahame  says,  i.  191,  that  "  the  mild  for  this  country  and  climate, 
intense  severity  of  their  first  winter  Dudley  says,  in  his  Letter  to  the 
in  America  painfully  convinced  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  written  in 
settlers  that  a  more  unfavorable  1631,  that  the  Plymouth  colonists 
season  of  the  year  could  not  have  "were  favored  with  a  calm  winter, 
been  selected  for  the  plantation  of  such  as  was  never  seen  here  since." 
their  colony."  But  it  was  not  the  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  37. 
season  which  they  selected.  They  Wood,  too,  who  was  here  in  163.3, 
sailed  from  England  at  a  very  and  published  his  New  England's 
proper  and  favorable  time,  in  the  Prospect  in  1639,  says,  p.  5,  (ed. 
beginning  of  August,  and  might  1764,)  that  "  the  year  of  New  Ply- 
reasonably  expect  to  arrive  on  the  mouth  men's  arrival  was  no  winter 
American  coast  by  the  middle  of  in  comparison." 
September,  in  ample  season  to  build 

14 


106  THE   PILGRIMS   AT   CAPE   COD. 

CHAP,  from  this  wilderness  a  more  goodly  country  ^  to  feed 


VIII. 


—  their  hopes.     For  which  way  soever  they  turned  their 
162  0.  eves  (save  upward  to  the   heavens)  they  could  have 

Nov.    i."^  .  c 

little  solace  or  content  in  respect  of  any  outward 
objects.  For  summer  being  done,  all  things  stand  for 
them  to  look  upon  with  a  weather-beaten  face  ;  and 
the  whole  country  being  full  of  woods  and  thickets, 
represented  a  wild  and  salvage  hue.  If  they  looked 
behind  them,  there  was  the  mighty  ocean  which  they 
had  passed,  and  was  now  as  a  main  bar  and  gulf  to 
separate  them  from  all  the  civil  parts  of  the  world.  If 
it  be  said  they  had  a  ship  to  succour  them,  it  is  true  ; 
but  what  heard  they  daily  from  the  master  and 
company  but  that  with  speed  they  should  look  out  a 
place  with  their  shallop,  where  they  would  be  at  some 
near  distance  ;  for  the  season  was  such  as  he  would 
not  stir  from  thence  until  a  safe  harbour  was  discovered 
by  them,  where  they  would  be  and  he  might  go  without 
danger  ;  and  that  victuals  consumed  apace,  but  he  must 
and  would  keep  sufficient  for  himself  and  comjDany  for 
their  return.  Yea,  it  was  muttered  by  some,  that  if 
they  got  not  a  place  in  time,  they  would  turn  them 
and  their  goods  on  shore,  and  leave  them.  Let  it  be 
also  considered  what  weak  hopes  of  supply  and  succour 
they  left  behind  them,  that  might  bear  up  their  minds 
in  this  sad  condition  and  trials  they  were  under,  and 
they  could  not  but  be  very  small.  It  is  true,  indeed, 
the  affections  and  love  of  their  brethren  at  Leyden 
were  cordial  and  entire  ;  but  they  had  little  power  to 
help  them,  or  themselves  ;  and  how  the  case  stood 


'  In  the  MS.  the  word  is  com-    passage  into  his  Memorial,  p.  35, 
fany^  manifestly  an   error  of  the     reads  it  country,  as  in  the  text, 
pen.     Morton,  copying   the  same 


THE   PILGRIMS   AT   CAPE   COD.  107 

between   them    and    the   merchants    at    their   comino;  chap. 

vni. 
away,  hath  aheady  been  declared.     What  cotdd  now  -^— - 

sustain  them  but  the  spirit  of  God  and  his  p;race  ?^        ^^^^^• 

^  .  °  Nov. 

May  not  and  ought  not  the  children  of  these  fathers 
rightly  say,    "  Our  fathers  were   Englishmen,  which 
came  over  this  great  ocean,  and  were  ready  to  perish 
in  this  wilderness.    But  they  cried  unto  the  Lord,  and    ^^f.- 
he  heard   their  voice,  and  looked  on  their  adversity."    ^' '' 
And  let  them  therefore  praise  the  Lord  because  he  is  c^f'i% 
good,  and  his  mercies  endure  forever.     Yea,  let  them    '""' 
which  have  been   thus  redeemed  of  the   Lord   show 
how  he  hath  delivered    them  from  the   hand  of    the 
oppressor.    When  they  wandered  in  the  desert  wilder- 
ness, out  of  the  way,  and  found   no  city  to  dwell  in, 
both  hungry  and  thirsty,  their  soul  was  overwhelmed 
in  them.     Let  them  confess  before  the  Lord  his  loving 
kindness  and  his  wonderful  works   before  the  children 
of  men.^ 


'  "  Divers    attempts    had    been  from  the  discovery  of  the  northern 

made  to  settle  this  rough  and  north-  continent  by  the  Cabots,  without 

em  country ;  first  by  the  French,  any  successful  attempt.     After  re- 

who  would  fain  account  it  a  part  of  peated  attempts  had  failed,  it  seems 

Canada  ;  and  then  by  the  English ;  less  probable  that  any  should  under- 

and  both  from  mere  secular  views,  take  in  such  an  affair,  than  it  would 

But  such  a  train  of  crosses  accom-  have  been  if  no  attempt  had  been 

panied  the  designs  of  both  these  made."     Hutchinson's  Mass.  i.  3. 
nations,  that  they  seem  to  give  it        -  Milton,  in  his  treatise  on  Refor- 

over  as   not  worth  the  planting:  mation  in  England,  written  in  1641, 

till  a  pious  people  of  England,  not  thus  alludes  to  the  persecution  and 

allowed   to   worship   their    Maker  exile  of  our  New  England  fathers, 

according  to  his  institutions  only,  "  What   numbers   of  faithful  and 

withoutthemixtureof  human  cere-  freeborn    Englishmen     and    good 

monies,  are  spirited  to  attempt  the  Christians,  have  been  constrained 

settlement,  that  they  might  enjoy  to  forsake  their  dearest  home,  their 

a  worship  purely   scriptural,  and  friends  and  kindred,  whom  nothing 

leave  the  same  to  their  posterity."  hut  the  wide  ocean,  and  the  savage 

Prince,  p.  98.  deserts  of  America,  could  hide  and 

"Whether  Britain  would  have  shelter  from  the  fury  of  the  bishops. 

bad  any  colonies  in   America,  if  O  if  we  could  but  see  the  shape  of 

religion  had  not  been  the  grand  in-  our  dear  mother  England,  as  poets 

ducement,  is  doubtful.     One  hun-  are  wont  to  give  a  personal  form  to 

dred  and  twenty  years  had  passed,  what  they  please,  how  would  she 


108 


THE   MAYFLOWER   AT   CAPE    COD. 


CHAP. 
Vlll. 


Nov. 


Of  the  troubles  that  befell  them  after  their  arrival, 
with  sundry  other  particulars  concerning  their  transact- 
1620.  ings  with  the  merchant  adventurers,  and  many  other 
passages  not  so  pertinent  to  this  present  discourse,  I 
shall  refer  the  reader  to  New  EnglmuVs  Memorial^ 
and  unto  Mr.  Bradford's  book,  where  they  are  at  large 
penned  to  his  plentiful  satisfaction.^ 


appear,  think  ye,  but  in  a  mourning 
weed,  with  ashes  upon  her  head, 
and  tears  abundantly  flowing  from 
her  eyes,  to  behold  so  many  of  her 
children  exposed  at  once,  and  thrust 
from  things  of  dearest  necessity, 
because  their  conscience  could  not 
assent  to  things  which  the  bishops 
thought  indifferent  ?  Let  the  astrol- 
oger be  dismayed  at  the  portentous 
blaze  of  comets,  and  impressions 
in  the  air,  as  foretelling  troubles 
and  changes  to  states ;  t  shall  be- 
lieve there  cannot  be  a  more  ill- 
boding  sign  to  a  nation,  (God  turn 
the  omen  from  us  !)  than  when  the 
inhabitants,  to   avoid   insufferable 


grievances  at  home,  are  enforced 
by  heaps  to  forsake  their  native 
country."  Works,  i.  37,  (Sym- 
mons's  ed.) 

'  Here  we  take  leave  of  Morton's 
copy  of  Gov.  Bradford's  History. 
As  the  rest  of  it  is  lost,  except  the 
few  scattered  passages  preserved 
by  Prince  and  Hutchinson,  and  as 
we  have  a  Journal  of  "  the  troubles 
that  befell  them  after  their  arrival," 
written  at  the  time,  and  chiefly,  as 
I  conceive,  by  Gov.  Bradford,  and 
much  more  copious  and  minute 
than  the  account  in  Morton's  Me- 
morial, the  narrative  will  proceed 
in  the  words  of  that  Journal. 


BRADFORD'S    AND    WINSLOWS 


JOURNAL. 


"  Relation  or  lournall  of  the  beginning  and  proceedings  of  the 
English  Plantation  settled  at  Plimoth  in  New-Exgland,  by 
certaine  English  Adventurers  both  Merchants  and  others. 

With  their  difficult  passage,  their  safe  arrivall,  their  ioyfuU  building 
of,  and  comfortable  planting  themselves  in  the  now  well  defended 
Towne  of  New  Plimoth. 

As  also  a  Relation  of  Foure  severall  discoveries  since  made  by 
some  of  the  same  English  Planters  there  resident. 

I.  In  a  iourney  to  Packcmokick,  the  habitation  of  the  Indians  greatest 
King  Massasoyt ;  as  also  their  message,  the  answer  and  enter- 
tainment they  had  of  him. 

II.  In  a  voyage  made  by  ten  of  them  to  the  Kingdome  of  Nawset, 
to  seeke  a  boy  that  had  lost  himselfe  in  the  woods  :  with  such 
accidents  as  befell  them  in  that  voyage. 

III.  In  their  iourney  to  the  Kingdome  of  Namascliet,  in  defence  of 
their  greatest  King  Massasoyt,  against  the  NarroMggansets,  and 
to  revenge  the  supposed  death  of  their  Interpreter  Tisquaittum. 

IIII.  Their  voyage  to  the  Massachusetts,  and  their  entertainment 

there. 
With  an  answer  to  all  such  objections  as  are  any  way  made  against 

the  lawfulnesse  of  English  plantations  in  those  parts. 
London.    Printed  for  lohn  Bellamie,  and  are  to  be  sold  at  his  shop 

at  the  two  Greyhounds  in  Cornhill  neere  the  Roy  all  Exchange. 

1622." 


TO     THE     READER 


Courteous  Reader, 

Be  entreated  to  make  a  favorable  construction  of  my 
forwardness  in  publishino;  these  ensuing  discourses. 
The  desire  oT  carrying  the  Gospel  of  Christ  into  those 
foreign  parts,  amongst  those  people  that  as  yet  have 
had  no  knowledge  nor  taste  of  God,  as  also  to  procure 
unto  themselves  and  others  a  quiet  and  comfortable 
habitation,  were,  amongst  other  things,  the  induce- 
ments unto  these  undertakers  of  the  then  hopeful,  and 
now  experimentally  known  good  enterprise  for  planta- 
tion in  New  England,  to  set  afoot  and  prosecute  the 
same.  And  though  it  fared  with  them,  as  it  is  common 
to  the  most  actions  of  this  nature,  that  the  first  attempts 
prove  difficult,  as  the  sequel  more  at  large  expresseth, 
yet  it  hath  pleased  God,  even  beyond  our  expectation 
in  so  short  a  time,  to  give  hope  of  letting  some  of  them 
see  (though  some  he  hath  taken  out  of  this  vale  of 
tears)  ^  some  grounds  of  hope  of  the  accomplishment 
of  both  those  ends  by  them  at  first  propounded. 

'  The  writer  studiously  suppres-     thiin  half  of  the  first  Colonists  had 
ses  the  discouraging  fact  that  more     already  perished. 


112  GEORGE   MORTON'S   PREFACE. 

And  as  myself  then  much  desired,  and  shortly  hope 
to  effect,  if  the  Lord  will,  the  putting  to  of  my  shoul- 
der in  this  hopeful  business,  and  in  the  mean  time  these 
Relations  coming  to  my  hand  from  my  both  known  and 
faithful  friends,  on  whose  writings  I  do  much  rely,  I 
thought  it  not  amiss  to  make  them  more  general,  hoping 
of  a  cheerful  proceeding  both  of  adventurers  and  plant- 
ers ;  entreating  that  the  example  of  the  honorable 
Virginia  and  Bermudas  ^  Companies,  encountering  with 
so  many  disasters,  and  that  for  divers  years  together, 
with  an  unwearied  resolution,  the  good  effects  whereof 
are  now  eminent,  may  prevail  as  a  spur  of  preparation 
also  touching  this  no  less  hopeful  ^  country,  though  yet 
an  infant,  the  extent  and  commodities  whereof  are  as 
yet  not  fully  known  :  after  time  will  unfold  more. 
Such  as  desire  to  take  knowledge  of  things,  may  inform 
themselves  by  this  ensuing  treatise,  and,  if  they  please, 
also  by  such  as  have  been  there  a  first  and  second 
time.^  My  hearty  prayer  to  God  is  that  the  event  of 
this  and  all  other  honorable  and  honest  undertakings, 
may  be  for  the  furtherance  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ, 
the  enlarging  of  the  bounds  of  our  sovereign  lord  King 
James,  and  the  good  and  profit  of  those  who,  either  by 

'  By  the  third  patent  of  the  Vir-  Virginia  or  New  England  had  been 

ginia  Company,  granted  in  1612,  branded  as  "  a  cold,  barren,  moun- 

the  Bermudas,  and  all  islands  with-  tainous,    rocky  desert,"    and   had 

in   three   hundred  leagues  of  the  been  abandoned  as  "  uninhabitable 

coast,   were    included   within   the  by  Englishmen."     See  Gorges  in 

limits  of  their  jurisdiction.     These  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxvi.  56;   and 

islands  they  sold   to  120  of  their  Capt.  John  Smith  in  his  Gen.  Hist, 

own  members,  who  became  a  dis-  ii.  174. 

tinct  corporation,  under  the  name        '  Cushman    had    just    returned 

of    the   Somer  Islands  Company,  from    Plymouth,   and   Clark    and 

See  Stith's  Virginia,  p.  127,  App.  Coppin,  the  mates  or  pilots  of  the 

24.  Mayflower,  had  been  on  the  coast 

*  After  the  failure  of  Popham's  twice, 
colony  at  Sagadahoc  in  1608,  North 


GEORGE   MORTON'S    PREFACE. 


113 


purse  or  person  or  both,  are  agents  in  the  same.     So  I 
take  leave,  and  rest 

Thy  friend, 

G.  MOURT.' 


'  Who  was  G.  Mourt?  From 
his  Preface  it  appears  that  he  was 
a  person  interested  in  the  success 
of  the  Plymouth  Colony,  identifying 
himself  with  it,  having  "much  de- 
sired "  to  emhark  with  the  first  colo- 
nists, and  intending  soon  to  go  over 
and  join  them.  It  is  also  evident 
that  he  had  familiar  and  friendly 
relations  with  some  of  them,  and 
that  he  was  one  in  whom  they  re- 
posed such  entire  confidence  as  to 
send  to  him  their  first  despatches 
of  letters  and  journals. 

The  only  individual  answering 
to  this  description  that  I  can  ascer- 
tain, is  George  Morton,  who  had 
married  a  sister  of  Gov.  Bradford, 
and  came  over  to  Plymouth  in  July, 
1623,  in  the  first  ship  that  sailed  for 
the  Colony  after  this  Journal  was 
printed.  He  is  represented  in  the 
Memorial,  p.  101,  as  "very  faithful 
in  whatsoever  public  employment 
he  was  betrusted  withal,  and  an 
unfeigned  well-wilier  and  promoter 


of  the  common  good  and  growth  of 
the  plantation  of  New  Plymouth." 
Mourt  may  have  been  written  de- 
signedly for  Morton,  from  a  disin- 
clination on  his  part  to  have  his 
name  appear  publicly  in  print,  or  it 
may  have  been  a  mistake  of  the 
printer,  the  final  letters,  from  some 
flourish  of  the  pen  or  otherwise, 
not  being  distinctly  legible.  Sev- 
eral other  typographical  errors, 
more  important  and  palpable  than 
this,  occur  in  the  Journal. 

Prince,  p.  132,  errs  in  saying 
that  this  Journal  was  published  by 
Mourt ;  and  his  editor,  p.  439,  in 
stating  that  Prince  had  only  Pur- 
chas's  abridgment  of  it.  He  had 
the  entire  work,  on  the  title-page 
of  which  it  is  stated  that  it  was 
"  printed  for  John  Bellamy,"  who 
continued  for  at  least  twenty-five 
years  from  that  time  (1622,)  to  be 
the  principal  publisher  of  books  re- 
lating to  New  England. 


iu 


Ml 


TO  HIS  MUCH  RESPECTED  FRIEND,  MR.  I.  P.' 


Good  Friend, 

As  we  cannot  but  account  it  an  extraordinary  bless- 
ing of  God  in  directing  our  course  for  these  parts,  after 
we  came  out  of  our  native  country,  —  for  that  we  had 
the  happiness  to  be  possessed  of  the  comforts  we  re- 
ceive by  the  benefit  of  one  of  the  most  pleasant,  most 
healthful,  and  most  fruitful  parts  of  the  world,  —  so 
must  we  acknowledge  the  same  blessing  to  be  multi- 
plied  upon  our  whole  company,  for  that  we  obtained 
the  honor  to  receive  allowance  and  approbation  of  our 
free  possession  and  enjoying  thereof,  under  the  author- 
ity of  those  thrice  honored  persons,  The  President  and 
Council  for  the  Affairs  of  New  England  ;  ^  by  whose 
bounty  and  grace,  in  that  behalf,  all  of  us  are  tied  to 
dedicate  our  best  service  unto  them,  as  those,  under 
his  Majesty,  that  we  owe  it  unto ;  whose  noble  endea- 


'  These  are  probably  the  initials  to    the   President  and   Council   of 

of    John   Pierce,  in  whose   name  New  England,  for  a  grant  of  the 

their    second    patent    was    taken,  territory  on  which  they  had  unin- 

See  Prince,  p.  204.  tentionally  settled.    This,  it  seems, 

*  The  Pilgrims  by  coming  so  far  was  readily  accorded.  —  The  Presi- 

north,  had   got  beyond  the  limits  dent  and  Council  put  forth  in  1622, 

of  the  Virginia  Company,  and  ac-  "  A  Brief  Relation  of  the  Discovery 

cordingly  their  patent  was  of  no  and  Plantation  of  New  England," 

value.     On  the  return  of  the  May-  which    is   reprinted  in  the  Mass. 

flower  in  May,  1621,  the  merchant  Hist.  Coll.  xix.  1  —  25. 
adventurers  applied,  in  their  behalf. 


ROBERT   CUSHMAN'S   LETTER. 


115 


voiirs  in  these  their  actions  the  God  of  heaven  and 
earth  multiply  to  his  glory  and  their  own  eternal  com- 
forts. 

As  for  this  poor  Relation,  I  pray  you  to  accept  it  as 
being  writ  by  the  several  actors  themselves,^  after  their 
plain  and  rude  manner.  Therefore  doubt  nothing  of 
the  truth  thereof.  If  it  be  defective  in  any  thing,  it  is 
their  ignorance,  that  are  better  acquainted  with  plant- 
ing than  WTJting. ,  If  it  satisfy  those  that  are  well 
affected  to  the  business,  it  is  all  I  care  for.  Sure  I  am 
the  place  we  are  in,  and  the  hopes  that  are  apparent, 
cannot  but  suffice  any  that  will  not  desire  more  than 
enough.     Neither  is  there  want  of  aught   among  us 


'  This  constitutes  its  great  value, 
and  confers  on  it  the  highest  au- 
thority. George  Morton,  in  his 
Preface,  alludes  to  the  same  fact. 
Edward  Winslow,  in  a  postscript  to 
his  "Good  News  from  New  Eng- 
land," printed  in  1624,  states  that 
this  Relation  was  "  gathered  by  the 
inhabitants  of  this  present  planta- 
tion at  Plymouth,  in  New  Eng- 
land," and  in  the  body  of  his  work 
alludes  to  "  former  letters  written 
by  myself  and  others,  which  came 
to  the  press  against  my  will  and 
knowledge."  The  Journal,  too,  di- 
rectly and  by  implication,  repeat- 
edly testifies  to  the  same  point. 
Under  Dec.  6,  in  mentioning  their 
third  excursion,  it  says,  "the  nar- 
rative of  which  discovery  follows, 
penned  by  one  of  the  company." 

I  do  not  hesitate  to  ascribe  this 
Journal  to  Bradford  and  Winslow, 
chiefly  to  the  former.  They  were 
among  the  most  active  and  effi- 
cient leaders  of  the  Pilgrims ; 
and'one  or  the  other  of  them  went 
on  almost  every  expedition  here  re- 
corded, and  were  therefore  cogni- 
zant of  the  facts  as  eye-witnesses. 
They  were  also  the  only  practised 
writers  among  them.     We  are  not 


aware  that  any  of  the  other  colo- 
nists were  accustomed  to  writing; 
at  least  none  of  their  writings  have 
come  down  to  us.  Standish,  though 
"the  best  linguist  among  them," 
in  the  Indian  dialects,  was  more 
expert  with  the  sword  than  the 
pen;  and  Elder  Brewster,  then  fifty- 
six  years  old,  was  prevented  by  his 
office,  if  not  by  his  age,  from  going 
on  any  of  the  excursions,  and  was 
therefore  not  competent  to  write 
the  journal  of  them.  Carver  had 
the  weight  of  government  on  his 
shoulders,  which  would  leave  little 
tipie  for  writing;  he  died  too  in 
April,  five  months  after  their  arri- 
val at  the  Cape.  Allerton,  Fuller, 
and  Hopkins,  are  the  only  other 
persons  likely  to  have  had  any 
hand  in  writing  the  Journal ;  and 
the  part  they  contributed  to  it,  if 
any,  would  probably  be  confined  to 
furnishing  the  rough  sketches  of 
such  expeditions  as  those  to  Nau- 
set,  Namaschet,  and  Massachusetts, 
in  which  Bradford  and  Winslow 
may  not  have  been  personally  en- 
gaged. The  style,  too,  seems  to 
correspond,  in  its  plainness  and 
directness,  with  that  of  Bradford, 
in  his  History. 


116 


ROBERT   CUSHMAN'S   LETTER. 


but  company  to  enjoy  the  blessings  so  plentifully  be- 
stowed upon  the  inhabitants  that  are  here.  While  I 
was  a  writing  this,  I  had  almost  forgot  that  I  had  but 
the  recommendation  of  the  Relation  itself  to  your  fur- 
ther consideration,  and  therefore  I  will  end  without 
saying  more,  save  that  I  shall  always  rest 

Yours,  in  the  way  of  friendship, 

R.  G.* 

From  Plymouth,  in  New  England. 


»  Who  wasR.  G.?  At  the  time 
this  Journal  was  sent  over  from 
Plymouth,  in  Dec.  1621,  the  only- 
person  there  whose  initials  were 
R.  G.  was  Richard  Gardiner.  He 
was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Com- 
pact on  board  the  Mayflower,  as 
will  be  seen  hereafter.  In  that 
list  it  is  apparent  that  the  41  names 
are,  for  the  most  part,  subscribed  in 
the  order  of  the  reputed  rank  of 
the  signers.  The  two  last,  Dotey 
and  Leister,  were  servants ;  the 
two  next  preceding,  Allerton  and 
English,  were  seamen  ;  then  comes 
Richard  Gardiner.  Now  it  is  very 
unlikely  that  such  an  obscure  per- 
son as  this.  No.  37,  of  whom  no- 
thing is  known,  whose  name  does 
not  appear  in  the  assignment  of  the 
lands  in  1623,  nor  in  the  division 
of  the  cattle  in  1627,  and  occurs  no 
where  subsequently  in  the  records 
of  the  Colony,  should  be  selected 
and  deputed  by  the  leading  men 
in  it  to  endorse  "  the  recommen- 
dation "  of  their  Journal.  Such 
a  person,  even  had  he  been  chosen 
for  this  purpose,  would  not  have 
presumed  to  speak  of  his  superiors 
as  having  written  their  narrative 
"  after  their  plain  and  rude  man- 
ner," and  apologize  for  "  their  ig- 
norance," by  saying  they  were 
"  better  acquainted  with  planting 


than  writing."  Such  language 
would  be  used  only  by  one  of  their 
compeers. 

R.  G.  (or  R.  C.  as  I  think  it 
should  be,)  was  Robert  Cushman, 
their  active  and  efficient  agent,  who 
being  prevented  from  coming  over 
in  the  Mayflower,  came  in  Nov. 
1621,  in  the  Fortune,  and  returned 
in  her  the  next  month.  Cushman 
brought  the  intelligence  that  a  char- 
ter had  been  procured  for  them  by 
the  merchant  adventurers  from  the 
President  and  Council  of  New  Eng- 
land, "  better  than  their  former,  and 
with  less  limitation."  It  was  very 
natural,  under  these  circumstances, 
that  the  leading  colonists  should 
request  him  to  write  a  letter  in 
their  behalf,  enclosing  a  copy  of 
their  Journal,  to  Pierce,  in  whose 
name  the  charter  had  been  taken  ; 
and  it  was  no  less  natural,  that  in 
writing  it,  he  should  render  a  de- 
served tribute  of  acknowledgment 
to  the  Company,  for  their  "bounty 
and  grace  "  in  allowing  them  the 
free  possession  and  enjoyment  of 
the  land  on  which  they  had  invo- 
luntarily settled.  See  Prince,  p. 
198. 

This  letter  of  Cushman  is  fol- 
lowed in  the  original  by  Robinson's 
parting  Letter  of  Advice,  which 
has  already  been  printed  on  page  91. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

OF  THE  FIRST  PLANTERS'  COMBINATION  BY  ENTERING 
INTO  A  BODY  POLITIC  TOGETHER;  WITH  THEIR  PRO- 
CEEDINGS IN  DISCOVERY  OF  A  PLACE  FOR  THEIR  SET- 
TLEMENT  AND    HABITATION. 

Wednesday,  the  6th  of  September,  the  wind  com-  chap. 
ing  east-north-east,  a  fine  small  gale,  we  loosed  from  .^-v-^ 
Plymouth,  having  been  kindly  entertained  and  cour-  1620. 
teously  used   by  divers   friends   there  dwelling  ;    and     q,  ' 
after  many  difficulties   in  boisterous  storms,  at  length, 
by  God's   providence,  upon  the  9th  of  November  fol-   Nov. 
lowing,  by  break  of  the   day,  we  espied  land,  which 
we  deemed    to   be   Cape  Cod,  and    so   afterward    it 
proved.     And  the   appearance  of  it   much   comforted 
us,  especially  seeing  so  goodly  a  land,  and  wooded  to 
the  brink  of  the  sea.     It  caused  us  to  rejoice  together, 
and  praise  God  that  had  given  us  once  again  to  see 
land.     And  thus    we   made    our    course    south-south- 
west, purposing  to  go  to  a  river  ten   leagues  to  the 
south  of  the   Cape.^     But  at  night  the  wind   being 
contrary,  we  put  round  again  for  the  bay  of  Cape  Cod  ; 
and  upon  the  11th  of  November  we  came  to  an  anchor    ^j^* 


/ 


'  This   river  was   the   Hudson,     coast.     Te?i   may  possibly   be  an 
Little    was    known    at  that    time     error  of  the  press, 
about  distances  on  this  unsurveved 


118 


CAPE   COD    WELL   "WOODED. 


Nov. 
11. 


CHAP,  in  the  bay/  which  is  a  e^ood  harbour  and  pleasant  bay, 
^U^  circled  round,  except  in  the  entrance,  which  is  about 
1620.  four  miles  over  from  land  to  land,-  compassed  about  to 
the  very  sea  with  oaks,  pines,  juniper,  sassafras,  and 
other  sweet  wood. ^  It  is  a  harbour  wherein  a  thousand 
sail  of  ships  may  safely  ride.^  There  we  relieved  our- 
selves with  wood  and  water,  and  refreshed  our  people, 
while  our  shallop  was  fitted  to  coast  the  bay,  to  search 


'  That  is,  in  Cape  Cod  or  Pro- 
vincetown  harbour. 

*  This  is  just  the  distance  from 
Long  Point  to  the  nearest  land  in 
Truro. 

^  Few  trees  are  now  left  round 
Cape    Cod    harbour.      That    they 
were  once  common,  appears  from 
the  name   Wood  End,  given   to  a 
part  of    the   coast,  and  from    the 
stumps  that  are   still  found  along 
the  shore,  particularly  at  the  west 
end  of  the  harbour,below  the  present 
high  water  mark,  just  above  what 
is  called    "  the  rising."     There  is 
quite    a    grove    of    pines,    called 
Mayo's  Wood,  near  Snow's  hill,  at 
the    eastern    end   of   the    village. 
.There  are  dwarf  oaks,  too,  grow- 
ing   on    High    Hill.      The    young 
trees  would  thrive  if  they  were  en- 
closed and  protected  from  the  cows, 
who  now  get  part  of  their  living  by 
browsing  on   them.     There   are  a 
few  sassafras  bushes,  but  no  juni- 
per.     The  juniper   was   probably 
the  red  cedar.  Josselyn,  in  his  New 
England's    Rarities,    published   in 
1672,  says,  page  49,  "  Cardan  says 
juniper  is  cedar  in  hot  countries, 
and  juniper  in  cold  countries  ;  it  is 
here   very  dwarfish    and   shrubby, 
growing  for  the  most  part  by  the 
sea-side."    And  Wood,  in  his  New 
England's     Prospect,    printed     in 
1639,  says,  p.  19,  "  the  cedar  tree 
is  a  tree  of  no  great  growth,  not 
bearing  above  a  foot  and  a  lialf  at 
the  most,  neither  is  it  very  high. 
This  wood  is  of  color  red  and  white, 
like  yew,  smelling  as  sweet  as  ju- 
niper."    In  1740  there  was  a  num- 
ber of  oaks  in  the  woods  northwest 
of  East  Harbour. 


*  Cape    Cod   harbour  is  formed 
by  the  spiral  bending  of  the  land, 
from  Pamet  river   to  Long  Point, 
nearly   round  every   point  of    the 
compass;     it   is   completely   land- 
locked.    "  It   is  one  of  the  finest 
harbours  for  ships  of  war  on  the 
whole    of     our      Atlantic     coast. 
The  width,  and  freedom  from  ob- 
structions of  every  kind,  at  its  en- 
trance, and  the  extent  of  sea-room 
upon  the  bay  side,  make  it  accessi- 
ble to  vessels  of  the  largest  class  in 
almost  all  winds.     This  advantage, 
its  capacity,  depth  of  water,  excel- 
lent anchorage,  and  the  complete 
shelter  it    affords  from   all  winds, 
render  it  one  of  the  most  valuable 
ship    harbours     upon     our    coast, 
whether  considered  in  a   commer- 
cial  or   m.ilitary   point   of    view." 
See  Major  J.  D.  Graham's  Report, 
pp.  2  and  13,  No.  121  of  Executive 
Documents  of  the  25th  Congress, 
2d    Sess.  1S37-8,  vol.  5.  —  Major 
Graham  was  employed  by  the  go- 
vernment of  the  United  States,  dur- 
ing portions  of  the  years  1833,  1834, 
and  1835,  assisted  by  seven    engi- 
neers, to  survey  the  extremity  of 
Cape  Cod,  including  the  townships 
of  Provincetown   and  Truro,  with 
their  sea-coast,  and  the  harbour  of 
Cape  Cod.     This  survey  was  exe- 
cuted with    the  greatest   accuracy 
and     precision,    and   a   large    and 
beautiful  map,  on  a   scale   of  six 
inches    to   a  mile,    was    projected 
from  it  and  published  by  order  of 
Congress  in  1838.    It  is  very  desir- 
able that  the  whole  Cape  should  be 
surveyed  in  the  same  manner. 


WrTTVlUiih-. 


ABUNDANCE  OF   WHALES.  119 

for  a  habitation.     There  was  the  greatest  store  of  fowl '  chap. 
that  ever  we  saw.  ^.^^ 

And  every  day  we  saw  whales  ^  playing  hard  by  us  ;  1 6  20. 
of  which  in  that  place,  if  we  had  instruments  and  11.' 
means  to  take  them,  we  might  have  made  a  very  rich 
return  ;  which,  to  our  great  grief,  we  wanted.  Our 
master  and  his  mate,  and  others  experienced  in  fish- 
ing, professed  we  might  have  made  three  or  four  thou- 
sand pounds'  worth  of  oil.  They  preferred  it  before 
Greenland  whale-fishing,  and  purpose  the  next  winter 
to  fish  for  whale  here.  For  cod  we  assayed,  but  found 
none  ;  there  is  good  store,  no  doubt,  in  their  season.^ 
Neither  got  we  any  fish  all  the  time  we  lay  there,  but 
some  few  little  ones  on  the  shore.  We  found  great 
muscles,^  and  very  fat  and  full  of  sea-pearl  ;  but  we 
could  not  eat  them,  for  they  made  us  all  sick  that  did 
eat,  as  well  sailors  as  passengers.  They  caused  to 
cast  and  scour ;  but  they  were  soon  well  again. 

^  Sea  fowls  come  in  late  in  the  Cod,  where  it  was  carried  on  en- 
autumn  and  remain  during  the  tirely  in  boats,  which  put  off  wlien- 
winter.  They  were  formerly  plen-  ever  a  signal  was  given  by  persons 
ty  on  the  shores;  but  they  have  on  tiie  look  out  from  an  elevated 
been  so  frequently  molested,  that  station,  that  a  whale  was  seen  to 
their  numbers  are  much  reduced.  blow.     In  1690  "one  Ichabod  Pad- 

^  Whales  are  frequently  seen  in  dock  "  went  from  the  Cape  to  Nan- 

Barnstable  Bay  and  on  the  outside  tucket    to    teach    the    inhabitants 

of  the  Cape,  and  are  killed  by  boats  of  that  isle   the    art   and  mystery 

from  Provincetown.    Occasionally,  of   catching  whales.     See    Mass. 

though   more   rarely  of  late,  they  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  157. 
come  into  the  harbour;  at  the  begin-        ^  This  is  a  little  remarkable  ;  for 

ning  of  the  present  century,  two  or  cod  are  caught  at  the  Cape  as  early 

three    whales,  producing    about  a  as     November.      They     probably 

hundred  barrels  of  oil,  were  annu-  fished   only  in  the   harbour.     The 

ally    caught  ;    the    last   that   was  best   season   is   in    February   and 

killed  in  the  harbour  was  in  Dec.  March,  when    they  are  caught  in 

1840,  a  hump-back,  that  made  fifty  great  plenty  betvifeen   Race  Point 

barrels  of  oil.     The  appearance  of  and  Wood  End.    It  was  May  when 

a  whale  in  the  harbour  is  the  sig-  Gosnold  found  them  in  such  abun- 

nal  for  a  general  stir  among  the  dance. 

hundred   graceful   five-hand    boats         ■*  Though  muscles  are  found  in 

tKat  line  the  circling  shore  of  this  Cape  Cod  harbour,  yet  the  sea  clam 

beautiful     bay.       The     American  seems  to  be  meant,  as  it  frequently 

whale  fishery  commenced  at  Cape  produces  on  the  stomach  the  effects 


11, 


120  CAPE   COD   HARBOUR. 

CHAP.  The  bay  is  so  round  and  circling,  that  before  we 
— ^  could  come  to  anchor,  we  went  round  all  the  points  of 
162  0.  the  compass.^  We  could  not  come  near  the  shore  by 
three  quarters  of  an  English  mile,  because  of  shallow 
water  ;  ^  which  was  a  great  prejudice  to  us  ;  for  our 
people,  going  on  shore,  were  forced  to  wade  a  bow- 
shot or  two  in  going  a  land,  which  caused  many  to  get 
colds  and  coughs ;  for  it  was  many  times  freezing  cold 
weather. 
Nov.  This  day,  before  we  came  to  harbour,  observing 
some  not  well  affected  to  unity  and  concord,  but  gave 
some  appearance  of  faction,  it  was  thought  good  there 
should  be  an  association  and  agreement,  that  we  should 
combine  together  in  one  body,  and  to  submit  to  such 
government  and  governors  as  we  should  by  common 
consent  agree  to  make  and  choose,  and  set  our  hands 
to  this  that  follows,  word  for  word.^ 

here  described.    F.  —  The  notes  to  They  also  lie  all  along  the  shore  in 

which  this   letter  is  annexed   were  front  of  the  town,  but  do  not  extend 

written  by  the  Rev.  James  Free-  so  far  from  the  land.     At  low  wa- 

man,  D.D.,  of  Boston.     His  father  ter  it  is  very  shallow,  and  it  is  still 

being  a  native  of  Truro,  Dr.  Free-  necessary  to  wade  a  considerable 

man  frequently  visited  the   Cape,  distance,  to  get  into  a  boat,  as  the 

and   became  strongly  attached   to  writer  knows  by  experience, 

it.     He  wrote  a  very  minute  and  ^  Here,  for  the  first  time  in  the 

accurate  topographical  account  of  world's  history,  the   philosophical 

it,  which  may  be  found  in  the  Mass.  fiction    of    a   social   compact   was 

Hist.   Coll.  vol.   viii.     His   papers  realized    in   practice.     And  yet  it 

are  signed  r.  s.  denoting  his  office  seems  to  me  that  a  great  deal  more 

of  Recording  Secretary  of  the  Mass.  has   been   discerned  in  this  docu- 

Hist.  Society  ;  a  Society  which,  in  raent  than  the  signers  contemplat- 

its  27   volumes,  has  accomplished  ed.     It  is  evident,  from    page  95, 

more   than    any   other  literary   or  that  when  ihey  left  Holland,  they 

scientific  association  in  America.  expected  "  to   become  a  body  poli- 

'  The  Mayflower  anchored  with-  tic,  using  amongst  themselves  civil 

in  half  a    furlong   of  the   end   of  government,  and    to   choose  their 

Long  Point,  two    miles   from  the  own    rulers    from    among    thera- 

presenl  village   of    Provincetown.  selves."    Their  purpose  in  drawing 

The  shore  is  here  very  bold,  and  up  and  signing  this  compact  was 

the  water  deep.  simply,  as   they  state,  to  restrain 

*  At  the    head  of    the   harbour,  certain  of  their  number,  who  had 

towards  Wood  End,  and  at  East  manifested  an  unruly  and  factious 

Harbour,   the    flats    extend    three  disposition.     This  was  the  whole 

quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  shore,  philosophy     of     the     instrument, 


THE   COMPACT.  ■  121 

In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.     We,  whose  names  are  chap. 

IX 

underwritten,  the  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  sovereign  ^-v-^- 
lord,  King  James,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Bri-  1^20. 
tain,  France,  and  Ireland  king,  defender  of  the  faith, &c.,  ii. 
having  undertaken,  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  advance- 
ment of  the  Christian  faith,  and  honor  of  our  king  and 
country,  a  voyage  to  plant  the  first  colony  in  the  north- 
ern parts  of  Virginia,  do,  by  these  presents,  solemnly 
and  mutually,  in  the  presence  of  God  and  one  of  an- 
other, covenant  and  combine  ourselves  together  into  a 
civil  body  politic,  for  our  better  ordering  and  preserva- 
tion, and  furtherance  of  the  ends  aforesaid  ;  and  by 
vh'tue  hereof  to  enact,  constitute  and  frame  such  just  and 
equal  laws,  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions,  and  offices, 
from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meet  and 
convenient  for  the  general  good  of  the  colony  ;  unto 
which  we  promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience. 
In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunder  subscribed  our 
names,  at  Cape  Cod,  the  11th  of  November,  in  the  year 
of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  lord.  King  James,  of 
England,  France  and  Ireland  the  eighteenth,  and  of 
Scotland  the  fifty-fourth,  anno  Domini  1620. 

[Mr.  John  Carver  t  8  John  Alden                            1 

WiLLiAAi  Bkadford  t  2  Mr.  Samuel  Fuller              2 

Mr.  Edward  Winslow  t  5  *   Mk.  Chrii^tophf.r  Martin  i  4 

Mr.  VViLLiABi  Brewster  t  6  *  Mk.  William  Mulling  f       5 

Mr.  Isaac  Allerton  f  6  *  Mr.  William  White  t          5 

Capt.  Miles  Standish  t  2  Mn.  Richard  Warren           1 

■whatevermay  since  have  been  dis-  ones,   seeing    all    had   voluntnrily 

covered    and   deduced    from   it   by  sulijected     themselves    to    them." 

astute  civilians,  philosophical  his-  The    signing   of   the   compact   on 

torians,  and    imaginative   orators,  board  the  Mayflower,  has  been  se- 

"One   great  reason  of  this  cove-  lected  as  the  subject  of  one  of  ihe 

nant,"  as  Hutchinson  says,  ii.  458,  great  national  pictures  to  be  placed 

"^eems  to  have  been   of   a  mere  in   the   rotunda  of  the   Capiiol    at 

moral  nature,  that  they  might  re-  Washington.      Another    of    these 

move  all  scruples  of  inflicting  ne-  subjects  is  the  sad  parting  at  Delfl- 

cessary  punishments,  even  capital  Haven,  described  on  page  88. 

16 


122 


THE  LANDING  AT   CAPE   COD. 


John  Howland 

Mr.  Stephen  Hopkins  t 

*  Edward  Tilly  t 
162  0.  *  John  Tilly  t 
Nov.       Francis  Cook 

11.     *  Tho3j^s  Rogers 

*  Thomas  Tinker  t 

*  John  Ridgdale  t 

*  Edward  Fuller  f 

*  John  Turner 
Francis  Eaton  t 

*  James  Chilton  t 

*  John  Crackston 
John  Billington  t 

*  Moses  Fletcher 


*  John  Goodman 

8  *  Degory  Priest 

4  *  Thomas  Williams 
3        Gilbert  Winslow 

2  *  Edmund  Margeson 

2  Peter  Brown 

3  *  Richard  Britterige 

2  George  Soule 

3  *  Richard  Clarke 

3         Richard  Gardiner 

3  *  John  Allerton 

3  *  Thomas  English 
2         Edward  Dotey 

4  Edward  Leister 
1 


1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

1 
1 
1 
1 


101]' 


The  same  day,  so  soon  as  we  could,  we  set  ashore 
fifteen  or  sixteen  men,  well  armed,  with  some  to  fetch 
wood,  for  we  had  none  left ;  as  also  to  see  what  the 
land  was,  and  what  inhabitants  they  could  meet  with. 


'  I  have  inserted  this  list 
from  Prince,  who  found  it  at  the 
end  of  Gov.  Bradford's  MS.  From 
modesty,  Bradford  omits  the  title 
of  Mr.  to  his  own  name.  The 
figures  denote  the  number  in  each 
family-  Those  with  an  asterisk  (*) 
prefixed  to  their  names,  2i  in 
number,  died  before  the  end  of 
March.  Those  with  an  obelisk  (t) 
affixed,  IS,  brought  their  wives 
with  them.  Three,  Samuel  Ful- 
ler, Richard  Warren,  and  Francis 
Cook,  left  their  wives  for  the  pre- 
sent either  in  Holland  or  England. 
Some  left  behind  them  part,  and 
others  all  their  children,  who  after- 
wards came  over.  John  Hovvland 
was  of  Carver's  family,  George 
Soule  of  Edward  Winslow's,  and 
Dotey  and  Leister  of  Hopkins's 
family.  Martin,  Warren,  Hopkins, 
Billington,  Dotey,  Leister,  and  pro- 
bably some  others,  joined  them  in 
England.  John  Allerton  and  Eng- 
lish were  seamen.  The  list  includes 
the  child  that  was  born  at  sea,  and 
the  servant  who  died;  the  latter 
ought  not  to  have  been  counted. 
The  number //fu/o- at  the  signing  of 
the  compact  was  therefore  only  100. 
"  So  there  were  just  101,  (no,  100,) 


who  sailed  from  Plymouth  in  Eng- 
land, and  just  as  many  arrived  in 
Cape  Cod  harbour.  And  this  is 
the  solitary  number,  who,  for  an 
undefiled  conscience  and  the  love 
of  pure  Christianity,  first  left  their 
native  and  pleasant  land,  and  en- 
countered all  the  toils  and  hazards 
of  the  tumultuous  ocean,  in  search 
of  some  uncultivated  region  in 
North  Virginia,  where  they  might 
quietly  enjoy  their  religious  liber- 
ties and  transmit  them  to  posteri- 
ty."    Prince,  p.  173. 

"  These  were  the  founders  of  the 
Colony  of  New  Plymouth.  The 
settlement  of  this  colony  occasioned 
the  settlement  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  which  was  the  source  of  all 
the  other  colonies  of  New  Eng- 
and.  Virginia  was  in  a  dying 
state,  and  seemed  to  revive  and 
flourish  from  the  example  of  New 
England.  I  am  not  preserving 
from  oblivion  the  names  of  heroes 
whose  chief  merit  is  the  overthrow 
of  cities,  provinces,  and  empires,  but 
the  names  of  the  founders  of  a 
flourishing"  town  and  colony,  if  not 
of  the  whole  Brilirsh  empire  in 
America."     Hutchinson,  ii.  462. 

The  same  day  "they  choose  Mr. 


THE   SOIL  OF   CAPE   COD. 


123 


They  found  it  to  be  a  small  neck  of  land  :  ^   on  this  chap. 

IX. 

side  where  we  lay,  is  the  bay,^  and  the  further  side  ~^--^ 
the  sea  ;  ^  the   ground  or  earth  sand  hills,  much  like  1620. 

.       ^  Nov. 

the  downs'*  in  Holland,  but  much  better  ;  the  crust  of    ii. 
the  earth,  a  spit's   depth,'  excellent  black   earth ;   all 


John  Carver,  a  pious  and  well  ap- 
proved gentleman,  their  governor 
for  the  first  year."  Bradford,  in 
Prince,  p.  162. 

'  The  men  appear  to  have  been 
landed  on  Long  Point,  which  tra- 
dition says  has  been  diminished  in 
its  lenjith,  breadth,  and  height.    F. 

*  By  the  bay  is  intended  the  har- 
bour. See  p.  120.  Plymouth  har- 
bour is  aflerwards  called  a  bay; 
and  the  same  name  is  given  to  the 
harbour  of  Cummaquid,  or  Barn- 
stable.    F. 

^  That  is,  Barnstable  bay.     F. 

*  Gosnold,  on  landing  at  Cape 
Cod,  in  1602,  found  "  the  sand  by 
the  shore  somewhat  deep."  Smith, 
too,  calls  it  "a  headland  of  high 
hills  of  sand."  The  downs,  or 
dunes,  along  the  coast  of  Holland, 
are  formed  by  the  wind  blowing 
up  the  sands  of  the  sea-shore.  To 
check  the  dispersion  of  the  sand, 
the  dunes  are  sowed  regularly  every 
year  with  a  species  of  reed  grass 
[arundo  arenaria.)  In  a  short  time 
the  roots  spread  and  combine  so  as 
to  hold  the  sand  fast  together.  Lin- 
naeus, in  his  journey  to  the  islands 
of  Oeland  and  Gothland,  in  the 
Baltic,  pointed  out  to  the  natives 
the  advantage  of  planting  the  sea- 
reed  grass  to  arrest  the  sand  and 
form  soil  on  the  shores,  to  which  it 
is  extremely  well  adapted  by  the 
length  of  its  roots.  A  similar 
practice  has  within  a  few  years 
been  adopted  at  Cape  Cod,  under 
the  direction  and  at  the  expense  of 
the  general  government.  Large 
tracts  of  white  sand  at  Province- 
tewn  have  been  planted  with  the 
beach  grass  (psamm^^  arenaria.) 
The  grass,  during  'he  spring  and 
summer,  grows  aKout  two  feet  and 


a  half.  If  surrounded  by  naked 
beach,  the  storms  of  autumn  and 
winter  heap  up  the  sand  on  all 
sides,  and  cause  it  to  rise  nearly  to 
the  top  of  the  plant.  In  the  ensu- 
ing spring  the  grass  sprouts  anew  ; 
is  again  covered  with  sand  in  the 
winter;  and  thus  a  hill  or  ridge 
continues  to  ascend  as  long  as  there 
is  a  sufficient  base  to  support  it,  or 
till  the  surrounding  sand,  being 
also  covered  with  beach  grass,  will 
no  longer  yield  to  the  force  of  the 
wind.  See  Purchas,  iv.  1648  ; 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxvi.  119,  viii. 
110;  Bigelow's  Plants  of  Boston 
and  its  Vicinity,  p.  40;  Pulleney's 
General  View  of  the  Writings  of 
Linnaeus,  p.  35. 

^  The  depth  of  a  spade.  F.  "A 
spade's  depth  thrown  out  in  dig- 
ging is  still  called  a  spit."  Rich- 
ardson's Diet.  art.   Spade. 

Some  persons  may  smile  at  read- 
ing of  "  a  spade's  depth  of  excellent 
black  earth"  at  the  extremity  of 
Cape  Cod.  And  yet,  even  now, 
after  the  woods  are  cut  down,  and 
free  scope  is  given  to  the  winds  lo 
scatter  the  sands  over  the  vegetable 
mould  of  centuries,  there  is,  at 
High  Head,  in  Truro,  Avithin  four 
miles  of  Long  Point,  where  the 
Mayflower  was  anchored,  an  "  ex- 
cellent black  earth  "  more  than  a 
foot  in  depth,  which  for  years, 
without  manure,  has  produced  50 
to  60  bushels  of  corn  to  the  acre. 
It  is  based  on  an  old  Indian  clam- 
bed,  in  which  I  observed  the  shells 
of  the  oyster,  the  scallop,  the 
quahaug,  the  sea  clam,  and  the 
common  clam.  This  rich  soil  is 
on  the  property  of  James  Small, 
whose  hospitable  dwelling  is  near 
the  Highland  Light. 


124 


THE   TREES   OF   CAPE  COD. 


Nov. 
11. 


CHAP,  wooded  ^  with  oaks,  pines,  sassafras,  juniper,  birch, 
^^-^-^  hollj,  vines,  some  ash,  wahiut;^  the  wood  for  the  most 
1^2  0.  pgi't  open  and  without  underwood,^  fit  either  to  go  or 
ride  in.  At  night  our  people  returned,  but  found  not 
anj  person,  nor  hal)itation  ;  and  laded  their  boat  with 
juniper,^  which  smelled  very  sweet  and  strong,  and  of 
which  we  burnt  the  most  part  of  the  time  we  lay 
there. 


'  See  note^  on  page  118. 

*  There  are  three  kinds  of  oak 
on  the  Cipe,  the  red  oak,  {quercus 
ruhra,)  the  hi  ick  oak,  {quercus  finc- 
loria,)  and  the  white  oak,  {quercus 
alba.)  The  frames  of  the  oldest 
buildings  there  are  made  of  white 
oak,  which  is  one  of  the  most  du- 
rable kinds  of  timber.  The  pine 
is  the  pitch  pine,  {■pinus  rigida); 
the  birch  is  the  white  birch,  (/>e/(//a 
pnpulrfoUa)  ;  the  holly  is  the  Amer- 
ican holly,  an  evergreen,  {ilex  opa- 
ca) ;  the  ash  is  the  white  ash, 
{fra.riiius  Americana,)  and  the  wal- 
nut is  the  while  walnut,  {juglans 
tomenfoxa.) 

^  "  The  salvages  are  accustomed 
to  set  fire  to  the  country  in  all 
places  where  they  come,  and  to 
burn  it  twice  a  year,  viz.  at  the 
spring,  and  the  fall  of  the  leaf. 
The  reason  that  moves  them  to  do 
so  is  because  it  would  otherwise  be 
so  overgrown  with  underweeds, 
that  it  would  be  all  a  coppice  wood, 
and  the  people  would  not  be  able 
in  any  wise  to  pass  through  the 
country  out  of  a  beaten  path.  This 
custom  of  firing  the  country  is  the 
means  lo  make  it  passable,  and  by 
that  means  the  trees  grow  here  and 
there,  as  in  our  pirks,  and  makes 
the  country  very  iieautiful  and  com- 
modious." Morion's  New  English 
Canaan,  ch.  18.  (printed  in  1632. 
Morton  was  here  in  1622  and  1625.) 
"  Wiiereas  it  is  generally  conceived 
that  the  woods  grow  so  thick  that 
there  is  no  more  clear  ground  than 
is  hewed  out  by  labor  of  men,  it  is 
nothing  so ;  in  many  places,  divers 


acres  being  clear,  so  that  one  may 
ride  a  hunting  in  most  places  of 
the  land.  There  is  no  underwood, 
saving  in  swamps  and  low  grounds ; 
for  it  being  the  custom  of  the  In- 
dians to  burn  the  woods  in  No- 
vember, when  the  grass  is  wither- 
ed, and  leaves  dried,  it  consumes 
all  the  underwood  and  rubbish, 
which  otherwise  would  overgrow 
the  country,  making  it  impassable, 
and  spoil  their  much  atTected  hunt- 
ing. So  that  by  this  means,  in 
these  places  where  the  Indians  in- 
habit, there  is  scarce  a  bush  or 
bramble,  or  any  cumbersome  un- 
derwood to  be  seen  in  the  more 
champaisn  ground."  Wood's  New 
England's  Prospect,  ch.  5.  (Wood 
was  here  in  163,3.)  The  woods  in 
some  parts  of  Wellfleet  and  East- 
ham  are  now  entirely  free  from 
underwood,  as  in  the  time  of  the 
Pilgrims. 

4  The  juniper  was  no  doubt  the 
red  cedar,  or  savin,  {junipenis  Vir- 
giniana,)  an  evergreen  which  is  still 
common  on  the  Cape.  It  resembles 
very  much  the  juniprrus  sabina  or 
common  savin  of  Europe,  which 
bears  the  junijier  berries.  The 
taste  of  the  leaves  in  the  two  spe- 
cies is  nearly  the  same.  The  wood 
of  the  red  cedar  is  odorous,  and  the 
leaves,  when  bruised,  emit  a  resi- 
nous, aromatic  odor.  It  burns 
freely  on  account  of  its  resinous 
qualities.  Morton  says,  "  Of  cedar 
there  is  abundance  ;  and  this  wood 
was  such  as  Solomon  used  for  the 
buildin!!  of  that  glorious  temple  of 
Hierusalem.   This  wood  cuts  red." 


THE  FIRST   EXCURSION   UP  THE   CAPE.  125 

Monday,^  the  13th  of  November,  we  unshipped  our  chap. 
shallop,  and  drew  her  on  land,  to  mend  and  repair  her,  -— ^ 
having  been  forced  to  cut  her  down  in   bestowing  her  16  20. 

.  ^  Nov. 

betwixt  the  decks,  and  she  was  much  opened  with  the  13. 
people's  lying  in  her  ;  which  kept  us  long  there,  for  it 
was  sixteen  or  seventeen  days  before  the  carpenter  had 
finished  her.  Our  people  went  on  shore  to  refresh 
themselves,  and  our  women  to  wash,  as  they  had  great 
need.  But  whilst  we  lay  thus  still,  hoping  our  shallop 
would  be  ready  in  five  or  six  days,  at  the  furthest, 
(but  our  carpenter  made  slow  work  of  it,  so  that)  some 
of  our  people,  impatient  of  delay,  desired  for  our  better 
furtherance  to  travel  by  land  into  the  country,  (which 
was  not  without  appearance  of  danger,  not  having  the 
shallop  with  them,  nor  means  to  carry  provision  but  on 
their  backs,)  to  see  whether  it  might  be  fit  for  us  to  seat 
in  or  no ;  and  the  rather,  because,  as  we  sailed  into 
the  harbour,  there  seemed  to  be  a  river  ^  opening  itself 
into  the  main  land.  The  willingness  of  the  persons 
was  liked,  but  the  thing  itself,  in  regard  to  the  danger, 
was  rather  permitted  than  approved  ;  and  so  with  cau- 
tions, directions,  and  instructions,  sixteen  men  were 
set  out,  with  every  man  his  musket,^  sword,  and  cors- 
let, under  the  conduct  of  Captain  Miles   Standish  ;  * 


See  Michaux's  Sylva  Americana,  Nov.  16,  and  from  their  "lighting 

iii.    221,  and    Bigelow's    Medical  all  their  matches,"  Nov.  30.    Even 

Botany,  iii.  49.  as  late  as  16S7  matcli-locks  were 

'  It  would  seem  that  the  day  be-  used    instead  of  flint-locks  in  the 

fore,  being  Sunday,  they  remained  regiments  of  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 

quietly  on  board.  wick.     See  Beckmann's  History  of 

*  Pamet  river.     Winslow  spells  Inventions,  iii.  440. 
it  Paomet,  and  Capt.  Smith  Paw-        ''  Miles  Standish  appears  now 

met.     It  is  pronounced  as  if  spelt  in    these    chronicles  for   the   first 

Barmit.  time,  as  the  military  leader  of  the 

'  Their   guns  were  matchlocks,  Pilgrims.     His  name  has  not  been 

as  appears  from  their  "having  five  mentioned  in  Gov.  Bradford's  His- 

or  six   inches  of  match  burning,"  tory.     He  took  no  part  in  the  ne- 


126 


CAPTAIN   MILES   STANDISH. 


162  0 
Nov. 


.  unto  whom  was  adjoined,  for  counsel  and  advice, 
William  Bradford,'  Stephen  Hopkins,^  and  Edward 
TiUey. 


gotiations  with  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany or  with  the  merchant  adven- 
turers.    He  was  not  one  of  Robin- 
son's church  before  it  left  England ; 
but  serving  in  the  Low  Countries, 
in  the  forces  sent  over  by  Queen 
Elizabeth  to  aid  the  Dutch  against 
the  Spaniards,  he  fell  in,  as  Wins- 
low  did,  with   Robinson    and  his 
congregation,  liked  them  and  their 
principles,  and  though  not  a  mem- 
ber of  their  church,  either  volunta- 
rily, or  at  their  request,  embarked 
with  them  for  America.     Morton, 
p.  262,  says  that  he  was  *'  a  gentle- 
man, born  in  Lancashire,  and  was 
heir  apparent  unto  a  great  estate  of 
lands    and   livings,    surreptitiously 
detained  from  him,  his  great  grand- 
father being  a  second  or  younger 
brother  from   ihe  house  of  Stand- 
ish."  This  is  not  improbable.  There 
are  at  this  time  in   England    two 
ancient  families  of  the  name,  one 
of  Standish  Hall,  and  the  other  of 
Duxbury  Park,  both  in  Lancashire, 
who   trace    their   descent   from   a 
common  ancestor,  Ralph  de  Stand- 
ish, living  in   122L     There  seems 
always  to  have  been  a  military  spi- 
rit in  the  family.     Froissart,  relat- 
ing in  his  Chronicles  the  memora- 
ble   meeting  between  Richard  IL 
and  Wat  Tyler,  says  that  after  the 
rebel  was   struck    from  his  horse 
by  William    Walworth,    "then    a 
squyer  of  the  kynges  alyted,  called 
John  Standysshe,  and  he  drewe  out 
his    sworde,   and    put   into    Wat 
Tyler's    belye,    and   so    he   dyed." 
For  this  act  Standish  was  knight- 
ed.    In    1415,  another    Sir    John 
Standish   fought   at   the    battle  of 
Agincourt.     From   his  giving   the 
name  of  Duxbury  to  the  town  where 
he  settled,  near  Plymouth,  and  call- 
ing  his  eldest  son   Alexander,  (a 
common    name    in    the    Standish 
family,)    I     have    no    doubt    that 
Miles  was  a  scion  from  this  an- 
cient and  warlike  stuck,  which  he 


did  not  dishonor.     Whilst  writing 
this  note,  1  observe  in  the  journals 
of  the  day,  the  death  (Dec.  7,  1840, 
at  Cadiz,)  of  "  Frank  Hall  Stand- 
ish, Esq.  of  Duxbury  Hall,  Lancas- 
hire." —  The  Plymouth  soldier  was 
a  man  of  small  stature,  but  of  such 
an  active  and  daring  spirit  that  he 
spread  terror  through  all  the  Indian 
tribes  from  Massachusetts   Bay  to 
Martha's  Vineyard,  and  from  Cape 
Cod  harbour   to  Narraganset.     In 
the   autumn  of  1625  he    went   to 
England,  as  an  agent  of  the  colony, 
and  returned  in  the  spring  of  1626. 
In  1630  he  removed  to  Duxbury, 
which  was  undoubtedly  so  called 
after  the  family  seat  of  his  ances- 
tors.   He  had  six  children,  and  four 
sons,  Alexander,  Miles,  Josiah,  and 
Charles,  survived  him,  whose  nu- 
merous descendants  are  to  be  found 
in  several  towns  in  Plymouth  coun- 
ty, in  Connecticut,  and  in  the  State 
ofNevvYork.    He  lived  and  died  at 
the  foot  of  Captain's  Hill,  in  Dux- 
bury, so  called  after  him,  a  monu- 
mental  landmark    that  will    hand 
his  name  down  to  the  latest  times. 
He  was  an  assistant  in  1633,  and 
was    repeatedly  reelected   to   this 
olfice.     He  died  in   1656,  but   his 
age   is  unknown.     Smith,   in   his 
Hist,  of  N.  Jersey,  p.  18,  commits 
a    singular   error   in   saying    that 
"  about  the  year  1620  the  Plymouth 
Company  sent  a  fresh  recruit  from 
England   under   the   command  of 
Capt.    Standish."      See    Belknap 
Am.    Biog.    ii.  310  ;    Mass.   Hist. 
Coll.xviii.  121,xx.58  — 61;  Hutch- 
inson's Mass.  ii.  461;    Mitchell's 
Hist,    of     Bridgewater,    p.     307; 
Burke's   Hist,  of  the  Commoners 
of  Great  Britain,  ii.  64,  and  iv.  642. 

'  Winslow  not  being  one  of  the 
party,  I  consider  Bradford  the  sole 
author  of  this  part  of  the  Journal. 

^  Stephen  Hopkins,  whose  name 
stands  the  14th  in  order  among  the 
signers  of  the  Compact,  with  the 


FIRST   SIGHT   OF   THE   INDIANS. 


127 


Wednesday,  the   15tli  of  November,  they  were   set  chap 


IX. 


ashore  ;  ^  and  v.'hen  they  had  ordered  themselves  in 
the  order  of  a  single  file,  and  marched  about  the  space  16  20. 
of  a  mile  by  the  sea,  they  espied  five  or  six  people,  15. 
with  a  dog,  coming  towards  them,  who  were  savages  ; 
who,  when  they  saw  them,  ran  into  the  wood,  and 
whistled  the  dog  after  them,  &c.  First  they  supposed 
them  to  be  Master  Jones,  the  master,  and  some  of  his 
men,  for  they  were  ashore  and  knew  of  their  coming  ; 
but  after  they  knew  them  to  be  Indians,  they  marched 
after  them  into  the  woods,  lest  other  of  the  Indians 
should  lie  in  ambush.  But  when  the  Indians  saw  our 
men  following  them,  they  ran  away  with  might  and 
main  ;  and  our  men  turned  out  of  the  wood  after  them, 
for  it  was  the  way  they  intended  to  go,  but  they  could 
not  come  near  them.  They  followed  them  that  night 
about  ten  miles  ^  by  the  trace  of  their  footings,  and 


honorable  prefix  of  Mr.,  seems  to 
have  been  a  person  of  some  consid- 
eration amon§  the  Pilgrims.  From 
the  same  list  it  appears  that  he 
brought  two  servants  or  laborers 
with  him,  Dotey  and  Leister.  It 
has  already  been  mentioned,  p.  100, 
that  he  had  a  son  born  on  the  voy- 
age, named  Oceanus.  His  wife's 
name  was  Elizabeth,  and  his  three 
other  children  were  Giles,  Caleb, 
and  Deborah.  We  are  told  further 
on  in  this  Journal,  under  Dec.  6, 
that  he  joined  the  emigrants  in  Eng- 
land, not  having  been  one  of  Robin- 
son's congregation  at  Leyden.  He 
went  on  two  at  least  of  the  three 
excursions  from  Cape  Cod  harbour, 
and  on  the  present  occasion  in  the 
capacity  of  a  counsellor.  He  was 
generally  deputed  to  accompany 
Standish,  and  from  this  it  may  be 
inferred  that  be  was  somewhat  of  a 
military  man,  at  least  more  so  than 
the  others  ;  or  it  may  be,  his  cool- 
ness was  deemed  important  to  tem- 


per the  ardor  of  the  captain.  Thus 
he  was  adjoined  to  Standish  Feb. 
17,  1621,  to  meet  the  two  Indians 
who  showed  themselves  on  Wat- 
son's hill;  and  March  16,  Samoset 
was  lodged  for  safe  keeping  at  his 
house.  He  was  also  Winslow's 
companion  on  his  visit  to  Massas- 
soit  at  Polcanoket  in  July.  He  was 
an  assistant  to  the  governor  of  Ply- 
mouth from  1633  to  1636,  and  seems 
to  have  been  much  employed  in 
public  affairs.  Nothing  more  is 
known  about  him,  except  that  he 
was  alive  in  1643.  See  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  xiii.  184. 

'  The  men  were  probably  set 
ashore  at  Stevens's  Point,  at  the 
head  or  western  extremity  of  the 
harbour. 

^  After  keeping  along  the  shore 
for  a  mile,  they  turned  in  to  the 
left  after  the  Indians,  and  probably 
pursued  them  circuitously  among 
the  hills  back  of  the  village.  As 
they  were    travelling   on    foot   ia 


128  THE    PILGRIMS   AT  EAST   HARBOUR. 

CHAP,  saw  how  they  had  come  the  same  way  they  went,  and 

IX.  .        "  .  . 

— ^—  at  a  turning  perceived   how  they  ran  up  a  hill,'  to  see 

1620.  whether  they  followed  them.     At  length  night  came 

upon  them,  and  they  were  constrained  to  take  up  their 

lodging.^     So  they  set  forth  three  sentinels  ;  and  the 

rest,  some  kindled  a  fire,  and  others  fetched  wood,  and 

there  held  our^  rendezvous  that  nio;ht. 

No^-        In   the   morning;,  so  soon  as  we  could  see  the  trace, 

16.  ^'       .  .' 

we  proceeded  on  our  journey,  and  had  the  track  until 

we  had  compassed  the  head  of  a  long  creek  ;  ^  and 
there  they  took  into  another  wood,  and  we  after  them, 
supposing  to  find  some  of  their  dwellings.  But  we 
marched  through  boughs  and  bushes,  and  under  hills 
and  valleys,^  which  tore  our  very  armor  in  pieces, 
and  yet  could  meet  with  none  of  them,  nor  their 
houses,  nor  find  any  fresh  water,  which  we  greatly 
desired  and  stood  in  need  of;  for  we  brought  neither 
beer  nor  water  with  us,  and  our  victuals  was  only 
biscuit  and  Holland  cheese,  and  a  little  bottle  of  aqua- 
vitae,  so  as  we  were  sore  athirst.     About  ten  o'clock 

the  sands,  the  distance  is  probably  Mass.   Hist.   Coll.  iii.    198;     viii. 

overrated.  111. 

'  Perhaps  Snow's  hill ;  or,  it  may  ^  The  writer  of  course  was  one 

be,  Mt.  Gilboa  or  Mt.  Ararat.  of  the  parly  —  undoubtedly  Brad- 

*  Probably  near   Stout's  Creek,  ford, 

opposite     Beach     Point.       Stout's  ''  East  Harbour  Creek,  a  distance 

creek  is  a  small  branch  of    East  of  about  three  miles  and  a  half.  F. 

Harbour  creek.     Many  years  ago  The  entrance  into  East  Harbour  is 

there  was  a  body  of  salt  inarsh  on  at  the   extremity  of  Beach   Point, 

it,  and  it  then  deserved  the  name  It  is  very  shoal,  both  at  its  entrance 

of  a  creek.      But   the  marsh   was  and  within  it,  having  only  one  to 

long  since  destroyed  ;  and  the  creek  three  feet  at  ordinary  low  water, 

scarcely  exists,  appearing  only  like  No  other  use  is  made  of  it  as  a 

a  small  depression  in  the  sand,  and  harbour  than  to  moor  or  lay  up  the 

being   entirely    dry    at    half    tide.  sn)all  craft  belonging  to  this  place, 

One  of  the  life-boats   provided  by  in    the   winter   season,    to   protect 

the  Humane  Society  of  Massachu-  them    from    the   ice.      See   Major 

setts,  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  is  Graham's  Report,  p.  13. 

stationed  on  the  outer  shore  of  the  *  Excepting  the  trees  and  bushes, 

Cape,  opposite  Stout's  creek.    Gra-  which  have  disappeared,  ihis  is  aa 

ham   puts  the  creek  down  on  his  exact  description  of  that   part  of 

chart,  but  omits  the  name.     See  Truro,  called  East  Harbour.    F. 


NEW   ENGLAND   WATER. 


129 


we  came  into  a  deep  valley/  full  of  brush,  wood-gaile,-  chap. 

and  long  grass,  through  which  we  found  little  paths  or  — -^ 

tracks:  and  there  we  saw  a  deer,  and  found  springs  1^20. 

^      ^     Nov. 
of  fresh  water,^  of  which  we  were  heartily  glad,  and    16. 

sat  us  down  and  drunk  our  first  New  England  water, 

with  as  much  delight  as  ever  we  drunk  drink  in  all 

our  lives.* 

When  we  had  refreshed  ourselves,  we  directed  our 

course  full  south,^  that  we  might  come   to  the  shore, 

which  within  a  short  while   after  we  did,  and  there 


'  In  this  valley  is  the  small  vil- 
lage of  East  harbour.  It  is  going 
to  decay,  and  probably  will  not 
long  exist.  F-  —  There  are  now  four 
or  five  houses  remaining.  An  old 
gentleman,  resident  in  the  valley, 
told  me  on  the  spot  in  Aug.  1840, 
that  he  recollected  when  there  were 
seventeen  houses  there. 

"  The  wood-gaile  was  probahly 
what  is  called  the  sweet  gale,  or 
Dutch  myrtle,  {myrica  gale.)  See 
Bigelow's  Plants  of  Boston  and  its 
vicinity,  p.  393,  (3d  ed.) 

^  In  the  midst  of  the  valley 
above  mentioned  is  a  swamp  called 
Dyer's  swamp.  Around  it  was  for- 
merly a  number  of  springs  of  fresh 
water ;  and  a  few  still  remain, 
though  probably  before  another  cen- 
tury is  closed,  they  will  be  choked 
with  sand,  as  many  of  them  already 
have  been.  F.  —  There  is  now  in 
the  valley  a  hollow  overgrown  with 
bushes  ;  but  in  Aug.  1840, 1  could 
find  no  springs  round  it,  and  the 
oldest  inhabitant  recollected  none. 

*  The  water  and  air  of  New 
England  have  always  been  justly 
famous.  Brereton,  Avho  accom- 
panied Gosnold  in  1602,  speaks  of 
the  "many  springs  of  excellent 
sweet  water"  which  he  found  on 
the  Elizabeth  islands.  Capt.  John 
Smith,  in  his  Description  of  New 
England  says,  "  the  waters  are 
most  pure,  proceeding  from  the 
entrails  of  rocky  mountains."  Hig- 
ginson,    in    his    New    England's 

17 


Plantation,  remarks  that  "  the 
country  is  full  of  dainty  springs," 
and  that  "  a  sup  of  New  England's 
air  is  better  than  a  whole  draught 
of  Old  England's  ale."  Morton, 
in  his  New  English  Canaan,  ch.  8, 
says  "  and  for  the  water,  therein  it 
excelleth  Canaan  by  much  ;  for  the 
land  is  so  apt  for  fountains,  a  man 
cannot  dig  amiss.  Therefore  if  the 
Abrahams  and  Lots  of  our  times 
come  thither,  there  needs  be  no  con- 
tention for  wells.  In  the  delicacy 
of  waters,  and  the  conveniency  of 
them,  Canaan  came  not  near  this 
country."  Wood,  in  his  New  Eng- 
land's Prospect,  ch.  5,  says  "  the 
country  is  as  well  watered  as  any 
land  under  the  sun  ;  every  family 
or  every  two  families  having  a 
spring  of  sweet  water  betwixt 
them.  It  is  thought  there  can  be 
no  better  water  in  the  world.  These 
springs  be  not  only  within  land,  but 
likewise  bordering  on  the  sea-coast, 
so  that  sometimes  the  tides  overflow 
some  of  them."  It  is  well  known 
that  the  first  settlement  of  Boston 
was  determined  by  its  abundance 
of  "  sweet  and  pleasant  springs." 
See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxvi.  120, 
i.  120,  121,  xii.  88,  xx.  173,  175; 
Snow's  History  of  Boston,  p.  31. — 
The  water  of  Truro  is  still  excel- 
lent, whilst  that  of  Provincetown 
is  poor. 

^  The  course  from  Dyer's  swamp 
to  the  Pond  is  south.  F. 


130 


THE   POND,   IN   TRURO. 


CHAP,  made  a  fire,  that  they  in  the  ship  might  see  where  we 

— v^  were,  as  we  had  direction  ;  and  so  marched  on  towards 

1620.  this  supposed  river.     And  as  we  went  in  another  val- 

16.    ley,  we  found  a  fine  clear  pond  of  fresh  water,  being 

about  a  musket  shot  broad,  and  twice  as  long.^    There 

grew  also  many  small  vines,  and  fowl  and  deer^  haunted 

there.     There    grew  much  sassafras.^     From  thence 

we  went  on,  and  found  much  plain  ground,^  about  fifty 

acres,  fit  for  the   plough,  and  some  signs  where  the 


■  Pond  village,  which  was  for- 
merly the  principal  village  in  Truro, 
but  of  late  years  exceeded  by  Pamet, 
takes  its  name  from  this  pond.  It 
is  situated  about  a  mile  south  of  the 
village  of  East  harbour.  The  high 
and  steep  banks  on  the  bay  are  here 
intersected  by  a  valley  which  runs 
directly  from  the  shore,  and  soon 
divides  itself  into  two  branches. 
In  this  valley  the  houses  stand,  and 
are  defended  from  the  winds,  whilst 
the  entrance  of  it  affords  a  conve- 
nient landing  place.  The  pond 
begins  near  the  western  shore,  and 
extends  east.  About  a  mile  east  of 
it,  on  the  Clay  Pounds,  stands  the 
Highland  or  Cape  Cod  light-house. 
The  pond  is  not  now  more  than 
half-a-musket  shot  broad,  though  it 
is  quite  as  long  as  it  is  here  repre- 
sented, lu  Aug.  1840,  I  found  the 
upper  or  eastern  part  of  it  over- 
grown with  flags  and  bushes.  It 
was  no  doubt  formerly  much  larger, 
and  has  been  gradually  filling  up. 
Many  of  our  swamps  were  origi- 
nally ponds  of  water. 

^  Deer  were  seen  near  this  pond 
by  persons  living  at  the  beginning 
of  the  present  century.  F. 

^  This  is  the  third  time  the  sas- 
safras has  been  mentioned.  On  the 
first  discovery  of  America,  great 
medicinal  virtues  were  ascribed  to 
the  bark  and  roots  of  this  tree,  and 
ship-loads  of  it  were  exported  to 
Europe.  Monardes,  a  Spanish  phy- 
sician of  Seville  who  pul)lished  in 
1574,  his  second  part  of  his  "  His- 
toria  medicinal  de  las  cosas  que  se 
traen  de  nuestras  Indias  Occiden- 


talesquesirven  en  medicina,"  after 
mentioning  its  great  efficacy  in 
dropsies,  agues,  liver-complaints, 
&c.  ends  with  exclaiming,  fol.  62, 
"  Bendito  nuestro  Seuor,  que  nos 
dio  este  tan  excelentissimo  arbol, 
llamado  sassafras,  que  tan  grandes 
virtudesy  tan  maravillosos  efectos, 
como  avemos  dicho,  tiene,  y  mas 
los  que  el  tierapo  nos  enseilara,  que 
es  descubridor  de  todas  las  cosas." 
The  roots  were  sold  in  England  at 
three  shillings  a  pound  in  Gosnold's 
time,  (1602,)  who  partly  loaded  his 
vessel  with  itfrom  one  of  the  Eliz- 
abeth islands.  Brereton,  the  jour- 
nalist of  that  voyage,  speaks  of 
"  sassafras  trees,  great  plenty,  all 
the  island  over,  a  tree  of  high  price 
and  profit;"  and  Archer,  another 
of  the  voyagers,  says  that  " the 
powder  of  sassafras  in  twelve  hours 
cured  one  of  our  company  that  had 
taken  a  great  surfeit  by  eating  the 
bellies  of  dog-fish,  a  very  delicious 
meat."  See  Purchas,  iv.  1646, 1649, 
1653;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxiii.  257 ; 
Michaux's  Sylva  Americana,  ii. 
144  ;  Bigelow's  Medical  Botany,  ii. 
142,  and  Plants  of  Boston  and  its 
Vicinity,  p.  170.  For  the  use  of 
Monardes,  and  of  "  Frampton's  loy- 
fuU  Newes  out  of  the  New-found 
Worlde,"  which  is  nothing  but  a 
translation  of  it,  printed  at  London 
in  1596,  I  am  indebted  to  the  rich 
library  of  Harvard  College.  —  Sas- 
safras is  still  found  on  Cape  Cod, 
but  in  a  dwarfish  form. 

*  The  land  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Pond  is  an  elevated  plain.  F. 


INDIAN   CORN    FOUND. 


131 


Indians  had  ibrmerly  planted   their  corn.*     After  this,  chap. 

IX 

some  thought  it  best,  for  nearness  of  the   river,  to  go  — v^- 
down  and   travel  on  the  sea  sands,  by  which  means  162  0 

.  Nov. 

some  of  our  men  were  tired,  and  lagged  behind.     So    16. 
we  stayed  and  gathered  them  up,  and  struck  into  the 
land  again  ;  ^  where  we  found  a  little  path  to  certain 
heaps  of  sand,  one  whereof  was  covered  with  old  mats, 


'  "  The  Indian  corn  {zea  mays) 
called  by  the  Mexicans  tlaolli,  by 
the  Haytians  maize,  and  by  the 
Massachusetts  Indians  eachim/ni- 
neash,  is  found  everywhere  on  the 
continent  from  Patagonia  to  Cana- 
da, and  next  to  rice  and  wheat,  is 
the  most  valuable  of  grains.  There 
can  hardly  be  a  doubt  that  it  is  a 
native  of  America,  unknown  before 
the  discovery  of  Columbus.  The 
adventurers  who  first  penetrated 
into  Mexico  and  Peru  ibund  it 
everywhere  cultivated,  and  in  com- 
mon use  as  an  article  of  food  among 
the  aborigines.  Its  culture  did  not 
attract  notice  in  Europe  till  after 
the  voyage  of  Columbus,  nor  is  it 
described  in  any  work  prior  to  the 
end  of  the  15th  century.  It  was 
unknown  to  tiie  ancient  Greek  and 
Roman  writers,  the  passages  in 
their  works  which  have  been  sup- 
posed to  refer  to  it  being  more  ap- 
plicable toother  grains,  such  as  the 
holms  sorghum.  It  is  not  men- 
tioned by  the  earlier  travellers  who 
visited  China,  India,  and  other  parts 
of  Asia  and  Africa,  and  w^ho  were 
very  minute  in  describing  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  countries  which 
they  visited.  Acosta,  in  his  Natural 
and  Moral  History  of  the  Indies, 
(published  in  1596,)  says,  lib.  iv. 
ch.  16.  "  In  our  discourse  on  plants 
we  will  begin  with  those  which  are 
proper  and  peculiar  to  the  Indies. 
As  wheat  is  the  most  common 
grain  for  the  use  of  man  in  the  re- 
gions of  the  old  world,  so  in  the 
new  found  world  the  most  common 
grain  is  mays,  the  which  is  found 
almost  in  all  the  kingdoms  of  the 
West  Indies.  I  do  not  think  that 
this  mays  is  any  thing  inferior  to 


our  wheat,  in  strength  nor  sub- 
stance. To  conclude,  God  hath 
imparted  to  every  region  what  is 
needful.  To  this  continent  he  hath 
given  wheat,  which  is  the  chief 
nourishment  of  man  ;  and  to  the 
Indians  he  hath  given  mays,  which 
hath  the  second  place  tow-heat,  for 
the  nourishment  of  men  and  beasts." 
"The  maize  is  correctly  figured  in 
Oviedo's  General  and  Natural  His- 
tory of  the  Indies,  in  Ramusio, 
Delle  Navigationi  et  Viaggi,  iii.  fol. 
131.  See  Hernandez,  Historia 
Plantarum  Novae  Hispanise,  lib. 
vi.  cap.  44;  Lamarck's  Botany, 
in  the  Encvclop^die  Methodique, 
xxxvi.  680, 'Planches,  749;  and 
Winlhrop's  Description  of  Maize 
in  the  London  Phil.  Trans,  xi.  1065. 

—  The  principal  argument  against 
the  American  origin  of  maize 
is  that  it  has  never  been  found 
growing  wild  in  any  part  of  this 
continent.  This  statement,  how- 
ever, is  disputed.  Cobbett,  in  his 
Essay  on  Corn,  ch.  2,  maintains 
that  "  the  cultivation  of  Indian 
corn  is  as  old  as  the  world  itself," 
fnd  draws  his  chief  arguments  from 
the  following  passages  of  Scripture 

—  Matt.xii.  1;  2  Kings,  iv.2;  Job 
xxiv.  24;  Lev.  ii.  14;  xxiii.  14; 
Deut.  xxiii.  24,  25  ;  Gen.  xli.  5, 
which  he  thinks  are  applicable  to 
maize,  but  not  to  wheat. 

'^  Probably  at  the  Great  Hollow. 
F.  A  mile  south  of  the  Pond  vil- 
lage, the  bank  on  the  bay  is  inter- 
sected by  another  valley,  called  the 
Great  Hollow.  This  valley  and 
another  near  it,  towards  the  south- 
east, called  the  Great  Swamp,  con- 
tain several  houses.  The  Great 
Hollow  is  separated  from  the  Pond 


132 


WALNUTS,  STRAWBERRIES,  AND   VINES. 


CHAP,  and  had  a  wooden  thinir,  like  a  mortar,  whelmed  on 

IX. 

— ^—  the  top  of  it,  and  an  earthen  pot  laid  in  a  little  hole  at 
162  0.  the  end  thereof.     We,  miising  what  it  might  be,  dig- 

Nov.  '  &  &  '       to 

16.  ged  and  found  a  bow,  and,  as  we  thought,  arrows,  but 
they  were  rotten.  We  supposed  there  were  many 
other  things  ;  but  because  we  deemed  them  graves, 
we  put  in  the  bow  again,  and  made  it  up  as  it  was, 
and  left  the  rest  untouched,  because  we  thought  it 
would  be  odious  unto  them  to  ransack  their  sepul- 
chres. 

We  went  on  further  and  found  new  stubble,  of  which 
they  had  gotten  corn  this  year,  and  many  walnut  trees  ^ 
full  of  nuts,  and  great  store  of  strawberries,^  and  some 
vines.^     Passing  thus  a  field  or  two,  which  were  not 


village  by  a  high  hill,  which  com- 
mands an  extensive  prospect  of  the 
ocean,  Cape  Cod  harbour,  and  the 
opposite  shore,  as  far  as  the  broad 
bluff  of  Manomet,  in  Plymouth, 
and  the  high  lands  of  Marshfield. 

*  T.  Morton  says,  ch.  2,  "Of 
walnut  trees  there  is  infinite  store, 
and  there  are  four  sorts ;  it  is  an 
excellent  wood,  for  many  uses  ap- 
proved." Wood  says,  ch.  5,  "  the 
walnut  tree  is  something  different 
from  the  English  walnut,  and  bears 
a  very  good  nut,  something  smaller, 
but  nothing  inferior  in  sweetness 
and  goodness  to  the  English  nut, 
having  no  bitter  peel."  And  Jossely  n 
says,  p.  50,  "  the  nuts  of  the  walnut 
differ  much  from  ours  in  Europe, 
they  being  smooth,  much  like  a 
nutmeg  in  shape,  and  not  much 
bigger;  some  three  cornered,  all  of 
them  but  thinly  replenished  with 
kernels." 

^  "  There  is  strawberries,"  says 
Wood,  "  in  abundance,  very  large 
ones,  some  being  two  inches  about; 
one  mav  gather  half  a  bushel  in  a 
forenoon."  Roger  AVilliams,  in  his 
Key  into  the  Language  of  America, 
ch.  16,  says  "  This  berry  is  the 
wonder  of  all  the  fruits,  growing 
naturally  in  those  parts.     In  some 


places  where  the  natives  have 
planted,  I  have  many  times  seen  as 
many  as  would  fill  a  good  ship 
within  a  few  miles'  compass."  See 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  221.  "The 
common  wild  strawberry,  {fragaria 
Virginiana^Y^  says  Bigelow,  Plants 
of  Boston,  p.  215,  "  is  a  very  deli- 
cious fruit,  and  when  cultivated  is 
inferior  to  few  imported  species. 
The  berries  ripen  early,  are  of  a 
light  scarlet  color,  exquisitely  fla- 
vored, but  more  soft  and  perishable 
than  the  other  kinds." 

^  "  Vines  there  are  that  bear 
grapes  of  three  colors,  white,  black, 
and  red.  The  country  is  so  apt  for 
vines  that,  but  for  the  fire  at  the 
spring  of  the  year,  the  vines  would 
so  overspread  the  land,  that  one 
should  not  be  able  to  pass  for  them. 
The  fruit  is  as  big,  of  some,  as  a 
musket  ball,  and  is  excellent  in 
taste."  T.  Morton,  ch.  2.  "  The 
vines  afford  great  store  of  grapes, 
which  are  very  big,  both  for  the 
grape  and  cluster,  sweet  and  good. 
These  be  of  two  sorts,  red  and  white. 
There  is  likewise  a  smaller  kind 
of  grape,  which  groweth  in  the 
islands,  which  is  sooner  ripe,  and 
more  delectable."     Wood,  ch.  5. 


INDIAN   BARNS.  133 

2:reat,  we  came  to  another/  which  had  also  been  new  chap. 

IX 

gotten,  and  there  we  found  where  a  house  had   been,  — v-^ 

and  four  or  five  old  planks  laid  toirether.-     Also  we  1620. 

.  .  Nov. 

found  a  great  kettle,  which  had  been  some  ship's  ket-    i6. 

tie,  and  brought  out  of  Europe.     There   was  also  a 

heap  of   sand,^  made   like  the  former,  —  but  it  was 

newly  done,  we  might  see   how  they  had  paddled  it 

with  their  hands,  —  which  we  digged  up,  and  in  it  we 

found  a  little  old  basket,  full  of  fair  Indian  corn  ;  and 

digged  further,  and  found  a  fine  great  new  basket,  full 

of  very  fair  corn  of  this  year,  with  some  six  and  thirty 

goodly  ears  of  corn,  some   yellow,  and  some  red,  and 

others  mixed  with  blue,"*  which  was  a  very  goodly  sight. 

The   basket   was  round,  and   narrow   at  the  top.     It 

held  about  three  or  four  bushels,  which  was  as  much 

as  two  of  us  could  lift  up  from  the  ground,  and  was 

very  handsomely  and   cunningly  made.^     But  whilst 

'  From    the   Great  Hollow  the  in  this  manner  it  is  preserved  from 

sixteen  adventurers  travelled  south  destruction   or   putrefaction,  to  be 

to   tlie   hill  which    terminates    in  used  in  case  of  necessity,  and  not 

Hopkins's   cliff   (or   Uncle    Sam's  else."    T.  Morton,  ch.  13.    "Their 

hill,  as  it  is  now  vulgarly  called.)  corn  being  ripe,  they  gather  it,  and 

This   they  called   Cornhill.      The  dry  it  hard  in  the  sun,  convey  it  to 

Indians   formerly   dwelt    in   great  their  barns,  which  be  great  holes 

numbers   on    this    hill  ;    and    the  digged  in  the  ground,  in  form  of  a 

shells,  deposited  by  them  on  it,  are  brass  pot,  ceiled  with  rinds  of  trees, 

still   ploughed    up    in  abundance,  wherein     they    put    their    corn." 

Hopkins's cliff'is  between  the  Great  Wood,  ch.  20. 

Hollow   and   Hopkins's   creek,  or  ^  This  corn  of  mixed  colors  on 

Pamet    little    river,  as   it  is  now  the  same  cob,  yellow,  red,  and  blue, 

called.  is  still  common  at  Truro. 

^  This  was  probably  the  remains  ^  "  In  summer  they  gather  flags, 

of  a  hut  built  by  some  shipwrecked  of    which    they    make    mats    for 

sailors.  houses,  and  hemp  and  rushes,  with 

^  "  Their  barns  are  holes  made  dying  stuff',  of    which  they  make 

in  the  earth,  that  will  hold  a  hogs-  curious  baskets,  with   intermixed 

head   of    corn    apiece.     In    these,  colors,  and  portraitures  of  antique 

when  their  corn  is  out  of  the  husk,  imagery.     These  baskets  be  of  all 

and  well  dried,  they  lay  their  store  sizes,  from  a  quart  to  a  quarter,  in 

in  great  baskets,  with  mats  under,  whicli  they  carry  their  luggage."" 

about  the  sides,  and  on  the  top;  Wood,  ch.  30.    "  Instead  of  shelves, 

and  putting  it  into  the  place  made  they  have  several  baskets,  wherein 

for  it,  they  cover  it  with  earth,  and  they  put  all  their  household  stuff. 


134  OLD   TOMS   HILL,   IN   TRURO. 

CHAP,  we  were  busy  about  these  thin£;s,  we  set  our  men  sen- 

IX  "^ 

— ^  tinel  in  a  round  ring,  all  but  two  or  three,  which  digged 

1620.  up  the  corn.     We  were  in  susiDense  what  to  do  with  it 

Nov. 

16.  and  the  kettle  ;  and  at  length,  alter  much  consulta- 
tion, we  concluded  to  take  the  kettle,  and  as  much  of 
the  corn  as  we  could  carry  away  with  us  ;  and  when 
our  shallop  came,  if  we  could  lind  any  of  the  people, 
and  come  to  parley  with  them,  we  would  give  them 
the  kettle  again,  and  satisfy  them  for  their  corn.^  So 
we  took  all  the  ears,  and  put  a  good  deal  of  the  loose 
corn  in  the  kettle,  for  two  men  to  bring  away  on  a 
staff.  Besides,  they  that  could  put  any  into  their 
pockets,  filled  the  same.  The  rest  we  buried  again ; 
for  we  were  so  laden  with  armor-  that  we  could  carry 
no  more. 

Not  far  from  this  place  we  found  the  remainder  of 
an  old  fort  or  palisado,  which,  as  we  conceived,  had 
been  made  bv  some  Christians.^  This  was  also  hard 
by  that  place  which  we  thought  had  been  a  river  ; 
unto  which  we  went,  and  found  it  so  to  be,  dividing 
itself  into  two  arms  by  a  high   bank,^  standing  right 

They  have   some   great    bags    or  ish's  grandsons  is  said  to  have  been 

sacks,  made  of  hemp,  which  will  in  possession  of  his  coat  of  mail, 

hold  five  or  six  bushels."     Roger  His  sword  and  that  of  Carver  and 

Williams,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  Brewster,  are  in  the  cabinet  of  the 

212.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

'  It  will  be  seen  that  within  six  Some  doubt  however  is  thrown  on 
months  they  scrupulously  fulfilled  this  point  from  the  circumstance 
this  their  honest  intention,  and  that  the  Pilgrim  Society  of  Ply- 
gave  the  owners  of  the  corn  "full  mouth  have  also  in  their  posses- 
content."  The  censure  of  Baylies,  sion  "the  identical  sword-blade 
i.  54,  on  their  conduct  as  "  inexcu-  used  by  Miles  Standish."  See 
sable,"  and  as  "compromising  their  Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  216,  336; 
consciences,"  might  as  well  have  Thacher's  History  of  Plymouth, 
been  spared.  p.  258,  second  edition. 

^  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the        '  Perhaps  by  the  same  persons 

Pilgrims  were  cased  in  armor.    See  who  owned  the  kettle  and  built  the 

pages  125  and  123.     One  of  their  hut.     See  page  133. 
corslets  would  be  a  far  more  pre-        *  Bradford,   in    his   History,   as 

cious  relic  than  a  cuirass  from  the  quoted  by  Prince,  p.  163,  says  "  a 

field  of  Waterloo.     One  of  Stand-  high  cliflf  of  sand  at  the  entrance." 


PAMET   RIVER. 


135 


bj  the  cut  or  moutli,  which  came  from  the  sea.  Th; 
which  was  next  unto  us  was  the  less.'  The  oth( 
arm  ^  was  more  than  twice  as  big,  and  not  unlike  to  1^6  2  0. 


Nov. 


be  a  harbour  for  ships  ;   but  whether  it  be  a  fresh  river,     i6. 
or  only  an  indraught  of  the  sea,  we  had  no  time  to 
discover  ;  for  we  had  commandment  to  be  out  but  two 
da  vs.     Here  also  we  saw  two  canoes  :  ^  the  one  on 


This  is  an  accurate  description  of 
the  entrance  of  Patnet  river.  The 
high  bank  of  sand,  is  called  Old 
Tom's  hill,  after  an  Indian  chief, 
who  in  former  times  had  its  seat 
on  its  summit,  and  who  received 
this  name  from  the  first  English 
settlers.  It  is  the  termination  of  a 
neck  of  land  situated  between  the 
two  creeks,  called  Indian  Neck, 
it  having  been  reserved  to  the  In- 
dians on  the  first  settlement  of 
Truro,  about  the  year  1700.  Prince, 
p.  163,  has  fallen  into  a  great  mis- 
take in  supposing  that  Barnstable 
harbour  was  the  place  here  de- 
scribed. The  description  does  not 
suit  the  harbour  of  Barnstable,  or 
any  other  creek  or  inlet  in  the  bay, 
except  Pamet  harbour;  and,  as 
Belknap  rightly  observes,  (Am. 
Biog.  ii.  196,)  neither  the  time  nor 
distance  can  agree  with  Prince's 
conjecture.  Biirnstable  is  fifty 
miles  from  Cape  Cod  harbour  by 
land;  a  distance  which  could  not 
have  been  travelled,  and  back 
again,  in  three  short  days  of  No- 
vember.    F. 

'  The  smallest  creek,  which  was 
next  to  the  travellers,  is  called 
Hopkins's  creek,  or  Pamet  little 
river.  There  is  on  it  a  body  of  salt 
marsh,  which  runs  half  way  across 
the  township  of  Truro.  The  depth 
of  water  in  this  creek,  when  the 
tide  is  in,  is  five  feet.     F. 

*  Pamet  river,  which  is  a  creek 
forced  into  the  land  from  the  bay, 
and  extends  almost  across  the 
township,  being  separated  from  the 
ocean  by  nothing  but  a  narrow 
beach  and  embankment,  which  the 
water  has  been    known  to  break 


over.  The  creek  runs  through  a 
body  of  salt  marsh.  The  mouth  of 
it  lies  nearly  south-east  from  Cape 
Cod  harbour,  nine  miles  distant. 
It  is  about  a  mile  south  of  the 
Great  Hollow,  and  is  a  little  to  the 
north  of  what  is  called  the  shoal 
ground,  without  Billingsgate  Point. 
The  part  of  Truro,  south  of  Pamet 
river,  on  the  bav,  is  called  Hog's 
Back.  See  Mass'.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  196. 
^  "  Of  the  birch  bark  the  salvages 
of  the  northern  parts  make  them 
delicate  canoes,  so  light  that  two 
men  will  transport  one  of  them 
over  land  whither  they  list,  and 
one  of  them  will  transport  ten  or 
twelve  salvages  by  water  at  a  time." 
T.  Morton,  ch.  2.  "  Their  canoes 
are  made  either  of  pine  trees,  which, 
before  they  were  acquainted  with 
English  tools,  they  burned  hollow, 
scraping  them  smooth  with  clam 
shells  and  oyster  shells,  cutting 
their  outsides  with  stone  hatchets; 
these  boats  be  not  above  a  foot  and 
a  half  or  two  foot  wide,  and  twenty 
foot  long.  Their  other  canoes  be 
made  of  thin  birch  rinds,  close  rib- 
bed on  the  inside  with  broad  thin 
hoops,  like  the  hoops  of  a  tub; 
these  are  made  very  light;  a  man 
may  carry  one  of  them  a  mile; 
being  made  purposely  to  carry  from 
river  to  river,  and  bay  to  bay,  to 
shorten  land  passages.  In  these 
cockling  fly-boats,  wherein  an  Eng- 
lishman can  scarce  sit  without  a 
fearful  tottering,  they  will  venture 
to  sea,  when  an  English  shallop 
dare  not  bear  a  knot  of  sail,  scud- 
ding over  the  overgrown  waves  as 
fast  as  a  wind-driven  ship,  being 
driven    by    their    paddles ;    being 


17 


136  CANOE  AND   DEER-TRAP. 

CHAP,  the  one  side,  the  other  on  the  other  side.'     We  could 

IX 

--^--^  not  believe  it  was  a  canoe,  till  we  came  near  it.     So 
1620.  ^ve  returned,  leaving   the  further   discovery  hereof  to 

Nov.  '  &  _  J 

16.  our  shallop,  and  came  that  night  back  agam  to  the 
fresh  water  pond  ;  and  there  we  made  our  rendezvous 
that  night,  making  a  great  fire,  and  a  barricado  to 
windward  of  us,  and  kept  good  watch  with  three  sen- 
tinels all  night,  every  one  standing  when  his  turn 
came,  while  five  or  six  inches  of  match  ^  was  burning. 
It  proved  a  very  rainy  night. 
Nov.  In  the  morning,  we  took  our  kettle  and  sunk  it  in 
the  pond,  and  trimmed  our  muskets,  for  few  of  them 
would  go  off  because  of  the  wet ;  and  so  coasted  the 
wood  ^  again  to  come  home,  in  which  we  were  shrewdly 
puzzled,  and  lost  our  way.  As  we  wandered  we 
came  to  a  tree,  where  a  young  sprit  ^  was  bowed 
down  over  a  bow,  and  some  acorns  strewed  underneath. 
Stephen  Hopkins  said,  it  had  been  to  catch  some  deer. 
So  as  we  were  looking  at  it,  William  Bradford  being 
in  the  rear,  when  he  came  looked  also  upon  it,  and  as 
he  went  about,  it  gave  a  sudden  jerk  up,  and  he  was 
immediately  caught  by  the  leg.^     It  was  a  very  pretty 


much  like  battledoors ;  if  a  cross  trees  and  smooth  wrought  cords ; 

wave  (which   is  seldom)  turn  her  so  strong  as  it  will  toss  a  horse  if 

keel  upside  down,  they  by  swim-  he  be  caught  in  it.     An  English 

ming  free  her,  and  scramble  into  mare,  being  strayed  from  her  own- 

her  again."     Wood,  ch.  17.  er,  and   grown  wild   by  her  long 

'  That  is,  of  the  bank,  in  the  two  sojourning  in  the  woods,  ranging 

arms  of  the  creek.  up  and  down  with  the  wild  crew, 

*  This    proves   that   their   guns  stumbled  into  one  of  these  traps, 

were  matchlocks.     See  p.  125.  which  stopped  her  speed,  hanging 

^  The  wood  was  terminated  by  her,  like  Mahomet's  coffin,  betwixt 

the  Pond,  by  the  side  of  which  they  earth  and   heaven.     In  these  traps 

travelled,  and  then  through  a  valley,  deer,  moose,  bears,  wolves,  cats  and 

which  is  continued  from  it,  east,  foxes  are   often   caught."     "  The 

toward  the  ocean.   F.  salvages"  says  T.  Morton,  ch.  5, 

■*  A  sapling,  a  young  tree.  "  take  the  deer  in  traps  made  of 

'  Wood  says,  ch.  15,  "  their  deer  their   natural    hemp,   which   they 

traps  are  springs  made  of  young  place  in  the  earth,  where  they  fell 


THE   EXPLORING   PARTY   RETURN,  137 

device,  made  with  a  rope  of  their  own  making,  and  chap. 

IX 

having  a  noose   as  artificially  made  as  any  roper  ^  in  ^^-v-L. 
England  can  make,  and  as  like  ours  as  can  be  ;  which  1620. 

.  Nov. 

we  brought  away  with  us.  In  the  end  we  got  out  of  17.' 
the  wood,  and  were  fallen  about  a  mile  too  high  above 
the  creek  ;  ^  where  we  saw  three  bucks,*^  but  we  had 
rather  have  had  one  of  them.  We  also  did  spring  three 
couple  of  partridges  ;  ^  and  as  we  came  along  by  the 
creek,  we  saw  great  flocks  of  wild  geese  and  ducks,^ 
but  they  were  very  fearful  of  us.  So  we  marched 
some  while  in  the  woods,  some  while  on  the  sands,  and 
other  while  in  the  water  up  to  the  knees  ;  till  at  length 
we  came  near  the  ship  ;  ^  and  then  we  shot  off  our 
pieces,  and  the  long  Iwat  came  to  fetch  us.  Master 
Jones  and  Master  Carver  being  on  the  shore,  with 
many  of  our  people,  came  to  meet  us.  And  thus  we 
came  both  weary  and  welcome  home  ;  ^  and  delivered 
in  our  corn  into  the  store  to  be  kept  for  seed,  for  we 
knew  not  how  to  come  by  any,  and  therefore  were 
very  glad,  purposing,  so  soon  as  we  could  meet  with 
any  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  place,  to  make  them 
large  satisfaction.  This  was  our  first  discovery,  whilst 
our  shallop  was  in  repairing. 

Our  people  did  make  things  as  fitting  as  they  could, 

a  tree  for  browse  ;  and  when  he  *  Probably   the    Canada    goose, 

rounds  the  tree  for  the  browse,  if  {anser  Canadensis,)  and   the  dusky 

he  tread  on  the  trap,  he  is  horsed  duck,  {anas  obscura). 

up  by  the  leg,  by  means  of  a  pole  *  They  probably  went  down  the 

that  starts  up  andcatcheth  him,"  west  side  of  East  Harbour  creek, 

'  Ropeniaker.  and  near  the  moutii  forded  it,  as  is 

^  This    brought    them    about   a  still  done  at  low  tide.     They  then 

mile  south-east  of  the  head  of  East  waded  through  Stout's  creek,  and 

Harbour,  and  about  a  mile  north  of  also  through  Mill  creek,  near  Gull 

the  Highland  Light.  hill,  and   passed  on   to  the  end  of 

/  See  page  1:^0.  Long  point,  near  which   the  ship 

*  The  partridge,  {perdix  Virgini-  lay.     See  note  '  on  page  120. 

a?ia,)  or  quail,  as  it  is  called  in  New  'They   had  been    absent   three 

England,  is  still  found  in  Truro.  days. 

18 


138  THE   SECOND   EXPEDITION. 

CHAP,  and  time  would,  in  seekino;  out  wood,  and  helving;  of 

IX.  .  .  . 

-^^ —  tools,  and  sawing  of  timber,  to  build   a  new   shallop. 

162  0.  Btit  the  discommodiousness  of  the  harbour  did  much 
hinder  us  ;  for  we  could  neither  go  to  nor  come  from 
the  shore  but  at  high  water,  which  was  much  to  our 
hindrance  and  hurt  ;  for  oftentimes  thej  waded  to  the 
middle  of  the  thigh,  and  oft  to  the  knees,  to  go  and 
come  from  land.'  Some  did  it  necessarily,  and  some 
for  their  own  pleasure  ;  but  it  brought  to  the  most,  if 
not  to  all,  coughs  and  colds,  (the  weather  proving  sud- 
denly cold  and  stormy,)  which  afterwards  turned  to  the 
scurvy,  whereof  many  died. 

When  our  shallop  was  fit,  (indeed  before  she  was 
fully  fitted,  for  there  was  two  days'  work  after  bestowed 
on  her,)  there  was  appointed  some  four  and  twenty 
men  of  our  own,  and  armed,  then  to  go  and  make  a 
more  full  discovery  of  the  rivers  before  mentioned. 
Master  Jones  was  desirous  to  go  with  us,  and  we  took 
such  of  his  sailors  as  he  thought  useful  for  us  ;  so  as 
we  were  in  all  about  four  and  thirty  men.^  We  made 
Master  Jones  our  leader ;  for  we  thought  it  best  herein 

Nov.  to  g;ratifv  his  kindness  and  forwardness.^     When  we 

27.  °  -^ 

were  set  forth, ^  it  proved  rough  weather  and  cross 
winds  ;  so  as  we  were  constrained,  some  in  the  shallop, 
and  others  in  the  long  boat,  to  row  to  the  nearest  shore 
the  wind  would  suffer  them  to  go  unto,  and  then  to 
wade  out  above  the  knees.  The  wind  was  so  strong 
as  the  shallop  could  not  keep  the  water,  but  was  forced 
to  harbour  there  ^  that  night.     But  we  marched  six  or 

'  See  note'  on  page  120.  wronged  ihem.    Seenole'  on  page 

"  Of   course    ihey    had    ten    of  102. 
Jones's  crew.  ■•  This  was  ten  days  after  their 

^  This   s')ows    that   they   could  return  from  their  first  excursion, 
have      liarbourcd      no     suspicion        *  In   East  Harhour.     The  men 

that    Joaes    bad    betrayed    and  who  uiarcbed  several  miles,  and 


THE  PILGRIMS   EXPLORE  PAMET   RIVER.  139 

seven  miles  further,  and  appointed  the  shallop  to  come  chap. 
to  us  as  soon  as  they  could.      It  blowed  and  did  snow  — -^ 
all  that  day  and  night,  and  froze  withal.     Some  of  our  16  20. 
people  that  are  dead  took  the  original  of  their  death 
here.^ 

The  next  day,  about  eleven  o'clock,  our  shallop  came  ^ov. 
to  us,  and  we  shipped  ourselves  ;  and  the  wind  being 
good,  we  sailed  to  the  river  we  formerly  discovered, 
which  we  named  Cold  Harbour ;  to  which  when  we 
came,  we  found  it  not  navigable  for  ships  ;  yet  we 
thought  it  might  be  a  good  harbour  for  boats,  for  it 
flows  there  twelve  foot  at  high  water. ^  We  landed 
our  men  between  the  two  creeks,^  and  marched  some 
four  or  five  miles  ^  by  the  greater  of  them,  and  the 
shallop  followed  us.  At  length  night  grew  on,  and  our 
men  were  tired  with  marching  up  and  down  the  steep 
hills  and  deep  valleys,^  which  lay  half  a  foot  thick 
with  snow.  Master  Jones,  wearied  with  marching, 
was  desirous  we  should  take  up  our  lodging,  though 
some  of  us  would  have  marched  further.  So  we  made 
there  our  rendezv^ous  for  that  night  under  a  few  pine 
trees  ;  and  as  it  fell  out,  we  got  three  fat  geese  ^  and 

what  they  supposed  to  be  six  or  straight  line.    The  tradition  is,  that 

seven  miles  farther,  were  landed  on  Paniel  river  was  formerly  deeper 

Beach  Point,  which  forms  this  har-  than  it  is  at  present,  and  therefore 

hour.     F.  the    shallop    miaht    easily   follow 

'  See  pages  120  and  138.  them.     F. 

'  Tiie  mouth  of  Pamet  river  is  '  This  is  an  exact  description  of 

twelve  feet  deep   at  high    water,  the    land    on    Pamet    river.      F. 

Thence    the   water  gradually   de-  Truro   is   composed    of   hills   and 

creases   to  five  feet,  which  is   the  narrow  circular  valleys.    There  are 

depth  at  the  lower  bridge.     This  is  also  some  long  valleys,  running  at 

to  be  understood  of  the  lowest  tides,  right  angles  with  the  shore.     The 

during  the  summer.     F.  tops  of  some  of  the  hills   spread 

^  The  men  were  landed  al  the  out  into  a  plain, 

foot  of  Old  Tom's  hill.     F.  ®  "  There    are    three    kinds    of 

,  ■*  From  Old  Tom's  hill    to    the  goose,  the  gray  goose,  the  while 

head  of  Pamet  river  the  distance  goose,  and  the  brant."     Josselyn, 

is  about  three  miles  and  a  half,  as  p.  9.     "There  are  geese   of   three 

the  hills  run,  or  three  miles  in  a  sorts,  viz.  b.rant  geese,  which  are 


140 


THEY   RETURN   TO   HOPKINS'S   CLIFF. 


Nov. 
29. 


CHAP,  six  ducks  ^  to  our  supper,  which  we  eat  with  soldiers' 
— v-^  stomachs,  for  we  had  eaten  httle  all  that  day.  Our 
1620.  resolution  was,  next  morning  to  go  up  to  the  head  of 
this  river,  for  we  supposed  it  would  prove  fresh  water. 
But  in  the  morning  our  resolution  held  not,  because 
many  liked  not  the  hilliness  of  the  soil  and  badness  of 
the  harbour.  So  we  turned  towards  the  other  creek, 
that  we  might  go  over  and  look  for  the  rest  of  the  corn 
that  we  left  behind  when  we  were  here  before.  When 
we  came  to  the  creek,  we  saw  the  canoe  lie  on  the 
dry  ground,  and  a  flock  of  geese  in  the  river,  at  which 
one  made  a  shot  and  killed  a  couple  of  them  ;  and  we 
launched  the  canoe  and  fetched  them,  and  when  we 
had  done,  she  carried  us  over  by  seven  or  eight  at 
once.  This  done,  we  marched  to  the  place  where 
we  had  the  corn  formerly,  which  place  we  called 
Conihill ;  and  digged   and   found  the   rest,  of  which 


pied,  and  white  geese  which  are 
bigcer,  and  gray  geese  wliich  are 
as  big  and  bigger  than  the  tame 
geese  of  England,  with  black  legs, 
black  bills,  heads  and  necks  black ; 
the  flesh  far  more  excellent  than 
the  geese  of  England,  wild  or 
tame.  There  is  of  them  great 
abundance ;  I  have  had  often  a 
thousand  before  the  mouth  of  my 
gun."  T.  Morton,  eh.  4.  "The 
geese  of  the  country  be  of  three 
sorts;  first  a  brant  goose,  which  is 
a  goose  ahnost  like  the  wild  goose 
of  England.  The  second  kind  is 
a  white  goose,  almost  as  big  as  an 
English  tame  goose;  these  come  in 
great  flocks  about  Michaelmas; 
sometimes  there  will  be  two  or 
three  thousand  in  a  flock  ;  those 
continue  six  weeks,  and  so  fly  to 
the  southward,  returning  in  March, 
and  staying  six  weeks  more,  re- 
turning to  the  northward.  The 
third  kind  of  goose  is  a  great  gray 
goose,  with  a  black   neck   and  a 


black  and  white  head,  strong  of 
flight,  and  these  be  a  great  deal 
bigger  than  the  ordinary  geese  of 
England  ;  most  of  these  geese  re- 
main with  us  from  Michaelmas  to 
April.  They  feed  on  the  sea,  upon 
the  grass  in  bays  at  low  water,  and 
gravel,  and  in  the  woods  of  acorns, 
having,  as  other  fowl  have,  their 
pass  and  repass  to  the  northward 
and  southward."     Wood,  ch.  S. 

'  "  Ducks  there  are  of  three  kinds, 
pied  ducks,  gray  ducks,  and  black 
ducks,  in  great  abundance  ;  they  are 
biscer  bodied  tlian  the  tame  ducks 
of  England."  T.  Morion,  ch.  4. 
"  The  ducks  of  the  country  be  very 
large  ones,  and  in  great  abundance. 
So  there  is  of  teal  likewise.  If  I 
should  tell  you  how  some  have 
killed  a  hundred  geese  in  a  week, 
fifty  ducks  at  a  shot,  forty  teal  at 
another,  it  may  be  counted  almost 
impossible,  though  nothing  more 
certain."     Wood,  ch.  8. 


MORE   INDIAN   CORN   FOUND.  141 

we  were  very  glad.  We  also  digged  in  a  place  a  chap. 
little  further  off,  and  found  a  bottle  of  oil.  We  went  ---^ 
to  another  place,  which  we  had  seen  before,  and  dig-  16  20. 
ged,  and  found  more  corn,  viz.  two  or  three  baskets 
full  of  Indian  wheat,  and  a  bag  of  beans,  with  a  good 
many  of  fair  wheat  ^  ears.  Whilst  some  of  us  were  dig- 
ging up  this,  some  others  found  another  heap  of  corn, 
which  they  digged  up  also  ;  so  as  we  had  in  all  about 
ten  bushels,  which  will  serve  us  sufficiently  for  seed. 
And  sure  it  was  God's  good  providence  that  we  found 
this  corn,  for  else  we  know  not  how  we  should  have 
done  ;  for  we  knew  not  how  we  should  find  or  meet 
with  any  of  the  Indians,  except  it  be  to  do  us  a  mis- 
chief. Also,  we  had  never  in  all  likelihood  seen  a 
grain  of  it,  if  we  had  not  made  our  first  journey ;  for 
the  ground  was  now  covered  with  snow,  and  so  hard 
frozen  that  we  were  fain  with  our  curtlaxes^  and  short 
swords  to  hew  and  carve  the  ground  a  foot  deep,  and 
then  wrest  it  up  with  levers,  for  we  had  forgot  to  bring 
other  tools.  Whilst  we  were  in  this  employment,  foul 
weather  being  towards.  Master  Jones  was  earnest  to 
go  aboard  ;  but  sundry  of  us  desired  to  make  further 
discovery,  and  to  find  out  the  Indians'  habitations.  So 
we  sent  home  with  him  our  weakest  people,  and  some 
that  were  sick,  and  all  the  corn  :  and  eighteen  of  us 
stayed  still  and  lodged  there  that  night,  and  desired 
that  the  shallop  might  return  to  us  next  day,  and  bring 
us  some  mattocks  and  spades  with  them. 

The  next  morning,  we  followed  certain  beaten  paths  Nov, 

on 

and  tracks  of  the  Indians  into  the  woods,  supposing 
they  would  have  led  us  into  some  town  or  houses. 
After  we   had   gone   a  while,  we   light  upon  a  very 

*  Indian  corn  is  still  meant.     F.  *  Cutlasses. 


142  INDIAN   GRAVES. 

CHAP,  broad  beaten  path,  well  nigh  two  foot  broad.  Then 
— '-^  we  lighted  all  our  matches,'  and  prepared  ourselves, 
1620.  concluding;  that  we  were  near  their  dwellings.     But, 

Nov.    .  '^  ,  b  ' 

30.  in  the  end,  we  found  it  to  be  only  a  path^  made  to 
drive  deer  in,  when  the  Indians  hunt,  as  we  supposed. 
When  we  had  marched  five  or  six  miles  into  the 
woods,  and  could  find  no  signs  of  any  people,  we  re- 
turned again  another  way ;  and  as  we  came  into  the 
plain  ground,  we  found  a  place  like  a  grave,  but  it  was 
much  bigger  and  longer  than  any  we  had  yet  seen.  It 
was  also  covered  with  boards,  so  as  we  mused  what  it 
should  be,  and  resolved  to  dig  it  up  ;  where  we  found 
first  a  mat,  and  under  that  a  fair  bow,  and  then  ^  an- 
other mat,  and  under  that  a  board  about  three  quar- 
ters ^  long,  finely  carved  and  painted  ;  with  three  tines 
or  broaches  ^  on  the  top,  like  a  crown.  Also  between 
the  mats  we  found  bowls,  trays,  dishes,  and  such  like 
trinkets.  At  length  we  came  to  a  fair  new  mat,  and 
under  that  two  bundles,  the  one  bigger,  the  other  less. 
We  opened  the  greater,  and  found  in  it  a  great  quan- 
tity of  fine  and  perfect  red  powder,  and  in  it  the  bones 
and  skull  of  a  man.  The  skull  had  fine  yellow  hair 
still  on  it,  and  some  of  the  flesh  unconsumed.  There 
was  bound  up  with  it  a  knife,  a  packneedle,  and  two 
or  three  old  iron  things.     It  was  bound  up  in  a  sailor's 


'  See  note  ^  on  page  125.  gut  of  this   hedge,  they  set   deer 

*  "  The   Indians,"   says    Wood,  traps."  See  the  description  of  them 

ch.  15,  "have  other  devices  to  kill  on  page  136. 

their  game,  as  sometimes  hedges  a  '  In  the  originaW^erc  —  undoubt- 
rnile  or  two   miles   long,   being  a  edly  a  typographical  error, 
mile  wide  at  one   end,  and   made  *  Of  a  yard, 
narrower  and  narrower  by  degrees,  *  Tines,  prongs;  broaches,  spits, 
leaving  only  a  gap  of  six  foot  long.  Tines  is  a  word  still  in   common 
over    against    which,   in    the   day  use  in  the  interior  of  New  Eng- 
time,  they  lie  lurking  to  shoot  the  land ;   e.  g.  the  tines  of  a  pitch- 
deer     which    come    through    that  fork, 
narrow  gut ;  in  the  night,  at  the 


AN   EMBALMED   BODY.  143 

canvass  cassock  and  a  pair  of  cloth   breeches.'     The  chap. 


IX. 


red  powder  was  a  kind  of  embalment,  and  yielded  a 
strong,  but  no  offensive  smell;  it  was  as  fine  as  any  ^  6  20. 
flour.  We  opened  the  less  bundle  likewise,  and  found  30. 
of  the  same  powder  in  it,  and  the  bones  and  head  of  a 
little  child.  About  the  legs  and  other  parts  of  it  was 
bound  strings  and  bracelets  of  fine  white  beads.^ 
There  was  also  by  it  a  little  bow,  about  three  quarters 
long,  and  some  other  odd  knacks.^  We  brought  sun- 
dry of  the  prettiest  things  away  with  us,  and  covered 
the  corpse  up  again.  After  this  we  digged  in  sundry 
like  places,  but  found  no  more  corn,  nor  any  thing  else 
but  graves. 

There  was  variety  of  opinions  amongst  us  about  the 
embalmed  person.  Some  thought  it  was  an  Indian 
lord  and  king.  Others  said,  the  Indians  have  all  black 
hair,  and  never  any  was  seen  with  brown  or  yellow 
hair.  Some  thought  it  was  a  Christian  of  some  spe- 
cial note,  which  had  died  amongst  them,  and  they  thus 
buried  him  to  honor  him.  Others  thought  they  had 
killed  him,  and  did  it  in  triumph  over  him. 

Whilst  we  were  thus  ranging  and  searching,  two  of 
the  sailors  which  were  newly  come  on  the  shore, ^  by 
chance  espied  two  houses,  which  had  been  lately  dwelt 
in,   but  the    people   were   gone.     They  having  their 

'  See  pages  133  nnd  134.  plank  upon  ihe  top,  in  the  form  of 

*  Waiiipoin,  made  of  the  peri-  a  chest,  before  they  rover  the  place 

■winkle.     F.  with  earth."     And  Roger  WilJianis 

^    "  It    is    their   custom,"    says  says,  cii.  32,  "  after  the  dead  is  laid 

Wood,  eh.  19,  "to  bury  with  their  in  the  grave,  sometimes,  in  some 

deceased   friends   their    bows   and  parts,  some  goods  are  cast  in  with 

arrows,    and    good    store   of    their  them ;  and  upon  the  grave  is  spread 

wampompeag."     Morton  says,  ch.  the  mat  that  the  party  died  on,  and 

IJ,  that  "  in  the  grave  of  the  more  the  dish  he  ate  in." 
noble  they  put  a  plank  in  the  hot-        *  Having  come   from    the   ship 

torn  for  the  corpse  to  be  laid  upon,  in  the  shallop  when  she  relumed 

and  oa  each  side  a  plank,  aud  a  afier  carrying  Jones  on  board. 


144  INDIAN   HOUSES. 

CHAP,  pieces,  and  hearing  nobody,  entered  the  houses,  and 
— -^-  took  out  some  things,  and  durst  not  stay,  but  came 
162  0.  again  and  told  us.      So  some  seven  or  eight  of"  us  went 

Nov.      ^.  ^   .      .  . 

30.  With  them,  and  found  how  we  had  gone  within  a  flight 
shot  of  them  before.  The  houses  ^  were  made  with 
long  young  sapling  trees  bended,  and  both  ends  stuck 
into  the  ground.  They  were  made  round,  like  unto 
an  arbour,  and  covered  down  to  the  ground  with  thick 
and  well  wrought  mats  ;  and  the  door  was  not  over  a 
yard  high,  made  of  a  mat  to  open.  The  chimney  was 
a  wide  open  hole  in  the  top ;  for  which  they  had  a  mat 
to  cover  it  close  when  they  pleased.  One  might  stand 
and  go  upright  in  them.  In  the  midst  of  them  were 
four  little  trunches^  knocked  into  the  ground,  and 
small  sticks  laid  over,  on  which  they  hung  their  pots, 
and  what  they  had  to  seethe.  Round  about  the  fire 
they  lay  on  mats,  which  are  their  beds.  The  houses 
were  double  matted;  for  as  they  were  matted  with- 
out, so  were  they  within,  with  newer  and  fairer 
mats.  In  the  houses  we  found  wooden  bowls,  trays, 
and  dishes,  earthen  pots,^  hand-baskets  made  of  crab- 
shells  wrought  together ;  also  an  English  pail  or  buck- 
et;''  it  wanted  a  bail,  but  it  had  two  iron  ears.  There 
was  also  baskets  of  sundry  sorts,  bigger  and  some 
lesser,  finer  and  some  coarser.     Some  were  curiously 

'  For  the  description  of  the  In-  little  and  mean.      The  pots   they 

dian    wigwams,    see    Roger   Wil-  seethe  their  food  in  are  made  of  clay 

liams's  Key,  ch.  6;  Wood's  New  or  earth,  almost  in  the  form  of  an 

England's  Prospect,  ch.  20;  Mor-  egg,    the    top    taken    off.      Their 

ton's  New  English  Canaan,  ch.  4;  dishes  and  spoons  and  ladles  are 

and  Gookin's  Historical  Collections  made  of  wood,  very  sn)ooth   and 

of  the  Indians  in  New  England,  ch.  artificial,  and  of  a  sort  of  wood  not 

3,  sec.  4,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  i.  149.  subject  to  split."     Gookin,  ch.  3, 

'  Truncheons,  sticks.  sec.  6. 

'  "They    have    dainty   wooden         "*  This  probably  belonged  to  the 

bowls    of   maple,    of    high    price  persons   who    built    the    hut   and 

amongst   them."     T.  Morton,  ch.  owned   the    kettle,    mentioned   on 

12.     "  Their  household  stuff  is  but  page  133. 


THE   SECOND   EXPLORING   PARTY   RETURN.  145 

wrought  with  black  and  white  in  pretty  works,  and  chap. 
sundry  other  of  their  household  stuffJ  We  found  also  ^^C-^ 
two  or  three  deer's  heads,  one  whereof  had  been  newly  16  20. 

"^     Nov. 

killed,  for  it  was  still  fresh.  There  was  also  a  com-  30. 
pany  of  deer's  feet  stuck  up  in  the  houses,  harts'  horns, 
and  eagles'  claws,  and  sundry  such  like  things  there 
was  ;  also  two  or  three  baskets  full  of  parched  acorns,^ 
pieces  of  fish,  and  a  piece  of  a  broiled  herring.  We 
found  also  a  little  silk  grass,  and  a  little  tobacco  seed, 
with  some  other  seeds  which  we  knew  not.  Without 
was  sundry  bundles  of  flags,  and  sedge,  bulrushes,  and 
other  stuff'  to  make  mats.^  There  was  thrust  into  a 
hollow  tree  two  or  three  pieces  of  venison  ;  but  we 
thought  it  fitter  for  the  dogs  than  for  us.  Some  of  the 
best  things  we  took  away  with  us,  and  left  the  houses 
standing  still  as  they  were. 

So  it  growing  towards  night,  and  the  tide  almost 
spent,  we  hasted  with  our  things  down  to  the  shallop, 
and  got  aboard  that  night,  intending  to  have  brought 
some  beads  and  other  things  to  have  left  in  the  houses, 
in  sign  of  peace,  and  that  we  meant  to  truck  with 
them ;  but  it  was  not  done  by  means  of  our  hasty 
coming  away  from  Cape  Cod.     But  so  soon  as  we 

^  "  Some  of   their   baskets   are  velty."     Williams's  Key,  ch.    16. 

made   of  rushes,   some   of   bents,  "  They    mix    with   their    pottage, 

others  of  maize  husks,  others  of  a  several  sorts  of  nuts  or  masts,  as 

kind  of  sz7A- ^ross,  others  of  a  kind  oak    acorns,    chestnuts,    walnuts; 

of  wild  hemp,  and  some  of  barks  these  husked,  and  dried,  and  pow- 

of  trees;  many  of  them  very  neat  dered,  they  thicken    their  pottage 

and  artificial,  with  the  portraitures  therewith."    Gookin,  ch.  3,  sec.  5. 

of  birds,  beasts,  fishes  and  flowers  ^  "  They  make  mats  of  several 

upon  them  in  colors."     Gookin,  ch.  sorts,  for  covering  their  houses  and 

3,  sec.  6.  doors,  and   to   sleep  and   sit  upon. 

*  "  They  also  dry  acorns  ;  and  in  The  meaner  sort  of  wigwams  are 

case  of  want  of  corn,  by  much  boil-  covered  with  mats  made  of  a  kind 

in^  they  make  a  good  dish  of  them  ;  of  bulrush."     Gookin,  ch.  3,  sec.  4 

yea,  sometimes  in  plenty  of  corn,  and  6. 
do  they  eat  these  acorns  for  a  no- 

19 


146  REASONS  FOR   SETTLING   AT   PAMET   RIVER. 

CHAP,  can  meet  conveniently  with  them,  we  will  give  them 

IX  . 

■--v-^  full  satisfaction.'      Thus  much  of  our  second  discovery. 
16  20.      Havino;  thus  discovered  this  place,  it  was  controver- 

Dec.  ®  . 

sal  ^  amongst  us  what  to  do  touching  our  abode  and 
settling  there.^ 

Some  thought  it  best,  for  many  reasons,  to  abide 
there.  As  first,  that  there  was  a  convenient  harbour 
for  boats,  though  not  for  ships.  Secondly,  good  corn- 
ground  ready  to  our  hands,  as  we  saw  by  experience 
in  the  goodly  corn  it  yielded,  which  would  again  agree 
with  the  ground  and  be  natural  seed  for  the  same. 
Thirdly,  Cape  Cod  was  like  to  be  a  place  of  good 
fishing ;  for  we  saw  daily  great  whales,  of  the  best 
kind  for  oil  and  bone,  come  close  aboard  our  ship,  and, 
in  fair  weather,  swim  and  play  about  us.  There  was 
once  one,  when  the  sun  shone  warm,  came  and  lay 
above  water,  as  if  she  had  been  dead,  for  a  good  while 
together,  within  half  a  musket  shot  of  the  ship  ;  at 
which  two  were  prepared  to  shoot,  to  see  whether  she 
would  stir  or  no.  He  that  gave  fire  first,  his  musket 
flew  in  pieces,  both  stock  and  barrel  ;  yet,  thanks  be 
to  God,  neither  he  nor  any  man  else  was  hurt  with  it, 
though  many  were  there  about.  But  when  the  whale 
saw  her  time,  she  gave  a  snuff,  and  away.  Fourthly, 
the  place  was  likely  to  be  healthful,  secure,  and  defen- 
sible. 

But  the  last  and  especial  reason  was,  that  now  the 
heart  of  winter  and  unseasonable  weather  was  come 
upon  us,  so  that  we  could  not  go  upon  coasting  and 
discovery  without  danger  of  losing  men  and  boat,  upon 

'  See  page  137  and  note '  on  page        '  That  is,  at  Pamet  river. 
134. 

*  Controverted,  says  Morton,  in 
his  Memorial,  page  42. 


REASONS   AGAINST   IT.  147 

which   would   follow   the  overthrow   of  all,  especially  chap. 
considerino;  what  variable  winds  and  sudden  storms  do  -^--^ 


there  arise.     Also,  cold  and  wet  lodgino;  had  so  tainted  1620 

^     *  Dec. 

our  people,  (for  scarce  any  of  us  were  free  from  vehe- 
ment coughs,)  as  if  they  should  continue  long  in  that 
estate,  it  would  endanger  the  lives  of  many,  and  breed 
diseases  and  infection  amongst  us.  Again,  we  had 
yet  some  beer,  butter,  flesh,  and  other  such  victuals 
left,  which  would  quickly  be  all  gone  ;  and  then  we 
should  have  nothing  to  comfort  us  in  the  great  labor 
and  toil  we  were  likely  to  undergo  at  the  first.  It 
was  also  conceived,  whilst  we  had  competent  victuals, 
that  the  ship  would  stay  with  us  ;  but  when  that  grew 
low,  they  would  be  gone,  and  let  us  shift  as  we  could. 

Others,  again,  urged  greatly  the  going  to  Anguum, 
or  Angoum,'  a  place  twenty  leagues  off  to  the  north- 
wards, which  they  had  heard  to  be  an  excellent  harbour 
for  ships,  better  ground,  and  better  fishing.  Secondly, 
for  any  thing  we  knew,  there  might  be  hard  by  us  a 
far  better  seat ;  and  it  should  be  a  great  hindrance  to 
seat  where  '  we  should  remove  again.  Thirdly,  the 
water  was  but  in  ponds  ;  and  it  was  thought  there 
would  be  none  in  summer,  or  very  little.  Fourthly, 
the  water  there  must  be  fetched  up  a  steep  hill.^ 

But  to  omit  many  reasons  and  replies  used  hereabouts, 
it  was  in   the  end  concluded  to  make  some  discovery 


'  Agawam,  Ipswich  ;  Smith  calls  building  their  town,  for  protection 

itAugoam.     Little  was  known  at  against  the  Indians,  on   tlie  high 

this  time  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  or  bank,  called  Old   Tom's  hill,  near 

the   distances   from   one   place    to  the  entrance  of  Pamet  river.    This 

another  ;    that   little    was   derived  hill  is  still  very  steep.     There  is  a 

from  Smith's  map  and  Description  Avell  now  in  front  of  it  on  the  shore, 

of  New  England.    See  Mass.  Hist,  where  vessels  water.   The  Pilcrims 

Coll.  xxiii.  1,  and  xxvi.  118.  seemed  to  have  relied  on  runnmg 

*  Perhaps  an  error  for  whence.  streams,  and  never  thought  ol  sink- 

^  I   suppose   they   contemplated  ing  wells. 


148 


THE  FIRST   CHILD   BORN. 


CHAP,  within  the  bay  ;  but  in  no  case  so  far  as  Angoum. 
^^^  Besides,  Robert  Coppin,  our  pilot,^  made  relation  of  a 
16  20.  oieat  navigable  river  and  good  harbour  in  the  other  head- 
land  of  the  bay,-  almost  right  over  against  Cape  Cod, 
being,  in  ^  a  right  line,  not  much  above  eight  leagues 
distant,  in  which  he  had  been  once  ;  and  because  that 
one  of  the  wild  men  with  whom  they  had  some  trucking 
stole  a  harping  iron'  from  them,  they  called  it  Thievish 
Harbour.  And  beyond  that  place  they  were  enjoined 
not  to  go.  Whereupon  a  company  was  chosen  to  go 
out  upon  a  third  discovery.  Whilst  some  were  em- 
ployed in  this  discovery,  it  pleased  God  that  Mistress 
White  was  brought  a  bed  of  a  son,  which  was  called 
Peregrine.^ 

The  5th  day  we,  through  God's  mercy,  escaped  a 
great  danger  by  the  foolishness  of  a  boy,  one  of  Fran- 


Dec. 
5. 


*  Coppin  was  second  mate  of  the 
Mayflower. 

^  The  other  headland  of  the  bay 
was  Manomet  Point,  and  the  river 
was  probably  the  North  river,  in 
Scituate. 

^  The  word  in  I  insert  from  Mor- 
ton, p.  43. 

*  A  harpoon. 

*  In  the  Boston  News  Letter,  of 
July  31,  1704,  the  15th  No.  of  the 
first  newspaper  printed  in  New 
England,  is  the  following  article  of 
intelligence.  "  Marshfield,  July 
22,  Captain  Peregrine  White,  of 
this  town,  aged  83  years  and  eight 
months,  died  here  the  20lh  inst. 
He  was  vigorous  and  of  a  comely 
aspect  to  the  last ;  was  the  son  of 
William  While  and  Susanna  his 
wife,  born  on  board  the  Mayflower, 
Capt.  Jones  commander,  in  Cape 
Cod  harbour,  Nov.  1620,  the  first 
Englishman  born  in  New  Eng- 
land." In  the  records  of  Plymouth 
Colony  is  the  following  entry  under 
Oct.  1665,  when  Thomas  Prince 
was  governor.  "  In  reference  unto 
the  request  of  the  King's  commis- 


sioners in  behalf  of  Lieut.  Pere- 
grine White,  desiring  that  the 
Court  would  accommodate  him 
with  a  portion  of  land,  in  respect 
that  he  was  the  first  of  the  English 
that  was  born  in  these  parts  ;  and 
in  answer  unto  his  own  petition 
preferred  to  this  Court  respecting 
the  premises,  the  Court  have  grant- 
ed unto  him  200  acres  of  land,  ly- 
ing and  being  at  the  path  that  goes 
from  Bridgewater  to  the  Bay,  ad- 
joining to  the  Bay  line."  A  list  of 
his  descendants,  some  of  whom  are 
still  living,  may  be  seen  in  Thach- 
er's  Plymouth,  p.  23. 

"  Dec.  4,  dies  Edward  Thomson, 
servant  of  Mr.  White,  the  first  that 
dies  since  their  arrival.  Dec.  6, 
dies  Jasper,  a  boy  of  Mr.  Carver's. 
Dec.  7,  Dorothy,  wife  to  Mr.  Wil- 
liam Bradford,  (drowned.)  Dec.  8, 
James  Chilton."  Gov.  Bradford, 
in  Prince,  p.  165.  Prince  had 
Bradford's  pocket-book,  which  con- 
tained a  register  of  deaths,  births, 
and  marriages,  from  Nov.  6,  1620, 
to  the  end  of  March,  1621. 


THE  THIRD   EXPEDITION. 


149 


cis  Billington's  sons,'  who,  in  his  father's  absence,  had  chap. 


IX. 


got  gunpowder,  and  had  shot  off  a  piece  or  two,  and 
made  squibs;  and  there  being  a  fowling-piece  charged  1620. 
in  his  father's  cabin,  shot  her  off  in  the  cabin  ;  there 
being  a  little  barrel  of  powder  half  full,  scattered  in 
and  about  the  cabin,  the  fire  being  within  four  foot  of 
the  bed  between  the  decks,  and  many  flints  and  iron 
things  about  the  cabin,  and  many  people  about  the 
fire  ;  and  yet,  by  God's  mercy,  no  harm  done. 

Wednesday,  the  6th  of  December,  it  was  resolved  Dec. 
our  discoverers  should  set  forth,  for  the  day  before  was 
too  foul  weather,  —  and  so  they  did,  though  it  was 
well  o'er  the  day  ere  all  things  could  be  ready.  So 
ten  of  our  men  were  appointed  who  were  of  them- 
selves willing  to  undertake  it,  to  wit.  Captain  Stand- 
ish.  Master  Carver,  William  Bradford,  Edward  Wins- 
loe,  John  Tilley,  Edward  Tilley,  John  Houland,^  and 


•  Billington  was  not  one  of  the 
Leydeti  church,  but  slipped  in 
among  the  Pilgrims  in  England. 
His  accession  was  of  no  benefit  to 
the  colony.  He  was  a  mischievous 
and  troublesome  fellow.  The  first 
offence  in  the  settlement  was  com- 
mitted by  him.  In  March,  1621, 
he  was  "  convented  before  the 
whole  company  for  contempt  of  the 
Captain's  (Standish)  lawful  com- 
mands, with  opprobrious  speeches, 
for  which  he  was  adjudged  to  have 
his  neck  and  heels  tied  together." 
Gov.  Bradford,  in  a  letter  to  Cush- 
man,  written  June  9,  1625,  says, 
"  Billington  still  rails  against  you, 
and  threatens  to  arrest  you,  I  know 
not  wherefore.  He  is  a  knave,  and 
so  will  live  and  die."  The  pro- 
phecy was  fulfilled,  for  he  was  hung 
in  Oct.  1630,  for  waylaying  and 
shooting  a  young  man,  named  John 
Newcomen.  Gov.  Bradford  says, 
in  his  History,  "  The  said  Billington 
was  one  of  the  profanest  among  us. 


He  came  from  London,  and  I  know 
not  by  what  friends  shuffled  into 
our  company."  John,  his  eldest  son, 
who  probably  fired  the  powder,  was 
a  young  scape-grace,  who  the  next 
spring  wandered  off  down  the  Cape 
as  far  as  Eastham,  causing  great 
anxiety  to  the  infant  colony,  and 
putting  them  to  the  trouble  of  send- 
ing an  expedition  after  him.  Fran- 
cis, the  other  son,  was  the  disco- 
verer of  Billington  sea,  which  will 
immortalize  the  name.  The  mo- 
ther's name  was  Helen.  See 
Prince,  pp.  189,  192,  and  319. 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  37;  Hutchin- 
son's Mass.  ii.  464;  Hubbard's 
New  England,  p.  101. 

^  John  Howland,  the  13th  signer 
of  the  Compact,  is  counted  as  be- 
longing to  Carver's  family,  whose 
daughter  Elizabeth  he  married. 
The  Plymouth  Colony  records  say 
that  "  he  was  an  ancient  professor 
of  the  ways  of  Christ ;  one  of  the 
first  comers,  and   proved  a  useful 


150 


NAMES   OF   THE   PARTY. 


CHAP,  three  of  London,^  Richard  Warren,^  Steeven  Hopkins, 
-^v—  and  Edward  Dotte,  and  two  of  our  ^  seamen,  John 
162  0.  Alderton  and  Thomas  English.  Of  the  ship's  com- 
pany there  went  two  of  the  master's  mates,  Master 
Clarke  and  Master  Coppin,  the  master  gunner,  and 
three  sailors.^  The  narration  of  which  discovery  fol- 
lows, penned  by  one '  of  the  company. 

Wednesday,  the  6th  of  December,  we  set  out,  being 
very  cold  and  hard  weather.     We  were  a  long  while, 
after  we  launched  from  the  ship,  before  we  could  get 
clear  of  a  sandy  point,^  which  lay  within  less  than  a  fur- 
In  which  time  two  were  very  sick, 


Dec. 

6. 


long  of  the  same. 


instrument  of  good,  and  was  the 
last  of  the  male  survivors  of  those 
who  came  over  in  the  Mayflower 
in  1620,  and  whose  place  of  abode 
was  Plymouth."  John  Alden,  of 
Duxbury,  outlived  him  15  years. 
The  last  survivor  of  the  Mayflower 
was  Mary  Cushraan,  daughter  of 
Isaac  Allerton,  who  was  alive  in 
1698.  Rowland  died  in  1672  at 
Rocky  Nook,  in  Kingston,  aged 
80.  He  had  four  sons  and  six 
daughters,  some  of  whose  descend- 
ants are  still  living  in  the  Old 
Colony  and  in  Rhode  Island.  A 
genealogy  of  the  family,  written  by 
one  of  them,  the  venerable  John 
Rowland,  President  of  the  R.  I. 
Historical  Society,  is  inserted  in 
Thacher's  Plymouth,  p.  129.  See 
Farmer's  Genealogical  Register  of 
the  First  Settlers  of  New  England, 
A  pp.  art.  Howland;  Mitchell's 
Bridgewater,  p.  379 ;  Hutchinson's 
Mass.  ii.  456,  462. 

'  They  were  therefore  not  mem- 
bers of  Robinson's  congregation  at 
Leyden.  See  p.  78,  and  note  '  on 
p.  122  of  this  volume. 

^  Richard  Warren,  the  12th  sign- 
er of  the  Compact,  with  the  honor- 
able prefix  of  Mr.  is  mentioned  by 
Bradford  as  a  most  useful  man, 
during  the  short  time  he  lived, 
bearing  a  deep  share  in  the  difficul- 


ties and  troubles  of  the  plantation. 
He  died  in  1628.  His  widow, 
Elizabeth,  survived  him  about  45 
years,  dying  in  1673,  at  the  age  of 
90.  They  had  two  sons  and  five 
daughters.  His  descendants  per- 
petuate the  name  in  Plymouth, 
New  Bedford,  Lowell,  Boston,  New 
York,  and  elsewhere.  At  the  par- 
tition of  the  lands  in  1623,  Rich- 
ard Warren's  lot  was  assigned  him 
near  Eel  river.  The  farm  has  con- 
tinued in  the  possession  of  his  pos- 
terity till  within  a  few  years.  See 
Hutchinson's  Mass.  ii.  462;  Mor- 
ton's Memorial,  p.  135  ;  Thacher's 
Plymouth,  p.  71. 

^  They  were  not  a  part  of  the 
Mayflower's  crew,  but  were  in- 
tended to  remain  in  the  country 
and  to  manage  the  Speedwell,  had 
she  come  over.  Their  occupation 
at  present,  I  suppose,  was  to  take 
charge  of  the  shallop,  until  another 
small  vessel  should  be  sent  over; 
which  took  place  in  Aug.  1623, 
when  a  pinnace  of  44  tons,  called 
the  Little  James,  arrived. 

''  There  were  18  in  all  ;  among 
whom  were  12  out  of  the  41  sign- 
ers of  the  Compact. 

*  I  take  it  to  be  Bradford.  See 
note  '  on  pnge  115. 

'  The  end  of  Long  Point.     F. 


BILLINGSGATE   POINT.  151 

and  Edward  Tilley  had  like   to  have  sounded  ^  with  chap. 


IX. 


cold.  The  gunner  also  was  sick  unto  death,  (but 
hope  of  trucking  made  him  to  go,)  and  so  remained  1^20. 
all  that  day  and  the  next  night.  At  length  we  got  6. 
clear  of  the  sandy  point,  and  got  up  our  sails,  and 
within  an  hour  or  two  we  got  under  the  weather 
shore,^  and  then  had  smoother  water  and  better  sailing. 
But  it  was  very  cold  ;  for  the  water  froze  on  our 
clothes,  and  made  them  many  times  like  coats  of  iron. 
We  sailed  six  or  seven  leagues  by  the  shore,  but 
saw  neither  river  nor  creek.  At  length  we  met  with 
a  tongue  of  land,  being  flat  off  from  the  shore,  with  a 
sandy  point.^  We  bore  up  to  gain  the  point,  and 
found  there  a  fair  income  or  road  of  a  bay,  being  a 
league  over  at  the  narrowest,  and  some  two  or  three 
in  length  ;  but  we  made  right  over  to  the  land  before 
us,  and  left  the  discovery  of  this  income  till  the  next 
day.  As  we  drew  near  to  the  shore, ^  we  espied  some 
ten  or  twelve  Indians  very  busy  about  a  black  thing,  — 
what  it  was  we  could  not  tell,  —  till  afterwards  they 
saw  us,  and  ran  to  and  fro,  as  if  they  had  been  carry- 
ing something  away.  We  landed  a  league  or  two  from 
them,^  and  had  much  ado  to  put  ashore  any  where,  it 

*  Swooned.     Nothing  further  is  then  joined  the  land  north  of  it ; 

known  of  Edward  Tilley  than  that  but   it  is  now   an   island,   having 

he  brought  his  wife  with  him,  and  been  cut  off'  by  a  ditch  many  years 

had  two   other   individuals  in  his  since ;  and  beingconstantly  washed 

family,  probably  his  children,  and  by  the  tide,  there  is  now  a  passage 

died  before  the  end  of  March.  John  for  small  light  vessels  to  pass  at 

Tilley,  who  was  also  one  of  this  full  sea.     Welfleet  bay  is,  as  here 

exploring    party,   was    probably  a  described,  a  league  over  at  the  nar- 

brotherof  Edward.   Healsobrought  rowest  and  two  or  three  in  length, 

his  wife  and  one  other  person,  most  The  distance  from  Long  Point  to 

likely  a  child,  and  died  before  the  Billingsgate  Point  is  seven  leagues, 

end  of  March.     The  name  does  not  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iv.  41. 

appear  in  the  division  of  the  cattle  ■*  In   Eastham,   north  of   Great 

in  1627.  pond. 

»  The  shore  of  Truro.  ^  South. 

'  Billingsgate  Point.    This  point 


152 


THE   PILGRIMS   IN   WELLFLEET. 


l»ec. 

7. 


CHAP,  lay  so  full  of  flat   sands.'     When  we  came  to  shore, 

IX 

■— -^  we  made  us  a  barricade,  and  got  firewood,  and  set  out 
1620.  sentinels,  and  betook  us  to  our  lodging,  such  as  it  was. 
We  saw  the  smoke  of  the  fire  which  the  savages  made 
that  night,  about  four  or  five  miles  from  us. 

In  the  morning  we  divided  our  company,  some  eight 
in  the  shallop,  and  the  rest  on  the  shore  went  to  dis- 
cover this  place.  But  we  found  it  only  to  be  a  bay,^ 
without  either  river  or  creek  coming  into  it.  Yet  we 
deemed  it  to  be  as  good  a  harbour  as  Cape  Cod  ;  for 
they  that  sounded  it  found  a  ship  might  ride  in  five 
fathom  water.  AVe  on  the  land  found  it  to  be  a  level  ^ 
soil,  though  none  of  the  fruitfullest.  We  saw  two 
becks  ^  of  fresh  water,  which  were  the  first  running 
streams  that  we  saw  in  the  country ;  but  one  might 
stride  over  them.  We  found  also  a  great  fish,  called  a 
grampus,^  dead   on   the   sands.     They  in  the   shallop 


'  A  sandy  flat,  a  mile  wide,  ex- 
tends along  the  western  shore 
of  Easthatn,  from  Dennis  to  the 
bounds  of  Wellfleet.  It  is  left  dry 
about  three  hours,  and  may  easily 
be  crossed  by  horses  and  carriages. 
See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  155. 

"  Wellfleet  harbour,  which  is 
large,  indented  within  with  creeks, 
where  vessels  of  70  or  SO  tons  may 
lie.  Large  ships  may  lie  safe  in 
what  is  called  the  Deep  Hole,  near 
the  town.  There  are  five  and  a 
half  fathom  of  water  in  the  har- 
bour. See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii. 
117. 

^  The  land  in  Eastham  is  a  level 
plain. 

■•  Becks  —  brooks.  One  of  these 
no  doubt  was  Indian  brook,  which 
forms  the  boundary  between  East- 
ham  and  Wellfleet,  and  runs  into 
the  harbour  of  Silver  Springs. 
The  spring  from  which  it  issues 
has  a  white  sand  at  the  bottom,  re- 
sembling that  metal.  The  other 
was    probably    Cook's    brook,    in 


Eastham,  three  quarters  of  a  mile 
south  of  Indian  brook,  or  possibly 
Snow's  brook,  a  mile  further  south. 
See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iv.  41,  and 
viii.  155. 

*  The  grampus,  {grand-poisson, 
Fr.,  grapois,  Norm.,  delphinus 
orca,)  is  the  largest  and  most  re- 
markable species  of  the  genus 
Phocsena,  of  the  cetaceous  order  of 
Mammalia.  It  is  a  large  animal, 
half  the  size  of  the  Greenland  full- 
grown  whale,  being  often  seen  from 
25  to  30  feet  in  length,  and  10  or 
12  in  circumference.  The  color  is 
black  above,  suddenly  giving  place 
to  white  on  the  sides,  which  is  con- 
tinued over  the  abdomen.  Indi- 
viduals of  this  species  are  some- 
times thrown  ashore  on  the  Cape, 
20  feet  long,  and  having  four  inches 
of  blubber.  See  Jardine's  Natu- 
ralist's Library,  Mammalia,  vi.  228 
—  232;  Shaw's  Zoology,  Mam- 
malia, vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  SlS;  Jos- 
selyn,  p.  26, 


THE   PILGRIMS   IN   EASTHAM.  153 

found  two  of  them  also  in  the  bottom  of  the  bay,  dead  chap. 
in  like  sort.     They  were  cast  up  at  high  water,  and  -^^ 
could  not  get  off  for  the  frost  and   ice.     They  were  1620. 
some  five  or  six  paces  long,  and  about  two  inches  thick     7. 
of  fat,  and  fleshed   like  a  swine.     They  would  have 
yielded  a  great  deal  of  oil,  if  there  had   been  time  and 
means  to  have  taken  it.     So  we  finding  nothing  for 
our  turn,  both  we  and  our  shallop  returned. 

We  then  directed  our  course  along  the  sea  sands  to 
the  place  where  we  first  saw  the  Indians.^  When  we 
were  there,  we  saw  it  was  also  a  grampus  which  they 
were  cutting  up.  They  cut  it  into  long  rands  ^  or 
pieces,  about  an  ell  long  and  two  handfuU  broad.  We 
found  here  and  there  a  piece  scattered  by  the  way,  as 
it  seemed  for  haste.  This  place  the  most  were  minded 
we  should  call  the  Grampus  Bay,^  because  we  found 
so  many  of  them  there.  We  followed  the  track  of  the 
Indians'  bare  feet  a  good  way  on  the  sands.  At  length 
we  saw  where  they  struck  into  the  woods  by  the  side 
of  a  pond.^  As  we  went  to  view  the  place,  one  said 
he  thought  he  saw  an  Indian  house  among  the  trees  ;  so 
went  up  to  see.  And  here  we  and  the  shallop  lost  sight 
one  of  another  till  night,  it  being  now  about  nine  or  ten 
o'clock.  So  we  light  on  a  path,  but  saw  no  house, 
and  followed  a  great  way  into  the  woods.  At  length 
we  found  where  corn  had  been  set,  but  not  that  year. 
Anon,  we  found  a  great  burying-place,  one  part  whereof 
was  encompassed  with  a  large  palisado,  like  a  church- 

^  They   went    back,   north,    to-  forty  feet  wide,  separates  it  from 

wards  Wellfleet  harbour.  Long  pond  ;  the  distance  of  which 

**  Rands  —  strips.  from  Mill  pond,  connected  with  the 

'  Wellfleet  harbour.  northern  arm  of  Nauset  harbour,  is 

/*  Great  pond,  in  Eastham,  north  not  more  than  a  furlong.     A  canal 

of  which  they  landed.     F.     This  might  thus  be  easily  cut,  connect- 

pond  is  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  ing  the  bay  with  the  ocean.     See 

the  shore.     A  narrow  neck,  about  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  156. 

20 


154  AN    INDIAN   BURYING-GROUND. 

CHAP,  yard,  with  young  spires,'  four  or  five  yards  long,  set  as 
J^^  close  one  by  another  as  they  could,  two  or  three  foot 
1620.  in  the  ground.  Within  it  was  full  of  graves,  some 
^r*  bijjo-er  and  some  less.  Some  were  also  paled  about ; 
and  others  had  like  an  Indian  house  ^  made  over  them, 
but  not  matted.  Those  graves  were  more  sumptuous 
than  those  at  Cornhill ;  yet  we  digged  none  of  them 
up,  but  only  viewed  them  and  went  our  way.  With- 
out the  palisado  were  graves  also,  but  not  so  costly, 
From  this  place  we  went  and  found  more  corn-ground, 
but  not  of  this  year.  As  we  ranged,  we  light  on  four 
or  five  Indian  houses,  which  had  been  lately  dwelt  in  ; 
but  they  w^ere  uncovered,  and  had  no  mats  about  them ; 
else  they  were  like  those  w^e  found  at  Cornhill,^  but 
had  not  been  so  lately  dwelt  in.  There  was  nothing 
left  but  two  or  three  pieces  of  old  mats,  and  a  little 
sedge.  Also,  a  little  further,  we  found  two  baskets 
full  of  parched  acorns  ^  hid  in  the  ground,  which  we 
supposed  had  been  corn  when  we  began  to  dig  the 
same  ;  we  cast  earth  thereon  again,  and  went  our 
way.     All  this  while  we  saw  no  people. 

We  went  ranging  up  and  down  till  the  sun  began 
to  draw  low,  and  then  we  hasted  out  of  the  woods, 
that  we  might  come  to  our  shallop  ;  which,  when  we 
were  out  of  the  woods,  we  espied  a  great  way  off,  and 
called  them  to  come  unto  us  ;  the  which  they  did  as 
soon  as  they  could,  for  it  was  not  yet  high  water. 
They  were  exceeding  glad  to  see  us,  for  they  feared 

'  Spires  —  twisted  or  wreathed  saw  the  grave  of  Nanepashemet, 

boughs.  the  deceased  king,  surrounded  by  a 

"  "Over  the  grave  of  the  more  no-  palisado,  and  over  it  "  the  frame  of 

ble  they  erect  something  in  form  of  a  house,  wherein,  being  dead,  he 

a  hearse-cloth."    T.  Morton,  ch.  17.  lay  buried."    See  page  142. 

The  Pilgrims,  on  their  first  visit  to  ^  See  page  144. 

IMassachusetts  Bay,  in  Sept.  1621,  *.  See  note  '  on  page  145. 


A   MIDNIGHT   ALARM. 


155 


16  20. 
Dec. 

7. 


because  they  had  not  seen  us  in  so  long  a  time,  think-  ^^^^ 
ing  we  would  have  kept  by  the  shore  side.  So  being  '^ 
both  weary  and  faint,  —  for  we  had  eaten  nothing  all 
that  day,  —  we  fell  to  make  our  rendezvous  and  get 
firewood,  which  always  costs  us  a  great  deal  of  labor. 
By  that  time  we  had  done,  and  our  shallop  come  to 
us,^  it  was  within  night ;  and  we  fed  upon  such  vict- 
uals as  we  had,  and  betook  us  to  our  rest,  after  we 
had  set  out  our  watch.  About  midnight  we  heard  a 
great  and  hideous  cry  ;  and  our  sentinels  called,  ^^Arm  ! 
Arm !  "  So  we  bestirred  ourselves,  and  shot  off  a 
couple  of  muskets,  and  the  noise  ceased.  We  con- 
cluded that  it  was  a  company  of  wolves  or  foxes  ;  for 
one  ^  told  us  he  had  heard  such  a  noise  in  Newfound- 
land.^ 


'  It  appears  from  Gov.  Bradford's 
MS.  History,  quoted  by  Prince,  p. 
165,  that  the  shallop  coasted  along 
the  shore,  south,  and  that  towards 
night  the  people  on  land  met  it  at  a 
creek.  This  Morton,  in  his  Memo- 
rial, p.  44,  conjectures  to  be  Nam- 
skeket,  which  is  the  dividing  line 
between  Orleans  and  Brewster. 
But  it  may  with  more  probability 
be  concluded  that  it  was  Great 
Meadow  creek,  in  Eastham.  If 
the  travellers  had  gone  as  far  as 
Namskeket,  they  must  have  crossed 
Great  Meadow  creek,  then,  half  a 
mile  south,  Boat  Meadow  creek, 
then,  half  a  mile  further  south. 
Rock  Harbour  creek,  and  then,  a 
mile  southwest.  Little  Namskeket 
creek ;  or  they  must  have  passed 
round  their  heads,  which,  at  a  time 
when  the  country  was  covered  with 
a  forest  very  difficult  to  be  pene- 
trated, would  have  been  no  easy 
task.  Namskeket  creek  was  best 
known  to  the  first  settlers  of  Ply- 
mouth; and  this  appears  to  have 
been  the  cause  of  Morton's  supposi- 
tion. F.  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 
viii.  155,  188. 


*  Probably  either  Clark  or  Cop- 
pin,  the  mates  of  the  Mayflower, 
who  had  been  on  the  coast  before. 
See  pp.  85  and  148. 

^  Newfoundland  was  not  disco- 
vered in  1497  by  Sebastian  Cabot. 
See  Biddle's  Life  of  Cabot,  book  i. 
ch.  6.  Captain  Ptichard  Whit- 
bourne,  who  wrote  a  book,  printed 
in  London  in  1622,  entitled  "A 
Discourse  and  Discovery  of  New- 
found-land," says  that  he  was  first 
there  in  1582,  and  again  in  1586, 
"  at  which  time  Sir  Humfrey  Gil- 
bert, a  Devonshire  knight,  came 
thither  with  two  good  ships  and  a 
pinnace,  and  brought  with  him  a 
large  patent  from  the  late  most  re- 
nowned Queen  Elizabeth,  and  in 
her  name  took  possession  of  that 
country,  in  the  harbour  of  St.  John's, 
whereof  I  was  an  eye-witness." 
Whitbourne  was  at  Newfoundland 
again  in  1588,  1611,  1614,  1615, 
and  1618.  Clark  or  Coppin  may 
have  gone  in  one  of  his  ships. 
Whitbourne  says,  p.  8,  "  In  divers 
parts  of  the  country  there  are  many 
foxes,  wolves,  and  bears.  In  1615, 
three  several  times  the  wolves  and 


J  5(3  AN   ATTACK   FROM   THE   INDIANS. 

CHAP.  About  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  "began  to  be 
^^^  stinino- ;  and  two  or  three,  which  doubted  whether 
162  0.  their  pieces  would  go  off  or  no,  made  trial  of  them  and 
8.^'  shot  them  off,  but  thought  nothing  at  all.  After  prayer  ^ 
we  prepared  ourselves  for  breakfast,  and  for  a  journey  ; 
and  it  being  now  the  twilight  in  the  morning,  it  was 
thought  meet  to  carry  the  things  down  to  the  shallop. 
Some  said,  it  was  not  best  to  carry  the  armor  ^  down. 
Others  said,  they  would  be  readier.  Two  or  three 
said,  they  would  not  carry  theirs  till  they  went  them- 
selves, but  mistrusting  nothing  at  all.  As  it  fell  out, 
the  water  not  being  high  enough,  they  laid  the  things 
down  upon  the  shore,  and  came  up  to  breakfast. 
Anon,  all  upon  a  sudden,  we  heard  a  great  and  strange 
cry,  which  we  knew  to  be  the  same  voices,  though 
they  varied  their  notes.  One  of  our  company,  being 
abroad,  came  running  in,  and  cried,  "  They  are  men  ! 
Indians  !  Indians  !  "  and  withal  their  arrows  came  fly- 
ing amongst  us.  Our  men  ran  out  with  all  speed  to 
recover  their  arms  ;  as  by  the  good  providence  of  God 
they  did.  In  the  mean  time,  Captain  Miles  Standish, 
having  a  snaphance  ^  ready,  made  a  shot ;  and  after 

beasts  of  the  country  came  down  were  permitted  to  interfere  with 
to  the  sea-side,  near  to  48  persons  their  stated  devotions, 
of  my  company,  who  were  laboring  *  See  note  ^  on  page  134. 
about  their  fish,  howling  and  male-  ^  A  snaphance  is  a  musket  with 
ing  a  noise."  Wiutbourne's  book  a  flint-lock.  In  1643  the  house- 
was  published  by  royal  authority,  holders  at  Plymouth  were  "  ordered 
and  distributed  throughout  the  se-  to  be  furnished  with  approved 
veral  parishes  of  the  kingdom.  A  arras,  viz.  muskets  with  snaphance, 
contribution  too  was  ordered  by  the  or  mate  blocks  with  match  calivers, 
Privy  Council  to  be  taken  in  the  and  carbines,  which  are  allowed, 
p-irish  churches  to  defray  the  ex-  and  also  fowling-pieces."  At  the 
pense  of  the  printing,  and  as  time  of  Philip's  war,  in  1675,  snap- 
"  some  reward  to  him  for  his  great  hances  were  rare,  yet  a  few  of  them 
charge,  travails,  and  divers  losses  were  used.  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll, 
at  sea."  xiii.  183,  and  Haven's  Centennial 

'  This  incidental  remark  shows  Address  at  Dedham,  p.  61. 
the  religious  character  of  the  Pil-        Meyrick,  in  his  Critical  Inquiry 

grims.     No  dangers   or  hardships  into  Ancient  Armour,  iii.  88,  points 


FIRST   ENCOUNTER   WITH   THE   INDIANS.  157 

him  another.     After  they  two  had  shot,  other  two  of  chap. 


IX. 


us  were  ready  ;  but  he  wished  us  not  to  shoot  till  we 
could  take  aim,  for  we  knew  not  what  need  we  should  1620. 

Dec. 
have  ;  and  there  were  four  only  of  us  which  had  their     s. 

arms  there  ready,  and  stood  before  the  open  side  of 
our  barricado,  which  was  first  assaulted.  They  thought 
it  best  to  defend  it,  lest  the  enemy  should  take  it  and 
our  stuff;  and  so  have  the  more  vantage  against  us. 
Our  care  was  no  less  for  the  shallop ;  but  we  hoped  all 
the  rest  would  defend  it.  We  called  unto  them  to 
know  how  it  was  with  them  ;  and  they  answered 
"  Well !  Well !  "  every  one,  and  "  Be  of  good  cour- 
age !  "  We  heard  three  of  their  pieces  go  off,  and  the 
rest  called  for  a  firebrand  to  light  their  matches.'  One 
took  a  log  out  of  the  fire  on  his  shoulder  and  went  and 
carried  it  unto  them  ;  which  was  thought  did  not  a 
little  discourage  our  enemies.  The  cry  of  our  enemies  ^ 
was  dreadful,  especially  when  our  men  ran  out  to  reco- 
ver their  arms.  Their  note  was  after  this  manner, 
*'  Woach,  woach,  ha  ha  hach  ivoach.^^  Our  men  were 
no  sooner  come  to  their  arms,  but  the  enemy  was  ready 
to  assault  them. 

There  was  a  lusty  man,  and  no  whit  less  valiant, 
who  was  thought  to  be  their  captain,  stood  behind  a 
tree  within  half  a  musket  shot  of  us,  and  there  let  his 
arrows  fly  at  us.  He  was  seen  to  shoot  three  arrows, 
which  were  all  avoided  ;  for  he  at  whom  the  first 
arrow  was  aimed,  saw   it,  and   stooped  down,  and  it 

out  a  difference  between  the  fire-  rate    from    its    cover ;    whilst    in 

lock  and  the  snaphance,  and  quotes  the  firelock  the  hammer  is  affixed 

a   document   which    "prefers    the  to  the  pan,  supplying  the  place  of 

firelock,"  but  "if  they  cannot  be  its  cover,  and  opening  at  the  per- 

procured,  snaphances  willdo,"  The  cussion  of  .the  cock, 

^lifference  seems  to  be  that  in  the  '  See  note  ^  on  page  125. 

snaphance  a  movable  hammer  was  '^  These  were  the  Nausetlndians, 

placed  beyond  the  pan,  and  sepa-  as  will  appear  hereafter. 


158  THE   INDIANS   REPULSED. 

CHAP,  flew  over  him.     The  rest  were  avoided  also.     He  stood 

TV 

^  three   shots  of  a  musket.     At  length,  one  took,  as  he 

162  0.  said,  full  aim  at  him :  after  which  he  gave  an  extraor- 
8.^*  dinary  cry,  and  away  they  went  all.^  We  followed 
them  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  ;  but  we  left  six  to  keep 
our  shallop,  for  we  were  very  careful  of  our  business. 
Then  we  shouted  all  together  two  several  times,  and 
shot  off  a  couple  of  muskets,  and  so  returned.  This 
we  did  that  they  might  see  we  were  not  afraid  of  them, 
nor  discouraged. 

Thus  it  pleased  God  to  vanquish  our  enemies  and 
give  us  deliverance.  By  their  noise  we  could  not  guess 
that  they  were  less  than  thirty  or  forty,  though  some 
thought  that  they  were  many  more.  Yet,  in  the  dark 
of  the  morning,  we  could  not  so  well  discern  them 
among  the  trees,  as  they  could  see  us  by  our  fire-side. 
We  took  up  eighteen  of  their  arrows,  which  we  have 
sent  to  England  by  Master  Jones ;  ^  some  whereof 
were  headed  with  brass,  others  with  harts'  horn,  and 
others  with  eagles'  claws.  Many  more  no  doubt  were 
shot,  for  these  we  found  were  almost  covered  with 
leaves  ;  yet,  by  the  especial  providence  of  God,  none 
of  them  either  hit  or  hurt  us,  though  many  came  close 
by  us  and  on  every  side  of  us,  and  some  coats  which 
hung  up  in  our  barricado  were  shot  through  and  through. 

'  Johnson,  in  his  Wonder-work-  statement.  In  the  same  chapter 
iug  Providence,  ch.  8,  says  that  he  says,  "  Of  Plymouth  plantation 
"  one  Captain  Miles  Standish,  hav-  the  author  purposes  not  to  speak 
ing  his  fowling-piece  in  readiness,  particularly,  being  prevented  by  the 
presented  full  at  them.  His  shot,  honored  Mr.  Winslow,  who  was  an 
being  directed  by  the  provident  eye-witnessof  the  work."  Edward 
hand  of  the  most  high  God,  struck  Johnson  lived  at  Woburn,  in  Mas- 
the  stoutest  sachem  among  them  sachuselts,  and  his  book  was  print- 
on  the  right  arm,  it  being  bent  over  ed  in  London  in  1654.  See  Mass. 
his  shoulder  to  reach  an  arrow  forth  Hist.  Coll.  xii.  49,  67. 
his  quiver."  We  know  not  what  *  On  the  return  of  the  Mayflower 
authority    Johnson    had   for    this  in  April,  1621. 


THE   SHALLOP   DISABLED.  159 

So  after  we  had  aiven  God  thanks  for  our  deliver-  chap. 

"^  IX. 

ance,  we   took  our  shallop  and  went  on  our  journey,  -— ^' 
and   called  this   place    The   First   Encounter.     From  16  20. 

.  ,  Dec. 

hence  we  intended  to  have  sailed  to  the  aforesaid  8. 
Thievish  Harbour,  if  we  found  no  convenient  harbour 
bj  the  way.^  Having  the  wind  good,  we  sailed  all 
that  day  along  the  coast  about  fifteen  leagues  f  but 
saw  neither  river  nor  creek^  to  put  into.  After  we 
had  sailed  an  hour  or  two,  it  began  to  snow  and  rain, 
and  to  be  bad  weather.  About  the  midst  of  the  after- 
noon the  wind  increased,  and  the  seas  began  to  be 
very  rough  ;  and  the  hinges  of  the  rudder  broke,  so 
that  we  could  steer  no  longer  with  it,  but  two  men, 
with  much  ado,  were  fain  to  serve  with  a  couple  of 
oars.  The  seas  were  grown  so  great  that  we  were 
much  troubled  and  in  great  danger  ;  and  night  grew 
on.  Anon,  Master  Coppin  bade  us  be  of  good  cheer; 
he  saw  the  harbour.  As  we  drew  near,  the  gale  being 
stiff,  and  we  bearing  great  sail  to  get  in,  split  our 
mast  in  three  pieces,  and  were  like  to  have  cast  away 
our  shallop.^     Yet,  by  God's  mercy,  recovering  our- 

'  Gov.  Bradford,  in  his  History,  ble  that  they  would  have  entered 

as  quoted  by  Prince,  p.  166,  says,  and  made  their  settlement  there. 

"  They  hasten  on  to  a  port  which  ■*  Bradford  says,  in  his  History, 

Mr.   Coppin,   their    pilot,    assures  "  The  pilot,  being  deceived,  cries 

them  is  a  good  one,  which  he  had  out,  'Lord  be  merciful!  my  eyes 

been  in,  and  they  might  reach  be-  never  saw  this  place  before  !  '  And 

fore  night."     Coppin    might  have  he  and   the  mate  would  have  run 

been  on    the   coast   before,   either  her  ashore  in  a  cove  full  of  break- 

with  Smith  or  Hunt,  in  1614.  ers,  before  the  wind;  but  a  steers- 

*  The  distance  along  the  coast  man  calling  to  the  rowers,  '  About 

from  Eastham  to  the  high  blufl'  of  with  her,   or  we  are  cast   away,' 

Manomet,  in  Plymouth,    is  about  they   get   her  about  immediately, 

45  miles,  or  15  leagues.  and    Providence    showing    a    fair 

^  The  snow-storm,  which  began  sound  before  them,  they  get  under 

"  after  they  had  sailed  an  hour  or  the  lee  of  a  small  rise  of  land  ;  but 

twp,"  prevented    their  seeing  San-  are   divided   about    going    ashore, 

dy  Neck,    and  led  them    to   over-  lest   they  fall   into    the    midst   of  ■ 

shoot  Barnstable  harbour.     Had  it  savages.    Some,  therefore,  keep  the 

not  been  for  this,  it  is  highly  proba-  boat,  but    others    being    so    wet, 


160 


THE   PILGRIMS   LAND   ON   CLARK'S   ISLAND. 


CHAP,  selves,  we  had  the  flood  with  us,  and  struck  into  the 
— v-^  harbour. 


1620, 
Dec. 


Now  he  that  thought  that  had  been  the  place,  was 
deceived,  it  being  a  place  where  not  any  of  us  had 
been  before  ;  and  coming  into  the  harbour,  he  that  was 
our  pilot  did  bear  up  northward,  which  if  we  had  con- 
tinued, we  had  been  cast  awaj.^  Yet  still  the  Lord 
kept  us,  and  we  bare  up  for  an  island^  before  us  ;  and 
recovering  of  that  island,  being  compassed  about  with 
many  rocks,  and  dark  night  growing  upon  us,  it  pleas- 
ed the  Divine  Providence  that  we  fell  upon  a  place  of 
sandy  ground,  where  our  shallop  did  ride  safe  and  se- 
cure all  that  night ;  and  coming  upon  a  strange  island, 
kept  our  watch  all  night  in  the  rain  upon  that  island.^ 


cold,  and  feeble,  cannot  bear  it,  but 
venture  ashore,  and  with  great  dif- 
ficulty kindle  a  fire  ;  and  after  mid- 
night, the  wind  shifting  to  the 
northwest,  and  freezing  hard,  the 
rest  are  glad  to  get  to  them,  and 
here  stay  the  nisht."  See  Prince, 
p.  166. 

'  The  cove  where  they  were  in 
danger  lies  between  the  Gurnet 
Head  and  Saquish  Point,  at  the  en- 
trance of  Plymouth  harbour. 

'  Clark's  island,  just  within  the 
entrance  of  Plymouth  harbour,  and 
so  called  after  the  mate  of  the 
Mayflower,  who  is  said  to  have 
been  the  first  to  step  ashore  on  it. 
It  is  sheltered  from  the  ocean  by 
Salt-house  beach,  contains  about 
eighty  acres  of  fertile  land,  and  is 
called  by  Gov.  Hutchinson,  i.  360, 
"one  of  the  best  islands  in  New 
England."  It  was  neither  sold 
nor  allotted  in  any  of  the  early  di- 
visions of  the  lands,  but  was  re- 
served for  the  benefit  of  the  poor  of 
the  town,  to  furnish  them  with 
wood,  and  with  pasture  for  their 
cattle.  Previous  to  1638  the  "Court 
granted  that  Clark's  island,  the 
Eel  river  beach,  Saquish,  and  the 
Gurnet's  Nose,  shall  be  and  remain 


unto  the  town  of  Plymouth,  with 
the  woods  thereupon."  In  1690, 
Clark's  island  was  sold  to  Sam- 
uel Lucas,  Elkanah  Watson,  and 
George  Morton.  The  Watson 
family  have  been  in  possession  of 
this  island  for  half  a  century,  and 
one  of  them,  Edward  Watson, 
now  resides  on  it.  See  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.xiii.  162,  181 ;  Thacher's 
Plymouth,  pp.  82,   153,  158,   330, 

One  of  the  oldest  grave-stones 
on  the  burial  hill  in  Plymouth,  is 
that  of  a  Thomas  Clark,  who  died 
in  March  24,  1697,  aged  98.  Some 
have  thought  that  this  was  the 
mate  of  the  Mayflower.  But  it  is 
not  known  that  his  name  was 
Thomas,  nor  is  there  any  evidence 
that  he  ever  returned  to  this  coun- 
try. See  Thacher's  Plymouth,  168. 

^  Bradford  adds,  in  his  History, 
"  In  the  morning  they  find  the 
place  to  be  a  small  island,  secure 
from  Indians.  And  this  being  the 
last  day  of  the  week,  they  here 
dry  their  stuff,  fix  their  pieces,  rest 
themselves,  return  God  thanks  for 
their  many  deliverances;  and  here 
the  next  day  keep  their  Christian 
Sabbath."     Prince,  p.  167. 


LANDING  OF  THE  FATHERS  AT  PLYMOUTH. 


161 


And  in  the  morning  we  marched  about  it,  and  found  chap. 

IX 

no  inhabitants  at  all ;  and  here  we  made  our  rendez-  ^-^ 
vous  all  that  day,  being  Saturday,  10th  of  December.  1620. 

Dgc. 
On  the  Sabbath   day  we  rested  ;  and  on  Monday  we     lo. 

sounded  the  harbour,  and  found  it  a  very  good  harbour 

for  our  shipping.     We  marched   also  into  the  land,^ 


'  This  is  the  ever-memorable 
day  of  the  Landing  of  the  Fathers 
at  Plymouth.  "  The  place  of  the 
landing  is  satisfactorily  ascertain- 
ed. Unquestionable  tradition  had 
declared  that  it  was  on  a  large 
rock  at  the  foot  of  a  cliff  near  the 
termination  of  the  north  street 
leading  to  the  water.  In  the  year 
1774  an  attempt  was  made  to  re- 
move this  rock  (over  which  a  wharf 
had  been  built)  to  a  more  central 
situation.  The  rock  was  split  in 
the  operation.  The  upper  part, 
weighing  several  tons,  was  re- 
moved, and  now  stands  in  front  of 
the  Pilgrim  Hall,  enclosed  by  a 
very  appropriate  iron  railing,  of  an 
elliptical  form.  It  is  regarded  by 
the  inhabitants  and  by  visiters  as 
a  precious  memorial  of  that  inter- 
esting event,  the  arrival  of  the  first 
planters  of  New  England  at  their 
place  of  settlement.  The  22d  of  De- 
cember, corresponding  to  the  llih, 
old  style,  has  long  been  observed 
at  Plymouth  in  commemoration  of 
the  landing  of  the  Fathers.  It  has 
there  universally  the  familiar  and 
endearing  appellation  of  Forefath- 
ers' Day."  See  Morton's  Memo- 
rial, p.  48,  and  Thacher's  Ply- 
mouth, pp.  29,  199. 

President  Dwight,  of  Yale  Col- 
lege, says,  "Plymouth  was  the 
first  town  built  in  New  England 
by  civilized  men  ;  and  those  by 
whom  it  was  built  were  inferior  in 
worth  to  no  body  of  men  whose 
names  are  recorded  in  history  dur- 
ing the  last  1700  years.  A  kind  of 
venerableness,  arising  from  these 
faets,  attaches  to  this  town,  which 
may  be  termed  a  prejudice.  Still, 
it  has  its  fouQdation  in  the  nature 

21 


of  man,  and  will  never  be  eradi- 
cated either  by  philosophy  or  ridi- 
cule. No  New-Englander,  who  is 
willing  to  indulge  his  native  feel- 
ings, can  stand  upon  the  rock 
where  our  ancestors  set  the  first 
foot  after  their  arrival  on  the  Amer- 
ican shore,  without  experiencing 
emotions  very  different  from  those 
which  are  excited  by  any  common 
object  of  the  same  nature.  No 
New-Englander  could  be  willing 
to  have  that  rock  buried  and  for- 
gotten. Let  him  reason  as  much, 
as  coldly,  and  as  ingeniously  as  he 
pleases,  he  will  still  regard  that 
spot  with  emotions  wholly  differ- 
ent from  those  which  are  excited 
by  other  places  of  equal  or  even 
superior  importance."  Travels 
through  New  England,  ii.  110. 

De  Tocqueville,  in  the  second 
chapter  of  his  work  on  America, 
says,  "  Ce  rocher  est  devenu  un 
objet  de  veneration  aux  Etats  Unis. 
J'en  ai  vu  des  fragmens  conserves 
avec  soin  dans  plusieurs  villes  de 
I'Union.  Ceci  ne  montre-t-il  pas 
bien  clairement  que  la  puissance 
et  la  grandeur  de  I'homme  est  tout 
enti^re  dans  son  ame?  Voici  une 
pierre  que  les  pieds  de  quelques 
miserables  touchent  un  instant,  et 
cette  pierre  devient  celebre  ;  elle 
attire  les  regards  d'un  grand  peu- 
ple ;  on  en  v6nere  les  debris,  on 
s'en  partage  au  loin  la  poussiere. 
Qu'est  devenu  le  seuil  de  tant  de 
palais?  Qui  s'en  inquiete  ?" — 
"  This  rock  has  become  an  object 
of  veneration  in  the  United  States. 
I  have  seen  bits  of  it  carefully  pre- 
served in  several  towns  of  the 
Union.  Does  not  this  sufficiently 
show   that  all  human  power  and 


162 


THE   SHALLOP   RETURNS   TO   CAPE  COD. 


CHAP,  and  found  divers  cornfields,  and  little  running  brooks, 

IX 

-^v-^  a  place   very  good  for   situation.      So  we  returned  to 
162  0.  our  ship'  again  with  good  news  to  the  rest  of  our  peo- 
14.    pie,  which  did  much  comfort  their  hearts. 


greatness  is  in  the  soul  of  man  ? 
Here  is  a  stone  which  the  feet  of  a 
few  outcasts  pressed  for  an  instant ; 
and  this  stone  becomes  famous  ;  it 
is  treasured  by  a  great  nation  ;  its 
very  dust  is  shared  as  a  relic.  And 
what  has  become  of  the  gateways 
of  a  thousand  palaces  ?  Who  cares 
for  them  ?  " — Reeves's  Trans. 

'■  They  left  the  Mayflower  in 
Cape  Cod  harbour,  December  6, 
and  were  three  days  in  getting  to 


Plymouth.  They  probably  started 
on  their  return  to  the  ship  on  the 
13lh,  and  striking  across  the  bay,  a 
distance  of  25  miles,  reached  her 
on  the  14th.  They  found  that 
the  day  after  their  leaving  the 
vessel,  December  7,  Dorothy,  the 
wife  of  William  Bradford,  who  was 
one  of  the  party  in  the  shallop, 
fell  overboard,  and  was  drowned. 
See  Prince,  p.  165. 


CHAPTER    X. 

OF  THEIR  LANDING  AND  SETTLING  AT  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 

On  the  15th  day  we  weig:hed  anchor  to  go  to  the  chaf, 
place  we  had  discovered  ;  and  coming  within  two  ^--^^- 
leagues  of  the  land,  we  could  not  fetch  the  harbour,  but  1620. 

.  .  Dec. 

were  fain  to  put  round'  again  towards  Cape  Cod,  our  15.* 
course  lying  west,  and  the  wind  was  at  northwest. 
But  it  pleased  God  that  the  next  day,  being  Saturday 
the  16th  day,  the  wind  came  fair,  and  we  put  to  sea  16. 
again,  and  came  safely  into  a  safe  harbour ;  and  within 
^"^^  an  hour  the  wind  changed,  so  as  if  we  had  been 
.etted  but  a  little,  we  had  gone  back  to  Cape  Cod. 

This  harbour  is  a  bay  greater  than  Cape  Cod,  com- 
passed with  a  goodly  land  ;  and  in  the  bay  two  fine 
islands,^  uninhabited,  wherein   are  nothing  but  woods, 

'  In  the  original,  roome ;  mani-  ber   6,  1635,    two  shallops    going, 

festly  an  error  of  the  press.  laden   with  goods,  to  Connecticut, 

^  Clark's  island  is  now  the  only  were  taken  with  an  easterly  storm, 
island  in  Plymouth  harbour.  It  andcast  away  upon  Brown's  island, 
has  sometimes  been  supposed  that  near  the  Gurnet's  Nose,  and  the 
a  shoal,  called  Brown's  island,  men  all  drowned."  Dr.  Freeman, 
which  lies  near  the  entrance  of  the  in  his  note  on  this  place,  considers 
harbour,  about  half  a  mile  east  by  this  passage  as  confirming  the  sup- 
north  of  Beach  point,  was  above  position.  But  Morton,  in  record- 
v^ater  at  the  time  the  Pilgrims  ing  the  same  event  in  his  Memo- 
arrived.  Gov.  Winthrop,  in  his  rial,  p.  182,  says,  "  the  night  being 
History  of  New  England,  i.  169,  dark  and  stormy,  they  ran  upon 
has  the  following  record :  ''  Octo-  a  skirt  of  a  fiat  that  lietK  near 


164 


PLYMOUTH   HARBOUR. 


CHAP,  oaks,  pines,  walnuts,  beech,  sassafras,  vines,  and  other 
— v^^  trees '  which  we  know  not.  This  bay  is  a  most  hope- 
162  0.  ful  place;  innumerable  store  of  fowl,^  and  excellent 

good  ;    and   cannot   but   be   of  fish  in  their   seasons  ; 

skate,  cod,  turbot,^  and  herring,  we  have   tasted  of; 

abundance  of  muscles,  the  greatest  and  best  that  ever 

we  saw  ;  crabs  and  lobsters,^  in  their  time,  infinite. 

It  is  in  fashion  like  a  sickle,  or  fish-hook.^ 

Monday,  the   18th  day,  we  went  a  land,^  manned 


Dec. 
18. 


the  mouth  of  the  harbour."  This 
seems  conclusive  of  the  point  that 
Brown's  island  was  then  under 
water.  The  other  island  I  suppose 
was  Saquish,  which,  although  a 
peninsula,  very  much  resembles  an 
island,  and  may  very  naturally 
have  been  mistaken  for  one  ;  or  at 
that  time  the  water  may  have 
flowed  across  the  narrow  neck 
which  now  unites  it  with  the  Gur- 
net, and  completely  isolated  it. 
Oldmixon,  i.  30,  commits  an  egre- 
gious blunder  when  he  states,  that 
"  the  harbour  (Plymouth)  was  a 
bay  larger  than  Cape  Cod,  and  two 
fine  islands,  Rhode  Island  and 
Elizabeth  Island,  in  it !" 

'  The  only  forest  trees  now  on 
Clark's  island  are  three  red  cedars, 
which  appear  to  be  very  old,  and 
are  decaying.  This  wood  was  the 
original  growth  of  the  island,  a 
tree  which  loves  the  vicinity  of 
rocks,  which  abound  here.  A  few 
years  since,  the  present  proprietor 
of  the  island,  whilst  digging  out 
some  large  roots  on  its  margin, 
found  a  number  of  acorns  four  feet 
beneath  the  surface.  Blackberry 
vines  are  still  found  there.  On 
Saquish  there  is  one  solitary  tree, 
which  has  weathered  the  storms  of 
ages.  In  1815  there  were  two. 
In  earlier  times  the  town  forbade 
felling  trees  at  Saquish  within  40 
feet  of  the  bank.  See  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.  xiii.  182. 

-  Wild  fowl  are  yet  abundant  in 
Plymouth  harbour. 


^  Skate  and  cod  are  still  caught 
here.  The  European  turbot,  it  is 
well  known,  is  not  found  in  our 
waters.  The  first  settlers  probably 
gave  this  name  to  the  flounder  or 
small  halibut.  See  Storer's  Report 
on  the  Fishes  of  Massachusetts, 
pp.  140,  145,  146.  Higginson,  in 
his  New-England's  Plantation,enu- 
merates  the  turbot  among  other 
fish.  T.  Morton,  in  his  New  Eng- 
lish Canaan,  ch.  vii.  says,  "  there 
is  a  large-sized  fish,  called  halibut, 
or  turbot;  some  are  taken  so  big 
that  two  men  have  much  ado  to 
haul  them  into  the  boat."  Wood, 
ch.  ix.  says,  "the  halibut  is  not 
much  unlike  a  plaice  or  turbot, 
some  being  two  yards  long,  and 
one  wide,  and  a  foot  thick."  And 
Josselyn,  p.  26,  says,  "some  will 
have  the  halibut  and  turbot  all 
one;  others  distinguish  them;  there 
is  no  question  to  be  made  of  it  but 
that  they  are  distinct  kinds  of  fish." 
The  turbot  and  plaice  are  very 
much  alike  in  appearance.  See 
the  figures  of  them  in  Yarrell's 
British  Fishes,  i.  209,  233. 

*  There  are  muscles  in  Plymouth, 
but  generally  small,  and  clams; 
the  Journal  probably  refers  to  the 
latter.  Crabs  and  lobsters  are  very 
abundant  in  the  summer  season. 

*  The  form  of  Plymouth  Bay, 
which  includes  Kingston  and  Dux- 
bury  harbours,  is  accurately  de- 
scribed. 

"  The  words  "  in  the  long-boat" 
seem  to  be  omitted. 


THE  TREES  AND   PLANTS   OF   PLYMOUTH. 


165 


with  the  master  of  the  ship  and  three  or  four  of  the  chap. 
sailors.  We  marched  along  the  coast  in  the  woods  ^-v-^ 
some  seven  or  eight  miles/  but  saw  not  an  Indian  nor  16  20. 

Dec 

an  Indian  house  ;  only  we  found  where  formerly  had  is. 
been  some  inhabitants,  and  where  they  had  planted 
their  corn.  We  found  not  any  navigable  river,  but 
four  or  five  small  running  brooks  ^  of  very  sweet 
fresh  water,  that  all  run  into  the  sea.  The  land  for 
the  crust  of  the  earth  is,  a  spit's  depth,^  excellent  black 
mould,  and  fat  in  some  places ;  ^  two  or  three  great 
oaks,  but  not  very  thick,  pines,  walnuts,  beech,  ash, 
birch,  hazel,  holly,  asp,  sassafras  in  abundance,  and 
vines  ^  every  where,  cherry  trees,  plum  trees,  and  many 
others  which  we  know  not.*^  Many  kinds  of  herbs  we 
found  here  in  winter,  as  strawberry  leaves  innumera- 
ble, sorrel,  yarrow,  carvel,  brooklime,  liverwort,  water- 


'  Which  ever  way  the  travellers 
went,  they  could  not  have  walked 
seven  miles;  because  northwest, 
at  the  distance  of  four  miles,  they 
would  have  come  to  Jones's  river 
in  Kingston,  and  southeast,  at  the 
distance  of  three  miles,  to  Eel 
river.  These  rivers,  though  not 
large,  cannot  be  denominated 
brooks.     F. 

*  North  of  the  village,  towards 
Kingston,  there  are  five  brooks, 
which  were  named  by  the  original 
planters  First  Brook,  Second  Brook, 
&c.  in  order,  beginning  from  the 
town.  Half  a  mile  south  of  the 
village  is  Wellingsly  Brook,  by 
the  side  of  which  dwelt  Secretary 
Morton.  Double  Brook,  or  Shingle 
Brook  of  the  first  settlers,  runs 
northerly  by  the  post  road  to  Sand- 
wich, and  unites  with  Eel  river. 
Beaver  Dam  Brook  is  in  the  village 
of  Manomet  Ponds.  Indian  Brook 
is  ^till  further  south  on  the  shore. 
See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xiii.  178,  and 
Thacher's  Plymouth,  p.  322. 

^  See  note  '  on  page  123. 


''  This  is  an  exact  description  of 
a  strip  of  land,  between  the  hills 
and  the  sea-shore,  where  the  gar- 
dens now  are.  The  soil  too  is 
good  on  Clark's  Island,  Saquish, 
and  the  Gurnet. 

5  The  wild  grape,  both  white 
and  red,  the  blackberry  and  the 
raspberry,  are  found  here  now. 

®  All  the  trees  here  enumerated 
are  now  found  in  Plymouth.  The 
asp,  or  aspen,  was  probably  our 
native  poplar.  The  beach,  about 
three  miles  long,  which  lies  in 
front  of  the  village,  extending  from 
Eel  river,  N.  N.  West,  and  pro- 
tecting the  harbour,  was  originally 
well  wooded.  Towards  the  north- 
ern part,  till  1770,  it  was  quite 
thickly  covered  with  trees.  The 
inner  side  of  the  beach  was  cover- 
ed with  plum  and  wild-cherry 
trees,  and  the  swamp  with  large 
pitch  pine  and  beech  wood.  Beech 
plums,  wild  gooseberries,  and  white 
grapes  were  found  here  in  great 
quantities  in  their  proper  season. 
See  a  list   of    the  trees,  in  Mass. 


166 


JONES'S   RIVER,   IN   KINGSTON. 


CHAP,  cresses,  great  store  of  leeks  and  onions/  and  an  excel- 


X. 


Dec. 
19. 


-  -  lent  strong  kind  of  flax  and  hemp.^  Here  is  sand, 
1620.  gi-avel,  and  excellent  claj,  no  better  in  the  world,  ex- 
cellent for  pots,  and  will  wash  like  soap,  and  great 
store  of  stone,^  though  somewhat  soft,  and  the  best 
water  "*  that  ever  we  drunk ;  and  the  brooks  now  begin 
to  be  full  of  fish.^  That  night,  many  being  weary 
with  marching,  we  went  aboard  again. 

The  next  morning,  being  Tuesday,  the  19th  of  De- 
cember, we  went  again  to  discover  further  ;  some  went 
on  land,  and  some  in  the  shallop.  The  land  we  found 
as  the  former  day  we  did  ;  and  we  found  a  creek,  and 
went  up  three  English  miles,  a  very  pleasant  river  *^  at 
full  sea.  A  bark  of  thirty  tons  may  go  up  ;  but  at  low 
water  scarce  our  shallop  could  pass.  This  place  we 
had  a  great  liking  to  plant  in,  but  that  it  was  so  far 
from  our  fishing,  our  principal  profit,  and  so  encom- 
passed with  woods,  that  we  should  be  in  much  danger 
of  the  salvages  ;  and  our  number  being  so  little,  and 
so  much  ground   to  clear  ;  so  as  Ave  thought  good  to 


Hist.  Coll.  xiii.  165,  172,  206; 
Thacher's  Plymouth,  p.  328. 

'  These  were  probably  the  alli- 
um Canadcnsc. 

*  The  Indian  hemp  (apocynum 
cannabmum.)  Wood  says,  ch.  5, 
"  this  land  likewise  affords  hemp 
and  flax  naturally;"  and  Captain 
John  Smith  mentions  "  a  kind  or 
two  of  flax,  wherewith  they  make 
nets,  lines  and  ropes,  both  small 
and  great,  very  strong  for  their 
quantities."  T.  Morton  too,  says, 
ch.  2,  "there  is  hemp,  that  natu- 
rally groweth,  finer  than  our  hemp 
of  England."  See  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.  xxvi.  120. 

'  The  sand,  gravel  and  clay  are 
aptly  described.  There  is  not 
much  stone  at  Plymouth ;  a  few 
bowlders  of  sienite. 


*  Plymouth  is  abundantly  sup- 
plied with  springs  and  brooks  of 
excellent  water.     F.     See  p.  129. 

^  Some  years  since,  before  the 
Town  Brook  was  obstructed,  tom- 
cods  were  abundant  in  December; 
eels  and  smelts  enter  the  brooks  in 
autumn. 

^  This  was  Jones's  river,  in 
Kingston,  so  called,  it  is  supposed, 
by  the  Pilgrims,  in  compliment  to 
the  Captain  of  the  Mayflower ; 
which  they  would  not  have  done 
had  they  entertained  any  doubt  of 
his  fidelity.  Jones's  river  parish 
was  set  off  from  Plymouth  in  1717, 
and  incorporated  in  1726,  as  the 
town  of  Kinsston.  See  note  ^  on 
p.  13S.  and  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xiii. 
20S  and  217. 


THEY  CONCLUDE  TO  BUILD.  ON  THE  BANK.         167 

quit  and  *  clear  that  place  till  we  were  of  more  strength,  chap. 
Some  of  us,  having  a  good  mind,  for  safety,  to  plant  -^v^-- 
in  the  greater  isle,  we  crossed  the  ba_y,  which  is  there  1620. 
five  or  six  miles  over,  and  found  the  isle  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  or  two  miles  about,^  all  wooded,  and   no 
fresh  water  but  two  or  three  pits,  that  we  doubted  of 
fresh  water  in  summer,  and  so  full  of  wood  as  we  could 
hardly  clear  so  much  as  to  serve  us  for  corn.     Besides, 
we  judged  it  cold  for  our  corn,  and  some  part  very 
rocky  ;  yet  divers  thought  of  it  as  a  place  defensible, 
and  of  great  security.     That  night  we  returned  again 
a  shipboard,  with  resolution  the  next  morning  to  settle 
on  some  of  those  places. 

So  in  the  mornine;,  after  we  had  called  on  God  for   Dec 

.  .  20. 

direction,  we  came   to  this  resolution,  to  go  presently 

ashore  again,  and  to  take  a  better  view  of  two  places 
which  we  thought  most  fitting  for  us ;  for  we  could 
not  now  take  time  for  further  search  or  consideration, 
our  victuals  being  much  spent,  especially  our  beer,  and 
it  being  now  the  19th  of  December.  After  our  land- 
ing and  viewing  of  the  places,  so  well  as  we  could, 
we  came  to  a  conclusion,  by  most  voices,  to  set  on  the 
main  land,  on  the  first  place,  on  a  high  ground,^  where 
there  is  a  great  deal  of  land  cleared,  and  hath  been 
planted  with  corn  three  or  four  years  ago  ;  and  there 
is  a  very  sweet  brook"*  runs  under  the  hill  side,  and 
many  delicate  springs  of  as  good  water  as  can  be 
drunk,  and  where  we  may  harbour  our  shallops  and 
boats  exceeding  well  ;  and  in   this  brook  much  good 


'  I  think  the  word  not  is  here        *  Now  called  Town  brook.     It 
accidentally  omitted.  issues  from  a  pond  called  Billing- 

*  See  note  '  on  page  160.  ton  Sea.     F. 

'  On  the  bank,  facing  the  har- 
bour. 


168  RAINY   AND   TEMPESTUOUS   WEATHER. 

cHAi\  fish  in  their  seasons  :  on  the  further  side  of  the  river 

X. 

— -^^  also  much  corn-ground  cleared.^  In  one  field  is  a 
16  20.  great  hill,^  on  which  we  point  to  make  a  platform,  and 
plant  our  ordnance,  which  will  command  all  round 
about.  From  thence  we  may  see  into  the  bay,  and 
far  into  the  sea  ;  and  we  may  see  thence  Cape  Cod.' 
Our  greatest  labor  will  be  fetching  of  our  wood,  which 
is  half  a  quarter  of  an  English  mile  ;  but  there  is  enough 
so  far  off.  What  people  inhabit  here  we  yet  know  not, 
for  as  yet  we  have  seen  none.  So  there  we  made  our 
rendezvous,  and  a  place  for  some  of  our  people,  about 
twenty,  resolving  in  the  morning  to  come  all  ashore 
and  to  build  houses. 
Dec.  But  the  next  morning,  being  Thursday,  the  21st  of 
December,  it  was  stormy  and  wet,  that  we  could  not 
go  ashore  ;  and  those  that  remained  there  all  night 
could  do  nothing,  but  were  wet,  not  having  daylight 
enough  to  make  them  a  sufficient  court  of  guard,  to 
keep  them  dry.  All  that  night  it  blew  and  rained 
extremely.  It  was  so  tempestuous  that  the  shallop 
could  not  go  on  land  so  soon  as  was  meet,  for  they  had 
no  victuals  on  land.  About  eleven  o'clock  the  shallop 
went  off  with  much  ado  with  provision,  but  could  not 
return,  it  blew  so  strong ;  and  was  such  foul  weather 
that  we  were  forced  to  let  fall  our  anchor,  and  ride 
with  three  anchors  ahead."* 
^1*^"       Friday,  the  22d5  the  storm  still  continued,  that  we 

'  On    the    spot  now  called  the  Duxbury,  and  the  shores  of  the  bay 

Training  Green.  for  miles  around,  is  unrivalled  by 

2  The  Burial  Hill,  rising  165  feet  any  sea-view  in  the  country, 

above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  co-  ^  In  a  clear  day  the  white  sand 

vering  about    eight    acres.      The  hills  of  Provincetown  may  be  dis- 

view  from  this  eminence,  embrac-  tinctly  seen  from  this  hill, 

ing  the   harbour,    the   beach,    the  ■*  "Dec.  21,  dies  Richard  Britte- 

Gurnet,   Manomet    Point,    Clark's  rige,  the  first  who  dies  in  this  har- 

island,  Saquish,  Captain's  Hill  iu  bour."     Bradford,  in  Prince,  p.  168. 


THEY   CUT   TIMBER  FOR  BUILDING.  169 

could  not  ffet  a  land,  nor  they  come  to  us  aboard,  chap. 
This  morning  goodwife  Alderton  ^  was  delivered  of  a  — v^-- 
son,  but  dead  born.  16  20, 

Saturday,  the  23d,  so  many  of  us  as  could  went  on  Dec. 
shore,  felled  and  carried  timber,  to  provide  themselves  ^^* 
stuff  for  building. 

Sunday,  the  24th,  our  people  on  shore  heard  a  cry    24. 
of  some  savages,  as   they  thought,  which  caused  an 
alarm   and    to    stand   on    their   guard,   expecting   an 
assault ;  but  all  was  quiet.^ 

Monday,  the  25th  day,  we  went  on  shore,  some  to  25. 
fell  timber,  some  to  saw,  some  to  rive,  and  some  to 
carry  ;  ^  so  no  man  rested  all  that  day.  But,  towards 
night,  some,  as  they  were  at  work,  heard  a  noise  of 
some  Indians,  which  caused  us  all  to  go  to  our  mus- 
kets ;  but  we  heard  no  further.  So  we  came  aboard 
again,  and  left  some  twenty  to  keep  the  court  of  guard. 
That  night  we  had  a  sore  storm  of  wind  and  rain. 

Monday,  the  25th,  being  Christmas  day,  we  began 
to  drink  water  aboard.  But  at  night  the  master  caused 
us  to  have  some  beer ;  and  so  on  board  we  had  divers 
times  now  and  then  some  beer,  but  on  shore  none  at 
all. 

Tuesday,  the  26th,  it  was  foul  weather,  that  we    26. 
could  not  go  ashore. 

Wednesday,  the  27th,  we  went  to  work  again.  27. 

Thursday,  the  28th  of  December,  so  many  as  could    28. 
went  to  work  on  the   hill,  where  we  purposed  to  build 

*  This  was  the  second  child  born.        '  Bradford  adds,  in  his  History, 

Its  father  was  Isaac  Allerton.  "  they    begin    to    erect    the     first 

^  "  Dec.  24,  this  day  dies  Solo-  house,  about    twenty  foot   square, 

mon  Martin,  the  sixth  and  last  who  for  their  common  use,  to  receive 

dies    this    month.^-'     Bradford,    in  them  and  their  goods."    See  Prince, 

Prince,    p.    168.     He    must   have  p.  168. 
been  a  son  of  Christopher  Martin. 

22  ^ 


170  HOUSE  LOTS   LAID   OUT. 

CHAP,  our  platform  for  our  ordnance/  and  which  doth  com- 
-^v-^  mand  all  the  plain  and  the  bay,  and  from  whence  we 
16  20.  may  see  far  into  the  sea,^  and  might  be  easier  impaled, 
having  two  rows  of  houses  and  a  fair  street.  So  in  the 
afternoon  we  went  to  measure  out  the  grounds,  and 
first  we  took  notice  how  many  families  there  were, 
willing  all  single  men  that  had  no  wives  to  join  with 
some  family,  as  they  thought  fit,  that  so  we  might 
build  fewer  houses ;  which  was  done,  and  we  reduced 
them  to  nineteen  families.  To  greater  families  we 
allotted  larger  plots  ;  ^  to  every  person  half  a  pole  in 
breadth,  and  three  m  length  ;  and  so  lots  were  cast 
'  where  every  man  should  lie  ;  which  was  done,  and 
staked  out.  We  thought  this  proportion  was  large 
enough  at  the  first,  for  houses  and  gardens  to  impale 
them  round,  considering  the  weakness  of  our  people, 
many  of  them  growing  ill  with  colds ;  for  our  former 
discoveries  in  frost  and  storms,  and  the  wading  at  Cape 
Cod  had  brought  much  weakness  amongst  us,  which 
increased  so  every  day  more  and  more,  and  after  was 
the  cause  of  many  of  their  deaths. 
Dec.  Friday  and  Saturday  we  fitted  ourselves  for  our  la- 
3Q  bor  ;  but  our  people  on  shore  were  much  troubled  and 
discouraged  with  rain  and  wet  that  day,  being  very 
stormy  and  cold.  We  saw  great  smokes  of  fire  made 
by  the  Indians,  about  six  or  seven  miles  from  us,  as 
we  conjectured.^ 

'  Vestiges    of   this   fortification  ^  The  single  lots  were  S.i  feet 

are  still  visible  on  the  Burial  hill,  front  by  49^  in  depth. 

See  Holmes's  Annals,  i.  163.  *  "  Here,"   says  Prince,  p.   169, 

^  I    think    there    is    something  "  Governor  Bradford  ends  his  First 

omitted  here.     The  house-lots  were  Book,  containing  ten  Chapters,  in 

not  laid  out  on  the  hill,  but  in  front  fifty-three  pages  folio."     I  conceive 

of  it,  onLeyden-street,  which  runs  that  much  of  this  Relation   is   in 

from  the  Town  Square  to  Water-  substance,  and  often  in  language, 

street.  Gov.  Bradford's  History. 


STANDISH   GOES   IN    SEARCH   OF   THE   INDIANS.  171 

Monday,  the  1st  of  January,  we  went  betimes  to  chap. 

work.     We  were   much  hindered  in  lying  so  far  off -- 

from  the  land,  and  fain  to  go  as  the  tide  served,  that  1621. 

°  Jan. 

we  lost  much  time  ;  for  our  ship  drew  so  much  water     i, 
that  she  lay  a  mile  and  almost  a  half  off,^  though  a  ship 
of  seventy  or  eighty  tons  at  high  water  may  come  to 
the  shore. 

Wednesday,  the  3d  of  January,  some  of  our  people     3. 
being  abroad  to  get  and  gather  thatch,  they  saw  great 
fires  of  the  Indians  ;  and  were  at  their  corn-fields,  yet 
saw  none  of  the  savages,  nor  had  seen  any  of  them 
since  we  came  to  this  bay. 

Thursday,  the  4th  of  January,  Captain  Miles  Stand-  4. 
ish,  with  four  or  five  more,  went  to  see  if  they  could 
meet  with  any  of  the  savages  in  that  place  where  the 
fires  were  made.  They  went  to  some  of  their  houses, 
but  not  lately  inhabited  ;  yet  could  they  not  meet  with 
any.  As  they  came  home,  they  shot  at  an  eagle  and 
killed  her,  which  was  excellent  meat ;  it  was  hardly  to 
be  discerned  from  mutton. 

Friday,  the  5th  of  January,  one  of  the  sailors  found     5. 
alive  upon  the  shore  a  herring,  which  the  master  had 
to  his  supper  ;  which  put  us  in  hope  of  fish,  but  as  yet 
we  had  got  but  one  cod  ;  we  wanted  small  hooks.^ 

Saturday,  the  6th  of  January,  Master  Marten  was     6. 
very  sick,  and,  to  our  judgment,  no  hope  of  life.     So 
Master  Carver  was  sent  for  to  come  aboard  to  speak 

*  Being  a  vessel  of  ISO  tons,  she  gory  Priest."     Bradford,  in  Prince, 

probably    anchored    in    the    Cow  p.  182. 

Yard,  an   anchorage  near  Clark's  "  This  was  a  singular  oversight, 

island,  which  takes  its  name  from  If  they  had  had   fish-hooks,  they 

a  cow  whale  which  once  came  into  could  hardly  have  suffered  so  much 

it,    and    was    there    killed.      See  for  want  of  food.     Winslow,  in  his 

Mass.    Hist.   Coll.    xiii.   182,   and  Good  News   from  New  England, 

Thacher's Plymouth, p. 331. —"The  says  they  wanted  "fit  and  strong 

year  begins  with  the  death  of  De-  seines  and  other  netting." 


172  DISCOVERY   OF   BiLLINGTON    SEA. 

CHAP,  with  him   about   liis    accounts ;    who  came   the  next 

X. 

morning. 

Monday,  the  8th  of  January,  was  a  very  fair  day, 
and  we  went  betimes  to  work.  Master  Jones  sent 
the  shallop,  as  he  had  formerly  done,  to  see  where  fish 
could  be  got.  They  had  a  great  storm  at  sea,  and 
were  in  some  danger.  At  night  they  returned  with 
three  great  seals,*  and  an  excellent  good  cod,  which 
did  assure  us  that  we  should  have  plenty  of  fish  shortly. 

This  day  Francis  Billington,  having  the  week  before 
seen  from  the  top  of  a  tree  on  a  high  hill  a  great  sea,^ 
as  he  thought,  went  with  one  of  the  master's  mates  to 
see  it.  They  went  three  miles  and  then  came  to  a 
great  water,  divided  into  two  great  lakes  ;  the  bigger 
of  them  five  or  six  miles  in  circuit,  and  in  it  an  isle  of 
a  cable  length  square  ;  the  other  three  miles  in  com- 
pass, in  their  estimation.  They  are  fine  fresh  water, 
full  of  fish  and  fowl.  A  brook  ^  issues  from  it ;  it  will 
be  an  excellent  place  for  us  in  time.  They  found 
seven  or  eight  Indian  houses,  but  not  lately  inhabited. 

'  Seals  still  haunt  the  harbour  of  margin.     See  page  149,  and  Mass. 

Plymouth  and  the  Bay  of  Cape  Cod.  Hist.  Coll.  xiii.  ISl,  and  Thacher's 

^  The  beautiful  pond,  so  accu-  Plymouth,  p.  320. 
rately  described  in  the  test,  bears  ^  Town  Brook.  It  passes  through 
the  appropriate  name  of  Billington  the  town,  and  empties  into  the 
Sea.  In  the  first  century  it  was  harbour  a  little  south  of  Forefathers' 
called  Fresh  Lake.  It  is  about  rock.  It  has  proved  an  "excellent 
two  miles  southwest  from  the  place"  indeed,  its  stream  supplying 
town,  proving  that  the  distances  in  an  unfailing  water  power  for  nu- 
this  Relation  are  overstated  ;  and  in  merous  manufactories.  In  1636,  it 
it  are  two  small  islands.  It  is  now,  was  "  concluded  upon  by  the  Court, 
as  at  first,  embosomed  in  a  wilder-  that  Mr.  John  Jenney  shall  have 
ness  of  woods.  The  eagle  still  liberty  to  erect  a  mill  for  grinding 
sails  over  it,  and  builds  in  the  and  beating  of  corn  upon  the  brook 
branches  of  the  surrounding  forest,  of  Plymouth."  Before  the  brook 
Here  the  loon  cries,  and  leaves  her  was  so  much  impeded  by  dams, 
eggs  on  the  shore  of  ihe  smaller  vast  quantities  of  alewives  passed 
island.  Here  too  the  beautiful  up  through  it  annually  to  Billington 
wood-duck  finds  a  sequestered  re-  Sea.  In  a  single  season  SOO  bar- 
treat;  and  the  fallow  deer,  mindful  rels  have  been  taken.  See  Thach- 
of  their  ancient  haunts,  still  resort  er's  Plymouth,  p.  321,  332;  Ply- 
to  it  to  drink  and  to  browse  on  its  mouth  Colony  Laws,  p.  56. 


THEY   BEGIN    TO   BUILD   HOUSES. 


173 


When  they  saw  the  houses,  they  were   in  some  fear  ;  chap. 

for  they  were  but  two  persons,  and  one  piece. ^  • — ^ 

Tuesday,  the  9th  of  January,  was  a  reasonable  fair  I62i. 

Tin 

day ;  and  we  went  to  labor  that  day  in  the  building  9. 
of  our  town,  in  two  rows  of  houses,  for  more  safety.^ 
We  divided  by  lot  the  plot  of  ground  whereon  to  build 
our  town,  after  the  proportion  formerly  allotted.  We 
agreed  that  every  man  should  build  his  own  house, 
thinking  by  that  course  men  would  make  more  haste 
than  working  in  common.^  The  common  house, ^  in 
which  for  the  first  we  made  our  rendezvous,  being 
near  finished,  wanted  only  covering,  it  being  about 
twenty  foot  square.  Some  should  make  mortar,  and 
some  gather  thatch  ;  so  that  in  four  days  half  of  it  was 
thatched.     Frost  and  foul  weather  hindered  us  much.^ 


'  "  Jan.  8,  this  day  dies  Mr.  Chris- 
topher Martin."  Bradford,  in 
Prince,  p.  182.  He  was  the  ninth 
signer  of  the  Compact,  and  one  of 
the  few  distinguished  with  the  title 
of  Mr.  He  was  not  one  of  the 
Leyden  church,  but  came  from  Bil- 
lerica,  in  Essex,  and  was  associated 
with  Cushman  and  Carver  to  pro- 
vide means  for  the  voyage.  He 
brought  his  wife  and  two  children, 
with  him,  one  of  whom,  Solomon, 
died  Dec.  24.  See  pages  78  and 
169. 

*  The  houses  were  built  on  each 
side  of  Leyden  street,  which  ex- 
tends from  the  First  Church  to  the 
harbour.  The  first  entry  in  the 
records  of  Plymouth  Colony  is  an 
incomplete  list  of  "  The  Meersteads 
and  Garden-plotes  of  those  which 
came  first,  layed  out,  1620."  Ed- 
ward Winslow,  in  his  Letter  at  the 
end  of  this  Relation,  says,  "We 
have  built  seven  dwelling-houses, 
and  four  for  the  use  of  the  planta- 
tion." The  highway  led  to  the 
Town  Brook. 


The  JVorth  Side. 


The  South  Side. 

Peter  Grown. 
Jolin  Goodman. 
Mr.  Brewster. 


Highway. 


John  Billington. 
j\lr.  Isaac  Allerton. 
Francis  Cooke. 
Edward  Winslow. 


See  Hazard's  State  Papers,  i.  100. 

^  See  note  '  on  page  84. 

■^  On  the  spot  where  it  is  sup- 
posed the  common  house  stood,  in 
digging  a  cellar,  in  ISOl,  there 
were  discovered  sundry  tools  and  a 
plate  of  iron,  seven  feet  below  the 
surface  of  the  ground.     F. 

^  Providentially  it  was  a  very 
mild  winter.  See  page  105.  The 
ice  often  remains  in  the  harbour 
from  Christmas  to  March ;  but  at 
this  time  it  appears  not  to  have 
been  frozen.  In  Dec.  of  1831  and 
1834  the  harbour  and  shores  were 
an  expanse  of  ice  and  snow,  and 
the   thermometer   several  degrees 


174  FOUR   MEN   SENT   TO   CUT   THATCH. 

CHAP.  This  time  of  the  year  seldom  could  we  work  half  the 
w^eek. 


Thursday,  the  11th,  William  Bradford  being  at 
work,  (for  it  was  a  fair  day,)  was  vehemently  taken 
with  a  grief  and  pain,  and  so  shot  to  his  huckle-bone,^  it 
was  doubted  that  he  would  have  instantly  died.  He 
got  cold  in  the  former  discoveries,  especially  the  last ; 
and  felt  some  pain  in  his  ankles  by  times  ;  but  he  grew 
a  little  better  towards  night,  and  in  time,  through  God's 
mercy  in  the  use  of  means,  recovered. 
12.  Friday  the  12th  we  went  to  work  ;  but  about  noon 
it  began  to  rain,  that  it  forced  us  to  give  over  work. 

This  day  two  of  our  people  put  us  in  great  sorrow 
and  care.  There  was  four  sent  to  gather  and  cut 
thatch  in  the  morning  ;  and  two  of  them,  John  Good- 
man and  Peter  Browne,^  having  cut  thatch  all  the  fore- 
noon, went  to  a  further  place,  and  willed  the  other 
two  to  bind  up  that  which  was  cut,  and  to  follow  them. 
So  they  did,  being  about  a  mile  and  a  "half  from  our 
plantation.  But  when  the  two  came  after,  they  could 
not  find  them,  nor  hear  any  thing  of  them  at  all,  though 
they  hallooed  and  shouted  as  loud  as  they  could.  So 
they  returned  to  the  company,  and  told  them  of  it. 
Whereupon  Master  Carver,^  and  three  or  four  more 

below  zero.     Had  it  been  so  when  cattle   in   1627,  with  Martha  and 

the    Pilgrims    landed,    they   must  Mary  Brown,  the  former  of  whom 

have    perished    from    cold.       See  was  probably  his  wife,  and  the  lat- 

Mass.    Hist.    Coll.    xiii.    196,  and  ter  his  daughter. 
Thacher's  Plymouth,  p.  27.  ^  In   the   original,  Leaver  ;  un- 

'  Hip-bone.  questionably  a  typographical  error. 

^  Goodman  and  Brown  both  had  There  is  no  such  name  as  Leaver 

lots  assigned  them  in  Leyden-street,  among  the  signers  of  the  Compact, 

in  1620.     Nothing  more  is  known  and  it  is  not  at  all  probable  that 

of  Goodman,  except  that  he  died  one  of  the  ship's  crew  would  be 

before  the  end  of  March.     Brown  distinguished  by  the  title   of  Mr. 

had  also  an  acre  assigned  him  in  or    be    sent   on   such    an    errand, 

the  division  of  the  lands  in  1623,  This  error  escaped  the  acute  obser- 

and  a  share  in  the  division  of  the  vation  of  Prince,  who  copies  the 


TWO   OF   THEM   LOST   IN   THE   AVOODS.  175 

went  to  seek  them  ;  but  could  hear  nothino;  of  them.  chap. 

X. 

So  they  returning,  sent  more  ;   but  that  night  they  ■ — ^-^ 
could   hear   nothing  at  all  of  them.     The   next  day  1^21. 
they  armed   ten  or  twelve   men   out,  verily   thinking     12. 
the  Indians  had  surprised  them.     They  went  seeking 
seven  or  eight  miles  ;  but  could  neither  see  nor  hear 
any  thing  at  all.     So  they  returned,  with  much  dis- 
comfort to  us  all. 

These  two  that  were  missed  at  dinner  time,  took 
their  meat  in  their  hands,  and  would  go  walk  and  re- 
fresh then'lselves.  So  going  a  little  off,  they  find  a 
lake  of  water,^  and  having  a  great  mastiff  bitch  with 
them  and  a  spaniel,  by  the  water  side  they  found  a 
great  deer.^  The  dogs  chased  him  ;  and  they  followed 
so  far  as  they  lost  themselves,  and  they  could  not  find 
the  way  back.  They  wandered  all  that  afternoon, 
being  wet;  and  at  night  it  did  freeze  and  snow.  They 
were  slenderly  apparelled,  and  had  no  weapons  but 
each  one  his  sickle,  nor  any  victuals.  They  ranged 
up  and  down  and  could  find  none  of  the  salvages'  habi- 
tations.    When  it  drew  to  night,  they  were  much  per- 

passage,  p.    183.     Edward   Wins-  '    Probably    Murdock's     Pond, 

low,  at  tbe  end  of  his  Preface  to  the  about  half  a  mile  from  the  village, 

Reader   in   his   Good  News  from  in  the  rear  of  Burial  hill.     It  is  a 

New  England,  says,  "some  faults  deep,  round  pond.     A  brook,  called 

have  escaped  because  I  could  not  Little  Brook,  issues  from  it,  and 

attend   on   the  press."     This  pro-  crossing  the  west  road,  unites  with 

bably  was  also  the  case  with  this  Town  brook.    See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 

Relation.     It    was    sent    over    to  xiii.  181,  and  Thacher's  Plymouth, 

George  Morton,  who  not  being  in  p.  o20. 

London,  where  it  was  printed,  did  ^  The  fallow  deer  still  run  in  the 

not  correct  the  printed  sheets.     He  extensive   woods   of  Plymouth,   a 

probably  put  it  into  the  hands  of  district   of  country  nearly  twenty 

one  of  the  merchant  adventurers,  miles  square.     In  Jan.  1831,   160 

who  got  it  printed.     It  is  not  sur-  were  killed  and  40  taken  alive.    In 

prising  that  some  mistakes  should  Feb.   1839,  a  deer   chased  by  the 

have  been  made  by  the  printer  in  dogs,  came  into  the  streets  of  the 

de'ciphering  the  MS.     See  note  on  village,  and  was  caught  in  the  front 

page  113.     This  will  account  for  yard  of  the   Hon.    N.  M.  Davis's 

Morton's  name,  as  well  as  Carver's,  house.     See  Thacher's  Plymouth, 

being  misspelt.  p.  314. 


176  ROARING   OF   LIONS. 

CHAP,  plexed  ;  for  they  could  find  neither  harbour  nor  meat ; 
•-^^^^  but,  in  frost  and  snow,  were  forced  to  make  the  earth 
1621.  their  bed  and  tiie  element  their  covering.  And  another 
thing  did  very  much  terrify  them  ;  they  heard,  as  they 
thought,  two  lions  ^  roaring  exceedingly  for  a  long  time 
together,  and  a  third  that  they  thought  was  very  near 
them.  So  not  knowing  what  to  do,  they  resolved  to 
climb  up  into  a  tree,  as  their  safest  refuge,  though  that 
would  prove  an  intolerable  cold  lodging.  So  they 
stood  at  the  tree's  root,  that  when  the  lions  came,  they 
might  take  their  opportunity  of  climbing  up.  The 
bitch  they  were  fain  to  hold  by  the  neck,  for  she  would 
have  been  gone  to  the  lion.  But  it  pleased  God  so  to 
dispose,  that  the  wild  beasts  came  not.  So  they 
walked  up  and  down  under  the  tree  all  night.  It  was 
an  extreme  cold  night.  So  soon  as  it  was  light,  they 
13.     travelled   again,  passing  by  many  lakes'  and   brooks 

•  Several  of  the  first  settlers  of  37  years  since,  an  Indian  shot  a 
New  England  supposed  that  the  young  lion,  sleeping  upon  the  body 
lion  existed  here.  Higginson,  in  of  an  oak  blown  up  by  the  roots, 
his  New-England's  Prospect,  says,  with  an  arrow,  not  far  from  Cape 
"  for  beasts,  there  are  some  bears,  Ann,  and  sold  the  skin  to  the  Eng- 
and  they  say  some  lions  also;  for  lish."  Lechford,  too,  in  his  Plain 
they  have  been  seen  at  Cape  Ann."  Dealing,  p.  47,  and  Johnson,  in  his 
Wood,  in  his  New-England's  Pros-  Wonderworking  Providence,  b.  ii. 
pect,  ch.  6,  says,  "  concerning  lions  ch.  21,  mention  the  lion  among  the 
I  will  not  say  that  I  ever  saw  any  beasts  of  New  England.  Vander- 
myself;  but  some  affirm  that  they  donck  also  enumerates  lions  among 
have  seen  a  lion  at  Cape  Ann.  the  wild  animals  of  New  Nether- 
Some  likewise  being  lost  in  the  lands.  But  Morton,  in  his  New 
woods,  have  heard  such  terrible  English  Canaan,  ch.  5,  remarks, 
roarings,  as  have  made  them  much  "lions  there  are  none  in  New  Eng- 
aghast:  which  must  be  either  de-  land  ;  it  is  contrary  to  the  nature  of 
vils  or  lions  ;  there  being  no  other  the  beast  to  frequent  places  accus- 
creatures  which  use  to  roar,  saving  tomed  to  snow."  Dr.  Freeman  ob- 
bears,  which  have  not  such  a  terri-  serves,  that  Goodman  and  Brown, 
ble  kind  of  roaring."  Josselyn,  in  coming  from  England,  where  both 
his  New-England's  Rarities,  p.  21,  the  lion  and  the  wolf  are  unknown, 
says,  "  the  jackal  is  a  creature  that  might  easily,  under  the  impression 
hunts  the  lion's  prey,  a  shrewd  sign  of  fear,  mistake  the  howling  of  the 
that  there  are  lions  upon  the  conti-  one  for  the  roaring  of  the  other. 
nent.  There  are  those  that  are  ^  Plymouth  abounds  with  ponds, 
yet  living  in  the  country  that  do  that  would  be  called  lakes  in  Eng- 
constantly  affirm,  that  about  36  or  land.    It  is  supposed  that  within 


THE  COMMON  HOUSE  BURNT.  177 

and  woods,  and  in  one  place  where  the  salvages  had  chap. 
burnt  the  space  of  five  miles  in  length,  which  is  a  fine  — v^- 
champaign   country,  and   even.^      In   the  afternoon,  it  ^  ^21. 
pleased  God  from  a  high  hill  they  discovered  the  two^ 
isles  in  the  bay,  and  so  that  night  got  to  the  plantation, 
being  ready  to  faint  with  travail  and  want  of  victuals, 
and  almost  famished  with  cold.     John  Goodman  was 
fain  to   have  his  shoes  cut  off  his  feet,  they  were  so 
swelled  with  cold  ;  and   it  was  a  long  while  after  ere 
he  was  able  to  go.     Those  on  the  shore  were  much 
comforted  at  their  return  ;   but  they  on  shipboard  were 
grieved  at  deeming  them  lost. 

But  the  next  day,  being  the  14th  of  January,  in  the  Jan. 
morning  about  six  of  the  clock,  the  wind  being  very 
great,  they  on  shipboard  spied  their  great  new  rendez- 
vous on  fire ;  which  was  to  them  a  new  discomfort, 
fearing,  because  of  the  supposed  loss  of  the  men,  that 
the  salvages  had  fired  them.  Neither  could  they  pre- 
sently go  to  them,  for  want  of  water.  But  after  three 
quarters  of  an  hour  they  went,  as  they  had  purposed 
the  day  before  to  keep  the  Sabbath  on  shore,^  because 
now  there  was  the  greater  number  of  people.  At  their 
landing  they  heard  good  tidings  of  the  return  of  the 
two  men,  and  that  the  house  was  fired  occasionally  by 
a  spark  that  flew  into  the  thatch,  which  instantly  burnt 
it  all  up  ;  but  the  roof  stood,  and  little  hurt.  The  most 
loss  was  Master  Carver's  and  William  Bradford's,'  who 

the  bounds  of  the  town  there  are  bath   which    they  kept   on    shore. 

more    than    two    hundred.        See  Prince,  p.  169,  adduces  no  authority 

Mass.   Hist.    Coll.    xiii.    180,    and  for  his  assertion,  that  "  the  31st  of 

Thacher's  Plymouth,  p.  320.  Dec.  seems  to  be  the  first  day  that 

'  A  plain  commences  two  miles  any  keep  the  sabbath  in   the  place 

fFom   the    town,   and   extends   six  of  their  building." 

miles  southwest.    F.  ''  The    omission   of   Mr.  before 

*  See  note  ^  on  page  163.  Bradford's  name  in  this  place,  and 

^  This  seems  to  be  the  first  sab-  on  pages  126,  136,  and  elsewhere, 

23 


178*  A   SHED   BUILT  FOR  THE  PROVISIONS. 

CHAF.  then  lay  sick  in   bed,  and  if  they  had  not  risen  with 

— '^^  good   speed,  had   been   blown  up  with   powder  ;   but, 

16  21.  through  God's  mercy,  they  had  no  harm.     The  house 

was  as  full  of  beds  as  they  could  lie  one  by  another, 

and  their  muskets  charged  ;  but,  blessed  be  God,  there 

was  no  harm  done. 

Jan.        Monday,  the  15th  day,  it  rained  much  all  day,  that 

they  on  shipboard  could  not  go  on  shore,  nor  they  on 

shore  do  any  labor,  but  were  all  wet. 

Tuesday,  Wednesday,  Thursday,  were  very  fair, 
sunshiny  days,  as  if  it  had  been  in  April  ;  and  our 
people,  so  many  as  were  in  health,  wrought  cheerfully. 
19.  The  19ih  day  we  resolved  to  make  a  shed  to  put 
our  common  provision  in,  of  which  some  were  already 
set  on  shore  ;  but  at  noon  it  rained,  that  we  could  not 
work.  This  day,  in  the  evening,  John  Goodman  went 
abroad  to  use  his  lame  feet,  that  were  pitifully  ill  with 
the  cold  he  had  got,  having  a  little  spaniel  with  him. 
A  little  way  from  the  plantation  two  great  wolves  ran 
after  the  dog ;  the  dog  ran  to  him  and  betwixt  his  legs 
for  succour.  He  had  nothing  in  his  hand,  but  took  up 
a  stick  and  threw  at  one  of  them  and  hit  him,  and  they 
presently  ran  both  away,  but  came  again.  He  got  a 
pale-board  in  his  hand;  and  they  sat  both  on  their  tails 
grinning  at  him  a  good  while ;  and  went  their  way  and 
left  him. 

20-  Saturday,  20th,  w^e  made  up  our  shed  for  our  com- 
mon goods. 

21-  Sunday,  the  21st,  we  kept  our  meeting  on  land. 

22-  Monday,  the  22d,  was  a  fair  day.     We  wrought  on 

whilst  il  is  prefixed  to  the  names  this  Relation  was  written  by  Brad- 

of  persons  unquestionably  his  infe-  ford.     If  any  other  person  had  been 

riors,  as  Mr.   Christopher  Blartin,  the  author,  he  would  have  prefixed 

p.  171,  is  a  strong  presumption  that  Mr.  to  Bradford's  name. 


COLD,   FROSTY    WEATHER.  *179 

our  houses  ;   and  in  the  afternoon  carried  up  our  hogs-  chap. 

heads  of  meal  to  our  common  storehouse.     The  rest  of  — v^- 

the  week  we  followed  our  business  likewise.  1621. 

Jan. 
Monday,  the  29th,  in    the   mornuig,  cold,  frost,  and    29. 

sleet ;  but  after  reasonable  fair.     Both  the  long-boat 

and  the  shallop  brought  our  common  goods  on  shore.' 

Tuesday  and  Wednesday,  30th  and  31st  of  January,  30,31. 
cold,  frosty  weather  and  sleet,  that  we  could  not  work. 
In  the  morning,  the  master  and  others  saw  two  sava- 
ges, that  had  been  on  the  island  near  our  ship.  What 
they  came  for  we  could  not  tell.  They  were  going  ^ 
so  far  back  again  before  they  were  descried,  that  we 
could  not  speak  with  them. 

Sunday,  the  4th  of  February,  was  very  wet  and  Feb. 
rainy,  with  the  greatest  gusts  of  wind  that  ever  we  had 
since  we  came  forth ;  that  though  we  rid  in  a  very 
good  harbour,  yet  we  were  in  danger,  because  our 
ship  was  light,  the  goods  taken  out,  and  she  unbal- 
lasted ;  and  it  caused  much  daubing^  of  our  houses  to 
fall  down. 

Friday,  the  9th,  still  the  cold  weather  pontinued,  9- 
that  we  could  do  little  work.  That  afternoon,  our  lit- 
tle house  for  our  sick  people  was  set  on  lire  by  a  spark 
that  kindled  in  the  roof ;  but  no  great  harm  was  done. 
That  evening,  the  master  going  ashore,  killed  five 
geese,  which  he  friendly  distributed  among  the  sick 
people.  He  found  also  a  good  deer  killed.  The 
savages  had  cut  off  the  horns,  and  a  wolf  was  eating 
of  him.     How  he  came  there  we  could  not  conceive. 

^   "  Jan.  29,  dies  Rose,  the  wife        ^  Their  houses    were    probably 
of  Captain  Standish.     N.  B.    This     ]op:-huts,  thatched,  and  the  inter- 
ri>onth  eight  of  our  number  die."     slices  filled  with  clay. 
Bradford,  in  Prince,  p.  184. 

*  Probably  a  typographical  error 
for  s^one. 


]80  TWO   INDIANS   MAKE  THEIR  APPEARANCE. 

Friday,  the  I6tli,  was  a  fair  day;  but  the  northerly 
wind  continued,  which  continued  the  frost.    This  day, 
16  21.  after  noon,  one  of  our  people  being  a  fowling,  and  hav- 

16.  ing  taken  a  stand  by  a  creek  side  in  the  reeds,  about  a 
mile  and  a  half  from  our  plantation,  there  came  by  him 
twelve  Indians,  marching  towards  our  plantation,  and 
in  the  woods  he  heard  the  noise  of  many  more.  He 
lay  close  till  they  were  passed,  and  then  with  what 
speed  he  could  he  went  home  and  gave  the  alarm.  So 
the  people  abroad  in  the  woods  returned  and  armed 
themselves,  but  saw  none  of  them ;  only,  toward  the 
evening,  they  made  a  great  fire  about  the  place  where 
they  were  first  discovered.  Captain  Miles  Standish 
and  Francis  Cooke  being  at  work  in  the  woods,  com- 
ing home  left  their  tools  behind  them ;  but  before  they 
returned,  their  tools  were  taken  away  by  the  savages. 
Tliis  coming  of  the  savages  gave  us  occasion  to  keep 
more  strict  watch,  and  to  make  our  pieces  and  furni- 
ture ready,  which  by  the  moisture  and  rain  were  out 
of  temper. 

17.  Saturday,  the  17th  day,  in  the  morning,  we  called 
a  meeting  for  the  establishing  of  military  orders  among 
ourselves ;  and  we  chose  Miles  Standish  our  captain, 
and  gave  him  authority  of  command  in  affairs.  And 
as  we  were  in  consultation  hereabouts,  two  savages 
presented  themselves  upon  the  top  of  a  hi  11,^  over 
against  our  plantation,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  and 
less,  and  made  signs  unto  us  to  come  unto  them ;  we 
likewise  made  signs  unto  them  to  come  to  us.  Where- 
upon  we   armed   ourselves  and  stood  ready,  and  sent 

1  Watson's   Hill,  called   by  the  levelled  in  1814,  Indian   relics  of 

first  settlers  Strawberry  Hill.     The  various    kinds    were   found.     See 

Indian  name  Avas  Cantaiigcanteest.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  177. 
When  the  summit  of  the  hill  was 


THE   ARTILLERY   PLANTED   ON   THE   HILL.  181 

two  over  the   brook'  towards   them,   to  wit,   Captain  chap. 

Standish   and    Steven    Hopkins,^  who   went  towards 

them.  Only  one  of  them  had  a  musket,  which  they  1621. 
laid  down  on  the  ground  in  their  sight,  in  sign  of 
peace,  and  to  parley  with  them.  But  the  savages 
would  not  tarry  their  coming.  A  noise  of  a  great 
many  more  was  heard  behind  the  hill ;  but  no  more 
came  in  sight.  This  caused  us  to  plant  our  great 
ordnances  in  places  most  convenient. 

Wednesday,  the  21st  of  February,^  the  master  came  Feb. 
on  shore,  with  many  of  his  sailors,  and  brought  with 
him  one  of  the  great  pieces,  called  a  minion,*  and 
helped  us  to  draw  it  up  the  hill,  with  another  piece 
that  lay  on  shore,  and  mounted  them,  and  a  sailer,  and 
two  bases.  He  brought  with  him  a  very  fat  goose  to 
eat  with  us,  and  we  had  a  fat  crane  and  a  mallard, 
and  a  dried  neat's  tongue  ;  and  so  we  were  kindly 
and  friendly  together. 

Saturday,  the  3d  of  March,  the  wind  was  south,  the   Mar. 
morning    misty,    but    tovt^ards    noon    warm    and    fair 
weather.     The   birds  sang  in   the  woods   most  plea- 
santly.    At  one  of  the  clock  it  thundered,  which  was 

'  The  Town  Brook.     See  note'  Morton,  in  his  Memorial,  p.  50,  as 

on  page  172.  "  a  man  pious  and  well  deserving, 

*  See  note  '  on  page  126.  endowed  also  with  a  considerable 

*  "  February  21.  Die  Mr.  Wil-  outward  estate ;  and  had  it  been 
liam  White,  Mr.  William  Mullins,  the  will  of  God  that  he  had  sur- 
"with  two  more;  and  the  25th  dies  vived,  might  have  proved  a  useful 
Mary,  the  wife  of  Mr.  Isaac  Allerton.  instrument  in  his  place." 

N.  B.  This  month  seventeen  of  our  *   The   minion    was   a   piece   of 

number  die."     Bradford,  in  Prince,  ordnance,  the  bore  of  which  was 

p.  184.     Mullins  and  White  were  3  1-4  inches  diameter.     The  saker 

the  10th  and  11th  signers  of  the  (for    which   sailer    is    probably   a 

Compact ;    each   of  them    brought  misprint,)  was  a   larger   gun,  the 

his  wife  over,  and  each  had  three  diameter   of     which    at    the    bore 

others,   probably    children,   in    his  was  from  3  1-2  to  4  inches;  and 

fjimily.     White  was  the  father  of  the  base  was  the  smallest  sort  of 

the  first  child  born  in  New  Eng-  artillery,   the   diameter  of   whose 

land,  as  mentioned  on  page  148.  bore   was   only    1    1-4  inch.     See 

William   Mullins   is  described  by  Crabb's  Univ.  Tech.  Diet. 


182  WELCOME,   SAMOSET. 

CHAP,  the  first  we  heard  in  that  country.  It  was  strong  and 
-^-^'  great  claps,  but  short ;  but  after  an  hour  it  rained  very 
1621.  sadly  till  midnight. 

Mar.  Wednesday,  the  7th  of  March,  the  wind  was  full 
east,  cold,  but  fair.  That  day  Master  Carver,  with 
five  others,  went  to  the  great  ponds, ^  which  seem  to 
be  excellent  fishing  places.  All  the  way  they  went 
they  found  it  exceedingly  beaten,  and  haunted  with 
deer ;  but  they  saw  none.  Amongst  other  fowl  they 
saw  one,  a  milk-white  fowl,  with  a  very  black  head. 
This  day  some  garden  seeds  were  sown. 
16.  Friday,  the  16th,  a  fair  warm  day  towards.^  This 
morning  we  determined  to  conclude  of  the  military 
orders,  which  we  had  begun  to  consider  of  before,  but 
were  interrupted  by  the  savages,  as  we  mentioned 
formerly.  And  whilst  we  were  busied  hereabout,  we 
were  interrupted  again  ;  for  there  presented  himself  a 
savage,  which  caused  an  alarm.  He  very  boldly  came 
all  alone,  and  along  the  houses,  straight  to  the  rendez- 
vous ;  where  we  intercepted  him,  not  suffering  him  to 
go  in,"^  as  undoubtedly  he  would  out  of  his  boldness. 
He  saluted  us  in  English,  and  bade  us  '•'■Welcome  f''  for 
he  had  learned  some  broken  English  among  the  Eng- 
lishmen that  came  to  fish  at  Monhiggon,"*  and  knew 
by  name  the  most  of  the  captains,  commanders,  and 
masters,  that  usually  come.^     He  was  a  man  free  in 


'  Billington  Sea.  •*  Monhegan,  an  island  on  the 
^  Perhaps  the  word  noon  was  coast  of  Maine,  between  the  Ken- 
here  accidentally  omitted.  nebec  and  the  Penobscot,  and  about 
^  They  were  unwilling  he  should  12  miles  distant  from  the  shore.  It 
see  how  few  and  weak  they  were,  was  an  early  and  favorite  place  of 
They  had  already  lost  nearly  half  resort  for  the  English  fishermen. 
of  their  number,  and  had  the  In-  See  Williamson's  Maiue,  i.  61. 
dians  attacked  them  in  their  sickly  *  Seeing  the  Mayflower  in  the 
and  enfeebled  state,  they  would  harbour,  he  no  doubt  took  her  for  a 
have  fallen  an  easy  prey.  fishing-vessel.     This  explains   his 


DESCRIPTION    OF  SAMOSET.  183 

speech,  so  far  as  he  could  express  his  mind,  and  of  a  chap. 

seemly  carriage.     We  questioned  him  of  many  things  ;  — ^ — 

he   was   the   first  sav^aee  we  could  meet  withal.     He  ^^^^i- 

.  Mar. 

said  he  was  not  of  these  parts,  but  of  Morattiggon,^  16. 
and  one  of  the  sagamores  or  lords  thereof;  and  had 
been  eight  months  in  these  parts,  it  lying  hence  a  day's 
sail  with  a  great  wind,  and  five  days  by  land.  He 
discoursed^  of  the  whole  country,  and  of  every  province, 
and  of  their  sagamores,  and  their  number  of  men  and 
strength.  The  wind  beginning  to  rise  a  little,  we 
cast  a  horseman's  coat  about  him ;  for  he  was  stark 
naked,  only  a  leather  about  his  waist,  with  a  fringe 
about  a  span  long  or  little  more.  He  had  a  bow  and 
two  arrows,  the  one  headed,  and  the  other  unheaded. 
He  was  a  tall,  straight  man,  the  hair  of  his  head  black, 
long  behind,  only  short  before,  none  on  his  face  at  all. 
He  asked  some  beer,  but  we  gave  him  strong  water, 
and  biscuit,  and  butter,  and  cheese,  and  pudding, 
and  a  piece  of  mallard  ;  all  which  he  liked  well,  and 
had  been  acquainted  with  such  amongst  the  English. 
He  told  us  the  place  where  we  now  live  is  called 
Patuxet,  and  that  about  four  years  ago  all  the  inhabi- 
tants  died   of  an  extraordinary  plague,^  and   there  is 

boldness    in     coming    directly    to  more  intercourse  with  the  natives, 

them.  says,  "  As  for  the  language,  it  is 

'  Moratiggon.  I  know  not  what  very  copious,  large,  and  difficult, 
part  of  the  country  this  was  meant  As  yet  we  cannot  attain  to  any 
to  designate.  Perhaps  it  is  an  great  measure  thereof,  but  can  un- 
error  for  Monhiggon.  Samoset  derstand  tbem,  and  explain  our- 
evidently  was  desirous  of  magni-  selves  to  their  understanding  by 
fying  his  own  importance,  in  giv-  the  help  of  those  that  daily  con- 
ing the  Pilgrims  to  understand  verse  with  us." 
that  he  was  a  sagamore.  ^  All  the  early  writers   on   New 

^  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  England   agree,    that  for  three  or 

they  could  converse  together  so  as  four  years  previous  to  the  arrival 

to/be    mutually   understood.     Ed-  of  the  Pilgrims,  a  deadly  pestilence 

ward  A¥inslow,  in  his  Good  News  had  raged  all  along  the  seaboard, 

from    New   England,  written  two  from  the  Penobscot  to  Narraganset 

years  afterwards, when  they  had  had  Bay.     The  two  tribes  dwelling  at 


184 


THE   INDIAN   PLAGUE, 


CHAP,  neither   man,  woman,  nor  child  remaining,  as  indeed 

A. 


we  have  found  none  ;  so  as  there  is  none  to  hinder  our 

5  21.  possession,  or  to  lay  claim  unto  it.     All  the  afternoon 

16.    we    spent  in   communication   with    him.     We   would 

gladly  have  been  rid  of  him  at  night,  but  he  was  not 

willing  to  go  this  night.     Then  we  thought  to  carry 


these  extremes,  as  well  as  the  Nau- 
set  Indians,  on  Cape  Cod,  escaped, 
whilst  the  intermediate  inhabitants 
were  almost  entirely  swept  off. 
Some  tribes  were  nearly  extinct ; 
the  Massachusetts,  in  particular, 
are  said  to  have  been  reduced  from 
30,000  to  300  fighting  men.  Capt. 
Dermer,  who  was  here  in  1619, 
says,  "  I  passed  along  the  coast 
where  I  found  some  ancient  plan- 
tations, not  long  since  populous, 
now  utterly  void.  In  other  places 
a  remnant  remains,  but  not  free  of 
sickness  ;  their  disease  the  plague, 
for  we  might  perceive  the  sores  of 
some  that  had  escaped,  who  de- 
scribed the  spots  of  such  as  usually 
die."  Higginson,  in  his  New  Eng- 
land's Plantation,  printed  in  1629, 
says,  "  their  subjects  above  twelve 
years  since,  were  swept  away  by  a 
great  and  grievous  plague  that  was 
amongst  them,  so  that  there  are 
very  few  left  to  inhabit  the  coun- 
try." Morton,  in  his  New  English 
Canaan,  b.  i.  ch.  3,  says,  "  some 
few  years  before  the  English  came 
to  inhabit  at  New  Plymouth,  the 
hand  of  God  fell  heavily  upon  the 
natives,  with  such  a  mortal  stroke, 
that  they  died  on  heaps.  In  a  place 
where  many  inhabited,  there  hath 
been  but  one  left  alive  to  tell  what 
became  of  the  rest ;  and  the  bones 
and  skulls  upon  the  several  places 
of  their  habitations  made  such  a 
spectacle  after  my  coming  into 
these  parts,  that  as  I  travelled  in 
that  forest,  near  the  Massachusetts, 
it  seemed  to  me  a  new-found  Gol- 
gotha. This  mortality  was  not 
ended  when  the  Brownists  of  New 
Plymouth  were  settled  at  Patuxet, 
and  by  all  likelihood  the  sickness 


that  these  Indians  died  of  was  the 
plague,  as  by  conference  with  them 
since  my  arrival  and  habitation  in 
these  parts  I  have  learned."  John- 
son, in  his  Wonderworking  Provi- 
dence, b.  i.  ch.  8,  says,  "  about  the 
year  1618,  a  little  before  the  remo- 
val of  that  church  of  Christ  from 
Holland  to  Plymouth,  in  New 
England,  as  the  ancient  Indians 
report,  there  befell  a  great  mortality 
among  them,  chiefly  desolating 
those  places  where  the  English 
afterwards  planted  ;  their  disease 
being  a  sore  consumption,  sweep- 
ing away  whole  families,  but  chiefly 
young  men  and  children,  the  very 
seeds  of  increase."  "  What  this 
disease  was,"  says  Gookin,  who 
wrote  in  1674,  "  that  so  generally 
and  mortally  swept  away  the  Indi- 
ans, I  cannot  well  learn.  Doubt- 
less it  was  some  pestilential  dis- 
ease. I  have  discoursed  with  some 
old  Indians,  that  were  then  youths, 
who  say  that  the  bodies  all  over 
were  exceeding  yellow,  describing 
it  by  a  yellow  garment  they  showed 
me,  both  before  they  died,  and 
afterwards."  "  There  are  some  old 
planters,"  says  Increase  Mather, 
writing  in  1677,  "  surviving  to  this 
day,  who  helped  to  bury  the  dead 
Indians,  even  whole  families  of 
them  all  dead  at  once."  See  Pur- 
chas,  iv.  1778 ;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  i. 
122, 148,  xii.  66  ;  Hutchinson,  i.  34. 
In  the  Great  Patent  of  New  Eng- 
land, granted  Nov.  3, 1620,  the  des- 
olating effects  of  this  pestilence 
are  assigned  by  King  James  as  a 
reason  for  granting  it.  "  We  have 
been  further  given  certainly  to 
know,  that  within  these  late  years 
there    hath,   by   God's    visitation, 


THE   NAUSITES. 


185 


reigned  a  wonderful  plague  amongst 
the  savages  there  heretofore  inha- 
biting, in  a  manner  to  the  utter 
destruction,  devastation,  and  de- 
population of  that  whole  territory, 
so  as  there  is  not  left,  for  many 
leagues  together,  in  a  manner,  any 
that  do  claim  or  challenge  any  kind 
of  interest  therein  ;  whereby  we,  in 
our  judgment,  are  persuaded  and 
satisfied  that  the  appointed  time  is 
come  in  which  Almighty  God,  in 
his  great  goodness  and  bounty  to- 
wards us  and  our  people,  hath 
thought  fit  and  determined,  that 
these  large  and  goodly  territories, 
deserted  as  it  were  by  their  natural 
inhabitants,  should  be  possessed 
and  enjoyed  by  such  of  our  subjects 
and  people  as  shall  by  his  mercy 
and  favor,  and  by  his  powerful 
arm,  be  directed  and  conducted 
thither."     Plymouth  Colony  Laws, 

Hutchinson,  in  his  Hist,  of  Mass. 
i.  35,  remarks,  "  Our  ancestors  sup- 
posed an  immediate  interposition 
of  Providence  in  the  great  mortal- 
ity among  the  Indians,  to  make 
room  for  the  settlement  of  the  Eng- 

24 


lish.  I  am  not  inclined  to  credulity, 
but  should  not  we  go  into  the  con- 
trary extreme  if  we  were  to  take 
no  notice  of  the  extinction  of  this 
people  in  all  parts  of  the  continent  ? 
In  some  the  English  have  made 
use  of  means  the  most  likely  to 
have  prevented  it ;  but  all  to  no 
purpose.  Notwithstanding  their 
frequent  ruptures  with  the  English, 
very  few  comparatively  have  pe- 
rished by  wars.  They  waste,  they 
moulder  away,  and,  as  Charlevoix 
says  of  the  Indians  of  Canada,  they 
disappear." 

'   See  note  ^  on  page  126. 

^  The  English,  not  understand- 
ing Samoset  perfectly,  supposed 
that  by  Massasoit  he  meant  an 
Indian  tribe  ;  but  this  was  the 
name  of  the  great  sagamore,  as 
appears  afterwards.     F. 

^  See  the  Life  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  in  Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  i. 
346  —  393,  and  his  Brief  Narration, 
in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxvi.  45  —  93. 
In  this  work,  p.  63,  he  mentions  an 
attack  that  was  made  in  July,  1620, 
by  the  Indians  of  Martha's  Vine- 
yard on  Capt.  Dernier  and  his  cora- 


17. 


him  on    shipboard,   wherewith   he  was   well  content,  chap. 
and  went  into  the  shallop  ;  but  the  wind  was  high  and  - — ^ 
the  water  scant,  that  it  could  not  return  back.     We  1621, 
lodged  him  that  night  at  Steven  Hopkins's  house,^  and 
watched  him. 

The  next  day  he  went  away  back  to  the  Masasoits,^  Mar. 
from  whence  he  said  he  came,  who  are  our  next  bor- 
dering neighbours.  They  are  sixty  strong,  as  he  saith. 
The  Nausites  are  as  near  southeast  of  them,  and  are 
a  hundred  strong ;  and  those  were  they  of  whom  our 
people  were  encountered,  as  we  before  related.  They 
are  much  incensed  and  provoked  against  the  English  ; 
and  about  eight  months  ago  slew  three  Englishmen, 
and  two  more  hardly  escaped  by  flight  to  Monhiggon. 
They  were  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge's  ^  men,  as  this  sav- 


186  HUNT,  THE   KIDNAPPER. 

CHAP,  age  told  us  ;  as  he  did  likewise  of  the  hiiggery,  that 
— v-^  is,  fight,  that  our  discoverers  had  with  the  Nausites, 
1621.  and  of  our  tools  that  were  taken  out  of  the  woods, 
which  we  willed  him  should  be  brought  again ;  other- 
wise we  would  right  ourselves.     These  people  are  ill 
affected  towards  the  English  by  reason  of  one  Hunt,' 
a  master  of  a  ship,  who  deceived  the  people  and  got 
them,  under  color  of  trucking  with  them,  twenty  out  of 
this  very  place  where  we  inhabit,  and  seven  men  from 
the  Nausites,  and  carried   them  away,  and  sold  them 
for  slaves,  like  a  wretched  man  (for  twenty  pound  a 
man,)  that  cares  not  what  mischief  he   doth  for   his 
profit. 
Mar.       Saturday,  in  the  morning,  we  dismissed  the  salvage, 
■    and  gave  him  a  knife,  a  bracelet,  and  a  ring.     He 
promised  within  a  night  or  two  to  come  again  and  to 
bring  with  him  some  of  the  Massasoyts,  our  neigh- 
bours, with  such  beavers'  skins  as  they  had  to  truck 
with  us. 
18.         Saturday  and  Sunday  reasonable  fair  days.     On  this 
day  came  again  the  savage,  and  brought  with  him  five 
other  tall,  proper  men.     They  had  every  man  a  deer's 


pany,  whom  he  had  sent  over  to  a  difference  in  the  accounts  of  the 

New   England.      Dernier  lost   all  number  of  the  natives  which  he 

his  men  but  one,  and  received  four-  thus  seized  and  carried  off".     The 

teen    wounds   in    this  encounter;  President    and    Council   of    New 

which  took  place  just  eight  months  England,  in  their  Brief  Relation  of 

before  ;  and  there  can  hardly  be  a  its  Discovery  and  Plantation,  state 

doubt    that   these    were   the    "Sir  the   number  as  24;  Gorges  men- 

Ferdinando   Gorge's    men,"   men-  tions  30  ;  whilst  Capt.  John  Smith, 

tioned  in   the    text.     Dermer   had  says  27,  agreeing  with  the  number 

previously   been    at   Nautican,   or  mentioned  in  the  text.     Hunt  car- 

Nauset.     See  Prince's  Annals,  p.  ried  these  Indians  to  Spain,  where 

157,  186.  they  were  humanely  rescued  and 

*  The  name  of  this  Captain  Hunt  set  at  liberty  by  the  monks  of  Mal- 

has  come  down  to  us  loaded  with  nga.     Several  of  them  got  over  to 

deserved   infamy,  as  the  first   kid-  England,   and  proved  of  essential 

napper    and    slave-dealer    on    the  service  to  Gorges.    See  Mass.  Hist, 

coast  of  North  America.     There  is  Coll.  xix.  6,  xxvi.  58,  61,  132. 


DESCRIPTION   OF   THE   INDIANS. 


187 


skin  on  him,  and  the  principal  of  them  had  a  wild  cat's  chap. 
skin,  or  such  Hke,  on  the  one  arm.     They  had  most  of -^^— 
them  long  hosen  ^  up  to  their  groins,  close  made,  and  162  1. 
above  their  groins  to  their  waist  another  leather  ;   they    is. 
w^ere  altogether  like  the  Irish  trousers.^     They  are  of 
complexion  like  our  English  gipseys  ;  no  hair  or  very 
little  on  their  faces  ;   on  their  heads  long  hair  to  their 
shoulders,  only  cut   before  ;   some   trussed   up   before 
with  a  feather,  broad-wise,  like  a  fan  ;   another  a  fox 
tail,  hanging  out.     These  left  (according  to  our  charge 
given  him  before)  their  bows  and  arrows  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  from  our  town.     We  gave  them  entertainment  as 
we  thought  was  fitting  them.     They  did  eat  liberally 
of  our  English  victuals.     They  made  semblance  unto 
us  of  friendship  and  amity.     They  sang  and  danced 
after   their   manner,  like   antics.     They  brought  with 
them  in  a  thing  like  a  bow-case,  (which  the  principal  of 
them  had  about  his  waist,)  a  little  of  their  corn  pounded 
to   powder,   which,  put   to   a    little    water,  they   eat.^ 


'  Leggins. 

'  Morton,  in  his  New  English 
Canaan,  b.  i.  ch.  G,  says,  "of  such 
deer's  skins  as  they  dress  bare,  they 
make  stockings,  that  come  within 
their  shoes,  like  a  stirrup  stocking, 
and  is  fastened  above  at  their  belt, 
which  is  about  their  middle.  When 
they  have  their  apparel  on,  they 
look  like  Irish,  in  their  trousers, 
the  stockings  join  so  to  their 
breeches."  Wood,  in  his  New 
England's  Prospect,  part  ii.  ch.  5, 
says,  "  in  the  winter  time  the  more 
aged  of  them  wear  leather  draw- 
ers, in  form  like  Irish  trousers,  fast- 
ened under  their  girdles  with  but- 
tons." 

^  "  The  Indians  make  a  certain 
sort  of  meal  of  parched  maize. 
This  meal  they  call  noJcake.  It  is 
so  sweet,  toothsome,  and  hearty, 
that  an  Indian  will  travel  many 


days  with  no  other  food  but  this 
meal,  which  he  eateth  as  he  needs, 
and  after  it  drinketh  water.  And 
for  this  end,  when  they  travel  a 
journey,  or  go  a  hunting,  they  carry 
this  nokake  in  a  basket  or  bag,  for 
their  use."  Gookin,  in  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.  i.  150.  — "AWc/i?c/i,  parched 
meal,  which  is  a  ready,  very  whole- 
some food,  which  they  eat  with  a 
little  water,  hot  or  cold.  I  have 
travelled  with  near  two  hundred 
of  them  at  once,  near  a  hundred 
miles  through  the  woods,  every 
man  carrying  a  little  basket  of  this 
at  his  back,  and  sometimes  in  a 
hollow  leather  girdle  about  his 
middle,  sufficient  for  a  man  three 
or  four  days.  With,  this  ready  pro- 
vision, and  their  bows  and  arrows, 
are  they  ready  for  war,  and  travel 
at  an  hour's  warning.  With  a 
spoonful  of  this  meal,  and  a  spoon- 


188 


THE   INDIANS'    USE   OF   TOBACCO. 


CHAP.  He  had  a  little  tobacco  in  a  bae; ;  but  none  of  them 
-^v^-  drank  ^  but  when  he  liked.  Some  of  them  had  their 
1621.  faces  painted  black,  from  the  forehead  to  the  chin,  four 

Mar. 

18.    or  five  fingers  broad;    others  after  other  fashions,  as 
they  liked.     They  brought  three  or  four  skins ;  but  we 


ful  of  water  from  the  brook,  have  I 
made  many  a  good  dinner  and  sup- 
per." Roger  Williams's  Key,  in 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  208.  — "If 
their  imperious  occasions  cause 
them  to  travel,  the  best  of  their 
victuals  for  their  journey  is  nocahc, 
(as  they  call  it,)  which  is  nothing 
but  Indian  corn  parched  in  the  hot 
ashes.  The  ashes  being  sifted  from 
it,  it  is  afterwards  beat  to  powder, 
and  put  into  a  long  leathern  bag, 
trussed  at  their  backs  like  a  knap- 
sack, out  of  which  they  take  thrice 
three  spoonfuls  a  day,  dividing  it 
into  three  meals.  If  it  be  in  win- 
ter, and  snow  be  on  the  ground, 
they  can  eat  when  they  please, 
stopping  snow  after  their  dusty 
victuals.  In  summer  they  must 
stay  till  they  meet  with  a  spring  or 
brook,  when  they  may  have  water 
to  prevent  the  imminent  danger  of 
choking.  With  this  strange  via- 
ticum, they  will  travel  four  or  five 
days  together,  with  loads  fitter  for 
elephants  than  men."  Wood's 
New  England's  Prospect,  part  ii. 
ch.  6. 

'  That  is,  smoked.  This  was 
formerly  a  common  expression. 
Thus  Brereton,  in  his  Journal  of 
Gosnold's  Voyage,  says,  "  they  gave 
us  also  of  their  tobacco,  which  they 
drink  green,  but  dried  into  powder, 
very  strong  and  pleasant."  Rosier, 
in  his  account  of  Weymouth's 
Voyage  to  New  England,  in  1605, 
printed  in  Purchas's  Pilgrims,  iv. 
1662,  says,  "  We  drank  of  their  ex- 
cellent tobacco,  as  much  as  we 
would,  with  them  ;  but  we  saw  not 
any  great  quantity  to  truck  for,  and 
it  seemed  they  had  not  much  left  of 
old,  for  they  spend  a  great  quantity 
yearly  by  their  continual  drinking." 


Johnson,  in  his  Wonderworking 
Providence,  b.  i.  ch.  41,  mentions  a 
lusty  man  (doubtless  Underbill) 
who  held  forth  to  his  pastor  before 
the  whole  congregation,  that  the 
spirit  of  revelation  came  to  him  as 
he  was  drinking  a  pipe  of  tobacco." 
In  the  Records  of  Plymouth  Colo- 
ny, under  the  year  1646,  is  the  fol- 
lowing entry.  "  Anthony  Thacher 
and  George  Pole  were  chosen  a 
committee  to  draw  up  an  order 
concerning  disorderly  drinking  to- 
bacco." This  use  of  language  was 
probably  descriptive  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  weed  was  formerly 
inhaled,  and  which  still  prevails  in 
the  East.  Lane,  in  his  account  of 
the  Manners  and  Customs  of  the 
Modern  Egyptians,  i.  187,  says, 
"  In  smoking,  the  people  of  Egypt, 
and  of  other  countries  of  the  East, 
draw  in  their  breath  freely,  so  that 
much  of  the  smoke  descends  into 
the  lungs;  and  the  terms  which 
they  use  to  express  '  smoking  to- 
bacco '  signify  ^drinking  smoke,'  or 
'  drinking  tobacco.' " 

Winslow,  in  his  Good  News 
from  New  England,  says,  "  the 
men  take  much  tobacco."  Roger 
Williams,  in  his  Key,  chs.  ii.  and 
XX.  says,  "they  generally  all  take 
tobacco,  and  it  is  the  only  plant 
which  men  labor  in,  the  women 
managing  all  the  rest.  They  say 
they  take  tobacco  for  two  causes ; 
first,  against  the  rheum,  which 
causeth  the  toothache,  which  they 
are  impatient  of;  secondly,  to  re- 
vive and  refresh  them,  they  drink- 
ing nothing  but  water.  Their  to- 
bacco bag  hangs  at  their  neck,  or 
sticks  at  their  girdle,  and  is  to  them 
instead  of  an  English  pocket." 


INTERCOURSE    WITH   THE   NATIVES.  189 

would  not  truck  with  them  at  all  that  day/  but  wished  chap. 
them  to  bring  more,  and  we  would  truck  for  all ;  which  -— v^^ 
they  promised  within  a  night  or  two,  and  would  leave  ^^^^• 
these  behind  them,  though  we  were  not  willing  they    18. 
should ;  and  they  brought  us  all  our  tools  again,  which 
were  taken  in  the  woods,  in  our  men's  absence.     So,  be- 
cause of  the  day,  we  dismissed  them  so  soon  as  we  could. 
But  Samoset,  our  first  acquaintance,  either  was  sick  or 
feigned   himself  so,  and  would  not  go  with  them,  and 
stayed   with   us  till  Wednesday  morning.     Then  we 
sent  him  to  them,  to  know  the  reason  they  came  not 
according   to   their  words ;  and  we  gave  him  a  hat,  a 
pair  of  stockings  and  shoes,  a  shirt,  and  a  piece  of  cloth 
to  tie  about  his  waist. 

The  Sabbath  day,  when  we  sent  them  from  us,  we 
gave  every  one  of  them  some  trifles,  especially  the  prin- 
cipal of  them.  We  carried  them,  along  with  our  arms, 
to  the  place  where  they  left  their  bows  and  arrows  ; 
whereat  they  were  amazed,  and  two  of  them  began  to 
slink  awav,  but  that  the  other  called  them.  When 
they  took  their  arrows  we  bade  them  farewell,  and 
they  were  glad  ;  and  so,  with  many  thanks  given  us, 
they  departed,  with  promise  they  would  come  again. 

Monday  and  Tuesday  proved  fair  days.     We  digged  19,  20. 
our  grounds  and  sowed  our  garden  seeds. 

Wednesday  a  fine  warm   day.     We  sent  away  Sa-    21. 
moset. 

That  day  we  had  again  a  meeting  to  conclude  of 
laws  and  orders  for  ourselves,  and  to  confirm  those 
military  orders  that  were  formerly  propounded,  and 
twice  broken  off  by  the  savages'  coming.  But  so  we 
■u^ere  again  the  third  time  ;   for  after  we  had  been  an 

*  It  was  Sunday. 


190 


SQUANTO. 


CHAP,  hour  together,  on  the  top  of  the  hill '  over  against  us 
-^^^^  two  or  three  savages  presented  themselves,  that  made 
1 6  2 1.  sei^l3]ance  of  daring  us,  as  we  thought.  So  Captain 
Standish  with  another,  with  their  muskets,  went  over 
to  them,  with  two  of  the  master's  mates  that  follows 
them  without  arms,^  having  two  muskets  with  them. 
They  whetted  and  rubbed  their  arrows  and  strings, 
and  made  show  of  defiance  ;  but  when  our  men  drew 
near  them,  they  ran  away.  Thus  were  we  again 
interrupted  by  them.  This  day,  with  much  ado,  we 
got  our  carpenter,  that  had  been  long  sick  of  the  scur- 
vy, to  fit  our  shallop  to  fetch  all  from  aboard. 

Thursday,  the  22d  of  March,  was  a  very  fair,  warm 
day.  About  noon  we  met  again  about  our  public  bu- 
siness. But  we  had  scarce  been  an  hour  together, 
but  Samoset  came  again,  and  Squanto,^  the  only  native 


Mar 
22. 


^  The  same  hill  on  which  the 
two  Indians  appeared,  Feb.  17.  See 
note  on  page  ISO. 

^  By  anns  must  be  here  meant 
side  arms,  swords,  &c.,  as  it  is  slated 
they  had  muskets. 

*  Also  called  Squantum,  or  Tis- 
quantum.  There  is  some  discre- 
pancy in  the  early  accounts  of 
Squanto's  captivity.  Gorges,  in 
his  Brief  Narration,  ch.  2,  says  that 
"  there  happened  to  come  into  the 
harbour  of  Plymouth,  where  I  then 
commanded,  one  Captain  Wey- 
mouth, who  happened  into  a  river 
on  the  coast  of  America,  called 
Pemmaquid,  (the  Penobscot,)  from 
whence  he  brought  five  of  the  na- 
tives, three  of  whose  names  were 
Manida,  Sketwarroes,  and  Tas- 
quantum,  whom  I  seized  upon. 
They  were  all  of  one  nation,  but  of 
several  parts  and  several  families." 
This  was  in  1605.  But  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land, in  their  Relation,  printed  in 
1622,  say,  "  it  pleased  God  to  send 
into  our  hands  Tasquantum,  one  of 


those  savages  that  formerly  had 
been  betrayed  by  this  unworthy 
Hunt  before  named.  But  this  sav- 
age being  at  that  time  in  New- 
foundland, Master  Dermer,  who 
was  there  also,  found  the  means  to 
give  us  intelligence  of  him,  and  his 
opinion  of  the  good  use  that  might 
be  made  of  his  employment."  Der- 
mer took  Tisquantum  with  him  to 
England,  and  on  his  return  to  New 
England  in  the  spring  of  1619, 
brought  him  back  to  his  native 
country.  In  a  letter  dated  Dec.  27, 
of  that  year  he  says,  "  when  I  ar- 
rived at  my  savage's  native  coun- 
try, finding  all  dead,  I  travelled 
almost  a  day's  journey  westward 
to  a  place  called  Nummastaquyt, 
(Namasket,)  where  finding  inhabit- 
ants, I  despatched  a  messenger  a 
day's  journey  further  west  to  Po- 
conaokit,  which  bordereth  on  the 
sea ;  whence  came  to  see  me  two 
kings,  attended  with  a  guard  of 
fifty  armed  men,  who  being  well 
satisfied  with  that  my  savage  and 
I  discoursed  unto  them,  being  de- 


MASSASOIT. 


191 


of  Patuxet,  where  we  now  inhabit,  who  was  one  of  chap. 
the  twenty  captives  that  by  Hunt  were  carried  away,  -'^^— 
and  had  been  in  England,  and  dwelt  in  Cornhill  with  1621. 

°  '  Mar. 

Master  John  Slanie,^  a  merchant,  and  could  speak  a  22. 
little  English,  with  three  others  ;  and  they  brought 
with  them  some  few  skins  to  truck,  and  some  red  her- 
rings, newly  taken  and  dried,  but  not  salted  ;  and  sig- 
nified unto  us,  that  their  great  sagamore,  Masasoyt,^ 
was  hard  by,  with  Quadequina,  his  brother,  and  all 
their  men.  They  could  not  well  express  in  English 
what  they  would ;  ^  but  after  an  hour  the  king  came  to 
the  top  of  a  hill  ^  over  against  us,  and  had  in  his  train 
sixty  men,  that  we  could  well  behold  them,  and  they 
us.  We  were  not  willing  to  send  our  governor  to 
them,  and  they  were  ^  unwilling  to  come  to  us.     So 


sirous  of  novelty,  gave  me  content 
in  whatsoever  I  demanded."  These 
two  kings  were  undoubtedly  Mas- 
sasoit  and  Quadequina.  On  going 
to  Virginia,  in  June,  Dermer  left 
'Tisquantum  at  Sawahquatooke, 
now  Saco,  whence  he  probably  re- 
turned to  Patuxet  and  Namasket. 
In  another  letter,  dated  June  30, 
1620,  Dermer  says,  "  Squanto  can- 
not deny  but  that  the  Pocanokets 
would  have  killed  me  when  I  was 
at  Namassaket,  had  he  not  entreat- 
ed hard  for  me."  See  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.  xxvi.  50,  62,  xix.  7,  10,  13; 
Purchas,  iv.  1778;  Morton's  Me- 
morial, pp.  55  —  59. 

The  beautiful  promontory  in  Dor- 
chester, near  Thomson's  island, 
will  perpetuate  the  name  of  this 
early  friend  of  the  Pilgrims.  They 
probably  called  it  after  him  in  their 
first  expedition  to  the  Massachu- 
setts in  1621,  when  he  accompanied 
them  as  interpreter.  This  is  pro- 
bably the  same  place  which  is  called 
S/juanto's  Chapel,  by  Morton,  in 
his  New  English  Canaan,  b.  ii. 
chs.  6  and  8. 
" '  The  worshipful  John  Slany,  of 


London,  merchant,"  was  one  of  the 
undertakers  of  the  Newfoundland 
plantation,  and  treasurer  of  the 
Company.  He  probably  sent 
Squanto  to  Newfoundland.  See 
Whithourne's  Newfoundland,  p. 
V.  and  Purchas,  iv.  1876,  1888. 

2  Prince  says,  in  his  Annals,  p. 
187,  "  the  printed  accounts  gene- 
rally spell  him  Massasoit ;  Gov. 
Bradford  writes  him  Massasoyt  and 
Massasoyet;  but  I  find  the  ancient 
people,  from  their  fathers  in  Ply- 
mouth Colony,  pronounce  his  name 
Ma-sas-so-it."  It  will  be  seen 
hereafter  that  Winslow  writes  it 
"Massassowat.  The  sachem,  in 
conformity  with  a  prevailing  cus- 
tom among  the  Indians,  afterwards 
changed  his  name,  and  took  that  of 
Owsamequin  or  Woosamequen. 
See  his  Life  in  B.  B.  Thacher's 
Indian  Biography,  i.  117  — 140,  and 
in  S.  G.  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indi- 
ans, b.  ii.  17  —  29. 

^  See  note  ^  on  page  183. 

^  Watson's  hill,  mentioned  twice 
before  on  pages  180  and  190. 

^  The  word  were  was  accident- 
ally omitted  in  the  original. 


192  WINSLOW'S   PARLEY   WITH   MASSASOIT. 

CHAP.  Squanto    went    again    unto  him,  who  brought  word 
— v-^  that  we  should  send  one  to  parley  with  him,  which  we 
1621.  (Jidj  wliich  was  Edward  Winsloe,  to  know  his  mind, 
22.    and  to  signify  the  mind  and  will  of  our  governor,  which 
was  to  have  trading  and  peace  with  him.     We  sent  to 
the  king  a  pair  of  knives,  and  a  copper  chain  with  a 
jewel  at  it.     To  Quadequina  we  sent  likewise  a  knife, 
and  a  jewel  to  hang  in  his  ear,  and  withal  a  pot  of 
strong  water,  a  good  quantity  of  biscuit,  and  some  but- 
ter ;  which  were  all  willingly  accepted. 

Our  messenger  made  a  speech  unto  him,  that  King 
James  saluted  him  with  words  of  love  and  peace,  and 
did  accept  of  him  as  his  friend  and  ally ;  and  that  our 
governor  desired  to  see  him  and  to  truck  with  him, 
and  to  confirm  a  peace  with  him,  as  his  next  neigh- 
bour. He  liked  well  of  the  speech,  and  heard  it  atten- 
tively, thouo;h  the  interpreters  did  not  well  express  it. 
After  he  had  eaten  and  drunk  himself,  and  given  the 
rest  to  his  company,  he  looked  upon  our  messenger's 
sword  and  armor,  which  he  had  on,  with  intimation  of 
his  desire  to  buy  it ;  but,  on  the  other  side,  our  mes- 
senger showed  his  unwillingness  to  part  with  it.  In 
the  end,  he  left  him  in  the  custody  of  Quadequina,  his 
brother,  and  came  over  the  brook,  and  some  twenty 
men  following  him,  leaving  all  their  bows  and  arrows 
behind  them.  We  kept  six  or  seven  as  hostages  for 
our  messenger.  Captain  Standish  and  Master  Wil- 
liamson ^  met  the  king  at  the  brook,  with  half  a  dozen 
musketeers.     They  saluted  him,  and  he  them  ;  so  one 


*  There    was   a   Thomas    Wil-  likely  that  any  one  of  the  ship's 

Hams,  but  no  person  of  the  name  of  company  would  be  associated  with 

Williamson,  among  the  signers  of  Standish  in  this  duty.     Perhaps  it 

the   Compact.     It  is  probably  an  should  read  Master  Allerton. 
error  of  the  press.     It  is  very  un- 


TREATY   OF    PEACE   WITH    MASSASOIT.  193 

going  over,  the  one  on  the  one  side,  and  the  other  on  chap. 
the  other,  conducted  him  to  a  house  then  in  buikling,  — v-^ 
where  we  placed  a  green  rug  and  three  or  four  cush-  ^^^^• 
ions.     Then  instantly  came  our  governor,  with  drum    22. 
and    trumpet  after  him,   and    some   few    musketeers. 
After   salutations,  our   governor   kissing   his  hand,  the 
king  kissed  him ;  and  so  they  sat  down.     The  governor 
called  for  some  strong  water,  and  drunk  to  him  ;    and 
he  drunk  a  great  draught,  that  made  him  sweat  all  the 
while  after.     He  called  for  a  little  fresh  meat,  which 
the  king  did  eat  willingly,  and  did  give  his  followers. 
Then  they  treated  of  peace,  which  was  : 

1.  That  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  should  injure  or 
do  hurt  to  any  of  our  people. 

2.  And  if  any  of  his  did  hurt  to  any  of  ours,  he  should 
send  the  offender,  that  we  might  punish  him. 

3.  That  if  any  of  our  tools  were  taken  away,  when 
our  people  were  at  work,  he  should  cause  them  to  be 
restored  ;  and  if  ours  did  any  harm  to  any  of  his,  we 
would  do  the  like  to  them. 

4.  If  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him,  we  would 
aid  him  ;  if  any  did  war  against  us,  he  should  aid  us. 

5.  He  should  send  to  his  neighbour  confederates  to 
certify  them  of  this,  that  they  might  not  wrong  us,  but 
might  be  likewise  comprised  in  the  conditions  of  peace. 

6.  That  when  their  men  came  to  us,  they  should 
leave  their  bows  and  arrows  behind  them,  as  we  should 
do  our  pieces  when  we  came  to  them. 

Lastly,  that  doing  thus,  King  James  would  esteem 
of  him  as  his  friend  and  ally.' 

'  "  This  treaty,"  says  Belknap,     estly  intended  on  both  sides,  was 
*'  the  work  of  one  day,  being  hon-     kept  with  fidelity  as  long  as  Mas- 

25 


194  QUADEQUINA. 

CHAP.       All  which  the  kins  seemed  to  like  well,  and  it  was 

X.  . 

applauded  of  his   followers.     All  the  while  he  sat  by 

1621.  the  governor,  he  trembled  for  fear.  In  his  person  he 
22.  is  a  very  lusty  man,  in  his  best  years,  an  able  body, 
grave  of  countenance,  and  spare  of  speech  ;  in  his  attire 
little  or  nothing  differing  from  the  rest  of  his  followers, 
only  in  a  great  chain  of  white  bone  beads  about  his 
neck  ;  and  at  it,  behind  his  neck,  hangs  a  little  bag  of 
tobacco,  which  he  drank, ^  and  gave  us  to  drink.  His 
face  was  painted  with  a  sad  red,  like  murrey,  and  oiled 
both  head  and  face,  that  he  looked  greasily.  All  his 
followers  likewise  were  in  their  faces,  in  part  or  in 
whole,  painted,  some  black,  some  red,  some  yellow, 
and  some  white,  some  with  crosses,  and  other  antic 
works  ;  ^  some  had  skins  on  them,  and  some  naked  ;  all 
strong,  tall  men  in  appearance. 

So  after  all  was  done,  the  governor  conducted  him 
to  the  brook,  and  there  they  embraced  each  other,  and 
he  departed  ;  we  diligently  keeping  our  hostages.  We 
expected  our  messenger's  coming ;  but  anon  w^ord  was 
brought  us  that  Quadcquina  was  coming,  and  our  mes- 
senger was  stayed  till  his  return  ;  who  presently  came, 
and  a  troop  with  him.  So  likewise  we  entertained 
him,  and  conveyed  him  to  the  place  prepared.  He 
was  very  fearful  of  our  pieces,  and  made  signs  of  dis- 
like, that  they  should   be  carried  away ;   w  hereupon 

sasoit  lived,  but  was  afterwards,  in  It  was  accordingly  ratified  and  con- 

1675,  broken  by  Philip,  his  succes-  firmed   by   the   government.     See 

sor."     Ara.  Biog.  ii.  214.     In  Sept.  Morton's  Memorial,  p.  210. 

1639,  Massasoit  and  his  eldest  son,  '  See  note  '  on  page  188. 

Mooanam,  afterwards  called  Warn-  *  This  description  corresponds  to 

suita,  and  in  1662  by  the  English  the  appearance  of  Black  Hawk  and 

named  Alexander,  came   into   the  Keokuck,   and    the   braves  of   the 

Court  at  Plymouth  and  desired  that  Sacs  and  Foxes,  on  their  visit  to 

this  ancient  league  and  confederacy  Boston  in  1837. 
Plight  stand  and  remain  inviolable. 


ISAAC   ALLERTON.  195 

commandment  was  given  they  should  be  laid  away.  chap. 
He  was  a  very  proper,  tall  young  man,  of  a  very  — — - 
modest  and  seemly  countenance,  and  he  did  kindly  1621. 
like  of  our  entertainment.  So  we  conveyed  him  like- 
wise, as  we  did  the  king  ;  but  divers  of  their  people 
stayed  still.  When  he  was  returned,  then  they  dis- 
missed our  messenger.  Two  of  his  people  would  have 
stayed  all  night ;  but  we  would  not  suffer  it.  One 
thing  I  forgot ;  the  king  had  in  his  bosom,  hanging  in 
a  string,  a  great  long  knife.  He  marvelled  much  at  our 
trumpet,  and  some  of  his  men  would  sound  it  as  well  as 
they  could.  Samoset  and  Squanto,  they  stayed  all  night 
with  us  ;  and  the  king  and  all  his  men  lay  all  night 
in  the  woods,  not  above  half  an  English  mile  from  us, 
and  all  their  wives  and  women  with  them.  They  said 
that  within  eight  or  nine  days  they  would  come  and 
set  corn  on  the  other  side  of  the  brook,  and  dwell  there 
all  summer  ;  which  is  hard  by  us.  That  night  we  kept 
good  watch  ;  but  there  was  no  appearance  of  danger. 

The  next  morning,  divers  of  their  people  came  over   Mar. 
to  us,  hoping  to  get  some  victuals,  as  we   imagined.     ^^' 
Some  of  them  told  us  the  king  would  have  some  of  us 
come  see  him.     Captain  Standish  and  Isaac  Alderton  ^ 

'  Generally  spelt  Allerton.  He  New  England's  Memorial,  p.  394, 
was  the  fifth  signer  of  the  Compact  "  Like  the  promontory  of  Palinurus, 
on  board  the  Mayflower.  Hutch-  it  is  respectfully  regarded  as  the 
inson,  in  his  History  of  Massachu-  memorial  of  an  ancient  worthy, 
setts,  ii.  461,  says,  "  Isaac  Allerton  and  the  appellation,  perpetuating 
or  Alderton,  the  first  assistant,  was  the  memory  of  a  man  of  the  great- 
employed  several  times  to  negoti-  est  commercial  enterprise  in  those 
ate  matters  in  England  relative  to  early  times,  is  most  fitly  applied.  / 
their  trade,  and  at  length  left  them  '  Gaudet  cognomine  terra.'  "  —  The 
and  settled  there.  His  male  pos-  accurate  Hutchinson  is  for  once  in 
terity  settled  in  Maryland.  If  they  an  error.  Allerton  removed  to 
be  extinct.  Point  Alderton,  at  the  New  Haven  in  Connecticut,  pre- 
^trance  of  Boston  harbour,  which  vious  to  the  last  of  March,  1647,  and 
took  his  name,  will  probably  pre-  died  there  in  1659.  We  are  in- 
serve  it  many  ages."  Judge  Davis  debted  to  the  Rev.  Leonard  Bacon, 
adds,   in  his  edition  of  Morton's  of  New  Haven,  for  the  discovery  of 


J  96  THE  FIRST   LAWS   ENACTED. 

CHAP,  went  venturously,  who  were  welcomed  of  him  after 

-i^  their  manner.    He  gave  them  three  or  four  ground-nuts 

16  21.  and  some  tobacco.     We  cannot  yet  conceive  but  that 

2^   he  is  willing  to  have  peace  with  us  ;  for  they  have  seen 

our  people  sometimes  alone  two  or  three   in  the  woods 

at  work  and   fowling,  whenas   they   offered   them  no 

harm,  as  they  might  easily  have  done  ;  and  especially 

because  he  hath  a  potent  adversary,  the  Narowhigan- 

sets,  that  are  at  war  with  him,  against  whom  he  thinks 

we  may  be  some   strength  to  him  ;  for  our  pieces  are 

terrible  unto  them.     This  morning  they  stayed  till  ten 

or  eleven  of  the  clock  ;  and  our  governor  bid  them  send 

the  king's   kettle,   and   filled   it  full  of  pease,  which 

pleased  them  well ;  and  so  they  went  their  way. 

Friday  was  a  very  fair  day.  Samoset  and  Squanto 
still  remained  with  us.  Squanto  went  at  noon  to  fish 
for  eels.  At  night  he  came  home  with  as  many  as  he 
could  well  lift  in  one  hand  ;  which  our  people  were 
glad  of;  they  were  fat  and  sweet.  He  trod  them  out^ 
with  his  feet,  and  so  caught  them  with  his  hands, 
without  any  other  instrument. 

This  day  we  proceeded  on  with  our  common  busi- 
ness, from  which  we  had  been  so  often  hindered  by 
the  salvages'  coming  ;  and  concluded  both  of  military 
orders  and  of  some  laws  ^  and  orders  as  we  thought 


this  fiict.    His  conjecture,  however,  '  Of  the  mud;  probably  at  Eel 

is  unfounded  that  AUerton   left  no  river,  so  called  from  the  abundance 

daughter.     It  appears  from  Hutch-  of    eels    which    are    taken    there, 

inson,  ii.  456,  compared  with  Mor-  About    150    barrels   are    annually 

ton's   Memorial,   p.   TiSl,  that   his  caught.     See  Thacher's  Plymouth, 

daughter  Mary,  who  married  Tho-  p.  .32i!. 

mas  Cushman,  son  of  Robert,  was  ^  In  1636  a  code  of  laws  was 
alive  in  1698,  the  last  survivor  of  made,  with  a  preamble  containing 
the  passengers  in  the  Mayflower,  an  account  of  the  settlement  of  the 
See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxvii.  243  Colony.  This  code  was  revised  in 
and  301,  and  Professor  Kingsley's  165S,  and  again  in  1671,  and  print- 
Historical  Discourse,  p.  92.  ed  with  this  title,  "  The  Book  of 


CARVER   RE-ELECTED    GOVERNOR. 


197 


behooveful  for  our  present  estate  and  condition  ;  and  chap. 
did  likewise  choose  ^  our  governor  for  this  year,  which  — -v-^ 
was  Master  John  Carver,  a  man  well  approved  162 1. 
amongst  us.^ 


[March  24.     Dies   Elizabeth,  the  wife  of  Mr.  Ed-   Mar. 

24 

ward  Winslow.  N.  B.  This  month  thirteen  of  our 
number  die.  And  in  three  months  past,  dies  half  our 
company ;   the   greatest   part  in   the  depth  of  winter. 


the  General  Laws  of  the  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  Jurisdiction  of  New 
Plymouth."  In  16S5,  a  new  digest 
of  them  was  published.  In  1836 
these  several  codes  were  collected 
and  digested  into  one  volume  by 
William  Brigham,  Esq.  Counsellor 
at  Law,  agreeably  to  a  Resolve  of 
the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts. 
It  serves  to  illustrate  the  condition 
of  the  Colony  at  different  periods, 
the  manners,  wants,  and  senti- 
ments of  our  forefathers,  the  diffi- 
culties with  which  they  struggled, 
and  the  remedies  provided  for  their 
relief.  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxii. 
265,  270. 

Gov.  Hutchinson,  with  unac- 
countable carelessness,  has  assert- 
ed, ii.  463,  that  "  they  never  estab- 
lished any  distinct  code  or  body  of 
laws  ;  "  grounding  his  assertion  on 
a  passage  in  Hubbard's  Hist,  of  N. 
England,  which  implies  no  such 
thing.  The  quotation,  imperfectly 
given  by  Hutchinson,  is  correctly 
as  follows :  "  The  laws  they  in- 
tended to  be  governed  by  were  the 
laws  of  England,  the  which  they 
were  willing  to  be  subject  unto, 
though  in  a  foreign  land ;  and  have 
since  that  time  continued  in  that 
mind  for  the  general,  adding  only 
some  particular  municipal  laws  of 
their  own,  suitable  to  their  consti- 
tution, in  such  cases  where  the 
common  laws  and  statutes  of  Eng- 
land could  not  well  reach,  or  afford 
them  help  in  emergent  difficulties 
of  the  place  ;  possibly  on  the  same 


ground  that  Pacuvius  sometimes 
advised  his  neighbours  of  Capua 
not  to  cashier  their  old  magistrates 
till  they  could  agree  upon  better  to 
place  in  their  room.  So  did  these 
choose  to  abide  by  the  laws  of  Eng- 
land, till  they  could  be  provided  of 
better."  Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii. 
242;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xv.  62. 

'  "Or  rather  confirm."  Bradford 
in  Prince,  p.  1S8.  It  will  be  recol- 
lected that  Carver  had  been  chosen 
governor  on  the  1 1th  of  November, 
the  same  day  on  which  the  Com- 
pact was  signed.  It  was  now  the 
23d  of  March,  and  the  new  year 
beginning  on  the  25th,  according 
to^the  calendar  then  in  use.  Carver 
was  reelected  for  the  ensuing  year. 
The  question  has  sometimes  been 
asked,  Why  was  not  Brewster  cho- 
sen ?  The  answer  is  given  by 
Hutchinson,  ii.  460.  "  He  was 
their  ruling  elder,  which  seems  to 
have  been  the  bar  to  his  being  their 
governor,  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
office  in  the  same  person  being 
then  deemed  incompatible." 

^  Here  the  daily  journal  breaks 
off,  and  an  interval  of  three  months 
occurs  before  the  account  of  the 
expedition  to  Pokanoket,  during 
which  nothing  is  recorded.  To  fill 
up  this  chasm  in  some  measure,  I 
insert  the  following  particulars, 
which  Prince  extracts  from  Gov. 
Bradford's  History,  and  from  his 
Reirister,  in  which  he  records  some 
of  the  first  deaths,  marriages,  and 
punishments  at  Plymouth. 


198 


MORTALITY   AMONG   THE   COLONISTS. 


16  2L 
Mar. 


CHAP,  wanting  houses  and  other  comforts,  being  infected 
— v^  with  the  scurvy  and  other  diseases,  which  their  long 
voyage  and  unaccommodate  condition  brought  upon 
them ;  so  as  there  die  sometimes  two  or  three  a  day. 
Of  a  hundred  persons  scarce  fifty  remain  ;  the  living 
scarce  able  to  bury  the  dead  ;  the  well  not  sufficient  to 
tend  the  sick,  there  being,  in  their  time  of  greatest  dis- 
tress, but  six  or  seven,  who  spare  no  pains  to  help  them. 
Two  of  the  seven  were  Mr.  Brewster,  their  reverend 
elder,  and  Mr.  Standish,  their  captain.  The  like  dis- 
ease fell  also  among  the  sailors,  so  as  almost  half 
their   company  also    die   before   they   sail.^     But    the 


'  The  exact  bill  of  mortality,  as 
collected  by  Prince,  is  as  follows. 


In  December 

6 

In  January 
In  February 
In  March 

8 
17 
13 

Total       44 

Of  these  were  subscribers  to 
the  Compact, 

The  wives  of  Bradford,  Stand- 
ish, AUerton,  and  Winslow, 

Also,  Edward  Thomson,  a  ser- 
vant of  Mr.  White,  Jasper 
Carver,  a  son  of  the  go- 
vernor, and  Solomon  Mar- 
tin, son  of  Christopher, 

Other  women,  children  and 
servants,  whose  names  are 
not  known, 


21 
4 


16 


44 


Before  the  arrival  of  the  Fortune 
in  Nov.  six  more  died,  including 
Carver  and  his  wife,  making  the 
whole  number  of  deaths  50,  and 
leaving  the  total  number  of  the  sur- 
vivors 50.  Of  those  not  named 
among  the  survivors,  being  young 
men,  women,  children,  and  ser- 
vants, there  were  31 ;  amongst 
whom,  as  appears  from  the  list  of 


names  in  the  division  of  the  lands 
in  1623,  were  Joseph  Rogers,  pro- 
bably a  son  of  Thomas,  Mary  Chil- 
ton, probably  a  daughter  of  James, 
Henry  Sainson,  and  Humility 
Cooper.  See  Baylies'  Plymouth,  i. 
70;  Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  207; 
Morton's  Memorial,  p.  375. 

Wood,  in  his  New  England's 
Prospect,  ch.  2,  says,  "  whereas 
many  died  at  the  beginning  of  the 
plantations,  it  was  not  because  the 
country  was  unhealihful,  but  be- 
cause their  bodies  were  corrupted 
with  sea-diet,  which  was  naught, 
the  beef  and  pork  being  tainted, 
their  butter  and  cheese  corrupted, 
their  fish  rotten,  and  the  voyage 
long  by  reason  of  cross  winds,  so 
that  winter  approaching  before  they 
could  get  w^arm  houses,  and  the 
searching  sharpness  of  that  purer 
climate  creeping  in  at  the  crannies 
of  their  crazed  bodies,  caused  death 
and  sickness."  Dudley,  too,  in  his 
letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln, 
in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  43,  re- 
marks, "  touching  the  sickness  and 
mortality  which  every  first  year 
hath  seized  upon  us  and  those  of 
Plymouth,  (of  which  mortality  it 
may  be  said  of  us  almost  as  of  the 
Egyptians,  that  there  is  not  a  house 
where  there  is  not  one  dead,  and  in 
some  houses  many,)  the  natural 


THE   MAYFLOWER   SAILS   FOR   ENGLAND. 


199 


spring  advancing,  it  pleases  God  the  mortality  begins  chap. 
to  cease,  and  the  sick  and  lame  recover ;  which  puts  -^v^^ 
new  life  into  the  people,  though  they  had  borne  their  1621. 
sad  affliction  with  as  much  patience  as  any  could  do. 

The  first  offence  since  our  arrival  is  of  John  Billlng- 
ton,  who  came  on  board  at  London,  and  is  this  month 
convented  before  the  whole  company  for  his  contempt 
of  the  Captain's  lawful  command  with  opprobrious 
speeches,  for  which  he  is  adjudged  to  have  his  neck 
and  heels  tied  together  ;  but  upon  humbling  himself 
and  craving  pardon,  and  it  being  the  first  offence,  he 
is  forgiven.^ 

April  5.    We  despatch  the  ship  with  Captain  Jones,  April 
who  this  day  sails  from  New  Plymouth,  and  May  6 
arrives  in  England.^ 

While  we  are  busy  about  our  seed,  our  governor, 
Mr.  Carver,  comes  out  of  the  field  very  sick,  complains 


causes  seem  to  be,  the  want  of 
warm  lodging  and  good  diet,  to 
which  Englishmen  are  habituated 
at  home.  Those  of  Plymouth, 
who  landed  in  Avinter,  died  of  scur- 
vy, as  did  our  poorer  sort,  whose 
housing  and  bedding  kept  them  not 
sufficiently  warm." 

Holmes,  in  his  Annals,  i.  168, 
says,  "tradition  gives  an  affecting 
picture  of  the  infant  colony  during 
this  critical  and  distressing  period. 
The  dead  were  buried  on  the  bank, 
at  a  little  distance  from  the  rock 
where  the  fathers  landed;  and,  lest 
the  Indians  should  take  advantage 
of  the  weak  and  wretched  state  of 
the  English,  the  graves  were  lev- 
elled, and  sown  for  the  purpose  of 
concealment.  This  information  I 
received  at  Plymouth  from  the  late 
Ephraim  Spooner,  a  respectable 
inhabitant  of  that  town,  and  dea- 
con of  the  church,  who  accompa- 
nied me  to  the  spot  where  those 
first  interments  were  made.     Hu- 


man bones  have  been  washed  out 
of  the  bank,  within  the  memory  of 
the  present  generation.  Deacon 
Spooner,  then  upwards  of  70  years 
of  age,  had  his  information  from 
Mr.  Thomas  Faunce,  who  was  a 
ruling  elder  in  the  first  church  ia 
Plymouth,  and  was  well  acquainted 
with  several  of  the  first  settlers. 
Elder  Faunce  knew  the  rock  on 
which  they  first  landed  ;  and  hear- 
ing that  it  was  covered  in  the  erec- 
tion of  a  wharf,  was  so  afiiected, 
that  he  wept.  His  tears  perhaps 
saved  it  from  oblivion.  He  died 
Feb.27, 1746,  aged  99."  See  note' 
on  page  161. 

*  See  note  '  on  page  149. 

^  It  is  a  circumstance  worthy  of 
notice,  that  notwithstanding  the 
hardships,  privations,  and  mortality 
among  the  Pilgrims,  not  one  of 
them  was  induced  to  abandon  the 
enterprise  and  return  home  in  the 
Mayflower. 


200 


DEATH   OF   GOVERNOR  CARVER. 


CHAP,  greatly  of  his  head.  Within  a  few  hours  his  senses 
— ^-  fail,  so  as  he  speaks  no  more,  and  in  a  few  days  after 
^.^2.}-  dies,   to  our   great  lamentation  and  heaviness.       His 

April.  '  .    *= 

care  and  pains  were  so  great  for  the  common  good,  as 
therewith,  it  is  thought,  he  oppressed  himself  and  short- 
ened his  days  ;  of  whose  loss  we  cannot  sufficiently 
complain  ;  and  his  wife  deceases  about  five  or  six 
weeks  after.^ 


'  "  Before  I  pass  on,  I  may  not 
omit  to  take  notice  of  the  sad  loss 
the  church  and  this  infant  common- 
wealth sustained  by  the  death  of  Mr. 
John  Carver,  who  was  one  of  the 
deacons  of  the  church  in  Leyden, 
but  now  had  been  and  was  their 
first  governor.  This  worthy  gen- 
tleman was  one  of  singular  piety, 
and  rare  for  humility,  which  ap- 
peared, as  otherwise,  so  by  his 
great  condescendency,  whenas  this 
miserable  people  were  in  great 
sickness.  He  shunned  not  to  do 
very  mean  services  for  them,  yea, 
the  meanest  of  them.  He  bare  a 
share  likewise  of  their  labor  in  his 
own  person,  according  as  their  great 
necessity  required.  Who  being  one 
also  of  a  considerable  estate,  spent 
the  main  part  of  it  in  this  enter- 
prise, and  from  first  to  last  ap- 
proved himself  not  only  as  their 
agent  in  the  first  transacting  of 
things,  but  also  all  along  to  the  pe- 
riod of  his  life,  to  be  a  pious,  faith- 
ful, and  very  beneficial  instrument. 
He  deceased  in  the  month  of  April 
in  the  year  1621,  and  is  now  reap- 
ing the  fruit  of  his  labor  with  the 
Lord."  MS.  Records  of  Plym.  Ch. 
vol.  i.  p.  27.  See  also  Morton's 
Memorial,  p.  68. 

It  is  supposed  that  Carver's  death 
was  occasioned  by  a  stroke  of  the 
sun ;  and  yet,  as  Baylies  observes, 
"  it  is  not  a  little  remarkable  that 
such  an  effect  should  have  been 
produced  in  this  climate  in  the 
month  of  April."  Morton  says, 
"  he  was  buried  in  the  best  man- 


ner they  could,  with  as  much  so- 
lemnity as  they  were  in  a  capacity 
to  perform,  with  the  discharge  of 
some  volleys  of  shot  of  all  that  bare 
arms." 

Nothing  is  known  of  Carver  pre- 
vious to  his  appointment  in  1617 
as  one  of  the  agents  of  the  Church 
at  Leyden.  Nor  is  any  thing 
known  of  his  immediate  descend- 
ants. It  will  be  seen  by  the  Com- 
pact, p.  121,  that  there  were  8  per- 
sons in  his  family.  He  lost  a  son 
Dec.  6,  and  his  daughter  Elizabeth 
married  John  Howland.  See  note '^ 
on  page  149.  The  name  of  Car- 
ver does  not  appear  in  the  assign- 
ment of  the  lands  in  1623,  nor  in 
the  division  of  the  cattle  in  1627; 
nor  does  it  appear  at  any  subse- 
quent time  in  ibe  annals  of  the  Col- 
ony. "Hischildren  attained  no  civil 
honors  ;  they  rose  to  no  distinction  ; 
but  less  fortunate  than  the  children 
of  the  other  governors,  they  re- 
mained in  obscurity,  and  were  un- 
noticed by  the  people."  William, 
the  grandson  (or  nephew)  of  the 
governor  died  at  Marshfield,  Oct. 
2,  1760,  at  the  age  of  102.  Not 
long  before  his  death,  this  grand- 
son, with  his  son,  his  grandson, 
and  great  grandson,  were  all  at 
work  together  without  doors,  and 
the  great  great  grandson  was  in  the 
house  at  the  same  time.  Many  of 
the  name  are  still  living  in  various 
parts  of  the  Old  Colony.  The 
town  of  Carver  in  Plymouth  Coun- 
ty will  help  to  perpetuate  it.  Com- 
pare Hutchinson's  Mass.   ii.  456, 


THE   FIRST   MARRIAGE   AND   DUEL.  201 

Soon  after  we  choose  Mr.  William  Bradford  our  chap. 
governor  and  Mr.  Isaac  Allerton  his  assistant,  who  are  -^---^ 
by  renewed  elections  continued  together  sundry  years,   j^^ 

May  12.     The  first  marriage  in  this  place  is  of  Mr.    12. 
Edward   VVinslow  to  Mrs.  Susanna  White,  widow  of 
Mr.  William  White.^ 

June  18.     The  second  offence  is  the  first  duel  foue;ht  June 

18 

in  New  England,  upon  a  challenge  at  single  combat 
with  sword  and  dagger,  between  Edward  Doty  and 
Edward  Leister,  servants  of  Mr.  Hopkins.  Both  being 
wounded,  the  one  in  the  hand,  the  other  in  the  thigh, 
they  are  adjudged  by  the  whole  company  to  have  their 
head  and  feet  tied  together,  and  so  to  lie  for  twenty- 
four  hours,  without  meat  or  drink ;  which  is  begun  to 
be  inflicted,  but  within  an  hour,  because  of  their  great 
pains,  at  their  own  and  their  master's  humble  request, 
uj)on  promise  of  better  carriage,  they  are  released  by 
the  governor.] 

■with  Mitchell's   Hist,    of   Bridge-  '  Wm.  White  died  Feb.  21,  and 

water,  pp.   129  and  362 ;  and  see  Edward     Winslow's     first     wife, 

Baylies'   Plymouth,  i.  71,  and  Bel-  March  24. 
knap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  179  —  216. 


26 


CHAPTER    XI. 

A  JOURNEY  TO  PACKANOKICK,  THE  HABITATION  OF  THE 
GREAT  KING  MASSASOYT;  AS  ALSO  OUR  MESSAGE,  THE 
ANSWER  AND  ENTERTAINMENT   WE   HAD   OF   HIM.> 

CHAP.  It  seemed  good  to  the  company,  for  many  consider- 
-^v-^  ations,  to  send  some  amongst  them  to  Massasoyt,  the 
1621.  greatest  commander  amongst  the  savages  bordering 
upon  us  ;  partly  to  know  where  to  find  them,  if  occasion 
served,  as  also  to  see  their  strength,  discover  the  coun- 
try, prevent  abuses  in  their  disorderly  coming  unto  us, 
make  satisfaction  for  some  conceived  injuries  to  be  done 
on  our  parts,  and  to  continue  the  league  of  peace  and 
friendship  between  them  and  us.  For  these  and  the 
like  ends,  it  pleased  the  governor  to  make  choice  of 
Steven  Hopkins  and  Edward  Winsloe  to  go  unto  him ; 
and  having  a  fit  opportunity,  by  reason  of  a  savage 
called  Tisquantum,  that  could  speak  English,  coming 

'  There  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  The  peculiar  mode  in  which  cer- 

that  the  narrative  of  this  expedition  tain    words   are   spelt  corresponds 

was  written  by  Winslow.     He  and  with  the  manner  in  which  they  are 

Hopkins  were  the  only  persons  en-  spelt   in    Winslow's    Good    News 

gaged  in   it,  and  of  course  one  of  from    New    England.      Thus    the 

them  must  have  written  it.     That  name  of  their  Indian  interpreter  is 

the  author  was  Winslow,  and  not  in    both   papers    invariably   called 

Hopkins,  is  rendered  highly  proba-  Tisquantum,  whilst  Bradford  writes 

ble  by  the  circumstance  that  Hop-  it  Squanto.     In  both  narratives  too 

kins's    name    is    mentioned   first,  we  read  Paomet  instead  of  Pamet. 


uae. 


EMBASSY   TO   MASSASOIT.  203 

unto  US,  with  all  expedition  provided  a  horseman's  chap. 
coat  of  red  cotton,  and  laced  witli  a  slight  lace,  for  a  -^v-^ 
present,  that  both  they  and  their  message  might  be  the  I62i, 
more  acceptable  amongst  them. 

The  message  was  as  follows  :  That  forasmuch  as 
his  subjects  came  often  and  without  fear  upon  all  occa- 
sions amongst  us,  so  we  were  now  come  unto  him  ;  and 
in  witness  of  the  love  and  good-will  the  English  bear 
unto  him,  the  governor  hath  sent  him  a  coat,  desiring 
that  the  peace  and  amity  that  was  between  them  and 
us  might  be  continued  ;  not  that  we  feared  them,  but 
because  we  intended  not  to  injure  any,  desiring  to  live 
peaceably,  and  as  with  all  men,  so  especially  with 
them,  our  nearest  neighbours.  But  whereas  his  people 
came  very  often,  and  very  many  together  unto  us, 
bringing  for  the  most  part  their  wives  and  children 
with  them,  they  were  welcome  ;  yet  we  being  but 
strangers  as  yet  at  Patuxet,  alias  New  Plymouth,^  and 
not  knowing  how  our  corn  might  prosper,  we  could  no 
longer  give  them  such  entertainment  as  we  had  done, 
and  as  we  desired  still  to  do.  Yet  if  he  would  be 
pleased  to  come  himself,  or  any  special  friend  of  his 
desired  to  see  us,  coming  from  him  they  should  be 
welcome.  And  to  the  end  we  might  know  them  from 
others,  our  governor  had  sent  him  a  copper  chain  ;  de- 
siring if  any  messenger  should  come  from  him  to  us,  we 
might  know  him  by  bringing  it  with  him,  and  hearken 

'  Capt.  John  Smith,  in  his  map  native  country ;  and  for  that  they 

of    New    England,    published    in  received    many    kindnesses    from 

1616,  had  given  the  name  of  Ply-  some    Christians    there."      Smith 

mouth  to  this  place.     Morton  says  says  its  Indian  name    was  Acco- 

in  his  Memorial, p. 56,  "  The  name  mack,   and  calls  it  "an   excellent 

of  Plymouth  was  so  called,  not  only  good  harbour."     The  natives  also 

for  the  reason  here  named,  but  also  called  it  Apaum.     See  Mass.  Hist, 

because  Plymouth,  in  Old  England,  CoU.  xxiii.  1,  and  xxvi,  97,  119. 
was  the  last  town  they  left  in  their 


204  THE   DESIGN    OF  THE   EMBASSY. 

CHAP,  and  give  credit  to  his  message  accordingly  ;  also  re- 
— --^  questing  him  that  such  as  have  skins  should  bring  them 
1621.  to  us,  and  that  he  would  hinder  the  multitude  from 
oppressing  us  with  them.  And  whereas,  at  our  first 
arrival  at  Paomet,'  called  by  us  Cape  Cod,  we  found 
there  corn  buried  in  the  ground,  and  finding  no  inha- 
bitants, but  some  graves  of  dead  new  buried,  took  the 
corn,  resolving,  if  ever  we  could  hear  of  any  that  had 
right  thereunto,  to  make  satisfaction  to  the  full  for  it ; 
yet  since  we  understand  the  owners  thereof  were  fled 
for  fear  of  us,  our  desire  was  either  to  pay  them 
with  the  like  quantity  of  corn,  English  meal,  or  any 
other  commodities  we  had,  to  pleasure  them  w  ithal ; 
requesting  him  that  some  one  of  his  men  might  signify 
so  much  unto  them,  and  we  would  content  him  for  his 
pains.^  And  last  of  all,  our  governor  requested  one 
favor  of  him,  which  was  that  he  would  exchange  some 
of  their  corn  for  seed  with  us,  that  we  might  make 
trial  w^hich  best  agreed  with  the  soil  where  we  live. 
With  these  presents  and  message  we  set  forward  the 
June  10th  June,^  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  mornina;,  our 
July  guide  resolving  that  night  to  rest  at  Namaschet,"*  a  town 
under  Massasoyt,  and  conceived  by  us  to  be  very  near, 
because  the  inhabitants  flocked  so  thick  upon  every 
slight  occasion  amongst  us ;  but  we  found  it  to  be  some 

'  See  note  '  on  page  125,  and  with  the  rest  of  the  Journal,  I  con- 
note '  on  pa^e  210.  elude  that  on  Monday,  July  2d, 
*  See  note  '  on  page  134.  they  agreed  to  send,  but  set  not  out 
^  "  June  10th  being  Lord's  Day,  till  the  next  morning."  Prince, 
it  is  very  unlikely  that  they  set  out  Ann.  191.  Morion,  in  his  Memo- 
then,  and  is  also  inconsistent  with  rial,  p.  69,  says  it  was  July  2. 
the  rest  of  the  Journal;  whereas  ^  Namaschct,  or  Namaslcet;  that 
July  2d  is  Monday,  when  Governor  part  of  Middleborough,  which  the 
Bradford  says,  'We  sent  Mr.  Ed-  English  first  began  to  .settle.  See 
ward  Winslow  and  Mr.  Steven  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  148.  Capt. 
Hopkins  to  see  our  new  friend  Dermer  was  at  this  place  in  1619. 
Massasoit;'    though,   to   comport  See  note  ^  on  page  190. 


3. 


THE   MESSENGERS   REACH   MIDDLEBOROUGH.  205 

fifteen  English  miles.     On  the  way  we  found  some  chap. 
ten  or  twelve  men,  ^vomen,  and  children,  which   had  — v-w 
pestered  us   till  we  were  wearj  of  them,   perceivino- ^621. 
that  (as  the  manner  of  them  all  is)  where  victual  is     3. 
easilest  to  be  got,   there  they  live,  especially  in   the 
summer  ;   by  reason  whereof,  our   bay  affording  many 
lobsters,  they  resort  every  spring-tide  thither  ;  and  now 
returned  with  us   to  Namaschet.     Thither  we  came 
about  three  o'clock  after  noon,  the  inhabitants  enter- 
taining us  with  joy,  in    the   best  manner   they  could, 
giving  us  a  kind  of  bread  called  by  them  maiziiim,^  and 
the  spawn  of  shads,  which  then  they  got  in  abundance, 
insomuch  as  they  gave  us  spoons  to  eat  them.     With 
these  they  boiled  musty  acorns  ;  ^  but  of  the  shads  we 
eat  heartily.     After  this  they  desired  one  of  our  men 
to  shoot  at  a  crow,  complaining  what  damage  they  sus- 
tained in  their  corn  by  them  ;  who  shooting  some  four- 
score off  and  killing,  they  much  admired  at  it,  as  other 
shots  on  other  occasions. 

After  this,  Tisquantum  told  us  we  should  hardly  in 
one  day  reach  Packanokick,  moving  us  to  go  some  eight 
miles  further,  where  we  should  find  more  store  and 
better  victuals  than  there.  Being  willing  to  hasten 
our  journey,  we  went  and  came  thither  at  sunsetting, 
where  we  found  many  of  the  Namascheucks  (they  so 
calling  the  men  of  Namaschet)  fishing  upon  a  wear' 
which  they  had  made  on  a  river  which  belonged  to 
them,  where  they  caught  abundance  of  bass.  These 
welcomed  us  also,  gave  us  of  their  fish,  and  we  them 

'  Made  of  maz'te,  or  Indian  corn,  adjoining  Bridgewater,  is  a  noted 

See  note  '  on  page  131.  place,  which  was   formerly  called 

/  See  note  '  on  page  145.  the    Old    Indian    Wear.     Though 

^  At  or  near  a  village  now  called  other  wears  have  been   erected  on 

Tilicut,  on   Taunton  river,  in   the  Taunton  river,  yet  this  is  probably 

northwest  part  of  Middleborough,  the  place  intended.     F, 


206  THEY   FORD  TAUNTON   RIVER. 

CHAP,  of  our  victuals,  not  doubtiiiir  but  we  should  have  enough 

XI. 

— v^-  where'er  we  came.  There  we  lodged  in  the  open 
1621.  fields,  for  houses  thej  had  none,  though  they  spent  the 
most  of  the  summer  there.  The  head  of  this  river  is 
reported  to  be  not  far  from  the  place  of  our  abode. ^ 
Upon  it  are  and  have  been  many  towns,  it  being  a 
good  length.  The  ground  is  very  good  on  both  sides, 
it  being  for  the  most  part  cleared.  Thousands  of  men 
have  lived  there,  which  died  in  a  great  plague  ^  not 
long  since ;  and  pity  it  was  and  is  to  see  so  many 
goodly  fields,  and  so  well  seated,  without  men  to  dress 
and  manure  the  same.  Upon  this  river  dwelleth  Mas- 
sasoyt.  It  cometh  into  the  sea  at  the  Narrohigganset 
bay,  where  the  Frenchmen  so  much  use.  A  ship  may 
go  many  miles  up  it,  as  the  salvages  report,  and  a  shal- 
lop to  the  head  of  it  ;  but  so  far  as  we  saw,  we  are 
sure  a  shallop  may.^  But  to  return  to  our  journey. 
July       The  next  morning  we  brake  our  fast,  took  our  leave, 

A 

and  departed  ;  being  then  accompanied  with  some  six 
salvages.  Having  gone  about  six  miles  by  the  river 
side,  at  a  known  shoal  place, ^  it  being  low  water,  they 
spake  to  us  to  put  off  our  breeches,  for  we  must  wade 
through.  Here  let  me  not  forget  the  valor  and  courage 
of  some  of  the  salvages  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river  ;  for  there  were  remaining  alive  only  two  men, 
both  aged,  especially  the  one,  being  above  threescore. 
These  two,  espying  a  company  of  men  entering  the 
river,  ran  very  swiftly,  and  low  in  the  grass,  to  meet 

1   The  Winnatuckset,  one  of  the  *  About  six  miles  below  Old  In- 

tributaries  of  Taunton  river,  has  its  dian  Wear  is  a  noted  wading  place, 

source  in  Carver,  seven  miles  from  The  opposite  shore  of  Taunton  riv- 

Plvmouth.  er   is    in    Ravnham.    F.     Baylies, 

-  See  note  "  on  page  1S3.  says,  i.  75,  it  is  "  near  the  new  forge 

^  The    river    is     navigable    for  on  Taunton  river,  about  three  miles 

gloops  as  far  as  Taunton.  from  the  Green." 


DESCRIPTION   OF  THE   COUNTRY.  207 

US  at  the  bank :  where,  with  shrill  voices  and  fireat  chap. 

XI 

courage,  standing  charged   upon  us  with  their  bows,  — ^— - 
they  demanded   what  we  were,   supposing  us   to   be  1621. 
enemies,  and  thinking  to  take  advantage  on  us  in  the     4. 
water.     But  seeing  we  were  friends,  they  welcomed 
us  with  such   food  as  they  had,   and  we   bestowed  a 
small   bracelet  of  beads  on  them.     Thus  far  we  are 
sure  the  tide  ebbs  and  flows.  ' 

Having  here  again  refreshed  ourselves,  we  proceeded 
in  our  journey,  the  weather  being  very  hot  for  travel ; 
yet  the  country  so  well  watered,  that  a  man  could 
scarce  be  dry,  but  he  should  have  a  spring  at  hand  to 
cool  his  thirst,  beside  small  rivers  in  abundance.  But 
the  salvages  will  not  willingly  drink  but  at  a  spring- 
head. When  we  came  to  any  small  brook,  where  no 
bridge  was,  two  of  them  desired  to  carry  us  through  of 
their  own  accords  ;  also,  fearing  we  were  or  would  be 
weary,  offered  to  carry  our  pieces  ;  also,  if  we  would 
lay  off  any  of  our  clothes,  we  should  have  them  carried  ; 
and  as  the  one  of  them  had  found  more  special  kind- 
ness from  one  of  the  messengers,  and  the  other  salvage 
from  the  other,  so  they  showed  their  thankfulness  ac- 
cordingly in  affording  us  all  help  and  furtherance  in  the 
journey. 

As  we  passed  along,  we  observed  that  there  were 
few  places  by  the  river  but  had  been  inhabited  ;  by 
reason  whereof  much  ground  was  clear,  save  of  weeds, 
which  grew  higher  than  our  heads.  There  is  much 
good  timber,  both  oak,  walnut  tree,  fir,  beech,  and  ex- 
ceeding great  chestnut  trees.  The  country,  in  respect 
of  the  lying  of  it,  is  both  champaign  and  hilly,  like 
many  places  in  England.  In  some  places  it  is  very 
rocky,  both  above  ground  and  in  it ;  and  though  the 


208  THEY   ARRIVE   AT   WARREN,   R.    I. 

CHAP,  country  be  wild  and  overgrown  with  woods,  yet  the 


XI. 


trees  stand  not  thick,  but  a  man  may  well  ride  a  horse 
1621.  amongst  them.^ 

July  ^  . 

4.  Passing  on  at  length,  one  of  the  company,  an  Indian, 

espied  a  man,  and  told  the  rest  of  it.  We  asked  them 
if  they  feared  any.  They  told  us  that  if  they  were 
Narrohigganset  men,  they  would  not  trust  them. 
Whereat  we  called  for  our  pieces,  and  bid  them  not  to 
fear;  for  though  they  were  twenty,  we  two  alone  would 
not  care  for  them.  But  they  hailing  him,  he  proved  a 
friend,  and  had  only  two  women  with  him.  Their 
baskets  were  empty  ;  but  they  fetched  water  in  their 
bottles,  so  that  we  drank  with  them  and  departed. 
After  we  met  another  man,  with  other  two  women, 
which  had  been  at  rendezvous  by  the  salt  water ;  and 
their  baskets  were  full  of  roasted  crab  fishes  and  other 
dried  shell  fish,  of  which  they  gave  us  ;  and  w^e  eat 
and  drank  with  them,  and  gave  each  of  the  women  a 
string  of  beads,  and  departed. 

After  we  came  to  a  town  of  Massasovt's,  where  we 
eat  oysters  and  other  fish.  From  thence  we  went  to 
Packanokick;^  but  Massasoyt  was  not  at  home.   There 


'  See  note  ^  on  page  124.  course  on  Rhode  Island,  says,  that 

^  "  This  was  a  general  name  for  "  Sowams  is  the  neck  since  called 

the  northern  shore  of  Narraganset  Phebe's  Neck,  in  Barrington  ;  "  but 

Bay,  between  Providence  and  Taun-  intimates  in  a  note  that  ''perhaps 

ton  rivers,  and  compreliending  the  Sowams  is  properly  the  name  of 

present  townships  of  Bristol,  War-  the  river,  where  the  two  Swansey 

ren,  and  Barrington,  in  the  State  of  rivers  meet  and   run  together  for 

Rhode    Island,   and    Swansey,   in  near    a   mile,   when    they   empty 

Massachusetts.     Its    northern   ex-  themselves  in  the  Narraganset  Bay, 

tent  is  unknown.     The   principal  or  of  a  small  island,  where  these 

seatsof  Massasoit  were  at  Sowams  two  rivers  meet,  at  the  bottom  of 

and  Kikemuit.     The  former  is  a  New   Meadow   Neck,  so   called." 

neck  of  land  formed  by  the  conflu-  See  Rhode  Island  Hist.  Coll.  iv.  84. 

ence  of  Barrington    and  Palmer's  Morton  says,  p.  69,  that  "  they 

rivers:  the  latter  is  Mount  Hope."  found  his  (Massasoit's)  place  to  be 

Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  221.  about  forty  miles  from  New  Ply- 

Callendcr,  in  his  Historical  Dis-  mouth." 


CONFERENCE   WITH   MASSASOIT.  209 

we  stayed,  he  being  sent  for.    When  news  was  brought  chap. 
of  his  coming,  our  guide  Tisquantum  requested  that  at  — -— 
our  meeting  we  would  discharge  our  pieces.     But  one  I62i. 
of  us   going  about  to    charge  his   piece,   the   women     4. 
and  children,  through  fear  to  see  him  take  up  his  piece, 
ran  away,  and  could  not  be  pacified  till  he  laid  it  down 
again  ;    who  afterward  were   better  informed   by  our 
interpreter.     Massasoyt  being  come,  we  discharged  our 
pieces  and  saluted  him  ;  who,  after  their  manner,  kindly 
welcomed  us,  and   took  us  into  his  house,  and  set  us 
down    by  him ;  where,  having   delivered   our   foresaid 
message  and  presents,  and  having  put  the  coat  on  his 
back  and  the  chain  about  his  neck,  he  was  not  a  little 
proud  to  behold  himself,  and  his  men  also  to  see  their 
king  so  bravely  attired. 

For  answer  to  our  message,  he  told  us  we  were  wel- 
come, and  he  would  gladly  continue  that  peace  and 
friendship  which  was  between  him  and  us ;  and,  for 
his  men,  they  should  no  more  pester  us  as  they  had 
done ;  also,  that  he  would  send  to  Paomet,  and  would 
help  us  with  corn  for  seed,  according  to  our  request. 

This  being  done,  his  men  gathered  near  to  him,  to 
whom  he  turned  himself  and  made  a  great  speech  ; 
they  sometimes  interposing,  and,  as  it  were,  confirming 
and  applauding  him  in  that  he  said.  The  meaning 
whereof  was,  as  far  as  we  could  learn,  thus  :  Was  not 
he,  Massasoyt,  commander  of  the  country  about  them  ? 
Was  not  such  a  town  his,  and  the  people  of  it  ?  And 
should  they  not  bring  their  skins  unto  us  ?  To  which 
they  answered,  they  were  his,  and  would  be  at  peace 
with  us,  and  bring  their  skins  to  us.  After  this  man- 
ner he  named  at  least  thirty  places,  and  their  answer 

27 


210  A   NIGHT   AT   POKANOKET. 

CHAP,  was  as  aforesaid  to  every  one  ;  so  that  as  it  was  delight- 

'^-^  fu],  it  was  tedious  unto  us. 

1621.  This  being  ended,  he  lighted  tobacco  for  us,  and  fell 
to  discoursing  of  England  and  of  the  King's  Majesty, 
marvelling  that  he  would  live  without  a  wife.^  Also 
he  talked  of  the  Frenchmen,  bidding  us  not  to  suffer 
them  to  come  to  Narrohigganset,  for  it  was  King  James's 
country,  and  he  also  was  King  James's  man.  Late  it 
grew,  but  victuals  he  offered  none  ;  for  indeed  he  had 
not  any,  being  he  came  so  newly  home.  So  we  desired 
to  go  to  rest.  He  laid  us  on  the  bed  with  himself  and 
his  wife,  they  at  the  one  end  and  we  at  the  other,  it 
being  only  planks  laid  a  foot  from  the  ground  and  a 
thin  mat  upon  them.^  Two  more  of  his  chief  men,  for 
want  of  room,  pressed  by  and  upon  us ;  so  that  we 
were  worse  weary  of  our  lodging  than  of  our  journey. 
July  The  next  day,  being  Thursday,  many  of  their  sachims, 
or  petty  governors,  came  to  see  us,  and  many  of  their 
men  also.  There  they  went  to  their  manner  of  games 
for  skins  and  knives.  There  we  challenged  them  to 
shoot  with  them  for  skins,  but  they  durst  not ;  only 
they  desired   to  see  one  of  us  shoot  at  a  mark,  who 

'  Anne  of  Denmark,  the  wife  of  three  places  of  the  house  about  the 

James  I.  of  England,  died  on  the  fire.     They  lie  upon  planks,  com- 

2d  of  March,  1619,  aged  45.  monly  about   a   foot   or    eighteen 

^    "In    their    wigwams,"    says  inches  above  the  ground, raised  upon 

Gookin,    "  they  make   a   kind   of  mils  that  are  borne  up  upon  forks, 

couch  or  mattress,  firm  and  strong,  They   lay  mats    under   them,   and 

raised  about  a  foot  high  from  the  coats  of  deer's  skins,  otters',  bea- 

earth  ;    first  covered   with    boards  vers',  racoons',  and  of  bears'  hides, 

that  they  split  out  of  trees,  and  up-  all   which  they  have   dressed  and 

on  the  boards  they  spread  mats  gen-  converted  into  good  leather,  with 

erally,  and  sometimes  bear   skins  the  hair   on,  for   their  coverings; 

and  deer  skins.     These  are  large  and  in    this   manner   they  lie   as 

enough  for  three  or  four  persons  to  warm  as  they  desire."     See  Mass. 

lodge   u|)on  ;    for   their  mattresses  Hist.  Coll.  i.  150,  and  New  English 

are  6  or  8  feet   broad."      Morton  Canaan,  b.  i.  ch.  4. 
says,  "  Their  lodging  is  made  in 


WANT   OF   FOOD.  211 

shooting    with    hail-shot,  they  wondered   to   see   the  chap. 
mark  so  full  of  holes.  -^v^- 

About  one  o'clock  Massasojt  brought  two  fishes  that  1621. 
he  had  shot ;  they  were  like  bream,  but  three  times  so 
big,  and  better  meat.^  These  being  boiled,  there  were 
at  least  forty  looked  for  share  in  them ;  the  most  eat  of 
them.  This  meal  only  we  had  in  two  nights  and  a 
day  ;  and  had  not  one  of  us  bought  a  partridge,  we  had 
taken  our  journey  fasting.  Very  importunate  he  was 
to  have  us  stay  with  them  longer.  But  we  desired  to 
keep  the  Sabbath  at  home  ;  and  feared  we  should  either 
be  light-headed  for  want  of  sleep,  for  what  with  bad 
lodging,  the  savages'  barbarous  singing,  (for  they  use 
to  sing  themselves  asleep,)  lice  and  fleas  within  doors, 
and  mosquitoes  without,  we  could  hardly  sleep  all  the 
time  of  our  being  there ;  we  much  fearing  that  if  we 
should  stay  any  longer,  we  should  not  be  able  to  reco- 
ver home  for  want  of  strength.  So  that  on  the  Friday  July 
morning,  before  sunrising,  we  took  our  leave  and  de- 
parted, Massasoyt  being  both  grieved  and  ashamed  that 
he  could  no  better  entertain  us  ;  and  retaining  Tis- 
quantum  to  send  from  place  to  place  to  procure  truck 
for  us,  and  appointing  another,  called  Tokamahamon, 
in  his  place,  whom  we  had  found  faithful  before  and 
after  upon  all  occasions. 

At  this  town  of  Massasoyt's,  where  we  before  eat, 
we  were  again  refreshed  with  a  little  fish,  and  bought 
about  a  handful  of  meal  of  their  parched  corn,^  which 
was  very  precious  at  that  time  of  the  year,  and  a  small 
string  of  dried  shell-fish,  as  big  as  oysters.^  The  latter 
we  gave  to  the  six  savages  that  accompanied  us,  keep- 

'  Probably  the  fish  called  tataug.        ^  See  note  ^  on  page  1S7. 
Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  288.  ^  These  were  probably  claras. 


212  A   NIGHT  AT  TITICUT. 


CHAP,  inff  the  meal  for  ourselves.     When  we  drank,  we  eat 

XI.  ^ 

— -^-^  each  a  spoonful  of  it  with  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  instead  of 
162  1.  other  victuals  ;  and  of  this  also  we  could  not  but  give 
them  so  long  as  it  lasted.  Five  miles  they  led  us  to  a 
house  out  of  the  way  in  hope  of  victuals ;  but  we  found 
nobody  there,  and  so  were  but  worse  able  to  return  home. 
That  night  we  reached  to  the  wear  where  we  lay  be- 
fore ;  but  the  Namascheucks  were  returned,  so  that  we 
had  no  hope  of  any  thing  there.  One  of  the  savages 
had  shot  a  shad  in  the  water,  and  a  small  squirrel,  as 
big  as  a  rat,  called  a  neuxis;  the  one  half  of  either  he 
gave  us,  and  after  went  to  the  wear  to  iish.  From 
hence  we  wrote  to  Plymouth,  and  sent  Tokamahamon 
before  to  Namasket,  willing  him  from  thence  to  send 
another,  that  he  might  meet  us  with  food  at  Namasket. 
Two  men  now  only  remained  with  us  ;  and  it  pleased 
God  to  give  them  good  store  of  fish,  so  that  we  were 
well  refreshed.  After  supper  we  went  to  rest,  and 
they  to  fishing  again.  More  they  gat,  and  fell  to  eat- 
ing afresh,  and  retained  sufficient  ready  roast  for  all 
our  breakfasts. 
July  About  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  arose  a  great 
Storm  of  wind,  rain,  lightning,  and  thunder,  in  such 
violent  manner  that  we  could  not  keep  in  our  fire  ;  and 
had  the  savages  not  roasted  fish  when  we  were  asleep, 
we  had  set  forward  fasting ;  for  the  rain  still  continued 
with  great  violence,  even  the  whole  day  through,  till 
we  came  within  two  miles  of  home.  Being  wet  and 
weary,  at  length  we  came  to  Namaschet.  There  we 
refreshed  ourselves,  giving  gifts  to  all  such  as  had 
showed  us  any  kindness.  Amongst  others,  one  of  the 
six  that  came  with  us  from  Packanokick,  having  before 
this  on  the  way  unkindly  forsaken   us,  marvelled  we 


THE   MESSENGERS   REACH    HOME.  213 

gave  him  nothing,  and   told  us  what  he  had  done  for  chap. 
us.     We  also  told  him  of  some  discourtesies  he  offered  — v-^ 
us,  whereby  he  deserved  nothing;.      Yet  we  gave   him  1621. 
a  small  trifle  ;  whereupon  he  offered  us  tobacco.     But     7. 
the  house  being  full  of  people,  we  told  them  he  stole 
some  by  the  way,  and  if  it  were  of  that,  we  would  not 
take   it ;  for  we  would   not   receive   that   vt'hich  was 
stolen,  upon  any  terms  ;  if  we  did,  our  God  would  be 
angry  with  us,  and   destroy  us.     This   abashed   him, 
and  gave  the  rest  great  content.     But,  at  our  depart- 
ure, he  would  needs  carry  him '  on  his  back  through 
a  river  whom   he   had  formerly  in  some  sort  abused. 
Fain  they  would  have  had  us  to  lodge  there  all  night, 
and  wondered  we  would  set  forth  again  in  such  weather. 
But,  God  be  praised,  we  came  safe  home  that  night, 
though  wet,  weary,  and  surbated.^ 

^  Undoubtedly  the  writer  himself,  and  reached  Pokanoket  on  Wed- 

Winslow.  nesday,  spent  Thursday  there,  left 

^  Surbated,  bruised,  wearied.  Friday  morning  before  sunrise,  and 

They  had  been  absent  five  days,  arrived  at  Plymouth  Saturday  eve- 

They   started    Tuesday    morning,  ning. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

A  VOYAGE  MADE  BY  TEN  OF  OUR  MEN  TO  THE  KINGDOM 
OF  NAUSET,  TO  SEEK  A  BOY  >  THAT  HAD  LOST  HIMSELF 
IN  THE  WOODS;  WITH  SUCH  ACCIDENTS  AS  BEFELL  US  IN 
THAT  VOYAGE. 


CHAP. 
XII. 


1621, 

1st 

day. 


The  11th  of  June^  we  set  forth,  the  weather  bemg 
very  fair.  But  ere  we  had  been  long  at  sea,  there  arose 
a  storm  of  wind  and  rain,  with  much  hghtning  and  thun- 
der, insomuch  the't  a  spout  arose  not  far  from  us.  But, 
God  be  praised,  it  dured  not  long,  and  we  put  in  that 
night  for  harbour  at  a  place  called  Cummaquid,^  where 
we  had  some  hope  to  find  the  boy.  Two  savages 
were  in  the  boat  with  us.  The  one  was  Tisquantum, 
our   interpreter ;    the  other  Tokamahamon,   a  special 


'  The  name  of  this  boy  was  John 
Billington,  according  to  Bradford, 
in  Prince,  p.  192.  He  was  the 
brother  of  Francis,  who  discovered 
Billington  Sea,  and  the  son  of  John, 
the  first  culprit.  See  note  '  on  page 
149,  and  note  ^  on  page  172.  Mas- 
sasoit  had  sent  word  he  was  at 
Nauset.     See  Prince,  p.  192. 

'^  "This  date  being  inconsistent 
with  several  hints  in  the  foregoing 
and  following  stories,  I  keep  to 
Governor  Bradford's  original  man- 
uscript, and  place  it  between  the 
end  of  July  and  the  13th  of  Au- 
gust."    Prince,  p.  192. 


^  Barnstable  harbour;  which  is 
formed  by  a  neck  of  land,  about 
half  a  mile  wide,  called  Sandy 
Neck,  which  projects  from  Sand- 
Avich  on  the  north  shore,  and  runs 
east  almost  the  length  of  the  town. 
The  harbour  is  about  a  mile  wide, 
and  four  miles  long.  The  tide  rises 
in  it  from  10  to  14  feet.  It  has  a 
bar  running  off  northeast  from  the 
neck  several  miles,  which  prevents 
the  entrance  of  large  ships.  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  iii.  12.  See  note  ^  on 
page  159. 


BARNSTABLE   HARBOUR.  215 

friend.     It  beino-  night  before  we  came  in,  we  anchored  chap. 

XII 

in  the  midst  of  the  bay,  where  we  were  dry  at  a  low  ^^v-L. 
water.  In  the  morning  we  espied  savages  seeking  1 621. 
lobsters,  and  sent  our  two  interpreters  to  speak  with  day. 
them,  the  channel  being  between  them ;  where  they 
told  them  what  we  were,  and  for  what  we  were  come, 
willing  them  not  at  all  to  fear  us,  for  we  would  not 
hurt  them.  Their  answer  was,  that  the  boy  was  well, 
but  he  was  at  Nauset ;  yet  since  we  were  there,  they 
desired  us  to  come  ashore,  and  eat  with  them  ;  which, 
as  soon  as  our  boat  floated,  we  did,  and  went  six  ashore, 
having  four  pledges  for  them  in  the  boat.  They  brought 
us  to  their  sachim,  or  governor,  whom  they  call  lya- 
nough,^  a  man  not  exceeding  twenty-six  years  of  age, 
but  very  personable,  gentle,  courteous,  and  fair  condi- 
tioned, indeed  not  like  a  savage,  save  for  his  attire. 
His  entertainment  was  answerable  to  his  parts,  and 
his  cheer  plentiful  and  various. 

One  thing  was  very  grievous  unto  us  at  this  place. 
There  was  an  old  woman,  whom  we  judged  to  be  no 
less  than  a  hundred  years  old,  which  came  to  see  us, 
because  she  never  saw  English  ;  yet  could  not  behold 
us  without  breaking  forth  into  great  passion,  weeping 
and  crying  excessively.  We  demanding  the  reason  of 
it,  they  told  us  she  had  three  sons,  who,  when  Master 
Hunt^  was  in  these  parts,  went  aboard  his  ship  to  trade 
with  him,  and  he  carried  them  captives  into  Spain,  (for 
Tisquantum  at  that  time  was  carried  away  also,)  by 
which  means  she  was  deprived  of  the  comfort  of  her 
children  in  her  old  age.     We  told  them  we  were  sorry 

/^  Sometimes  called  lyanoiigh  of  stable    and    Yarmouth     harbours. 

Cummaquid,   and  sometimes  lya-  See   Prince,   p.   193;    Mass.  Hist, 

nough  of  Mattakiest,  which  seems  Coll.  i.  197,  and  iii.  15.     F. 

to  be  the  country  between  Barn-  ^  See  pages  186  and  190. 


216  THE   EXPEDITION   REACH   EASTHAM. 

CHAP,  that  any  Englishman  should  give  them  that  offence, 
^— -^  that  Hunt  was  a  bad  man,  and  that  all  the  English 
1^21.  that  heard  of  it  condemned  him  for  the  same  ;  but  for 
us,  we  would  not  offer  them  any  such  injury,  though  it 
would  gain  us  all  the  skins  in  the  country.  So  we 
gave  her  some  small  trifles,  which  somewhat  appeased 
her. 
2d  After  dinner  we  took  boat  for  Nauset,  lyanough 
and  two  of  his  men  accompanying  us.  Ere  we  came 
to  Nauset,^  the  day  and  tide  were  almost  spent,  inso- 
much as  we  could  not  go  in  with  our  shallop  ;  ^  but  the 
sachim  or  governor  of  Cummaquid  went  ashore,  and  his 
men  with  him.  We  also  sent  Tisquantum  to  tell  As- 
pinet,^  the  sachim  of  Nauset,  wherefore  we  came.  The 
savages  he4"e  came  very  thick  amongst  us,  and  were 
earnest  with  us  to  bring  in  our  boat.  But  we  neither 
well  could,  nor  yet  desired  to  do  it,  because  we  had 
less  cause  to  trust  them,  being  they  only  had  formerly 
made  an  assault  upon  us  in  the  same  place, ^  in  time  of 

^  The  territory  which  the  Eng-  seem  to  have  been  two  cantons  or 

lish  afterwards  settled  by  the  name  sachemdoms  of  the  Cape  Indians, 

of  Eastham,  and  the  northern  part  One   extended  from    Eel   river   in 

of  which   still  retains   the  Indian  Plymouth,  to  the  south  shore  of  the 

name.     The  three  light-houses,  re-  Cape,  and  comprehended  what  are 

cently  erected    in   that    town,  are  now  called  the  Mashpee  Indians, 

called    the   Nauset    Lights.      The  and  then  extended  upon  the  Cape 

principal  seats  of  the  Nauset  Indi-  to  the  eastern  part  of  Barnstable, 

ans  were  at  Namskeket,  within  the  and   as  far   westward   as   Wood's 

limits   of  Orleans,  and    about  the  Hole;  and  divers  petty  sachems  or 

cove,  which  divides  this  township  sagamores  were  comprehended  in 

from  Orleans.   Captain  John  Smith  this  division,  of    which  Mashpee 

mentions  twice  "  the  isle  Nawset,"  was  one.     The  eastern  part  of  the 

or    "  Nausit."     See    Mass.    Hist.  Cape,  from     Nobscusset,  or   Yar- 

Coll.  viii.  160,  xxvi.  108,  119.  mouth,  made  another  sachemdom, 

^  The   water   is   very    shoal    at  the  capital  of  which  was  Nauset, 

Nauset,  or  Eastham.     See  note  '  or  Eastham.     Of  these  petty  tribes 

on  page  152.  the  Nauset  Indians  appear  to  have 

^  "The  Indians  upon  Cape  Cod,  been  the  most  important."     Hutch- 

although  not  considered  a  part  of  inson's  Mass.  i.  459,  and  Mass.  Hist, 

the  Wamponoags,  yet  were  sup-  Coll.  viii,  159. 

posed   to  be  under  some   kind   of  *  See  page  156. 
subjection    to   Massasoit.      There 


THE   BOY    RECOVERED.  217 

our  winter  discovery  for   habitation.     And   indeed   it  chap. 

xn. 
was  no  marvel   they  did   so ;   for  howsoever,  through  ^--v-^ 

snow  or  otherwise,  we  saw  no  houses,  yet  we  were  in  1621. 

the  midst  of  them. 

When  our  boat  was  aground,  they  came  very  thick; 
but  we  stood  therein  upon  our  guard,  not  suffering  any 
to  enter  except  two,  the  one  being  of  Manamoick,^  and 
one  of  those  whose  corn  we  had  formerly  found.  We 
promised  him  restitution,  and  desired  him  either  to 
come  to  Patuxet  for  satisfaction,  or  else  we  would  bring 
them  so  much  corn  again.  He  promised  to  come.  We 
used  him  very  kindly  for  the  present.  Some  few  skins 
we  gat  there,  but  not  many. 

After  sunset,  Aspinet  came  with  a  great  train,  and 
brought  the  boy  with  him,  one  bearing  him  through 
the  water.-  He  had  not  less  than  a  hundred  with  him  ; 
the  half  whereof  came  to  the  shallop  side  unarmed  with 
him  ;  the  other  stood  aloof  with  their  bows  and  arrows. 
There  he  delivered  us  the  boy,  behung  with  beads, 
and  made  peace  with  us  ;  ^  we  bestowing  a  knife  on 
him,  and  likewise  on  another  that  first  entertained 
the  boy  and  brought  him  thither.  So  they  departed 
from  us. 

Here  we  understood  that  the  Narrohiggansets  had 
spoiled  some  of  Massasoyt's  men,  and  taken  him. 
This  struck  some  fear  in  us,  because  the  colony  was 
so  weakly  guarded,  the  strength  thereof  being  abroad.'* 

'  Chatham,  the  southern  extre-  ^  Bradford  adds,  "  We  give  them 

rnity  of  Cape  Cod.  full  satisfaction  for   the  corn    we 

^  "  He  had  wandered  five  days,  had  formerly  found  in  their  coun- 

lived  on  herries,  then  light  of  an  try."     Prince,  p.  193.     See  note  ' 

Indian     plantation,    twenty   miles  on  page  134. 

so'uth  of  us,  called  Manomet,  (Sand-  ''  There  were    ten  men    in    this 

wich,)  and  they  conveyed  him  to  expedition.     At  the  same  time,  ac- 

the  people  who  first  assaulted  us."  cording  to  the  dates  of  this  and  the 

Bradford,  in  Prince,  p.  192.  previous  paper,  Winslow  and  Hop- 

28 


218  RETURN   TO   BARNSTABLE   AND    HOME. 

CHAP.  But  we  set  forth  with  resolution  to  make  the  best  haste 
^^—  home  we  could  ;  yet  the  wind  being  contrary,  having 
16  21.  scarce  any  fresh  water  left,  and  at  least  sixteen  leagues  ^ 
home,  we  put  in  again  for  the  shore.  There  we  met 
again  with  lyanough,  the  sachim  of  Cummaquid,  and 
the  most  of  his  town,  both  men,  women,  and  children 
with  him.  He,  being  still  willing  to  gratify  us,  took  a 
runlet,^  and  led  our  men  in  the  dark  a  great  way  for 
water,  but  could  find  none  good ;  yet  brought  such  as 
there  was  on  his  neck  with  them.  In  the  mean  time 
the  women  joined  hand  in  hand,  singing  and  dancing 
before  the  shallop,  the  men  also  showing  all  the  kind- 
ness they  could,  lyanough  himself  taking  a  bracelet 
from  about  his  neck  and  hanging  it  upon  one  of  us. 

Again  we  set  out,  but  to  small  purpose ;  for  we  gat 
but  little  homeward.  Our  water  also  was  very  brack- 
3d  ish,  and  not  to  be  drunk.  The  next  morning  lyanough 
^^*  espied  us  again,  and  ran  after  us.  We,  being  resolved 
to  go  to  Cummaquid  again  to  water,  took  him  into  the 
shallop,  whose  entertainment  was  not  inferior  unto  the 
former. 

The  soil  at  Nauset  and  here  is  alike,  even  and  sandy, 
not  so  good  for  corn  as  where  we  are.  Ships  may 
safely  ride  in  either  harbour.  In  the  summer  they 
abound  with  fish.  Being  now  watered,  we  put  forth 
again,  and  by  God's  providence  came  safely  home  that 
night. 

kinswere  absent  on  their  expedition  '  Tlie  distance  from  Eastham  to 

to  Pokanoket,  leaving  only  seven  Plymouth  is  not  more  than  twelve 

men  at  the  Plantation,  the  whole  leagues.     F. 

number  surviving  at  this  time  be-  *  A  small  barrel, 
ing  nineteen. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

A  JOURNEY  TO  THE  KINGDOM  OF  NAMASCHET,  IN  DEFENCE 
OF  THE  GREAT  KING  MASSASOYT  AGAINST  THE  NARRO- 
HIGGANSETS,  AND  TO  REVENGE  THE  SUPPOSED  DEATH 
OF  OUR  INTERPRETER,  TISQUANTUM. 


At  our  return  from  Nauset  we  found  it  true  that  chap, 

XIII 

Massasoyt  was  put  from  his  country  by  the  Narrohig-  — -— - 
gansets.*     Word  also  was  brought  unto  us  that  Cou- 162 1. 

^  ^  Aug. 


batant,^  a  petty  sachim  or  governor  under  Massasoyt, 
whom  they  ever  feared  to  be  too  conversant  with  the 
Narrohiggansets,  was  at  Namaschet ;  who  sought  to 
draw  the  hearts  of  Massasoyt's  subjects  from  him ; 
speaking  also  disdainfully  of  us,  storming  at  the  peace 
between  Nauset,  Cummaquid  and  us,  and  at  Tisquan- 
tum,  the  worker  of  it ;  also  at  Tokamahamon  and  one 
Hobbamock,  two  Indians,  our  allies,^  one  of  which  he 
would  treacherously  have  murdered  a  little  before,  be- 
ing a  special  and  trusty  man  of  Massasoyt's.  Toka- 
mahamon went  to  him,  but  the  other  two  would  not ; 

'  Governor    Bradford    says    no-        ^  In  the  original  "or  Lemes,"  to 

thing  of  this,  nor   of  Massasoit's  which  no  meaning  can  be  attached, 

being  either  seized  or  invaded  by  It   is   manifestly  an   error   of  the 

th^  Narragansetts.    Prince,  p.  193.  press,  and  I  have  given  what  I  con- 

^  Governor      Bradford      plainly  sider  the  true  reading, 
writes  him  Corbitant.     Prince,  p. 
194. 


■*&• 


220  THE   EXPEDITION   REACH   NAMASKET. 

CHAP,  yet  put  their  lives  in  their  hands,  privately  went  to  see 
— v^^  if  they  could  hear  of  their  king,  and  lodging  at  Namas- 
1621.  chet  were  discovered  to  Coubatant,  who  set  a  guard  to 
beset  the  house,  and  took  Tisquantum;  for  he  had  said  if 
he  were  dead,  the  English  had  lost  their  tongue.  Hob- 
bamock,  seeing  that  Tisquantum  was  taken,  and  Cou- 
batant held  a  knife  at  his  breast,  being  a  strong  and 
stout  man,  brake  from  them  and  came  to  New  Ply- 
mouth, full  of  fear  and  sorrow  for  Tisquantum,  whom 
he  thought  to  be  slain. 
Aug.  Upon  this  news  the  company  assembled  together, 
and  resolved  on  the  morrow  to  send  ten  men  armed  to 
Namaschet,  and  Hobbamock  for  their  guide,  to  revenge 
the  supposed  death  of  Tisquantum  on  Coubatant,  our 
bitter  enemy,  and  to  retain  Nepeof,'  another  sachim  or 
governor,  who  was  of  this  confederacy,  till  we  heard 
what  was  become  of  our  friend  Massasoyt. 
14.  On  the  morrow  we  set  out  ten  ^  men,  armed,  who 
took  their  journey  as  aforesaid  ;  but  the  day  proved 
very  wet.  When  we  supposed  we  were  within  three 
or  four  miles  of  Namaschet,  we  went  out  of  the  way, 
and  stayed  there  till  night ;  because  we  would  not  be 
discovered.  There  we  consulted  what  to  do ;  and 
thinking  best  to  beset  the  house  at  midnight,  each  was 
appointed  his  task  by  the  Captain,''  all  men  encourag- 
ing one  another  to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  By 
night  our  guide  lost  his  way,  which  much  discouraged 
our  men,  being  we  were  wet,  and  weary  of  our  arms. 
But  one  '*  of  our  men,  having  been  before  at  Namaschet, 
brought  us  into  the  way  again. 

'  This  is  the  only  time  the  name  ish  with  14  men."     Prince,  p.  194. 

of  this  chief  occurs  in  the  annals  '  Standish. 

of  the  Colony.  *  Either  Winslow  or   Hopkins, 

*  Bradford  says,  "  Captain  Stand-  who  stopped  at  Namasket  in  going 


THEY   BESET  THE   HOUSE  AT   MIDNIGHT.  221 

Before  we  came  to  the  town,  we  sat  down  and  ate  chap. 

XIII 

such  as  our  knapsacks  afforded.     That  being  done,  we  --v^- 
threw  them  aside,  and  all   such  things  as  miHit  hinder  ip^i. 

~  .  Aug. 

us,  and  so  went  on  and  beset  the  house,  according  to  14. 
our  last  resolution.  Those  that  entered  demanded  if 
Coubatant  were  not  there  ;  but  fear  had  bereft  the 
savages  of  speech.  We  charged  them  not  to  stir  ;  for 
if  Coubatant  were  not  there,  we  would  not  meddle 
with  them.  If  he  were,  we  came  principally  for  him, 
to  be  avenged  on  him  for  the  supposed  death  of  Tis- 
quantum,  and  other  matters  ;  but,  howsoever,  we  would 
not  at  all  hurt  their  women  or  children.  Notwith- 
standing, some  of  them  pressed  out  at  a  private  door 
and  escaped,  but  with  some  wounds.  At  length,  per- 
ceiving our  principal  ends,  they  told  us  Coubatant 
was  returned  with  all  his  train,  and  that  Tisquantum 
was  yet  living  and  in  the  town  ;  offering  some  tobacco, 
other  such  as  they  had  to  eat.  In  this  hurly-burly  we 
discharged  two  pieces  at  random,  which  much  terrified 
all  the  inhabitants,  except  Tisquantum  and  Tokama- 
hamon  ;  who,  though  they  knew  not  our  end  in  com- 
ing, yet  assured  them  of  our  honesty,  that  we  would 
not  hurt  them.  Those  boys  that  were  in  the  house, 
seeing  our  care  of  women,  often  cried  Neen  squaes  !  ^ 
that  is  to  say,  I  am  a  woman  ;  ^  the  women  also  hang- 
ing  upon    Hobbamock,   calling   him   towam,   that  is, 

and  returning  from  Pokanoket,  in  liams's  Key  to  the  native  language 

July.     If  it  was  Winslow,  he  may  of  New  England,  oh.  5;  Wood's 

reasonably  be  considered  the  writer  Nomenclator,  at   the    end   of    his 

of  this  narrative.  New  England's  Prospect;  and  Gal- 

'  This  is  correct  Indian  in  the  latin's  Indian  Vocabularies,  in  Coll. 

Massachusetts    and    Narragansett  Am.  Antiq.  Soc.  ii.  308,  352. 
dialects.    See  Eliot's  Indian  Gram-        ^  Ptather,  I  am  a  girl ;  sguaes  being 

raSr,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xix.  253  ;  a  diminutive,  formed  by  adding  es 

Cotton's  Vocabulary  of  the  Massa-  to  squa.     See  the   Apostle  Eliot's 

chusetts  language,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Indian  Grammar,  in  Mass.  Hist. 

Coll.  xxii.  156,   178;  Roger  Wil-  Coll.  xix.  258. 


222  COUBATANT  AND   HIS   PARTY   ESCAPE. 

CHAP,  friend.^     But,  to  be  short,  we  kept  them  we  had,  and 

XIII 

— ^^  made  them  make  a  fire,  that  we  might  see  to  search 
1621.  the  house.  In  the  mean  tune,  Hobbamock  gat  on  the 
top  of  the  house,  and  called  Tisquantum  and  Tokama- 
hamon,  which  came  unto  us  accompanied  with  others, 
some  armed,  and  others  naked.  Those  that  had  bows 
and  arrows,  we  took  them  away,  promising  them  again 
when  it  was  day.  The  house  we  took,  for  our  better 
safeguard,  but  released  those  we  had  taken,  manifest- 
ing whom  we  came  for  and  wherefore. 
^^S-       On  the  next  mornino;,  we  marched  into  the  midst  of 

15.  ^ 

the  town,  and  went  to  the  house  of  Tisquantum  to 
breakfast.  Thither  came  all  whose  hearts  were  up- 
right towards  us ;  but  all  Coubatant's  faction  were  fled 
away.  There,  in  the  midst  of  them,  we  manifested 
again  our  intendment,  assuring  them,  that  although 
Coubatant  had  now  escaped  us,  yet  there  was  no  place 
should  secure  him  and  his  from  us,  if  he  continued  his 
threatening  us,  and  provoking  others  against  us,  who 
had  kindly  entertained  him,  and  never  intended  evil 
towards  him  till  he  now  so  Justly  deserved  it.  More- 
over, if  Massasoyt  did  not  return  in  safety  from  Narro- 
higganset,  or  if  hereafter  he  should  make  any  insurrec- 
tion against  him,  or  offer  violence  to  Tisquantum, 
Hobbamock,  or  any  of  Massasoyt's  subjects,  we  would 
revenge  it  upon  him,  to  the  overthrow  of  him  and  his. 
As  for  those  [who]  were  wounded,  we  were  sorry  for 
it,  though  themselves  procured  it  in  not  staying  in  the 
house,  at  our  command  ;  yet  if  they  would  return  home 
^  with  us,  our  surgeon  ^  should  heal  them. 

'  The   most   common  word   for  tor;  Roger  Williams's  Key,  ch.  1; 

friend,  in   the  Massachusetts   and  and  Gallatin,  in  Coll.  Am.  Autiq. 

Narragansett  dialects,  was  netop  or  Soc.  ii.  321. 

netomp.    See  Cotton,  in  Mass.  Hist.  ^  Their   surgeon  and   physician 

Coll.  xxii.  165;  Wood's  Nomeacla-  was  Mr.  Samuel  Fuller,  the  eighth 


THE  EXPEDITION   RETURN   TO   PLYMOUTH. 


At  this   offer,   one   man  and   a  woman    that    were  chap. 
wounded  went  home  with  us  ;  Tisquantum  and  many  — ^— 
other  known  friends  accompanying  us,  and  offering  all  1621. 
help  that  might  be  by  carriage  of  any  thing  we  had,  to    15! 
ease  us.     So  that  by  God's  good  providence  we  safely 
returned  home  the  morrow  night  after  we  set  forth. 


signer  of  the  Compact.  In  1629, 
when  the  scurvy  and  a  malignant 
distemper  broke  out  among  the  first 
settlers  at  Salem,  "Mr.  Endicot 
understanding  that  there  was  one 
at  Plymouth  that  had  skill  in  such 
diseases,  sent  thither  for  him ;  at 
whose  request  he  was  sent  unto 
them."  He  died  in  1633,  of  an  in- 
fectious fever.  In  the  MS.  Records 
of  Plymouth  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  42,  it 
is  slated  that  "when  the  church 
came  away  out  of  Holland,  they 
brought  with  them  one  deacon, 
Mr.  Samuel  Fuller,  who  officiated 
amongst  them  until  his  death.  He 
was  a  good  man,  and  full  of  the 


holy  spirit."  Morton  says,  that 
"he  did  much  good  in  his  place, 
being  not  only  useful  in  his  faculty, 
but  otherwise,  as  he  was  a  godly 
man,  and  served  Christ  in  the  office 
of  a  deacon  in  the  church  for  many 
years,  and  forward  to  do  good  in 
his  place,  and  was  much  missed 
after  God  removed  him  out  of  this 
world."  His  widow,  Bridget,  and 
his  son  Samuel  gave  to  the  Ply- 
mouth church  the  lot  of  ground  on 
which  the  parsonage  now  stands. 
See  Morton's  Memorial,  pp.  143 
and  173 ;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  66, 
74—76,  and  xiii.  186. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 


A    RELATION    OF    OUR    VOYAGE    TO    THE    MASSACHUSETS,' 
AND    WHAT   HAPPENED   THERE. 


CHAP.      It  seemed  good   to  the  company  in  general,  that 

^-^-^^  though  the  Massachusets  had  often  threatened  us,  (as 

16  21.  ^yg  -yvere  informed,)  yet  we  should  go  amongst  them, 

partly  to  see  the  country,  partly  to  make  peace  with 

them,  and   partly  to  procure   their  truck.     For  these 

ends  the  governors  chose  ten  men,  fit  for  the  purpose, 

and  sent  Tisquantum  and  two  other  salvages  to  bring 

us  to  speech  with  the  people  and  interpret  for  us. 

Sept.       We  set  out  about  midnight,  the  tide  then  serving  for 

18.  .         .  .     . 

us.  We  supposing  it  to  be  nearer  than  it  is,  thought 
to  be  there  the  next  morning  betimes ;  but  it  proved 
well  near  twenty  leagues^  from  New  Plymouth.     We 


^  The  territory  and  tribe  probably  was  called  so  from  the  Blue  Hills, 

took   their  name    from    the   Blue  a  little  island  thereabout  (in  Nar- 

Hills  in  Milton,  which  were  origin-  raganset   Bay);    and    Cononicus's 

ally  called  Massachusetts  Mount,  father  and  ancestors  living  in  those 

Smith  speaks  of  them  as  "  the  high  southern     pans,    transferred     and 

mountain   of  Massachusit."     Cot-  brought  their  authority  and  name 

ton,  in  his  Vocabulary  of  the  Mas-  into   those  northern  parts."     See 

sachusetts  language,  gives  the  fol-  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xix.  1.  xxvi.  120; 

lowing  definition :"  Massa-chusett  R.    I.    Hist.    Coll.   iv.   208;    and 

—  a  hill  in  the  form  of  an  arrow's  Hutchinson's  Mass.  i.  460. 

head."     Roger  Williams  says,  "I  "  The  distance  from  Plymouth  to 

had  learnt  that  the  Massachusetts  Boston  by  water  is  about  40  miles. 


THE   FIRST   LANDING   IN   BOSTON.  225 

came  into  the  bottom  of  the  bay  ;  ^    but  behig  late,  we  chap. 
anchored  and  lay  in  the   shallop,  not  having  seen  any  — v^- 
of  the  people.     The  next  morning  we  put  in  for  the  ^i^^^- 
shore.     There  we  found  many  lobsters,  that  had  been    20. 
gathered   together   by  the   salvages,  which   we   made 
ready  under  a  clifT.^     The  Captain  ^  set  two  sentinels 
behind   the  cliff,   to  the  landward,  to  secure  the  shal- 
lop, and  taking  a  guide  with  him  and  four  of  our  com- 
pany, went  to  seek  the  inhabitants ;  where  they  met  a 
woman   coming   for   her  lobsters.     They  told   her  of 
them,  and   contented  her   for  them.     She  told   them 
where  the  people  were.     Tisquantum   went  to  them ; 
the  rest  returned,  having  direction  which  way  to  bring 
the  shallop  to  them. 

The  sachim  or  governor  of  this  place  is  called  Obba- 
tinewat ;  and  though  he  lives  in  the  bottom  of  the 
Massachuset  Bay,^  yet  he  is  under  Massasoyt.  He 
used  us  very  kindly.  He  told  us  he  durst  not  then 
remain  in  any  settled  place  for  fear  of  the  Tarentines.^ 
Also  the  squa  sachim,*^  or  Massachusets  queen,  was  an 
enemy  to  him. 

'  By  the   bay  is   meant  Boston  ton.     Thus  Gov.  Winthrop  speaks 

harbour.     It  extends  from  Nantas-  of  going  from  vSalem  to  Massachu- 

ket   to   Boston,  and   spreads   Irom  setts.  See  Savage's  Winthrop,  i.  27. 

Chelsea    to    Hingham,   containing  ^  The  Tarrateens  orTarrenteens 

about  75  square  miles.    See  vSuow's  resided  on  the   Kennebec  and  the 

Boston,  p.  113.  other    rivers    in    Maine,    and   the 

'  Supposed  to  be  Copp's  hill,  at  country  east  of  it.  There  was 
the  north  end  of  Boston.  At  the  great  enmity  between  them  and  the 
first  settlement  of  the  town,  in  Indians  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  who 
1630,  this  hill,  rising  to  the  height  although  they  had  formerly  been  a 
of  about  fifty  feet  above  the  sea,  great  people,  yet  were  now  so  re- 
presented on  its  northwest  brow  an  duced  that,  upon  alarms,  they 
abrupt  declivity,  long  after  known  would  fly  to  the  English  houses  as 
as  Copp's  hill  steeps.  See  Snow's  to  asylums,  where  the  Tarrenteens 
History  of  Boston,  p.  105.  durst  not  pursue  them.     Hutchin- 

3'Slandish.  son's  Mass.  i.  28,  456. 

^  By    Massachusetts    Bay    was  ^  I  suppose  the  widow  of  Nane- 

formerly  understood  only  the  inner  pashemel,  mentioned  subsequently, 
bay,  from  Nahant  to  Point  Alder- 

29 


226 


THE   PILGRIMS   IN    DORCHESTER. 


Sept. 
21. 


CHAP.       We  told  him  of  divers  sachims  that  had  acknovvlede;ed 

XIV' 

-^v^-  themselves  to  he  King  James's  men,'  and  if  he  also 
l62i.^vould  submit  himself,  we  would  be  his  safeguard  from 
his  enemies ;  which  he  did,  and  went  along  with  us  to 
bring  us  to  the  squa  sachim.  Again  we  crossed  the 
bay,  which  is  very  large,  and  hath  at  least  fifty  islands 
in  it ;  ^  but  the  certain  number  is  not  known  to  the 
inhabitants.  Niglit  it  was  before  we  came  to  that  side 
of  the  bay  where  this  people  were.  On  shore  the 
salvages  WTnt,  but  found  nobody.  That  night  also  we 
rid  at  anchor  aboard  the  shallop. 

On  the  morrow  we  went  ashore,^  all  but  two  men, 
and  marched  in  arms  up  in  the  country.  Having  gone 
three  miles  we  came  to  a  place  w^here  corn  had  been 
newly  gathered,  a  house  pulled  down,  and  the  people 
gone.  A  mile  from  hence,  Nanepashemet,  their  king, 
in  his  life-time  had  lived.  His  house  was  not  like 
others,  but  a  scaffold  w-as  largely  built,  with  poles  and 
planks,  some  six  foot  from  [the]  ground,  and  the  house 
upon  that,  being  situated  on  the  top  of  a  hill.^ 


'  Of  course  he  could  not  be,  as 
Prince  supposes,  the  Obbatinnua 
who,  with  eight  other  sacheins,  on 
the  13th  of  the  same  month,  seven 
days  before,  had  signed  a  paper, 
professing  their  submission  to  King 
James;  unless  his  name  was  affix- 
ed subsequently  to  that  date.  See 
Morton's  Memorial,  p.  67,  and 
Prince's  Annals,  p.  196. 

^  The  number  of  islands  in  Bos- 
ton harbour  is  not  overstated,  al- 
though several  of  them,  such  as 
Bird  Island  and  Nick's  Mate,  have 
been  washed  away  since  this  Jour- 
nal was  written.  A  list  of  them  is 
contained  in  Snow's  Boston,  p.  114. 
Smith,  in  his  Description  of  New 
England,  says,  "  The  country  of 
the  Massachusets  is  the  paradise 
of   all  those   parts ;   for  here   are 


many  isles  all  planted  with  corn, 
groves,  mulberries,  and  salvage 
gardens."  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll, 
iii.  295,  and  xxvi.  118. 

^  They  probably  landed  at  Squan- 
tum,  in  Dorchester,  which  may 
have  been  so  called  by  them  at  this 
time  after  their  interpreter  Tis- 
quantum,  who  was  one  of  the 
party.  See  note  on  page  191,  and 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  ix.  164. 

■*  Perhaps  Milton  Hill,  or  some 
one  of  the  Blue  Hills.  "  At  Mas- 
sachusetts, near  the  mouth  of 
Charles  river,  there  used  to  be  a 
general  rendezvous  of  Indians. 
That  circle,  which  now  makes  the 
harbours  of  Boston  and  Charles- 
town,  round  by  Maiden,  Chelsea, 
Nantasket,  Hingham,  Weymouth, 
Braintree,  and  Dorchester,  was  the 


THE   PILGRIMS   IN   MILTON.  227 

Not  far  from  hence,  in  a  bottom,  we  came  to  a  fort,  chap. 

XIV. 

built  by  their  deceased  king;  the  manner  thus.     There  — — ^ 
were  poles,  some  thirty  or  forty  feet  long,  stuck  in  the  1621. 
ground  as  thick  as  they  could  be  set  one  by  another  ;    21. 
and  with  these  they  enclosed  a  ring  some  forty  or  fifty 
foot  over ;  ^  a  trench,  breast  high,  was  digged  on  each 
side  ;  one  way  there  was  to  go  into  it  with  a  bridge. 
In  the  midst  of  this  palisado  stood  the  frame  of  a  house, 
wherein,  being  dead,  he  lay  buried.^ 

About  a  mile  from  hence  we  came  to  such  another, 
but  seated  on  the  top  of  a  hill.  Here  Nanepashemet 
was  killed,^  none  dwelling  in  it  since  the  time  of  his 
death.  At  this  place  we  stayed,  and  sent  two  salvages 
to  look  [for]  the  inhabitants,  and  to  inform  them  of  our 
ends  in  coming,  that  they  might  not  be  fearful  of  us. 
Within  a  mile  of  this  place  they  found  the  women  of 
the  place  together,  with  their  corn  on  heaps,  whither  we 
supposed  them  to  be  fled  for  fear  of  us ;  and  the  more, 
because  in  divers  places  they  had  newly  pulled  down 
their  houses,  and  for  haste  in  one  place  had  left  some 
of  their  corn  covered  with  a  mat,  and   nobody  with  it. 

With  much  fear  they  entertained  us  at  first ;  but 
seeing  our  gentle  carriage  towards  them,  they  took 
heart  and  entertained  us  in  the  best  manner  they  could, 

capital  of  a  great  sachem,  much  Mass.  i.  460.     See  also  Gookin,  in 

reverenced  by  all  the  plantations  of  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  i.  148. 

Indians  round  about,  and  to  him  '  This  corresponds  exactly  with 

belonged  Naponset,  (Milton,)  Pun-  the  engraving  of  the  Pequot  Fort 

kapog,  (Stoughton,)  Wessagusset,  in  Underbill's  Newes  from  Ameri- 

(Weymouth,)and  several  places  on  ca,  printed  in  London  in  1638,  and 

Charles  river,  where   the   natives  reprinted  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxvi. 

were  seated.     The  tradition  is,  that  23. 

this  sachem  had  his  principal  seat  ^  See  page  154. 

upon  a  small  hill  or  rising  upland,  ^  Nanepashemet  is  supposed  to 

in  fhe  midst  of  a  body  of  salt  marsh  have  been  killed  in  1619,  and  his 

in  the  township  of  Dorchester,  [per-  widow,  the  squa  sachim,  continued 

haps  Savin  Hill]  near  to  a  place  in  the  government.     See  Lewis's 

called  Squantum."     Hutchinson's  Hist,  of  Lynn,  p.  16. 


228  THEY   DISCOVER  MYSTIC   RIVER. 


CHAP,  boiling  cod  and  such  other  things  as  they  had  for  us. 

— —  At  length,  with  much  sending  for,  came  one  of  their 

162  1.  men,  shaking  and  trembling  for  fear.     But  when  he 

21.     saw  we  intended  them  no  hurt,  but  came  to  truck,  he 

promised  us  his  skins  also.     Of  him  we  inquired  for 

their  queen  ;   but  it  seemed  she  was  far  from  thence  ; ' 

at  least  we  could  not  see  her. 

Here  Tisquantum  would  have  had  us  rifle  the  sal- 
vage women,  and  taken  their  skins  and  all  such  things 
as  might  be  serviceable  for  us  ;  for,  said  he,  they  are  a 
bad  people,  and  have  oft  threatened  you.  But  our 
answer  was,  Were  they  never  so  bad,  we  would  not 
wrong  them,  or  give  them  any  just  occasion  against  us. 
For  their  words,  we  little  weighed  them ;  but  if  they 
once  attempted  any  thing  against  us,  then  we  would 
deal  far  worse  than  he  desired. 

Having  well  spent  the  day,  we  returned  to  the  shal- 
lop, almost  all  the  women  accompanying  us  to  truck, 
who  sold  their  coats  from  their  backs,  and  tied  boughs 
about  them,  but  with  great  shamefacedness,  for  indeed 
they  are  more  modest  than  some  of  our  English  women 
are.  We  promised  them  to  come  again  to  them,  and 
they  us  to  keep  their  skins. 

Within  this  bay  the  salvages  say  there  are  two  riv- 
ers ;  ~  the  one  whereof  we  saw,  having  a  fair  entrance, 
but  we  had  no  time  to  discover  it.  Better  harbours 
for  shipping  cannot  be  than  here  are.  At  the  entrance 
of  the  bay  are  many  rocks ;  ^  and  in  all  likelihood  good 

'  The  residence  of  the  squa  sa-  Shattuck's  Hist,  of  Concord,  p.  2, 

chim  of  Massachusetts  is  variously  and  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians,  b. 

conjectured  to  have  been  at  Con-  ii.  p.  40. 

cord,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  "  The   Mystic  and  the  Charles, 

the  Wachuselt  mountain.     There  the  former  of  which  they  saw. 

seems,  however,  no  sufficient  rea-  ^  The  Graves  and  the  Brewsters 

son  for  placing  it  so  remote.     See  are  the  principal  rocks  at  the  en- 


THEY  RETURN  TO  PLYMOUTH. 


229 


fishing-ground.'  Many,  yea  most  of  the  islands  have  chap. 
been  inhaliited,  some  being  cleared  from  end  to  end.  ^^--^ 
But  the  people  are  all  dead,"  or  removed.  I62i. 

Our  victual  growing  scarce,  the  wind  coming  fair, 
and  having  a  light  moon,  we  set  out  at  evening,  and 
through  the  goodness  of  God  came  safely  home  before  Sept. 
noon  the  day  following.^ 


trance  of  Boston  bay.  It  is  sup- 
posed that  in  this  or  some  subse- 
quent voyage  the  three  Brewsters 
were  named  in  honor  of  their  ven- 
erable elder,  and  Point  Alderton, 
the  head-hind  of  Nantasket,  after 
Isaac  Allerion.  See  note  on  page 
195. 

'  The  neighbourhood  of  tliese 
rocks  is  excellent  fishing-ground. 

*  They  had  been  swept  off  by 
the  pestilence  mentioned  on  page 
184. 

^  Governor  Bradford  adds,  "with 
a  considerable  quantity  of  beaver, 
and  a  good  report  of  the  place, 
wishing  we  had  been  seated  there." 
Prince,  p.  19S. 


They  were  absent  on  this  expe- 
dition four  days.  Winslow  was 
probably  one  of  the  party,  and 
wrote  this  account. 

"  All  the  summer  no  want. 
While  some  were  trading,  others 
were  fishing  cod,  bass,  &c.  We 
now  gather  in  our  harvest ;  and  as 
cold  weather  advances,  come  in 
store  of  water  fowl,  wherewith  this 
place  abounds,  though  afterwards 
they  by  degrees  decrease ;  as  also 
abundance  of  wild  turkeys,  with 
venison,  &c.  Fit  our  houses  against 
winter,  are  in  health,  and  have  all 
things  in  plenty."  Bradford,  in 
Prince,  p.  198. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

A  LETTER  SENT  FROM  NEW  ENGLAND  TO  A  FRIEND  IN 
THESE  PARTS,  SETTING  FORTH  A  BRIEF  AND  TRUE  DEC- 
LARATION  OF  THE  WORTH  OF  THAT  PLANTATION  ;  AS 
ALSO  CERTAIN  USEFUL  DIRECTIONS  FOR  SUCH  AS  INTEND 
A  VOYAGE  INTO  THOSE  PARTS. 


CHAP.  Loving  and  Old  Friend/ 

Although  I  received  no  letter  from  you  by  this 
ship,^  yet  forasmuch  as  I  know  you  expect  the  perform- 
ance of  my  promise,  which  was,  to  write  unto  you  truly 
and  faithfully  of  all  things,  I  have  therefore  at  this  time 
sent  unto  you  accordingly,  referring  you  for  further 
satisfaction  to  our  more  large  Relations.^ 

You  shall  understand  that  in  this  little  time  that  a 
few  of  us  have  been  here,  we  have  built  seven  dwell- 
ing-houses ^  and  four  for  the  use  of  the  plantation,  and 
have  made  preparation  for  divers  others.  We  set  the 
last  spring  some   twenty  acres  of  Indian   corn,^  and 

*  This  letter  I  think  was  ad-  help,  showing  us  how  to  set,  fish, 
dressed  to  George  Morton.  See  dress,  and  tend  it."  Bradford,  in 
note  on  page  113.  Prince,  p.  190.     The  Indians'  sea- 

*  The  Fortune,  in  which  this  son  for  planting  the  maize  was 
letter  and  the  preceding  Journal  "  when  the  leaves  of  the  white  oak 
were  sent  to  England.  are  as  hig  as  the  ear  of  a  mouse." 

'  The  preceding  narrative.  See  Belknap's  Hist,  of  New  Hamp- 

*  See  note  *  on  page  173.  shire,  iii.  70. 
'  "  Wherein  Squanto  is  a  great 


THE  FIRST  THANKSGIVING.  231 

sowed  some  six  acres  of  barley  and  pease  ;  and  accord-  chap. 
ing  to  the  manner  of  the   Indians,  we  manured  our  -^-.— 
ground  with  herrings,  or  rather  shads, ^  which  we  have  I62i. 
in  great  abundance,  and  take  with  great  ease  at  our    n. 
doors.     Our  corn  did  prove  well ;  and,  God  be  praised, 
we  had  a  good  increase  of  Indian  corn,  and  our  barley 
mdififerent  good,  but  our  pease  not  worth  the  gathering, 
for  we  feared  they  were  too  late  sown.     They  came 
up  very  well,  and    blossomed  ;   but   the   sun    parched 
ihem  in  the  blossom. 

Our  harvest  being  gotten  in,  our  governor^  sent  four 
men  on  fowling,  that  so  we  might,  after  a  special  man- 
ner, rejoice  together  after  we  had  gathered  the  fruit  of 
our  labors.^  They  four  in  one  day  killed  as  much  fowl 
as,  with  a  little  help  beside,  served  the  company  almost 
a  week.  At  which  time,  amono^st  other  recreations, 
we  exercised  our  arms,  many  of  the  Indians  coming 
amongst  us,  and  among  the  rest  their  greatest  king, 
Massasoyt,  with  some  ninety  men,  whom  for  three  days 
we  entertained  and  feasted ;  and  they  went  out  and 
killed  five  deer,^  which  they  brought  to  the  plantation, 
and  bestowed  on  our  governor,  and  upon  the  captain 
and  others.  And  although  it  be  not  always  so  plenti- 
ful as  it  was  at  this  time  with  us,  yet  by  the  goodness 


'  Or  rather  aleioives.     Morton,  in  and  an  acre  thus  dressed  will  pro- 

his  New  English  Canaan,  b.  ii.  ch.  duce   and  yield  so   much   corn  as 

7,  says,  "  There  is  a  fish,  by  some  three    acres    without    fish."     The 

called  shads,  by  some  allizes,  that  Indians  used  to  put  two  or  three 

at  the  spring  of  the  year  pass  up  fishes  into  every  corn-hill, 

the  rivers  to  spawn  in  the  ponds;  ^  Bradford, 

and  are  taken  in  such  multitudes  in  ^  This  was  the  first  Thanksgiv- 

every  river  that  hath  a  pond  at  the  ing,  the   harvest  festival  of  New 

end,  that  the  inhabitants  dung  their  England.     On  this  occasion    they 

ground  with  them.     You  may  see  nodoubt  feasted  on  the  wild  turkey 

in  one  township  a  hundred  acres  as  well  as  venison.     See  note  ^  on 

together  set  with  these  fish,  every  page  229. 

acre  taking  a  thousand  of  them  ;  ■•  See  note  *  on  page  175. 


232  THE  INDIANS   WELL-DISPOSED. 

CHAP,  of  God  we  are  so  far  from  want,  that  we  often  wish 

^-■^^  you  partakers  of  our  plenty.^ 

1621.      We  have   found  the   Indians  very  faithful   in   their 
Dec.  "  .  J  J 

11.    covenant  or   peace  with  us,  very  lovmg,  and  ready  to 

pleasure  us.  We  often  go  to  them,  and  they  come  to 
us.  Some  of  us  have  been  fifty  miles  ^  by  land  in  the 
country  with  them,  the  occasions  and  relations  whereof 
you  shall  understand  by  our  general  and  more  full  dec- 
laration of  such  things  as  are  worth  the  noting.  Yea, 
it  hath  pleased  God  so  to  possess  the  Indians  with  a 
fear  of  us  and  love  unto  us,  that  not  only  the  greatest 
king  amongst  them,  called  Massasoyt,  but  also  all  the 
princes  and  peoples  round  about  us,  have  either  made 
suit  unto  us,  or  been  glad  of  any  occasion  to  make 
peace  with  us  ;  so  that  seven  of  them  at  once  have 
sent  their  messengers  to  us  to  that  end.^  Yea,  an  isle 
at  sea,^  which  we  never  saw,  hath  also,  together  with 
the  former,  yielded  willingly  to  be  under  the  protection 
and  subject  to  our  sovereign  lord  King  James.  So 
that   there  is  now   great   peace   amongst  the  Indians 

'  This  representation  was  rather  Ohquamehud,         Chikkatahak, 

too    encouraging,  as  will   be  seen  Caiimacome,           Quadaquina, 

hereafter.  Obhatinnua,           Huttmoiden, 

*  Winslow  himself  had   been  to  Nattaivahunt,        Apannow." 

Pokanoket,    a    distance    of    forty  Caunbalant, 
miles.     See  page  208. 

^  Morton   has  preserved   in  his  Cawnacome  was  the  sachem  of 

Memorial,  p.  67,  the  following  do-  Manomet,  or   Sandwich,  Caunba- 

cument.  tant   of  Mattapuvst,  or   Swansey, 

and    CTikkatabak,    of    Neponset. 

''Septcmheri?.,aimoVnm.\cm.  Quadequina    was    the    brother  of 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  Massasoit,  and  Apannow  was  pro- 

that  we,  whose  names  are  under-  bably  Aspinet,  the  sachem  of  Nau- 

written,  do  acknowledge  ourselves  set.  Ohbatinua  is  supposed  to  have 

to  be  the  loyal   subjects  of  King  been  the  same  as  Obbatinewat,  the 

James,    king    of    Great    Britain,  sachem    of  Shawmut,  or  Boston. 

France,   and  Ireland,  Defender  of  But  see  note  on  page  225. 

the  Faith,  fee.     In  witness  where-  ■*  Capawack,  or  Nope,  Martha's 

of,   and    as   a   testimonial    of    the  Vineyard.    Sec  Bradford,  in  Prince, 

same,    we    have     subscribed    our  p.  195,  and  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xiii. 

names  or  marks,  as  folio  we  th  :  89. 


THE  CLIMATE  OF   NEW  ENGLAND.  233 

themselves,   which  was  not  formerly,  neither  would  chap. 

■^  XV. 

have  been   but  for  us  ;  and  we,  for  our  parts,  walk  as  — — 
peaceably  and  safely  in  the  wood  as  in  the  highways  ^^^^• 
in    England.     We    entertain   them    familiarly  in    our    11. 
houses,  and  they  as  friendly  bestowing  their  venison 
on  us.     They  are   a   people  without  any  religion  or 
knowledge  of  any  God,^  yet  very  trusty,  quick  of  ap- 
prehension, ripe-witted,  just.     The  men  and  women 
go  naked,  only  a  skin  about  their  middles. 

For  the  temper  of  the  air  here,  it  agreeth  well  with 
that  in  England ;  and  if  there  be  any  difference  at  all, 
this  is  somewhat  hotter  in  summer.  Some  think  it  to 
be  colder  in  winter ;  but  I  cannot  out  of  experience  so 
say.  The  air  is  very  clear,  and  not  foggy,  as  hath  been 
reported.  I  never  in  my  life  remember  a  more  season- 
able year  than  we  have  here  enjoyed  ;  and  if  we  have 
once  but  kine,^  horses,  and  sheep,  I  make  no  question 
but  men  might  live  as  contented  here  as  in  any  part  of 
the  world.  For  fish  and  fowl,  we  have  great  abundance. 
Fresh  cod  in  the  summer  is  but  coarse  meat  with  us. 
Our  bay  is  full  of  lobsters^  all  the  summer,  and  affordeth 
variety  of  other  fish.  In  September  we  can  take  a  hogs- 
head of  eels  in  a  night,  with  small  labor,  and  can  dig 
them  out  of  their  beds  all  the  winter.'*  We  have  mus- 
cles and  othus  ^  at  our  doors.     Oysters  we  have  none 


'  The  writer  of  this  letter,  Ed-  ^  The   writer  himself  was   the 
ward  Winslow,  afterwards  correct-  first  to  bring  over  cattle  to  the  plan- 
ed this  statement  in  his  Good  News  tation,  in  1624  —  a  bull  and  three 
from  New  England.  "Whereas,"  he  heifers.     See  Prince,  p.  225. 
says,  "myself  and  others,  in  former  ^  See  note  *  on  page  164,  and 
letters,  (which  came  to  the  press  also  page  205. 
against  my  will  and  knowledge,)  ^  See  note  '  on  page  196. 
wrote  that  the  Indians  about  us  are  ^  This  I  think  a  typographical 
a  people  without  any  religion,  or  error   for   other  —  the   word    shell- 
knowledge  of  any  God,  therein  I  fish  being  accidentally  omitted ;  or 
erred,  though  we  could  then  gather  perhaps  the  word  in  the  MS.  was 
no  better."  clams. 

30 


234  THE  PRODUCTIONS  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 

CHAP,  near,  but  we  can  have  them  brought  by  the  Indians  when 


XV 


we  will.  All  the  spring-time  the  earth  sendeth  forth  na- 
1621.  turallj  very  good  sallet  herbs.  H  ere  are  grapes/  white 
11.  and  red,  and  very  sweet  and  strong  also  ;  strawberries, 
gooseberries,  raspas,^  &c. ;  plums ^  of  three  sorts,  white'* 
black,  and  red,  being  almost  as  good  as  a  damson  ; 
abundance  of  roses,  white,  red  and  damask ;  single,  but 
very  sweet  indeed.  The  country  wanteth  only  indus- 
trious men  to  employ  ;  for  it  would  grieve  your  hearts 
if,  as  I,  you  had  seen  so  many  miles  together  by  goodly 
rivers  uninhabited;^  and  withal,  to  consider  those  parts 
of  the  world  wherein  you  live  to  be  even  greatly  bur- 
thened  with  abundance  of  people.  These  things  I 
thought  good  to  let  you  understand,  being  the  truth  of 
things  as  near  as  I  could  experimentally  take  know- 
ledge of,  and  that  you  might  on  our  behalf  give  God 
thanks,  who  hath  dealt  so  favorably  with  us. 

Our  supply  of  men  from  you  came  the  9th  of  No- 
vember, 1621,  putting  in  at  Cape  Cod,  some  eight  or 
ten  leagues  from  us.^     The  Indians  that  dwell  there- 


^  See  note  *  on  page  165.  month  ere  she  sails  for  England." 

^  Raspas,  raspberries.  Bradford  and  Smith,inPrince,p.l98. 

°  See  note  *  on  page  165.  The  Fortune  brought  a  letter  for 

*  In  the  original  ivith  —  an  error  Mr.  Carver  from  Mr.  Weston,  dated 
of  the  press.  London,  July  6,  wherein  he  writes, 

^  Winslowhad  observed  ihisde-  "  We  (the  adventurers)  have  pro- 

solation  on  the  banks  of  Taunton  cured  you  a  charter,  the  best  we 

river.     See  page  206.  could,  better  than  your  former,  and 

*  The  Fortune,  a  small  vessel  of  with  less  limitation."  Judge  Da- 
55  tons,  brought  over  Robert  Gush-  vis,  in  a  note  on  Morton's  Slemo- 
man  and  35  persons,  a  part  of  rial,  p.  73,  says,  "this  intimation 
whom  no  doubt  were  the  20  that  refers  to  a  patent  from  the  Presi- 
put  back  in  the  Speedwell.  See  dent  and  Council  of  New  England 
note  '  on  page  99.  The  Fortune  to  John  Fierce  and  his  associates, 
sailed  from  London  the  beginning  which  was  in  trust  for  the  compa- 
of  July,  but  could  not  clear  the  ny.  It  was  probably  brought  in 
channel  till  the  end  of  August,  this  ship,  and  was  a  few  years 
She  found  all  the  colonists  whom  since  found  among  the  old  papers 
the  Mayflower  had  left  in  April,  in  the  Land  Office  at  Boston,  by 
"lusty  and  in  good  health,  except  William  Smith, Esq.oneof  the  Land 
six  who  had  died  ;  and  she  stays  a  Committee.     It  bears  the  seals  and 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE   SECOND   SHIP. 


235 


about  were  they  who  were  owners  of  the  corn  which  chap. 

.  •  XV. 

we  found  in  caves,  for  which  we  have  given  them  full  — ^-^ 
content,^  and  are  in  great  league  with  them.     They  1^21. 
sent  us  word   there  was  a  ship  near  unto  them,  but    11. 
thought  it  to  be  a  Frenchman  ;  and  indeed  for  ourselves 
we  expected  not  a  friend  so  soon.     But  when  we  per- 
ceived that  she  made  for  our  bay,  the  governor  com- 
manded a  great  piece  to  be  shot  off,  to  call  home  such 
as  were  abroad  at  work.     Whereupon  every  man,  yea 
boy,  that  could  handle  a  gun,  were  ready,  with  full 
resolution  that,  if  she  were  an  enemy,  we  would  stand 
in  our  just  defence,  not  fearing  them.     But  God  pro- 
vided better  for  us  than  we  supposed.    These  came  all 
in  health,  not  any  being  sick  by  the  way,  otherwise 
than  by  sea-sickness,  and  so  continue  at  this  time,  by 
the  blessing  of  God.^     The  good-wife  Ford  was  deliv- 


signatures  of  the  Duke  of  Lenox, 
the  Marquis  of  Hamilton,  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  and  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges.  There  is  another  signa- 
ture so  obscurely  written,  as  to  be 
illegible.  It  does  not  appear  what 
use  was  made  of  this  patent  by  the 
Plymouth  planters  ;  it  was,  not 
long  afterwards,  superseded  by  the 
second  patent,  surreptitiously  ob- 
tained by  Pierce,  for  his  own  bene- 
fit, and  which,  after  his  misfortunes, 
was  assigned  to  the  adventurers." 
Judge  Davis  gives  an  abstract  of 
this  patent  in  his  Appendix,  p.  362. 
I  have  sought  for  the  original  in 
vain  in  the  archives  of  the  State. 
It  was  never  printed ;  and  it  is  to 
be  feared  is  now  lost.  The  original 
of  the  third  patent,  granted  in  1629 
to  William  Bradford  and  his  asso- 
ciates, is  preserved  in  the  office  of 
the  Register  of  Deeds  at  Plymouth. 
It  is  on  parchment,  signed  by  the 
Ea1rl  of  Warwick,  and  the  seal  of 
the  Plymouth  Company,  four  inches 
in  diameter,  is  appended  to  it.  It 
is  prefixed  to  the  printed  Laws  of 


Plymouth  Colony,  p.  21 — 26.  See 
Memorial,  p.  95 — 97,  and  Prince, 
pp.  204,  217. 

'  See  page  217. 

'  The  following  is  an  alphabeti- 
cal list  of  the  persons  who  came 
over  in  the  Fortune. 


John  Adams, 
William  Bassite, 
William  Eeale, 
Edward  Bompasse, 
Jonathan  Brewster, 
Clement  Brigges, 
John  Cannon, 
William  Coner, 
Robert  Cushman, 
Thomas  Cushman, 
Stephen  Dean, 
Philip  De  La  Noye, 
Thomas  Flavell 

and  son. 
Widow  Foord, 


Robert  Hickes, 
William  Hilton, 
Bennet  Morgan, 
Thomas  Morton, 
Austin  Nicolas, 
William  Palmer, 
William  Pitt, 
Thomas  Prence, 
Moses  Simonson, 
Hugh  Statie, 
James  Steward, 
William  Tench, 
John  Winslow, 
William  Wright. 


Jonathan  Brewster  was  a  son  of 
Elder  Brewster;  Thomas  Cushman 
Was  a  son  of  Robert ;  John  Wins- 
low  was  a  brother  of  Edward. 
Thomas  Prence  (or  Prince)  was 
afterwards  governor  of  the  colony. 


236  THE  FORTUNE'S  RETURN  CARGO. 

CHAP,  ered  of  a  son  the  first  ms;ht  she  landed,  and  both  of 

XV. 

— v^  them  are  very  vi^ell. 

1621.      When  it  pleaseth  God  we  are  settled  and  fitted  for 

Dec, 

11.  the  fishing  business  and  other  trading,  I  doubt  not  but 
by  the  blessing  of  God  the  gain  will  give  content  to 
all.  In  the  mean  time,  that  we  have  gotten  we  have 
sent  by  this  ship  ;  ^  and  though  it  be  not  much,  yet  it 
will  witness  for  us  that  we  have  not  been  idle,  consi- 
dering the  smallness  of  our  number  all  this  summer. 
We  hope  the  merchants  will  accept  of  it,  and  be  en- 
couraged to  furnish  us  with  things  needful  for  further 
employment,  which  will  also  encourage  us  to  put  forth 
ourselves  to  the  uttermost. 

Now  because  I  expect  your  coming  unto  us,^  with 
other  of  our  friends,  whose  company  we  much  desire, 
I  thought  good  to  advertise  you  of  a  few  things  need- 
ful. Be  careful  to  have  a  very  good  bread-room  to  put 
your  biscuits  in.  Let  your  cask  for  beer  and  water  be 
iron-bound,  for  the  first  tire,  if  not  more.    Let  not  your 

De  La  Noye  (or  Delano)  was,  ac-  French,  carried  into  France,  kept 
cording  to  Winslow,  in  his  Brief  there  fifteen  days,  and  robbed  of  all 
Narrative,  "born  of  French  pa-  she  had  worth  taking;  then  the 
rents,"  and  Simonson  (or  Sim-  people  and  ship  are  released,  and 
mons)  was  a  "  child  of  one  that  get  to  London  Feb.  17."  Bradford, 
was  in  communion  with  the  Dutch  in  Prince,  p.  199.  Smith,  in  his 
church  at  Leyden."  The  widow  New  England's  Trials,  printed  in 
Foord  brought  three  children,  Wil-  1622,  says  she  was  laden  with  three 
Ham,  Martha,  and  John.  For  a  hogsheads  of  beaver  skins,  clap- 
further  account  of  some  of  these,  board,  wainscot,  walnut,  and  some 
and   the   other  early   settlers,  see  sassafras. 

Farmer's  Genealogical  E.egister,  "  Upon  her  departure,  the  gov- 
Mitchell's  Family  Register,  ap-  ernor  and  his  assistant  dispose  the 
pended  to  his  Hist.of  Bridgewater,  late  comers  into  several  families, 
and  Deane's  Family  Sketches,  in  find  their  provisions  will  now  scarce 
his  Hist,  of  Scituate.  hold  out  six  months  at  half  allow- 
'  "  The  Fortune  sails  Dec.  13,  ance,  and  therefore  put  them  to  it, 
laden  with  two  hogsheads  of  beaver  which  they  bear  patiently."  Brad- 
and  other  skins,  and  good  clap-  ford,  in  Prince,  p.  199. 
boards  as  full  as  she  can  hold  ;  the  ^  George  Morton,  to  whom  I 
freight  estimated  near  £500.  But  suppose  this  letter  was  written, 
in  her  voyage,  as  she  draws  near  came  out  in  the  next  ship,  the 
the  English  coast,  is  seized  by  the  Ann. 


THINGS   NEEDFUL   FOR  THE   COLONY.  237 

meat  be  dry-sailed ;  none  can  better  do  it  than  the  chap. 


XV. 

sailors.     Let  jour  meal  be  so  hard  trod  in  your  cask  — -v-^ 
that  you  shall  need  an  adz   or  hatchet  to  work  it  out  1621. 

Dec. 

with.  Trust  not  too  much  on  us  for  corn  at  this  time,  ii. 
for  by  reason  of  this  last  company  that  came,  depend- 
ing wholly  upon  us,  we  shall  have  little  enough  till 
harvest.  Be  careful  to  come  by  some  of  your  meal  to 
spend  by  the  way ;  it  will  much  refresh  you.  Build 
your  cabins  as  open  as  you  can,  and  bring  good  store 
of  clothes  and  bedding  with  you.  Bring  every  man  a 
musket  or  fowling-piece.  Let  your  piece  be  long  in 
the  barrel,  and  fear  not  the  weight  of  it,  for  most  of 
our  shooting  is  from  stands.  Bring  juice  of  lemons, 
and  take  it  fasting ;  it  is  of  good  use.  For  hot  waters, 
aniseed  water  is  the  best ;  but  use  it  sparingly.  If 
you  bring  any  thing  for  comfort  in  the  country,  butter 
or  sallet  oil,  or  both,  is  very  good.  Our  Indian  corn, 
even  the  coarsest,  maketh  as  pleasant  meat  as  rice  ; 
therefore  spare  that,  unless  to  spend  by  the  way. 
Bring  paper  and  linseed  oil  for  your  windows,^  with 

'  Oiled  paper  to  keep  out  the  Even  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII. 

snow-storms  of    a  New  England  they  were  considered  a  luxury,  and 

winter!     This  serves   to  give   us  yeomen  and  farmers  were  perfectly 

some  idea  of  the   exposures  and  contented  with  windows  of  lattice, 

hardships  of  the  first  colonists.     It  In   the   days  of  Queen  Elizabeth 

is  an  indication  of  progress  in  do-  they  were  unknown   except   in  a 

mestic  comfort  when  we  find  Hig-  few  lordly  mansions,  and  in  them 

ginson  in  1629  writing  from  Salem  they  were  regarded    as    movable 

to  his  friends   in    England,    "  Be  furniture.      When    the    dukes    of 

sure   to   furnish    yourselves    with  Northumberland  left  Alnwick  cas- 

glass  for  windows."     See  Hutch-  tie  to  come  to  London  for  the  win- 

inson's  Collection  of  Papers,  p.  50.  ter,  the  few  glass  windows,  which 

Glass  windows  were  first  intro-  formed  one  of  the  luxuries  of  the 

duced  into  England  in  1180.  They  castle,   were    carefully  taken   out 

were  so  rare  in  the  reign  of  Edward  and  laid  away,  perhaps  carried  to 

III.   that   Chaucer,   in    describing  London  to  adorn  the  city  residence, 

his  chamber,  mentions  particularly  See  Anderson's  Hist,  of  Commerce, 

th&t  i.  90,  ed.  1764;  Elhs's  Specimens 

of  the  Early  English  Poets,  i.  221, 

»^ith  glass  323;    Hallam's  Middle   Ages,    ii. 

"  Were  all  the  windows  well  y-giazed."  294  ;   Northumberland  Household 


238 


POWDER  AND   SHOT. 


CHAP,  cotton  yarn  for  your  lamps.     Let  your  shot  be  most 
•^-v--  for  big  fowls,  and  bring  store  of  powder  and  shot.     I 
1621.  forbear  further  to  write  for  the  present,  hoping  to  see 
11.    jou  by  the   next  return.     So  1  take  my  leave,  com- 
mending you  to  the  Lord  for  a  safe  conduct  unto  us, 
resting  in  him, 

Your  loving  friend, 

E.  W.' 

Plymouth,  in  New  England,  this  11th  of  December,  1621. 

Book,  Preface,  p.  16;E.  Everett's  '  Edward  Winslow,  of  whom 
Address  before  the  Merc.  Lib.  As-  some  account  will  be  given  here- 
soc.  p.  19.  after. 


THE    WINSLOW   CHAIK. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

REASONS   AND   CONSIDERATIONS   TOUCHING   THE   LAWFUL- 
NESS OF  REMOVING  OUT  OF  ENGLAND  INTO 
THE  PARTS  OF  AMERICA. 

Forasmuch  as  many  exceptions  are  daily  made  ^-^^f' 
against  the  going  into  and  inhabiting  of  foreign  desert  ^^^ — ' 
places,  to  the  hindrances  of  plantations  abroad,  and^^^^" 

.  ...  .        ThePre- 

the  increase  of  distractions  at  home  ;  it  is  not  amiss  amwe. 
that  some  which  have  been  ear-witnesses  of  the  ex- 
ceptions made,  and  are  either  agents  or  abettors  of 
such  removals  and  plantations,  do  seek  to  give  content 
to  the  world,  in  all  things  that  possibly  they  can. 

And  although  the  most  of  the  opposites  are  such  as 
either  dream  of  raising  their  fortunes  here  to  that  than 
which  there  is  nothing  more  unlike,  or  such  as  affect- 
ing their  home-born  country  so  vehemently,  as  that 
they  had  rather  with  all  their  friends  beg,  yea,  starve 
in  it,  than  undergo  a  little  difficulty  in  seeking  abroad  ; 
yet  are  there  some  who,  out  of  doubt  in  tenderness  of 
conscience,  and  fear  to  offend  God  by  running  before 
they  be  called,  are  straitened  and  do  straiten  others 
from  going  to  foreign  plantations. 

For  whose  cause  especially  I  have  been  drawn,  out 
of  my  good  affection  to  them,  to  publish  some  reasons 


240  THE  LAWFULNESS  OF   REMOVING.    -■ 

CHAP,  that  might  give  them  content  and  satisfaction,  and  also 
-^v-^  stay  and  stop  the  wilful  and  witty  caviller ;  and  herein 
1621. 1   trust  I   shall  not    be   blamed  of    any  godly  wise, 
though  through  my  slender  judgment  I  should  miss  the 
mark,  and  not  strike  the  nail  on  the  head,  considering 
it  is  the  first  attempt  that  hath  been  made  (that  I  know 
of)  to  defend  those  enterprises.     Reason  would,  there- 
fore, that  if  any  man  of  deeper  reach  and  better  judg- 
ment see  further  or  otherwise,  that  he  rather  instruct 
me  than  deride  me. 
cau-        And  being;  studious  for  brevity,  we  must  first  con- 
Gen.  xii.  sider,  that  whereas  God  of  old  did  call  and  summon 

1.  2,  &  ' 

XXXV.  1.  Q^j,  fg^^j^g^-g  |3y  prcdictions,  dreams,  visions,  and  certain 

"•^^'  illuminations,  to  go  from  their  countries,  places  and 
habitations,  to  reside  and  dwell  here  or  there,  and  to 

Psalm  wander  up  and  down  from  city  to  city,  and  land  to 
land,  according  to  his  will  and  pleasure  ;  now  there  is 
no  such  calling  to  be  expected  for  any  matter  whatso- 
ever, neither  must  any  so  much  as  imagine  that  there 

_Heb^  will  now  be  any  such  thing.  God  did  once  so  train 
up  his  people,  but  now  he  doth  not,  but  speaks  in 
another  manner,  and  so  we  must  apply  ourselves  to 
God's  present  dealing,  and  not  to  his  wonted  dealing ; 

•^°sh.   and  as  the  miracle  of  giving  manna  ceased,  when  the 

V.   12.  ^  ^ 

fruits  of  the  land  became  plenty,  so  God  having  such  a 
plentiful  storehouse  of  directions  in  his  holy  word,  there 
must  not  now  any  extraordinary  revelations  be  expect- 
ed. But  now  the  ordinary  examples  and  precepts  of 
the  Scriptures,  reasonably  and  rightly  understood  and 
applied,  must  be  the  voice  and  word,  that  must  call 
us,  press  us,  and  direct  us  in  every  action. 
*^?."g  Neither  is  there  any  land  or  possession  now,  like 
unto  the  possession  which  the  Jews  had  in  Canaan, 


FROM   ENGLAND   TO   AMERICA.  241 

being  legally  holy  and  appropriated  unto  a  holy  people,  chap. 

A.  VI, 

the  seed  of  Abraham,  in  which  they  dwelt  securely, '-^-^- 
and  had  their  days  prolonged,  it  being  by  an  immediate  1 621. 
voice  said,  that  he  (the  Lord)  gave  it  them  as  a 
land  of  rest  after  their  weary  travels,  and  a  type  of 
eternal  rest  in  heaven.  But  now  tfiere  is  no  land  of 
that  sanctimony,  no  land  so  appropriated,  none  typical ; 
much  less  any  that  can  be  said  to  be  given  of  God  to 
any  nation,  as  was  Canaan,  which  they  and  their  seed 
must  dwell  in,  till  God  sendeth  upon  them  sword  or 
captivity.  But  now  we  are  all,  in  all  places,  strangers 
and  pilgrims,  travellers  and  sojourners,  most  properly, 
having  no  dwelling  but  in  this  earthen  tabernacle  ;  our  \^^'-^/ 
dwelling  is  but  a  wandering,  and  our  abiding  but  as  a 
fleeting,  and  in  a  word  our  home  is  nowhere  but  in 
the  heavens,^  in  that  house  not  made  with  hands, 
whose  maker  and  builder  is  God,  and  to  which  all 
ascend  that  love  the  coming  of  our  Lord  Jesus. 

Though  then  there  may  be  reasons  to  persuade  a 
man  to  live  in  this  or  that  land,  yet  there  cannot  be 
the  same  reasons  which  the  Jews  had  ;  but  now,  as 
natural,  civil  and  religious  bands  tie  men,  so  they  must 
be  bound,  and  as  good  reasons  for  things  terrene  and 
heavenly  appear,  so  they  must  be  led. 

And  so  here  falleth  in  our  question,  how  a  man  that  object, 
is  here  born  and  bred,  and  hath  lived  some  years,  may 
remove  himself  into  another  country. 

I  answer,  a  man  must  not  respect  only  to  live,  and  Ans.  i. 
do  good   to  himself,  but  he  should  see  where  he  can  "'i^t 

c5  '  persor 

live  to  do  most  good  to  others  ;  for,  as  one  saith,  "  He  ^mc 
whose  living  is  but  for  himself,  it  is  time  he  were  dead." 

1  So   were   the    Jews,    but   yet     heritances  were  more  large   than 
their  temporal  blessings    and    in-     ours. — Author's  Note. 

31 


persons 


ce 
remove. 


242  REASONS  FOR  EMIGRATING 


CHAP,  Some  men  there  are  who  of  necessity  must  here  live, 

XVI.  ....  " 

-^---^  as  being  tied  to  duties  either  to  church,  commonwealth, 
1621.  household,  kindred,  &c.  ;   but  others,  and  that  many, 
who  do  no  good  in  none  of  those,  nor  can  do  none,  as 
being  iiot  able,  or  not  in  favor,  or  as  wanting  opportu- 
nity, and  live  as  outcasts  —  nobodies,  eye-sores,  eating 
but  for  themselves,  teaching  but  themselves,  and  doing 
good  to  none,  either  in   soul  or  body,  and  so  pass  over 
days,  years  and  months,  yea,  so  live  and  so  die.     Now 
such  should  lift  up  their  eyes  and  see  whether  there  be 
not  some  other  place  and  country  to  which  they  may 
2.  Why  go  to  do  good,  and  have  use  towards  others  of  that 
remove,  knowlcdgc,  wisdom,  humanity,  reason,  strength,  skill, 
faculty,  &c.  which  God  hath  given  them  for  the  ser- 
vice of  others  and  his  own  glory. 

But  not  to  pass  the  bounds  of  modesty  so  far  as  to 

name   any,  though    I   confess    I  know  many,  who  sit 

Luke   here  still  with  their   talent  in  a  napkin,  having  notable 

xix.  20.  .  . 

endowments  both  of  body  and  mind,  and  might  do 
great  good  if  they  were  in  some  places,  which  here  do 
none,  nor  can  do  none,  and  yet  through  fleshly  fear, 
niceness,  straitness  of  heart,  &c.  sit  still  and  look  on, 
and  will  not  hazard  a  drachm  of  health,  nor  a  day  of 
pleasure,  nor  an  hour  of  rest  to  further  the  knowledge 
Reas.  1.  and  salvation  of  the  sons  of  Adam  in  that  new  world, 
where  a  drop  of  the  knowledge  of  Christ  is  most  pre- 
cious, which  is  here  not  set  by.  Now  what  shall  we 
say  to  such  a  profession  of  Christ,  to  which  is  joined 
no  more  denial  of  a  man's  self  .^ 

Object.  But  some  will  say.  What  right  have  I  to  go  live  in 
the  heathens'  country  ? 

Answ.  Letting  pass  the  ancient  discoveries,  contracts  and 
agreements  which  our  Englishmen   have    long  since 


FROM   ENGLAND   TO   AMERICA.  243 

made   in  those  parts,  toaether  with  the  acknowledg;-  chap. 

...  .  XVI. 

ment  of  the  histories  and  chronicles  of  other  nations,  — v^- 
who  profess  the  land  of  America  from  the  Cape  de  1621. 
Florida  unto  the  Bay  of  Canada^  (which  is  south  and 
north  three  hundred  leagues  and  upwards,  and  east 
and  west  further  than  yet  hath  been  discovered)  is 
proper  to  the  king  of  England,  yet  letting  that  pass, 
lest  I  be  thought  to  meddle  further  than  it  concerns 
me,  or  further  than  I  have  discerning,  I  will  mention 
such  things  as  are  within  my  reach,  knowledge,  sight 
and  practice,  since  I  have  travailed  in  these  affairs. 

And  first,  seeing  we  daily  pray  for  the  conversion  of  Reas.  2. 
the  heathens,  we  must  consider  whether  there  be  not 
some  ordinary  means  and  course  for  us  to  take  to  con- 
vert them,  or  whether  prayer  for  them  be  only  referred 
to  God's  extraordinary  work  from  heaven.  Now  it 
seemeth  unto  me  that  we  ought  also  to  endeavour  and 
use  the  means  to  convert  them  ;  and  the  means  cannot 
be  used  unless  \ve  go  to  them,  or  they  come  to  us.  To 
us  they  cannot  come,  our  land  is  full ;  to  them  we  may 
go,  their  land  is  empty. 

This  then  is  a  sufficient  reason  to  prove  our  going  Reas.  3. 
thither  to  live,  lawful.  Their  land  is  spacious  and 
void,  and  there  are  few,  and  do  but  run  over  the  grass, 
as  do  also  the  foxes  and  wild  beasts.  They  are  not 
industrious,  neither  have  art,  science,  skill  or  faculty  to 
use  either  the  land  or  the  commodities  of  it ;  but  all 
spoils,  rots,  and  is  marred  for  want  of  manuring, 
gathering,  ordering,  &c.  As  the  ancient  patriarchs, 
therefore,  removed  from  straiter  places  into  more  roomy, 

'/Jacques  Cartier,  of  St.  Malo,  Montreal.  Florida  was  discovered 
in  France,  discovered  the  great  by  Juan  Ponce  de  I^enn,  a  Span- 
river  of  Canada  in  August,  1534,  iard,  in  1512.  See  Bancroft's  Unit- 
and   in  1535  sailed  up  as  far   as  ed  States,  i.  19—24,  31—34. 


244  REASONS   FOR   EMIGRATING 

CHAP,  where  the  land  lay  idle  and  waste,  and  none  used  it, 

XVI.  -^    .  . 

"^'■^  though  there  dwelt  inhabitants  bv  them,  as  Gen.  xiii. 

16  21.  gj  11,  12,  and  xxxiv.  21,  and  xli.  20,  so  is  it  lawful 
now  to  take  a  land  wiiich  none  useth,  and  make  use 
of  it. 

Reas.  4.  Aiid  as  it  is  a  common  land,  or  unused  and  undress- 
ed country,  so  we  have  it  by  common  consent,  compo- 
sition and  agreement  ;*  which  agreement  is  double. 
First,  the  imperial  governor,  Massasoit,  whose  circuits, 
in  likelihood,  are  larger  than  England  and  Scotland, 
hath  acknowledged  the  King's  Majesty  of  England  to 
be  his  master  and  commander,  and  that  once  in  my 
hearing,  yea,  and  in  writing,  under  his  hand,  to  Cap- 
tain Standish,  both  he  and  many  other  kings  which 
are  under  him,  as  Pamet,  Nauset,  Cummaquid,  Nar- 
rowhiggonset,  Namaschet,  &c.,  with  divers  others  that 
dwell  about  the  bays  of  Patuxet  and  Massachuset.^ 
Neither  hath  this  been  accomplished  by  threats  and 
blows,  or  shaking  of  sword  and  sound  of  trumpet ;  for 
as  our  faculty  that  way  is  small,  and  our  strength  less, 
so  our  warring  with  them  is  after  another  manner, 
namely,  by  friendly  usage,  love,  peace,  honest  and  just 
carriages,  good  counsel,  &c.,  that  so  we  and  they  may 
not  only  live  in  peace  in  that  land,  and  they  yield  sub- 

psai.  ex  jection   to   an  earthly  prince,   but  that  as  voluntaries 

sKiii.3.  ^j^g^-  ^y^^y  ]-jg  persuaded  at  length  to  embrace  the  Prince 

of  Peace,  Christ  Jesus,  and  rest  in  peace  with  him  for- 
ever. 

Secondly,  this  composition   is  also  more  particular 
and  applicatory,  as  touching  ourselves  there  inhabiting. 

'  This  is    to  be   considered    as        ^  See  pages  193  and  220. 
respecting  New  England,  and  the 
territories  about  the  plantation. — 
Auihor^s  Note. 


FROM   ENGLAND   TO   AMERICA.  245 

The  emperor,  by  a   joint  consent,  hath   promised  and  chap. 

.  ...        XVI. 

appointed  us  to  live  at  peace  where  we  will  in  all  his  ^^v^l- 
dominions,  taking  what  place  we  will,  and  as  much  1621. 
land  as  we  will,'  ^"d  bringing  as  many  people  as  we 
will  ;  and  that  for  these  two  causes.  First,  because  we  , 
are  the  servants  of  James,  king  of  England,  whose  the 
land  (as  he  confesseth)  is.  Secondly,  because  he  hath 
found  us  just,  honest,  kind  and  peaceable,  and  so  loves 
our  company.  Yea,  and  that  in  these  things  there  is 
no  dissimulation  on  his  part,  nor  fear  of  breach  (except 
our  security  engender  in  them  some  unthought  of 
treachery,  or  our  uncivility  provoke  them  to  anger)  is 
most  plain  in  other  Relations,^  which  show  that  the 
things  they  did  were  more  out  of  love  than  out  of  fear. 
It  being  then,  first,  a  vast  and  empty  chaos;  secondly, 
acknowledged  the  right  of  our  sovereign  king ;  thirdly, 
by  a  peaceable  composition  in  part  possessed  of  divers 
of  his  loving  subjects,  I  see  not  who  can  doubt  or  call 
in  question  the  lawfulness  of  inhabiting  or  dwelling 
there  ;  but  that  it  may  be  as  lawful  for  such  as  are  not 
tied  upon  some  special  occasion  here,  to  live  there  as 
well  as  here.  Yea,  and  as  the  enterprise  is  weighty 
and  difficult,  so  the  honor  is  more  worthy,  to  plant  a 
rude  wilderness,  to  enlarge  the  honor  and  fame  of  our 

'  In  the  "  Warrantable  Grounds  English  New  Plymouth.  All  which 

and  Proceedings  of  the  first  Asso-  lands   being    void    of  inhabitants, 

ciates  of  New  Plymouth,   in  their  we,  the  said  John  Carver,  William 

laying  the  first  foundation   of  this  Bradford,  Edward  Winslow,  Wil- 

Government,   in    their   making  of  liam  Brewster,  Isaac  AUerton,  and 

laws,  and  disposing  of  the  lands  the  rest  of  our  associates  entering 

within  the  same,"  prefixed  to  the  into  a  league  of  peace  with  Massa- 

Code  of  Laws  printed  in  16S5,  it  is  soit,    since    called    Woosamequin, 

stated   that   "  by    the  favor  of  the  prince  or  sachem  of  those   parts, 

Almighty  they  began  the  colony  in  he,  the  said  Massasoit,  freely  gave 

New  England    (there   being   then  them    all    the   lands    adjacent,    to 

no  other  within  the  said  continent)  them  and  their  heirs  forever." 

at  a  place  called  by   the   natives  ^  He    refers    to    the    preceding 

Apaum,  alias  Patuxet,  but  by  the  Journal. 


246  REASONS   FOR  EMlGRATIx\G 

CHAP,  dread  sovereign,  but  chiefly  to  display  the  efficacy  and 
— -v^-  power  of  the  Gospel,  both  in  zealous  preaching,  pro- 
1621.  fessing,  and  wise  walking  under  it,  before  the  faces  of 

these  poor  blind  infidels. 

As  for  such  as  object  the  tediousness  of  the  voyage 

thither,  the  danger  of  pirates'  robbery,  of  the  savages' 
prov.    treachery,  Sec,  these  are  but  lions  in  the  way :  and  it 

xxii.  13.  -^  '  '  '^   ^ 

were  well  for  such  men  if  they  were  in  heaven.     For 
who  can  show  them  a  place  in  this  w^orld   where  in- 
xiix^'s.  iquity  shall  not  compass  them  at  the  heels,  and  where 
Mat.  vi.  they  shall   have  a  day  without  grief,  or  a  lease  of  life 
for   a   moment.''     And   who  can   tell,  but  God,  what 
dangers  may  lie  at  our  doors,  even  in  our  native  coun- 
try, or  what  plots  may  be  abroad,  or  when  God   will 
■^.mf|  cause  our  sun  to  go  down  at  noon-day,  and,  in  the 
midst  of  our   peace   and   security,  lay  upon  us  some 
lasting  scourge   for  our  so  long  neglect  and  contempt 
of  his  most  glorious  Gospel  ? 
Object.       But  we  have  here  great  peace,  plenty  of  the  Gospel, 

and  many  sweet  delights,  and  variety  of  comforts. 
Answ.       True,  indeed  ;  and  far  be  it  from  us  to  deny  and 
schro.  diminish  the  least  of  these  mercies.     But  have  we  ren- 

xxxu. 

^"  dered  unto  God  thankful  obedience  for  this  long  peace, 
whilst  other  peoples  have  been  at  wars  ?  Have  we 
not  rather  murmured,  repined,  and  fallen  at  jars  amongst 
ourselves,  whilst  our  peace  hath  lasted  with  foreign 
power  ?  Was  there  ever  more  suits  in  law,  more  en- 
Gen.    vy,  contempt  and  reproach  than  nowadays  ?    Abraham 

^^-  '  and   Lot  departed  asunder  when   there  fell  a  breach 


betwixt  them,  which  was  occasioned  by  the  straitness 
of  the  land  ;  and  surely  I  am  persuaded,  that  howso- 
ever the  frailties  of  men  are  principal  in  all  conten- 
tions, yet  the  straitness  of  the  place  is  such,  as  each 


FROM   ENGLAND   TO  AMERICA.  247 

man  is  fain  to  pluck  his  means,  as  it  were,  out  of  his  chap. 

.  .  .  XVI. 

neighbour's  throat,  there  is  such  pressing  and  oppressing  ^--v^- 
in  town  and  country,  about  farms,  trades,  traffick,  &c.  ;  1621. 
so  as  a  man  can  hardly  any  where  set  up  a  trade,  but 
he  shall  pull  down  two  of  his  neighbours. 

The  towns  abound  with  young  tradesmen,  and  the 
hospitals  are  full  of  the  ancient ;  the  country  is  replen- 
ished with  new  farmers,  and  the  almshouses  are  filled 
with  old  laborers.  Many  there  are  who  get  their  liv- 
ing with  bearing  burdens  ;  but  more  are  fain  to  burden 
the  land  with  their  whole  bodies.  Multitudes  get  their 
means  of  life  by  prating,  and  so  do  numbers  more  by 
begging.  Neither  come  these  straits  upon  men  always 
through  intemperance,  ill  husbandry,  indiscretion,  &c., 
as  some  think  ;  but  even  the  most  wise,  sober,  and 
discreet  men  go  often  to  the  wall,  when  they  have  done 
their  best ;  wherein,  as  God's  providence  swayeth  all, 
so  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the  straitness  of  the  place,  hav- 
ing in  it  so  many  strait  hearts,  cannot  but  produce  such 
effects  more  and  more  ;  so  as  every  indifferent  minded 
man  should  be  ready  to  say  with  father  Abraham, 
"  Take  thou  the  right  hand,  and  I  will  take  the  left :" 
let  us  not  thus  oppress,  straiten,  and  afflict  one  another ; 
but  seeing  there  is  a  spacious  land,  the  way  to  which 
is  through  the  sea,  we  will  end  this  difference  in  a 
day. 

That  I  speak  nothing  about  the  bitter  contention 
that  hath  been  about  religion,  by  writing,  disputing 
and  inveighing  earnestly  one  against  another,  the  heat 
of  which  zeal,  if  it  were  turned  against  the  rude  bar- 
barism of  the  heathens,  it  might  do  more  good  in  a 
day,  than  it  hath  done  here  in  many  years.  Neither 
of  the  little  love  to  the  Gospel,  and  profit  which  is 


248  REASONS   FOR  EMIGRATING 

CHAP,  made   by  the   preachers  in  most  places,  which  might 
— v-^  easily  drive   the  zealous   to  the   heathens  ;    who,    no 
1621.  doLibt,  if  they  had  but  a  drop  of  that  knowledge  which 
here  flieth  about  the  streets,  would  be  filled  with  ex- 
ceeding great  joy  and   gladness,   as   that  they  would 
even   pluck  the  kingdom  of  heaven  by  violence,  and 
take  it,  as  it  were,  by  force. 
'^•',^^'ast      Xhe  greatest  let  that  is  yet  behind  is  the  sweet  fel- 
lowship of  friends,  and  the  satiety  of  bodily  delights. 

But  can  there  be  two  nearer  friends  almost  than 
Abraham  and  Lot,  or  than  Paul  and  Barnabas  ?  And 
yet,  upon  as  little  occasions  as  we  have  here,  they  de- 
parted asunder,  two  of  them  being  patriarchs  of  the 
church  of  old,  the  other  the  apostles  of  the  church 
which  is  new ;  and  their  covenants  were  such  as  it 
seemeth  might  bind  as  much  as  any  covenant  between 
men  at  this  day ;  and  yet,  to  avoid  greater  inconve- 
niences, they  departed  asunder. 

Neither  must  men  take  so  much  thought  for  the 
flesh,  as  not  to  be  pleased  except  they  can  pamper 
their  bodies  with  variety  of  dainties.  Nature  is  con- 
tent  with  little,  and  health  is  much  endangered  by 
mixtures  upon  the  stomach.  The  delights  of  the  palate 
James  do  oftcu  iuflamc  the  vital  parts  ;  as  the  tongue  setteth 
a-fire  the  whole  bod  v.  Secondlv,  varieties  here  are 
not  common  to  all,  but  many  good  men  are  glad  to 
snap  at  a  crust.  The  rent-taker  lives  on  sweet  mor- 
sels, but  the  rent-payer  eats  a  dry  crust  often  with 
watery  eyes ;  and  it  is  nothing  to  say  what  some  one 
of  a  hundred  hath,  but  what  the  bulk,  body  and  com- 
monalty hath ;  which  I  warrant  you  is  short  enough. 

And  they  also  which  now  live  so  sweetly,  hardly 
will  their  children  attain  to  that  privilege ;  but  some 


FROM   ENGLAND  TO  AMERICA.  249 

cii'cnmventor  or  other  will  outstrip  them,  and  make  chap. 
them  sit  in  the  dust,  to  which  men  are  brought  in  one  — -^-^ 
age,  but  cannot  get  out  of  it  again  in  seven  genera- 1621. 
tions. 

To  conclude,  without  all  partiality,  the  present  con- 
sumption which  groweth  upon  us  here,  whilst  the  land 
groaneth  under  so  many  close-fisted  and  unmerciful 
men,  being  compared  with  the  easiness,  plainness  and 
plentifulness  in  living  in  those  remote  places,  may 
quickly  persuade  any  man  to  a  liking  of  this  course, 
and  to  practise  a  removal  ;  which  being  done  by  hon- 
est, godly  and  industrious  men,  they  shall  there  be 
right  heartily  welcome  ;  but  for  other  of  dissolute  and 
profane  life,  their  rooms  are  better  than  their  compa- 
nies. For  if  here,  where  the  Gospel  hath  been  so 
long  and  plentifully  taught,  they  are  yet  frequent  in 
such  vices  as  the  heathen  would  shame  to  speak  of, 
what  will  they  be  when  there  is  less  restraint  in  word 
and  deed  ?  My  only  suit  to  all  men  is,  that  whether 
they  live  there  or  here,  they  would  learn  to  use  this 
world  as  they  used  it  not,  keeping  faith  and  a  good 
conscience,  both  with  God  and  men,  that  when  the 
day  of  account  shall  come,  they  may  come  forth  as 
good  and  fruitful  servants,  and  freely  be  received,  and 
enter  into  the  joy  of  their  Master.  R.  C.^ 

'  Robert  Cushman.     It  will  he  those  "  which  came  first  over  in  the 

recollected  that  he  was  twice  sent  Mayflower."     In  a  letter  toGover- 

frora   Leyden   to    England   as   the  nor  Bradford,  dated  December  22, 

agent  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  embark-  1624,  he  writes,  "I  hope  the  next 

ed   in  the  Speedwell,  in  1620,  but  ships    to   come    to   you;"    but   he 

was  obliged  to  put  back.    He  came  was  prevented  by  death.    Governor 

over  in  the  Fortune,  and  returned  Bradford   speaks  of  him    as  "our 

in  her,  as  the  adventurers  had  ap-  ancient  friend,  Mr.  Cushman,  who 

poiijted,  to  give  them  information  of  was  our  right  hand  with  the  ad- 

the  state  of  the  colony.     In  1623,  a  venturers,    and    for    divers    years 

lot  of  land  was  assigned  him  with  managed    all    our    business    with 

32 


250  CONDITION   AND   PRODUCTS   OF   THE   COLONY. 


CHAP.  [A  Letter  from  New  Plymouth. 

1621.  Loving  Cousin, 

■'^°^"  At  our  arrival  at  New  Plymouth,  in  New  England, 
we  found  all  our  friends  and  planters  in  good  health, 
though  they  were  left  sick  and  weak,  with  very  small 
means  ;  the  Indians  round  about  us  peaceable  and 
friendly ;  the  country  very  pleasant  and  temperate, 
yielding  naturally,  of  itself,  great  store  of  fruits,  as 
vines  of  divers  sorts,  in  great  abundance.  There  is 
likewise  walnuts,  chestnuts,  small  nuts  and  plums, 
with  much  variety  of  flowers,  roots  and  herbs,  no  less 
pleasant  than  wholesome  and  profitable.  No  place 
hath  more  gooseberries  and  strawberries,  nor  better. 
Timber  of  all  sorts  you  have  in  England  doth  cover 
the  land,  that  affords  beasts  of  divers  sorts,  and  great 
flocks  of  turkeys,  quails,  pigeons  and  partridges ;  many 
great  lakes  abounding  with  fish,  fowl,  beavers,  and  ot- 
ters. The  sea  affords  us  great  plenty  of  all  excellent 
sorts  of  sea-fish,  as  the  rivers  and  isles  doth  variety  of 
wild  fowl  of  most  useful  sorts.  Mines  we  find,  to  our 
thinking ;  but  neither  the  goodness  nor  quality  we 
know.  Better  grain  cannot  be  than  the  Indian  corn, 
if  we  will  plant  it  upon  as  good  ground  as  a  man  need 
desire.  We  are  all  freeholders  ;  the  rent-day  doth  not 
trouble  us ;  and  all  those  good  blessings  we  have,  of 
which  and  what  we  list  in  their  seasons  for  taking. 

them."  He  brought  his soa  Thomas  first   minister  of  Plympton.     De- 

wilh  him  in  the  Fortune,  whom  he  scendants  of  this  honorable  name 

entrusted  to  the  care  of  Governor  are  numerous  in   the  Old  Colony. 

Bradford,  and  who,  after  the  death  See  Morton's  Memorial,  128,  376  ; 

of  Brewster  was  chosen,  in  1619,  Prince,   p.  238;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 

ruling  elder  of  the  Plymouth  church,  iii.  35;    Belknap's   Am.   Biog.  ii. 

He  married  Mary,  daughter  of  Isaac  267. 
AUertou,  and  his  son  Isaac  was  the 


CHARACTER  OF   THE   COLONISTS. 


251 


Our  company  are,  for  most  part,  very  religious,  hon-  chap. 
est    people ;    the    word    of  God    sincerely    taught  us  -^~ 
every  Sabbath;  so   that  I  know  not  any  thing  a  con-  1621. 
tented  mind  can  here  want.     I  desire  your  friendly 
care  to  send  my  wife  and  children^  to  me,  where  I  wish 
all  the  friends  I  have  in  England ;  and  so  I  rest 

Your  loving  kinsman, 

William  Hilton.^] 


'  His  wife  and  two  childrea  came 
in  the  next  ship,  the  Ann,  which 
arrived  at  Plymouth  in  the  summer 
of  1623.  See  Prince,  p.  220,  and 
Morton,  p.  379. 

"  I  insert  this  letter,  because  it 
was  written  by  one  of  the  passen- 
gers iu  the  Fortune.     It  was  first 


printed  in  1622,  in  Smith's  New 
England's  Trials.  The  writer  and 
his  brother  Edward,  fishmongers  of 
London,  commenced,  in  the  spring 
of  1623,  at  Dover,  the  settlement  of 
New  Hampshire.  See  Belknap's 
New  Hampshire,  i.  14;  Prince,  p. 
215;  Savage's  Winthrop,  i.  97. 


CUSHMAN'S   DISCOURSE. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 


OF  THE  STATE  OF  THE  COLONY,  AND  THE   NEED  OF  PUBLIC 
SPIRIT   IN   THE   COLONISTS.i 


New  England,  so  called  not  only  (to  avoid  novel-  ^^^^P' 
ties)  because  Captain  Smith  hath  so  entitled  it  in  his  --^-^- 
Description,  but  because  of  the  resemblance  that  is  in  1^621. 
it  of  England,  the  native  soil  of  Englishmen  ;  it  being 
muchwhat  the  same  for  heat  and  cold  in  summer  and 
winter,  it  being  champaign  ground,  but  not  high  moun- 
tains ;  somewhat  like  the  soil  in  Kent  and  Essex,  full 
of  dales  and  meadow  ground,  full  of  rivers  and  svi^eet 
springs,  as  England  is.     But  principally,  so  far  as  we 


'  In  the  course  of  Robert  Cush- 
man's  short  residence  of  a  month  at 
Plymouth  he  delivered  a  discourse 
to  the  colonists  on  the  Sin  and 
Danger  of  Self-Love,  from  1  Cor. 
X.  24,  "  Let  no  man  seek  his  own, 
but  every  man  another's  wealth  ;" 
which  was  printed  at  London  in 
1622,  but  without  his  name.  In 
a  tract  printed  at  London  in  1644, 
entitled  "  A  Brief  Narration  of 
some  Church  Courses  in  New  Eng- 
land," T  find  the  following  allusion 
to  this  discourse;  "There  is  a 
book  printed,  called  A  Sermon 
preached  at  Plymouth,  in  New 
England,  which,  as  I  am  certified, 
was  made  there  by  a  comber  of 
wool." 


Dr.  Belknap  remarks,  that  "this 
discourse  may  be  considered  as  a 
specimen  of  the  prophesyings  of  the 
brethren.  Tiie  occasion  was  sin- 
gular; the  exhortations  and  re- 
proofs are  not  less  so,  but  were 
adapted  to  the  existing  state  of  the 
colony."  Judge  Davis  says  that 
"  the  late  Isaac  Lothrop,  of  Ply- 
mouth, often  mentioned  an  intima- 
tion, received  from  an  aged  relative, 
as  to  the  spot  where  this  sermon 
was  delivered.  It  was  at  the  com- 
mon house  of  the  Plantation,  which 
is  understood  to  have  been  erected 
on  the  southerly  side  of  the  bank, 
where  the  town  brook  meets  the 
harbour.  Mr.  Lothrop  died  in  1808, 
aged    seventy-three.      Not    many 


256  DESCRIPTION   OF   NEW  ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  can  yet  find,  it  is  an  island,^  and  near  about  the  quantity 
— ^^  of  England,  being  cut  out  from  the  main  land  in  Ameri- 
1621.  ca,  as  England  is  from  the  main  of  Europe,  by  a  great 
arm  of  the  sea,^  which  entereth  in  forty  degrees,  and 
runneth  up  northwest  and  by  west,  and  goeth  out 
eitlier  into  the  South  Sea,  or  else  into  the  Bay  of 
Canada.  The  certainty  whereof,  and  secrets  of  which, 
we  have  not  yet  so  found  as  that,  as  eye-witnesses, 
we  can  make  narration  thereof;  but  if  God  give  time 
and  means,  we  shall  ere  long  discover  both  the  extent 
of  that  river,  together  with  the  secrets  thereof;  and 
also  try  what  territories,  habitations,  or  commodities 
may  be  found,  either  in  it,  or  about  it. 

It  pertaineth  not  to  my  purpose  to  speak  any  thing 
either  in  praise  or  dispraise  of  the  country.  So  it  is,  by 
God's  providence,  that  a  few  of  us  are  there  planted  to 
our  content,  and  have  with  great  charge  and  difficulty 
attained  quiet  and  competent  dwellings  there.  And 
thus  much  I  will  say  for  the  satisfaction  of  such  as 
have  any  thought  of  going  thither  to  inhabit ;  that  for 
men  which  have  a  large  heart,  and  look  after  great 
riches,  ease,  pleasures,  dainties,  and  jollity  in  this 
world,  (except  they  will  live  by  other  men's  sweat,  or 
have  great  riches,)  I  would  not  advise  them  to  come 
there,  for  as  yet  the  country  will  afford  no  such  mat- 
years  before  his  death  he  had  the  England,  together  with  all  well- 
satisfaction  of  being  called  to  view  Avillers  and  well-wishers  thereunto, 
sundry  tools  and  implements  which  grace  and  peace,  &c."  The  Epistle 
were  dug  up  at  that  spot,  and  which  is  here  printed  entire,  and  all  that 
he  carefully  preserved."  See  note"  is  of  any  general  or  historical  in- 
on  page  173  ;  Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  terest  in 'the  discourse. 
ii.  274 ;  and  Morton's  Memorial,  '  It  will  be  seen  hereafter  that 
P-  '''4.  Winslow  too,  on  the  authority  of 

Prefixed  to   the   discourse  is  an     the  natives,  calls  it  an  island. 
"Epistle  Dedicatory,  to  his  loving        ^  Hudson's  river, 
friends,  the   adventurers  for  New 


EMIGRATION   SPREADS    CHRISTIANITY.  257 

ters.     But  if  there  be   any  who  are  content  to  lay  out  chap. 
their  estates,  spend  their  time,  labors  and  endeavours,  ^^^ 
for   the   benefit  of  them  that  shall  come  after,  and  in  I62i. 
desire  to  further  the  Gospel  among  those  poor  heathens, 
quietly  contenting  themselves  with  such  hardship  and 
difficulties,   as   by   God's    providence    shall    fall   upon 
them,  being  yet  young,   and   in   their  strength,   such 
men  I  would  advise  and  encourage  to   go,  for   their 
ends  cannot  fail  them. 

And  if  it  should  please  God  to  punish  his  people  in 
the  Christian  countries  of  Europe,  for  their  coldness, 
carnality,  wanton  abuse  of  the  Gospel,  contention, 
&c.,  either  by  Turkish  slavery,  or  by  popish  tyranny, 
(which  God  forbid,)  yet  if  the  time  be  come,  or  shall 
come  (as  who  knovveth  ?)  when  Satan  shall  be  let  loose 
to  cast  out  his  floods  against  them,  here  is  a  way  open-  r 
ed  for  such  as  have  wings  to  fly  into  this  wilderness ; 
and  as  by  the  dispersion  of  the  Jewish  church  through 
persecution,   the   Lord    brought  in  the  fulness  of  the  Acts  xi. 

2U,  -21. 

Gentiles,  so  who  knoweth,  whether  now  by  tyranny 
and  affliction,  which  he  suffereth  to  come  upon  them, 
he  will  not  by  little  and  little  chase  them  even  amongst 
the  heathens,  that  so  a  light  may  rise  up  in  the  dark,  Luke 
and  the  kingdom  of  heaven  be  taken  from  them  which 
now  have  it,  and  given  to  a  people  that  shall  bring  ^'"•''■^• 
forth  the  fruit  of  it.^  This  I  leave  to  the  judgment  of 
the  godly  wise,  being  neither  prophet  nor  son  of  a  Amog 
prophet.  But  considering  God's  dealing  of  old,  and 
seeing  the  name  of  Christian  to  be  very  great,  but  the 
true  nature  thereof  almost  quite  lost  in  all  degrees  and 
>sects,  I  cannot  think  but  that  there  is  some  judgment 
not  far  off,  and  that  God  will  shortly,  even  of  stones,  M;iiih 
raise  up  children  unto  Abraham. 
33 


ev.  XII. 

14,  15. 


vii.  14. 

2  Kings 
xvii.  23. 


iii.  9. 


258  THE   INDIANS   FRIENDLY. 

CHAP.  And  whoso  rio^htlv  considereth  what  manner  of  en- 
^^v^  trance,  abiding,  and  proceedings  we  have  had  among 
16  21.  these  poor  heathens  since  we  came  hither,  will  easily 

Dec 

think  that  God  hath  some  great  work  to  do  towards 
them. 

They  were  wont  to  be  the  most  cruel  and  treacher- 
ous people  in  all  these  parts,  even  like  lions  ;  but  to 
us  they  have  been  like  lambs,  so  kind,  so  submissive, 
and  trusty,  as  a  man  may  truly  say,  many  Christians 
are  not  so  kind  nor  sincere. 

They  were  very  much  wasted  of  late,  by  reason  of 
a  great  mortality*  that  fell  amongst  them  three  years 
since  ;  which,  together  with  their  own  civil  dissensions 
and  bloody  wars,  hath  so  wasted  them,  as  I  think  the 
twentieth  person  is  scarce  left  alive  ;  and  those  that 
are  left,  have  their  courage  much  abated,  and  their 
countenance  is  dejected,  and  they  seem  as  a  people 
affrighted.  And  though  when  we  first  came  into  the 
country,  we  were  few,  and  many  of  us  were  sick,  and 
many  died  by  reason  of  the  cold  and  wet,  it  being  the 
depth  of  winter,  and  we  having  no  houses  nor  sheltei*, 
yet  when  there  was  not  six  able  persons  among  us, 
and  that  they  came  daily  to  us  by  hundreds,  with  their 
sachems  or  kings,  and  might  in  one  hour  have  made  a 
dispatch  of  us,  yet  such  a  fear  was  upon  them,  as  that 
they  never  offered  us  the  least  injury  in  word  or  deed. 
And  by  reason  of  one  Tisquanto,^  that  lives  amongst 
us,  that  can  speak  English,  we  have  daily  commerce 
with  their  kings,  and  can  know  what  is  done  or  in- 
tended towards  us  among  the  savages  ;  also  we  can 
acquaint  them  with  our  courses  and  purposes,  both 
human  and  religious.     And  the  greatest  commander  of 

'  See  note  '  on  page  183.  '  See  note  ^  on  page  190. 


THE   INDIANS   WELL   TREATED.  259 

the  country,  called  Massasoit,^   cometh  often  to  visit  chap. 

us,  though  he  lives  fifty  miles  from  us,  often  sends  us '- 

presents,  he  having  with  many  other  of  their  governors  i  621. 

T)gc 

promised,  yea,  subscribed  obedience  to  our  Sovereign 
Lord  King  James,  and  for  his  cause  to  spend  both 
strength  and  life.^  And  we,  for  our  parts,  through 
God's  grace,  have  with  that  equity,  justice,  and  com- 
passion carried  ourselves  towards  them,  as  that  they 
have  received  much  favor,  help,  and  aid  from  us,  but 
never  the  least  injury  or  wrong  by  us."^  We  found 
the  place  where  we  live  empty,  the  people  being  all 
dead  and  gone  away,^  and  none  living  near  by  eight 
or  ten  miles  ;  and  though  in  the  time  of  some  hard- 
ship, we  found,  travelling  abroad,  some  eight  bushels 
of  corn  hid  up  in  a  cave,  and  knew  no  owners  of  it, 
yet  afterwards  hearing  of  the  owners  of  it,  we  gave 
them  (in  their  estimation)  double  the  value  of  it.^ 
Our  care  also  hath  been  to  maintain  peace  amongst 
them,  and  have  always  set  ourselves  against  such  of 
them  as  used  any  rebellion  or  treachery  against  their 
governors ;  and  not  only  threatened  such,  but  in  some 
sort  paid  them  their  due  deserts.     And  when  any  of 

'  See  page  191.  avoid  the  least  scruple  of  intrusion. 

*  See  pages  193  and  232.  Particularly  publish  that  no  wrong 

^  They  offer  us  to  dwell  where  or  injury  be  offered  to  the  natives." 

we  will. — Cushman-s  Note.  And  in  1676,  it  was  as    truly  as 

The  first  planters  of  Plymouth  proudly  said  by  Governor  Josiah 
and  Massachusetts  invariably  pur-  Winslow,  of  Plymouth,  "  I  think  I 
chased  of  the  natives  the  lands  on  can  clearly  say,  that  before  these 
which  they  settled,  for  considera-  present  troubles  broke  out,  the 
tions  which  were  deemed  at  the  English  did  not  possess  one  foot  of 
time  fully  equivalent.  They  fol-  land  in  this  Colony  but  what  was 
lowed  literally  the  instructions giv-  fairly  obtained  by  honest  purchase 
en  by  the  governor  of  the  New  Eng-  of  the  Indian  proprietors."  See 
land  Company  to  Gov.  Endicolt,  in  Hutchinson's  Mass.  ii.  266;  Haz- 
^629:  "If  any  of  the  salvages  pre-  ard's  State  Papers,  i.  263;  Hub- 
tend  right  of  inheritance  to  all  or  bard's  Indian  Wars,  p.  13,  (ed. 
any  part  of  the  lands  granted  in  our  1677.) 
patent,  we  pray  you  endeavour  to  *  See  pages  184  and  206. 
purchase  their  title,  that  we  may        *  See  page  217. 


260  THE  PILGRLMS   TRUE  TO  THEIR   PRINCIPLES. 

CHAP,  them   are   in   want,  as  often   they  are   in   the  winter, 


XVII. 


when  their  corn  is  done,  we  supply  them  to  our  power, 
162  1.  and  have  them  in  our  houses  eating  and  drinking,  and 

Dec  . 

warming  themselves ;  which  thing,  though  it  be  some- 
thing a  trouble  to  us,  yet  because  they  should  see  and 
take  knowledge  of  our  labors,  orders  and  diligence, 
both  for  this  life  and  a  better,  we  are  content  to  bear 
it ;  and  we  find  in  many  of  them,  especially  of  the 
younger  sort,  such  a  tractable  disposition,  both  to  reli- 
gion and  humanity,  as  that  if  we  had  means  to  ap- 
parel them,  and  wholly  to  retain  them  with  us,  (as 
their  desire  is,)  they  would  doubtless  in  time  prove 
serviceable  to  God  and  man  ;  and  if  ever  God  send  us 
means,  we  will  bring  up  hundreds  of  their  children 
both  to  labor  and  learning. 

But  leaving  to  speak  of  them  till  a  further  occasion 
be  ofifered,  if  any  shall  marvel  at  the  publishing  of  this 
treatise  in  England,  seeing  there  is  no  want  of  good 
books,  but  rather  want  of  men  to  use  good  books,  let 
them  know,  that  the  especial  end  is,  that  we  may  keep 
those  motives  in  memory  for  ourselves  and  those  that 
shall  come  after,  to  be  a  remedy  against  self-love,  the 
bane  of  all  societies  ;  and  that  we  also  might  testify  to 
our  Christian  countrymen,  who  judge  diversely  of  us, 
that  though  we  be  in  a  heathen  country,  yet  the  grace 
of  Christ  is  not  quenched  in  us,  but  we  still  hold  and 
teach  the  same  points  of  faith,  mortification,  and  sanc- 
tification,  which  we  have  heard  and  learned,  in  a  most 
ample  and  large  manner,  in  our  own  country.  If  any 
shall  think  it  too  rude  and  unlearned  for  this  curious 
age,  let  them  know,  that  to  paint  out  the  Gospel  in 
plain  and  flat  English,  amongst  a  company  of  plain 
Englishmen,  (as  we  are,)  is  the  best  and  most  profita- 


THE   DESIGN   OF  THE   PLANTATION.  261 

ble  teaching ;  and   we   will   study  plainness,  not  cu-  chap. 

riosity,  neither  in  things  human  nor  heavenly.     If  any '- 

error  or    unsoundness    be  in  it,    fas   who  knoweth  .'^)  i(^2i. 

Dec 

impute  it  to  that  frail  man  which  indited  it,  which 
professeth  to  know  nothing  as  he  ought  to  know  it. 
I  have  not  set  down  my  name,  partly  because  I  seek 
no  name,  and  principally,  because  I  would  have  nothing 
esteemed  by  names  ;  for  I  see  a  number  of  evils  to 
arise  through  names,  when  the  persons  are  either  fa- 
mous or  infamous,  and  God  and  man  is  often  injured. 
If  any  good  or  profit  arise  to  thee  in  the  receiving  of  it, 
give  God  the  praise,  and  esteem  me  as  a  son  of  Adam, 
subject  to  all  such  frailties  as  other  men  are. 

And  you,  my  loving  friends,  the  adventurers  to  this 
Plantation,  as  your  care  has  been,  first  to  settle  religion' 
here,  before  either  profit  or  popularity,  so  I  pray  you, 
go  on  to  do  it  much  more,  and  be  careful  to  send  godly 
men,  though  they  want  some  of  that  worldly  policy 
which  this  world  hath  in  her  own  generation  ;  and  so, 
though  you  lose,  the  Lord  shall  gain.  I  rejoice  greatly 
in  your  free  and  ready  minds  to  your  powers,  yea,  and 
beyond  your  powers  to  further  this  work,  that  you  thus 
honor  God  with  your  riches ;  and  I  trust  you  shall  be 
lepayed  again  double  and  treble  in  this  world,  yea, 
and  the  memory  of  this  action  shall  never  die.     But 

»  "The  great  and  known  end  of  his  Majesty's  dominions,  might, 
the  first  comers,  in  the  year  of  our  with  the  liberty  of  a  good  con- 
Lord  1620,  leaving  their  dear  na-  science,  enjoy  the  pure  scriptural 
tive  country  and  all  that  was  dear  worship  of  God,  without  the  mix- 
to  them  there,  transporting  them-  ture  of  human  inventions  and  im- 
selves  over  the  vast  ocean  into  this  positions  ;  and  that  their  children 
remote  waste  wilderness,  and  there-  alter  them  might  walk  in  the  holy 
in  willingly  conflicting  with  dan-  ways  of  the  Lord."  See  General 
gers,  losses,  hardships  and  distress-  Fundamentals,  prefixed  to  theLavvs 
'es,  sore  and  not  a  few,  was,  that  of  New  Plymouth,  published  in 
without  offence,  they  under  the  1672,  and  reprinted  in  Brigham's 
protection  of  their  native  prince,  edition,  p.  242. 
together  with  the  enlargement  of 


Dec 


262  ENCOURAGEMENT   TO  THE   ADVENTURERS. 

CHAP,  above  all,  addins;  unto  this,  as  I  trust  you  do,  like  free- 

Y  \/TT 

^— ^  ness  in  all  other  God's  services,  both  at  home  and 
1621.  abroad,  you  shall  find  reward  with  God,  ten  thousand- 
fold surpassing  all  that  you  do  or  think.  Be  not,  there- 
fore, discouraged,  for  no  labor  is  lost,  nor  money  spent, 
which  is  bestowed  for  God.  Your  ends  were  good, 
your  success  is  good,  and  your  profit  is  coming,  even 
in  this  life,  and  in  the  life  to  come  much  more.  And 
what  shall  I  say  now  ?  A  word  to  men  of  understand- 
ing suffiiceth.  Pardon,  I  pray  you,  my  boldness,  read 
over  the  ensuing  treatise,  and  judge  wisely  of  the  poor 
weakling  ;  and  the  Lord,  the  God  of  sea  and  land, 
stretch  out  his  arm  of  protection  over  you  and  us,  and 
over  all  our  lawful  and  good  enterprises,  either  this,  or 

any  other  way. 

Plymouth.,  in  Neio  England.,  Decemher  12,  1621. 


There  is  a  generation,  which  think  to  have  more  in 
this  world  than  Adam's  felicity  in  innocency,  being 
born,  as  they  think,  to  take  their  pleasures  and  their 
ease.  Let  the  roof  of  the  house  drop  through,  they 
stir  not ;  let  the  field  be  overgrown  with  weeds,  they 
care  not ;  they  must  not  foul  their  hand,  nor  wet  their 
foot.  It's  enough  for  them  to  say.  Go  you,  not.  Let  us 
go,  though  never  so  much  need.  Such  idle  drones  are 
intolerable  in  a  settled  commonwealth,  much  more  in 
a  commonwealth  which  is  but  as  it  were  in  the  bud. 
Of  what  earth,  I  pray  thee,  art  thou  made  ?  Of  any 
better  than  the  other  of  the  sons  of  Adam  ?  And 
canst  thou  see  other  of  thy  brethren  toil  their  hearts 
out,  and  thou  sit  idle  at  home,  or  takest  thy  pleasure 
abroad  ? 


THE   SIN  AND   DANGER  OF  SELF-LOVE.  263 

It  is  reported,  that  there  are  many  men  gone  to  that  chap. 
other  plantation  in  Virginia,  which,  whilst  they  lived  3^ 
in  England,  seemed  very  rehgious,  zealous,  and  con-i62L 
scionable  ;  and  have  now  lost  even  the  sap  of  grace,  ^^' 
and  edge  to  all  goodness ;  and  are  become  mere  world- 
lings. This  testimony  I  believe  to  be  partly  true, 
and  amongst  many  causes  of  it,  this  self-love  is  not  the 
least.  It  is  indeed  a  matter  of  some  commendations 
for  a  man  to  remove  himself  out  of  a  thronged  place 
into  a  wide  wilderness ;  to  take  in  hand  so  long  and 
dangerous  a  journey,  to  be  an  instrument  to  carry  the 
Gospel  and  humanity  among  the  brutish  heathen  ;  but 
there  may  be  many  goodly  shows  and  glosses,  and  yet 
a  pad  in  the  straw.  Men  may  make  a  great  appear- 
ance of  respect  unto  God,  and  yet  but  dissemble  with 
him,  having  their  own  lusts  carrying  them  ;  and,  out 
of  doubt,  men  that  have  taken  in  hand  hither  to  come, 
out  of  discontentment,  in  regard  to  their  estates  in 
England,  and  aiming  at  great  matters  here,  affecting 
it  to  be  gentlemen,  landed  men,  or  hoping  for  office, 
place,  dignity,  or  fleshly  liberty.  Let  the  show  be 
what  it  will,  the  substance  is  naught ;  and  that  bird  of 
self-love  which  was  hatched  at  home,  if  it  be  not  looked 
to,  will  eat  out  the  life  of  all  grace  and  goodness  ;  and 
though  men  have  escaped  the  danger  of  the  sea,  and 
that  cruel  mortality,  which  swept  away  so  many  of  our 
loving  friends  and  brethren,  yet  except  they  purge  out 
this  self-love,  a  worse  mischief  is  prepared  for  them. 
And  who  knoweth  whether  God  in  mercy  have  deliv- 
ered those  just  men  which  here  departed,  from  the 
pvils  to  come,  and  from  unreasonable  men,  in  whom 
there  neither  was,  nor  is,  any  comfort,  but  grief,  sor- 
row, affliction,  and  misery,  till  they  cast  out  this  spawn 
of  self-love  ? 


264  THE   DUTY    OF   SELF-SACRIFICE. 

CHAP.  Now,  brethren,  I  pray  you,  remember  yourselves, 
^v~  and  know  that  you  are  not  in  a  retired,  monastical 
1^21.  course,  but  have  given  your  names  and  promises  one 
to  another,  and  covenanted  here  to  cleave  together  in 
the  service  of  God  and  the  King.  What  then  must 
you  do  ?  May  you  live  as  retired  hermits,  and  look 
after  nobody  ?  Nay,  you  must  seek  still  the  wealth  of 
one  another,  and  inquire,  as  David,  How  liveth  such  a 
man  ?  How  is  he  clad  ?  How  is  he  fed  ?  He  is  my 
brother,  my  associate  ;  we  ventured  our  lives  together 
here,  and  had  a  hard  brunt  of  it ;  and  we  are  in  league 
together.  Is  his  labor  harder  than  mine  ?  Surely  1 
will  ease  him.  Hath  he  no  bed  to  lie  on  ?  Why,  I 
have  two ;  I'll  lend  him  one.  Hath  he  no  apparel  ? 
Why,  I  have  two  suits  ;  I'll  give  him  one  of  them. 
Eats  he  coarse  fare,  bread  and  water,  and  I  have  bet- 
ter ?  Why,  surely  we  will  part  stakes.  He  is  as  good 
a  man  as  I,  and  we  are  bound  each  to  other;  so  that 
his  wants  must  be  my  wants,  his  sorrows  my  sorrows, 
his  sickness  my  sickness,  and  his  welfare  my  welfare  ; 
for  I  am  as  he  is.  And  such  a  sweet  sympathy  were 
excellent,  comfortable,  yea,  heavenly,  and  is  the  only 
maker  and  conserver  of  churches  and  connnonwealths  ; 
and  where  this  is  wanting,  ruin  comes  on  quickly. 

It  wonderfully  encourageth  men  in  their  duties, 
when  they  see  the  burthen  equally  borne  ;  but  when 
some  withdraw  themselves,  and  retire  to  their  own 
particular  ease,  pleasure,  or  profit,  what  heart  can  men 
have  to  go  on  in  their  business  ?  When  men  are  come 
together  to  lift  some  weighty  piece  of  timber,  or  vessel, 
if  one  stand  still  and  do  not  lift,  shall  not  the  rest  be 
weakened  and  disheartened  ?  Will  not  a  few  idle 
drones  spoil  the  whole  stock  of  laborious  bees  ?     So 


THE   IMPORTANCE   OF   PUBLIC   SPIRIT.  265 

one  idle  belly,  one  murmurer,  one  complainer,  one  self-  chap. 
lover,   will  weaken   and  dishearten  a  whole  colony.  -^^^ 
Great  matters  have  been  brought  to  pass,  where  men  1621. 
have  cheerfully,  as  with  one  heart,  hand  and  shoulder, 
gone  about  it,  both  in  wars,  buildings  and  plantations  ; 
but  where   every  man   seeks  himself,  all   cometh  to 
nothing. 

The  country  is  yet  raw  ;  the  land  untilled ;  the  cities 
not  builded  ;  the  cattle  not  settled.  We  are  compassed 
about  with  a  helpless  and  idle  people,  the  natives  of 
the  country,  which  cannot,  in  any  comely  or  comfort- 
able manner,  help  themselves,  much  less  us.  We  also 
have  been  very  chargeable  to  many  of  our  loving  friends, 
which  helped  us  hither,  and  now  again  supplied  us ; 
so  that  before  we  think  of  gathering  riches,  we  must 
even  in  conscience  think  of  requiting  their  charge,  love, 
and  labor;  and  cursed  be  that  profit  and  gain  which 
aimeth  not  at  this.  Besides,  how  many  of  our  dear 
friends  did  here  die  at  our  first  entrance  ;  many  of  them, 
no  doubt,  for  want  of  good  lodging,  shelter,  and  com- 
fortable things  ;  and  many  more  may  go  after  them 
quickly,  if  care  be  not  taken.  Is  this  then  a  time  for 
men  to  begin  to  seek  themselves  ?  Paul  saith,  that 
men  in  the  last  days  shall  be  lovers  of  themselves  ;  but  2  Tim. 
it  is  here  yet  but  the  first  days,  and,  as  it  were,  the 
dawning  of  this  new  world.  It  is  now  therefore  no 
time  for  men  to  look  to  get  riches,  brave  clothes,  dainty 
fare  ;  but  to  look  to  present  necessities.  It  is  now  no 
time  to  pamper  the  flesh,  live  at  ease,  snatch,  catch, 
scrape,  and  pill,  and  hoard  up  ;  but  rather  to  open  the 
doors,  the  chests,  and  vessels,  and  say,  Brother,  neigh- 
bour, friend,  what  want  ye  ?  any  thing  that  I  have  ? 
Make  bold  with  it ;  it  is  yours  to  command,  to  do  you 

34 


111.  i 


266  THE  GENERAL  GOOD  TO  BE  REGARDED. 

CHAP,  eood,  to  comfort  and  cherish  you  ;  and  glad  I  am  that 

XVII. 

-— v^l^  I  have  it  for  you. 

16  21.  Let  there  be  no  prodigal  person  to  come  forth  and  say, 
Give  me  the  portion  of  lands  and  goods  that  appertain- 

i-jUK6 

''''■^^-  eth  to  me,  and  let  me  shift  for  myself.^  It  is  yet  too 
soon  to  put  men  to  their  shifts.  Israel  was  seven  years, 
in  Canaan,  before  the  laud  was  divided  unto  tribes, 
much  longer  before  it  was  divided  unto  families ;  and 
why  wouldest  thou  have  thy  particular  portion,  but  be- 
cause thou  thinkest  to  live  better  than  thy  neighbour, 
and  scornest  to  live  so  meanly  as  he  ?  But  who,  1  pray 
thee,  brought  this  particularizing  first  into  the  world  ? 
Did  not  Satan,  who  was  not  content  to  keep  that  equal 
state  with  his  fellows,  but  would  set  his  throne  above 
the  stars  ?  Did  not  he  also  entice  man  to  despise  his 
general  felicity  and  happiness,  and  go  try  particular 
knowledge  of  good  and  evil  ?  And  nothing  in  this 
world  doth  more  resemble  heavenly  happiness,  than  for 
men  to  live  as  one,  being  of  one  heart  and  one  soul ; 
neither  any  thing  more  resembles  hellish  horror,  than 
for  every  man  to  shift  for  himself;  for  if  it  be  a  good 
mind  and  practice,  thus  to  affect  particulars,  mine  and 
thine,  then  it  should  be  best  also  for  God  to  provide 
one  heaven  for  thee,  and  another  for  thy  neighbour. 

Objection.     But  some  will  say.  If  all  men  will  do 
their  endeavours,  as  I  do,  I  could   be  content  with  this 

'    Throughout    this     paragraph  ment,  and   were  clamorous  for  a 

there  is  a  manifest  reference  to  the  partition  of  the  lands,  and   the  in- 

copartnership  into  which  they  had  stitution  of  separate  property.     It 

been    obliged    to  enter    with   the  was  the  design  of  Mr.  Cushman  to 

merchant    adventurers,   by  which  exhort  them  to  be  faithful  to  their 

all   the  property  and  profits  of  the  engagement,  to  cherish  a  public  spi- 

Plantation  for  seven  years  were  to  rit,  and  to   seek   the  general  and 

be  held  as  a  joint  stock,  not  to  be  ultimate  good  of  the  Colony,  rather 

divided  till  the  expiration  of  that  than  their  personal  and  immediate 

time.     The  colonists  had  already  interest.     See  the   conditions  on 

become  impatient  of  this  arrange-  page  81,  and  note  '  on  page  84. 


THE  NEED  OF   MUTUAL  HELP.  267 

generality ;  but  many  are  idle  and  slothful,  and  eat  up  chap. 
others'  labors,  and  therefore  it  is  best  to  part,  and  iX^ 
then  every  man  may  do  his  pleasure.  1621. 

If  others  be  idle  and  thou  diligent,  thy  fellowship,  ^'^' 
provocation,  and  example,  may  well  help  to  cure  that 
malady  in  them,  being  together;  but  being  asunder, 
shall  they  not  be  more  idle,  and  shall  not  gentry  and 
beggary  be  quickly  the  glorious  ensigns  of  your  com- 
monwealth ? 

Be  not  too  hasty  to  say  men  are  idle  and  slothful. 
All  men  have  not  strength,  skill,  faculty,  spirit,  and 
courage  to  work  alike.  It  is  thy  glory  and  credit,  that 
canst  do  so  well,  and  his  shame  and  reproach,  that  can 
do  no  better ;  and  are  not  these  sufficient  rewards  to 
you  both  ? 

If  any  be  idle  apparently,  you  have  a  law  and  gov- 
ernors to  execute  the  same,  and  to  follow  that  rule  of 
the  Apostle,  to  keep  back  their  bread,  and  let  them  not 
eat.  Go  not  therefore  whispering  to  charge  men  with 
idleness ;  but  go  to  the  governor  and  prove  them  idle, 
and  thou  shalt  see  them  have  their  deserts. 

And  as  you  are  a  body  together,  so  hang  not  together 
by  skins  and  gymocks,  but  labor  to  be  jointed  toge- 
ther and  knit  by  flesh  and  sinews.  Away  with  envy 
at  the  good  of  others,  and  rejoice  in  his  good,  and  sor- 
row for  his  evil.  Let  his  joy  be  thy  joy,  and  his  sorrow 
thy  sorrow.  Let  his  sickness  be  thy  sickness,  his  hun- 
ger thy  hunger,  his  poverty  thy  poverty  ;  and  if  you 
profess  friendship,  be  friends  in  adversity,  for  then  a 
friend  is  known  and  tried,  and  not  before. 

Lay  away  all  thought  of  former  things  and  forget 
them,  and  think  upon  the  things  that  are.  Look  not 
gapingly  one  upon  other,  pleading  your  goodness, 
your  birth,  your  life  you  lived,  your  means  you  had  and 


268  EXHORTATION   TO  PEACE  AND   UNION. 

CHAP,  might  have  had.  Here  you  are  by  God's  providence 
— ^  under  difficulties  ;  be  thankful  to  God  it  is  no  worse, 
16  21.  and  take  it  in  good  part  that  which  is,  and  lift  not  up 
yourselves  because  of  former  privileges.  Consider 
therefore  what  you  are  now,  and  where  you  are.  Say 
not,  I  could  have  lived  thus  and  thus  ;  but  say.  Thus  and 
thus  1  must  live ;  for  God  and  natural  necessity  requir- 
eth,  if  your  difficulties  be  great,  you  had  need  to  cleave 
the  faster  together,  and  comfort  and  cheer  up  one  an- 
other, laboring  to  make  each  other's  burden  lighter. 

There  is  no  grief  so  tedious  as  a  churlish  companion; 
and  nothing  makes  sorrows  easy  more  than  cheerful  as- 
sociates. Bear  ye  therefore  one  another's  burthen,  and 
be  not  a  burthen  one  to  another.  Avoid  all  factions,  fro- 
wardness,  singularity,  and  withdrawings,  and  cleave  fast 
to  the  Lord  and  one  to  another  continually ;  so  shall 
you  be  a  notable  precedent  to  these  poor  heathens,  whose 
eyes  are  upon  you,  and  who  very  brutishly  and  cruelly 
do  daily  eat  and  consume  one  another,  through  their 
emulations,  wars  and  contentions.  Be  you,  therefore, 
ashamed  of  it,  and  win  them  to  peace,  both  with  your- 
selves and  one  another,  by  your  peaceable  examples, 
which  will  preach  louder  to  them  than  if  you  could 
cry  in  their  barbarous  language.  So  also  shall  you  be 
an  encouragement  to  many  of  your  Christian  friends 
in  your  native  country,  to  come  to  you,  when  they  hear 
of  your  peace,  love  and  kindness  that  is  amongst  you. 
But,  above  all,  it  shall  go  well  with  your  souls,  when 
that  God  of  peace  and  unity  shall  come  to  visit  you 
with  death,  as  he  hath  done  many  of  your  associates  ; 
you  being  found  of  him,  not  in  murmurings,  discontent, 
and  jars,  but  in  brotherly  love  and  peace,  may  be  trans- 
lated from  this  wandering  wilderness  unto  that  joyful 
and  heavenly  Canaan. 


WINSLOW'S   RELATION. 


"  Good  Newes  from  New  England  :  or  a  true  Relation  of  things 
very  remarkable  at  the   Plantation  of  Plimoth  in   New-England. 

Shewing  the  wondrous  providence  and  goodness  of  God,  in  their 
preservation  and  continuance,  being  delivered  from  many  appa- 
rent deaths  and  dangers. 

Together  with  a  Relation  of  such  religious  and  civill  Lawes  and 
Customes,  as  are  in  practise  amongst  the  Indians,  adjoyning  to 
them  at  this  day.  As  also  what  Commodities  are  there  to  be 
raysed  for  the  maintenance  of  that  and  other  Plantations  in  the 
said  Country. 

Written  by  E.  W.  who  hath  borne  a  part  in  the  fore-named  trou- 
bles, and  there  lived  since  their  first  Arrivall. 

Whereunto  is  added  by  him  a  briefe  Relation  of  a  credible  intel- 
ligence of  the  present  Estate  of   Virginia. 

London.  Printed  by  I.  D.  for  William  Bladen  and  lotin  Bellamie^ 
and  are  to  be  sold  at  their  Shops,  at  the  Bille  in  PauVs 
Church-yard,  and  at  the  three  Golden  Lyons  in  Corn-hill,  neere 
the  Royall  Exchange.     1624."     pp.  66,  sm.  4to. 


To  all  well-ioillers  and  furtherers  of  Plantations  in  New 
England,  especially  to  such  as  ever  have  or  desire  to 
assist  the  people  of  Plyinouth  in  their  just  proceedings, 
grace  and  peace  he  multiplied. 

Right    Honorable  and   Worshipful   Gentlemen, 
or  whatsoever, 

Since  it  hath  pleased  God  to  stir  jou  up  to  be 
instruments  of  his  glory  in  so  honorable  an  enterprise 
as  the  enlarging  of  his  Majesty's  dominions  by  planting 
his  loyal  subjects  in  so  healthful  and  hopeful  a  country 
as  New-England  is,  where  the  church  of  God  being 
seated  in  sincerity,  there  is  no  less  hope  of  convincing 
the  heathen  of  their  evil  ways,  and  converting  them  to 
the  true  knowledge  and  worship  of  the  living  God,  and 
so  consequently  the  salvation  of  their  souls  by  the  me- 
rits of  Jesus  Christ,  than  elsewhere,  though  it  be  much 
talked  on  and  lightly  or  lamely  prosecuted,  —  I  there- 
fore think  it  but  my  duty  to  offer  the  view  of  our  pro- 
ceedings to  your  worthy  considerations,  having  to  that 
end  composed  them  together  thus  briefly,  as  you  see  ; 
wherein,  to  your  great  encouragement,  you  may  behold 
the  good  providence  of  God  working  with  you  in  our 
preservation  from  so  many  dangerous  plots  and  treach- 
eries as  have  been  intended  against  us,  as  also  in  giving 


272  THE   EPISTLE   DEDICATORY. 

his  blessing  so  powerfully  upon  the  weak  means  we 
had,  enabling  us  with  health  and  ability  beyond  expec- 
tation in  our  greatest  scarcities,  and  possessing  the 
hearts  of  the  salvages  with  astonishment  and  fear  of 
us  ;  whereas  if  God  had  let  them  loose,  they  might 
easily  have  swallowed  us  up,  scarce  being  a  handful 
in  comparison  of  those  forces  they  might  have  gathered 
together  against  us  ;  which  now,  by  God's  blessing, 
will  be  more  hard  and  diflicult,  in  regard  our  number 
of  men  is  increased,  our  town  better  fortified,  and  our 
store  better  victualled.  Blessed  therefore  be  his  name, 
that  hath  done  so  great  things  for  us  and  hath  wrought 
so  great  a  change  amongst  us. 

Accept,  I  pray  you,  my  weak  endeavours,  pardon 
my  unskil fulness,  and  bear  with  my  plainness  in  the 
things  I  have  handled.  Be  not  discouraged  by  our 
former  necessities,  but  rather  encouraged  with  us,  hop- 
ing that  as  God  hath  wrought  with  us  in  our  beginning 
of  this  worthy  work,  undertaken  in  his  name  and  fear, 
so  he  will  by  us  accomplish  the  same  to  his  glory  and 
our  comfort,  if  we  neglect  not  the  means.  I  confess  it 
hath  not  been  much  less  chargeable  to  some  of  you  ^ 
than  hard  and  difficult  to  us,  that  have  endured  the 
brunt  of  the  battle,  and  yet  small  profits  returned. 
Only,  by  God's  mercy,  we  are  safely  seated,  housed, 
and  fortified,  by  which  means  a  great  step  is  made 
unto  gain,  and  a  more  direct  course  taken  for  the  same, 
than  if  at  first  we  had  rashly  and  covetously  fallen 
upon  it. 

Indeed  three  things  are  the  overthrow  and  bane,  as 
I  may  term  it,  of  plantations. 

'  The  merchant  adventurers.     See  pages  67  and  78. 


THE   EPISTLE   DEDICATORY.  273 

1.  The  vain  expectation  of  present  profit,  which  too 
commonly  taketh  a  principal  seat  in  the  heart  and  af- 
fection, though  God's  glory,  &c.  is  preferred  before  it 
in  the  mouth  with  protestation. 

2.  Ambition  in  their  governors  and  commanders, 
seeking  only  to  make  themselves  great,  and  slaves  of  all 
that  are  under  them,  to  maintain  a  transitory  base  honor 
in  themselves,  which  God  oft  punisheth  with  contempt. 

3.  The  carelessness  of  those  that  send  over  supplies 
of  men  unto  them,  not  caring  how  they  be  qualified  ; 
so  that  ofttimes  they  are  rather  the  image  of  men  en- 
dued with  bestial,  yea,  diabolical  affections,  than  the 
image  of  God,  endued  with  reason,  understanding,  and 
holiness.  I  praise  God  1  speak  not  these  things  expe- 
rimentally, by  way  of  complaint  of  our  own  condition, 
but  having  great  cause  on  the  contrary  part  to  be  thank- 
ful to  God  for  his  mercies  towards  us ;  but  rather,  if 
there  be  any  too  desirous  of  gain,  to  entreat  them  to 
moderate  their  affections,  and  consider  that  no  man  ex- 
pecteth  fruit  before  the  tree  be  grown ;  advising  all  men, 
that  as  they  tender  their  own  welfare,  so  to  make  choice 
of  such  to  manage  and  govern  their  affairs,  as  are 
approved  not  to  be  seekers  of  themselves,  but  the  com- 
mon good  of  all  for  whom  they  are  employed  ;  and 
beseeching  such  as  have  the  care  of  transporting  men 
for  the  supply  and  furnishing  of  plantations,  to  be  truly 
careful  in  sending  such  as  may  further  and  not  hinder 
so  good  an  action.  There  is  no  godly,  honest  man  but 
will  be  helpful  in  his  kind,  and  adorn  his  profession 
with  an  upright  life  and  conversation ;  which  doctrine 
of  manners  ^  ought  first  to  be  preached  by  giving  good 

'  This  sentiment  shows  how  little  ticisra,  which  has  often  been  alleged 
obnoxious  the  first  settlers  of  New  against  them  by  persons  alike  igno- 
England  were  to  the  charge  of  fana-     rant  of  their  spirit  and  their  history. 

35 


274 


THE   EPISTLE   DEDICATORY. 


example  to  the  poor  savage  heathens  amongst  whom 
they  live.  On  the  contrary  part,  what  great  offence 
hath  been  given  by  many  profane  men,  who  being  but 
seeming  Christians,  have  made  Christ  and  Christianity 
stink  in  the  nostrils  of  the  poor  infidels,  and  so  laid  a 
stumbling-block  before  them.  But  woe  be  to  them  by 
whom  such  offences  come. 

These  things  I  offer  to  your  Christian  considerations^ 
beseeching  you  to  make  a  good  construction  of  my 
simple  meaning,  and  take  in  good  part  this  ensuing 
Relation,  dedicating  myself  and  it  evermore  unto  your 
service  ;  beseeching  God  to  crown  our  Christian  and 
faithful  endeavours  with  his  blessings  temporal  and 
eternal. 

Yours  in  this  service, 

Ever  to  be  commanded, 

E.  W.^ 


*  Edward  Winslow  was,  ac- 
cording to  Hutchinson,  "  of  a  very- 
reputable  family  and  of  a  very  ac- 
tive genius"  —  "a  gentleman  of 
the  best  family  of  any  of  the  Ply- 
mouth planters,  his  father,  Edward 
Winslow,  Esq.,  being  a  person  of 
some  figure  at  Droitwich,  in  Wor- 
cestershire," a  town  seven  miles 
from  Worcester,  celebrated  for  its 
salt  springs.  Edward  was  the 
eldest  of  eight  children,  and  was 
born  at  Droitwich  Oct.  19,  1595,  as 
appears  from  the  following  extract 
from  the  records  of  St.  Peter's 
church  in  that  place  :  "  1595,  Oct. 
20,  baptized  Edward,  son  of  Ed- 
ward Winslow,  born  the  previous 
Friday,"  which  was  the  19th.  His 
mother's  name  was  Magdalen  ;  her 
surname  is  unknown  ;  she  was 
married  Nov.  3,  1594.  He  was 
not  one  of  the  original  band  of  Pil- 
grims who  escaped  to  Holland  in 
1608,  but  being  on  his  travels,  fell 
in  with  them  at  Leyden,  in  1617, 


as  we  learn  from  his  Brief  Narra- 
tive, where  he  speaks  of  "  living 
three  years  under  Mr.  Robinson's 
ministry  before  we  began  the  work 
of  plantation  in  New  England." 
His  name  stands  the  third  among 
the  signers  of  the  Compact  on  board 
the  Mayflower ;  and  his  family 
consisted  at  that  time  of  his  wife, 
Elizabeth,  George  Soule,  and  two 
others,  perhaps  his  children,  Ed- 
ward and  John,  who  died  young. 
As  has  already  been  seen,  and  will 
hereafter  appear,  he  was  one  of  the 
most  energetic  and  trusted  men  in 
the  Colonv-  He  went  to  England 
in  1623,  1624,  1635  and  1646,  as 
agent  of  the  Plymouth  or  Massa- 
chusetts colonies;  and  in  1633  he 
was  chosen  governor,  to  which 
office  he  was  reelected  in  1636  and 
1644.  He  did  not  return  to  New 
England  after  1646.  In  1655  he 
was  sent  by  Cromwell  as  one  of 
three  commissioners  to  superintend 
the  expedition  against  the  Spanish 


EDWARD    WlNSLOW. 


275 


possessions  in  the  West  Indies,  and 
died  at  sea  near  Hispaniola,  on  the 
8th  of  May  of  that  year,  in  his  60th 
year.  An  interesting  letter,  writ- 
ten by  him  at  Barbadoes,  March 
16,  and  addressed  to  Secretary 
Thurlow,  is  preserved  in  Thurlow's 
State  Papers,  iii.  250.  Three  letters 
of  his  to  Gov.  Winthrop,  one  to  the 
Commissioners  of  the  United  Colo- 
nies, and  another  to  Thurlow  from 
Barbadoes,  March  30,  are  contained 
in  Hutchinson's  Collection  of  Pa- 
pers, pp.  60,  110,  153,  228,  26S. 

In  1637  he  obtained  a  grant  of  a 
valuable  tract  of  land  at  Green's 
harbour,  now  Marshfield,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  Caresrull. 
This  estate  continued  in  the  family 
till  a  few  years  since,  when  it  came 
into  possession  of  Daniel  Webster, 
the  present  Secretary  of  Sta^e. 

Edward  Winslow's  son,  Josiah, 
born  at  Plymouth  in  1628,  was 
governor  of  the  Colony  from  1673 
to  his  death  in  1680.  His  last  sur- 
viving male  descendant  is  Mr. 
Isaac  Winslow,  of  Boston,  who 
possesses  original  portraits  of  these 
his  illustrious  ancestors. 

Edward  Winslow  had  four  bro- 
thers, all  of  whom  came  over  to 
New  England.  Their  names  were 
John,  born  in  April,  1597  ;  Kenelm, 
born  April  29,  1599  ;  Gilbert,  born 
in  Oct.  1600 ;  and  Josiah,  born  in 
Feb.  1605.  John  came  in  the 
Fortune  in  1621,  married  Mary 
Chilton,  who  came  in  the  May- 
flower, and  removed  to  Boston, 
in  1655,  where  he  died  in  1674, 
aged  77.  He  left  a  numerous  pos- 
terity, one  of  whom  is  Isaac  Wins- 


low, Esq.,  of  Roxbury,  formerly  a 
merchant  in  Boston.  —  Gilbert  came 
in  the  Mayflower,  and  soon  left  the 
Colony,  and  it  is  thought  went  to 
Portsmouth,  N.  H.  and  died  before 
1660.  —  Kenelm  and  Josiah  arrived 
at  Plymouth  before  1632,  and  both 
settled  at  Marshfield.  The  former 
died  whilst  on  a  visit  at  Salem  in 
1672,  aged  73,  and  the  latter  in 
1674,  aged  69.  — Edward  Wins- 
low's  sisters  were  Eleanor,  born  in 
April,  1598,  Elizabeth,  born  in 
March,  IGOl,  and  Magdalen,  born 
Dec.  26,  1604.  Elizabeth  died  in 
Jan.  1604,  and  neither  of  the  other 
two  ever  came  to  New  England. 

For  the  copy  of  the  record  of  St. 
Peter's  Church,  Droitwich,  contain- 
ing the  births  and  baptisms  of  Ed- 
ward Winslow  and  his  sisters  and 
brothers,  excepting  Josiah,  I  am 
indebted  to  Isaac  Winslow,  Esq.,  of 
Pioxbury,  whose  son,  Isaac,  of  New 
York,  visited  that  place  for  this 
purpose  in  Aug.  1839.  I  am  also 
indebted  to  Mr.  Isaac  Winslow,  of 
Boston,  for  the  loan  of  the  family 
bible  of  the  Winslows,  containing 
on  one  of  its  covers  an  ancient  re- 
gister, corresponding  nearly  with 
the  Droitwich  records,  with  the 
addition  of  the  birth  and  baptism  of 
Josiah,  the  youngest  child.  See 
Hutchinson's  Mass.  i.  187,  ii.  457— 
460;  Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  281 
—  309;  Mitchell's  Bridgewater,  p. 
387—390;  Deane's  Scituate,  p. 
388—390  ;  Thacher's  Plymouth,  p. 
90—103,  139—144;  Morton's  Me- 
morial, pp.  178,  235,  259—261,  382, 
415;  Hazard's  Hist.  Coll.  i.  326. 


TO    THE    READER. 


Good  Reader, 

When  I  first  penned  this  Discourse,  I  intended  it 
chiefly  for  the  satisfaction  of  my  private  friends ;  but 
since  that  time  have  been  persuaded  to  publish  the 
same.  And  the  rather,  because  of  a  disorderly  colony^ 
that  are  dispersed,  and  most  of  them  returned,  to  the 
great  prejudice  and  damage  of  him  ^  that  set  them 
forth  ;  who,  as  they  were  a  stain  to  Old  England  that 
bred  them,  in  respect  of  their  lives  and  manners  amongst 
the  Indians,  so,  it  is  to  be  feared,  will  be  no  less  to  New 
England,  in  their  vile  and  clamorous  reports,  because 
she  would  not  foster  them  in  their  desired  idle  courses. 
I  would  not  be  understood  to  think  there  were  no  well 
deserving  persons  amongst  them  ;  for  of  mine  know- 
ledge it  was  a  grief  to  some  that  they  were  so  yoked ; 
whose  deserts,  as  they  were  then  suitable  to  their  hon- 
est protestations,  so  I  desire  still  may  be  in  respect  of 
their  just  and  true  Relations. 

Peradventure  thou  wilt  rather  marvel  that  1  deal  so 


'  At  Wessagusset,  or  Weymouth,        ^  Thomas  Weston.     See  note 
ef  wliich  an  ample  account  will  be     on  page  78. 
found  in  the  ensuing  Narrative. 


THE   PREFACE. 


277 


plainly,  than  any  way  doubt  of  the  truth  of  this  my 
Relation ;  yea,  it  may  be,  tax  me  therewith,  as  seem- 
ing rather  to  discourage  men  than  any  way  to  further 
so  noble  an  action.  If  any  honest  mind  be  discour- 
aged, I  am  sorry.  Sure  I  am  I  have  given  no  just 
cause  ;  and  am  so  far  from  being  discouraged  myself, 
as  I  purpose  to  return  forthwith.'  And  for  other  light 
and  vain  persons,  if  they  stumble  hereat,  I  have  my 
desire,  accounting  it  better  for  them  and  us  that  they 
keep  where  they  are,  as  being  unfit  and  unable  to  per- 
form so  great  a  task. 

Some  faults  have  escaped  because  I  could  not  attend 
on  the  press,^  which  1  pray  thee  correct,  as  thou  find- 
est,  and  I  shall  account  it  as  a  favor  unto  me. 

Thine, 

E.  W. 


'  Winslow  returned  ia  the  ship  ^  This    serves    to    confirm    the 

Charity,  in  March,  1624.     He  had  statement  of  numerous  typographi- 

been   absent   six    months,   having  cal  errors  in  the  previous  Narrative, 

sailed  from  Plymouth  in  the  Ann,  See  note  on  page  113,  and  note  ^  on 

on  the  10th  of  Sept.  previous.     See  page  174. 
Bradford,  in  Prince,  p.  221,  225. 


A  BRIEF  RELATION  OF  A  CREDIBLE   INTELLIGENCE  OF  THE 
PRESENT  ESTATE  OF  VIRGINIA. 

At  the  earnest  entreaty  of  some  of  my  much  re- 
spected friends,  I  have  added  to  the  former  Discourse  a 
Relation  of  such  things  as  were  credibly  reported  at 
Plymouth,  in  New  England,  in  September  last  past, 
concerning  the  present  estate  of  Virginia.  And  because 
men  may  doubt  how  we  should  have  intelligence  of 
their  affairs,  being  we  are  so  far  distant,  1  will  there- 
fore satisfy  the  doubtful  therein.  Captain  Francis 
West  ^  being  in  New  England  about  the  latter  end  of 
May  past,  sailed  from  thence  to  Virginia,  and  returned 
in  August.  In  September  the  same  ship  and  company 
being  discharged  by  him  at  Damarin's  Cove,^  came  to 
New  Plymouth,  where,  upon  our  earnest  inquiry  after 
the  state  of  Virginia  since  that  bloody  slaughter  com- 
mitted by  the  Indians  upon  our  friends  and  country- 
men,'' the  whole  ship's  company  agreed  in  this,  viz. 

'  West  had  a  commission  as  ad-  in  Prince,  p.  218,  and  in  Morton, 

miral  of  New  England,  to  restrain  p.  97. 

such  ships  as  came  to  fish  and  trade  ^  The  Damariscove  islands,  five 
without  license  from  the  New  or  six  in  number,  lying  west  by 
England  Council ;  but  finding  the  north  from  Monhegan,  were  early- 
fishermen  stubborn  fellows,  and  too  resorted  to  and  occupied  as  fishing- 
strong  for  him,  he  sails  for  Virginia;  stages.  See  Williamson's  Maine, 
and  their  owners  complaining  to  i.  56. 

Parliament,  procured  an  order  that        '  On  the  22d  of  March,  1622,  at 

fishing  should  be  free.     Bradford,  mid-day,  the  Indians,  by  a  precon- 


THE   CONDITION  OF   VIRGINIA.  279 

that  upon  all  occasions  tlioy  chased  the  Indians  to  and 
fro,  insomuch  as  they  sued  daily  unto  the  English  for 
peace,  who  for  the  present  would  not  admit  of  any  ; 
that  Sir  George  Early, ^  &c.  was  at  that  present  em- 
ployed upon  service  against  them  ;  that  amongst  many 
others,  Opachancano,^  the  chief  emperor,  was  supposed 
to  be  slain  ;  his  son  also  was  killed  at  the  same  time. 
And  though,  by  reason  of  these  fore-named  broils  in 
the  fore  part  of  the  year,  the  English  had  undergone 
great  want  of  food,  yet,  through  God's  mercy,  there 
never  was  more  show  of  plenty,  having  as  much  and 
as  good  corn  on  the  ground  as  ever  they  had.  Neither 
was  the  hopes  of  their  tobacco  crop  inferior  to  that  of 
their  corn  ;  so  that  the  planters  were  never  more  full 
of  encouragement ;  which  I  pray  God  long  to  continue, 
and  so  to  direct  both  them  and  us,  as  his  glory  may  be 
the  principal  aim  and  end  of  all  our  actions,  and  that 
for  his  mercy's  sake.     Amen. 

certod  plan,  fell  upon  the  English  and    Bancroft's  United   States,   i. 

settlements  in  Virginia,  and  mas-  181 — 185. 

sacred  347  persons.     A  war  of  ex-  '  Ycardley.     Sec  note  '  on  p.  70. 

termination    immediately  ensued.  ^  Opechancanough,  as  the  name 

See  Stith's  Virginia,  p.  208—213,  is  commonly  spelt. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

OF  THEIR  BEING  MENACED  BY  THE  NARRAGANSETTS,  AND 
THEIR  SECOND  VOYAGE  TO  THE  MASSACHUSETTS. 

CHAP.       The  p-ood  ship  called  the  Fortune,  which,  in  the 

month  of  November,  1621,  (blessed  be  God,)  brought 

1622.  yg  ^  j^g^y  supply  of  thirty-five  persons,  was  not  long 
departed  our  coast,  ere  the  great  people  of  Nanohig- 
ganset,'  which  are  reported  to  be  many  thousands 
strong,  began  to  breathe  forth  many  threats  against 
us,  notwithstanding  their  desired  and  obtained  peace 
with  us  in  the  foregoing  summer ;  insomuch  as  the 
common  talk  of  our  neighbour  Indians  on  all  sides  was 
of  the  preparation  they  made  to  come  against  us.  In 
reason  a  man  w^ould  think  they  should  have  now  more 
cause  to  fear  us  than  before  our  supply  came.     But 

^  The  Narragansetts  were  a  nu-  traveller  would  meet  with  a  dozen 

merous  and  powerful  tribe  that  oc-  Indian    towns    in    twenty    miles, 

cupied  nearly   the   whole    of   the  They  were  a  martial  and  formida- 

present  territory  of   the  State   of  ble  race,  and  were   frequently  at 

Rhode  Island,  including  the  islands  war   with  the   Pokanokets  on  the 

in  Narragansett   Bay.     They  had  east,  the  Pequots  on  the  west,  and 

escaped  the  pestilence  which  had  the   Massachusetts   on  the  north, 

depopulated  other    parts  of  New  See  Gookin  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  i. 

England,  and    their  population  at  147;  Callender  in  R,  I.  Hist.  Coll. 

this  time  was  estimated  at  thirty  iv.  123;  Potter's  Early  History  of 

thousand,  of  whom  five  thousand  Narragansett,     ibid.     iii.     1,    and 

were  warriors.     Roger  Williams  Hutchinson's  Mass.  i.  457. 
says  they  were  so  populous  that  a 


A  MESSENGER  FROM   CANONICUS.  281 

though  none  of  them  were  present,  yet  understanding  chap. 
by  others  that   they  neither  brought  arms,  nor  other  '^-— 
provisions  with  them,  but  wholly  relied  on  us,  it  occa-  162  2. 
sioned  them  to  slight  and  brave  us  with  so  many  threats 
as  they  did.^     At  length  came  one  of  them  to  us,  who 
was  sent  by  Conanacus,^  their  chief  sachim  or  king, 
accompanied  with  one  Tokamahamon,  a  friendly  In- 
dian.^    This   messenger  inquired  for  Tisquantum,  our 
interpreter,  who  not  being  at  home,  seemed  rather  to 
be  glad  than  sorry,  and  leaving  for  him  a  bundle  of 
new  arrows,  lapped  in  a  rattlesnake's  skin,  desired  to 
depart  with   all  expedition.     But  our  governors   not 
knowing  what  to  make  of  this  strange  carriage,  and 
comparing  it  with  that  we  had  formerly  heard,  com- 
mitted him  to  the  custody  of  Captain  Standish,  hoping 
now  to  know  some  certainty  of  that  we  so  often  heard, 
either  by  his  own  relation  to  us,  or  to  Tisquantum,  at 

^  "  Since  the  death  of  so  many  or  obtained ;  for  I  never  gat  any 

Indians,   they  thought   to    lord    it  thing  of  Connonicus  but  by  gift." 

over   the   rest,  conceive  we  are  a  In  1636  the  Massachusetts  Colony 

bar  in  their  way,  and  see  Massa-  sent   to    him    "a   solemn   embas- 

soit  already  take  shelter  under  our  sage,"  who  "  observed  in  the  sa- 

wings."     Bradford's   Hist,    quoted  chem  much  state,  great  command 

by  Prince,  p.  200.     See  pages  217  over  his  men,  and  marvellous  wis- 

and  219,  previous.  dom    in    his    answers."      Edward 

^  Canonicus,  the  great  sachem  Johnson,  who  probably  accompa- 
of  the  Narragansetts,  though  hos-  nied  the  ambassadors,  has  given  in 
tile  to  the  Plymouth  colonists,  his  "Wonderworking Providence," 
probably  on  account  of  their  league  b.  ii.  ch.  vi.  a  very  minute  account  of 
with  his  enemy,  Massasoit,  show-  their  reception  and  entertainment. 
ed  himself  friendly  to  the  first  set-  He  says  that  "  Canonicus  was  very 
tiers  of  Rhode  Island,  who  planted  discreet  in  his  answers."  He  died 
themselves  within  his  territory.  June  4th,  1647,  according  to  Win- 
Roger  Williams  says  that  "  when  throp,  "  a  very  old  man."  See  his 
the  hearts  of  my  countrymen  and  Life  in  Thatcher's  Indian  Biogra- 
friends  failed  me,  the  Most  High  phy,  i.  177—209,  and  in  Drake's 
stirred  up  the  barbarous  heart  of  Book  of  the  Indians,  b.  ii.  54—57. 
Connonicus  to  love  me  as  his  son  See  also  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  215. 
to  the  last  gasp.  Were  it  not  for  229,  xiv.  42— 44,  xvii.  75,  76;  Sav- 
the  favor  that  God  gave  me  with  age's  Winthrop,  i.  192,  ii.  308. 
'him,  none  of  these  parts,  no,  not  ^  See  pages  211,  214,  219. 
Rhode  Island  had  been  purchased 

36 


232  THE  MESSENGER  INTERROGATED. 

CHAP,  his  return,  desiring  myself,  having  special  familiarity 

i^^  with  the  other  forenamed   Indian,  to  see  if  I   could 

16  22.  learn  any  thing  from  him;  whose  answer  was  spar- 

^^'  ingly  to  this  effect,  that  he  could  not  certainly  tell  us, 

but  thought  they  were  enemies  to  us. 

That  night  Captain  Standish  gave  me  and  another^ 
charcre  of  him,  and  gave  us  order  to  use  him  kindly, 
and  that  he  should  not  want  any  thing  he  desired,  and 
to  take  all  occasions  to  talk  and  inquire  of  the  reasons 
of  those  reports  we  heard,  and  withal  to  signify 
that  upon  his  true  relation  he  should  be  sure  of  his 
own  freedom.  At  first  fear  so  possessed  him  that  he 
could  scarce  say  any  thing ;  but  in  the  end  became 
more  familiar,  and  told  us  that  the  messenger  which 
his  master  sent  in  summer  to  treat  of  peace,  at  his 
return  persuaded  him  rather  to  war  ;  and  to  the  end 
he  might  provoke  him  thereunto,  (as  appeared  to  him 
by  our  reports,)  detained  many  of  the  things  [which] 
were  sent  him  by  our  Governor,  scorning  the  meanness 
of  them  both  in  respect  of  what  himself  had  formerly 
sent,  and  also  of  the  greatness  of  his  own  person ;  so 
that  he  much  blamed  the  former  messenger,  saying,  that 
upon  the  knowledge  of  this  his  false  carriage,  it  would 
cost  him  his  life,  but  assured  us  that  upon  his  relation 
of  our  speech  then  with  him  to  his  master,  he  would 
be  friends  with  us.  Of  this  we  informed  the  Governor 
and  his  Assistant^  and  Captain  Standish,  who,  after 
consultation,  considered  him  howsoever  but  in  the  state 
of  a  messenger  ;  and  it  being  as  well  against  the  law 
of  arms  amongst  them  as  us  in  Europe  to  lay  violent 

'  Probably     Stephen    Hopkins.        *  j^^^^  Allerton.     See  note  on 
See  note  ^  on  page  126,  and  pages    page  195,  and  page  201. 
181,  1S5,  and  202.  '         ^  " 


HE  BRINGS   A   DEFIANCE   FROM   CANONICUS.  283 

hands  on  any  such,  set  him  at  liberty  ;  the  Governor  chap. 
giving  him  order  to  certify  his  master  that  he  had  — v^ 
heard  of  his  large  and  many  threatenings,  at  which  he  162  2. 
was  much  offended  ;  daring  him  in  those  respects  to 
the  utmost,  if  he  would  not  be  reconciled  to  live  peace- 
ably, as  other  his  neighbours  ;  manifesting  withal  (as 
ever)  his  desire  of  peace,  but  his  fearless  resolution,  if 
he  could  not  so  live  amongst  them.  After  which  he 
caused  meat  to  be  offered  him ;  but  he  refused  to  eat, 
making  all  speed  to  return,  and  giving  many  thanks 
for  his  liberty,  but  requesting  the  other  Indian  again  to 
return.  The  weather  being  violent,  he  used  many 
words  to  persuade  him  to  stay  longer,  but  could  not. 
Whereupon  he  left  him,  and  said  he  was  with  his 
friends,  and  would  not  take  a  journey  in  such  ex- 
tremity. 

After  this,  when  Tisquantum  returned,  and  the  ar- 
rows were  delivered,  and  the  manner  of  the  messen- 
ger's carriage  related,  he  signified  to  the  Governor  that 
to  send  the  rattlesnake's  skin  in  that  manner  imported 
enmity,  and  that  it  was  no  better  than  a  challenge.^ 
Hereupon,  after  some  deliberation,  the  Governor  stuffed 
the  skin  with  powder  and  shot,  and  sent  it  back,  re- 
turning no  less  defiance  to  Conanacus,  assuring  him  if 
he  had  shipping  now  present,  thereby  to  send  his  men 
to  Nanohigganset,  (the  place  of  his  abode,)  they  should 
not  need  to  come  so  far  by  land  to  us ;  yet  withal 
showing  that  they  should  never  come  unwelcome  or 

*  "  There  is  a  remarkable  coin-  of  declaring  war  by  the  Aracaunian 

cidence  in  the  form  of  this  chal-  Indians  of  South  America,  was  by 

lenge  with  that   of  the  challenge  sending  from  town  to  town  an  ar- 

given  by   the   Scythian   prince  to  row    clenched    in   a    dead    man's 

Darius.     Five  arrows  made  a  part  hand."     Holmes,   Annals,   i.  177. 

of  fhe  present  sent  by  his  herald  See  Rollin,  Anc.  Hist.  b.  vi.  s.  4; 

to  the  Persian  king.     The  manner  and  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xv.  69. 


284  THE   TOWN   IMPALED. 

CHAP,  unlocked  for.  This  message  was  sent  by  an  Indian, 
^^^-^  and  delivered  in  such  sort,  as  it  was  no  small  terror  to 
1^22.  this  savage  king;  insomuch  as  he  would  not  once 
touch  the  powder  and  shot,  or  suffer  it  to  stay  in  his 
house  or  country.  Whereupon  the  messenger  refusing 
it,  another  took  it  up  ;  and  having  been  posted  from 
place  to  place  a  long  time,  at  length  came  whole  back 
again. 
Feb.  In  the  mean  time,  knowing  our  own  weakness,  not- 
withstanding our  high  words  and  lofty  looks  towards 
them,  and  still  lying  open  to  all  casualty,  having  as 
yet  (under  God)  no  other  defence  than  our  arms,  we 
thought  it  most  needful  to  impale  our  town  ;  which  with 
all  expedition  we  accomplished  in  the  month  of  Februa- 
ry, and  some  few  days,  taking  in  the  top  of  the  hill  under 
which  our  town  is  seated  ;  making  four  bulwarks  or 
jetties  without  the  ordinary  circuit  of  the  pale,  from 
whence  we  could  defend  the  whole  town  ;  in  three 
whereof  are  gates, ^  and  the  fourth  in  time  to  be.  This 
being  done.  Captain  Standish  divided  our  strength  into 
four  squadrons  or  companies,  appointing  whom  he 
thought  most  fit  to  have  command  of  each  ;  and,  at  a 
general  muster  or  training,^  appointed  each  his  place, 
gave  each  his  company,  giving  them  charge,  upon 
every  alarm,  to  resort  to  their  leaders  to  their  appoint- 
ed place,  and,  in  his  absence,  to  be  commanded  and 
directed  by  them.  That  done  according  to  his  order, 
each  drew  his  company  to  his  appointed  place  for  de- 
fence, and  there  together  discharged  their  muskets. 
After  which  they  brought  their  new  commanders  to 


'  Bradford    adds,    "Which    are  ^  This    was   the    first    general 

locked  every  night ;  a  watch  and  muster  in  New  England,  and  the 

ward  kept  in  the  day."    Prince,  embryo  of  our  present  militia  sys- 

p.  200.  tem. 


AN   ATTACK   OF  THE   INDIANS   APPREHENDED.  285 

their  houses,  where  again  thej  graced  them  with  their  chap. 
shot,  and  so  departed.  ^^^-^ 

Fearing,  also,  lest  the  enemy  at  anytime  should  ^  6  22. 
take  any  advantage  by  firing  our  houses,  Captain 
Standish  appointed  a  certain  company,  that  whenso- 
ever they  saw  or  heard  fire  to  be  cried  in  the  town, 
should  only  betake  themselves  to  their  arms,  and  should 
enclose  the  house  or  place  so  endangered,  and  stand 
aloof  on  their  guard,  with  their  backs  towards  the  fire, 
to  prevent  treachery,  if  any  were  in  that  kind  intend- 
ed. If  the  fire  were  in  any  of  the  houses  of  this  guard, 
they  were  then  freed  from  it ;  but  not  otherwise,  with- 
out special  command. 

Long  before  this  time  we  promised  the  people  of  Mar. 
Massachusets,  in  the  beginning  of  March  to  come 
unto  them,  and  trade  for  their  furs ;  which  being  then 
come,  we  began  to  make  preparation  for  that  voyage. 
In  the  mean  time,  an  Indian,  called  Hobbamock,  who 
still  lived  in  the  town,  told  us  that  he  feared  the 
Massachusets  or  Massachuseucks  (for  so  they  called 
the  people  of  that  place,)  were  joined  in  confederacy 
with  the  Nanohigganeucks,  or  people  of  Nanohig- 
ganset,  and  that  they  therefore  would  take  this  oppor- 
tunity to  cut  off  Captain  Standish  and  his  company 
abroad ;  but,  howsoever,  in  the  mean  time,  it  was  to 
be  feared  that  the  Nanohigganeucks  would  assault  the 
town  at  home  ;  giving  many  reasons  for  his  jealousy, 
as  also  that  Tisquantum  was  in  the  confederacy,  who, 
we  should  find,  would  use  many  persuasions  to  draw 
us  from  our  shallops  to  the  Indians'  houses,  for  their 
,  better  advantage.  To  confirm  this  his  jealousy,  he 
told  us  of  many  secret  passages  that  passed  between 
him  and  others,  having  their  meetings  ordinarily  abroad, 


286  A   COUNCIL   HELD. 

CHAP,  in  the  woods ;  but  if  at  home,  howsoever,  he  was  ex- 

^- — ^  eluded  from  their  secrecy  ;  saying  it  was  the  manner 

162  2.  of  the  Indians,  when  they  meant  plainly,  to  deal  open- 

ly ;    but  in  this  his   practice   there   was  no  show  of 

honesty. 

Hereupon  the  Governor,  together  with  his  Assistant 
and  Captain  Standish,  called  together  such  as  by  them 
were  thought  most  meet  for  advice  in  so  weighty  a 
business  ;  who,  after  consideration  hereof,  came  to  this 
resolution ;  that  as  hitherto,  upon  all  occasions  be- 
tween them  and  us,  we  had  ever  manifested  undaunt- 
ed courage  and  resolution,  so  it  would  not  now  stand 
with  our  safety  to  mew  up  ourselves  in  our  new-en- 
closed town ;  partly  because  our  store  was  almost 
empty,  and  therefore  must  seek  out  for  our  daily  food, 
without  which  we  could  not  long  subsist ;  but  espe- 
cially for  that  thereby  they  would  see  us  dismayed, 
and  be  encouraged  to  prosecute  their  malicious  pur- 
poses with  more  eagerness  than  ever  they  intended. 
Whereas,  on  the  contrary,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  our 
fearless  carriage  might  be  a  means  to  discourage  and 
weaken  their  proceedings.  And  therefore  thought  best 
to  proceed  in  our  trading  voyage,  making  this  use  of 
that  we  heard,  to  go  the  better  provided,  and  use  the 
more  carefulness  both  at  home  and  abroad,  leaving  the 
event  to  the  disposing  of  the  Almighty  ;  whose  provi- 
dence, as  it  had  hitherto  been  over  us  for  good,  so  we 
had  now  no  cause  (save  our  sins)  to  despair  of  his 
mercy  in  our  preservation  and  continuance,  where  we 
desired  rather  to  be  instruments  of  good  to  the  heathens 
about  us  than  to  give  them  the  least  measure  of  just 
offence. 

All  things  being  now  in  readiness,  the  forenamed 


A   DISCHARGE  OF   CANNON. 


287 


Captain,  with  ten  men,  accompanied  with  Tisquantum  chap. 
and  Hobbamock,  set  forwards  for  the  Massachusets.  ^v^ 
But  we^  had  no  sooner  turned  the  point  of  the  harbour,  162  2. 

April. 

called  the  Gurnet's  Nose,^  (where,  being  becalmed,  we 
let  fall  our  grapnel  to  set  things  to  right  and  prepare 
to  row,)  but  there  came  an  Indian  of  Tisquantum's 
family  running  to  certain  of  our  people  that  were  from 
home  with  all  eagerness,  having  his  face  wounded, 
and  the  blood  still  fresh  on  the  same,  calling  to  them 
to  repair  home,  oft  looking  behind  him,  as  if  some  others 
had  him  in  chase ;  saying  that  at  Namaschet^  (a  town 
some  fifteen  miles  from  us,)  there  were  many  of  the 
Nanohiggansets,  Massassowat,^  our  supposed  friend, 
and  Conbatant,^  our  feared  enemy,  with  many  others, 
with  a  resolution  to  take  advantage  on  the  present 
opportunity  to  assault  the  town  in  the  Captain's  ab- 
sence ;  affirming  that  he  received  the  wound  in  his 
face  for  speaking  in  our  behalf,  and  by  sleight  escaped ; 
looking  oft  backward,  as  if  he  suspected  them  to  be  at 
hand.    This  he  affirmed  again  to  the  Governor  ;  where- 

'  This  indicates  that  the  writer  several  places  on  the  coast  of  Eng- 

himself,  Winslow,  was  one  of  the  land ;  in    the  Channel  we  believe 

party.  there  are  at  least  two."  Connected 

*  So  early  was  the  name  of  Gur-  Avith  the  Gurnet  by  a  narrow  neck, 

net  cfiven   to  this  remarkable  fea-  and  contiguous  to  Clark's  island,  is 


ture  of  Plymouth  harbour.     It  is  a  another  head-land,  called  Saquish, 
peninsula  or  promontory,  connect-  containing  twelve  or  fourteen  acres. 
ed  with  Marshfield    by   a    beach  See  note  ^  on  page  164,  Mass.  Hist, 
about  seven  miles  long,  called  Salt-  Coll.  xiii.  182,  and  Thacher's  Ply- 
house    beach.     It    contains  about  mouth,  p.  330. 
twenty-seven    acres    of    excellent        ^  See  note  ■*  on  page  204. 
soil.     On   its   southern  extremity,        *  The  sachem   of  the  Wampa- 
or  nose,  are  two  light-houses.     It  noags.     See  note  ^  on  page  191. 
probably  received   its   name  from  It  will  be  observed  that  Winslow 
some  headland  known  to  the  Pil-  spells  many  of  the  Indian   words 
grims  in  the  mother  country.    The  diffeiently    from    Bradford   in  the 
late  Samuel   Davis,  of  Plymouth,  preceding  Journal, 
/he  accurate  topographer,  and  faith-         '"  The  same  as  Coubatant  or  Cor- 
ful  chronicler  of  the  Old  Colony,  bitant.     See  note  '^  on  page  219. 
says,    "Gurnet    is    the    name    of 


288  THE  TOWN   ALARMED. 

CHAP,  upon  he  e;ave  command  that  three  pieces  of  ordnance 

-^  should  be  made  ready  and  discharged,  to  the  end  that 

1622.  if  ^ve  were  not  out  of  hearing,  we  might  return  there- 
at ;  which  we  no  sooner  heard,  but  we  repaired  home- 
ward with  all  convenient  speed,  arming  ourselves,  and 
making  all  in  readiness  to  fight.  When  we  entered 
the  harbour,  we  saw  the  town  likewise  on  their  guard, 
whither  we  hasted  with  all  convenient  speed.  The 
news  being  made  known  unto  us,  Hobbamock  said 
flatly  that  it  was  false,  assuring  us  of  Massassowat's 
faithfulness.  Howsoever,  he  presumed  he  would  never 
have  undertaken  any  such  act  without  his  privity,  him- 
self being  a  pinse,^  that  is,  one  of  his  chiefest  champions 
or  men  of  valor  ;  it  being  the  manner  amongst  them 
not  to  undertake  such  enterprises  without  the  advice 
and  furtherance  of  men  of  that  rank.  To  this  the 
Governor  answered,  he  should  be  sorry  that  any  just 
and  necessary  occasions  of  war  should  arise  between 
him  and  any  [of]  the  savages,  but  especially  Massasso- 
wat ;  not  that  he  feared  him  more  than  the  rest,  but 
because  his  love  more  exceeded  towards  him  than  any. 
Whereunto  Hobbamock  replied,  there  was  no  cause 
wherefore  he  should  distrust  him,  and  therefore  should 
do  well  to  continue  his  affections. 

But  to  the  end  things  might  be  made  more  manifest, 
the  Governor  caused  Hobbamock  to  send  his  wife  with 
all  privacy  to  Puckanokick,  the  chief  place  of  Massas- 
sowat's residence,  (pretending  other  occasions,)  there 
to  inform  herself,  and  so  us,  of  the  right  state  of  things. 
When  she  came  thither,  and  saw  all  things  quiet,  and 
that  no  such  matter  was  or  had  been  intended,  [she] 
told  Massassowat  what  had  happened  at  Plymouth,  (by 

'  What  is  now  called  a  brave. 


TISQUANTUM'S   DOUBLE-DEALING.  289 

them  called  Patuxet ;')  which  when  he  understood,  he  chap. 

XVIII 

was  much  offended  at  the  carriage  of  Tisquantum,  — -^^ 
returning  many  thanks  to  the  Governor  for  his  good  i  6  22. 
thoughts  of  him,  and  assuring  him  that,  according  to 
their  first  Articles  of  Peace,'  he  would  send  word  and 
give  warning  when  any  such  business  was  towards. 

Thus  by  degrees  we  began  to  discover  Tisquantum, 
whose  ends  were  only  to  make  himself  great  in  the 
eyes  of  his  countrymen,  by  means  of  his  nearness  and 
favor  with  us;  not  caring  who  fell,  so  he  stood.  In  the 
general,  his  course  was  to  persuade  them  he  could  lead 
us  to  peace  or  war  at  his  pleasure,  and  would  oft  threat- 
en the  Indians,  sending  them  word  in  a  private  man- 
ner we  were  intended  shortly  to  kill  them,  that  thereby 
he  might  get  gifts  to  himself,  to  work  their  peace  ;  in- 
somuch as  they  had  him  in  greater  esteem  than  many 
of  their  sachims  ;  yea,  they  themselves  sought  to  him, 
who  promised  them  peace  in  respect  of  us,  yea,  and 
protection  also,  so  as  they  would  resort  to  him  ;  so  that 
whereas  divers  were  wont  to  rely  on  Massassowat  for 
protection,  and  resort  to  his  abode,  now  they  began  to 
leave  him  and  seek  after  Tisquantum.  Now,  though 
he  could  not  make  good  these  his  large  promises, 
especially  because  of  the  continued  peace  between 
Massassowat  and  us,  he  therefore  raised  this  false 
alarm ;  hoping,  whilst  things  were  hot  in  the  heat  of 
blood,  to  provoke  us  to  march  into  his  country  against 
him,  whereby  he  hoped  to  kindle  such  a  flame  as 
would  not  easily  be  quenched;  and  hoping  if  that 
block  were  once  removed,  there  were  no  other  between 
)iim  and  honor,  which  he  loved  as  his  life,  and  pre- 

'  See  page  1S3,  and  note  on  page        -  See  the  Articles  on  page  193. 

245. 

37 


290  SECOND   VISIT  TO  BOSTON  HARBOUR. 

CHAP,  fened  before  his  peace.  For  these  and  the  like  abuses 
^— —  the  Governor  sharply  reproved  him ;  jet  was  he  so 
1622.  necessary  and  profitable  an  instrument,  as  at  that  time 
we  could  not  miss  him.  But  when  we  understood  his 
dealings,  we  certified  all  the  Indians  of  our  ignorance 
and  innocency  therein ;  assuring  them,  till  they  begun 
with  us,  they  should  have  no  cause  to  fear ;  and  if  any 
hereafter  should  raise  any  such  reports,  they  should 
punish  them  as  liars  and  seekers  of  tlieir  and  our  dis- 
turbance ;  which  gave  the  Indians  good  satisfaction  on 
all  sides. 

After  this  we  proceeded  in  our  voyage  to  the  Mas- 
sachusets;  where  we  had  good  store  of  trade,*  and 
(blessed  be  God)  returned  in  safety,  though  driven 
from  before  our  town  in  great  danger  and  extremity  of 
weather. 

At  our  return  we  found  Massassowat  at  the  Planta- 
tion ;  who  made  his  seeming  just  apology  for  all  former 
matters  of  accusation,  being  much  offended  and  en- 
raged against  Tisquantum  :  whom  the  Governor  paci- 
fied as  much  as  he  could  for  the  present.  But  not  long 
after  his  departure,  he  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Gov- 
ernor, entreating  him  to  give  way  to  the  death  of  Tis- 
quantum, who  had  so  much  abused  him.  But  the 
Governor  answered,  although  he  had  deserved  to  die, 
both  in  respect  of  him  and  us,  yet  for  our  sakes  he 
desired  he  would  spare  him ;  and  the  rather,  because 
without  him  he  knew  not  well  how  to  understand  him- 
self or  any  other  the  Indians.  With  this  answer  the 
messenger  returned,  but  came  again  not  long  after, 
accompanied  with  divers  others,  demanding  him  from  ^ 

,  '  We  should  like  to  have  known  ^  On  the  part  of. 

more  about  this  second  voyage  to 
Boston  harbour.     See  page  224. 


MASSASOIT   DEMANDS   TISQUANTUM.  291 

Massassowat,  their  master,  as  being  one  of  his  subjects,  chap 


XVIII. 


whom,  by  our  first  Articles  of  Peace,  we  could  not 
retain.  Yet  because  he  would  not  willingly  do  it  with- 1622. 
out  the  Governor's  approbation,  offered  him  many  bea- 
vers' skins  for  his  consent  thereto,  saying  that,  according 
to  their  manner,  their  sachim  had  sent  his  own  knife, 
and  them  therewith,  to  cut  off  his  head  and  hands,  and 
bring  them  to  him.  To  which  the  Governor  answered. 
It  was  not  the  manner  of  the  English  to  sell  men's 
lives  at  a  price,  but  when  they  had  deserved  justly  to 
die,  to  give  them  their  reward ;  and  therefore  refused 
their  beavers  as  a  gift ;  but  sent  for  Tisquantum,  who, 
though  he  knew  their  intent,  yet  offered  not  to  fly,  but 
came  and  accused  Hobbamock  as  the  author  and  work- 
er of  his  overthrow,  yielding  himself  to  the  Governor  to 
be  sent  or  not  according  as  he  thought  meet.  But  at 
the  instant  when  our  Governor  was  ready  to  deliver 
him  into  the  hands  of  his  executioners,  a  boat  was 
seen  at  sea  to  cross  before  our  town,  and  fall  behind  a 
headland  ^  not  far  off.  Whereupon,  having  heard 
many  rumors  of  the  French,  and  not  knowing  whether 
there  were  any  combination  between  the  savages  and 
them,  the  Governor  told  the  Indians  he  would  first 
know  what  boat  that  was  ere  he  would  deliver  them 
into  their  custody.  But  being  mad  with  rage,  and 
impatient  at  delay,  they  departed  in  great  heat. 

Here  let  me  not  omit  one  notable,  though  wicked 
practice  of  this  Tisquantum  ;  who,  to  the  end  he  might 
possess  his  countrymen  with  the  greater  fear  of  us,  and 
so  consequently  of  himself,  told  them  we  had  the  plague 

*  This  headland  is  Hither  Man-  mark    in    Barnstable    bay,    being 

omet  Point,  forming  the  southern  visible  from  all  points  of  its  circling 

boundary  of  Plymouth  bay.     Man-  shore,  from  Sandwich  to  Province- 

omet  is  the  most  prominent  land-  town.     See  note  '  on  page  148.  . 


292  SCARCITY   OF    PROVISIONS. 

CHAP,  buried  in  our  store-house  ;  which,  at  our  pleasure,  we 


XV'III 


could  send  forth  to  what  place  or  people  we  would, 
16  22.  and  destroy  them  therewith,  though  we  stirred  not 
from  home.  Being,  upon  the  forenamed  brabbles,^ 
sent  for  by  the  Governor  to  this  place,  where  Hobba- 
mock  was  and  some  other  of  us,  the  ground  being 
broke  in  the  midst  of  the  house,  whereunder  certain 
barrels  of  powder  were  buried,  though  unknown  to 
him,  Hobbamock  asked  him  what  it  meant.  To  whom 
he  readily  answered,  That  was  the  place  wherein  the 
plague  was  buried,  whereof  he  formerly  told  him  and 
others.  After  this  Hobbamock  asked  one  of  our  peo- 
ple, whether  such  a  thing  were,  and  whether  we  had 
such  command  of  it.  Who  answered.  No ;  but  the 
God  of  the  English  had  it  in  store,  and  could  send  it 
at  his  pleasure  to  the  destruction  of  his  and  our  ene- 
mies. 

This  was,  as  I  take  it,  about  the  end  of  May,  1622; 
at  which  time  our  store  of  victuals  was  wholly  spent, 
having  lived  long  before  with  a  bare  and  short  allow- 
ance. The  reason  was,  that  supply  of  men,  before 
mentioned,^  which  came  so  unprovided,  not  landing  so 
much  as  a  barrel  of  bread  or  meal  for  their  whole  com- 
pany, but  contrariwise  received  from  us  for  their  ship's 
store  homeward.  Neither  were  the  setters  forth  thereof 
altogether  to  be  blamed  therein,  but  rather  certain 
amongst  ourselves,  who  were  too  prodigal  in  their 
writing  and  reporting  of  that  plenty  we  enjoyed.^  But 
that  I  may  return. 

This  boat  proved  to  be  a  shallop,  that  belonged  to  a 


'  Brabbles,  clamors.  ^    Winslow    himself    had    sent 

"  The  passengers  in  the  Fortune,    home  too  flattering  an  account  of 
See  page  234.  their  condition.     See  page  232. 


WINSLOW   GOES  TO  MONHEGAN.  293 

fishins:  ship,  called  the  Sparrow,  set  forth  by  Master  chap. 
Thomas  Weston,  late  merchant  and  citizen  of  London,  — ^ 
which  brought  six  or  seven  passengers  at  his  charge,  16  22. 
that  should  before  have  been  landed  at  our  Plantation;' 
who  also  brought  no  more  provision  for  the  present 
than  served  the  boat's  gang  for  their  return  to  the  ship; 
which  made  her  voyage  at  a  place  called  Damarin's 
Cove,^  near  Munhiggen,  some  forty  leagues  from  us 
northeastward  ;  about  which  place  there  fished  about 
thirty  sail  of  ships,  and  whither  myself  was  employed 
by  our  Governor,  with  orders  to  take  up  such  victuals 
as  the  ships  could  spare  ;  where  I  found  kind  enter- 
tainment and  good  respect,  with  a  willingness  to  sup- 
ply our  wants.  But  being  not  able  to  spare  that 
quantity  I  required,  by  reason  of  the  necessity  of  some 
amongst  themselves,  whom  they  supplied  before  my 
coming,  would  not  take  any  bills  for  the  same,  but  did 
what  they  could  freely,  wishing  their  store  had  been 
such  as  they  might  in  greater  measure  have  expressed 
their  own  love,  and  supplied  our  necessities,  for  which 
they  sorrowed,  provoking  one  another  to  the  utmost  of 


'  "  She  brings  a  letter  to   Mr.  he  can,  but  writes  to  others  to  do 

Carver  from  Mr.  Weston,  of  Jan.  the  like  ;  by  which  means  he  gets 

17.     By  his  letter  we  find  he  has  as   much  bread   as  amounts  to  a 

quite  deserted  us,  and  is  go'ms;  to  "quarter  of  a  pound  a  person   per 

settle  a  plantation  of  his  own.  The  day    till    harvest;    the    Governor 

boat  brings  us  a  kind  letter  from  causing  their  portion   to  be  daily 

Mr.  John  Huddleston,  a  captain  of  given  them,  or  some  had  starved. 

a   ship    fishing  at    the    eastw^ard.  And  by  this  voyage  we  not  only 

whose  name  we  never  heard  be-  got  a  present  supply,  but  also  learn 

fore,  to  inform  us  of  a  massacre  of  the  way  to  those  parts  for  our  fu- 

400  English  by  the  Indians  in  Vir-  ture  benefit."     Bradford,  in  Prince, 

ginia,  whence  he  came.     By  this  p.  202.       Huddleston's  letter,   (or 

boat  the  Governor  returns  a  grate-  Hudston's,   as  Morton  calls  him,) 

ful  answer,  and  with  them  sends  may  be  found  in  New  England's 

Mr.  Winslow  in  a  boat  of  ours  to  Memorial,  p.  SO.     See  note  ^  on 

get  provisions  of  the  fishing  ships  ;  page  278. 

whom  Captain  Huddleston  receives  ^  See  note  ^  on  page  278. 
kindly,  and  not  only  spares  what 


294  THE   COLONY   IN   A   FAMISHING   CONDITION. 

CHAP,  their  abilities  ;    which,   although   it   were    not   much 


xvni 


amongst  so  many  people  as  were  at  the  Plantation,  yet 
16  22.  through  the  provident  and  discreet  care  of  the  govern- 
ors, recovered  and  preserved  strength  till  our  own  crop 
on  the  ground  was  ready. 

Having  dispatched  there,  I  returned  home  with  all 
speed  convenient,  where  I  found  the  state  of  the  Col- 
ony much  weaker  than  when  I  left  it ;  for  till  now  we 
were  never  without  some  bread,  the  want  whereof 
much  abated  the  strength  and  flesh  of  some,  and 
swelled  others.  But  here  it  may  be  said,  if  the  coun- 
try abound  with  fish  and  fowl  in  such  measure  as  is 
reported,  how  could  men  undergo  such  measure  of 
hardness,  except  through  their  own  negligence  ?  I 
answer,  every  thing  must  be  expected  in  its  proper 
season.  No  man,  as  one  saith,  will  go  into  an  orchard 
iri  the  winter  to  gather  cherries  ;  so  he  that  looks  for 
fowl  there  in  the  summer,  will  be  deceived  in  his  ex- 
pectation. The  time  they  continue  in  plenty  with  us, 
is  from  the  beginning  of  October  to  the  end  of  March  ; 
but  these  extremities  befell  us  in  May  and  June.  I 
confess,  that  as  the  fowl  decrease,  so  fish  increase.  And 
indeed  their  exceeding  abundance  was  a  great  cause  of 
increasing  our  wants.  For  though  our  bay  and  creeks 
were  full  of  bass  and  other  fish,  yet  for  want  of  fit  and 
strong  seines  and  other  netting,  they  for  the  most  part 
brake  through,  and  carried  all  away  before  them.'  And 
though  the  sea  were  full  of  cod,  yet  we  had  neither 
tackling  nor  hawsers  for  our  shallops.  And  indeed  had 
we  not  been  in  a  place,  where  divers  sort  of  shell-fish 
are,  that  may  be  taken  with  the  hand,  we  must  have 

*  See  note  ^  on  page  171. 


A   FORT  BUILT  ON    BURIAL   HILL.  295 

perished,  unless  God   had    raised  some    unknown    or  chap. 
extraordinary  means  for  our  preservation.  -^.-^ 

In  the  time  of  these  straits,  indeed  before  my  going  16  22. 
to  Munhiggen,  the  Indians  began  again  to  cast  forth 
many  insulting  speeches,  glorying  in  our  weakness, 
and  giving  out  how  easy  it  would  be  ere  long  to  cut 
us  off.  Now  also  Massassowat  seemed  to  frown  on 
us,  and  neither  came  or  sent  to  us  as  formerly.  These 
things  occasioned  further  thoughts  of  fortification.  And 
whereas  we  have  a  hill  called  the  Mount,^  enclosed 
within  our  pale,  under  which  our  town  is  seated,  we 
resolved  to  erect  a  fort  thereon ;  from  whence  a  few 
might  easily  secure  the  town  from  any  assault  the  In- 
dians can  make,  whilst  the  rest  might  be  employed  as 
occasion  served.  This  work  was  begun  with  great 
eagerness,  and  with  the  approbation  of  all  men,  hoping 
that  this  being  once  finished,  and  a  continual  guard 
there  kept,  it  would  utterly  discourage  the  savages 
from  having  any  hopes  or  thoughts  of  rising  against  us. 
And  though  it  took  the  greatest  part  of  our  strength 
from  dressing  our  corn,  yet,  life  being  continued,  we 
hoped  God  would  raise  some  means  in  stead  thereof 
for  our  further  preservation. 

^  The    burying-hill.     See    page  .in  Plymouth.     After  the  fort  was 

170.     The  intelligence  of  the  mas-  used  as  a  place  of  worship,  it  is 

sacre  in  Virginia  reached  Plymouth  probable  they  began  to  bury  their 

in   May,  and  was  the  immediate  dead  around  it.     Before  that  time 

incitement  to  the  erection  of  this  the  burial  place  was  on  the  bank, 

fort.     See  page  250.  above  the  rock  on  which  the  land- 

"  Some  traces  of  the  fort  are  still  ing  was    made."     Judge   Davis's 

visible  on  the  eminence  called  the  note  in  Morton's  Memorial,  p.  82. 

burying-hill,     directly    above    the  See  note  ^  on  page  168,  and  page 

meeting-house  of  the  first  church  169  previous. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

OF  THE   PLANTING  OF   MASTER  WESTON'S  COLONY  AT  WES- 
SAGUSSET,  AND  OF  SUNDRY  EXCURSIONS  AFTER  CORN. 

CHAP.      In  the  end  of  June,  or  beginnhip-  of  July,  came  into 

XIX 

- — —  our  harbour  two  ships  of  Master  Weston's  aforesaid  ; 

1622.  the  one  called  the  Charity,'  the  other  the  Swan  ;  hav- 
ing in  them  some  fifty  or  sixty  men,  sent  over  at  his 
own  charge  to  plant  for  him.^  These  we  received  into 
our  town,  aflbrding  them  whatsoever  courtesy  our  mean 
condition  could  afford.  There  the  Charity,  being  the 
bigger  ship,  left  them,  having  many  passengers  which 
she  was  to  land  in  Virginia.  In  the  mean  time  the 
body  of  them  refreshed  themselves  at  Plymouth,  whilst 
some  most  fit  sought  out  a  place  for  them.     That  little 

'  "  By  Mr.  Weston's  ship  comes  will  hardly  deal  so  well  with  the 

a  letter  from  Mr.  John  Pierce,  in  savages  as   they   should.     I   pray 

whose  name  the  Plymouth  patent  you   therefore   signify  to    Squanto 

is  taken,  signifying  that  whom  the  that  they  are  a  distinct  body  from 

governor  admits  into  the  associa-  us,  and  we  have  nothing  to  do  with 

tion,  he  will  approve."     Bradford,  them,  nor  must  be  blamed  for  their 

in  Prince,  p.  204.  faults,  much  less  can  warrant  their 

^  They  came  upon  no  religious  fidelity."     And  Mr.  John  Pierce  in 

design,  as  did  the  planters  of  Ply-  another  writes,  "  As  for  Mr.  Wes- 

mouth ;  so  they  were  far  from  be-  ton's  company,  they  are  so  base  in 

ing  Puritans.     Mr.  Weston   in   a  condition  for  the  most  part,  as  in 

letter  owns  that  many  of  them  are  all  appearance  not  fit  for  an  honest 

rude   and    profane   fellows.      Mr.  man's    company.       I    wish    they 

Cushman  in  another  writes,  "  They  prove    otherwise."      Bradford,   in 

are  no  men  for  us,  and  I  fear  they  Prince,  p.  203. 


WESTON'S   COLONY   SETTLE  AT   WEYMOUTH.  297 

Store  of  corn  we  had  was  exceedingly  wasted  by  the  chap. 
unjust  and  dishonest  walking  of  these  strangers  ;  who,  — v— 
though  they  would  sometimes  seem  to  help  us  in  our  1622. 
labor  about  our  corn,  yet  spared  not  day  and  night  to     "  ^" 
steal  the  same,  it  being  then  eatable  and  pleasant  to 
taste,  though  green  and  unprofitable.     And  though  they 
received  much  kindness,  set  light  both  by  it  and  us, 
not  sparing  to  requite  the  love  we  showed  them,  with 
secret   backbitings,   revilings,  &c.,  the  chief  of  them 
being   forestalled   and    made   against  us   before   they 
came,  as  after  appeared.     Nevertheless,  for  their  mas- 
ter's sake,  who  formerly  had  deserved  well  from  us,^ 
we  continued  to  do  them  whatsoever  good  or  further- 
ance we  could,  attributing  these  things  to  the  want  of 
conscience   and  discretion,  expecting  each  day  when 
God  in  his  providence  would  disburden  us  of  them, 
sorrowing  that  their  overseers  were  not  of  more  ability 
and   fitness  for  their  places,  and  much  fearing  what 
would  be  the  issue  of  such  raw  and  unconscionable 
beginnings. 

At  length  their  coasters  returned,  having  found  in 
their  judgment  a  place  fit  for  plantation,  within  the 
bay  of  the  Massachusets^  at  a  place  called  by  the  Indi- 
ans Wichaguscusset.^  To  which  place  the  body  of 
them  went  with  all  convenient  speed,  leaving  still  with 
us  such  as  were  sick  and  lame,  by  the  Governor's  per- 
mission, though  on  their  parts  undeserved  ;  whom  our 
surgeon,^  by  the  help  of  God,  recovered  gratis  for  them, 
and  they  fetched  home,  as  occasion  served. 

They  had  not  been  long  from  us,  ere  the  Indians 


'  See  note  '  on  page  78,  '  Or  Wessagusset,   now    called 

*  Boston  harbour.     See  notes  '  Weymouth, 

and  *  on  page  225.  *  Dr.  Fuller.  See  note  *  on  p.  222. 

38 


298  THE   PILGRIMS   FEEBLE   AND   DESTITUTE. 

CHAP,  filled  our  ears  with  clamors  against  them,  for  stealing 
— v^-  their  corn,  and  other  abuses  conceived  bj  them.  At 
1622.  which  we  grieved  the  more,  because  the  same  men,'  in 
mine  own  hearing,  had  been  earnest  in  persuading 
Captain  Standish,  before  their  coming,  to  solicit  our 
Governor  to  send  some  of  his  men  to  plant  by  them, 
alleging  many  reasons  how  it  might  be  commodious  for 
us.  But  we  knew  no  means  to  redress  those  abuses, 
save  reproof,  and  advising  them  to  better  walking,  as 
occasion  served. 
Aug.  In  the  end  of  August,  came  other  two  ships  into  our 
harbour.  The  one,  as  I  take  it,  was  called  the  Disco- 
very, Captain  Jones  ^  having  the  command  thereof; 
the  other  was  that  ship  of  Mr.  Weston's,  called  the 
Sparrow,  which  had  now  made  her  voyage  of  fish,  and 
was  consorted  with  the  other,  being  both  bound  for 
Virginia.^  Of  Captain  Jones  we  furnished  ourseh^es 
of  such  provisions  as  we  most  needed,  and  he  could 
best  spare ;  who,  as  he  used  us  kindly,  so  made  us  pay 
largely  for  the  things  we  had.  And  had  not  the  Al- 
mighty, in  his  all-ordering  providence,  directed  him  to 
us,  it  would  have  gone  worse  with  us  than  ever  it  had 
been,  or  after  was  ;  for  as  we  had  now  but  small  store 
of  corn  for  the  year  following,  so,  for  want  of  supply, 
we  were  worn  out  of  all  manner  of  trucking-stuff,  not 
having  any  means  left  to  help  ourselves  by  trade  ;  but, 
through  God's  good  mercy  towards  us,  he  had  where- 


'  That  is,  the  same  Indians.  bound   for   Virginia  ; "   and  Brad- 

'  This    is    supposed   to  be   the  ford  states  that  "  she  was  on  her 

same  Jones  who   was   captain  of  way  from  Virginia  homeward,  be- 

the   Mayflower.       See   note    '   on  ing  sent  out  by  some  merchants  to 

page  102,  and  note  *  on  page  166.  discover  the  shoals  about  Cape  Cod, 

'  Prince  says,  p.  205,  that  "  Mr.  and   harbours    between    this    and 

Winslow    seems     to    mistake    in  Virginia." 
thinking  Captain  Jones  was  now 


PROPOSED   EXCURSION   AFTER   CORN.  299 

with,  and  did  supply  our  wants  on  that  kind  compe-  chap.  ' 
tently.i  .  J^ 

In  the  end  of  September,  or  beginning  of  Octo-i622. 
ber,  Mr.  Weston's  biggest  ship,  called  the  Charity,  re- 
turned for  England,  and  left  their  colony  sufficiently 
victualled,  as  some  of  most  credit  amongst  them  re- 
ported. The  lesser,  called  the  Swan,  remained  with 
his  colony,  for  their  further  help.  At  which  time  they 
desired  to  join  in  partnership  with  us,  to  trade  for  corn  ; 
to  which  om-  Governor  and  his  Assistant^  agreed,  upon 
such  equal  conditions,  as  were  drawn  and  confirmed 
between  them  and  us.  The  chief  places  aimed  at 
were  to  the  southward  of  Cape  Cod ;  and  the  more, 
because  Tisquantum,  whose  peace  before  this  time 
was  wrought  with  Massassowat,  undertook  to  discover 
unto  us  that  supposed,  and  still  hoped,  passage  within 
the  shoals. 

Both  colonies  being  thus  agreed,  and  their  compa- 
nies fitted  and  joined  together,  we  resolved  to  set 
forward,  but  were  oft  crossed  in  our  purposes.  As 
first  Master  Richard  Greene,  brother-in-law  to  Master 
Weston,  who  from  him  had  a  charge  in  the  oversight 
and  government  of  his  colony,  died  suddenly  at  our 
Plantation,  to  whom  we  gave  burial  befitting  his  place, 
in  the  best  manner  we  could.  Afterward,  having  fur- 
ther order  to  proceed  by  letter  from  their  other  Gover- 
nor at  the  Massachusets,  twice  Captain  Standish  set 
forth  with  them,  but  were  driven  in  again  by  cross 
and  violent  winds  ;  himself  the  second  time  being  sick 

'  "  Of  her  we  buy  knives   and  we  are  fitted  to  trade  both  for  corn 

beads,  which  are  now  good  trade,  and  beaver."     Bradford,  in  Prince, 

tJiongh  at  cent,  per  cent,  or  more,  p.  205,  and  in  Morton's  Memorial, 

and  yet  pay  away  coat  beaver  at  p.  83. 
3s.  a  pound,  (which  a  few  years        ^  Isaac  Allerton. 
after  yields  205.);  by  which  means 


300  BRADFORD   ENTERS   CHATHAM  HARBOUR. 

CHAP,  of  a  violent  fever.     By  reason  whereof  (our  own  wants 

XIX 

-^-^  being  like  to  be  now  greater  than  formerly,  partly  be- 
1622.  cause  we  were  enforced  to  neglect  our  corn  and  spend 
much  time  in  fortification,  but  especially  because  such 
havock  was  made  of  that  little  we  had,  through  the  un- 
just and  dishonest  carriage  of  those  people  before  men- 
tioned, at  our  first  entertainment  of  them,)  our  Governor 
in  his  own  person  supplied  the  Captain's  place ;  and, 
Nov.  in  the  month  of  November,  again  set  forth,  having  Tis- 
quantum  for  his  interpreter  and  pilot;  who  affirmed  he 
had  twice  passed  within  the  shoals  of  Cape  Cod,  both 
with  English  and  French.  Nevertheless  they  went  so 
far  with  him,  as  the  master  of  the  ship  saw  no  hope  of 
passage ;  but  being,  as  he  thought,  in  danger,  bare  up, 
and  according  to  Tisquantum's  directions,  made  for  a 
harbour  not  far  from  them,  at  a  place  called  Mana- 
moycke  ;'  which  they  found,  and  sounding  it  with  their 
shallop,  found  the  channel,  though  but  narrow  and 
crooked ;  where  at  length  they  harboured  the  ship. 
Here  they  perceived  that  the  tide  set  in  and  out  with 
more  violence  at  some  other  place  more  southerly,^ 
which  they  had  not  seen  nor  could  discover,  by  reason 
of  the  violence  of  the  season  all  the  time  of  their  abode 
there.  Some  judged  the  entrance  thereof  might  be 
beyond  the  shoals  ;  but  there  is  no  certainty  thereof 
as  yet  known. 

That  night  the  Governor,  accompanied  with  others, 
^  having  Tisquantum  for  his  interpreter,  went  ashore. 
At  first  the  inhabitants  played  least  in  sight,  because 
none  of  our  people  had  ever  been  there  before  ;  but 
understanding  the  ends  of  their  coming,  at  length  came 
to  them,  welcoming  our  Governor  according  to  their 

'  Chatham.  *  See  note  '  on  page  103. 


DEATH   OF   TISQUANTUM.  301 

savage  manner ;  refreshing  them  very  well  vv^ith  store  chap 


XIX. 


of  venison  and  other  victuals,  which  they  brought  them 
in  great  abundance;  promising  to  trade  with  them,  16  22. 
with  a  seeming  gladness  of  the  occasion.  Yet  their 
joy  was  mixed  with  much  jealousy,  as  appeared  by 
their  after  practices ;  for  at  first  they  were  loth  their 
dwellings  should  be  known  ;  but  when  they  saw  our 
Governor's  resolution  to  stay  on  the  shore  all  night, 
they  brought  him  to  their  houses,  having  first  conveyed 
all  their  stuff  to  a  remote  place,  not  far  from  the  same  ; 
which  one  of  our  men,  walking  forth  occasionally, 
espied.  Whereupon,  on  the  sudden,  neither  it  nor 
they  could  be  found ;  and  so  many  times  after,  upon 
conceived  occasions,  they  would  be  all  gone,  bag  and 
baggage.  But  being  afterwards,  by  Tisquantum's 
means  better  persuaded,  they  left  their  jealousy,  and 
traded  with  them  ;  where  they  got  eight  hogsheads 
of  corn  and  beans,  though  the  people  were  but  few. 
This  gave  our  Governor  and  the  company  good  en- 
couragement ;  Tisquantum  being  still  confident  in  the 
passage,  and  the  inhabitants  affirming  they  had  seen 
ships  of  good  burthen  pass  within  the  shoals  aforesaid. 
But  here,  though  they  had  determined  to  make  a 
second  essay,  yet  God  had  otherways  disposed  ;  who 
struck  Tisquantum  with  sickness,  insomuch  as  he  there 
died  ;*  which  crossed  their  southward  trading,  and  the 

'  His  disorder  was  a  fever,  ac-  Prince,  p.  206,  and  in  Morton,  p.  S5. 

companied  with  "a  bleeding  at  the  Judge  Davis  adds  in  his  note,  that 

nose,  which  the  Indians  reclion  a  "Governor    Bradford's     pen     was 

fatal  symptom."     Before  his  death  worthily   employed  in    the   tender 

"  he  desired  the  Governor  (Brad-  notice  taken  of  the  death  of  this 

ford)  to  pray  that  he  might  go  to  child  of  nature.     Witii  some  aber- 

'  the  Englishman's  God  in  heaven,  rations,  his  conduct  was  generally 

bequeathing  divers  of  his  things  to  irreproachable,  and  his  useful  ser- 

sundry  of  his  English  friends,  as  vices  to  the  infant  settlement  entitle 

remembrances  of  his  love  ;  of  whom  him  to  grateful  remembrance." 
we  had  great  loss."     Bradford,  in 


302  CORN   PROCURED   AT   EASTHAM   AND   YARMOUTH. 

CHAP,  more,  because  the  master's  sufficiency  was  much  doubt- 
-— -  ed,  and  the  season  very  tempestuous,  and  not  fit  to  go 
1G22.  upon  discovery,  having  no  guide  to  direct  them. 

Nov.      ^  J'  to  b 

From  thence  they  departed  ;  and  the  wind  being 
fair  for  the  Massachusets,  went  thither,  and  the  rather, 
because  the  savages,  upon  our  motion,  had  planted 
much  corn  for  us,  whicli  they  promised  not  long  before 
that  time.  When  they  came  thither,  they  found  a 
great  sickness  to  be  amongst  the  Indians,  not  unlike 
the  plague,  if  not  the  same.  They  renewed  their 
complaints  to  our  Governor,  against  that  other  planta- 
tion seated  by  them,  for  their  injurious  walking.  But 
indeed  the  trade  both  for  furs  and  corn  was  overthrown 
in  that  place,  they  giving  as  much  for  a  quart  of  corn 
as  w^e  used  to  do  for  a  beaver's  skin  ;  so  that  little 
good  could  be  there  done. 

From  thence  thev  returned  into  the  bottom  of  the 
bay  of  Cape  Cod,  to  a  place  called  Nauset ;  where  the 
sachim'  used  the  Governor  very  kindly,  and  where  they 
bought  eight  or  ten  hogsheads  of  corn  and  beans  ;  also 
at  a  place  called  Mattachiest,^  where  they  had  like 
kind  entertainment  and  corn  also.  During  the  time 
of  their  trade  in  these  places,  there  were  so  great  and 
violent  storms,  as  the  ship  w^as  much  endangered,  and 
our  shallop  cast  away ;  so  that  they  had  now  no  means 
to  carry  the  corn  aboard  that  they  had  bought,  the  ship 
riding  by  their  report  well  near  two  leagues  from  the 
same,  her  own  boat  being  small,  and  so  leaky,  (having 
no  carpenter  with  them,)  as  they  durst  scarce  fetch 
wood  or  water  in  her.  Hereupon  the  Governor  caused 
the  corn  to  be  made  in  a  round  stack,  and  bought  mats, 

'  Aspinet.     See  page  216.  ble  and  Yarmouth  harbours.     See 

*  The  country  between  Barnsta-    note  '  on  page  215. 


BRADFORD  RETURNS  HOME  BY  LAND.  303 

and  cut  sedge,  to  cover  it ;  arid  gave  charge  to  the  In-  chap. 

dians  not  to  meddle  with  it,  promising  him  that  dwelt 1 

next  to  it  a  reward,  if  he  would  keep  vermin  also  from  16  22. 
it ;  which  he  undertook,  and  the  sachim  promised  to 
make  good.  In  the  mean  time,  according  to  the 
Governor's  request,  the  sachim  sent  men  to  seek  the 
shallop ;  which  they  found  buried  almos^t  in  sand  at  a 
high  water  mark,  having  many  things  remaining  in 
her,  but  unserviceable  for  the  present;  whereof  the 
Governor  gave  the  sachim  special  charge,  that  it  should 
not  be  further  broken,  promising  ere  long  to  fetch  both 
it  and  the  corn  ;  assuring  them,  if  neither  were  dimin- 
ished, he  would  take  it  as  a  sign  of  their  honest  and 
true  friendship,  which  they  so  much  made  show  of; 
but  if  they  were,  they  should  certainly  smart  for  their 
unjust  and  dishonest  dealing,  and  further  make  good 
whatsoever  they  had  so  taken.  So  he  did  likewise  at 
Mattachiest,  and  took  leave  of  them,  being  resolved  to 
leave  the  ship  and  take  his  journey  home  by  land 
with  our  own  company,  sending  word  to  the  ship  that 
they  should  take  their  first  opportunity  to  go  for  Ply- 
mouth, where  he  determined,  by  the  permission  of  God, 
to  meet  them.  And  having  procured  a  guide,  it  being 
no  less  than  fifty  miles  to  our  Plantation,'  set  forward, 
receiving  all  respect  that  could  be  from  the  Indians  in 
his  journey  ;  and  came  safely  home,  though  weary  and 
surbated  f  w^hither  some  three  days  after  the  ship'  also 
came. 

The  corn  being  divided,  which  they  had  got,  Master 
Weston's  company  went  to  their  own  plantation ;  it 

'  The   distance    from    Easthatn        '  With  galled  feet, 
to  Plymouth  by  land  is  about  fifty        ^  The  Swan.     See  page  299. 
miles. 


304  STANDISH   GOES  TO   EASTHAM. 

CH\p.  beiiio:  further  aCTeed,  that  thev  should  return  with  all 

XIX  53  ' 

--^—  convenient  speed,  and  bring  their  carpenter,  that  they 

might  fetch  the  rest  of  the  corn,  and  save  the  shallop. 

1623.      At  their  return,  Captain  Standish,  beins:  recovered 

T  J.  ^— 

and  in  health,  took  another  shallop,  and  went  with 
them  to  the  corn,  Avhich  they  found  in  safety  as  they 
left  it.  Also  they  mended  the  other  shallop,  and  got 
all  their  corn  aboard  the  ship.  This  was  in  January,  as 
1  take  it,  it  being  very  cold  and  stormy ;  insomuch  as, 
(the  harbour  being  none  of  the  best,)  they  were  con- 
strained to  cut  both  the  shallops  from  the  ship's  stern  ; 
and  so  lost  them  both  a  second  time.  But  the  storm 
being  over,  and  seeking  out,  they  found  them  l)oth,  not 
having  received  any  great  hurt. 

Whilst  they  were  at  Nauset,  having  occasion  to  lie 
on  the  shore,  laying  their  shallop  in  a  creek ^  not  far 
from  them,  an  Indian  came  into  the  same,  and  stole 
certain  beads,  scissors,  and  other  trifles  out  of  the 
same  ;  which,  when  the  Captain  missed,  he  took  cer- 
tain of  his  company  with  him,  and  went  to  the  sachim, 
telling  him  what  had  happened,  and  requiring  the 
same  again,  or  the  party  that  stole  them,  (who  was 
known  to  certain  of  the  Indians,)  or  else  he  would 
revenge  it  on  them  before  his  departure ;  and  so  took 
leave  for  that  night,  being  late,  refusing  whatsoever 
kindness  they  offered.  On  the  morrow  the  sachim 
came  to  their  rendezvous,  accompanied  with  many 
men,  in  a  stately  manner,  who  saluted^  the  Captain  in 
this  wise.  He  thrust  out  his  tongue,  that  one  might 
see  the  root  thereof,  and   therewith  licked  his  hand 

•  Nauset,  or  Eastham,  abounds        '  In  the  orig'ma]  saluting ;  prob- 
with  creeks.     See  note  '  on  page     ably  a  typographical  error. 
156,  and  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  155. 
188. 


BRADFORD  AT   MIDDLEBOROUGH  AND   SANDWICH.  305 

from  the  wrist  to  the  finger's  end,  withal  bowing  the  chap. 
knee,  striving   to   imitate   the   English  gesture,    being  i^ 
instructed  therein  formerly  by  Tisquantum.     His  men  1623. 
did  the   like,  but  in  so  rude  and  savage  a  manner,  as     ^"* 
our  men  could,  scarce  forbear  to   break   out  in  open 
laughter.     After  salutation,  he  delivered  the  beads  and 
other  things  to  the  Captain,  saying  he  had  much  beat- 
en the  party  for  doing  it ;  causing  the  women  to  make 
bread,  and  bring  them,  according  to  their  desire  ;  seem- 
ing to  be  very  sorry  for  the  fact,  but  glad  to  be  recon- 
ciled.    So  they  departed,  and  came  home  in  safety ; 
where  the  corn  was  equally  divided,  as  before. 

After  this  the  Governor  went  to  two  other  inland 
towns,  with  another  company,  and  bought  corn  like- 
wise of  them.  The  one  is  called  Namasket,  the  other 
Manomet.^  That  from  Namasket  was  brought  home 
partly  by  Indian  women  f  but  a  great  sickness  arising 
amongst  them,  our  own  men  were  enforced  to  fetch 
home  the  rest.  That  at  Manomet  the  Governor  left 
in  the  sachim's  custody. 

This  town  lieth  from  us  south,  well  near  twenty 
miles,  and  stands  upon  a  fresh  river,  which  runneth 
into  the  bay  of  Nanohigganset,^  and  cannot  be  less 
than  sixty  miles  from  thence.     It  will  bear  a  boat  of 

^  The  part  of  Sandwich,  which  lobsters  at  their  backs;  in  winter 

lies  on  Manomet  river.     F.  they  are  their  husbands'  porters  to 

^  "  It  is  almost  incredible,"  says  lug  home  their  venison."  See 
Roger  Williams,  "what  burthens  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  i.  149,  iii.  212, 
the  poor  women  carry  of  corn,  of  and  Wood's  New  England's  Pros- 
fish,  of  beans,  of  mats,  and  a  child  pect,  part  ii.  ch.  20. 
besides."  Gookin  says,  "  In  their  ^  This  is  called  Manomet  or 
removals  from  place  to  place,  for  Buzzard's  bay,  though  AVinslow 
their  fishing  and  hunting,  the  wo-  seems  to  mistake  it  for  Narragan- 
tnen  carry  the  greatest  burthen."  sett  bay,  which  is  near  twenty 
And  Wood  says,  "In  the  summer  leagues  to  the  westward.  Prince, 
they  trudge  home  two  or  three  p.  208. 
miles  with   a  hundred  weight  of 

39 


306 


BUZZARD'S  BAY. 


CHAP,  eight  or  ten  tons  to  this  place.     Hither  the  Dutch  or 

XIX 

---v^-  French,  or  both,  use  to  come.     It  is  from  hence  to  the 
1623.  bay  of  Cape  Cod   about  eight  miles  ;^  out  of  which 

Tor* 

bay  it  flovveth  into  a  creek  some  six  miles,  almost 
dh'ect  towards  the  town.  The  heads  of  the  river  and 
this  creek  are  not  far  distant.  This  river  yieldeth, 
thus  high,  oysters,'^  muscles,  clams,^and  other  shell-fish  ; 
one  in  shape  like  a  bean,"*  another  like  a  clam  ;  both 
good  meat,  and  great  abundance  at  all  times  ;  besides 
it  aboundeth  with  divers  sorts  of  fresh  fish  in  their 
seasons.^ 


*  "  This  creek  runs  out  easterly 
into  Cape  Cod  bay  at  Scussett  har- 
bour; and  this  river  runs  out  west- 
erly into  Manomet  bay.  The  dis- 
tance over  land  from  bay  to  bay  is 
but  six  miles.  The  creek  and  river 
nearly  meet  in  a  low  ground  ;  and 
this  is  the  place,  through  Avhich 
there  has  been  a  talk  of  making 
a  canal,  this  forty  years;  which 
would  be  a  vast  advantage  to  all 
these  countries,  by  saving  the  long 
and  dangerous  navigation  round 
the  Cape,  and  through  the  shoals 
adjoining."  Prince,  p.  208,  (A.  D. 
1736.)     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  122. 

'  Oysters  are  still  found  in  great 
excellence  and  plenty  in  Sandwich, 
on  the  shores  of  Buzzard's  bay. 
See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  122. 

'  The  common  clam,  {mya  are- 
naria,)  or  perhaps  the  quahaug, 
{venus  mercenaria.)  The  English 
call  the  former  the  sand-gaper,  the 
word  clam  not  being  in  use  among 
them,  and  not  to  be  found  in  their 
dictionaries.  And  yet  it  is  men- 
tioned by  Captain  Smith,  in  his 
Description  of  New  England,  print- 
ed in  1616.  Johnson,  whose  Won- 
derworking Providence  was  pub- 
lished in  1644,  speaks  of  "  dam- 
banks,  a  fish  as  bi^  as  horse-mus- 
cles." Morton  too,  in  his  New 
English  Canaan,  (1637)  mentions 
them,  and  Josselyn,  (1672)  in  his 


Rarities,  p.  96,  speaks  of  "  clam, 
or  clamp,  a  kind  of  shell-fish,  a 
white  muscle."  Wood  says,  ch. 
ix.  "  clams  or  clamps  is  a  shell- 
fish not  niucii  unlike  a  cockle  ;  it 
lieth  under  the  sand.  These  fishes 
be  in  great  plenty.  In  some  places 
of  the  country  there  be  clams  as  big 
as  a  penny  white-loaf."  See  Mass. 
Hist.  Col.  iii.  224,  viii.  193,  xiii. 
125,  xxvi.  121,  and  Dr.  Gould's  Re- 
port on  the  MoUusca  of  Mass.  pp. 
40—42,  and  85,  86. 

■*  The  razor-shell,  (solcn,)  which 
very  much  resembles  a  bean  pod, 
or  the  haft  of  a  razor,  both  in  size 
and  shape.  See  Mass.  Hist  Coll. 
viii.  192.  Josselyn  calls  them 
^^ sheath  fish,  which  are  very  plen- 
tiful, a  delicate  fish,  as  good  as  a 
prawn,  covered  with  a  thin  shell 
like  the  sheath  of  a  knife,  and  of 
the  color  of  a  muscle."  And  Mor- 
ton says,  "razor  fishes  there  are." 

"The  animal  is  cylindrical,  and 
is  often  used  as  an  article  of  food 
under  the  name  of  long-clam,  razor- 
fish,  knife-handle,  &c."  See  Dr. 
Gould's  Report  on  the  Mollusca  of 
Massachusetts,  p.  29. 

*  In  Manomet  river,  as  well  as 
in  Buzzard's  and  Buttermilk  bays, 
are  found  fish  of  various  kinds, 
such  as  bass,  sheep's  head,  tautaug, 
scuppaug,  &c.  See  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.  viii.  122. 


CANACUM.  307 

The  governor,   or  sachim,  of  this  place  was  called  chap. 


XIX. 


CanacLim  ;'  who  had  formerly,  as  well  as  many  others, 
yea  all  with  whom  as  yet  we  had  to  do,  acknowledged  1623. 
themselves  the  subjects  of  our  sovereign  lord,  the  King. 
This  sachim  used  the  Governor  very  kindly  ;  and  it 
seemed  was  of  good  respect  and  authority  amongst 
the  Indians.  For  whilst  the  Governor  was  there, 
within  night,  in  bitter  weather,  came  two  men  from 
Manamoick,  before  spoken  of;  and  having  set  aside 
their  bows  and  quivers,  according  to  their  manner,  sat 
down  by  the  fire,  and  took  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  not  using 
any  words  in  that  time,  nor  any  other  to  them,  but  all 
remained  silent,  expecting  when  they  would  speak. 
At  length  they  looked  toward  Canacum  ;  and  one  of 
them  made  a  short  speech,  and  delivered  a  present  to 
him  from  his  sachim,  which  was  a  basket  of  tobacco 
and  many  beads,  which  the  other  received  thankfully. 
After  which  he  made  a  long  speech  to  him  ;  the  con- 
tents hereof  was  related  to  us  by  Hobbamock  (who 
then  accompanied  the  Governor  for  his  guide,)  to  be  as 
followeth.  It  happened  that  two  of  their  men  fell  out, 
as  they  were  in  game  (for  they  use  gaming  as  much  as 
any  where,  and  will  play  away  all,  even  their  skin  from 
their  backs,^  yea  their  wives'  skins  also,  though  it  may 
be  they  are  many  miles  distant  from  them,  as  myself 
have  seen,)  and  growing  to  great  heat,  the  one  killed 

'  He  was  the  same  as  Cawna-  have."     And  Wood  adds,    "  They 

come,  mentioned  in  note  ^  on  page  are   so  bewitched  with  tliese  two 

232.  games,  that   they  will  lose  some- 

'  "In  their  gamings,"  says  Roger  times  all  they  have,  beaver,  moose 
Williams,  "they  will  sometimes  skins,  kettles,  wampompeage,  mow- 
stake  and  lose  tlieir  money,  clothes,  hackies,  hatchets,  knives,  all  is 
house,  corn,  and  themselves,  if  sin-  confiscate  by  these  two  games." 
gle  persons."  Gookin  says  "  They  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  i.  153,  iii.  234, 
are  addicted  to  gaming,  and  will,  and  Wood's  New  England's  Pros- 
in   that  vein,  play   away  all  they  pect,  pari  ii.  ch.  14. 


308  STANDISH   AT   YARMOUTH. 

CHAP,  the  Other.     The  actor  of  this  fact  was  a  jjoivah,^  one 


XIX. 


of  special  note  amongst  them,  and  such  an  one  as  they 
1623.  could  not  well  miss;  jet  another  people  greater  than 

Jfin 

themselves  threatened  them  with  war,  if  they  would 
not  put  him  to  death.  The  party  offending  was  in 
hold  ;  neither  would  their  sachini  do  one  way  or  other 
till  their  return,  resting  upon  him  for  advice  and  fur- 
therance in  so  weiohtv  a  matter.  After  this  there  was 
silence  a  short  time.  At  length,  men  gave  their  judg- 
ment what  they  thought  best.  Amongst  others,  he 
asked  Hobbamock  what  he  thought.  ^V'ho  answered, 
He  was  but  a  stranger  to  them  ;  but  thought  it  was 
better  that  one  should  die  than  many,  since  he  had 
deserved  it,  and  the  rest  were  innocent.  Whereupon 
he  passed  the  sentence  of  death  upon  him. 
Feb.  Not  loiiji;  after,  having  no  great  quantity  of  corn 
left.  Captain  Standi.sh  went  again  with  a  shallop  to 
Mattachiest,  meeting  also  with  the  like  extremity  of 
weather,  both  of  wind,  snow,  and  frost ;  insomuch  as 
they  were  frozen  in  the  harbour,  the  first  night  they 
entered  the  same.  Here  they  pretended  their  wonted 
love,  and  spared  them  a  good  quantity  of  corn  to  con- 
firm the  same.  Strangers  also  came  to  this  place,  pre- 
tending only  to  see  him  and  his  company,  whom  they 
never  saw  before  that  time,  but  intendin";  to  join  with 
the  rest  to  kill  them,  as  after  appeared.  But  being 
forced  through  extremit}-  to  lodge  in  their  houses, 
which  they  much  pressed,  God  possessed  the  heart  of 
the  Captain  with  Just  jealousy,  giving  strait  command, 
that  as  one  part  of  his  company  slept,  the  rest  should 
wake,  declaring  some  things  to  them  which  he  under- 
stood, whereof  he  could  make  no  good  construction. 

'  Powoiv,  a  priest  and  medicine  man. 


STANDISH  AT  SCUSSETT.  309 

Some  of  the   Indians,  spying  a  fit  opportunity,  stole  chap 


XIX. 


some  beads  also  from  him  ;  which  he  no  sooner  per- 
ceived, havinw  not  above  six  men  with  him,  drew  them  162  3. 

Feb. 

all  from  the  boat,  and  set  them  on  their  guard  about 
the  sachim's  house,  where  the  most  of  the  people  were; 
threatening  to  fall  upon  them  without  further  delay,  if 
they  would  not  forthwith  restore  them  ;  signifying  to 
the  sachim  especially,  and  so  to  them  all,  that  as  he 
would  not  offer  the  least  injiuy,  so  he  would  not  receive 
any  at  their  hands,  which  should  escape  without  pun- 
ishment or  due  satisfaction.  Hereupon  the  sachim 
bestirred  him  to  find  out  tiie  party ;  which,  when  he 
had  done,  caused  him  to  return  them  again  to  the  shal- 
lop, and  came  to  the  Captain,  desiring  him  to  search 
whether  they  were  not  about  the  boat ;  who,  suspect- 
ing their  knaverj',  sent  one,  who  found  them  lying 
openly  upon  the  boat's  cuddy.  Yet  to  aj)pease  his 
anger,  they  brought  corn  afresh  to  trade  ;  insomuch  as 
he  laded  his  shallop,  and  so  departed.  This  accident 
so  daunted  their  courage,  as  they  durst  not  attempt 
any  thing  against  him.  So  that,  through  the  good 
mercy  and  providenc  e  of  God,  they  returned  in  safety. 
At  this  place  the  Indians  get  abundance  of  bass  both 
summer  and  winter  ;  for  it  being  now  February,  they 
abounded  with  them. 

In  the  beginning  of  March,  having  refreshed  himself,  Mar. 
he  took  a  shallop,  and  went  to  Manomet,  to  fetch  home 
that  which  the  Governor  had  formerly  bought,^  hoping 
also  to  get  more  from  them ;  but  was  deceived  in  his 
expectation,  not  finding  that  entertainment  he  found 
elsewhere,  and  the  Governor  had  there  received.     The 

/ 

*  It   seems   as   if    the    Captain     goes  up  westward  towards  Mano- 
weut  iuto  Scussetl  harbour,  which     met.     Prince,  p.  210. 


310  WITUWAMAT. 

CHAP,  reason  whereof,  and  of  the  treachery  intended  in  the 
— ^  place  before  spoken  of,  was  not  then  known  unto  us, 
1623.  but  afterwards  ;  wherein  may  be  observed  the  abund- 
ant mercies  of  God,  working  with  his  providence  for 
our  good.  Captain  Standish  being  now  far  from  the 
boat,  and  not  above  two  or  three  of  our  men  with  him, 
and  as  many  with  the  shallop,  was  not  long  at  Cana- 
cum,  the  sachim's  house,  but  in  came  two  of  the  Mas- 
sachuset  men.  The  chief  of  them  was  called  Witu- 
wamat,  a  notable  insulting  villain,  one  who  had  for- 
merly imbrued  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  English  and 
French,  and  had  oft  boasted  of  his  own  valour,  and 
derided  their  weakness,  especially  because,  as  he  said, 
they  died  crying,  making  sour  faces,  more  like  child- 
ren than  men. 

This  villain  took  a  dagger  from  about  his  neck, 
which  he  had  gotten  of  Master  Weston's  people,  and 
presented  it  to  the  sachim  ;  and  after  made  a  long 
speech  in  an  audacious  manner,  framing  it  in  such  sort, 
as  the  Captain,  though  he  be  the  best  linguist  amongst 
us,^  could  not  gather  any  thing  from  it.  The  end  of  it 
was  afterwards  discovered  to  be  as  followeth.  The 
Massacheuseuks  had  formerly  concluded  to  ruinate  Mas- 
ter Weston's  colony  ;  and  thought  themselves,  being 
about  thirty  or  forty  men  strong,  enough  to  execute 
the  same.  Yet  they  durst  not  attempt  it,  till  such 
time  as  they  had  gathered  more  strength  to  themselves, 
to  make  their  party  good  against  us  at  Plymouth ;  con- 
cluding, that  if  we  remained,  though  they  had  no  other 
arguments  to  use  against  us,  yet  we  would  never  leave 
the  death  of  our  countrymen  unrevenged  ;  and  there- 

*  In  the  Indian  dialects. 


A   CONSPIRACY  AMONG   THE  INDIANS.  311 

fore  their  safety  could  not  be  without  the  overthrow  of  chap. 
both  plantations.     To.  this  end  they  had  formerly  soli-  ^---v^L. 
cited  this  sachim,  as  also  the  other,  called  lanouffh,'  at  162  3. 
Mattachiest,  and  many  others,  to  assist  them,  and  now 
again   came  to  prosecute   the  same ;  and  since  there 
was   so   fair  an   opportunity  offered   by  the  Captain's 
presence,  they  thought  best  to  make  sure  [of]  him  and 
his  company. 

After  this  his  message  was  delivered,  his  entertainment 
much  exceeded  the  Captain's  ;  insomuch  as  he  scorned 
at  their  behaviour,  and  told  them  of  it.  After  which 
they  would  have  persuaded  him,  because  the  weather 
was  cold,  to  have  sent  to  the  boat  for  the  rest  of  his 
company ;  but  he  would  not,  desiring,  according  to 
promise,  that  the  corn  might  be  carried  down,  and  he 
would  content  the  women  ^  for  their  labor ;  which 
they  did.  At  the  same  time  there  was  a  lusty  Indian 
of  Paomet,^  or  Cape  Cod,  then  present,  who  had  ever 
demeaned  himself  well  towards  us,  being  in  his  general 
carriage  very  affable,  courteous,  and  loving,  especially 
towards  the  Captain.  This  savage  was  now  entered 
into  confederacy  with  the  rest ;  yet,  to  avoid  suspicion, 
made  many  signs  of  his  continued  affections,  and  would 
needs  bestow  a  kettle  of  some  six  or  seven  gallons  on 
him,  and  would  not  accept  of  any  thing  in  lieu  thereof, 
saying  he  was  rich,  and  could  afford  to  bestow  such 
favors  on  his  friends  whom  he  loved.  Also  he  would 
freely  help  to  carry  some  of  the  corn,  affirming  he  had 
never  done  the  like  in  his  life  before  ;  and  the  wind 
being  bad,  would  needs  lodge  with  him  at  their  ren- 


',0r  lyanough.     See  note  'on        ^  Or  Pamet,  now  called  Truro, 
page  215.  See  pages  135  and  139. 

^  See  note  *  on  page  305. 


312  STANDISH   RETURNS   TO   PLYMOUTH. 

CHAP,  dezvous,  having:   indeed  undertaken  to  kill  him  before 

XIX. 

— — -  they  parted  ;  which  done,  they  intended  to  fall  upon 

162  3.  the  rest. 

The  night  proved  exceeding  cold  ;  insomuch  as  the 
Captain  could  not  take  any  rest,  but  either  walked,  or 
turned  himself  to  and  fro  at  the  fire.  This  the  other 
observed,  and  asked  wherefore  he  did  not  sleep  as  at 
other  times  ;  who  answered.  He  knew  not  well,  but 
had  no  desire  at  all  to  rest.  So  that  he  then  missed 
his  opportunity. 

The  wind  serving  on  the  next  day,  they  returned 
home,  accompanied  with  the  other  Indian  ;  who  used 
many  arguments  to  persuade  them  to  go  to  Paomet, 
where  himself  had  much  corn,  and  many  other,  the 
most  whereof  he  would  prociu'e  for  us,  seeming  to 
sorrow  for  our  wants.  Once  the  Captain  put  forth 
with  him,  and  was  forced  back  by  contrary  wind  ; 
which  wind  serving  for  the  Massachuset,  was  fitted  to 
go  thither.     But  on  a  sudden  it  altered  again. 


CHAPTER    XX. 

WINSLOW'S  SECOND  JOURNEY   TO   PACKANOKICK,  TO  VISIT 
MASSASOIT  IN  HIS  SICKNESS. 

During  the  time  that  the  Captain  was  at  Manomet,  chap. 

XX. 

news  came  to  Plymouth  that  Massassowat  was  like  to  — v-^ 
die,  and  that  at  the  same  time  there  was  a  Dutch  ship  ^623. 

Mar. 

driven  so  high  on  the  shore  by  stress  of  weather,  right 
before  his  dwelling,  that  till  the  tides  increased,  she 
could  not  be  got  off.  Now  it  being  a  commendable 
manner  of  the  Indians,  when  any,  especially  of  note, 
are  dangerously  sick,  for  all  that  profess  friendship  to 
them  to  visit  them  in  their  extremity,^  either  in  their 
persons,  or  else  to  send  some  acceptable  persons  to 
them  ;  therefore  it  was  thought  meet,  being  a  good 
and  warrantable  action,  that  as  we  had  ever  professed 
friendship,  so  we  should  now  maintain  the  same,  by 
observing  this  their  laudable  custom;  and  the  rather, 
because  we  desired  to  have  some  conference  with  the 
Dutch,  not  knowing  when  we  should  have  so  fit  an 
opportunity.     To  that   end,    myself  having   formerly 

'  "  All  their  refreshing  in  their  very  solemn,  unless  it  be  in  infec- 

sickness  is  the  visit  of  friends  and  tious  diseases,  and  then  all  forsake 

neighbours,  a  poor  empty  visit  and  them  and  fly."     Roger  Williams, 

presence;  and  yet  indeed  this  is  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  236. 

40 


314 


JOHN    HAMPDEN   NEVER   IN   AMERICA. 


16  2  3. 
Mar. 


1st 
day. 

2d 
day. 


been  there,  and  understanding  in  some  measure  the 
Dutch  tongue,  the  Governor  again  laid  this  service 
upon  mvself,  and  fitted  me  with  some  cordials  to  ad- 
minister to  him  ;  having  one  Master  John  Hamden,'  a 
gentleman  of  London,  who  then  wintered  with  us, 
and  desired  much  to  see  the  country,  for  my  consort, 
and  Hobbamock  for  our  guide.  So  we  set  forward, 
and  lodged  the  first  night  at  Namasket,  where  we  had 
friendly  entertainment. 

The  next  dav,  about  one  of  the  clock,  we  came  to 


'  It  was  conjectured  by  Belknap, 
Am.  Biog.  ii.  229,  and  has  since 
been  repeatedly  asserted  as  a  fact 
by  other  writers,  that  this  person 
was  the  celebrated  English  patriot 
of  the  same  name.  But  this  is 
highly  improbable.  Hampden,  who 
was  born  in  1591,  and  married  in 
1619,  was  a  member  of  the  parlia- 
ment which  assembled  in  January, 
1621,  and  was  dissolved  by  James 
in  1622,  under  circumstances  and 
in  a  juncture  of  affairs  which  ren- 
dered it  certain  that  a  new  parlia- 
ment must  soon  be  called.  It  is 
not  at  all  likely  that  a  person  in 
Hampden's  circumstances,  a  man 
of  family,  wealth  and  considera- 
tion, would,  merely  for  the  sake  of 
gratifying  his  curiosity,  have  left 
England  at  this  critical  period,  on 
a  long  voyage  to  another  hemi- 
sphere, and  run  the  risk  of  not 
being  at  home  at  the  issuing  of  the 
writs  for  a  new  parliament.  For 
the  passage  to  America  was  at  that 
time  precarious  ;  the  vessels  were 
few,  and  the  voyage  a  long  one  ; 
so  that  a  person  who  undertook  it 
could  not  reasonably  calculate  upon 
getting  back  in  much  less  than  a 
year.  Winslow's  companion,  who- 
ever he  was,  must  have  come  in 
the  Charity,  which  brought  AVes- 
ton's  colony,  unless  we  adopt  the 
improbable  supposition  that  this 
"  gentleman  of  London  "  embarked 
in  one  of  the  fishing  vessels  that 


visited  the  Grand  Bank,  and  took 
his  chance  of  getting  to  Plymouth 
as  he  could.  Now  the  Charity  left 
London  the  last  of  April,  1622,  and 
arrived  at  Plymouth  the  last  of 
June.  The  visit  to  Massasoit  took 
place  in  March,  1623,  and  after  this 
no  vessel  sailed  for  England  till 
the  Ann,  September  10,  in  which 
Winslow  went  home.  Of  course 
this  "gentleman  of  London,"  must 
have  been  absent  at  least  eighteen 
months,  which  it  is  altogether 
improbable  that  Hampden  would 
have  done,  running  the  risk  of  not 
being  at  home  to  stand  for  the  next 
parliament,  to  which  he  undoubt- 
edly expected  to  be  returned,  as 
we  know  he  actually  was. 

Besides,  had  this  companion  of 
Winslow  been  the  great  English 
patriot,  the  silence  of  the  early 
Plymouth  writers  on  the  point  is 
unaccountable.  On  publishing  his 
"Good  News  from  New  England" 
immediately  on  his  arrival  in  Lon- 
don, in  1624,  one  object  of  which 
was  to  recommend  the  new  colony, 
how  gladly  would  Winslow  have 
appealed  for  the  correctness  of  his 
statements  to  this  member  of  par- 
liament who  had  passed  more  than 
a  year  in  their  Plantation.  How 
natural  too  would  it  have  been  for 
him  to  have  mentioned  the  fact  in 
his  "  Brief  Narrative,"  published  in 
1646,  only  three  years  after  the  death 
of  the  illustrious  patriot.    Bradford, 


REPORTED  DEATH   OF   MASSASOIT. 


313 


a  ferrv'  in  Conbataiit's  country,  where,  upon  discharge 
of  my  piece,  divers  Indians  came  to  us  from  a  house 
not  far  off.  There  they  told  us  that  Massassowat 
was  dead,  and  that  day  buried  ;  and  that  the  Dutch 
would  be  gone  before  we  could  get  thither,  having 
hove  off  their  ship  already.  This  news  struck  us 
blank,  but  especially  Hobbamock,  who  desired  we 
might  return  with  all  speed.  I  told  him  I  would  first 
think  of  it.  Considering  now,  that  he  being  dead, 
Conbatant- was  the  most  like  to  succeed  him,  and  that 
we  were  not  above  three  miles  from  Mattapuyst,^ 
his    dwelling-place,  although    he  were  but  a  hollow- 


CHAP. 
XV. 

Mar. 


also,  whose  sympathies  were  all 
with  the  popular  party  in  England, 
in  Avriting  an  elaborate  history  of 
the  Colony,  v/ould  not  have  failed 
to  record  the  long  residence  among 
them  of  one  who,  at  the  time  he 
wrote,  had  become  so  distinguished 
as  the  leader  of  that  party  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  That  his  lost 
history  contained  no  such  passage 
we  may  be  certain  ;  for  had  it  been 
there,  it  must  have  been  quoted 
either  by  Prince  or  Morton,  who 
make  so  free  use  of  it,  both  of 
whom  too  mention  this  visit  to  Mas- 
sasoit,  and  who  would  not  have 
omitted  a  circumstance  so  honora- 
ble to  the  Colony. 

Again.  Winslow's  companion 
was  "a  gentleman  of  London." 
Now  although  John  Hampden  hap- 
pened to  be  born  in  London,  when 
his  father  was  in  parliament  in 
1594,  he  was  properly  of  Bucking- 
hamshire. Winslow,  who  was  him- 
s<>lf  of  Worcestershire,  if  he  knew 
who  Hampden  was,  would  not 
have  called  him  "  a  gentleman  of 
London;"  and  we  cannot  suppose 
that  this  English  gentleman  Avould 
have  spent  so  many  months  in 
the  Colony  without  making  himself 
known  to  its  two  leading  men, 
Winslow  and  Bradford. 

Equally  unfounded  is  the  state- 


ment that  has  gained  so  wide  a 
currency  and  become  incorporated 
with  the  history  of  those  times, 
and  is  repeated  in  Lord  Nugent's 
Life  of  Hampden,  that  John  Hamp- 
den, in  company  with  Cromwell, 
Pym,and  Haze]rig,had  actually  em- 
barked for  America  on  board  a  lleet 
in  the  Thames,  in  1638,  but  were 
detained  by  an  order  from  the  Privy 
Council.  Miss  Aikin,  in  her  Me- 
moirs of  Charles  L,ch.  xiii.,  was  the 
first  to  delect  and  expose  this  error 
of  the  historians.  See  also  the 
authorities  referred  to  in  Bancroft, 
i.  411,412.  For  some  of  the  views 
in  this  note  I  am  indebted  to  the 
MS.  suggestions  of  the  learned  edi- 
tor of  Governor  Winthrop's  History 
of  New  England. 

'  Probably  the  same  which  is 
now  called  Slade's  Ferry  in  Swan- 
zey.     Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  292. 

^  Conbatant,  or  Corbitant,  was 
the  sachem  of  Pocasset,  and  was 
subject  to  Massasoit.  See  Bay- 
lies' Plymouth,  ii.  232. 

'  A  neck  of  land,  in  the  town- 
ship of  Swanzey,  commonly  pro- 
nounced Mattapoiset,  now  Gard- 
ner's neck,  situated  between  the 
Shawomet  and  Toweset  necks.  See 
Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  292,  and 
Baylies'  Plymouth,  ii.  232,  234. 


316  HOBBAMOCK'S  CHARACTER  OF   MASSASOIT. 

CHAP,  hearted  friend  towards  us,  I  thought  no  time  so  fit  as 


XX. 


this  to  enter  into  more  friendly  terms  with  him,  and 
162  3.  the  rest  of  the  sachims  thereabout;  hoping,  through 
the  blessing  of  God,  it  would  be  a  means,  in  that 
unsettled  state,  to  settle  their  affections  towards  us ; 
and  though  it  were  somewhat  dangerous,  in  respect  of 
our  personal  safety,  because  myself  and  Hobbamock 
had  been  employed  upon  a  service  against  him,'  which 
he  might  now  fitly  revenge ;  yet  esteeming  it  the  best 
means,  leaving  the  event  to  God  in  his  mercy,  1  re- 
solved to  put  it  in  practice,  if  Master  Hamden  and 
Hobbamock  durst  attempt  it  with  me  ;  whom  1  found 
willing  to  that  or  any  other  course  might  tend  to  the 
general  good.     So  we  went  towards  Mattapuyst. 

In  the  way,  Hobbamock,  manifesting  a  troubled 
spirit,  brake  forth  into  these  speeches :  Neen  womasu 
sagimus,  neen  womasu  sagimus,  &c.  "  My  loving 
sachim,  my  loving  sachim !  Many  have  I  known,  but 
never  any  like  thee."  And  turning  him  to  me,  said, 
whilst  I  lived,  I  should  never  see  his  like  amongst  the 
Indians  ;  saying,  he  was  no  liar,  he  was  not  bloody 
and  cruel,  like  other  Indians  ;  in  anger  and  passion 
he  was  soon  reclaimed  ;  easy  to  be  reconciled  towards 
such  as  had  offended  him  ;  ruled  by  reason  in  such 
measure  as  he  would  not  scorn  the  advice  of  mean 
men  ;  and  that  he  governed  his  men  better  with  few 
strokes,  than  others  did  with  many  ;  truly  loving  where 
he  loved  ;  yea,  he  feared  we  had  not  a  faithful  friend 
left  among  the  Indians ;  showing  how  he  ofttimes 
restrained  their  malice,  &c.,  continuing  a  long  speech, 
with  such  signs  of  lamentation  and  unfeigned  sorrow, 
as  it  would  have  made  the  hardest  heart  relent. 

'  See  page  220. 


WINSLOW  AT   GARl!)NER'S   NECK,   IN   SWANZEY.  317 

At  length  we  came  to  Mattapuyst,  and  went  to  the  chap. 

XX 

sachimo  comaco,^  for  so  they  call  the  sachim's  place,  -— ^- 
though  they  call  an  ordinary  house  witeo  f  but  Con- 162  3. 
batant,  the  sachim,  was  not  at  home,  but  at  Puckano- 
kick,  which  was  some  five  or  six  miles  off.  The  squa- 
snclwn,  for  so  they  call  the  sachim's  wife,  gave  us  friend- 
ly entertainment.  Here  we  inquired  again  concerning 
Massassowat ;  they  thought  him  dead,  but  knew  no 
certainty.  Whereupon  I  hired  one  to  go  with  all  ex- 
pedition to  Puckanokick,  that  we  might  know  the 
certainty  thereof,  and  withal  to  acquaint  Conbatant 
with  our  there  being.  About  half  an  hour  before  sun- 
setting  the  messenger  returned,  and  told  us  that  he 
was  not  yet  dead,  though  there  was  no  hope  we  should 
find  him  living.  Upon  this  we  were  much  revived, 
and  set  forward  with  all  speed,  though  it  was  late 
within  night  ere  we  got  thither.  About  two  of  the 
clock  that  afternoon,  the  Dutchmen  departed  ;  so  that 
in  that  respect  our  journey  was  frustrate. 

When  we  came  thither,  we  found  the  house  so  full 
of  men,  as  we  could  scarce  get  in,  though  they  used 
their  best  diligence  to  make  way  for  us.  There  were 
they  in  the  midst  of  their  charms  for  him,  making  such 
a  hellish  noise,  as  it  distempered  us  that  were  well,  and 
therefore  unlike  to  ease  him  that  was  sick.^     About 

'  "  Sachimmaacommock,  a  prince's  ards  and  witches,  holding  familiari- 

house,   which,    according   to    their  ty  with  Satan,  that  evil  one  ;  and 

condition,  is  far  different  from  the  partly    are   physicians,  and    make 

other   house,   both    in    capacity  or  use,  at  least  in  show,  of  herbs  and 

receipt,  and   also  the  fineness  and  roots  for  curing  the  sick  and  dis- 

quulity  of  their  mats."    Roger  Wil-  eased.     These  are  sent  for  by  the 

liams's  Key,  ch.  xxii.  sick   and   wounded;  and    by  their 

^  Weill,  or  ungwam.  See  Galla-  diabolical  spells,  niutterings,  ex- 
tin's  Indian  Vocabularies,  in  Am.  orcisms,  they  seem  to  do  wonders. 
Antiq.  Soc.  Coll.  ii.  322.  They  use  extraordinary  strange  mo- 

^  "There  are  among  them  cer-  tions  of  their  bodies,  insomuch  that 

tain  men  and  women,  Avhom  they  they  will  sweat  until  they  foam  ; 

call  powows.    These  are  partly  wiz-  and  thus  continue  for  some  hours 


318 


WINSLOW'S   RECEPTION   BY   MASSASOIT. 


CHAP,  him  were  six  or  eight  women,  who  chafed  his  arms, 
3i:^  legs,  and  thighs,  to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  they 
1623.  had  made  an  end  of  their  charming,  one  told  him  that 
his  friends,  the  English,  were  come  to  see  him.  Hav- 
ing understanding  left,  but  his  sight  was  wholly  gone, 
he  asked,  Who  was  come  ?  They  told  him  Winsnow, 
for  they  cannot  pronounce  the  letter  /,  but  ordinarily 
n  in  the  place  thereof.^  He  desired  to  speak  with 
me.  When  I  came  to  him,  and  they  told  him  of  it,  he 
put  forth  his  hand  to  me,  which  I  took.  Then  he  said 
twice,  though  very  inwardly.  Keen  Winsnow  ?  which 
is  to  say,  "  Art  thou  Winslow  ?"  I  answered,  Ahhe, 
that  is.  Yes.  Then  he  doubled  these  words  ;  Matta 
neen  wonckanet  iiamen,  Winsnow  !  that  is  to  say,  "  O 
Winslow,  I  shall  never  see  thee  again." 

Then  I  called  Hobbamock,  and  desired  him  to  tell 
Massassowat,  that  the   Governor,  hearing  of  his  sick- 


together,  stroking  and  hovering 
over  the  sick."  Gookin,  in  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  i.  154. 

^^Poivawx,  priests.  These  do  be- 
gin and  order  their  service  and  in- 
vocation of  their  gods,  and  all  the 
people  follow,  and  join  interchange- 
ably in  a  laborious  bodily  service, 
unio  sweating,  especially  of  the 
priest,  who  spends  himself  in 
strange  antic  gestures  and  actions, 
even  unto  fainting.  In  sickness 
the  priest  comes  close  to  the  sick 
person,  and  performs  many  strange 
actions  about  him,  and  threatens 
and  conjures  out  the  sickness.  The 
poor  people  commonly  die  under 
their  hands;  for,  alas,  they  admin- 
ister nothing,  but  howl  and  roar 
and  hollow  over  them,  and  begin 
the  song  to  the  rest  of  the  people, 
who  all  join  like  a  choir  in  prayer 
to  their  gods  for  them."  Roger 
Williams,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii. 
227,  237. 

"  The  manner  of  their  action  in 


their  conjuration  is  thus.  The  par- 
ties that  are  sick  are  brought  before 
them;  the  powow  sitting  down, 
the  rest  of  the  Indians  give  atten- 
tive audience  to  his  imprecations 
and  invocations,and  after  the  violent 
expression  of  many  a  hideous  bel- 
lowing and  groaning,  he  makes  a 
stop,  and  then  all  the  auditors  with 
one  voice  utter  a  short  canto. 
Which  done,  the  powow  still  pro- 
ceeds in  his  invocations,  some- 
times roaring  like  a  bear,  other 
times  groaning  like  a  dying  horse, 
foaming  at  the  mouth  like  a  chafed 
boar,  smiting  on  his  naked  breast 
and  thighs  with  such  violence  as  if 
he  were  mad.  Thus  will  he  con- 
tinue sometimes  half  a  day." 
Wood's  New  England's  Prospect, 
part  ii.  ch.  12.  See  also  Hutchin- 
son's Mass.  i.  474. 

'  Wood  says,ch.  IS,"  They  pro- 
nounce I  and  /•  in  our  English 
tongue,  with  much  difficulty,  call- 
ing   a    lobster   a   nobstan."     Yet 


WINSLOW   TENDS   MASSASOIT.  319 

ness,  was  sorry  for  the  same  ;  and  thouojh,  by  reason  chap. 
of  many  businesses,  he  could  not  come  himself,  yet  he  — ^-- 
sent   me  with  such  things  for  him  as  he  thought  most  1623. 

.  .  Mar. 

likely  to  do  him  good  in  this  his  extremity  ;^  and 
whereof  if  he  pleased  to  take,  I  would  presently  give 
him ;  which  he  desired  ;  and  having  a  confection  of 
many  comfortable  conserves,  &c.,  on  the  point  of  my 
knife  I  gave  him  some,  which  I  could  scarce  get 
through  his  teeth.  When  it  was  dissolved  in  his 
mouth,  he  swallowed  the  juice  of  it ;  whereat  those 
that  were  about  him  much  rejoiced,  saying  he  had  not 
swallowed  any  thing  in  two  days  before.  Then  I 
desired  to  see  his  mouth,  which  was  exceedingly 
furred,  and  his  tongue  swelled  in  such  a  manner,  as  it 
was  not  possible  for  him  to  eat  such  meat  as  they  had, 
his  passage  being  stopped  up.  Then  1  washed  his 
mouth,  and  scraped  his  tongue,  and  got  abundance  of 
corruption  out  of  the  same.  After  which  I  gave  him 
more  of  the  confection,  which  he  swallowed  with  more 
readiness.  Then  he  desiring  to  drink,  I  dissolved 
some  of  it  in  water,  and  gave  him  thereof.  Within 
half  an  hour  this  wrought  a  great  alteration  m  him,  in 

Roger  Williams  states,   that  "al-         *  "When    they  are  sick,    their 

though  some  pronounce  not  Z  nor  r,  misery  appears,  that  they  have  not, 

yet  it  is  the  most  proper  dialect  of  but  what  sometimes  they  get  from 

other  places,  contrary  to  many  re-  the  English,  a  raisin  or  currant,  or 

ports;"    and   Eliot,    in    his  Indian  any  physic,  fruit,   or  spice,  or  any 

Grammar,    says,     "These    conso-  comfort  more  than  their  corn  and 

Bants,  Z,  11,  r,  have  such  a  natural  water,  &c.    In  which  hleeding  case, 

coincidence,  that  it  is  an  eminent  wanting  all  means  of  recovery  or 

variation    of   their    dialects.     We  present    refreshing,    I    have   been 

Massachusetts    pronounce    the   n ;  constrained,    to    and    beyond    my 

the  Nipmuk  Indians  pronounce  Z;  power,  to  refresh  them,  and  to  save 

and    the    Northern    Indians    pro-  many  of  them  from  death,  who  I 

nounce  r.     As  instance  :  am  confident  perish  many  millions 

'    We  say  Anum  )  of  them,  in  that  mighty  continent, 

Nipmuck,      Alum  >  A  Dog."  for  want  of  means."     Roger  Wil- 

Northern,       Arum  )  liams,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  236. 
See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  223,  xix. 
248. 


320  WINSLOW   SENDS  TO   PLYMOUTH   FOR  MEDICINE. 

CHAP,  the  eyes  of  all  that  beheld  him.     Presently  after  his 

XX  ... 

• — ^  sight  began  to  come  to  him,  which  gave  him  and  us 
16  2  3.  good  encouragement.  In  the  mean  time  I  inquired  how 
he  slept,  and  when  he  went  to  stool.  They  said  he  slept 
not  in  two  days  before,  and  had  not  had  a  stool  in  five. 
Then  I  gave  him  more,  and  told  him  of  a  mishap  we 
had  by  the  way,  in  breaking  a  bottle  of  drink,  which 
the  Governor  also  sent  him,  sayino^  if  he  would  send 
any  of  his  men  to  Patuxet,  I  would  send  for  more  of 
the  same ;  also  for  chickens  to  make  him  broth,  and 
for  other  things,  which  I  knew  were  good  for  him  ; 
and  would  stay  the  return  of  his  messenger,  if  he 
desired.  This  he  took  marvellous  kindly,  and  ap- 
pointed some,  who  were  ready  to  go  by  two  of  the 
clock  in  the  morning ;  against  which  time  1  made 
ready  a  letter,  declaring  therein  our  good  success,  the 
state  of  his  body,  &c.,  desiring  to  send  me  such  things 
as  I  sent  for,  and  such  physic  as  the  surgeon  durst 
administer  to  him. 

He  requested  me,  that  the  day  following,  I  would 
take  my  piece,  and  kill  him  some  fowl,  and  make  him 
some  English  pottage,  such  as  he  had  eaten  at  Ply- 
mouth ;  which  I  promised.  After,  his  stomach  coming 
to  him,  1  must  needs  make  him  some  without  fowl, 
before  I  w^ent  abroad,  which  somewhat  troubled  me, 
being  unaccustomed  and  unacquainted  in  such  busi- 
nesses, especially  having  nothing  to  make  it  comfortable, 
my  consort  being  as  ignorant  as  myself;  but  being  we 
must  do  somewhat,  1  caused  a  woman  to  bruise  some 
corn,  and  take  the  flour  from  it,  and  set  over  the  grit, 
or  broken  corn,  in  a  pipkin,  for  they  have  earthen  pots 
3d    of  all  sizes.^     When  the  day  broke,  we  went  out,  it 

'  See  note  '  oa  page  144. 


WINSLOW   MAKES   BROTH   FOR  THE   SICK   SACHEM.  321 

being  now  March,  to  seek  herbs,  but  could  not  find  chap. 

XX 

any  but  strawberry  leaves,  of  which  I  gathered  a  hand-  — ^ 

ful,  and  put  into  the  same  :  and  because  I  had  nothinsr  162  3. 

.  .  .  ^    Mar. 

to  relish  it,  I  went  forth  again,  and  jDuUed  up  a  sassa- 
fras root,  and  sliced  a  piece  thereof,  and  boiled  it,  till 
it  had  a  good  relish,  and  then  took  it  out  again.  The 
broth  being  boiled,  I  strained  it  through  my  handker- 
chief, and  gave  him  at  least  a  pint,  which  he  drank, 
and  hked  it  very  well.  After  this  his  sight  mended 
more  and  more  ;  also  he  had  three  moderate  stools, 
and  took  some  rest ;  insomuch  as  we  with  admiration 
blessed  God  for  giving  his  blessing  to  such  raw  and 
ignorant  means,  making  no  doubt  of  his  recovery,  him- 
self and  all  of  them  acknowledging  us  the  instruments 
of  his  preservation. 

That  morning  he  caused  me  to  spend  in  going  from 
one  to  another  amongst  those  that  were  sick  in  the 
town,  requesting  me  to  wash  their  mouths  also,  and 
give  to  each  of  them  some  of  the  same  I  gave  him, 
saying  they  were  good  folk.  This  pains  I  took  with 
willingness,  though  it  were  much  offensive  to  me,  not 
being  accustomed  with  such  poisonous  savours.  After 
dinner  he  desired  me  to  get  him  a  goose  or  duck,  and 
make  him  some  pottage  therewith,  with  as  much  speed 
as  1  could.  So  I  took  a  man  with  me,  and  made  a 
shot  at  a  couple  of  ducks,  some  six  score  paces  off,  and 
killed  one,  at  which  he  wondered.  So  we  returned 
forthwith,  and  dressed  it,  making  more  broth  there- 
with, which  he  much  desired.  Never  did  I  see  a  man 
so  low  brought,  recover  in  that  measure  in  so  short  a 
time.  The  fowl  being  extraordinary  fat,  I  told  Hob- 
bamock  I  must  take  off  the  top  thereof,  saying  it  would 
make  him  very  sick  again  if  he  did  eat  it.     This  he 

41 


MASSASOIT   GRADUALLY   RECOVERS. 

CHAP,  acquainted  Massassowat  therewith,  who  would  not  be 
'^v^  persuaded  to  it,  though  I  pressed  it  very  much,  show- 
1623.  ine:  the  strength  thereof,  and  the  weakness  of  his  sto- 

Mar.  . 

mach,  which  could  not  possibly  bear  it.  Notwith- 
standing, he  made  a  gross  meal  of  it,  and  ate  as  much 
as  would  well  have  satisfied  a  man  in  health.  About 
an  hour  after  he  began  to  be  very  sick,  and  straining 
very  much,  cast  up  the  broth  again  ;  and  in  overstrain- 
ing himself,  began  to  bleed  at  the  nose,  and  so  con- 
tinued the  space  of  four  hours.  Then  they  all  wished 
he  had  been  ruled,  concluding  now  he  would  die,  which 
we  much  feared  also.  They  asked  me  what  I  thought 
of  him.  I  answered,  his  case  was  desperate,  yet  it 
might  be  it  would  save  his  life  ;  for  if  it  ceased  in  time, 
he  would  forthwith  sleep  and  take  rest,  which  was  the 
principal  thing  he  wanted.  Not  long  after  his  blood 
stayed,  and  he  slept  at  least  six  or  eight  hours.  When 
he  awaked,  I  washed  his  face,  and  bathed  and  suppled 
his  beard  and  nose  with  a  linen  cloth.  But  on  a  sud- 
den he  chopped  his  nose  in  the  water,  and  drew  up 
some  therein,  and  sent  it  forth  again  with  such  vio- 
lence, as  he  began  to  bleed  afresh.  Then  they  thought 
there  was  no  hope ;  but  we  perceived  it  was  but  the 
tenderness  of  his  nostril,  and  therefore  told  them  I 
thought  it  would  stay  presently,  as  indeed  it  did. 

The  messengers  were  now  returned  ;  but  finding  his 
stomach  come  to  him,  he  would  not  have  the  chickens 
killed,  but  kept  them  for  breed.  Neither  durst  we 
give  him  any  physic,  which  was  then  sent,  because 
his  body  was  so  much  altered  since  our  instructions  ; 
neither  saw  we  any  need,  not  doubting  now  of  his  re- 
covery, if  he  were  careful.  Many,  whilst  we  were 
there,  came  to  see  him ;  some,  by  their  report,  from  a 


MASSASOIT   REVEALS   AN   INDIAN   PLOT.  323 

place   not  less   than  an  hundred  miles.     To  all  that  chap. 

XX. 

came  one  of  his  chief  men  related  the  manner  of  his  -^-^ 
sickness,  how  near  he  was  spent,  how  amongst  others  16  22. 
his  friends  the  English  came  to  see  him,  and  how  sud- 
denly they  recovered  him  to  this  strength  they  saw,  he 
being  now  able  to  sit  upright  of  himself. 

The  day  before  our  coming,  another  sachim  being 
there,  told  him  that  now  he  might  see  how  hollow- 
hearted  the  English  were,  saying  if  we  had  been  such 
friends  in  deed,  as  we  were  in  show,  we  would  have 
visited  him  in  this  his  sickness,  using  many  arguments 
to  withdraw  his  affections,  and  to  persuade  him  to  give 
way  to  some  things  against  us,  which  were  motioned 
to  him  not  long  before.  But  upon  this  his  recovery, 
he  brake  forth  into  these  speeches  :  Now  I  see  the 
English  are  my  friends  and  love  me ;  and  whilst  I  live, 
I  will  never  forget  this  kindness  they  have  showed  me. 
Whilst  we  were  there,  our  entertainment  exceeded  all 
other  strangers'.  Divers  other  things  were  worthy  the 
noting ;  but  I  fear  I  have  been  too  tedious. 

At  our  coming  away,  he  called  Hobbamock  to  him,  4th 
and  privately  (none  hearing,  save  two  or  three  other  of  ^^' 
his  pnieses,^  who  are  of  his  council)  revealed  the  plot 
of  the  Massacheuseucks,  before  spoken  of,  against  Mas- 
ter Weston's  colony,  and  sa  against  us  ;  saying  that  the 
people  of  Nauset,  Paomet,  Succonet,^  Mattachiest, 
Manomet,  Agowaywam,^  and  the  isle  of  Capawack,"* 
were  joined  with  them  ;  himself  also  in  his  sickness 
was  earnestly  solicited,  but  he  would  neither  join 
therein,  nor  give  way  to  any  of  his.  Therefore,  as  we 
* 

'  The  same  as  finse.     See  page  ^  Or  Agawam,   part  of  Ware- 

288.  ham. 

*  Sokones,  or  Succonusset,  now  *  Martha's  Vineyard, 
called  Falmouth. 


324  WINSLOW   LODGES   WITH   CORBITANT. 


CHAP,  respected  the  lives  of  our  countrymen,  and  our  own 
-^^  after  safety,  he  advised  us  to  kill  the  men  of  Massa- 
162  3.  chuset,  who  were  the  authors  of  this  intended  mischief. 

Mar.  ,      '  1  1  M 

And  whereas  we  were  wont  to  say,  we  w^ould  not  strike 
a  stroke  till  they  first  began  ;  if,  said  he,  upon  this 
intelligence,  they  make  that  answer,  tell  them,  when 
their  countrymen  at  Wichaguscusset  are  killed,  they 
being  not  able  to  defend  themselves,  that  then  it  will 
be  too  late  to  recover  their  lives;  nay,  through  the  mul- 
titude of  adversaries,  they  shall  with  great  difficulty 
preserve  their  own  ;  and  therefore  he  counselled  with- 
out delay  to  take  away  the  principals,  and  then  the 
plot  would  cease.  With  this  he  charged  him  thoroughly 
to  acquaint  me  by  the  way,  that  I  might  inform  the 
Governor  thereof,  at  my  first  coming  home.  Being 
fitted  for  our  return,  we  took  our  leave  of  him  ;  who 
returned  many  thanks  to  our  Governor,  and  also  to  our- 
selves for  our  labor  and  love;  the  like  did  all  that  were 
about  him.     So  we  departed. 

That  night,  through  the  earnest  request  of  Conba- 
tant,  who  till  now  remained  at  Sawaams,'  or  Puckano- 
kick,  we  lodged  with  him  at  Mattapuyst.  By  the  way 
I  had  much  conference  w^ith  him,  so  likewise  at  his 
house,  he  being  a  notable  politician,  yet  full  of  merry 
jests  and  squibs,  and  never  better  pleased  than  when 
the  like  are  returned  again  upon  him.  Amongst  other 
things  he  asked  me,  if  in  case  he  were  thus  dangerously 
sick,  as  Massassowat  had  been,  and  should  send  word 
thereof  to  Patuxet  for  maskiet,^  that  is,  physic,  whether 
then  Mr.  Governor  would  send  it ;  and  if  he  would, 
whether    I    would    come    therewith    to     him.       To 

'  See  note  ^  on  page  208.  sic."     Roger  Williams's  Key,   in 

'  '^  Mashit,  give  me  some   phy-     R.  I.  Hist.  Coll.  i.  159. 


HIS   CONVERSATION   WITH   THE   SACHEM.  325 

both  which  I  answered,  Yea  ;  whereat  he  gave  me  chap. 
many  jojful  thanks.  After  that,  being  at  his  house,  — ^ 
he  demanded  further,  how  we  durst,  beine:   but  two,  162  3. 

Mar. 

come  so  far  into  the  country.  I  answered,  where  was 
true  love,  there  w^as  no  fear ;  and  my  heart  was  so 
upright  towards  them,  that  for  mine  own  part  I  was 
fearless  to  come  amongst  them.  But,  said  he,  if  your 
love  be  such,  and  it  bring  forth  such  fruits,  how  cometh 
it  to  pass,  that  when  we  come  to  Patuxet,  you  stand 
upon  your  guard,  with  the  mouths  of  your  pieces  pre- 
sented towards  us  ?  Whereupon  I  answered,  it  was 
the  most  honorable  and  respective  entertainment  we 
could  give  them  ;  it  being  an  order  amongst  us  so  to 
receive  our  best  respected  friends ;  and  as  it  was  used 
on  the  land,  so  the  ships  observed  it  also  at  sea,  which 
Hobbamock  knew  and  had  seen  observed.  But  shak- 
ing the  head,  he  answered,  that  he  liked  not  such  salu- 
tations. 

Further,  observing  us  to  crave  a  blessing  on  our 
meat  before  we  did  eat,  and  after  to  give  thanks  for 
the  same,  he  asked  us,  what  was  the  meaning  of  that 
ordinary  custom.  Hereupon  I  took  occasion  to  tell 
them  of  God's  works  of  creation  and  preservation,  of 
his  laws  and  ordinances,  especially  of  the  ten  com- 
mandments ;  all  which  they  hearkened  unto  with  great 
attention,  and  liked  well  of;  only  the  seventh  com- 
mandment they  excepted  against,  thinking  there  were 
many  inconveniences  in  it,  that  a  man  should  be  tied 
to  one  woman ;  about  which  we  reasoned  a  good  time. 
Also  I  told  them,  that  whatsoever  good  things  we  had, 
we  received  from  God,  as  the  author  and  giver  thereof; 
and  therefore  craved  his  blessing  upon  that  wc  had, 
and  were   about   to   eat,   that  it  might   nourish  and 


326  WINSLOW  RETURNS  TO  PLYMOUTH. 

I. 

CHAP,  strenojthen   our  bodies ;   and   having  eaten   sufficient, 

XX 

v^v^  being  satisfied  therewitli,  we  again  returned  thanks  to 
1623.  the  same  our  God,  for  that  our  refreshing,  &c.     This 

Mar 

all  of  them  concluded  to  be  very  well ;  and  said,  they 
believed  almost  all  the  same  things,  and  that  the  same 
power  that  we  called  God,  they  called  Kiehtan}  Much 
profitable  conference  was  occasioned  hereby,  which 
would  be  too  tedious  to  relate,  yet  was  no  less  delight- 
ful to  them,  than  comfortable  to  us.  Here  we  remain- 
ed only  that  night,  but  never  had  better  entertainment 
amongst  any  of  them. 
5tli  The  day  following,  in  our  journey,  Hobbamock  told 
me  of  the  private  conference  he  had  with  Massassowat, 
and  how  he  charged  him  perfectly  to  acquaint  me  there- 
with, as  I  showed  before ;  which  having  done,  he  used 
many  arguments  himself  to  move  us  thereunto.  That 
6th  night  we  lodged  at  Namasket ;  and  the  day  following, 
^^'  about  the  mid-way  between  it  and  home,  we  met  two 
Indians,  who  told  us,  that  Captain  Standish  was  that 
day  gone  to  the  Massachusets.  But  contrary  winds 
again  drove  him  back ;  so  that  we  found  him  at  home ; 
where  the  Indian  of  Paomet  still  was,  being  very  im- 
portunate that  the  Captain  should  take  the  first  oppor- 
tunity of  a  fair  wind  to  go  with  him.  But  their  secret 
and  villanous  purposes  being,  through  God's  mercy, 
now  made  known,  the  Governor  caused  Captain  Stand- 
ish to  send  him  away,  without  any  distaste  or  mani- 
festation of  anger,  that  we  might  the  better  effect  and 
bring  to  pass  that  which  should  be  thought  most  neces- 
sary. 

^  "  Ketan  is  their  good  God,  to  cate  for  fair  weather,  for  rain  in 

whom    they   sacrifice    after    their  time  of  drought,  and  for  the  reco- 

garners  be  full  with  a  good  crop,  very  of  their  sick."     Wood's  New 

Upon  this  God  likewise  they  invo-  England's  Prospect,  part  ii.  ch.  12. 


CHAPTER     XXI. 

OF    STANDISH'S     EXPEDITION    AGAINST    THE    INDIANS    OF 

WESSAGUSSET,  AND  THE  BREAKING  UP  OF  WESTON'S 

COLONY  AT  THAT  PLACE. 

Before   this  journey  we   heard   many  complaints,  chap. 
both  by  the   Indians,  and  some  others  of  best  desert  — v^ 
amongst  Master  Weston's  colony,  how  exceedingly  their  162  3. 
company  abased   themselves  by  undirect  means,  to  get 
victuals   from    the    Indians,   who   dwelt   not  far   from 
them,  fetching  them  wood  and  water,  &c.  and  all  for 
a  meal's  meat ;  whereas,  in  the  mean  time,  they  might 
with  diligence  have  gotten  enough  to  have  served  them 
three  or  four  times.     Other  by  night  brake  the  earth, 
and  robbed  the  Indians'  store ;  for  which  they  had  been 
publicly  stocked  and  whipped,  and  yet  was  there  small 
amendment.     This  was  about  the  end  of  February  ;  at   Feb. 
which  time  they  had  spent  all  their  bread  and  corn, 
not  leaving  any  for  seed,  neither  would  the  Indians 
lend  or  sell  them  any  more  upon  any  terms.     Here- 
upon they  had  thoughts  to  take  it  by  violence ;  and  to 
that  spiked  up  every  entrance  into  their  town,  being 
well   impaled,  save  one,  with  a  full  resolution  to  pro- 
ceed.    But  some  more  honestly  minded  advised  John 
Sanders,  their  overseer,  first  to  write  to  Plymouth  ;  and 


328  A   MESSENGER  FROM   WESTON'S   COLONY. 

CHAP,  if  the  Governor  advised  him  thereunto,  he  might  the 
3i^  better  do  it.  This  course  was  well  liked,  and  an  In- 
162  3.  dian  was  sent  with  all  speed  with  a  letter  to  our  Gov- 
^^'  ernor,  the  contents  whereof  were  to  this  effect ;  that 
being  in  great  want,  and  their  people  daily  falling 
down,  he  intended  to  go  to  Munhiggen,  where  was  a 
plantation  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  to  buy  bread  from 
the  ships  that  came  thither  a  fishing,  with  the  first  op- 
portunity of  wind ;  but  knew  not  how  the  colony  would 
be  preserved  till  his  return.  He  had  used  all  means 
both  to  buy  and  borrow  of  Indians,  whom  he  knew  to 
be  stored,  and  he  thought  maliciously  withheld  it,  and 
therefore  was  resolved  to  take  it  by  violence,  and  only 
waited  the  return  of  the  messenger,  which  he  desired 
should  be  hastened,  craving  his  advice  therein,  pro- 
mising also  to  make  restitution  afterward.  The  Gov- 
ernor, upon  the  receipt  hereof,  asked  the  messenger 
what  store  of  corn  they  had,  as  if  he  had  intended  to 
buy  of  them  ;  who  answered,  very  little  more  than  that 
they  reserved  for  seed,  having  already  spared  all  they 
could. 

Forthwith  the  Governor  and  his  Assistant  sent  for 
many  of  us  to  advise  with  them  herein ;  who,  after 
serious  consideration,  no  way  approving  of  this  intend- 
ed course,  the  Governor  answered  his  letter,  and  caused 
many  of  us  to  set  our  hands  thereto ;  the  contents 
whereof  were  to  this  purpose.  We  altogether  disliked 
their  intendment,  as  being  against  the  law  of  God  and 
nature,  showing  how  it  would  cross  the  worthy  ends 
and  proceedings  of  the  King's  Majesty,  and  his  honor- 
able Council  for  this  place,  both  in  respect  of  the  peace- 
able enlarging  of  his  Majesty's  dominions,  and  also  of 
the  propagation  of  the  knowledge  and  law  of  God,  and 


THE   PILGRIMS'   ADVICE  TO   WESTON'S   COLONY.  329 

the  glad  tidings  of  salvation,  which  we  and  they  were  chap. 
bound   to  seek,  and  were  not  to  use  such  means  as  3^ 
would  breed  a  distaste  in  the  salvages  against  our  per-  162  3. 
sons  and  professions,  assuring  them  their  master  would  ^"' 
incur  much  blame  hereby,  neither  could  they  answer 
the  same.    For  our  own  parts,  our  case  was  almost  the 
same  with  theirs,  having   but  a  small  quantity  of  corn 
left,  and  were  enforced  to  live  on  ground-nuts,  clams, 
muscles,  and  such  other  things  as  naturally  the  country 
afforded,  and  which  did  and  would  maintain  strength, 
and  were  easy  to  be  gotten ;  all  which  things  they  had 
in  great  abundance,  yea,  oysters'  also,  which  we  want- 
ed ;  and  therefore  necessity  could  not  be  said  to  con- 
strain  them   thereunto.     Moreover,   that   they   should 
consider,  if  they  proceeded   therein,  all  they  could  so 
get  would  maintain   them  but  a  small  time,  and  then 
they  must  perforce  seek  their  food  abroad  ;  which,  hav- 
ing made   the  Indians  their   enemies,  would  be  very 
difficult  for  them,  and  therefore  much  better  to  begin  a 
little  the  sooner,  and  so  continue  their  peace  ;   upon 
which  course  they  might  with  good  conscience  desire 
and  expect  the  blessing  of  God  ;   whereas  on  the  con- 
trary they  could  not. 

Also  that  they  should  consider  their  own  weakness, 
being  most  swelled,  and  diseased  in  their  bodies,  and 
therefore  the  more  unlikely  to  make  their  party  good 
against  them,  and  that  they  should  not  expect  help  from 
us  in  that  or  any  the  like  unlawful  actions.  Lastly, 
that  howsoever  some  of  them  might  escape,  yet  the 

'  Morton  says,  in  his  New  Eng-  seen    an    oyster  bank   a   mile  in 

hsh  Canaan    ch.  vii.  "There  are  length.     Muscles  there  are  infinite 

great  store  of  oysters  in   the  en-  store.     I  have  often  gone  to  Wes- 

trance  ot  all  rivers.     They  are  not  sasuscus,    where    were    excellent 

round,  as  those  of  England,  but  ex-  muscles  to  eat,  (for  variety,)  the 

cellent  fat  and  all  good.     I  have  fish  is  so  fat  and  large." 

42 


330  WESTON'S   AGENT  COMES   TO   PLYMOUTH. 


CHAP,  principal  agents  should  expect  no  better  than  the  gal- 
-^^  lows,  whensoever  any  special  officer  should  be  sent 
16  23.  over  by  his  Majesty,  or  his  Council  for  New  England, 
which  we  expected,  and  who  would  undoubtedly  call 
them  to  account  for  the  same.  These  were  the  con- 
tents of  our  answer,  which  w^as  directed  to  their  whole 
colony.  Another  particular  letter  our  Governor  sent 
to  John  Sanders,  showing  how  dangerous  it  would  be 
for  him  above  all  others,  being  he  was  their  leader  and 
commander ;  and  therefore  in  friendly  manner  advised 
him  to  desist. 

With  these  letters  we  dispatched  the  messenger ; 
upon  the  receipt  whereof  they  altered  their  determina- 
tion, resolving  to  shift  as  they  could,  till  the  return  of 
John  Sanders  from  Munhiggen  ;  who  first  coming  to 
Plymouth,  notwithstanding  our  own  necessities,  the 
Governor  spared  him  some  corn,  to  carry  them  to 
Munhiggen.  But  not  having  sufficient  for  the  ship's 
store,  he  took  a  shallop,  and  leaving  others  with  in- 
structions to  oversee  things  till  his  return,  set  forward 
Feb.  about  the  end  of  February  ;  so  that  he  knew  not  of 
this  conspiracy  of  the  Indians  before  his  going.  Neither 
was  it  known  to  any  of  us  till  our  return  from  Saw^aams, 
or  Puckanokick  ;  at  which  time  also  another  sachim, 
called  Wassapinewat,  brother  to  Obtakiest,  the  sachim 
of  the  Massachusets,  who  had  formerly  smarted  for  par- 
taking with  Conbatant,  and  fearing  the  like  again,  to 
purge  himself,  revealed  the  same  thing. 
Mar.       The  three  and  twentieth  of  March  being:  now  come, 

23  •  •  . 

which  is  a  yearly  court  day,  the  Governor,  having  a 
double  testimony,  and  many  circumstances  agreeing 
with  the  truth  thereof,  not  being  ^  to  undertake  war 

^  The  word  inclined  or  disposed  seems  to  have  been  accidentally  omitted. 


A  GENERAL  COURT  HELD.  QQl 

without  the  consent  of  the  body  of  the  company,  made  chap. 


XXI. 


known  the  same  in  public  court,  offering  it  to  the  con-  ^-- 
sideration  of  the  company,  it  being  high  time  to  come  1^23. 
to  resolution,  how  sudden  soever  it  seemed  to  them, 
fearing  it  would  be  put  in  execution  before  we  could 
give  any  intelligence  thereof.  This  business  was  no 
less  troublesome  than  grievous,  and  the  more,  because 
it  is  so  ordinary  in  these  times  for  men  to  measure 
things  by  the  events  thereof;  but  especially  for  that 
we  knew  no  means  to  deliver  our  countrymen  and  pre- 
serve ourselves,  than  by  returning  their  malicious  and 
cruel  purposes  upon  their  own  heads,  and  causing  them 
to  fall  into  the  same  pit  they  had  digged  for  others  ; 
though  it  much  grieved  us  to  shed  the  blood  of  those 
whos€  good  we  ever  intended  and  aimed  at,  as  a  prin- 
cipal in  all  our  proceedings.  But  in  the  end  we  came 
to  this  public  conclusion,  that  because  it  was  a  matter 
of  such  weight  as  every  man  was  not  of  sufficiency  to 
judge,  nor  fitness  to  know,  because  of  many  other  In- 
dians, which  daily,  as  occasion  serveth,  converse  with 
us;  therefore  the  Governor,  his  Assistant,  and  the  Cap- 
tain, should  take  such  to  themselves  as  they  thought 
most  meet,  and  conclude  thereof.  Which  done,  we 
came  to  this  conclusion,  that  Captain  Standish  should 
take  so  many  men,  as  he  thought  sufficient  to  make 
his  party  good  against  all  the  Indians  in  the  Massachu- 
set  bay ;  and  because,  (as  all  men  know  that  have  to  do 
with  them  in  that  kind,)  it  is  impossible  to  deal  with 
them  upon  open  defiance,  but  to  take  them  in  such 
traps  as  they  lay  for  others,  therefore  he  should  pre- 
tend trade,  as  at  other  times  ;  but  first  go  to  the  Eng- 
lisli,  and  acquaint  them  with  the  plot,  and  the  end  of 
his  own  coming;  that  comparing  it  with  their  carriages 


332 


STANDISH'S   ARMY. 


CHAP,  towards  them,  he  miffht  the  better  judse  of  the  certainty 

XXI  '       .  "" 

— ^  of  it,  and  more  fitly  take  opportunity  to  revenge  the 
162  3.  same;  but  should  forbear,  if  it  were  possible,  till  such 
time  as  he  could  make  sure  [of]  Wituwamat,  that  bloody 
and  bold  villain  before  spoken  of;  whose  head  he  had 
order  to  bring  ^A•ith  him,  that  he  might  be  a  warning 
and  terror  to  all  of  that  disposition. 

Upon  this  Captain  Standish  made  choice  of  eight 
men,  and  would  not  take  more,  because  he  would  pre- 
vent jealousy,  knowing  their  guilty  consciences  would 
soon  be  provoked  thereunto.  But  on  the  next  day, 
before  he  could  go,  came  one '  of  Mr.  Weston's  com- 
pany by  land  unto  us,  with  his  pack  at  his  back,  who 
made  a  pitiful  narration  of  their  lamentable  and  weak 
estate,  and  of  the  Indians'  carriages,  whose  boldness 
increased  abundantly ;  insomuch  as  the  victuals  they 
got,  they  would  take  it  out  of  their  pots,  and  eat  before 
their  faces  ;  yea,  if  in  any  thing  they  gainsaid  them, 
they  were  ready  to  hold  a  knife  at  their  breasts  ;  that 
to  give  them  content,  since  John  Sanders  went  to 
Munhiggen,  they  had  hanged-  one  of  them  that  stole 


'  Morton  says,  "  this  man's 
name  was  Phinchas  Prat,  who 
has  penned  the  particulars  of  his 
perilous  journey,  and  some  other 
things  relating  to  this  tragedy." 
Hubbard  states  that  he  was  living 
in  1G77,  at  the  time  he  was  writ- 
ing his  History  of  New  England. 
In^l662  the  General  Court  of  JMas- 
sachusetts,  in  answer  to  a  petition 
of  Phinehas  Prat,  then  of  Charles- 
town,  which  was  accompanied 
"  with  a  narrative  of  the  straits 
and  hardships  that  the  first  plant- 
ers of  this  Colony  underwent  in 
their  endeavours  to  plant  them- 
selves at  Plymouth,  and  since, 
whereof  he  was  one,  the  Court 
judgeth  it  meet  to  grant  him  300 
acres  of  land,  where  il  is  to  be  had, 


not  hindering  a  plantation."  At 
the  Court  held  ]\Iay  3,  1G65,  it  was 
ordered  that  land  be  laid  out  for 
Prat,  "  in  the  wilderness  on  the 
east  of  the  Merrimack  river,  near 
the  upper  end  of  Nacook  brook,  on 
the  southeast  of  it."  Prat  mar- 
ried in  1G30,  at  Plymouth,  a  daugh- 
ter of  Cuthbert  Cuthbertson.  His 
heirs  had  grants  of  land  in  Abing- 
ton  subsequent  to  1672.  Drake 
says  tliat  after  long  search  he  has 
not  been  able  to  discover  Prat's 
narrative.  It  was  probably  never 
printed.  See  Morton's  Memorial, 
p.  90  ;  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians, 
b.  ii.  35;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xv.  78, 
xvii.  122. 

*  The  notorious  Thomas  Morton, 
of  Merry  Mount,  iu  his  New  Eng- 


WRETCHED   STATE   OF   WESTON'S   COLONY. 


333 


their  corn,  and  jet  they  regarded  it  not ;  that  another  chap. 
of  their  company  was  turned  salvage;  that  their  people  — --1- 
had  most  forsaken  the  town,  and  made  their  rendezvous  1623. 
where  they  got  their  victuals,  because  they  would  not 
take  pains  to  bring  it  home ;  that  they  had  sold  their 
clothes  for  corn,  and   were  ready  to   starve  both  with 
cold  and  hunger  also,  because  they  could  not  endure 
to  get  victuals  by  reason  of  their  nakedness ;  and  that 
they  were  dispersed  into  three  companies,  scarce  hav- 
ing any  powder  and  shot  left.     What  would  be  the 


lish  Canaan,  b.  iii.  ch.  4,  which  was 
published  in  1637,  is  the  first  writer 
who  mentions  a  ludicrous  fable 
connected  with  this  execution, 
which  has  been  made  the  occasion 
of  some  reproach  on  the  first  plant- 
ers of  New  England.  After  relat- 
ing the  settlement  of  Weston's  col- 
ony at  Weymouth,  he  mentions 
that  one  of  them  stole  the  corn  of 
an  Indian,  and  upon  his  complaint 
was  brought  before  "  a  parliament 
of  all  the  people"  to  consult  what 
punishment  should  be  inflicted  on 
him.  It  was  decided  that  this 
ofTence,  which  might  have  been 
settled  by  the  gift  of  a  knil'e  or  a 
string  of  beads,  "  was  felony,  and 
by  the  laws  of  England,  punished 
with  death;  and  this  must  be  put 
in  execution,  for  an  example,  and 
likewise  to  appease  the  salvage. 
When  straightways  one  arose, 
moved  as  it  were  with  some  com- 
passion, and  said  he  could  not  well 
gainsay  the  former  sentence,  yet 
he  had  conceived  within  the  com- 
pass of  ills  brain  an  embryon,  that 
was  of  special  consequence  to  be 
delivered  and  cherished.  He  said 
that  it  would  most  aptly  serve  to 
pacify  the  salvage's  complaint,  and 
save  the  life  of  one  that  might,  if 
need  should  be,  stand  them  in  good 
Itead,  being  young  and  strong,  fit 
for  resistance  against  an  enemy, 
which  might  come  unexpected,  for 
any  thing  they  knew.    The  oration 


made  was  liked  of  every  one,  and 
he  entreated  to  proceed  to  show  the 
means  how  this  maybe  performed. 
Says  he,  '  You  all  agree  that  one 
must  die  ;  and  one  shall  die.  This 
young  man's  clothes  we  will  take 
ofl",  and  put  upon  one  that  is  old 
and  impotent,  a  sickly  person  that 
cannot  escape  death;  such  is  the 
disease  on  him  confirmed,  that  die 
he  must.  Put  the  young  man's 
clothes  on  this  man,  and  let  the 
sick  person  be  hanged  in  the  other's 
stead.'  'Amen,'  says  one,  and  so 
say  many  more.  And  this  had 
liked  to  have  proved  their  final 
sentence;  but  that  one,  with  a  ra- 
venous voice,  begun  to  croak  and 
bellow  for  revenge,  and  put  by  that 
conclusive  motion,  alleging  such 
deceits  might  be  a  means  hereafter 
to  exasperate  the  minds  of  the  com- 
plaining salvages,  and  that  by  his 
death  the  salvages  should  see  their 
zeal  to  justice;  and  therefore  he 
should  die.  This  was  concluded  ;" 
and  they  "hanged  him  up  hard 
by." 

Tliis  story  of  the  unscrupulous 
Morton  furnished  Butler  with  the 
materials  out  of  which  he  construct- 
ed the  following  fiible  in  his  Hudi- 
bras,  part  ii.  canto  ii.  line  409. 

"  Our  l>rethren  of  New  Knaland  use 

riiciice  ninl-fHCtnrs  to  excuse, 
Aiul  liaMg  tlic  giiiltless  in  their  stead, 
Of  wlidiM  the  chiinlies  have  less  need  ; 
As  lately  liappeiied.     In  a  town, 
There  lived  a  cobbler,  and  but  one, 


334 


STANDISH   PROCEEDS   TO   WEYMOUTH. 


CHAP. 
XXI 


1623, 
Mar. 


event  of  these  things  he  said  he  much  feared  ;  and 
therefore  not  daring  to  stay  any  longer  among  them, 
though  he  knew  not  the  way,  vet  adventured  to  come 
to  us  ;  partly  to  make  known  their  weak  and  danger- 
ous estate,  as  he  conceived,  and  partly  to  desire  he 
mi^ht  there  remain  till  things  were  better  settled  at 
the  other  plantation.  As  this  relation  was  grievous  to 
us,  so  it  gave  us  good  encoura2;ement  to  proceed  in  our 
intendments,  for  which  Captain  Standish  was  now  fit- 
ted :  and  the  wind  coming  fair,  the  next  day  set  forth 
for  the  Massachusets. 

The  Indians  at  the  Massachusets  missed  this  man  ; 


Th.it  out  of  doctrine  could  cut  use, 
And  nieml  men's  lives  as  well  as  shoes. 
This  precious  hrother  dnviiis  slain, 
In  times  of  peace,  an  Tndmn, 
(Not  out  of  malice,  hut  mere  zeal, 
Because  he  was  an  infidel,) 
The  mishty  TottipolyniMy 
Sent  to  our  elders  an  envoy, 
Coinplainin2  sorely  of  the  hreach 
Of  leanue,  helil  forth  hy  brother  Patch, 
Against  the  articles  in  force 
Between  liolh  cinirclif  s,  his  and  ours  ; 
For  which  he  craved  the  sriinu  to  render 
Inio  his  hands,  or  Inns  the  offender. 
But  they,  maturely  having  weighed, 
They  had  no  more  but  him  of  the  trade, 
A  man  that  scrveil  tliein  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  tearh  and  cobble, 
Resolvi-d  to  spare  him  ;  \et  to  do 
The  Indian  Hogheaii  Mogbaan,  too, 
Impartial  justice,  in  his  stead  did 
Hang  an  old  weaver,  that  was  bed-rid." 

It  will  be  observed  tliat  ^Morton 
mentions  this  substitution  merely 
as  the  suggestion  of  an  individual, 
which  was  rejected  by  the  compa- 
ny. Even  had  it  been  adopted  by 
ihein,  and  carried  into  execution, 
it  would  not  have  implicated  the 
Plymouth  people  at  all,  nor  cast  the 
least  slur  on  their  characters  or 
principles.  For  Weston's  colony 
was  entirely  distinct  from  theirs. 
and  composed  of  a  very  different 
set  of  men.  Their  character,  as 
portrayed  by  Weston  himself,  and 
by  Cushman  and  Pierce,  before 
they  came  over,  may  be  seen  in 
note  *  on  pase  2^16,  to  which  the 
reader  is  particularly  requested  to 


refer.  Morton  himself  calls  "many 
of  them  lazy  persons,  that  would 
use  no  endeavour  to  take  the  benefit 
of  the  country."  As  Belknap  says, 
"  they  were  a  set  of  needy  advea- 
turers,  intent  only  on  gaining  a 
subsistence."  They  did  not  come 
over  from  any  religious  scruples,  or 
with  any  religious  purpose.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  they  had  any 
church  at  all ;  they  certainly  were 
not  Puritans.  Neal  says,  in  his 
Hist,  of  New  England,  i.  102,  that 
Weston  obtained  a  patent  under 
pretence  of  propasratins  the  disci- 
pline of  the  Church  of  England  in 
America." 

Grahame.  i.  198,  falls  into  an  er- 
ror in  attributing  this  execution  to 
Gorges's  colony,  which  settled  at 
the  same  pluce  in  the  autumn  of 
the  same  year ;  and  Drake,  b.  ii.  34, 
errs  in  saying  that  Morton  was  one 
of  Weston's  company.  Morton  did 
not  come  over  till  March,  1625,  in 
company  with  Wollaston,  and  set- 
tled with  him  not  at  Weymouth, 
but  in  Quincv.  See  Prince,  pp. 
221,  231.  The  accurate  Hutchin- 
son, i.  6,  should  not  have  made  a 
fact  out  of  the  careless  Hubbard's 
supposition,  which  the  latter  men- 
tions as  barely  "possible."  See 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xv.  77. 


AN   INDIAN    SPY   ARRESTED.  335 

and  suspecting  his  coming  to  us,  as  we  conceive,  sent  one  chap. 
after  him,  and  gave  out  there  that  he  would  never  come  ^— 
to  Patuxet,  but  that  some  wolves  or  bears  would  eat  1623. 
him.  But  we  know,  both  by  our  own  experience,  and 
the  reports  of  others,  that  though  they  find  a  man 
sleeping,  yet  so  soon  as  there  is  life  discerned,  they 
fear  and  shun  him.  This  Indian  missed  him  but  very 
little  ;  and  missing  him,  passed  by  the  town  and  went 
to  Manomet ;  wliom  we  hoped  to  take  at  his  return,  as 
afterward  we  did.  Now  was  our  fort  made  fit  for  ser- 
vice, and  some  ordnance  mounted ;  and  though  it  may 
seem  long  work,  it  being  ten  months  since  it  begun, 
yet  w^e  must  note,  that  where  so  great  a  work  is  begun 
with  such  small  means,  a  little  time  cannot  bring  [it] 
to  perfection.  Beside,  those  works  which  tend  to  the 
preservation  of  man,  the  enemy  of  mankind  will  hinder, 
what  in  him  lieth,  sometimes  blinding  the  judgment, 
and  causing:  reasonable  men  to  reason  against  their  own 
safety  ;  as  amongst  us  divers  seeing  the  work  prove 
tedious,  would  have  dissuaded  from  proceeding,  flat- 
tering themselves  \A'ith  peace  and  security,  and  account- 
ing it  rather  a  work  of  superfluity  and  vainglory,  than 
simple  necessitv.  But  God,  whose  providence  hath 
waked,  and,  as  I  may  say,  watched  for  us  whilst  we 
slept,  having  determined  to  preserve  us  from  these  in- 
tended treacheries,  undoubtedly  ordained  this  as  a  spe- 
cial means  to  advantage  us  and  discourage  our  adver- 
saries,  and  therefore  so  stirred  up  the  hearts  of  the  gov- 
ernors and  other  forward  instruments,  as  the  work  was 
just  made  serviceable  against  this  needful  and  danger- 
ous time,  though  we  ignorant  of  the  same. 

But  that  I  may  proceed,  the  Indian  last  mentioned, 
in  his  return  from  iManomet,  came  through  the  town, 


336  STANDISH   ARRIVES   AT   WEYMOUTH. 

CHAP,  pretending  still  friendship  and  in  love  to  see  us ;  but  as 
^^—  formerl}'  others,  so   his   end    was   to  see   whether  we 

162  3.  continued  still  in  health  and  strength,  or  fell  into  weak- 
Mar. 

ness,  like  their  neighbours  ;  which  they  hoped  and  look- 
ed for,  (though  God  in  mercy  provided  better  for  us,) 
and  he  knew  would  be  glad  tidings  to  his  countrymen. 
But  here  the  Governor  stayed  him ;  and  sending  for 
him  to  the  fort,  there  gave  the  guard  charge  of  him  as 
their  prisoner  ;  where  he  told  him  he  must  be  contented 
to  remain  till  the  return  of  Captain  Standish  from  the 
Massachusets.  So  he  was  locked  in  a  chain  to  a  staple 
in  the  court  of  guard,  and  there  kept.  Thus  was  our 
fort  hanselled,^  this  being  the  first  day,  as  I  take  it,  that 
ever  any  watch  was  there  kept. 

The  Captain,  being  now  come  to  the  Massachusets, 
went  first  to  the  ship  ;  but  found  neither  man,  or  so 
much  as  a  dog  therein.  Upon  the  discharge  of  a  mus- 
ket, the  master  and  some  others  of  the  plantation 
showed  themselves,  who  were  on  the  shore  gathering 
ground-nuts,  and  getting  other  food.  After  salutation. 
Captain  Standish  asked  them,  how  they  durst  so  leave 
the  ship,  and  live  in  such  security  ;  who  answered, 
like  men  senseless  of  their  own  misery,  they  feared 
not  the  Indians,  but  lived  and  suffered  them  to  lodge 
with  them,  not  having  sword  or  gun,  or  needing  the 
same.  To  which  the  Captain  answered,  if  there  were 
no  cause,  he  was  the  gladder.  But,  upon  further  in- 
quiry, understanding  that  those  in  whom  John  Sanders 
had  reposed  most  special  confidence,  and  left  in  his 
stead  to  govern  the  rest,  were  at  the  plantation,  thither 
he  went;  and,  to  be  brief,  made  known  the  Indians' 
purpose,  and  the  end  of  his  own  coming,  as  also,  (which 

*  Hansel,  to  use  for  the  first  time. 


PECKS  COT.  337 


formerly  I  omitted,)  that  if  afterward  they  durst  not  chap. 
there  stay,  it  was  the  intendment  of  the  governors  and  -— 1- 
people  of  Plymouth  there  to  receive  them,  till  they  1623. 
could  be  better  provided  ;  but  if  they  conceived  of  any 
other  course,  that  miaht  be  more  likely  for  their  g-ood, 
that  himself  should  further  them  therein  to  the  utter- 
most of  his  power.  These  men,  comparing  other  cir- 
cumstances with  that  they  now  heard,  answered,  they 
could  expect  no  better  ;  and  it  was  God's  mercy  that 
they  were  not  killed  before  his  coming;  desiring  there- 
fore that  he  would  neglect  no  opportunity  to  proceed. 
Hereupon  he  advised  them  to  secrecy,  yet  withal  to 
send  special  command  to  one  third  of  their  companv, 
that  were  farthest  oft,  to  come  home,  and  there  enjoin 
them  on  pain  of  death  to  keep  the  town,  himself  allow- 
ing them  a  pint  of  Indian  corn  to  a  man  for  a  day, 
though  that  store  he  had  was  spared  out  of  our  seed. 
The  weather  proving  very  wet  and  stormy,  it  was  the 
longer  before  he  could  do  anv  thinoj. 

In  the  mean  time  an  Indian  came  to  him,  and 
brought  some  furs,  but  rather  to  gather  what  he  could 
from  the  Captain,  than  coming  then  for  trade ;  and 
though  the  Captain  carried  things  as  smoothly  as  pos- 
sibly he  could,  yet  at  his  return  he  reported  he  saw  by 
his  eyes  that  he  was  angry  .in  his  heart ;  and  therefore 
began  to  suspect  themselves  discovered.  This  caused 
one  Pecksuot,  who  was  a  pniese,^  being  a  man  of  a 
notable  spirit,  to  come  to  Hobbamock,  who  was  then 
with  them,  and  told  him,  he  understood  that  the  Cap- 
tain was  come  to  kill  himself  and  the  rest  of  the  salvages 
there.  "  Tell  him,"  said  he,  "  we  know  it,  but  fear 
him  not,  neither  will  we  shun  him  ;  but  let  him  begin 

'  The  same  as  pinse,  on  page  28S. 
43 


338  INSOLENCE  OF   PECKSUOT  AND  WITUWAMAT. 

cH-\p.  when  he  dare,  he  shall  not  take  us  at  unawares."   Many 

XXI. 

■^"^  times  after,  divers  of  them  severally,  or  few  together, 
162  3.  came  to  the  plantation  to  him  ;  where  they  would  whet 
and  sharpen  the  points  of  their  knives  before  his  face, 
and  use  many  other  insulting  gestures  and  speeches. 
Amongst  the  rest  Wituwamat  bragged  of  the  excel- 
lency of  his  knife.  On  the  end  of  the  handle  there 
was  pictured  a  woman's  face  ;  '•  but,"  said  he,  "I  have 
another  at  home,  wherewith  I  have  killed  both  French 
and  English,  and  that  hath  a  man's  face  on  it :  and  by 
and  bv  these  two  must  marry."  Further  he  said  of 
that  knife  he  there  had,  Hinnaim  namen,  hinnaim  mi- 
chen,  matta  cuts ;  that  is  to  sav,  Bv  and  bv  it  should 
see,  and  by  and  by  it  should  eat,  but  not  speak.  Also 
Pecksuot,  being  a  man  of  greater  stature  than  the 
Captain,'  told  him,  though  he  were  a  great  captain, 
yet  he  w^as  but  a  little  man ;  and,  said  he,  though  I  be 
no  sachim,  yet  I  am  a  man  of  great  strength  and  cour- 
age. These  things  the  Captain  observed,  yet  bare 
with  patience  for  the  present. 

On  the  next  day,  seeing  he  could  not  get  many  of 
them  together  at  once,  and  this  Pecksuot  and  A\  itu- 
wamat  both  together,  with  another  man.  and  a  vouth 
of  some  eighteen  years  of  age,  which  was  brother  to 
Wituwamat,  and,  villain-like,  trod  in  his  steps,  daily 
putting  many  tricks  upon  the  weaker  sort  of  men,  and 
having  about  as  many  of  his  own  company  in  a  room 
with  them,  gave  the  word  to  his  men,  and  the  door 
being  fast  shut,  began  himself  with  Pecksuot,  and 
snatching  his  own  knife  from  his  neck,  though  with 
much  stmggling,  killed  him  therewith,  the  point  where- 


'  Standish  is  said  to  have  been    on  page  126,  and  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 
a  man  of  short  stature.     See  note    xv.  Ill,  and  xviii.  121. 


SEVEN   INDIANS   SLAIN.  339 


of  he  had  made  as  sharp  as  a  needle,  and  ground  the  chap. 
back  also  to  an  edge.  Wituwamat  and  the  other  man  -^^ 
the  rest  killed,  and  took  the  youth,  whom  the  Captain  i^^^ 
caused  to  be  hanged.  But  it  is  incredible  how  many 
wounds  these  two  pineses  received  before  thev  died, 
not  making  any  fearful  noise,  but  catching  at  their 
weapons  and  striving  to  the  last.  Hobbamock  stood 
by  all  this  time  as  a  spectator,  and  meddled  not,  ob- 
serving how  our  men  demeaned  themselves  in  this 
action.  All  being  here  ended,  smiling,  he  brake  forth 
into  these  speeches  to  the  Captain  :  '•  Yesterdav  Peck- 
suot.  bragging  of  his  own  strength  and  stature,  said, 
though  you  were  a  great  captain,  yet  you  were  but  a 
little  man  :  but  to-day  I  see  you  are  big  enoush  to  lav 
him  on  the  ground."  But  to  proceed ;  there  being 
some  women  at  the  same  time.  Captain  Standish  left 
them  in  the  custody  of  ^Ir.  AVeston-s  people  at  the 
town,  and  sent  word  to  another  companv,  that  had 
intelligence  of  things,  to  kill  those  Indian  men  that 
were  amongst  them.  These  killed  two  more.  Him- 
self also  with  some  of  his  own  men  went  to  another 
place,  where  they  killed  another :  and  through  the 
negligence  of  one  man,  an  Indian  escaped,  who  dis- 
covered and  crossed  their  proceedings.^ 

'  When  the  news  of  the  first  In-  with  saying,  "  0  how  happy  a  thing 

dians  being  killed  by  Standish  at  had  it  been  that  you  had  convert- 

"Weymouth  reached  Mr.  Robinson,  ed  some  before  you  killed   any  I"' 

their  pastor,  at  Leyden,  he  wrote  Prince  adds, '•' It  is  to  be  hoped  that 

to  the  church  at  Plymouth,  Decern-  Squanto  was  converted."    It  seems 

her  19,  1623,  "  to  consider  the  dispo-  Standish  was  not  of  their  church  at 

sition  of  their  Captain,  who  was  of  first,   and  Hubbard   says    he   had 

a   warm   temper.     He  hoped   the  more  of  his  education  in  the  school 

Lord  had  sent  him  among  them  of   ^lars    than    in   the    school   of 

fgr  good,  if  they  used  him  right ;  Christ.      Judge     Davis    remarks, 

but  he  doubted  where  there   was  "These  sentiments  are  honorable 

not  wanting  that  tenderness  of  the  to  Mr.  Robinson  ;  they  indicate  a 

life  of  man,  made  after  God's  image,  generous  philanthropy,  which  must 

which  was  meet;"  and  he  concludes  always    gain    our    affection,    and 


340  TWO  OF   WESTON'S   MEN   KILLED. 

CHAP.      Not  lono^  before  this  execution,  three  of  Mr.  Weston's 

XXI 

— v-L  men,  which  more  regarded  their  bellies  than  any  com- 
162  3.  mand  or  commander,  having  formerly  fared  well  with 
the  Indians  for  making  them  canoes,  went  again  to 
the  sachim  to  offer  their  service,  and  had  entertain- 
ment. The  first  night  they  came  thither,  within  night, 
late  came  a  messenger  with  all  speed,  and  delivered  a 
sad  and  short  message.  Whereupon  all  the  men  gath- 
ered together,  put  on  their  boots  and  breeches,  trussed 
up  themselves,  and  took  their  bows  and  arrows  and 
went  forth,  telling  them  they  went  a  hunting,  and 
that  at  their  return  they  should  have  venison  enough. 
Being  now  gone,  one  being  more  ancient  and  wise 
than  the  rest,  calling  former  things  to  mind,  especially 
the  Captain's  presence,  and  the  strait  charge  that  on 
pain  of  death  none  should  go  a  musket  shot  from  the 
plantation,  and  comparing  this  sudden  departure  of 
theirs  therewith,  began  to  dislike  and  wish  himself  at 
home  again,  which  was  further  off  than  divers  other 
dwelt.  Hereupon  he  moved  his  fellows  to  return,  but 
could  not  persuade  them.  So  there  being  none  but 
women  left,  and  the  other  that  was  turned  salvage, 
about  midnight  came  away,  forsaking  the  paths,  lest 
he  should  be  pursued ;  and  by  this  means  saved  his 
life. 

should  ever  be  cherished.  Still  little  doubt.  It  is  certain  that  they 
the  transactions  to  which  the  stric-  were  fully  persuaded  of  its  exist- 
tures  relate,  are  defensible.  As  ence,  and  with  the  terrible  exam- 
to  Standish,  Belknap  places  his  de-  pie  of  the  Virginia  massacre  in 
fence  on  the  rules  of  duty  imposed  fresh  remembrance,  they  had  sol- 
by  his  character,  as  the  military  emn  duties  to  discharge.  The  ex- 
servant  of  the  Colony.  The  gov-  istence  of  the  whole  settlement 
ernraent,  it  is  presumed,  will  be  was  at  hazard."  See  Prince,  p. 
considered  as  acting  under  severe  226 ;  Hutchinson's  Mass.  ii.  461  ; 
necessity,  and  will  require  no  apol-  Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  330;  Mor- 
ogy  if  the  reality  of  the  conspiracy  ton's  Memorial,  p.  91. 
be  admitted,  of  which  there  can  be 


SKIRMISH   WITH   THE   INDIANS.  341 

Captain  Standish  took  the  one  half  of  his  men,  and  chap. 


XXI. 


one  or  two  of  Mr.  Weston's,  and  Hobbamock,  still 
seeking  to  make  spoil  of  them  and  theirs.  At  length  162  3. 
they  espied  a  file  of  Indians,  which  made  towards  them 
amain ;  and  there  being  a  small  advantage  in  the 
ground,  by  reason  of  a  hill  near  them,  both  companies 
strove  for  it.  Captain  Standish  got  it ;  whereupon 
they  retreated,  and  took  each  man  his  tree,  letting  fly 
their  arrows  amain,  especially  at  himself  and  Hobba- 
mock. Whereupon  Hobbamock  cast  off  his  coat,  and 
being  a  known  pinese,  (theirs  being  now  killed,)  chased 
them  so  fast,  as  our  people  were  not  able  to  hold  way 
with  him  ;  insomuch  as  our  men  could  have  but  one 
certain  mark,  and  then  but  the  arm  and  half  face  of  a 
notable  villain,  as  he  drew^  at  Captain  Standish  ;  who 
together  with  another  both  discharged  at  once  at  him, 
and  brake  his  arm  ;  whereupon  they  fled  into  a  swamp. 
When  they  were  in  the  thicket,  they  parleyed,  but  to 
small  purpose,  getting  nothing  but  foul  language.  So 
our  Captain  dared  the  sachim  to  come  out  and  fight 
like  a  man,  showing  how  base  and  womanlike  he  was 
in  tonguing  it  as  he  did ;  but  he  refiised,  and  fled. 
So  the  Captain  returned  to  the  plantation ;  where  he 
released  the  women,  and  would  not  take  their  beaver 
coats  from  them,  nor  suffer  .the  least  discourtesy  to  be 
offered  them. 

Now  were  Mr.  Weston's  people  resolved  to  leave 
their  plantation,  and  go  for  Munhiggen,  hoping  to  get 
passage  and  return^  with  the  fishing  ships.  The  Cap- 
tain told  them,  that  for  his  own  part  he  durst  there 
live  with  fewer  men  than  they  were ;  yet  since  they 
were  otherways  minded,  according  to  his  order  from 

'  His  bow.  ^  To  England. 


342  WESTON'S   PLANTATION   BROKEN   UP. 


Mar. 


CHAP,  the  governors  and  people  of  Plymouth,  he  would  help 
^-^  them  with  corn  competent  for  their  provision  by  the 
162  3.  ^yav;  which  he  did,  scarce  leaving  himself  more  than 
brouo^ht   them    home.     Some    of    them    disliked    the 

a 

choice  of  the  body  to  go  to  Munhiggen,  and  therefore 
desiring  to  go  with  him  to  Plymouth,  he  took  them 
into  the  shallop  ;  and  seeing  them  set  sail,  and  clear 
of  the  Massachuset  bay,'  he  took  leave  and  returned  to 
Plymouth  ;  whither  he  came  in  safety,  blessed  be  God ! 
and  brought  the  head  of  Wituwamat  with  him. 

Amongst  the  rest,  there  was  an  Indian  youth,  that 
was  ever  of  a  courteous  and  loving  disposition-  towards 
us.  He,  notwithstanding  the  death  of  his  country- 
men, came  to  the  Captain  without  fear,  saying,  his 
good  conscience  and  love  towards  us  imboldened  him 
so  to  do.  This  youth  confessed,  that  the  Indians  in- 
tended to  kill  Mr.  Weston's  people,  and  not  to  delay 
any  longer  than  till  they  had  two  more  canoes  or  boats, 

'  "Thus  this  plantation  is  broken  in  the  bottom  of  the  bay  betweea 

up  in  a  year;  and  this  is  the  end  of  Pascataquak  and  Merrimak  river, 

those  who  being  all  able  men,  had  and   hardly  escapes  with  his  life, 

boasted  of  their  strength  and  what  Afterwards  he  falls  into  the  hands 

they  would  bring  to  pass,  in  com-  of  the  Indians,  who  pillage  him  of 

parison  of  the  people  at  Plymouth,  all  he  saved  from  the  sea,  and  strip 

who  had   many  women,  children,  him  of  all  his  clothes  to  his  shirt, 

and   weak  ones   with   them ;  and  At  length  he  gets  to  Pascataquak, 

said   at   their  first   arrival,    when  borrows    a    suit  of  clothes,   finds 

they  saw  the  wants  at  Plymouth,  means  to  come  to  Plymouth,  and 

ihatthey  would  take  another  course,  desires  to  borrow  some  beaver  of 

and  not  fall  into  such  a  condition  us.     Notwithstanding   our  straits, 

as  this  simple  people  were  come  to."  yet  in  consideration  of  his  neces- 

Bradford,  in  Prince,  p.  214,  and  in  sity,  we  let  him  have  one  hundred 

Morton,  p.  92.  and  seventy  odd  pounds  of  beaver, 

"  Shortly  after  Mr.  Weston's  peo-  with  which  he  goes  to  the  east- 
pie  went  to  the  eastward,  he  comes  ward,  stays  his  small  ship  and 
there  himself  with  some  of  the  fish-  some  of  his  men,  buys  provisions 
ermen,  under  another  name  and  and  fits  himself,  which  is  the  foun- 
disguise  of  a  blacksmith ;  where  dation  of  his  future  courses ;  and 
he  hears  the  ruin  of  his  plantation  ;  yet  never  repaid  us  any  thing  save 
and  getting  a  shallop  with  a  man  reproaches,  and  becomes  our  ene- 
or  two  comes  on  to  see  how  things  my  on  all  occasions."  Bradford,  in 
are;  hut  in  a  storm  is  cast  away  Prince,  p.  216.     See  note' on  p.  78. 


THE  INDIAN   PLOT   CONFESSED.  343 


which  Mr.  Weston's  men  would  have  finished  by  this  chap. 
time,  having  made  them  three  ah'eady,  had  not  the  ^^ 
Captain  prevented  them  ;  and  the  end  of  stay  for  those  162  3. 
boats  was  to  take  their  ship  therewith. 

Now  was  the  Captain  returned  and  received  with 
joy,  the  head  being  brouglit  to  the  fort,  and  there  set 
up.^  The  governors  and  captains  with  divers  others 
went  up  the  same  further,  to  examine  the  prisoner, 
who  looked  piteously  on  the  head.  Being  asked 
whether  he  knew  it,  he  answered.  Yea.  Then  he 
confessed  the  plot,  and  that  all  the  people  provoked 
Obtakiest,  their  sachim,  thereunto,  being  drawn  to  it 
by  their  importunity.  Five  there  were,  he  said,  that 
prosecuted  it  with  more  eagerness  than  the  rest.  The 
two  principal  were  killed,  being  Pecksuot  and  Witu- 
wamat,  whose  head  was  there  ;  the  other  three  were 
powahs,  being  yet  living,  and  known  unto  us,  though 
one  of  them  was  wounded,  as  aforesaid.  For  himself, 
he  would  not  acknowledge  that  he  had  any  hand 
therein,  begging  earnestly  for  his  life,  saying  he  was 
not  a  Massachuset  man,  but  as  a  stranger  lived  with 
them.  Hobbamock  also  gave  a  good  report  of  him, 
and  besought  for  him  ;  but  was  bribed  so  to  do.  Nev- 
ertheless, that  we  might  show  mercy  as  well  as  ex- 
tremity, the  Governor  released  him,  and  the  rather, 
because  we  desired  he  might  carry  a  message  to  Ob- 
takiest, his  master.  No  sooner  were  the  irons  from 
his  legs,  but  he  would  have  been  gone  ;  but  the  Gover- 

1  "  This    may    excite    in    some  year  1747,  the  heads  of  the  lords 

minds  an  objection  to  the  humanity  who  were  concerned  in  the  Scots 

of  our  forefathers.     The  reason  as-  rebellion  were  set  up  over  Temple 

signed  for   it   was    that  it  might  Bar,  the  most  frequented   passage 

prove  a  terror  to  others.     In  mat-  between    London    and  Westmin- 

ters  of  war  and  public  justice,  they  ster."     Belknap's    Am.    Biog.    ii. 

observed  the  customs  and  laws  of  326. 
the  English  nation.    As  late  as  the 


344  A   MESSAGE  TO  OBTAKIEST. 

CHAP,  nor  bid  him  stay,  and  fear  not,  for  he  should  receive 


XXI. 


no  hurt ;  and  by  Hobbamock  commanded  him  to  de- 
162  3.  Hver  this  message  to  his  master  :  That  for  our  parts  it 

Mar.  . 

never  entered  into  our  hearts  to  take  such  a  course 
with  them,  till  their  own  treachery  enforced  us  there- 
unto, and  therefore  they  might  thank  themselves  for 
their  own  overthrow  ;  yet  since  he  had  begun,  if  again 
by  any  the  like  courses  he  did  provoke  him,  his  coun- 
try should  not  hold  him  ;  for  he  would  never  suffer 
him  or  his  to  rest  in  peace,  till  he  had  utterly  con- 
sumed them ;  and  therefore  should  take  this  as  a 
'  warning;  further,  that  he  should  send  to  Patuxet 
the  three  Englishmen  he  had,  and  not  kill  them ;  also 
that  he  should  not  spoil  the  pale  and  houses  at  Wicha- 
guscusset ;  and  that  this  messenger  should  either  bring 
the  English,  or  an  answer,  or  both ;  promising  his  safe 
return. 

This  message  was  delivered,  and  the  party  would 
have  returned  with  [an]  answer,  but  was  at  first  dis- 
suaded by  them,  whom  afterwards  they  would,  but 
could  not  persuade  to  come  to  us.  At  length,  though 
long,  a  woman  came  and  told  us,  that  Obtakiest  was 
sorry  that  the  English  were  killed,  before  he  heard 
from  the  Governor ;  otherwise  he  would  have  sent 
them.  Also  she  said,  he  would  fain  make  his  peace 
again  with  us ;  but  none  of  his  men  durst  come  to 
treat  about  it,  having  forsaken  his  dwelling,  and  daily 
removed  from  place  to  place,  expecting  when  we 
would  take  further  vengeance  on  him. 

Concerning  those  other  people,  that  intended  to 
join  with  the  Massacheuseuks  against  us,  though  we 
never  went  against  any  of  them ;  yet  this  sudden  and 
unexpected  execution,  together  with  the  just  judgment 


THE  EFFECTS  OF   STANDISH'S   EXPEDITION.  345 

of  God  upon  their  guilty  consciences,  hath  so  terri-  chap. 
fied  and  amazed  them,  as  in  like  manner  they  for-  — v-^ 
sook  their  houses,  running;  to  and  fro  like  men  distract-  IJ^^^- 

,    ,.    .         .  Mar. 

ed,  living  in  swamps  and  other  desert  places,  and  so 

brought  manifold  diseases  amongst  themselves,  where- 
of very  many  are  dead ;  as  Canacum,  the  sachim 
of  Manomet,  Aspinet,  the  sachim  of  Nauset,  and  la- 
nough,  sachim  of  Mattachiest.  This  sachim  in  his 
life,  in  the  midst  of  these  distractions,  said  the  God  of 
the  English  was  offended  with  them,  and  would  de- 
stroy them  in  his  anger  ;  and  certainly  it  is  strange  to 
hear  how  many  of  late  have,  and  still  daily  die  amongst 
them.  Neither  is  there  any  likelihood  it  will  easily 
cease  ;  because  through  fear  they  set  little  or  no  corn, 
which  is  the  staff  of  life,  and  without  which  they  can- 
not long  preserve  health  and  strength.  From  one  of 
these  places  a  boat  was  sent  with  presents  to  the 
Governor,  hoping  thereby  to  work  their  peace ;  but 
the  boat  was  cast  away,  and  three  of  the  persons 
drowned,  not  far  from  our  Plantation.  Only  one  escap- 
ed, who  durst  not  come  to  us,  but  returned ;  so  as 
none  of  them  dare  come  amongst  us. 

I  fear  I  have  been  too  tedious  both  in  this  and  other 
things.  Yet  when  I  considered  how  necessary  a  thing 
it  is  that  the  truth  and  grounds  of  this  action  especially 
should  be  made  known,  and  the  several  dispositions  of 
that  dissolved  colony,  whose  reports  undoubtedly  will 
be  as  various,  I  could  not  but  enlarge  myself  where  I 
thought  to  be  most  brief.  Neither  durst  I  be  too  brief, 
lest  I  should  eclipse  and  rob  God  of  that  honor,  glory, 
and  praise,  which  belongeth  to  him  for  preserving  us 
from  falling  when  we  w^ere  at  the  pit's  brim,  and  yet 
feared  nor  knew  not  that  we  were  in  danger. 
44 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

OF  THE  FIRST  ALLOTMENT  OF  LANDS,  AND  THE  DISTRESSED 
STATE  OF  THE  COLONY. 

CHAP.      The  month  of  April  beine:  now  come,  on  all  hands 

XXII  ^ 

— ^  we  began  to  prepare  for  corn.  And  because  there  was 
162  3.  no  corn  left  before  this  time,  save  that  was  preserved 
'  for  seed,  being  also  hopeless  of  relief  by  supply,  we 
thought  best  to  leave  off  all  other  works,  and  pro- 
secute that  as  most  necessary.  And  because  there 
was  110^  small  hope  of  doing  good,  in  that  common 
course  of  labor  that  formerly  we  were  in  f  for  that  the 
governors,  that  followed  men  to  their  labors,  had  no- 
thing to  give  men  for  their  necessities,  and  therefore 
could  not  so  well  exercise  that  command  over  them 
therein,  as  formerly  they  had  done  ;  especially  con- 
sidering that  self-love  wherewith  every  man,  in  a 
measure  more  or  less,  loveth  and  preferreth  his  own 
good  before  his  neighbour's,  and  also  the  base  disposi- 
tion of  some  drones,  that,  as  at  other  times,  so  now 
especially  would  be  most  burdenous  to  the  rest ;  it  was 
therefore  thought  best  that  every  man  should  use  the 


'  The  word  710  appears  to  be  an        ^  See  note  ^  on  page  S4. 
error  of  the  press.     F. 


THE  FIRST  ALLOTMENT  OF   LAND.  347 

best  diligence  he  could  for  his  own  preservation,  both  chap. 


XXII. 


in  respect  of  the  time  present,  and  to  prepare  his  own 
corn  for  the  year  following;  and  bring  in  a  competent  162  3. 
portion  for  the  maintenance  of  public  officers,  fisher- 
men, &c.,  which  could  not  be  freed  from  their  calling 
without  greater  inconveniences.  This  course  was  to 
continue  till  harvest,  and  then  the  governors  to  gather 
in  the  appointed  portion,  for  the  maintenance  of  them- 
selves and  such  others  as  necessity  constrained  to 
exempt  from  this  condition.  Only  if  occasion  served, 
upon  any  special  service  they  might  employ  such  as 
they  thought  most  fit  to  execute  the  same,  during  this 
appointed  time,  and  at  the  end  thereof  all  men  to  be 
employed  by  them  in  such  service  as  they  thought 
most  necessary  for  the  general  good.  And  because 
there  is  great  difference  in  the  ground,  that  therefore  a 
set  quantity  should  be  set  down  for  a  person,  and  each 
man  to  have  his  fall  by  lot,*  as  being  most  just  and 
equal,  and  against  which  no  man  could  except. 

At  a  general  meeting  of  the  company,  many  courses 
were  propounded,  but  this  approved  and  followed,  as 
being  the  most  likely  for  the  present  and  future  good 
of  the  company ;  and  therefore  before  this  month 
began  to  prepare  our  ground  against  seed-time. 

In  the  midst  of  April  we  began  to  set,  the  weather 
being  then  seasonable,  which  much  encouraged  us, 
giving  us  good  hopes  of  after  plenty.  The  setting 
season  is  good  till  the  latter  end  of  May.  But  it 
pleased  God,  for  our  further  chastisement,  to  send  a 
great  drought ;  insomuch  as  in  six  weeks  after  the 

'  This   allotment  was  only  for  lot,  as  before,  he  gives  every  person 

one  year.    In  the  spring  of  the  next  an   acre    of   land."     Bradford,    in 

year,  1623-4,  "  the  people  request-  Prince,  pp.  215  and  226.     See  this 

ing  the  Governor  to  have  some  land  latter  allotment  in  Hazard,  i.  100, 

for  continuance,  and  not  by  yearly  and  in  Morton,  p.  376. 


348  DROUGHT  AND   FAMINE. 

CHAP,  latter  setting  there  scarce  fell  any  rain  ;  so  that  the 

ii^  stalk  of  that  was  first  set  began  to  send  forth  the  ear, 

162  3.  before  it  came  to  half  growth,  and  that  which  was 

'^"^^'  later,  not  like  to  yield  any  at  all,  both  blade  and  stalk 

hanging  the  head,  and  changing    the    color   in  such 

manner,  as  we  judged  it  utterly  dead.     Our  beans  also 

ran  not  up  according  to  their   wonted  manner,   but 

stood  at  a  stay,  many  being  parched  away,  as  though 

they  had  been  scorched  before  the  fire.     Now  were 

our  hopes  overthrown,   and  we  discouraged,  our  joy 

being  turned  into  mourning.^ 

To  add  also  to  this  sorrowful  estate  in  which  we 
were,  we  heard  of  a  supply  that  was  sent  unto  us 
many  months  since,  which  having  two  repulses  before, 
was  a  third  time  in  company  of  another  ship  three 
hundred  leagues  at  sea,  and  now  in  three  months  time 
heard  no  further  of  her ;  only  the  signs  of  a  wreck 
were  seen  on  the  coast,  which  could  not  be  judged  to 
be  any  other  than  the  same.^     So  that  at  once  God 

'  "  But  by  the  time  our  corn  is  divide  among  the   company ;  and 

planted,    our  victuals    are    spent,  in  the  winter  are  helped  with  fowl 

not  knowing  at    night  where   to  and    ground-nuts."      Bradford,    in 

have  a  bit  in  the    morning,  and  Prince,  p.  216. 

have   neither  bread  nor   corn    for        *  "At  length  we  receive  letters 

three  or  four  months  together,  yet  from  the  adventurers  in  England 

bear  our  wants  with  cheerfulness  of  December  22  and  April  9  last, 

and  rest  on  providence.     Having  wherein  they  say,  '  It  rejoiceth  us 

but  one  boat  left,   we    divide  the  much  to  hear  those  good   reports 

men  into    several  companies,  six  that  divers  have  brought  home  of 

or  seven  in  each  ;  who  take  their  you;' and  give  an  account,  that  last 

turns  to  go  out  with   a   net   and  fall,  a  ship,   the  Paragon,    sailed 

fish,  and   return  not  till  they  get  from  London  with  passengers,  for 

some,  though  they  be  five  or   six  New  Plymouth  ;  being  fitted  out 

days  out ;  knowing  there  is  nothing  by  Mr.  John  Pierce,  in  whose  name 

at  home,    and    to    return     empty  our  first  patent  was  taken,  his  name 

Avould  be  a  great  discouragement,  being  only  used  in  trust;  but  when 

When   they  stay  long  or  get  but  he  saw  we  were  here    hopefully 

little,  the  rest  go  a  digging  shell-  seated,  and  by   the  success    God 

fish;  and   thus  we  live  the  sum-  gave  us,  had   obtained  favor  with 

mer ;    only   sending    one    or    two  the  Council  for  New  England,  he 

to  range  the  woods  for  deer,  they  gets  another  patent  of  a  larger  ex- 

now  and  then  get  one,  which  we  tent,  meaning  to  keep  it  to  him- 


THE   FIRST   FAST.  349 

seemed  to  deprive  us  of  all  future  hopes.     The  most  chap. 

XXII 

courageous  were  now  discouraged,  because  God,  which  — v^l- 
hitherto  had  been  our  only  shield  and  supporter,  now  1623. 
seemed  in  his  anger  to  arm  himself  against  us.     And 
who  can  withstand  the  fierceness  of  his  wrath  ? 

These  and  the  like  considerations  moved  not  only 
every  good  man  privately  to  enter  into  examination 
with  his  own  estate  between  God  and  his  conscience, 
and  so  to  humiliation  before  him,  but  also  more 
solemnly  to  humble  ourselves  together  before  the  Lord 
by  fasting  and  prayer.  To  that  end  a  day  was  ap- 
pointed by  public  authority,  and  set  apart  from  all 
other  employments  ;  hoping  that  the  same  God,  which 
had  stirred  us  up  hereunto,  would  be  moved  hereby  in 
mercy  to  look  down  upon  us,  and  grant  the  request  of 
our  dejected  souls,  if  our  continuance  there  might  any 
way  stand  with  his  glory  and  our  good.  But,  O 
the  mercy  of  our  God  !  w4io  was  as  ready  to  hear,  as 
we  to  ask ;  for  though  in  the  morning,  when  we  as- 
sembled together,  the  heavens  were  as  clear,  and  the 
drought  as  like  to  continue  as  ever  it  was,  yet,  (our  ex- 
ercise continuing  some  eight  or  nine  hours,)  before  our 

self,  allow  us  only  what  he  pleas-  return  to  Portsmouth,  having  109 
ed,  hold  us  as  his  tenants  and  sue  souls  aboard,  with  Mr.  Pierce  him- 
to  his  courts  as  chief  lord.  But  self.  Upon  which  great  and  repeat- 
meeting  with  tempestuous  storms  ed  loss  and  disappointment,  he  is 
in  the  Downs,  the  ship  is  so  bruised  prevailed  upon  for  £500  to  resign 
and  leaky  that  in  fourteen  days  she  his  patent  to  the  Company,  which 
returned  to  London,  was  forced  to  cost  him  but  £50;  and  the  goods 
be  put  into  the  dock,  £100  laid  out  with  charge  of  passengers  in  this 
to  mend  her,  and  lay  six  or  seven  ship  cost  the  Company  £640,  for 
weeks  to  December  22,  before  she  which  they  were  forced  to  hire 
sailed  a  second  time;  but  being  another  ship,  namely,  the  Ann,  of 
half  way  over,  met  with  extreme  140  tons,  to  transport  them,  name- 
tempestuous  weather  about  the  ly,  60  passengers  with  60  tons  of 
iniddle  of  February  which  held  goods,  hoping  to  sail  by  the  end  of 
fourteen  days,  beat  off  the  round  April."  Bradford,  in  Prince,  pp. 
house  with  all  her  upper  works,  217,  218. 
obliged  them  to  cut  her  mast  and 


350  SEASONABLE   SHOWERS. 

CHAP,  departure,  the  weather  was  overcast,  the  clouds  gath- 
-^—  ered  together  on  all  sides,  and  on  the  next  morning 
16  2  3.  distilled  such  soft,  sweet,  and  moderate  showers  of 
rain,  continuing  some  fourteen  days,  and  mixed  with 
such  seasonable  weather,  as  it  was  hard  to  say  whether 
our  withered  corn,  or  drooping  affections,  were  most 
quickened  or  revived  ;  such  was  the  bounty  and  good- 
ness of  our  God.  Of  this  the  Indians,  by  means  of 
Hobbamock,'  took  notice  ;  who  being  then  in  the  town, 
and  this  exercise  in  the  midst  of  the  week,  said,  It 
was  but  three  days  since  Sunday  ;  and  therefore  de- 
manded of  a  boy,  what  was  the  reason  thereof.  Which 
when  he  knew,  and  saw  what  effects  followed  there- 
upon, he  and  all  of  them  admired  the  goodness  of  our 
God  towards  us,  that  wrought  so  great  a  change  in  so 
short  a  time  ;  showing  the  difference  between  their 
conjuration,  and  our  invocation  on  the  name  of  God 
for  rain  ;  theirs  being  mixed  with  such  storms  and 
tempests,  as  sometimes,  instead  of  doing  them  good,  it 
layeth  the  corn  flat  on  the  ground,  to  their  prejudice  ; 
but  ours  in  so  gentle  and  seasonable  a  manner,  as  they 
nev'cr  observed  the  like. 

At  the  same  time  Captain  Standish,  being  formerly 
employed  by  the  Governor  to  buy  provisions  for  the 
refreshing  of  the  Colony,  returned  with  the  same,  ac- 
companied with  one  Mr.  David  Tomson,^  a  Scotch- 

'  This  is  the  last  time  that  Hob-  tion,  and  also  in  his  practice,  re- 

baraock's  name  occurs  in  the  his-  forming  and   conforming    himself 

tory  of  the  Colony.     His  services  accordingly;  and   though   he  was 

to  the  infant  settlement  had  been  much    tempted     by     enticements, 

very  important,  and  in  the  allot-  scoffs,  and  scorns  from  the  Indians, 

ment  of  the  land  in  1624,  mention  yet  could  he  never  be  gotten  from 

is  made  of  "  Hobbamock's  ground."  the  English,  nor  from  seeking  after 

In    New  England's  First    Fruits,  their  God,  but  died  amongst  them, 

published  in  London  in  1643,  he  is  leaving  some  good  hopes  in  their 

described  as  follows  :  "  As  he  in-  hearts  that  his  soul  went  to  rest." 

creased  in  knowledge,  so  in  aifec-  ^  David  Thomson  was  sent  over 


PUBLIC  THANKSGIVING.  351 

man,  who  also  that  spring  began  a  plantation  twenty-  chap. 
five  leajrues  northeast  from  us,  near  Smith's  islcs,^  at  a  — ^-^ 

16  2  3. 

place  called  Pascatoquack,  where  he  liketh  well.  Now  July.* 
also  heard  we  of  the  third  repulse  that  our  supply  had,^ 
of  their  safe,  though  dangerous,  return  into  England, 
and  of  their  preparation  to  come  to  us.  So  that  hav- 
ing these  many  signs  of  God's  favor  and  acceptation, 
we  thought  it  would  be  great  ingratitude,  if  secretly 
we  should  smother  up  the  same,  or  content  ourselves 
with  private  thanksgiving  for  that,  which  by  private 
prayer  could  not  be  obtained.  And  therefore  another 
solemn  day  was  set  apart  and  appointed  for  that  end  ; 
wherein  we  returned  glory,  honor,  and  praise,  with  all 
thankfulness,  to  our  good  God,  which  dealt  so  gra- 
ciously with  us  ;  whose  name  for  these  and  all  other 
his  mercies  towards  his  church  and  chosen  ones,  by 
them  be  blessed  and  praised,  now  and  evermore. 
Amen. 

In  the  latter  end  of  July,  and  the  beginning  of  Au-  Aug. 
gust,    came    two   ships   with   supply   unto   us ;    who 
brought  all  their  passengers,^  except  one,  in  health, 

by  Gorges  and  Mason  in  the  spring  bard,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xv.  105 ; 
of  1623,  and  commenced  a  settle-  and  see  Adams's  Annals  of  Ports- 
ment  at  a  place  called  Little  Har-  mouth,  p.  10. 
bour,  on  the  west  side  of  Piscata-  '  So  called  after  himself,  by 
qua  river,  near  its  mouth.  After-  .Captain  John  Smith,  who  discov- 
wards,  in  1626,  or  later,  out  ofdis-  ered  them  in  1614.  He  thus  de- 
like  of  the  place  or  his  employers,  scribes  them  :  "  Smyth's  Isles  are 
he  removed  to  Boston  harbour,  and  a  heap  together,  none  near  them, 
took  possession  of  "  a  fruitful  island  against  Accominticus."  They  are 
and  very  desirable  neck  of  land,"  eight  in  number,  and  are  now  call- 
which  were  afterwaids  confirmed  ed  the  Isles  of  Shoals.  See  a  de- 
to  him  or  his  heirs  by  the  govern-  scription  and  historical  account  of 
ment  of  Massachusetts.  This  neck  them  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  vii.  242 — 
of  land  was  Squantum,  in  Dorches-  262  ;  xxvi.  120. 
^r,  and  the  island,  which  is  very  ^  "  Governor  Bradford  gives  no 
near  it,  has  ever  since  been  called  hint  of  this  third  repulse."  Prince, 
by  his  name.     It  is  now  the  seat  of  p.  219. 

the  Farm  School.     Compare  Sav-  '  The    following    is    an  alpha- 
age's  Winthrop,  i.  44,  with  Hub-  betical    list    of  those  who    came 


352 


A   NEW   SUPPLY    OF   COLONISTS. 


CHAP,  who  recovered  in  short  time  ;  who,  also,  notwithstand- 
^-^v~  iiiir  all  our  wants  and  hardship,  blessed  be  God ! 
fiss.  found  not  anyone  sick  person  amongst  us  at  the  Plan- 


Aug 


over  in  the  Anne  and  Little  James. 

Anthony  Annable,  Edward  Holinan, 
Edward  Hangs,       John  .liMiny, 
Robert  BartkHt,      Robert  Long, 
Fear  Hrewsler,        E.xperience      Mit- 
Patienco  Ikewstcr,      chell, 
Mary  Bucket,  George  Morton, 

Edward  Hurcher,    Thomas  !\Iorton,jr. 
Tlionias  Clarke,      Ellen  Newton, 
ChrislopherConant.John  Oldham, 
CiithbcrtCuthbert-  Frances  Paliiier, 

son.  Christian  Penn, 

Anthony  Dix,  Mr.   Perce's  two 

John  Faunce,  servants, 

Manassph  Faunce,  Joshua  Pratt, 
Good  wife  FlavcU,  James  Rand, 
Edmund  Flood,       Robert  Rattliffo, 
Bridget  Fuller,        Nicholas  Snow, 
Timothy  Hatherlj'',  Alice  Southworth, 
William  Heard,       Francis  Sprarrue, 
Mariraret  Hickes,   Barbara  Standisli, 

and  lier  children,  Thomas  Tilden, 
AVilliam  Hilton's     Stephen  Tracy, 

wife   and   two     Ralph  Wallen. 

ciiildren, 

This  list,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
passen£;ers  in  the  Fortune,  is  ob- 
tained from  the  record  of  the  allot- 
ment of  lands,  in  1624,  which  may 
be  found  in  Hazard's  State  Papers, 
i.  101—103,  and  in  the  Appendix 
to  Morton's  Memorial,  pp.  377 — 
380.  In  that  list,  however,  Fran- 
cis Cooke  and  Richard  Warren's 
names  are  repeated,  although  they 
came  in  the  Mayflower;  probably 
because  their  wives  and  children 
came  in  the  Ann,  and  therefore  an 
additional  grant  of  land  Avas  made 
to  them.  Many  others  brought 
their  families  in  this  ship;  and 
Bradford  says  that"  some  were  the 
wives  and  children  of  such  who 
came  before." 

Fear  and  Patience  Brewster  were 
daughters  of  Elder  Brewster. 
Thomas  Clark's  gravestone  is  one 
of  the  oldest  on  the  Burial  hill  in 
Plymouth.  See  note  -  on  page  160. 
Francis  Cooke's  wife,  Hester,  was 
a  Walloon,  and  Cuthbert  Cuthbert- 


son  was  a  Dutchman,  as  we  leara 
from  Winslow's  Brief  Narrative. 
Anthony  Dix  is  mentioned  in  Win- 
thro]),  i.  2S7.  Goodwife  FlavcU 
was  probably  the  wife  of  Thomas, 
who  came  in  the  Fortune,  and 
Bridget  Fuller  was  the  wife  of 
Samuel,  the  physician.  Timothy 
Hathcrly  went  to  England  the  next 
winter,  and  did  not  return  till 
1632  ;  he  settled  in  Scituate.  Mar- 
garet Hicks  was  the  wife  of  Rob- 
ert, who  came  in  the  Fortune. 
William  Hilton  (see  page  251)  had 
sent  for  his  wife  and  children. 
George  Morton  brought  his  son, 
Nathaniel,  the  secretary,  and  four 
other  children.  Thomas  Morton, 
jr.  was  the  son  of  Thomas,  who 
came  in  the  Fortune.  John  Old- 
ham afterwards  became  notorious 
in  the  history  of  the  Colony.  Fran- 
ces Palmer  was  the  wife  of  Wil- 
liam, who  came  in  the  Fortune. 
Phinchas  Pratt  had  a  lot  of  land 
assigned  him  among  those  who 
came  in  the  Ann  ;  but  he  was  un- 
doubtedly one  of  Weston's  colony, 
as  appears  from  page  332.  Bar- 
bara Standish  was  the  Captain's 
second  wit'"e,  whom  he  married 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Ann.  Her 
maiden  name  is  unknown. 

Annable  afterwards  settled  in 
Scituate,  Mitchell  in  Duxbury  and 
Bridgewater,  Bangs  and  Snow  in 
Eastham,and  Sprague  in  Duxbury. 
John  Jenny,  in  1636,  had  "liberty 
to  erect  a  mill  for  grinding  and 
beating  of  corn  upon  the  brook  of 
Plymouth." 

Those  who  came  in  the  first 
three  ships,  the  Mayflower,  the 
Fortune,  and  the  Ann,  are  distinc- 
tively called  the  old  comers,  or  the 
forefathers.  See  pages  121  and 
235.  For  further  particulars  con- 
cerning them,  see  Farmer's  Genea- 
logical Register,  Mitchell's  Bridge- 
water,  and  Deane's  Scituate. 


ARRIVAL   OF  THE  THIRD   SHIP. 


353 


tation.     The  bigger  ship,  called  the  Anne/  was  hired,  chap. 
and  there  again  freighted   back  f  from  whence  we  set  ^^■ 
sail   the    10th  of  September.     The  lesser,  called  the  1623. 
Little   James,^  was    built   for   the   company  at  their     ^^ ' 
charge.^     She  was  now  also  fitted  for  trade  and  dis- 
covery  to  the   southward   of  Cape   Cod,    and    almost 
ready  to  set  sail ;  whom   I   pray  God  to  bless  in  her 
good  and  lawful  proceedings. 


'  "Mr.  William  Pierce,  master." 
Bradford,  in  Prince,  p.  220. 

*  "  Being  laden  with  clapboards, 
and  all  the  beaver  and  oiher  furs 
we  have;  wiih  whom  we  send  Mr. 
Wini^low,  to  inform  how  things 
are  and  procure  what  we  want." 
Bradford,  in  Prince,  p.  221. 

^  "  A  fine  new  vessel  of  44  tons, 
Mr.  Bridges,  master."  Bradford,  in 
Prince,  p.  220. 

*  ''  They  bring  about  60  persons, 
some  being  very  useful  and  be- 
come good  members  of  the  body; 
of  whom  the  principal  are  IVlr. 
Timothy  Hatherly  and  Mr.  George 
Morton,  who  came  in  the  Ann,  and 
Mr.  John  Jenny,  who  came  in  the 
James.  Some  were  the  wives  and 
children  of  such  who  came  before; 
and  some  others  are  so  bad  we  are 
forced  to  be  at  the  charge  to  send 
them  home  next  year. 

"  By  this  ship  R.  C.  [i.  e.  doubt- 
less Mr.  Cushman,  their  agent] 
writes.  Some  few  of  your  old  friends 
are  come;  they  come  dropping  to 
you,  and  by  degrees  I  hope  ere  long 
you  shall  enjoy  ihem  all,  &c. 

"  From  the  general,  [that  is,  the 
joint  concern,  the  company]  sub- 
scribed by  thirteen,  we  have  also  a 
letter  wherein  they  say.  Let  it  not 
be  grievous  to  you,  that  you  have 
been  instruments  to  break  the  ice 
for  others  who  come  after  with  less 
difficulty ;  the  honor  shall  be  yours 


to  the  world's  end.  We  bear  you 
always  in  our  breasts,  and  our 
hearty  affection  is  towards  you  all, 
as  are  the  hearts  of  hundreds  more 
which  never  saw  your  faces,  who 
doubtless  pray  your  safety  as  their 
own. 

"  When  these  passengers  see  our 
poor  and  low  condition  ashore,  they 
are  much  dismayed  and  full  of  sad- 
ness; only  our  old  friends  rejoice 
to  see  us,  and  that  it  is  no  worse, 
and  now  hope  we  shall  enjoy  better 
days  together.  The  best  dish  we 
could  present  them  with,  is  a  lob- 
ster, or  piece  offish,  without  bread, 
or  any  thing  else  but  a  cup  of  fair 
spring  water;  and  the  long  con- 
tinuance of  tins  diet,  with  our  la- 
bors abroad,  has  somewhat  abated 
the  freshness  of  our  complexion; 
but  God  gives  us  health,  &c. 

"August  14.  The  fourth  mar- 
riage is  of  Governor  Bradford  to 
Mrs.  Alice  Souihworth,  widow." 
Bradford,  in  Prince,  pp.  220,  221. 
Her  maiden  name  was  Carpenter, 
as  appears  from  the  following  en- 
try in  the  records  of  the  Plymouth 
Cnurch  :  "1667.  Mary  Carpenter, 
(sister  of  Mrs.  Alice  Bradford,  the 
wife  of  Governor  Bradford,)  a  mem- 
ber of  the  church  at  Duxbury,  died 
in  Plymouth,  March  19-20,  being 
newly  entered  into  the  91st  year  of 
her  age.  She  was  a  godly  old 
maid,  never  married." 


45 


CHAPTER     XXIII. 

OF    THE    MANNERS,    CUSTOMS,    RELIGIOUS    OPINIONS    AND 
CEREMONIES    OF    THE    INDIANS. 

CHAP.      Thus  have  I  made  a  true  and  full  narration  of  the 

XXIII. 

-''-^  state  of  our  Plantation,  and  such  things  as  were  most 
1623.  remarkable  therein  since  December,  1621.  If  I  have 
omitted  any  thing,  it  is  either  through  weakness  of 
memory,  or  because  I  judged  it  not  material.  I  con- 
fess my  style  rude,  and  unskilfulness  in  the  task  I 
undertook ;  being  urged  thereunto  by  opportunity, 
which  I  knew  to  be  wanting  in  others,  and  but  for 
which  1  would  not  have  undertaken  the  same.  Yet 
as  it  is  rude,  so  it  is  plain,  and  therefore  the  easier  to 
be  understood  ;  wherein  others  may  see  that  which  we 
arc  bound  to  acknowledge,  viz.  that  if  ever  any  peo- 
ple in  these  later  ages  were  upheld  by  the  providence 
of  God  after  a  more  special  manner  than  others,  then 
we ;  and  therefore  are  the  more  bound  to  celebrate  the 
memory  of  his  goodness  with  everlasting  thankfulness. 
For  in  these  forenamed  straits,  such  was  our  state,  as 
in  the  morning  we  had  often  our  food  to  seek  for  the 
day,  and  yet  performed  the  duties  of  our  callings,  I 
mean  other  daily  labors,  to  provide  for  after  time  ; 
and  though  at  some  times  in  some  seasons  at  noon  I 


RELIGION  OF  THE   INDIANS.  355 

have  seen  men  stagger  by  reason  of  faintness  for  want  chap. 
of  food,  jet  ere  night,  by  the  good  providence  and  bless-  -^^^ 
ing  of  God,  we  have  enjoyed  such  plenty  as  though  the  1623. 
windows  of  heaven  had  been  opened  unto  us.  How 
few,  weak,  and  raw  were  we  at  our  first  beginning, 
and  there  settling,  and  in  the  midst  of  barbarous  ene- 
mies !  Yet  God  wrought  our  peace  for  us.  How  often 
have  we  been  at  the  pit's  brim,  and  in  danger  to  be 
swallowed  up,  yea,  not  knowing  till  afterward  that 
we  were  in  peril!  And  yet  God  preserved  us;  yea, 
and  from  how  many  that  we  yet  know  not  of,  He  that 
knoweth  all  things  can  best  tell.  So  that  when  I  se- 
riously consider  of  things,  I  cannot  but  think  that  God 
hath  a  purpose  to  give  that  land  as  an  inheritance  to 
our  nation,  and  great  pity  it  were  that  it  should  long 
lie  in  so  desolate  a  state,  considering  it  agreeth  so  well 
with  the  constitution  of  our  bodies,  being  both  fertile, 
and  so  temperate  for  heat  and  cold,  as  in  that  respect 
one  can  scarce  distinguish  New  England  from  Old. 

A  few  things  I  thought  meet  to  add  hereunto,  which 
I  have  observed  amongst  the  Indians,  both  touching 
their  religion  and  sundry  other  customs  amongst  them. 
And  first,  whereas  myself  and  others,  in  former  letters, 
(which  came  to  the  press  against  my  will  and  know- 
ledge,) wrote  that  the  Indians  about  us  are  a  people 
without  any  religion,  or  knowledge  of  any  God,' 
therein  I  erred,  though  we  could  then  gather  no  bet- 
ter;  for  as  they  conceive  of  many  divine  powers,  so  of 
one,  whom  they  call  Kiehtan,~  to  be  the  principal  and 
maker  of  all  the  rest,  and  to  be  made  by  none.  He,  they 
say,  created  the  heavens,  earth,  sea  and  all  creatures 

'   See  page  233.  antiquity;  for  Chi.se  is  an  old  man, 

*  The     meaning    of    the    word     and /uf/ic/jwe  a  man  that  exceedeth 
Kiehtan,  I  think,  hath  reference  to    in  age.  —  Wmslow^s  Note. 


356  KIEHTAN,  THE   INDIAN   GOD. 

CHAP,  contained  therein  ;    also  that  he  made  one  man  and 

XXIII 

^  one  woman,  of  whom  they  and  we  and  all  mankind 

1623.  came;'  but  how  they  became  so  far  dispersed,  that 
know  they  not.  At  first,  they  say,  there  was  no  sa- 
chim  or  king,  but  Kiehtan,  who  dwelleth  above  in  the 
heavens,  whither  all  good  men  go  when  they  die,  to 
see  their  friends,  and  have  their  fill  of  all  things.  This 
his  habitation  lieth  far  westward  in  the  heavens,  they 
say  ;  thither  the  bad  men  go  also,  and  knock  at  his 
door,  but  he  bids  them  qiiatchet,  that  is  to  say,  walk 
abroad,  for  there  is  no  place  for  such  ;  so  that  they 
wander  in  restless  want  and  penury.^  Never  man  saw 
this  Kiehtan  ;  only  old  men  tell  them  of  him,  and  bid 
them  tell  their  children,  yea  to  charge  them  to  teach 
their  posterities  the  same,  and  lay  the  like  charge  upon 
them.  This  power  they  acknowledge  to  be  good  ;  and 
when  they  would  obtain  any  great  matter,  meet  to- 
gether and  cry  unto  him  ;  and  so  likewise  for  plenty, 
victory,  &c.  sing,  dance,  feast,  give  thanks,  and  hang 
up  garlands  and  other  things  in  memory  of  the  same. 

Another  power  they  worship,  whom  they  call  Hob- 
bamock,  and  to  the  northward  of  us,  Hobbamoqui ;  ^ 
this,  as  far  as  we  can  conceive,  is  the  devil.  Him  they 
call  upon  to  cure  their  wounds  and  diseases.  When 
they  are  curable,  he  persuades  them  he  sends  the  same 

'  "They relate  how  they  have  it  helieve  that  the  souls  of  men  and 

from  their  fathers,  that  Kautantow-  women  go  to  the  southwest;  their 

wit  made  one  man  and  woman  of  great  and  good  men  and  women  to 

a  stone,  which  disliking  he  broke  Kautantowwit's  house,  where  they 

them  in  pieces,  and  made  another  have  hopes,  as  the  Turks  have,  of 

man  and  woman  of  a  tree,  which  carnal  joys  ;    murtherers,   thieves 

were  the  fountains  of  all  mankind."  and    liars,    their   souls,    say   they, 

Roger  Williams's  Key,  ch.  xxi.  wander    restless    abroad."       Wil- 

*  ^'Kautantoicivit,  the  great  south-  liams's  Key,  ch.  xxi. 

west  God,  to  whose  house  all  souls  ^  Wood,  in  his  New  England's 

go,   and    from   whom   came   their  Prospect,  ch.  xix.  spells  this  word 

corn  and  beans,  as  they  say.    They  Abamacho. 


THE  POWOW,  OR  MEDICINE   MAN.  357 

for  some  conceived  anger  against  them  ;  but  upon  their  chap. 
calling  upon  him,  can  and  doth  help  them  ;  but  when  li-v^ 
they  are  mortal  and  not  curable  in  nature,  then  he  per-  162  3. 
suades  them  Kiehtan  is  angry,  and  sends  them,  whom 
none  can  cure  ;  insomuch  as  in  that  respect  only  they 
somewhat  doubt  whether  he  be  simply  good,  and  there- 
fore in  sickness  never  call  upon  him.  This  Hobbamock 
appears  in  sundry  forms  unto  them,  as  in  the  shape  of 
a  man,  a  deer,  a  fawn,  an  eagle,  &c.  but  most  ordina- 
rily a  snake.  He  appears  not  to  all,  but  the  chiefest 
and  most  judicious  amongst  them  ;  though  all  of  them 
strive  to  attain  to  that  hellish  height  of  honor.  He 
appeareth  most  ordinary  and  is  most  conversant  with 
three  sorts  of  people.  One,  I  confess  I  neither  know 
by  name  nor  office  directly ;  of  these  they  have  few, 
but  esteem  highly  of  them,  and  think  that  no  weapon 
can  kill  them;  another  they  call  by  the  name  of  powah; 
and  the  i\nv^  pniese. 

The  office  and  duty  of  the  powah  is  to  be  exercised 
principally  in  calling  upon  the  devil,  and  curing  diseases 
of  the  sick  or  wounded.  The  common  people  join  with 
him  in  the  exercise  of  invocation,  but  do  but  only  assent, 
or  as  we  term  it,  say  Amen  to  that  he  saith  ;  yet 
sometime  break  out  into  a  short  musical  note  with  him. 
The  powah  is  eager  and  free  in  speech,  fierce  in  coun- 
tenance, and  joineth  many  antic  and  laborious  gestures 
with  the  same,  over  the  party  diseased.^  If  the  party 
be  wounded,  he  will  also  seem  to  suck  the  wound  ;  but 
if  they  be  curable,  (as  they  say,)  he  toucheth  it  not,  but 
askooke,  that  is,  the  snake,  or  wobsacuck,  that  is,  the 
pagle,  sitteth  on  his  shoulder,  and  licks  the  same.  This 
none  see  but  the   powah,  who  tells  them  he  doth  it 

'  See  page  317, 


358  THE   POWOW'S    PRACTICES. 

CHAP,  himself.  If  the  party  be  otherwise  diseased,  it  is  ac- 
-^-^  counted  sufficient  if  in  any  shape  he  but  come  into  the 
162  3.  house,  taking  it  for  an  undoubted  sign  of  recovery. 

And  as  in  former  ages  Apollo  had  his  temple  at 
Delphos,  and  Diana  at  Ephesus,  so  have  I  heard  them 
call  upon  some  as  if  they  had  their  residence  in  some 
certain  places,  or  because  they  appeared  in  those  forms 
in  the  same.  In  the  powah's  speech,  he  promiseth  to 
sacrifice  many  skins  of  beasts,  kettles,  hatchets,  beads, 
knives,  and  other  the  best  things  they  have  to  the 
fiend,  if  he  will  come  to  help  the  party  diseased  ;  but 
whether  they  perform  it,  I  know  not.  The  other  prac- 
tices I  have  seen,  being  necessarily  called  sometimes 
to  be  with  their  sick,  and  have  used  the  best  argu- 
ments I  could  to  make  them  understand  ao;aInst  the 
same.  They  have  told  me  I  should  see  the  devil  at 
those  times  come  to  the  party ;  but  I  assured  myself 
and  them  of  the  contrary,  which  so  proved ;  yea,  them- 
selves have  confessed  they  never  saw  him  when  any 
of  us  were  present.  In  desperate  and  extraordinary 
hard  travail  in  child-birth,  when  the  party  cannot  be 
delivered  by  the  ordinary  means,  they  send  for  this 
powah  ;  though  ordinarily  their  travail  is  not  so  ex- 
treme as  in  our  parts  of  the  world,  they  being  of  a  more 
hardy  nature  ;  for  on  the  third  day  after  child-birth,  I 
have  seen  the  mother  with  the  infant,  upon  a  small 
occasion,  in  cold  weather,  in  a  boat  upon  the  sea. 
Many  sacrifices  the  Indians  use,  and  in  some  cases 
/  kill  children.  It  seemeth  they  are  various  in  their  re- 
ligious worship  in  a  little  distance,  and  grow  more  and 
more  cold  in  their  worship  to  Kiehtan  ;  saying,  in  their 
memory  he  was  much  more  called  upon.  The  Nano- 
higgansets  exceed  in  their  blind  devotion,  and  have  a 


THE   PNIESE,  OR  INDIAN   WARRIOR.  359 


great  spacious  house,  wherein  only  some  few  (that  are,  chap. 
as  we  may  term  them,  priests)  come.    Thither,  at  cer-  — v^ 
tain   known   times,  resort   all   their   people,  and  offer  162  3. 
almost  all  the  riches  they  have  to  their  gods,  as  kettles, 
skins,  hatchets,  beads,  knives,  &c.,  all  which  are  cast  by 
the  priests  into  a  great  fire  that  they  make  in  the  midst 
of  the  house,  and   there  consumed  to  ashes.     To  this 
offering  every  man  bringeth  freely ;  and  the  more  he  is 
known   to   bring,  hath   the  better  esteem  of  all  men. 
This  the  other  Indians  about  us  approve  of  as  good, 
and  wish  their   sachims  would  appoint  the  like  ;   and 
because  the  plague^  hath  not  reigned  at  Nanohigganset 
as  at  other  places  about  them,  they  attribute  to  this 
custom  there  used. 

The  pnieses  are  men  of  great  courage  and  wisdom, 
and  to  those  also  the  devil  appeareth  more  familiarly 
than  to  others,  and  as  we  conceive,  maketh  covenant 
wdth  them  to  preserve  them  from  death  by  wounds 
wath  arrows,  knives,  hatchets,  &c.  or  at  least  both 
themselves  and  especially  the  people  think  themselves 
to  be  freed  from  the  same.  And  though,  against  their 
battles,  all  of  them  by  painting  disfigure  themselves, 
yet  they  are  known  by  their  courage  and  boldness,  by 
reason  whereof  one  of  them  will  chase  almost  an  hun- 
dred men  ;  for  they  account  it  death  for  whomsoever 
stand  in  their  way.  These  are  highly  esteemed  of  all 
sorts  of  people,  and  are  of  the  sachim's  council,  with- 
out whom  they  will  not  war,  or  undertake  any  weighty 
business.^  In  war  their  sachims,  for  their  more  safety, 
go  in  the  midst  of  them.  They  are  commonly  men  of 
the  greatest  stature  and  strength,  and  such  as  will  en- 
dure most  hardness,  and  yet  are  more  discreet,  cour- 

'  Seepages  183  and  206.  »  See  pages  288  and  323. 


360  THE   SACHIM,  OR   INDIAN   CHIEF. 

CHAP,  teous  and  humane  in  their  carriages  than  any  amongst 
^ — ^  them,  scorning  theft,  lying,  and  the  like  base  dealings, 
162  3.  and  stand  as  much  upon  their  reputation  as  any  men. 
And  to  the  end  they  may  have  store  of  these,  they 
train  up  the  most  forward  and  likeliest  boys,  from  their 
childhood,  in  great  hardness,  and  make  them  abstain 
from  dainty  meat,  observing  divers  orders  prescribed, 
to  the  end  that  when  they  are  of  age,  the  devil  may 
appear  to  them  ;  causing  to  drink  the  juice  of  sentry^ 
and  other  bitter  herbs,  till  they  cast,  which  they  must 
disgorge  into  the  platter,  and  drink  again  and  again,  till 
at  length  through  extraordinary  oppressing  of  nature, 
it  will  seem  to  be  all  blood  ;  and  this  the  boys  will  do 
with  eagerness  at  the  first,  and  so  continue  till  by 
reason  of  faintness,  they  can  scarce  stand  on  their  legs, 
and  then  must  go  forth  into  the  cold.  Also  they  beat 
their  shins  with  sticks,  and  cause  them  to  run  through 
bushes,  stumps  and  brambles,  to  make  them  hardy 
and  acceptable  to  the  devil,  that  in  time  he  may  appear 
unto  them. 

Their  sachims  cannot  be  all  called  kings,  but  only 
some  few  of  them,  to  whom  the  rest  resort  for  protec- 
tion, and  pay  homage  unto  them  ;  ^  neither  may  they 

^    Or    centaury  —  probably    the  cured  at  what  time  as  having  en- 

sahbatia  chloroides,  a  plant  conspi-  tertained  Hercules  in  his  cabin,  he 

cuous  for  its  beauty,  which  is  found  would  needs  be  handling  and  tam- 

in  great  abundance  on  the  margin  pering  with  the   weapons  of   his 

of  the  ponds  in  Plymouth.     It  be-  said  guest  so  long  until  one  of  the 

longs  to  the  natural  order  of  Gen-  arrows   light    upon    his    foot  and 

tians,  one  characteristic  of  which  wounded  hira  dangerously."     Hol- 

is   an  intense  bitterness,  residing  land's  Pliny,  b.  xxv.  ch.  6. 

both  in  the  stems  and  roots.     The  ^  "Their  government   is  gene- 

gentiana  crinita,  or  fringed  gentian,  rally  monarchical,  their  chief  saga- 

also   grows   in    this   region.      See  more  or  sachem's  will  being  their 

Bigelow's   Plants  of    Boston,    pp.  law  ;  but  yet  the  sachem  hath  some 

79  and  111.  chief  men  that  he  consults  with  as 

"The  greater   centaury  is  that  his    special    counsellors.     Among 

famous  herb  wherewith  Chiron  the  some  of  the  Indians  their  govern- 

centaur  (as  the  report  goeth)  was  ment  is  mixed,  partly  monarchical 


THE   SACHIM'S  FAMILY  AND  GOVERNMENT.  361 

war  without  their  knowledge  and  approbation  ;  yet  to  chap. 
be  commanded  by  the  greater,  as  occasion  serveth.  -^-^ 
Of  this  sort  is  Massassowat,  our  friend,  and  Conanacus,  1623. 
of  Nanohigganset,  our  supposed  enemy.  Every  sachim 
taketh  care  for  the  widow  and  fatherless,  also  for  such 
as  are  aged  and  any  way  maimed,  if  their  friends  be 
dead,  or  not  able  to  provide  for  them.  A  sachim  will 
not  take  any  to  wife  but  such  an  one  as  is  equal  to 
him  in  birth ;  otherwise,  they  say,  their  seed  would  in 
time  become  ignoble ;  and  though  they  have  many 
other  wives,  yet  are  they  no  other  than  concubines  or 
servants,  and  yield  a  kind  of  obedience  to  the  princi- 
pal, who  ordereth  the  family  and  them  in  it.  The 
like  their  men  observe  also,  and  will  adhere  to  the  first 
during  their  lives  ;  but  put  away  the  other  at  their 
pleasure.  This  government  is  successive  and  not  by 
choice.  If  the  father  die  before  the  son  or  daughter  be 
of  age,  then  the  child  is  committed  to  the  protection 
and  tuition  of  some  one  amongst  them,  who  ruleth  in 
his  stead  till  he  be  of  age ;  but  when  that  is,  I  know 
not. 

Every  sachim  knoweth  how  far  the  bounds  and  lim- 
its of  his  own  country  extendeth  ;  and  that  is  his  own 
proper  inheritance.  Out  of  that,  if  any  of  his  men  de- 
sire land  to  set  their  corn,  he  giveth  them  as  much  as 
they  can  use,  and  sets  them  their  bounds.  In  this  cir- 
cuit whosoever  hunteth,  if  they  kill  any  venison,  bring 

and  partly  aristocratical ;  their  sag-  sachems  that  can  protect  them  ;  so 
amore  doing  not  any  weighty  that  their  princes  endeavour  to  car- 
matter  without  the  consent  of  his  ry  it  obligingly  and  lovingly  unto 
great  men  or  petty  sagamores,  their  people,  lest  they  should  desert 
-^heir  sachems  have  not  their  men  them,  and  thereby  their  strength, 
in  such  subjection  but  that  very  power,  and  tribute  would  be  dimin- 
frequently  their  men  will  leave  ished."  Gookin  in  Mass.  Hist, 
them  upon  distaste  or  harsh  deal-  Coll.  i.  154. 
ing,  and  go  and  live  under  other 

46 


362  '  SICKNESS   AND   DEATH. 

CHAP,  him  his  fee  ;  wliich  is  the  fore  parts  of  the  same,  if  it 

XXJII 

-^-^^  be  killed  on  the  land,  but  if  in  the  water,  then  the  skin 
162  3.  thereof.  The  great  sachims  or  kings  know  their 
own  bounds  or  limits  of  land,  as  well  as  the  rest.  All 
travellers  or  strangers  for  the  most  part  lodge  at  the 
sachim's.  When  they  come,  they  tell  them  how  long 
they  will  stay,  and  to  what  place  they  go  ;  during 
which  time  they  receive  entertainment,  according  to 
their  persons,  but  want  not.  Once  a  year  the  pnieses 
use  to  provoke  the  people  to  bestow  much  corn  on  the 
sachim.  To  that  end,  they  appoint  a  certain  time  and 
place,  near  the  sachim's  dwelling,  where  the  people 
bring  many  baskets  of  corn,  and  make  a  great  stack 
thereof.  There  the  pnieses  stand  ready  to  give  thanks 
to  the  people,  on  the  sachim's  behalf;  and  after  ac- 
quaint the  sachim  therewith,  who  fetcheth  the  same, 
and  is  no  less  thankful,  bestowing  many  gifts  on  them. 
When  any  are  visited  with  sickness,  their  friends 
resort  unto  them  for  their  comfort,  and  continue  with 
them  ofttimes  till  their  death  or  recovery.^  If  they  die, 
they  stay  a  certain  time  to  mourn  for  them.  Night 
and  morning  they  perform  this  duty,  many  days  after 
the  burial,  in  a  most  doleful  manner,  insomuch  as 
though  it  be  ordinary  and  the  note  musical,  which  they 
take  one  from  another  and  all  together,  yet  it  will  draw 
tears  from  their  eyes,  and  almost  from  ours  also.^     But 


'  See  page  313.  and  public.  —  When  they  come  to 
'^  "Upon  the  death  of  the  sick,  the  grave,  they  lay  the  dead  by  the 
the  father,  or  husband,  and  all  his  grave's  mouth,  and  then  all  sit 
neighbours  wear  black  faces,  and  dovv^n  and  lament,  that  I  have  seea 
lay  on  soot  very  thick,  which  I  tears  run  down  the  cheeks  of  stout- 
have  often  seen  clotted  with  their  est  captains  in  abundance ;  and 
tears.  This  blacking  and  lament-  after  the  dead  is  laid  in  the  grave, 
ing  they  observe  in  most  doleful  they  have  then  a  second  lamenta- 
manner  divers  weeks  and  months,  tion."  Roger  Williams's  Key,  ch. 
yea  a  year,  if  the  person  be  great  xxxii. 


EMPLOYMENTS   OF  THE   MEN.  363 

if  they  recover,  then  because  their  sickness  was  char<re-  chap. 

xxin. 
able,  they  send  corn  and  other  gifts  unto  them,  at  a  — v^ 

certain  appointed  time,  whereat  they  feast  and  dance,  16  23. 
which  they  call  commoco.  When  they  bury  the  dead, 
they  sow  up  the  corpse  in  a  mat,  and  so  put  it  in  the 
earth.  If  the  party  be  a  sachim,  they  cover  him  with 
many  curious  mats,  and  bury  all  his  riches  with  him, 
and  enclose  the  grave  with  a  pale.^  If  it  be  a  child, 
the  father  will  also  put  his  own  most  special  jewels 
and  ornaments  in  the  earth  with  it ;  also  will  cut  his 
hair,  and  disfigure  himself  very  much,  in  token  of  sor- 
row. If  it  be  the  man  or  woman  of  the  house,  they 
will  pull  down  the  mats,  and  leave  the  frame  standing, 
and  bury  them  in  or  near  the  same,^  and  either  remove 
their  dwelling  or  give  over  house-keeping. 

The  men  employ  themselves  wholly  in  hunting,  and 
other  exercises  of  the  bow,  except  at  some  times  they 
take  some  pains  in  fishing.  The  women  live  a  most 
slavish  life;  they  carry  all  their  burdens,^  set  and  dress 
their  corn,  gather  it  in,  seek  out  for  much  of  their  food, 
beat  and  make  ready  the  corn  to  eat,  and  have  all 
household  care  lying  upon  them. 

The  younger  sort  reverence  the  elder,  and  do  all 
mean  offices,  whilst  they  are  together,  although  they 
be  strangers.  Boys  and  girls  may  not  wear  their  hair 
like  men  and  women,  but  are  distinguished  thereby. 

A  man  is  not  accounted  a  man  till  he  do  some  nota- 
ble act,  or  show  forth  such  courage  and  resolution  as 
becometh  his  place.  The  men  take  much  tobacco ;  * 
but  for  boys  so  to  do,  they  account  it  odious. 

All  their  names  are  significant  and  variable;  for  when 

*  See  pages  142,  143  and  154.     ^  See  note  '  on  page  305. 
2  See  pages  154  and  227.        ■*  See  note  '  on  page  188. 


364  INDIAN    WOMEN. 

CHAP,  they  come  to  the  state  of  men  and  women,  they  alter  ^ 

XXllI 

— -^  them  according  to  their  deeds  or  dispositions. 

162  3.  When  a  maid  is  taken  in  marriage,  she  first  cutteth 
her  hair,  and  after  weareth  a  covering  on  her  head,  till 
her  hair  be  grown  out.  Their  women  are  diversely 
disposed;  some  as  modest,  as  they  will  scarce  talk  one 
with  another  in  the  company  of  men,  being  very  chaste 
also  ;  yet  other  some  light,  lascivious  and  wanton.  If 
a  woman  have  a  bad  husband,  or  cannot  affect  him, 
and  there  be  war  or  opposition  between  that  and  any 
other  people,  she  will  run  away  from  him  to  the  con- 
trary party,  and  there  live  ;  where  they  never  come 
unwelcome,  for  where  are  most  women,  there  is  great- 
est plenty. 

When  a  woman  hath  her  monthly  terms,  she  sepa- 
rateth  herself  from  all  other  company,  and  liveth  cer- 
tain days  in  a  house  alone  ;  after  which,  she  washeth 
herself,  and  all  that  she  hath  touched  or  used,  and  is 
again  received  to  her  husband's  bed  or  family.  For 
adultery,  the  husband  will  beat  his  wife  and  put  her 
away,  if  he  please.  Some  common  strumpets  there 
are,  as  well  as  in  other  places ;  but  they  are  such  as 
either  never  married,  or  widows,  or  put  away  for  adul- 
tery ;  for  no  man  will  keep  such  an  one  to  wife. 

In  matters  of  unjust  and  dishonest  dealing,  the  sa- 
chim  examineth  and  punisheth  the  same.  In  case  of 
thefts,  for  the  first  offence,  he  is  disgracefully  rebuked ; 
for  the  second,  beaten  by  the  sachim  with  a  cudgel  on 
the  naked  back ;  for  the  third,  he  is  beaten  with  many 
strokes,  and  hath  his  nose  slit  upwards,  that  thereby 
all  men  may  both  know  and  shun  him.  If  any  man 
kill  another,  he  must  likewise  die  for  the  same.     The 

'  See  note  ^  on  page  191.         * 


INDIAN   APPAREL.  '  355 

sachim  not  only  passeth  the  sentence  upon  malefactors,'  chap. 
but  executeth   the   same  with  his  own   hands,  if  the  -X^ 
party  be  then  present;  if  not,  sendeth  his  own  knife,  in  1623. 
case  of  death,  in   the   hands  of  others  to  perform  the 
same.^     But  if  the  offender  be  to  receive  other  punish- 
ment, he  will  not  receive  the  same  but  from  the  sachim 
himself;   before  whom,  being  naked,  he  kneeleth,  and 
will  not  offer  to  run  away,  though  he   beat  him  never 
so  much,  it  being  a  greater  disparagement  for  a  man 
to  cry  during  the   time  of  his  correction,  than  is  his 
offence  and  punishment. 

As  for  their  apparel,  they  wear  breeches  and  stock- 
ings in  one,  like  some  Irish,^  which  is  made  of  deer 
skins,  and  have  shoes  of  the  same  leather.  They  wear 
also  a  deer's  skin  loose  about  them,  like  a  cloak,  which 
they  will  turn  to  the  weather  side.  In  this  habit  they 
travel ;  but  when  they  are  at  home,  or  come  to  their 
journey's  end,  presently  they  pull  off  their  breeches, 
stockings  and  shoes,  W'ring  out  the  water,  if  they  be 
wet,  and  dry  them,  and  rub  or  chafe  the  same.  Though 
these  be  off,  yet  have  they  another  small  garment  that 
covereth  their  secrets.  The  men  w^ear  also,  when 
they  go  abroad  in  cold  weather,  an  otter  or  fox  skin 
on  their  right  arm,*  but  only  their  bracer  on  the  left. 
Women,  and  all  of  that  sex,  wear  strings  about  their 
legs,  which  the  men  never  do. 

The  people  are  very  ingenious  and  observative ;  they 

•  See  page  308.  chiefest  warriors,  to  fetch  off  ahead 

*  "  The  most  usual  custom  by  some  sudden,  unexpected  blow  of 
amongst  them  in  executing  pun-  a  hatchet,  when  they  have  feared 
ishments,  is  for  the  sachim  either  mutiny  by  public  execution." 
to  beat  or  whip  or  put  to  death  Koger  Williams's  Key,  ch.  xxii. 
^ith  his  own  hand,  to  which  the  See  also  pnge  291  previous, 
common  sort  most  quietly  submit ;  ,  ^  See  note  ^  on  page  187. 
though  sometimes  the  sachim  sends  "^  See  page  187. 

a  secret  executioner,   one  of   his 


QQQ  LANGUAGE  OF  THE   INDIANS. 

CHAP,  keep  account  of    time  by  the  moon,   and  winters  or 

xxni 

^^~  summers  ;  tliej  know  divers  of  the  stars  by  name  ;  in 

1G23.  particular  they  know  the  north  star,  and  call  it  maske,^ 
which  is  to  say,  the  bear;^  also  they  have  many  names 
for  the  winds.  They  will  guess  very  well  at  the  wind 
and  weather  beforehand,  by  observations  in  the  hea- 
vens. They  report  also,  that  some  of  them  can  cause 
the  wind  to  blow  in  what  part  they  list  —  can  raise 
storms  and  tempests,^  which  they  usually  do  when 
they  intend  the  death  or  destruction  of  other  people, 
that  by  reason  of  the  unseasonable  weather,  they  may 
take  advantage  of  their  enemies  in  their  houses.  At 
such  times  they  perform  their  greatest  exploits,  and  in 
such  seasons,  when  they  are  at  enmity  with  any,  they 
keep  more  careful  watch  than  at  other  times. 

As  for  the  language,  it  is  very  copious,  large,  and 
difficult.  As  yet  we  cannot  attain  to  any  great  mea- 
sure thereof;  but  can  understand  them,  and  explain 
ourselves  to  their  understanding,  by  the  help  of  those 
that  daily  converse  with  us.  And  though  there  be 
difference  in  a  hundred  miles'  distance  of  place,  both 
in  language  and  manners,  yet  not  so  much  but  that 


•  "  Mosk,  or  pauJiunawaw,  the  water  burn,  the  rocks  move,  the 
Great  Bear,  or  Charles's  Wain  ;  trees  dance,  and  naetaniorphize 
which  words  mosk  or  paukunawaw  himself  into  a  flaming  man.  In 
signifies  a  bear  ;  which  is  so  much  winter,  when  there  are  no  green 
the  more  observable,  because  in  leaves  to  be  got,  he  will  burn  an 
most  languages  that  sign  or  con-  old  one  to  ashes,  and  putting  these 
stellation  is  called  the  Bear."  E.0-  into  the  water,  produce  a  new  green 
ger  Williams's  Key,  ch.  xii.  leaf,  which  you   shall  not  only  see, 

*  "Their  powows,  by  their  exor-  but  substantially  handle  and  carry 
cisms,  and  necromantic  charms,  away;  and  make  a  dead  snake's 
bring  to  pass  strange  things,  if  we  skin  a  living  snake,  both  to  be  seen, 
may  believe  the  Indians  ;  who  re-  felt,  and  heard."  Wood's  New 
port  of  one  Passaconaway,  a  great  England's  Prospect,  part  ii.  ch.  12; 
sasamore  upon  Merrimack  river,  Hutchinson's  Mass.  i.  474;  Mor- 
and  the  most  celebrated  powow  in  ton's  New  English  Canaan,  book  i. 
the  country,  that  he  can  make  the  ch.  9. 


INDIAN    MEMORIALS. 


.367 


XXIH. 


they   very   well   understand   each   other.'      And   thus 
much  of  their  lives  and  manners. 

Instead  of  records  and  chronicles,  thc;y  take  this  1623. 
course.  Where  any  remarkable  act  is  done,  in  memory 
of  it,  either  in  the  place,  or  by  some  pathway  near 
adjoining,  they  make  a  round  hole  in  the  ground,  about 
a  foot  deep,  and  as  much  over  ;  which  when  others 
passing  by  behold,  they  inquire  the  cause  and  occasion 
of  the  same,  whirh  })eing  once  known,  they  are  careful 
to  acquaint  all  men,  as  occasion  serveth,  therewith  ; 
and  lest  such  holes  should  be  filled  or  grown  u|)  by  any 
accident,  as  men  pass  by,  they  will  oft  renew  the  same ; 
by  which  means  many  things  of  great  antiquity  are 
fresh  in  memory.  So  that  as  a  man  travelleth,  if  he 
can  understand  his  guide,  his  journey  will  be  the  less 
tedious,  by  reason  of  the  many  historical  discourses 
[which]  will  be  related  unto  him. 


'  "There  is  a  mixture  of  this 
language  north  and  south,  from  the 
place  of  my  abode,  about  GOO  miles ; 
yet  within  the  200  miles  aforemen- 
tioned, their  dialects  do  exceedingly 
differ  ;  yet  not  so  but,  within  that 
compass,  a  man  rnay  converse  with 
thousands  of  natives  all  over  the 
country."  Roger  Williams's  Key, 
Pref. 


"The  Indians  of  the  parts  of 
New  England,  especially  upon  the 
sea-coasts,  use  the  same  sort  of 
speech  and  language,  only  with 
some  difference  in  the  expressions, 
as  they  differ  in  several  counties  in 
England,  yet  so  as  they  can  well 
understand  one  another."  Gookin, 
in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  i.  149. 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 


OF  THE   SITUATION,  CLIMATE,  SOIL,  AND   PRODUCTIONS    OF 

NEW   ENGLAND. 


CHAP.      In  all  this,  it  may  be  said,  I  have  neither  praised  nor 

XXIV. 

'-  dispraised  the  country;  and  since  I  lived  so  long  there- 

1623,  in,  my  judgment  thereof  will  give  no  less  satisfaction 
to  them  that  know  me,  than  the  relation  of  our  pro- 
ceedings. To  which  I  answer,  that  as  in  one,  so  of 
the  other,  I  will  speak  as  sparingly  as  I  can,  yet  will 
make  known  what  I  conceive  thereof. 

And  first  for  that  continent,  on  which  we  are,  called 
New  England,  although  it  hath  ever  been  conceived 
by  the  English  to  be  a  part  of  the  main  land  adjoining 
to  Virginia,  yet  by  relation  of  the  Indians  it  should  ap- 
pear to  be  otherwise  ;  for  they  affirm  confidently  that 
it  is  an  island,^  and  that  either  the  Dutch  or  French 
pass  through  from  sea  to  sea  between  us  and  Virginia, 
and  drive  a  great  trade  in  the  same.  The  name  of 
that  inlet  of  the  sea  they  call  Mohegon,  which  I  take 
to  be  the  same  which  we  call  Hudson's  river,  up  which 
Master  Hudson  went  many  leagues,  and  for  want  of 

'  See  page  256. 


THE  TEMPERATURE  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.  369 

means  (as  I  hear)  left  it  undiscovered.'     For  confirma-  chap. 
lion  of  this   their  opinion,  is  thus  much ;  though  Vir-  ii^ 
glnia   be  not  above  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from  1623. 
us,  jet  they  never  heard  of  Powhatan,  or  knew  that 
any  English  were  planted  in  his  country,  save  only  by 
us  and  Tisquantum,   who  went  in    an    English  ship 
thither  ;  and  therefore  it  is  the  more  probable,  because 
the   water  is  not  passable   for    them,   who   are   very 
adventurous  in  their  boats. 

Then  for  the  temperature  of  the  air,  in  almost  three 
years'  experience  I  can  scarce  distinguish  New  Eng- 
land  from  Old  England,  in  respect  of  heat  and  cold, 
frost,  snow,   rain,   winds,   &c.     Some  object,  because 
our  Plantation  lieth  in   the  latitude  of  42^,  it  must 
needs  be  much  hotter.     1  confess  I  cannot  give  the 
reason  of  the  contrary  ;  only  experience  teacheth  us, 
that  if  it  do  exceed  England,  it  is  so  little  as  must 
require  better  judgments  to  discern  it.     And  for  the 
winter,  I  rather  think  (if  there  be  difference)  it  is  both 
sharper  and  longer  in  New  England  than  Old  ;  and 
yet  the  want  of  those  comforts  in  the  one,  which  I 
have  enjoyed  in  the  other,  may  deceive  my  judgment 
also.     But  in  my  best  observation,  comparing  our  own 
condition  with  the  Relations  of  other  parts  of  America, 
I   cannot  conceive  of  any  to  agree   better  with   the 
constitution  of  the  English,  not  being  oppressed  with 
extremity  of  heat,  nor  nipped  by  biting  cold  ;  by  which 

'  In    September,  1609,    Hudson  ert  Juel's  Journal  of  Hudson's  third 

L'lf"iK    I,        ^'■'''^   river,"  now  voya£:e,  in  Purchas,  iii.  593,  and  in 

called  by  his  name,  in  a  small  ves-  N.    Y.    Hist     Coll     i      139     un- 

sel   called   the   Half-Moon,    above  Moulton's  Hist,  of  New  York  213' 

the'city  of  Hudson,  and  sent  up  a  244-249;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxuil 

boat  beyond  Albany.  Josselyn  says,  372;  Belknap's  Am.  Bio-,  i.  400- 

that  Hudson   discovered   Mohegan  Douglass's  Summary,  ii.  256. 
river,  in  New  England.     See  Rob- 

47 


370  INDIAN   CORN. 

CHAP,  means,  blessed  be  God,  we  enjoy  our  health,  notvvith- 

XXIV  ...  . 

v.--v-.-^  standing  those  difficulties  we  have  undergone,  in  such 

162  3.  a  measure  as  would  have  been  admired  if  we  had  lived 

in  England  with  the   like   means.     The  day  is  two 

hours  longer  than  here,  when  it  is  at  the  shortest,  and 

as  much  shorter  there,  when  it  is  at  the  longest. 

The  soil  is  variable,  in  some  places  mould,  in  some 
clay,  others,  a  mixed  sand,  &c.  The  chiefest  grain 
is  the  Indian  mays,  or  Guinea  wheat. ^  The  seed  time 
beginneth  in  [the]  midst  of  April,^  and  continueth  good 
till  the  midst  of  May.  Our  harvest  beginneth  with 
September.  This  corn  increaseth  in  great  measure, 
but  is  inferior  in  quantity  to  the  same  in  Virginia  ;  the 
reason  I  conceive  is  because  Virginia  is  far  hotter  than 
it  is  with  us,  it  requiring  great  heat  to  ripen.  But 
whereas  it  is  objected  against  New  England,  that  corn 
will  not  grow  there  except  the  ground  be  manured 
with  fish,^  1  answer,  that  where  men  set  with  fish,  (as 
with  us,)  it  is  more  easy  so  to  do  than  to  clear  ground, 
and  set  without  some  five  or  six  years,  and  so  begin 
anew,  as  in  Virginia  and  elsewhere.  Not  but  that  in 
some  places,  where  they  cannot  be  taken  with  ease  in 
such  abundance,  the  Indians  set  four  years  together 
without,  and  have  as  good  corn  or  better  than  we 
have  that  set  with  them  ;  though  indeed  1  think  if 
we  had  cattle  to  till  the  ground,  it  would  be  more 
profitable  and  better  agreeable  to  the  soil  to  sow  wheat, 
rye,  barley,  pease  and  oats,  than  to  set  mays,  which 
our  Indians  call  ewachim ;  for  we  have  had  expe- 
rience that  they  like  and  thrive  well  ;  and  the  other 
will  not  be  procured  without  good  labor  and  diligence, 


'  See  note  '  on  page  131.  '  See  note  '  on  page  231. 

See  note  '  on  page  230. 


i 


THE   FISHERIES.  371 

especially  at  seed-time,  when  it  must  also  be  watch-  chap. 

"1  XXIV 

ed   by   night,   to   keep  the  wolves   from  the   fish,   till  -^^ 
it  be  rotten,  which  will  be  in  fourteen  days.    Yet  men  162  3. 
agreeing   together,   and   taking   their   turns,  it  is    not 
much. 

Much  might  be  spoken  of  the  benefit  that  may 
come  to  such  as  shall  here  plant,  by  trade  with  the 
Indians  for  furs,  if  men  take  a  right  course  for  ob- 
taining the  same  ;  for  I  dare  presume,  upon  that  small 
experience  I  have  had,  to  affirm  that  the  English, 
Dutch  and  French  return  yearly  many  thousand  pounds 
profit  by  trade  only  from  that  island  on  which  we  are 
seated. 

Tobacco  may  be  there  planted,  but  not  with  that 
profit  as  in  some  other  places ;  neither  were  it  profita- 
ble there  to  follow  it,  though  the  increase  were  equal, 
because  fish  is  a  better  and  richer  commodity,  and 
moiTB  necessary,  which  may  be  and  are  there  had  in  as 
great  abundance  as  in  any  other  part  of  the  world  ; 
witness  the  west-country  merchants  of  England,  which 
return  incredible  gains  yearly  from  thence.  And  if 
they  can  so  do,  which  here  buy  their  salt  at  a  great 
charge,  and  transport  more  company  to  make  their 
voyage  than  will  sail  their  ships,  what  may  the  plant- 
ers expect  when  once  they  are  seated,  and  make  the 
most  of  their  salt  there,  and  employ  themselv^es  at  least 
eight  months  in  fishing  ;  whereas  the  other  fish  but 
four,  and  have  their  ship  lie  dead  in  the  harbour  all 
the  time,  whereas  such  shipping  as  belong  to  planta- 
tions may  take  freight  of  passengers  or  cattle  thither, 
and  have  their  lading  provided  against  they  come  ?  I 
confess  we  have  come  so  far  short  of  the  means  to 
raise  such  returns,  as  with  great  difficulty  we  have  pre- 


372  THE   PROFITS   OF   THE   COLONY. 

CHAP,  served  our  lives  ;  insomuch  as  when  I  look  back  upon 
^^-~  our  condition,  and  weak  means  to  jDreserve  the  same, 
1623.  I  rather  admire  at  God's  mercy  and  providence  in 
our  preservation,  than  that  no  greater  things  have  been 
effected  by  us.  But  though  our  beginning  have  been 
thus  raw,  small  and  difficult,  as  thou  hast  seen,  yet  the 
same  God  that  hath  hitherto  led  us  through  the  former, 
I  hope  will  raise  means  to  accomplish  the  latter.  Not 
that  we  altogether,  or  principally,  propound  profit  to 
be  the  main  end  of  that  we  have  undertaken,  but 
the  glory  of  God,  and  the  honor  of  our  country,  in 
the  enlarging  of  his  Majesty's  dominions.  Yet  want- 
ing outward  means  to  set  things  in  that  forward- 
ness we  desire,  and  to  further  the  latter  by  the  former, 
I  thought  meet  to  offer  both  to  consideration,  hoping 
that  where  religion  and  profit  jump  together  (which  is 
rare)  in  so  honorable  an  action,  it  will  encourage  every 
honest  man,  either  in  person  or  purse,  to  set  forward 
the  same,  or  at  leastwise  to  commend  the  welfare 
thereof  in  his  daily  prayers  to  the  blessing  of  the 
blessed  God. 

I  will  not  again  speak  of  the  abundance  of  fowl, 
store  of  venison,  and  variety  of  fish,  in  their  seasons, 
which  might  encourage  many  to  go  in  their  persons. 
Only  I  advise  all  such  beforehand  to  consider,  that  as 
they  hear  of  countries  that  abound  with  the  good  crea- 
tures of  God,  so  means  must  be  used  for  the  taking  of 
every  one  in  his  kind,  and  therefore  not  only  to  con- 
tent themselves  that  there  is  sufficient,  but  to  foresee 
how  they  shall  be  able  to  obtain  the  same.  Otherwise, 
as  he  that  walketh  London  streets,  though  he  be  in  the 
midst  of  plenty,  yet  if  he  want  means,  is  not  the  better, 
but  hath  rather  his  sorrow  increased  by  the  sight  of 


CAUTIONS   TO   EMIGRANTS.  373 

that  he  wanteth,  and  cannot  enjoy  it,  so  also  there,  if  chap. 
thou  want  art  and  other  necessaries  thereunto  belong-  -^^ 
ing,  thou  majest  see  that  thou  wantest  and  thy  heart  1623. 
desireth,  and  yet  be  never  the  better  for  the  same. 
Therefore  if  thou  see  thine  own  insufficiency  of  thy- 
self, then  join  to  some  others,  where  thou  mayest  in 
some  measure  enjoy  the  same  ;  otherwise,  assure  thy- 
self thou  art  better  where  thou  art.  Some  there  be 
that  thinking  altogether  of  their  present  wants  they 
enjoy  here,  and  not  dreaming  of  any  there,  through 
indiscretion  plunge  themselves  into  a  deeper  sea  of 
misery.  As  for  example,  it  may  be  here,  rent  and 
firing  are  so  chargeable,  as  without  great  difficulty 
a  man  cannot  accomplish  the  same  ;  never  consider- 
ing, that  as  he  shall  have  no  rent  to  pay,  so  he  must 
build  his  house  before  he  have  it,  and  peradventure 
may  with  more  ease  pay  for  his  fuel  here,  than  cut 
and  fetch  it  home,  if  he  have  not  cattle  to  draw  it 
there ;  though  there  is  no  scarcity,  but  rather  too  great 
plenty. 

I  write  not  these  things  to  dissuade  any  that  shall 
seriously,  upon  due  examination,  set  themselves  to  fur- 
ther the  glory  of  God,  and  the  honor  of  our  country, 
in  so  worthy  an  enterprise,  but  rather  to  discourage 
such  as  with  too  great  lightness  undertake  such  cour- 
ses ;  who  peradventure  strain  themselves  and  their 
friends  for  their  passage  thither,  and  are  no  sooner 
there,  than  seeing  their  foohsh  imagination  made  void, 
are  at  their  wits'  end,  and  would  give  ten  times  so 
much  for  their  return,  if  they  could  procure  it ;  and  out 
qf  such  discontented  passions  and  humors,  spare  not  to 
>lay  that  imputation  upon  the  country,  and  others,  which 
themselves  deserve. 


374  UNREASONABLE  EXPECTATIONS. 

CHAP.      As,   for  example,  I  have  heard  some  complain  of 

XXIV. 

- — '-  others  for  their  large  reports  of  New  England,  and  yet 
1623.  because  they  must  drink  water  and  want  many  deli- 
cates  they  here  enjoyed,  could  presently  return  with 
their  mouths  full  of  clamors.  And  can  any  be  so  sim- 
j)le  as  to  conceive  that  the  fountains  should  stream 
forth  wine  or  beer,  or  the  woods  and  rivers  be  like 
butchers'  shops,  or  fishmongers'  stalls,  where  they 
might  have  things  taken  to  their  hands  .^  If  thou  canst 
not  live  without  such  things,  and  hast  no  means  to 
procure  the  one,  and  wilt  not  take  pains  for  the  other, 
nor  hast  ability  to  employ  others  for  thee,  rest  where 
thou  art ;  for  as  a  proud  heart,  a  dainty  tooth,  a  beg- 
gar's purse,  and  an  idle  hand,  be  here  intolerable,  so 
that  person  that  hath  these  qualities  there,  is  much 
more  abominable.  If  therefore  God  hath  given  thee  a 
heart  to  undertake  such  courses,  upon  such  grounds  as 
bear  thee  out  in  all  difficulties,  viz.  his  glory  as  a  prin- 
cipal, and  all  other  outward  good  things  but  as  acces- 
saries, which  peradventure  thou  shalt  enjoy,  and  it 
may  be  not,  then  thou  wilt  with  true  comfort  and 
thankfulness  receive  the  least  of  his  mercies ;  whereas 
on  the  contrary,  men  deprive  themselves  of  much  hap- 
piness, being  senseless  of  greater  blessings,  and  through 
prejudice  smother  up  the  love  and  bounty  of  God  ; 
whose  name  be  ever  glorified  in  us,  and  by  us,  now 
and  evermore.     Amen.  y 


FINIS. 


A   POSTSCRIPT. 

If  any  man  desire  a  more  ample  relation  of  the  state 
of  this  country,  before  such  time  as  this  present  Rela- 
tion taketh  place,  I  refer  them  to  the  two  former 
printed  books ;  the  one  published  by  the  President 
and  Council  for  New  England,  and  the  other  gathered 
by  the  inhabitants  of  this  present  Plantation  at  Plymouth 
in  New  England  :  both  which  books  are  to  be  sold  by 
John  Bellamy,  at  his  shop  at  the  Three  Golden  Lions 
in  Cornhill,  near  the  Royal  Exchange.^ 

1  The  former  of  the  works  here  is  included  in  the  present  volume, 
referred  to  is  reprinted  in  the  Mass.  pp.  109 — 250.  See  note  ^  on  page 
Hist.  Coll.  xix.  1—25;  the  latter    115. 


WINSLOW'S  BRIEF  NARRATION. 


48 


Htpocuisee  Uxmasked  :  By  a  true  Relation  of  the  Proceedings  of 
the  Governour  and  Company  of  the  Massachusets  cigainsl  Samuel 
Gorton,  (and  his  Accomplices.)  a  notorious  disturber  of  the 
Peace  and  quiet  of  the  severall  Governments  wherein  he  Uved  : 
With  the  grounds  and  reasons  thereof,  examined  and  allowed  by 
their  Gene  rail  Court  holden  at  Boston  in  New  England,  in 
November  last,  1646. 

Together  with  a  particular  Answer  to  the  manifold  slanders,  and 
abom'mable  falsehoods  which  are  contained  in  a  Book  written  by 
the  said  Gorton,  and  entituled  Simjilicitus  Defence  against  Seven- 
headed  Policy,  dec.  Discovering  to  the  view  of  all  whose  eyes 
are  oj>en,  his  manifold  Blasphemies  ;  as  also  the  dangerous 
agreement  which  he  and  his  Accomplices  made  with  ambitious 
and  treacherous  Indians,  who  at  the  same  time  were  deeply 
engaged  in  a  desperate  Conspiracy  to  cut  off  all  the  rest  of  the 
English  in  the  other  Plantations. 

Whereunto  is  added  a  Briefe  Narration  (occasioned  by  certain 
aspersions)  of  the  true  grounds  or  cause  of  the  first  Planting  of 
New  England  :  the  Precedent  of  their  Churches  in  the  way  and 
worship  of  God  :  their  Communion  with  the  Reformed  Churches  ; 
and  their  practise  towards  those  that  dissent  from  them  in  matters 
of  Religion  and  Church  Government.  By  Edward  Wi.vslow. 
Psalm  cxx.  3,  4.  '  What  shall  be  siven  unto  thee,  or  what  shall 
be  done  unto  thee,  thou  false  tongue  .-  Sharp  arrows  of  the 
mighty,  with  coals  of  juniper.'     Published  by  Authority. 

London.  Printed  by  Rich.  Cotes  for  John  Bellamy,  at  the  Three 
Golden  Lions  in  Comhill,  neare  the  Rovall  Exchanse.  1646." 
sm.  4to,  pp.  103. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

OF  THE  TRUE  GROUNDS  OR  CAUSE  OF  THE  FIRST  PLANTING 

OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


And   now   that   I    have    finished    what   I    conceive  chap. 
necessary    concerning   Mr.    Gorton's    scandalous    and  .^^ 
slanderous   books/  let  me   briefly  answer  some  objec- 
tions that  I  often  meet  withal  against  the  country  of 


New  England. 


The  first  that  I  meet  with  is  concerning  the  rise  and 
foundation  of  our  New  England  Plantations  ;  it  being 
alleged  (though  upon  a  great  mistake  by  a  late  writer)^ 


*  Winslow  was  sent  to  England 
in  1646  as  the  agent  of  Massachu- 
setts, to  defend  that  colony  against 
the  complaints  of  Gorton  ;  and  for 
that  purpose  published  the  work,  the 
title  of  which  is  given  on  the  last 
page,  and  of  which  this  Brief  Narra- 
tion constituted  an  Appendix.  No 
copy  of  it  is  known  to  exist  in  this 
country,  although  it  was  in  the 
possession  both  of  Prince  and  Mor- 
ton; and  I  have  endeavoured  in 
vain  to  procure  it  from  England. 
The  portion  of  the  volume  which  I 
print  was  copied  for  me  from  one 
in  the  British  Museum.  It  is  very 
desirable  that  the  whole  book  should 
be  reprinted  here,  as  Gorton's  work, 
to  which  it  is  an  answer,  has  been 
recently  embodied  in  the  Collections 


of  the  R.  I.  Historical  Society,  and 
the  merits  of  the  case  cannot  be  well 
understood  without  reading  both 
sides.  Full  information  about  Gor- 
ton will  be  found  in  Savage's  Win- 
throp,  ii.  57,  295—299;  Hutchin- 
son's Mass.  i.  117—124,  549;  Mor- 
ion's Memorial,  pp.  202-206; 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xvii.  48—51  ; 
Callender's  Historical  Discourse, 
in  R.  I.  Hist.  Coll.  iv.  89—92,  and 
ii.  9—20. 

*  This  was  Robert  Baylie,  minis- 
ter at  Glasgow,  who  in  1645  pub- 
lished "  A  Dissuasive  from  the 
Errors  of  the  Time,  wherein  the 
tenets  of  the  principal  sects,  espe- 
cially of  the  Independents,  are  ex- 
amined." In  this  work,  page  54, 
he  speaks  of  "  a  small  company  at 


380  THE   PILGRIMS   AT   LEYDEN. 

CHAP,  that  division  or  disag-reement  in  the  church  of  Leyden 

XXV.  . 

«— v^>^  was  the  occasion,  nay  cause,  of  the  first  plantation  in 
New  England  ;  for,  saith  the  author,  or  to  this  effect, 
when  they  could  no  longer  agree  together,  the  one 
part  went  to  New  England,  and  began  the  Plantation 
at  Plymouth,  which  he  makes  the  mother,  as  it  were, 
of  the  rest  of  the  churches  ;  as  if  the  foundation  of  our 
New  England  plantations  had  been  laid  upon  division 
or  separation,  than  which  nothing  is  more  untrue.^  For 
I  persuade  myself,  never  people  upon  earth  lived  more 
lovingly  together  and  parted  more  sweetly  than  we,  the 
church  at  Leyden,  did ;  not  rashly,  in  a  distracted 
humor,  but  upon  joint  and  serious  deliberation,  often 
seeking  the  mind  of  God  by  fasting  and  prayer ;  whose 
gracious  presence  we  not  only  found  with  us,  but  his 
blessing  upon  us,  from  that  time  to  this  instant,  to  the 
indignation  of  our  adversaries,  the  admiration  of  stran-^ 
gers,  and  the  exceeding  consolation  of  ourselves,  to  see 
such  effects  of  our  prayers  and  tears  before  our  pil- 


Leyden,  under  Master  Robinson's  land,  they  had  contention  among 
ministry,  which,  partly  by  divisions  themselves,  and  divided,  and  be- 
among  themselves,  was  well  near  came  two  congregations."  This  is 
brought  to  nought."  John  Cotton  a  misstatement;  they  had  no  con- 
of  Boston,  who  in  1648  wrote  his  tention  among  themselves.  Gover- 
work  entitled  "  The  Way  of  Con-  nor  Bradford  says  in  his  Dialogue, 
gregational  Churches  cleared  from  "They  lived  together  in  love  and 
the  historical  aspersions  of  Mr.  peace  all  their  days,  without  any 
Robert  Baylie,"  says,  p.  14,  ''The  considerable  differences,  or  any  dis- 
church  at  Leyden  was  in  peace,  turbance  that  grew  thereby,  but 
and  free  from  any  division,  when  such  as  was  easily  healed  in  love; 
they  took  up  thoughts  of  transport-  and  so  they  continued  until  with 
ing  themselves  into  America  with  mutual  consent  they  removed  into 
common  consent.  Themselves  do  New  England."  They  left  Am- 
declare  it,  that  the  proposition  of  sterdam  for  Leyden,  as  appears 
removal  was  set  on  foot  and  prose-  from  page  34,  in  order  to  avoid 
cuted  by  the  elders  upon  just  and  being  drawn  into  the  controversy 
weighty  grounds."  that  was  then  springing  up  be- 
'  Hutchinson,  too,  in  his  Hist,  of  tween  Smith's  company  and  John- 
Mass,  ii.  451,  says,  "  During  eleven  son's  church. 
or  twelve  years'  residence  in  Hoi- 


THEIR   REASONS   FOR   EMIGRATING.  381 

grimage  here  be  ended.     And  therefore   briefly  take  chap. 
notice  of  the  true  cause  of  it.  — ^^^ 

'Tis  true  that  that  poor  persecuted  flock  of  Christ,  1^608 
hy  the  malice  and  power  of  the  late  hierarchy,  were 
driven  to  Leyden  in  Holland,  there  to  bear  witness  in 
their  practice  to  the  kingly  office  of  Christ  Jesus  in 
his  church  ;  and  there  lived  together  ten  years  under  ^^ 
the  United  States,  with  much  peace  and  liberty.  But 
our  reverend  pastor,  Mr.  John  Robinson,  of  late  memo- 
ry, and  our  grave  elder,  Mr.  William  Brewster,  (now 
at  rest  with  the  Lord,)  considering,  amongst  many 
other  inconveniences,  how  hard  the  country  was  where 
we  lived,  how  many  spent  their  estate  in  it  and  were 
forced  to  return  for  England,  how  grievous  to  live 
from  under  the  protection  of  the  State  of  England,  how 
like  we  were  to  lose  our  language  and  our  name  of 
English,  how  little  good  we  did  or  were  like  to  do 
to  the  Dutch  in  reforming  the  sabbath,^  how  unable 
there  to  give  such  education  to  our  children  as  we  our- 
selves had  received,  &c.,  they,  I  say,  out  of  their 
Christian  care  of  the  flock  of  Christ  committed  to 
them,  conceived,  if  God  would  be  pleased  to  discover  1 6  17. 
some  place  unto  us,  (though  in  America,)  and  give  us 
so  much  favor  with  the  King  and  State  of  England  as 
to  have  their  protection  there,  where  we  might  enjoy 
the  like  liberty,  and  where,  the  Lord  favoring  our  en- 
deavours by  his  blessing,  we  might  exemplarily  show 
our  tender  countrymen  by  our  example,  no  less  bur- 
dened than  ourselves,  where  they  might  live  and  com- 
fortably subsist,  and  enjoy  the  like  liberties  with  us, 
being   freed   from    antichristian    bondage,    keep    their 

1  See  ncle  '  on  page  47. 


382  THEIR  APPLICATION   TO   KING  JAMES. 

CHAP,  names  and  nation,  and  not  only  be  a  means  to  enlarge 

XXV.  .  . 

— v^  the  dominions  of  our  State,  but  the  Church  of  Christ 

1617.  also,  if  the  Lord  have  a  people  amongst  the  natives 
whither  he  should  bring  us,  &c.  —  hereby,  in  their 
great  wisdoms,  they  thought  we  might  more  glorify 
God,  do  more  good  to  our  country,  better  provide  for 
our  posterity,  and  live  to  be  more  refreshed  by  our 
labors,  than  ever  we  could  do  in  Holland,  where  we 
were.^ 

Now  these  their  private  thoughts,  upon  mature  de- 
liberation, they  imparted  to  the  brethren  of  the  congre- 
gation, which  after  much  private  discussion  came  to 
public  agitation,  till  at  the  length  the  Lord  was 
solemnly  sought  in  the  congregation  by  fasting  and 
prayer  to  direct  us  ;  who  moving  our  hearts  more  and 

1618.  more  to  the  work,  we  sent  some  of  good  abilities  over 
into  England  to  see  what  favor  or  acceptance  such  a 
thing   might  find   with   the  King.     These  also  found 

**     God  going  along  with  them,  and  got  Sir  Edwin  Sands, 

a  religious  gentleman   then   living,  to  stir  in  it,  who 

procured  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  then  principal  Secretary 

of  State  to  King  James,  of  famous  memory,  to  move 

<^  his  Majesty  by  a  private  motion  to  give  way  to  such  a 

'(.  people  (who   could  not  so  comfortably  live  under  the 

government  of  another  State)  to  enjoy  their  liberty  of 

C  conscience   under   his  gracious  protection  in  x4merica, 

where   they  would   endeavour  the  advancement  of  his 

Majesty's  dominions  and  the  enlargement  of  the  Gospel 

by  all  due  means.     This  his  Majesty  said   was  a  good 

and  honest  motion,  and  asking  what  profits  might  arise 

'  Compare  this  with  Bradford's     ses  of  their  removal,   in  Chapter 
statement  of  the  reasons  and  cau-     IV.  pp.  44 — 48 


THEY  CONCLUDE  TO  PART  THE  CHURCH.  383 

in   the   part  we  intended,  (for  our  eye  was  upon  the  chap. 
most  northern    parts    of  Virginia,)'   'twas  answered,  — ^ 
Fishing.     To    which    he    repHed    with    his    ordinary  1618. 
asseveration,   "  So  God  have  my  soul,  'tis  an  honest 
trade ;    't  was    the  Apostles'  own  calling,"   &c.     But 
afterwards  he  told  Sir  Robert  Naunton  (who  took  all 
occasions  to  further  it)  that  we  should  confer  with  the 
bishops  of  Canterbury  and  London,^  &c.     Whereupon 
we  were  advised  to  persist  upon  his  first  approbation, 
and  not  to  entangle  ourselves  with  them  ;  which  caused 
our  agents  to  repair  to  the  Virginia  Company,  who  in  1619. 

Feb* 

their  court^  demanded  our  ends  of  going ;  which  being 
related,  they  said  the  thing  was  of  God,  and  granted  a 
large  patent,  and  one  of  them  lent  us  £300  gratis  for 
three  years,  which  was  repaid. 

Our  agents  returning,  we  further  sought  the  Lord  162  0. 
by  a  public  and  solemn  Fast,  for  his  gracious  guidance. 
And  hereupon  we  came  to  this  resolution,  that  it  was 
best  for  one  part  of  the  church  to  go  at  first,  and  the 
other  to  stay,  viz.  the  youngest  and  strongest  part  to 
go.  Secondly,  they  that  went  should  freely  offer 
themselves.  Thirdly,  if  the  major  part  went,  the 
pastor  to  go  with  them ;  if  not,  the  elder  only. 
Fourthly,  if  the  Lord  should  frown  upon  our  proceed- 
ings, then  those  that  went  to  return,  and  the  brethren 
that  remained  still  there,  to  assist  and  be  helpful  to 
them  ;  but  if  God  should  be  pleased  to  favor  them 
that  went,  then  they  also  should  endeavour  to  help 
over  such  as  were  poor  and  ancient  and  willing  to 
come. 

'^  See  note  ^  on  page  54.  note  ^  on  page   56,   and    Fuller's 

^  Abbot  was  at  this  time  arch-  Church     History,     iii.     293,    and 

bishop   of    Canterbury,   and    John  Wood's  Athen.  Oxon.  i.  457. 

King  was  bishop  of  London.     See        ^  See  note  "  on  page  67. 


384  THE   EMBARKATION   AT   DELFT-HAVEN. 

CHAP.  These  things  being  agreed,  the  major  part  stayed, 
— ---«^  and  the  pastor  with  them,  for  the  present ;  but  all 
1620.  intended  (except  a  very  few,  who  had  rather  we  would 
have  stayed)  to  follow  after.  The  minor  part,  with 
Mr.  Brewster,  their  elder,  resolved  to  enter  upon  this 
great  work,  (but  take  notice  the  difference  of  number 
was  not  great.)  And  when  the  ship  was  ready  to  carry 
us  away,  the  brethren  that  stayed  having  again  solemnly 
sought  the  Lord  with  us  and  for  us,  and  we  further 
engaging  ourselves  mutually  as  before,  they,  I  say, 
that  stayed  at  Leyden  feasted  us  that  were  to  go,  at 
our  pastor's  house,  being  large  ;  where  we  refreshed 
ourselves,  after  tears,  with  singing  of  psalms,  making 
joyful  melody  in  our  hearts,  as  well  as  with  the  voice, 
there  being  many  of  the  congregation  very  expert  in 
music  ;  and  indeed  it  was  the  sweetest  melody  that 
July  ever  mine  ears  heard.  After  this  they  accompanied 
^^'  us  to  Delph's  Haven,  where  we  were  to  embark,  and 
there  feasted  us  again  ;  and  after  prayer  performed  by 
our  pastor,  where  a  flood  of  tears  was  poured  out,  they 
accompanied  us  to  the  ship,  but  were  not  able  to 
speak  one  to  another  for  the  abundance  of  sorrow  to 
part.  But  we  only  going  aboard,  (the  ship  lying  to 
the  quay  and  ready  to  set  sail,  the  wind  being  fair,)  we 
gave  them  a  volley  of  small  shot  and  three  pieces  of 
ordnance,  and  so  lifting  up  our  hands  to  each  other, 
July  and   our  hearts  for  each  other  to  the  Lord  our  God, 

22.  ' 

we  departed,  and  found  his  presence  with  us  in  the 
midst  of  our  manifold  straits  he  carried  us  through. 
And  if  any  doubt  this  relation,  the  Dutch,  as  I  hear, 
at  Delph's  Haven  preserve  the  memory  of  it  to  this 
■^Qy  day,  and  will  inform  them. 
9-         But  falling  in  with  Cape  Cod,  which  is  in  New 


THE  SETTLEMENT  AT   PLYMOUTH.  383 


England,  and  standing  to  the  southward  for  the  place  chap. 

•  XXV 

we  intended,*   we   met  with   many  dangers,   and  the ^ 

mariners  put  back  into  the  harbour  of  the  Cape,  which  1620. 

1     '  Nov. 

was  the  11th  of  November,  1620;  where  considering  ii.' 
winter  was  come,  the  seas  dangerous,  the  season  cold, 
the  winds  high,  and  being  well  furnished  for  a  planta- 
tion, we  entered  upon  discovery  and  settled  at  Ply- 
mouth, where  God  being  pleased  to  preserve  and  ena- 
ble us,  we  that  went  were  at  a  thousand  pounds  charge 
in  sending  for  our  brethren  that  were  behind,  and  in 
providing  there  for  them  till  they  could  reap  a  crop  of 
their  own  labors. 

And  so,  good  reader,  I  have  given  thee  a  true  and 
faithful  account,  though  very  brief,  of  our  proceedings, 
wherein  thou  seest  how  a  late  writer,^  and  those  that 
informed  him,  have  wronged  our  enterprise.  And 
truly  what  I  have  written  is  far  short  of  what  it  was, 
omitting  for  brevity  sake  many  circumstances ;  as  the 
large  offers  the  Dutch  offered  to  us,  either  to  have 
removed  into  Zealand  and  there  lived  with  them,  or,  if 
we  would  go  on  such  adventures,  to  go  under  them  to 
Hudson's  river,  (where  they  have  since  a  great  planta- 
tion, &c.)  and  how  they  would  freely  have  transported 
us,  and  furnished  every  family  with  cattle,  &c.^  Also 
the  English  merchants  that,  joined  with  us  in  this 
expedition,  whom  we  since  bought  out  j''  which  is  fitter 
for  a  history  than  an  answer  to  such  an  objection,  and 
I  trust  will  be  accomplished  in  good  time.  By  all 
which  the  reader  may  see  there  was  no  breach  be- 
tween us  that  went  and  the  brethren  that  stayed,  but 
su£h  love  as  indeed  is  seldom  found  on  earth. 

'  See  note  '  on  page  102.  '  See  page  42. 

*  Baylie.  See  note'*  on  page  379.        "  See  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  47. 

49 


386 


SUCCEEDING   COLONIES   CONSULT   PLYMOUTH. 


CHAP. 
XXV. 


And  for  the  many  plantations  that  came  over  to  us 
upon  notice  of  God's  blessing  upon  us,  whereas  'tis 
falsely  said  they  took  Plymouth  for  their  precedent,  as 
fast  as  they  came  ;^  'tis  true,  I  confess,  that  some  of 
the  chief  of  them  advised  with  us,  (coming  over  to  be 
freed  from  the  burthensome  ceremonies  then  imposed 
in  England)  how  they  should  do  to  fall  upon  a  right 
platform  of  worship,  and  desired  to  that  end,  since 
God  had  honored  us  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  Com- 
monwealth, and  to  settle  a  Church  in  it,  to  show  them 
whereupon  our  practice  was  grounded  ;  and  if  they 
found,  upon  due  search,  it  was  built  upon  the  Word, 
they  should  be  willing  to  take  up  what  was  of  God. 
We  accordingly  showed  them  the  primitive  practice 
for  our  warrant,  taken  out  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
and  the  Epistles  written  to  the  several  churches  by 
the  said  Apostles,  together  with  the  commandments  of 
Christ  the  Lord  in  the  Gospel,  and  other  our  warrants 


^  "  The  dissuader,"  says  Cotton, 
"is  much  mistaken  when  he  saith, 
'  The  congregation  of  Plymouth  did 
incontinently  leaven  all  the  vicini- 
ty ;'  seeing  for  many  years  there 
was  no  vicinity  to  be  leavened. 
And  Salem  itself,  that  was  gather- 
ed into  church  order  seven  or  eight 
years  after  them,  was  above  forty 
miles  distant  from  them.  And 
though  it  be  very  likely  that  some 
of  the  first  comers  might  help  their 
theory  by  hearing  and  discerning 
their  practice  at  Plymouth,  yet 
therein  the  Scripture  is  fulfilled, 
The  kingdom  of  heaven  is  like 
unto  leaven,  which  a  woman  took 
and  hid  in  three  measures  of  meal, 
till  all  was  leavened."  Way,  fee. 
p.  16. 

Endicott,  writing  to  Governor 
Bradford  from  Salem,  May  11, 
1629,  says,  "  I  acknowledge  myself 
much  bound  to  you  for  your  kind 


love  and  care  in  sending  Mr.  Fuller 
(the  physician)  amongst  us,  and 
rejoice  much  that  I  am  by  him 
satisfied  touching  your  judgment  of 
the  outward  form  of  God's  wor- 
ship. It  is,  as  far  as  I  can  yet 
gather,  no  other  than  is  warranied 
by  the  evidence  of  truth,  and  the 
same  which  I  have  professed  and 
maintained  ever  since  the  Lord  in 
mercy  revealed  himself  unto  me, 
being  far  differing  from  the  com- 
mon report  that  hath  been  spread 
of  you  touching  that  particular." 
Fuller  liimself,  in  a  letter  dated 
Massachusetts,  June  28,  1630, 
writes,  "Here  is  a  gentleman,  one 
Mr.  Coddington,  a  Boston  man, 
who  told  ine  that  Mr.  Cotton's 
charge  to  them  at  Hampton  was, 
that  they  should  take  advice  of 
them  at  Plymouth,  and  should  do 
nothing  to  offend  them."  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  ill.  66,  75. 


THE   PRIMITIVE   CHURCHES   THE  ONLY   PATTERN.  387 

for  every  particular  we   did   from   the  book  of  God.  chap. 

Which  being  by  them  well  weighed  and  considered, - 

they  also  entered  into  covenant  with  God  and  one 
another  to  walk  in  all  his  ways,  revealed  or  as  they 
should  be  made  known  unto  them,  and  to  worsliip  him 
according  to  his  will  revealed  in  his  written  word  only, 
&c.  So  that  here  also  thou  mayest  see  they  set  not 
the  church  at  Plymouth  before  them  for  example,  but 
the  primitive  churches  were  and  are  their  and  our 
mutual  patterns  and  examples,  which  are  only  worthy 
to  be  followed,  having  the  blessed  Apostles  amongst 
them,  who  were  sent  immediately  by  Christ  himself, 
and  enabled  and  guided  by  the  unerring  spirit  of  God. 
And  truly  this  is  a  pattern  fit  to  be  followed  of  all  that 
fear  God,  and  no  man  or  men  to  be  followed  further 
than  they  follow  Christ  and  them. 

Having  thus  briefly  showed  that  the  foundation  of 
our  New  England  plantations  was  not  laid  upon  schism, 
division  or  separation,  but  upon  love,  peace  and  holi- 
ness ;  yea,  such  love  and  mutual  care  of  the  church 
of  Leyden  for  the  spreading  of  the  Gospel,  the  wel- 
fare of  each  other  and  their  posterities  to  succeeding 
generations,  as  is  seldom  found  on  earth ;  and  having 
showed  also  that  the  primitive  churches  are  the  only 
pattern  which  the  churches  of  Christ  in  New  England 
have  in  their  eye,  not  following  Luther,  Calvin,  Knox, 
Ainsvvorth,  Robinson,  Ames,  or  any  other,  further  than 
they  follow  Christ  and  his  Apostles,  I  am  earnestly 
requested  to  clear  up  another  gross  mistake  which 
caused  many,  and  still  doth,  to  judge  the  harder  of 
New  England  and  the  churches  there,  "  because  (say 
they)  the  Church  of  Plymouth,  which  went  first  from 


\ 


338  ROBINSON'S   DOCTRINE  OF  COMMUNION. 

CHAP.  Leyden,  were  schismatics,  Brownists,  rigid  Separatists, 
— ~  &c.,  having  Mr.  Robinson  for  their  pastor,  who  made 
and  to  the  last  professed  separation  from  other  the 
churches  of  Christ,  &c.  And  the  rest  of  the  churches 
in  New  England,  holding  communion  with  that  church, 
are  to  be  reputed  such  as  they  are." 

For  answer  to  this  aspersion,  first,  he  that  knew 
Mr.  Robinson  either  by  his  doctrine  daily  taught,  or 
hath  read  his  Apology,  published  not  long  before  his 
death,'  or  knew  the  practice  of  that  church  of  Christ 
under  his  government,  or  was  acquainted  with  the 
w^iolesome  counsel  he  gave  that  part  of  the  church 
which  went  for  New  England  at  their  departure  and 
afterward,  might  easily  resolve  the  doubt  and  take  off 
the  aspersion. 
16  17  For  his  doctrine,  I  living  three  years ^  under  his  min- 
1620.  istry,  before  we  began  the  work  of  plantation  in  New 
England,  it  was  always  against  separation  from  any 
the  churches  of  Christ ;  professing  and  holding  commu- 
nion both  with  the  French  and  Dutch  churches,^  yea, 
tendering  it  to  the  Scotch  also,  as  1  shall  make  appear 
more  particularly  anon ;  ever  holding  forth  how  wary 
persons  ought  to  be  in  separating  from  a  Church,  and 

^  la    1619.     Robinson    died   in  Again,  on  page  8,  he  says,  "Touch- 

1625.  ing  the  Reformed  Churches,  what 

*  From  1617  to  1620.     Winslow  more   shall  I  say?     We   account 

was  22  years  old  when  he  united  them  the  true  churches  of  Jesus 

himself  to  Robinson's  church   at  Christ,  and  both  profess  and  prac- 

Leyden.     See  note  on  page  274.  tise  communion   with  them  in  the 

'  Robinson  says  in  his  Apology,  holy  things  of  God,  what  in  us  lieth. 
page  6,  "  We  do  profess  before  God  Their  sermons  such  of  ours  fre- 
and  men,  that  such  is  our  accord,  quent,  as  understand  the  Dutch 
in  the  case  of  religion,  with  the  tongue;  the  sacraments  Ave  do  ad- 
Dutch  Reformed  Churches,  as  that  minister  to  their  known  members, 
we  are  ready  to  subscribe  to  all  and  if  by  occasion  any  of  them  be  pre- 
every  article  of  faith  in  the  same  sent  with  us;  their  distractions 
Church,  as  they  are  laid  down  in  and  other  evils  we  do  seriously  be- 
the  Harmony  of  Confessions  of  wail ;  and  do  desire  from  the  Lord 
Faith,  published   in   their  name."  their  holy  and  firm  peace." 


HIS   REGARD  FOR  THE   CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND.  339 

that  till  Christ  the  Lord  departed  wholly  from  it,  man  chap. 
ought  not  to  leave  it,  only  to  bear  witness  against  the  ^^^v^ 
corruption  that  was  in  it. 

But  if  any  object,  he  separated  from  the  Church  of 
England  and  wrote  largely  against  it,  but  yet  let  me 
tell  you  he  allowed  hearing  the  godly  ministers  preach 
and  pray  ^  in  the  public  assemblies  ;  yea,  he  allowed 
private  communion  ^  not  only  with  them,  but  all  that 
were  foithful  in  Christ  Jesus  in  the  kino;dom  and  else- 
where  upon  all  occasions  ;  yea,  honored  them  for  the 
power  of  godliness,  above  all  other  the  professors  of 
religion  in  the  world.  Nay,  I  may  truly  say,  his  spirit 
cleaved  unto  them,  being  so  well  acquainted  with  the 
integrity  of  their  hearts  and  care  to  walk  blameless  in 
their  lives ;  which  was  no  small  motive  to  him  to  per- 
suade us  to  remove  from  Holland^  where  we  might 
probably  not  only  continue  English,  but  have  and 
maintain  such  sweet  communion  with  the  godly  of 
that  nation  as  through  God's  great  mercy  we  enjoy 
this  day. 

'Tis  true,  I  confess,  he  was  more  rigid  in  his  course 
and  way  at  first  than  towards  his  latter  end  ;  '^  for  his 
study  was  peace  and  union,  so  far  as  might  agree  with 
faith  and  a  good  conscience  ;  and  for  schism  and  divi- 

*  Cotton  says,  "  This  must  not  any  church,  but  from  the  world.'  " 

be    understood    of    the    Common  Prince,  Annals,  p.  174. 

Prayer  Book,   but  of  the  prayers  ^  The    Avords    "  to  some    other 

conceived  by  the  preacher   before  place,"  seem  to  be  here  accidentally 

and  after  sermon."     Way,  p.  8.  omitted. 

-  "  By  private  communion  I  sup-  *  Baylie  himself  acknowledges 
pose  he  means  in  opposition  to  the  that  "Master  Robinson  was  the 
mixed  communion  in  the  public  most  learned,  polished,  and  modest 
churches  ;  that  is,  he  allowed  all  of  spirit  that  ever  that  sect  enjoyed  ;  " 
tbe  Church  of  England  who  were  and  adds,  "it  had  been  truly  a  mar- 
known  to  be  pious  to  have  commu-  vel  if  such  a  man  had  gone  on  to 
nion  in  his  private  church.  For  as  the  end  a  rigid  Separatist."  Dis- 
Mr.  Cotton,  writing  of  Mr.  Robin-  suasive,  p.  l"?. 
son,  says,  '  He  separated  not  from 


390  HIS   DISLIKE  OF  EPISCOPACY   AND   THE  LITURGY. 

CHAP,  sion,  there  was  nothins;  in  the  world  more  hateful  to 

XXV  ^ 

— v^-  him.  But  for  the  government  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, as  it  was  in  the  Episcopal  way,  the  Liturgy,'  and 
Stinted  prayers  of  the  Church  then,  yea,  the  constitu- 
tion of  it  as  National,  and  so  consequently  the  corrupt 
communion  of  the  unworthy  with  the  worth v  receivers 
of  the  Lord's  Supper,  these  things  were  never  approved 
of  him,  but  witnessed  against  to  his  death,  and  are  by 
the  church  over  which  he  was,  to  this  day.'  And  if 
the  Lord  would  be  pleased  to  stir  up  the  hearts  of 
those  in  whom  (under  him)  the  power  of  reformation 
lies  to  reform  that  abuse,  that  a  distinction  might  once 
be  put  between  the  precious  and  the  vile,  particular 
churches  might  be  gathered  by  the  powerful  preaching 
of  the  Word,  those  only  admitted  into  communion 
whose  hearts  the  Lord  persuades  to  submit  unto  the 
iron  rod  of  the  Gospel,  O  how  sweet  then  would  the 
communion  of  the  churches  be  !  How  thorough  the 
reformation  !  How  easy  would  the  differences  be  re- 
conciled between  the  Presbyterian  and  Independent 
way !     How  would  the  God  of  peace,  who  command- 

*  "  Our  faith  is  not  negative,  nor  strangers  from  all  show  of  true  piety 

consists     in    the    condemning    of  and  goodness,  and  fraught  never  so 

others,  and  wiping  their  names  out  full  with  many  most  heinous  impie- 

of  the  bead-roll  of  churches,  but  in  ties  and  vices,  are  without  difference 

the  edifying  of  ourselves  ;  neither  compelled  and  enforced  by  most  se- 

require  we  of  any  of  ours,  in  the  vere  laws,  civil  and   ecclesiastical, 

confession  of  their  faith,  that  they  into  the  body  of  that  church.     And 

either   renounce   or   in   one    word  of  this  confused  heap  (a  few,  coni- 

contest  with   the  Church  of  Eng-  pared  with  the  rest,  godly  persons 

land  —  whatsoever    the  world  cla-  mingled   among,)  is   that  national 

mors  of  us  in  this  way.     Our  faith  church,  commonly  called  the  church 

is  founded  upon  the  writings  of  the  of  England,  collected  and  framed. 

Prophets  and  Apostles,  in  which  no  Every    subject    of    the    kingdom, 

mention  of  the  Church  of  England  dwelling  in  this  or  that  parish,  is 

is  made."  bound,  will  he,  nill  he,  fit  or  unfit, 

"No  man  to  whom  England  is  as  with  iron  bonds,  to  participate 

known  can  be  ignorant  that  all  the  in  all  holy  things,  and  some  unholy 

natives  there,  and  subjects  of  the  also,  in  that  same  parish  church." 

kingdom,    although     never     such  Robinson's  Apology,  pp.  52,  56. 


THE   PILGRLMS  NOT   SCHISMATICS.  391 

€th  love  and  good  agreement,  smile  upon  this  nation  !  chap. 
How  would  the  subtle  underminers  of  it  be  disa})point-  -X~ 
ed,  and  the  faithful  provoked  to  sing  songs  of  praise 
and  thanksgiving  !  Nay,  how  would  the  God  of  order 
be  glorified  in  such  orderly  walking  of  the  saints!  And 
as  they  have  fought  together  for  the  liberties  of  the 
kingdom,  ecclesiastical  and  civiV  so  may  they  join 
together  in  the  preservation  of  them  (which  otherwise, 
'tis  to  be  feared,  will  not  long  continue)  and  in  the 
praises  of  our  God,  who  hath  been  so  good  to  his  poor 
distressed  ones,  whom  he  hath  delivered  and  whom  he 
will  deliver  out  of  all  their  troubles.  But  I  have  made 
too  great  a  digression,  and  must  return. 

In  the  next  place  I  should  speak  of  Mr.  Robinson's 
Apology,  wherein  he  maketh  a  brief  defence  against 
many  adversaries,  &c.  But  because  it  is  both  in  Latin 
and  English,^  of  small  price,  and  easy  to  be  had,  I  shall 
forbear  to  write  of  it,  and  only  refer  the  reader  to  it  for 
the  difference  between  his  congregation  and  other  the 
Reformed  Churches. 

The  next  thing  1  would  have  the  reader  take  notice 
of  is,  that  however  the  church  of  Leyden  differed  in 
some  particulars,  yet  made  no  schism  or  separation 
from  the  Reformed  Churches,  but  held  communion 
with  them  occasionally.  For  we  ever  placed  a  large 
difference  between  those  that  grounded  their  practice 
upon  the  word  of  God,  (though  differing  from  us  in  the 
exposition  or  understanding  of  it)  and  those  that  hated 
such  Reformers  and  Reformation,  and  went  on  in  anti- 
christian  opposition  to  it  and  persecution  of  it,  as  the 

'  This  was  written  and  published        ^  See  the  title  of  this  work,  note  ^ 
in  England  in  the  time  of  the  civil    on  page  40. 
wars  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I. 


392  COMMUNION   WITH  THE   DUTCH  CHURCHES. 

CHAP,  late  Lord  Bishops  did,  who  would  not  in  deed  and 
^^^^-^  truth  (whatever  their  pretences  were)  that  Christ 
should  rule  over  them.  But  as  they  often  stretched 
out  their  hands  against  the  saints,  so  God  hath  wither- 
ed the  arm  of  their  power,  thrown  them  down  from 
their  high  and  lofty  seats,  and  slain  the  chief  of  their 
persons,  as  well  as  the  hierarchy,  that  he  might  be- 
come an  example  to  all  those  that  rise  against  God  in 
his  sabbath,  in  the  preaching  of  his  word,  in  his  saints, 
in  the  purity  of  his  ordinances.  And  I  heartily  desire 
that  others  may  hear  and  fear  withal. 

As  for  the  Dutch,  it  was  usual  for  our  members  that 
understood  the  language  and  lived  in  or  occasionally 
came  over  to  Leyden,  to  communicate  with  them,  as 
one  John  Jenny,^  a  brewer,  long  did,  his  wife  and 
family,  &c.  and  without  any  offence  to  the  church. 
So  also  for  any  that  had  occasion  to  travel  into  any 
other  part  of  the  Netherlands,  they  daily  did  the  like. 
And  our  pastor,  Mr.  Robinson,  in  the  time  when  Ar- 
minianism  prevailed  so  much,  at  the  request  of  the 
most  orthodox  divines,  as  Polyander,  Festus  Hommius, 
1613.  &c.  disputed  daily  against  Episcopius  (in  the  Academy 
at  Leyden)  and  others,  the  grand  champions  of  that 
error,  and  had  as  good  respect  amongst  them  as  any  of 
their  own  divines.^  Insomuch  as  when  God  took  him 
away  from  them  and  us  by  death,  the  University  and 
ministers  of  the  city  accompanied  him  to  his  grave 
with  all  their  accustomed  solemnities,  bewailing  the 
great  loss  that  not  only  that  particular  churdh  had, 
whereof  he  was  pastor,  but  some  of  the  chief  of  them 


'  He  was  one  of  the  passengers        *  See  pages  40 — 42. 
in  the  Ann.   See  note  on  page  352. 


COMMUNION   WITH   THE   FRENCH   CHURCHES.  393 

sadly  affirmed  that  all  the  churches  of  Christ  sustained  chap. 
a  loss  by  the  death  of  that  worthy  instrument  of  the  — ^-^ 
Gospel.'  1  could  instance  also  divers  of  their  members 
that  understood  the  English  tongue,  and  betook  them- 
selves to  the  communion  of  our  church,  went  with  us 
to  New  England,  as  Godbert  Godbertson,^  &c.  Yea, 
at  this  very  instant,  another,  called  Moses  Symonson,^ 
because  a  child  of  one  that  was  in  communion  with 
the  Dutch  church  at  Leyden,  is  admitted  into  church 
fellowship  at  Plymouth  in  New  England,  and  his  child- 
ren also  to  baptism,  as  well  as  our  own,  and  other 
Dutch  also  in  communion  at  Salem,  &:c. 

And  for  the  French  churches,  that  we  held  and  do 
hold  communion  with  them,  take  notice  of  our  practice 
at  Leyden,  viz.  that  one  Samuel  Terry  was  received 
from  the  French  church  there  into  communion  with  us. 
Also  the  wife  of  Francis  Cooke,''  being  a  Walloon,  holds  ^ 
communion  with  the  church  at  Plymouth,  as  she  came 
from  the  French,  to  this  day,  by  virtue  of  communion 

'  "  Contrary  to  Mr.  Baylie's  sug-  Mrs.  Adams,  the  wife  of  Presi- 

£jestion.   Gov.   Bradford   and   Gov.  dent  John  Adams,  in  a  letter  writ- 

Winslovv  lell   us    that  Mr.  Robin-  ten  Sept.  12,  1786,  says,  "I  would 

son  and  his  people  always  lived  in  not  omit  to  mention  that  I  visited 

great   love   and    harmony    among  the  church  at  Leyden,  in  which  our 

themselves,  as  also  with  the  Dutch,  forefathers  worshipped,  when  they 

with  whom  they  sojourned.     And  fled  from  hierarchical  tyranny  and 

when  I  was  at  Leyden  in  1714,  the  persecution.     I  felt  a  respect  and 

most  ancient  people  from  their  pa-  veneration  upon  entering  the  doors, 

rents   told    me,  that   the  city  had  like  what  the  ancients  paid  to  their 

such   a  value  for   them,   as  to    let  Druids." 

them   have  one  of  their  churches,  "  This  name   is  also  spelt  Cud- 

in  the  chancel  whereof  he  lies  bu-  bart     Cudbartson      and     Cuthbert 

ried,  which  the  English  slill  enjoy ;  Cuthbertson.      He    came    in    the 

and  that  as  he  was  had  in  high  es-  Ann.     See  note  on  page  352. 

teem  both  by  the  city  and  univer-  '  Symonson    came  in   the   For- 

sity,  for  his  learning,  piety,  moder-  tune.       The     name    has    become 

ation,  and    excellent    accomplish-  changed     into      Simmons.       See 

ments,  the  magistrates,  ministers,  note  *  on  page  235. 

scholars,   and  most  of  the   gentry  ^  Francis    Cooke    came   in    the 

mourned  his  death  as  a  public  loss,  Mayflower,    and   his   wife    Hester 

and  followed   him   to   the  grave."  and    children    in    the   Ann.      See 

Prince,  p.  238.  note  '  on  page  39. 

50 


394 


THE   FRENCH   AND   DUTCH   CHURCHES. 


CHAP,  of  churches.  There  is  also  one  Philip  Delanoy,'  horn 
^^-^-^  of  French  parents,  came  to  us  from  Leyden  to  New 
Plymouth,  who  coming  to  age  of  discerning,  demanded 
also  communion  with  us ;  and  proving  himself  to  be 
come  of  such  parents  as  were  in  full  communion  with 
the  French  churches,  was  hereupon  admitted  by  the 
church  of  Plymouth  ;  and  after,  upon  his  removal  of 
habitation  to  Duxburrow,^  where  Mr.  Ralph  Partridge^ 
is  pastor  of  the  church,  and  upon  letters  of  recommen- 
dation from  the  church  at  Plymouth  he  was  also  ad- 
mitted  into  fellowship  with  the  church  at  Duxburrow, 
being  six  miles  distant  from  Plymouth;  and  so,  I  dare 
say,  if  his  occasions  lead  him,  may  from  church  to 
church  throughout  New  England.  For  the  truth  is, 
the  Dutch  and  French  churches,  either  of  them  being 


'  De  la  Noye  came  in  the  For- 
tune. This  n.ime  has  become  cor- 
rupted into  Delano. 

-  The  church  in  Duxbury  was 
formed  in  16.J2.  "  Those  that  lived 
on  their  lots  on  the  other  side  of  the 
bav,  (called  Duxburrow,)  could  no 
longer  bring  their  wives  and  child- 
ren to  the  public  worship  and 
church  meetings  here  (at  Ply- 
mouth,) but  with  such  burthen,  as 
growing  to  some  competent  num- 
ber, they  sued  to  be  dismissed  and 
become  a  body  of  themselves;  and 
so  they  were  dismissed  about  this 
time,  (though  very  unwillingly,) 
and  some  time  after  being  united 
into  one  entire  body,  they  procured 
Reverend  Mr.  Ralph  Partrich  to  be 
their  pastor."  MS.  Records  Plym. 
Ch.  p.  36.  "  So  that  Duxbury 
seems  to  be  the  second  town  and 
church  in  Plymouth-  Colony,  and 
the  next  town  settled  after  New- 
ton, that  is,  Cambridge,  in  New 
England."  Prince,  p.  411.  See 
note  on  page  126. 

^  Ralph  Partridge,    "a  gracious 
man  of  great  abilities,"  arrived  at 


Boston  in   1636.     He  had  been  a 
clergyman  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, but   "being   hunted,  by  the 
ecclesiastical     setters,  like  a  par- 
tridge on  the  mountains,  he  had  no 
defence,  neither  of  beak  nor  claw, 
but  a  flight  over  the  ocean."     He 
was  a  member  of  the  Cambridge 
Synod,  in  1647,  and  was  associated 
with    John    Cotton    and    Increase 
Mather,  in    drawing  up   the   Plat- 
form   of  church   government    and 
discipline.     He   continued    in    the 
ministry  at  Duxbury  till   his  death 
in    1653.      Cotton    Mather,    after 
playing  upon  his  name  through  a 
whole   page,  concludes  his  Life  of 
him    thus;    "Mr.    Partridge    was, 
notwithstanding    the   paucity   and 
poverty    of    his    congregation,    so 
afraid  of  being  any  thing  that  look- 
ed like  a  bird  wandering  from  his 
nest,  that   he    remained    with   his 
poor  people,  till  he  took  wing  to 
become  a  bird  of  paradise,  along 
with  the  winged  seraphim  of  hea- 
ven.     EpUaphtum  —  Avolavit  !  " 
Ste   Morton's   Memorial,  p.  276  ; 
Mather's  Magnalia,  i.  365. 


COMMUNION   WITH   THE   SCOTCH.  395 

a  people  distinct  from  the  world,  and   gathered  into  a  chap. 
holy  communion,  and  not  national  churches,  —  nay  so  >1-^ 
far  from  it  as  I  verily  helieve  the  sixth  person  is  not  of 
the  church,  —  the  difference  is  so  small  (if  moderately 
pondered  between  them  and  us)  as  we  dare  not  for  the 
world  deny  communion  with  them. 

And  for  the  Church  of  Scotland,  however  we  have 
had  least  occasion  ofifeied  to  hold  communion  with 
them,  yet  thus  much  I  can  and  do  affirm,  that  a  godly 
divine  coming  over  to  Leyden  in  Holland,  where  a 
book  was  printed  anno  1619,  as  I  take  it,  showing  the 
nullity  of  Perth  Assembly,^  whom  we  judged  to  be  the 
author  of  it,  and  hidden  in  Holland  for  a  season  to 
avoid  the  rage  of  those  evil  times,  (whose  name  I  have 
forgotten,)  this  man  being  very  conversant  with  our 
pastor,  Mr.  Robinson,  and  using  to  come  to  hear  him 
on  the  sabbath,  after  sermon  ended,  the  church  being  1619, 
to  partake  in  the  Lord's  Supper,  this  minister  stood 
up  and  desired  he  might,  without  offence,  stay  and  see 
the  manner  of  his  administration  and  our  participation 
in  that  ordinance.  To  whom  our  pastor  answered  in 
these  very  words,  or  to  this  effect,  "  Reverend  Sir,  you 
may  not  only  stay  to  behold  us,  but  partake  with  us,  if 
you  please ;  for  we  acknowledge  the  churches  of  Scot- 
land to  be  the  churches  of  Christ,"  &c.  The  minister 
also  replied  to  this  purpose,  if  not  also  in  the  same 
words,  "  that  for  his  part  he  could  comfortably  partake 
with  the  church,  and  willingly  would,   but  that  it   is 

'  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  in  a  letter  fairs  of  the  church.     It  is  without 

to  Secretary  Naunton,  dated  at  the  name  either  of  author  or  printer; 

Hague,   July  17,  1619,  writes,  "I  but  I  am  informed   it  is  printed  by 

have  s^en,  within   these  two  days,  a  certain  English  Erownist  of  Ley- 

a Certain  Scottish  book,  called  Per/A  den,   as   are  most   of  the  Puritan 

Assfimbly^  wriUen  with  much  scorn  hooks  sent  over  of  late  days  ir.to 

and  reproach  of  the  proceeding  in  England."     Letters,  p.  379.     See 

that    kingdom  coacerning  the  af-  note  '  on  page  42. 


396  ROBINSON'S  FAREWELL   ADVICE. 

CHAP,  possible  some  of  his  brethren  of  Scotland  mi^ht  take 

XXV.  ... 

— ^  offence  at  his  act ;  which  he  desired  to  avoid  in  regard 

1619.  of  the  opinion  the  English  churches,  which  they 
held  communion  withal,  had  of  us."  However,  he 
rendered  thanks  to  Mr.  Robinson,  and  desired  in  that 
respect  to  be  only  a  spectator  of  us.^  These  things  I 
was  earnestly  requested  to  publish  to  the  world  by 
some  of  the  godly  Presbyterian  party,  who  apprehend 
the  world  to  be  ignorant  of  our  proceedings,  conceiving 
in  charity  that  if  they  had  been  known,  some  late  wri- 
ters and  preachers  would  never  have  written  and  spoke 
of  us  as  they  did,  and  still  do  as  they  have  occasion. 
But  what  they  ignorantly  judge,  write,  or  speak  of  us, 
I  trust  the  Lord  in  mercy  will  pass  by. 

In  the  next  place,  for  the  wholesome  counsel  Mr. 
Robinson  gave  that  part  of  the  church  whereof  he  was 

1620.  pastor  at  their  departure  from  him  to  begin  the  great 
work  of  plantation  in  New  England,  —  amongst  other 
wholesome  instructions  and  exhortations  he  used  these 
expressions,  or  to  the  same  purpose  : 

"  We  are  now  ere  long  to  part  asunder,  and  the 
Lord  knoweth  whether  ever  he  should  live  to  see  our 
faces  again.  But  whether  the  Lord  had  appointed  it 
or  not,  he  charged  us  before  God  and  his  blessed  an- 
gels, to  follow  him  no  further  than  he  followed  Christ ; 
and  if  God  should  reveal  any  thing  to  us  by  any  other 
instrument  of  his,  to  be  as  ready  to  receive  it  as  ever 
we  were  to  receive  any  truth  by  his  ministry  ;  for  he 
was  very  confident  the  Lord  had  more  truth  and  light 

*  Cotton,  in  his  Way  of  Congre-  John  Tarbes,)  he  offered  him  com- 

gational  Churches  Cleared,  page  8,  munion  at  the  Lord's  table  ;  though 

says,  "I  have  been  given  to  under-  the  other,  for  fear  of  offence  to  the 

stand,  that   when  a  reverend  and  Scottish  churches  at  home, excused 

godly  Scottish  njinister  came  that  himself." 
way,  (it  seemeth  to  have  been  Mr. 


ROBINSON'S   FAREWELL  ADVICE.  397 

yet  to  break  forth  out  of  his  holy  word.  He  took  oc-  chap. 
casion  also  miserably  to  bewail  the  state  and  condition  ^JL, 
of  the  Reformed  Churches,  who  were  come  to  a  period  162  0. 
in  religion,  and  would  go  no  further  than  the  instru- 
ments of  their  Reformation.  As,  for  example,  the 
Lutherans,  they  could  not  be  drawn  to  go  beyond 
what  Luther  saw;  for  whatever  part  of  God's  will  he 
had  further  imparted  and  revealed  to  Calvin,  they  will 
rather  die  than  embrace  it.  And  so  also,  saith  he,  you 
see  the  Calvinists,  they  stick  where  he  left  them  ;  a 
misery  much  to  be  lamented  ;  for  though  they  were 
precious  shining  lights  in  their  times,  yet  God  had  not 
revealed  his  whole  will  to  them  ;  and  were  they  now 
living,  saiih  he,  they  would  be  as  ready  and  willing 
to  embrace  further  light,  as  that  they  had  received. 
Here  also  he  put  us  in  mind  of  our  church  covenant,^ 
at  least  that  part  of  it  whereby  we  promise  and  cove- 
nant with  God  and  one  with  another,  to  receive  what- 
soever light  or  truth  shall  be  made  known  to  us  from 
his  written  word  ;  but  withal  exhorted  us  to  take  heed 
what  we  received  for  truth,  and  well  to  examine  and 
compare  it  and  weigh  it  with  other  Scriptures  of  truth 
before  we  received  it.  For,  saith  he,  it  is  not  possible 
the  Christian  world  should  come  so  lately  out  of  such 
thick  antichristian  darkness,  and  that  full  perfection  of 
knowledge  should  break  forth  at  once. 

"Another  thing  he  commended  to  us,  was  that  we 
should  use  all  means  to  avoid  and  shake  off  the  name 
of  Brownist,^  being  a  mere  nickname   and  brand  to 


^  See  on  page  21,  the  terms  of  the  '  In  his  book  on  "Religious  Com- 

cfcvenant  here  alluded  to,  by  which  munion,  primed  in  1614,  Robinson 

they  affree  "  to  walk  in  all  the  ways  says,  p.  45,  "  He  miscalls  us  Brown- 

of  the  Lord,  made   known  or  to  be  ists  ;"  and  on  the  title  pace  of  his 

made  known  unto  them."  Apology   he    speaks    of   "certain 


398 


ROBINSON'S   FAREWELL   ADVICE. 


CHAP,  make  religion  odious  and  the  professors  of  it  to  the 

XXV 

-^■^^  Christian  world.  And  to  that  end,  said  he,  I  should 
1620.  be  glad  if  some  godly  minister  would  go  over  with  jou 
before  my  coming ; '  for,  said  he,  there  will  be  no  dif- 
ference between  the  unconformable  ^  ministers  and 
JOU,  when  they  come  to  the  practice  of  the  ordinances 
out  of  the  kingdom.^     And  so  advised  us  by  all  means 


Christians,  contumeliously  called 
Brownists."  See  this  matter  set 
right  by  Dr.  Holmes,  in  his  Annals, 
i.  572.  Some  account  of  Brown  will 
be  given  hereafter. 

'  They  had  engaged  a  minister 
to  go  wiih  them.     See  page  85. 

'^  That  is,  the  nonconforming 
clergy,  who  had  not  separated  from 
the  church. 

^  This  prediction  was  remarka- 
bly fulfilled  in  the  case  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts colonists.  Higginson, 
in  1629,  in  taking  his  last  look  of 
his  native  land  from  the  stern  of 
his  ship,  exclaimed,  "  We  will  not 
say  as  the  Separatists  were  wont 
to  say  at  their  leaving  of  Eng- 
land, Farewell,  Babylon  !  Farewell, 
Rome  !  But  we  will  say,  Fare- 
well, dear  England  !  Farewell,  the 
Church  of  Gud  in  England,  and  all 
the  Christian  friends  there!  We 
do  not  go  to  New  England  as  se- 
paratists from  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land." Gov.  Winthrop,  too,  and 
his  company,  on  their  departure  in 
1630,  in  their  address  "  to  the  rest  of 
their  brethren  in  and  of  the  Church 
of  England,"  say,  "  We  desire  you 
would  be  pleased  to  take  notice  of 
the  principals  and  body  of  our  com- 
pany, as  those  who  esteem  it  our 
honor  to  call  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, from  whence  we  rise,  our 
dear  mother,  and  cannot  part  from 
our  native  country,  where  she 
specially  resideth,  without  much 
sadness  of  heart,  and  many  tears 
in  our  eyes,  ever  acknowledging 
that  such  hope  and  part  as  we  have 
obtained  in  the  common  salvation, 
we  have  received  in  her  bosom  and 
sucked  it  from  her  breasts.     We 


leave  it  not  therefore  as  loathing 
that  milk  wherewith  we  were  nou- 
rished there,  but  blessing  God  for 
the  parentage  and  education,  as 
members  of  the  same  body,  shall 
always  rejoice  in  her  good,  and 
unfeignedly  grieve  for  any  sorrow 
that  shall  ever  betide  her,  and  while 
we  have  breath,  sincerely  desire 
and  endeavour  the  continuance  and 
abundance  of  her  welfare,  with  the 
enlargement  of  her  bounds  in  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  .Jesus  ;  wishing 
our  heads  and  hearts  were  fountains 
of  tears  for  your  everlasting  wel- 
fare, when  we  shall  be  in  our  poor 
cottages  in  the  wilderness,  over- 
shadowed with  the  spirit  of  suppli- 
cation." 

These  professions  were  undoubt- 
edly heartfelt  and  sincere.  And 
yet  no  sooner  were  these  Noncon- 
formists in  a  place  where  they  could 
act  for  themselves,  ihan  they  pur- 
sued precisely  the  course  taken  by 
the  Separatists,  adopted  their  form 
of  ecclesiastical  discipline  and  gov- 
ernment, and  set  up  Independent 
churches.  Higginson,  though  a 
presbyter  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, was  ordained  over  again  by 
the  members  of  his  own  congrega- 
tion at  Salem.  Phillips,  after- 
wards the  minister  of  Walertown, 
who  signed  the  above  address  with 
Wmihrop,  declared  soon  after  his 
arrival,  that  if  his  companions 
would  "have  him  stand  minister 
by  that  calhng  which  he  received 
from  the  prelates  in  England,  he 
would  leave  them."  And  when 
Mr.  Cotton  came  over  in  1633,  "  by 
his  preaching  and  practice  he  did 
by  degrees  mould  all  their  church 


THE   PILGRIMS   NOT   EXCLUSIONISTS.  399 

to  endeavour  to  close  with  the  godly  l)arty  of  the  king-  chap. 
dom  of  England,  and   rather  to  study  union  than  divi — — ^ 
sion,   viz.  how   near  we   might    possibly  without   sin  1620. 
close  with   thein,  than   in  the  least  measure  to  affect 
division  or  separation  from   them.     And  be  not  loath 
to  take  another  pastor  or  teacher,  saith  he ;   for  that 
flock  that  hath   two  shepherds  is  not  endangered  but 
secured  by  it." ' 

Many  other  things  there  were  of  great  and  weighty 
consequence  which  he  commended  to  us.  But  these 
things  I  thought  good  to  relate,  at  the  request  of  some 
well-wiUers  to  the  peace  and  good  agreement  of  the 
godly,  (so  distracted  at  present  about  the  settling  of 
church  government  in  the  kingdom  of  England,)  that 
so  both  sides  may  truly  see  what  this  poor  despised 
church  of  Christ,  now  at  New  Plymouth  in  New  Eng- 
land, but  formerly  at  Leyden  in  Holland,  was  and  is ; 
how  far  they  were  and  still  are  from  separation  from 
the  churches  of  Christ,  especially  those  that  are  Re- 
formed. 

'Tis  true  we  profess  and  desire  to  practise  a  separation 

administrations  into  the  very  same  writers,   such    as   Mather,   Prince 

form  which  Mr.  Phillips  labored  to  and    Neal,    have    copied    it    from 

introduce  into  the  churches  before ;"  Winslow. 

so  that  after  a  while  there  was  no  "Words,"    says   Prince,    speak- 

perceptible  difference   between  the  ing  of  this   exhortation,    "almost 

Puritans  of  Massachusetts  and  the  astonishing  in  that  age  of  low  and 

Separatists  of  Plymouth.     See  Ma-  universal  bigotry  which   then  pre- 

ther's  Magnalia,  i.  ri28 ;  Hutchin-  vailed     in     the    English    nation; 

son's   Mass.  i.  487;  Morion's   Me-  wherein  this  truly  great  and  learned 

morial,  p.   146  ;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  man   seems  to   be  the  only  divine 

iii.  74,  XV.  186.  who  was  capable  of  rising  into  a 

*  We  have  here  this  celebrated  noble  freedom  of  thinking  and  prac- 

farewell  discourse  of  Robinson   in  tising  in  religious  matters,  and  even 

its  original    form.     Winslow  was  of  urging  such  an  equal  liberty  on 

present   and    heard   it,   and  either  his  own  people.     He  labors  to  take 

taok  it  down  from  memory  or  from  them  off  from  their  attachment  to 

the  notes  of  his  pastor.     It  appear-  him,  that  they  might  be  more  en- 

ed  in  print  for  the  first  time  in  1646,  tirely  free  to   search  and  follow  the 

in  this  work,  and  all   succeeding  Scriptures."     Annals,  p.  176. 


400  ROBINSON   NOT  A   RIGID   SEPARATIST. 

CHAP,  from  the  world,  and  the  works  of  the  world,  which  are 
.--v-^  works  of  the  flesh,  such  as  the  Apostle  speaketh  of.  And 
Ephes.  as  the  churches  of  Christ  are  all  saints  bj  calling,  so  we 
^ico^!'  desire  to  see  the  grace  of  God  shining  forth  (at  least 
9-ii-  seemingly,  leaving;  secret  things  to  God)  in  all  we  admit 

Ephes.  ft  ^  '  o  o  / 

ii.u,i2. -j^^Q  cl^Qich  fellowship  with  us,  and  to  keep  off  such  as 
openly  wallow  in  the  mire  of  their  sins,  that  neither  the 
holj  things  of  God  nor  the  communion  of  the  saints  may 
be  leavened  or  polluted  thereby.  And  if  any  joining  to 
us  formerly,  either  when  we  lived  at  Leyden  in  Hol- 
land or  since  we  came  to  New  England,  have  with  the 
manifestation  of  their  faith  and  profession  of  holiness 
held  forth  therewith  separation  from  the  Church  of 
England,  I  have  divers  times,  both  in  the  one  place  and 
the  other,  heard  either  Mr.  Robinson,  our  pastor,  or 
Mr.  Brewster,  our  elder,  stop  them  forthwith,  showing 
them  that  we  required  no  such  things  at  their  hands,* 
but  only  to  hold  forth  faith  in  Christ  Jesus,  holiness  in 
the  fear  of  God,  and  submission  to  every  ordinance  and 
appointment  of  God,  leaving  the  Church  of  England 
to  themselves  and  to  the  Lord,  before  whom  they 
should  stand  or  fall,  and  to  whom  we  ought  to  pray  to 
reform  what  was  amiss  amongst  them.^     Now  this  re- 

*  Cotton  too  says,  "  When  some  of  England  ;  penned  by  that  learned 
Englishmen  ihatotfered  themselves  and  reverend  divine,  Mr.  John  Ro- 
to become  members  of  his  church,  binson,  late  pastor  to  the  English 
would  sometimes  in  their  confes-  church  of  God  in  Leyden  ;  primed 
sions  profess  their  separation  from  according  to  the  cony  that  was 
the  church  of  England,  Mr.  Robin-  found  in  his  study  after  his  de- 
son  would  bear  witness  against  cease."  From  this  rare  work  I 
such  profession,  avouching  they  re-  extract  the  concluding  paragraph, 
quired  no  such  professions  of  sepa-  "  To  conclude.  For  myself,  thus 
ration  from  this  or  that  or  any  I  believe  with  my  heart  before 
church,  but  only  from  the  world."  God,  and  profess  with  my  tongue. 
Way,  p.  8.  1  and   have  before  the  world,  that  I 

'  In  1634,  nine  years  after  his  have  one  and  the  same  faith,  hope, 

death,    there    was    published    "A  spirit,  baptism,  and  Lord,  which  I 

Treatise  of  the  lawfulness  of  hear-  had  in  the  Church  of  England,  and 

ing  of  the  ministers  in  the  Church  none  other;  that  I  esteem  so  many 


CONGREGATIONALISM  AN   APOSTOLIC   INSTITUTION.  401 

formation  we  have  lived  to  see  performed  and  brought  chap. 

XXV 

about  bj  the  mighty  power  of  God  this  day  in  a  good  ^.^^ 
measure,  and  I  hope  the  Lord  Jesus  will  perfect  his 
work  of  reformation,  till  all  be  according  to  the  good 
pleasure  of  his  will.  By  all  which  1  desire  the  reader 
to  take  notice  of  our  former  and  present  practice,  not- 
withstanding all  the  injurious  and  scandalous  taunting 
reports  [that]  are  passed  on  us.  And  if  these  things 
will  not  satisfy,  but  we  must  still  suffer  reproach,  and 
others  for  our  sakes,  because  they  and  we  thus  walk, 
our  practice  being,  for  aught  we  know,  wholly  grounded 
on  the  written  word,  without  any  addition  or  human 
invention  known  to  us,  taking  our  pattern  from  the 
primitive  churches,  as  they  were  regulated  by  the 
blessed  Apostles  in  their  own  days,  who  were  taught 
and  instructed  by  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  had  the 
unerring  and  all-knowing  spirit  of  God  to  bring  to  their 
remembrance  the  things  they  had  heard,  —  I  say  if  we 
must  still  suffer  such  reproach,  notwithstanding  our 
charity  towards  them  who  will  not  be  in  charity  with 
us,  God's  will  be  done. 

in  that  Church,  of  what  state  or  tioned,  both  lawful,  and  upon  occa- 
order  soever,  as  are  truly  partakers  sioa  necessary  for  me  and  all  true 
of  that  faith,  (as  I  account  many  Christians,  withdrawing  from  that 
thousands  to  be,)  for  my  Christian  hierarchical  order  of  church  gov- 
brethren,  and  myself  a  fellow  mem-  ernment  and  ministry,  and  the  ap- 
ber  with  them  of  that  one  mystical  purtenances  thereof,  and  uniting  in 
body  of  Christ  scattered  far  and  the  order  and  ordinances  instituted 
Avide  throughout  the  world  ;  that  I  by  Christ,  the  only  King  and  Lord 
have  always,  in  spirit  and  affection,  of  his  church,  and  by  all  his  disci- 
all  Christian  fellowship  and  com-  pies  to  be  observed;  and  lastly,  that 
munion  with  them,  and  am  most  I  cannot  communicate  with  or  sub- 
ready  in  all  outward  actions  and  mit  unto  the  said  church  order  and 
exercises  of  religion,  lawful  and  ordinances  there  established,  either 
lawfully  done,  to  express  the  same;  in  state  or  act,  without  being  con- 
and  withal,  that  I  am  persuaded  demned  of  mine  own  heart,  and 
the  hearing  of  the  word  of  God  therein  provoking  God,  who  is 
there  preached,  in  the  manner  and  greater  than  my  heart,  to  condemn 
upon  the  grounds  formerly  men-  me  much  more." 

51 


402 


PRESBYTERIANS  TOLERATED   IN   NEW   ENGLAND. 


CHAP. 
XXV. 


The  next  aspersion  cast  upon  us  is,  that  we  will  not 
suffer  any  that  differ  from  us  never  so  little  to  reside  or 
cohabit  with  us  ;  no,  not  the  Presbyterian  government, 
which  differeth  so  little  from  us.  To  which  I  answer, 
our  practice  witnesseth  the  contrary.  For  'tis  well 
known  that  Mr.  Parker  and  Mr.  Noyce,^  who  are 
ministers  of  Jesus  Christ  at  Newberry,  are  in  that  way, 
and  so  known,  so  far  as  a  single  congregation  can  be 
exercised  in  it ;  yet  never  had  the  least  molestation  or 
disturbance,  and  have  and  find  as  good  respect  from 
magistrates  and  people  as  other  elders  in  the  Congre- 
gational or  primitive  way.  'Tis  known  also,  that  Mr. 
Hubbard,^  the  minister  at  Hengam,  hath  declared  him- 


'  Thomas  Parker  and  James 
Noyes  carae  to  New  England  in 
1634,  and  were  settled  in  1635  as 
pastor  and  teacher  of  the  church  in 
Newbury,  which  was  the  tenth 
church  gathered  in  Massachusetts. 
They  were  cousins,  had  been  pu- 
pils and  teachers  in  the  same  school, 
came  over  in  the  same  ship,  and 
lived  together  in  the  same  house  for 
twenty  years,  when  death  separated 
them.  Parker  had  been  a  pupil  of 
Archbishop  Usher,  and  Noyes  had 
been  a  student  in  the  university  of 
Oxford.  The  celebrated  Baxter  said 
"  he  was  a  lover  of  the  New  Eng- 
land churches  according  to  the  New 
England  model,  as  Mr.  Noyes  had 
explained  it."  We  are  told  by 
Winthrop  that  the  principal  occa- 
sion of  the  synod  held  at  Cambridge 
in  1643.  was  because  "  some  of  the 
elders  went  about  to  set  up  some 
things  according  to  the  presbytery, 
as  of  Newbury,  &c.  The  assembly 
concluded  against  some  parts  of  the 
presbyterial  way,  and  the  Newbury 
ministers  took  time  to  consider  the 
arguments,  &c."  For  further  par- 
ticulars concerning  them,  see  Ma- 
ther's Magnalia,  i.  433—441 ;  Sav- 
age's Winthrop,  ii.  137;  Allen's 
Am.  Biog.  Diet. ;  and  Eliot's  New 
England  Biog.  Diet. 


'  Peter  Hobart,  the  first  minister 
of  Hingham,  was  from  the  town  of 
the  same  name  in  Norfolk,  Eng- 
land, and  having  been  graduated 
master  of  arts  at  the  university  of 
Cambridge,  came  to  New  England 
in  June,  163-5.  Hubbard  says  "  he 
was  not  so  fully  persuaded  of  the 
congregational  discipline  as  some 
others  were  ;  he  was  reported  to  be 
of  a  presbyterial  spirit,  and  man- 
aged all  affairs  without  advice  o£ 
the  brethren."  Some  idea  of  his 
character  may  be  gathered  from  the 
following  passage  in  Winthrop's 
History;  "  There  was  a  great  mar- 
riage to  be  solemnized  at  Boston. 
The  bridegroom  being  of  Hingham, 
Mr.  Hubbard's  church,  he  was  pro- 
cured to  preach,  and  came  to  Bos- 
ton to  that  end.  But  the  magis- 
trates, hearing  of  it,  sent  to  him  to 
forbear.  The  reasons  Avere,  first, 
for  that  his  spirit  had  been  dis- 
covered to  be  averse  to  our  eccle- 
siastical and  civil  government,  and 
he  ivas  a  hold  man,  and  ivould  speak 
his  mind."  See  more  concerning 
him  in  Mather's  Magnalia,  i.  44S — 
452;  Lincoln's  History  of  Hing- 
ham, pp.  21,  59,  156;  Savage's 
Winthrop,  ii.  222,  313;  Hubbard, 
in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xv.  192,  xvi. 
418. 


-  HOBART,   OF   HINGHAM.  403 

self  for  that  way  ;  nay,  which  is  more  than  ever  I  heard  chap. 

XXV 

of  the  other  two,  he  refuseth  to  baptize  no  children '- 

that  are  tendered  to  him,  (although  this  liberty  stands 
not  upon  a  Presbyterian  bottom,)  and  yet  the  civil 
state  never  molested  him  for  it.  Only  coming  to  a 
Synod  held  in  the  country  the  last  year,  which  the 
magistrates  called,  requesting  the  churches  to  send 
their  elders  and  such  others  as  might  be  able  to  hold 
forth  the  light  of  God  from  his  written  word  in  case  of 
some  doubts  which  did  arise  in  the  country,  I  say  he 
coming  the  last  sitting  of  the  Assembly,  which  was 
adjourned  to  the  8th  of  June  next,  was  in  all  meek- 
ness and  love  requested  to  be  present  and  hold  forth 
his  light  he  went  by  in  baptizing  all  that  were  brought 
to  him,  hereby  waiving  the  practice  of  the  churches ; 
which  he  promising  to  take  into  consideration,  they 
rested  in  his  answer. 

So  also 'tis  well  known  that  before  these  unhappy 
troubles  arose  in  England  and  Scotland,  there  were 
divers  gentlemen  of  Scotland  that  groaned  under  the 
heavy  pressures  of  those  times,  wrote  to  New  England 
to  know  whether  they  might  be  freely  suffered  to  ex- 
ercise their  Presbyterial  government  amongst  us ;  and 
it  was  answered  affirmatively  they  might.  And  they 
sending  over  a  gentleman  to  take  a  view  of  some  fit 
place,  a  river  called  Meromeck,  near  Ipswich  and 
Newberry  aforesaid,  was  showed  their  agent,  which  he 
well  liked,  and  where  we  have  since  four  towns  settled, 
and  more  may  be  for  aught  I  know ;  so  that  there  they 
might  have  had  a  complete  Presbytery,  and  whither 
they  intended  to  have  come.  But  meeting  with  mani- 
fold crosses,  being  half  seas  through,  they  gave  over 
their  intendments ;  and,  as  I  have  heard,  these  were 


404  LAW   AGAINST  ANABAPTISTS. 

CHAP,  many  of  the  gentlemen  that  first  fell  upon  the  late 
-^-^^  Covenant  in  Scotland.  By  all  which  will  easily  ap- 
pear how  we  are  here  wronged  by  many,  and  the 
harder  measure,  as  we  hear,  imposed  upon  our  brethren 
for  our  sakes,  nay  pretending  our  example  for  their 
precedent.  And  last  of  all,  not  long  before  I  came 
away,  certain  discontented  persons  in  open  court  of 
the  Massachusets,  demanding  that  liberty,  it  was 
freely  and  as  openly  tendered  to  them,  showing  their 
former  practices  by  me  mentioned,  but  willed  not  to 
expect  that  we  should  provide  them  ministers,  he.  for 
the  same  ;  but  getting  such  themselves,  they  might 
exercise  their  Presbyterian  government  at  their  liberty, 
walking  peaceably  towards  us,  as  we  trusted  we  should 
do  towards  them.  So  that  if  our  brethren  here  shall 
be  restrained,  they  walking  peaceably,  the  example 
must  not  be  taken  from  us,  but  arise  from  some  other 
principle. 

But  it  will  be  objected.  Though  you  deal  thus 
with  the  Presbyterian  way,  yet  you  have  a  severe 
law  against  Anabaptists ;'  yea,  one  was  whipped  at 
Massachusets  for  his  religion  f  and  your  law  banish- 
eth  them.  Answer.  'Tis  true  the  Massachusets 
Government  have  such  a  law  to  banish,  but  not  to 
whip  in  that  kind.  And  certain  men  desiring  some 
mitigation  of  it,  it  was  answered  in  my  hearing,  "  'Tis 
true  we  have  a  severe  law,  but  we  never  did  or  will 
execute  the  rigor  of  it  upon  any ;  and  have  men  living 
amongst  us,  nay  some  in  our  churches,  of  that  judg-^ 
ment ;  and  as  long  as  they  carry  themselves  peaceably, 

'   This    law    may    be    seen    in  punished  was  Thomas  Painter,  of 

Hazard's  State  Papers,  i.  538.    See  Hingham.    This  was  in  1644.    See 

also  Savage's  Winthrop,  ii.  174.  an  account  of  it  in  Savage's  Win- 

^  The  name  of  the  person  thus  throp,  ii,  174. 


CHAUNCY,  OF   SCITUATE.  '  405 

as  hitherto  they  do,  we  will  leave  them  to  God,  our-  chap. 

XXV 

selves  having  performed  the  duty  of  brethren  to  them.  — ^ — 
And  whereas  there  was  one  whipped  amongst  us,  'tis 
true  we  knew  his  judgment  what  it  was ;  but  had  he 
not  carried  himself  so  contemptuously  towards  the  au- 
thority God  hath  betrusted  us  with  in  a  high  exemplary 
measure,  we  had  never  so  censured  him ;  and  there- 
fore he  may  thank  himself,  who  suffered  as  an  evil- 
doer in  that  respect.  But  the  reason  wherefore  we 
are  loath  either  to  repeal  or  alter  the  law,  is,  because 
we  would  have  it  remain  in  force  to  bear  witness 
against  their  judgment  and  practice,  which  we  con- 
ceive them  to  be  erroneous.  And  yet  nevertheless," 
said  the  Governor  to  those  [who]  preferred  the  request, 
*'you  may  tell  our  friends  in  England,  whither  ye  are 
some  of  you  going,  since  the  motion  proceedeth  from 
such  as  we  know  move  it  in  love  to  us,  we  will  se- 
riously take  it  into  consideration  at  our  next  General 
Court."  So  that  thou  mayest  perceive,  good  reader, 
that  the  worst  is  spoken  of  things  in  that  kind. 

Furthermore,  in  the  Government  of  Plymouth,  to 
our  great  grief,  not  only  the  pastor^  of  a  congregation 
waiveth  the  administration  of  baptism  to  infants,  but 
divers  of  his  congregation  are  fallen  with  hini ;  and  yet 
all  the  means  the  civil  power  hath  taken  against  him 
and  them  is  to  stir  up  our  elders  to  give  meeting,  and 
see  if  by  godly  conference  they  may  be  able  to  con- 
vince and  reclaim  him,  as  in  mercy  once  before  they 

*  The  person   here    referred    to  to  intrants,  provided  it  were  done 

was  the  Rev.  Charles  Chauncy,  at  by  immersion.     See  Mather's  Mag- 

this  time  minister  of  Scituate,  and  nalia,  i.  418 — 430;    Deane's   Scit- 

5fterwards  President    of    Harvard  uate,   pp.   60,   89,    173;    Savage's 

College.     It  appears,  however,  that  Winthrop,    i.    330,   ii.   72;    Mass. 

he  was  willing  that  the  ordinance  Hist.    Coll.   iv.   112,   x.    30,    174; 

of  baptism  should  be  administered  Hutchinson's  Mass.  i.  227, 


406        CONGREGATIONALISM   THE   PRIMITIVE   CHURCH   POLITY. 

cHAi\  had  done,  by  God's  blessing  upon  their  labors.  Only 
-^^^  at  the  foresaid  Synod,  two  were  ordered  to  write  to 
him  in  the  name  of  the  Assembly,  and  to  request  his 
presence  at  their  next  meeting  aforesaid,  to  hold  forth 
his  light  he  goeth  by  in  waiving  the  practice  of  the 
churches  ;  with  promise  if  it  be  light,  to  walk  by  it ;  but 
if  it  appear  otherwise,  then  they  trust  he  will  return 
again  to  the  unity  of  practice  with  them.  And  for  the 
other  two  Governments  of  Conectacut  and  Newhaven, 
if  either  have  any  law  in  force  against  them,  or  so 
much  as  need  of  a  law  in  that  kind,  'tis  more  than  I 
have  heard  on. 

For  our  parts  (I  mean  the  churches  of  New  Eng- 
land) we  are  confident,  through  God's  mercy,  the  way 
of  God  in  which  we  walk  and  according  to  which  we 
perform  our  v^orship  and  service  to  Him,  concurreth 
with  those  rules  our  blessed  Saviour  hath  left  upon 
record  by  the  Evangelists  and  Apostles,  and  is  agreea- 
ble with  the  practice  of  those  primitive  churches  men- 
tioned in  the  Acts,  and  regulated  by  the  same  Apostles, 
as  appeareth  not  only  in  that  Evangelical  History,  but 
in  their  Epistles  to  the  several  churches  there  mention- 
ed. Yet  nevertheless  if  any  through  tenderness  of  , 
conscience  be  otherwise  minded,  to  such  we  never 
turn  a  deaf  ear,  nor  become  rigorous,  though  we  have 
the  stream  of  authority  on  our  sides.  Nay,  if  in  the 
use  of  all  means  we  cannot  reclaim  them,  knowing 
"  the  wisdom  that  is  from  above  is  first  pure,  then 
peaceable,  gentle,  and  easy  to  be  entreated,  full  of 
mercy  and  good  fruits,  without  partiality  and  without 
hypocrisy  ;  and  the  fruit  of  righteousness  is  sown  in 
peace  of  them  that  make  peace,"  according  to  James 
iii.  17,  18  ;   and  if  any  differing  from  us  be  answera- 


EVIL-DOERS   NOT   TO   BE  TOLERATED.  407 

ble  to  this  rule  in  their  lives  and  conversations,  we  do  chap. 

XXV 

not  exercise  the  civil  sword  against  them.     But  for  -^^^ 
such  as  Gorton  and  his  company,  whose  wisdom  seems 
not  to  be  from  above,  as  appeareth  in  that  it  is  "  full  jan,es 
of  envyings,  strife,  confusion,"  being  therein  such  as  '"'   ' 
the  Apostle   Jude   speaks  on,   viz.   "  earthly,  sensual,    •'^'■e 
devilish,"  who  "  despise   dominion  and  speak  evil  of 
dignities,"  these  are  "  murmurers,  complainers,  walk-     le- 
ers  after  their  own  lusts,  and  their  mouth  speaketh 
great  swelling  words,  being  clouds  without  water,  car-     12. 
ried  about  of  winds,  trees  whose  fruit  withereth,  with- 
out fruit,  twice  dead,  plucked  up  by  the  roots,  raging     13. 
waves  of  the  sea,  foaming  out  their  own  shame,  wan- 
dering  stars,  to   whom  (without  repentance,  which  I 
much  desire  to  see  or  hear  of  in  him,  if  it  may  stand 
with   the   will  of  God,)  is   reserved  the    blackness  of 
darkness   forever"  —  these,  I  say,  are  to  be  proceeded 
with  by  another  rule,  and  not  to  be  borne  ;  who  suffer 
as  evil-doers,  and  are  a  shame  to  religion,  which  they 
profess  in  word,  but  deny  in  their  lives   and  conversa- 
tions.    These    every    tender    conscience    abhors,   and 
will  justify  and   assist  "  the  higher  powers  God  hath 
ordained,"  against  such  carnal  gospellers,  "  who  bear    R°^- 
not  the  sword  in  vain,"  but  execute  God's  vengeance 
on  such  ;  for   the  civil  magistrate  is  "  the  minister  of 
God,  a  revenger  to  execute  wrath  on  him  that  doth 
evil."     And  therefore  a  broad  difference  is  to  be   put 
between  such  evil-doers  and  those  tender  consciences 
who    follow    the    light  of  God's    word   in    their    own 
persuasions,   (though  judged  erroneous   by  the   places 
where  they  live)  so  long  as  their  walking  is  answerable 
to  the  rules  of  the   Gospel,   by  preserving  peace  and 
holding  forth  holiness  in  their  conversations  amongst 
men. 


408  NEW   ENGLAND  — GOD   BLESS   HER! 

CHAP.  Thus  much  I  thought  good  to  signify,  because  we  of 
^iil^  New  England  are  said  to  be  so  often  propounded  for 
an  example.  And  if  any  will  take  us  for  a  precedent, 
I  desire  they  may  really  kno^v  what  we  do,  rather  than 
what  others  ignorantly  or  maliciously  report  of  us,  assur- 
ing myself  that  none  will  ever  be  losers  by  following 
us  so  far  as  we  follow  Christ.  Which  that  we  may 
do,  and  our  posterities  after  us,  the  Father  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  and  our  Father  accept  in  Christ  what  is 
according  to  him  ;  discover,  pardon,  and  reform  what 
is  amiss  amongst  us  ;  and  guide  us  and  them  by  the 
assistance  of  the  Holy  Ghost  for  time  to  come,  till  time 
shall  be  no  more ;  that  the  Lord  our  God  may  still 
delight  to  dwell  amongst  his  plantations  and  churches 
there  by  his  gracious  presence,  and  may  go  on  blessing 
to  bless  them  with  heavenly  blessings  in  these  earthly 
places,  that  so  by  his  blessing  they  may  not  only  grow 
up  to  a  nation,  but  become  exemplary  for  good  unto 
others.    And  let  all  that  wish  well  to  Zion  say  Amen.^ 

'  The  work  of  Winslow  to  which  London.    1649."     The  paging,  list 

this  Brief  Narrative  is  appended,  of  errata,  &c.  are  precisely  the  same 

was  afterwards   published  with  a  as  in    the   other   book,  Hypocrisy 

new  tiile-page,  as  follows:     "  The  Unmasked. 

danger  of  tolerating  levellers  in  a  Whilst  Winslow  was  in  England, 
civil  state  ;  or  a  historical  narration  he  published,  in  1647,  another  book, 
of  the  dangerous  practices  and  ^xi\\\\^A''  New  England's  Salaman- 
opinions  wherewith  Samuel  Gor-  der  Discovered — or  a  satisfactory- 
ton  and  his  levelling  accomplices  answer  to  many  aspersions  cast 
so  much  disturbed  and  molested  upon  New  England."  This  work 
the  several  plantations  in  New  is  reprinted  in  Mass.HisUColLxxii. 
England.  By  Edward  Winslow,  110—145. 
of   Plymouth,   in   New   England. 


♦  FINIS. 


GOV.   BRADFORD'S  DIALOGUE, 


52 


MORTON'S    PREFACE. 


Godly  and  Conscientious  Reader, 

It  is  a  great  part  of  the  happiness  of  heaven,  that 
the  saints  in  celestial  glory  are  and  shall  be  all  of  one 
mind  ;  and  it  is  not  unprobably  gathered  by  the  learned, 
that  when  "  the  Lord  shall  be  one,  and  his  name  one,"  ^^^""g 
there  shall  be  a  joint  concurrence  of  the  saints  in  and 
about  the  matters  of  God.  In  the  mean  time,  it  is  no 
small  grief  to  every  modest,  moderate-minded  Christian, 
to  see  such  discord  among  the  best  of  saints;  whereas 
if  the  ground  of  the  difference  were  sometimes  well 
scanned,  it  would  appear  to  be  more  in  circumstance 
than  in  substance,  more  nominal,  or  respecting  names  or 
abusive  names  given,  than  in  substantial  realities.  Rev. 
Mr.  Manton,  in  his  sermon  before  the  honorable  House 
of  Commons,  saith,  "  The  Devil  getteth  great  advan- 
tages by  names  amongst  Christians,  as  Lutherans, 
Calvinists,  Presbyterians,  Independents,  inventing," 
saith  he,  "  either  such  as  may  tend  to  contempt  or 
derision,  as  of  old  Christians,  of  late  Puritans,  or  to 
tumult  and  division,  as  those  names  amongst  us,  under 
which  the  members  of  Christ  sadly  gather  into  bodies 
and  parties." 


412  MORTON'S   PREFACE. 

Let  me  add  hereunto,  that  the  mischief  of  this  also 
appeared  when  light  sprung  out  of  [the]  darkness  of  Po- 
pery. Then  the  godly  were  forced  to  sustain  the  name 
of  Puritans  and  the  nickname  of  Brownists,  so  as  many 
of  the  godly  in  our  nation  lay  in  obscurity  under  con- 
tempt of  those  names ;  ^  and  afterwards,  as  light  ap- 
peared, notwithstanding  became  one  in  the  profession 
and  practice  of  the  truth  respecting  the  kingly  office  of 
Christ,  wherein  they  seemingly  differed  but  a  little 
before,  both  in  New  England  and  in  Old  England ; 
but  yet  so  as  some  estrangedness  remains  amongst 
those,  although  that  in  the  main  and  substance  of 
things  they  are  of  one  mind,  and  with  oneness  of  heart 
and  mouth  do  serve  the  Lord,  and  do  agree  in  and 
about  the  matters  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ  on  earth. 
Yea,  and  1  doubt  not  but  some  such  of  them  as  were 
of  the  eminentest  on  both  sides,  who  are  now  departed 
this  life,  do  agree  and  have  sweet  communion  with 
each  other  in  their  more  nobler  part  in  glory. 

I  have  lately  met  with  a  plain,  well  composed,  and 
useful  Dialogue,  penned  by  that  honored  pattern  of 
piety,  William  Bradford,  Esq.  late  Governor  of  the 
Jurisdiction  of  New  Plymouth  Colony,  which  occa- 
sionally treats  something  of  this  matter,  together  with 
and  in  defence  of  such  as  I  may  without  just  offence 
term  martyrs^  of  Jesus,  and  in  defence  of  the  cause 
they  suffered  for  ;  it  being  no  other  in  effect  but  what 
our  church  and  the  churches  of  Christ  in  New  England 
do  both  profess  and  practise.    I  will  not  defend,  neither 

'  These  differences  were  partly  Greenwood,  Mr.  John  Penry,  Mr. 
blown  up  amonijst  these  Christians  William  Dennis,  [Mr.  John]  Cop- 
by  the  names  of  Brownist  and  Pu-  ing  and  Elias  [Thacker]  and  several 
ritans.  —  Morton'' s  No Le.  others  that  suffered  much,  though 

*  Mr.  Henry  Barrow,  Mr.  John  not  put  to  death. — Morton's  Note. 


MORTONS   PREFACE.  413 

doth  he,  all  the  words  that  might  fall  from  those  blessed 
souls  in  defence  of  the  truth,  who  suffered  so  bitterly 
as  they  did  from  such  as  ere  while  (if  I  mistake  not) 
were  forced  to  fly  into  Germany  for  the  cause  of  God 
in  Queen  Mary's  days,  and  returned  again  in  the  happy 
reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  turned  prelates  and  bitter 
persecutors.^  This  thing  considered,  and  other  things 
also,  if  some  passages  that  fell  from  them  might  have 
been  spared,  yet  in  many  things  we  all  offend,  and 
"  oppression  will  make  a  wise  man  mad,"  saith  Solo- 
mon. Such  circumstantial  weakness  will  not  unsaint 
a  Christian,  nor  render  him  no  martyr,  if  his  cause  be 
good,  as  you  will  find  it  to  be  by  the  perusing  of  this 
Dialogue,  I  doubt  not ;   but  let  it  speak  for  itself. 

Gentle  reader,  I  hope  thou  wilt  obtain  a  clear  reso- 
lution about  divers  things,  whereof  possibly  thou  wert 
in  doubt  of  formerly  respecting  the  premises ;  in  the 
transcribing  whereof  I  have  taken  the  best  care  I  could 
to  prevent  oifence  and  to  procure  acceptance.  If  any 
good  comes  thereof,  let  God  have  all  the  praise.^ 

'  See  pages  9 — 13.  Plymouth    Church,  whence  I   oh- 

*  This  Preface  was  written  by  tained  it.     It  has  never  before  been 

Secretary  Morton,  who  copied  this  printed. 

Dialogue   into  the   records   of  the 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

A  DIALOGUE,  OR  THE  SUM  OF  A  CONFERENCE  BETWEEN 
SOME  YOUNG  MEN  BORN  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  AND  SUNDRY 
ANCIENT  MEN  THAT  CAME  OUT  OF  HOLLAND  AND  OLD 
ENGLAND,  ANNO  DOMINI  1648.» 

YOUNG  MEN. 

CHAP.       Gentlemen,  you  were  pleased  to  appoint  us  this  time 

*"  to  confer  with  you,  and  to  propound  such  questions  as 

might  give  us  satisfaction  in  some  things  wherein  we 
are  ignorant,  or  at  least  further  light  to  some  things 
that  are  more  obscure  unto  us.  Our  first  request 
therefore  is,  to  know  your  minds  concerning  the  true 
and  simple  meaning  of  those  of  The  Separation,  as 
they  are  termed,  when  they  say  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land is  no  Church,  or  no  true  Church. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

For  answer  hereunto,  first,  you  must  know  that  they 
speak  of  it  as  it  then  was  under  the  hierarchical  prelacy, 
which  since  have  been  put  down  by  the  State,  and  not 
as  it  is  now  unsettled. 

2.  They  nowhere  say,  that  we  remember,  that  they 

'  That  is,  the  Dialogue  was  held  or  written  in  164S. 


TFIE   CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND   NO   TRUE   CHURCH.  415 

are  no  Church.     At  least,  they  are  not  so  to  be  under-  chap. 
stood  ;  for  thej  often  say  the  contrary.  .^-v-^ 

3.  When  they  say  it  is  no  true  Church  of  Christ, 
they  do  not  at  all  mean  as  they  are  the  elect  of  God, 
or  a  part  of  the  Catholic  Church,  or  of  the  mystical 
body  of  Christ,  or  visible  Christians  professing  faith 
and  holiness,  (as  most  men  understand  the  church);  for 
which  purpose  hear  what  Mr.  Robinson  in  his  Apology, 
page  53.  "  If  by  the  Church,"  saith  he,  "  be  under- 
stood the  Catholic  Church,  dispersed  upon  the  face  of 
the  whole  earth,  we  do  willingly  acknowledge  that  a 
singular  part  thereof,  and  the  same  visible  and  conspicu- 
ous, is  to  be  found  in  the  land,  and  with  it  do  profess 
and  practise,  what  in  us  lies,  communion  in  all  things 
in  themselves  lawful,  and  done  in  right  order." 

4.  Therefore  they  mean  it  is  not  a  true  church  as  it 
is  a  National  Church,  combined  together  of  all  in  the 
land  promiscuously  under  the  hierarchical  government 
of  archbishops,  their  courts  and  canons,  so  far  differing 
from  the  primitive  pattern  in  the  Gospel. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

Wherein  do  they  differ  then  from  the  judgment  or 
practice  of  our  churches  here  in  New  England  ? 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

Truly,  for  matter  of  practice,  nothing  at  all  that  is 
in  any  thing  material ;  these  being  rather  more  strict 
and  rigid  in  some  proceedings  about  admission  of 
members,  and  things  of  such  nature,  than  the  other  ; 
and  for  matter  of  judgment,  it  is  more,  as  we  conceive, 
in  words  and  terms,  than  matter  of  any  great  sub- 
stance ;  for  the  churches  and  chief  of  the  ministers 


416  ,   BROWNISTS   AND   SEPARATISTS. 

CHAP,  here  hold  that  the  National  Church,  so  constituted  and 

XXVI 

-^v^  governed  as  before  is  said,  is  not  allowable  according 
to  the  primitive  order  of  the  Gospel ;  but  that  there 
are  some  parish  assemblies  that  are  true  churches  by 
virtue  of  an  implicit  covenant  amongst  themselves,  in 
which  regard  the  Church  of  England  may  be  held 
and  called  a  true  church. 

Answer.  Whcrc  auj  such  are  evident,  we  suppose  the  other 
will  not  disagree  about  an  implicit  covenant,  if  they 
mean  by  an  implicit  covenant  that  which  hath  the 
substance  of  a  covenant  in  it  some  way  discernible, 
though  it  be  not  so  formal  or  orderly  as  it  should  be. 
But  such  an  implicit  [covenant]  as  is  no  way  explicit, 
is  no  better  than  a  Popish  implicit  faith,  (as  some  of 
us  conceive,)  and  a  mere  fiction,  or  as  that  which  should 
be  a  marriage  covenant  which  is  no  way  explicit. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

Wherein  standeth  the  difference  between  the  rigid 
Brownists  and  Separatists^  and  others,  as  we  observe 
our  ministers  in  their  writings  and  sermons  to  distin- 
guish them  ? 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

The  name   of   Brownists^  is   but    a   nickname,  as 

•  The  learned  and  ever-memora-  charitable  sentiment;  "Difference 
ble  John  Hales,  of  Eton,  said  of  of  opinion  may  work  a  disaffection 
this  word  Separatist,  "Where  it  in  me,  hut  not  a  detestation.  I 
may  be  rightly  fixed  and  deservedly  rather  pity  than  hate  Turk  and 
charged,  it  is  certainly  a  great  of-  infidel,  for  they  are  of  the  same 
fence;  but  in  common  use  now  metal  and  bear  the  same  stamp  as 
among  us,  it  is  no  other  than  a  I  do,  though  the  inscriptions  differ, 
theological  scarecrow."  Works,  i.  If  I  hate  any,  it  is  those  schisraat- 
XV.     Foulis,  1765.  ics  that  puzzle  the  sweet  peace  of 

*  James  Howell,  in  one  of  his  our  church  ;  so  that  I  could  be  con- 
letters,  aping  the  style,  whilst  de-  tent  lo  see  an  Anabaptist  go  to  hell 
void  of  the  liberal  spirit  of  Sir  on  a  Brownist's  back."  Letters, 
Thomas  Browne,  has  the  following  p.  270,  (ed.  1754.) 


PURITANS  AND   HUGUENOTS.  417 

Puritan*  and  Huguenot,^  &c.,  and  therefore  they  do  not  chap. 
amiss  to  decline  the  odium  of  it  in  what  they  may.  iili. 
But  by  the  rigidness  of  Separation  they  do  not  so 
much  mean  the  difference,  for  our  churches  here  in 
New  England  do  the  same  thing  under  the  name  of 
secession  from  the  corruptions  found  amongst  them,  as 
the  other  did  under  the  name  or  term  of  separation 
from  them.  Only  this  declines  the  odium  the  better. 
See  Reverend  Mr.  Cotton's  Answer  to  Mr.  Baylie, 
page  the  14th.^ 

That  some  which  were  termed  Separatists,  out  of 
some  mistake  and  heat  of  zeal,  forbore  communion  in 
lawful  things  with  other  godly  persons,  as  prayer  and 
hearing  of  the  word,  may  be  seen  in  what  that 
worthy  man,  Mr.  Robinson,  hath  published  in  dislike 
thereof. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

We  are  well  satisfied  in  what  you  have  said.  But 
they  differ  also  about  synods. 

'  See  note  '  on  page  12.  du  nom  des  Eignots  de  Geneve,  un 

'  The  origin  of  this  word  is  un-  peu   autrement   prononce."       The 

tnown.      Some    have    thought    it  term   was  first  apph'ed  to  the  Cal- 

was   derived    from    a   French   and  vinists   of  the  Cevennes   in   1560. 

faulty  pronunciation  of  the  German  See   Mosheim's   Eccles.    Hist.    iv. 

word    eidgnossen,    which    signifies  368 ;  Fleury,   Hist.    Eccles.    xviii. 

confederates,  and   which   had  been  603.     An  admirable  Memoir  of  the 

originally  tlie  name  of  that  valiant  French   Protestants,  both    in  their 

part  of  the  city  of  Geneva,  which  native   country   and    in    America, 

entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  written   by  that  accurate  annalist, 

Swiss  cantons  in  order  to  maintain  Dr.  Holmes,   is   contained    in    the 

their  liberties  against  the  tyranni-  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  xxii.  1 — 84. 

cal  attempts  of  Charles  HI.  duke  ^  "Neither  was   our    departure 

of  Savoy.  These  confederates  were  from  the  parishional  congregations 

called  eignots,  nnd  from  thence  very  in  England  a  separation  from  them 

probably  was  derived  the  word  hu-  as  no  churches,  but  rather  a  seces- 

guenots.     The  Abbe   Fleury    says,  sion   from    the    corruptions    found 

"  fls  y  furent  appel^s  Huguenots,  amongst  them." 

53 


^13  NO   SYNODS   AMONG   THE   SEPARATISTS. 


CHAP.  ANCIENT   MEN. 

XXVI. 

^^  It  is  true  we  do  not  know  that  ever  they  had  any 

solemn  Synodical  Asseaibly.     And  the  reason  may  be, 
that  those  in  England  living  dispersed  and'  could  not 
meet  in  their  ordinary  meetings  without  danger,  much 
less  in  synods.     Neither  in  Holland,  where  they  might 
have  more  liberty,  were  they  of  any  considerable  num- 
ber, being  but  those  two  churches,  that  of  Amsterdam 
and  that  of  Leyden.     Yet  some  of  us   know  that  the 
church  [of  Leyden]  sent  messengers  to  those  of  Am- 
sterdam, at  the  request  of  some  of  the  chief  of  them, 
both   elders  and    brethren,  when  in  their  dissensions 
they  had  deposed  Mr.  Ainsworth  and  some  other  both 
of  their  elders  and  brethren,  Mr.  Robinson  being  the 
chief  of  the   messengers   sent ;  which  had  that  good 
effect,  as   that  they  revoked   the  said  deposition,  and 
confessed  their  rashness  and  error,  and  lived  together 
in  peace  some  good  time  after.     But  when  the  churches 
want  neither  peace  nor  light  to   exercise    the  power 
which  the  Lord  hath  given  them,  Christ  doth  not  direct 
them   to  gather  into  synods  or  classical   meetings,  for 
removing  of  known  offences  either  in  doctrine  or  man- 
ners ;   but  only  sendelh  to  the  pastors  or  presbyters  of 
each    church    to    reform    within    themselves    what    is 
amongst  them.     "  A  plain  pattern,"  saith  Mr.  Cotton 
in   his  Answer   to  Mr.  Baylie,  page  95,  "  in  case  of 
public   offences   tolerated   in   neighbour  churches,  not 
forthwith  to   gather  into  a  synod  or  classical   meeting, 
for  redress  thereof,  but  by  letters  and  messengers  to 
admonish  one  another  of  what  is  behooveful ;  unless 

'  Here  something  seems  to  have  been  omitted. 


PROPHESYING. 


419 


upon   such  admonition  they  refuse  to  hearken  to  the  chap. 

X  XVI 

wholesome  counsel  of  their  brethren."  And  of  this  ^--^ 
matter  Mr.  Robinson  thus  writeth  in  his  book,  Just. 
page  200/  "  The  officers  of  one  or  many  churches  may 
meet  together  to  discuss  and  consider  of  matters  for 
the  good  of  the  church  or  churches,  and  so  be  called 
a  Church  Synod,  or  the  like,  so  they  infringe  no  order 
of  Christ  or  liberty  of  the  brethren  ;"  not  differing 
herein  from  Mr.  Davenport^  and  the  principal  of  our 
ministers. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

But  they  seem  to  differ  about  the  exercise  of  pro- 
phecy,^ that  is,  that  men  out  of  office,  having  gifts. 


'  See  the  title  of  this  book  in 
note  '  on  page  40. 

^  John  Davenport,  born  at  Coven- 
try in  1597,  a  2r;idunte  of  Oxford, 
and  vicar  of  St.  Stephens,  in  Lon- 
don, came  to  New  England  in  1637, 
with  Theophilus  Eaton  and  Ed- 
ward Hopkins,  and  with  them  laid 
the  foundations  of  the  colony  of 
New  Haven,  in  1638.  In  1668,  in 
his  71st  year,  he  removed  to  Bos- 
ton, to  become  the  pastor  of  the 
First  Church,  and  there  died  in 
1670.  See  Wood's  At  hen.  Oxon. 
ii.  460;  M^ither's  Magnalia,  i.  292 
—302;  Winthrop's  N.  E.  i.  227, 
404  ;  Hutchinson's  Mass.  i.  82,  115, 
215  ;  Emerson's  History  of  the  First 
Church  in  Boston,  pp.  110—124. 
Bui  the  most  ample  and  satisfac- 
tory account  of  Davenport  will  be 
found  in  Prof  Kiugsley's  Cen- 
tennial Discourse  at  New  Haven, 
and  in  Dr.  Leonard  Bacon's  His- 
torical Discourses.  These  works 
contain  also  a  noble  vindication  of 
the  principles  and  character  of  the 
Puritan  fathers  of  New  England. 

^  This  religious  exercise,  in 
which  laymen  publicly  taught  and 
exhorted,   was  early  practised  in 


hoth  the  colonies  of  Plymouth  and 
Massachusetts.  As  the  church  of 
Plymouth  was  long  without  a  regu- 
lar pastor,  "  the  ruling  elder,  when 
he  wanted  assistance, used  frequent- 
ly to  call  upon  some  of  the  gifted 
brethren  to  pray  and  give  a  word  of 
exhortation  in  their  public  assem- 
blies ;  the  chief  of  whom  were  Gov. 
Edward  Winslow,  Gov.  Bradford, 
his  son-in-law,  Mr.  Thomas  South- 
worth,  and  secretary  Nathaniel 
Morton;  men  of  superior  talents  and 
parts,  and  of  good  school-learning." 
We  are  told  by  Gov.  Winthrop,  in 
his  Journal,  March  29,  1631,  that 
■•'  Mr.  Coddington  and  Mr.  Wilson 
and  divers  of  the  congregation  met 
at  the  Governor's,  and  there  Mr. 
Wilson,  praying  and  exhorting  the 
congregation  to  love,  &c.  commend- 
ed to  them  the  exercise  of  prophecy 
in  his  absence,  and  designed  those 
whom  he  thought  most  fit  for  it, 
viz.  the  governor,  Mr.  Dudley,  and 
Mr.  Nowell,  the  elder."  On  the 
visit  of  Governor  Winlhrop  and 
Mr.  Wilson  to  Plymouth  in  Octo- 
ber, 1632,  it  is  related  that  "  on  the 
Lord's  day  in  the  afternoon,  Mr. 
Roger  Williams  (according  to  their 


420  PROPHESYING   AN   ANCIENT   PKACTICE. 

CHVP.  mav  upon  occasion  edity  the  church  publicly  and  open- 
"-^^  Iv.  and  applying  the  Scriptures  :   which  seems  to  be  a 
new  practice. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

It  doth  but  seem  so;  as  many  things  else  do  that 
have  by  usurpation  grown  out  of  use.  But  that  it  hath 
been  an  ancient  practice  of  the  people  of  God,  besides 
the  2;rounds  of  Scripture,  we  will  give  an  instance  or 
two.  We  find  in  the  ancient  Ecclesiastical  History  of 
Eusebius,  lib.  vi.  cap.  liK  how  Demetrius,  bishop  of 
Alexandria,  being  pricked  \\  itli  envy  against  Origen, 
complaineth  in  his  letters  that  there  was  never  such  a 
practice  heard  of,  nor  no  precedent  to  be  found,  that  lay- 
men in  presence  of  bishops  have  taught  in  the  church; 
but  is  thus  answered  by  the  bishop  of  Jerusalem  and 
the  bishop  of  Cesarea  :  "  We  know  not,"  say  they, 
"  why  he  reporteth  a  manifest  untruth,  whenas  there 
mav  be  found  such  as  in  open  assemblies  have  taught 
the  people  ;  vea,  whenas  there  were  present  learned 
men  that  could  profit  the  people,  and  moreover  holy 
bishops,  who   at   that   time   exhorted  them  to  preach. 

custom)  propounded  a  question,  to  may  learn,  and  all  be  comforted." 

whieh  the  pastor.  Mr.  Smith,  spake  It  was   ibr  encouraging  a  similar 

briefly;  then  Mr. Williams  prophe-  exercise    among    his    clergy,  that 

sied ;   and   after   the    governor    of  archbishop   Grindal    incurred    the 

Plymouth  spake   to  the  question;  displeasureof  Queen  Elizabeth,  and 

after   him  the  elder;  then  two  or  was  for  a  time  suspended  from  his 

three    more   of   the    congregation,  see.     It  should  be  remenibered  that 

Then  the  elder  desired  the  governor  this  was  the  scriptural  sense  of  the 

of  Massachusetts  and  IMr.  Wilson  to  word   prophesi/ins^  ;  and   that  pre- 

speak  to  it,  which  they  did."     The  diction  is  not  its  only  signification, 

exercise    was     grounded    on     the  appears  from  the   title    of  one  of 

primitive  practice  of  the  Church  of  Jeremy    Taylor's    Works,     "  The 

Corinth,  as  described  and  regulated  Liberty     of    Prophesying."      See 

by  the  Apostle  Paul,  in  1  Cor.  xii.  Savage's    Winthrop,    i.     50,     91  ; 

and  xiv.  and  especially  prescribed  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iv.  136;  Prince's 

in  the  31st  verse  of  the  last  named  Annals,  p.  407  ;  Fuller's  Ch.  Hist, 

chapter,  where  he  says,  "  Ye  may  iii.    6 — IS;    Peirce's    Vindication, 

all  prophesy  one  by  one,  that  all  part  i.  pp.  92—96. 


THE   LIBERTY   OF   PROPHESYING.  421 

For   example,  at   Laranda   Euelpis  was   requested  offHAP. 
Neon,  at  Jronium  Paulinus    was  requested   by  Celsus,  — ^ 
at  Sjnada  Theodorus  was  requested   by  Atticus,  who 
were  godly  brethren,  Sec."' 

The  second  instance  is  out  of  Speed's  Cloud  of  Wit- 
nesses, page  71.  Saith  he,  "  Ram  barn  or  Maymon 
records,  that  in  i\\('.  synagogues,  first,  only  a  Levite 
must  offer  sacrifice  ;  secondly,  but  any  in  Israel  mi^ht 
expound  the  law  ;  thirdly,  the  expounder  must  be  an 
eminent  man,  and  must  have  leave  from  the  master  of 
the  synagogue  ;  and  so  contends  that  Christ,  Luke  iv. 
16,  taught  as  any  of  Israel  mijjht  have  done  as  well 
as  the  Levites  :  and  the  like  did  Paul  and  Barnabas, 
Acts  xiii.  15." 

If  any  out  of  weakness  have  abused  at  any  time 
their  liberty,  it  is  their  personal  faulting,  as  sometimes 
weak  ministers  may  their  office,  and  yet  the  ordinance 
good  and  lawful. 

And  the  chief  of  our  ministers  in  New  England 
afjree  therein.  See  ^Ir.  Cotton's  Answer  to  Bavlie, 
page  the  27th,  2d  part.  "  Though  neither  all,"  saith 
he,  "  nor  most  of  the  brethren  of  a  church  have  ordi- 
narilv  received  a  sift  of  public  prophesyinjr,  or  preach- 
ing^, yet  in  defect  of  public  ministry,  it  is  not  an  unheard 
of  novelty  that  God  should  enlarge  private  men  with 
public  sifts,  and^  to  dispense  them  to  edification  :  for 
we  read  that  when  the  church  at  Jerusalem  were  all 
scattered  abroad,  except  the  Apostles,  yet  they  that  ^f,^ 
were  scattered  went  every  where  preaching  the  word."  ji.2i'. 

'    See    Doctor     Fulke    also    on  learned  confutation  of  the  Rheraish 

Ptomans  the  xi.  in  answer  to  the  version    of   the   New   Testament, 

Pihemisis. — Bradford's  Xote.  See   Fuller's  Church   History,  iii. 

Dr.  Fulke,  master  of  Pembroke  70. 

Hall,  Cambridge,  wrote  in   1685  a  *  Some  word  is  here  omitted. 


422 


THE   INDEPENDENTS. 


xxvr. 


CHAP.  Mr.  Robinson  also,  in  his  Apology,  page  45,  chap- 
ter 8,  to  take  off  the  aspersion  charged  on  them,  as  if 
all  the  members  of  a  church  were  to  prophesy  publicly, 
answers,  "  It  comes  within  the  compass  but  of  a  few 
of  the  multitude,  haply  two  or  three  in  a  church,  so 
to  do  ;  and  touching  prophecy,"  saith  he,  "  we  think 
the  very  same  that  the  Synod  held  at  Embden,  1571, 
hath  decreed  in  these  words  :  '  First,  in  all  churches, 
whether  but  springing  up,  or  grown  to  some  ripeness,  let 
the  order  of  prophecy  be  observed,  according  to  Paul's 
institution.  Secondly,  into  the  fellowship  of  this  work 
are  to  be  admitted  not  only  the  ministers,  but  the 
teachers  too,  as  also  of  the  elders  and  deacons,  yea, 
even  of  the  multitude,  which  are  willing  to  confer  their 
gift  received  of  God  to  the  common  utility  of  the  church ; 
but  so  as  they  first  be  allowed  by  the  judgment  of  the 
ministers  and  others.'  So  we  believe  and  practise  with 
the  Belgic  churches,  &c."  See  more  in  the  immediate 
following  page. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

We  cannot  but  marvel  that  in  so  few  years  there 
should  be  so  great  a  change,  that  they  who  were  so 
hotly  persecuted  by  the  prelates,  and  also  opposed  by 
the  better  sort  of  ministers,  not  only  Mr.  Gifford,  Mr. 
Bernard,  and  other  such  like,  but  manv  of  the  most 
eminent  both  for  learning  and  godliness,  and  yet  now 
not  only  these  famous  men  and  churches  in  New  Eng- 
land so  fully  to  close  with  them  in  practice,  but  all  the 
godly  party  in  the  land  to  stand  for  the  same  way, 
under  the  new  name  of  Independents,  put  upon  them. 


THE   GROWTH   OF   CONGREGATIONALISM.  423 


ANCIENT    MEN.  CHAP. 

XXVI, 

It  is  the  Lord's  doing,  and  it  ought  to  be  marvellous 
in  our  eyes  ;  and  the  rather,  because  Mr.  Bernard,  in 
his  book,  made  their  small  increase  in  a  few  years  one 
and  the  chief  argument  against  the  way  itself.  To 
which  Mr.  Robinson  answered,  that  "  Religion  is  not 
always  sown  and  reaped  in  one  age  ;  and  that  John 
Huss  and  Jerome  of  Prague  finished  their  testimony  a 
hundred  years  before  Luther,  and  Wickliff  well  nigh  as 
long  before  them,  and  yet  neither  the  one  nor  the  other 
with  the  like  success  as  Luther.  And  yet,"  saith  he, 
"  many  are  already  gathered  into  the  kingdom  of 
Christ ;  and  the  nearness  of  many  more  throughout 
the  whole  land,  (for  the  regions  are  white  unto  the 
harvest,)  doth  promise  within  less  than  a  hundred  years, 
if  our  sins  and  theirs  make  not  us  and  them  unworthy 
of  this  mercy,  a  very  plenteous  harvest;"  (Justif.  folio 
62)  ;  as  if  he  had  prophesied  of  these  times.  Yea, 
some  of  us  have  often  heard  him  say  that  "  even  those 
ministers  and  other  godly  persons  that  did  then  most 
sharply  oppose  them,  if  they  might  come  to  be  from 
under  the  bishops,  and  live  in  a  place  of  rest  and  peace, 
where  they  might  comfortably  subsist,  they  would  prac- 
tise the  same  things  which  they  now  did." '  And 
truly,  many  of  us  have  seen  this  abundantly  verified, 
not  only  in  these  latter  times,  but  formerly. 

Doctor  Ames^  was  estranged  from  and  opposed  Mr. 

'  Seepage  45, and  note  ^  on  page  In  1609  he  fled  from  the  persecu- 

398,  and  Prince's  Annals,  p.  305.  tion  of  Archbishop  Bancroft,  and 

"  William  Ames,  one  of  the  most  became  minister  of  the  English 
Sfcute  controversial  writers  of  his  church  at  the  Hague,  whence  he 
age,  was  educated  at  Cambridge  was  invited  by  the  states  of  Fries- 
under  the  celebrated  Perkins,  and  land  to  the  chair  of  theological  pro- 
became  fellow  of  Christ's  College,  fessor  at  Franeker,  which  he  filled 


^24  JOHNSON,  OF   AMSTERDAM. 

CHAP.  Robinson  ;  and  yet  afterwards  there  was  loving  com- 
^^^  pliance  and  near  agreement  between  tliem  ;  and,  which 
is  more  strange,  Mr.  Johnson  himself,  who  was  after- 
wards pastor  of  the  church  of  God  at  Amsterdam,  was 
a  preacher  to  the  company  of  English  of  the  Staple  at 
Middlebiirg,  in  Zealand,  and  had  great  and  certain 
maintenance  ^  allowed  him  by  them,  and  was  highly 
respected  of  them,  and  so  zealous  against  this  way  as 
that  [when]  Mr.  Barrow's  and  Mr.  Greenwood's  Re- 
futation of  GifTord^  was  privately  in  printing  in  this 
city,  he  not  only  was  a  means  to  discover  it,  but  was 
made  the  ambassador's  instrument  to  intercept  them 
at  the  press,  and  see  them  burnt ;  the  which  charge 
he  did  so  well  perform,  as  he  let  them  go  on  until  they 
were  wholly  finished,  and  then  surprised  the  whole 
impression,  not  suffering  any  to  escape;  and  then,  by 
the  magistrates'  authority,  caused  them  all  to  be  openly 
burnt,  himself  standing  by  until  they  were  all  con- 
sumed to  ashes.  Only  he  took  up  two  of  them,  one 
to  keep  in  his  own  study,  that  he  might  see  their  er- 
rors, and  the  other  to  bestow  on  a  special  friend  for 
the  like  use.     But  mark  the  sequel.     When  he  had 

with  reputation  for   twelve  years.  '  £200  per  annum.  —  Bradford's 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Synod  of  Note. 

Dort,  and  wrote  several   treatises  ^  This  book  was  printed  in  1591. 

against  the  Arminians,  besides  his  Its  title  was  "  A  plain  refutation  of 

famous    Medulla    Theologim.      He  M.  Gilford's  book,  entitled  '  A  short 

afterwards  removed  to  Rotterdam,  treatise   against   the    Donatists   of 

to  preach  to  a  congregation   of  his  England;'   wherein   is   discovered 

countrymen   there:  but  the  air  of  the  forgery  of  the  wiiole  ministry, 

Holland  not  agreeing  with  his  con-  the  confusion,  false  worship,  and 

stituiion,  he  determined  to  remove  antichristian  disorder  of  these  pa- 

to  New  England.     This  was  pre-  risli  assemblies,  called  the  Church 

vented  by  his  death  in  1633.     The  of  England.     Here  also  is  prefixed 

next  spring  his  widow  and  children  a  sum  of  the  causes  of  our  Separa- 

came  over,  bringing  with  them  his  tion,  and  of  our  purposes  in  prac- 

valuable  library.     Fuller's  Hist,  of  tice."     A  copy  of  this  rare  work, 

Cambridge,  p.  222;    Neal's   Puri-  reprinted   in    1606,  is  in  Prince's 

tans,  i.  436,  578;  Belknap's  Am.  New  England  Library,  in  the  keep- 

Biog.  ii.  161.  ing  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society. 


JOHNSON'S   CONVERSION.  425 

done  this  work,  he  went  home,  and  being  set  down  in  chap. 

XXVI. 

his  study,  he  began  to  turn  over  some  pages  of  this  — ^'— 
book,  and  superficially  to  read  some  things  here  and 
there,  as  his  fancy  led  him.  At  length  he  met  with 
something  that  began  to  work  upon  his  spirit,  which 
so  wrought  with  him  as  drew  him  to  this  resolution, 
seriously  to  read  over  the  whole  book ;  the  which  he 
did  once  and  again.  In  the  end  he  was  so  taken,  and 
his  conscience  was  troubled  so,  as  he  could  have  no  rest 
in  himself  until  he  crossed  the  seas  and  came  to  Lon- 
don to  confer  with  the  authors,  who  were  then  in  pri- 
son, and  shortly  after  executed.  After  which  confer- 
ence he  was  so  satisfied  and  confirmed  in  the  truth,  as 
he  never  returned  to  his  place  any  more  at  Middleburg, 
but  adjoined  himself  to  their  society  at  London,  and 
was  afterwards  committed  to  prison,  and  then  banish- 
ed ;  and  in  conclusion  coming  to  live  at  Amsterdam, 
he  caused  the  same  books,  which  he  had  been  an  in- 
strument to  burn,  to  be  new  printed  and  set  out  at  his 
own  charge.  And  some  of  us  here  present  testify  this 
to  be  a  true  relation,  which  we  heard  from  his  own 
mouth  before  many  witnesses. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

We  have  seen  a  book  of  Mr.  Robert  Baylie's,'  a 
Scotchman,  wherein  he  seemeth  to  take  notice  of  the 
spreading  of  the  truth  under  the  notion  of  error,  and 
casts  all  the  disgraces  he  can  on  it,  and  ranks  it  with 
others  the  foulest  errors  of  the  time,  and  endeavours 
to  show  how  like  a  small  spark  it  revived  out  of  the 
ashes,  and  was  brought  from  Leyden  over  the  seas  into 
New  England,  and  there  nourished  with  much  silence 

'  The  title  of  this  book  is  given  in  note  '^  on  page  379. 
54 


426  ROBINSON'S   CHURCH   A   MODEL. 

CHAP,  until  it  spread  to  other  places  in  the  country,  and  by 

XXVI 

'-  eminent  hands  from  thence  into  Old  England. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

As  we  dare  say  Mr.  Baylie  intends  no  honor  to  the 
persons  by  what  he  says,  either  to  those  here  or  from 
whence  they  came,  so  are  they  far  from  seeking  any 
to  themselves,  but  rather  are  ashamed  that  their  weak 
working  hath  brought  no  more  glory  to  God  ;  and  if  in 
any  thing  God  hath  made  any  of  them  instruments  for 
the  good  of  his  people  in  any  measure,  they  desire  he 
only  may  have  the  glory.  And  whereas  Mr.  Baylie 
affirmeth  that,  however  it  was,  in  a  few  years  the  most 
who  settled  in  the  land  did  agree  to  model  themselves 
after  Mr.  Robinson's  pattern,  we  agree  with  reverend 
Mr.  Cotton,  that  "  there  was  no  agreement  by  any 
solemn  or  common  consultation ;  but  that  it  is  true 
they  did,  as  if  they  had  agreed,  by  the  same  spirit  of 
truth  and  unity,  set  up,  by  the  help  of  Christ,  the  same 
model  of  churches,  one  like  to  another  ;  and  if  they  of 
Plymouth  have  helped  any  of  the  first  comers  in  their 
theory,  by  hearing  and  discerning  their  practices,  therein 
the  Scripture  is  fulfilled  that  the  kingdom  of  heaven  is 
^'"".?o  like  unto  leaven  which  a  woman  took  and  hid  in  three 
measures  of  meal  until  all  was  leavened."  Answer  to 
Mr.  Baylie,  page  17. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

We  desire  to  know  how  many  have  been  put  to 
death  for  this  cause,  and  what  manner  of  persons  they 
were,  and  what  occasions  were  taken  against  them  by 
bringing  them  to  their  end. 


THE  PURITAN   MARTYRS. 


427 


CHAP. 
XXVI. 


ANCIENT    MEN. 

We  know  certainly  of  six  that  were   publicly  exe-  "^"^^^ 
cuted,   besides   such   as   died   in  prisons  ;    Mr.  Henry 
Barrow,  Mr.  Greenwood,  (these  suffered  at  Tyburn;)  15  94 
Mr.    Penry   at   St.  Thomas  Waterings,  by   London ;  * 
Mr.  William  Dennis,   at  Thetford,  in   Norfolk  ;    two 
others  at  St.  Edmund's,  in  Suffolk,  whose  names  were  1583. 
Copping  and  Elias  [Thacker.]  ^     These  two  last  men- 
tioned   were    condemned    by    cruel    Judge    Popham,^ 
whose  countenance  and  carriage  was  very  rough  and 
severe  toward   them,  with  many  sharp  menaces.     But 
God  gave  them  courage  to  bear  it,  and  to  make  this 
answer  : 

"  My  Lord,  your  face  we  fear  not, 
And  for  your  threats  we  care  not, 
And  to  come  to  your  read  service,  we  dare  not." 

These  two  last  named  were  put  to  death  for  dispersing 
of  books. 

For  Mr.  Dennis,  he  was  a  godly  man,  and  faithful 
in  his  place;  but  what  occasion  was  taken  against  him, 
we  know  not,  more  than  the  common  cause. 


'  According  to  Stow's  Chronicle, 
page  765,  Henry  Barrow  and  John 
Greenwood  were  hung  on  the  6th 
of  April,  1594.  John  Penry  was 
executed  May  29,  1593.  Barrow 
was  a  gentleman  of  Gray's  Inn  ; 
Greenwood  and  Penry  were  clergy- 
men. In  1592,  Greenwood  was 
teacher  of  a  church  in  London,  of 
which  Francis  Johnson,  mentioned 
in  note  '  on  pace  24,  was  pastor. 
See  Fuller's  Ch.  Hisi.  iii.  136  ;  Hal- 
lam's  Const.  Hist.  i.  230,  (4lo  ed.) ; 
Prince's  Annals,  p.  303. 

*  Stow,  in  his  Chronicle,  page 
6^7,  says,  "  Elias  Thacker  was 
hanged  at  Saint  Edmondshury  on 
the  4th  of  June,  1583,  and  John 
Coping  on  the   6th  of  the  same 


month,  for  spreading  certain  books 
seditiously  penned  by  one  Robert 
Browne  against  the  Bock  of  Com- 
mon Prayer  established  by  the  laws 
of  this  realm.  Their  books,  so 
many  as  could  be  found,  were  burnt 
before  them."  See  Strype's  Annals, 
iii.  186;  Fuller's  Ch.  Hist.  iii.  66; 
Neal's  Puritans,  i.  254,  260,  (4lo. 
ed.) 

^  This  was  Lord  John  Popham, 
Chief  Justice  of  England,  who  af- 
terwards took  so  deep  an  interest 
ill  the  colonization  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  was  foremost  in  planting 
the  abortive  colony  at  Sagadahoc 
in  1607.  See  note  '  on  page  50, 
and  note  ^  on  page  112;  and  Wood's 
Athen.  Oxon.  i.  342. 


428  THESE   MARTYRS   NOT   BROWNISTS. 

CHAP.      For  Mr.  Penry,  how  unjustly  he  was  charged,  him- 
^^v^  self  hath  made  manifest  to  the  Avorld  in  his  books,  and 
that  Declaration  which  he  made  a  little  before  his  suf- 
fering ;  all  which  are  extant  in  print,  with  some  of  his 
godly  letters/ 

As  for  Mr.  Barrow  and  Mr.  Greenwood,  it  also  ap- 
pears by  their  own  writings  how  those  statutes  formerly 
made  against  the  Papists  were  wrested  against  them, 
and  they  condemned  thereupon  ;  as  may  be  seen  by 
their  Examinations.^ 

YOUNG    MEN. 

But  these  were  rigid  Brownists,  and  lie  under  much 
aspersion,  and  their  names  much  blemished  and  be- 
clouded, uot  only  by  enemies,  but  even  by  godly  and 
very  reverend  men. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

They  can  no  more  justly  be  called  Brownists,  than 
the  disciples  might  have  been  called  Judasites  ;  for 
they  did  as  much  abhor  Brown's  apostasy,  and  profane 
course,  and  his  defection,  as  the  disciples  and  other 
Christians  did  Judas's  treachery. 


'  These  tracts  of  Penry  are  in  rowe,  John  Grenewood,  and  John 
the  Prince  Collection,  in  the  Lilira-  Penrie,  before  the  Higli  Comniis- 
ry  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society.  Hal-  sioners  and  Lords  of  the  Council ; 
lam  says,  "  Penry's  protestation  at  penned  by  the  prisoners  themselves 
his  death  is  in  a  style  of  the  most  before  their  deaths."  "Let  any 
affecting  and  simple  eloquence."  man  read  the  examinations  of  Bar- 
He  was  a  graduate  of  O.xford,  and  row  and  Greenwood,  and  I  am  mis- 
was  charged  with  being  one  of  the  taken  if  he  will  not  perceive  a 
author's  of  Martin  Mar-Prelate,  plain-hearted  Christian  simplicity 
See  Wood's  Aihen.  Oxon.  i.  258 —  in  their  behaviour,  and  an  inhu- 
261  ;  Hallairi's  Const.  Hist.  i.  221,  man  spirit  of  cruelty  and  tyranny 
and  Neal's  Puritans,  i.  374 — 379.  in    their     persecutors."       Peirce's 

*  In  the  Harleian  Miscellany,  ii.  Vindication  of  the  Dissenters,  page 

10 — 42   (Svo.    ed.)    may   be    seen  146. 
"  The  Examinations  of  Henry  Bar- 


HENRY  BARROW,  THE  MARTYR.  429 

And  for  their  rigid  and  rouo;hness  of  spirit,  as  some  chap. 

•  XXVI 

of  them,  especially  Mr.  Barrow,  is  taxed,  it  may  be  — v^^ 
considered  they  were  very  rigidly  and  roughly  dealt 
with,  not  only  by  the  Lord's  enemies  and  their  ene- 
mies, but  by  some  godly  persons  of  those  times,  ditfer- 
ing  in  opinions  from  them  ;  which  makes  some  of  us 
call  to  mind  what  one  Doctor  Taylor  hath  written  in  a 
late  book  in  these  stirring  times.  "  Such  an  eminent 
man,"  saith  he,  "  hath  had  the  good  hap  to  be  reputed 
orthodox  by  posterity,  and  did  condemn  such  a  man 
of  such  an  opinion,  and  yet  himself  erred  in  as  con- 
siderable matters ;  but  meeting  with  better  neigh- 
bours in  his  life-time,  and  a  more  charitable  posterity 
after  his  death,  hath  his  memory  preserved  in  honor ; 
and  the  other's  name  suffers  without  cause."  Of  which 
he  gives  instances  in  his  book  entitled  The  Liberty  of 
Prophesying,  page  33  and  following. 

We  refer  you  to  Mr.  Robinson's  Answer  to  Mr.  Ber- 
nard,' where  he  charges  him  with  blasphemy,  railing, 
scoffing,  &c.  "  For  Mr.  Barrow,"  saith  Mr.  Robinson, 
"  as  I  say  with  Mr.  Ains worth,  that  I  will  not  justify 
all  the  words  of  another  man,  nor  yet  mine  own,  so  say 
I  also  with  Mr.  Smith,  that  because  I  know  not  by 
what  particular  motion  of  the  Spirit  he  was  guided  to 
write  in  those  phrases,  I  dare  not  censure  him  as  you 
do ;  especially  considering  with  what  fiery  zeal  the 
Lord  hath  furnished  such  his  servants  at  all  times,  as 
he  hath  stirred  up  for  special  reformation.  Let  the 
example  of  Luther  alone  suffice,  whom  into  what  terms 
his  zeal  carried,  his  writings  testify ;  and  yet  both  in 
him  and  in  Mr.  Barrow  there  might  be  with  true  spi- 

'  See  the  title  of  this  work  in  note  '  on  page  40. 


430  SLANDERS   AGAINST   BARROW. 

CHAP,  ritual   zeal  fleshly  indignation  mingled."     Answer  to 

ii^  Mr.  Bernard,  folio  84. 

And  further  in  page  86  he  saith,  that  "  such  harsh 
terms  wherewith  he  entertains  such  persons  and  things 
in  the  church  as  carry  with  them  most  appearance  of 
holiness,  thej  are  to  be  interpreted  according  to  his 
meaning,  with  this  distinction,  that  Mr.  Barrow  speaks 
not  of  these  persons  and  things  simply,  but  in  a  re- 
spect, and  so  and  so  consid>ered  ;  and  so  no  one  term 
given  by  Mr.  Barrow  but  may,  at  the  least,  be  tole- 
rated." 

YOUNG    MEN. 

But  divers  reverend  men  have  expressed  concerning 
this  matter  that  God  is  not  wont  to  make  choice  of  men 
infamous  for  gross  sins  and  vices  before  their  calling,  to 
make  them  any  instruments  of  reformation  after  their 
calling,  and  proceed  to  declare  that  Mr.  Barrow  was  a 
great  gamester  and  a  dicer  when  he  lived  in  court,  and 
getting  much  by  play,  would  boast  of  loose  spending 
it  with  courtesans,  &c. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

Truly,  with  due  respect  to  such  reverend  men  be  it 
spoken,  those  things  might  well  have  been  spared  from 
putting  in  print,  especially  so  long  after  his  death, 
when  not  only  he,  but  all  his  friends  are  taken  out  of 
the  world,  that  might  vindicate  his  name.  That  he 
was  tainted  with  vices  at  the  court  before  his  conversion 
and  calling,  it  is  not  very  strange  ;  and  if  he  had  lived 
and  died  in  that  condition,  it  is  like  he  might  have 
gone  out  of  the  world  without  any  public  brand  on  his 
name,  and  have  passed  for  a  tolerable  Christian  and 


xiii.  13. 


VINDICATION   OF   BARROW.  431 

member  of  the   church.     He  had  hurt  enough  done  chap. 
him,  whilst  he  lived,  by  evil  and  cruel  enemies ;  why  i^iL 
should   godly   men   be   prejudicated   to   him   after  his 
death  in  his  name  ?     Was  not  the  Apostle  Paul  a  per- 
secutor of  God's  saints  unto  death  ?    And  doth  not  the 
same  Apostle,   speaking  of  scandalous   and  lascivious 
persons,  say,  "  And  such  were  some  of  you  ;   but  ye  if""'-- 
are  washed,  but  ye  are  sanctified,  but  ye  are  justified 
in  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  and  by  the  spirit  of  our 
God." 

And  if  histories  deceive  us  not,  was  not  Cyprian  a 
magician  before  his  conversion,  and  Augustine  a  Mani- 
chaean  ?  And  when  it  was  said  unto  him  in  the  voice 
he  heard,  ToUe  et  lege,  he  was  directed  to  that  place  of 
Scripture,  "  Not  in  gluttony  and  drunkenness,  nor  in  ^Ro", 
chambering  and  wantonness,  nor  in  strife  and  envy- 
ing ;  but  put  ye  on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  take 
no  thought  for  the  flesh,  to  fulfil  the  lusts  of  it."  ^ 
By  which  it  may  seem  that  if  God  do  not^  make 
choice  of  such  men  as  have  been  infamous  for  gross 
vices  before  their  calling,  yet  sometimes  he  is  wont  to 
do  it,  and  is  free  to  choose  whom  he  pleaseth  for 
notable  instruments  for  his  own  work.  As  for  other 
things  that  have  been  spoken  of  him  and  Mr.  Green- 
wood and  Mr.  Penry,  we  leave  them  as  they  are. 
But  some  of  us  have  reason  to  think  there  are  some 
mistakes  in  the  relations  of  those  things.  Only  we 
shall  add  other  public  testimonies  concerning  them 
from  witnesses  of  very  worthy  credit,  which  are  also 
in  print. 

First,    from   Mr.    Phillips.      A   famous   and    godly 


1  This   is   the  Geneva  version.         *  The  word  ordinarily  seems  to 
See  note  '  on  page  14.  havebeen  accidentally  omitted  here. 


^32  BARROW   AND   GREENWOOD. 

CHAP,  preacher,  having  heard  and   seen   Mr.  Barrow's  holy 

XXVI.  .  . 

-^v^^  speeches  and  preparations  for  death,  said,  "  Barrow, 
Barrow,  my  soul  be  \\'ith  thine  !  "  The  same  author 
also  reports,  that  Queen  Elizabeth  asked  learned 
Doctor  Reynolds^  what  he  thought  of  those  two  men^ 
Mr.  Barrow  and  Mr.  Greenwood  ;  and  he  answered 
her  Majesty  that  it  could  not  avail  any  thing  to  show . 
his  judgment  concerning  them,  seeing  they  were  put 
to  death  ;  and  being  loath  to  speak  his  mind  further, 
her  Majesty  charged  him  upon  his  allegiance  to  speak. 
Whereupon  he  answered,  that  he  was  persuaded,  if 
they  had  lived,  they  would  have  been  two  as  worthy 
instruments  for  the  church  of  God,  as  have  been  raised 
up  in  this  age.  Her  Majesty  sighed,  and  said  no  more. 
But  after  that,  riding  to  a  park  by  the  place  where 
they  were  executed,  and  being  willing  to  take  further 
information  concerning  them,  demanded  of  the  right 
honorable  the  Earl  of  Cumberland,  that  was  present 
when  they  suffered,  what  end  they  made.  He  an- 
svi'ered,  "  a  very  godly  end,  and  prayed  for  your 
Majesty,  and  the  State,"  fcc.^  We  may  also  add  what 
some  of  us  have  heard  by  credible  information,  that  the 
Queen  demanded  of  the  Archbishop^  what  he  thought 

'  Dr.  John  Reynolds,  one  of  clined  a  bishopric.  He  died  in 
the  most  learned  divines  of  his  1607.  See  Wood's  Athen.  Oxon. 
age,  was,  according  to  Anthony  i.  339 — 342;  Prince's  Worthies  of 
Wood,  "the  pillar  of  Puritanism,  Devon,  pp.  6S4 — 692;  Fuller's  Ch. 
and  the  grand  favorer  of  Noncon-  Hist.  iii.  172—193,  228,  230. 
formiiy."  He  was  born  in  Devon-  *  See  Peirce's  Vindication  of  the 
shire  in  1549,  and  educated  in  Cor-  Dissenters,  part  i.  p.  147,  and 
pus  Christi  College,  Oxford,  of  Strype's  Life  of  Bishop  Aylmer,  p. 
which  he  was  afterwards  president.  247,  and  Neal's  History  of  New 
He  was  the  principal  champion  of  England,  i.  71. 
the  Puritans  at  the  Hampton  Court  ^  Whitgift.  He  succeeded  Grin- 
Conference,  and  was  one  of  the  dal  in  1584,  and  held  the  see  till 
persons  appointed  by  James  to  his  death  in  1694,  the  second  year 
make  the  English  version  of  the  of  James's  reign.  See  Fuller's  Ch. 
Bible  now  in  common  use.  He  Hist.  iii.  66,  198. 
had  been  Dean  of  Lincoln,  and  de- 


BARROW'S   CHARACTER.  433 


^       XXVI. 


of  them  in  his  conscience.     He  answered  "he  thought  ch\p. 
they  were  the  servants  of  God,  but  dangerous  to  the 
State."    "Alas  !"  said  she,  "  shall  we  put  the  servants 
of  God  to  death  ?"  And  this  was  the  true  cause  whj 
no  more  of  them  were  put  to  death  in  her  da\  s.^ 


YOUNG    MEN. 

Did  any  of  you  know  Mr.  Barrow  ?  if  we  may  be  so 
bold  to  ask,  for  we  would  willingly  know  what  [was] 
his  life  and  conversation  ;  because  some,  we  perceive, 
have  him  in  precious  esteem,  and  others  can  scarce 
name  him  without  some  note  of  obloquy  and  dislike. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

We  have  not  seen  his  person  ;  but  some  of  us  have 
been  well  acquainted  with  those  that  knew  him  fa- 
miliarly both  before  and  after  his  conversion ;  and  one 
of  us  hath  had  conference  with  one  that  was  his  do- 
mestic servant,  and  tended  upon  him  both  before  and 
some  while  after  the  same. 

He  was  a  gentleman  of  good  worth,  and  a  flourishing 
courtier  in  his  time,  and,  as  appears  in  his  own  answers  15S6. 
to  the    Archbishop  and  Doctor  Cousens,  he  was  some     19.' 
time  a  student  at  Cambridge  and  the  Inns  of  Court, 
and  accomplished  with  strong  parts. 

We  have  heard  his  conversion  to  be  on  this  wise. 
Walking:  in  London  one  Lord's  dav  with  one  of  his 
companions,  he  heard  a  preacher  at  his  sermon  very 
loud,  as  they  passed  by  the  church.     Upon  which  Mr. 

'  "  There  be    grave    professors,  when  she  heard  of  it  afterwards." 

■who  lived  near  those  occurrences,  Cotton's  Way,  page  5.    Bayliesays, 

who  speak  of  Queen  Elizabeth  as  p.  14,  that "  Queen  Elizabeth,  by  the 

ignorant  of  Barrow's  execution  and  evil  adviceof  ihecruelprelatesabout 

Greenwood's,  and  displeased  at  it  her,  caused  Barrow  to  be  hanged." 

55 


434  BARROWS   CONVERSION. 

CHAP.  Barrow  said  unto  his  consort,  "  Let  us  go  in  and  hear 
'J-v^  what  this  man  saith  that  is  thus  earnest."  "  Tush," 
saith  the  other,  "  what !  shall  we  go  to  hear  a  man 
talk  .'^"  &c.  But  in  he  went  and  sat  down.  And  the 
minister  was  vehement  in  reproving  sin,  and  sharply 
applied  the  judgments  of  God  against  the  same  ;  and, 
it  should  seem,  touched  him  to  the  quick  in  such  things 
as  he  was  guilty  of,  so  as  God  set  it  home  to  his  soul, 
and  began  to  work  his  repentance  and  conversion 
thereby.  For  he  was  so  stricken  as  he  could  not  be 
quiet,  until  by  conference  with  godly  men  and  further 
hearing  of  the  word,  with  diligent  reading  and  medita-r 
tion,  God  brought  peace  to  his  soul  and  conscience, 
after  much  humiHation  of  heart  and  reformation  of  life  ; 
so  as  he  left  the  court,  and  retired  himself  to  a  private 
life,  some  time  in  the  country  and  some  time  in  the 
city,  giving  himself  to  study  and  reading  of  the  Scrip- 
tures and  other  good  works  very  diligently.  And  be- 
ing missed  at  court  by  his  consorts  and  acquaintance, 
it  was  quickly  bruited  abroad  that  Barrow  was  turned 
Puritan.  What  his  course  was  afterwards,  his  writings 
show,  as  also  his  sufferings  and  conference  with  men 
of  all  sorts  do  declare,  until  his  life  was  taken  from 
him. 

And  thus  much  we  can  further  affirm,  from  those 
that  well  knew  him,  that  he  was  very  comfortable  to 
the  poor  and  those  in  distress  in  their  sufferings  ;  and 
when  he  saw  he  must  die,  he  gave  a  stock  for  the 
relief  of  the  poor  of  the  church,  which  was  a  good  help 
to  them  in  their  banished  condition  afterwards.  Yea, 
and  that  which  some  will  hardly  believe,  he  did  much 
persuade  them  to  peace,  and  composed  many  differ- 
ences that  were  grown  amongst  them  whilst  he  lived, 


THE    SEPARATISTS   AND   PURITANS,  435 

and  would  have,  it  is  like,  prevented  more  that  after  chap. 

•  1  ^  XXVI. 

fell  out,  if  he  had  continued.  ^— v-^ 

YOUNG    MEN. 

We  thank  you  for  your  pains.  We  hope  it  will 
extend  further  than  our  satisfaction.  W^e  cannot  but 
marvel  that  such  a  man  should  be  by  so  many  aspersed. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

It  is  not  much  to  be  marvelled  at ;  for  he  was  most 
plain  in  discovering  the  cruelty,  fraud,  and  hypocrisy 
of  the  enemies  of  the  truth,  and  searching  into  the  cor- 
ruptions of  the  time,  which  made  him  abhorred  of 
them ;  and  peradvcnture  something  too  harsh  against 
the  baitings  of  divers  of  the  preachers  and  professors 
that  he  had  to  deal  with  in  those  times,  who  out  of 
fear  or  weakness  did  not  come  so  close  up  to  the  truth 
in  their  practice  as  their  doctrines  and  grounds  seemed 
to  hold  forth.  Which  makes  us  remember  what  was  the 
answer  of  Erasmus  to  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  when  he 
asked  his  opinion  whether  Luther  had  erred.  He  an- 
swered, "his  opinions  were  good,  but  wished  he  would 
moderate  his  style,  which  stirred  him  up  the  more 
enemies,  no  doubt." 

YOUNG    MEN. 

We  find  in  the  writings  of  some  such  who  were  very 
eminent  in  their  times  for  piety  and  learning,  that  those 
of  the  Separation^  found  more  favor  in  our  native  coun- 
try than  those  who  were  reproached  by  the  name  of 
Puritans  ;  and  after  much  discourse  thereabouts,  come 

'  For  an  account  of  the  difference  aratists,  see  Prince's  Annals,  pp. 
between  tiie  Puritans  and  the  Sep-    302 — 305. 


436 


SUFFERINGS  OF  THE   PURITANS. 


CHAP,  to   this  conclusion,  that  no  comparison  will  hold  from 
^^^-^  the  Separatists  to  them  in  their  sufferings  but  a  minori ; 
and  then  thej  go  on  and  say,  what  a  compulsory  ban- 
ishment has  been  put  upon  those  blessed  and  glorious 
lights,  Mr.  Cartvvright,^  Mr.  Parker,^  Doctor  Ames,  &c. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

Far  be  it  from  any  of  us  to  detract  from  or  to  ex- 
tenuate the  sufferings  of  any  of  the  servants  of  God, 
much  less  from  those  worthies  forenamed,  or  any  others 
afterwards  mentioned.  Yet,  under  favor,  we  crave 
pardon  if  we  cannot  consent  to  the  judgment  of  such 
eminent  ones  for  piety  and  learning  above  hinted. 
We  doubt  not,  but  do  easily  grant,  that  the  sufferings 
of  those  reproached  by  the  name  of  Puritans  were 
great,  especially  some  of  them,  and  were  better  known 
to  those  pious  and  learned  [men]  first  above  intimated, 
than  the  sufferings  of  those  that  are  reproached  by  the 
name  of  Brownists    and  Separatists.^     But  we  shall 


1  Thomas  Cartwright,  "  chief  of 
the  Nonconformists,"  as  Fuller 
calls  him,  was  one  of  the  most 
learned  scholars  and  skilful  dis- 
putants of  his  age.  He  was  bora 
in  1535,  and  educated  at  Cam- 
bridge ;  was  fellow  of  Trinity  Col- 
lege, and  Lady  Margaret's  profes- 
sor of  divinity.  But  venturing  in 
some  of  his  lectures  to  point  out 
the  defects  in  the  discipline  of  the 
Church,  he  was  expelled  from  the 
university.  He  then  went  to  Ge- 
neva, and  afterwards  became  prea- 
cher to  the  English  merchants 
at  Antwerp.  After  his  return  from 
Antwerp  he  was  often  in  trouble 
by  suspensions,  deprivations  and 
long  imprisonment;  till  at  length 
the  Earl  of  Leicester  made  him 
governor  of  his  hospital  at  War- 
wick, where  he  died  in  1603.     See 


Fuller's  Ch.  Hist.  ii.  503,  iii.  105, 
165,  171;  Neal's  Puritans,  i.  420._ 

"  Robert  Parker,  a  puritan  di- 
vine of  Wiltshire,  in  consequence 
of  publishing  a  Treatise  on  the 
Cross  in  Baptism,  was  obliged  in 
1607  to  fly  into  Holland.  Here  he 
would  have  been  chosen  pastor  of 
the  English  church  at  Amsterdam; 
but  the  magistrates  being  afraid  of 
offending  King  James,  he  went  to 
Doesburgh,  and  became  minister 
of  the  garrison  there,  where  he  died 
in  1630.  See  Wood's  Athen.  Oxon. 
i.464  ;  Peirce's  Vindication,  p.  171 ; 
Neal's  Puritans,  i.  436,  456. 

^  On  the  occasion  of  the  passage 
of  a  law  of  banishment  against  the 
Separatists  in  1593,  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  said  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, ''In  his  conceit  the  Brown- 
ists are  worthy  to  be  rooted  out  of 


PERSECUTION   OF   THE   SEPARATISTS.  437 

give  you  some  instances,  and  leave  it  to  you  and  some  chap. 
others  to  consider  of.  v--v^ 

1.  Though  no  more  were  publicly  executed,  yet 
sundry  more  were  condemned,  and  brought  to  the  gal- 
lows, and  ascended  the  ladder,  not  knowing  but  they 
should  die,  and  have  been  reprieved,  and  after  banish- 
ed ;  some  of  which  we  have  known  and  often  spoken 
with. 

2.  Others  have  not  only  been  forced  into  voluntary 
banishment,  by  great  numbers,  to  avoid  further  cruelty, 
but  divers,  after  long  and  sore  imprisonment,  have 
been  forced  to  abjure  the  land  by  oath,  never  to  return 
without  leave.  In  anno  1604  four  persons  at  once 
were  forced  to  do  so  at  a  public  Sessions  in  London, 
or  else  upon  refusal  they  were  to  be  hanged.  This 
their  abjuration  was  done  on  the  statute  of  the  35  of 
Queen  Elizabeth.     Some  of  these  we  have  also  known. 

3.  We  find  mention  in  a  printed  book  of  seventeen 
or  eighteen  that  have  died  in  several  prisons  in  London 
in  six  years'  time  before  the  year  1592,  besides  what 
have  been  in  other  parts  of  the  land,  and  since  that 
time,  perishing  by  cold,  hunger,  or  noisomeness  of  the 
prison. 

4.  In  the  same  year  we  find  a  lamentable  petition,  15  92. 
now  in  print,  of  sixty  persons  committed  unbailable  to 
several  prisons  in  London,  as  Newgate,  the  Gatehouse, 
Clink,  &c.,  being  made  close  prisoners,  allowing  them 
neither  meat,   drink,    nor   lodging,    nor   suffering  any 

a  commonwealth;  but  what  dan-  afraid  there  is  near  twenty  thou- 

ger  may  grow  to  ourselves  if  this  sand   of    them   in   England  ;    and 

law  passes,  it  were  fit  to  be  consid-  when    they  are  gone,    who    shall 

^ed.     If  two   or    three   thousand  maintain    their   wives    and    child- 

Brownists  meet  at  the  seaside,  at  ren  ?"     Simon  D'Ewes's  Journals, 

whose  charge  shall  they  be  trans-  p.   517,  and   Peirce's  Vindication, 

ported?  or  whither  will  you  send  page  143. 
them?    I  am  sorry  for  it;  I  am 


438  THE   SEPARATISTS   EXCOMMUNICATED. 

CHAP,  whose  hearts  the  Lord  would  stir  up  for  their  relief, 

XXVI.  ,  I  1    • 

■— —  to  have  any  access  unto  them  ;  so  as  they  complain 
that  no  felons,  traitors,  nor  murderers  in  the  land  were 
thus  dealt  with  ;  and  so  after  many  other  grievous 
complaints  conclude  with  these  words  :  "  We  crave 
for  all  of  us  but  the  liberty  either  to  die  openly,  or  to 
live  openly  in  the  land  of  our  nativity.  If  we  deserve 
death,  it  beseemeth  the  majesty  of  justice  not  to  see 
us  closely  murdered,  yea  starved  to  death  with  hunger 
and  cold,  and  stifled  in  loathsome  dungeons.  If  we 
be  guiltless,  we  crave  but  the  benefit  of  our  innocence, 
viz.  that  we  may  have  peace  to  serve  our  God  and  our 
Prince  in  the  place  of  the  sepulchres  of  our  fathers."^ 

And  what  numbers  since  those,  who  have  been  put 
unto  compulsory  banishment  and  other  hard  sufferings, 
as  loss  of  goods,  friends,  and  long  and  hard  imprison- 
ments, under  which  many  have  died,  —  it  is  so  w^ell 
known,  that  it  would  make  up  a  volume  to  rehearse 
them,  and  would  not  only  equalize  but  far  exceed  the 
number  of  those  godly  called  Puritans  that  have  suffer- 
ed. Suppose  they  were  but  few  of  them  ministers 
that  suffered,  as  above  expressed  ;  yet  their  sorrows 
might  be  as  great,  and  their  w^ants  more,  and  their 
souls  as  much  afflicted,  because  more  contemned  and 
neglected  of  men. 

But  some  have  said  they  were  excommunicated ;  and 
that  was  no  great  matter  as  excommunications  went  in 
those  days.  So  were  these,  not  only  while  they  were 
living,  but  some  of  them  many  times  after  they  were 
dead;  and  as  some  of  the  other  were  imprisoned,  so 
were  more  of  these.  But  it  is  further  said,  all  of 
them   were   deprived  of  their  ministry ;  and  so  were 

*  See  Peirce's  Vindication  of  the  Dissenters,  part  i.  p.  144. 


THE   SEPARATISTS   IMPRISONED   AND   BANISHED.  439 

these  of  their  livelihood  and  maintenance,  although  chap. 
they  had  no  offices  to  lose.  But  those  remained  still  -^v^ 
in  the  land,  and  were  succoured  and  sheltered  bj  good 
people  in  a  competent  wise,  the  most  of  them,  and 
sundry  of  them  lived  as  well,  as  may  easily  be  proved, 
if  not  better,  than  if  they  had  enjoyed  their  benefices  ; 
whereas  the  other  were,  a  great  number  of  them,  forc- 
ed to  fly  into  foreign  lands  for  shelter,  or  else  might 
have  perished  in  prisons  ;  and  these  poor  creatures  en- 
dured, many  of  them,  such  hardships  (as  is  well  known 
to  some  of  us)  as  makes  our  hearts  still  ache  to  re- 
member. 

We  some  of  us  knew  Mr.  Parker,  Doctor  Ames,  and 
Mr.  Jacob  ^  in  Holland,  when  they  sojourned  for  a 
time  in  Leyden  ;  and  all  three  boarded  together  and 
had  their  victuals  dressed  by  some  of  our  acquaintance, 
and  then  they  lived  comfortable,  and  then  they  were 
provided  for  as  became  their  persons.  And  after  Mr. 
Jacob  returned,  and  Mr.  Parker   was  at  Amsterdam, 

1  Henry  Jacob  was  born  in  the  gre^ational  Church.  He  continued 
county  of  Kent  in  1563,  and  was  with  his  people  about  eight  years, 
educated  at  Oxford.  He  became  a  but  in  1624,  went  to  Virginia, 
clergyman  of  the  Church  of  Eng-  where  he  soon  after  died.  From 
land,  and  as  Anthony  Wood  says,  the  Library  of  the  American  Anti- 
"  was  a  person  most  excellently  quarian  Society,  at  Worcester,  I 
well  read  in  theological  authors,  have  obtained  the  use  of  a  book 
but  withal  was  a  most  zealous  written  by  Jacob,  entitled ''An  At- 
Puritan,  or  as  his  son  Henry  used  testation  of  many  learned,  godly 
to  say,  the  first  Independent  in  and  famous  divines,  lights  of  reli- 
England."  He  wrote  two  treatises  gion  and  pillars  of  the  gospel,  jus- 
againstFrancis  Johnson,  the  Brown-  tifying  this  doctrine,  viz.  that  the 
ist,  in  defence  of  the  Church  of  Eng-  church  government  ought  to  be  al- 
land's  being  a  true  church.  But  ways  with  the  people's  free  con- 
flying  from  the  persecution  under  sent.  Anno  Dom.  1613."  pp.  323. 
Bishop  Bancroft  in  1604,  he  fell  in  16mo.  This  work  is  not  contained 
with  John  Robinson  at  Leyden,  in  Wood's  list  of  Jacob's  writings, 
find  conferring  with  him  embraced  nor  is  it  mentioned  by  Ncal.  See 
his  peculiar  sentiments  of  church  Wood's  Athen.  Oxon.i.  464  ;  Neal's 
government.  On  his  return  to  Puritans,  i.  438,  476 ;  Mass.  Hist. 
England,  he  laid  in  1616,  the  foun-  Coll.  xi.  164 — 167. 
dation  of  an  Independent  or  Con- 


440  SUFFERINGS  OF   THE   SEPARATISTS. 

CHAP,  where  he  printed  some  of  his  books,  and  Mr.  Ames 
-^-v~  disposed  of  himself  to  other  places,  it  was  not  worse 
with  him  ;  and  some  of  us  well  know  how  it  fared 
then  with  many  precious  Christians  in  divers  times 
and  places.  To  speak  the  truth,  the  professors  in 
England,  though  many  of  them  suffered  much  at  the 
hands  of  the  prelates,  yet  they  had  a  great  advantage 
of  the  Separatists  ;  for  the  Separatists  had  not  only  the 
prelates  and  their  faction  to  encounter  with,  (and  what 
hard  measure  they  met  with  at  their  hands,  above  the 
other,  doth  sufficiently  appear  by  what  is  before  de- 
clared,) but  also  they  must  endure  the  frowns,  and 
many  times  the  sharp  invectives,  of  the  forward  minis- 
ters against  them,  both  in  public  and  private  ;  and 
what  influence  they  had  upon  the  spirits  of  the  people, 
is  well  enough  known  also ;  by  reason  hereof  the  min- 
isters in  foreign  countries  did  look  awry  at  them  when 
they  would  give  help  and  countenance  to  the  other. 

YOUNG  MEN. 

Indeed,  it  seems  they  have  sometimes  suffered  much 
hardness  in  the  Low  Countries,  if  that  be  true  that  is 
reported  of  such  a  man  as  Mr.  Ains worth,  that  he 
should  live  for  some  time  with  nine  pence  a  week. 
To  which  is  replied  by  another,  that  if  people  suffered 
him  to  live  on  nine  pence  a  week,  with  roots  boiled, 
either  the  people  were  grown  extreme  low  in  estate, 
or  the  growth  of  their  godliness  was  come  to  a  very 
low  ebb. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

The  truth  is,  their  condition  for  the  most  part  was 
for  some  time  very  low  and  hard.     It  was  with  them 


SUFFERINGS   OF  THE   SEPARATISTS,  441 

as,  if  it  should  be  related,  would  hardly  be  believed,  chap. 

XXVI 

And  no  marvel.  For  many  of  them  had  lain  long  in  ^-v-- 
prisons,  and  then  were  banished  into  Newfoundland, 
where  they  were  abused,  and  at  last  came  into  the 
Low  Countries,  and  wanting  money,  trades,  friends  or 
acquaintances,  and  languages  to  help  themselves,  how 
could  it  be  otherwise  ?  The  report  of  Mr.  Ainsworth 
was  near  those  times,  when  he  was  newly  come  out  of 
Ireland  with  others  poor,  and  being  a  single  young  man 
and  very  studious,  was  content  with  a  little.  And  yet, 
to  take  off  the  aspersion  from  the  people  in  that  par- 
ticular, the  chief  and  true  reason  thereof  is  mistaken ; 
for  he  was  a  very  modest  and  bashful  man,  and  con- 
cealed his  wants  from  others,  until  some  suspected  how 
it  was  with  him,  and  pressed  him  to  see  how  it  was ; 
and  after  it  was  known,  such  as  were  able  mended  his 
condition ;  and  when  he  was  married  afterwards,  he 
and  his  family  were  comfortably  provided  for.  But  we 
have  said  enough  of  these  things.  They  had  (ew 
friends  to  comfort  them,  nor  any  arm  of  flesh  to  sup- 
port them ;  and  if  in  some  things  they  were  too  rigid, 
they  are  rather  to  be  pitied,  considering  their  times  and 
sufferings,  than  to  be  blasted  with  reproach  to  pos- 
terity. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

Was  that  Brown  ^  that  fell  away  and  made  apostasy, 
the  fii'st  inventor  and  beginner  of  this  way  ? 

,'  Robert  Brown  was  descended  the  vehemence  of  his  delivery  gain- 

from   an   ancient   and  respectable  ed  him  reputation  with  the  people, 

family  in  Rutlandshire.    His  father  He   was    first   a   schoolmaster    in 

was  a  knight,  and  nearly  related  to  Southworth,  and  then  a  preacher 

Cecil,  Lord  Burleigh.     He  was  ed-  at    Islington,    near    London.     He 

ucated  at  Cambridge,  and  preached  first  separated  from  the  Church  of 

some  time  in  Benet  Church,  where  England  in  1580,  and  having  been 

56 


442 


ROBERT   BROWN,  THE   SEPARATIST. 


CHAP. 

xxvr. 


ANCIENT    MEN. 

No,  verily ;  for,  as  one  answers  this  question  very 
vrell  in  a  printed  book,  almost  forty  years  ago,  that 
the  prophets,  apostles  and  evangelists  have  in  their 
authentic  writings  laid  down  the  ground  thereof;  and 
upon  that  ground  is  their  building  reared  up  and  surely 
settled.^  Moreover,  many  of  the  martyrs,  both  former 
and  latter,  have  maintained  it,  as  is  to  be  seen  in  The 
Acts  and  Monuments  of  the  Church.  Also,  in  the 
days  of  Queen  Elizabeth  there  was  a  separated  church, 
whereof  Mr.  Fitts  was  pastor,^  and  another  before  that 
in  the  time  of  Queen  Mary,  of  which  Mr.  Rough  ^  was 


twice  imprisoned,  at  length  escaped 
into  Holland,  and  set  up  a  congre- 
gation of  his  followers  at  Middle- 
burg.  After  its  dissolution,  he  re- 
turned in  1589  to  England,  recanted 
his  principles  of  separation,  be- 
came reconciled  to  the  established 
church,  and  was  rewarded  with  a 
living  in  Northamptonshire.  Ful- 
ler, the  church  historian,  who  was 
born  within  a  mile  of  his  residence, 
says  he  often  saw  him  in  his  youth, 
and  adds  that  "  he  had  in  my  time 
a  wife  with  whom  for  many  years 
he  never  lived,  and  a  church 
wherein  he  never  preached."  Be- 
ing imprisoned  for  striking  the  con- 
stable of  his  parish  for  demanding 
a  church  rate  of  him,  he  died  in 
Northampton  gaol  in  1630,  in  his 
81st  year.  Hornius  says,  "  De  eo 
inter  alia  ridicula  referunt,  quod 
cum  frequenter  uxorem  suam  pul- 
saret,  reprehensus  propterea  respon- 
derit,  '  Se  non  verberare  earn  ut 
uxorem  suam,  verum  ut  nefariara 
et  maledictam  vetulam.' " 

Robinson,  in  his  Justification  of 
Separation,  page  54,  says,  "  Now 
touching  Browne,  it  is  true,  that  as 
he  forsook  the  Lord,  so  the  Lord 
forsook  him  in  his  way  ;  and  so  he 
did  his  own  people  Israel  many  a 


time.  And  if  the  Lord  had  not  for- 
saken him,  he  had  never  so  returned 
back  into  Egypt,  as  he  did,  to  live 
of  the  spoils  of  it.  And  for  the 
wicked  things  which  Mr.  Bernard 
affirmeth  he  did  in  this  way,  it 
may  well  be  as  he  saith,  and  the 
more  wicked  things  he  committed 
in  this  course,  the  less  like  he  was 
to  continue  long  in  it,  and  the  more 
like  to  return  again  to  his  proper 
centre,  the  Church  of  England, 
where  he  should  be  sure  to  find 
companions  enough  in  any  wick- 
edness, as  it  came  to  pass."  See 
Wood's  Athen.  Oxon.  i.  341 ;  Ful- 
ler's Ch.  Hist.  iii.  61—65 ;  Strype's 
Annals,  iii.  15;  Neal's  Puritans,  i. 
251  ;  Baylie's  Dissuasive,  p.  13; 
Hornii  Hist.  Eccles.  p.  231 ;  Hoorn- 
beek,  Summa  Controv.  p.  739. 

'  As  for  Mr.  Robinson's  being 
the  author  of  Independency,  Mr. 
Cotton  replies  that  "  the  New  Tes- 
tament was  the  author  of  it,  and  it 
was  received  in  the  times  of  purest, 
primitive  antiquity,  many  hundreds 
of  years  before  Mr.  Robinson  was 
born."  Prince,  p.  176.  See  Cot- 
ton's Way,  p.  9. 

^  See  Prince's  Annals,  p.  302. 

^  Rough^was  burnt.  See  Neal's 
Puritans,  i.  71. 


SEPARATISTS   BEFORE  BROWN.  443 

pastor  or  teacher,  and  Cudbert  Simpson  a  deacon,  who  chap. 
exercised  amongst  themselves,  as  other  ordinances,  so  -X-^ 
church  censures,  as  excommunication,  &c.,  and  pro- 
fessed and  practised  that  cause  before  Mr.  Brown 
wrote  for  it.  But  he  being  one  that  afterwards  wrote 
for  it,  they  that  first  hatched  the  name  of  Puritans'  and 
bestowed  it  on  the  godlj  professors  that  desired  reform- 
ation, they  likewise  out  of  the  same  storehouse  would 
needs  bestow  this  new  livery  upon  others  that  never 
would  own  it,  nor  had  reason  so  to  do.  Mr.  Cotton, 
likewise,  in  his  Answer  to  Mr.  Baylie,  page  fourth, 
shows  how  in  the  year  1567  there  were  a  hundred 
persons  who  refused  the  common  liturgy,  and  the  con- 
gregations attending  thereunto,  and  used  prayers  and 
preaching  and  the  sacraments  amongst  themselves, 
whereof  fourteen  or  fifteen  were  sent  to  prison,  of 
whom  the  chiefest  were  Mr.  Smith,  Mr.  Nixon,  James 
Ireland,  Robert  Hawkins,  Thomas  Rowland,  and  Rich- 
ard Morecroft ;  and  these  pleaded  their  separation 
before  the  Lord  Mayor,  Bishop  Sands,  and  other  com- 
missioners on  June  20,  1567,  about  eighty  years  ago, 
being  many  years  before  Brown.^  Divers  other  in- 
stances might  be  given. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

But  if  we  mistake  not,  Mr.  Brown  is  accounted  by 
some  of  good  note  to  be  the  inventor  of  that  way  which 
is  called  Brownism,  from  whom  the  sect  took  its  name. 
Moreover,  it  is  said  by  such  of  note  as  aforesaid,  that 
it  is  not  God's  usual  manner  of  dealing  to  leave  any  of 
the  first  publishers  or  restorers  of  any  truth  of  his  to 
such  fearful  apostasy. 

1  In  1564.     See  note  '  on  page        "  See  Fuller's  Ch.  Hist.  ii.  480, 
12,  and  Neal's  Puritans,  i.  161—164. 


444  THE  TITLE  OF  BROWNIST   DISCLAIMED. 


CHAP.  ANCIENT    MEN. 

XXVL  * 

^  ^  Possibly  this  speech  might  arise  from  a  common 
received  opinion.  But  reverend  Mr.  Cotton,  in  his 
Answer  to  Mr.  Bajhe,  saith  "  the  backsliding  of  Brown 
from  that  way  of  Separation  is  a  just  reason  why  the 
Separatists  may  disclaim  denomination  from  him,  and 
refuse  to  be  called  Brownists,  after  his  name ;  and  to 
speak  with  reason,"  saith  he,  "  if  any  be  justly  to  be 
called  Brownists,  it  is  only  such  as  revolt  from  Sepa- 
ration to  formality,  and  from  thence  to  profaneness." 
Page  5. 

To  which  we  may  add,  that  it  is  very  injurious  to 
call  those  after  his  name,  whose  person  they  never 
knew,  and  whose  writings  few  if  any  of  them  ever 
saw,  and  whose  errors  and  backslidings  they  have  con- 
stantly borne  witness  against ;  and  what  truths  they 
have  received  have  been  from  the  light  of  God's  sacred 
word,  conveyed  by  other  godly  instruments  unto  them  ; 
though  Brown  may  sometimes  have  professed  some  of 
the  same  things,  and  now  fallen  from  the  same,  as  many 
others  have  done. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

Seeing  we  have  presumed  thus  far  to  inquire  into 
these  ancienter  times  of  you,  and  of  the  sufferings  of 
the  aforesaid  persons,  we  would  likewise  entreat  you, 
though  never  so  briefly,  to  tell  us  something  of  the  per- 
sons and  carriages  of  other  eminent  men  about  those 
times,  or  immediately  after,  as  Mr.  Francis  Johnson, 
Mr.  Henry  Ainsworth,  Mr.  John  Smith,  Mr.  John 
Robinson,  Mr.  Richard  Clifton. 


FRANCIS  JOHNSON,  OF  AMSTERDAM.  445 


ANCIENT    MEN.  CHAP. 

XXVI. 

Here  are  some  in  the  company  that  knew  them  all 
familiarly,  whom  we  shall  desire  to  satisfy  your  re- 
quest. 

Those  answered,  We  shall  do  it  most  willingly  ;  for 
we  cannot  but  honor  the  memory  of  the  men  for  the 
good  that  not  only  many  others  but  we  ourselves  have 
received  by  them  and  their  ministry ;  for  we  have  heard 
them  all,  and  hved  under  the  ministry  of  divers  of  them 
for  some  years.  We  shall  therefore  speak  of  them  in 
order  briefly. 

Mr.  Johnson, 

Of  whom  something  was  spoken  before,^  was  pastor  of 
the  church  of  God  at  Amsterdam.  A  very  grave  man 
he  was,  and  an  able  teacher,  and  was  the  most  solemn 
in  all  his  administrations  that  we  have  seen  any,  and 
especially  in  dispensing  the  seals  of  the  covenant,  both 
baptism  and  the  Lord's  supper.  And  a  good  disputant 
he  was.  We  heard  Mr.  Smith  upon  occasion  say,  that 
he  was  persuaded  no  men  living  were  able  to  maintain 
a  cause  against  those  two  men,  meaning  Mr.  Johnson 
and  Mr.  Ainsworth,  if  they  had  not  the  truth  on  their 
side.  He,  by  reason  of  many  dissensions  that  fell  out 
in  the  church,  and  the  subtilty  of  one  of  the  elders  of 
the  same,  came  after  many  years  to  alter  his  judgment 
about  the  government  of  the  church,  and  his  practice 
thereupon,  which  caused  a  division  amongst  them.  But 
l)e  lived  not  many  years  after,  and  died  at  Amsterdam 
after  his  return  from  Embden. 

'On  page  424. 


446  FRANCIS  JOHNSONS   WIFE. 


CHAP.  YOUNG    MEN. 

XXVI. 


But  he  is  much  spoken  against  for  excommunicating 
his  brother  ^  and  his  own  father,  and  maintaining  his 
wife's  cause,  who  was  by  his  brother  and  others  re- 
proved for  her  pride  in  apparel. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

Himself  hath  often  made  his  own  defence,  and  others 
for  him.  The  church  did,  after  long  patience  towards 
them  and  mucli  pains  taken  with  them,  excommunicate 
them  for  their  unreasonable  and  endless  opposition, 
and  such  things  as  did  accompany  the  same ;  and  such 
was  the  justice  thereof,  as  he  could  not  but  consent 
thereto.  In  our  time  his  wife  was  a  grave  matron, 
and  very  modest  both  in  her  apparel  and  all  her  de- 
meanour, ready  to  any  good  works  in  her  place,  and 
helpful  to  many,  especially  the  poor,  and  an  ornament 
to  his  calling.  She  was  a  young  widow  when  he  mar- 
ried her,  and  had  been  a  merchant's  wife,  by  whom  he 
had  a  good  estate,  and  W'as  a  godly  w^oman  ;  and  be- 
cause she  wore  such  apparel  as  she  had  been  formerly 
used  to,  which  were  neither  excessive  nor  immodest, 
for  their  chiefest  exceptions  were  against  her  wearing 
of  some  whalebone  in  the  bodice  and  sleeves  of  her 
gown,  corked  shoes,  and  other  such  like  things  as  the 
citizens  of  her  rank  then  used  to  wear.  And  although, 
for  ofi'ence  sake,  she  and  he  were  willing  to  reform  the 
fashions  of  them  so  far  as  might  be  without  spoiling  of 
their  garments,  yet  it  would  not  content  them  except 
they  came  full  up  to  their  size.     Such  was  the  strict- 

'  His  brother's  name  was  George.    See  Baylie,  p.  15. 


BRAVERY   IN   DRESS   REPROVED.  .147 

ness  or  rigidness  (as  now  the  term  goes)  of  some  in  chap. 
those  times,  as  we  can  by  experience  and  of  our  own  -^^-^ 
knowledge   show  in   other  instances.     We   shall   for 
brevity  sake  only  show  one. 

We  were  in  the  company  of  a  godly  man  that  had 
been  a  long  time  prisoner  at  Norwich  for  this  cause, 
and  was  by  Judge  Cooke  set  at  liberty.  After  going 
into  the  country  he  visited  his  friends,  and  returning 
that  way  again  to  go  into  the  Low  Countries  by  ship 
at  Yarmouth,  and  so  desired  some  of  us  to  turn  in  with 
him  to  the  house  of  an  ancient  woman  in  the  city,  who 
had  been  very  kind  and  helpful  to  him  in  his  suffer- 
ings. She  knowing  his  voice  made  him  very  welcome, 
and  those  with  him.  But  after  some  time  of  their  en- 
tertainment, being  ready  to  depart,  she  came  up  to 
him  and  felt  of  his  band,  (for  her  eyes  were  dim  with 
age,)  and  perceiving  it  was  something  stiffened  with 
starch,  she  was  much  displeased,  and  reproved  him 
very  sharply,  fearing  God  would  not  prosper  his  jour- 
ney. Yet  the  man  was  a  plain  countryman,  clad  in 
gray  russet,  without  either  welt  or  guard,  (as  the  pro- 
verb is,)  and  the  band  he  wore  scarce  worth  threepence, 
made  of  their  own  homespinning ;  and  he  was  godly 
and  humble  as  he  was  plain.  What  would  such  pro- 
fessors, if  they  were  now  living,  say  to  the  excess  of 
our  times  ?  ^ 

'  Francis  Johnson  became  a  Se-  son  escaped  from  the  country,  and 

paratist  by  reading  a  book  written  with  some  of  his  people  set  up  a 

by  Barrow  and  Greenwood,  as  re-  church  at  Amsterdam.     Robinson 

lalcd  on  page  425.     In  1592,  on  the  found  him  there  in  1608,  as  appears 

formation  of  a  new  congregation  from  page  34.     On  the   breaking 

of  Separatists  in  London,  Johnson  out  of  the  dissensions  among  them, 

was  chosen  its  pastor  and  Green-  Johnson  removed  to  Embden.    See 

wood  its  teacher.    They,  with  fifty-  note  '  on  page  24  ;  Neal's  Puritans, 

four  of   their  church,   were   soon  pp.  3G3,  436  ;  Prince's  Annals,  p. 

seized  by  the  bishop's  officers,  and  303;    Robinson's   Justification,   p. 

imprisoned.     After   the  execution  55;    Baylie's    Dissuasive,  p.    14; 

of  Barrow  and  Greenwood,  John-  Cotton's  Way,  p.  6. 


448  HENRY   AINSWORTH,  OF  AMSTERDAM. 


CHAP.  Mr.  Henry  Ainsworth, 

A  A.  V 1. 

A  man  of  a  thousand,  was  teacher  of  this  church  at 
Amsterdam  at  the  same  time  when  Mr.  Johnson  was 
pastor.  Two  worthy  men  they  were  and  of  excellent 
parts.  He  continued  constant  in  his  judgment  and 
practice  unto  his  end  in  those  things  about  the  church 
government,  from  which  Mr.  Johnson  swerved  and 
fell.  He  ever  maintained  good  correspondence  with 
Mr.  Robinson  at  Leyden,  and  would  consult  with  him 
in  all  matters  of  weight,  both  in  their  differences  and 
afterwards.  A  very  learned  man  he  was,  and  a  close 
student,  which  much  impaired  his  health.  We  have 
heard  some,  eminent  in  the  knowledge  of  the  tongues, 
of  the  university  of  Leyden,  say  that  they  thought  he 
had  not  his  better  for  the  Hebrew  tongue  in  the  uni- 
versity, nor  scarce  in  Europe.^  He  was  a  man  very 
modest,  amiable,  and  sociable  in  his  ordinary  course 
and  carriage,  of  an  innocent  and  unblamable  life  and 
conversation,  of  a  meek  spirit,  and  a  calm  temper,  void 
of  passion  and  not  easily  provoked.  And  yet  he  would 
be  something  smart  in  his  style  to  his  opposers  in  his 
public  writings ;  at  which  we  that  have  seen  his  con- 
stant carriage,  both  in  public  disputes  and  the  managing 
of  all  church  affairs,  and  such  like  occurrences,  have 
sometimes  marvelled.  He  had  an  excellent  gift  of 
teaching  and  opening  the  Scriptures ;  and  things  did 
flow  from  him  with  that  facility,  plainness  and  sweet- 
ness, as  did  much  affect  the  hearers.  He  was  powerful 
and  profound  in  doctrine,  although  his  voice  was  not 

'  Cotton,  in  his  Way  of  Congre-  gently  studious  of  the  Hebrew  text, 

gational  Churches  Cleared,  page  6,  hath  not  been  unuseful  to  the  church 

says,  "  Mr.  Ainsworth,  a  man  of  a  in  his  Exposition  of  the  Pentateuch, 

modest  and  humble  spirit,  and  diJi-  especially  of  Moses  his  rituals." 


HENRY   AINSWORTH.  449 

Strong ;   and  had  this  excellency  above  many,  that  he  chap. 

XXVI 

was  most  ready  and  pregnant  in  the  Scriptures,  as  if  — v^ 
the  book  of  God  had  been  written  in  his  heart ;  being 
as  ready  in  his  quotations,  without  tossing  and  turning 
his  book,  as  if  they  had  lain  open  before  his  eyes,  and 
seldom  missing  a  word  in  the  citing  of  any  place, 
teaching  not  only  the  word  and  doctrine  of  God,  but 
in  the  words  of  God,  and  for  the  most  part  in  a  con- 
tinued phrase  and  words  of  Scripture.  He  used  great 
dexterity,  and  was  ready  in  comparing  scripture  with 
scripture,  one  with  another.  In  a  word,  the  times  and 
place  in  which  he  lived  were  not  worthy  of  such  a 
man. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

But  we  find  that  he  is  taxed,  in  a  book  writ  by 
George  Johnson,  with  apostasy  and  to  be  a  man- 
pleaser,  &c. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

Who  can  escape  the  scourge  of  tongues  ?  Christ 
himself  could  not  do  it  when  he  was  here  upon  earth, 
although  there  was  no  guile  found  in  his  mouth ;  nor 
Moses,  although  he  was  the  meekest  man  in  the  earth. 
For  man-pleasing,  they  that  tax  him  [do  it]  because 
he  concurred  against  their  violent  and  endless  dissen- 
sions about  the  former  matters.  And  for  his  apostasy, 
this  was  all  the  matter.  When  he  was  a  young  man, 
before  he  came  out  of  England,  he  at  the  persuasion  of 
some  of  his  godly  friends  went  once  or  twice  to  hear  a 
godly  minister  preach ;  and  this  was  the  great  matter 
of  apostasy,  for  which  those  violent  men  thought  him 
worthy  to  be  deposed  from  his  place,  and  for  which 

57 


450  JOHN  SMITH. 

CHAP,  they  thus  charge  hhn.     And   truly  herein  they  may 
^^v^^  worthily  bear  the  name  of  rigid,  &c.^ 

Mr.  John  Smith 

Was  an  eminent  man  in  his  time,  and  a  good  preacher, 
and  of  other  good  parts ;  but  his  inconstancy,  and 
unstable  judgment,  and  being  so  suddenly  carried  away 
with  things,  did  soon  overthrow  him.  Yet  we  have 
some  of  us  heard  him  use  this  speech :  "  Truly,"  said 
he,  "  we  being  now  come  into  a  place  of  liberty,  are  in 
great  danger,  if  we  look  not  well  to  our  ways ;  for  we 
are  like  men  set  upon  the  ice,  and  therefore  may  easily 
slide  and  fall."  But  in  this  example  it  appears  it  is 
an  easier  matter  to  give  good  counsel  than  to  follow  it, 
to  foresee  danger  than  to  prevent  it :  which  made  the 
Jere.  prophct  to  say,  "  O  Lord,  the  way  of  man  is  not  in 
himself,  neither  is  it  in  man  to  walk  and  to  direct  his 
steps."  He  was  some  time  pastor  to  a  company  of 
honest  and  godly  men  which  came  with  him  out  of 
England,  and  pitched  at  Amsterdam.  He  first  fell 
into  some  errors  about  the  Scriptures,  and  so  into  some 
opposition  with  Mr.  Johnson,  who  had  been  his  tutor, 

'  After  Johnson's  removal  to  he  would  desire ;  but  Ainsworlh, 
Embden,  Ainsworth  was  the  sole  though  poor,  would  accept  of  no- 
pastor  of  the  church  at  Amsterdam  thing  but  a  conference  with  some 
till  his  death.  This  "  Rabbi  of  his  of  the  rabbles  upon  the  prophecies 
age,"  as  he  was  called,  "  was  the  of  the  Old  Testament  relating  to 
author  of  a  very  learned  commen-  the  Messiah,  which  the  other  pro- 
tary  on  the  five  books  of  Moses,  in  raised ;  but  not  having  interest 
which  he  shows  himself  a  complete  enough  to  obtain  it,  and  Ainsworth 
master  of  the  Oriental  languages  being  resolute,  it  is  thought  he 
and  of  Jewish  antiquities.  His  was  poisoned.  His  congregation 
death  was  sudden,  and  not  without  remained  without  a  pastor  for  some 
suspicion  of  violence;  for  it  is  re-  years  after  his  death  and  then  chose 
ported,  that  having  found  a  dia-  Mr.  Canne,  author  of  the  marginal 
mond  of  great  value  in  the  streets  references  to  the  Bible."  See 
of  Amsterdam,  he  advertised  it  in  Neal's  Puritans,  i.  363,  386,  437 ; 
print,  and  when  the  owner,  who  Baylie's  Dissuasive,  p.  15;  Cot- 
'  was  a  Jew,  came  to  demand  it,  he  ton's  Way,  p.  6. 
offered  him  any  acknowledgment 


JOHN   SMITH. 


451 


and  the  church  there.  But  he  was  convinced  of  them  chap. 
by  the  pains  and  faithfuhiess  of  Mr.  Johnson  and  Mr.  ^-^ 
Ainsworth,  and  revoked  them  ;  but  afterwards  was 
drawn  away  by  some  of  the  Dutch  Anabaptists,  who 
finding  him  to  be  a  good  scholar  and  unsettled,  they 
easily  misled  the  most  of  his  people,  and  other  of  them 
scattered  away.  He  lived  not  many  years  after,  but 
died  there  of  a  consumption,  to  which  he  was  inclined 
before  he  came  out  of  England.  His  and  his  people's 
condition  may  be  an  object  of  pity  for  after  times.^ 

Mr.  John  Robinson 

Was  pastor  of  that  famous  church  of  Leyden,  in 
Holland ;  a  man  not  easily  to  be  paralleled  for  all 
things,  whose  singular  virtues  we  shall  not  take  upon 


1  Smith,  who  has  already  been 
mentioned  on  pages  22  and  34, 
was,  according  to  Baylie,  p.  15, 
"a  man  of  right  eminent  parts." 
Neal  says  that  he  was  "  a  learned 
man,  of  good  abilities,  but  of  an 
unsettled  head,  as  appears  by  the 
preface  to  one  of  his  books,  in 
which  he  desires  that  his  last 
writing  may  always  be  taken  for 
his  present  judgment.  He  was 
for  refining  upon  the  Brownists' 
scheme,  and  at  last  declared  for  the 
principles  of  the  Baptists;  but  be- 
ing at  a  loss  for  a  proper  adminis- 
trator of  the  ordinance  of  baptism, 
he  plunged  himself,  and  then  per- 
formed the  ceremony  upon  others  ; 
which  gained  him  the  name  of  a 
Se-baptist.  He  afterwards  embraced 
the  tenets  of  Arminius,  and  pub- 
lished certain  conclusions  upon 
those  points  in  the  year  1611, 
which  Mr.  R,obinson  answered  in 
1£14 ;  but  Smith  died  soon  after, 
and  his  congregation  dissolved." 

"  The  fall  of  Mr.  Smith,"  says 
Cotton,  in  his  Way,  p.  6,  "and  the 
spirit  of  errors  and  instability  that 
fell  upon  him,  was  a  dreadful  warn- 


ing from  heaven  against  self-ful- 
ness and  self-pleasing.  For  though 
the  tyranny  of  the  Ecclesiastical 
Courts  was  harsh  towards  him,  and 
the  yokes  put  upon  him  in  his  min- 
istry too  grievous  to  be  borne,  yet 
neither  was  he  alone  in  suffering. 
Nor  were  those  that  suffered  with 
him  at  that  time  (Mr.  Clifton  and 
Mr.  Robinson)  such  inconsiderable 
persons  that  he  should  affect  to  go 
alone  from  them.  He  thought  he 
could  have  gained  his  tutor,  John- 
son, [of  Amsterdam]  from  the  er- 
vors  of  his  rigid  separation.  But 
he  had  promised  them  not  to  go 
over  to  him  without  their  con- 
sents; and  they  utterly  dissuaded 
him  therefrom,  as  fearing  his  insta- 
bility. And  yet,  contrary  to  his 
promise,  he  went  over  to  him, 
which  led  him  into  manifest  temp- 
tations and  aberrations." 

The  celebrated  Bishop  Hall  wrote 
a  letter  which  he  addressed  "  to  Mr. 
Smith  and  Mr.  Robinson,  ringlead- 
ers of  the  late  Separation,  at  Am- 
sterdam." See  Neal's  Puritans,  i. 
437  ;  Baylie's  Dissuasive,  pp.  15, 19 ; 
Bp.  Hall's  Epistles,  dec.  iii.  ep.  L 


452  JOHN   ROBINSON. 

CHAP.  US  here  to  describe.  Neither  need  we,  for  they  so 
- — -^  well  are  known  both  by  friends  and  enemies.  As  he 
was  a  man  learned  and  of  solid  judgment,  and  of  a 
quick  and  sharp  wit,  so  was  he  also  of  a  tender  con- 
science, and  very  sincere  in  all  his  ways,  a  hater  of 
hypocrisy  and  dissimulation,  and  would  be  very  plain 
with  his  best  friends.  He  was  very  courteous,  affable, 
and  sociable  in  his  conversation,  and  towards  his  own 
people  especially.  He  was  an  acute  and  expert  dis- 
putant, very  quick  and  ready,  and  had  much  bickering 
with  the  Arminians,^  who  stood  more  in  fear  of  him 
than  any  of  the  university.  He  was  never  satisfied  in 
himself  until  he  had  searched  any  cause  or  argument 
he  had  to  deal  in  thoroughly  and  to  the  bottom ;  and 
we  have  heard  him  sometimes  say  to  his  familiars  that 
many  times,  both  in  writing  and  disputation,  he  knew 
he  had  sufficiently  answered  others,  but  many  times 
not  himself;  and  was  ever  desirous  of  any  light,  and  the 
more  able,  learned,  and  holy  the  persons  were,  the 
more  he  desired  to  confer  and  reason  with  them.  He 
was  very  profitable  in  his  ministry  and  comfortable  to 
his  people.  He  was  much  beloved  of  them,  and  as 
loving  was  he  unto  them,  and  entirely  sought  their 
good  for  soul  and  body.  In  a  word,  he  was  much 
esteemed  and  reverenced  of  all  that  knew  him,  and  his 
abilities  [were  acknowledged]  both  of  friends  and 
strangers.  But  we  resolved  to  be  brief  in  this  matter, 
leaving  you  to  better  and  more  large  information  herein 
from  others."^ 

'  See  pages  41  and  392.  tor  of  the  Pilgrim   Church,   raen- 

*  John  Robinson    was   born  in  tioned  on  page  23,  he  had  a  bene- 

1575,  but  the  place  of  his  birth  is  fice  near  Yarmouth,   in   Norfolk, 

unknown.     He  was  probably  edu-  where   he  was  often  molested  by 

Gated  at   the   university  of   Cam-  the  bishop's  officers,  and  his  friends 

bridge.     Before  his  election  as  pas-  almost  ruined  in  the  ecclesiastical 


RICHARD   CLIFTON, 


453 


XXVI. 


Mr.  Richard  Clifton 

Was  a  grave  and  fatherly  old  man  when  he  came  first  chap. 
into  Holland,  having  a  great  white  beard  ;  and  pity  it 
was  that  such  a  reverend  old  man  should  be  forced  to 
leave  his  country,  and  at  those  years  to  go  into  exile. 
But  it  was  his  lot ;  and  he  bore  it  patiently.  Much 
good  had  he  done  in  the  country  where  he  lived,  and 
converted  many  to  God  by  his  faithful  and  painful 
ministry,  both  in  preaching  and  catechizing.  Sound 
and  orthodox  he  always  was,  and  so  continued  to  his 
end.  He  belonged  to  the  church  at  Leyden  ;  but  be- 
ing settled  at  Amsterdam,  and  thus  aged,  he  was  loath 
to  remove  any  more  ;  and  so  when  they  removed,  he 


courts.  It  is  an  ungenerous  insin- 
uation of  Bisliop  Hall,  at  the  end 
of  his  Apology  against  Brovvnists, 
*'  Neither  doubt  we  to  say,  that  the 
mastership  of  the  hospital  at  Nor- 
wich, or  a  lease  from  that  city,  (sued 
for,  with  repulse,)  might  have  pro- 
cured that  this  separation  from  the 
communion,  government,  and  wor- 
ship of  the  Church  of  England, 
should  not  have  been  made  by  John 
Robinson." 

Baylie,  that  bitter  inveigher 
against  the  Brownists  and  Inde- 
pendents, acknowledges  that''  Rob- 
inson was  a  man  of  excellent  parts, 
and  the  most  learned,  polished  and 
modest  spirit  that  ever  separated 
from  the  Church  of  England  ;  that 
the  Apologies  and  Justifications  he 
wrote  were  very  handsome ;  that 
by  Dr.  Ames  and  Mr.  Parker  he 
was  brought  to  a  greater  modera- 
tion than  he  at  first  expressed  ;  that 
he  ruined  the  rigid  separation, 
was  a  principal  overthrower  of  the 
Brownists,  and  became  the  author 
of  Jndependenci/."  As  to  this  last 
point,  however,  see  Cotton's  reply, 
in  note  '  on  page  442.  The  name, 
however,    as    Mosheim    suggests, 


may  have  been  derived  from  an 
expression  of  Robinson's  in  his 
Apology  :  "  Coetum  quemlibet  par- 
ticularera  esse  totam,  integram  et 
perfectam  ecclesiam  ex  suis  parti- 
bus  constantem,  immediate  et  mde- 
pendenter  quoad  alias  ecclesias,  sub 
ipso  Christo." 

As  has  already  been  seen,  pp.  77 
and  384,  and  will  more  fully  appear 
hereafter  from  his  Letters,  it  was 
Robinson's  intention  and  most  ear- 
nest desire  to  come  over  and  settle 
with  his  flock  at  Plymouth  ;  but  he 
was  prevented  by  the  want  of 
means,  the  opposition  of  some  of 
.the  merchant  adventurers,  and 
finally  by  death,  Avhich  removed 
him  from  the  world  March  1, 1625. 
The  honors  paid  to  his  memory  at 
his  funeral  are  recorded  in  note  ' 
on  page  393.  Hoornbeek  says,  in 
the  work  quoted  on  page  42,  "  Post 
obitum  ejus,  oborta  in  coetu  con- 
tentione  et  schismate  super  com- 
munione  cum  Ecclesia  Anglicana  in 
audilione  verbi,  D.  Robinsoni  vidua, 
liberi,  reliquique  propinqui  et  amici 
in  communionem  ecclesiae  nostroe 
recepti  fuerunt."  Prince  says,  in 
his  Annals,  p.  238,  "  His  son  Isaac 


454 


ROBINSON'S   WRITINGS. 


CHAP,  was  dismissed  to  them  there,  and  there  remained  until 
— v^  he  died.^     Thus  have  we  briefly  satisfied  your  desire. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

We  are  very  thankful  to  you  for  your  pains.  We 
perceive  God  raiseth  up  excellent  instruments  in  all 
ages  to  carry  on  his  own  work ;  and  the  best  of  men 
have  their  failings  sometimes,  as  we  see  in  these  our 


came  over  to  Plymouth  Colony,  liv- 
ed to  above  ninety  of  years,  a  ven- 
erable man,  whom  I  have  often 
seen,  and  has  left  male  posterity  in 
the  county  of  Barnstable."  He 
lived  at  Scituate  in  1636,  and  in 
1639  removed  to  Barnstable  ;  he 
was  a  highly  respectable  man,  and 
an  Assistant  in  the  government. 
He  married  a  sister  of  Elder  Faunce, 
and  a  son  of  his,  Isaac,  was  drown- 
ed at  Barnstable  in  1663.  See 
Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  151 — 178; 
Neal's  Puritans,  i.  437 ;  Baylie's 
Dissuasive,  p.  17 ;  Cotton's  Way, 
p.  7 ;  Hoornbeek,  Sum.  Cont.  p. 
741 ;  Hornius,  Hist.  Eccles.  p.  232 ; 
Mosheim,  Eccles.  Hist.  v.  405; 
Deane's  Scituate,  p.  332;  Holmes's 
Annals,  pp.  191,  575;  Prince,  173. 
In  note  ^  on  page  40  there  is  a 
list  of  the  books  published  by  Rob- 
inson before  the  departure  of  the 
Pilgrims  for  America.  He  after- 
wards wrote  the  following  works, 
all  of  which,  with  the  others,  I 
have  had  the  privilege  and  pleasure 
of  consulting.  1 .  "  A  Defence  of 
the  Doctrme  propounded  by  the 
Synod  at  Dort,  against  John  Mur- 
ton  and  his  Associates,  with  the 
Refutation  of  their  Answer  to  a 
writing  touching  baptism.  By 
John  Robinson.  Printed  in  the 
year  1624."  4to.  pp.  203.  2.  "A 
Treatise  of  the  lawfulness  of  hear- 
ing of  the  ministers  in  the  Church 
of  England;  penned  by  that  learn- 
ed and  reverend  divine,  John  Ptob- 
inson,  late  pastor  to  the  English 
church  of  God  at  Leyden.  Printed 
according  to   the   copy   that    was 


found  in  his  study  after  his  de- 
cease ;  and  now  published  for  the 
common  good.  Together  with  a 
letter  written  by  the  same  author, 
[Leyden,  5  April,  1624]  and  ap- 
proved by  his  church,  which  fol- 
loweth  after  this  Treatise.  Anno 
1634."  pp.  77,  16rao.  3.  "Es- 
says, or  Observations,  divine  and 
moral,  collected  out  of  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, ancient  and  modern  writers, 
both  divine  and  human,  as  also  out 
of  the  great  volume  of  men's  man- 
ners ;  tending  to  the  furtherance  of 
knowledge  and  virtue.  By  John 
Robinson.  The  Second  Edition. 
London.  Printed  for  /.  Bellamie. 
1638."  pp.  556,  4to.  In  his  Pre- 
face he  speaks  of  having  "  dili- 
gently observed  the  great  volume 
of  men's  manners  ;  having  had,  in 
the  days  of  my  pilgrimage,  special 
opportunityof  conversing  with  per- 
sons of  divers  nations,  estates,  and 
dispositions,  in  great  variety.  This 
kind  of  study  and  meditation  hath 
been  unto  me  full  sweet  and  de- 
lightful, and  that  wherein  I  have 
often  refreshed  my  soul  and  spirit, 
amidst  many  sad  and  sorrowful 
thoughts,  unto  which  God  hath 
called  me." 

'  Of  course  Belknap  is  in  an  er- 
ror, when  he  says,  in  his  Life  of 
Robinson,  Am.  Biog.  ii.  157,  "As 
nothing  more  is  said  of  the  aged 
Mr.  Clifton,  it  is  probable  that  he 
died  before  this  embarkation,"  i.  e. 
from  England  to  Holland.  Baylies, 
in  his  Memoir  of  New  Plymouth, 
i.  11,  repeats  the  error.  Yet  Prince 
would  have  set  them  right,  p.  120. 


THE  CHURCH  AT  AMSTERDAM. 


453 


times,  and  that  there  is  no  new  thing  under  the  sun.  chap. 

Y  Y  V'  I 

But  before  we  end  this  matter,  we  desire  you  would '- 

say  something  of  those  two  churches  that  were  so  long 
in  exile,  of  whose  guides  we  have  already  heard. 


ANCIENT    MEN. 

Truly  there  were  in  them  many  worthy  men ;  and 
if  you  had  seen  them  in  their  beauty  and  order,  as  we 
have  done,  you  would  have  been  much  affected  there- 
with, we  dare  say.  At  Amsterdam,  before  their  divi- 
sion and  breach,  they  were  about  three  hundred  com- 
municants, and  they  had  for  their  pastor  and  teacher 
those  two  eminent  men  before  named,  and  in  our  time 
four  grave  men  for  ruling  elders,^  and  three  able  and 
godly  men  for  deacons,  one  ancient  widow  for  a  dea- 
coness, who  did  them  service  many  years,  though  she 
was  sixty  years  of  age  when  she  was  chosen.  She 
honored  her  place  and  was  an  ornament  to  the  congre- 


'  The  difference  between  the  pas- 
tor, or  teaching  elder,  and  the  ruling 
elder,  as  it  existed  in  the  churches 
of  the  Pilgrims,  is  thus  described  by 
Prince,  from  their  published  writ- 
ings. "1.  Pastors,  or  teaching  el- 
ders—who  have  the  power  of  over- 
seeing, teaching,  administering  the 
sacraments,  and  ruling  too ;  and 
being  chiefly  to  give  themselves  to 
studying,  teaching,  and  the  spiritual 
care  of  the  flock,  are  therefore  to  be 
maintained.  2.  Mere  ruling  elders 
—  who  are  to  help  the  pastors  in 
overseeing  and  ruling;  that  their 
offices  be  not  temporary,  as  among 
the  Dutch  and  French  churches, 
but  continual ;  and  being  also  quali- 
fied in  some  degree  to  teach,  they 
are  to  teach  occasionally,  through 
necessity,  or  in  their  pastor's  ab- 
sence or  illness ;  but  being  not  to 
give  themselves  to  study  or  teach- 
ing, they  have  no  need  of  mainte- 
nance."    It  appears,  from  page  65, 


that  they  "  chose  none  for  govern- 
ing elders  but  such  as  were  able  to 
teach."  The  office  of  ruling  elder 
also  existed  in  the  churches  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  at  their  first  plant- 
ing. Mr.  Savage  says,  "  It  was 
kept  up  hardly  more  than  fifty  years, 
though  in  a  few  churches  it  contia- 
ued  to  the  middle  of  the  last  cen- 
tury, much  reduced,  however,  in 
importance,  and  hardly  distinguish- 
able from  that  of  deacon.  The  title 
of  elders  was  retained  from  the  be- 
ginning as  a  name  for  ministers." 
The  office  of  ruling  elder  is  still 
kept  up  in  the  First  Church  in  Sa- 
lem, the  oldest  church  in  Massa- 
chusetts proper,  the  next  after  Ply- 
mouth. For  further  particulars  con- 
cerning the  functions  and  duties  of 
the  ruling  elder,  see  Robinson's 
Apology,  ch.  iv. ;  the  Cambridge 
Platform,  ch,  vii. ;  Hutchinson's 
Mass,  i.  426  ;  Prince's  Annals,  p, 
177;  Savage's  Winthrop,  i.  31, 


456  THE  CHURCH   AT   LEYDEN. 

CHAP,  pfation.     She  usually  sat  in  a  convenient  place  in  the 

XXVI.  .  . 

— ^  congregation,  with  a  little  birchen  rod  in  her  hand,  and 
kept  little  children  in  great  awe  from  disturbing  the 
congregation.  She  did  frequently  visit  the  sick  and 
w^eak,  especially  women,  and,  as  there  was  need,  call- 
ed out  maids  and  young  women  to  watch  and  do  them 
other  helps  as  their  necessity  did  require ;  and  if  they 
were  poor,  she  would  gather  relief  for  them  of  those 
that  were  able,  or  acquaint  the  deacons ;  and  she  was 
obeyed  as  a  mother  in  Israel  and  an  officer  of  Christ. 

And  for  the  church  of  Leyden,  they  were  sometimes 
not  much  fewer  in  number,  nor  at  all  inferior  in  able 
men,  though  they  had  not  so  many  officers  as  the  other ; 
for  they  had  but  one  ruling  elder  with  their  pastor,  a 
man  well  approved  and  of  great  integrity  ;  also  they 
had  three  able  men  for  deacons.  And  that  which 
was  a  crown  unto  them,  they  lived  together  in  love 
and  peace  all  their  days,*  without  any  considerable  dif- 
ferences or  any  disturbance  that  grew  thereby,  but  such 
as  was  easily  healed  in  love  ;  and  so  they  continued  un- 
til with  mutual  consent  they  removed  into  New  Eng- 
land. And  what  their  condition  hath  been  since,  some 
of  you  that  are  of  their  children  do  see  and  can  tell. 
Many  worthy  and  able  men  there  were  in  both  places, 
who  lived  and  died  in  obscurity  in  respect  of  the  world, 
as  private  Christians,  yet  were  they  precious  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Lord,  and  also  in  the  eyes  of  such  as  knew 
them,  whose  virtues  we  with  such  of  you  as  are  their 
children  do  follow  and  imitate. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

If  we  may  not  be  tedious,  we  would  request  to  know 

'  See  pages  34,  36,  and  380. 


THEIR  COMMUNION   WITH   OTHER  CHURCHES.  457 

one  thing  more.     It  is  commonly  said  that  those  of  the  chap. 

XX  VI 

Separation  hold  none  to  be  true  churches  but  their  own,  -X-«l- 
and   condemn  all  the  churches  in  the  world  besides ; 
which  lieth  as  a  foul  blot  upon  them,  jea  even  on  some 
here  in  New  England,  except  they  can  remove  it. 

ANCIENT    MEN. 

It  is  a  manifest  slander  laid  upon  them  ;  for  they 
hold  all  the  Reformed  Churches  to  be  true  churches, 
and  even  the  most  rigid  of  them  have  ever  done  so,  as 
appears  by  their  Apologies^  and  other  writings  ;  and 
we  ourselves  some  of  us  know  of  much  intercommu- 
nion that  divers  have  held  with  them  reciprocally,  not 
only  with  the  Dutch  and  French,  but  even  with  the 
Scotch,^  who  are  not  of  the  best  mould,  yea  and  with 
the  Lutherans  also ;  and  we  believe  they  have  gone  as 
far  herein,  both  in  judgment  and  practice,  as  any  of  the 
churches  in  New  England  do  or  can  do,  to  deal  faith- 
fully and  bear  witness  against  their  corruptions. 

Having  thus  far  satisfied  all  your  demands,  we  shall 
here  break  off  this  conference  for  this  time,  desiring 
the  Lord  to  make  you  to  grow  up  in  grace  and  wis- 
dom and  the  true  fear  of  God,  that  in  all  faithfulness 
and  humility  you  may  serve  him  in  your  generations. 

YOUNG    MEN. 

Gentlemen,  we  humbly  thank  you  for  your  pains 
with  us  and  respect  unto  us,  and  do  further  crave  that 
upon  any  fit  occasions  we  may  have  access  unto  you 
for  any  further  information,  and  herewith  do  humbly 
take  our  leave.^ 

1  See  Robinson's  Apology,  quot-        =>  See  pages  391—396. 
ed  in  note  "  on  page  38S.  ^  Bradford  continued   this    Dia- 

58 


458 


BRADFORD'S   DIALOGUE. 


CHAP,  logue  in  two  other  parts;  one  of 
XXVI.  which  I  have  had  in  my  possession, 
-■"^-'■—^  written  with  his  own  hand.  Tlie 
title  is  as  follows  :  "  A  Dialogue, 
or  3d  Conference,  hetweene  some 
yonge  men  borne  in  New-Eng- 
land, and  some  ancient  men  which 
came  out  of  Holand  and  Old  Eng- 
land, concerning  the  Church  and 
the    governmente    therof."    It    is 


longer  than  the  first  part  which  is 
here  printed,  and  relates  chiefly  to 
the  "  controversyes  amongst  four 
sorts  of  men ;  The  Papists,  the 
Episcopacy,  the  Presbyterians,  and 
the  Independents,  as  they  are  call- 
ed." Being  a  theological  rather 
than  a  historical  work,  I  have  not 
deemed  it  suitable  to  be  inserted  in 
this  volume. 


GOVEKNOR     carver's    CHAIR. 


GOV.   BRADFORD'S  MEMOIR 


OF 


ELDER  BREWSTER. 


CHAPTER    XXVII 


MEMOIR  OF   ELDER   WILLIAM    BREWSTER.' 

Now  followeth  that  which  was  matter  of  jrreat  sad-  chap. 

X  X  V I  r 
ness  and  mourning  unto  this  Church.     About  the  16th -' 

of  April,^  in  this  year,  died  their  reverend  Elder,^  our  16  44. 
dear  and  loving  friend,  Mr.  William^  Brewster  ;  a  i6.' 
man  that  had  done  and  suffered  much  for  the  Lord 
Jesus  and  the  Gospel's  sake,  and  had  borne  his  part  in 
weal  and  wo  with  this  poor  persecuted  Church  about 
thirty-six  years  in  England,  Holland,  and  in  this  wil- 
derness, and  done  the  Lord  and  them  faithful  service 
in  his  place  and  calling ;  and  notwithstanding  the  many. 


'  From  the  records  of  Plymouth 
Church,  book  i.  folio  38,  into  which 
it  was  copied  by  Secretary  Morton, 
from  Governor  Bradford's  MS.  His- 
tory of  Plymouth  Colony. 

*  Morton,  in  his  Memorial,  p. 
219,  places  Brewster's  death  on  the 
18th  of  April,  1643.  "Concerning 
whom,"  he  adds,  "  I  could  say 
much  of  mine  own  knowledge ;  but 
I  shall  content  myself  only  to  in- 
sert the  honorable  testimony  that 
Mr.  William  Bradford,  deceased, 
hath  left  written  with  his  own  hand 
cencerning  him."  He  then  pro- 
ceeds to  copy  a  considerable  part  of 
the  above  account.  Hutchinson, 
in  his  Hist.  Mass.  ii.  460,  inserts 
about  a  page  of  it  from  Governor 


Bradford's  MS.  History.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  whole 
Memoir  proceeded  from  the  pen  of 
Bradford,  and  that  Morton,  in  this 
as  in  other  cases,  was  a  mere 
copyist. 

^  Brewster  was  the  ruling  elder. 
Eancroft,  i.  306,  errs  in  calling  him 
"  the  temidug  elder."  Burk,  in  his 
Hist,  of  Virginia,  i.  214,  makes 
Brewster  the  military  as  well  as 
the  spiritual  leader  of  the  Pilgrims, 
confounding  him  with  Standish. 

*  Neal,  in  his  Hist,  of  New  Eng- 
land, i.  85,  errs  in  calling  him 
John;  an  error  which  is  repeated 
by  the  authors  of  the  Mod.  Univ. 
Hist,  xxxix.  271. 


462  MEMOIR  OF   ELDER   BREWSTER. 

CHAP,  troubles  and  sorrows  he  passed  through,  the  Lord  up- 

XW  II 

— ^'^'  held  him  to  a  great  age.  He  was  near  fourscore  years 
of  age  (if  not  all  out)  when  he  died.  He  had  this 
blessing  added  by  the  Lord  to  all  the  rest,  to  die  in 
his  bed,  in  peace,  amongst  the  midst  of  his  friends, 
who  mourned  and  wept  over  him,  and  ministered  what 
help  and  comfort  they  could  unto  him,  and  he  again 
recomforted  them  whilst  he  could.  His  sickness  was 
not  long.  Until  the  last  day  thereof  he  did  not  wholly 
keep  his  bed.  His  speech  continued  until  somewhat 
more  than  half  a  day  before  his  death,  and  then  failed 
him ;  and  about  nine  or  ten  of  the  clock  that  evening 
he  died,  without  any  pang  at  all.  A  few  hours  before 
he  drew  his  breath  short,  and  some  few  minutes  before 
his  last  he  drew  his  breath  long,  as  a  man  M\en  into  a 
sound  sleep,  without  any  pangs  or  gaspings,  and  so 
sweetly  departed  this  life  unto  a  better. 

I  w^ould  now  demand  of  any  w^hat  he  was  the  worse 
for  any  former  sufferings.  What  do  1  say  ?  The  worse? 
Nay,  surely  he  was  the  better,  and  they  now  add  to 

2  Thess.  his  honor.  "  It  is  a  manifest  token,"  saith  the  Apostle, 
"  of  the  righteous  judgment  of  God,  that  ye  may  be 
counted  worthy  of  the  kingdom  of  God,  for  which  ye 
also  suffer ;  seeing  it  is  a  righteous  thing  with  God  to 
recompense  tribulation  to  them  that  trouble  you  ;  and 
to  you  who  are  troubled,  rest  with  us  when  the  Lord 
Jesus  shall  be  revealed  from  heaven  with  his  mighty  an- 

1  Peter  gcls  ;"  aud  "  If  ye  be  reproached  for  the  name  of  Christ, 
happy  are  ye ;  for  the  spirit  of  God  and  of  glory  rest- 
eth  upon  you."  What  though  he  wanted  the  riches 
and  pleasures  of  the  world  in  his  life,  and  pompous 
proj.  monuments  at  his  funeral,  yet  the  memorial  of  the  just 
shall  be  blessed  when  the  name  of  the  wicked  shall  rot. 


BREWSTER  UNDER   SECRETARY   DAVISON.  4^3 

I  should  say  something  of  his  life,  if  to  say  a  little  chap. 
were  not  worse  than  to  be  silent.  But  I  cannot  wholly  ii^' 
forbear,  though  haply  more  may  be  done  hereafter. 

After  he  had  attained  some  learning,  viz.  the  know- 
ledge of  the  Latin  tongue  and  some  insight  into  the 
Greek,  and  spent  some  small  time  at  Cambridge,  and 
then  being  first  seasoned  with  the  seeds  of  grace  and 
virtue,  he  went  to  the  Court,  and  served  that  reli- 
gious and  godly  gentleman,  Mr.  Davison,^  divers  years, 
when  he  was  Secretary  of  State ;  who  found  him  so 
discreet  and  faithful,  as  he  trusted  him  above  all  other 
that  were  about  him,  and  only  employed  him  in  mat- 
ters of  greatest  trust  and  secrecy.^  He  esteemed  him 
rather  as  a  son  than  a  servant,  and  for  his  wisdom  and 
godliness,  in  private,  he  would  converse  with  him  more 
like  a  familiar  than  a  master.  He  attended  his  master 
when  he  was  sent  in  ambassage  by  the  Queen  into  the 
Low  Countries,  (in  the  Earl  of  Leicester's  time,)  as  158 5. 
for  other  weighty  affairs  of  State,  so  to  receive  posses- 
sion of  the  cautionary  towns  f  and  in  token  and  sign 

1  The  unfortunate  William  Davi-  not  a  man  in  the  land  so  furnished 

son,  who  fell  a   victim  to  Queen  universally  for  the  place  he  had, 

Elizabeth's    duplicity    and     state-  neither  know  I  any  that  can  come 

craft,  was  a  person  of  great  worth  near  him."     See    Supplement    to 

and  ability.     The  Earl  of  Essex,  in  the  Cabala,  p.    23;    Strype's  An- 

a  letter  to  King  James,  April  18,  nals,  iii.  373. 

1587,    interceding    in    his    behalf,  ^  Brewster  had  for  a  colleague 

speaks    of    him     as    "  beloved    of  in   office   under    Davison,   George 

the  best  and  most  religious  of  this  Cranmer,  the  pupil  and  friend    of 

land.     His   sufficiency   in    council  the  judicious  Hooker.     See  Wal- 

and  matters  of  state  is  such,  as  the  ton's  Lives,  p.  179,  (Major's  ed.) 

Queen    herself   confesseth    in  her  Judge   Davis  justly  remarks  that 

kingdom  she  hath  not  such  anoth-  "  there  seems  to  have  been  a  simi- 

er;  his  virtue,  religion,  and  worth  larity  of    character   between   Mr.     '' 

in  all  degrees  are  of  the  world  taken  Brewster  and  his  patron."    Memo- 

to  be  so  great,  as  no  man  in  his  rial,  p.  221. 

gopd  fortune  hath  had  more  gen-  '  In  1584,  when  Elizabeth  cnter- 

eral  love  than  this  gentleman  in  ed  into  a  league  with  the  United 

his  disgrace  ;"  and  Lord  Burleigh,  Provinces,  and  advanced  money  to 

in  a  petition  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  enable  them  to  maintain  their  in- 

February  13, 1586,  writes,  "I  know  dependence  of  Spain,  her  rival  in 


464 


BREWSTER  TRUSTED  BY   SECRETARY   DAVISON. 


CHAP,  thereof  the  keys  of  Flushing  being  delivered  to  him  in 
^^-^  her  Majesty's  name,  he  kept  them  some  time,  and  com- 
mitted them  to  his  servant,  who  kept  them  under  his 
pillow  on  which  he  slept,  the  first  night.  And,  at  his 
return,  the  States  honored  him  with  a  gold  chain,  and 
his  master  committed  it  to  him,  and  commanded  him 
to  wear  it  when  they  arrived  in  England,  as  they  rode 
through  the  country,  until  they  came  to  the  Court. 
He  afterwards  remained  with  him  until  his  troubles, 
1587.  when  he  was  put  from  his  place  about  the  death  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  and  some  good  time  after,  doing  him 
many  offices  of  service  in  the  time  of  his  troubles.^ 
Afterwards  he  went  and  lived  in  the  country,  in  good 


power  and  ambition,  she  very  pru- 
dently got  consigned  into  her  hands 
the  three  important  fortresses  of 
Flushing,  the  Brille,  and  Ramme- 
kins,  as  pledges  for  the  reimburse- 
ment of  the  money  which  she  ad- 
vanced in  defence  of  their  liberties. 
They  were  accordingly  called  "  the 
cautionary  towns."  They  were 
surrendered  by  James  in  1616. 
See  Sir  Dudley  Carleton's  Letters, 
pp.  27 — 35. 

>  "  When  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots, 
had  been  tried  and  condemned,  and 
the  Parliament  of  England  had  pe- 
titioned their  sovereign  for  her  ex- 
ecution, Elizabeth  privately  or- 
dered Davison  to  draw  a  death- 
warrant,  which  she  signed,  and 
sent  him  with  it  to  the  Chancellor 
to  have  the  great  seal  annexed. 
Having  performed  his  duty,  she  pre- 
tended to  blame  him  for  his  preci- 
pitancy. Davison  acquainted  the 
Council  with  the  whole  transac- 
tion ;  they  knew  the  Queen's  real 
sentiments,  and  persuaded  him  to 
send  the  warrant  to  the  Earls  of 
Kent  and  Shrewsbury,  promising 
to  justify  his  conduct,  and  take  the 
blame  on  themselves.  These  Earls 
attended   the  execution  of  Mary ; 


but  when  Elizabeth  heard  of  it, 
she  affected  great  indignation, 
threw  all  the  blame  on  the  inno- 
cent Secretary,  and  committed  him 
to  the  Tower,  where  he  became  the 
subject  of  raillery  from  those  very 
counsellors  who  had  promised  to 
countenance  and  protect  him.  He 
was  tried  in  the  Star  Chamber, 
and  fined  £10,000,  which  being 
rigorously  levied  upon  him,  re- 
duced him  to  poverty."  Belknap's 
Am.  Biog.  ii.  253.  Camden  says, 
"  Thus  was  Davison,  a  man  of 
good  ingenuity,  but  not  well  skill- 
ed in  court  arts,  brought  upon  the 
court  stage  of  purpose  (as  most 
men  thought)  to  act  for  a  time  this 
part  in  the  tragedy  ;  and  soon  after, 
the  part  being  acted,  and  his  stage 
attire  laid  aside,  as  if  he  had  failed 
in  the  last  act,  he  was  thrust  down 
from  the  stage,  and,  not  without 
the  pity  of  many,  shut  up  in  pri- 
son." For  a  particular  account  of 
Davison,  and  a  full  vindication  of 
his  conduct,  see  Kippis's  Biog. 
Brit.  v.  4 — 15.  See  also  Camden's 
Hist,  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  pp-  389 — 
393;  Supplement  to  the  Cabala, 
pp.  22 — 25;  Strype's  Annals,  iii. 
370—376,  447. 


BREWSTER  JOINS   THE   PILGRIMS.  465 

esteem  amongst  his  friends  and  the  good  gentlemen  of  chap. 
those  parts,  especially  the  godly  and  religious.  ^^-v^' 

He  did  much  good  in  the  country  where  he  lived,  in 
promoting  and  furthering  religion  ;  and  not  only  by  his 
practice  and  example,  and  provoking  and  encouraging 
of  others,  but  by  procuring  of  good  preachers  to  all 
places  thereabouts,  and  drawing  on  of  others  to  assist 
and  help  to  forward  in  such  a  work ;  he  himself  most 
commonly  deepest  in  the  charge,  and  sometimes  above 
his  ability.  And  in  this  state  he  continued  many 
years,  doing  the  best  good  he  could,  and  walking  ac-  '^ 
cording  to  the  light  he  saw,  until  the  Lord  revealed  ) 
further  unto  him.  And  in  the  end,  by  the  tyranny  of 
the  bishops  against  godly  preachers  and  people,  in 
silencing  the  one  and  persecuting  the  other,  he  and 
many  more  of  those  times  began  to  look  further  into 
particulars,  and  to  see  into  the  unlawfulness  of  their 
callings,  and  the  burden  of  many  anti-christian  corrup- 
tions, which  both  he  and  they  endeavoured  to  cast  off, 
as  they  also  did,  as  in  the  beginning  of  this  treatise  is 
to  be  seen.* 

•  After  they  were  joined  together  into  communion,  he  IG02. 
was  a  special  stay  and  help  to  them.  They  ordinarily 
met  at  his  house  on  the  Lord's  day,  which  was  a  manor 
of  the  bishop's,  and  with  great  love  he  entertained 
them  when  they  came,  making  provision  for  them  to 
his  great  charge ;  and  continued  so  to  do  whilst  they 
could  stay  in  England.  And  when  they  were  to  re- 
move out  of  the  country,  he  was  one  of  the  first  in  all 
adventures,  and  forwardest  in  any.  He  was  the  chief 
of  those  that  were  taken  at  Boston,  in  Lincolnshire,  1607, 
and  suffered  the  greatest  loss  ;  and  [one]  of  the  seven 

'  See  page  20. 
59 


466  BREWSTER  IN  HOLLAND. 

CHAP,  that  were  kept  longest  in  prison,  and  after  bound  over 

xxvn.        ,  .        ,    __r 

-^>'—  to  the  assizes. 

16  08.  After  he  came  into  Holland,  he  suffered  much  hard- 
ship after  he  had  spent  the  most  of  his  means,  having 
a  great  charge  and  many  children ;  and,  in  regard  of 
his  former  breeding  and  course  of  life,^  not  so  fit  for 
many  employments  as  others  were,  especially  such  as 
were  toilsome  and  laborious.  Yet  he  ever  bore  his 
condition  with  much  cheerfulness  and  contentation. 
Towards  the  latter  part  of  those  twelve  years  spent  in 
Holland,  his  outward  condition  was  mended,  and  he 
lived  well  and  plentifully  ;  for  he  fell  into  a  way,  by 
reason  he  had  the  Latin  tongue,  to  teach  many  stu- 
dents who  had  a  desire  to  learn  the  English  tongue,  to 
teach  them  English,  and  by  his  method  they  quickly 
attained  it  with  great  facility ;  for  he  drew  rules  to 
learn  it  by,  after  the  Latin  manner  ;  and  many  gentle- 
men, both  Danes  and  Germans,  resorted  to  him,  as 
they  had  time  from  other  studies,  some  of  them  being 
great  men's  sons.  He  also  had  means  to  set  up  print- 
ing,^ by  the  help  of  some  friends,  and  so  had  employ- 
ment enough ;  and  by  reason  of  many  books  which 
would  not  be  allowed  to  be  printed  in  England,^  they 
might  have  had  more  than  they  could  do. 

'  See  pages  26  and  27.  mum  Brewsterum,  in  vico  Chorali. 

^  The  words  "  of  life  "  I  restore  1617."     8vo.     pp.    1513.     A  copy 

from  Bradford,  in  Hutchinson,  ii.  of  this  work  is  now  in  the  posses- 

460.  sion  of   the    Pastor   of    the   First 

^  Among  the  books  printed  by  Church  in  Plymouth,  having  been 

Brewster  at  Leyden,  was  the  fol-  presented  to  that  Church  in  1828 

lowing :  "  Commentarii   Succincti  by   the   Hon.  John  Davis,  LL.D. 

et  Dilucidi  in  Proverbia  Salomonis.  the  learned  editor  of  Morton's  New 

Aulhore  Thoma  Cartwrightio,  SS.  England's  Memorial.  Another  copy 

Theologise  in  Academia  Cantabri-  is  in  the  library  of  the  Pilgrim  So- 

giensi  quondam  Professore.    Qui-  ciety  at  Plymouth.     See  Thacher's 

bus  adhibita  est  Proefatio  clarissimi  Plymouth,  p.  270. 

viri  Johannis  Polyandri,  S.  Theo-  ''  It  appears  from  the  following 

logise  Professoris  Leidensis.     Lug-  extracts  of  letters  written  by  Sir 

duni   Batavorum.      Apud    Guliei-  Dudley  Carleton  to  Secretary  Naun- 


BREWSTER   IN   AMERICA. 


467 


But  now  removing  into  this  country,  all  these  things  chap. 

1    •  J         •  1  •  1  /•  !•    •  XXVII. 

were  Jam  aside  again,  and  a  new  course  of  living  must  --v-^. 
be  submitted  to;  in  which  he  was  no  way  unwilling  ^ 620. 
to  take  his  part  and  to  bear  his  burden  with  the  rest, 
living  many  times  without  bread  or  corn  many  months 
together,  having  many  times  nothing  but  fish,  and 
often  wanting  that  also ;  and  drank  nothing  but  water 
for  many  years  together,  yea,  until  within  five  or  six 
years  of  his  death.  And  yet  he  lived,  by  the  blessing 
of  God,  in  health  until  very  old  age  ;  and  besides  that, 
he  would  labor  with  his  hands  in  the  fields  as  long  as 
he  was  able.  Yet  when  the  Church  had  no  other 
minister,  he  taught  twice  every  sabbath,  and  that  both 
powerfully  and  profitably,  to  the  great  contentment  of 
the  hearers,  and  their  comfortable  edification.  Yea, 
many  were  brought  to  God  by  his  ministry.  He  did 
more  in  their  behalf  in  a  year,  than  many  that  have 
their  hundreds  a  year  do  in  all  their  lives. 


ton,  from  the  Hague  in  1619,  that 
Brewster  was  at  this  time  an  object 
of  suspicion  and  pursuit  to  the  Eng- 
lish government  on  account  of  cer- 
tain obnoxious  books  which  he  had 
printed. 

"  July  22.  One  William  Brew- 
ster, a  Brownist,  hath  been  for 
some  years  an  inhabitant  and  print- 
er at  Leyden,  but  is  now  within 
three  weeks  removed  from  thence 
and  gone  back  to  dwell  in  London, 
where  he  may  be  found  out  and  ex- 
amined, not  only  of  this  book  De 
Regimine  Ecdesicc  Scoticame,  but 
likewise  of  Perth  Assembly,  of 
Avhich  if  he  was  not  the  printer 
himself,  he  assuredly  knows  botli 
the  printer  and  author;  for,  as  I 
am  informed,  he  hath  had,  whilst 
he,  remained  here,  his  hand  in  all 
such  books  as  have  been  sent  over 
into  England  and  Scotland  ;  as  par- 
ticularly a  book  in  folio,  entitled  A 
Confutation  of  the  Rhemists'  Trans- 


lation, Glosses  and  Annotations  of 
the  Neiu  Testament,  anno  1618, 
was  printed  by  him.  So  was  an- 
other in  18mo,  De  vera  et  genuind 
Jesii  Christi  Domini  et  Salvatoris 
nostri  Rcligione,  of  which  I  send 
your  honor  herewith  the  title  page  ; 
and  if  you  will  compare  that,  which 
is  underlined  therein,  with  the 
other,  De  Regimine  Ecclesim  Scoti- 
coiKc,  of  which  I  send  your  honor 
the  title-page  likewise,  you  will 
find  it  is  the  same  character ;  and 
the  one  being  confessed  (as  that 
De  vera  et  genuind  Jesu  Christi, 
4"c.  Religione,  Brewster  doth  openly 
avow,)  ^he  other  cannot  well  be 
denied." — "  Aug.  20.  I  have  made 
good  inquiry  after  William  Brew- 
ster, at  Leyden,  and  am  well  as- 
sured that  he  is  not  returned  thither; 
neither  is  it  likely  he  will,  having 
removed  from  thence  both  his  fam- 
ily and  goods."—"  Sept.  12.  In  my 
last  I  advertised  your  honor  that 


468 


BREWSTER'S   PRIVATE   CHARACTER. 


CHAP. 

XXVII. 


For  his  personal  abilities,  he  was  qualified  above 
many.  He  was  wise  and  discreet  and  well  spoken, 
having  a  grave,  deliberate  utterance  ;  of  a  very  cheerful 
spirit,  very  sociable  and  pleasant  amongst  his  friends, 
of  an  humble  and  modest  mind,  of  a  peaceable  disposi- 
tion, undervaluing  himself  and  his  own  abilities,  and 
sometimes  overvaluing  others  ;  inoffensive  and  innocent 
in  his  life  and  conversation,  which  gained  him  the  love 
of  those  without  as  well  as  those  within.  Yet  he 
would  tell  them  plainly  of  their  faults  and  evils,  both 
publicly  and  privately  ;  but  in  such  a  manner  as  usually 
was  well  taken  from  him.  He  was  tender-hearted, 
and  compassionate  of  such  as  were  in  misery,  but  es- 
pecially of  such  as  had  been  of  good  estate  and  rank, 
and  were  fallen  into  want  and  poverty,  either  for  good- 
ness and  religion's  sake,  or  by  the  injury  and  oppres- 
sion of  others.  He  would  say,  of  all  men  these  de- 
served to  be  most  pitied  ;  and  none  did  more  offend 


Brewster  was  taken  at  Leyden : 
which  proved  an  error,  in  that  the 
schout,  who  was  employed  b^  the 
magistrates  for  his  apprehension, 
being  a  dull  drunken  fellow,  took 
one  man  for  another.  But  Brewer, 
who  set  him  on  work,  and  being  a 
man  of  means  bare  the  charge  of  his 
printing,  is  fast  in  the  University's 
prison ;  and  his  printing  letters, 
Avhich  were  found  in  his  house  in  a 
garret,  where  he  had  hid  them,  and 
his  books  and  papers,  are  all  seized 
and  sealed  up.  I  expect  to-morrow 
lo  receive  his  voluntary  confession 
of  such  books  as  he  hath  caused  to 
be  printed  by  Brewster  for  this 
year  and  a  half  or  two  years  past ; 
and  then  I  intend  to  send  one  ex- 
pressly to  visit  his  books  and  pa- 
pers, and  to  examine  him  particu- 
larly touching  Perth  Assembly,  the 
discourse  De  Regimine  EcclesicB 
Scuticance,  and  other  Puritan  pam- 


phlets, which  I  have  newly  reco- 
vered."— "Sept.  18.  It  appears 
that  this  Brewer,  and  Brewster, 
whom  this  man  set  on  work,  hav- 
ing kept  no  open  sliop,  nor  printed 
many  books  fit  for  public  sale  in 
these  provinces,  their  practice  was 
to  print  prohibited  books  to  be 
vented  underhand  in  his  Majesty's 
kingdom."— "Jan.  19,1620.  Un- 
less Brewer  undertakes  to  do  his 
uttermost  in  finding  out  Brewster, 
(wherein  I  will  not  fail  likewise  of 
all  other  endeavours)  he  is  not  like 
to  be  at  liberty;  the  suspicion 
whereof  keeps  him  from  hence,  for 
as  yet  he  appears  not  in  these 
parts."  Carleton's  Letters,  pp.  3S0, 
386,  3S9,  390,  437.  It  appears 
from  page  71,  that  in  May,  1619, 
Brewster  was  in  England.  It  is 
probable  he  did  not  return  to  Ley- 
den, but  kept  close  till  the  May- 
flower sailed. 


HIS  OFFICIAL   CHARACTER.  469 


XXVII. 


and  displease  him,  than   such  as  would  haujilitily  and  chap. 
proudly  carry  and  lift   up  themselves,  being  risen  from 
nothing,  and  having  little  else  in  them  but  a  (e.w  fine 
clothes  or  a  little  riches  more  than  others. 

In  teaching,  he  was  very  stirring,  and  moving  the 
affections ;  also  very  plain  and  distinct  in  what  he 
taught ;  by  which  means  he  became  the  more  profita- 
ble to  the  hearers.  He  had  a  singular  good  gift  in 
prayer,  both  public  and  private,  in  ripping  up  the  heart 
and  conscience  before  God,  in  the  humble  confession 
of  sin,  and  begging  the  mercies  of  God  in  Christ  for 
the  pardon  thereof.  He  always  thought  it  were  better 
for  ministers  to  pray  oftener,  and  divide  their  prayers, 
than  to  be  long  and  tedious  in  the  same  ;  except  upon 
solemn  and  special  occasions,  as  on  days  of  Humilia- 
tion and  the  like.  His  reason  was  that  the  heart  and 
spirits  of  all,  especially  the  weak,  could  hardly  continue 
and  stand  bent  (as  it  were,)  so  long  towards  God,  as 
they  ought  to  do  in  that  duty,  without  flagging  and 
falling  off. 

For  the  government  of  the  church,  which  was  most 
proper  to  his  oftice,  he  was  careful  to  preserve  good 
order  in  the  same,  and  to  preserve  purity  both  in  the 
doctrine  and  communion  of  the  same,  and  to  suppress 
any  error  or  contention  that  might  begin  to  arise 
amongst  them ;  and  accordingly  God  gave  good  suc- 
cess to  his  endeavours  herein  all  his  days,  and  he  saw 
the  fruit  of  his  labors  in  that  behalf.  But  I  must 
break  off,  having  thus  touched  a  few  heads  of  things.^ 

'  William  Brewster,  the  rul-  He  was  probably  the  oldest  of  the 

jng    elder    of      John     Robinson's  Pilgrims,  being  56  when  he  arrived 

church,   and   whose  name   stands  at  Plymouth.     On  account  of  his 

fourth  among  the   signers   of  the  age  and  office  he  probably  was  not 

Compact,  was  born  in  1564;   but  much  employed  in  the  civil  affairs 

the  place  of  his  birth  is  not  known,  of  the   Colony,  and  consequently 


470 


BREWSTER'S   FAMILY. 


CHAP,  his  name  seldom  occurs  in  the  pre- 
XXVII.  ceding  History.  The  reason  why 
• — ^"^  he  was  not  chosen  governor  after 
the  death  of  Carver  in  1621,  is 
slated  in  note  '  on  page  197.  It 
appears  from  this  Memoir  that  he 
had  ''many  children  ;"  but  the  ex- 
act number  has  not  been  ascer- 
tained. He  brought  his  wife  with 
him,  and  four  other  individuals, 
who  were  probably  his  children. 
The  following  are  known  to  have 
been  his  children  —  Jonathan,  Love, 
Wrestling,  Patience,  and  Fear. 
The  last  two  came  in  the  Ann  in 
1623;  Patience  married  in  1624 
Thomas  Prince,  who  was  after- 
wards governor,  and  Fear  married 
Isaac  Allerton  in  1626.  It  appears 
from  page  173  that  the  venerable 
elder  had  a  house  lot  assigned  him 
in  1621,  in  Plymouth,  on  the  street 
now  called  Leyden-street.     In  the 


latter  part  of  his  life  he  built  a 
house  in  Duxbury,  near  Captain's 
Hill,  and  resided  there  a  short 
time.  His  sons  Jonathan  and 
Love  settled  in  Duxbury.  Love 
died  there,  and  his  son  William 
was  deacon  of  the  church  in  that 
place.  Jonathan,  wiih  his  family, 
removed  to  Connecticut  after  1643. 
There  are  many  descendants  of  the 
worthy  elder  in  Plymouth,  Duxbu- 
ry, Kingston,  Pembroke,  and  in 
Connecticut,  and  elsewhere.  A 
town  on  Cape  Cod  was  named  after 
him  in  1S03,  and  it  is  believed  that 
the  Brewsters,  in  Boston  harbour, 
were  so  called  in  compliment  to 
him.  See  note  ^  on  page  27  ;  Bel- 
knap's Am.  Biog.  ii.  252 — 266; 
Hutchinson's  Mass.  ii.  460;  Mitch- 
ell's Bridgewater,  p.  361  ;  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  X.  73,  XX.  57—68. 


ELDER  Brewster's  chair. 


LETTERS. 


"  That  is  the  best  History,  which  is  collected  out  of  Letters.'" 

Baronius. 

"  Letters  of  affairs,  from  such  as  manage  them,  or  are  privy  to 
them,  are  of  all  others  the  best  instructions  for  history,  and  to  a 
diligent  reader  the  best  histories  in  themselves." 

Lord  Bacon. 


CHAPTER     XXVIII. 

ROBINSON   TO  THE   CHURCH. 

To  the  Church  of  God  at  Plymouth,  in  New  England} 

Much  Beloved  Brethren, 

Neither  the  distance  of  i)lace,  nor  distinction  of  chap. 

^         '  xxvni. 

body,  can  at  all  either  dissolve  or  weaken  that  bond  of  ^^--^ 
true  Christian  affection  in  which  the  Lord  by  his  spirit  1^21. 
hath  tied  us  together.  My  continual  prayers  are  to 
the  Lord  for  you  ;  my  most  earnest  desire  is  unto  you;^ 
from  whom  I  will  not  longer  keep  (if  God  vv'ill)  than 
means  can  be  procured  to  bring  with  me  the  wives 
and  children  of  divers  of  you  and  the  rest  of  your 
brethren,  whom  I  could  not  leave  behind  me  without 
great  injury  both  to  you  and  them,  and  offence  to  God 
and  all  men.  The  death  of  so  many  our  dear  friends 
and  brethren,^  oh !  how  grievous  hath  it  been  to  you 
to  bear,  and  to  us  to  take  knowledge  of;  which,  if  it 

1  This  and  most  of  the  following  nately  destroyed,  having  been  put 

letters  are  taken  from  a  fragment  to   the    most    ignoble    uses.     See 

o&  Gov.    Bradford's   Letter   Book,  Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  246,  and 

■which  was  rescued  about  fifty  years  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  iii.  45. 

since  from  a  grocer's  shop  in  Hali-  *  See  note  on  page  453. 

fax,  Nova  Scotia.     The  earlier  and  ^  See  note  '  on  page  198. 
more  valuable   part  was  unfortu- 

60 


474  THE  DEATHS  AMONG  TPIE   COLONISTS. 

CHAP,  could  be  mended  with  lamenting,  could  not  sufficiently 
^^v^'  be  bewailed  ;  but  we  must  go  unto  them,  and  they 
1621.  shall  not  return  unto  us.  And  how  many  even  of  us 
God  hath  taken  away  here  and  in  England,  since  your 
departure,  you  may  elsewhere  take  knowledge.  But 
the  same  God  has  tempered  judgment  with  mercy,  as 
otherwise,  so  in  sparing  the  rest,  especially  those  by 
whose  godly  and  wise  government  you  may  be  and  (1 
know)  are  so  much  helped.^  In  a  battle  it  is  not  looked 
for  but  that  div  ers  should  die  ;  it  is  thought  well  for  a 
side  if  it  get  the  victory,  though  with  the  loss  of  divers, 
if  not  too  many  or  too  great.  God,  I  hope,  hath  given 
you  the  victory,  after  many  difficulties,  for  yourselves 
and  others  ;  though  I  doubt  not  but  many  do  and  will 
remain  for  you  and  us  all  to  strive  with. 

Brethren,  I  hope  I  need  not  exhort  you  to  obedience 
unto  those  whom  God  hath  set  over  you  in  church  and 
commonwealth,  and  to  the  Lord  in  them.  It  is  a 
Christian's  honor  to  give  honor  according  to  men's 
places  ;  and  his  liberty  to  serve  God  in  faith,  and  his 
brethren  in  love,  orderly  and  with  a  willing  and  free  heart. 
God  forbid  I  should  need  to  exhort  you  to  peace,  which 
is  the  bond  of  perfection,  and  by  which  all  good  is  tied 
together,  and  without  which  it  is  scattered.  Have 
peace  with  God  first,  by  faith  in  his  promises,  good 
conscience  kept  in  all  things,  and  oft  renewed  by  re- 
pentance ;  and  so  one  with  another,  for  his  sake  who 
is,  though  three,  one  ;  and  for  Christ's  sake,  who  is 
one,  and  as  you  are  called  by  one  spirit  to  one  hope. 

'  It  was    certainly   a  remarka-  Carver,    most    of    the    prominent 

ble  providence,  that  out  of  the  21  men  were  spared.     How  different 

men  who  died  the  first  winter,  so  might  have  been   the  fate  of  the 

few  were  among  the  leaders  of  the  Colony   had    Bradford,    Winslow, 

expedition.     With  the  exception  of  Standish  and  AUerton  been  cut  off. 


ROBINSON'S   DESIRE   TO   COME  TO  AMERICA.  475 

And  the  God  of  peace  and  grace  and  all  goodness  be  chap. 
with  you  in  all  the  iVuits  thereof  plenteously  upon  your  ^ii' 
heads,  now  and  forever.  162I. 

All  your  brethren  here   remember  you  with  great 
love,  a  general  token  whereof  they  have  sent  you. 

Yours  ever  in  the  Lord, 

John  Robinson. 

Ley  den,  (Holland,)  June  30,  anno  1C21. 


robinson  to  elder  brewster. 

Loving  and  Dear  Friend  and  Brother,^ 

That  which  1  most  desired  of  God  in  regard  of  you, 
namely,  the  continuance  of  your  life  and  health,  and 
the  safe  coming  of  those  sent  unto  you,  that  I  most  gladly 
hear  of,  and  praise  God  for  the  same.  And  I  hope 
mistress  Brewster's  weak  and  decayed  state  of  body 
will  have  some  repairing  by  the  coming  of  her  daugh- 
ters,^ and  the  provisions  in  this  and  other  ships  sent, 
w  hich  I  hear  is  made  for  you  ;  which  makes  us  with 
the  more  patience  bear  our  languishing  state  and  the 
deferring  of  our  desired  transportation,  (which  I  call 
desired  rather  than  hoped  for,)  whatsoever  you  are 
borne  in  hand  with  by  others.  For  first,  there  is  no 
hope  at  all,  that  I  know  nor  can  conceive  of,  of  any 
new  stock  to  be  raised  for  that  (Mid,  so  that  all  must 
depend  upon  returns  from  you  ;  in  which  are  so  many 
uncertainties,  as  that  nothing  with  any  certainty  can 
thence   be   concluded.      Besides,   howsoever,  for  the 

'  This  letter  is  copied  from  the  the  daughters  of  the  Elder,  arrived 

records  of  Plymouth  Church,  book  in  tho  Ann,  in  1G23.     See  note  on 

i.  folio  27.  page  352. 

'  Patience  and   Fear  Brewster, 


j^jQ  THE   MERCHANT   ADVENTURERS. 

CHAP,  present,  the   adventurers  allege   nothing  but  want  of 
^^^^'  money,  which  is  an  invincible  difficulty ;  yet  if  that 
16  23.  be  taken  away  by  you,  others  without  doubt  will  be 
found.     For  the  better  clearing  of  this,  we  must  dis- 
pose the  adventurers  into  three  parts ;   and  of  them 
some  five  or  six  (as  I  conceive)  are  absolutely  bent  for 
us  above  others.     Other  five  or  six  are  our  bitter  pro- 
fessed adversaries.     The  rest,  being  the  body,  I  con- 
ceive to  be  honestly  minded,  and  lovingly  also  towards 
us ;    yet   such   as   have    others,   namely,   the    forward 
preachers,'  nearer  unto  them  than  us,  and  whose  course, 
so  far  as  there  is  any  difference,  they  would  advance 
rather  than  ours.     Now  what  a  hank  ^  these  men  have 
over  the  professors  you  know  ;  and  I  persuade  myself 
that  for  me  they  of  all  others  are  unwilling  I  should  be 
transported  ;  especially  such  as  have  an  eye  that  way 
themselves,  as  thinking  if  I  come  there,  their  market  , 
will  be  marred  in  many  regards.     And  for  these  adver- 
saries, if  they  have  but  half  their  will  to  their  malice, 
they  will  stop  my  course  when   they  see  it  intended, 
for  which  this  delaying  serveth  them  very  opportunely;^ 
and  as  one  rusty  ^  jade  can   hinder  by  hanging  back 

'  John  Lyford,  who  came  over  *  Lyford  wrote  home  to  the  ad- 

in  the  spring  of  1624,  was  probably  verse  part  of  the  adventurers,  in 

one  of  those  "  forward  preachers,"  1624,  counselling  them  that  "the 

and   John   Pemberton,  his  corres-  Leyden   Company,  Mr.    Robinson 

pendent,    was    another.        Robert  and    the   rest,  must   still   be   kept 

Cushman,  in  a  letter  dated  Jan.  24,  back,  or  else  all  will  be  spoiled; 

1624,  says  "  we  send  a  preacher,  and  lest  any  of  them  should  be  ta- 

though  not   the  most  eminent,  for  ken    in  privately  on    the  coast  of 

whose  going  Mr.  Winslow  and  I  England,  (as  it  was  feared  might 

gave  way  to  give  content  to  some  be   done,)  they  must  change   the 

at  London."     Bradford   speaks   of  master  of  the  ship,   Mr.  William 

"  tiie   minister,  Mr.   John   Lyford,  Peirce,  and  put  another  also  in  Mr. 

whom  a  faction  of  the  adventurers  Winslow's  room  for  merchant,  or 

send,   to    hinder   Mr.    Robinson."  otherwise  it  would  not  be  prevent- 

See  Morton's  Memorial,  pp.  Ill,  ed."     MS.    Records  of  Plymouth 

114,  and  Prince's  Annals,  pp.  226,  Church,  b.  i.  folio  30. 

228.  4  Rusty,  dull,  lazy. 
^  Hank,  influence. 


HOSTILITY   OF   SOME  OF  THEM.  477 

more  than  two  or  three  can  or  wiJl  (at  least  if  they  be  chap. 
not  very  free)  draw  forward,  so  will   it  be  in  this  case.  ^^^' 
A  notable  experiment  of  this  they  gave  in  yom-  mes-  1623. 
senger's   presence/  constraining  the  company  to  pro- 
mise that  none  of  the  money  now  gathered  should  be 
expended  or  employed  to  the  help  of  any  of  us  towards 
you. 

Now  touching  the  question  propounded  by  you,  I 
judge  it  not  lawful  for  you,  being  a  ruling  elder,  as 
Rom.  xii.  7,  8,  and  1  Tim.  v.  17,  ojiposed  to  the  elders 
that  teach  and  exhort  and  labor  in  the  word  and  doc- 
trine, to  which  the  sacraments  are  annexed,  to  admin- 
ister them,  nor  convenient  if  it  were  lawful.^ 

Be  you  heartily  saluted,  and  your  wife  with  you, 
both  from  me  and  mine.  ^  Your  God  and  ours,  and  the 
God  of  all  his,  bring  us  together,  if  it  be  his  will,  and 
keep  us  in  the  mean  while  and  always  to  his  glory, 
and  make  us  serviceable  to  his  majesty,  and  faithful  to 
the  end.     Amen. 

Your  very  loving  brother, 

John  Robinson.^ 

Leyden,  December  20,  1623. 

'  This  messenger  was  Edward  England,  although  he  so  much 
Winslow,  who  sailed  from  Ply-  longed  to  be  with  his  flock,  and  his 
mouth  in  the  Ann,  Sept.  10,  1623,  flock  with  him  ;  a  wortliy  pattern 
and  returned  in  the  Charity  in  unto  all  churches  and  their  minis- 
March,  1624.  He  was  the  bearer  ters  to  be  imitated."  —  Bradford's 
of  this  letter.  See  Morton's  Me-  or  Morton's  Note. 
morial,  p.  Ill;  Prince's  Annals,  Morion,  in  his  Memorial,  p.  126, 
pp.  225,  6.  Prince  quotes  from  says,  that  "  his  and  their  adversa- 
another  letter  of  Robinson's  to  ries  had  been  long  and  continually 
Gov.  Bradford,  brought  by  the  same  plotting  how  they  might  hinder  his 
ship.  coming  into  New  England  ;  "   and 

^  For  the  difference  between  a  Hutchinson,  ii.  454,  says,  that  "  he 

teaching   and   a  ruling   elder,   see  was  prevented  by  disajjpointmcnts 

npte  '  on  page  455.  from  those  in  England  who  under- 

*  "By  the  above  written  letter  it  took  to  provide  for  the  passage  of 

may  appear  how  much  the  adver-  him   and    his   congregation."      It 

sary  hindered  the  coming  of  this  appears  that  "  Sir  Fcrdinando  Gor- 

blessed  servant  of  Christ  into  New  ges  and  others  were  at  this  time 


478  THE   DEATH   OF   JOHN   ROBINSON. 


CHAP.  ROGER   WHITE   TO   GOVERNOR  BRADFORD. 

XXVIli. 

To  his  loving  friend,  Mr.  William  Bradford,  Governor 
of  Plymouth,  in  New  England,  these  he,  ^c} 


1625. 


Loving  and  Kind  Friends,  &c. 

I  know  not  whether  ever  this  will  come  to  your 
hands,  or  miscarry,  as  other  of  my  letters  have  done  ; 
yet  in  regard  of  the  Lord's  dealing  with  us  here,  I  have 
had  a  great  desire  to  write  unto  you,  knowing  your 
desire  to  bear  a  part  with  us,  both  in  our  joys  and  sor- 
rows, as  we  do  with  you. 

These  therefore  are  to  give  you  to  understand,  that 
it  hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  take  out  of  this  vale  of  tears 
your  and  our  loving  and  faithful  pastor,  and  my  dear 
and  reverend  brother,  Mr.  John  Robinson,  who  was 
sick  some  eight  days,  beginning  first  to  be  sick  on  a 
Saturday  morning  ;  yet  the  next  day,  being  the  Lord's 
day,  he  taught  us  twice,  and  the  week  after  grew 
every  day  weaker  than  other,  yet  felt  no  pain  but 
weakness,  all  the  time  of  his  sickness.  The  physic 
he  took  wrought  kindly,  in  man's  judgment,  yet  he 
grew  every  day  weaker   than  other,  feeling  little  or  no 

determined    that     New     England  man  as  Mr.  Robinson."     Sherley, 

should  be  settled  under  episcopacy;  one  of  the  merchant  adventurers, 

and  though  they  would  allow  and  incurred  the  ill-will  of  his  associ- 

encourage   people   to   settle    here,  ates,  by  being  in  favor  of  his  remo- 

they  were  unwilling  that  anyPu-  val.    "  The  sole  cause,  he  observed, 

ritan  ministers  should  accompany  in  a  letter  to  the  Plymouth  people, 

them.     The  bishops  had  prevented  why  the  greater  part  of  the  adven- 

the  crown  from  granting  liberty  to  turers  malign  me,  was  that  I  would 

the  petitioners  from  Leyden  ;  and  not  side  with  them  against  you  and 

it  was  accounted  a  great  matter,  in  the   coming  over  of  the   Leyden 

1621,  to  obtain  a  cautious  allow-  people."     See  Holmes's  Annals,  i. 

ance  of  indulgence  under  the  au-  192,  575. 

thority  of  the  President  and  Council  '  From  the  records  of  Plymouth 

for  the  Affairs  of  New  England.  Church,  book  i.  folio  31,  and  Gov. 

But  they  took  great  care  to  obstruct  Bradford's  Letter  Book, 
the  coming  over  of  so  important  a 


ROBINSON'S   DEATH.  479 

pain,  yet  sensible,  till  the  very  last.  He  fell  sick  the  chap. 
22d  of  February,  and  departed  this  life  on  the  1st  of  ^Si^^' 
March.  He  had  a  continual  inward  ague,  but,  1  thank  1625. 
the  Lord,  was  free  of  the  plague,  so  that  all  his  friends 
could  come  freely  to  him  ;  and  if  either  prayers,  tears, 
or  means  would  have  saved  his  life,  he  had  not  gone 
hence.  But  he  having  faithfully  finished  his  course, 
and  performed  his  work,  which  the  Lord  had  appointed 
him  here  to  perform,  he  now  rests  with  the  Lord,  in 
eternal  happiness  ;  we  wanting  him  and  all  church 
governors,  not  having  one  at  present  that  is  a  govern- 
ing officer  amongst  us.  Now  for  ourselves  here  left  (I 
mean  the  whole  church)  we  still,  by  the  mercy  of 
God,  continue  and  hold  close  together  in  peace  and 
quietness,  and  so  I  hope  we  shall  do,  though  we  be  very 
weak  ;  wishing  (if  such  were  the  will  of  God)  that  you 
and  we  were  again  together  in  one,  either  there  or 
here  ;  but  seeing  it  is  the  will  of  the  Lord,  thus  to  dis- 
pose of  things,  we  must  labor  with  patience  to  rest 
contented,  till  it  please  the  Lord  otherwise  to  dispose 
of  things.* 

For  news  at  present  here,  is  not  much  worth  the 
writing ;  only  as  in  England  we  have  lost  our  old  king, 
James,  who  departed  this  life  about  a  month  ago,^  so 
here  we  have  lost  Grave  Maurice,^  the  old  prince  here, 

>  "Until  Robinson's  death,  the  lution  of  his  congregation  at  Ley- 
congregation  at  Plymouth  had  not  den,  some  of  whom  removed  to  Am- 
abandoTied  the  hope  of  his  coming  sterdara,  and  others  to  New  Eng- 
to  America  with  their  brethren  land."  Holmes,  Ann.  i.  191,  575. 
who  remained  in  Holland.  The  ^  King  James  died  March  27, 
only  solution  of  the  singular  fact,  1625,  in  his  59th  year, 
that  the  Plymouth  people  remained  ^  Maurice,  the  prince  of  Orange, 
for  so  many  years  without  a  min-  or  landgrave  of  Holland,^  died  at 
is<er,  is— that  until  his  death,  their  the  Hague  April  23,  1625,  in  his 
affectionate  and  beloved  pastor  59th  year.  He  was  succeeded  by 
cherished  the  desire,  and  they  the  his  brother  Frederick  Henry.  See 
expectation,  of  his  coming  to  Ame-  Grattan's  Hist,  of  the  Netherlands, 
rica.     His  death  caused  the  disso-  p.  250. 


480  EUROPEAN    NEWS. 

CHAP,  who  both  departed  this  life  since  my  brother  Robin- 
xxvni. 
■ — —  son  ;  and  as  in  England  we  have  a  new  king,  Charles, 

16  25.  of  whom  there  is  great  hope  of  good,  so  here  likewise 
we  have  made  Prince  Hendrick  general,  in  his  bro- 
ther's place,  who  is  now  with  the  Grave  of  Mansfield 
with  a  great  army,  close  bj  the  enemy,  to  free  Breda, 
if  it  be  possible,  which  the  enemy  hath  besieged  now 
some  nine  or  ten  months ;  but  how  it  will  fall  out  at 
last,  is  yet  uncertain ;  the  Lord  give  good  success,  if  it 
be  his  will.  The  king  is  making  ready  about  one 
hundred  sail  of  ships  ;  the  end  is  not  yet  certain,  but 
they  will  be  ready  to  go  to  sea  very  shortly ;  the  king 
himself  goes  to  see  them  once  in  fourteen  days.  And 
thus  fearing  lest  this  will  not  come  to  your  hands,  hop- 
ing as  soon  as  I  hear  of  a  convenient  messenger,  to 
write  more  at  large,  and  to  send  you  a  letter  which  my 
brother  Robinson  sent  to  London,  to  have  gone  to  some 
of  you,  but  coming  too  late  was  brought  back  again. 
And  so  for  this  time  I  cease  further  to  trouble  you,  and 
rest, 

Your  assured  loving  friend, 

Roger  White. 

Leyden,  April  28,  an7io  1625. 


thomas  blossom  to  governor  bradford. 

Beloved  Sir, 

Kind  salutations,  &c.  I  have  thought  good  to  write 
to  you,  concerning  the  cause  as  it  standeth  both  with 
you  and  us.  We  see,  alas  !  what  frustrations  and  dis- 
appointments it  pleaseth  the  Lord  to  send  in  this  our 
course,  good  in  itself,  and  according  to  godliness  taken 
in  hand,  and  for  good  and  lawful  ends,  who  yet  pleaseth 


ROBINSON'S    DEATH    DEPLORED.  481 

not  to  prosper  as  we  are,  for  reasons  best  known  to  liim-  chap. 
self;  and  which  also  nearly  concerns  us  to  consider  of,  ^v^' 
whether  we  have  sought  the  Lord  in  it  as  we  see,  or  16  25. 
not.  That  the  Lord  hath  singularly  preserved  life  in 
the  business  to  great  admiration,  givcth  me  good  hope 
that  he  will,  (if  our  sins  hinder  not,)  in  his  appointed 
time,  give  a  happy  end  unto  it.  On  the  contrary, 
when  I  consider  how  it  pleaseth  the  Lord  to  cross 
those  means  that  should  bring  us  together,  being  now 
as  far  off  or  farther  than  ever,  in  our  apprehension  ;  as 
also  to  take  that  means  away,  which  would  have  been 
so  comfortable  unto  us  in  that  course,  both  for  wisdom 
of  counsel  as  also  for  our  singular  help  in  our  course  of 
godliness  ;  whom  the  Lord  (as  it  were)  took  away  even 
as  fruit  falleth  before  it  was  ripe ;  when  neither  length 
of  days,  nor  infirmity  of  body,  did  seem  to  call  for  his 
end.^  The  Lord  even  then  took  him  away,  as  it  were 
in  his  anger  ;  whom  if  tears  would  have  held,  he  had 
remained  to  this  day.  The  loss  of  his  ministry  was 
very  great  unto  me,  for  I  ever  counted  myself  happy 
in  the  enjoyment  of  it,  notwithstanding  all  the  crosses 
and  losses  otherwise  I  sustained.  Yet  indeed  the 
manner  of  his  taking  away  hath  more  troubled  me,  as 
fearing  the  Lord's  anger  in  it,  that,  as  I  said,  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  things,  might  still  have  remained, 
as  also,  the  singular  service  he  might  have  yet  done  in 
the  church  of  God.  Alas  !  dear  friends,  our  state  and 
cause  in  religion,  by  his  death  being  wholly  destitute  of 
any  that  may  defend  our  cause  as  it  should  against  our 
adversaries  ;  that  we  may  take  up  that  doleful  complaint 
ifi  the  Psalm,  that  there  is  no  prophet  left  among  us,  nor 

'  "  He  means  Mr.  Robinson." — Bradford's  Note. 
61 


482  ROBINSONS   INTENTION   OF   COMING  TO   AMERICA. 

CHAP,  any  that  knoweth  how  Ions.    Alas  !  you  would  fain  haye 

had  him  with  you,  and  he  would  as  lam  have  come  to 

1625.  ^Q^j  Many  letters  and  much  speech  hath  been  about 
his  coming  to  you.  but  never  any  solid  course  pro- 
pounded for  his  going :  if  the  course  propounded  the 
last  year  had  appeared  to  have  been  certain,  he  would 
have  sone,  though  with  two  or  three  families.  I  know 
DO  man  amongst  us  knew  his  mind  better  than  I  did, 
about  those  things  ;  he  was  loath  to  leave  the  church, 
vet  I  know  also,  that  he  would  have  accepted  the  worst 
conditions  which  in  the  largest  extent  of  a  good  con- 
science could  be  taken,  to  have  come  to  you.  For 
myself  and  all  such  others  as  haye  formerly  minded 
coming,  it  is  much  what  the  same,  if  the  Lord  aflbrd 
means.  We  only  know  how  things  are  with  you  by 
your  letters ;  but  how  things  stand  in  England  we 
have  received  no  letters  of  any  thing,  and  it  was  No- 
vember before  we  received  yours.  If  we  come  at  all 
unto  you,  the  means  to  enable  us  so  to  do  must  come 
from  you.'  For  the  state  of  our  church,  and  how  it  is 
with  us,  and  of  our  people,  it  is  wrote  of  by  Mr.  ^\  hite. 
Thus  pravins:  you  to  pardon  my  boldness  w"ith  you  in 
writing  as  1  do,  I  commend  you  to  the  keeping  of  the 
Lord,  desiring,  if  he  see  it  good,  and  that  I  might  be 
serviceable  unto  the  business,  that  I  were  with  you. 
God  hath  taken  away  my  son,  that  was  with  me  in  the 

*  "In  anno  1629,  a  considerable  They  arrived  in  Augnst.    Bradford 

number  of   the    brethren   of    the  says,  "  they  were  shipped  at  Lon- 

church,   [35,  with  their  families]  don  in  IVIay  with  the   ships  that 

which  were  left  in  Holland,  were  came    to    Salem."     See    Prince's 

transported  over  to  us  that  were  of  Annals,  p.  264.     Grahame,  i.  193, 

the    church     in     Xew    England  ;  wrongs  the  Leyden  congregation,  I 

which  although  it  was  at  about  think,  when  he  says  that  after  the 

£500    charge,   yet    it    was    borne  death  of  Robinson,  "  very  few  had 

cheerfully    by  the    poor    brethren  the    courage   to    proceed   to   New 

here   concerned  in    it.'" — Records  Plymouth." 
Plym.    Church,  book  i.  folio  33. 


ANNUAL   CHOICE  OF  MAGISTRATES. 


483 


ship,  when  I  went  back  again ;  1  have  only  two  child-  chap. 

ren,  which  were  born  since  I  left  jou.     Fare  you  well,  ^i^ 

lours  to  his  power,  162  5. 

Thomas  Blossom.' 
Leyden,  December  lb,  anno  1625. 


ROGER  WHITE  TO  GOVERNOR  BRADFORD. 

To  his  very  loving  friend,  Mr.  JriUiam  Bradford,  Gov- 
ernor of  Plymouth  in  New  England,  these  be,  ^-c. 

My  Loving  and  Kind  Friend,  and  Brother  in  the 
Lord, 

My  own  and  my  wife's  true  love  and  hearty  saluta- 
tions to  yourself  and  yours  and  all  the  rest  of  our  lovino- 
friends  with  you  ;  hoping  in  the  Lord  of  \our  ^ood 
healths,  which  I  beseech  him  long  to  continue  for  the 
glory  of  his  name  and  good  of  his  people.  Concerning 
your  kind  letter  to  the  church,  it  was  read  publicly  ; 
whereunto  (by  the  church)  I  send  you  here  enclosed 
an  answer.  Concerning  my  brother  Robinson's  sick- 
ness and  death  and  our  practice,  I  wrote  you  at  large, 
some  five  or  six  months  since  ;  but  lest  it  should  mis- 
carry, I  have  now  written  to  Mr.  Brewster  thereof,  to 
whom  I  refer  you. 

Now  concernino;  your  course  of  choosins:  vour  2;ov- 
ernors  jearly,  and  in  special  of  their  choosing  yourself 
year  after  year,  as  I  conceive  they  still  do,  and  Mr. 
Allerton  vour  assistant ;  howsoever  I  think  it  the  best 
way  that  can  be,  so  long  as  it  please  the  Lord  to  con- 

'  Thomas  Blossom  afterwards  describe  him  as  "a  holy  man  and  ex- 
came  over  to  Plymouth,  probably  perienced  saint,"  and  "competently 
in  1629,  and  was  chosen  a  deacon  accomplished  with  abilities  "  for 
of  the  church.  Bradford  speaks  of  his  place.  He  died  in  the  summer 
him  as  one  of  '•  our  ancient  friends  of  1633.  Plym.  Ch.  Rec.  i,  42, 
in  Holland."    The  Church  records  and  Prince's  Annals,  p.  437. 


4,34  ROTATION   IN   OFFICE   EXPEDIENT. 

CHAP,  tinue  your  lives,  and  so  good  governors  offer  you,  yet, 

XXVIII  •  !•  1  1  I       •       •         I  • 

^v^"  considering  man's  mortality,  whose  breath  is  in  his 
16  25.  nostrils,  and  the  evils  of  the  times  wherein  we  live,  in 
which  it  is  ordinarily  seen  that  worse  follow  them  that 
are  good,  I  think  it  would  be  a  safer  course,  for  after 
time,  the  £:overnment  was  sometime  removed  from  one 
to  another;  so  the  assistant  one  year  might  bo  governor 
next,  and  a  new  assistant  chosen  in  his  place,  either  of 
such  as  have  or  have  not  been  in  office ;  sometimes 
one,  sometimes  another,  as  it  shall  seem  most  fit  to  the 
corporation.  My  reasons  are,  1st,  because  other  offi- 
cers that  come  after  you,  will  look  (especially  if  they 
be  ambitiously  minded)  for  the  same  privileges  and 
continuance  you  have  had  ;  and  if  he  have  it  not,  will 
take  great  offence,  as  though  unworthy  of  the  place, 
and  so  greatly  disgraced,  whom  to  continue,  might  be 
very  dangerous,  and  hazard  (at  least)  the  overthrow  of 
all ;  men  not  looking  so  much  at  the  reasons  why  others 
were  so  long  continued  as  at  the  custom.  2dly,  because 
others  that  are  unexperienced  in  government  might 
learn  by  experience  ;  and  so  there  might  be  fit  and  able 
men  continually,  when  it  pleaseth  the  Lord  to  take 
any  away.  3dly,  by  this  means,  you  may  establish  the 
things  begun,  or  done  before  ;  for  the  governor  this 
year,  that  was  assistant  last,  will  in  likelihood  rather 
ratify  and  confirm  and  go  on  with  that  he  had  a  hand 
in  the  beginning  of,  when  he  was  assistant,  than  other- 
wise, or  persuade  the  new  to  it ;  whereas  new  govern- 
ors, especially  when  there  are  factions,  will  many  times 
overthrow  that  which  is  done  by  the  former,  and  so 
scarcely  any  thing  goeth  forward  for  the  general  good ; 
neither,  that  I  see,  can  this  be  any  prejudice  to  the  cor- 
poration ;  for  the  new  may  always  have  the  counsel 


THE   PROSPECTS  OF  THE  COLONY.  485 

and  advice  of  the  old  for  their  direction,  tliough  they  chap. 
be  out  of  office.     These  things  I  make  bold  to  put  to  ^3!iL^' 
your  godly  wisdom   and  discretion,  entreating  you  to  1625. 
pardon  my  boldness  therein,  and  so  leaving  it  to  your 
discretion  to  make  use  of  as  you  see  it  fitting,  not  hav- 
ing written  the  least  inkling  hereof  to  any  other. 

Now  I  entreat  you,  at  your  best  leisure  to  write  to 
me,  how  you  think  it  will  in  likelihood  go  with  your 
civil  and  church  estate  ;  whether  there  be  hope  of  the 
continuance  of  both,  or  either ;  or  whether  you  fear 
any  alteration  to  be  attempted  in  either.  The  reason 
of  this  my  request  is,  the  fear  of  some  amongst  us,  (the 
which,  if  that  hinder  not,  I  think  will  come  unto  you,) 
occasioned  partly  by  your  letter  to  your  father-in-law, 
Mr.  May,*  wherein  you  write  of  the  troubles  you  have 
had  with  some,  who  it  is  hke  (having  the  times  and 
friends  on  their  sides)  will  work  you  what  mischiefs 
they  can  ;  and  that  they  may  do  much,  many  here  do 
fear ;  and  partly  by  reason  of  this  king's  proclamation, 
dated  the  13th  of  May  last,  in  which  he  saith  that  his 
full  resolution  is,  —  to  the  end  that  there  may  be  one 
uniform  course  of  government  in  and  through  all  his 
whole  monarchy,  —  that  the  government  of  Virginia 
shall  immediately  depend  on  himself,  and  not  be  com- 
mitted to  any  company  or  corporation,  &c.,  so  that  some 
conceive  he  will  have  both  the  same  civil  and  ecclesi- 
astical government  that  is  in  England,  which  occasion- 
eth  their  fear.  1  desire  you  to  write  your  thoughts  of 
these  things,  for  the  satisfying  of  others  ;  for  my  own 
part  and  some  others,  we  durst  rely  upon  you  for  that, 
who,  we  persuade  ourselves,  would  not  be  thus  earnest 
for  our  pastor  and  church  to  come  to  you,  if  you  feared 

'  The  father  of  his  first  wife,  Dorothy.      See  note  '  on  page  162. 


486  LETTER  FROM  THE   LEYDEN   PEOPLE. 

CHAP,  the  danoer  of  beine:  suppressed.      Thus  deshing  you 
xxvnr  ^  n       1  i  , 

^ to    pardon    my   boldness,  and    remember   us   in   your 

1625.  prayers,  I  for  this  time  and   ever,  commit  you  and  all 

your  affairs  to  the  Almighty,  and  rest 

Your  assured  loving  friend 

And  brother  in  the  Lord, 

Roger  White. 

Ley  den,  Decemler  1,  anno  1625. 

'   P.  S.     The  church  would  entreat  you  to  continue 
your  writing  to  them,  which  is  very  comfortable. 


THE  LEYDEN   PEOPLE   TO   BRADFORD   AND   BREWSTER. 

To  our  most  dear  and  entirely  beloved  brethren,  Mr. 
William  Bradford^  and  Mr.  William  Brewster,  grace, 
mercy,  and  true  peace  be  multiplied  from  God  our 
Father,  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.     Amen. 

Most  Dear  Christian  Friends  and  Brethren, 

As  it  is  no  small  grief  unto  you,  so  is  it  no  less  unto 
us,  that  we  are  constrained  to  live  thus  disunited  each 
from  other,  especially  considering  our  affections  each 
unto  other,  for  the  mutual  edifying  and  comfort  of  both, 
in  these  evil  days  wherein  we  live,  if  it  pleased  the 

'  William  Bratifoed, whose  name  red  the  displeasure  of  his  relatives 

occurssofrequently  in  the  preceding  and  the  scoffs  of  his  neighbours; 

pages,  and  whose  writings  occupy  but  neither    opposition   nor  scorn 

so  large  a  portion  of  this  volume,  could  deter  him  from  attending  on 

was  born  at  Ansterfield,  in  York-  the  ministry  of  Clifton,  and  joining 

shire,  in  15S3.     His  parents  died  Robinson's  church.  The  part  which 

when  he  was  young,  and  he  was  he  took  in  the  escape  of  the  Pil- 

trained   by  his  grand-parents  and  grims  to  Holland,  and  in  their  mea- 

uncles  to   "  the  innocent  trade  of  sures  for  leaving  that  country  for 

husbandry."     His  paternal  inlierit-  America,  has  been  related  in  the 

ance  was  considerable  ;  but  he  had  preceding  narrative.     On  his  arri- 

no  better  education  than  what  foils  val  at  Plymouth  he  was  about  32 

to  the  common  lot  of  the  children  years   old.     We  have   seen,  page 

of  farmers.     Being  early  interested  201,  that  on  the  death  of  Carver  he 

in    religion,    and    embracing    the  was  immediately  chosen  governor 

views  of  the  Separatists,  he  incur-  of  the  Colony ;  and  was  annually 


THEY   WISH   TO   COME  OVER.  ^o^ 

Lord  to  bring  us  again  together ;  than  which  as  no  chap. 
outward  thing  could  be  more  comfortable  unto  us,  or  ^J™' 
is  more  desired  of  us,  if  the  Lord  see  it  good,  so  see  1625. 
we  no  hope  of  means  of  accomplishing  the  same,  ex- 
cept it  come  from  you ;  and  tlu;refore  must  with  pa- 
tience rest  in  the  work  and  will  of  God,  performing 
our  duties  to  him  and  jou  asunder  ;  whom  we  are  not 
any  way  able  to  help,  but  by  our  continual  prayers  to 
him  for  you,  and  sympathy  of  affections  with  you,  for 
the  troubles  which  befall  you  ;  till  it  please  the  Lord  to 
reunite  us  again.  But,  our  dearly  beloved  brethren, 
concerning  your  kind  and  respective  letter,  howsoever 
written  by  one  of  you,  yet  as  we  continue  with  the 
consent  (at  least  in  affection)  of  you  both,  although  we 
cannot  answer  your  desire  and  expectation,  by  reason 
it  hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  take  to  himself  out  of  this 
miserable  world  oiu-  dearly  beloved  pastor,  yet  for  our- 
selves we  are  minded,  as  formerly,  to  come  unto  you, 

re-elected  as  long  as  he  lived,  ex-  he  married  ia  1623,  he  had  two 
cepting  three  years  when  Winslow,  sons,  William  and  Joseph  and  a 
and  two  when  Prince  was  chosen  daughter,  Mercy.  John  lived  in 
—  having  filled  the  office  30  years.  Duxbury;  but  nothing  is  known  of 
Though  he  had  not  received  a  him  after  1662.  William  was  de- 
learned  education,  yet  he  was  fond  puty  governor  of  the  Colony,  and 
of  study  and  writing,  and  his  at-  resided  in  Kingston.  Joseph  niar- 
tainments  were  respectable.  Cot-  ried  a  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Peter 
tonMather  says,  "the  Dutch  tongue  Hobart  of  Hingham.  A  grand- 
was  almost  as  vernacular  to  him  dausiiter  of  his  married  a  AVaters, 
as  the  English  ;  the  French  tongue  of  Sharon,  and  one  of  her  descend- 
he  could  also  manage;  the  Latin  ants,  Asa  Waters,  of  Stoughton, 
and  the  Greek  he  had  mastered  ;  possesses  the  Governor's  bible, 
but  the  Hebrew  he  most  of  all  printed  in  1592,  which  contains  a 
studied,  because,  he  said,  he  would  family  record.  A  marble  monu- 
see  with  his  own  eyes  the  ancient  ment,  erected  in  1825,  on  the  Burial 
oracles  of  God  in  their  native  beau-  Hill  at  Plymouth,  marks  the  spot 
ty."  He  died  May  9,  1657,  in  his  where  Gov.  Bradford  and  his  son 
69th  year,  "  lamented,"  as  Mather  William  are  interred.  There  are 
says,  "  by  all  the  colonies  of  New  many  descendants  of  this  excellent 
Entrland,  as  a  common  blessing  man  in  the  Old  Colony  and  clse- 
an^ father  to  them  all."  where.  See  Mather's  Mngnalia,  i. 
Gov.  Bradford  had  one  son,  John,  100—105  ;  Morton's  Memorial,  pp. 
by  his  first  wife,  Dorothy  May;  264—270;  Hutchinson's  Mass  ii. 
and  by  his  second,  Alice  South-  456;  Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  ii.  217 
worth,  a  widow,  whose  maiden  —251 ;  Thacher's  Plymouth,  p. 
name  was   Carpenter,  and  whom  106 ;  Mitchell's  Bridgewater,  p.  358. 


488  LETTER  FROM   LEYDEN. 

CHAP,  when  and  as  the  Lord  afifordeth  means;  thouffh  we 

XXVIII-  . 

— v^  see  little  hope  thereof  at  present,  as  being  unable  of 
1625.  ourselves,  and  that  our  friends  will  help  us  we  see  little 
hope.  And  now,  brethren,  what  shall  we  say  further 
unto  you  ?  Our  desires  and  prayers  to  God  is,  (if  such 
were  his  good  will  and  pleasure,)  we  might  be  reunited 
for  the  edifying  and  mutual  comfort  of  both,  which, 
when  he  sees  fit,  he  will  accomplish.  In  the  mean 
time,  we  commit  you  unto  him  and  to  the  word  of  his 
grace ;  whom  we  beseech  to  guide  and  direct  both  you 
and  us,  in  all  his  ways,  according  to  that  his  word,  and 
to  bless  all  our  lawful  endeavours  for  the  glory  of  his 
name  and  good  of  his  people.  Salute,  we  pray  you, 
all  the  church  and  brethren  with  you,  to  whom  we 
would  have  sent  this  letter.  If  we  knew  it  could  not 
be  prejudicial  unto  you,  as  we  hope  it  cannot,  yet  fear- 
ing the  worst,  we  thought  fit  either  to  direct  it  to  you, 
our  two  beloved  brethren,  leaving  it  to  your  goodly 
wisdom  and  discretion,  to  manifest  our  mind  to  the 
rest  of  our  loving  friends  and  brethren,  as  you  see  most 
convenient.  And  thus  entreating  you  to  remember  us 
in  your  prayers,  as  we  also  do  you,  we  for  this  time 
commend  you  and  all  your  affairs  to  the  direction  and 
protection  of  the  Almighty,  and  rest, 
Your  assured  loving  friends 

And  brethren  in  the  Lord, 

Francis  Jessop, 
Thomas  Nash, 
Thomas  Blossom, 
Roger  White, 

Richard  Maisterson.* 
Ley  den,  Nov.  30,  A.  D.  1625. 

*  Richard  Masterson,  afterwards    deacon  of  the  church.     See  note  ' 
came  over  to  Plymouth,  and  was  a    on  page  73. 


INDEX. 


A. 


Abbot,  George,  Archbishop,  56.  383. 

Accomack,  Plymouth,  203. 

Acorns,  eaten  by  the  Indians,  145,  205. 

Adams,  Mrs.  John,  on  Robinson's  church 
at  Ley  den,  393. 

Agavvam.     h-ee  Ipswich,  and  Wareh.am. 

Ainsworth,  Henry,  teacher  in  the  church 
at  Amsterdam,  24,  418.  Mentioned, 
429,440,441,445.     Account  of,  448. 

Air  of  New  England,  129,  233,  3GL>. 

Alden, John,  121,  150. 

Alderton,  Point,  195,  229.     See  Jlllerton. 

Alewives,  172.     Used  for  manure,  231. 

Alexander,  son  of  Massasoit,  194. 

Allerton,  or  Alderton,  Isaac,  85,  115. 
Daughter  of,  last  survivor  of  the  May- 
flower, 150,  19(i,  2.50.  Child  of,  born, 
1G9.  Death  of  his  wife,  131.  Account 
of,  195.  Point  named  from,  195,  229. 
Chosen  Assistant,  201.  Second  wife 
of,  470. 

Allerton,  John,  116,  122,  150. 

Allotment  of  lands,  the  first,  346.  The 
second,  347. 

America,  Reasons  and  Considerations 
touching  the  Lawfulness  of  removing 
out  of  England  into  the  Parts  of,  239  ; 
cautions  respecting  it,  240.  What  per- 
sons may  remove.  241  ;  why,  242.  See 
JVei«  England,  Pilgrims,  and  Plijviouth. 

Ames,  William,  account  of,  423,  439. 

Amsterdam,  English  church  at,  24,447. 
Contention  of  the  churches  there,  34, 
380.  Number  of  communicants  at,  36, 
455.  People  from,  take  leave  of  the 
Pilgrims   at   Delft-Haven,  88.      Brad- 

62 


ford's  account  of  the   church    at,  455. 

Deaconess  at,  455.     See  Ainsiourlli,  and 

Johnson. 
Anaba|)tists,  law  against,  404. 
Anne,  arrival  of  the,  351.     Passengers  in 

the,  352.     Return  and  return  cargo  of 

the,  353. 
Apannow.     See  Jlspinct. 
Apaum,  Plymouth,  203,  245. 
Apparel,  Indian,  187,  365. 
Archer,  Gabriel,  103      On  sassafras,  130. 
Argall,  Sir  Samuel,  Governor  of  'Viroinia, 

6^9.   '  " 

Arminian     controversy,     in     the     Low 

Countries,  40,  392,  452. 
Arminius,  James,  40. 
Armor  of  the  Pilgrims,  134,  156. 
Arrows,  sent  as  a  challentje,  281. 
Aspinet,  sachem  of  Wauset,  216,244,  302. 

Meets    an    embassy,    217.       Probably 

Apannow,  2.(2.     Reception  of  Bradford 

by,    302.      His   salutation   of  Standlsh, 

304.     Fate   of,  345.     See  Indians  JVau- 

set,  and  JVauset. 


B. 


Bacon,  Leonard,  Rev,  on  Alderton,  106. 

His  vindication  of  the  Pilgrims,  419. 
Bancroft,  Archbishop,  persecution  bv,423, 

43:). 
Bancroft,  George,  errors  of,  corrected,  28, 

-13,87,99,102,461. 
Baptism,  on  the  administration  of,  64,  65. 

Views  of  Hobart  respecting,  403;    of 

Cliauncy,  405.     See  Jlnnbdjitists. 
Barnstable,  or  Cummaquid,  error  respect- 


490 


INDEX. 


ing  the  church  in,  77.  Everett's  Ad- 
dress at,  cited,  ]()3.  Sachem  at,  215. 
Under  Massasoit,244.     See  hjanougk. 

Barnstable  bay,  ]  li),  123.  Error  of  Prince 
resi)ecting,  J  3-5.  Overshot  in  the  third 
expedition  of  the  Pilgrims,  159.  En- 
tered, in  search  of  a  boy,  212.  Situa- 
tion and  size  of,  214. 

Barringlon,  in  the  Pokanoket  country, 
2U8. 

Barrow,  Henry,  persecuted,  412.  Refu- 
tation of  GifFord  by,  424.  A  martyr, 
427.  Examination  of,  428.  Robinson 
on  his  alleged  blasphemy,  &c.,  429. 
Slanders  against,  430.  Vindication  of, 
431.  Greenwood  and,  432.  His  cha- 
racter, 433.  His  conversion,  433.  Last 
acts  of,  434. 

Baylie,  Robert,  on  the  Pilgrims  at  Ley- 
den,  371),  :5ri5.  His  aspersions,  425. 
Reply  to,  by  Cotton,  420.  On  Barrows 
deatii,  433.     On  Robinson,  453. 

Baylies,  Francis,  errors  of,  corrected,  56, 
75,  9ii,  134. 

Beach  grass,*  on  Cape  Cod,  123. 

Beach  point,  in  Plymoutti,  lt)3. 

Beaver,  among  the  Massachusetts,  229. 
Freighted  in  the  Fortune,  236.  Loaned 
to  Weston,  342.  Freighted  in  the 
Anne,  353. 

Beaver  Dam  Brook,  in  Plymouth,  165. 

Belknap,  Jeremy, cited,  193,255,343,404. 

Bellamy   John,  publisher,  113. 

Bentivoglio,  Cardinal,  his  notice  of  the 
Pilgrims,  43. 

Bernard,  Richard,  422.  Robinson's  an- 
swer to,  40,  429. 

Billinirsgate  Point,  in  Wellfleet,  151. 

Billinglon,  Francis,  discovers  Billincrton 
Sea,  149,  172,  2)4. 

Billington,  John,  122.  First  offender, 
14:),  199.     Hung  in  1630,  149. 

Billington,  John,  jr.,  149.  Voyage  in 
search  of,  214. 

Billinoton  Sea,  149,  167.  Discovered  and 
described,  172.  Fish  and  deer  there, 
182. 

Birch  bark  canoes,  135. 

Blackwell,  voyage  of,  to  Virginia,  70. 
Conduct  of,  71,  72. 

Blossom,  Thomas,  letter  hy,  to  Bradford, 
480.     Notice  of.  483. 

Blue  Hills,  in  Milton,  called  Massachu- 
setts Mount,  224. 

Boat  Meadow  creek,  in  Eastham.  1.55. 

Boston,  f]ngland,  treatment  of  Pilgrims 
at,  26,  405. 

Boston,  New  England,  first  landing  in, 
225     Sachem  of.  232     See  Ohbatinewnt. 

Boston  harbour,  formerly  called  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  225,  Islands  in,  226. 
Second  voyage  to,  290.  Settlement  of 
Thompson  there,  35L 


Bradford,  Dorothy,  148,  162,  485,487. 

Bradford,  William,  Morton  borrowed  from, 
4,  5,  Time  of  his  death,  5,  17,  487.  His 
History,  7.  Goes  to  Holland,  29;  his 
employment  there,  35.  Age  of,  in  1620, 
46,  487.  In  an  excursion  up  the  Cape, 
126.  Register  by,  148.  On  Billington, 
149.  In  the  third  exploring  party,  149. 
Sick,  174, 177.  Governor  of  Plymouth, 
201,  486.  Charter  granted  to,  in  1629, 
235.  In  an  expedition  for  corn,  300. 
Reception  of,  at  Chatham,  300.  Squan- 
to  and,  301.  Goes  to  the  Massachu- 
setts, 302.  Trades  at  Nauset  and  Mat- 
tachiest,  302.  Returns  home  by  land, 
303.  At  Middleborough  and  Sand- 
wich, 305.  Messenger  from  Weston's 
colony  to,  328.  His  advice  to  Weston's 
company.  323.  Holds  a  general  court, 
330.  Alarriaaeof,  353,  487.  His  Dia- 
logue,409.  Prophesies,  419,420.  His 
Memoir  of  Elder  Brewster,  459.  His 
letter-book,  473.  Letters  to,  from  Ley- 
den,  478,  4s0,  483,  486.  Account  of, 
and  of  his  family,  486.  His  Ihble,  487. 
Monument  to,  487. 

Bradford,  William,  jr.,  487. 

Bradford's  and  Winslow's  Journal,  109. 
Authorship  of  it,  115,  126,  128,  150, 
158,  170,  177. 

Brereton,  John,  on  Cape  Cod,  101.  On 
the  Elizabeth  Islands,  129;  on  sassa- 
fras there,  130.  On  drinking  tobacco,  188. 

Brewster,  Jonathan,  235. 

Brewster,  William,  22,  23.  Bradford's 
Memoir  of,  459 — 470.  Under  Secretary 
Davison,  463.  Joins  the  Pilgrims, 405. 
Worship  at  the  house  of,  24,  465.  Im- 
prisonment of,  at  Boston,  England,  27, 
465.  His  library,  27.  Goes  to  Holland, 
27,  460.  Chosen  elder,  36.  Becomes 
a  printer,  35,  4(i7  Books  printed  by, 
40,  466.  Sent  as  agent  to  England,  57. 
Correspondence  of  John  Robinson  and, 
with  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  58.  Suspected 
and  pursued,  456.  Mentioned,  7L 
Reasons  of  his  going  to  America,  77, 
383.  Why  not  chosen  governor,  197, 
470,  Not  a  rigid  Separatist,  400.  His 
private  and  official  character,  468.  Ac- 
count of  his  family  and  descendants, 
352,  470.  Robinson's  letter  to,  475. 
Letter  to,  from  the  Leyilen  people,  486. 
His  sword,  134.  His  chair,  470.  His 
age,  46,  115.     His  death,  461. 

Brigham,  William,  edition  of  the  Laws  of 
PI V mouth  by,  197. 

Bristol,  in  the  Pokanoket  country,  208. 

Brooke,  Fulke  Greville,  Lord,  67. 

Brown,  Peter,  a  Pilgrim.  122,  174.    ' 

Brown,  Robert,  the  books  of,  427.  Ac- 
count of.  44],  Separatists  before,  442. 
Backsliding  of,  442,  444. 


INDEX. 


491 


Brownists,  some  of  the  principles  of  the, 
66,  4 1 6.  Dishke  of  the  name,  3'.)7,  4 1 2, 
416,  428,  444.  Kaleigh  on  banishing, 
436. 

Brown's  island,  in  Plymouth  harbour,  163. 

Burial  Hill,  in  Plymouth,  view  from,  UiS. 
Fortified,  ]t;8,  170.  Artillery  planted 
on,  181.  Fort  built  on,  295,  335.  First 
burying'  on,  21)5. 

Burk,  John,  on  Brewster,  461. 

Burke,  Edmund,  on  the  Pilgrims  in  Hol- 
land, 48. 

Butler's  Hudibras,  cited,  333. 

Buzzard's  Bay,  iNarraganset  mistaken  for, 
365.  French  and  Dutch  trade  to,  306. 
On  a  canal  from,  306. 


Callender,  John,  on  Sowams,  208. 

Calvin,  John,  on  the  liturgy  of  the  Church 
of  England,  1 1. 

Calvinists,  Kobinson  on  the,  397. 

Cambridge  Plallbrm,  394. 

Cambridge,  synod  at,  394.  Occasion  of 
the,  402.  Invitation  of  Hobart  to  the, 
406;  of  Chauncy,406. 

Canal,  from  Buzzard's  Bay,  306. 

Canacum.     See  Caicnacovie. 

Canonicus,  messenjier  from,  281.  Notice 
of,  281.  Hostile  to  the  Plymouth  colo- 
nists, 281.  Roger  Williams  and,  281. 
Challenge  from,  281,  2rt3. 

Cantaugcanteest,  Watson's  hill,  Plymouth, 
180. 

Capawack.     See  Martliu's  Vineyard. 

Cape  Cod.  visited  by  Cajitain  John  Smith, 
80.  Fallen  in  with,  by  the  Pilgrims, 
101 ,117,  384.  Historical  notice  of,  101. 
Pilgrims  put  into  the  harbour  of,  102, 
117.  Edward  Everett  on,  104.  Well 
wooded,  lis,  124.  Graham's  Survey 
and  Map  of,  118.  Soil  of,  123.  Beach 
grass  on,  123.  Called  Paomet,  125. 
Indians  on,  escape  pestilence,  184. 
Particulars  as  to  the  Indians  on,  2l6. 
See  Provincetouin. 

Cape  Cod  Light,  123,  130.  137. 

Captain's  Hill,  in  Duxbury,  126. 

Careswell,  in  Marshfield,  275. 

Carleton,  Sir  Dudley,  on  Sunday  in  Hol- 
land, 47.  On  the  Perth  Assembly,  395. 
His  letters  to  Naunton  respecting 
Brewster,  cited,  4()7. 

Carpenter,  Mary,  "  a  godly  old  maid,"  sis- 
ter of  Gov.  Bradford's  second  wife,  353. 

Cfartwright,  Thomas,  the  Puritan,  436. 

Carver,  John,  twice  an  agent  to  England, 
55,  58,  .59,  60,  78,  90.  Deacon,  60, 200. 
Sabin  Starsmore's  letter  to,  73.  Robin- 
son's letter  to,  89.  Confidence  reposed 
in,  90.     First  governor,  122,  200.     His 


sword,  134.  Receives  the  first  explor- 
ing party,  137.  In  the  third-cxpedilion, 
14!).  Seeks  lost  men,  174.  1- islies  at 
Billington  Sea,  182.  Reception  of  Mas- 
sasoit  by,  193  ReCilected  governor, 
197.  His  and  his  wife's  deatli,  198, 
199.  Notice  of,  and  of  his  family,  200. 
His  chair,  458. 

Carver,  William,  200. 

Cattle,  fiist  brought  to  New  England,  233. 

Caunbatant,  sachem,  232.     See  Curbitant. 

Cawnacome,  sachem  of  Manomet,  232, 
307.  Reception  of  Bradford  by,  307. 
Standish's  visit  to,  310.     Fate  of,  345. 

Cedars,  on  Cape  Cod,  118,  124.  On 
Clark's  island,  164. 

Centaury,  juice  of  the,  drunk  by  the  In- 
dians, 300. 

Chalmers,  George,  on  the  Pilgrims'  remo- 
val from  Holland,  48. 

Charity,  arrival  of  the,  296.  Returns  to 
England,  299. 

Charter,  second  of  Plymouth,  found  in  the 
Land  Office  in  Boston,  234.  See  Pa- 
tents. 

Chatham.     See  Muimmoick. 

Chauncy,  Charles,  Rev.,  of  Scituate,  ac- 
count of,  405. 

ChikUatabak,  sachem  of  Neponset,  232. 

Chilton,  Mary,  a  Pilgrim,  275. 

Church  of  England,  contention  about  the 
ceremonies  and  service  book  of  the,  9, 
11,20.  Overthrown,  14,  l(i.  Reestab- 
lished, 17.  Conformity  to  the,  required, 
21  ;  in  the  colonization  cif  Virginia,  54. 
Henry  VII 1.,  supreme  head  of  the,  64. 
Robinson's  regard  for  the,  3rf9,  415,  442. 
Feelings  of  Higginson  and  Winthrop 
respecting  the,  398.  Views  of  the  Se- 
paratists respecting  the,  414.  See  Com- 
mon Prayer,  Episropacy,  and  Liturrry. 

Church  of  Scotland.  See  Presbyterians, 
and  Corrtmunion. 

Churches,  the  primitive,  the  onlj'  pattern, 
387.  Robinson's  church,  modelled  ac- 
cording to,  42(i.     See  C'oiinnviiion. 

Clams,  at  Cape  Cod,  1  19.  At  Plymouth, 
164,  329.     Note  on,  306. 

Clapboards,  shipped  to  England,  353. 

Clark,  pilot  and  master's  mate  of  the 
Mayflower,  «5,  112,  150,  155.  Claik's 
island,  in  Plymouth,  named  from,  160. 

Clark,  Thomas,  160,352. 

Clark's  Island,  arrival  of  the  Pilgrims  at, 
160.  Notices  of,  KiO,  103.  The  only 
island  in  Plymnulli  harbour,  l(i3.  Trees 
on  164.  The  Pilgrims  conclude  not  to 
settle  on,  107. 

Clergy,  ejectment  of  the  Puritan,  21.  In- 
fluence of  the  New  England,  in  civil 
affairs,  .37.  On  the  congregational  or- 
dination of,  06.  See  Elders,  and  Min- 
istry. 


492 


INDEX. 


Clifton,  Richard,  Rev.,  22.  Bradford's 
account  of,  453. 

Climate  of  New  England,  369.    See  Air. 

Codfish,  at  Cape  Cod  harbour,  119.  At 
Plymouth.  1134,294.  Want  of  means  to 
catch,  I7i',  2:i4. 

Coke,  Lord,  73,  447. 

Cold  Harbour,  in  Truro,  139. 

Columbus,  ships  of,  66, 

Common  house  at  Plymouth,  building  of 
the,  169, 173.  Burnt,  177.  Cushman's 
Discourse  at  the,  255.  Location  of  the, 
2.55. 

Common  Prayer,  persecutions  for  books 
against  the,  427. 

Communion.  Robinson's  doctrine  of,  388, 
457.  Of  the  Pilgrims  with  the  Dutch 
and  French  churches,  392,  457  ;  with 
the  Scotch,  394^  395,  457.  Bradford 
on,  457.  Robinson  on  the  administra- 
tion of,  by  elders,  477. 

Community  of  goods,  84.     Qualified,  346. 

Compact  of  the  Pilgrims,  120. 

Conbatant.     See  Corbitant. 

Congregational  Church,  the  first  in  Ame- 
rica. 77. 

Congregationalism,  66.  An  apostolic  in- 
stitution, 401.  The  primitive  church 
polity,  406.     Growth  of,  423. 

Cooke,  Francis, and  his  wife,  122, 352,  393. 

Coppin,  Robert,  second  mate  of  the  May- 
flower, 112,  148,  150,  1.55,  159. 

Copping.  John,  a  Puritan  martyr,  412, 427. 

Copp's  Hill,  in  Boston,  visited,  225. 

Corbitant,  hostile  to  Massasoit  and  the 
Pilgrims,  219.  Captures  Tisquantum, 
220.  Attempt  to  take,  221.  Escapes, 
222.  Threatened,  222.  Likely  to  suc- 
ceed Massasoit,  315.  Winslow  lodges 
with,  324  ;  their  conversation,  325. 

Corn.     See  Indian  corn. 

Cornhill,  in  Truro,  133,  140. 

Cotton,  John,  of  Boston,  5.  Error  of  Cot- 
ton Mather,  respecting  the  family  of, 
30.  On  the  church  at  Leyden,  380. 
On  the  Plymouth  church,  386.  On 
Robinson's  sentiments,  389.  Assists 
in  drawing  up  the  Cambridge  Platform, 
394.  On  Robinson's  conduct,  396. 
Conformity  of,  with  Phillips,  397.  On 
Robinson's  separatism,  400.  On  sepa- 
ration and  secession.  417.  On  public 
offences  in  churches.  418.  On  prophe- 
sying, 421.  On  modelling  of  difterent 
churches,  426.  On  Elizabeth  and  the 
Puritan  martyrs,  433.  On  the  author 
of  Independency,  442.  On  the  name 
Brownists,  444.  On  Ainsworth,  448. 
On  John  Smith,  451. 
Cotton.  John.jr,  minister  of  Plymouth,4, 5. 
Coubatant  See  Corbitant. 
Court  of  High  Commission,  19. 
Cow  Yard,  in  Plymouth  harbour,  171. 


Crabs,  at  Plymouth,  164. 

Cudbartson,  393.     See  Cuthbertson. 

Cuinmaquid.     See  Barnstable. 

Cushman,  Isaac,  Rev.,  250. 

Cushman,  Alary,  last  survivor  of  the 
Mayflower,  1.50,  196,250. 

Cushman,  Robert,  sent  twice  as  agent  to 
England, 55,  57,  78,  249.  Letter  from, 
68.  Answers  complainants,  84.  Cor- 
respondence with,  85.  Passenger  in 
the  Fortune,  99,  116,  234.  Letter  by, 
to  I.  P.,  1 16.  His  "  Reasons,  &c."  239. 
Notice  of,  249.  Returns  in  the  For- 
tune, 249.  Discourse  by,  255.  On 
Weston's  company,  296.  On  the 
preacher  for  Plymouth,  476. 

Cushman,  Thomas,  235,  250.  Wife  and 
descendants  of,  250. 

Cuthbertson,  Cuthbert,  352,  393. 


D. 


Damariscove  islands,  278,  293. 
Davenport,  John,  Rev.,  account  of,  419. 
Davis,  John,  his  edition  of  New  England's 

Memorial,  5.     Cited,  195, 234, 255,  301, 

339. 
Davis,  Samuel,  on  the  Gurnet,  287. 
Davison,    WilMam,    Secretary,    Brewster 

under,  463,  464.     Account  of,  463. 
Deaconess,  at  Amsterdam,  455. 
Deer,  near  the  pond  in  Truro,  130.     In 

Plymouth,    175,   231.      At    Billington 

Sea,  182. 
Deer  traps,  136. 
De  la  Noye,  or  Delano,  Philip,  235,  23G. 

Admitted  to  churches  of  the  Pilgrims, 

394. 
Delft-Haven,  87.     Parting  at,  88,  384. 
Dennis,  William,  a  Puritan  martyr,  412, 

427. 
Dermer,  Captain,  cited,  184.     Attack  on, 

by  Indians,  18.5.     Treatment  of  Squanto 

by,  190.     At  Namasket,  190,  204. 
De  Tocquevijle,  on  the  Magnalia,  30.    On 

Plymouth  rock,  161. 
Dorchester,  Pilgrims  at,  226.     Supposed 

residence  of  the  Massachusetts  sachem, 

227.     See  ^quantum. 
Dort,  Sunday  at,  47.     Synod  of,  47,  424. 
Dotey,  Edward,  116, 122,  127, 150.     Pun- 
ishment of,  201. 
Double  Brook,  in  Plymouth,  165. 
Douglass,  William,  on  the  removal  from 

Holland,  48. 
Dover,  N.  H.,  settlement  at,  251 . 
Downs,  or  dunes,  of  Holland,  123. 
Drake,  Sir  Francis,  vessels  of,  86. 
Dress,  Indian,  185,  365. 
Droitwich,    birth-place    of    the    Winslow 

family,  •^74. 
Drought.     See  Pilgrims,  and  PUjmoulh. 


INDEX. 


493 


Dudley,  Gov.  Thomas,  1 05, 198, 419. 
Duelling,  punishment  of,  at  Plyinouth,201. 
Duxbury,   the  name,  126.     Pormation  of 

the  church  in,  394. 
Dwight,  Timothy,  on  Plymouth  and  the 

Pilgrims,  161. 
Dyer's  swamp,  in  Truro,  129. 


E. 


Eastham,  or  Nauset,  explored,  151,  153. 
Expedition  to,  214.  Corn  procured  at, 
302,  304.     See  Aausct. 

East  Harbour,  in  Truro,  120.  Pilgrims 
at,  128,  137,  138.     See  Truro. 

East  Harbour  creek,  128. 

East  Harbour  village,  in  Truro,  129.  Pond 
village  near,  130. 

Eel  river,  in  Plymouth,  160,  196,210. 

Elders,  remarks  on  and  on  their  duties, 
64,  65,  419,  455.  Not  chosen  to  civil 
offices,  197.  Continuance  of,  455. 
At  Salem,  455.  Robinson  on  the  admin- 
istration of  the  sacraments  by,  477. 

Eliot,  John,  on  the  Indian  pronunciation 
of  /,  n,  and  r,  319. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  favors  the  Anglican 
ritual,  12,  21.  Suspension  of  Grindal 
by,  420.  Conduct  of,  respecting  Bar- 
row and  Greenwood,  432.  Cause  of 
her  subsequent  toleration,  433.  Sepa- 
ratists in  the  time  of,  442.  Her  dupli- 
city and  treatment  of  Mary  and  of  Da- 
vison, 463,  464.  Aids  Holland  against 
Spain, 464.  Fortresses  consigned  to,  464. 

Elizabeth  Islands,  springs  on  the,  129. 
Sassafras  exported  from,  130. 

Embalmed  body  found,  142. 

Embden,  synod  at,  422.     Johnson  at,  445. 

Endicott,  John,  sends  to  Plymouth  for  a 
physician,  223,  386.  Instructed  to  pur- 
chase the  Indians'  lands,  259.  On  the 
worship  at  Plymouth,  386. 

English,  Thomas,  a  Pilgrim,  116, 122, 150. 

Episcopacy,  Robinson's  dislike  of,  390.. 
Attempt  to  establish,  in  New  England, 
478.     See  Church. 

Episcopius,  Simon,  41. 

Everett,  Edward,  cited,  103. 


Fast,  the  first,  at  Plymouth,  349. 

Faunce,  Thomas,  Elder,  199. 

Fire-arms  of  the  Pilgrims,  125,  136,  142, 
156,237. 

First  Brook,  in  Plymouth,  165. 

Fish,  and  fishing  at  Cape  Cod,  119,  146. 
At  Plymouth,  164.  Want  of  means  to 
catch,  171,  294.  At  Monhcgan,  182, 
273,  293.     In  Taunton  river,  205.     At 


Damariscove  islands,  278,  293.  At 
Buzzard's  bay,  3U6.  Profits  of,  in  New 
England,  bl,  371,  383. 

Fills,  Rev.  Mr.,  442. 

Florida,  discovered,  243. 

Foord,  goodwife,  235,  236. 

Forefathers,  first  comers  so  called,  352. 

Forefathers'  Day,  161. 

Fortune,  arrival  of  the,  198,  234.  Ton- 
nage of  the,  234.  Names  of  passengers 
in  the,  235.  Return  cargo  of  the,  236. 
Captured,  236.     Passengers  in  the, 352. 

Frankfort,  troubles  at,  9. 

Freeman,  James,  Rev.,  of  Boston,  120. 

Fresh  Lake.  172.     See  BiUinglun  Hca. 

Frobisher,  Martin,  fleet  of,  8(). 

Froissart,  on  Wat  Tyler  and  Standysshe, 
126. 

Fuller,  Samuel,  the  physician,  85,  121. 
Notice  of,  222.  Heals  Weston's  sick 
colonists,  297.  Sent  for  to  iSalcm,  223, 
386. 

Fuller,  Thomas,  on  Robert  Brown,  442. 

Furs,  trade  for,  302,371.     See  Beaver. 


G. 


Gambling,  amonjT  the  Indians,  210,  307. 

Gardiner,  Richard,  116. 

Gardner's  Neck,  315.     See  Matlapoiset. 

Geneva  Bible,  14. 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humplirey,  87,  ].')5. 

Glass  windows,  history  of.  237. 

Godbertson,  393.     See  Cvlhbcrtson. 

Goodman,  John,  a  Pilgrim,  122.  Lost, 
174.    Encounters  wolves,  178. 

Gookin.  Daniel,  cited,  144,  145,  184,  187, 
210,  305,  307,317,  360,367. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  on  Ihe  Pilgrims, 
55.  Connected  with  the  family  of  Lin- 
coln, 75.  Men  of,  attacked  by  Indians, 
185.  On  Indians  carried  to  I'nglmd, 
190.  Error  respecting  the  colony  of, 
334.  Measures  by,  to  establish  episco- 
pacy in  New  Knghmd,  478.  Tliomp- 
son  sent  over  by,  351. 

Gorton,  Samuel,  379. 

Gosnold,  Bartholomew,  error  respecting, 
75  Discovers  Cape  Cod,  101,103,  119. 
Carries  home  sassafras,  130. 

Graham,  J.  D.,  Major,  Survey  and  Map 
of  Cape  Cod  by,  118. 

Graliame,  James,  in  error,  55,  76,  98,  105, 
3-34,  482. 

Grapes  and  grape  vines,  130, 132, 165,234. 

Great  Bear,  the  constellation,  so  called  by 
the  Indians,  3()6. 

Great  Hollow,  in  Truro,  131. 

Great  Meadow  creek,  in  l^astham,  155. 

Great  pond,  in  Kaslliam,  15:?. 

Green's  harbour,  in  Marshfield.  grant  lo 
Winslow  at,  275. 


494 


INDEX. 


Greene,  Ricliard,  239. 

Greenwood,  John,  persecuted,  412  Re- 
futation of  Gilford  by,  424.  A  preach- 
er in  London.  427.  A  martyr,  427. 
Examination  of,  42.-3.  Reynold's  and 
Queen  Elizabeth's  conversation  re- 
specting, 432. 

Greville,  .Sir  Fulke,  Lord  Brooke,  G7. 

Grimsby,  in  Lincolnshire,  28. 

Grindal,  Archbishop,  suspended  by  Eliza- 
beth, 420.     Successor  of,  432. 

Ground-nuts,  329. 

Guiatia,  52. 

Guns  of  the  Pilgrims,  125,  13C,  142,  156. 

Gurnet,  IGO,  163, 164,  287. 


H. 


Hall,  Bishop,  on  Holland,  23.  On  the 
Brownists,  4'jl.     On  Robinson,  453. 

Hallam,  Henry,  cited,  10,  11,428. 

Hauipden,  John,  never  in  America,  314. 

Hampton  Court,  Conference  at,  20,432. 

Hathcrl}',  Timothy,  352,  353. 

Higginson,  Francis,  Rev.,  cited,  129,  184, 
2:;7,  398.     Ordained  at  Salem,  398. 

Hiffh  Head,  Truro,  soil  at,  123. 

Highland  Light,  Cape  Cod,  123,  130,  137. 

Hilton,  William,  235.  Letter  from  New 
Plymouth  by,  2.50.  Settles  at  Dover, 
N.  H.,  251.  His  wife  and  children, 
251,  3.52. 

Hingham,  first  minister  of,  402. 

Hither  Manomet  Point, in  Plymouth,  29L 

Hobart,  Peter,  Rev.,of  Hingham,  402,487. 

Hobbamock,  219.  Flight  of,  to  Plymouth, 
220.  E.\presses  fears,  285.  Asserts 
Massasoit's  faithfulness,  288.  A  pinse, 
2n8,  341 .  Sends  his  wife  to  Pokanoket, 
288.  Guide  to  Buzzard's  Ba}',  307. 
Guide  in  the  visit  to  Massasoit  in  his 
sickness,  314,  315.  Lamentations  by, 
for  Massasoit,  316.  Massasoit  reveals 
a  plot  to,  32-3.  Interview  of  Pecksuot 
with,  at  Wessagusset,  337.  On  the 
death  of  Pecksuot,  339.  Chases  Indi- 
ans, 341.  His  services,  and  character, 
350. 

Hobbamock,  and  Hobbamoqui,  the  Indian 
devil,  350,  3.57 

Holland.     See  Loic  Countries. 

Holmes.  Abiel,  in  error,  77.  Cited,  199, 
478,  479. 

Hoornbeek,  John,  on  John  Robinson  and 
the  Arminians,  42,  453. 

Hopkins,  Oceanus,  born,  100,  122,  127. 

Hopkins.  Stephen,  100,  122.  Account  of, 
126,127.  Goes  to  meet  Indians,  181. 
Samoset  lodires  with,  185.  In  the  em- 
bassy to  Pokanoket,  202,204. 

Hopkins's  cliff,  in  Truro,  133 

Hopkins's  creek,  in  Truro,  133,  135. 


House  lots,  laid  out  at  Plymouth,  170, 173, 

Houses,  building  of,  commenced  at  Ply- 
mouth, 173.  Their  probable  character, 
179. 

Howland,  John,  a  Pilgrim,  122,  149. 
Notice  of,  and  of  his  family,  150. 

Hubbard,  William,  his  History,  56,  79. 
On  the  laws  of  the  Pilgrims,  197.  On 
Standish,  339. 

Hudson,  Henry,  at  Cape  Cod,  101,  103. 
E.xplored  Hudson's  river,  368,  369. 

Hudson's  River,  settlements  on,  42.  Pil- 
grims sail  for,  102,  117,  385. 

Huguenot,  417. 

Hunt,  Captain,  the  kidnapper,  186,  190, 
215. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  Gov., cited, 107, 120, 
122,  185, 195,  197,  274,  380,  477. 


Independents    and    Independency,    422, 

442. 
Indian  Brook,  in  W'ellfleet,  152,  165. 
burying  grounds  and  graves,  142, 

154,  227,  363.     In  Eastham,  153. 


challenge,  281, 283. 

corn,  found,  131,  141.    A  native  of 

America,  131 .  Indian  mode  of  storing, 
i:{3.  Taken  and  aliervvards  paid  for, 
134,140,204,235,259.  Parched,  187, 
211.  Exchanged  for  seed,  204,  209. 
Twenty  acres  of,  2130.  Aid  in  planting, 
from  Squanto,  230.  Indians'  season  for 
planting,  230.  Excursion  after,  299. 
Procured,  301,  302,  305,  308,  309.  Di- 
vided with  'VVeston's  company,  303. 
M'ant  of,  at  Weston's  colony,  32s.  Al- 
lowance of,  to  Weston's  company,  337. 
Given  to  the  sachems,  362.  Account 
of,  310. 

hemp,  133,  166. 

Neck,  in  Truro,  135. 

priests.     See  Poicoins. 


Indians,  burning  of  underwood  by  the, 
124.  First  sight  of,  by  the  Pilorims, 
127.  Their  barns.  133.  Their  baskets, 
133,  145.  Their  mats,  133,  144,  14.5, 
363.  Their  canoes,  i:>5.  Hedges  of, 
to  take  game,  142.  Burials  by,  143, 
362,  363.  Household  stuff  of  the,  144. 
Seen  around  a  grampus,  151,  153. 
Their  arrows,  158.  Fires  of,  seen  at 
Plymouth,  170,  171.  Standish  goes  in 
search  of,  171.  Seen  on  Clark's  island, 
179.  On  Watson's  hill,  180,  190,  191. 
Languacre  of  the,  IS3.  Destroyed  by 
pestilence.  183,  206,  229.  234,  258,  2.59. 
Treatment  nf,  by  Hunt,  186,  190,  215. 
Apparel  of,  187,  365.  Use  of  tobacco  by 
the,  183,  363.  Carried  away  by  Wey- 
mouth, 190.     At  Namaschet,  205.     In- 


INDEX. 


495 


cident  of  their  courage,  206.  Submis- 
sion of,  to  king  James,  210,  226,  232, 
244,  2^A^,  .307.  Their  beds,  210  Gam- 
ble, 210,  307.  General  rendezvous  of, 
at  Massachusetts,  226.  Their  forts, 
227.  Peace  produced  among  the,  232. 
Their  religion,  233,  355.  On"  the  right 
to  their  soil,  242.  Conversion  of  the, 
243,  257,  271.  Habits  of,  243.  Treat- 
ment of,  244,  25'J.  Friendly,  2-38,  272. 
Lands  of,  always  purcixased,  25"J.  Mas- 
sacre by,  in  Virguiia,  278,  21)3,  2*14. 
Threaten  the  Pilgrims,  295.  Keception 
of  Bradford  by ,  at  CJiatham,  300.  Mode 
of  salutation  by,  304.  Conspiracy  among 
them.  310.  Customs  of,  in  sickness, 
313,  317,  362.  Effect  of  Standish's  ex- 
pedition to  VVessagusset  on  the,  345. 
Decline  of  the,  345.  Notice  the  fast 
and  the  rain,  350.  Manners,  customs, 
religious  opinior..?,  and  ceremonies  of 
the,  354.  Their  God,  355  ;  devil,  356  ; 
powows,  357;  sacrifices,  358;  pniese, 
359;  sachems  and  sachems'  families, 
360;  funerals  and  mourning,  362. 
Names  among  the,  363.  Wedlock 
among  the,  364.  Crimes  and  punish- 
ments among  them,  364.  Their  appa- 
rel, 365;  language,  366;  memorials, 
367.  See  Cape  Cod,  Massasoit,  Ply- 
mouth, Samoset,  Squanto,  and  Squaics. 

Mashpee,  216. 

Massachusetts,  swept  o'ff,  by  pes- 


tilence, 184,  22i).  Voyage  to  the,  224. 
(Jrigin  of  their  name,  224.  Squaw  sa- 
chem of  the,  225,  228.  Prejiarations 
for  visiting  again,  285.  Apprehensions 
from  them,  285.  Alarm  on  the  voyage 
to  the,  287.  Complaints  by  the,  re- 
specting Weston's  company,  208,  302, 
327.  Bradford's  excursion  to  the,  302. 
Conspiracy  among  the,  310,  323,  330, 
343.  Standish's  expedition  against  the, 
at  Wessagusset,  327,  331.  Roidness  of, 
at  Wessagusset,  332.  Seven,  killed  in 
a  struggle,  33i).  Skirmish  with,  341. 
Chased  by  Hobbamock,  341.  Plot  of 
the,  confessed,  343.  Seat  of  the  sachem 
of  the,  227  ;  of  the  squaw  sachem,  228. 
See  Ohhatincwat,  and  Ohtakiest. 

Namaschcucks,  205,  212. 

Narraganset,  suspected  of  a  con- 


spiracy with    the    Massachusetts,  285. 
Their  devotions,  358. 

Nauset,  encounter  with,  156,  185. 


Steal,  180,  186,  304.  Escape  the  pesti- 
lence, 184.  Their  number,  185.  Hos- 
tility of  the,  185.  Treatment  of,  by 
Hunt,  186.  Their  principal  seat,  216. 
Conspiracy  by  the,  "323.  See  Aspinct, 
and  Kaiiset. 

Penobscot,  escape   the  pestilence, 


184. 


Indians,  Pequot,  280. 

Tarrateens,  225. 

Wampanoags,  sachem  of  the,  2S7. 

Infanticide,  Indian,  358. 
Ipswich,  on  settling  at,  147. 
Isles  of  Shoals.  351. 

lyanough,   sachem,   215,   216,   21S,  311. 
Fate  of,  345.     See  BarnslaLlc. 


Jacob,  Henry,  74.     Account  of,  439. 

James  I.,  his  dislike  of  the  Geneva  Bible, 
14.  Hostility  of,  to  the  Puritans,  20, 
56.  Influence  and  acts  of,  in  the  Low 
Countries,  42,  436.  Letters  patent  by, 
to  the  Virginia  Company,  54.  Does 
not  grant  an  ap[)lication  for  freedom  in 
religion,  55,  56,  382.  Oath  of  Allegi- 
ance required  by,  64.  Hates  Sir  Edwin 
Sandys.  69.  Did  not  grant  letters  patent 
to  the  Pilgrims,  74.     New  patent  fiom, 

80,  101.     On   fishing  in  New  England, 

81,  383.  Reason  bv,  for  granting  the 
patent,  184.  Wife  of,  210.  Indian  al- 
legiance to,  210,  22(i,  232,  244,  2.59,  307. 
Representation  to,  in  favor  of  Davison, 
403.     Death  of,  479. 

Jenny,  John,  has  leave  to  build  a  mill, 
172,  352.  A  passenger  in  the  Anne, 
352,  302.  Communed  with  the  Dutch, 
392. 

Johnson,  the  Lady  Arbclla,  75. 

Johnson,  Edward',  cited,  23,  ]i58,  184,  188. 

Johnson,  Francis,  Rev.,  church  of,  at  Am- 
sterdam, 24,  34,  36.  Blackwell  and, 
71,72.  Preacher  at  Middleburg,  424. 
Conversion  of,  425,  447.  Bradford's 
taocount of, 445.  Excommunications  by, 
446.  His  wife,  446.  Persecution  and 
flight  of,  447. 

Johnson,  George,  446,  449. 

Johnson,  Isaac,  75.     Death  of,  76. 

Jones,  Captain  of  the  Mayflower,  98,  100. 
Plot  wrongly  ascribed  to,  102,  138. 
Mentioned,  137,  138,  139,  141,  181. 
River,  in  Kingston,  named  from,  166. 
Captain  of  the  Discovery,  arrives  at 
Plymouth,  278.  Furnishes  supplies, 
2L)8. 

Jones's  river,  in  Kingston,  165.  Explor- 
ed, 166. 

Josselyn,  John,  cited,  118,  132,  139,  176, 
306. 

Juniper  trees,  118, 124. 


K. 


Kautantowwit,  Indian  god,  356. 
Kennebec,  Popham's  attempt  to  settle   at 
Sagadahoc,  near  the,  50,  55,  112,  427; 


496 


INDEX. 


Meaning 


Kiehtan,  the  Indian  God,  32G. 

of,  355. 
Kikemuit,  scat  of  Massasoit,  203. 
Kingston,  incorporated,  IGG.     Residence 

of  Wm.  Bradford,  jr.,  487. 


L. 


Lands,  first  allotment  of,  34G;  the  sec- 
ond, 347. 

Language,  Indian,  3GG. 

Leister,  Edward,  a  Pilgrim-,  122.  Pun- 
ishment of,  201. 

Leyden,  removal  of  the  Pilgrims  to,  35, 
3d0.  University  of,  35.  The  congre- 
gation in  peace  at,  3G,  380.  Arminian 
controversy  there,  40,  302.  Inriucnce 
of  James  I.,  at  the  University  of,  42. 
Pilgrims  leave,  87,  3d4.  Baylie  and 
Cotton  on  the  Pilgrims  at,  370,  45G. 
Respect  there  for  Robinson,  302,  393. 
Bradford's  account  of  the  church  at, 
4.')G.  Fate  of  the  churcii  there,  after 
Robinson's  death,  470,  4S2.  Epistle 
from  the  people  there  to  Bradford  and 
Brewster,  4dG. 

Leyden-street,  at  Plyninuth,  house-lots 
laid  out  on,  170,  173,  174. 

Lincoln,  Elizabeth,  Countess  of,  75  ; 
Bridget,  7G. 

Lincohi  family,  connexion  of  the,  with 
the  New  England  settlements, 75. 

Lions,  in  New  England,  17G. 

Little  James,  size  of  the,  87,  :i53.  Arri- 
val of  the,  at  Plymouth,  87,  150,351, 
352. 

Little  Namskekct  creek,  in  Orleans,  155. 

Liturgy,  John  Calvin  on  the,  11.  Robin- 
son's dislike  of  the,  300.  See  Church 
of  England. 

Lobsters,  at  Plymouth,  1G4, 205,  233.  At 
Boston,  225. 

London  Company,  55.  See  Virginia 
Company. 

Long  Point,  Provincetown,  118,  120. 
Landing  at,  123.  Diminished,  123. 
Soil  there,  123.  Shallop  aground  on, 
150. 

Long  pond,  in  Eastham,  153. 

Low  Countries,  religious  toleration  in  the, 
23.  Influence  of  James  I.  there,  42, 
43G.  Reasons  and  causes  of  the  Pil- 
grims' removal  from  the,  44,  381  Sun- 
day there,  47,  381.  Two  churches  of 
Separatists  in  the,  418,  453,  455.  Suf- 
ferings of  the  Separatists  there,  430, 
441.  Elizabeths  league  with  the,  463. 
See  United  Provinces. 

Luther,    Martin,    Robinson's    remark  on, 
423.     His  zeal,  420.     Erasmus  on,  435. 
Lutherans,  Robinson  on  the,  307. 
Lyford,  John,  476. 


M. 

Maistcrson,  Richard,  73,  488. 

Maize,  131.  Meal  of  parched,  187.  See 
Indian  com. 

Malaga,  monks  of,  liberate  Indians,  186. 

Manamoick,  Chatham,  217.  Bradford  at, 
300. 

Manomet,  Point,  148.     Bluff  of,  159. 

Manomet,  Sandwich,  boy  at,  217.  Sa- 
chem of,  232,  307.  Corn  procured  at, 
305.     Notice  of,  305.     Sec  Caicnacome. 

Manure,  fish  used  for,  231,  370. 

Marriages,  04.  First,  in  Plymouth,  201. 
Indian,  364.     Preaching  at,  402. 

Marshall,  John,  in  error,  ft4,  100. 

Marshfield,  grant  to  Winslow  at,  275. 

Martha's  Vineyard,  or  Capawack,  submis- 
sion of  the  Indians  of,  232.  Conspiracy 
with  the  Indians  on,  323. 

Martin,  Christopher,  a  Pilgrim,  78,  121. 
Sick,  171.     Death  and  notice  of,  172. 

Martyr,  Peter,  cited,  75.  On  the  ships  of 
Columbus,  86. 

Martyrs,  Puritan,  412,427.  Not  Bro wa- 
ists, 428. 

Mary,  Queen,  persecutions  and  flight  of 
Reformurs  in  the  time  of,  9,  413.  Act  of 
Supremacy  repealed  under,  64.  Sepa- 
ratists in  her  time,  442. 

Massachusetts  Bay.  occasion  of  the  settle- 
ment of,  122.  Pilgrims'  first  visit  to, 
154,  225.  Meaning  of,  225.  General 
rendezvous  of  Indians  at,22G.  Described, 
228.  Mission  from,  to  Canonicus,  281. 
Harmony  between  the  settlers  of,  and 
of  Plymouth,  308.  Law  in,  against 
Anabaptists,  404. 

Massachusetts  Mount,  224. 

Massasoit,  127.  Samoset's  return  to,  185, 
186.  Forces  of,  185.  Description  and 
entertainment  of  subjects  of,  at  Ply- 
mouth, 186;  their  return  home,  189. 
Different  modes  of  spelling  the  word, 
101.  Visits  Plymouth,  101,259.  Wins- 
low's  interview  with,  192.  Reception 
of.  192,  231.  Treaty  with,  103,  244, 
245.  Description  of,  194.  Treaty 
with,  confirmed  in  1GG2,  194.  With- 
draws, 194.  Reception  of  Standish  and 
Allerton  by,  195.  Goes  home,  196. 
Embassy  to,  202,  232.  Presents  to, 
203,  2119.  Message  to,  and  his  reply, 
203,  209.  His  territory  and  principal 
seats,  203,  225,  244, 288.  Sent  for  and 
saluted,  209.  Speech  of,  and  confer- 
ence with,  209.  Entertainment  by, 
211.  Cape  Cod  Indians  and,  216. 
Success  of  the  Narragansets  against, 
217.  E.xpedilion  in  defence  of,  219. 
Reported  hostility  of,  287.  Hobba- 
mock's  wife  sent  to,  288.  Enraged 
with    Tisquantuni,    289,    290.      Visits 


INDEX. 


497 


Plymouth,  290.  Demands  Tisquantum, 
291.  Seems  lukewarm,  2!)5.  Sick, 
313.  Winslow's  journey  to.  313.  Re- 
ported death  of,  315.  Hobbamock's  la- 
mentations fbr,  316.  Reception  of 
Winslow  by,  31b.  Tended  by  Wins- 
low,  319.  Convalescent,  320.  Re- 
veals a  plot,  323.  Refuses  to  join  in 
the  conspiracy,  323.     See  Pokanokct. 

Masterson,  Richard,  73,  488. 

Matchlocks,   used  by   the   Pilsrrims,  12.5, 

130, 142,  \:m.  »       >       > 

Mather,  Cotton,  on  (Governor  Bradford, 
27,  487.  Not  to  be  depended  on  for 
facts,  30.  On  Cape  Cod,  101.  On 
Ralph  Partridge,  394. 

Mather,  Increase,  5,  30.  Charter  of  Mas- 
sachusetts obtained  by,  37.  On  the  pes- 
tilence amoniT  the  Indians,  1S4.  Assists 
in  makiiifr  theCanibridoe  Platform,  394. 

Maltakiest,  IJarnstable,  215. 

Mattapoiset,  Mattapuyst,  or  Gardner's 
Neck,  Corbitant  at,  232,  315.  Visit  to, 
by  Winslow,  3l().     See  CorbiUint. 

Maurice,  Prince  of  Orano-e,  479. 

May,  Mr.,  father  of  Dorothy,  wife  of  Gov- 
ernor Bradford,  485. 

Mayflower,  85.  Renowned,  100.  Birth 
on  board  the,  at  sea,  100,  122,  127. 
The  plotting  of  the  Captain  of  the,  con- 
sidered, 102.  Place  of  her  making 
Cape  Cod,  103.  Place  of  her  anchor- 
age, 120,  123.  Scene  on  board  the, 
painted,  121.  Peregrine  White  born 
on  board  the,  148.  Last  surviving  pas- 
senger of  the,  150,  19().  Tonnage  of 
the,  and  anchorage,  at  Plymoutli,  171. 
Seen  by  Samoset,  182.  Returns  to 
England,  199.  No  Piljrrim  returns  in 
her,  199.  Passengers  in  the,  called  old 
comers,  or  forefathers,  352. 

Meal,  of  parched  maize,  187.  See  Indian 
Corn. 

Medicine  men.     See  Poicoics. 

Merchant  adventurers,  agreement  with 
the,  81.  Smith  on  the  81.  Application 
by  the,  for  the  Plymouth  colonists,  114. 
Cushman's  allusions  to  the,  266.  Let- 
ters received  from  the,  348.  Robinson 
on  the,  47(i.  Prevent  Pilgrims  from 
going  to  New  England,  476,  478. 

Merrimack  river,  settlements  on  the,  403. 

Meyrick,  on  firelocks  and  snaphanccs, 
15G. 

Middlcborough.     See  Kamaskct. 

Mfddleburg,  Johnson,  preacher  at,  424. 

Mill,  on  Town  Brook,  at  Plymouth,  172, 
352. 

Milman,  H.  H.,  Rev.,  on  community  of 
goods,  84. 

Milton,  Pilgrims  in,  227.     See  Blue  Hills. 

Milton,  .lohn,  cited,  107. 

Muhegan  river,  the  Hudson,  368,  369. 

63 


Monardes,  on  sassafras,  130. 

Monhegan,    fishing    at,    182,    278,    293. 

Winslow  goes  to,  293.    Voyage  to,  from 

We.ston's    colony,    for    provisions,  330. 

Part  of  Weston's  company  ffo  to,  341. 

342.  i      J   B  } 

Mooanam,  son  of  Massasoit,  194. 

Morattigon,  183. 

Mortality  of  the  Pilgrims,  TOO,  111.  148, 
168,  J69,  181.  Table  of  the,  192. '  Re- 
marks on  the,  197,  265,  47  1.  Robinson 
on  the,  473.     See  Indians. 

Morton,  Gcrfrge,  113.  Bradford's  Rela- 
tion sent  to,  175.  Letter  probably  sent 
to,  230.  Comes  out  in  the  Ann,  236, 
352,  353. 

Morton,  Nathaniel,  Secretary,  Preface  by, 
3.  His  New  England's  Memorial,  4. 
Notice  of,  6.  On  the  plot  to  avoid 
Hudson's  river,  1C2.  On  Miles  Stand- 
ish,  126.  On  Namskeket  creek,  155. 
On  a  shipwreck    in   Plymouth  harbour, 

163.  Dwelt  at  AVellihgsly  Brook,  165. 
On  Will'am  MuHins,lf?l.  On  the  name 
Plymouth,  203.  On  Samuel  Fuller,  the 
physician,  223.  On  Phinehas  Prat,  332. 
Preface  by,  to  Bradford's  Dialogue,  411 ; 
transcribed  it,  413.  Takes  part  in  pub- 
lic worship,  419.  On  Brewster,  and 
Bradford's  Memorial  of  him,  461.  On 
the  plotting  against  Robinson,  477. 

Morton,  Thomas,  on  burning  underwood, 
124.  On  walnut  trees,  132.  On  grapes, 
132.  On  storing  Indian  corn,  133.  On 
Indian  canoes,  135.  On  deer  traps,  136. 
On  wild  geese,  140.  On  ducks,  140. 
On  planks  in  Indian  graves,  143.  On 
Indian  bowls,  144.  On  Indian  hearse 
cloths,    154.       On     halibut   or    turbot, 

164.  On  hemp,  1G6.  On  lions  in  New 
England,  176.  On  the  pestilence  among 
the  Indians,  184.  On  Indian  apparel, 
187.  On  Indian  beds,  210.  On  ale- 
wives,  231.  On  an  execution  at  Wey- 
mouth, 332.  On  Weston's  company, 
334.     Not  one  of  them,  334. 

Morton,  Thomas,  jr.,  352. 

Mount  Hope,  residence  of  Massasoit,  208. 

Mourt,  G.,  who  he  was,  1 13. 

Mullins,  William,  a  Pilgrim,  121.  Death 
of,  181. 

Murdock's  Pond,  in  Plymouth,  adventure 
at,  175. 

Muscles,  at  Cape  Cod,  119.  At  Ply- 
mouth, 164, 233,  329.  At  Weymouth, 
329. 

Mystic  river,  discovered  by  the  Pilgrims, 
228. 


N. 


Nacook  brook,  grant  on,  332. 


498 


INDEX. 


Namasket,  rviiddleborough,  Dermer  at, 
190,  204.  Under  Massasoit,  204. 
Winslovv  and  Hopkins  at,  204,  205,  212. 
Ex{>edition  to,  219.  Alarm  from,  287. 
Corn  procured  at,  305. 

Names,  influence  of,  261.  Effect  of, 
among  Christians,  411. 

Namskeket  creek,  in  Orleans,  155.  Seat 
of  the  Nauset  Indians,  2lG. 

Nanepashemet,  grave  of,  154,  227.  Wid- 
ow of,  225.  House  of,  22G.  Time  of 
his  death,  227. 

Nash,  Thomas,  85,  488. 

Naunton,  Sir  Robert,  friendly  to  the  Pil- 
grims, 55,  5G,  382,  383.  Carleton's  let- 
ters to,  respecting  Brewster,  cited,  467. 

Nauset,  153.  Voyage  to,  in  search  of  a 
boy,  214.  Sachem  of,  216,  244,  302. 
Expedition  to,  for  corn,  302.  See  East- 
ham,  and  Indians. 

Neal,  Daniel,  in  error,  99,  100.  On  John 
Smith,  451.     On  Brewster,  461. 

Nepeof,  a  sachem,  220. 

Neponset,  Milton,  subject  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts sacliem,  227.     Sachem  of,  232. 

Netherlands,  the  battle-ground  of  Eu- 
rope, 25.     See  Low  Countries. 

Nets,  want  of  fishing,  171,  294. 

Newbury,  church  at,  402. 

New  England,  patent  for,  80,  101,  184. 
Visited  and  named,  80,  255.  Attempts 
to  settle,  107,  1 12.  Abandoned  as  un- 
inhabitable, 112.  Grant  to  the  Ply- 
mouth Colonists  by  the  President  and 
Council  of,  1 14,  1 16, 234.  Water  and  air 
of,  129,  233,  369.  First  Englishman  born 
in,  148.  Pestilence  among  the  Indians 
in,  183,  206,  229,  234,  2.58,  259.  Sup- 
posed to  be  an  island,  256,  368.  Cush- 
man  on  emigration  to,  256.  Situation, 
climate,  soil,  and  productions  of,  368. 
Unreasonable  expectations  respecting, 
374.  Winslow's  Narration  of  the 
Grounds  of  the  first  Planting  of,  377, 
379.  Measures  to  establish  episcopacy 
in,  478.  See  Jlmcrica,  Kennebeck,  and 
Plymouth. 

New  England's  Memorial,  4. 

Newfoundland,  on  the  discovery  of,  155. 
Separatists  banished  to,  441. 

New  Netherlands,  42. 

New  York,  early  settlement  in,  42. 

Nobscusset,  Yarmouth,  boundary  of  a 
sachemdom,  216. 

Nokake,  or  nokehich,  187.  See  Indian 
Corn. 

Nonconformists,  harmony  of  the  Separa- 
tists and,  3!'8.     See  Puritans. 

North  river,  in  Scituatc,  148. 

North  Star,  known  to  the  Indians,  366. 

Novatus,  and  Novatians,  13. 

Nowell,  Incrca:^p,  419. 

Noyes,  Jame.3,  Rev.,  of  Newbury,  402. 


O. 


Oaks,  on  Cape  Cod,  118,  124. 

Oaths  of  Allegiance  and  Supremacy,  64. 

Obbatinewat,  a  sachem  in  Massachusetts 
Bay,  225.  Submission  of,  226,  232. 
Probably  Obbatinua,  232. 

Obtakiest,:343,344. 

Office,  on  conjoining  civil  and  ecclesiasti- 
cal, 197. 

Oiled  paper,  windows  made  of,  237. 

Old  comers,  first  Pilgrims  called,  351. 

Old  Indian  Wear,  on  Taunton  river,  205. 

Old  Toms  hill,  in  Truro,  135,  139, 147. 

Oldmixon,  John,  errors  of,  91,  164. 

Opechancanough,  a  Virginia  sachem, 279. 

Ordination,  remarks  on,  (i6. 

Orleans,  seat  of  Nauset  Indians,  216.  See 
JS'amskeket. 


Painter,  Thomas,  an  Anabaptist,  whip- 
ped, 404,405. 

Palfrey,  John  Gorham,  Rev.,  cited,  77. 

Pamet  little  river,  133,  135. 

Pamet  river,  in  Truro,  118,  125.  Notices 
of,  135.  Explored,  139.  On  settling 
at,  146. 

Paomet,  Cape  Cod  so  called,  204. 

Paragon,  fate  of  the,  348,  349. 

Parker,  Robert,  Rev.,  436,  439. 

Parker,  Thomas,  Rev.,  of  Newbury,  402. 

Partridge,  Ralph,  Rev  ,  of  Duxbury,  394. 

Partridges,  137. 

Passaconaway,  magical  power  of,  366. 

Patents,  80.  See  James  I.,  JVeio  England, 
and  Pilgrims. 

Patu,-cet,  Plymouth,  183,  203.  Squanto, 
the  only  surviving  native  of,  190. 

Pecksuot,  conference  of,  with  Hobbamock, 
337.     His  insolence,  338.     Killed,  338. 

Peirce,  James,  cited,  428. 

Pemberton,  John,  Rev.,  476. 

Penry,  John,  persecuted,  412.  Executed, 
427.  Unjust  charges  against,  428. 
Tracts  by,  428. 

Perkins,  VVilliam,  Rev.,  14. 

Persecutions.     See  Mary,  and  Pilgrims. 

Perth  Assembly,  395,  467. 

Pestilence  among  the  Indians,  183,  206, 
229,  234,  258,  259.  ^arragansets  es- 
cape the,  280. 

Philip,  the  sachem,  treaty  broken  by,  194. 

Phillips,  Georo-e,  Rev.,  of  Watertown, 
398. 

Pierce,  John,  letter  to,  114.  Charter  ta- 
ken in  the  name  of,  116,  234,  296,  348. 
Patent  surreptitiously  obtained  by,  234, 
349.  On  Weston's  company, 296.  His 
attempt  to  come  to  Plymouth,  348. 
Resigns  his  patent,  349. 


INDEX. 


499 


Pilgrims,  used  the  Geneva  Bible,  14.  Ori- 
gin of  the,  19.  Form  a  separate  church, 
21.  Their  covenant,  21,  397.  Two 
churches  of  the,  22.  Persecuted,  23. 
Resolve  to  fiy  to  the  Low  Countries, 
24.  Their  first  attempt  prevented,  26. 
Imprisoned,  27.  Their  second  embar- 
kation, 28.  Arrive  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, 30.  Fate  of  their  wives  and 
children  left  behind,  3L  Result  of  the 
persecution  of  the,  32.  in  Amsterdam, 
34,  455.  In  Leyden,  35,  380,  456. 
Trades  and  employments  of  the,  35. 
The  number  of,  36,  97,  99,  100,  122, 
455.  Live  in  peace,  38,  380,  456. 
Their  credit  with  the  Dutch,  39,  393. 
Offers  to  the,  to  settle  in  America  or 
Zealand,  42,385.  Attract  the  notice  of 
Cardinal  Bentivoglio,43.  Reasons  and 
causes  for  their  removal  from  Holland, 
44,  111,  381.  Turn  their  eyes  to  Ame- 
rica, 48,  381  ;  to  Guiana,  52.  Feelings 
of  the,  towards  the  Spaniards,  53.  Con- 
clude for  Virginia,  54,  383.  Send 
agents  to  England,  55,  57,  58,  59,  382. 
Application  by,  for  freedom  in  religion, 
55,  382.  Their  correspondence  with 
the  Virginia  Company,  and  with  their 
agents  in  England,  58,  66.  Religious 
principles  of  the,  64,  65,  3S7,  388,  395. 
Obtain  a  patent  from  the  Virginia 
Company,  74,  383.  Keep  a  fast,  77, 
383.  Arrangements  of  the,  for  leaving 
Holland,  78,  383.  Meet  with  discour- 
agements, 81.  Their  purpose  and 
views  in  going  to  America,  81,  261. 
Their  agreement  with  the  merchant 
adventurers,  81.  Did  not  have  all 
things  in  common,  84.  Vessel  and  pi- 
lot provided  for  the,  85,  86.  Keep  a 
fast,  87.  Accompanied  to  Delft-Ha- 
ven, 87,  384.  Tiie  name  belongs  ex- 
clusively to  the  Plymouth  colonists,  8S. 
Their  departure,  8»,  384.  At  South- 
ampton, 89.  Parting  letters  to  Carver 
and  the,  89,  91,  116.  Sail,  97.  Put 
back  twice,  98.  Plotted  against,  99. 
Dismiss  the  Speedwell,  fl9.  Imputa- 
tions on  the,  99.  Sail  again,  100,  117. 
Voyage,  100.  Descry  Cape  Cod,'  101, 
117,  384.  Stand  for  Hudson's  River, 
102,  117,385.  Put  back  to  Cape  Cod 
harbour,  102,  103,  117,  385.  Charge 
against  their  Captain  considered,  102, 
138.  Nearest  plantations  to  the,  10.5. 
Mildness  of  their  first  winter,  105,  173. 
Grant  to,  by  the  President  and  Council 
6f  New  England,  114,  116,  234.  Their 
compact,  and  the  signing  of  it,  116.  120. 
E.xaminations  by  the,  122.  Choose 
John  Carver,  governor,  123.  First  ex- 
cursion of  the,  under  Miles  Standish, 
125.     Their  first  sight  of  Indians,  127. 


At  East  Harbour,  in  Truro,  128.  At 
the  Pond,  130,  136.  Find  Indian  corn, 
131,  133  ;  a  kettle,  133.  At  Old  Tom's 
hill,   in   'i'ruro,  134.     At    Pamet  river, 

135.  Find    canoes,  135;  a  deer    trap, 

136.  Return,  137.  Second  expedition 
of  the,  138.  Explore  Pamet  river,  139. 
Return  to  Hopkins's  cliff,  140.  Find 
more  corn,  141  ;  Indian  graves,  142; 
an  embalmed  body,  142  ;  v/igwams,  143. 
Return,  145.  Propose  settling  at  Pa- 
met river,  146.  Third  expedition  of 
the,  under  Captain  Standish,  149.  At 
Billingsgate  Point,  151.  In  Wellfleet, 
152.  In  Eastham,  153.  Find  an  Indian 
burying-ground,  1.53;  wigwams,  154. 
Alarmed  by  wolves,  155.  First  en- 
counter of,  with  Indians,  150.  Sail 
along  the  coast,  159.  On  Clark's  island, 
160.  Go  on  shore,  161.  Return  to  Pro- 
vincetown  harbour,  162.  Sail  in  the 
Mayflower,  and  arrive  in  Plymouth 
harbour,  163.  Conclude  to  build  on  the 
bank  at  Plymouth,  167.  Fortify  Burial 
Hill,  168,  169,  181,  295,  335.  Cut 
timber,  1(39.  Lay  out  house-lots,  170, 
173.  In  want  of  fish-hooks  and  nets, 
171,  294.  Build,  173,  230.  Two  of 
the,  lost  in  the  woods,  174.  Receive  Sa- 
moset,  182;  with  other  Indians,  187; 
Squanto,  191  ;  Massasoit,  191,  231. 
Mortality  among  the,  197,  2G5.  Burial 
place  of  the,  199.  Not  one  of  the,  re- 
turn in  the  Mayflower,  199.  Embassy 
of  the,  to  Massasoit,  at  Pokanoket,  202. 
Accessions  to  the,  by  the  Fortune,  235, 
280.  Put  on  short  allowance,  236. 
Their  treatment  of  the  Indians,  259. 
True  to  their  principles,  260.  Unjustly 
charged  with  fanaticism,  273.  Menaced 
by  the  Narragansets,  280.  Famishinor, 
294.  Supplied  by  Captain  Jones,  298. 
Advice  by  the,  to  Weston's  colony,  328. 
Their  wants  and  means  of  subsistence, 
329.  Offer  to  receive  Weston's  colony, 
337,  .342  Aid  Weston,  342.  Acces- 
sions to  the,  by  the  Anne  and  the  Lit- 
tle James,  352.  Old  comers  or  fore- 
fathers among  the,  3.52.  Contributions 
by  the  first,  to  bring  over  and  support 
the  others,  385,  482.  Not  Separatists, 
3-i7.  Not  schismatics,  391.  Not  ex- 
clusionists,  392,  399.  Works  in  vindi- 
cation of  the,  419.  See  ^^Tnerica,  jXew 
England,  Phjmnuth,  and  Robinson. 

Pines,  on  Cape  Cod,  118,  124.  At  Ply- 
month,  161. 

Pinses,  braves,  288.  Sachems'  council, 
323,  359.  Killed  at  Weymouth,  339. 
Account  of,  359.  Procure  corn  for  the 
sachems,  362. 

Piscataqua,  settlement  at,  commenced, 
351. 


500 


INDEX. 


Plague,  Squanto  on  the, 291.  See  Pestiience. 

Plums,  at  Plj'inouth,  231. 

Plutarch,  on  Cato   the  younger,  45.     On 
new  marriages,  94. 

Plymouth,  New  England,  mildness  of  the 
first  winter  at,  1U5,  173.  Effects  of  the 
settlement  at,  122.  First  offence  in,  14!), 
J9!).  Day  ol  the  landing  at,  l(Jl.  Rock 
and  place  of  the  landing,  IG),  ]'J9 
Trees  and  plants  of,  1(34,  IG-j.  Soil  of, 
Kio.  Conclusion  to  settle  there,  1()7; 
to  fortify  Burial  Hill,  ]G3,  169.  Com- 
mon house  there,  1G9,  173,  177.  House 
lots  laid  out  in,  170,  173.  Mill  at,  172, 
352.  First  entry  in  the  records  of,  173. 
Two  men  lost  from,  174.  I'onds 
in,  170.  Shed  built  at,  for  common 
goods,  178.  Two  Indians  at,  180.  Ar- 
tillery planted  on  the  hill  at,  Ir-l. 
Samosct  at,  lii2.  Indian  names  of,  183, 
203,  245.  Visit  to,  by  Indians  from 
Massasoit,  186.  Garden  seeds  sown, 
189.  Savages  appear  at,  190.  Squanto 
there,  190.  Massasoit  visits,  191,2.59. 
Treaty  at,  with  Massasoit,  193,  244',  245. 
Brigharn's  Digest  of  the  Laws  of,  197. 
Reelection  of  Carver  as  governor  of, 
197.  Mortality  and  burying-placc  at, 
197,  199,  473.  Mayflower  sails  from, 
199.  Death  of  the  governor  of,  200. 
First  marriage  and  duel  in,  201.  Origin 
of  the  name,  203.  Embassy  from,  to 
Massasoit  at  Pokanoket,  202.  Voyage 
from,  in  search  of  a  lost  boy,  21 4.  Seven 
men  only  at,  218.  Expedition  from, 
against  the  Narragansets,  219.  The 
surgeon  and  physician  at,  222.  Voy- 
age from,  to  the  Massachusetts,  224. 
Arrival  of  the  Fortune  at,  235.  Things 
wanted  at,  237.  Hilton's  Letter  on, 
250.  Ship's  company  arrive  at,  from 
Damariscove  islands,  278.  Impaled, 
protecting,  285. 
the  Narra- 
Council  held  at, 
Visited  by  Mas- 
sasoit, 290.  Second  voyage  from,  to 
Massachusetts,  290.  Scarcity  of  provi- 
sions there,  290.  Arrival  of  the  Spar- 
row, 293.  Voyage  from,  to  Monhegan, 
for  provisions,  293.  Arrival  of  the 
Charity  and  the  Swan  at,  296.  Arrival 
of  the  Discovery  and  Sparrow  at,  298. 
E.xpeditionsfroin,  for  corn  and  to  disco- 
ver a  passage  round  Cape  Cod,  300. 
Winslow's  second  journey  from,  to  Po- 
kanoket, 313.  Expedition  from,  against 
the  Indians  at  Weymouth,  327.  Gene- 
ral Court  held  at,  "331.  Indian  spy  ar- 
rested at,  335.  Reception  of  part  of 
^Yeslon's  company  at,  342.  Head  set 
up  at,  ,313.  Allotment  of  lands,  34o. 
Drought  and  famine  at,  348,  354.     The 


2^.- 


Measures    for 


Apprehensions  tlicre,  from 


ganscts. 


9S.- 


287. 


Hi.     Alarmed,  287. 


first  fast  at,  349.  Thanksgiving,  231, 
351.  Arrival  of  the  Anne  and  Little 
James  at,  with  a  list  of  the  passengers, 
351,  352.  Food  for  passengers  on  arriv- 
ing at,  353.  Climate  of,  369.  Consul- 
tation of,  by  succeeding  colonies,  386. 
White  on  the  government  at,  483.  See 
Burial  Hill,  and  Pilgrims. 

Plymouth  Church,  early  records  of  the,  4. 
The  First  Independent  or  Congrega- 
tional, in  America,  77.  Givers  of  the 
parsonage  ground  to  the,  223. 

Plymouth  Company,  not  applied  to  by  the 
Pilgrims,  55,  75. 

Plymouth  harbour,  explored,  161.  Pil- 
grims arrive  in,  161,  163.  Islands  in, 
161,163.  Fish  and  fowl  in,  164.  In- 
cludes Kincrston  and  Duxbury  harbours, 
164.     First'death  in,  168. 

Plymouth  rock,  IGl,  199. 

Pokanoket,  expedition  to  Massasoit  at, 
197,202,232.  Arrival  at,  208.  Extent 
of  the  country,  208.  A  night  at,  210, 
21 1 .     See  .Massasoit. 

Pollock  Rip,  103. 

Polyander,  John.  43. 

Pond  and  Pond  village,  in  Truro,  130, 
136.     Great  Hollow  near,  131. 

Popham,  John,  Lord,  Colony  of,  at  Saga- 
dahoc, 50, 55,  112,  427.  Condemnation 
of  Puritans  by,  427. 

Portsmouth,  settlement  at  Little  Harbour 
in,  351. 

Povvows,  priests,  one  sentenced  to  death, 
308.  Practices  of,  among  the  sick,  317. 
With  Massasoit,  317.  Account  of,  357, 
366. 

Prat,  Phinehas,  3'32,  352. 

Prayers,  habits  of  the  Pilgrims  as  to,  15G, 
167.     Brewster  on,  469. 

Presbyterians,  tolerated  in  New  England, 
402.     See  Communion. 

Priests.     See  Potcoics. 

Prince,  Thomas,  in  error,  57,  58.  On  at- 
tempts to  settle  New  England,  107. 
Error  of,  as  to  Barnstable  harbour,  1 35. 
On  a  grant  to  Peregrine  White,  148. 
Had  Bradford's  register,  148.  On  the 
respect  for  Robinson  at  Ley  den,  393. 
On  Robinson's  Farewell  Discourse.  .399. 
On  Isaac  Robinson,  453.  On  the  differ- 
ence in  elders,  455. 

Prince,  Thomas,  Gov.,  arrives  in  the  For- 
tune, 235.     Marriage  of,  470. 

Prophesying,  the  practice  of,  419.  An- 
cient, 420.     Liberty  of.  421 . 

Provincetown  harbour.  Pilgrims  at,  102, 
117,  385.  Survey  and  Map  of,  by  Ma- 
jor J.  D.  Graham.  118.  Whales  and 
fish  there,  119.  Notice  of,  120.  Land- 
ing at,  123.  Beach  grass  planted  at, 
123.  Mayflower  sails  from,  163.  For- 
tune puts  into,  234.     See  Cope  Cod, 


INDEX. 


501 


Provisions.  See  Indian  Corn,  Pilgrims, 
and  Plymouth. 

Punishments,  ludiiin,  3G5. 

Punkapog,  Stoughton,  2"^7. 

Puritans,  tlie  name,  12,  417,  443.  Hos- 
tility of  James  1.  to  the,  20.  See  Pil- 
grims. 


Q. 

Quadequina,  Massasoit's  brother,  191, 
232.  Presents  to,  192.  Hostage  witli, 
192.  Reception  of,  194.  Described, 
195.  ' 

Quails,  on  Cape  Cod,  137. 


R. 


Race  Point,  Cape  Cod,  119. 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  on  Guiana,  52.     On 
the   law   for  banishing  Separatists,  43G. 

Rattlesnake's  skin,  sent  with  arrows,  261. 
Returned  with  powder  and  shot,  283. 

Razor  shell,  300. 

Reynolds,  Captain  of  the  Speedwell,  85. 
Puts  back  twice,  98. 

Reynolds,  John,  Rev.,  432. 

Rhode  Island,  281. 

Robertson,  William,  on  the  removal   from 
Holland,  48.     In  error,  84,  100. 

Robinson,  Isaac,  453. 

Robinson,  John,  Rev.,  23.  Goes  over  to 
Holland,  .34.  Removes  from  Amster- 
dam to  Leyden,  34.  His  ministry  and 
character,  36,  452.  Time  of  his  death, 
37,  388.  Books  written  by,  40,  400, 
454.  His  Apology,  40,  388,  391.  Dis- 
putes with  Episcopins,  41,392.  Age 
of,  in  l(i20,  4().  Correspondence  of, 
with  Edwin  Sandys,  58;  with  Sir 
John  Wolstenholme,  G3.  Preaches  a 
Fast  Sermon,  77.  Tarries  at  Leyden, 
77,  384.  The  reason  of  his  not  accom- 
panying the  Pilgrims,  77,  383,  45.^. 
Farewell  Fast  Sermon  by,  87,  39G. 
His  parting  letter  to  John  Carver,  89  ; 
to  the  whole  company,  91,  IIG.  Dies 
without  going  to  New  England,  91,443. 
On  Standisli,  339.  His  doctrine  of 
communion,  3«8.  His  views  of  and 
regard  for  the  Church  of  England,  389, 
415,  442.  His  dislike  of  Episco- 
pacy and  the  Liturgy,  390.  Respect 
and  funeral  honors  for,  at  Leyden.  392, 
393,  453.  Not  a  rigid  Separatist,  400.' 
Tlis  Treatise  on  the  Church  of  England 
cited,  400.  On  Church  Synods,''4l9. 
On  prophesying,  422.  His  answer  to 
Bernaid,  423.  His  church  a  model, 
42G.^  On  Robert  Browne,  442.  Brad- 
ford's account  of,  451.    Facts  respect- i 


ing,  452.  Bp.  Hall's  insinuation  re- 
specting,453.  His  intention  and  desire 
to  settle  at  Plymouth,  453,  475,  47G, 
477,  479,  482.  Letters  from,  to  the 
church  at  Plymouth,  473  ;  to  Elder 
Brewster,  475.  Lyford  and,  476.  Plot- 
ting against,  470,  477.  On  elders,  477. 
Last  days  and  death  of,  478,  481. 

Rock  harbour  creek,  in  Orleans,  155. 

Roses,  at  Plymouth,  234. 

Rough,  Reverend  Mr.,  442. 

Rowland,  Thomas,  persecuted,  443. 

Ruling  elders,  difference  between  teach- 
ing and,  455,477.  Still  continued  in 
Salem,  455.     See  Elders. 


Sabbath.     See  Simday. 

Sachems,  account  of,  and  of  their  families, 
;5G0.     Executioners  of  the  laws,  365. 

Sacrifices,  Indian,  358. 

Sagadahoc.     See  Kennebec. 

St.  Lawrence  river,  discovered,  243. 

Salem,  error  respecting  the  church  in,  77. 
Mission  from,  to  Plymouth,  for  a  phy- 
sician, 223,  386.  Dutch  admitted  to 
communion  at,  393.  Ruling  elders  in, 
455.     See  Endicott,  and  Higginson. 

Samoset,  description,  and  reception  of,  at 
Plymouth,  182.  Lodges  with  Hopkins, 
185.  Goes  to  Massasoit,  185,  186. 
Returns  with  others,  186.  Remains, 
189.  Comes  again,  with  Squanto,  190. 
Tarries,  195,  19G. 

Sanders,  John,  overseer  of  Weston's  colo- 
ny, writes  to  Plymouth,  327.  Bradford 
replies  to,  330.  Voyage  by,  to  Monhe- 
gan,  330,  332. 

Sandwich,  Manomet,  boy  lost  at,  217. 
Sachem  at,  232.     See  Cairnacomc. 

Sandy  Neck,  at  Barnstable,  159,  212. 

Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  55,  56,  382.  Corres- 
pondence of,  with  Robinson  and  Brew- 
ster, .58.  Notice  of,  59.  Treasurer  and 
governor  of  the  Virginia  Company,  68. 
Obno.\ious  to  James  I.,  68. 

Saquifh,  in  Plymouth  harbour,  160,  164, 
287.  ' 

Sassafras,  on  Cape  Cod,  IIS.  Medicinal 
virtues  ascribed  to,  130.  At  Plymouth, 
164,165. 

Savage.  James,  on  Cotton  Mather,  30. 
On  Hampden's  visit  to  ^ew  England, 
315.     On  ruling  elders,  455. 

Savin  Hill,  in  Dorchester,  227. 

Savins,  on  Cape  Cod,  124. 

Scituate,  North  river  in,  148.     Chauncy, 

minister  of,  405. 
Scussett  harbour,  in  Sandwich,  306. 
Sea    fowls,  at    Cape    Cod,  119.     At  Ply- 
mouth, 164,  229.     Time  of  the,  294. 


502 


INDEX. 


Seals,  at  Plymouth,  172. 

Se-baptist,  John  Smith  the,  451. 

Sects,  among  Christians,  411.  See  Cotti- 
munion. 

Self-love,  Cushman's  discourse  on  the  sin 
and  danger  of,  2C2. 

Seneca,  voyage  of,  104. 

Separatists.  'i-i6.  Harmony  of  the  Non- 
conformists and,  396.  Views  of,  re- 
specting the  Church  of  England,  414. 
Principles  of  the.  410,  417.  No  synods 
among  the,  41d.  On  prophesying  among 
the,  419.  Law  banishing  the,  43ti. 
Persecution  of  the,  437.  Treatment  of, 
in  prisons, 437.  Excommunicated,  438. 
Deprived  of  their  livelrhood,  439.  Ban- 
ished, 439,  441.  Treatment  of,  by  the 
prelates,  440.  Before  Robert  Brown, 
442.     See  PUgrims. 

Shawmut,  sachem  of,  232.     See  Boston. 

Sheath  fish,  306. 

Shellfish,  at  Plymouth,  294.  At  Buzzards 
Bay,  306. 

Shingle  Brook,  in  Plymouth,  165. 

Ships,  size  and  character  of,  .~6. 

Sickness,  Indian  customs  in,  317. 

Simmons,  formerly  Syrnonson,  393. 

Simonson,  Moses,  a  Pilgrim,  235,  2-36,  393. 

Skate,  at  Plymouth,  164. 

Slade's  Ferry,  in  Swansey,  315. 

Slany, John, 191. 

Smallpox.     See  Pestilence. 

Smith.  John.  Rev.,  and  his  church  at  Am- 
sterdam, 22,  34.  429.  Persecuted,  443. 
On  Johnson  and  Ainsworth,  445.  Brad- 
ford's account  of,  4.50.  Facts  respect- 
ing him,  451. 

Smith,  John,  Captain,  surveys  and  names 
Newr  England,  80,  101,  255.  On  the 
merchant  adventurers,  81 .  On  Cape 
Cod,  101.  On  New  England  water, 
129.  On  Indian  flax,  166.  Names 
Plymouth,  203.  Mentions  Nauset, 
210.  On  the  country  of  the  Massachu- 
setts, 226.     Isles  named  by,  '351. 

Smith,  Sir  Thomas,  account  of,  68. 

Smith's  isles,  2.51 . 

Snaphances,  1-56,  157. 

Snow's  brook,  in  Eastham,  1.52. 

Soil,  English  and  Indian  ri^ht  to  the, 243. 

Somer  Islands  Company,  112 

Southampton.  85.  Arrival  of  the  Pilgrims 
at.  89.     Situation  of,  89. 

Southworth,  aids  in  puVjlic  worship,  419. 

Sowams,  seat  of  Massasoit,  208. 

Spain.     See  United  Provinces. 

Sparrow,  arrival  of  the,  at  Plymouth,  291 , 
293,  2f»8. 

Speedwell,  85.  Size  of  the,  80.  Unsea- 
worthy,  98.     Dismissed,  99. 

Spooner,  Ephrairti,  Dea..of  Plymouth,  199. 

Squa  sachem,  of  the  Massachusetts  Indi- 
ans, 225,  229.     Of  Matlapuyst,  317. 


Squanto,  or  Tisquantum,  history  of,  190. 
Place  in  Dorchester,  named  from,  191. 
At  Plymouth,  195,  196.  In  an  embassy 
to  Massasoit,  202.  At  Pokanoket,  211. 
On  a  voyage  in  search  of  a  boy,  212. 
Sent  to  Aspinet,  216.  Expedition 
against  the  Narragansets  to  revenge 
the  supposed  murder  of,  219.  Captured 
by  Corbitant,  220.  Returns  to  Ply- 
mouth, 223.  In  a  voyage  to  the  Mas- 
sachusetts, 224.  Would  plunder  the 
Massachusetts,  228.  Aid  from,  about 
planting  Indian  corn,  230.  Suspicions 
as  to,  285.  Double-dealing  of,  289. 
Valuable  services  of,  290.  Demanded 
by  Massasoit,  291.  Pilots  an  expedition 
for  corn,  and  to  discover  a  passage  round 
Cape  Cod,  299,  300.  Sickness  and 
death  of,  301.  Instructs  Indians  in 
English  salutations,  305. 

Squantum,  a  promontory  in  Dorchester, 
191,  226.  Taken  possession  of,  by 
Thompson,  3.51.     See  Dorchester. 

Squaws,  modesty  of  the,  228,  364.  Bur- 
dens borne  by,  305,  311.  Treatment 
of,  at  Weymouth,  339,  341.  Their  tra- 
vail, 358.  Servitude  of,  303.  Particu- 
lars respecting,  364. 

Standish  family,  126. 

Standish,  Miles,  Captain,  115.  Leader  in 
an  excursion  up  the  Cape,  125.  Ac- 
count of,  12.5,  338.  His  coat  of  mail 
and  sword,  134.  In  the  third  expedi- 
tion, 149.  Encounters  Nauset  Indians, 
156,  158.  Goes  in  search  of  Indians  at 
Plymouth,  171.  Death  of  his  wife,  179. 
Chosen  Captain,  180.  Sent  to  meet  In- 
dians, 181.  Meets  Massasoit,  192. 
Massasoit's  reception  of,  194.  Marches 
acrainst  the  Narragansets  in  defence  of 
Massa.soit,220.  In  an  expedition  to  the 
Massachusetts,  22-5.  Secures  a  messen- 
ger from  Canonicus,  281.  Military  pre- 
parations of,  284.  Sets  forward  for 
Massachusetts,  287.  Driven  back  from 
an  expedition  for  corn,  299.  Goes  to 
Eastham,  304.  Salutation  of,  by  Aspi- 
net, 304.  Conduct  of,  at  Varniouth, 
308.  At  Scussett,  309.  Treachery 
against,  311.  Returns,  312.  Expedi- 
tion of,  against  the  Indians  at  Wey- 
mouth, 326,  327,  331.  Arrives  at  Wey- 
mouth, 3:jfj  Trade  of,  with  an  Indian 
spy,  337.  Kills  Pecksuotin  a  struggle, 
338.  Remarks  on,  by  Robinson,  Hub- 
bard, and  Davis,  339.  Skirmishes  with 
Indians,  341.  Takes  the  head  of  Witu- 
wamat,  and  returns  to  Plymouth,  342, 
343.  Effect  of  his  expedition,  :^5.  Pro- 
cures provisions,  350.  Second  wife  of, 
3.52. 

Standysshe,  John,  killed  Wat  Tyler,  120. 

Starsmore,  Sabm,  74. 


INDEX. 


50.3 


store  house,  at  Plymouth,  1C9,  173,  177. 
SUjut's  Creek,  in  Proviricetown,  12-i 
Strawberry  Hill,  Watson-B  hill  called,  IhO 
bunday,  ,n  Holland,  47,  '.'yii.     On  Clark's 
island,    100.     Kept    on    shore   at    Ply- 
mouth,  177.     Refusal  of  the  Pilgrims 
to  traffick  on,  IdU. 
Supremacy,  oath  of,  04. 
Svvarnps,  formerly  ponds,  130. 
Swan,  arrival  of  the,  2fJ0.     Remains  20^ 
Swan.sey,  2()r<.      See  Corlutant,  Gardners 

J^ccli,  MaUajjoiset,  and  .'ilude's  Ferni 
Synods,  at  Dort,  47,  424.     At  Cambrid'cre. 
304,    402.     At    Embden,    422.     iNone 
among  the  Separatists,  408. 


Tabor,  and  Taborites,  38. 

Tarbes,  John,  3:i0. 

Taunton  river,  20-5.  Pestilence  on,  200, 
2.'J4.    Notice  of,  200.    Country  on,  207. 

Thacker,  Elias,  persecuted,  412.  Execut- 
ed, 'i-Z'l. 

Thanksgiving,  the  first,  231.    After  a  fast, 

351. 
Theft,  Indian  punishment  of,  3C4. 
Thievish  Harbour,  148,  LOO. 
Thompson,  David,  3.50. 
Thompson's  inland,  in  Boston  harbour,  3.51 . 
Tilly,  Edward,  a  Pilgrim,  122,  126,  14'J. 

Notice  of,  1.51. 
Tilly,  John,  a  Pilgrim,  149,  151. 
Tisquantum.     See  Snuanto. 
Titicut,  20.5,  212. 
Tobacco,  18-,  194,  303. 
Tokaniahamon,  an  Indian  guide,  21 1,  214. 
Corbitant's  hostility  to,  219.      With  a  ' 
messenger  from  Canonicus,  281.  i 

Toleration,  want  of,  under  James  I.,  21. 
Holland  reproached  for,  23.     Applica- 
tion for,  by  agents  from  Holland,  55,  ; 
382.      Of    the    Pilgrims    towards    the 
Dutch  and  French,  388,  392,  393;  to- 
wards  the    Scotch,   394  ;    towards    the" 
Presbyterians,  402,  407.     Not  shown  to 
evil-doers,  407.     See   Communion,  Pil-  ■ 
grims,  Robinson,  and  Siqiaralists.  \ 

Town  brook,  in  Plymouth,  Pilgrims  settle 
near,   107.     Notice    of,   172.     Mill  on,  j 
172,  352.     Crossed  to  meet  Indians,  18J. 
Reception  of  Massasoit  at  the,  ly2.  ' 

Training  Green  in  Plymouth,  108.  j 

Trees,  on  Cape  Cod.  118.  124,  132.     At 

Plymouth,  104.     In  Pokanokel,  207. 
Trial,  an  Indian,  307. 
Truro,  soil    in,  123.     Excursions  to,  128. 
Pond    in,    1.30.     Second   excursion   to, 
13!).     See  East  harlour. 
Turbot,  104. 

Tyburn,  persons  executed  at,  437. 
Tyler,  VVat,  killed.  126. 


U. 


Uncle  Sam's  hill,  in  Truro,  1.33. 

Lnitftd  Provinces,  war  I>etween  Spain  and 
the,  2.J  ;  truce  between  them,  44  Ex- 
piration of  the  truce,  51.  See  Low 
Countries. 

Upham,  Charles  W.,  Rev.,  77. 


V. 

Vessels,  size  and  character  of,  86. 

Virginia,  colonization  of,  .5.3,  .54.  Pilgriras 
conclude  for,  54,  :j83.  Settled  by  Epis-. 
copalians,  .54.  Territr^rial  exU-nt  of,  .54. 
Application  for  religious  toleration'  in, 
55.  Oaths  for  emigrants  to,  (A.  Gov- 
ernors of,  09,  70.  Blackwells  voyage 
to,  70.  New  patent  for  the  northern 
part  of,  60, 1 01 .  Effect  of  the  Plymouth 
settlement  on,  1^2.  Wmslow  on  the 
state  of,  278.  Indian  massacre  in,  278, 
2X1,  295.  Vessels  for,  at  Plymouth, 
293.  Proclamation  as  to  the  govern- 
ment of,  485.     fiee  .Xew  England. 

Virginia  Company,  .54.  Application  of 
the  Pilgrims  to  the,  .55,  57  ;  their  cor- 
respondence, .58.  Courts  held  by  the, 
07.  Governors  and  Treasurers  of  tJ)e, 
68.  Contentions  in  the,  09.  Patent 
obtained  from  the,  74. 


W. 

Wachusett  mountain.  228. 
Walloons,  39,  352,  393. 
Walnut  trees,  132,  104,  105. 
Warnpom.  143. 

Wamsutta,  son  of  Massasoit,  194. 
Wareharn,  conspiracy  with  the  Indians  at. 
323.  ' 

Warren,  in  the  Pokanokct  country,  208. 
Warren,  Richard,  121,  150.     iiis  widow 

and  descendants,  150. 
Wassapinewat,  330. 

Water   of   New    England,    129;   of  Ply- 
mouth, 105,  100,  107,  2.55. 
Watertown,  minister  of,  .398. 
Watson,  Edward,  owner  of  Clark's  island. 

100. 
Watson's  hill,  two  Indians  appear  on.  1-0. 
Names  of,  IfcO.     Indians  again  appear 
there,  190.     Massasoit  there,  ]'.H). 
Weavers,  among  the  Plymoutii  settlers,  3.5. 
Welcome  of  Samoset,  lf2. 
Wellfleet  bay,  visited,  151,  152,  153. 
Wellingsly  Brook,  in  Plymouth,  Hv5. 
Wessagussett,  78.     Subject  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts sachem.  227.     See  H'e i/moulJt . 
West,  Francis,  admiral  of  New  England, 
278.  ^        ' 


504 


INDEX. 


Weston,  Thomas,  agreement  with,  78. 
Notice  of,  78.  Inclines  to  New  Eng- 
land, 80.  Neglects  to  provide  shipping, 
85.  On  a  charter,  234.  His  people  at 
Weymouth,  276,  2i){).  The  Sparrow 
sent  out  by,  293.  Writes  to  Mr.  Carver, 
293.  Expedition  of  his  people  for  corn, 
299 ;  their  return  to  Weymouth,  303. 
His  visit  and  misfortunes,  342.  See 
Weyinouth. 
Weymouth,  Captain,  carries  Indians  from 

Penobscot,  190. 
Weymoutli.  or  Wessagusset,  78.     Charac- 
ter  of   Weston's  colony   at,   270,  296, 
334.     Account  of  the  planting  of,  290. 
Conductof  the  colonists  of,  at  Plymouth, 
297,  300.     Indians'  complaints  respect- 
ing, 298,  302,  327.     Indian  conspiracy 
ao-ainst.  310,  323.     Expedition   against 
the  Indians  of,  327.  331 .     Want  of  pro- 
visions  at,  328.     Too   feeble   and   sick 
for    defence,  329.     Wretched   staie  of, 
332.       Execution    at,    332.      Standish's 
arrival  there,  336.     Carelessness  at,  336. 
Offer  to,  from  the  Pilgrims,  337.     Sevim 
Indians  killed  at,  339.     Broken  up,  341. 
See  Weston. 
Whales,  whaling  and,  119,  140. 
Whitbourne,  Richard,  Captain,  155. 
White,  Roger,  letters  by,  to  Bradford,  478, 

483. 
White,  Peregrine,  148. 
White,  William,  a  Pilgrim,  121 ,  143.  Death 

of,  181,201. 
Whitgift,  Archbishop,  432. 
Wigwams,    discovered,    143.      Described, 
144.    InEastham.154.    Near  Plymouth, 
172.     Of  Nanepashemet.  220. 
Wild  fowl,  at  Cape  Cod,  119. 137, 139,140. 
At  Plymouth,  104,  179,229.     Time  of 
the   294. 
■  Williams,  Roger,  132,  133,  142.  187,  280, 
305,317,318,  319,  356,  305,  360,  307. 
Prophesying  by,  at  Plymouth,  420. 
Williams,  Thomas,  a  Pilgrim,  122.    Meets 

Massasoit,  192. 
Wincob,  John,  patent  taken  in  the  name 

of,  75. 
Windows,  account  of,  237. 
Winnatuckset  brook,  source  of,  206. 
Winslow  chair,  cut  of  the,  238. 
Winslow,  Edward,  on  John  Robinson  and 
Arminianism,  41.     Age  of,  in  1620.  46. 
Reasons  by,  for  removing  from  Holland, 
47.     On  Thomas  Weston,  78.     On  the 
profit   from   fishing,   81 ,  383.      In   the 
third  exploring  party,  139.     On  errors, 
175,  277.     On  the  Indian  language,  183. 
On  the  Indians'  use  of  tobacco,  169.  In- 
terview of,  with  Massasoit,  192.  A  host- 
age, 192.     Death  of  his  wife,  197,  201. 
Married    aoain,   201.     Probably    wrote 
the  narrative  of  the  journey  to  Pokano- 


ket,  202.  In  the  embassy  to  Massasoit, 
202,204,213.  Letter  from,  230.  Cattle 
brought  to  Plymouth  b}"^,  233.  His  Re- 
lation, 209.  Notice  of,  and  of  his  fam- 
ily and  descendants,  274,  388.  His  re- 
turn to  England,  277,  477.  On  the  state 
of  Virginia,  278.  In  the  second  Mas- 
sachusetts expedition,  287.  Goes  to 
Monhegan,  293.  Second  journey  of,  to 
Pokanoket,  to  visit  Massasoit  in  his 
sickness,  313.  Indian  plot  revealed  to, 
324,320.  Lodges  with  Corbitant,  324. 
Returns,  320.  His  brief  Narration  of  the 
true  Grounds  of  the  first  Planting  of 
New  England,  377,  379,  408.  Sent  to 
England  in  1040  to  defend  the  colony 
of  Massachusetts  against  Gorton,  379. 
Preserves  Robinson's  Farewell  Dis- 
course, 399.  Works  by,  408.  On  pro- 
phesying by, 419. 

Winslow,  Gilbert,  275. 

Winslow,  Isaac,  27-5. 

Winslow,  John,  235,  275. 

Winslow,  Josiali,  on  the  purchase  of  the 
Indians'  lands,  259.     Notice  of,  275. 

Winslow,  Kenelm,  27.5. 

Winter,  the  first,  at  Plymouth,  105,  173. 

Winthrop,  John,  Gov.,  fleet  of,  rendez- 
vous at  Southampton,  89.  On  a  ship- 
wreck on  Brown's  island,  103.  On  the 
Church  of  England,  398.  On  the  synod 
at  Cambridge,  402.  On  Rev.  Peter 
Hobart,  402.  Takes  part  in  religious 
services  at  Plymouth,  419. 

Wittuwamat,  310,  338.  Killed,  339.  Head 
of.  taken,  i342;  stuck  up,  at  Plymouth, 
343. 

Wives  of  sachems,  361.  See  Squa,  and 
■  SqiiaiLs. 

Wolstenholme,  Sir  John,  55,  63,  (jQ. 

Wolves,  alarms  from,  155.  Encountered, 
178. 

Wood,  Anthony,  cited,  59,  432,  439. 

Wood,  William,  113,  124,  129,  132,  133, 
135,  130,  140,  142,  143,  104,  106,  170, 
187,  188,  198.  305,  300,  307,  318,  306. 

Wood  End,  on  Cape  Cod,  118,  119. 

Wood-gaile,  129. 

Woosamequin,  or  Massasoit,  245. 


Yarmouth,  Mattachiest,  216.  Corn  pro- 
cured at,  302,  308.  Valor  of  Standish 
at,  309. 

Yeardley,  Sir  George,  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, 70,  279. 


Ziska,  John,  33. 


I/BPox  Library 


Banrraft  CoUn-Hitn.