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3 3433 08176357 9 


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FROM 1602 TO 1625. 



' Gentis cunabula i.o-Lte. 
' The mother of us a'l.' 




7V\ XC 

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1841, 
By Alexander Young, 
, the Clerk's Office of the District Court of tlie District of Massachusetts. 


• * • 


printed by freeiman anx3 bolles, 

washington street. 











This volume will be found to contain an authentic 
History of the Pilgrim Fathers who planted the Colony 
of Plymouth, from their origin in John Robinson's con- 
gregation in 1602, to his death in 1625, written by 
themselves. Some account of the nature of these 
Chronicles, and of the circumstances which led to their 
compilation in this form, may not be unacceptable to 
the reader. 

It is well known to those who are familiar with the 
early history of New England, that William Bradford, 
the second governor of Plymouth, wrote a History of 
that People and Colony from 1602 to 1647, in 270 
folio pages ; which was used by Morton in compiling 
his Memorial, by Hutchinson in writing his History of 
Massachusetts, and by Prince in digesting his Annals 
of New England. The manuscript of this valuable 
work, being deposited with Prince's library in the 
tower of the Old South Church in this city, disap- 
peared in the War of the Revolution, when this church 


was occupied by the British troops, and has long since 
been given up by our historians as lost. The most 
important part of this lost History I have had the good 
fortune to recover. On a visit at Plymouth, a few 
years since, I found in the records of the First Church 
a narrative, in the hand-writing of Secretary Morton, 
which, on comparing it with the large extracts in 
Hutchinson ^ and Prince," 1 recognised as the identical 
History of Governor Bradford ; a fact put beyond all 
doubt by a marginal note of Morton at the beginning 
of it, in which he says, " This was originally penned 
by Mr. William Bradford, governor of New Plymouth." 
This fact of the real authorship of the document seems 
to have escaped the observation of all who had pre- 
ceded me in examining the records, such as Judge 
Davis, Mr. Bancroft, and even of Hazard, who attri- 
butes it expressly to Nathaniel Morton.^ Hazard 
copied and printed the larger part of it, as a work of 
Morton's, in his valuable collection of State Papers, 
though in a very incomplete and inaccurate form, not 
being able always to decipher the cramped and abbre- 
viated characters in which it is written, and being 
frequently obliged to leave blank spaces in his page. 

' By comparing the second chapter in this volume with the first article 
in Hutchinson's Appendix, ii. 449-451, which he quotes from Bradford, 
it will be found that they agree nearly word for word. 

' The extracts in Prince are too numerous to be referred to ; the prin- 
cipal are on pages 114, 120, 128, 130, 140-145, 147, 155, 160. 

" Hazard's State Papers, i. 349. 


By the favor of the Plymouth Church I was permitted 
to make a new transcript of this very important paper, 
the entire accuracy of which has been secured by its 
careful collation with another copy made by the Rev. 
William P. Lunt, of Quincy, who kindly favored me 
with the loan of it. The value of this document de- 
pends upon its authorship, and cannot be over-esti- 
mated. It takes precedence of every thing else relat- 
ing to the Pilgrims, in time, authority, and interest. 
It will be found to contain a detailed history of their 
rise in the north of England, their persecutions there, 
their difficult and perilous escape into Holland, their 
residence in that hospitable land for twelve years, the 
causes which led to their emigration, and the means 
which they adopted to transport themselves to Ame- 

The next document is Bradford's and Winslow's 
Journal of the first settlement of the Colony, containing 
a minute diary of events from the arrival of the May- 
flower at Cape Cod, November 9, 1620, to the return 
of the Fortune, December 11, 1621. This document 
joins on to the former, making a continuous narrative. 
It was printed in London in 1622, with a Preface signed 
by G. MouRT, and has since been usually cited as 
Mourt's Relation. It will be seen from the notes on 
pages 113 and 115 of this volume, that Mourt was 
probably George Moiton, the father of Nathaniel, the 
Secretary, then resident in England, that he had no 


hand in writing the Journal, but that it was actually 
written by Bradford and Winslow, a circumstance 
which gives to it new value and interest, and confers 
on it the highest authority. In 1625 this Relation 
was abridged by Purchas, and printed in the fourth 
volume of his Pilgrims. This abridgment, comprising 
only about half of the original, and abounding with 
errors, was reprinted in 1802 in the eighth volume of 
the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Soci- 
ety. In 1 822, after an interval of twenty years, the 
portions omitted by Purchas were reprinted in the 
nineteenth volume of the same Collections, from a 
manuscript copy of the original edition, made at Phil- 
adelphia. The transcriber, however, omitted some 
important passages, and committed many errors in 
copying. The parts of the work being thus disjointed, 
and printed in separate volumes, rendered the reading 
of it extremely difficult and repulsive. The present 
is the only correct and legible reprint that has been 
made since the appearance of the original in 1622. 

The third paper is Robert Cushman's Discourse, 
delivered at Plymouth in November, 1621, reprinted 
from an old copy in the library of the American Anti- 
quarian Society. 

The fourth document is Edward Winslow's Relation, 
entitled "Good News from New England," which takes 
up the narrative where it was left off by the former 
Journal, and brings it down to September 10, 1623. 


This book was printed in London in 1624, was 
abridged by Purchas in the same way as the former 
Relation, was reprinted in the same fragmentary man- 
ner by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1802, 
and the omissions in a separate volume in 1822. It is 
now reprinted for the first time entire, and in a legible 
form, from the original London edition, for which, as 
well as for the original of Bradford's and Winslow's 
Journal, I am indebted to the rich library of Harvard 

Next in order is Edward Winslow's " Brief Narra- 
tion of the true grounds or cause of the first planting 
of New England," which was printed at London in 
1646, at the end of his Answer to Gorton. No copy 
of this rare book is known to exist in this country. 
The manuscript from which I print was kindly copied 
for me by the Rev. George E. Ellis, of Charlestown, 
from the printed volume in the British Museum. In 
this paper we have the original of Robinson's cele- 
brated farewell address to the Pilgrims at Ley den, and 
several facts relating to them not recorded elsewhere. 

The sixth paper is a Dialogue, written by Governor 
Bradford, which has never before appeared in print. 
A fragment of it, written with his own hand, I found 
among the manuscripts in the cabinet of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society ; but the entire work I ob- 
tained from the records of the First Church in Ply- 
mouth, into which it was copied by Secretary Morton. 


The next document is a Memoir of Elder Brewster, 
written by Governor Bradford as part of his History, 
and also copied by Morton into the Church records. 

The volume closes wdth some letters of John Robin- 
son, and of the Pilgrims at Leyden and Plymouth, 
procured from the records of the Plymouth Church and 
from Governor Bradford's Letter Book. 

The value of these contemporaneous documents 
cannot be overstated. They are the earliest chronicles 
of New England. We have here the first book of our 
history, written by the actors themselves. We should 
esteem it a fortunate circumstance, a peculiar privi- 
lege, that we thus have the whole story of the origin 
of this earliest of our northern colonies in the very 
words of the first planters.^ In authority and import- 
ance nothing can exceed them ; and 1 feel that I have 
been engaged in a useful as well as interesting labor 
in collecting together and illustrating these scattered 
memorials of the Fathers. The notes will be found to 
be copious and various, touching upon all points, and 
in all cases referring to authorities from which the 
statements may be verified, and fuller information be 
obtained. Considering myself as engaged in erecting 
another monument to the memory of the Pilgrims, I 
have spared neither labor nor expense in endeavouring 
to render the w^ork accurate and complete. If the 

' " Quis est autem, quem non moveat clarissirais moaumentis testata 
consigaataque antiquitas ? " Cicero de Divinatione, lib. i. 40. 


reader shall derive from its perusal the same satisfac- 
tion which I have found in its compilation, I shall feel 
myself abundantly remunerated for this labor of love. 

Regarding these documents as the only authentic 
chronicles of those times, I have considered all devia- 
tions from them in subsequent writers as errors, and 
when they have fallen under my notice, I have not 
scrupled to point them out. In this I have no other 
object in view than historical accuracy ; and accord- 
ingly for whatever errors I may have fallen into, I shall 
hold myself equally obnoxious to criticism. 

The portrait of Governor Winslow at the beginning 
of the volume, so beautifully engraved by House, is an 
accurate copy of the original picture painted in Lon- 
don in 1651, in his 57th year. This picture, the only 
portrait that w^e have of any of the Pilgrims, has been 
handed down in the family ever since it was painted, 
one hundred and ninety years ago, and was kept till 
within a few years at the seat of the Winslows, in 
Marshfield. It is now the property of Mr. Isaac Wins- 
low, of Boston, the only surviving male descendant of 
the Governor, by whose kindness I have been permit- 
ted to have it engraved, and who has deposited it, with 
other portraits of his ancestors, in the hall of the Mas- 
sachusetts Historical Society. The coat of arms was 
probably painted at the same time with the picture, 
and has always been an heirloom in the family. The 
fac-simile of Winslow's signature w^as copied from a 


letter ^vrittcn by him to Governor Winthrop, from his 
scat at « Careswell, this 17th of the last month, 1639." 
The original is in the archives of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, and it was printed by Hutchinson 
in his Collection of Original Papers, page 110. 

The map of Plymouth, on page 160, is copied by 
permission, on an enlarged scale, from the accurate 
map of the State, now in preparation under the direc- 
tion of Simeon Borden, Esq., and the map of Cape 
Cod, on page 116, is partly reduced from Major Gra- 
ham's beautiful chart, and partly composed from recent 
surveys made for the State map. The engraving of 
the Mayflower on page 108 is copied from one of Sir 
Walter Raleigh's ships in De Bure, and is a correct 
representation of the vessels of that day. The chairs 
of Winslow, Carver, and Brewster, are faithfully drawn 
from the originals, the first of which is preserved in 
the Hall of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and 
the last two in the Pilgrim Hall, at Plymouth. The 
seal of the Colony is taken from the title-page of the 
Book of the General Laws of New Plymouth, printed 
in 1685. Judge Davis says, " it originated probably 
in Mr. Cushman's advice to Governor Bradford in a 
letter from England, Dec. 18, 1624: 'Make your 
corporation as formal as you can, under the name of the 
Society in Plymouth in New England.' Of this seal 
the Colony was deprived in the rapacious days of 
Andros. On a return to the old paths, the Governor 


was requested to procure its restoration. If this appli- 
cation were successful, the seal has since been lost." 

In regard to the minuteness of some of the particu- 
lars recorded in the ensuing pages, no better apology 
can be offered than that of the Roman annalist : 
" Pleraque eorum quas referam parva forsitan et levia 
memoratu videri, non nescius sum. Non tamen sine 
usu fuerit introspicere ilia, primo adspectu levia, ex quis 
magnarum sa^pe rerum motus oriuntur."' — " If any 
tax me for wasting paper with recording these small 
matters, such may consider that small commonwealths 
bring forth matters of small moment ; the reading 
whereof yet is not to be despised by the judicious, 
because small things in the beginning of natural or 
politic bodies are as remarkable as greater in bodies 
full grown." ^ 

Boston, June 1, 1841. 

' Tacitus, Ann. lib. iv. 32. 

' Gov. Dudley's Letter to the Countess of Lincoln. 



1. Portrait of Governor Winslow i 

2. The Mayflower ....... 108 

3. Map of Cape Cod 116 

4. Map of Plymouth Bay . . . . . 160 

5. Governor Winslow's Chair . . . . . 238 

6. Governor Carver's Chair ..... 458 

7. Elder Brewster's Chair 470 

8. Seal of Plymouth Colony .... Back Title. 


Chap Page. 

Gov. Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony . 1 

I. The first beginnings of this church and people . . 19 

11, Their departure into Holland, and their troubles there- 
about, with some of the many difficulties they found 
and met withal ..... 25 

ni. Their settling in Holland, and their manner of living and 

entertainment there . . , . .33 

IV. The reasons and causes of their removal from Holland 44 
V. The means they used for preparation to this weighty 

voyage . . . . . . . 52 

VI. The conditions of their agreement with several merchant 

adventurers towards the voyage ... 80 

VII. Their departure from Leyden, and embarkation from 

Delft-Haven . . . . . .86 

VIII. The troubles that befell them on the coast of England, 
and in their voyage in coming over into New England, 

and their arrival at Cape Cod ... 97 

/ - 

Bradford's and Winslow's Journal . . . 109 

IX. The first planters' combination by entering into a body 
politic together; with their proceedings in discovery of 
a place for their settlement and habitation . . 117 

X. Their landing and settling at New Plymouth . . 163 

XI. A Journey to Pokanoket, the habitation of the great king 
Massasoit ; the message, and the answer and entertain- 
ment they received from him .... 202 
Xn. A Voyage to the kingdom of Nauset, to seek a boy that 
had lost himself in the woods ; and the accidents that 
befell them in that voyage .... 214 

XIII. A Journey to the kingdom of Namaschet, in defence of 
the great king Massasoit against the Narragansetts, and to 
revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum . . 219 


Chap. P*"e- 

XIV. A Relation of their voyage to the Massachusetts, and 

what happened there ..... 224 

XV. A Letter from Edward Winslow to a friend in England, 
setting forth a brief and true declaration of the worth 
of the Plantation at Plymouth; as also certain useful 
directions for such as intend a voyage into New Eng- 
land ...... 230 

XVI. Robert Cushman's reasons and considerations touching 
the lawfulness of removing out of England into the 
parts of America ..... 239 

Cushman's Discourse ..... 253 
XVII. The state of the Colony, and the need of public spirit in 

the Colonists ..... 255 

WiNSLow's Relation ..... 269 
XVIII. The first planters menaced by the Narragansetts, and 

their second voyage to the Massachusetts . . 280 

XIX. The planting of Weston's Colony at Weymouth, and 

sundry excursions after corn . . . 296 

XX. Winslow's second journey to Pokanoket, to visit Massa- 

soit in his sickness ..... 313 
XXI. Standish's expedition against the Indians of Weymouth, 

and the breaking up of Weston's Colony at that place 327 
XXII. The first allotment of lands, and the distressed state of the 

Colony ...... 346 

XXIII. The manners, customs, religious opinions and ceremonies 

of the Indians ...... 354 

XXIV. The situation, climate, soil, and productions of New Eng- 

land ...... 368 

Winslow's Brief Narration .... 377 
XXV. The true grounds or cause of the first planting of New 

England ...... 379 

Gov. Bradford's Dialogue .... 409 

XXVI. A Dialogue, or the Sura of a Conference between some 
Young Men born in New England, and sundry Ancient 
Men that came out of Holland and Old England. . 414 


Gov. Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster . 459 
XXVII. Memoir of Elder William Brewster . . .461 

XXVIII. Letters 471 





Christian Reader, 

I HAVE looked at it as a duty incumbent on me to 
commit to writing the first beginnings and after pro- 
gress of the Church of Christ at Plymouth in New 
England ; forasmuch as I cannot understand that there 
is any thing particularly extant concerning it, and al- 
most all the members of the said church, both elders 
and others, being deceased, by whom intelligence of 
matters in that behalf might be procured.^ I dare 
not charge the reverend elders of that church w ho are 
gone to their rest, with any neglect on that behalf; for 
when they were in Holland, they were necessitated to 
defend the cause of Christ by writing against opposites 
of several sorts ; so as such like employs, together 
with the constant and faithful discharge of the duties 
of their offices, probably took up the greatest part of 
their time ; and since the church parted, and a consid- 
erable part thereof came unto this going down of the 
sun, it might be neglected partly on the account that 
divers writings, some whereof being put forth in print, 

^ In 1679, the year previous to who came over in the Mayflower, 
the date of this Preface, twelve only See Hutchinson's History of Mas- 
were living of the hundred and one sachusetts, ii. 456. 


did point at and in a great measure discriminate the af- 
fairs of the church ; forasmuch as then the small com- 
monwealth, in our first beginning at New Plymouth, 
consisted mostly of such as were members of the 
church which was first begun and afterwards carried 
on in Leyden, in Holland, for about the space of 
twelve years, and continued and carried on at Ply- 
mouth, in New England, a small part whereof remain- 
eth until this day. If any thing was done on this kind 
by those worthy leaders, I suppose the blame is rather 
to be laid on those which had the first view of their 
studies, and had their books and writings in custody 
after their decease ; for I am persuaded that such was 
their faithfulness and prudence, as that they did not 
wholly neglect this matter.^ 

Some years since it pleased God to put an impulse 
upon my spirit to do something in a historical way con- 
cerning New England, more especially with respect to 
the Colony of New Plymouth ; which was entitled 
New EnglancVs Memorial ; ~ in which I occasionally 

* The records of John Robinson's cords of Plymouth Ch. and Mass. 
church at Leyden contained, no Hist. Coll. iv. 107. 
doubt, some account of its origin "'' This work was printed at Cam- 
and its memorable vicissitudes in bridge in 1669, in a small quarto 
England and Holland. These re- volume, of 198 pages, and the ex- 
cords, however, were probably lost peuse was defrayed by a contribu- 
when the remnants of that church tion in the several towns in the Co- 
were scattered after his death in lony. The greatest part of Mor- 
1625. The church at Plymouth had ton's information was "borrowed," 
no settled pastor till 1629, and af- as he informs us, " from his much 
terwards, for long intervals, was honored uncle, Mr. William Brad- 
destitute of a regular ministry until ford, and such manuscripts as he 
1669. when John Cotton, son of the left in his study." Prince, the New 
famous John Cotton, of Boston, England annalist, whose copy of 
was ordained. No records were the first edition of the Memorial is 
kept by either of his three prede- now before me, enriched with his 
cessors, Ralph Smith, Roger Wil- marginal notes and emendations, 
liams, and John Reyner. The re- says that " Morton's History, from 
cords of the church, previous to his the beginning of the Plymouth peo- 
settlement, are in the handwriting pie to the end of 1646, is chiefly 
of Secretary Morton. MS. Re- Gov. Bradford's manuscript, abbre- 


took notice of God's great and gracious work in erect- 
ing so many churches of Christ in this wilderness. 
But it was Judged by some that were Judicious that I 
was too sparing and short in that behalf ; the consider- 
ation whereof put me on thought of recollecting some- 
thing more particularly relating to the church of Ply- 
mouth. But it pleased the Lord so to dispose, that 
having accomplished my desires, some time after the 
finishing of this work I was solicited to lend it to a re- 
verend friend at Boston, where it was burned in the 
first fire that was so destructive at Boston, in the year 
1667.' Yet, notwithstanding, I have, through the 
goodness of God, crowded through many difficulties 
to achieve it the second time ; and, for that end, did 
once again repair to the study of my much honored 
uncle, William Bradford, Esquire, deceased,^ for whose 
care and faithfulness in such like respects we stand 
bound ; as firstly and mostly to the Lord, so seconda- 
rily to him and his, whose labors in such respect might 

viated." In fact, Morton's chief Memorial in 1669 ; and the date of 
merit is that of a diligent, but not " the first fire that was so destruc- 
always accurate copyist of his un- tive at Boston" was Nov. 27, 1676. 
cle's documents. He would have The reverend friend to whom the 
done a much greater service by manuscript had been lent, was In- 
causing Gov. Bradford's History to crease Mather, whose church was 
be printed entire. It is the loss of destroyed by this fire, as well as his 
that work that now gives so much dwelling-house, and a part of his 
value to his extracts and compila- library. Increase Mather had 
tions. The fifth edition of the Me- married a daughter of John Cot- 
morial, greatly enlarged by the ton, of Boston ; and her brother be- 
valuable notes of the learned ed- ing at this time the minister of 
itor. Judge Davis, was printed at Plymouth, this circumstance pro- 
Boston in 1826, in an octavo vol- bably led to an acquaintance be- 
ume of 480 pages. See Plymouth tween Mather and Secretary Mor- 
Colony Laws, p. 153, Morton's IVIe- ton. See Hutchinson's Massachu- 
morial, p. 10, and Prince's Annals, setts, i. 349, Snow's History of Bos- 
p. XX. ton, p. 164, and Cotton Mather's 

' This is unquestionably an er- Memoirs of his Father, p. 79. 
ror; it should be 1676. 'For the ^ Gov. Bradford died May 9, 

^writer says he began this compila- 1657, in his 69th year. 
tion after the publication of the 


fitly have been published to the world, had they not 
been involved in and amongst particulars of other 

Gentle reader, I humbly crave thy patience, and ac- 
ceptance of this small treatise, so as to read it over 
considerately ; wherein so doing thou wilt discern 
much of the goodness, mercy, and power of God ; who 
as at the first brought this fabric of the world out of 
the womb of nothing, hath brought so many famous 
churches of Christ out of so small beginnings ; with 
many other useful considerations that thou mayest 
meet with in the serious perusal thereof. So leav- 
ing thee and this small work to the blessing of the 
only wise God, 

I remain thine in Christ Jesus, 

Nathaniel Morton.^ 
Plymouth, in Neio England, January \3th, 1680. 

• Nathaniel Morton was the son Court, and continued in this office 

of George Morton, who had mar- till his death, June 28, 1685, in 

ried in England a sister of Gov. his 73d year. His residence in 

Bradford, and came over to Plym- Plymouth was by ihe side of Wel- 

outh with his family in July, 1623, lingsly Brook, half a mile south of 

in the ship Ann. His father died the village. See Judge Davis's 

in June, 1624, when Nathaniel was Preface to Morton's Memorial, pp. 

twelve years old. In 1645 he was iv. and 101, and Mass. Hist. Coll. 

chosen Secretary of the Colony xiii. 178. 





It is well known to the godly and judicious, how intr. 
that ever since the first breaking out of the light of the 
Gospel in our honorable nation of England, — which 
was the first of nations whom the Lord adorned there- 
with, after that gross darkness of Popery, which had 
covered and overspread the Christian world, — what 
wars and oppositions ever since Satan hath raised, 
maintained, and continued against the saints from time 
to time, in one sort or other ; sometimes by bloody 
death and cruel torments, otherwhiles imprisonments, 
banishments, and other hard usages ; as being loth his 
kingdom should go down, the truth prevail, and the 
churches of God revert to their ancient purity, and 
recover their primitive order, liberty, and beauty. But 
when he could not prevail by these means against the 
main truths of the Gospel, but that they began to take 
footing in many places, being watered with the blood 
of the martyrs and blessed from heaven with a gracious 

* This was originally penned by Mr. William Bradford, Governor of 
New Plymoulh. — Morton's Note. 


INTR. increase ; he then began to take him to his ancient 
stratagems, used of old against the first Christians ; 
that when by the bloody and barbarousness ' of the 
heathen emperor he could not stop and subvert the 
course of the Gospel, but that it speedily overspread 
with a wonderful celerity to the then best known parts 
of the world, he then began to sow errors, heresies, 
and wonderful desertions amongst the professors them- 
selves, working upon their pride and ambition, with 
other corrupt passions incident to all mortal men, yea 
to the saints themselves in some measure ; by which 
woful effects followed, as not only bitter contentions 
and heart-burnings, schisms, with other horrible con- 
fusions, but Satan took occasion and advantage thereby 
to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many 
unprofitable canons and decrees, which have since been 
as snares to many peaceable poor souls even to this 
day ; so, as in the ancient times the persecution by 
the heathen and their emperors was not greater than 
of the Christians, one against another, the Arians' and 
other their accomplices' against the orthodox and true 
Christians (as witnesseth Socrates in his second book, 
saith he) " was no less than that of old practised to- 
wards the Christians when they were compelled and 
drawn to sacrifice to idols ; for many endured sundry 
kinds of torments, others racking, and dismembering 
of their joints, confiscating of their goods, some be- 
reaved of their native soil, others departed this life 
under the hands of the tormentor, and some died in 
banishment, and never saw their country again." ^ 
The like method Satan hath seemed to hold in these 

1 So in the MS. ^ Eccles. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 27. 


latter times, since the truth began to spring and spread intr. 
after the great defection made by Antichrist, the Man 
of Sin. For to let pass the many examples in sundry 
nations, in several places of the world, and instances 
of our own, whenas the old serpent could not prevail by 
those fiery flames, and other his cruel tragedies, which 
he by his instruments put in ure every where in the 
days of Queen Marv and before, he then began another 15 53 


kind of war, and went more closely to work, not only i5 58. 
to oppugn, but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom 
of Christ by more secret and subtile means, by kind- 
ling the flames of contention and sow^ing the seeds of 
discord and bitter enmity amongst the professors and 
seeming: reformed themselves. For when he could not 
prevail by the former means against the principal doc- 
trines of faith, he bent his force against the holy disci- 
pline and outward regiment of the kingdom of Christ, 
by which those holy doctrines should be confirmed, and 
true piety maintained amongst the saints and people 
of God. 

Mr. Fox recordeth how that, besides those worthy 
martyrs and confessors which were burned in Queen 
Mary's days and otherwise tormented, many, both stu- 
dents and others, fled out of the land, to the number 1554. 
of eight hundred, and became several congregations at 
Wesel, Frankfort, Basle, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, 
and Geneva, &c.^ Amongst whom, especially those 
at Frankfort, began a bitter war of contention and per- 1555. 
secution about the ceremonies and service book, and 
other popish and antichristian stuff, the plague of Eng- 
land to this day, which are like the high places in 

• Fox, Acts and Monuments, iii. iii. 146, and Fuller's Ch. Hist, of 
40. See also Strype's Memorials, Britain, ii. 405. 



iJNTR. Israel which the prophets cried out against, and were 
their ruin ; which the better part sought, according to 
the purity of the Gospel, to root out and utterly de- 
stroy, and the other part, under veiled pretences, for 
their own ends and advancement, sought as stiffly to 
continue, maintain, and defend ; as appeareth by the 
Discourse thereof published in print anno 1575, a book 
that deserves better to be known and considered than 
it is.^ The one side labored to have the right worship 
of God and discipline of Christ established in the 
church according to the simplicity of the Gospel, with- 
out the mixture of men's inventions, and to have and 
to be ruled by the laws of God's word, dispensed in 
those offices and by those officers of pastors and teach- 
ers and elders, according to the Scriptures. The other 
party, though under many colors and pretences, en- 
deavoured to have the episcopal dignity, after the popish 
manner, with their large power and jurisdiction, still 
retained, with all those court canons and ceremonies, 
together with all such livings, revenues, and subordinate 
officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their 
antichristian greatness, and enabled them with lordly 
and tyrannous power to persecute the poor servants of 

' This work is entitled, " A Brief the view and consideration of the 
Discourse of the Troubles begun at most Honorable and High Court of 
Frankfort, in Germany, anno Domi- Parliament, and the reverend di- 
ni 1554, about the Book of Common vines of the intended ensuing As- 
Prayer and Ceremonies, and contin- sembly." Hallam says, in his Con- 
ned by the Englishmen there to the stitutional History of England, 
end of Queen Mary's reign ; in the chap, iv., that " this tract is fairly 
which Discourse the gentle reader and temperately written, though 
shall see the very original and be- with an avowed bias towards the 
ginning of all the contention that Puritan party. Whatever we read 
hath been, and what was the cause in any historian on the subject, is 
of the same. 1575." The place derived from this authority." Both 
where it was printed is not men- editions of this rare book are in the 
tioned. It was reprinted at London Library of the Massachusetts His- 
in 1642, and "humbly presented to torical Society. 



This contention was so great, as neither the honor intr. 
of God, the common persecution, nor the mediation of 
Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord in those 
places, could prevail with those thus episcopally mind- 
ed ; but they proceeded by all means to disturb the 
peace of this poor persecuted church, so far as to charge 
very unjustly and ungodlily (yet prelate like) some of 
their chief opposers with rebellion and high treason 
against the Emperor, and other such crimes.^ And 
this contention died not wilh Queen Mary, nor was 1558. 
left beyond the seas. But at her death, these people 7J' 
returning into England, under gracious Queen Eliza- 
beth, many of them preserved aspired to bishoprics and 
other promotions,^ according to their aims and desires ; 

' Calvin, in his letter of Jan. 20, 
1555, addressed to John Knox and 
William Whittinghaoi, at Frank- 
fort, says, " In the liturgy of Eng- 
land I see that there were many 
tolerable foolish things ; by these 
words I mean that there was not 
the purity which was to be desired. 
These vices, though they could not 
at the first day be amended, yet, 
seeing there was no manifest im- 
piety, they were for a season to be 
tolerated. Therefore it was lawful 
to begin of such rudiments or abece- 
daries ; but so that it behooved the 
learned, grave, and godly ministers 
of Christ to enterprise farther, and 
to set forth something more filed 
from rust, and piwer. If godly reli- 
gion had flourished till this day in 
England, there ought to have been 
a thing better corrected, and many 
things clean taken away. I cannot 
tell what they mean which so great- 
ly delight in the leavings of popish 
dregs." Knox was soon after ac- 
cused of treason before the magis- 
trates of Frankfort by some of the 
opposite party, on the ground of 
certain passages in a book of his, 
entitled An Admonition to Chris- 

tians, in which he called the em- 
peror of Germany " no less an 
enemy to Christ than was Nero;" 
in consequence of which he was 
obliged to leave the city. See Dis- 
course of the Troubles of Frank- 
fort, pp. 35 and 44, ed. of 1575, and 
Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 411. 

* See in Prince's Annals, p. 288, 
a list of those who were thus pro- 
moted. It is a just remark of Hal- 
lam, i. 188. that the objections to 
the church ceremonies and the cleri- 
cal vestments "were by no means 
confined, as is perpetually insinu- 
ated, to a few discontented persons. 
The most eminent churchmen, such 
as Jewel, Grindal, Sandys, Nowell, 
were in favor of leaving off the sur- 
plice and what were called the 
popish ceremonies. The current 
opinion that these scruples were 
imbibed during the banishment of 
the reformers, mast be received 
wilh great allowance. The dislike 
to some parts of the Anglican ritual 
had begun at home, it had broken 
out at Frankfort, it is displayed in 
all the early documents of Eliza- 
beth's reign by the English divines, 
far more warmly than by their Swiss 


iNTR. SO that inveterate hatred against the holy discipline of 
Christ in his church hath continued to this day ; inso- 
much that, for fear it should prevail, all plots and devices 
have been used to keep it out, incensing the Queen 
and State against it as dano;erous to her commonwealth ; 
and that it was most needful for the fundamental points 
of religion should be preached in those ignorant and 
superstitious times, and to win the weak and ignorant, 
they might retain divers harmless ceremonies ; and 
though it were to be wished that divers thing^s were 
reformed, yet this was not a season for it ; and many 
the like, to stop the mouths of the more godly, to bring 
them on to yield to one ceremonv after another and 
one corruption after another ; by these ways beguiling 
• some and corrupting others, until at length they began 
to persecute all the zealous professors in the land, (al- 
though they knew little what this discipline meant), 
both by word and deed, if they would not submit to 
their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their 
popish trash, which have no ground in the word of 
God, but are relics of the Man of Sin. And the more 
the light of the Gospel grew, the more they urged their 
subscriptions to these corruptions, so as notwithstanding 
all their former pretences and fair colors, they whose 
eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see 
whereto these things tended. And to cast contempt 
the more upon the sincere servants of God, they oppro- 
briously and most injuriously gave unto and imposed 

15 64. upon them that name of Puritans,' which is said the 

correspondents. The queen alone origin and growth of Puritanism in 

was the cause of retaining those ob- England, will be found in Prince's 

servances, to which the great sepa- Annals, p. 282-307, and Bancroft's 

ration from the Anglican establish- Hist, of the United States, i. 278. 

ment is ascribed." The most con- ' The era of the English Puri- 

cise and accurate account of the tans properly begins in 1550, when 



Novatians, out of pride, did assume and take unto intr. 
themselves.' And lamentable it is to see the effects ^^"^' 
which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the 
godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled ; 
sundry have lost their lives in prisons and other ways. 
On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, igno- 
rance, profaneness and atheism increased, the Papists 
encouraged to hope again for a day. 

This made that holy man Mr. Perkins cry out in his 
Exhortation unto Repentance, on Zephaniah ii, " Re- 
ligion," saith he, " hath been amongst us this thirty- 

Hooper refused, for a time, to be 
consecrated in the ecclesiastical 
habits. But in the year 1564, " the 
Enelish bishops,'' says Fuller, "con- 
ceiving themselves empowered by 
their canons, began to show their 
authority in urging the clergy of 
their respective dioceses to subscribe 
to the liturgy, ceremonies, and dis- 
cipline of the Church; and such as 
refused the same were branded with 
the odious name of Puritans. We 
need not speak of the ancient Ca- 
thari, or primitive Puritans, suffi- 
ciently known by their heretical 
opinions. ' Puritan ' here was taken 
for the opposers of the hierarchy 
and church-service, as resenting of 
superstition. But profane mouths 
quickly improved this nickname, 
therewith on every occasion to 
abuse pious people ; some of them 
so far from opposing the liturgy, 
that they endeavoured (according 
to the instructions thereof m the 
preparative to the Confession) ' to 
accompany the minister with a pure 
heart,' and labored (as it is in the 
Absolution) 'for a life pure and 
holy.' " An old writer of the 
Church of England, quoted by 
Prince, says, " they are called Pu- 
ritans who would have the Church 
thoroughly reformed ; that is, purged 
from all those inventions which 
Kave been brought into it since the 

age of the Apostles, and reduced 
entirely to the Scripture pvriti/." 
See Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 3^1. 474; 
Strype's Annals, i. 459-463 ; Cam- 
den's Elizabeth, p. 107; Prince, pp. 
100, 283; Neal's Puritans, i. 46, 72, 
91. (4to ed.) 

' " Novatus, a presbyter of the 
church of Rome, being puffed up 
with pride against those who in the 
times of persecution had lapsed 
through infirmity of mind, as if 
there were no further hope of salva- 
tion for them, although they per- 
formed all things appertaining to an 
unfeigned conversion and a sincere 
confession, constituted himself the 
ringleaderof a peculiar sect, of those 
w'ho by reason of their haughty 
minds styled themselves Cathari, 
that is, the Pure^ Eusebius, Ec- 
cles. Hist. lib. vi. cap. 43. His 
excessive rigor towards the lapsed 
appears to have been the only heresy 
of Novatus ; and it is quite as likely 
that the name of Puritan was fas- 
tened upon his followers in derision 
and reproach as that they assumed 
it of themselves; as we know was 
the case with the modern Quakers 
and Methodists. For an account 
of Novatus and his opinions, see 
Lardner's Credibility, part ii. ch. 
47 ; Mosheim, de Rebus Christiano- 
rum ante Const. Magn. Comment. 
512-527; Jackson's Nova tian,Praef. 


iNTR. five years. But the more it is published, the more it 
is contemned and reproached of many, &c. Thus not 
profaneness nor wickedness, but religion itself is a by- 
word, a mocking-stock, and matter of reproach ; so that 
in England at this day, the man or woman that begins 
to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve with 
himself to sustain mocks and injuries, even as though 
he lived amongst the enemies of religion ; and this 
common experience hath been too apparent." ' 

But before I pass on, I cannot omit an observation 
worthy to be noted, which was observed by the author, 
viz. Mr. William Bradford, as followeth. 

Saith he : Full little did I think that the downfall 
of the bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremo- 
nies, had been so near when I first began this writing, 
which was about the year 1630, and so pieced at leisure 
times afterwards, or that I should have lived to have 
seen or heard of the same.^ But it is the Lord's doing, 
^^^\'3 and ought to be marvellous in our eyes. " Every plant 
which mine heavenly father hath not planted," saith 
our Saviour, " shall be rooted up."^ " I have snared 

' Works, vol. iii. p. 421, ed. 1613. his older age he altered his voice, 
William Perkins lived in ihe reign and remitied much of his former 
of Elizabeth, was a fellow of Christ's rigidness, often professing that to 
College, Cambridge, and a Puritan preach mercy was the proper office 
Nonconformist. He was a strict of the ministers of the gospel." 
Calvinist, and had a controversy ' Charles I. was beheaded and 
with Arminius. His writings were the church establishment over- 
held in high esteem by the fathers thrown in 1649. 
of New England. Fuller says, in ^ The version of the Bible here 
his Life of him in the Holy State, quoted, and subsequently, is the 
that " he would pronounce the word one which was made by the Eng- 
damn with such an emphasis as left lish exiles at Geneva, in the reign 
a doleful echo in his auditors' ears of Queen Mary. It was first printed 
a good while after. And when in 1560, and was so highly esteemed, 
catechist of Christ's College, in ex- particularly on account of its notes, 
pounding the commandments, ap- that it passed through thirty edi- 
plied them so home, able almost to tions. King James appears to have 
make his hearers' hearts fall down, had a special dislike of it ; for in 
and hairs to stand upright, But in the Conference at Hampton Court 


thee, and thou art taken, O Babel, (bishops) and thou intr. 
wast not aware : thou art found and also caught, , 

a ' Jer. 1. 

because thou hast striven against the Lord." But will "^^' 
they needs strive against the truth, against the servants 
of the Lord, what ! and against the Lord himself ? 
Do they provoke the Lord to anger ? Are they stronger ^^^■''• 
than he ? No, no, they have met with their match. 
Behold, I come against thee, O proud men, saith the -""f'- 
Lord God of hosts ; for thy day is coming, even the 
time that I will visit thee. May not the people of God 
now say, and these poor people among the rest, The 
Lord hath brought forth our righteousness : come, let "'Yo.''' 
us declare in Zion the work of the Lord our God. 
Let all flesh be still before the Lord, for he is raised ^"13;"' 
up out of his holy place.* 

This poor people may say among the thousands of 
Israel, When the Lord brought again the captivity of crxvi""i. 
Zion, we were like them that dream. The Lord hath vs. 3. 
done great things for us, whereof we rejoice. They 
that sow in tears shall reap in joy. They went weep- vss.5,6. 
ing and carried precious seed ; but they shall return 
with joy, and bring their sheaves. 

Do ye not now see the fruits of your labors, O all 
ye servants of the Lord that have suffered for his truth. 

"he professed that he could never Annals, i. 229; Troubles at Frank- 
yet see a Bible well translated in fort, p. 192; Barlow's Sum and 
English ; but the worst of all his Substance of the Conference at 
Majesty thought the Geneva lobe." Hampton Court, p. 46; Strype's 
This opinion of the royal pedant Life of Abp. Parker, 205; Fuller's 
would not lower it in the estimation Ch. Hist. iii. 182,247. 
of our fathers, who used it in Eng- ' This elevation of spirit was a 
land and Holland, and brought it considerable time after the first pen- 
with them to this country. King ning of these writings, but here en- 
James's version, which was first tered because of the suitableness of 
printed in 1611, had hardly got into the matter going before it. — Mor- 
common use in England when they ton^s Note. 
came over in 1620. See Strype's 


INTR. and have been faithful witnesses of the same ? And 
ve little handful amongst the rest, the least amongst 
the thousands of Israel ? You have not had a seed- 
time, but many of you have seen a joyful harvest. 
Should ye not then rejoice, yea, again rejoice, and 

xix.7,"2. say, Hallelujah ! salvation, and glory, and honor, and 
powder, be to the Lord our God ; for true and righteous 
are his judgments. 

But thou wilt ask, What is the matter ? What is 
done ? — Why, art thou a stranger in Israel, that thou 
shouldest not know what is done ? Are not those 

%^.T' Jebusites overcome, that have vexed the people of Israel 
so long, even holding Jerusalem even until David's 
days, and been as thorns in their sides for many ages, 
and now began to scorn that not any David should 
meddle with them ; they began to fortify their tower, 
as that of the old Babylonians. But these proud Ana- 
kims are now thrown down, and their glory laid in the 
dust. The tyrannous bishops are ejected, their courts 
dissolved, their canons forceless, their service-books 
cashiered, their ceremonies useless and despised, their 
plots for Popery prevented, and all their superstitions 
discarded, and returned to Rome, from whence they 
came ; and the monuments of idolatry rooted out of 
the land, and the proud and profane supporters and 
cruel defenders of these, as bloody papists, wicked 
atheists, and their malignant consorts, marvellousiy 
overthrown. And are not these great things? Who 
can deny it ? 

But who hath done it ? Even he that sitteth on the 

xu!n. white horse, who is called Faithful and True, and 
judgeth and fighteth righteously, whose garments are 

»s. L3. dipped in blood, and his name was called The Word 


of God ; for he shall rule them with a rod of iron ; for intr. 
it is he that treadeth the wine-press of the fierceness 
and wrath of Almighty God ; and he hath upon his gar- 
ment and upon his thigh a name written, The King of 
Kings and Lord of Lords. Hallelujah ! 

See how this holy man's spirit was elevated and his 
heart raised up in praising of the Lord in consideration 
of the downfall of the proud prelacy ; as he and many 
more of the saints had good reason, who felt the smart 
of their bitter and cruel tyranny ; who are, indeed, a 
limb of Antichrist. And if the generality of the saints 
had been thus sensible of this great and marvellous 
work of God, possibly that proud hierarchy had not 
got up so soon again as they have done, soon after this 
good man's departure out of this world.' Nevertheless, 
we doubt not but that God will bring them down in 
his good time. For undoubtedly all those that will 
not that the Lord Jesus should reign over them, but 
instead thereof exercise an usurped lordly power over 
the poor saints of God, shall be brought and slain 
before him, and (without repentance) shall, together 
with the beast and false prophet, be thrown into the xfCao. 
lake burning with fire and brimstone. When Babylon 
cometh into remembrance before God, then shall the 
saints with the angel say, Thou art just and holy, ^W 
because thou hast judged these things ; for they, (viz. 
the whore of Rome and the prelates, their adherents,) 
have shed the blood of the saints. Give them blood vs. e. 
to drink ; for they are worthy. 

'Gov. Bradford died May 9, 1657. Charles II. was restored and 
l^piscopacy reestablished in 1660. 


iNTR. The exordium being concluded, I shall come more 

^^^ nearer my intended purpose, viz. in reference unto the 

Church of Christ at Plymouth in New England, first 

begun in Old England, and carried on in Holland and 

at Plymouth aforesaid. 



When, by the travail and diligence of some godly chap. 
and zealous preachers, and God's blessing on their -^-^^^ 
labors, as in other places of the land, so in the north ^^jP/'" 
parts, many became enlightened by the word of God, 
and had their ignorance and sins discovered by the 
word of God's grace, and began, by his grace, to re- 
form their lives and make conscience of their ways, 
the work of God was no sooner manifest in them, but 
presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the 
profane multitude, and the ministers urged with the 
yoke of subscription,^ or else must be silenced ; and 
the poor people were so urged with apparitors and pur- 
suivants and the Commission Courts,^ as truly their 

' Subscription to the book of com- persons, twelve of whom were 

mon prayer, the rites and ceremo- bishops, many more privy counsel- 

nies, and all the thirty-nine articles, lors, and the rest clergymen or civi- 

See Fuller, iii. 68 ; Prince, p. 99. lians. Its spirit and mode of pro- 

* This was the celebrated Court ceeding seem to have been derived 
of High Commission, so called be- from the Spanish Inquisition. The 
cause it claimed a larger jurisdic- commissioners were empowered 
lion and higher powers than the and directed to inquire of all heret- 
ordinary courts of the bishops; its ical opinions, to punish all persons 
jurisdiction extended over the whole absent from church, to visit and re- 
kingdom. It was provided for by reform all errors, heresies, and 
the Act of Supremacy, passed in schisms, to deprive all persons of 
1559, but did not go into full opera- ecclesiastical livings who main- 
tion till 1584. It was an ecclesias- tained any doctrine contrary to the 
fical court, consisting of forty-four thirty-nine articles, to examine all 


CHAP, affliction was not small. Which, notwithstanding, they 
— ^— ' bare sundry years with much patience, until they 
were occasioned, by the continuance and increase of 
these troubles, and other means which the Lord raised 
up in those days, to see further into these ' things by 
the light of the word of God ; how that ' not only 
those base beggarly ceremonies were unlawful, but also 
that the lordly, tyrannous power of the prelates ought 
not to be submitted to, which those contrary to the 
freedom of the Gospel would load and burthen men's 
consciences with, and by their compulsive power make 
a profane mixture of persons and things in the worship 
of God ; and that their offices and callings, courts and 
canons, &c. were unlawful and antichristian, being 
such as have no warrant in the word of God, but the 
same that were used in Popery, and still retained ; of 
which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch com- 
mentaries : — 
160 3. a \i tjjg coming of King James out of Scotland into 

April. => . ° . 

England,^ the new king," saith he, " found there estab- 

suspected persons on iheir oaths, Puritans, i. 84, 274, 285; Hallam, 

and to punish the refractory by ex- i. 215. (4to ed.) 
communication, fine, or imprison- ' I have inserted the words these 

ment, according to their discretion, and that from Prince, who quotes 

They had full authority to com- this passage from Bradford's MS. 

mand all sheriffs, justices, and other See his Annals, p. 100. 
officers to apprehend and bring be- * At the famous Conference at 

fore them all persons that they Hampton Court, held Jan. 14, 1604, 

should see fit. Pursuivants or mes- James declared, "I will none of 

sengers were sent to the houses of that liberty as to ceremonies; I will 

suspected persons with a citation have one doctrine and one disci- 

for them to appear before the com- pline, one religion in substance and 

missioners, when they were re- ceremony. — I shall make them 

quired to answer upon oath to a [the Puritans] conform themselves, 

series of interrogatories, which as or I will harry them out of the land, 

Lord Burleigh said, were "so curi- or else do worse. — If any would 

ously penned, so full of branches not be quiet, and show his obedience, 

and circumstances, as he thought he were worthy to be hanged." — 

the inquisitors of Spain used not so In his speech at the opening of his 

many questions to tr.ip their preys." first parliament, March 19, 1604, 

See Strype's Annals, iii. ISO; Neal's he "professed that the sect of Purl- 



lished the reformed religion, according to the reformed chap. 
religion of King Edward the Sixth, retaining or keep- — v^ 
ing still the spiritual state of the bishops, &c. after the 
old manner, much varying and differing from the Re- 
formed Churches of Scotland, France, and the Nether- 
lands, Emden, Geneva, &c., w^hose Reformation is 
cut or shapen much nearer the first churches, as it was 
used in the Apostles' times." ^ 

So many therefore of these professors as saw the 
evil of these things, in these parts, and whose hearts 
the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, 
they shook off this yoke of antichristian bondage, and, 
as the Lord's free people, joined themselves, (by ai602. 
covenant of the Lord,) into a church estate, in the fel- 
lowship of the Gospel, to walk in all his ways, made 
known, or to be made known unto them, according to 
their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them.^ 

tans or Novelists was not to be suf- 
fered in any well governed cotrimon- 
wealth." In a private letter writ- 
ten about the same time, he said, 
" I had rather live like a hermit in 
the forest, than be king over such a 
people as the pack of Puritans that 
overrules ihe lower house," He 
had previously written to his son in 
the Basilicon Doron, " Take heed, 
my son, to such Puritans, very pests 
in the church and commonwealth. 
I protest before the great God, that 
ye shall never find with any High- 
land or Border thieves greater in- 
gratitude and more lies and vile 
perjuries than with these fanatic 
spirits." Barlow's Sum and Sub- 
stance, pp. 71, 83, 92 ; Calderwood, 
Hist. Ch. Scotland, p. 478 ; Hallam, 
i. 332. 

In conformity with these views, 
on the 5th of March, 1604, he issued 
a proclamation, that the same reli- 
gion, with common prayer, and 
episcopal jurisdiction, shall fully 
and only be publicly exercised, in 

all respects, as in the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, without hope of tolera- 
tion of any other ; and on the 6th of 
July he issued another proclamation 
in which he ordered the Puritan 
ministers either to conform before 
the last of November, or dispose of 
themselves and families some other 
way ; as being men unfit, for their 
obstinacy and contempt, to occupy 
such places. The consequence of 
this was, that before November of 
the next year more than three 
hundred ministers were ejected, 
silenced, or suspended, some of 
whom were imprisoned, and others 
driven into exile. Prince, pp. 107, 
108, 110; Neal's Puritans, i. 432. 

' The Reformed Churches shapen 
much nearer the primitive pattern 
than England ; for they cashiered 
the bishops, with their court canons ^ 
and ceremonies at the first, and left , 
them amongst the Popish trash, to 
which they appertain. — Morton's 

* Prince says, " Governor Brad- 


CHAP. And that it cost them much pains, trouble, sorrow, 
-^^^ affliction, and persecution, and expense of their estates, 

&c. this ensuing history will declare.' 
1606. These people became two distinct bodies or churches, 
in regard of distance of place, and did congregate sever- 
ally, for they were of several towns and villages, some 
in Nottinghamshire, some in Lincolnshire,^ and some 
of Yorkshire, where they bordered nearest together. 
In the one of these churches, besides others of note, 
was Mr. John Smith,^ a man of able gifts, and a good 
preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. 
But these afterwards falling into some errors in the 
Low Countries, there for the most part buried them- 
selves and their names. 

But in this other church, which must be the subject 
of our discourse, besides other worthy men, was Mr. 
Richard Clifton, a grave and reverend preacher, who 
by his pains and diligence had done much good, and 

ford's History takes no notice of the correct reading, as Lincolnshire 
the year of this federal incorpora- borders both on Nottinghamshire 
lion ; but Mr. Secretary Morton, in and Yorkshire, whilst Lancashire 
his Memorial, places it in 1602. does not. Besides, Prince was re- 
AnA I suppose he had the account markable for his accuracy, and is 
either from some other writings of less likely to have made a mistake 
Gov. Bradford, the Journals of Gov. in deciphering and copying a word 
Winslow, or from oral conference than Morton. He tells us, "In the 
with them, or other of the first passages relating to the Plymouth 
planters ; with some of whom planters, I chiefly use Gov. Brad- 
he was contemporary, and from ford's manuscript History of that 
whence, he tells us, he received Church and Colony, in folio; who 
his intelligence." Annals, p. 100. was with them from their beginning 

* " These seem to be some of tne to the end of his Narrative, which 

first in England that were brave is now before me, and was never 

enough to improve the liberty published." Annals, p. 99. 

wherewith the divine author of our ^ Someaccountof Smith, Clifton, 

religion has made us free, and and Robinson, is contained in Gov. 

observe his institutions as their only Bradford's Dialogue, in a subsequent 

rule in church order, discipline, and part of this volume; where will 

worship. " Prince, p. lOO. also be found a more extended 

^ I have substituted Lincolnshire memoir of Elder Brewster, also 

for Lancashire, on the authority of written by Gov. Bradford. 
Prince. This is most likely to be 


under God had been a means of the conversion of chap, 
many ; and also that famous and worthy man, Mr. --^ — 
John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for 1606. 
many years, until the Lord took him away by death ; 
and also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who 
afterwards was chosen an elder of the church, and lived 
with them until old age and death. 

But, after these things, they could not long continue 
in any peaceable manner, but were hunted and perse- 
cuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were 
but as molehills to mountains in comparison to these 
which now came upon them. For some were taken 
and clapped up in prisons, others had their houses beset 
and watched night and day, and hardly escaped their 
hands ; and the most were fain to fly and leave their 
houses and habitations, and the means of their liveli- 
hood. Yet these, and many other sharper things which 
afterward befell them, were no other than they looked 
for, and therefore were the better prepared to bear them 
by the assistance of God's grace and spirit. Yet seeing 
themselves thus molested, and that there was no hope 
of their continuance there, by a joint consent they 
resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they 
heard was freedom of religion for all men,* as also how 

' After the introduction of the Amsterdam as "a common harbour 

Reformed religion into the Low of all opinions, of all heresies." 

Countries in 1573, the utmost reli- Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 8, calls 

gious freedom was allowed, all sects Holland " a cage for unclean birds." 

were tolerated, and an asylum was Owen Felltham, in his amusing 

opened for fugitives from persecu- description of the Low Countries, 

tion from every land. See Grotius, says that "all strange religions 

Annals, p. 41; Brandt, i. 308; Stra- flock thither." Johnson, in his 

da, i. 457. This honorable pecu- Wonderworking Providence, ch. 

liarity has often been made an 15, exclaims, " Ye Dutch, come out 

occasion of reproach against the of your hodge-podge : the great 

country. Thus Bishop Hall, in his mingle mangle of religion among 

letter to Smith and Robinson, you hath caused the churches of 

Decade iii. Epist. 1, speaks of Christ to increase so little with you, 




CHAP, sundry from London and other parts of the land, that 
— ^- had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, 
were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam,^ and in 
other places of the land. 

So after they had continued together about a year, 
and kept their meetings every Sabbath in one place or 
another, exercising the worship of God amongst them- 
selves,^ notwithstanding all the diligence and malice 
of their adversaries, they seeing they could no longer 
continue in that condition, they resolved to get over 
into Holland, as they could, which was in the year 
1607 and 1608 ; of which more in that which foi- 

standing at a stay like corn among 
weeds." Beaumont and Fletcher, 
in their play, The Fair Maid of the 
Inn, introduce one of their charac- 
ters as saying, 

" I am a schoolmaster, Sir, and would fain 
Confer with you about erecting four 
New sects of religion at Amsterdam." 

And Andrew Marvell, in his " Char- 
acter of Holland," writes, 

" Sure when religion did itself embark, 

And from the east would westward steer 
its ark, 

It struck ; and splitting on this unknown 

Each one thence pillaged the first piece he 

Hence Amsterdam, Turk, Christian, Pa- 
gan, Jew, 

Staple of sects, and mint of schism, grew ; 

That bank of conscience, where not one so 

Opinion, hut finds credit and exchange. 

In vain for catholics ourselves we bear; 

The universal church is only there." 

' The English church at Am- 
sterdam was that of which Francis 
Johnson was pastor and Henry 
Ainsworth teacher, and which had 
been originally set up at London, 
in 1592, and soon afterwards re- 
moved to Holland. It came very 
near being torn in pieces at first by 
intestine divisions, but afterwards 
flourished under a succession of 
pastors for more than a century. 

In 1596 they published a " Confes- 
sion of Faith of certain English 
people living in exile in the Low 
Countries," which was reprinted in 
1604, in " An Apology or Defence 
of such true Christians as are com- 
monly, but unjustly, called Brown- 
ists." This work has sometimes 
been confounded with John Robin- 
son's "Just and Necessary Apology 
of certain Christians not less con- 
tumeliously than commonly called 
Brownists or Barrowists," which 
was first published in 1619. Some 
account of Johnson and Ainsworth 
is contained in Bradford's Dialogue, 
in a subsequent part of this volume. 
See Brandt's History of the Refor- 
mation in the Low Countries, i. 
479; Neal's Puritans, i. 363, 386; 
Prince, p. 303. 

' In a memoirof Elder Brewster, 
written by Gov. Bradford, and 
copied by Morton into the records 
of the Plymouth Church, it is stated 
that "they ordinarily met at his 
(Brewster's) house on the Lord's 
Day, which was within a manor of 
the (jishop's ; and with great love he 
entertained them when they came, 
making provision for them to his 
great charge, and continued to do 
so while they could stay in Eng- 





Being thus constrained to leave their native country, chap. 

. n. 
their lands and livings, and all their friends and familiar — ^— 

acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvellous by 

many. But to go into a country they knew not, but 

by hearsay, where they must learn a new language, 

and get their livings they knew not how, it being a 

dear place, and subject to the miseries of war,^ it was 

by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case 

intolerable, and a misery worse than death ; especially 

seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor traffic, 

(by which the country doth subsist) but had only been 

* TheNetherlandshave, in every pendence. The best account of this 
age, from the earliest times down war will be found in the conlem- 
to the last great conflict at Water- porary historians, Bentivoglio, Re- 
loo, been the battle-ground of Eu- latione delle Provincie Unite di 
rope. Bishop Hall says in one of Fiandra, Strada, de Bello Belgico, 
his epistles, "It were pity that your and Grotius, Annales et Historise 
Holland should be still the amphi- de Rebus Belgicis. See also 
theatre of the world, on whose Brandt's History of the Reforrna- 
scatfolds all other nations should tion in the Low Countries, Sir 
sit, and see variety of bloody shows, William Temple's Observations 
not without pity and horror." At upon the United Provinces of the 
this time Spain was waging that Netherlands, Watson's History of 
dreadful war with her revolted the Reign of Philip H. and HI. and 
subjects of the United Provinces, Grattan's History of the Nether- 
wjaich terminated in their inde- lands, in Larduer's Cyclopedia. 



CHAP, used to a plain country life and the innocent trade of 

II. ^ ... 
husbandry. But these things did not dismay them, 

(although they did sometimes trouble them,) for their 
desires were set on the ways of God, and to enjoy his 
ordinances. But they rested on his jDrovidence, and 
knew whom they had believed. Yet this was not all. 
For although they could not stay, yet were they not 
suffered to go ; but the ports and havens were shut 
against them, so as they were fain to seek secret means 
of conveyance, and to fee the mariners, and give extra- 
ordinary rates for their passages. And yet were they 
oftentimes betrayed, many of them, and both they and 
their goods intercepted and surprised, and thereby put 
to great trouble and charge ; of which I will give an 
instance or two, and omit the rest. 
1607. There was a great company of them purposed to get 
passage at Boston, in Lincolnshire ; and for that end 
had hired a ship wholly to themselves, and made agree- 
ment with the master to be ready at a certain day, and 
take them and their goods in at a convenient place, 
where they accordingly would all attend in readiness. 
So after long waiting and large expenses, though he 
kept not the day with them, yet he came at length, 
and took them in, in the night. And when he had 
them and their goods aboard, he betrayed them, having 
beforehand complotted with the searchers and other 
officers so to do ; who took them and put them into 
open boats, and there rifled and ransacked them, search- 
ing them to their shirts for money, yea, even the women, 
further than became modesty ; and then carried them 
back into the town, and made them a spectacle and 
wonderment to the multitude, which came flocking on 
all sides to behold them. Being thus by the catchpole 



officers rifled and stripped of their money, books, and g:hap. 
much other goods, they were presented to the magis- -'-^- 
trates, and messengers sent to inform the Lords of 
the Council of them ; and so they were committed to 
ward. Indeed, the magistrates used them courteously, 
and showed them what favor they could ; but could 
not deliver them until order came from the Council 
table. But the issue was, that after a month's im- 
prisonment the greatest part were dismissed, and sent 
to the places from whence they came ; but seven ' of 
the principal men ^ were still kept in prison, and bound 
over to the assizes.^ 

The next spring after, there was another attempt i608. 
made, by some of these and others, to get over at 
another place ; and it so fell out that they lighted of a 
Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging 

* The word in the MS. is some ; 
but I have no doubt that seve^i was 
the original reading. Hutchinson, 
who quotes this passage at length 
from Bradford's History, reads it 
seven; and it will be seen by the 
next note that Morion himself, 
copying another manuscript of Gov. 
Bradford alluding to this same af- 
fair, mentions " the seven." The 
word men I have also restored from 
Hutchinson. See his History, ii. 

* Gov. Bradford says, in the me- 
moir already referred to on page 24, 
that Elder Brewster " was the chief 
of those that were taken at Boston, 
in Lincolnshire, and suffered the 
greatest loss, and one of the seven 
that were kept lonsest in prison, 
and after bound over to the assizes." 
The books that were in the boats 
probably belonged to him, as we 
know that he had a considerable 
library, which he brought over with 
him to Plymouth. A catalogue of 
them is contained in his inventory, 
iif the Records of the Old Colony. 

The whole number of volumes was 
275, of which 64 were in the learned 
languages. They were valued at 
£43. See Morton's Memorial, p. 
221, and Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 117. 
Cotton Mather, in his Life of 
Gov. Bradford in the Magnalia, i. 
102, stales that he was one of those 
that were taken and imprisoned at 
Boston. He adds that " Mr. Brad- 
ford being a young man of about 
eighteen, was dismissed sooner 
than the rest, so that within a 
while he had opportunity with 
some others to get over to Zealand, 
through perils both by land and sea 
not inconsiderable; where he was 
not long ashore ere a viper seized 
on his hand, that is, an officer, who 
carried him unto the magistrates, 
unto whom an envious passenger 
had accused him as having fled out 
of England. When the magistrates 
understood the true cause of his 
coming thither, they were well 
satisfied with him; and so he re- 
paired joyfully unto his brethren at 


*^H^P- to Zealand. They made .agreement with him, and 
-^^^'^^ acquainted him with their condition, hoping to find 
1608. jjjQj.g faithfuhiess in him than in the former, of their 
own nation. He bade them not fear ; for he would do 
well enough. He was by appointment to take them in 
between Grimsby ^ and Hull, where was a large com- 
mon, a good way distant from any town. Now against 
the prefixed time, the women and children, with the 
goods, were sent to the place in a small bark, which 
they had hired for that end, and the men were to meet 
them by land. But it so fell out that they were there a 
day before the ship came ; and the sea being rough,^ and 
the women very sick, prevailed with the seamen to put 
into a creek hard by, where they lay on ground at low 
water. The next morning the ship came ; but they 
were fast, and could not stir until about noon. In the 
mean time, the shipmaster, perceiving how the matter 
was, sent his boat to be getting the men aboard, whom 
he saw walking about the shore. But after the first 
boat-full was got aboard, and she was ready to go for 
more, the master espied a great company, both horse 
and foot, with bills and guns and other weapons ; for 
the country was raised to take them. The Dutchman 
seeing that, swore his country's oath, (" sacrament ") 
and having the wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoisted 
sails, and away. 

But the poor men which were got on board were in 
great distress for their wives and children, which they 

' Grimsby is a sea-port town in ^ Mr. Bancroft, who is generally 

Lincolnshire, near the mouth of the very accurate in his facts, errs in 

Humber. It was once rich and pop- saying that " the embarkation was 

ulous, and carried on a considerable to be made under the shelter of 

foreign trade. See Camden's Bri- darhness ; " and also draws upon 

tannia, p. 471, and Britton's Topo- his imagination for " a night 

graphical Description of the County storm" Hist. U. S. i. 302. 
of Lincoln, p. 689 


saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their chap. 
helps, and themselves also not having a cloth to shift — --^ 
them with, more than they had on their backs, and I6O8. 
some scarce a penny about them, all they had being 
on board the bark. It drew tears from their eyes, and 
any thing they had they would have given to have 
been on shore again. But all in vain ; there was no 
remedy ; they must thus sadly part ; and afterwards 
endured a fearful storm at sea, being fourteen days or 
xnore before they arrived at their port ; in seven whereof 
they neither saw sun, moon, nor stars, and were driven 
to the coast of Norway ; the mariners themselves often 
despairing of life, and once with shrieks and cries gave 
over all, as if the ship had been foundered in the sea, 
and they sinking without recovery. But when man's 
hope and help wholly failed, the Lord's power and 
mercy appeared for their recovery ; for the ship rose 
again, and gave the mariners courage again to manage 
her ; and if modesty ^ would suffer me, I might declare 
with what fervent prayers they cried unto the Lord in 
this great distress, especially some of them, even with- 
out any great distraction. When the water ran into 
their very ears and mouths, and the mariners cried out, 
" We sink, we sink," they cried, if not with miracu- 
lous, yet with a great height of divine faith, " Yet, 
Lord, thou canst save ; yet. Lord, thou canst save : " 
with such other expressions as I will forbear. Upon 
which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after 
the violence of the storm began to abate, and the Lord 
filled their afflicted minds with such comforts as every 

' From this expression, as well ford himself was in the vessel, 
as from the whole passage, there The description is that of an eye- 
/;an hardly be a doubt that Brad- witness. 



CHAP, one cannot understand, and in the end brought them 

-^•^-^ to then- desired haven ; where the people came flocking, 

16 08. admiring their deliverance, the storm having been so 
long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, as 
the master's friends had related unto him in their con- 

But to return to the others where we left. The rest 
of the men that were in the greatest danger made shift 
to escape away before the troop could surprise them, 
those only staying that best might, to be assistant to 
the women. But pitiful it was to see the heavy case 

* Cotton Mather, in the Magna- 
lia, i. 101, 102, records this and the 
previous attempt to escape from 
England; but he perversely trans- 
poses their chronological order ; the 
effect of which is to make it appear 
that Bradford was imprisoned in 
Boston after he had escaped to 
Holland. He did not derive his in- 
formation from Bradford's original 
manuscript, but from this copy of 
it in the records of Plymouth 
church, which he cursorily exam- 
ined when on his visits to his uncle, 
John Cotton, the minister of that 

Mather did not know how to use 
his valuable materials, and took no 
pains to ascertain his facts or verify 
his statements. One instance of 
hisutter disregard of accuracy, even 
when it could be easily attained, 
will suffice. In his Life of his 
father. Increase Mather, he states, 
p. 24, that he married the oiih/ 
daughter of John Cotton ; whilst in 
the Magnalia, i. 260, he asserts that 
Cotton had three daughters, two of 
whom were married. One would 
have thought that he might have 
taken the trouble to find the exact 
truth about such a simple fact as 
this, relating to his own mother. 
And yet Cotton Mather is univer- 
sally cited by Europeans, as well 
as by our own countrymen, who 

undertake to write our history, not 
only as an authority, but as the 
highest authority. This has been 
the case from Neal and Pvobertson 
downwards. DeTocqueville, whose 
selection of authorities is in all 
other respects singularly judicious, 
puts the Magnalia at the head, 
calling it " the most valuable and 
important document on the history 
of New England ; " and Grahanie, 
whose excellent History of the 
United Slates evinces great dis- 
crimination, calls it " the most con- 
siderable of the early historical 
works, and the most interesting 
performance that the literature of 
New England has ever produced. 
The biographical portions, in par- 
ticular," he adds, " possess the 
highest excellence, and are supe- 
rior in dignity and interest to the 
compositions of Plutarch." It is 
quite time that it was generally 
understood that Cotton Mather is 
not to be relied upon as an authority 
for any fact, unsupported by other 
evidence. Mr. Savage, the learned 
editor of Winthrop's Journal, states 
the simple truth when he says, that 
" Cotton Mather has published more 
errors of carelessness than any other 
writer on the history of New Eng- 
land." De Tocqueville, p. 424; 
Grahame, i. 415 ; Savage's Win- 
throp, ii. 24. 


of these poor women in this distress ; what weeping chap. 
and crying on every side ; some for their husbands that — v-^ 
were carried away in the ship, as it was before related ; 16 08. 
others not knowing what should become of them and 
their little ones ; others melted in tears, seeing their 
poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and 
quaking with cold. Being thus apprehended, they 
were hurried from one place to another, and from one 
justice to another, until, in the end, they knew not 
what to do with them. For to imprison so many 
women and innocent children for no other cause, many 
of them, but that they would ^ go with their husbands, 
seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out of 
them ; and to send them home again was as difficult, 
for they alleged (as the truth was) they had no homes 
to go to, for they had sold or otherwise disposed of 
their houses aud livings. To be short, after they had 
been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from 
one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of 
them in the end upon any terms, for all were wearied 
and tired with them ; though, in the mean time, the 
poor souls endured misery enough ; and thus in the 
end necessity forced a way for them. 

But that 1 be not tedious in these things, I wall omit 
the rest, although I might relate other notable passages 
and troubles which they endured and underwent in 
these their wanderings and travels, both at land and 
sea.^ But I haste to other things. Yet I may not 

' I have here substituted ivould, the worthy Governor did not see 

which Hutchinson gives as the fit to preserve the particulars of 

reading of Bradford's MS for m!<si;, these perils and sufferings of his 

which is in Morton's copy- There brethren. Could he have foreseen 

'can be no doubt as to which is the the deep interest which, two hun- 

true reading. dred years afterwards, would be 

It is much to be regretted that felt in every thing relating to these 


CHAP, omit the fruit that came hereby. For by these so 
^^v^^ public troubles in so many eminent places ^ their cause 
160 8. became famous, and occasioned many to look into the 
same ; and their godly carriage and christian behaviour 
was such as left a deep impression in the minds of 
many. And though some few shrunk at those first 
conflicts and sharp beginnings, (as it was no marvel,) 
yet many more came on with fresh courage, and greatly 
animated others ; and in the end, notwithstanding all 
these storms of opposition, they all got over at length, 
some at one time and some at another, and met to- 
gether again, according to their desires, with no small 

poorexiles, he would not have failed know ahout their trials and perse- 

to record the minutest occurrences cutions. They were not aware that 

in their history. But these humble they were to be the germs of a great 

and modest men did not suppose empire, 

that posterity would be solicitous to * Boston, Hull, and Grimsby. 



Being now come into the Low Countries, thev saw chap. 

many goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled, and — v-^. 

guarded with troops of armed men. Also they heard 1^08. 
a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the differ- 
ent manners and customs of the people, with their 
strange fashions and attires ; all so far differing from 
that of their plain country villages, wherein they were 
bred and born and had so long lived, as it seemed 
they were come into a new world. But those were 
not the things they much looked on, or long took up 
their thoughts ; for they had other work in hand, and 
another kind of war to wage and maintain. For though 
they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abun- 
dance of all sorts of wealth and riches, yet it was not 
long before they saw the grim and griseled ' face of 
poverty coming on them like an armed man, with 
whom they must buckle and encounter, and from 
whom they could not fly. But they were armed with 
faith and patience against him and all his encounters ; 

* Griseled, for grisly — frightful, hideous. 


CHAP, and though thej were sometimes foiled, jet by God's 
— v-^ assistance they prevailed and got the victory. 
1608. Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other 
principal members were come over, (for they were of 
the last, and stayed to help the weakest over before 
them,) such things were thought on as were necessary 
for their settling and best ordering of the church affairs. 
And when they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, 
Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best 
discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith and his com- 
pany was already fallen into contention with the church 
that was there before them, and no means they could 
use would do any good to cure the same ; and also 
that the flames of contention were like to break out in 
that ancient church itself, (as afterwards lamentably 
came to pass) ; which things they prudently foreseeing, 
thought it was best to remove before they were any 
way engaged with the same ; ^ though they well knew 
it would be much to the prejudice of their outward 

' Neal, Hist, of N. England, i. pears from page 22, only a short 
76, falls into an error when he time before Robinson. The con- 
speaks of " the flames of conten- tention was not among the mem- 
tion having broken out in Mr. hers of Smith's congregation, but 
Smith's church." Belknap, Amer. between his church and " the church 
Biog. ii. 157, follows it when he that was there before them," " that 
says, " these people (Smith and his ancient church," namely Johnson's, 
congregation) fell into controversy, mentioned in the note on page 24. 
and were soon scattered ; " and Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 16, 
Francis Baylies, Memoir of Ply- Hornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 232, and 
mouth, i. 11, repeats it when he Neal, Hist. Puritans, i. 437, err in 
says, " some dissensions happening saying that Smith set up his church 
amongst them, (Smith's people) the at Leyden; whereas it was to avoid 
church was dissolved." This error him and his company that Robinson 
arises from their not being aware removed to that city. Cotton, in 
of, or not attending to, the fact of his Way of Cong. Churches, p. 7, 
the existence of another congrega- says, " I understand by such as 
tion of Separatists at Amsterdam, lived in those parts at that time, 
which had been established many Smith lived at Amsterdam, and 
years before Smith settled there ; there died, and at Leyden in Hol- 
yvho went over to Holland, as ap- land he never came." 


estate, both at present and, in likelihood, in the future ; chap. 
as indeed it proved to be. 

For these and some other reasons they removed to 16 09. 
Leyden,^ a fair and beautiful city, and of a sweet situ- 
ation, but made more famous by the university where- 
with it is adorned, in which of late it had been by so 
many learned men ; ^ but wanting that traffic by sea 
which Amsterdam enjoyed, it was not so beneficial for 
their outward means of living and estates. But being 
now here pitched, they fell to such trades and employ- 
ments^ as they best could, valuing peace and their 
spiritual comfort above any other riches whatsoever ; 
and at length they came to raise a competent and com- 
fortable living, and with hard and continual labor. 
Being thus settled, after many difficulties, they con- 
tinued many years in a comfortable condition, enjoying 
much sweet and delightful society and spiritual comfort 
together, in the ways of God, under the able ministry 

^ " By several passages in Gov. sius, and Booerhave. See Grotius, 

Bradford's manuscript it seems as Annals, p. 266 ; Brandt, i. 312. 
if they began to remove to Leyden ^ Cotton Mather, in his Life of 

at the end of 1608." Prince, p. Gov. Bradford, in the Magnalia, i. 

120. The distance from Amster- 102, speaks of " the difficulties to 

dam to Leyden is about 38 miles. which Bradford, when in Holland, 

* The university of Leyden was stooped in learning and serving of 
established in 1575, the year after a Frenchman at the working of 
the memorable siege of that place, silks;" and Belknap, in his Amer. 
The Prince of Orange, wishing to Biog. ii. 218, says that Bradford, 
reward the citizens for their con- " being under age, put himself as 
stancy and valor, gave them the an apprentice to a French Protest- 
choice of two privileges — either ant, who taught him the art of silk- 
an exemption from taxes, or a uni- dying." Neither of them, how- 
versity ; they chose the latter. It ever, refers to any authority for 
has been at times one of the most their statements. Brewster be- 
celebrated in Europe; and from its came a printer, as will be seen 
reputation the city itself was called hereafter in Bradford's memoir of 
the Athens of the West, and the him. Many of the first colonists 
North Star of Holland. Among at Plymouth were weavers, from 
its distinguished professors and Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire, 
'scholars were Arminius, Episco- and brought over their looms with 
plus, Grotius, Lipsius, Junius, Vos- them. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 
sius, Descartes, Scaliger, Salma- 171. 


CHAP, and prudent government of Mr. John Robinson and 
— — Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistant unto him 
1609 in the place of an elder, unto which he was now called 
1617. and chosen by the church ; so as they grew in knowl- 
edge and other gifts and graces of the spirit of God ; 
and lived together in peace, and love, and holiness. 
y And many came unto them from divers parts of Eng- 
\ land, so as they grew a great congregation.^ And if 
at any time any differences did arise or offences broke 
out, (as it cannot be but that sometimes there will, 
even amongst the best of men), they were ever so met 
with and nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise so 
well composed, as still love, peace, and communion 
was continued, or else the church purged of those that 
were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much pa- 
tience used, no other means would serve ; which seldom 
comes to pass. 

Yea, such w^as the mutual love and reciprocal respect 
that this worthy man had to his flock, and his flock to 
him, that it might be said of them, as it was once said ^ 
of that famous emperor, Marcus Aurelius, and the people 
of Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he delight- 
ed more in having such a people, or they in having 

' II is impossible to ascertain 120 set sail from England in the 
the exact number of Robinson's Mayflowerand Speedwell. Oflhese 
congregation ; yet we may approxi- 101 arrived at Plymouth in the May- 
mate to it. Gov. Bradford tells us, flower in 1620 ; 36 came in the For- 
in his Dialogue, that in Johnson's tune, in 1631 ; 60 in the Ann, in 
church, " at Amsterdam, there were 1623 ; 35, with their families, in the 
about three hundred communicants; Mayflower, in 1629; and 60 in 
and for the church of Leyden, they 1630 ; — making in all more than 
were sometimes not much fewer in 300, including the " families." We 
number." Edward Winslowsays, in have the names of those who came 
his Brief Narrative, that " the dif- in the first three ships ; and also a 
ference of number was not great " list of the persons in the Colony in 
between those who remained at May, 1627. 

Leyden and those who embarked * Golden Book, &c. — Morton's 

for America. Now we know that Note. 


such a pastor. His love was ffreat towards them, and chap. 

. Ill 

his care was always bent for their best good, both for — v--- 

soul and body. For, besides his singular abilities in 1^09 
divine things, wherein he excelled, he was able also to 1 6 1 7, 
give direction in civil affairs,' and to foresee dangers 
and inconveniences ; by which means he was very 
helpful to their outward estates ; and so was every 
way as a common father unto them. And none did 
more offend him than those that were close and cleav- 
ing to themselves, and retired from the common good ; 
as also such as would be stiff and rigid in matters of 
outward order, and inveigh against the evils of others, 
and yet be remiss in themselves, and not so careful to 
express a virtuous conversation. They, in like manner, 
had ever a reverent regard unto him, and had him in 
precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did de- 
serve ; and although they esteemed him highly whilst 
he lived and labored amongst them, yet much more 
after his death,^ when they came to feel the want of 
his help, and saw, by woful experience, what a treasure 
they had lost, to the grief of their hearts and wounding 
of their souls ; yea, such a loss as they saw could not 

' It has been the practice of of Mayhew, Chauncy, and Cooper, 
the Independent or Congregational before and during the Revolution, 
clergy, both in Old and New Eng- will never be forgotten. The Con- 
land, from the earliest time?, to gregational clergy were found, at 
take an interest and part in public that time, almost to a man, on the 
affair;. The prominent and efficient side of their country's independ- 
agency which they exercised in the ence ; and they have ever been the 
infancy of our colonial settlements earnest and consistent advocates of 
is well known ; Cotton, Hooker, and " liberty with order." See Hutch- 
Davenport shared at least an equal inson's Mass. i. 34, 419; Trum- 
powerwith Wintnrop, Haynes, and bull's Connecticut, i. 91,99; Bacon's 
Eaton in moulding the civil polity and Kingsley's Hist. Discourses at 
of Massachusetts and Connecticut. New Haven ; Tudor's Life of Otis, 
^ The services of Increase Mather in pp. 140-155. 
obtaining the second charter of ^ Mr. Robinson died at Leyden, 
Massachusetts are recorded in her March 1st, 1625. He was about 
history ; and the patriotic exertions 50 years old. Prince, p. 237, 


CHAP, be repaired ; for it was hard for them to find such 
— -^' another leader and feeder in all respects, as the Tabo- 
160 9 rites to find another Ziska.^ And although thej did 
1617, not call themselves orphans, as the other did, after his 
death, jet they had cause as much to lament, in another 
regard, their present condition and after usage. 

But to return. I know not but it may be spoken to 
the honor of God, and without prejudice to any, that 
such was the humble zeal and fervent love of this 
people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God 
. and his ways, and the single-heartedness and sincere 
j affection one towards another, that they came as near 
f the primitive pattern of the first churches as any other 
5 church of these latter times have done, according to 
their rank and quality. But seeing it is not my pur- 
pose to treat of the several passages that befell this 
people whilst they thus lived in the Low Countries, 
(which might worthily require a large treatise of itself,) 
but to manifest something of their beginning and after 
progress in New England, which I principally scope 
and aim at ; yet, because some of their adversaries did, 
upon the rumor of their removal, cast out slanders 
against them, as if that State had been weary of them, 
and had rather driven them out, (as the heathen histo- 

* The burning of John Huss and sion to the Mount of Transfigura- 

Jerome of Prague by order of the tion, on which the Apostle Peter 

Council of Constance, in 1415 and wished to build tabernacles. Here 

1416, caused great indignation and they founded a city, to which also 

excitement in Bohemia, their native they gave the name of Tabor, and 

country, which led to an open in- from it were themselves called 

surrection. The insurgents took Taborites. After the death of Ziska 

up arms, and under the command in 1424, his followers were incon- 

of John Ziska, retired to a moun- solable, and considering themselves 

tain ten miles from Prague, to deprived of a parent and protector, 

which they gave the name of called themselves Orphans. See 

Mount Tabor, from the tent which Gieseler's Eccles. Hist. iii. 359, and 

they erected there for the celebra- Encyc. Amer. articles Ziska and 

tion of the communion, and in allu- Huss. 


ries did feign of Moses and the Israelites when they chap. 

. . . ni. 

went out of Egypt,) ^ than it was their own free choice — '^' 

and motion, I will therefore mention a particular or 

two to show the contrary, and that good acceptation 

they had in the place. 

And first, although it was low with many of them, 
yet their word would be taken amongst the Dutch 
when they wanted money, because they had found by 
experience how careful they were to keep their word,^ 
and saw them so painful and diligent in their callings, 
that they strove to get their custom, and to employ 
them above others in their work, for their honesty and 

Again ; the magistrates of the city, about the time 
of their coming away, or a little before, in the public 1619. 
place of justice, gave this commendable testimony of 
them, in reproof of the Walloons,^ who were of the 
French church in the city. " These English," said *— ' 
they, " have lived amongst us now this twelve years, \ 
and yet we never had any suit or accusation come 

' It was a vulgar slander against deep despair, Moses, one of their 

the Jews, that they were expelled number," &:c. Josephus vindicates 

from Egypt on account of their his countrymen from the same 

having the leprosy. Tacitus says charge, as alleged by Manetho, 

" A pestilential disease, disfiguring Chseremon, and Lysimachus. See 

the race of men, and making the Tacitus, Hist. lib. v. 3, with the 

body an object of loathsome de- comments of Brotier and Oberlin, 

formity, spread all over Egypt, and Josephus against Apion, lib. i. 

Bocchoris, at that time the reigning 26-35. 

monarch, consulted the oracle of * A great honor to the Gospel. — 

Jupiter Hammon, and received for Morion's Note. 

answer, that the kingdom must be ^ The Walloons are the inhabi- 

purified, by exterminating the in- tants of the southern part of Bel- 

fected multitude, as a race of men gium, bordering on France. Their 

detested by the gods. After dili- language is a dialect differing from 

gent search, the wretched sufferers the French and German, as well 

were collected together, and in a as the Flemish, and is said to re- 

'wild and barren desert abandoned semble the old French of the thir- 

to their misery. In that distress, teenth century. See Grattan's 

while the vulgar herd was sunk in Hist, of the Netherlands, p. 1. 



CHAP, against any of * them. But your strifes and quarrels 

— v-i- are continual," &c. 

1612. In these times, also, were the great troubles raised 
by the Arminians ; ^ who, as they greatly molested the 
whole State, so this city in particular, in which was the 
chief university ; so as there were daily and hot disputes 
in the schools thereabouts. And as the students and 
other learned were divided in their opinions herein, 
so were the two professors or divinity readers them- 
selves, the one daily teaching for it, and the other 
against it ; which grew to that pass, that few of the 
disciples of the one would hear the other teach. But 
Mr. Robinson, although he taught thrice a week him- 
self, and wrote sundry books,^ besides, his manifold 
pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to hear their 

* The words any of are inserted 
from Hutchinson, ii. 454. Morton 
himself has it so in the Memorial, 
p. 21. 

^ The fullest and best account of 
Arminianism, " that grand choke- 
weed of true Christianity," as Cot- 
ton Mather spitefully calls it, 
(Magnalia, i. 46), is contained in 
Brandt's History of the Reforma- 
tion in the Low Countries. — James 
Arminius, (Hermann), born at 
Oudewater, in fcsouth Holland, in 
1560, after having been fifteen years 
a minister at Amsterdam, was 
chosen professor of divinity at Ley- 
den in 1603, and died Oct. 9, 1609, 
in his 49th year. The best Life of 
him is by Brandt. See also his 
Life by Nichols; Brandt's Hist. 
Ref ii. 25-63; and Bayle, Diet. 
Hist, et Crit. 

* The following are the titles of 
the books which Robinson pub- 
lished after his arrival in Holland, 
and before the embarkation of the 
Pilgrims for America. 1. A Justi- 
fication of Separation from the 
Church of England ; against Mr. 

Richard Bernard his invective, inti- 
tuled The Separatists' Scheme. 
By John Robinson. 1610. 2. Of 
Religious Communion, private and 
public. Wifh the silencing of the 
clamors raised by Mr. Thomas 
Helwisse against our retaining the 
baptism received in England, and 
admislering of baptism unto in- 
fants. As also a survey of the 
confession of faiih published in 
certain Conclusions by the remain- 
ders of Mr. Smith's company. By 
John Robinson. 1614. 3. Apolo- 
gia Justa et Necessaria quorundara 
Christianorum, seque contumelios6 
ac communiter dictorum Brownis- 
tarum, sive Barrowistarum. Per 
Johannem Robinsonum, Anslo- 
Leidensem, suo et ecclesise nomine, 
cui prffifigitur. 1619. This work 
was translated into English, and 
printed in 1644. The place where 
these books were printed is not 
inentioncdon the title-pageof either 
of them. It probably was Leyden, 
and Elder Brewster may have been 
the printer. 


readings, and heard as well one as the other. By chap. 

which means he was so well grounded in the contro- — v-^ 

versy, and saw the force of all their arguments, and 
knew the shifts of the adversary ; and being himself 
very able, none was fitter to buckle with them than 
himself, as appeared by sundry disputes ; so as he 
began to be terrible to the Arminians ; which made * 
Episcopius,' the Arminian professor, to put forth his 
best strength, and set out sundry theses, which by 1 613. 
public dispute he would defend against all men. Now 
Polyander,^ the other professor, and the chief preach- 
ers of the city, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against 
him. But he was loth, being a stranger. Yet the 
other did importune him, and told him that such was 
the ability and nimbleness of wit of the adversary, that 
the. truth would suffer if he did not help them ; so as he 
condescended, and prepared himself against the time. 
And when the time came, the Lord did so help him to 
defend the truth and foil his adversary, as he put 
him to an apparent nonplus in this great and public 
audience. And the like he did two or three times 
upon such like occasions ; the which, as it caused 
many to praise God that the truth had so famous a '^ 
victory, so it procured him much honor and respect 
from those learned men and others which loved the 

' Simon Episcopius (Bisschop) live, says, "our pastor, Mr. Robin- 

and Joha Polyander were chosen son, in the time when Arminianistn 

professors of divinity in the univer- prevailed so much, at the request of 

sity at Leyden in 1612. See Brandt, the most orthodox divines, as Poly- 

ii. HI ; Limborch's Historia Vitae ander, Festus Hommius, &c. dis- 

Simonis Episcopii, p. 41; Calder's puted daily against Episcopius (in 

Memoirs of Episcopius, p. 128, and the Academy at Leyden) and oihers, 

Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Crit. the grand champions of that error, 

^ Winslow, in his Brief Narra- and had as good respect amongst 




Yea, so far were they from being weary of him and 
his people, or desiring their absence, as that it was said 
1608 by some, of no mean note, that were it not for giving 


1620. offence to the State of England,^ they would have 
preferred him otherwise, if he would, and allowed 
them some public favor. Yea, when there was 
speech of their removal into these parts, sundry of 
note and eminency of that nation would have had 
them come under them ; and for that end made them 
large offers.^ • 

Now although I might allege many particulars and 
examples of the like kind to show the untruth and 
unlikelihood of this slander, yet these shall suffice, 

them as any of their own divines." 
I find, however, no account of this 
disputation in Brandt or in any of 
the biographers of Episcopius. Yet 
John Hoornbeek, a professor at 
Leyden, says in his Sumtna Contro- 
versiarum Religionis, p. 741, (pub- 
lished in 1658,) " Vir ille (Johannes 
Robinsonus) gratus nostris, dum 
vixit, fuit, et theologis Leidensibus 
famiiiaris ac honoratus. Scripsit 
prjEterea varia contra Arminianos : 
frequens quippe et acer erat Epis- 
copii in Academia adversarius et 
opponens." Belknap judiciously 
remarks concerning this disputa- 
tion, " It is usual, on such occa- 
sions, for the partisans on both 
sides to claim the victory for their 
respective champions. AVhether it 
were so at this time cannot be de- 
termined, as we have no account 
of the controversy from the Ar- 
minian party." Amer. Biog. ii. 

* King James at this time exer- 
cised an unwarrantable influence in 
the Low Countries, both in civil 
and ecclesiastical affairs. He drove 
Vorstius from his professorship at 

Leyden for his heresies, and labored 
to procure his banishment ; and pre- 
vented Ames from being elected to 
the same office. He seems to have 
kept an ambassador at the Hague 
chiefly to inform him of the pro- 
gress of the theological disputes in 
that country. See Winwood's Me- 
morials, iii. 293-6, 304, 310, 357. 
Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, pp. 
352, 373, 388, 435 ; Brandt, ii. 85, 

* Henry Hudson, in the employ- 
ment of the Dutch East India Com- 
pany, discovered the river called by 
his name, in 1609. On this ground 
the Dutch claimed the adjoining 
territory ; a few huts were erected 
at New York and Albany in 1613 
and 1615 ; but no colony was settled 
in the New Netherlands till 1623. 
The Dutch West India Company 
was incorporated in 1621 for this 
object ; but individuals had for 
some years before been meditating 
colonization on the Hudson ; and 
the offers to the Pilgrims probably 
came from them. See Bancroft's 
United States, ii. 265, 272, 273, 
275, 277. 



seeing it was believed of few, being only raised by the 
malice of some who labored their disgrace.^ 

' The English separatists in Hol- 
land attracted the notice of Cardinal 
Bentivoglio, who was the papal 
nuncio in that country from 1607 to 
1616, though he misunderstood the 
cause of their leaving England, 
supposing it to be commerce, and 
not religion. He says, " I Puritani 
ancora vi son tolerati, che sono i 
piu puri e piu rigidi Calvinisti, i 
quali non vogliono riconoscere au- 
torita alcuna ne' magistrati politici 
sopra il governo de' loro ministri 
heretici ; e sono quasi tutti de' 
Puritani d' Inghilterra, che per 
occasion di commercio frequentan 

I'Ollanda, e le altre Provincie Unite. 
— I Puritani Inglesi sono in Am- 
sterdam quasi tutti per I'istesso 
rispetto ; e se ne trattengono alcuni 
medesimamente per occasione di 
mercantia nellacittadi Midelburgo 
in Zelanda. Per ogni parte dunque, 
e da tutti gli angoli, si puo dire, 
delle Provincie Unite, s'odono i 
latrati, e gli urlidi tanti infetti loro 
seltarii." Relazione di Fiandra, 
parte ii. cap. ii. This hardly affords 
ground for Bancroft's statement, 
that " Robinson's congregation in- 
spired the nuncio of Rome with 
respect." See his History, i. 302. 





^^^P- After they had lived in this city about eleven or 
— twelve years, (which is the more observable, being the 
^^to^ whole time of that famous truce between that State 
162 0. and the Spaniards,)^ and sundry of them were taken 
away by death, and many others began to be well 
stricken in years, the grave mistress experience having 
taught them many things, these prudent governors, 
with sundry of the sagest members, began both deeply 
1617. to apprehend their present dangers and wisely to fore- 
see the future, and think of timely remedy. In the 
agitation of their thoughts and much discourse of par- 
ticulars hereabout, they began to incline to this conclu- 
sion of removal to some other place ; not out of any 
newfangledness, or other such like giddy humor, by 
which men are many times transported, to their great 
hurt and danger, but for sundry weighty and solid 

' After the war had been raging Fiandra, parte iii. lib. viii., Opere 
for more than thirty years between Storiche, iv. 564 ; Grotius, p. 542, 
Spain and the United Provinces, 569 ; Brandt, ii. 54 ; Watson's 
by the mediation of Henry IV. of Philip III. p. 275 ; Grattan's Nether- 
France and James I. of England, lands, p. 226. This work of Benti- 
a truce of twelve years was con- voglio should have been mentioned 
eluded on the 9th of April, 1609. in the note on page 25. 
See Bentivoglio, Delia Guerra di 


reasons, the chief of which I will here recite and chap. 
briefly touch. v^-v-^ 

1 . And first, they found and saw by experience the 1617. 
hardness of the place and country to be such, as few 
in comparison would come to them, and fewer that 
would bide it out and continue with them. For many 
that came to them, and many more that desired to be 
with them, could not endure the great labor and hard 
fare, with other inconveniences, which they underwent 
and were contented with. But though they loved 
their persons, and approved their cause, and honored 
their sufferings, yet they left them as it were weeping, 
as Orpah did her mother-in-law Naomi, or as those ?"/]' 
Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused 
and borne with though they could not all be Catos.^ 
For many, though they desired to enjoy the ordinances 
of God in their purity, and the liberty of the Gospel 
with them, yet, alas, they admitted of bondage, with 
danger of conscience, rather than to endure these hard- 
ships ; yea, some preferred and chose prisons in Eng- 
land rather than this liberty in Holland, with these 
afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and 
easier place of living could be had, it would draw 
many and take away these discouragements ; yea, 
their pastor would often say that many of those that 
both writ and preached how against them, if they 
were in a place where they might have liberty, and 
live comfortably, they would then practise as they 

^ Plutarch says, in his Life of him to trust them and make use of 

Cato the Younger, that the three their services ; but as they were no 

/hundred Roman citizens who were Catos, and had not Cato's dignity 

with him in Utica, intending to of mind, they hoped he would pity 

send messengers to Ceesar to inter- their weakness." 
cede in their behalf, " implored 


CHAP. 2. They saw that although the people generally 

— v-L bore all their difficulties very cheerfully and with a 

1617. resolute courage, being in the best of their strength, 

yet old age began to come on some of them ; ' and 

v'' their great and continual labors, with other crosses and 

sorrows, hastened it before the time ; so as it was not 

only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within 

a few years more they were in danger to scatter by 

necessity pressing them, or sink under their burdens, 

or both ; and therefore, according to the divine pro- 

/r?^- verb, that " a wise man seeth the plague when it 

cometh, and hideth himself," so they, like skilful and 

beaten soldiers, were fearful either to be entrapped or 

surrounded by their enemies, so as they should neither 

be able to fight nor fly ; and therefore thought it better 

to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage 

and less danger, if any could be found. 

3. As necessity was a taskmaster over them, so they 
were forced to be such not only to their servants, but 
in a sort to their dearest children ; the which, as it did 
a little wound the tender hearts of many a loving father 
and mother, so it produced also many sad and sorrow- 
ful effects. For many of their children, that were of 
best dispositions and gracious inclinations, having 
learned to bear the yoke in their youth, and willing to 
bear part of their parents' burden, were oftentimes 
so oppressed with their heavy labors, that although 
their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies 
bowed under the weight of the same, and became 
decrepit in their early youth ; the vigor of nature being 

' We know the age of but few Elder Brewster was 56 years old, 
of the Pilgrims. Carver was pro- Robinson 45, Bradford 32, and Ed- 
bably one of the oldest. In 1620, ward Winslow 26. 


consumed in the very bud, as it were. But that chap. 
which was more lamentable, and of all sorrows most .^v-^ 
heavy to be borne, was that many of their children, by 1 6 1 7. 
these occasions, and the great licentiousness of youth 
in the country, and the manifold temptations of the 
place, were drawn away by evil examples unto extra- 
vagant and dangerous courses, getting the reins on 
their necks, and departing from their parents. Some 
became soldiers, others took them upon far voyages 
by sea, and other some worse courses tending to disso- 
luteness and the danger of their souls, to the great 
grief of their parents and dishonor of God ; so that they 
saw their posterity would be in danger to degenerate 
and be corrupted. 

4. Lastly, (and which was not the least,) a great 
hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good 
foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, 
for the propagating and advancing the Gospel of the 
kingdom of Christ in these remote parts of the world ; 
yea, though they should be but as stepping-stones 
unto others for performing of so great a work. 

These, and some other like reasons,^ moved them to 

' Edward Winslow, in his Brief days from their sports or their or- 
Narrative, mentions three other dinary work; and the English di- 
reasons; first, their desire to live vines took notice of the great scan- 
under the protection of England dal which the neglect of the Lord's 
and to retain the language and the Day at Dort gave them, exhorting 
name of Englishmen ; second, the Synod to interfere with the 
their inability to give their child- magistrates for preventing the 
ren such an education as they had opening of shops and the exercise 
themselves received ; and third, of trade on Sundays. Sir Dudley 
their grief at the profanation of Carleton, too, writing from the 
the sabbath in Holland. This vi- Hague July 22, 1619, says, " It 
elation of the sabbath attracted the falls out in these towns of Holland, 
attention of the Synod of Dort, that Sunday, which is elsewhere 
^which assembled in 1618. The the day of rest, proves the day of 
Dutch ministers acknowledged the labor, for they never knew yet how 
great difficulty they met with in to observe the sabbath." See 
withdrawing the people on Sun- Brandt, iii. 28, 290 ; Hales's Letters 



CHAP, undertake this resolution of their removal, the which 


-^-^ they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties ; 

1617. as by the sequel will appear. 

The place they had thoughts on were some of those 
unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and 
fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, 
where there are only salvage and brutish people, which 
range up and down little otherwise than the wild 
beasts. This proposition being made public, and com- 
ing to the scanning of all, it raised many variable 
opinions amongst men, and caused many fears and 
doubts amongst themselves. Some, from their reasons 
and hopes conceived, labored to stir up and encourage 
the rest to undertake and prosecute the same ; others, 
again, out of their fears, objected against it, and 

from the Synod of Dort, p. 8, 
(Glasgow, 1765) ; Carleton's Let- 
ters, p. 380. 

These reasons for their removal, 
as stated by Bradford and Wins- 
low, are sufficient, and are to be 
received as the true and sole rea- 
sons. Yet Douglass, in his Sum- 
mary, i. 369, says, " Being of un- 
steady temper, they resolved to re- 
move to some remote country in 
some wilderness, — as recluses." 
Chalmers, in his Political Annals, 
p. 85, says, " After twelve years' 
unmolested residence they became 
unhappy in their situation, because 
they foresaw the destruction of 
their society in the toleration they 
enjoyed ; and determined to seek 
new adventures in America. — Con- 
tinuing unhappy in a country where 
they were obscure and unpersecut- 
ed," Sec. Robertson, in his History 
of America, book x. says, "They re- 
sided at Leyden for several years un- 
molested and obscure. But as their 
church received no increase, either 
by recruits from England or by 
proselytes gained in the country, 
ihey began to be afraid that all 

their high attainments in spiritual 
knowledge would be lost, if they 
remained longer in a strange land." 
And Burke, in his account of the 
European Settlements in America, 
says that " though in a country of 
the greatest religious freedom in 
the world, they did not find them- 
selves better satisfied than they 
had been in England. They were 
tolerated indeed, but watched ; 
their zeal began to have dangerous 
languors for want of opposition ; 
and being without power or conse- 
quence, they grew tired of the in- 
dolent security of their sanctuary." 
These sneers are as contemptible 
as they are unjust. It is to be re- 
gretted that any respectable writer 
in this country should have incau- 
tiously given currency to such mis- 
representations. Chief Justice 
Marshall perceived and corrected 
the error into which he had been 
led by following such unworthy 
authorities. Compare his Life of 
Washington, i. 90, (first ed.) with 
his History of the American Colo- 
nies, p. 78. 


sought to divert from it, alleging many things, and chap. 
those neither unreasonable nor improbable ; as that it ~^v-w 
was a great design, and subject to many inconceivable 1617. 
perils and dangers ; as, besides the casualties of the 
seas, (which none can be freed from,) the length of the 
voyage was such as the weak bodies of men and wo- 
men and such other persons, worn out with age and 
travail, (as many of them were,) could never be able 
to endure ; and yet if they should, the miseries of the 
land which they should be exposed unto would be too 
hard to be borne, and likely, some or all of them, to 
consume and utterly to ruinate them.^ For there they 
should be liable to famine, and nakedness, and the 
want, in a manner, of all things. The changing of 
the air, diet, and drinking of water would infect their 
bodies with sore sicknesses ; and all those which 
should escape or overcome these difficulties should yet 
be in continual danger of the salvage people, who are 
cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, being most furious 
in their rage and merciless where they overcome, not 
being content only to kill and take away life, but de- 
light to torment men in most bloody manner that may 
be, flaying men alive with the shells of fishes, cutting 
off the joints and members of others by piecemeals, 
and broiling them on the coals, and causing men to 
eat the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they 
live ; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And 
surely it could -not be thought but the hearing of these 
things could not but move the bowels of men to grate 

' "Iramensus ultra, utque sic Italia relicta, Gerraaniam peteret, 

/dixerim, adversus oceanus raris ab informem terris, asperam coelo, tris- 

orbe nostro navibus aditur ? Quis tern cultu aspectuque, nisi si patria 

porro, prfeter periculum horridi et sit?" Tacitus, Germania, ii. 
ignoti maris, Asia, aut Africa, aut 


CHAP, within them, and make the weak to quake and trem- 


— '^- ble. It was further objected, that it would require 
1 6 1 7. greater sums of money to furnish such a voyage and 
to fit them with necessaries, than their estates would 
amount to. And yet they must all as well look to be 
seconded with supplies, as presently to be transported. 
Also, the like precedents of ill success and lamentable 
miseries befallen others in the like designs,^ were easy 
to be found and not forgotten to be alleged ; besides 
their own experience in their former troubles and hard- 
ships in their removal into Holland, and how hard a 
thing it was for them to live in that strange place, 
although it was a neighbour country, and a civil and 
rich commonwealth. 

It was answered, that all great and honorable ac- 
tions were accompanied with great difficulties, and 
must be both enterprised and overcome with answera- 
J ble courages. It was granted the dangers w^ere great, 
J but not desperate, and the difficulties were many, 
\ but not invincible ; for although there were many of 
them likely, yet they were not certain. It might be 
that some of the things feared might never befall them ; 
others, by providence, care, and the use of good means, 
might in a great measure be prevented ; and all of 
them, through the help of God, by fortitude and pa- 
tience, might either be borne or overcome. True it 
was that such attempts were not to be made and 
undertaken but upon good ground and reason, not 
rashly or lightly, as many have done for curiosity or 

' The entire failure of the plan- serve to discourage them from emi- 

tation at Sagadahoc, near the grating to America. See Gorges's 

mouth of the Kennebec, in 1607, Brief Narrative, in Mass. Hist, 

which was abandoned in less than Coll. xxvi. 54 — 56; Williamson's 

a year, and the slow progress of the Maine, i. 197 — 203; Bancroft, i. 

Virginia settlements, might well 124 — 152. 



hope of gain, &c. But their condition was not ordi- chap. 
nary. Their ends were good and honorable, their — -^' 
calling lawful and urgent, and therefore they might i 6 1 7. 
expect a blessing of God in their proceeding ; yea, 
although they should lose their lives in this action, yet 
they might have comfort in the same ; and their en- 
deavours would be honorable. They lived here but as 
men in exile and in a poor condition ; and as great 
miseries might possibly befall them in this place ; for 
the twelve years of truce were now out,^ and there 
was nothing but beating of drums and preparing for 
war, the events whereof are always uncertain. The 
Spaniard might prove as cruel as the salvages of 
America, and the famine and pestilence as sore here 
as there, and hberty less to look out for remedy. 

After many other particular things answered and 
alleged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the 
major part to put this design in execution, and to pro- 
secute it by the best means they could. 

* The twelve years' iruce, con- 1621, when the war was renewed, 
eluded April 9, 1609, expired in See Note on page 44, 



And first, after their humble prayers unto God for 
his direction and assistance, and a general conference 
16 17. held thereabouts, they consulted what particular place 
to pitch upon and prepare for. Some, and none of 
the meanest, had thoughts and were earnest for Guia- 
na,' or some of those fertile places in those hot cli- 

' Sir Walter Raleigh published 
in 1596 his " Discovery of Guiana," 
Avhich he calls a mighty, rich and 
beautiful empire, directly east from 
Peru, towards the sea, lying under 
the equinoctial line. Its capital 
was " that great and golden city, 
which the Spaniards call El Dora- 
do, and the natives Manoa, and for 
greatness, riches, and excellent seat 
it far exceedeth any of the world." 
Having, in 1595, sailed up the Orin- 
oco 400 miles in quest of it, he says, 
" On both sides of this river we 
passed the most beautiful country 
that ever mine eyes beheld ; plains 
of twenty miles in length, the grass 
short and green, and in divers parts 
groves of trees by themselves, as 
if they had been by all the art and 
labor of the world so made of pur- 
pose; and still as we rowed, the 
deer came down feeding by the 

water's side, as if they had been 
used to a keeper's call. — I never 
saw a more beautiful country, nor 
more lively prospects, hills so rais- 
ed here and there over the valleys, 
the river winding into divers 
branches, the plains adjoining 
without bush or stubble, all fair 
green grass, the deer crossing in 
every path, the birds towards the 
evening singing on every tree with 
a thousand several tunes, the air 
fresh, with a gentle easterly wind; 
and every stone that we stopped to 
take up promised either gold or 
silver by his complexion. — For 
health, good air, pleasure, and 
riches, I am resolved it cannot be 
equalled by any region either in the 
east or west." See Raleigh's 
Works, viii. 381, 398, 427, 442, 
462. (Oxford ed.) 

Chapinan, too, the translator of 


mates. Others were for some parts of Virginia,^ where chap. 
the English had aheady made entrance and beginning. -^^^^ 

Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, 1617. 
fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring and a 
flourishing greenness ; where vigorous nature brought 
forth all things in abundance and plenty, without any 
great labor or art of man ; so as it must needs make the 
inhabitants rich, seeing less provision of clothing and 
other things would secure them than in more colder and 
less fruitful countries must be had. As also that the 
Spaniards, having much more than they could possess, 
had not yet planted there, nor any where very near the 

But to this it was answered, that out of question 
the country was both fruitful and pleasant, and might 
yield riches and maintenance to the possessors more 
easily than to others ; yet, other things considered, it 
would not be so fit. And first, that such hot countries 
are subject to grievous diseases, and many noisome 
impediments, which other more temperate places are 
free from, and would not so well agree with our Eng- 

Horaer, in a poem on Guiana, Grahanie's History of the United 
written in 1595, thus celebrates States, i. 39. 

the country : '^ Although England and Spain 

were now at peace, and had been 

" Guiana, wliose rich feet are mines of !;old, ^'"^e 1604, and SO continued till 
Whose forehead luiocks against the roof of the rupture in 1624, yet the Pll- 

„. ^^'"■^' , f • E. , J , , ■ grims, from their long residence in 

tetanus on her tiptoe at fair Lnslaiid lookins, tt ii i i. j • i_ -l j i • i 

Kissing her hand, i,owii.g her mighty breasi, Holland, had mibibed the national 

And every sign of all suhinissioii malting, repugnance of the Dutch tO their 

o." oC/'l^rsS'mald'!"'"'''" '"^" Spanish oppressors, a feeling which 

was long retained. In a letter 

' written by the Plymouth colonists 

See Tytler's Life of Raleigh, p. to the Dutch on Hudson's river in 

164 ; and Oldys's Life in Raleigh's 1627, they speak of resisting " the 

Works, i, 215. pride of that common enemy, the 

' The successful colonization of Spaniards, from whose cruelty the 

Virginia commenced in 1607, at Lord keep us both, and our native 

Jamestown. See Stith's History countries." See Mass. Hist. Coll. 

of Virginia, p. 46 ; Bancroft, i. 125 ; iii. 51, 52. 



CHAP, lish bodies. Again, if they should there live and do 

well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them 

1617. long, but would displaiit and overthrow them, as he 
15 65. did the French in Florida,' who were settled further 
21. from his richest countries; and the sooner, because 
they should have none to protect them, and their own 
strength would be too small to resist so potent an ene- 
my and so near a neighbour. 

On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that 
if they lived amongst the English which were there 
planted, or so near them as to be under their govern- 
ment, they should be in as great danger to be troubled 
and persecuted for their cause of religion'^ as if they 
lived in England, and it might be worse ; and if they 
lived too far off, they should neither have succour or 
defence from them. 
^ And at length the conclusion was, to live in a dis- 

\ tinct body by themselves, under the general govern- 

ment of Virginia ; ^ and by their friends to sue to His 

' See the account of the massacre 
of the Huguenots in Florida by the 
Spaniards, in Bancroft, i. 67 — 70. 

* Virginia had been colonized by 
persons belonging to the Church of 
England, and attached to its cere- 
monies and institutions. In the 
orders and instructions for the 
government of the colony, issued 
by King James under his sign 
manual and the privy seal of Eng- 
land, it was specially enjoined that 
" the word and service of God 
should be preached and used accord- 
ing to the rites and doctrines of the 
Church of England." See Stith's 
Virginia, p. 37, and Chalmers's An- 
nals, p. 15. 

' The Virginia Company was 
established in 1606. On the 10th 
of April of that year. King James, 
by letters patent, divided a strip of 

land, of 100 miles wide, along the 
Atlantic coast of North America, 
extending from the 34th to the 45th 
degree of north latitude — a terri- 
tory which then went under the 
common name of Virginia — be- 
tween two Companies, who were 
to colonize it. The First or South- 
ern Colony was granted to certain 
knights, gentlemen, merchants, and 
adventurers of London, who were 
to colonize between the 34th and 
the 41st degrees. The Second, or 
Northern colony, was granted to 
persons of like description in Bris- 
tol, Exeter, and Plymouth, who 
were to plant between the 3Sth and 
the 45lh degrees. Each Company 
was to be under the government of 
a council of thirteen, and neither of 
them was to plant a colony withia 
a hundred miles of a previous settle- 


Majesty that he would be pleased to grant them free chap, 
liberty, and freedom of religion. And that this may be ~^v-^ 
obtained they were put in good hope by some great 1617. 
persons of good rank and quality that were made their 

Whereupon two- were chosen and sent into England, 
at the charge of the rest, to solicit this matter ; who 
found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them 
go thither,^ and willing to grant them a patent, with 
as ample privileges as they had or could grant to any, 
and to give them the best furtherance they could ; and 
some of the chief of the Company doubted not to ob- 
tain their suit of the king for liberty in religion, and to 
have it confirmed under the king's broad seal, according .d 
to their desires. But it proved a harder piece of work ii 
than they took it for. For although many means were 
used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected ; for 

ment made by the other. The Carver will be found in Belknap, iL 

Second or Plymouth Company 179, 267. ' 

made the unsuccessful attempt in ^ Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of 
1607 to establish a colony near the the leaders of the Second or Ply- 
mouth of the Kennebec. The First mouth Company, says "Before the 
or London Company was the one unhappy controversy happened be- 
to which the agents of the Pilgrims tween those of Virginia and myself, 
applied, and which seems at this they were forced, through the great 
time to have appropriated to itself charge they had been at, to hearken 
exclusively the title of the Virginia to any propositions that might give 
Company. Douglass, i. 370, 395, ease and furtherance to so hopeful 
Moulton, History of New York, a business. To that purpose, it 
p. 356, and Graharae, i. 1S8, err in was referred to their considerations 
saying that they obtained a grant how necessary it was that means 
of land or a promise of a patent, might be used to draw into those 
from the Plymouth Company. See enterprises some of those families 
the Charter in Stith, App. p. 1, and that had retired themselves into 
in Hazard's State Papers, i. 50. Holland for scruple of conscience, 

* Among others, no doubt. Sir giving them such freedom and 
Edwin Sandys, Sir Robert Naun- liberty as might stand with their 
ton, and Sir John Wolstenholme, likings. This advice being heark- 
as will hereafter be seen. ened unto, there were that under- 

* Robert Cushman and John took the putting it in practice. 
Carver, as appears by the letter of and accordingly brought it to effect 
Sir Edwin Sandys on page 63. The so far forth," &;c. See Gorges, 
little that is known of Cushman and in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 73. 


CHAP, there were divers of s;ood worth labored with the king 

V . . P 

^^-^ to obtain it, amongst whom was one ' of his chief 

1618. Secretaries; and some other wrought with the Arch- 
bishop- to give way thereunto. But it proved all in vain. 
Yet thus far they prevailed in sounding His Majesty's 
pind, that he would connive at them, and not molest 
them, provided they carried themselves peaceably. But 
to allow or tolerate them by his public authority under 
his seal, they found it would not be granted.^ And 
this was all that the chief of the Virginia Company, 
or any other of their best friends, could do in the case. 
Yet they persuaded them to go on, for they presumed 
they should not be troubled.'^ And with this answer 
the messengers returned, and signified what diligence 
had been used, and to what issue things were come. 

But this made a damp in the business, and caused 
some distraction. For many were afraid that if they- 
should unsettle themselves, put off their estates, and 
go upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but 

' Winslow, in his Brief Narra- He had been promoted to it from 
tive, says that the agents "got Sir the bisliopric of London, April 9, 
Edwin Sandys, a religious gentle- 1611, and on the 24th of June was 
man then living, to stir in it, who swornamember of the Privy Coun- 
procured Sir Robert Naunton, then cil. See an account of him, not a 
principal Secretary of State to King very favorable one, in Clarendon's 
James to move his Majesty." Sir History of the Rebellion, book i. 
Robert Naunton was sworn the under the year 1633, in which he 
king's secretary Jan, 8, 1618. He died. He was too mild and tolerant 
was the author of " Fragmenta for Clarendon. See also Wood's 
Regalia; Observations on the late Athente Oxon. i. 583, and Neal's 
Queen Elizabeth, her Times and Puritans, i. 564. 
Favorites," " the fruit," as Fuller ^ The word granted I have re- 
says, " of his younger years." stored from Prince, p. 148. 
Belknap, Am. Biog. ii. 170, and * At the very time this nego- 
Baylies, Memoir of Plymouth tiation was pending. King James 
Colony, i. 16, err in calling him issued a declaration, (May 24, 
Norton. See Fuller's Worthies 1618) in which he required the 
of England, ii. 336 (4to ed.) ; bishop of Lancashire to constrain 
Birch's Memoirs of Queen Eliza- all the Puritans within his diocess 
beth, i. 369. to conform, or to leave the country. 

" The See of Canterbury was at Prince, p. 147. 
this lime filled by Dr. George Abbot. 


a sandy foundation. Yea, it was thought they might chap. 
better have presumed liereupon, without making any suit — ^ 
at all, than, having made it, to be thus rejected. But 16 is. 
some of the chiefest thought otherwise, and that they 
might well proceed hereupon, and that the King's Ma- 
jesty was willing enough to suffer them without moles- ^ 
tation, though for other reasons he would not confirm 
it by any public act ; and furthermore, if there was no 
security in this promise intimated, there would be no 
greater certainty in a further confirmation of the same. 
For if afterward there should be a j)urpose or desire to i 
wrong them, though they had a seal as broad as the 
house-floor, it would not serve the turn, for there would 
be means enough found to recall or reverse it. And 
seeing, therefore, the course is probable, they must rest 
herein on God's providence, as they had done in other 

Upon this resolution other messengers ^ were de- 
spatched to end with the Virginia Company as well as ^|l^- 
they could, and to procure a patent with as good and 
ample conditions as they might by any good means 
attain ; as also to treat and conclude with such mer- 
chants and other friends as had manifested their for- 
wardness to provoke to and adventure in this voyage. 
For which end they had instructions given them upon 
what conditions they should proceed with them ; or 
else to conclude nothing without further advice. And 
here it will be requisite to insert a letter or two that 
may give light to these proceedings. 

' By Mr. Cushman's letter from page 151. Judge Davis follows 

London of May 8, 1619, inserted on Prince in this error, in his valua- 

'a following page, it appears that ble edition of Morton's Memorial, 

these messengers were Mr. Cush- p. 22. They were not despatched, 

man himself and Mr. Brewster; it will be seen, till more than a year 

not Mr. Bradford, as Prince says, after the first agents were sent. 



CHAP. A Copy of a Letter from Sir Edwiri Sandys,^ directed to 
— ^^ Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Breivster.^ 


Nov. After mj hearty salutations, — The agents of your 
congregation, Robert Cushman and John Carver,^ have 
been in communication with divers select gentlemen 
of His Majesty's Council for Virginia ; and by the 
writing of seven articles, subscribed "* with your names, 
have given them that good degree of satisfaction which 
hath carried them on with a resolution to set forward 
your desire in the best sort that may be for your own 
and the public good ; divers particulars whereof we 
leave to their faithful report, having carried themselves 
here with that good discretion as is both to their own 
and their credit from whom ^ they came. And whereas, 
being to treat for a multitude of people, they have 
requested further time to confer with them that are to 
be interested in this action about the several particulars 
which in the prosecution thereof will fall out consider- 
able, it hath been very willingly assented unto ; and 
so they do now return unto you.'' If therefore it may 

' This name is spelt Sands in length which agree almost word 

the MS., which Stith says is " cer- for word with Bradford's History. 

tainly wrong." See the Appendix Compare Hubbard, pp. 44 — 50. 
to his History, p. 10, Note. ^ These were the agents that 

- This letter is contained in Hub- were first sent. See page 55. 
bard's History of New England, in ^ The word subscribed is inserted 

Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 46, but very from Prince, p. 142, and Hubbard, 

incorrectly transcribed. Prince says, p. 46. 

inhisAnnals, pp. xxi. 232,thatHub- '" I substitute wliom for whence, 

bard " had never seen Gov. Brad- on the authority of Prince, p. 142. 
ford's History." But this I think a ^ From the expression "they do 

mistake, since Hubbard relates the now return unto you," it is evident 

whole history of this negotiation that the agents must have returned 


with the Virginia Company, which to Leyden soon after this letter was 
is nqt contained in Morton's Memo- written, of which they were un- 
rial, and which he could have got doubtedly the bearers, that is be- 
only from Bradford's original MS. tween Nov. 12, the date of the let- 
or from Morton's copy of it in the ter, and Dec. 15, the date of Rob- 
records of the Plymouth Church, inson and Brewster's answer to it. 
He gives passages of considerable Of course Prince, p. 148, and Davis 


please God so to direct your desires as that on jour chap. 
parts there fall out no just impediments, 1 trust by the ^^v^- 
same direction it shall likewise appear that on our parts ^^^^• 
all forwardness to set you forward shall be found in the 12. 
best sort which with reason may be expected. And 
so I betake you with this design, (which I hope verily 
is the work of God,) to the gracious protection and 
blessing of the Highest. 

Your very loving friend, 

Edwin Sandys.^ 
London, Novemher 12, 1617. 

Their Answer was asfolloweth. 

Right Worshipful, 

Our humble duties remembered, in our own, our Dec 
messengers' and our church's name, with all thankful 
acknowledgment of your singular love, expressing it- 
self, as otherwise, so more especially in your great care 
and earnest endeavour of our good in this weighty 
business about Virginia, which the less able we are to 

on Morton, p. 22, cannot be correct was in 1614 committed by James 

in stating that they returned in to the Tower for his free speech. 

May, 1618. It appears from Rob- Anthony Wood says lie was "a per- 

inson and Brewster's letter that son of great judgment and of a 

Carver was sent a second time to commanding pen, a solid states- 

the Council of Virginia, in Dec. man, ingenio et gravitate morum 

1617, attended by " a gentleman of insignis." He was the author of 
the company." These agents may " Europce Speculum ; or a View or 
have returned to Leyden in May, Survey of the state of Religion in 

1618. Cushman and Brewster the western part of the V/orld," 
were afterwards sent in Feb. 1619, and of a metrical version of the 
and returned late in the same year. Book of Job, the Psalms of David, 

' Sir Edwin Sandys was one of and other poetical parts of Holy 

the principal members of the Vir- Writ. He died in 1629. See 

ginia Company. He was the son Wood's Athense Oxonienses, i. 541 ; 

of Archbishop Sandys, and a favo- Walton's Lives, pp. 174, 178, ISO, 

'rite pupil of the judicious Hooker. (Major's ed.) ; Hume's England, vi. 

In Parliament, he was " a member 39, 97, Pickering's ed.) ; Hallam's 

of great authority," according to England, i. 391—393. 
Hume, and taking the popular side 



CHAP, requite, we shall think ourselves the more bound to 
— v-^ commend in our prayers unto God for recompense ; 
1617, whom as for the present jou rightly behold in our 

Dec. ,, . 

15. endeavours, so shall we not be wanting on our parts, 
(the same God assisting us) to return all answer- 
able fruit and respect unto the labor of your love 
bestowed upon us. We have, with the best speed 
. and consideration withal that we could, set down our 
requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the 
hands of ^ the greatest part of our congregation, and 
have sent the same unto the Council" by our agent, a 
deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we have 
also requested a gentleman of our company to adjoin 
himself; to the care and discretion of which two we 
do refer the prosecuting of the business. Now we 
persuade ourselves, right worshipful, that we need not 
to provoke your godly and loving mind to any further 
or more tender care of us, since you have pleased so 
far to interest us in yourself, that, under God, above 
all persons and things in the world we rely upon you, 
expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your 
wisdom, and the help and countenance of your author- 
ity. Notwithstanding, for your encouragement in the 
work so far as probabilities may lead, we will not for- 
bear to mention these instances of inducement. 

1. We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us, 
unto whom and whose service we have given ourselves 
in many trials, and that he will graciously prosper our 
endeavours according to the simplicity of our hearts 

2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of 

' The words the hands of I restore * The Council of the Virginia 
from Prince, p. 142. Company. 


our mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a chap. 
strange and hard land, which yet, in great part, we v^v^ 
have by patience overcome. 1617. 

. Dsc. 

3. The people are, for the body of them, industrious 15. 
and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any com- 
pany of people in the world. 

4. We are knit together as a body in a more strict 
and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the vio- 
lation whereof we make great ^ conscience ; and by 
virtue whereof we do hold ourselves straitly tied to all 
care of each other's good, and of the whole by every, 
and so mutual. 

5. And lastly, it is not with us as with other men, 
whom small things can discourage, or small discon- 
tentments cause to wish themselves at home again. 
We know our entertainment in England and Holland. 
We shall much prejudice both our arts and means by 
removal ; where, if we should be driven to return, we 
should not hope to recover our present helps and com- 
forts, neither indeed look ever to attain the like in any 
other place during our lives, which are now drawing 
towards their periods. 

These motives we have been bold to tender unto 
you, which you in your wisdom may also impart to any 
other our worshipful friends of the Council with you, 
of all whose godly dispositions and loving towards our 
despised persons we are most glad, and shall not fail 
by all good means to continue and increase the same. 
We shall not be further troublesome, but do, with the 
renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your 
worship, and (so far as in modesty we may be bold) 
to any other of our well-willers of the Council with 

' The word ^rea< is restored from Prince, p. 143. 


CHAP, jou, we take our leaves, committing your persons and 

— -^ counsels to the guidance and protection of the Al- 

1617. midity. 
Dec. ^ "^ 
15,' Yours, much bounden in all duty, 

John Robinson, 

William Brewster. 

Leyden, the I5th of Becemher^ 1617. 

I found annexed unto the foregoing letters these 
following lines, written by Mr. Bradford with special 
reference unto the fourth particular on the other side 

O sacred bond ! Whilst inviolably preserved, 
how sweet and precious were the fruits that flowed 
from the same. But when this fidelity decayed, 
then their ruin approached. Oh that these ancient 
members had not died or been dissipated, (if it had 
been the will of God,) or else that this holy care and 
constant faithfulness had still lived and remained with 
those that survived, that were in times afterwards added 
mito them. But, alas ! that subtile serpent hath slily 
wound in himself, under fair pretences of necessity and 
the like, to untwist these sacred bonds and ties, and as 
it were insensibly, by degrees, to dissolve or in a great 
measure to weaken the same. I have been happy, in 
my first times, to see and with much comfort to enjoy 
the blessed fruits of this sweet communion. But it is 
now a part of my misery in old age to find and feel 
the decay and want thereof, in a great measure, and 
with grief and sorrow of heart to lament and bewail 
the same ; and for others' warning and admonition, 
and my own humiliation, do I here note the same. 

' On page 61. 


Thus much by way of digression. For further light chap. 
in these proceedings forenamed, see some other letters -^v^^ 
and notes, as followeth. 1618. 

The Copy of a Letter sent to Sir John Wolstenholme} 

Right Worshipful, 

With due acknowledgment of our thankfulness for jan. 
your singular care and pains in the business of Vir- ^^* 
ginia, for our and (we hope) the common good, we do 
remember our humble duties unto you, and have sent, 
as is desired, a further explanation of our Judgments 
in the three points specified by some of His Majesty's 
honorable Privy Council. And although it be grievous 
unto us that such unjust insinuations are made against 
us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of making 
our just purgation unto the so honorable personages. 
The Declarations we have sent enclosed ; the one 
more brief and general, which we think the fitter to 
be presented ; the other something more large, and in 
which we express some small accidental differences, 
which, if it seem good unto you and other of your 
worship's friends, you may send instead of the former. 
Our prayer unto God is, that your worship may see 
the fruit of your worthy endeavours, which on our 
part we shall not fail to further by all good means. 

' It is Worsingham in the MS. ; E.avvson, Secretary to the New 

but this is an error. Prince, p. 144, England Plantations, by Sir John 

and Hubbard, p. 47, write it Wors- Wolstenholme, son of the indi- 

tenholme. Sir John Wolstenholme vidual in question, dated London, 

was a wealthy merchant and a Feb. 1, 1663, in which he says, 

fanner of the customs, one of the "I am a great well-wisher and 

principal members of the Virginia good friend to your plantation, and 

Company, and one of the Council so was my father before me, who 

established by the second charter, died 24 years since." See Stith's 

He died in 1639. In Hutchinson's Virginia, pp. 163, 167, 186, and 

Collection of Papers, p. 383, there App. p. 16. 
is a letter written to Mr. Edward 


CHAP. And SO praying that you would, with all conveniency 
— v-^ that may be, give us knowledge of the success of the 
1618. business with His Majesty's Privy Council, and accord- 
27. ingly what your further pleasure is, either for our di- 
rection or furtherance in the same, so we rest 
Your worship's, in all duty, 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 
Leyden, January 27, 1617, old style} 

The first brief Note ims this. 

Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of 
pastors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for 
distributing the church's contribution, as also for the 
two sacraments, baptism and the Lord's supper, we 
do wholly and in all points agree with the French 
Reformed Churches, according to their public Confes- 
sion of Faith ; though some small differences. 

The oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it 
be required of us, if that convenient satisfaction be not 
given by our taking the oath of Allegiance.^ 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 

^ That is, Jan. 1618, new style. Allegiance was drawn up and ap- 

By the old style the year began pointed to be taken by all the king's 

March 25. subjects. This was an oath of 

* In 1531, in the reign of Henry " submission and obedience to the 
VIII. the king was declared " the king as a temporal sovereign, inde- 
supreme head of the Church of pendent of any other power upon 
England," and all his majesty's earth." By the third charter of the 
subjects were required on oath to Virginia Company, their Treasu- 
acknowiedge his supremacy. In rer, or any two of the Council, 
1558, at the accession of Elizabeth, were empowered to administer the 
the Act of Supremacy, which had oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance 
been repealed under Queen Mary, to all persons going to their Colo- 
was restored, and all persons in ny. See Burnet's History of the 
office, civil or ecclesiastical, were Reformation, ii. 387 (folio) ; Neal's 
required to take the oath. In 1605, Puritans, i. 8, 11, 84, 117, 440; 
in the reigu of James, the oath of Stith's App. p. 28 ; Hazard, i. 78. 


The second was this. chap. 


Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, [as in the """"^^ 


former, &c.] we aOTee, in all things, with the French Jan. 
Reformed Churches, according to their public Confes- 
sion of Faith ; though some small differences be to be 
found in our practices, not at all in the substance of 
the things, but only in some accidental circumstances ; 

1. Their ministers do pray with their heads covered ; 
we uncovered. 

2. We choose none for governing elders but such as 
are able to teach ; which ability they do not require. 

3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the 
most for two or three years ; ours perpetual. 

4. Our elders do administer their office in admoni- 
tions and excommunications, for public scandals, pub- 
licly and before the congregation ; theirs more privately 
and in their consistories. 

5. We do administer baptism only to such infants 
as whereof the one parent, at the least, is of some 
church, which some of their churches do not observe ; 
although in it our practice accords with their public 
Confession and the judgment of the most learned 
amongst them. , 

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know 


John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 


CHAP. P(i)^i of another Letter from him that delivered these. 

-. g H Q London., Feb. 14, 1617. i 

^^^' Your letter to Sir John Wolstenholme 1 delivered, 
almost as soon as I had it, to his own hands, and 
stayed with him the opening and reading thereof. 
There were two papers enclosed. He read them to 
himself, as also the letter ; and in the reading he spake 
to me and said, " Who shall make them ? " viz. the 
ministers. I answered his w^orship that the power of 
making was in the Church,^ to be ordained by, the im- 
position of hands by the fittest instruments they have. 
It must either be in the Church, or from the Pope ; 
and the Pope is Antichrist. " Ho ! " said Sir John, 
" what the Pope holds good, (as in the Trinity,) that 
we do well to assent to. But," said he, " we will not 
enter into dispute now ; " and as for your letters, he 
would not show them at any hand, lest he should spoil 
all. He expected you should have been of the Arch- 
bishop's mind for the calling of ministers ; but it seems 
you differed. I could have washed to have known the 
contents of your two enclosed, at which he stuck so 
much, especially the larger. I asked his worship, what 
good news he had for me to write to-morrow. He 

' That is, 161S, new style. imposition of hands may be per- 
* That is, the congregation, each formed by some of the brethren, 
separate body of believers. This orderly chosen by the church there- 
was Brownism ; and it is Indepen- unto. For if the people may elect 
dency, or Congregationalism. The officers, which is the greater, and 
Cambridge Platform says, chaps, wherein the substance of the office 
8 and 9, " Calling unto office is by doth consist, they may much more 
the church. — Officers are to be (occasion and need so requiring) 
called by such churches whereunto impose hands in ordination, which 
they are to minister. — The choice is less, and but the accomplish- 
of church officers belongeth not to ment of the other." It was prac- 
the civil magistrates, as such, or tised upon at the first ordination in 
diocesan bishops, or patrons. — In America, at Salem, in 1629. See 
churches where there are no elders, Morton's Memorial, p. 146. 


told me, " Very ^ good news ; for both the King's chap. 
Majesty and the bishops have consented." He said ^^v^^ 
he would ffo to Mr. Chancellor, Sir Fulke Greville,^ 1618. 


as this day, and next week I should know more. I u. 
met with Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night. He 
wished me to be at the Virginia Court^ the next Wed- 
nesday, where I purpose to be. Thus loth to be 
troublesome at present, I hope to have something 
next week of certainty concerning you. I commit you 
to the Lord. 


S. B. 

These things being long in agitation, and messen- 
gers passing to and again about them, after all their 
hopes they were long delayed by many obstacles that 
fell in the way. For at the return of these messen- 
gers into England, they found things far otherwise 
than they expected. For the Virginia Council was 
now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst 

' The word very is restored from Faller's Worthies, ii. 415; Birch's 

Prince, p. 145. Queen Elizabeth, i. 178; Naun- 

^ Sir Fulke Greville was ap- ton's Fragmenta Regalia, p. 112. 

pointed chancellor of the exche- (ed. 1824.) 

quer, and sworn of the Privy Coun- ^ By the third charter of Virginia 
oil Oct. 1, 1614. On the 9th of it was provided that "the Company 
Jan. 1621, he was raised to the shall and may once every week, or 
peerage by the title of Lord Brooke, oftener, at their pleasure, hold and 
of Beauchamp's Court. Rewrote keep a court and assembly for des- 
a Life of Sir Philip Sidney, and patching all casual matters of less 
" The First Five Years of King consequence and weight concern- 
James," which is contained in the ing the plantation ; and for all af- 
Hftrleian Miscellany, v. 349 (Svo. fairs of government trade, and dis- 
ed.) On his tomb-stone in War- posal of lands, there shall be held 
wick Church, he had inscribed this every year four great and general 
brief but noble epitaph : " Fulke courts," at which all officers were 
Greville, servant to Queen Eliza- to be chosen, and all laws and or- 
beth, counsellor to King James, dinances enacted. See Stith, App, 
and friend to Sir Philip Sidney." 26, and Hazard, i. 76. 
See Wood's Athense Oxon. i. 521 ; 


CHAP, themselves, as no business could well go forward ; the 
^'^^-' which may the better appear in one of the messengers' 
1619. letters, as followeth. 

To his Loving Friends. 

May I had thought long since to have writ unto you ; but 
could not effect that which I aimed at, neither can yet 
set things as I wished. Yet, notwithstanding, I doubt 
not but Mr. Brewster hath written to Mr. Robinson ; 
butl think myself bound also to do something, lest I 
be thought to neglect you. 

The main hindrance of our proceedings in the Vir- 
ginia business is the dissensions and factions, as they 
term it, amongst the Council and Company of Virginia, 
which are such as that ever since we came up no busi- 
ness could by them be despatched. The occasion of 
this trouble amongst them is, that a while since Sir 
Thomas Smith, ^ repining at his many offices and 
troubles, wished the Company of Virginia to ease him 
of his office in being treasurer and governor of the 

April Virginia Company. Whereupon the Company took 
occasion to dismiss him, and chose Sir Edwin Sandys ^ 

' Sir Thomas Smith was the one of the assignees of Sir Walter 

first treasurer and governor of the Raleigh's patent, and thus became 

Virginia Company, and continued interested in the colony of Virginia. 

in office till superseded by Sir Ed- See Belknap, ii. 9— 19 ; Stith, pp. 

win Sandys. He had the chief 42, 15S. 

management of their atfairs, and - Sir Edwin Sandys was elected 

presided in all the meetings of the April 28, 1619. Stith says that 

Council and Company. He was a " he was a person of excellent un- 

London merchant, of great wealth derstanding and judgment, of great 

and influence, governor of the East industry, vigor and resolution, and 

India and Muscovy Companies, indefatigable in his application to 

and of the Company associated for the business of the company and 

the discovery of the north-west colony." His election was brought 

passage. In 1604he was sent am- about by the Earl of Warwick's 

bassador from King James to the (Lord Rich) hostility to Sir Tho- 

Emperor of Russia. He was also mas Smith. Sandys was very ob- 


treasurer and governor of the Company, he having chap. 
sixty voices, Sir John Wolstenhohiie sixteen voices, ^^v^^ 
and alderman Johnson ^ twenty-four. But Sir Tiiomas 1 6 1 9. 
Smith, when he saw some part of his honor lost, was 8. 
very angry, and raised a faction to cavil and contend 
about the election, and sought to tax Sir Edwin with 
many things that might both disgrace him and also put 
him by his office of governor. In which contentions 
they yet stick, and are not fit nor ready to intermeddle 
in any business; and what issue things will come to, I 
know not, nor are we yet certain. It is most like Sir 
Edwin will carry it away ; and if he do, things will go 
well in Virginia ; if otherwise, they will go ill enough 
always. We hope in two or three Court days things 
will settle. Mean space I think to go down into Kent, 
and come up again about fourteen days or three wrecks 
hence ; except either by these aforesaid contentions,^ 
or by the ill tidings from Virginia, we be wholly dis- 
couraged ; of which tidings as followeth. 

Capt. Argall ' is come home this week. He, upon 

noxious to King James on account Stith had in his possession copies 

of his political principles. The of the records of the Company, from 

king said "he knew him to be a April 28, 1619 to June 7, 1624. 

man of exorbitant ainbition." Ac- vSee also a declaration made by the 

cordingly, when the year for which Council of Virginia, in 1623, enti- 

he was cliosen, had expired, James tied " The Company's Chief Root of 

objected to his reelection, and in a the Differences and Discontents," 

furious passion exclaimed, "Choose in the Appendix to Burk's His- 

the devil, if you will, but not Sir tory of Virginia, i. 316; and "A 

Edwin Sandys." To get out of Short Collection of the most re- 

the difficulty, the Company chose markable passages from the origi- 

the Earl of Southampton treasurer, nal to the dissolution of the Vir- 

yi and Sandys deputy. See Stith, ginia Company. London, 1651." 

159, 178, 181 ; Burk, i. 322 ; Short (4to. pp. 20.) 
Collection, pp. 6, 8, 19. ^ Sir Samuel Argall was a kins- 

* Alderman Johnson was at this man of Sir Thomas Smith, and a 

time the deputy-treasurer of the favorite of the Earl of Warwick, 

'Company. See Stith, p. 150. who procured his election as deputy 

^ For an account of the conten- governor of the Virginia Colony in 

tions in the Virginia Company, see the beginning of 1617. He arrived 

Stith's Virginia, pp. v. 158, ISO. in Virginia in May ; but his admin- 


CHAP, notice of the intent of the Counci], came away before 

V. . . 

— ^— Sir George Yeardley ^ came there, and so there is no 

1619. small dissension. But his tidinirs is ill, although his 

May . 

8. person be welcome. He saith Mr. Blackwell's ship 
came not there until March ; but going towards winter 
they had still northwest winds, which carried them to 
the southward beyond their course ; and the master of 
the ship and some six of the mariners dying, it seemed 
they could not find the Bay, till after long seeking 
and beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. 
Maggner, the captain. Yea, there are dead, he saith, 
a hundred and thirty persons, one and other, in the 
ship. It is said there was in all a hundred and 
eighty persons in the ship, so as they were packed 
together like herrings. They had amongst them a 
flux, and also want of fresh water ; so as it is here 
rather wondered that so many are alive, than that so 
many are dead. The merchants here say it was Mr. 
Blackwell's fault to pack so many in the ship ; yea, and 
there was great murmuring and repining amongst them, 
and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell for his dealing and dis- 
posing of them, when they saw how he had disposed 
of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the 
streets at Gravesend rang of their extreme cjuarrelling, 
crying out one of another, " Thou hast brought me to 
this. I may thank thee for this." Heavy news it is, 

istration was so tyrannical and in 1619, and was empowered to in- 
oppressiv^e, that he was displaced vestigate the charges against Argall 
the next year, and sailed for Ens- on the spot. But the earl of War- 
land in April, 1619. See his Life wick having sent over a small bark 
in Belknap, ii. 51 — 63; Stith, to inform him of what was prepar- 
pp, 145, 149 ; Burk, i. 317 — 322; ing against him, and to bring him 
Smith's General History of Vir- away, Yeardley did not arrive in 
ginia, ii. 33, (Svo. ed. Richmond, Virginia till ten or twelve days 
1819.) after Argall's escape. See Bel- 
' Sir George Yeardley was knap, ii. 61 — 72 ; Stith, p. 157 ; 
chosengovernorof the colony early Burk, p. 322; Smith, ii. 37. 


and I would be glad to hear how far it will discourage, chap. 
I see none here discouraged much, but rather desire to — v^^ 
learn to beware by other men's harms, and to amend 1619. 

. May 

that wherein they have failed ; as we desire to serve s. 
one another in love, so take heed of being enthralled 
by other imperious persons, especially if they be dis- 
cerned to have an eye to themselves. It doth often 
trouble me to think that in this business we are to 
learn, and none to teach. But better so than to depend 
upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Such a 
stratagem he made for Mr. Johnson and his people at 
Emden ; much was their subversion. But though he 
then cleanlily yet unhonestly plucked his neck out of 
the collar, yet at last his foot is caught. 

Here are no letters come. The ship Captain Argall 
came in is yet in the west parts. All that we hear is 
but his report. It seemeth he came away secretly. 
The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be here 
shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said ; he thought 
we should hear no good of them. 

Mr. Brewster is not well at this time. Whether he 
will go back to you or go into the north, I yet know 
not. For myself, I hope to see an end of this business 
ere I come, though I am sorry to be thus from you. If 
things had gone roundly forward, I should have been 
with you within this fourteen days. I pray God direct 
us, and give us that spirit which is fitting for such a 

Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. 
Brewster, I think, hath more largely writ of to Mr. 
Robinson, I leave you to the Lord's protection. 

Yours, in all readiness, &c. 

Robert Cushman. 

London, May the 8th, 1619. 


CHAP. A word or two, by way of digression, touching this 
-^v^-- Mr. Blackwell. He was an elder of the church of 
1619. Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them. He 
declined from the truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, 
and went with him when they departed asunder in that 
woful manner which brought so great dishonor to God, 
scandal to the truth, and outward ruin to themselves, 
in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through 
the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest 
with God, in the heavens, and that they are arrived in 
the haven of happiness, though some of their bodies 
were thus buried in the terrible seas, and others sunk 
under the burden of bitter afflictions. He, with some 
others, had prepared for to go to Virginia ; and he with 
sundry godly citizens being at a private meeting (I take 
it, at a Fast,) in London, being discovered, many of 
them were apprehended, whereof Mr. Blackwell was 
one. But he so glossed with the bishops, and either 
dissembled or flatly denied the truth which formerly he 
had maintained ; and not only so, but unworthily be- 
trayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, 
that so he might slip his own neck out of the collar, 
and to obtam his own freedom brought others into 
bonds. Whereupon he so won the bishops' favor, (but 
lost the Lord's,) as he was not only dismissed, but in 
open court the Archbishop gave him great applause 
and his solemn blessing to proceed in his voyage. But 
if such events follow the bishops' blessing, happy are 
they that miss the same. It is much better to keep a 
good conscience and have the Lord's blessing, whether 
in life or death. But see how that man, apprehended 
by Mr. Blackwell's means, writes to a friend of his. 


Riffht dear friend and christian brother, Mr. Carver, chap. 

. V. 

I salute you and yours in the Lord. --^v^^ 

Sir, as for my own present condition, I doubt not 1 61 8. 
but you well understand it by our brother Masterson,' 4. 
who should have tasted of the same cup, had his place 
of residence and his person been as well known as 
myself. Somewhat I have written to Mr. Cushman 
how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twice 
to Mr. sheriif, and once to my Lord Cook,^ and have 
used such reasons to move them to pity, that if they 
were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should 
have soon gained my liberty ; — as that I was a man 
living by my credit, in debt to divers in our city, living 
in more than ordinary charges in a close and tedious 
prison ; besides great rents abroad, all my business 
lying still, my own servant lying lame in the country, 
my wife being also great with child : and yet no 
answer until the Lords of His Majesty's Council gave 
consent. Kowbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as deep in 
this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate with a 
great deal less ado, yea, with an addition of the Arch- 
bishop's blessing. I am sorry for Mr. Blackwell's 
weakness. 1 wish it may prove no worse ; but yet he 
and some others of them were not sorry, but thought 
it was for the best that I was nominated ; not because 
the Lord sanctifies evil to good, but that the action 

* Richard Masterson was one of officious with part of his estate for 

Robinson's church, and his name public good, and a man of ability, 

issubscribed, with others, to a letter as a second Stephen, to defend the 

written from Leyden to Bradford truth by sound argument, grounded 

and Brewster, Nov. 30, 1625, nine on the Scriptures of truth." See 

months after their pastor's death. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. ^i. 

On his coming over to Plymouth, ^ This was the eminent lawyer, 

he was chosen a deacon of the whose name is commonly spelt 

church. In the church records he Coke. See an account of him in 

is described as " a holy man and Fuller's Worthies, ii. 128, and in 

an experienced saint, having been Lardner's Cab. Cyc. vi. 1 — 43. 



CHAP, was good, jea, for the best. One reason I well 
^^^ remember he used was, because this trouble would 

1 6 1 8. increase the Virgmia plantation; that now people 
4. began more generally to incline to go ; and if he had 

not nominated some such as I, he had not been free, 
being it was known that many citizens, besides them- 
selves, were there. I expect an answer shortly what 
they intend concerning me. I purpose to write to some 
other of you, by whom you shall know the certainty. 

Thus not having further at present to acquaint you 
withal, commending myself to your prayers I cease, 
and commit you and us all to the Lord. 

Your friend and brother, in bonds, 

Sabin Starsmore.^ 

From my Chamier in Wood-street Counter,^ Sept. 4:th, 1618. 

But thus much by the way, which may be of good 
use. I have been the larger in these things, that the 
rising generation may seriously take notice of the many 
difficulties their poor leaders underwent in the first 
enterprises towards coming into New England. 

1619. But at last, after all these things, and their long 
attendance, they had a patent granted them, and con- 
firmed under the Company's seal.^ But these divisions 

' There was a Mr. Staismore prison-houses pertaining to the 
among the associates of Henry sheriffs of London. Stow's Survey 
Jacob, who, after having conferred of London, p. 394, (folio.) 
with Mr. Robinson, in Leyden, ^ Morton says, in his Memorial, 
laid the foundation of an Inde- p. 22, that they "obtained letters 
pendent or Congregational Church patent for the northern parts of 
in England in the year 1616. See Virginia, of King James, of famous 
Neal's Puritans, i. 476. Some fur- memory." He confounds the king 
ther account of Jacob will be given with the Virginia Company. Dud- 
hereafter in a Note to Bradford's ley makes the same mistake in his 
Dialogue. Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 

2 The Compter in Wood Street, in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 37. Old- 
erected in 1555, was one of the mixon, i. 29, errs in saying that 



and distractions had shaken off many of their pretended chap. 
friends, and disappointed them of many of their hoped -^^J-^ 
for and proffered means. By the advice of some friends 1619. 
this patent was not taken in the name of any of their 
own company,^ but in the name of Mr. John Wincob,^ 
a religious gentleman, then belonging to the Countess 
of Lincoln,^ who intended to go with them. But God 
so disposed as he never went, nor they never made use 

" Mr. Brewster made an agreement 
with the Company for a large tract 
of land in the southwest parts of 
New England," an error into which 
he was led by Cotton Mather, i. 47. 
The Virginia Company could grant 
no patent for lands north of the 40th 
degree. The authors of the Modern 
Universal History, xxxix. 272, err 
in stating that " their intention 
was to have made a settlement 
under the sanction of Gosnold's 
patent." Gosnold had no patent. 
Dunlap, Hist, of N. York, i. 43, 
and Hugh Murray, Hist, of Dis- 
coveries in North America, i. 245, 
err in asserting that the agents of 
the Pilgrims negotiated with the 
Plymouth Company. See p. 55, 

' The word company I restore 
from Hubbard, p. 47. 

^ Nothing is known of John 
Wincob. Baylies, in his Memoir 
of Plymouth, i. 17, errs in calling 
his Christian name Jacob. It was 
probably to avoid notoriety and 
escape suspicion, that the patent 
was taken out in the name of an 
obscure individual, rather than in 
the name of the Earl of Lincoln, 
whose grandfather, Henry, had been 
one of the Council of the Virginia 
Company, established by its second 
charter in 1609. I suppose that in 
consequence of the Leyden people 
being out of the realm, the patent 
would not be granted in any of their 
inames. See Stith, App. p. 16 ; 
CoUins's Peerage, ii. 162. 

^ The Countess of Lincoln here 
mentioned was Elizabeth, the 

daughter of Sir Henry Knevet, and 
the dowager of Thomas, the third 
earl of that noble house, who died 
Jan. 15, 1619. Arthur Collins calls 
her "a lady of great piety and vir- 
tue," and Cotton Mather speaks 
of the family as " religious," and 
" the best family of any nobleman 
then in England." She was the 
mother of eighteen children, and 
wrote a book, printed at Oxford in 
1621, entitled, "The Countess of 
Lincoln's Nursery," on the duty of 
mothers nursing their own children. 
This family had a more intimate 
connexion with the New England 
settlements, and must have felt a 
deeper interest in their success, than 
any other noble house in England. 
Two of the first magistrates, or 
assistants, of the Massaciiusetts 
Colony had lived many years in 
the family as stewards, a capacity 
which Wincob also may have sus- 
tained. Frances, a daughter of the 
Countess, married John, son and 
heir to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who 
took so active a part in the attempts 
to colonize New England. Two 
other daughters, Susan and Arbella, 
married two other of the principal 
colonists of Massachusetts, John 
Humfrey and Isaac Johnson, and 
came over with their husbands to 
America. The lady Arbella died 
at the end of August, 1630, about 
six weeks after her arrival. " She 
came from a paradise of plenty and 
pleasure, in the family of a noble 
earldom, into a wilderness of wants, 
and took New England in her way 
to heaven." Like the Spanish lady 




CHAP, of this patent, which had cost them so much labor and 

-^v-^ charge ; as by the sequel will appear.^ 

This patent being sent over for them to view and 
consider,^ as also the passages about the propositions 
between them and such merchants and friends as 
should either go or adventure with them, and espe- 
cially with them on whom they did chiefly depend for 
shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, 
they were requested to fit and prepare themselves with 
all speed. 

A right emblem it may be of the uncertain things of 
this world, that when men have toiled themselves, 
they vanish into smoke. 

mentioned by Peter Martyr, " per- 
ceiving her husband now furnish- 
ing himself to depart to the un- 
known coasts of the new world, 
and those large tracts of land and 
sea, she spake these words unto 
him : Whithersoever your fatal des- 
tiny shall drive you, either by the 
furious waves of the great ocean, 
or by the manifold and horrible 
dangers of the land, I will surely 
bear you company. There can no 
peril chance to me so terrible, nor 
any kind of death so cruel, that 
shall not be much easier for me to 
abide, than to live so far separate 
from you." Her husband survived 
her only a month : 

" He tried 
To live without lier, lilted it not, and died." 

The " right honorable and ap- 
proved virtuous lady, Bridget, Coun- 
tess of Lincoln," to whom Dudley 
addressed his letter of March 12, 
1031, was the wife of Theophilus, 
the son of the Countess mentioned 
in the test, and the daughter of 
Viscount Saye and Sele. See 
CoUins's Peerage, ii. 163 ; Burke's 
Peerage, Clinton and N ewcastle ; 
Walpole's Royal and Noble Au- 
thors, ii. 272 ; Savage's Winthrop, 

i. 34 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 15, 
17 ; Mather's Magnalia, i. 71, 126; 
Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 36, 40; 
Eden's translation of Peter Mar- 
tyr's Decades, p. 84, (ed. 1577.) 

' The whole of this paragraph is 
contained, almost word for word, 
in Hubbard's History, p. 47, which 
is conclusive proof that he had seen 
Bradford's History. See Note - on 
page 5S. — Hubbard says, p. 50, 
" that a patent, as is afore said, was 
obtained, is published in print, and 
affirmed by such as yet survive of 
the first planters ; but where it is, 
or how it came to be lost, is not 
known to any that belong to the 
said colony." Hubbard wrote his 
History before 1682. See Mass. 
Hist. Coll. XV. p. iii. — Grahame, i. 
410, errs in asserting that Hub- 
bard's History has never been pub- 
lished ; and also in stating that 
Gov. Bradford's History of Ply- 
mouth Colony has been published. 

^ Prince, p. 155, quoting from 
Gov. Bradford's MS. history, in- 
serts after consider, "with several 
proposals for their transmigration, 
made by Mr. Thomas Weston, 
of London, merchant, and other 
friends and merchants as should 
either," &c. 


Upon a receipt of these things by one of their mes- chap. 

sengers, they had a solemn meeting and a day of hu ^^^ 

miliation, to seek the Lord for his direction. And 16 20. 
their pastor took this text. " And David's men said \^^/ 
unto him, See, we be afraid here in Judah. How 
much more, if we come to Keilah, against the host of 
the PhiHstines. Then David asked counsel of the 
Lord again." From which text he taught many 
things very aptly, and befitting their present occasion 
and condition, to strengthen them against their fears 
and perplexities, and encouraging them in their reso- 
lutions : [and then conclude how many and who 
should prepare to go first ; ' for all that were willing 
could not get ready quickly. The greater number 
being to stay, require their pastor to tarry with them ; 
their elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with the other ; those 
who go first to be an absolute church ^ of themselves, "^ 
as well as those that stay ; with this proviso, that as 
any go over or return, they shall be reputed as mem- 
bers, without further dismission or testimonial ; and 
those who tarry, to follow the rest as soon as they can. 

* Winslow, in his Brief Narra- had not been " an absolute church 
tive, says," the youngest and strong- of themselves," yet before the for- 
est part to go ; and they that went mation of Higginson's church at 
should freely offer themselves." Salem, a majority of the Leyden 

'^ The Church at Plymouth thus congregation had actually arrived 
became the First Independent or at Plymouth, as appears from the 
Congregational Church in Ameri- note on page 36. Nor is there any 
ca. Of course the statement of ground for Palfrey's intimation, in 
Holmes in his accurate Annals of his Centennial Discourse at Barn- 
America, i. 160, that " the adven- stable, p. 9, that "the first church 
turers and their brethren remaining in Barnstable is the representative 
in Holland were to continue to be of the first Congregational Church 
one church," is incorrect ; and the established in England," since it 
position of Upham, in his eloquent appears from p. 21-24, of this vol- 
Century Lecture, at Salem in 1829, ume, that the exception, on the pre- 
Ahat the first church in Salem is sumed absence of which he builds 
*'the First American Congrega- this opinion, was an actual fact, 
tional Church," cannot be main- namely, that " Pvobinson's church, 
tained. Even if the first colonists now surviving in that of Plymouth, 


CHAP. Mr. Weston^ coming to Leyden, the people agree 
^^v-^ with him on articles both for shipping and money to 
16 20. assist in their transportation; then send Mr. Carver 
and Cushman to England to receive the money and 
provide for the voyage ; Mr. Cushman at London, Mr. 
Carver at Southampton. Those who are to go first 
prepare with speed, sell their estates, put their money 
into the common stock to be disposed by their mana- 
gers for making general provisions. There was also 
one Mr. Martin^ chosen in England to join with Mr. 
Carver and Cushman. He came from Biherica, in 
Essex ; from which county came several others, as 
also from London and other places, to go with them.] 


■ In the foregoing five Chapters the reader may take 
a view of some of the many difficulties our blessed pre- 
decessors went through in their first achievement of 
this weighty enterprise of removal of our Church into 
these American parts. The immediate following re- 
lations in Mr. Bradford's book, out of which divers of 
these matters are recollected, do more especially con- 
was organized on Congregational unsuccessful attempt to establish a 
principles before he left the mother rival colony at Wessagussett, now 
country for Holland." With the Weymouth, will be related here- 
Historyof Gov. Bradford to support after. He visited Plymouth twice 
her claims, the First Church at in 1623, and again in 1624, and 
Plymouth cannot recognise the then sailed for Virginia. He died 
pretensions of any other American at Bristol, (Eng.) in the time of the 
church to priority of existence. civil war. See Prince, pp. 216, 

' Thomas Weston was one of 222, 224. 
the most active of the merchant ^ This was undoubtedly Mr. 
adventurers, and Hubbard says, p. Christopher Martin, who, with his 
72, that he had disbursed £500 to wife and two children, came over 
advance the interest of Plymouth in the Mayflower. His name 
colony. Edward Winslow says, stands the ninth in the subscrip- 
in 1622, " he formerly deserved tion to the Compact signed at Cape 
well of us," and Bradford, in 1623, Cod, Nov. 11, 1620, and he died 
that he "becomes our enemy on Jan. 8, 1621. 

all occasions." He employed se- ^ The passage included in brack- 
veral vessels in trade and fishing ets is taken from Prince, p. 15G, 
on the coast of New England. His who copied it from Bradford's MS. 



cern the conditions of their agreement with several chap. 


merchant adventurers towards the voyage, &c. as also ^.-v^ 
several letters sent to and fro from friend to friend 16 20. 
relating to the premises, which are not so pertinent to 
the nature of this small History. Wherefore I shall 
here omit to insert them,^ judging them not so suitable 
to my present purpose ; and here also cease to follow 
the foregoing method by way of Chapters.^ 

' It is much to be regretted thai 
Morton did not see fit to copy these 
letters. It will be seen, a few 
pages further on, that he again 
testifies that " their transactings 
with the merchant adventurers 
were penned at large in Mr. Brad- 
ford's book." Though omitted in 
this copy, " the Conditions " were 
fortunately preserved from oblivion 
by Hubbard, and we are thus ena- 
bled to present them in the next 
Chapter. They are undoubtedly 
the most valuable portion of Hub- 

bard's History, and their existence 
in it puts it beyond a doubt that he 
had both seen and used Bradford's 
MS. notwithstanding Prince's as- 
sertion to the contrary. See Note ^ 
on page 58. 

^ For the sake of uniformity I 
have taken the liberty still " to fol- 
low the foregoing method by way 
of chapters," and the rather as I 
find that Morton has preserved in 
his Memorial, pp. 30, 37, and 67, 
the original titles of three of Gov. 
Bradford's chapters. 



[About this time thej were informed by Mr. Wes- 
ton and others, that sundry honorable lords and worthy 
^^20- gentlemen had obtained a large patent from the King 
for the more northerly part of America, distinct from 
the Virginia patent, and wholly excluded from their 
government, and to be called by another name, viz. 
New England.' Unto which Mr. Weston and the 
chiefest of them began to incline, thinking it was best 
for them to go thither ; as for other reasons, so chiefly 

» On the 23d of July, 1620, King 
James gave a warrant to his soli- 
citor. Sir Thomas Coventry, to 
prepare a new patent for the incor- 
poration of the adventurers to the 
northern colony of Virginia, be- 
tween 40 and 48 degrees north, 
which patent the king signed on 
Nov. 3, styling them "The Council 
established at Plymouth, in the 
county of Devon, for the planting, 
ruling, ordering, and governing 
of New England, in America," 
which is the great civil basis of all 
the future patents and plantations, 
that divide this country. Prince, 
p. 160. See the patent in Hazard, 
i. 104; and the warrant in Mass. 
Hist. Coll. xxvi. 64. 

The name of New England was 
first given, in 1614, by the famous 
Capt. John Smith, to North Vir- 
ginia, lying between the degrees of 
41 and 45. In that year he ranged 
along the coast, from the Penobscot 
to Cape Cod, in a small boat, with 
eight men. "I took the descrip- 
tion " he says " of the coast as well 
by map as writing, and called it 
New England. At my humble 
suit, Charles, Prince of Wales, was 
pleased to confirm it by that title." 
Smith, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 
20. This map was published with 
his " Description of New England," 
in 1616. They are both reprinted 
in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 1, and 
xxvi. 95 — 140. 


for the hope of present profit, to be made by fishing ' chap. 
on that coast. But in all business the active part is -^^^^ 
most difficult, especially when there are many agents 16 20. 
that may be concerned. So it was found in them ; 
for some of them who should have gone in England, 
fell off, and would not go. Other merchants and 
friends, that proffered to adventure their money, with- 
drew and pretended many excuses ; some disliking 
they went not to Guiana ; others would do nothing 
unless they went to Virginia ; and many who were 
most relied on refused to adventure if they went thither. 
In the midst of these difficulties, they of Leyden were 
driven to great straits ; but at the length, the generality 
was swayed to the better opinion. Howbeit, the pa- 
tent for the northern part of the country not being 
fully settled at that time, they resolved to adventure 
with that patent they had, intending for some place 
more southward than that they fell upon in their voy- 
age, at Cape Cod, as may appear afterwards. 

The CONDITIONS, on which those of Leyden engaged 
with the merchants, the adventurers,^ were hard enough 

' Edward Winslow says, in his of iheir bringing their wives and 

Brief Narrative, that on King children with them is conclusive 

James asking the agents of the evidence that they came to estah- 

Pilgrims "what profits might arise lish a permanent colony, in which 

in the part they intended, it was the several occupations of farming, 

answered. Fishing." fishing, and trading, would each 

I know not what authority have its proper place. 
Hutchinson had for asserting, ii. " Little is known of these mer- 
472, that "their views when they chant adventurers. Capt. John 
left England were rather to establish Smith, a good authority in such 
a/ac/ory than a colony. They had matters, writing in 1624, says that 
no notion of cultivating any more "the adventurers which raised the 
ground than would afford their own stock to begin and supply this plan- 
necessary provisions, but proposed tation, were about seventy, some 
that their chief secular employment gentlemen, some merchants, some 
should be commerce with the na- handicraftsmen, some adventuring 
fives." This seems inconsistent jireat sums, some small, as their 
with the views with which they estates and affection served. These 
'eft Holland; and the simple fact dwell most about London. They 



CHAP, at the first for the poor people, that were to adventure 
— v-^ their persons as well as then* estates. Yet were their 
16 20. agents forced to change one or two of them, to satisfy 
the merchants, who were not willing to be concerned 
with them ; although the altering them without their 
knowledge or consent was very distasteful to them, 
and became the occasion of some contention amongst 
them afterwards. They are these that follow. 

1. The adventurers and planters do agree, that 
every person that goeth, being sixteen years old and 
upward, be rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds 
be accounted a single share. 

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him- 
self out with ten pounds, either in money or other 
provisions, be accounted as having twenty pounds in 
stock, and in the division shall receive a double 

3. The persons transported and the adventurers 
shall continue their joint stock and partnership the 
space of seven years, except some unexpected impedi- 
ments do cause the whole Company to agree other- 
wise ; during which time all profits and benefits that 
are gotten by trade, traffic, trucking, working, fishing, 
or any other means, of any other person or persons, 
shall remain still in the common stock until the 

4. That at their coming there they shall choose out 
such a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships 

are not a corporation, but knit to- served by Gov. Bradford, were very 

gather by a voluntary combination friendly to the Colony, and a few 

in a society without constraint or came over and settled in it. Others 

penalty, aiming to do good and to were unreasonable, clamorous, and 

plant religion." Smith's Gen. Hist, hostile. Their names in 1626 are 

of Virginia, ii. 251. Some of these preserved. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 

merchants, as appears from the iii. 27 — 34,48. 
Correspondence with them pre- 


and boats for fishing upon the sea ; employing the rest chap. 
in their several faculties upon the land, as building -^v-^ 
houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making 1620. 
such commodities as shall be most useful for the 

5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital 
and the profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods, and chat- 
tels, be equally divided among the adventurers. If any 
debt or detriment concerning this adventure * 

6. Whosoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or 
putteth any thing into the stock, shall at the end of 
the seven years be allowed proportionally to the time 
of his so doing. 

7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or ser- 
vants, shall be allowed for every person, now aged 
sixteen years and upward, a single share in the divi- 
sion ; or if he provide them necessaries, a double share ; 
or if they be between ten years old and sixteen, then 
two of them to be reckoned for a person, both in 
transportation and division. 

8. That such children that now go and are under 
the age of ten years, have no other share in the divi- 
sion than fifty acres of unmanured land. 

9. That such persons as die before the seven years 
be expired, their executors to have their parts or share 
at the division, proportionably to the time of their life 
in the Colony. 

10. That all such persons as are of the Colony are 
to have meat, drink, and apparel, and all provisions, 
out of the common stock and goods of the said Colony. 

* Here something seems to be might, possibly, be filled up from 

wanting, of the nature of a new the MS. copy of Hubbard in Eng- 

article or condition, which cannot land. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 

now be supplied. This hiatus 286 — 290. 



CHAP. The ditference between the conditions thus expressed 

VI. , . . . 

— v^- and the former, before their alteration, stood in these 

162 0. two points ; first, that the houses and lands improved, 
especially gardens and home-fields, should remain un- 
divided, wholly to the planters, at the seven years' 
end ; secondly, that the planters should have two days 
in the week for their own private employment, for 
the comfort of themselves and their families, especially 
such as had them to take care for.* 

The altering of those two conditions was very afflic- 
tive to the minds of such as were concerned in the 
voyage. But Mr. Cushman, their principal agent, 
answered the complaints peremptorily, that unless they 
had so ordered the conditions, the whole design would 
have fallen to the ground ; and necessity, they said. 

> Robertson says, in his History 
of Ameiica, book x., " Under the 
inliuence of this wild notion — that 
the Scriptures contain a complete 
system not only of spiritual instruc- 
tion, but of civil wisdom and polity 
— the colonists of New-Plymouth, 
in imitation of the primitive Chris- 
tians, threw all their property into 
a common stock." This misrepre- 
sentation, which he professes to 
derive from Chalmers, p. 90, and 
Douglass, p. 370, (though there is 
nothing in either of them to sanc- 
tion the statement,) is repeated sub- 
stantially by Grahame, i 194, and 
verbally by Murray, Hist, of North 
America, i. 246. It is to be regret- 
ted that credit and countenance 
should have been given to such an 
imputation on the good sense of 
the Pilgrims, by so respectable an 
American writer as Chief Justice 
Marshall, in his Life of Washing- 
ton, i. 93, (first ed.) and in his His- 
tory of the American Colonies, p. 

There is no foundation for this 
charge. The Plymouth people were 
not " misguided by their religious 
theories," nor influenced by an 

" imitation of the primitive Chris- 
tians," in forming their joint stock 
company. They entered into this 
hard and disadvantageous engage- 
ment with the merchant adven- 
turers not voluntarily, but of neces- 
sity, in order to obtain shipping for 
transporting themselves to Amer- 
ica ; and they put their own little 
property into a common fund in 
order to purchase provisions for the 
voyage. It was a partnership that 
was mstiluted, not a community of 
goods, as that phrase is commonly 
understood. They dissolved this 
partnership, and set up for them- 
selves, as soon as they were able ; 
as will be seen hereafter. 

The charge is destitute of foun- 
dation even in regard to the primi- 
tive Christians. "Nothing like a 
community of goods," says Mil- 
man, " ever appears to have pre- 
vailed in the Christian community. 
Mosheim appears to me to have 
proved this point conclusively." 
See Milman's History of Christian- 
ity, i. 389, and Mosheim 's Disser- 
tation " De vera natura commu- 
nionis bonorum in ecclesia Hiero- 
solymitana." Diss. ii. t — 53. 


havino; no law, they were constrained to be silent. The chaf. 

& "^ VI. 

poor planters met with much difficulty both before and ^-^ 
after the expiring of the seven years, and found much 1620. 
trouble in making up accounts with the adventurers 
about the division ; at which time, though those that 
adventured their money were no great gainers, yet 
those that adventured their lives in carrying on the 
business of the Plantation were by much the greatest 
sufferers.] ^ 

[Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver, and complains ^^^^ 
of Mr. Weston's neglect in getting shipping in Eng- 
land ; for want of which they are in a piteous case at 
Leyden. And S. F., E. W., W. B., and J. A.^ write lo. 
from lieyden to Mr. Carver and Cushman, that the 
coming of Mr. Nash^ and their pilot is a great en- 
couragement to them. 

Mr. Cushman, in a letter from London to Mr. Carver lo. 
at Southampton, says that Mr. Crabe, a minister, had 
promised to go, but is much opposed, and like to fail ; 
and in a letter to the people at Leyden, that he had 
hired another pilot, one Mr. Clark,'* who went last 
year to Virginia ; that he is getting a ship, hopes he 
shall make all ready at London in fourteen days, and 
would liave Mr. Reynolds tarry in Holland, and bring 
the ship ^ there to Southampton.] ^ 

' The passage within brackets is ' The name of Thomas Nash is 

taken from Hubbard's History. It subscribed, with others, to a letter 

is impossible to say where he ob- written at Leyden Nov. 30, 1625, 

tained it, except from Bradford's addressed to Bradford and Brewster. 

MS. It is to be found nowhere See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 44. 
else, and is essential to the com- '' Clark, as will be seen hereafter, 

pleteness of the History. I have was master's mate on board the 

taken care to collate Hubbard's MS. Mayflower. 

which is in the archives of the Mas- * The small ship, called the 

^achuselts Historical Society. Speedwell, of which Reynolds was 

* These doubtless are the initials captain, 
of Samuel Fuller, Edward Wins- * These last two paragraphs are 

low, William Bradford, and Isaac taken from Prince, p. 158, who 

Allerton. copied them from Bradford's MS. 





After such travail and turmoils ^ and debates which 
they went through, things were gotten ready for their 
1620. departure from Leyden. A small ship was provided in 
Holland, of about sixty tons, which was intended, as 
to serve to transport some of them over the seas, so to 
stay in the country and to tend upon fishing and such 
other affairs as might be for the good and benefit of the 
whole, when they should come to the place intended.^ 

* "Much of their troubles re- 
specting this matter is not express- 
ed in this book." — Morton's Note. 

* This vessel was less than the 
average size of the fishing-smacks 
that go to the Grand Bank. This 
seems a frail bark in which to cross 
a stormy ocean of three thousand 
miles in extent. Yet it should be 
remembered, that two of the ships 
of Columbus on his first daring and 
perilous voyage of discovery were 
light vessels, without decks, little 
superior to the small craft that ply 
on our rivers and along our coasts. 
Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, the con- 
temporary of Columbus, and the 
first writer who mentions the dis- 
covery of America, says " Ex regio 
fisco destinata sunt tria navigia ; 
UDum onerarium cavatura.alia duo 

levia mercatoria, sine caveis, quee 
ab Hispanis caravela; vocantur." 
De Orbe Novo, dec. i. cap. i. (p. 2, 
ed. 1587.) "At the length three 
ships were appointed him at the 
king's charges; of the which one 
was a great carrack with decks, 
and the other two light merchant 
ships without decks, which the 
Spaniards call caravels." (Eden's 
trans, p. 8, ed. 1577.) Frobisher's 
fleet consisted of two barks of 
twenty-five tons each, and a pin- 
nace of ten tons, when he sailed in 

1576, to discover a north-west pas- 
sage to the Indies. Sir Francis 
Drake, too, embarked on his voyage 
for circumnavigating the globe, in 

1577, with five vessels, of which 
the largest was of one hundred, 
and the smallest of fifteen tons. 


Another was hired at London, of burden about nine- 
score, and all other things got in a readiness. 

So being ready to depart, thej had a day of solemn 1620. 
humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra the 
viiith. 21. " And there, at the river, by Ahava, I pro- 
claimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before 
our God, and seek of him a right way for us, and for 
our children, and for all our substance." Upon which 
he spent a good part of the day very profitably, and 
suitably to their present occasion.^ The rest of the 
time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with 
great fervency, mixed with abundance of tears. And 
the time being come that they must depart, they were 
accompanied with the most of their brethren out of the Ju'y 

. , 21. 

city unto a town sundry miles off, called Delft-Haven,^ 
where the ship lay ready to receive them. So they 
left that goodly and pleasant city, which had been their J^e^, 
resting-place near twelve years. But they knew they 
were Pilgrims,^ and looked not much on those things. 

The bark in which Sir Humphrey ' Edward Winslow, who was 

Gilbert perished was of ten tons present, has preserved a portion of 

only. The Little James, which Robinson's farewell discourse. It 

the Company sent over to Ply- will be found in his Brief Narra- 

mouth in July 1623, was a pinnace tive, in a subsequent part of this 

of only forty-four tons. See Na- volume; but it ought to be read in 

varrete, Coleccion de Viages, ii. p. this connexion. 

11, Doc. Diplom. 7; Irving's Life of * Delft-Haven is a commodious 

Columbus, i. 113, iii. 303 — 306; port on the north side of the Maas, 

Kippis's Biog. Britann. v. 345 ; two miles south-west from Rotter- 

■ Aikin's Gen. Biog. iii. 449, iv. 249; dam, eight miles from Delft, and 

Bancroft, i. 91 ; Prince, p. 220. — about 24 miles south of Leyden. 

Bancroft, i. 306, is inaccurate in ^ "I think I may with singular 

saying that " the Speedwell was propriety call their lives a piJgrim- 

purchased in Z,o?it?on;" and Mather, age. Most of them left England 

i. 47, in stating that she was hii-ed, about the year 1609, after the truce 

in which error he is followed by with the Spaniards, young men be- 

the authors of the Mod. Univ. Hist, tween twenty and thirty years of 

xxxix. 272. — In a vessel of the age. They spent near twelve years, 

§ame name, of fifty tons, Martin strangers among the Dutch, first at 

Pring had in 1603 coasted along Amsterdam, afterwards at Leyden. 

the shores of New England. See After having arrived to the meridian 

Prince, p. 102 ; Belknap, ii. 124. of life, the declining part was to 

xi. J3. 


CHAP, but lifted up their eyes to heaven, their dearest country, 
^-v^^ and quieted their spirits. 

1620. When they came to the place, they found the ship 
and all things ready ; and such of their friends as could 
not come with them, followed after them ; and sundry 
also came from Amsterdam ' to see them shipped, and 
to take their leave of them. That night was spent 
with little sleep by the most, but with friendly enter- 
tainment^ and Christian discourse, and other real ex- 
July pressions of true Christian love. The next dav, the 
wind being fair, they went on board, and their friends 
with them ; when truly doleful was the sight of that 
sad and mournful parting ; to see what sighs and sobs 
and prayers did sound amongst them ; what tears did 
gush from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each 
other's heart ; that sundry of the Dutch strangers, that 
stood on the quay as spectators, could not refrain from 
tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it was to see such 
lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned love. 
But the tide, which stays for no man, calling them 
away, that were thus loth to depart, their reverend pas- 
tor, falling down on his knees, and they all with him, 
with watery cheeks commended them, with most fer- 
vent prayers, to the Lord and his blessing ; and then, 
with mutual embraces and many tears, they took their 
leaves of one another, which proved to be their last 
leave to many of them. 

Thus hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind,^ they 

be spent in another world, among ' The distance from Amsterdam 

savages, of whom every European to Delft-Haven is about 50 miles, 
must have received a most unfavor- * Prince, p. 159, reads entertain- 

able, if not formidable idea. 'Tan- ing. 

turn religio potuit suadere.'" — 'Edward Winslow says, in his 

Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. ii. 452. Brief Narrative, " We gave them a 

The term Pilgrims belongs ex- volley of small shot and three 

clusively to the Plymouth colonists, pieces of ordnance." 


came in a short time to Southampton,^ where they chap. 

. VII. 

found the bigger ship come from London,^ Ijins: ready — ^ 
with all the rest of their company. After a joyful 16 20. 
welcome and mutual congratulation, with other friendly 
entertainments, they fell to parley about their proceed- 
ings. [Seven hundred pounds sterling are laid out at 
Southampton, and they carry about seventeen hundred 
pounds venture with them ; and Mr. Weston comes 
thither from London to see them despatched.] ^ 

A brief Letter written by Mr. John Robinson to Mr. 
John Carver, at their parting aforesaid, in which the 
tender love and godly care of a true pastor appeal's. 

My Dear Brother, 

I received enclosed your last letter and note of in- 
formation, which I shall carefully keep and make use 
of, as there shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of 
your perplexity of mind and toil of body ; but I hope 
that you, having always been able so plentifully to 
administer comfort unto others in their trials, are so 
well furnished for yourself, as that far greater difficul- 
ties than you have yet undergone (though I conceive 
them to be great enough) cannot oppress you, though 
they press you, as the Apostle speaketh. " The J^l^^i^^ 
spirit of a man (sustained by the Spirit of God) will 

' Southampton is a seaport in " After London, Prince, p. 160, 

Hampsiiire, situated at the head of inserts from Gov. Bradford's MS., 

an estuary, running up from the " Mr. Jones master, with the rest 

isle of Wight, called the Southamp- of the company, who had been 

ton Water. It was the rendezvous waiting there with Mr. Cushmaa 

of seven of Winthrop's fleet in seven days." 

March, 1630, when he was prepar- ^ The sentence in brackets is 

ifig to transport his colony to Massa- from Prince, p. 160, who quotes 

chusetts Bay. See Savage's Win- Bradford's MS. 
throp, i. 2, 366. 



CHAP, sustain his infirmity." I doubt not so will yours ; 


and the better much, when you shall enjoy the pre- 
16 20. sence and help of so many godly and wise brethren, 
for the bearing of part of your burden ; who also will 
not admit into their hearts the least thought of suspi- 
cion of any the least negligence, at least presumption, 
to have been in you, whatsoever they think in others.^ 
Now what shall I say or write unto you and your good 
wife, my loving sister r Even only this ; I desire, and 
always shall, mercy and blessing unto you from the 
Lord, as unto my own soul ; and assure yourself that 
my heart is with yon, and that I will not foreslow^ my 
bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written 
a large letter to the whole, and am sorry I shall not 
rather speak than write to them ; and the more, con- 
sidering the want of a preacher,^ which I shall also 
make some spur to my hastening towards you. I do 
ever commend my best affection unto you ; which if I 
thought you made any doubt of, I would express in 
more, and the same more ample and full words. And 
the Lord, in whom you trust, and whom you serve 
ever in this business and journey, guide you with his 
hand, protect you with his wing, and show you and us 
his salvation in the end, and bring us, in the mean 

' This sentence indicates the it seem to betoken that the burden 

great confidence reposed in Carver of government was expected to rest 

by the Church. His being sent as on him, as it afterwards turned out. 

their first and principal agent to See Hutchinson, ii. 456. 

England, shows that he was a lead- * Foreslow, — delay, 

ing and trusted man among the ^ It appears from page 85, that 

Pilgrims, a fact which is confirmed " Mr. Crabe, a minister, had prom- 

by the circumstance of his being iscd to go." They suffered much 

selected by Robinson as the indi- afterward for want of a regular 

vidual to whom to address this pastor, 
parting letter. Some passages in 


while, together in the place desired (if such be his chap 
good will) for his Christ's sake. Amen. 


Yours, ij6 2 0. 

John Robinson. 

July 27th, 1620. 

This was the last letter that Mr. Carvpr lived to see 
from him.' 

At their parting, Mr. Robinson ^ writ a letter to the 
whole company, which, although it hath already been 
printed, yet I thought good here likewise to insert it.^ 

Loving Christian Friends, 

I do heartily and in the Lord salute you, as being 
those with whom I am present in my best affections, 
and most earnest longings after you, though I be con- 
strained for a while to be bodily absent from you. I 
say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and 
much rather than otherwise, I would have borne my 
part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong 
necessity held back for the present. Make account of 
me, in the mean while, as of a man divided in myself 
with great pain, and as (natural bonds set aside) hav- 
ing my better part with you. And though I doubt not 
but in your godly wisdom you both foresee and resolve 
upon that which concerneth your present state and 
condition, both severally and jointly, yet have I thought 
it but my duty to add some further spur of provocation 

' Carver died in April, 1621. the Plymouth colonists in Dec. 

' Oldmixon, i. 29, errs in saying 1621, and in 1669, in the New 

that " Mr. Robinson did not //ye to England's Memorial. There are 

go in person " with the first colo- some variations in the text of these 

nists. He lived till 1625. several copies. It is not in Neal's 

^ It was printed in 1622, in the New England, as stated by Prince, 

Relation, or Journal, sent over by p. 160. 


CHAP, to them, that run well already ; if not because you 


need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty. 

16 20. And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance 
with our God, especially for our sins known, and gen- 
erally for our unknown sins and trespasses, so doth the 
Lord call us in a singular manner, upon occasions of such 
difficulty and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more 
narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in 
his sight ; lest he calling to remembrance our sins for- 
gotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against 
us, and in judgment leave us for the same to be swal- 
lowed up in one danger or other. Whereas, on the 
contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, 
and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up unto 
a man's conscience by his Spirit, great shall be his 
security and peace in all dangers, sweet his comforts 
in all distresses, with happy deliverance from all evil, 
whether in life or in death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with God and 
our own consciences, we are carefully to provide for 
peace with all men, what in us lieth, especially wdth 
our associates ; and for that end, watchfulness must be 
had, that we neither at all in ourselves do give, no, nor 
easily take offence, being given by others. Wo be unto 
the world for offences ; for although it be necessary 
(considering the malice of Satan and man's corruption) 

ivUhV. that offences come, yet wo unto that man, or woman 
either, by w^hom the offence cometh, saith Christ. 

.^S°r And if offences in the unseasonable use of things in 

IX. lo. o 

themselves indifferent be more to be feared than death 
itself, as the Apostle teacheth, how much more in 
things simply evil, in which neither honor of God nor 
love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. 


Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves, chap. 


by the grace of God, from giving offence, except withal 
we be armed against the taking of them, when they 162 0. 
be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is 
the work of grace in that person who wants charity to 
cover a multitude of offences,^ as the Scripture speaks. 
Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon 
the common grounds of Christianity, which are, that 
persons ready to take offence, either want charity to 
cover offences,^ or wisdom duly to weigh human frail- 
ties, or, lastly, are gross though close hypocrites, as 
Christ our Lord teacheth ; as indeed, in my own ex- vufi-s. 
perience, few or none have been found which sooner 
give offence, than such as easily take it ; neither have 
they ever proved sound and profitable members in 
societies, which have nourished this touchy humor. 
But, besides these, there are divers motives provoking 
you, above others, to great care and conscience this 
way. As first, you are many of you strangers, as to 
the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and 
so stand in need of more watchfulness this way ; lest, 
when such things fall out in men and women as you 
suspected not, you be inordinately affected with them ; 
which doth require at your hands much wisdom and 
charity, for the covering and preventing of incident 
offences that way. And lastly, your intended course 
of civil community will minister contiliual occasion of 

* The passage between ' and ' — the recurrence of the word of^ 

is omitted in Morton's copy, in fences — the eye of the transcriber 

the Church Records, but is restored glancing over the intervening 

from his Memorial, p. 26. It is words. This is what the critics 

also contained in the Relation or calls an o/xoiOTklevToy. See Le 

Journal mentioned in the Note on Clerc's Ars Critica, ii. 49; Michae-' 

page 91. The cause of tliis acci- lis, Introd. N. T. i. 271, (Marsh's 

dental omission is evident enough ed.); Wetstein, N. T. ii. 863. 


CHAP, offence, and will be as fuel for that fire, except you 


diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And 
162 0. if taking of offence causelessly or easily at men's 
doings be so carefully to be avoided, how much more 
heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God 
himself; which yet we certainly do, so oft as we do 
murmur at his providence in our crosses, or bear impa- 
tiently such afflictions as wherewith he pleaseth to 
visit us. Store we up therefore patience against the 
evil day ; without which we take offence at the Lord 
himself in his holy and just works. 

A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, 
to wit, that with your common employments you Join 
common affections, truly bent upon the general good ; 
avoiding, as a deadly plague of your both common 
and special comfort, all retiredness of mind for proper 
advantage, and all singularly affected any manner of 
way. Let every man repress in himself, and the 
whole body in each person, as so many rebels against 
the common good, all private respects of men's selves, 
not sorting with the general conveniency. And as 
men are careful not to have a new house shaken with 
any violence before it be well settled, and the parts 
firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much 
more careful that the house of God, which you are, 
and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessary novel- 
ties, or other oppositions, at the first settling thereof.^ 

' " Plutarch," says Jeremy Tay- and put out of shape by many 

lor, " compares a new marriage to slight accidents; but when the 

a vessel before the hoops are on." materials come once to be settled 

" Therefore " Plutarch adds, " it and hardened by time, nor fire nor 

behooves those people who are sword will hardly prejudice the 

newly married to avoid the first solid substance." See Plutarch's 

occasions of discord and dissension ; Morals, iii. 17, (ed. 1694) ; Taylor's 

considering that vessels newly Works, v. 260, (Heber's ed.) 
formed are subject to be bruised 


Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, chap. 
using amongst yourselves civil government, and are — v-i^ 
not furnished ^vith any persons of special eminency 1620. 
above the rest to be chosen by you into office of gov- 
ernment, let your wisdom and godliness appear not only 
in choosing such ])ersons as do entirely love and will 
diligently promote the common good, but also in yielding 
unto them all due honor and obedience in their lawful 
administrations, not beholding in them the ordinariness 
of their persons, but God's ordinance for your good ; 
nor being like the foolish multitude, who more honor the 
gay coat than either the virtuous mind of the man, or 
glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better 
things, and that the image of the Lord's power and 
authority, which the magistrate beareth, is honorable, 
in how mean persons soever. And this duty you both 
may the more willingly and ought the more conscion- 
ably to perform, because you are, at least for the pre- 
sent, to have only them for your ordinary governors 
which yourselves shall make choice of for that work. 

Sundry other things of importance I could put you 
in mind of, and of those before mentioned in more 
words. But I will not so far wrong your godly minds 
as to think you heedless of these things ; there being 
also divers among you so well able to admonish both 
themselves and others of what concerneth them. These 
few things, therefore, and the same in few words, I do 
earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, 
joining therewith my daily, incessant prayers unto the 
Lord, that He who hath made the heavens and the earth, 
the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose providence 
IS over all his works, especially over all his dear child- 
ren, for good, would so guide and guard you in your 


CHAP, ways, as inwardly by his Spirit, so outwardly by the 


hand of his power, as that both you, and we also, for 
16 20. and with you, may have after matter of praising his 
name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you 
well in Him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest 
An unfeigned well-wisher of your 

Happy success in this hopeful voyage, 

John Robinson. 

This letter, though large, being so fruitful in itself 
and suitable to their occasions, I thought meet to insert 
in this place.* 

' There is no date to this letter ; that letter Robinson says, " I have 
but it was written about the same written a large letter to the whole." 
time as the one to Carver, since in 



All things being got ready, and every business chap. 
despatched, the company w^as called together, and -^^- 
this letter read amongst them ; which had good 16 2 0. 
acceptation with all, and after fruit with many. 
Then they ordered and distributed their company for 
either ship, as they conceived for the best, and chose 
a governor and two or three assistants for each ship, 
to order the people by the way, and to see to the dis- 
posing of their provisions, and such like affairs ; all 
which was not only with the liking of the masters of 
the ships, but according to their desires. 

Which being done, they set sail ' from thence about 
the fifth of August.~ [But, alas, the best enterprises 5. 

' Smith, in bis New England's appear in the book entitled New 

Trials, printed in 1622, and Pur- England's Menioria), page 31 ; and 

chas, in his Pilgrims, iv. 1840, likewise of the voyage, and how 

printed in 1625, say they sailed they passed the sea, and of their 

" with about 120 persons." safe arrival at Cape Cod, see New 

*" But what befell them further England's Memorial, page 33." 

upon the coast of England, will Mortoii's Note. 




CHAP, meet oftentimes with many discourasfements. For 

-^'— they had not sailed far, before Mr. Reynolds, the mas- 

16 20. terof the lesser ship, complained that he found his 

ship so leaky, as he durst not put further to sea. On 

Aug. which they were forced to put in at Dartmouth, Mr. 

Jones, the master of the biggest ship, likewise putting 

in there with him ; and the said lesser ship was 

searched, and mended, and judged sufficient for the 

Aug. voyage by the workmen that mended her. On which 

both the said ships put to sea the second time. But 

they had not sailed above a hundred leagues, ere the 

said Reynolds again complained of his ship being so 

leaky as that he feared he should founder in the sea if 

he held on ; and then both ships bore up again, and 

went in at Plymouth.^ But being there searched again, 

no great matter appeared, but it was judged to be the 

general weakness of the ship. 

But the true reason of the retarding and delaying 
of matters was not as yet discerned. The one of 
them respecting the ship, (as afterwards was found,) 
was that she was overmasted ; which when she came 
to her trim in that respect, she did well, and made 
divers profitable and successful voyages. But second- 
ly, and more especially, by the deceit of the master 
and his company, who were hired to stay a whole 

As this account of the voyage it from what is contained in the 

is substantially Bradford's, as ap- Church records, 
pears from comparing it with the ' Grahame, i. 190, errs in saying 

extracts from his MS. in Prince, that "the emigrants were at first 

and as Morton refers to his Memo- driven back by a storm, which t?e- 

rial merely to save the labor of stroyed one of their vessels;" and 

copying, and would undoubtedly Gorges is wrong in stating that 

have inserted it had he caused his they sailed in three ships, "whereof 

uncle's History to be printed, I two proved unserviceable, and so 

have deemed it proper to make it a were left behind." See Mass. 

part of the narrative ; enclosing it. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 73, 
however, in brackets to distinguish 



year in tlie country ; but now fancying dislike, and chap. 

fearing want of victuals, they plotted this stratagem to — v^- 

free themselves, as afterwards was known, and bvi^^o. 

some of them confessed. For they apprehended that 

the greater ship being of force, and in whom most of 
the provisions were bestowed, that she should retain 
enough for herself, whatsoever became of them and 
the passengers. But so strong was self-love and de- 
ceit in this man, as he forgot all duty and former kind- 
ness, and dealt thus falsely with them. 

These things thus falling out, it was resolved by the 
whole to dismiss the lesser ship and part of the com- 
pany with her, and that the other part of the company 
should proceed in the bigger ship.^ Which when they 
had ordered matters in reference thereunto, they made 
another sad parting, the one ship, viz. the lesser, going 

* Neal, in his History of New was a matter of necessity, as the 

England, i. 86, says, " Mr. Cush- Mayflower could not carry the 

man and his family, with some whole. Bradford, as quoted by 

others that were more /frtr/H/, went Prince, p. 161, says, "they agree 

ashore, and did not proceed on the to dismiss her, (the Speedwell,) and 

voyage." Baylies, too, in his Me- those who are willing, to return to 

moir of Plymouth, i. 25, says, London, though this was very 

"about twenty of the passengers grievous and discouraging; Mr. 

were discouraged, and would not Cushman and family returning 

reimbark." There is no ground with them." In the text, too, 

for such an imputation on the which is virtually Bradford's, we 

courage or perseverance of any of are told, " it was resolved by the 

the emigrants ; and it is a matter itj/to/e to dismiss the lesser ship and 

of regret that Mr. Bancroft should part of the company with her." 

have lent to it the sanction of bis It was the captain and crev/ of the 

authority. Hesays, i. 307, " the f?7?2- Speedwell that were unwilling to 

z£? and the Aes/ia/»jo- Avere all freely go, not his passengers; and the 

allowed to abandon the expedition, error seems to have arisen from 

Having thus winnowed their num- considering the word company, in 

bersof thecoHwr(//7/and thef/i5({//(T<- the passage " by the deceit of the 

ed," Sec. Yet Robert Cushman, one master and his company," as mean- 

of the most energetic and resolute of ing the emigrants instead of the 

the Pilgrims, "who was as their sailors; in which latter sense it is 

right hand," and who came over in constantly used at the present day 

the next ship, the Fortune, in Nov. by merchants and seamen. — Smith 

1621, was among those thus " win- and Purchas say they discharge 20 

nowed." The dismissal of a part of their passengers. 


CHAP, back for London, and the other, viz. the Mayflower,' 
-^-v^- Mr. Jones bemg master, proceeding on in the intended 

16 20. voyage. 

These troubles being blo\vn over, and now all being 

Sept. compact together in one ship, they put to sea again 
with a prosperous wind.^ But after they had enjoyed 
fair winds for a season, they met with many contrary 
winds and fierce storms, with which their ship was 
shrewdly shaken, and her upper works made very 
leaky ; and one of the main beams of the mid-ships 
was bowed and cracked,'' which put them to some fear 
that she would not be able to perform the voyage ; on 
which the principal of the seamen and passengers had 
serious consultation what to do, whether to return or 
hold on. But the ship proving strong under water, by 
a screw ^ the said beam was brought into his place 
again ; which being done, and well secured by the 
carpenter, they resolved to hold their voyage 
And so, after many boisterous storms, in which they 

' The Mayflower is a ship of re- x., and Marshall, Life of Washing- 
nown in the history of the coloni- ton, i. 91, and again Hist. Amer. 
zation of New England. She was Col. p. 80, err in crowding the 
one of the five vessels which in whole 120 into the ship. Oldmixon, 
1629 conveyed Higginson's com- i. 30, who generally outdoes all 
pany to Salem, and also one of the others in his blunders, magnifies 
fleet which in 1630 brought over the number to 150. 
Winthrop and his Colony to Mas- ^ Prince, p. 161, reads this word 
sachusetts Bay. See Savage's icracked in Bradford's MS. 
Winthrop, i. 2; Hutchinson's Col- ^ Prince, p. 161, quotes Brad- 
lection of Papers, p. 33; Hazard, i. ford's MS. as saying, "a passenger 
278. having brought a great iron screw 

' With 100 persons, besides the from Holland." 
crew of the vessel, according to '" " Nov. 6, dies at sea William 
Smith and Purchas — which cor- Butten, a youth, and servant to 
responds exactly to the num- Samuel Fuller, being the only pas- 
ber that arrived at Cape Cod, ac- senger who dies on the voyage." 
cording to Gov. Bradford's list, pre- Bradford, in Prince, p. 161. One 
served by Prince, p. 172. — Neal, child was born, and called Oceanus, 
Hist. N.E. i. 87, Douglass, i. 370, the son of Stephen Hopkins, Brad- 
Robertson, History of America, book ford, in Prince, p. 172. 




could bear no sail, but were forced to lie at hull many chap. 


days together/ after long beating at sea, they fell in — v-^- 
with the land called Cape Cod;* the which being 1 6 20. 
made, and certainly known to be it, they were not a 9. 
little joyful. 

' On Nov. 3, about a week before 
their arrival at Cape Cod, King 
James had signed the patent for 
the incorporation of the adventu- 
rers to the Northern Colony of 
Virginia, or New England. The 
Pilgrims, however, did not hear of 
this till the arrival of the next ship, 
the Fortune, in Nov. 1621. See 
Note on page 80, and Prince, p. 

* Cape Cod, the most remarka- 
ble feature in the configuration of 
the New England coast, and the 
first spot in it ever pressed by the 
footsteps of Englishmen, was dis- 
covered May 15, 1602, by Bartholo- 
mew Gosnold, who gave it the 
name on account of the abundance 
of cod which he caught in its neigh- 
bourhood. John Brereton, who was 
one of the companions of Gosnold, 
and wrote a Journal of the voyage, 
says, they first made land May 14, 
in lat. 43°, and " about three of the 
clock the same day in the after- 
noon we weighed, and standing 
southerly off into the sea the rest 
of that day and the night following, 
with a fresh gale of wind, in the 
morning we found ourselves em- 
bayed with a mighty headland. — 
At length we perceived this head- 
land to be parcel of the main. — 
In five or six hours we pestered 
our ship so with codfish, that we 
threw numbers of them overboard 
again. — We sailed round about 
this headland almost all the points 
of the compass, the shore very bold, 
the land somewhat low, full of 
goodly woods, but in some places 
plain." Henry Hudson, Aus:. 3, 
J609, saw land in 41° 43', and^sail- 
ing north, anchored at the north 
end of this headland. Five of his 
men went on shore and " found 

goodly grapes and rose trees, and 
brought them aboard with them." 
Supposing it to be an island, and 
that he was its first discoverer, he 
called it New Holland. In a Dutch 
map, printed at Amsterdam in 
1659, by Nicholas John Vischer, 
the whole Cape is called Nieuw 
Hollant, and the northern extremi- 
ty is called Staaten Hoeck, State 
Point, or Witte Hoeck, White 
Point, probably from the white 
sand hills. The French called it, 
for the same reason. Cap Blanc. 
Capt. John Smith, who surveyed 
the coast in 1614, says, "Cape 
Cod is a headland of high hills of 
sand, overgrown with shrubby 
pines, hurts, and such trash, but an 
excellent harbour for all weathers. 
This Cape is made by the main sea, 
on the one side, and a great bay on 
the other, in form of a sickle. On it 
doth inhabit the people of Pawmet." 
Charles, Prince of Wales, altered 
its name to Cape James, in honor 
of his father. But the original 
name could not be so easily sup- 
planted; "a name," says Cotton 
Mather, "which I suppose it will 
never lose till shoals of codfish be 
seen swimming on its highest 
hills." See Purchas's Pilgrims, iv. 
1647; iii. 587; De Laet, Indise 
Occidentalis Descriptio, p. 70; 
Moulton's N. Y. p. 206; N. Y. 
Hist. Coll. i. 121 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. 
xxvi. 119; Mather's Magnalia, i. 
43. For the use of Brereton's 
Journal I am indebted to the kind- 
ness of Mr. Aspinwall, U. S. Con- 
sul at London, who, at my request, 
sent over a copy of this very rare 
work to the Mass. Hist. Society. 
It will appear in the next volume 
of their Collections. 



CHAP. After some little deliberation had amongst them- 

VIII. . . ^ 

^-— selves with the master of the ship, they tacked about 
162 0. to stand to the southward to find some place about 

Nov. . . . . 

9. Hudson's river (according to their first intentions) for 
their habitations.^ But they had not sailed that course 
above half a day, before they fell amongst perilous 

' There can be no doubt that the 
Pilgrims intended to settle in the 
neighbourhood of Hudson's river. 
This is evident from the early nar- 
ratives written by Bradford and 
Winslow. As their patent from 
the Virginia Company did not au- 
thorize them to plant themselves 
north of the 40th degree, they 
probably designed to settle south of 
the Hudson, somewhere in New 
Jersey. But head winds, the shoals 
and breakers of Cape Cod, and the 
lateness of the season, conspired to 
prevent their original purpose. As 
Belknap says, ii. 188, " having been 
so long at sea, the sight of any land 
was welcome to women and chil- 
dren ; the new danger was formi- 
dable ; and the eagerness of the 
passengers to be set on shore was 

Morton, in his Memorial, gives 
another account of the matter. He 
says, p. 34, " Their putting into 
this place, (Cape Cod harbour,) was 
partly by reason of a storm, by 
which they were forced in, but 
more especially by the fraudulency 
and contrivance of Mr. Jones, the 
master of the ship; for their inten- 
tion, as is before noted, and his 
engagement, was to Hudson's river. 
But some of the Dutch havingnotice 
of their intentions, and having 
thoughts about the same time of 
erecting a plantation there likewise, 
they fraudulently hired the said 
Jones, by delays while they were in 
England, and now under pretence of 
the danger of the shoals, &:c. to dis- 
appoint them in their going thither." 
He adds, in a note, " Of this plot 
betwixt the Dutch and Mr. Jones I 
have had late and certain intelli- 
gence." But the contemporary 

narratives, written by Bradford and 
Winslow, say not a word about this 
treachery of the captain ; nor does 
Bradford's History, as quoted by 
Prince, p. 162, who is therefore 
obliged to derive this statement 
from Morton. Morton is the first 
to mention it, and he does it in a 
book printed in 1669, half a century 
after the event is said to have oc- 
curred. He says, it is true, that he 
"had late and certain intelligence 
of this plot." If it had been early 
intelligence, it would have been 
more certain. But Morton was 
only eleven years old when he 
came over with his father to Ply- 
mouth in 1623 ; and in 1669, when 
he published his book, all the first 
comers were dead, who could have 
furnished credible information on 
this point. They had died, and 
"given no sign" — not even lisped 
a syllable of complaint against the 
master of the Mayflower. It was 
too late then to get certain intelli- 
gence of a fact that had slumbered 
for fifty years, and which, if well 
founded, would from the first land- 
ing have been notorious, and had a 
place in every account that was 
written of the Colony. The silence 
of Bradford and Winslow seems 
conclusive on the point. — Yet this 
story has been repeated from Morton 
in an endless series by Hubbard, 
Mather, Prince, Neal, Hutchinson, 
Belknap, Holmes, Baylies, and 
Grahame, down to the present 
time. Moulton, in his unfinished 
but valuable History of New York, 
p. 355, was the first to question it. 
Bancroft, i. 309, relieves the captain 
from the charge of " treachery," but 
subjects him to another charge 
of " ignorance and self-will," for 



shoals and breakers,^ and they were so far entangled 
therewith as they conceived themselves in great dan- 
ger ; and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they 
resolved to bear up again for the Cape aforesaid. The 
next day, by God's providence, they got into the Cape 
harbour.] ^ 

Being now passed the vast ocean and a sea of trou- 
bles, before their preparation unto further proceedings, 
as to seek out a place for habitation, &c. they fell down 
upon their knees and blessed the Lord, the God of 



162 0. 


which there seems as little ground 
as for the other. — I know not why 
Oldmixon, i. 29, and Grahame, i. 
190, call Jones a Dutchman. 

' The Mayflower probably made 
the Cape towards its northern ex- 
tremity. The perilous shoals and 
breakers, among which she became 
entangled after sailing above half a 
day south, (or south-south-west, as 
the contemporary account states, in 
Bradford's Journal,) were undoubt- 
edly those which lie off the south- 
eastern extremity of the Cape, near 
Monamoy Point. The Pollock Rip, 
the most considerable of these, 
corresponds to the " roaring " 
shoals mentioned by Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 162. She may also have 
encountered the Great and Little 
Round Shoals. It is not likely that 
she sailed far enough south to fall 
in with the Bass Rip or the Great 
Rip. Before she could reach these, 
the current and the flood tide pro- 
bably drove her in between Mona- 
moy Point and Nantucket. Had 
the wind permitted her to pursue a 
southern course, she might, in a few 
hours, have found an opening, and 
passed safely to the westward. 

Gabriel Archer, in his Relation 
of Gosnold's voyage, in Purchas, 
iv. 164S, says, "We trended the 
coast southerly; twelve leagues 
from Cape Cod (Provincetown) we 
descried a point, with some breach 
(breaker) a good distance off, and 

keeping our luff to double it, we 
came on the sudden into shoal 
water ; yet well quitted ourselves 
thereof. This breach we called 
Tucker's Terror, upon his express- 
ed fear. The point we named 
Point Care." Tucker's Terror is 
no doubt the Pollock Rip, and 
Point Care is Monamoy Point. 
Robert Juet, Hudson's mate, in his 
account of their voyage, after 
stating that they first made the 
land at the south-eastern point of 
the Cape, says, " We found a flood 
come from the south-east, and an 
ebb from the north-west, with a 
very strong stream, and a great 
hurling and noises." This too was 
the Pollock Rip. Smith says, 
"Towards the south and south- 
west of this Cape is found a long 
and dangerous shoal of sands and 
rocks ; but so far as I encircled it, 
I found thirty fathom water aboard 
the shore, which makes me think 
there is a channel about this shoal." 
This also must have been the Pol- 
lock Rip. See Purchas, iii. 587; 
N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 121; Mass. 
Hist. Coll. xxvi. 119. 

^ "Let us go up in imagination 
to yonder hill, and look out upon 
the November scene. That single 
dark speck, just discernible through 
the perspective glass, on the waste 
of waters, is the fated vessel. The 
storm moans through her tattered 
canvass, as she creeps, almost sink- 



CHAP, heaven, who had brought them over the vast and furi- 

VIII. . '^ - 

-^v-^ ous ocean, and delivered them from all perils and mis- 
1620. eries thereof, again to set their feet on the firm and 

Nov. ' ^^ 

Stable earth, their proper element. And no marvel if 
they were thus Joyful, seeing wise Seneca was so af- 
fected with sailing a few miles on the coast of his own 
Italy, as he affirms he had rather remain twenty years 
in his way by land, than pass by sea to any place in a 
short time ; so tedious and dreadful was the same to 

But here I cannot but stay and make a pause, and 
stand half amazed at these poor people's condition ; 
and so I think will the reader too, when he well con- 
siders the same. For having passed through many 

ing, to her anchorage in Province- 
town harbour ; and there she lies 
with all her treasures, not of silver 
and gold, (for of these she has 
none,) but of courage, of patience, 
of zeal, of high spiritual daring. 
So often as I dwell in imagination 
on this scene ; when I consider the 
condition of the Mayflower, utterly 
incapable as she was of living 
through another gale ; when I sur- 
vey the terrible front presented by 
our coast to the navigator, who, 
unacquainted with its channels and 
roadsteads, should approach it in 
the stormy season, I dare not call 
it a mere piece of good fortune, 
that the general north and south 
wall of the shore of New England 
•should he broken by this extraordi- 
nary projection of the Cape, run- 
ning out into the ocean a hundred 
miles, as if on purpose to receive 
and encircle the precious vessel. 
As I now see her, freighted with 
the destinies of a continent, barely 
escaped from the perils of the deep, 
approaching the shore precisely 
where the broad sweep of this most 
remarkable headland presents al- 
most the only point at which for 
hundreds of miles she could with 

any ease have made a harbour, and 
this perhaps the very best on the 
seaboard, I feel ray spirit raised 
above the sphere of mere natural 
agencies. I see the mountains of 
New England rising from their 
rocky thrones. They rush forward 
into the ocean, settling down as 
they advance ; and there they range 
themselves a mighty bulwark 
around the heaven directed vessel. 
Yes, the everlasting God himself 
stretches out the arm of his mercy 
and his power in substantial mani- 
festation, and gathers the meek 
company of his worshippers as in 
the hollow of his hand." Edward 
Everett's Address at the Cape Cod 
Centennial Celebration at Barnsta- 
ble, Sept. 3, 1S39, p. 45. 

' Seneca says, in his 53d Epistle, 
that he set out to sail only from 
Parthenope (Naples) to Puteoli, 
(Pozzuoli,) and to get thither the 
sooner, launched out into the deep 
in a direct course to Nesis, (Nisida,) 
without coasting along the shore. 
This beautiful letter, which is well 
worth reading, may be found in 
Thomas Morrell's translation of the 
Epistles, i. 184, (London, 1786, 2 
vols. 4to.) 


troubles, both before and upon the voyage, as aforesaid, chap. 
they had now no friends to welcome them, nor inns to — v— 
entertain and refresh them, no houses, much less towns, i 6 20. 
to repair unto to seek for succour.^ It is recorded in 
Scripture as a mercy to the Apostle and his shipwrecked 
company, that " the barbarians showed them no small xxvulo 
kindness" in refreshing them. But these salvage bar- 
barians, when they met with them, (as after will 
appear,) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows, 
than otherwise. And for the season, it was winter ; ^ 
and they that know the winters of that country, know 
them to be sharp and violent, and subject to violent 
storms, dangerous to travel to known places, much 
more to search out unknown coasts. Besides, what 
could they see but a hideous and desolate wilderness, 
full of wild beasts and wild men ? and what multitudes 
there might be of them they knew not. Neither could 
they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, to view 

* " The nearest plantation to their houses and provide for the 

them is a French one at Port Royal, winter. But being obliged to put 

who have another at Canada ; and back twice, and then meeting with 

the only English ones are at Vir- head winds, and having a boisterous 

ginia, Bermudas, and Newfound- passage of sixty-four days, they 

land; the nearest of these about lost two months, and arrived just 

five hundred miles off, and every as the winter set in. The winter 

one incapable of helping them." was more severe than they had been 

Prince, p. 180. accustomed to, but it was unusually 

^ Grahame says, i. 191, that " the mild for this country and climate, 
intense severity of their first winter Dudley says, in his Letter to the 
in America painfully convinced the Countess of Lincoln, written in 
settlers that a more unfavorable 1631, that the Plymouth colonists 
season of the year could not have "were favored with a calm winter, 
been selected for the plantation of such as was never seen here since." 
their colony." But it was not the See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 37. 
season which they selected. They Wood, too, who was here in 163.3, 
sailed from England at a very and published his New England's 
proper and favorable time, in the Prospect in 1639, says, p. 5, (ed. 
beginning of August, and might 1764,) that " the year of New Ply- 
reasonably expect to arrive on the mouth men's arrival was no winter 
American coast by the middle of in comparison." 
September, in ample season to build 



CHAP, from this wilderness a more goodly country ^ to feed 


— their hopes. For which way soever they turned their 
162 0. eves (save upward to the heavens) they could have 

Nov. i."^ . c 

little solace or content in respect of any outward 
objects. For summer being done, all things stand for 
them to look upon with a weather-beaten face ; and 
the whole country being full of woods and thickets, 
represented a wild and salvage hue. If they looked 
behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they 
had passed, and was now as a main bar and gulf to 
separate them from all the civil parts of the world. If 
it be said they had a ship to succour them, it is true ; 
but what heard they daily from the master and 
company but that with speed they should look out a 
place with their shallop, where they would be at some 
near distance ; for the season was such as he would 
not stir from thence until a safe harbour was discovered 
by them, where they would be and he might go without 
danger ; and that victuals consumed apace, but he must 
and would keep sufficient for himself and comjDany for 
their return. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if 
they got not a place in time, they would turn them 
and their goods on shore, and leave them. Let it be 
also considered what weak hopes of supply and succour 
they left behind them, that might bear up their minds 
in this sad condition and trials they were under, and 
they could not but be very small. It is true, indeed, 
the affections and love of their brethren at Leyden 
were cordial and entire ; but they had little power to 
help them, or themselves ; and how the case stood 

' In the MS. the word is com- passage into his Memorial, p. 35, 
fany^ manifestly an error of the reads it country, as in the text, 
pen. Morton, copying the same 


between them and the merchants at their comino; chap. 

away, hath aheady been declared. What cotdd now -^— - 

sustain them but the spirit of God and his p;race ?^ ^^^^^• 

^ . ° Nov. 

May not and ought not the children of these fathers 
rightly say, " Our fathers were Englishmen, which 
came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish 
in this wilderness. But they cried unto the Lord, and ^^f.- 
he heard their voice, and looked on their adversity." ^' '' 
And let them therefore praise the Lord because he is c^f'i% 
good, and his mercies endure forever. Yea, let them '""' 
which have been thus redeemed of the Lord show 
how he hath delivered them from the hand of the 
oppressor. When they wandered in the desert wilder- 
ness, out of the way, and found no city to dwell in, 
both hungry and thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed 
in them. Let them confess before the Lord his loving 
kindness and his wonderful works before the children 
of men.^ 

' " Divers attempts had been from the discovery of the northern 

made to settle this rough and north- continent by the Cabots, without 

em country ; first by the French, any successful attempt. After re- 

who would fain account it a part of peated attempts had failed, it seems 

Canada ; and then by the English ; less probable that any should under- 

and both from mere secular views, take in such an affair, than it would 

But such a train of crosses accom- have been if no attempt had been 

panied the designs of both these made." Hutchinson's Mass. i. 3. 
nations, that they seem to give it - Milton, in his treatise on Refor- 

over as not worth the planting: mation in England, written in 1641, 

till a pious people of England, not thus alludes to the persecution and 

allowed to worship their Maker exile of our New England fathers, 

according to his institutions only, " What numbers of faithful and 

withoutthemixtureof human cere- freeborn Englishmen and good 

monies, are spirited to attempt the Christians, have been constrained 

settlement, that they might enjoy to forsake their dearest home, their 

a worship purely scriptural, and friends and kindred, whom nothing 

leave the same to their posterity." hut the wide ocean, and the savage 

Prince, p. 98. deserts of America, could hide and 

"Whether Britain would have shelter from the fury of the bishops. 

bad any colonies in America, if O if we could but see the shape of 

religion had not been the grand in- our dear mother England, as poets 

ducement, is doubtful. One hun- are wont to give a personal form to 

dred and twenty years had passed, what they please, how would she 





Of the troubles that befell them after their arrival, 
with sundry other particulars concerning their transact- 
1620. ings with the merchant adventurers, and many other 
passages not so pertinent to this present discourse, I 
shall refer the reader to New EnglmuVs Memorial^ 
and unto Mr. Bradford's book, where they are at large 
penned to his plentiful satisfaction.^ 

appear, think ye, but in a mourning 
weed, with ashes upon her head, 
and tears abundantly flowing from 
her eyes, to behold so many of her 
children exposed at once, and thrust 
from things of dearest necessity, 
because their conscience could not 
assent to things which the bishops 
thought indifferent ? Let the astrol- 
oger be dismayed at the portentous 
blaze of comets, and impressions 
in the air, as foretelling troubles 
and changes to states ; t shall be- 
lieve there cannot be a more ill- 
boding sign to a nation, (God turn 
the omen from us !) than when the 
inhabitants, to avoid insufferable 

grievances at home, are enforced 
by heaps to forsake their native 
country." Works, i. 37, (Sym- 
mons's ed.) 

' Here we take leave of Morton's 
copy of Gov. Bradford's History. 
As the rest of it is lost, except the 
few scattered passages preserved 
by Prince and Hutchinson, and as 
we have a Journal of " the troubles 
that befell them after their arrival," 
written at the time, and chiefly, as 
I conceive, by Gov. Bradford, and 
much more copious and minute 
than the account in Morton's Me- 
morial, the narrative will proceed 
in the words of that Journal. 



" Relation or lournall of the beginning and proceedings of the 
English Plantation settled at Plimoth in New-Exgland, by 
certaine English Adventurers both Merchants and others. 

With their difficult passage, their safe arrivall, their ioyfuU building 
of, and comfortable planting themselves in the now well defended 
Towne of New Plimoth. 

As also a Relation of Foure severall discoveries since made by 
some of the same English Planters there resident. 

I. In a iourney to Packcmokick, the habitation of the Indians greatest 
King Massasoyt ; as also their message, the answer and enter- 
tainment they had of him. 

II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome of Nawset, 
to seeke a boy that had lost himselfe in the woods : with such 
accidents as befell them in that voyage. 

III. In their iourney to the Kingdome of Namascliet, in defence of 
their greatest King Massasoyt, against the NarroMggansets, and 
to revenge the supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquaittum. 

IIII. Their voyage to the Massachusetts, and their entertainment 

With an answer to all such objections as are any way made against 

the lawfulnesse of English plantations in those parts. 
London. Printed for lohn Bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop 

at the two Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Roy all Exchange. 



Courteous Reader, 

Be entreated to make a favorable construction of my 
forwardness in publishino; these ensuing discourses. 
The desire oT carrying the Gospel of Christ into those 
foreign parts, amongst those people that as yet have 
had no knowledge nor taste of God, as also to procure 
unto themselves and others a quiet and comfortable 
habitation, were, amongst other things, the induce- 
ments unto these undertakers of the then hopeful, and 
now experimentally known good enterprise for planta- 
tion in New England, to set afoot and prosecute the 
same. And though it fared with them, as it is common 
to the most actions of this nature, that the first attempts 
prove difficult, as the sequel more at large expresseth, 
yet it hath pleased God, even beyond our expectation 
in so short a time, to give hope of letting some of them 
see (though some he hath taken out of this vale of 
tears) ^ some grounds of hope of the accomplishment 
of both those ends by them at first propounded. 

' The writer studiously suppres- thiin half of the first Colonists had 
ses the discouraging fact that more already perished. 


And as myself then much desired, and shortly hope 
to effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoul- 
der in this hopeful business, and in the mean time these 
Relations coming to my hand from my both known and 
faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I 
thought it not amiss to make them more general, hoping 
of a cheerful proceeding both of adventurers and plant- 
ers ; entreating that the example of the honorable 
Virginia and Bermudas ^ Companies, encountering with 
so many disasters, and that for divers years together, 
with an unwearied resolution, the good effects whereof 
are now eminent, may prevail as a spur of preparation 
also touching this no less hopeful ^ country, though yet 
an infant, the extent and commodities whereof are as 
yet not fully known : after time will unfold more. 
Such as desire to take knowledge of things, may inform 
themselves by this ensuing treatise, and, if they please, 
also by such as have been there a first and second 
time.^ My hearty prayer to God is that the event of 
this and all other honorable and honest undertakings, 
may be for the furtherance of the kingdom of Christ, 
the enlarging of the bounds of our sovereign lord King 
James, and the good and profit of those who, either by 

' By the third patent of the Vir- Virginia or New England had been 

ginia Company, granted in 1612, branded as " a cold, barren, moun- 

the Bermudas, and all islands with- tainous, rocky desert," and had 

in three hundred leagues of the been abandoned as " uninhabitable 

coast, were included within the by Englishmen." See Gorges in 

limits of their jurisdiction. These Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 56; and 

islands they sold to 120 of their Capt. John Smith in his Gen. Hist, 

own members, who became a dis- ii. 174. 

tinct corporation, under the name ' Cushman had just returned 

of the Somer Islands Company, from Plymouth, and Clark and 

See Stith's Virginia, p. 127, App. Coppin, the mates or pilots of the 

24. Mayflower, had been on the coast 

* After the failure of Popham's twice, 
colony at Sagadahoc in 1608, North 



purse or person or both, are agents in the same. So I 
take leave, and rest 

Thy friend, 


' Who was G. Mourt? From 
his Preface it appears that he was 
a person interested in the success 
of the Plymouth Colony, identifying 
himself with it, having "much de- 
sired " to emhark with the first colo- 
nists, and intending soon to go over 
and join them. It is also evident 
that he had familiar and friendly 
relations with some of them, and 
that he was one in whom they re- 
posed such entire confidence as to 
send to him their first despatches 
of letters and journals. 

The only individual answering 
to this description that I can ascer- 
tain, is George Morton, who had 
married a sister of Gov. Bradford, 
and came over to Plymouth in July, 
1623, in the first ship that sailed for 
the Colony after this Journal was 
printed. He is represented in the 
Memorial, p. 101, as "very faithful 
in whatsoever public employment 
he was betrusted withal, and an 
unfeigned well-wilier and promoter 

of the common good and growth of 
the plantation of New Plymouth." 
Mourt may have been written de- 
signedly for Morton, from a disin- 
clination on his part to have his 
name appear publicly in print, or it 
may have been a mistake of the 
printer, the final letters, from some 
flourish of the pen or otherwise, 
not being distinctly legible. Sev- 
eral other typographical errors, 
more important and palpable than 
this, occur in the Journal. 

Prince, p. 132, errs in saying 
that this Journal was published by 
Mourt ; and his editor, p. 439, in 
stating that Prince had only Pur- 
chas's abridgment of it. He had 
the entire work, on the title-page 
of which it is stated that it was 
" printed for John Bellamy," who 
continued for at least twenty-five 
years from that time (1622,) to be 
the principal publisher of books re- 
lating to New England. 




Good Friend, 

As we cannot but account it an extraordinary bless- 
ing of God in directing our course for these parts, after 
we came out of our native country, — for that we had 
the happiness to be possessed of the comforts we re- 
ceive by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, most 
healthful, and most fruitful parts of the world, — so 
must we acknowledge the same blessing to be multi- 
plied upon our whole company, for that we obtained 
the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our 
free possession and enjoying thereof, under the author- 
ity of those thrice honored persons, The President and 
Council for the Affairs of New England ; ^ by whose 
bounty and grace, in that behalf, all of us are tied to 
dedicate our best service unto them, as those, under 
his Majesty, that we owe it unto ; whose noble endea- 

' These are probably the initials to the President and Council of 

of John Pierce, in whose name New England, for a grant of the 

their second patent was taken, territory on which they had unin- 

See Prince, p. 204. tentionally settled. This, it seems, 

* The Pilgrims by coming so far was readily accorded. — The Presi- 

north, had got beyond the limits dent and Council put forth in 1622, 

of the Virginia Company, and ac- " A Brief Relation of the Discovery 

cordingly their patent was of no and Plantation of New England," 

value. On the return of the May- which is reprinted in the Mass. 

flower in May, 1621, the merchant Hist. Coll. xix. 1 — 25. 
adventurers applied, in their behalf. 



voiirs in these their actions the God of heaven and 
earth multiply to his glory and their own eternal com- 

As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it as 
being writ by the several actors themselves,^ after their 
plain and rude manner. Therefore doubt nothing of 
the truth thereof. If it be defective in any thing, it is 
their ignorance, that are better acquainted with plant- 
ing than WTJting. , If it satisfy those that are well 
affected to the business, it is all I care for. Sure I am 
the place we are in, and the hopes that are apparent, 
cannot but suffice any that will not desire more than 
enough. Neither is there want of aught among us 

' This constitutes its great value, 
and confers on it the highest au- 
thority. George Morton, in his 
Preface, alludes to the same fact. 
Edward Winslow, in a postscript to 
his "Good News from New Eng- 
land," printed in 1624, states that 
this Relation was " gathered by the 
inhabitants of this present planta- 
tion at Plymouth, in New Eng- 
land," and in the body of his work 
alludes to " former letters written 
by myself and others, which came 
to the press against my will and 
knowledge." The Journal, too, di- 
rectly and by implication, repeat- 
edly testifies to the same point. 
Under Dec. 6, in mentioning their 
third excursion, it says, "the nar- 
rative of which discovery follows, 
penned by one of the company." 

I do not hesitate to ascribe this 
Journal to Bradford and Winslow, 
chiefly to the former. They were 
among the most active and effi- 
cient leaders of the Pilgrims ; 
and'one or the other of them went 
on almost every expedition here re- 
corded, and were therefore cogni- 
zant of the facts as eye-witnesses. 
They were also the only practised 
writers among them. We are not 

aware that any of the other colo- 
nists were accustomed to writing; 
at least none of their writings have 
come down to us. Standish, though 
"the best linguist among them," 
in the Indian dialects, was more 
expert with the sword than the 
pen; and Elder Brewster, then fifty- 
six years old, was prevented by his 
office, if not by his age, from going 
on any of the excursions, and was 
therefore not competent to write 
the journal of them. Carver had 
the weight of government on his 
shoulders, which would leave little 
tipie for writing; he died too in 
April, five months after their arri- 
val at the Cape. Allerton, Fuller, 
and Hopkins, are the only other 
persons likely to have had any 
hand in writing the Journal ; and 
the part they contributed to it, if 
any, would probably be confined to 
furnishing the rough sketches of 
such expeditions as those to Nau- 
set, Namaschet, and Massachusetts, 
in which Bradford and Winslow 
may not have been personally en- 
gaged. The style, too, seems to 
correspond, in its plainness and 
directness, with that of Bradford, 
in his History. 



but company to enjoy the blessings so plentifully be- 
stowed upon the inhabitants that are here. While I 
was a writing this, I had almost forgot that I had but 
the recommendation of the Relation itself to your fur- 
ther consideration, and therefore I will end without 
saying more, save that I shall always rest 

Yours, in the way of friendship, 

R. G.* 

From Plymouth, in New England. 

» Who wasR. G.? At the time 
this Journal was sent over from 
Plymouth, in Dec. 1621, the only- 
person there whose initials were 
R. G. was Richard Gardiner. He 
was one of the signers of the Com- 
pact on board the Mayflower, as 
will be seen hereafter. In that 
list it is apparent that the 41 names 
are, for the most part, subscribed in 
the order of the reputed rank of 
the signers. The two last, Dotey 
and Leister, were servants ; the 
two next preceding, Allerton and 
English, were seamen ; then comes 
Richard Gardiner. Now it is very 
unlikely that such an obscure per- 
son as this. No. 37, of whom no- 
thing is known, whose name does 
not appear in the assignment of the 
lands in 1623, nor in the division 
of the cattle in 1627, and occurs no 
where subsequently in the records 
of the Colony, should be selected 
and deputed by the leading men 
in it to endorse " the recommen- 
dation " of their Journal. Such 
a person, even had he been chosen 
for this purpose, would not have 
presumed to speak of his superiors 
as having written their narrative 
" after their plain and rude man- 
ner," and apologize for " their ig- 
norance," by saying they were 
" better acquainted with planting 

than writing." Such language 
would be used only by one of their 

R. G. (or R. C. as I think it 
should be,) was Robert Cushman, 
their active and efficient agent, who 
being prevented from coming over 
in the Mayflower, came in Nov. 
1621, in the Fortune, and returned 
in her the next month. Cushman 
brought the intelligence that a char- 
ter had been procured for them by 
the merchant adventurers from the 
President and Council of New Eng- 
land, " better than their former, and 
with less limitation." It was very 
natural, under these circumstances, 
that the leading colonists should 
request him to write a letter in 
their behalf, enclosing a copy of 
their Journal, to Pierce, in whose 
name the charter had been taken ; 
and it was no less natural, that in 
writing it, he should render a de- 
served tribute of acknowledgment 
to the Company, for their "bounty 
and grace " in allowing them the 
free possession and enjoyment of 
the land on which they had invo- 
luntarily settled. See Prince, p. 

This letter of Cushman is fol- 
lowed in the original by Robinson's 
parting Letter of Advice, which 
has already been printed on page 91. 



Wednesday, the 6th of September, the wind com- chap. 
ing east-north-east, a fine small gale, we loosed from .^-v-^ 
Plymouth, having been kindly entertained and cour- 1620. 
teously used by divers friends there dwelling ; and q, ' 
after many difficulties in boisterous storms, at length, 
by God's providence, upon the 9th of November fol- Nov. 
lowing, by break of the day, we espied land, which 
we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it 
proved. And the appearance of it much comforted 
us, especially seeing so goodly a land, and wooded to 
the brink of the sea. It caused us to rejoice together, 
and praise God that had given us once again to see 
land. And thus we made our course south-south- 
west, purposing to go to a river ten leagues to the 
south of the Cape.^ But at night the wind being 
contrary, we put round again for the bay of Cape Cod ; 
and upon the 11th of November we came to an anchor ^j^* 


' This river was the Hudson, coast. Te?i may possibly be an 
Little was known at that time error of the press, 
about distances on this unsurveved 




CHAP, in the bay/ which is a e^ood harbour and pleasant bay, 
^U^ circled round, except in the entrance, which is about 
1620. four miles over from land to land,- compassed about to 
the very sea with oaks, pines, juniper, sassafras, and 
other sweet wood. ^ It is a harbour wherein a thousand 
sail of ships may safely ride.^ There we relieved our- 
selves with wood and water, and refreshed our people, 
while our shallop was fitted to coast the bay, to search 

' That is, in Cape Cod or Pro- 
vincetown harbour. 

* This is just the distance from 
Long Point to the nearest land in 

^ Few trees are now left round 
Cape Cod harbour. That they 
were once common, appears from 
the name Wood End, given to a 
part of the coast, and from the 
stumps that are still found along 
the shore, particularly at the west 
end of the harbour,below the present 
high water mark, just above what 
is called " the rising." There is 
quite a grove of pines, called 
Mayo's Wood, near Snow's hill, at 
the eastern end of the village. 
.There are dwarf oaks, too, grow- 
ing on High Hill. The young 
trees would thrive if they were en- 
closed and protected from the cows, 
who now get part of their living by 
browsing on them. There are a 
few sassafras bushes, but no juni- 
per. The juniper was probably 
the red cedar. Josselyn, in his New 
England's Rarities, published in 
1672, says, page 49, " Cardan says 
juniper is cedar in hot countries, 
and juniper in cold countries ; it is 
here very dwarfish and shrubby, 
growing for the most part by the 
sea-side." And Wood, in his New 
England's Prospect, printed in 
1639, says, p. 19, " the cedar tree 
is a tree of no great growth, not 
bearing above a foot and a lialf at 
the most, neither is it very high. 
This wood is of color red and white, 
like yew, smelling as sweet as ju- 
niper." In 1740 there was a num- 
ber of oaks in the woods northwest 
of East Harbour. 

* Cape Cod harbour is formed 
by the spiral bending of the land, 
from Pamet river to Long Point, 
nearly round every point of the 
compass; it is completely land- 
locked. " It is one of the finest 
harbours for ships of war on the 
whole of our Atlantic coast. 
The width, and freedom from ob- 
structions of every kind, at its en- 
trance, and the extent of sea-room 
upon the bay side, make it accessi- 
ble to vessels of the largest class in 
almost all winds. This advantage, 
its capacity, depth of water, excel- 
lent anchorage, and the complete 
shelter it affords from all winds, 
render it one of the most valuable 
ship harbours upon our coast, 
whether considered in a commer- 
cial or m.ilitary point of view." 
See Major J. D. Graham's Report, 
pp. 2 and 13, No. 121 of Executive 
Documents of the 25th Congress, 
2d Sess. 1S37-8, vol. 5. — Major 
Graham was employed by the go- 
vernment of the United States, dur- 
ing portions of the years 1833, 1834, 
and 1835, assisted by seven engi- 
neers, to survey the extremity of 
Cape Cod, including the townships 
of Provincetown and Truro, with 
their sea-coast, and the harbour of 
Cape Cod. This survey was exe- 
cuted with the greatest accuracy 
and precision, and a large and 
beautiful map, on a scale of six 
inches to a mile, was projected 
from it and published by order of 
Congress in 1838. It is very desir- 
able that the whole Cape should be 
surveyed in the same manner. 



for a habitation. There was the greatest store of fowl ' chap. 
that ever we saw. ^.^^ 

And every day we saw whales ^ playing hard by us ; 1 6 20. 
of which in that place, if we had instruments and 11.' 
means to take them, we might have made a very rich 
return ; which, to our great grief, we wanted. Our 
master and his mate, and others experienced in fish- 
ing, professed we might have made three or four thou- 
sand pounds' worth of oil. They preferred it before 
Greenland whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter 
to fish for whale here. For cod we assayed, but found 
none ; there is good store, no doubt, in their season.^ 
Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, but 
some few little ones on the shore. We found great 
muscles,^ and very fat and full of sea-pearl ; but we 
could not eat them, for they made us all sick that did 
eat, as well sailors as passengers. They caused to 
cast and scour ; but they were soon well again. 

^ Sea fowls come in late in the Cod, where it was carried on en- 
autumn and remain during the tirely in boats, which put off wlien- 
winter. They were formerly plen- ever a signal was given by persons 
ty on the shores; but they have on tiie look out from an elevated 
been so frequently molested, that station, that a whale was seen to 
their numbers are much reduced. blow. In 1690 "one Ichabod Pad- 

^ Whales are frequently seen in dock " went from the Cape to Nan- 

Barnstable Bay and on the outside tucket to teach the inhabitants 

of the Cape, and are killed by boats of that isle the art and mystery 

from Provincetown. Occasionally, of catching whales. See Mass. 

though more rarely of late, they Hist. Coll. iii. 157. 
come into the harbour; at the begin- ^ This is a little remarkable ; for 

ning of the present century, two or cod are caught at the Cape as early 

three whales, producing about a as November. They probably 

hundred barrels of oil, were annu- fished only in the harbour. The 

ally caught ; the last that was best season is in February and 

killed in the harbour was in Dec. March, when they are caught in 

1840, a hump-back, that made fifty great plenty betvifeen Race Point 

barrels of oil. The appearance of and Wood End. It was May when 

a whale in the harbour is the sig- Gosnold found them in such abun- 

nal for a general stir among the dance. 

hundred graceful five-hand boats ■* Though muscles are found in 

tKat line the circling shore of this Cape Cod harbour, yet the sea clam 

beautiful bay. The American seems to be meant, as it frequently 

whale fishery commenced at Cape produces on the stomach the effects 



CHAP. The bay is so round and circling, that before we 
— ^ could come to anchor, we went round all the points of 
162 0. the compass.^ We could not come near the shore by 
three quarters of an English mile, because of shallow 
water ; ^ which was a great prejudice to us ; for our 
people, going on shore, were forced to wade a bow- 
shot or two in going a land, which caused many to get 
colds and coughs ; for it was many times freezing cold 
Nov. This day, before we came to harbour, observing 
some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave 
some appearance of faction, it was thought good there 
should be an association and agreement, that we should 
combine together in one body, and to submit to such 
government and governors as we should by common 
consent agree to make and choose, and set our hands 
to this that follows, word for word.^ 

here described. F. — The notes to They also lie all along the shore in 

which this letter is annexed were front of the town, but do not extend 

written by the Rev. James Free- so far from the land. At low wa- 

man, D.D., of Boston. His father ter it is very shallow, and it is still 

being a native of Truro, Dr. Free- necessary to wade a considerable 

man frequently visited the Cape, distance, to get into a boat, as the 

and became strongly attached to writer knows by experience, 

it. He wrote a very minute and ^ Here, for the first time in the 

accurate topographical account of world's history, the philosophical 

it, which may be found in the Mass. fiction of a social compact was 

Hist. Coll. vol. viii. His papers realized in practice. And yet it 

are signed r. s. denoting his office seems to me that a great deal more 

of Recording Secretary of the Mass. has been discerned in this docu- 

Hist. Society ; a Society which, in raent than the signers contemplat- 

its 27 volumes, has accomplished ed. It is evident, from page 95, 

more than any other literary or that when ihey left Holland, they 

scientific association in America. expected " to become a body poli- 

' The Mayflower anchored with- tic, using amongst themselves civil 

in half a furlong of the end of government, and to choose their 

Long Point, two miles from the own rulers from among thera- 

presenl village of Provincetown. selves." Their purpose in drawing 

The shore is here very bold, and up and signing this compact was 

the water deep. simply, as they state, to restrain 

* At the head of the harbour, certain of their number, who had 

towards Wood End, and at East manifested an unruly and factious 

Harbour, the flats extend three disposition. This was the whole 

quarters of a mile from the shore, philosophy of the instrument, 


In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are chap. 


underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign ^-v-^- 
lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Bri- 1^20. 
tain, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, &c., ii. 
having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advance- 
ment of the Christian faith, and honor of our king and 
country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the north- 
ern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents, solemnly 
and mutually, in the presence of God and one of an- 
other, covenant and combine ourselves together into a 
civil body politic, for our better ordering and preserva- 
tion, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by 
vh'tue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and 
equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, 
from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and 
convenient for the general good of the colony ; unto 
which we promise all due submission and obedience. 
In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our 
names, at Cape Cod, the 11th of November, in the year 
of the reign of our sovereign lord. King James, of 
England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of 
Scotland the fifty-fourth, anno Domini 1620. 

[Mr. John Carver t 8 John Alden 1 

WiLLiAAi Bkadford t 2 Mr. Samuel Fuller 2 

Mr. Edward Winslow t 5 * Mk. Chrii^tophf.r Martin i 4 

Mr. VViLLiABi Brewster t 6 * Mk. William Mulling f 5 

Mr. Isaac Allerton f 6 * Mr. William White t 5 

Capt. Miles Standish t 2 Mn. Richard Warren 1 

■whatevermay since have been dis- ones, seeing all had voluntnrily 

covered and deduced from it by sulijected themselves to them." 

astute civilians, philosophical his- The signing of the compact on 

torians, and imaginative orators, board the Mayflower, has been se- 

"One great reason of this cove- lected as the subject of one of ihe 

nant," as Hutchinson says, ii. 458, great national pictures to be placed 

"^eems to have been of a mere in the rotunda of the Capiiol at 

moral nature, that they might re- Washington. Another of these 

move all scruples of inflicting ne- subjects is the sad parting at Delfl- 

cessary punishments, even capital Haven, described on page 88. 




John Howland 

Mr. Stephen Hopkins t 

* Edward Tilly t 
162 0. * John Tilly t 
Nov. Francis Cook 

11. * Tho3j^s Rogers 

* Thomas Tinker t 

* John Ridgdale t 

* Edward Fuller f 

* John Turner 
Francis Eaton t 

* James Chilton t 

* John Crackston 
John Billington t 

* Moses Fletcher 

* John Goodman 

8 * Degory Priest 

4 * Thomas Williams 
3 Gilbert Winslow 

2 * Edmund Margeson 

2 Peter Brown 

3 * Richard Britterige 

2 George Soule 

3 * Richard Clarke 

3 Richard Gardiner 

3 * John Allerton 

3 * Thomas English 
2 Edward Dotey 

4 Edward Leister 




The same day, so soon as we could, we set ashore 
fifteen or sixteen men, well armed, with some to fetch 
wood, for we had none left ; as also to see what the 
land was, and what inhabitants they could meet with. 

' I have inserted this list 
from Prince, who found it at the 
end of Gov. Bradford's MS. From 
modesty, Bradford omits the title 
of Mr. to his own name. The 
figures denote the number in each 
family- Those with an asterisk (*) 
prefixed to their names, 2i in 
number, died before the end of 
March. Those with an obelisk (t) 
affixed, IS, brought their wives 
with them. Three, Samuel Ful- 
ler, Richard Warren, and Francis 
Cook, left their wives for the pre- 
sent either in Holland or England. 
Some left behind them part, and 
others all their children, who after- 
wards came over. John Hovvland 
was of Carver's family, George 
Soule of Edward Winslow's, and 
Dotey and Leister of Hopkins's 
family. Martin, Warren, Hopkins, 
Billington, Dotey, Leister, and pro- 
bably some others, joined them in 
England. John Allerton and Eng- 
lish were seamen. The list includes 
the child that was born at sea, and 
the servant who died; the latter 
ought not to have been counted. 
The number //fu/o- at the signing of 
the compact was therefore only 100. 
" So there were just 101, (no, 100,) 

who sailed from Plymouth in Eng- 
land, and just as many arrived in 
Cape Cod harbour. And this is 
the solitary number, who, for an 
undefiled conscience and the love 
of pure Christianity, first left their 
native and pleasant land, and en- 
countered all the toils and hazards 
of the tumultuous ocean, in search 
of some uncultivated region in 
North Virginia, where they might 
quietly enjoy their religious liber- 
ties and transmit them to posteri- 
ty." Prince, p. 173. 

" These were the founders of the 
Colony of New Plymouth. The 
settlement of this colony occasioned 
the settlement of Massachusetts 
Bay, which was the source of all 
the other colonies of New Eng- 
and. Virginia was in a dying 
state, and seemed to revive and 
flourish from the example of New 
England. I am not preserving 
from oblivion the names of heroes 
whose chief merit is the overthrow 
of cities, provinces, and empires, but 
the names of the founders of a 
flourishing" town and colony, if not 
of the whole Brilirsh empire in 
America." Hutchinson, ii. 462. 

The same day "they choose Mr. 



They found it to be a small neck of land : ^ on this chap. 


side where we lay, is the bay,^ and the further side ~^--^ 
the sea ; ^ the ground or earth sand hills, much like 1620. 

. ^ Nov. 

the downs'* in Holland, but much better ; the crust of ii. 
the earth, a spit's depth,' excellent black earth ; all 

John Carver, a pious and well ap- 
proved gentleman, their governor 
for the first year." Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 162. 

' The men appear to have been 
landed on Long Point, which tra- 
dition says has been diminished in 
its lenjith, breadth, and height. F. 

* By the bay is intended the har- 
bour. See p. 120. Plymouth har- 
bour is aflerwards called a bay; 
and the same name is given to the 
harbour of Cummaquid, or Barn- 
stable. F. 

^ That is, Barnstable bay. F. 

* Gosnold, on landing at Cape 
Cod, in 1602, found " the sand by 
the shore somewhat deep." Smith, 
too, calls it "a headland of high 
hills of sand." The downs, or 
dunes, along the coast of Holland, 
are formed by the wind blowing 
up the sands of the sea-shore. To 
check the dispersion of the sand, 
the dunes are sowed regularly every 
year with a species of reed grass 
[arundo arenaria.) In a short time 
the roots spread and combine so as 
to hold the sand fast together. Lin- 
naeus, in his journey to the islands 
of Oeland and Gothland, in the 
Baltic, pointed out to the natives 
the advantage of planting the sea- 
reed grass to arrest the sand and 
form soil on the shores, to which it 
is extremely well adapted by the 
length of its roots. A similar 
practice has within a few years 
been adopted at Cape Cod, under 
the direction and at the expense of 
the general government. Large 
tracts of white sand at Province- 
tewn have been planted with the 
beach grass (psamm^^ arenaria.) 
The grass, during 'he spring and 
summer, grows aKout two feet and 

a half. If surrounded by naked 
beach, the storms of autumn and 
winter heap up the sand on all 
sides, and cause it to rise nearly to 
the top of the plant. In the ensu- 
ing spring the grass sprouts anew ; 
is again covered with sand in the 
winter; and thus a hill or ridge 
continues to ascend as long as there 
is a sufficient base to support it, or 
till the surrounding sand, being 
also covered with beach grass, will 
no longer yield to the force of the 
wind. See Purchas, iv. 1648 ; 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 119, viii. 
110; Bigelow's Plants of Boston 
and its Vicinity, p. 40; Pulleney's 
General View of the Writings of 
Linnaeus, p. 35. 

^ The depth of a spade. F. "A 
spade's depth thrown out in dig- 
ging is still called a spit." Rich- 
ardson's Diet. art. Spade. 

Some persons may smile at read- 
ing of " a spade's depth of excellent 
black earth" at the extremity of 
Cape Cod. And yet, even now, 
after the woods are cut down, and 
free scope is given to the winds lo 
scatter the sands over the vegetable 
mould of centuries, there is, at 
High Head, in Truro, Avithin four 
miles of Long Point, where the 
Mayflower was anchored, an " ex- 
cellent black earth " more than a 
foot in depth, which for years, 
without manure, has produced 50 
to 60 bushels of corn to the acre. 
It is based on an old Indian clam- 
bed, in which I observed the shells 
of the oyster, the scallop, the 
quahaug, the sea clam, and the 
common clam. This rich soil is 
on the property of James Small, 
whose hospitable dwelling is near 
the Highland Light. 




CHAP, wooded ^ with oaks, pines, sassafras, juniper, birch, 
^^-^-^ hollj, vines, some ash, wahiut;^ the wood for the most 
1^2 0. pgi't open and without underwood,^ fit either to go or 
ride in. At night our people returned, but found not 
anj person, nor hal)itation ; and laded their boat with 
juniper,^ which smelled very sweet and strong, and of 
which we burnt the most part of the time we lay 

' See note^ on page 118. 

* There are three kinds of oak 
on the Cipe, the red oak, {quercus 
ruhra,) the hi ick oak, {quercus finc- 
loria,) and the white oak, {quercus 
alba.) The frames of the oldest 
buildings there are made of white 
oak, which is one of the most du- 
rable kinds of timber. The pine 
is the pitch pine, {■pinus rigida); 
the birch is the white birch, (/>e/(//a 
pnpulrfoUa) ; the holly is the Amer- 
ican holly, an evergreen, {ilex opa- 
ca) ; the ash is the white ash, 
{fra.riiius Americana,) and the wal- 
nut is the while walnut, {juglans 

^ " The salvages are accustomed 
to set fire to the country in all 
places where they come, and to 
burn it twice a year, viz. at the 
spring, and the fall of the leaf. 
The reason that moves them to do 
so is because it would otherwise be 
so overgrown with underweeds, 
that it would be all a coppice wood, 
and the people would not be able 
in any wise to pass through the 
country out of a beaten path. This 
custom of firing the country is the 
means lo make it passable, and by 
that means the trees grow here and 
there, as in our pirks, and makes 
the country very iieautiful and com- 
modious." Morion's New English 
Canaan, ch. 18. (printed in 1632. 
Morton was here in 1622 and 1625.) 
" Wiiereas it is generally conceived 
that the woods grow so thick that 
there is no more clear ground than 
is hewed out by labor of men, it is 
nothing so ; in many places, divers 

acres being clear, so that one may 
ride a hunting in most places of 
the land. There is no underwood, 
saving in swamps and low grounds ; 
for it being the custom of the In- 
dians to burn the woods in No- 
vember, when the grass is wither- 
ed, and leaves dried, it consumes 
all the underwood and rubbish, 
which otherwise would overgrow 
the country, making it impassable, 
and spoil their much atTected hunt- 
ing. So that by this means, in 
these places where the Indians in- 
habit, there is scarce a bush or 
bramble, or any cumbersome un- 
derwood to be seen in the more 
champaisn ground." Wood's New 
England's Prospect, ch. 5. (Wood 
was here in 163,3.) The woods in 
some parts of Wellfleet and East- 
ham are now entirely free from 
underwood, as in the time of the 

4 The juniper was no doubt the 
red cedar, or savin, {junipenis Vir- 
giniana,) an evergreen which is still 
common on the Cape. It resembles 
very much the juniprrus sabina or 
common savin of Europe, which 
bears the junijier berries. The 
taste of the leaves in the two spe- 
cies is nearly the same. The wood 
of the red cedar is odorous, and the 
leaves, when bruised, emit a resi- 
nous, aromatic odor. It burns 
freely on account of its resinous 
qualities. Morton says, " Of cedar 
there is abundance ; and this wood 
was such as Solomon used for the 
buildin!! of that glorious temple of 
Hierusalem. This wood cuts red." 


Monday,^ the 13th of November, we unshipped our chap. 
shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repair her, -— ^ 
having been forced to cut her down in bestowing her 16 20. 

. ^ Nov. 

betwixt the decks, and she was much opened with the 13. 
people's lying in her ; which kept us long there, for it 
was sixteen or seventeen days before the carpenter had 
finished her. Our people went on shore to refresh 
themselves, and our women to wash, as they had great 
need. But whilst we lay thus still, hoping our shallop 
would be ready in five or six days, at the furthest, 
(but our carpenter made slow work of it, so that) some 
of our people, impatient of delay, desired for our better 
furtherance to travel by land into the country, (which 
was not without appearance of danger, not having the 
shallop with them, nor means to carry provision but on 
their backs,) to see whether it might be fit for us to seat 
in or no ; and the rather, because, as we sailed into 
the harbour, there seemed to be a river ^ opening itself 
into the main land. The willingness of the persons 
was liked, but the thing itself, in regard to the danger, 
was rather permitted than approved ; and so with cau- 
tions, directions, and instructions, sixteen men were 
set out, with every man his musket,^ sword, and cors- 
let, under the conduct of Captain Miles Standish ; * 

See Michaux's Sylva Americana, Nov. 16, and from their "lighting 

iii. 221, and Bigelow's Medical all their matches," Nov. 30. Even 

Botany, iii. 49. as late as 16S7 matcli-locks were 

' It would seem that the day be- used instead of flint-locks in the 

fore, being Sunday, they remained regiments of the Duke of Bruns- 

quietly on board. wick. See Beckmann's History of 

* Pamet river. Winslow spells Inventions, iii. 440. 
it Paomet, and Capt. Smith Paw- '' Miles Standish appears now 

met. It is pronounced as if spelt in these chronicles for the first 

Barmit. time, as the military leader of the 

' Their guns were matchlocks, Pilgrims. His name has not been 

as appears from their "having five mentioned in Gov. Bradford's His- 

or six inches of match burning," tory. He took no part in the ne- 




. unto whom was adjoined, for counsel and advice, 
William Bradford,' Stephen Hopkins,^ and Edward 

gotiations with the Virginia Com- 
pany or with the merchant adven- 
turers. He was not one of Robin- 
son's church before it left England ; 
but serving in the Low Countries, 
in the forces sent over by Queen 
Elizabeth to aid the Dutch against 
the Spaniards, he fell in, as Wins- 
low did, with Robinson and his 
congregation, liked them and their 
principles, and though not a mem- 
ber of their church, either volunta- 
rily, or at their request, embarked 
with them for America. Morton, 
p. 262, says that he was *' a gentle- 
man, born in Lancashire, and was 
heir apparent unto a great estate of 
lands and livings, surreptitiously 
detained from him, his great grand- 
father being a second or younger 
brother from ihe house of Stand- 
ish." This is not improbable. There 
are at this time in England two 
ancient families of the name, one 
of Standish Hall, and the other of 
Duxbury Park, both in Lancashire, 
who trace their descent from a 
common ancestor, Ralph de Stand- 
ish, living in 122L There seems 
always to have been a military spi- 
rit in the family. Froissart, relat- 
ing in his Chronicles the memora- 
ble meeting between Richard IL 
and Wat Tyler, says that after the 
rebel was struck from his horse 
by William Walworth, "then a 
squyer of the kynges alyted, called 
John Standysshe, and he drewe out 
his sworde, and put into Wat 
Tyler's belye, and so he dyed." 
For this act Standish was knight- 
ed. In 1415, another Sir John 
Standish fought at the battle of 
Agincourt. From his giving the 
name of Duxbury to the town where 
he settled, near Plymouth, and call- 
ing his eldest son Alexander, (a 
common name in the Standish 
family,) I have no doubt that 
Miles was a scion from this an- 
cient and warlike stuck, which he 

did not dishonor. Whilst writing 
this note, 1 observe in the journals 
of the day, the death (Dec. 7, 1840, 
at Cadiz,) of " Frank Hall Stand- 
ish, Esq. of Duxbury Hall, Lancas- 
hire." — The Plymouth soldier was 
a man of small stature, but of such 
an active and daring spirit that he 
spread terror through all the Indian 
tribes from Massachusetts Bay to 
Martha's Vineyard, and from Cape 
Cod harbour to Narraganset. In 
the autumn of 1625 he went to 
England, as an agent of the colony, 
and returned in the spring of 1626. 
In 1630 he removed to Duxbury, 
which was undoubtedly so called 
after the family seat of his ances- 
tors. He had six children, and four 
sons, Alexander, Miles, Josiah, and 
Charles, survived him, whose nu- 
merous descendants are to be found 
in several towns in Plymouth coun- 
ty, in Connecticut, and in the State 
ofNevvYork. He lived and died at 
the foot of Captain's Hill, in Dux- 
bury, so called after him, a monu- 
mental landmark that will hand 
his name down to the latest times. 
He was an assistant in 1633, and 
was repeatedly reelected to this 
olfice. He died in 1656, but his 
age is unknown. Smith, in his 
Hist, of N. Jersey, p. 18, commits 
a singular error in saying that 
" about the year 1620 the Plymouth 
Company sent a fresh recruit from 
England under the command of 
Capt. Standish." See Belknap 
Am. Biog. ii. 310 ; Mass. Hist. 
Coll.xviii. 121,xx.58 — 61; Hutch- 
inson's Mass. ii. 461; Mitchell's 
Hist, of Bridgewater, p. 307; 
Burke's Hist, of the Commoners 
of Great Britain, ii. 64, and iv. 642. 

' Winslow not being one of the 
party, I consider Bradford the sole 
author of this part of the Journal. 

^ Stephen Hopkins, whose name 
stands the 14th in order among the 
signers of the Compact, with the 



Wednesday, the 15tli of November, they were set chap 


ashore ; ^ and v.'hen they had ordered themselves in 
the order of a single file, and marched about the space 16 20. 
of a mile by the sea, they espied five or six people, 15. 
with a dog, coming towards them, who were savages ; 
who, when they saw them, ran into the wood, and 
whistled the dog after them, &c. First they supposed 
them to be Master Jones, the master, and some of his 
men, for they were ashore and knew of their coming ; 
but after they knew them to be Indians, they marched 
after them into the woods, lest other of the Indians 
should lie in ambush. But when the Indians saw our 
men following them, they ran away with might and 
main ; and our men turned out of the wood after them, 
for it was the way they intended to go, but they could 
not come near them. They followed them that night 
about ten miles ^ by the trace of their footings, and 

honorable prefix of Mr., seems to 
have been a person of some consid- 
eration amon§ the Pilgrims. From 
the same list it appears that he 
brought two servants or laborers 
with him, Dotey and Leister. It 
has already been mentioned, p. 100, 
that he had a son born on the voy- 
age, named Oceanus. His wife's 
name was Elizabeth, and his three 
other children were Giles, Caleb, 
and Deborah. We are told further 
on in this Journal, under Dec. 6, 
that he joined the emigrants in Eng- 
land, not having been one of Robin- 
son's congregation at Leyden. He 
went on two at least of the three 
excursions from Cape Cod harbour, 
and on the present occasion in the 
capacity of a counsellor. He was 
generally deputed to accompany 
Standish, and from this it may be 
inferred that be was somewhat of a 
military man, at least more so than 
the others ; or it may be, his cool- 
ness was deemed important to tem- 

per the ardor of the captain. Thus 
he was adjoined to Standish Feb. 
17, 1621, to meet the two Indians 
who showed themselves on Wat- 
son's hill; and March 16, Samoset 
was lodged for safe keeping at his 
house. He was also Winslow's 
companion on his visit to Massas- 
soit at Polcanoket in July. He was 
an assistant to the governor of Ply- 
mouth from 1633 to 1636, and seems 
to have been much employed in 
public affairs. Nothing more is 
known about him, except that he 
was alive in 1643. See Mass. 
Hist. Coll. xiii. 184. 

' The men were probably set 
ashore at Stevens's Point, at the 
head or western extremity of the 

^ After keeping along the shore 
for a mile, they turned in to the 
left after the Indians, and probably 
pursued them circuitously among 
the hills back of the village. As 
they were travelling on foot ia 


CHAP, saw how they had come the same way they went, and 

IX. . " . . 

— ^— at a turning perceived how they ran up a hill,' to see 

1620. whether they followed them. At length night came 

upon them, and they were constrained to take up their 

lodging.^ So they set forth three sentinels ; and the 

rest, some kindled a fire, and others fetched wood, and 

there held our^ rendezvous that nio;ht. 

No^- In the morning;, so soon as we could see the trace, 

16. ^' . .' 

we proceeded on our journey, and had the track until 

we had compassed the head of a long creek ; ^ and 
there they took into another wood, and we after them, 
supposing to find some of their dwellings. But we 
marched through boughs and bushes, and under hills 
and valleys,^ which tore our very armor in pieces, 
and yet could meet with none of them, nor their 
houses, nor find any fresh water, which we greatly 
desired and stood in need of; for we brought neither 
beer nor water with us, and our victuals was only 
biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aqua- 
vitae, so as we were sore athirst. About ten o'clock 

the sands, the distance is probably Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 198; viii. 

overrated. 111. 

' Perhaps Snow's hill ; or, it may ^ The writer of course was one 

be, Mt. Gilboa or Mt. Ararat. of the parly — undoubtedly Brad- 

* Probably near Stout's Creek, ford, 

opposite Beach Point. Stout's '' East Harbour Creek, a distance 

creek is a small branch of East of about three miles and a half. F. 

Harbour creek. Many years ago The entrance into East Harbour is 

there was a body of salt inarsh on at the extremity of Beach Point, 

it, and it then deserved the name It is very shoal, both at its entrance 

of a creek. But the marsh was and within it, having only one to 

long since destroyed ; and the creek three feet at ordinary low water, 

scarcely exists, appearing only like No other use is made of it as a 

a small depression in the sand, and harbour than to moor or lay up the 

being entirely dry at half tide. sn)all craft belonging to this place, 

One of the life-boats provided by in the winter season, to protect 

the Humane Society of Massachu- them from the ice. See Major 

setts, at the expense of the State, is Graham's Report, p. 13. 

stationed on the outer shore of the * Excepting the trees and bushes, 

Cape, opposite Stout's creek. Gra- which have disappeared, ihis is aa 

ham puts the creek down on his exact description of that part of 

chart, but omits the name. See Truro, called East Harbour. F. 



we came into a deep valley/ full of brush, wood-gaile,- chap. 

and long grass, through which we found little paths or — -^ 

tracks: and there we saw a deer, and found springs 1^20. 

^ ^ Nov. 
of fresh water,^ of which we were heartily glad, and 16. 

sat us down and drunk our first New England water, 

with as much delight as ever we drunk drink in all 

our lives.* 

When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our 

course full south,^ that we might come to the shore, 

which within a short while after we did, and there 

' In this valley is the small vil- 
lage of East harbour. It is going 
to decay, and probably will not 
long exist. F- — There are now four 
or five houses remaining. An old 
gentleman, resident in the valley, 
told me on the spot in Aug. 1840, 
that he recollected when there were 
seventeen houses there. 

" The wood-gaile was probahly 
what is called the sweet gale, or 
Dutch myrtle, {myrica gale.) See 
Bigelow's Plants of Boston and its 
vicinity, p. 393, (3d ed.) 

^ In the midst of the valley 
above mentioned is a swamp called 
Dyer's swamp. Around it was for- 
merly a number of springs of fresh 
water ; and a few still remain, 
though probably before another cen- 
tury is closed, they will be choked 
with sand, as many of them already 
have been. F. — There is now in 
the valley a hollow overgrown with 
bushes ; but in Aug. 1840, 1 could 
find no springs round it, and the 
oldest inhabitant recollected none. 

* The water and air of New 
England have always been justly 
famous. Brereton, Avho accom- 
panied Gosnold in 1602, speaks of 
the "many springs of excellent 
sweet water" which he found on 
the Elizabeth islands. Capt. John 
Smith, in his Description of New 
England says, " the waters are 
most pure, proceeding from the 
entrails of rocky mountains." Hig- 
ginson, in his New England's 


Plantation, remarks that " the 
country is full of dainty springs," 
and that " a sup of New England's 
air is better than a whole draught 
of Old England's ale." Morton, 
in his New English Canaan, ch. 8, 
says " and for the water, therein it 
excelleth Canaan by much ; for the 
land is so apt for fountains, a man 
cannot dig amiss. Therefore if the 
Abrahams and Lots of our times 
come thither, there needs be no con- 
tention for wells. In the delicacy 
of waters, and the conveniency of 
them, Canaan came not near this 
country." Wood, in his New Eng- 
land's Prospect, ch. 5, says " the 
country is as well watered as any 
land under the sun ; every family 
or every two families having a 
spring of sweet water betwixt 
them. It is thought there can be 
no better water in the world. These 
springs be not only within land, but 
likewise bordering on the sea-coast, 
so that sometimes the tides overflow 
some of them." It is well known 
that the first settlement of Boston 
was determined by its abundance 
of " sweet and pleasant springs." 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 120, 
i. 120, 121, xii. 88, xx. 173, 175; 
Snow's History of Boston, p. 31. — 
The water of Truro is still excel- 
lent, whilst that of Provincetown 
is poor. 

^ The course from Dyer's swamp 
to the Pond is south. F. 



CHAP, made a fire, that they in the ship might see where we 

— v^ were, as we had direction ; and so marched on towards 

1620. this supposed river. And as we went in another val- 

16. ley, we found a fine clear pond of fresh water, being 

about a musket shot broad, and twice as long.^ There 

grew also many small vines, and fowl and deer^ haunted 

there. There grew much sassafras.^ From thence 

we went on, and found much plain ground,^ about fifty 

acres, fit for the plough, and some signs where the 

■ Pond village, which was for- 
merly the principal village in Truro, 
but of late years exceeded by Pamet, 
takes its name from this pond. It 
is situated about a mile south of the 
village of East harbour. The high 
and steep banks on the bay are here 
intersected by a valley which runs 
directly from the shore, and soon 
divides itself into two branches. 
In this valley the houses stand, and 
are defended from the winds, whilst 
the entrance of it affords a conve- 
nient landing place. The pond 
begins near the western shore, and 
extends east. About a mile east of 
it, on the Clay Pounds, stands the 
Highland or Cape Cod light-house. 
The pond is not now more than 
half-a-musket shot broad, though it 
is quite as long as it is here repre- 
sented, lu Aug. 1840, I found the 
upper or eastern part of it over- 
grown with flags and bushes. It 
was no doubt formerly much larger, 
and has been gradually filling up. 
Many of our swamps were origi- 
nally ponds of water. 

^ Deer were seen near this pond 
by persons living at the beginning 
of the present century. F. 

^ This is the third time the sas- 
safras has been mentioned. On the 
first discovery of America, great 
medicinal virtues were ascribed to 
the bark and roots of this tree, and 
ship-loads of it were exported to 
Europe. Monardes, a Spanish phy- 
sician of Seville who pul)lished in 
1574, his second part of his " His- 
toria medicinal de las cosas que se 
traen de nuestras Indias Occiden- 

talesquesirven en medicina," after 
mentioning its great efficacy in 
dropsies, agues, liver-complaints, 
&c. ends with exclaiming, fol. 62, 
" Bendito nuestro Seuor, que nos 
dio este tan excelentissimo arbol, 
llamado sassafras, que tan grandes 
virtudesy tan maravillosos efectos, 
como avemos dicho, tiene, y mas 
los que el tierapo nos enseilara, que 
es descubridor de todas las cosas." 
The roots were sold in England at 
three shillings a pound in Gosnold's 
time, (1602,) who partly loaded his 
vessel with itfrom one of the Eliz- 
abeth islands. Brereton, the jour- 
nalist of that voyage, speaks of 
" sassafras trees, great plenty, all 
the island over, a tree of high price 
and profit;" and Archer, another 
of the voyagers, says that " the 
powder of sassafras in twelve hours 
cured one of our company that had 
taken a great surfeit by eating the 
bellies of dog-fish, a very delicious 
meat." See Purchas, iv. 1646, 1649, 
1653; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 257 ; 
Michaux's Sylva Americana, ii. 
144 ; Bigelow's Medical Botany, ii. 
142, and Plants of Boston and its 
Vicinity, p. 170. For the use of 
Monardes, and of " Frampton's loy- 
fuU Newes out of the New-found 
Worlde," which is nothing but a 
translation of it, printed at London 
in 1596, I am indebted to the rich 
library of Harvard College. — Sas- 
safras is still found on Cape Cod, 
but in a dwarfish form. 

* The land on the south side of 
the Pond is an elevated plain. F. 



Indians had ibrmerly planted their corn.* After this, chap. 


some thought it best, for nearness of the river, to go — v^- 
down and travel on the sea sands, by which means 162 

. Nov. 

some of our men were tired, and lagged behind. So 16. 
we stayed and gathered them up, and struck into the 
land again ; ^ where we found a little path to certain 
heaps of sand, one whereof was covered with old mats, 

' " The Indian corn {zea mays) 
called by the Mexicans tlaolli, by 
the Haytians maize, and by the 
Massachusetts Indians eachim/ni- 
neash, is found everywhere on the 
continent from Patagonia to Cana- 
da, and next to rice and wheat, is 
the most valuable of grains. There 
can hardly be a doubt that it is a 
native of America, unknown before 
the discovery of Columbus. The 
adventurers who first penetrated 
into Mexico and Peru ibund it 
everywhere cultivated, and in com- 
mon use as an article of food among 
the aborigines. Its culture did not 
attract notice in Europe till after 
the voyage of Columbus, nor is it 
described in any work prior to the 
end of the 15th century. It was 
unknown to tiie ancient Greek and 
Roman writers, the passages in 
their works which have been sup- 
posed to refer to it being more ap- 
plicable toother grains, such as the 
holms sorghum. It is not men- 
tioned by the earlier travellers who 
visited China, India, and other parts 
of Asia and Africa, and w^ho were 
very minute in describing the pro- 
ductions of the countries which 
they visited. Acosta, in his Natural 
and Moral History of the Indies, 
(published in 1596,) says, lib. iv. 
ch. 16. " In our discourse on plants 
we will begin with those which are 
proper and peculiar to the Indies. 
As wheat is the most common 
grain for the use of man in the re- 
gions of the old world, so in the 
new found world the most common 
grain is mays, the which is found 
almost in all the kingdoms of the 
West Indies. I do not think that 
this mays is any thing inferior to 

our wheat, in strength nor sub- 
stance. To conclude, God hath 
imparted to every region what is 
needful. To this continent he hath 
given wheat, which is the chief 
nourishment of man ; and to the 
Indians he hath given mays, which 
hath the second place tow-heat, for 
the nourishment of men and beasts." 
"The maize is correctly figured in 
Oviedo's General and Natural His- 
tory of the Indies, in Ramusio, 
Delle Navigationi et Viaggi, iii. fol. 
131. See Hernandez, Historia 
Plantarum Novae Hispanise, lib. 
vi. cap. 44; Lamarck's Botany, 
in the Encvclop^die Methodique, 
xxxvi. 680, 'Planches, 749; and 
Winlhrop's Description of Maize 
in the London Phil. Trans, xi. 1065. 

— The principal argument against 
the American origin of maize 
is that it has never been found 
growing wild in any part of this 
continent. This statement, how- 
ever, is disputed. Cobbett, in his 
Essay on Corn, ch. 2, maintains 
that " the cultivation of Indian 
corn is as old as the world itself," 
fnd draws his chief arguments from 
the following passages of Scripture 

— Matt.xii. 1; 2 Kings, iv.2; Job 
xxiv. 24; Lev. ii. 14; xxiii. 14; 
Deut. xxiii. 24, 25 ; Gen. xli. 5, 
which he thinks are applicable to 
maize, but not to wheat. 

'^ Probably at the Great Hollow. 
F. A mile south of the Pond vil- 
lage, the bank on the bay is inter- 
sected by another valley, called the 
Great Hollow. This valley and 
another near it, towards the south- 
east, called the Great Swamp, con- 
tain several houses. The Great 
Hollow is separated from the Pond 



CHAP, and had a wooden thinir, like a mortar, whelmed on 


— ^— the top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a little hole at 
162 0. the end thereof. We, miising what it might be, dig- 

Nov. ' & & ' to 

16. ged and found a bow, and, as we thought, arrows, but 
they were rotten. We supposed there were many 
other things ; but because we deemed them graves, 
we put in the bow again, and made it up as it was, 
and left the rest untouched, because we thought it 
would be odious unto them to ransack their sepul- 

We went on further and found new stubble, of which 
they had gotten corn this year, and many walnut trees ^ 
full of nuts, and great store of strawberries,^ and some 
vines.^ Passing thus a field or two, which were not 

village by a high hill, which com- 
mands an extensive prospect of the 
ocean, Cape Cod harbour, and the 
opposite shore, as far as the broad 
bluff of Manomet, in Plymouth, 
and the high lands of Marshfield. 

* T. Morton says, ch. 2, "Of 
walnut trees there is infinite store, 
and there are four sorts ; it is an 
excellent wood, for many uses ap- 
proved." Wood says, ch. 5, " the 
walnut tree is something different 
from the English walnut, and bears 
a very good nut, something smaller, 
but nothing inferior in sweetness 
and goodness to the English nut, 
having no bitter peel." And Jossely n 
says, p. 50, " the nuts of the walnut 
differ much from ours in Europe, 
they being smooth, much like a 
nutmeg in shape, and not much 
bigger; some three cornered, all of 
them but thinly replenished with 

^ " There is strawberries," says 
Wood, " in abundance, very large 
ones, some being two inches about; 
one mav gather half a bushel in a 
forenoon." Roger AVilliams, in his 
Key into the Language of America, 
ch. 16, says " This berry is the 
wonder of all the fruits, growing 
naturally in those parts. In some 

places where the natives have 
planted, I have many times seen as 
many as would fill a good ship 
within a few miles' compass." See 
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 221. "The 
common wild strawberry, {fragaria 
Virginiana^Y^ says Bigelow, Plants 
of Boston, p. 215, " is a very deli- 
cious fruit, and when cultivated is 
inferior to few imported species. 
The berries ripen early, are of a 
light scarlet color, exquisitely fla- 
vored, but more soft and perishable 
than the other kinds." 

^ " Vines there are that bear 
grapes of three colors, white, black, 
and red. The country is so apt for 
vines that, but for the fire at the 
spring of the year, the vines would 
so overspread the land, that one 
should not be able to pass for them. 
The fruit is as big, of some, as a 
musket ball, and is excellent in 
taste." T. Morton, ch. 2. " The 
vines afford great store of grapes, 
which are very big, both for the 
grape and cluster, sweet and good. 
These be of two sorts, red and white. 
There is likewise a smaller kind 
of grape, which groweth in the 
islands, which is sooner ripe, and 
more delectable." Wood, ch. 5. 


2:reat, we came to another/ which had also been new chap. 


gotten, and there we found where a house had been, — v-^ 

and four or five old planks laid toirether.- Also we 1620. 

. . Nov. 

found a great kettle, which had been some ship's ket- i6. 

tie, and brought out of Europe. There was also a 

heap of sand,^ made like the former, — but it was 

newly done, we might see how they had paddled it 

with their hands, — which we digged up, and in it we 

found a little old basket, full of fair Indian corn ; and 

digged further, and found a fine great new basket, full 

of very fair corn of this year, with some six and thirty 

goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red, and 

others mixed with blue,"* which was a very goodly sight. 

The basket was round, and narrow at the top. It 

held about three or four bushels, which was as much 

as two of us could lift up from the ground, and was 

very handsomely and cunningly made.^ But whilst 

' From the Great Hollow the in this manner it is preserved from 

sixteen adventurers travelled south destruction or putrefaction, to be 

to tlie hill which terminates in used in case of necessity, and not 

Hopkins's cliff (or Uncle Sam's else." T. Morton, ch. 13. "Their 

hill, as it is now vulgarly called.) corn being ripe, they gather it, and 

This they called Cornhill. The dry it hard in the sun, convey it to 

Indians formerly dwelt in great their barns, which be great holes 

numbers on this hill ; and the digged in the ground, in form of a 

shells, deposited by them on it, are brass pot, ceiled with rinds of trees, 

still ploughed up in abundance, wherein they put their corn." 

Hopkins's cliff'is between the Great Wood, ch. 20. 

Hollow and Hopkins's creek, or ^ This corn of mixed colors on 

Pamet little river, as it is now the same cob, yellow, red, and blue, 

called. is still common at Truro. 

^ This was probably the remains ^ " In summer they gather flags, 

of a hut built by some shipwrecked of which they make mats for 

sailors. houses, and hemp and rushes, with 

^ " Their barns are holes made dying stuff', of which they make 

in the earth, that will hold a hogs- curious baskets, with intermixed 

head of corn apiece. In these, colors, and portraitures of antique 

when their corn is out of the husk, imagery. These baskets be of all 

and well dried, they lay their store sizes, from a quart to a quarter, in 

in great baskets, with mats under, whicli they carry their luggage."" 

about the sides, and on the top; Wood, ch. 30. " Instead of shelves, 

and putting it into the place made they have several baskets, wherein 

for it, they cover it with earth, and they put all their household stuff. 


CHAP, we were busy about these thin£;s, we set our men sen- 

IX "^ 

— ^ tinel in a round ring, all but two or three, which digged 

1620. up the corn. We were in susiDense what to do with it 


16. and the kettle ; and at length, alter much consulta- 
tion, we concluded to take the kettle, and as much of 
the corn as we could carry away with us ; and when 
our shallop came, if we could lind any of the people, 
and come to parley with them, we would give them 
the kettle again, and satisfy them for their corn.^ So 
we took all the ears, and put a good deal of the loose 
corn in the kettle, for two men to bring away on a 
staff. Besides, they that could put any into their 
pockets, filled the same. The rest we buried again ; 
for we were so laden with armor- that we could carry 
no more. 

Not far from this place we found the remainder of 
an old fort or palisado, which, as we conceived, had 
been made bv some Christians.^ This was also hard 
by that place which we thought had been a river ; 
unto which we went, and found it so to be, dividing 
itself into two arms by a high bank,^ standing right 

They have some great bags or ish's grandsons is said to have been 

sacks, made of hemp, which will in possession of his coat of mail, 

hold five or six bushels." Roger His sword and that of Carver and 

Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. Brewster, are in the cabinet of the 

212. Massachusetts Historical Society. 

' It will be seen that within six Some doubt however is thrown on 
months they scrupulously fulfilled this point from the circumstance 
this their honest intention, and that the Pilgrim Society of Ply- 
gave the owners of the corn "full mouth have also in their posses- 
content." The censure of Baylies, sion "the identical sword-blade 
i. 54, on their conduct as " inexcu- used by Miles Standish." See 
sable," and as "compromising their Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 216, 336; 
consciences," might as well have Thacher's History of Plymouth, 
been spared. p. 258, second edition. 

^ It is worthy of notice that the ' Perhaps by the same persons 

Pilgrims were cased in armor. See who owned the kettle and built the 

pages 125 and 123. One of their hut. See page 133. 
corslets would be a far more pre- * Bradford, in his History, as 

cious relic than a cuirass from the quoted by Prince, p. 163, says " a 

field of Waterloo. One of Stand- high cliflf of sand at the entrance." 



bj the cut or moutli, which came from the sea. Th; 
which was next unto us was the less.' The oth( 
arm ^ was more than twice as big, and not unlike to 1^6 2 0. 


be a harbour for ships ; but whether it be a fresh river, i6. 
or only an indraught of the sea, we had no time to 
discover ; for we had commandment to be out but two 
da vs. Here also we saw two canoes : ^ the one on 

This is an accurate description of 
the entrance of Patnet river. The 
high bank of sand, is called Old 
Tom's hill, after an Indian chief, 
who in former times had its seat 
on its summit, and who received 
this name from the first English 
settlers. It is the termination of a 
neck of land situated between the 
two creeks, called Indian Neck, 
it having been reserved to the In- 
dians on the first settlement of 
Truro, about the year 1700. Prince, 
p. 163, has fallen into a great mis- 
take in supposing that Barnstable 
harbour was the place here de- 
scribed. The description does not 
suit the harbour of Barnstable, or 
any other creek or inlet in the bay, 
except Pamet harbour; and, as 
Belknap rightly observes, (Am. 
Biog. ii. 196,) neither the time nor 
distance can agree with Prince's 
conjecture. Biirnstable is fifty 
miles from Cape Cod harbour by 
land; a distance which could not 
have been travelled, and back 
again, in three short days of No- 
vember. F. 

' The smallest creek, which was 
next to the travellers, is called 
Hopkins's creek, or Pamet little 
river. There is on it a body of salt 
marsh, which runs half way across 
the township of Truro. The depth 
of water in this creek, when the 
tide is in, is five feet. F. 

* Pamet river, which is a creek 
forced into the land from the bay, 
and extends almost across the 
township, being separated from the 
ocean by nothing but a narrow 
beach and embankment, which the 
water has been known to break 

over. The creek runs through a 
body of salt marsh. The mouth of 
it lies nearly south-east from Cape 
Cod harbour, nine miles distant. 
It is about a mile south of the 
Great Hollow, and is a little to the 
north of what is called the shoal 
ground, without Billingsgate Point. 
The part of Truro, south of Pamet 
river, on the bav, is called Hog's 
Back. See Mass'. Hist. Coll. iii. 196. 
^ " Of the birch bark the salvages 
of the northern parts make them 
delicate canoes, so light that two 
men will transport one of them 
over land whither they list, and 
one of them will transport ten or 
twelve salvages by water at a time." 
T. Morton, ch. 2. " Their canoes 
are made either of pine trees, which, 
before they were acquainted with 
English tools, they burned hollow, 
scraping them smooth with clam 
shells and oyster shells, cutting 
their outsides with stone hatchets; 
these boats be not above a foot and 
a half or two foot wide, and twenty 
foot long. Their other canoes be 
made of thin birch rinds, close rib- 
bed on the inside with broad thin 
hoops, like the hoops of a tub; 
these are made very light; a man 
may carry one of them a mile; 
being made purposely to carry from 
river to river, and bay to bay, to 
shorten land passages. In these 
cockling fly-boats, wherein an Eng- 
lishman can scarce sit without a 
fearful tottering, they will venture 
to sea, when an English shallop 
dare not bear a knot of sail, scud- 
ding over the overgrown waves as 
fast as a wind-driven ship, being 
driven by their paddles ; being 



CHAP, the one side, the other on the other side.' We could 


--^--^ not believe it was a canoe, till we came near it. So 
1620. ^ve returned, leaving the further discovery hereof to 

Nov. ' & _ J 

16. our shallop, and came that night back agam to the 
fresh water pond ; and there we made our rendezvous 
that night, making a great fire, and a barricado to 
windward of us, and kept good watch with three sen- 
tinels all night, every one standing when his turn 
came, while five or six inches of match ^ was burning. 
It proved a very rainy night. 
Nov. In the morning, we took our kettle and sunk it in 
the pond, and trimmed our muskets, for few of them 
would go off because of the wet ; and so coasted the 
wood ^ again to come home, in which we were shrewdly 
puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered we 
came to a tree, where a young sprit ^ was bowed 
down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. 
Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. 
So as we were looking at it, William Bradford being 
in the rear, when he came looked also upon it, and as 
he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was 
immediately caught by the leg.^ It was a very pretty 

much like battledoors ; if a cross trees and smooth wrought cords ; 

wave (which is seldom) turn her so strong as it will toss a horse if 

keel upside down, they by swim- he be caught in it. An English 

ming free her, and scramble into mare, being strayed from her own- 

her again." Wood, ch. 17. er, and grown wild by her long 

' That is, of the bank, in the two sojourning in the woods, ranging 

arms of the creek. up and down with the wild crew, 

* This proves that their guns stumbled into one of these traps, 

were matchlocks. See p. 125. which stopped her speed, hanging 

^ The wood was terminated by her, like Mahomet's coffin, betwixt 

the Pond, by the side of which they earth and heaven. In these traps 

travelled, and then through a valley, deer, moose, bears, wolves, cats and 

which is continued from it, east, foxes are often caught." " The 

toward the ocean. F. salvages" says T. Morton, ch. 5, 

■* A sapling, a young tree. " take the deer in traps made of 

' Wood says, ch. 15, " their deer their natural hemp, which they 

traps are springs made of young place in the earth, where they fell 


device, made with a rope of their own making, and chap. 


having a noose as artificially made as any roper ^ in ^^-v-L. 
England can make, and as like ours as can be ; which 1620. 

. Nov. 

we brought away with us. In the end we got out of 17.' 
the wood, and were fallen about a mile too high above 
the creek ; ^ where we saw three bucks,*^ but we had 
rather have had one of them. We also did spring three 
couple of partridges ; ^ and as we came along by the 
creek, we saw great flocks of wild geese and ducks,^ 
but they were very fearful of us. So we marched 
some while in the woods, some while on the sands, and 
other while in the water up to the knees ; till at length 
we came near the ship ; ^ and then we shot off our 
pieces, and the long Iwat came to fetch us. Master 
Jones and Master Carver being on the shore, with 
many of our people, came to meet us. And thus we 
came both weary and welcome home ; ^ and delivered 
in our corn into the store to be kept for seed, for we 
knew not how to come by any, and therefore were 
very glad, purposing, so soon as we could meet with 
any of the inhabitants of that place, to make them 
large satisfaction. This was our first discovery, whilst 
our shallop was in repairing. 

Our people did make things as fitting as they could, 

a tree for browse ; and when he * Probably the Canada goose, 

rounds the tree for the browse, if {anser Canadensis,) and the dusky 

he tread on the trap, he is horsed duck, {anas obscura). 

up by the leg, by means of a pole * They probably went down the 

that starts up andcatcheth him," west side of East Harbour creek, 

' Ropeniaker. and near the moutii forded it, as is 

^ This brought them about a still done at low tide. They then 

mile south-east of the head of East waded through Stout's creek, and 

Harbour, and about a mile north of also through Mill creek, near Gull 

the Highland Light. hill, and passed on to the end of 

/ See page 1:^0. Long point, near which the ship 

* The partridge, {perdix Virgini- lay. See note ' on page 120. 

a?ia,) or quail, as it is called in New 'They had been absent three 

England, is still found in Truro. days. 



CHAP, and time would, in seekino; out wood, and helving; of 

IX. . . . 

-^^ — tools, and sawing of timber, to build a new shallop. 

162 0. Btit the discommodiousness of the harbour did much 
hinder us ; for we could neither go to nor come from 
the shore but at high water, which was much to our 
hindrance and hurt ; for oftentimes thej waded to the 
middle of the thigh, and oft to the knees, to go and 
come from land.' Some did it necessarily, and some 
for their own pleasure ; but it brought to the most, if 
not to all, coughs and colds, (the weather proving sud- 
denly cold and stormy,) which afterwards turned to the 
scurvy, whereof many died. 

When our shallop was fit, (indeed before she was 
fully fitted, for there was two days' work after bestowed 
on her,) there was appointed some four and twenty 
men of our own, and armed, then to go and make a 
more full discovery of the rivers before mentioned. 
Master Jones was desirous to go with us, and we took 
such of his sailors as he thought useful for us ; so as 
we were in all about four and thirty men.^ We made 
Master Jones our leader ; for we thought it best herein 

Nov. to g;ratifv his kindness and forwardness.^ When we 

27. ° -^ 

were set forth, ^ it proved rough weather and cross 
winds ; so as we were constrained, some in the shallop, 
and others in the long boat, to row to the nearest shore 
the wind would suffer them to go unto, and then to 
wade out above the knees. The wind was so strong 
as the shallop could not keep the water, but was forced 
to harbour there ^ that night. But we marched six or 

' See note' on page 120. wronged ihem. Seenole' on page 

" Of course ihey had ten of 102. 
Jones's crew. ■• This was ten days after their 

^ This s')ows that they could return from their first excursion, 
have liarbourcd no suspicion * In East Harhour. The men 

that Joaes bad betrayed and who uiarcbed several miles, and 


seven miles further, and appointed the shallop to come chap. 
to us as soon as they could. It blowed and did snow — -^ 
all that day and night, and froze withal. Some of our 16 20. 
people that are dead took the original of their death 

The next day, about eleven o'clock, our shallop came ^ov. 
to us, and we shipped ourselves ; and the wind being 
good, we sailed to the river we formerly discovered, 
which we named Cold Harbour ; to which when we 
came, we found it not navigable for ships ; yet we 
thought it might be a good harbour for boats, for it 
flows there twelve foot at high water. ^ We landed 
our men between the two creeks,^ and marched some 
four or five miles ^ by the greater of them, and the 
shallop followed us. At length night grew on, and our 
men were tired with marching up and down the steep 
hills and deep valleys,^ which lay half a foot thick 
with snow. Master Jones, wearied with marching, 
was desirous we should take up our lodging, though 
some of us would have marched further. So we made 
there our rendezv^ous for that night under a few pine 
trees ; and as it fell out, we got three fat geese ^ and 

what they supposed to be six or straight line. The tradition is, that 

seven miles farther, were landed on Paniel river was formerly deeper 

Beach Point, which forms this har- than it is at present, and therefore 

hour. F. the shallop miaht easily follow 

' See pages 120 and 138. them. F. 

' Tiie mouth of Pamet river is ' This is an exact description of 

twelve feet deep at high water, the land on Pamet river. F. 

Thence the water gradually de- Truro is composed of hills and 

creases to five feet, which is the narrow circular valleys. There are 

depth at the lower bridge. This is also some long valleys, running at 

to be understood of the lowest tides, right angles with the shore. The 

during the summer. F. tops of some of the hills spread 

^ The men were landed al the out into a plain, 

foot of Old Tom's hill. F. ® " There are three kinds of 

, ■* From Old Tom's hill to the goose, the gray goose, the while 

head of Pamet river the distance goose, and the brant." Josselyn, 

is about three miles and a half, as p. 9. "There are geese of three 

the hills run, or three miles in a sorts, viz. b.rant geese, which are 




CHAP, six ducks ^ to our supper, which we eat with soldiers' 
— v-^ stomachs, for we had eaten httle all that day. Our 
1620. resolution was, next morning to go up to the head of 
this river, for we supposed it would prove fresh water. 
But in the morning our resolution held not, because 
many liked not the hilliness of the soil and badness of 
the harbour. So we turned towards the other creek, 
that we might go over and look for the rest of the corn 
that we left behind when we were here before. When 
we came to the creek, we saw the canoe lie on the 
dry ground, and a flock of geese in the river, at which 
one made a shot and killed a couple of them ; and we 
launched the canoe and fetched them, and when we 
had done, she carried us over by seven or eight at 
once. This done, we marched to the place where 
we had the corn formerly, which place we called 
Conihill ; and digged and found the rest, of which 

pied, and white geese which are 
bigcer, and gray geese wliich are 
as big and bigger than the tame 
geese of England, with black legs, 
black bills, heads and necks black ; 
the flesh far more excellent than 
the geese of England, wild or 
tame. There is of them great 
abundance ; I have had often a 
thousand before the mouth of my 
gun." T. Morton, eh. 4. "The 
geese of the country be of three 
sorts; first a brant goose, which is 
a goose ahnost like the wild goose 
of England. The second kind is 
a white goose, almost as big as an 
English tame goose; these come in 
great flocks about Michaelmas; 
sometimes there will be two or 
three thousand in a flock ; those 
continue six weeks, and so fly to 
the southward, returning in March, 
and staying six weeks more, re- 
turning to the northward. The 
third kind of goose is a great gray 
goose, with a black neck and a 

black and white head, strong of 
flight, and these be a great deal 
bigger than the ordinary geese of 
England ; most of these geese re- 
main with us from Michaelmas to 
April. They feed on the sea, upon 
the grass in bays at low water, and 
gravel, and in the woods of acorns, 
having, as other fowl have, their 
pass and repass to the northward 
and southward." Wood, ch. S. 

' " Ducks there are of three kinds, 
pied ducks, gray ducks, and black 
ducks, in great abundance ; they are 
biscer bodied tlian the tame ducks 
of England." T. Morion, ch. 4. 
" The ducks of the country be very 
large ones, and in great abundance. 
So there is of teal likewise. If I 
should tell you how some have 
killed a hundred geese in a week, 
fifty ducks at a shot, forty teal at 
another, it may be counted almost 
impossible, though nothing more 
certain." Wood, ch. 8. 


we were very glad. We also digged in a place a chap. 
little further off, and found a bottle of oil. We went ---^ 
to another place, which we had seen before, and dig- 16 20. 
ged, and found more corn, viz. two or three baskets 
full of Indian wheat, and a bag of beans, with a good 
many of fair wheat ^ ears. Whilst some of us were dig- 
ging up this, some others found another heap of corn, 
which they digged up also ; so as we had in all about 
ten bushels, which will serve us sufficiently for seed. 
And sure it was God's good providence that we found 
this corn, for else we know not how we should have 
done ; for we knew not how we should find or meet 
with any of the Indians, except it be to do us a mis- 
chief. Also, we had never in all likelihood seen a 
grain of it, if we had not made our first journey ; for 
the ground was now covered with snow, and so hard 
frozen that we were fain with our curtlaxes^ and short 
swords to hew and carve the ground a foot deep, and 
then wrest it up with levers, for we had forgot to bring 
other tools. Whilst we were in this employment, foul 
weather being towards. Master Jones was earnest to 
go aboard ; but sundry of us desired to make further 
discovery, and to find out the Indians' habitations. So 
we sent home with him our weakest people, and some 
that were sick, and all the corn : and eighteen of us 
stayed still and lodged there that night, and desired 
that the shallop might return to us next day, and bring 
us some mattocks and spades with them. 

The next morning, we followed certain beaten paths Nov, 


and tracks of the Indians into the woods, supposing 
they would have led us into some town or houses. 
After we had gone a while, we light upon a very 

* Indian corn is still meant. F. * Cutlasses. 


CHAP, broad beaten path, well nigh two foot broad. Then 
— '-^ we lighted all our matches,' and prepared ourselves, 
1620. concluding; that we were near their dwellings. But, 

Nov. . '^ , b ' 

30. in the end, we found it to be only a path^ made to 
drive deer in, when the Indians hunt, as we supposed. 
When we had marched five or six miles into the 
woods, and could find no signs of any people, we re- 
turned again another way ; and as we came into the 
plain ground, we found a place like a grave, but it was 
much bigger and longer than any we had yet seen. It 
was also covered with boards, so as we mused what it 
should be, and resolved to dig it up ; where we found 
first a mat, and under that a fair bow, and then ^ an- 
other mat, and under that a board about three quar- 
ters ^ long, finely carved and painted ; with three tines 
or broaches ^ on the top, like a crown. Also between 
the mats we found bowls, trays, dishes, and such like 
trinkets. At length we came to a fair new mat, and 
under that two bundles, the one bigger, the other less. 
We opened the greater, and found in it a great quan- 
tity of fine and perfect red powder, and in it the bones 
and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow hair 
still on it, and some of the flesh unconsumed. There 
was bound up with it a knife, a packneedle, and two 
or three old iron things. It was bound up in a sailor's 

' See note ^ on page 125. gut of this hedge, they set deer 

* " The Indians," says Wood, traps." See the description of them 

ch. 15, "have other devices to kill on page 136. 

their game, as sometimes hedges a ' In the originaW^erc — undoubt- 
rnile or two miles long, being a edly a typographical error, 
mile wide at one end, and made * Of a yard, 
narrower and narrower by degrees, * Tines, prongs; broaches, spits, 
leaving only a gap of six foot long. Tines is a word still in common 
over against which, in the day use in the interior of New Eng- 
time, they lie lurking to shoot the land ; e. g. the tines of a pitch- 
deer which come through that fork, 
narrow gut ; in the night, at the 


canvass cassock and a pair of cloth breeches.' The chap. 


red powder was a kind of embalment, and yielded a 
strong, but no offensive smell; it was as fine as any ^ 6 20. 
flour. We opened the less bundle likewise, and found 30. 
of the same powder in it, and the bones and head of a 
little child. About the legs and other parts of it was 
bound strings and bracelets of fine white beads.^ 
There was also by it a little bow, about three quarters 
long, and some other odd knacks.^ We brought sun- 
dry of the prettiest things away with us, and covered 
the corpse up again. After this we digged in sundry 
like places, but found no more corn, nor any thing else 
but graves. 

There was variety of opinions amongst us about the 
embalmed person. Some thought it was an Indian 
lord and king. Others said, the Indians have all black 
hair, and never any was seen with brown or yellow 
hair. Some thought it was a Christian of some spe- 
cial note, which had died amongst them, and they thus 
buried him to honor him. Others thought they had 
killed him, and did it in triumph over him. 

Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two of 
the sailors which were newly come on the shore, ^ by 
chance espied two houses, which had been lately dwelt 
in, but the people were gone. They having their 

' See pages 133 nnd 134. plank upon ihe top, in the form of 

* Waiiipoin, made of the peri- a chest, before they rover the place 

■winkle. F. with earth." And Roger WilJianis 

^ " It is their custom," says says, cii. 32, " after the dead is laid 

Wood, eh. 19, "to bury with their in the grave, sometimes, in some 

deceased friends their bows and parts, some goods are cast in with 

arrows, and good store of their them ; and upon the grave is spread 

wampompeag." Morton says, ch. the mat that the party died on, and 

IJ, that " in the grave of the more the dish he ate in." 
noble they put a plank in the hot- * Having come from the ship 

torn for the corpse to be laid upon, in the shallop when she relumed 

and oa each side a plank, aud a afier carrying Jones on board. 


CHAP, pieces, and hearing nobody, entered the houses, and 
— -^- took out some things, and durst not stay, but came 
162 0. again and told us. So some seven or eight of" us went 

Nov. ^. ^ . . . 

30. With them, and found how we had gone within a flight 
shot of them before. The houses ^ were made with 
long young sapling trees bended, and both ends stuck 
into the ground. They were made round, like unto 
an arbour, and covered down to the ground with thick 
and well wrought mats ; and the door was not over a 
yard high, made of a mat to open. The chimney was 
a wide open hole in the top ; for which they had a mat 
to cover it close when they pleased. One might stand 
and go upright in them. In the midst of them were 
four little trunches^ knocked into the ground, and 
small sticks laid over, on which they hung their pots, 
and what they had to seethe. Round about the fire 
they lay on mats, which are their beds. The houses 
were double matted; for as they were matted with- 
out, so were they within, with newer and fairer 
mats. In the houses we found wooden bowls, trays, 
and dishes, earthen pots,^ hand-baskets made of crab- 
shells wrought together ; also an English pail or buck- 
et ;'' it wanted a bail, but it had two iron ears. There 
was also baskets of sundry sorts, bigger and some 
lesser, finer and some coarser. Some were curiously 

' For the description of the In- little and mean. The pots they 

dian wigwams, see Roger Wil- seethe their food in are made of clay 

liams's Key, ch. 6; Wood's New or earth, almost in the form of an 

England's Prospect, ch. 20; Mor- egg, the top taken off. Their 

ton's New English Canaan, ch. 4; dishes and spoons and ladles are 

and Gookin's Historical Collections made of wood, very sn)ooth and 

of the Indians in New England, ch. artificial, and of a sort of wood not 

3, sec. 4, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. subject to split." Gookin, ch. 3, 

' Truncheons, sticks. sec. 6. 

' "They have dainty wooden "* This probably belonged to the 

bowls of maple, of high price persons who built the hut and 

amongst them." T. Morton, ch. owned the kettle, mentioned on 

12. " Their household stuff is but page 133. 


wrought with black and white in pretty works, and chap. 
sundry other of their household stuffJ We found also ^^C-^ 
two or three deer's heads, one whereof had been newly 16 20. 

"^ Nov. 

killed, for it was still fresh. There was also a com- 30. 
pany of deer's feet stuck up in the houses, harts' horns, 
and eagles' claws, and sundry such like things there 
was ; also two or three baskets full of parched acorns,^ 
pieces of fish, and a piece of a broiled herring. We 
found also a little silk grass, and a little tobacco seed, 
with some other seeds which we knew not. Without 
was sundry bundles of flags, and sedge, bulrushes, and 
other stuff' to make mats.^ There was thrust into a 
hollow tree two or three pieces of venison ; but we 
thought it fitter for the dogs than for us. Some of the 
best things we took away with us, and left the houses 
standing still as they were. 

So it growing towards night, and the tide almost 
spent, we hasted with our things down to the shallop, 
and got aboard that night, intending to have brought 
some beads and other things to have left in the houses, 
in sign of peace, and that we meant to truck with 
them ; but it was not done by means of our hasty 
coming away from Cape Cod. But so soon as we 

^ " Some of their baskets are velty." Williams's Key, ch. 16. 

made of rushes, some of bents, " They mix with their pottage, 

others of maize husks, others of a several sorts of nuts or masts, as 

kind of sz7A- ^ross, others of a kind oak acorns, chestnuts, walnuts; 

of wild hemp, and some of barks these husked, and dried, and pow- 

of trees; many of them very neat dered, they thicken their pottage 

and artificial, with the portraitures therewith." Gookin, ch. 3, sec. 5. 

of birds, beasts, fishes and flowers ^ " They make mats of several 

upon them in colors." Gookin, ch. sorts, for covering their houses and 

3, sec. 6. doors, and to sleep and sit upon. 

* " They also dry acorns ; and in The meaner sort of wigwams are 

case of want of corn, by much boil- covered with mats made of a kind 

in^ they make a good dish of them ; of bulrush." Gookin, ch. 3, sec. 4 

yea, sometimes in plenty of corn, and 6. 
do they eat these acorns for a no- 



CHAP, can meet conveniently with them, we will give them 

IX . 

■--v-^ full satisfaction.' Thus much of our second discovery. 
16 20. Havino; thus discovered this place, it was controver- 

Dec. ® . 

sal ^ amongst us what to do touching our abode and 
settling there.^ 

Some thought it best, for many reasons, to abide 
there. As first, that there was a convenient harbour 
for boats, though not for ships. Secondly, good corn- 
ground ready to our hands, as we saw by experience 
in the goodly corn it yielded, which would again agree 
with the ground and be natural seed for the same. 
Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good 
fishing ; for we saw daily great whales, of the best 
kind for oil and bone, come close aboard our ship, and, 
in fair weather, swim and play about us. There was 
once one, when the sun shone warm, came and lay 
above water, as if she had been dead, for a good while 
together, within half a musket shot of the ship ; at 
which two were prepared to shoot, to see whether she 
would stir or no. He that gave fire first, his musket 
flew in pieces, both stock and barrel ; yet, thanks be 
to God, neither he nor any man else was hurt with it, 
though many were there about. But when the whale 
saw her time, she gave a snuff, and away. Fourthly, 
the place was likely to be healthful, secure, and defen- 

But the last and especial reason was, that now the 
heart of winter and unseasonable weather was come 
upon us, so that we could not go upon coasting and 
discovery without danger of losing men and boat, upon 

' See page 137 and note ' on page ' That is, at Pamet river. 

* Controverted, says Morton, in 
his Memorial, page 42. 


which would follow the overthrow of all, especially chap. 
considerino; what variable winds and sudden storms do -^--^ 

there arise. Also, cold and wet lodgino; had so tainted 1620 

^ * Dec. 

our people, (for scarce any of us were free from vehe- 
ment coughs,) as if they should continue long in that 
estate, it would endanger the lives of many, and breed 
diseases and infection amongst us. Again, we had 
yet some beer, butter, flesh, and other such victuals 
left, which would quickly be all gone ; and then we 
should have nothing to comfort us in the great labor 
and toil we were likely to undergo at the first. It 
was also conceived, whilst we had competent victuals, 
that the ship would stay with us ; but when that grew 
low, they would be gone, and let us shift as we could. 

Others, again, urged greatly the going to Anguum, 
or Angoum,' a place twenty leagues off to the north- 
wards, which they had heard to be an excellent harbour 
for ships, better ground, and better fishing. Secondly, 
for any thing we knew, there might be hard by us a 
far better seat ; and it should be a great hindrance to 
seat where ' we should remove again. Thirdly, the 
water was but in ponds ; and it was thought there 
would be none in summer, or very little. Fourthly, 
the water there must be fetched up a steep hill.^ 

But to omit many reasons and replies used hereabouts, 
it was in the end concluded to make some discovery 

' Agawam, Ipswich ; Smith calls building their town, for protection 

itAugoam. Little was known at against the Indians, on tlie high 

this time of Massachusetts Bay, or bank, called Old Tom's hill, near 

the distances from one place to the entrance of Pamet river. This 

another ; that little was derived hill is still very steep. There is a 

from Smith's map and Description Avell now in front of it on the shore, 

of New England. See Mass. Hist, where vessels water. The Pilcrims 

Coll. xxiii. 1, and xxvi. 118. seemed to have relied on runnmg 

* Perhaps an error for whence. streams, and never thought ol sink- 

^ I suppose they contemplated ing wells. 



CHAP, within the bay ; but in no case so far as Angoum. 
^^^ Besides, Robert Coppin, our pilot,^ made relation of a 
16 20. oieat navigable river and good harbour in the other head- 
land of the bay,- almost right over against Cape Cod, 
being, in ^ a right line, not much above eight leagues 
distant, in which he had been once ; and because that 
one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking 
stole a harping iron' from them, they called it Thievish 
Harbour. And beyond that place they were enjoined 
not to go. Whereupon a company was chosen to go 
out upon a third discovery. Whilst some were em- 
ployed in this discovery, it pleased God that Mistress 
White was brought a bed of a son, which was called 

The 5th day we, through God's mercy, escaped a 
great danger by the foolishness of a boy, one of Fran- 


* Coppin was second mate of the 

^ The other headland of the bay 
was Manomet Point, and the river 
was probably the North river, in 

^ The word in I insert from Mor- 
ton, p. 43. 

* A harpoon. 

* In the Boston News Letter, of 
July 31, 1704, the 15th No. of the 
first newspaper printed in New 
England, is the following article of 
intelligence. " Marshfield, July 
22, Captain Peregrine White, of 
this town, aged 83 years and eight 
months, died here the 20lh inst. 
He was vigorous and of a comely 
aspect to the last ; was the son of 
William While and Susanna his 
wife, born on board the Mayflower, 
Capt. Jones commander, in Cape 
Cod harbour, Nov. 1620, the first 
Englishman born in New Eng- 
land." In the records of Plymouth 
Colony is the following entry under 
Oct. 1665, when Thomas Prince 
was governor. " In reference unto 
the request of the King's commis- 

sioners in behalf of Lieut. Pere- 
grine White, desiring that the 
Court would accommodate him 
with a portion of land, in respect 
that he was the first of the English 
that was born in these parts ; and 
in answer unto his own petition 
preferred to this Court respecting 
the premises, the Court have grant- 
ed unto him 200 acres of land, ly- 
ing and being at the path that goes 
from Bridgewater to the Bay, ad- 
joining to the Bay line." A list of 
his descendants, some of whom are 
still living, may be seen in Thach- 
er's Plymouth, p. 23. 

" Dec. 4, dies Edward Thomson, 
servant of Mr. White, the first that 
dies since their arrival. Dec. 6, 
dies Jasper, a boy of Mr. Carver's. 
Dec. 7, Dorothy, wife to Mr. Wil- 
liam Bradford, (drowned.) Dec. 8, 
James Chilton." Gov. Bradford, 
in Prince, p. 165. Prince had 
Bradford's pocket-book, which con- 
tained a register of deaths, births, 
and marriages, from Nov. 6, 1620, 
to the end of March, 1621. 



cis Billington's sons,' who, in his father's absence, had chap. 


got gunpowder, and had shot off a piece or two, and 
made squibs; and there being a fowling-piece charged 1620. 
in his father's cabin, shot her off in the cabin ; there 
being a little barrel of powder half full, scattered in 
and about the cabin, the fire being within four foot of 
the bed between the decks, and many flints and iron 
things about the cabin, and many people about the 
fire ; and yet, by God's mercy, no harm done. 

Wednesday, the 6th of December, it was resolved Dec. 
our discoverers should set forth, for the day before was 
too foul weather, — and so they did, though it was 
well o'er the day ere all things could be ready. So 
ten of our men were appointed who were of them- 
selves willing to undertake it, to wit. Captain Stand- 
ish. Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward Wins- 
loe, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John Houland,^ and 

• Billington was not one of the 
Leydeti church, but slipped in 
among the Pilgrims in England. 
His accession was of no benefit to 
the colony. He was a mischievous 
and troublesome fellow. The first 
offence in the settlement was com- 
mitted by him. In March, 1621, 
he was " convented before the 
whole company for contempt of the 
Captain's (Standish) lawful com- 
mands, with opprobrious speeches, 
for which he was adjudged to have 
his neck and heels tied together." 
Gov. Bradford, in a letter to Cush- 
man, written June 9, 1625, says, 
" Billington still rails against you, 
and threatens to arrest you, I know 
not wherefore. He is a knave, and 
so will live and die." The pro- 
phecy was fulfilled, for he was hung 
in Oct. 1630, for waylaying and 
shooting a young man, named John 
Newcomen. Gov. Bradford says, 
in his History, " The said Billington 
was one of the profanest among us. 

He came from London, and I know 
not by what friends shuffled into 
our company." John, his eldest son, 
who probably fired the powder, was 
a young scape-grace, who the next 
spring wandered off down the Cape 
as far as Eastham, causing great 
anxiety to the infant colony, and 
putting them to the trouble of send- 
ing an expedition after him. Fran- 
cis, the other son, was the disco- 
verer of Billington sea, which will 
immortalize the name. The mo- 
ther's name was Helen. See 
Prince, pp. 189, 192, and 319. 
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 37; Hutchin- 
son's Mass. ii. 464; Hubbard's 
New England, p. 101. 

^ John Howland, the 13th signer 
of the Compact, is counted as be- 
longing to Carver's family, whose 
daughter Elizabeth he married. 
The Plymouth Colony records say 
that " he was an ancient professor 
of the ways of Christ ; one of the 
first comers, and proved a useful 



CHAP, three of London,^ Richard Warren,^ Steeven Hopkins, 
-^v— and Edward Dotte, and two of our ^ seamen, John 
162 0. Alderton and Thomas English. Of the ship's com- 
pany there went two of the master's mates, Master 
Clarke and Master Coppin, the master gunner, and 
three sailors.^ The narration of which discovery fol- 
lows, penned by one ' of the company. 

Wednesday, the 6th of December, we set out, being 
very cold and hard weather. We were a long while, 
after we launched from the ship, before we could get 
clear of a sandy point,^ which lay within less than a fur- 
In which time two were very sick, 



long of the same. 

instrument of good, and was the 
last of the male survivors of those 
who came over in the Mayflower 
in 1620, and whose place of abode 
was Plymouth." John Alden, of 
Duxbury, outlived him 15 years. 
The last survivor of the Mayflower 
was Mary Cushraan, daughter of 
Isaac Allerton, who was alive in 
1698. Rowland died in 1672 at 
Rocky Nook, in Kingston, aged 
80. He had four sons and six 
daughters, some of whose descend- 
ants are still living in the Old 
Colony and in Rhode Island. A 
genealogy of the family, written by 
one of them, the venerable John 
Rowland, President of the R. I. 
Historical Society, is inserted in 
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 129. See 
Farmer's Genealogical Register of 
the First Settlers of New England, 
A pp. art. Howland; Mitchell's 
Bridgewater, p. 379 ; Hutchinson's 
Mass. ii. 456, 462. 

' They were therefore not mem- 
bers of Robinson's congregation at 
Leyden. See p. 78, and note ' on 
p. 122 of this volume. 

^ Richard Warren, the 12th sign- 
er of the Compact, with the honor- 
able prefix of Mr. is mentioned by 
Bradford as a most useful man, 
during the short time he lived, 
bearing a deep share in the difficul- 

ties and troubles of the plantation. 
He died in 1628. His widow, 
Elizabeth, survived him about 45 
years, dying in 1673, at the age of 
90. They had two sons and five 
daughters. His descendants per- 
petuate the name in Plymouth, 
New Bedford, Lowell, Boston, New 
York, and elsewhere. At the par- 
tition of the lands in 1623, Rich- 
ard Warren's lot was assigned him 
near Eel river. The farm has con- 
tinued in the possession of his pos- 
terity till within a few years. See 
Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 462; Mor- 
ton's Memorial, p. 135 ; Thacher's 
Plymouth, p. 71. 

^ They were not a part of the 
Mayflower's crew, but were in- 
tended to remain in the country 
and to manage the Speedwell, had 
she come over. Their occupation 
at present, I suppose, was to take 
charge of the shallop, until another 
small vessel should be sent over; 
which took place in Aug. 1623, 
when a pinnace of 44 tons, called 
the Little James, arrived. 

'' There were 18 in all ; among 
whom were 12 out of the 41 sign- 
ers of the Compact. 

* I take it to be Bradford. See 
note ' on pnge 115. 

' The end of Long Point. F. 


and Edward Tilley had like to have sounded ^ with chap. 


cold. The gunner also was sick unto death, (but 
hope of trucking made him to go,) and so remained 1^20. 
all that day and the next night. At length we got 6. 
clear of the sandy point, and got up our sails, and 
within an hour or two we got under the weather 
shore,^ and then had smoother water and better sailing. 
But it was very cold ; for the water froze on our 
clothes, and made them many times like coats of iron. 
We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but 
saw neither river nor creek. At length we met with 
a tongue of land, being flat off from the shore, with a 
sandy point.^ We bore up to gain the point, and 
found there a fair income or road of a bay, being a 
league over at the narrowest, and some two or three 
in length ; but we made right over to the land before 
us, and left the discovery of this income till the next 
day. As we drew near to the shore, ^ we espied some 
ten or twelve Indians very busy about a black thing, — 
what it was we could not tell, — till afterwards they 
saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been carry- 
ing something away. We landed a league or two from 
them,^ and had much ado to put ashore any where, it 

* Swooned. Nothing further is then joined the land north of it ; 

known of Edward Tilley than that but it is now an island, having 

he brought his wife with him, and been cut off' by a ditch many years 

had two other individuals in his since ; and beingconstantly washed 

family, probably his children, and by the tide, there is now a passage 

died before the end of March. John for small light vessels to pass at 

Tilley, who was also one of this full sea. Welfleet bay is, as here 

exploring party, was probably a described, a league over at the nar- 

brotherof Edward. Healsobrought rowest and two or three in length, 

his wife and one other person, most The distance from Long Point to 

likely a child, and died before the Billingsgate Point is seven leagues, 

end of March. The name does not See Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 41. 

appear in the division of the cattle ■* In Eastham, north of Great 

in 1627. pond. 

» The shore of Truro. ^ South. 

' Billingsgate Point. This point 





CHAP, lay so full of flat sands.' When we came to shore, 


■— -^ we made us a barricade, and got firewood, and set out 
1620. sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it was. 
We saw the smoke of the fire which the savages made 
that night, about four or five miles from us. 

In the morning we divided our company, some eight 
in the shallop, and the rest on the shore went to dis- 
cover this place. But we found it only to be a bay,^ 
without either river or creek coming into it. Yet we 
deemed it to be as good a harbour as Cape Cod ; for 
they that sounded it found a ship might ride in five 
fathom water. AVe on the land found it to be a level ^ 
soil, though none of the fruitfullest. We saw two 
becks ^ of fresh water, which were the first running 
streams that we saw in the country ; but one might 
stride over them. We found also a great fish, called a 
grampus,^ dead on the sands. They in the shallop 

' A sandy flat, a mile wide, ex- 
tends along the western shore 
of Easthatn, from Dennis to the 
bounds of Wellfleet. It is left dry 
about three hours, and may easily 
be crossed by horses and carriages. 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155. 

" Wellfleet harbour, which is 
large, indented within with creeks, 
where vessels of 70 or SO tons may 
lie. Large ships may lie safe in 
what is called the Deep Hole, near 
the town. There are five and a 
half fathom of water in the har- 
bour. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 

^ The land in Eastham is a level 

■• Becks — brooks. One of these 
no doubt was Indian brook, which 
forms the boundary between East- 
ham and Wellfleet, and runs into 
the harbour of Silver Springs. 
The spring from which it issues 
has a white sand at the bottom, re- 
sembling that metal. The other 
was probably Cook's brook, in 

Eastham, three quarters of a mile 
south of Indian brook, or possibly 
Snow's brook, a mile further south. 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 41, and 
viii. 155. 

* The grampus, {grand-poisson, 
Fr., grapois, Norm., delphinus 
orca,) is the largest and most re- 
markable species of the genus 
Phocsena, of the cetaceous order of 
Mammalia. It is a large animal, 
half the size of the Greenland full- 
grown whale, being often seen from 
25 to 30 feet in length, and 10 or 
12 in circumference. The color is 
black above, suddenly giving place 
to white on the sides, which is con- 
tinued over the abdomen. Indi- 
viduals of this species are some- 
times thrown ashore on the Cape, 
20 feet long, and having four inches 
of blubber. See Jardine's Natu- 
ralist's Library, Mammalia, vi. 228 
— 232; Shaw's Zoology, Mam- 
malia, vol. ii. part ii. p. SlS; Jos- 
selyn, p. 26, 


found two of them also in the bottom of the bay, dead chap. 
in like sort. They were cast up at high water, and -^^ 
could not get off for the frost and ice. They were 1620. 
some five or six paces long, and about two inches thick 7. 
of fat, and fleshed like a swine. They would have 
yielded a great deal of oil, if there had been time and 
means to have taken it. So we finding nothing for 
our turn, both we and our shallop returned. 

We then directed our course along the sea sands to 
the place where we first saw the Indians.^ When we 
were there, we saw it was also a grampus which they 
were cutting up. They cut it into long rands ^ or 
pieces, about an ell long and two handfuU broad. We 
found here and there a piece scattered by the way, as 
it seemed for haste. This place the most were minded 
we should call the Grampus Bay,^ because we found 
so many of them there. We followed the track of the 
Indians' bare feet a good way on the sands. At length 
we saw where they struck into the woods by the side 
of a pond.^ As we went to view the place, one said 
he thought he saw an Indian house among the trees ; so 
went up to see. And here we and the shallop lost sight 
one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten 
o'clock. So we light on a path, but saw no house, 
and followed a great way into the woods. At length 
we found where corn had been set, but not that year. 
Anon, we found a great burying-place, one part whereof 
was encompassed with a large palisado, like a church- 

^ They went back, north, to- forty feet wide, separates it from 

wards Wellfleet harbour. Long pond ; the distance of which 

** Rands — strips. from Mill pond, connected with the 

' Wellfleet harbour. northern arm of Nauset harbour, is 

/* Great pond, in Eastham, north not more than a furlong. A canal 

of which they landed. F. This might thus be easily cut, connect- 

pond is a quarter of a mile from ing the bay with the ocean. See 

the shore. A narrow neck, about Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 156. 



CHAP, yard, with young spires,' four or five yards long, set as 
J^^ close one by another as they could, two or three foot 
1620. in the ground. Within it was full of graves, some 
^r* bijjo-er and some less. Some were also paled about ; 
and others had like an Indian house ^ made over them, 
but not matted. Those graves were more sumptuous 
than those at Cornhill ; yet we digged none of them 
up, but only viewed them and went our way. With- 
out the palisado were graves also, but not so costly, 
From this place we went and found more corn-ground, 
but not of this year. As we ranged, we light on four 
or five Indian houses, which had been lately dwelt in ; 
but they w^ere uncovered, and had no mats about them ; 
else they were like those w^e found at Cornhill,^ but 
had not been so lately dwelt in. There was nothing 
left but two or three pieces of old mats, and a little 
sedge. Also, a little further, we found two baskets 
full of parched acorns ^ hid in the ground, which we 
supposed had been corn when we began to dig the 
same ; we cast earth thereon again, and went our 
way. All this while we saw no people. 

We went ranging up and down till the sun began 
to draw low, and then we hasted out of the woods, 
that we might come to our shallop ; which, when we 
were out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and 
called them to come unto us ; the which they did as 
soon as they could, for it was not yet high water. 
They were exceeding glad to see us, for they feared 

' Spires — twisted or wreathed saw the grave of Nanepashemet, 

boughs. the deceased king, surrounded by a 

" "Over the grave of the more no- palisado, and over it " the frame of 

ble they erect something in form of a house, wherein, being dead, he 

a hearse-cloth." T. Morton, ch. 17. lay buried." See page 142. 

The Pilgrims, on their first visit to ^ See page 144. 

IMassachusetts Bay, in Sept. 1621, *. See note ' on page 145. 



16 20. 


because they had not seen us in so long a time, think- ^^^^ 
ing we would have kept by the shore side. So being '^ 
both weary and faint, — for we had eaten nothing all 
that day, — we fell to make our rendezvous and get 
firewood, which always costs us a great deal of labor. 
By that time we had done, and our shallop come to 
us,^ it was within night ; and we fed upon such vict- 
uals as we had, and betook us to our rest, after we 
had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a 
great and hideous cry ; and our sentinels called, ^^Arm ! 
Arm ! " So we bestirred ourselves, and shot off a 
couple of muskets, and the noise ceased. We con- 
cluded that it was a company of wolves or foxes ; for 
one ^ told us he had heard such a noise in Newfound- 

' It appears from Gov. Bradford's 
MS. History, quoted by Prince, p. 
165, that the shallop coasted along 
the shore, south, and that towards 
night the people on land met it at a 
creek. This Morton, in his Memo- 
rial, p. 44, conjectures to be Nam- 
skeket, which is the dividing line 
between Orleans and Brewster. 
But it may with more probability 
be concluded that it was Great 
Meadow creek, in Eastham. If 
the travellers had gone as far as 
Namskeket, they must have crossed 
Great Meadow creek, then, half a 
mile south, Boat Meadow creek, 
then, half a mile further south. 
Rock Harbour creek, and then, a 
mile southwest. Little Namskeket 
creek ; or they must have passed 
round their heads, which, at a time 
when the country was covered with 
a forest very difficult to be pene- 
trated, would have been no easy 
task. Namskeket creek was best 
known to the first settlers of Ply- 
mouth; and this appears to have 
been the cause of Morton's supposi- 
tion. F. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
viii. 155, 188. 

* Probably either Clark or Cop- 
pin, the mates of the Mayflower, 
who had been on the coast before. 
See pp. 85 and 148. 

^ Newfoundland was not disco- 
vered in 1497 by Sebastian Cabot. 
See Biddle's Life of Cabot, book i. 
ch. 6. Captain Ptichard Whit- 
bourne, who wrote a book, printed 
in London in 1622, entitled "A 
Discourse and Discovery of New- 
found-land," says that he was first 
there in 1582, and again in 1586, 
" at which time Sir Humfrey Gil- 
bert, a Devonshire knight, came 
thither with two good ships and a 
pinnace, and brought with him a 
large patent from the late most re- 
nowned Queen Elizabeth, and in 
her name took possession of that 
country, in the harbour of St. John's, 
whereof I was an eye-witness." 
Whitbourne was at Newfoundland 
again in 1588, 1611, 1614, 1615, 
and 1618. Clark or Coppin may 
have gone in one of his ships. 
Whitbourne says, p. 8, " In divers 
parts of the country there are many 
foxes, wolves, and bears. In 1615, 
three several times the wolves and 


CHAP. About five o'clock in the morning we "began to be 
^^^ stinino- ; and two or three, which doubted whether 
162 0. their pieces would go off or no, made trial of them and 
8.^' shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After prayer ^ 
we prepared ourselves for breakfast, and for a journey ; 
and it being now the twilight in the morning, it was 
thought meet to carry the things down to the shallop. 
Some said, it was not best to carry the armor ^ down. 
Others said, they would be readier. Two or three 
said, they would not carry theirs till they went them- 
selves, but mistrusting nothing at all. As it fell out, 
the water not being high enough, they laid the things 
down upon the shore, and came up to breakfast. 
Anon, all upon a sudden, we heard a great and strange 
cry, which we knew to be the same voices, though 
they varied their notes. One of our company, being 
abroad, came running in, and cried, " They are men ! 
Indians ! Indians ! " and withal their arrows came fly- 
ing amongst us. Our men ran out with all speed to 
recover their arms ; as by the good providence of God 
they did. In the mean time, Captain Miles Standish, 
having a snaphance ^ ready, made a shot ; and after 

beasts of the country came down were permitted to interfere with 
to the sea-side, near to 48 persons their stated devotions, 
of my company, who were laboring * See note ^ on page 134. 
about their fish, howling and male- ^ A snaphance is a musket with 
ing a noise." Wiutbourne's book a flint-lock. In 1643 the house- 
was published by royal authority, holders at Plymouth were " ordered 
and distributed throughout the se- to be furnished with approved 
veral parishes of the kingdom. A arras, viz. muskets with snaphance, 
contribution too was ordered by the or mate blocks with match calivers, 
Privy Council to be taken in the and carbines, which are allowed, 
p-irish churches to defray the ex- and also fowling-pieces." At the 
pense of the printing, and as time of Philip's war, in 1675, snap- 
" some reward to him for his great hances were rare, yet a few of them 
charge, travails, and divers losses were used. See Mass. Hist. Coll, 
at sea." xiii. 183, and Haven's Centennial 

' This incidental remark shows Address at Dedham, p. 61. 
the religious character of the Pil- Meyrick, in his Critical Inquiry 

grims. No dangers or hardships into Ancient Armour, iii. 88, points 


him another. After they two had shot, other two of chap. 


us were ready ; but he wished us not to shoot till we 
could take aim, for we knew not what need we should 1620. 

have ; and there were four only of us which had their s. 

arms there ready, and stood before the open side of 
our barricado, which was first assaulted. They thought 
it best to defend it, lest the enemy should take it and 
our stuff; and so have the more vantage against us. 
Our care was no less for the shallop ; but we hoped all 
the rest would defend it. We called unto them to 
know how it was with them ; and they answered 
" Well ! Well ! " every one, and " Be of good cour- 
age ! " We heard three of their pieces go off, and the 
rest called for a firebrand to light their matches.' One 
took a log out of the fire on his shoulder and went and 
carried it unto them ; which was thought did not a 
little discourage our enemies. The cry of our enemies ^ 
was dreadful, especially when our men ran out to reco- 
ver their arms. Their note was after this manner, 
*' Woach, woach, ha ha hach ivoach.^^ Our men were 
no sooner come to their arms, but the enemy was ready 
to assault them. 

There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, 
who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a 
tree within half a musket shot of us, and there let his 
arrows fly at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows, 
which were all avoided ; for he at whom the first 
arrow was aimed, saw it, and stooped down, and it 

out a difference between the fire- rate from its cover ; whilst in 

lock and the snaphance, and quotes the firelock the hammer is affixed 

a document which "prefers the to the pan, supplying the place of 

firelock," but "if they cannot be its cover, and opening at the per- 

procured, snaphances willdo," The cussion of .the cock, 

^lifference seems to be that in the ' See note ^ on page 125. 

snaphance a movable hammer was '^ These were the Nausetlndians, 

placed beyond the pan, and sepa- as will appear hereafter. 


CHAP, flew over him. The rest were avoided also. He stood 


^ three shots of a musket. At length, one took, as he 

162 0. said, full aim at him : after which he gave an extraor- 
8.^* dinary cry, and away they went all.^ We followed 
them about a quarter of a mile ; but we left six to keep 
our shallop, for we were very careful of our business. 
Then we shouted all together two several times, and 
shot off a couple of muskets, and so returned. This 
we did that they might see we were not afraid of them, 
nor discouraged. 

Thus it pleased God to vanquish our enemies and 
give us deliverance. By their noise we could not guess 
that they were less than thirty or forty, though some 
thought that they were many more. Yet, in the dark 
of the morning, we could not so well discern them 
among the trees, as they could see us by our fire-side. 
We took up eighteen of their arrows, which we have 
sent to England by Master Jones ; ^ some whereof 
were headed with brass, others with harts' horn, and 
others with eagles' claws. Many more no doubt were 
shot, for these we found were almost covered with 
leaves ; yet, by the especial providence of God, none 
of them either hit or hurt us, though many came close 
by us and on every side of us, and some coats which 
hung up in our barricado were shot through and through. 

' Johnson, in his Wonder-work- statement. In the same chapter 
iug Providence, ch. 8, says that he says, " Of Plymouth plantation 
" one Captain Miles Standish, hav- the author purposes not to speak 
ing his fowling-piece in readiness, particularly, being prevented by the 
presented full at them. His shot, honored Mr. Winslow, who was an 
being directed by the provident eye-witnessof the work." Edward 
hand of the most high God, struck Johnson lived at Woburn, in Mas- 
the stoutest sachem among them sachuselts, and his book was print- 
on the right arm, it being bent over ed in London in 1654. See Mass. 
his shoulder to reach an arrow forth Hist. Coll. xii. 49, 67. 
his quiver." We know not what * On the return of the Mayflower 
authority Johnson had for this in April, 1621. 


So after we had aiven God thanks for our deliver- chap. 

"^ IX. 

ance, we took our shallop and went on our journey, -— ^' 
and called this place The First Encounter. From 16 20. 

. , Dec. 

hence we intended to have sailed to the aforesaid 8. 
Thievish Harbour, if we found no convenient harbour 
bj the way.^ Having the wind good, we sailed all 
that day along the coast about fifteen leagues f but 
saw neither river nor creek^ to put into. After we 
had sailed an hour or two, it began to snow and rain, 
and to be bad weather. About the midst of the after- 
noon the wind increased, and the seas began to be 
very rough ; and the hinges of the rudder broke, so 
that we could steer no longer with it, but two men, 
with much ado, were fain to serve with a couple of 
oars. The seas were grown so great that we were 
much troubled and in great danger ; and night grew 
on. Anon, Master Coppin bade us be of good cheer; 
he saw the harbour. As we drew near, the gale being 
stiff, and we bearing great sail to get in, split our 
mast in three pieces, and were like to have cast away 
our shallop.^ Yet, by God's mercy, recovering our- 

' Gov. Bradford, in his History, ble that they would have entered 

as quoted by Prince, p. 166, says, and made their settlement there. 

" They hasten on to a port which ■* Bradford says, in his History, 

Mr. Coppin, their pilot, assures " The pilot, being deceived, cries 

them is a good one, which he had out, 'Lord be merciful! my eyes 

been in, and they might reach be- never saw this place before ! ' And 

fore night." Coppin might have he and the mate would have run 

been on the coast before, either her ashore in a cove full of break- 

with Smith or Hunt, in 1614. ers, before the wind; but a steers- 

* The distance along the coast man calling to the rowers, ' About 

from Eastham to the high blufl' of with her, or we are cast away,' 

Manomet, in Plymouth, is about they get her about immediately, 

45 miles, or 15 leagues. and Providence showing a fair 

^ The snow-storm, which began sound before them, they get under 

" after they had sailed an hour or the lee of a small rise of land ; but 

twp," prevented their seeing San- are divided about going ashore, 

dy Neck, and led them to over- lest they fall into the midst of ■ 

shoot Barnstable harbour. Had it savages. Some, therefore, keep the 

not been for this, it is highly proba- boat, but others being so wet, 



CHAP, selves, we had the flood with us, and struck into the 
— v-^ harbour. 


Now he that thought that had been the place, was 
deceived, it being a place where not any of us had 
been before ; and coming into the harbour, he that was 
our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had con- 
tinued, we had been cast awaj.^ Yet still the Lord 
kept us, and we bare up for an island^ before us ; and 
recovering of that island, being compassed about with 
many rocks, and dark night growing upon us, it pleas- 
ed the Divine Providence that we fell upon a place of 
sandy ground, where our shallop did ride safe and se- 
cure all that night ; and coming upon a strange island, 
kept our watch all night in the rain upon that island.^ 

cold, and feeble, cannot bear it, but 
venture ashore, and with great dif- 
ficulty kindle a fire ; and after mid- 
night, the wind shifting to the 
northwest, and freezing hard, the 
rest are glad to get to them, and 
here stay the nisht." See Prince, 
p. 166. 

' The cove where they were in 
danger lies between the Gurnet 
Head and Saquish Point, at the en- 
trance of Plymouth harbour. 

' Clark's island, just within the 
entrance of Plymouth harbour, and 
so called after the mate of the 
Mayflower, who is said to have 
been the first to step ashore on it. 
It is sheltered from the ocean by 
Salt-house beach, contains about 
eighty acres of fertile land, and is 
called by Gov. Hutchinson, i. 360, 
"one of the best islands in New 
England." It was neither sold 
nor allotted in any of the early di- 
visions of the lands, but was re- 
served for the benefit of the poor of 
the town, to furnish them with 
wood, and with pasture for their 
cattle. Previous to 1638 the "Court 
granted that Clark's island, the 
Eel river beach, Saquish, and the 
Gurnet's Nose, shall be and remain 

unto the town of Plymouth, with 
the woods thereupon." In 1690, 
Clark's island was sold to Sam- 
uel Lucas, Elkanah Watson, and 
George Morton. The Watson 
family have been in possession of 
this island for half a century, and 
one of them, Edward Watson, 
now resides on it. See Mass. 
Hist. Coll.xiii. 162, 181 ; Thacher's 
Plymouth, pp. 82, 153, 158, 330, 

One of the oldest grave-stones 
on the burial hill in Plymouth, is 
that of a Thomas Clark, who died 
in March 24, 1697, aged 98. Some 
have thought that this was the 
mate of the Mayflower. But it is 
not known that his name was 
Thomas, nor is there any evidence 
that he ever returned to this coun- 
try. See Thacher's Plymouth, 168. 

^ Bradford adds, in his History, 
" In the morning they find the 
place to be a small island, secure 
from Indians. And this being the 
last day of the week, they here 
dry their stuff, fix their pieces, rest 
themselves, return God thanks for 
their many deliverances; and here 
the next day keep their Christian 
Sabbath." Prince, p. 167. 



And in the morning we marched about it, and found chap. 


no inhabitants at all ; and here we made our rendez- ^-^ 
vous all that day, being Saturday, 10th of December. 1620. 

On the Sabbath day we rested ; and on Monday we lo. 

sounded the harbour, and found it a very good harbour 

for our shipping. We marched also into the land,^ 

' This is the ever-memorable 
day of the Landing of the Fathers 
at Plymouth. " The place of the 
landing is satisfactorily ascertain- 
ed. Unquestionable tradition had 
declared that it was on a large 
rock at the foot of a cliff near the 
termination of the north street 
leading to the water. In the year 
1774 an attempt was made to re- 
move this rock (over which a wharf 
had been built) to a more central 
situation. The rock was split in 
the operation. The upper part, 
weighing several tons, was re- 
moved, and now stands in front of 
the Pilgrim Hall, enclosed by a 
very appropriate iron railing, of an 
elliptical form. It is regarded by 
the inhabitants and by visiters as 
a precious memorial of that inter- 
esting event, the arrival of the first 
planters of New England at their 
place of settlement. The 22d of De- 
cember, corresponding to the llih, 
old style, has long been observed 
at Plymouth in commemoration of 
the landing of the Fathers. It has 
there universally the familiar and 
endearing appellation of Forefath- 
ers' Day." See Morton's Memo- 
rial, p. 48, and Thacher's Ply- 
mouth, pp. 29, 199. 

President Dwight, of Yale Col- 
lege, says, "Plymouth was the 
first town built in New England 
by civilized men ; and those by 
whom it was built were inferior in 
worth to no body of men whose 
names are recorded in history dur- 
ing the last 1700 years. A kind of 
venerableness, arising from these 
faets, attaches to this town, which 
may be termed a prejudice. Still, 
it has its fouQdation in the nature 


of man, and will never be eradi- 
cated either by philosophy or ridi- 
cule. No New-Englander, who is 
willing to indulge his native feel- 
ings, can stand upon the rock 
where our ancestors set the first 
foot after their arrival on the Amer- 
ican shore, without experiencing 
emotions very different from those 
which are excited by any common 
object of the same nature. No 
New-Englander could be willing 
to have that rock buried and for- 
gotten. Let him reason as much, 
as coldly, and as ingeniously as he 
pleases, he will still regard that 
spot with emotions wholly differ- 
ent from those which are excited 
by other places of equal or even 
superior importance." Travels 
through New England, ii. 110. 

De Tocqueville, in the second 
chapter of his work on America, 
says, " Ce rocher est devenu un 
objet de veneration aux Etats Unis. 
J'en ai vu des fragmens conserves 
avec soin dans plusieurs villes de 
I'Union. Ceci ne montre-t-il pas 
bien clairement que la puissance 
et la grandeur de I'homme est tout 
enti^re dans son ame? Voici une 
pierre que les pieds de quelques 
miserables touchent un instant, et 
cette pierre devient celebre ; elle 
attire les regards d'un grand peu- 
ple ; on en v6nere les debris, on 
s'en partage au loin la poussiere. 
Qu'est devenu le seuil de tant de 
palais? Qui s'en inquiete ?" — 
" This rock has become an object 
of veneration in the United States. 
I have seen bits of it carefully pre- 
served in several towns of the 
Union. Does not this sufficiently 
show that all human power and 



CHAP, and found divers cornfields, and little running brooks, 


-^v-^ a place very good for situation. So we returned to 
162 0. our ship' again with good news to the rest of our peo- 
14. pie, which did much comfort their hearts. 

greatness is in the soul of man ? 
Here is a stone which the feet of a 
few outcasts pressed for an instant ; 
and this stone becomes famous ; it 
is treasured by a great nation ; its 
very dust is shared as a relic. And 
what has become of the gateways 
of a thousand palaces ? Who cares 
for them ? " — Reeves's Trans. 

'■ They left the Mayflower in 
Cape Cod harbour, December 6, 
and were three days in getting to 

Plymouth. They probably started 
on their return to the ship on the 
13lh, and striking across the bay, a 
distance of 25 miles, reached her 
on the 14th. They found that 
the day after their leaving the 
vessel, December 7, Dorothy, the 
wife of William Bradford, who was 
one of the party in the shallop, 
fell overboard, and was drowned. 
See Prince, p. 165. 



On the 15th day we weig:hed anchor to go to the chaf, 
place we had discovered ; and coming within two ^--^^- 
leagues of the land, we could not fetch the harbour, but 1620. 

. . Dec. 

were fain to put round' again towards Cape Cod, our 15.* 
course lying west, and the wind was at northwest. 
But it pleased God that the next day, being Saturday 
the 16th day, the wind came fair, and we put to sea 16. 
again, and came safely into a safe harbour ; and within 
^"^^ an hour the wind changed, so as if we had been 
.etted but a little, we had gone back to Cape Cod. 

This harbour is a bay greater than Cape Cod, com- 
passed with a goodly land ; and in the bay two fine 
islands,^ uninhabited, wherein are nothing but woods, 

' In the original, roome ; mani- ber 6, 1635, two shallops going, 

festly an error of the press. laden with goods, to Connecticut, 

^ Clark's island is now the only were taken with an easterly storm, 
island in Plymouth harbour. It andcast away upon Brown's island, 
has sometimes been supposed that near the Gurnet's Nose, and the 
a shoal, called Brown's island, men all drowned." Dr. Freeman, 
which lies near the entrance of the in his note on this place, considers 
harbour, about half a mile east by this passage as confirming the sup- 
north of Beach point, was above position. But Morton, in record- 
v^ater at the time the Pilgrims ing the same event in his Memo- 
arrived. Gov. Winthrop, in his rial, p. 182, says, " the night being 
History of New England, i. 169, dark and stormy, they ran upon 
has the following record : '' Octo- a skirt of a fiat that lietK near 



CHAP, oaks, pines, walnuts, beech, sassafras, vines, and other 
— v^^ trees ' which we know not. This bay is a most hope- 
162 0. ful place; innumerable store of fowl,^ and excellent 

good ; and cannot but be of fish in their seasons ; 

skate, cod, turbot,^ and herring, we have tasted of; 

abundance of muscles, the greatest and best that ever 

we saw ; crabs and lobsters,^ in their time, infinite. 

It is in fashion like a sickle, or fish-hook.^ 

Monday, the 18th day, we went a land,^ manned 


the mouth of the harbour." This 
seems conclusive of the point that 
Brown's island was then under 
water. The other island I suppose 
was Saquish, which, although a 
peninsula, very much resembles an 
island, and may very naturally 
have been mistaken for one ; or at 
that time the water may have 
flowed across the narrow neck 
which now unites it with the Gur- 
net, and completely isolated it. 
Oldmixon, i. 30, commits an egre- 
gious blunder when he states, that 
" the harbour (Plymouth) was a 
bay larger than Cape Cod, and two 
fine islands, Rhode Island and 
Elizabeth Island, in it !" 

' The only forest trees now on 
Clark's island are three red cedars, 
which appear to be very old, and 
are decaying. This wood was the 
original growth of the island, a 
tree which loves the vicinity of 
rocks, which abound here. A few 
years since, the present proprietor 
of the island, whilst digging out 
some large roots on its margin, 
found a number of acorns four feet 
beneath the surface. Blackberry 
vines are still found there. On 
Saquish there is one solitary tree, 
which has weathered the storms of 
ages. In 1815 there were two. 
In earlier times the town forbade 
felling trees at Saquish within 40 
feet of the bank. See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xiii. 182. 

- Wild fowl are yet abundant in 
Plymouth harbour. 

^ Skate and cod are still caught 
here. The European turbot, it is 
well known, is not found in our 
waters. The first settlers probably 
gave this name to the flounder or 
small halibut. See Storer's Report 
on the Fishes of Massachusetts, 
pp. 140, 145, 146. Higginson, in 
his New-England's Plantation,enu- 
merates the turbot among other 
fish. T. Morton, in his New Eng- 
lish Canaan, ch. vii. says, " there 
is a large-sized fish, called halibut, 
or turbot; some are taken so big 
that two men have much ado to 
haul them into the boat." Wood, 
ch. ix. says, "the halibut is not 
much unlike a plaice or turbot, 
some being two yards long, and 
one wide, and a foot thick." And 
Josselyn, p. 26, says, "some will 
have the halibut and turbot all 
one; others distinguish them; there 
is no question to be made of it but 
that they are distinct kinds of fish." 
The turbot and plaice are very 
much alike in appearance. See 
the figures of them in Yarrell's 
British Fishes, i. 209, 233. 

* There are muscles in Plymouth, 
but generally small, and clams; 
the Journal probably refers to the 
latter. Crabs and lobsters are very 
abundant in the summer season. 

* The form of Plymouth Bay, 
which includes Kingston and Dux- 
bury harbours, is accurately de- 

" The words " in the long-boat" 
seem to be omitted. 



with the master of the ship and three or four of the chap. 
sailors. We marched along the coast in the woods ^-v-^ 
some seven or eight miles/ but saw not an Indian nor 16 20. 


an Indian house ; only we found where formerly had is. 
been some inhabitants, and where they had planted 
their corn. We found not any navigable river, but 
four or five small running brooks ^ of very sweet 
fresh water, that all run into the sea. The land for 
the crust of the earth is, a spit's depth,^ excellent black 
mould, and fat in some places ; ^ two or three great 
oaks, but not very thick, pines, walnuts, beech, ash, 
birch, hazel, holly, asp, sassafras in abundance, and 
vines ^ every where, cherry trees, plum trees, and many 
others which we know not.*^ Many kinds of herbs we 
found here in winter, as strawberry leaves innumera- 
ble, sorrel, yarrow, carvel, brooklime, liverwort, water- 

' Which ever way the travellers 
went, they could not have walked 
seven miles; because northwest, 
at the distance of four miles, they 
would have come to Jones's river 
in Kingston, and southeast, at the 
distance of three miles, to Eel 
river. These rivers, though not 
large, cannot be denominated 
brooks. F. 

* North of the village, towards 
Kingston, there are five brooks, 
which were named by the original 
planters First Brook, Second Brook, 
&c. in order, beginning from the 
town. Half a mile south of the 
village is Wellingsly Brook, by 
the side of which dwelt Secretary 
Morton. Double Brook, or Shingle 
Brook of the first settlers, runs 
northerly by the post road to Sand- 
wich, and unites with Eel river. 
Beaver Dam Brook is in the village 
of Manomet Ponds. Indian Brook 
is ^till further south on the shore. 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 178, and 
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 322. 

^ See note ' on page 123. 

'' This is an exact description of 
a strip of land, between the hills 
and the sea-shore, where the gar- 
dens now are. The soil too is 
good on Clark's Island, Saquish, 
and the Gurnet. 

5 The wild grape, both white 
and red, the blackberry and the 
raspberry, are found here now. 

® All the trees here enumerated 
are now found in Plymouth. The 
asp, or aspen, was probably our 
native poplar. The beach, about 
three miles long, which lies in 
front of the village, extending from 
Eel river, N. N. West, and pro- 
tecting the harbour, was originally 
well wooded. Towards the north- 
ern part, till 1770, it was quite 
thickly covered with trees. The 
inner side of the beach was cover- 
ed with plum and wild-cherry 
trees, and the swamp with large 
pitch pine and beech wood. Beech 
plums, wild gooseberries, and white 
grapes were found here in great 
quantities in their proper season. 
See a list of the trees, in Mass. 



CHAP, cresses, great store of leeks and onions/ and an excel- 



- - lent strong kind of flax and hemp.^ Here is sand, 
1620. gi-avel, and excellent claj, no better in the world, ex- 
cellent for pots, and will wash like soap, and great 
store of stone,^ though somewhat soft, and the best 
water "* that ever we drunk ; and the brooks now begin 
to be full of fish.^ That night, many being weary 
with marching, we went aboard again. 

The next morning, being Tuesday, the 19th of De- 
cember, we went again to discover further ; some went 
on land, and some in the shallop. The land we found 
as the former day we did ; and we found a creek, and 
went up three English miles, a very pleasant river *^ at 
full sea. A bark of thirty tons may go up ; but at low 
water scarce our shallop could pass. This place we 
had a great liking to plant in, but that it was so far 
from our fishing, our principal profit, and so encom- 
passed with woods, that we should be in much danger 
of the salvages ; and our number being so little, and 
so much ground to clear ; so as Ave thought good to 

Hist. Coll. xiii. 165, 172, 206; 
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 328. 

' These were probably the alli- 
um Canadcnsc. 

* The Indian hemp (apocynum 
cannabmum.) Wood says, ch. 5, 
" this land likewise affords hemp 
and flax naturally;" and Captain 
John Smith mentions " a kind or 
two of flax, wherewith they make 
nets, lines and ropes, both small 
and great, very strong for their 
quantities." T. Morton too, says, 
ch. 2, "there is hemp, that natu- 
rally groweth, finer than our hemp 
of England." See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xxvi. 120. 

' The sand, gravel and clay are 
aptly described. There is not 
much stone at Plymouth ; a few 
bowlders of sienite. 

* Plymouth is abundantly sup- 
plied with springs and brooks of 
excellent water. F. See p. 129. 

^ Some years since, before the 
Town Brook was obstructed, tom- 
cods were abundant in December; 
eels and smelts enter the brooks in 

^ This was Jones's river, in 
Kingston, so called, it is supposed, 
by the Pilgrims, in compliment to 
the Captain of the Mayflower ; 
which they would not have done 
had they entertained any doubt of 
his fidelity. Jones's river parish 
was set off from Plymouth in 1717, 
and incorporated in 1726, as the 
town of Kinsston. See note ^ on 
p. 13S. and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 
20S and 217. 


quit and * clear that place till we were of more strength, chap. 
Some of us, having a good mind, for safety, to plant -^v^-- 
in the greater isle, we crossed the ba_y, which is there 1620. 
five or six miles over, and found the isle about a mile 
and a half or two miles about,^ all wooded, and no 
fresh water but two or three pits, that we doubted of 
fresh water in summer, and so full of wood as we could 
hardly clear so much as to serve us for corn. Besides, 
we judged it cold for our corn, and some part very 
rocky ; yet divers thought of it as a place defensible, 
and of great security. That night we returned again 
a shipboard, with resolution the next morning to settle 
on some of those places. 

So in the mornine;, after we had called on God for Dec 

. . 20. 

direction, we came to this resolution, to go presently 

ashore again, and to take a better view of two places 
which we thought most fitting for us ; for we could 
not now take time for further search or consideration, 
our victuals being much spent, especially our beer, and 
it being now the 19th of December. After our land- 
ing and viewing of the places, so well as we could, 
we came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the 
main land, on the first place, on a high ground,^ where 
there is a great deal of land cleared, and hath been 
planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there 
is a very sweet brook"* runs under the hill side, and 
many delicate springs of as good water as can be 
drunk, and where we may harbour our shallops and 
boats exceeding well ; and in this brook much good 

' I think the word not is here * Now called Town brook. It 
accidentally omitted. issues from a pond called Billing- 

* See note ' on page 160. ton Sea. F. 

' On the bank, facing the har- 


cHAi\ fish in their seasons : on the further side of the river 


— -^^ also much corn-ground cleared.^ In one field is a 
16 20. great hill,^ on which we point to make a platform, and 
plant our ordnance, which will command all round 
about. From thence we may see into the bay, and 
far into the sea ; and we may see thence Cape Cod.' 
Our greatest labor will be fetching of our wood, which 
is half a quarter of an English mile ; but there is enough 
so far off. What people inhabit here we yet know not, 
for as yet we have seen none. So there we made our 
rendezvous, and a place for some of our people, about 
twenty, resolving in the morning to come all ashore 
and to build houses. 
Dec. But the next morning, being Thursday, the 21st of 
December, it was stormy and wet, that we could not 
go ashore ; and those that remained there all night 
could do nothing, but were wet, not having daylight 
enough to make them a sufficient court of guard, to 
keep them dry. All that night it blew and rained 
extremely. It was so tempestuous that the shallop 
could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had 
no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock the shallop 
went off with much ado with provision, but could not 
return, it blew so strong ; and was such foul weather 
that we were forced to let fall our anchor, and ride 
with three anchors ahead."* 
^1*^" Friday, the 22d5 the storm still continued, that we 

' On the spot now called the Duxbury, and the shores of the bay 

Training Green. for miles around, is unrivalled by 

2 The Burial Hill, rising 165 feet any sea-view in the country, 

above the level of the sea, and co- ^ In a clear day the white sand 

vering about eight acres. The hills of Provincetown may be dis- 

view from this eminence, embrac- tinctly seen from this hill, 

ing the harbour, the beach, the ■* "Dec. 21, dies Richard Britte- 

Gurnet, Manomet Point, Clark's rige, the first who dies in this har- 

island, Saquish, Captain's Hill iu bour." Bradford, in Prince, p. 168. 


could not ffet a land, nor they come to us aboard, chap. 
This morning goodwife Alderton ^ was delivered of a — v^-- 
son, but dead born. 16 20, 

Saturday, the 23d, so many of us as could went on Dec. 
shore, felled and carried timber, to provide themselves ^^* 
stuff for building. 

Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry 24. 
of some savages, as they thought, which caused an 
alarm and to stand on their guard, expecting an 
assault ; but all was quiet.^ 

Monday, the 25th day, we went on shore, some to 25. 
fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to 
carry ; ^ so no man rested all that day. But, towards 
night, some, as they were at work, heard a noise of 
some Indians, which caused us all to go to our mus- 
kets ; but we heard no further. So we came aboard 
again, and left some twenty to keep the court of guard. 
That night we had a sore storm of wind and rain. 

Monday, the 25th, being Christmas day, we began 
to drink water aboard. But at night the master caused 
us to have some beer ; and so on board we had divers 
times now and then some beer, but on shore none at 

Tuesday, the 26th, it was foul weather, that we 26. 
could not go ashore. 

Wednesday, the 27th, we went to work again. 27. 

Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could 28. 
went to work on the hill, where we purposed to build 

* This was the second child born. ' Bradford adds, in his History, 

Its father was Isaac Allerton. " they begin to erect the first 

^ " Dec. 24, this day dies Solo- house, about twenty foot square, 

mon Martin, the sixth and last who for their common use, to receive 

dies this month.^-' Bradford, in them and their goods." See Prince, 

Prince, p. 168. He must have p. 168. 
been a son of Christopher Martin. 

22 ^ 


CHAP, our platform for our ordnance/ and which doth com- 
-^v-^ mand all the plain and the bay, and from whence we 
16 20. may see far into the sea,^ and might be easier impaled, 
having two rows of houses and a fair street. So in the 
afternoon we went to measure out the grounds, and 
first we took notice how many families there were, 
willing all single men that had no wives to join with 
some family, as they thought fit, that so we might 
build fewer houses ; which was done, and we reduced 
them to nineteen families. To greater families we 
allotted larger plots ; ^ to every person half a pole in 
breadth, and three m length ; and so lots were cast 
' where every man should lie ; which was done, and 
staked out. We thought this proportion was large 
enough at the first, for houses and gardens to impale 
them round, considering the weakness of our people, 
many of them growing ill with colds ; for our former 
discoveries in frost and storms, and the wading at Cape 
Cod had brought much weakness amongst us, which 
increased so every day more and more, and after was 
the cause of many of their deaths. 
Dec. Friday and Saturday we fitted ourselves for our la- 
3Q bor ; but our people on shore were much troubled and 
discouraged with rain and wet that day, being very 
stormy and cold. We saw great smokes of fire made 
by the Indians, about six or seven miles from us, as 
we conjectured.^ 

' Vestiges of this fortification ^ The single lots were S.i feet 

are still visible on the Burial hill, front by 49^ in depth. 

See Holmes's Annals, i. 163. * " Here," says Prince, p. 169, 

^ I think there is something " Governor Bradford ends his First 

omitted here. The house-lots were Book, containing ten Chapters, in 

not laid out on the hill, but in front fifty-three pages folio." I conceive 

of it, onLeyden-street, which runs that much of this Relation is in 

from the Town Square to Water- substance, and often in language, 

street. Gov. Bradford's History. 


Monday, the 1st of January, we went betimes to chap. 

work. We were much hindered in lying so far off -- 

from the land, and fain to go as the tide served, that 1621. 

° Jan. 

we lost much time ; for our ship drew so much water i, 
that she lay a mile and almost a half off,^ though a ship 
of seventy or eighty tons at high water may come to 
the shore. 

Wednesday, the 3d of January, some of our people 3. 
being abroad to get and gather thatch, they saw great 
fires of the Indians ; and were at their corn-fields, yet 
saw none of the savages, nor had seen any of them 
since we came to this bay. 

Thursday, the 4th of January, Captain Miles Stand- 4. 
ish, with four or five more, went to see if they could 
meet with any of the savages in that place where the 
fires were made. They went to some of their houses, 
but not lately inhabited ; yet could they not meet with 
any. As they came home, they shot at an eagle and 
killed her, which was excellent meat ; it was hardly to 
be discerned from mutton. 

Friday, the 5th of January, one of the sailors found 5. 
alive upon the shore a herring, which the master had 
to his supper ; which put us in hope of fish, but as yet 
we had got but one cod ; we wanted small hooks.^ 

Saturday, the 6th of January, Master Marten was 6. 
very sick, and, to our judgment, no hope of life. So 
Master Carver was sent for to come aboard to speak 

* Being a vessel of ISO tons, she gory Priest." Bradford, in Prince, 

probably anchored in the Cow p. 182. 

Yard, an anchorage near Clark's " This was a singular oversight, 

island, which takes its name from If they had had fish-hooks, they 

a cow whale which once came into could hardly have suffered so much 

it, and was there killed. See for want of food. Winslow, in his 

Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 182, and Good News from New England, 

Thacher's Plymouth, p. 331. —"The says they wanted "fit and strong 

year begins with the death of De- seines and other netting." 


CHAP, with him about liis accounts ; who came the next 



Monday, the 8th of January, was a very fair day, 
and we went betimes to work. Master Jones sent 
the shallop, as he had formerly done, to see where fish 
could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and 
were in some danger. At night they returned with 
three great seals,* and an excellent good cod, which 
did assure us that we should have plenty of fish shortly. 

This day Francis Billington, having the week before 
seen from the top of a tree on a high hill a great sea,^ 
as he thought, went with one of the master's mates to 
see it. They went three miles and then came to a 
great water, divided into two great lakes ; the bigger 
of them five or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle of 
a cable length square ; the other three miles in com- 
pass, in their estimation. They are fine fresh water, 
full of fish and fowl. A brook ^ issues from it ; it will 
be an excellent place for us in time. They found 
seven or eight Indian houses, but not lately inhabited. 

' Seals still haunt the harbour of margin. See page 149, and Mass. 

Plymouth and the Bay of Cape Cod. Hist. Coll. xiii. ISl, and Thacher's 

^ The beautiful pond, so accu- Plymouth, p. 320. 
rately described in the test, bears ^ Town Brook. It passes through 
the appropriate name of Billington the town, and empties into the 
Sea. In the first century it was harbour a little south of Forefathers' 
called Fresh Lake. It is about rock. It has proved an "excellent 
two miles southwest from the place" indeed, its stream supplying 
town, proving that the distances in an unfailing water power for nu- 
this Relation are overstated ; and in merous manufactories. In 1636, it 
it are two small islands. It is now, was " concluded upon by the Court, 
as at first, embosomed in a wilder- that Mr. John Jenney shall have 
ness of woods. The eagle still liberty to erect a mill for grinding 
sails over it, and builds in the and beating of corn upon the brook 
branches of the surrounding forest, of Plymouth." Before the brook 
Here the loon cries, and leaves her was so much impeded by dams, 
eggs on the shore of ihe smaller vast quantities of alewives passed 
island. Here too the beautiful up through it annually to Billington 
wood-duck finds a sequestered re- Sea. In a single season SOO bar- 
treat; and the fallow deer, mindful rels have been taken. See Thach- 
of their ancient haunts, still resort er's Plymouth, p. 321, 332; Ply- 
to it to drink and to browse on its mouth Colony Laws, p. 56. 



When they saw the houses, they were in some fear ; chap. 

for they were but two persons, and one piece. ^ • — ^ 

Tuesday, the 9th of January, was a reasonable fair I62i. 


day ; and we went to labor that day in the building 9. 
of our town, in two rows of houses, for more safety.^ 
We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build 
our town, after the proportion formerly allotted. We 
agreed that every man should build his own house, 
thinking by that course men would make more haste 
than working in common.^ The common house, ^ in 
which for the first we made our rendezvous, being 
near finished, wanted only covering, it being about 
twenty foot square. Some should make mortar, and 
some gather thatch ; so that in four days half of it was 
thatched. Frost and foul weather hindered us much.^ 

' " Jan. 8, this day dies Mr. Chris- 
topher Martin." Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 182. He was the ninth 
signer of the Compact, and one of 
the few distinguished with the title 
of Mr. He was not one of the 
Leyden church, but came from Bil- 
lerica, in Essex, and was associated 
with Cushman and Carver to pro- 
vide means for the voyage. He 
brought his wife and two children, 
with him, one of whom, Solomon, 
died Dec. 24. See pages 78 and 

* The houses were built on each 
side of Leyden street, which ex- 
tends from the First Church to the 
harbour. The first entry in the 
records of Plymouth Colony is an 
incomplete list of " The Meersteads 
and Garden-plotes of those which 
came first, layed out, 1620." Ed- 
ward Winslow, in his Letter at the 
end of this Relation, says, "We 
have built seven dwelling-houses, 
and four for the use of the planta- 
tion." The highway led to the 
Town Brook. 

The JVorth Side. 

The South Side. 

Peter Grown. 
Jolin Goodman. 
Mr. Brewster. 


John Billington. 
j\lr. Isaac Allerton. 
Francis Cooke. 
Edward Winslow. 

See Hazard's State Papers, i. 100. 

^ See note ' on page 84. 

■^ On the spot where it is sup- 
posed the common house stood, in 
digging a cellar, in ISOl, there 
were discovered sundry tools and a 
plate of iron, seven feet below the 
surface of the ground. F. 

^ Providentially it was a very 
mild winter. See page 105. The 
ice often remains in the harbour 
from Christmas to March ; but at 
this time it appears not to have 
been frozen. In Dec. of 1831 and 
1834 the harbour and shores were 
an expanse of ice and snow, and 
the thermometer several degrees 


CHAP. This time of the year seldom could we work half the 

Thursday, the 11th, William Bradford being at 
work, (for it was a fair day,) was vehemently taken 
with a grief and pain, and so shot to his huckle-bone,^ it 
was doubted that he would have instantly died. He 
got cold in the former discoveries, especially the last ; 
and felt some pain in his ankles by times ; but he grew 
a little better towards night, and in time, through God's 
mercy in the use of means, recovered. 
12. Friday the 12th we went to work ; but about noon 
it began to rain, that it forced us to give over work. 

This day two of our people put us in great sorrow 
and care. There was four sent to gather and cut 
thatch in the morning ; and two of them, John Good- 
man and Peter Browne,^ having cut thatch all the fore- 
noon, went to a further place, and willed the other 
two to bind up that which was cut, and to follow them. 
So they did, being about a mile and a "half from our 
plantation. But when the two came after, they could 
not find them, nor hear any thing of them at all, though 
they hallooed and shouted as loud as they could. So 
they returned to the company, and told them of it. 
Whereupon Master Carver,^ and three or four more 

below zero. Had it been so when cattle in 1627, with Martha and 

the Pilgrims landed, they must Mary Brown, the former of whom 

have perished from cold. See was probably his wife, and the lat- 

Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 196, and ter his daughter. 
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 27. ^ In the original, Leaver ; un- 

' Hip-bone. questionably a typographical error. 

^ Goodman and Brown both had There is no such name as Leaver 

lots assigned them in Leyden-street, among the signers of the Compact, 

in 1620. Nothing more is known and it is not at all probable that 

of Goodman, except that he died one of the ship's crew would be 

before the end of March. Brown distinguished by the title of Mr. 

had also an acre assigned him in or be sent on such an errand, 

the division of the lands in 1623, This error escaped the acute obser- 

and a share in the division of the vation of Prince, who copies the 


went to seek them ; but could hear nothino; of them. chap. 


So they returning, sent more ; but that night they ■ — ^-^ 
could hear nothing at all of them. The next day 1^21. 
they armed ten or twelve men out, verily thinking 12. 
the Indians had surprised them. They went seeking 
seven or eight miles ; but could neither see nor hear 
any thing at all. So they returned, with much dis- 
comfort to us all. 

These two that were missed at dinner time, took 
their meat in their hands, and would go walk and re- 
fresh then'lselves. So going a little off, they find a 
lake of water,^ and having a great mastiff bitch with 
them and a spaniel, by the water side they found a 
great deer.^ The dogs chased him ; and they followed 
so far as they lost themselves, and they could not find 
the way back. They wandered all that afternoon, 
being wet; and at night it did freeze and snow. They 
were slenderly apparelled, and had no weapons but 
each one his sickle, nor any victuals. They ranged 
up and down and could find none of the salvages' habi- 
tations. When it drew to night, they were much per- 

passage, p. 183. Edward Wins- ' Probably Murdock's Pond, 

low, at tbe end of his Preface to the about half a mile from the village, 

Reader in his Good News from in the rear of Burial hill. It is a 

New England, says, "some faults deep, round pond. A brook, called 

have escaped because I could not Little Brook, issues from it, and 

attend on the press." This pro- crossing the west road, unites with 

bably was also the case with this Town brook. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 

Relation. It was sent over to xiii. 181, and Thacher's Plymouth, 

George Morton, who not being in p. o20. 

London, where it was printed, did ^ The fallow deer still run in the 

not correct the printed sheets. He extensive woods of Plymouth, a 

probably put it into the hands of district of country nearly twenty 

one of the merchant adventurers, miles square. In Jan. 1831, 160 

who got it printed. It is not sur- were killed and 40 taken alive. In 

prising that some mistakes should Feb. 1839, a deer chased by the 

have been made by the printer in dogs, came into the streets of the 

de'ciphering the MS. See note on village, and was caught in the front 

page 113. This will account for yard of the Hon. N. M. Davis's 

Morton's name, as well as Carver's, house. See Thacher's Plymouth, 

being misspelt. p. 314. 


CHAP, plexed ; for they could find neither harbour nor meat ; 
•-^^^^ but, in frost and snow, were forced to make the earth 
1621. their bed and tiie element their covering. And another 
thing did very much terrify them ; they heard, as they 
thought, two lions ^ roaring exceedingly for a long time 
together, and a third that they thought was very near 
them. So not knowing what to do, they resolved to 
climb up into a tree, as their safest refuge, though that 
would prove an intolerable cold lodging. So they 
stood at the tree's root, that when the lions came, they 
might take their opportunity of climbing up. The 
bitch they were fain to hold by the neck, for she would 
have been gone to the lion. But it pleased God so to 
dispose, that the wild beasts came not. So they 
walked up and down under the tree all night. It was 
an extreme cold night. So soon as it was light, they 
13. travelled again, passing by many lakes' and brooks 

• Several of the first settlers of 37 years since, an Indian shot a 
New England supposed that the young lion, sleeping upon the body 
lion existed here. Higginson, in of an oak blown up by the roots, 
his New-England's Prospect, says, with an arrow, not far from Cape 
" for beasts, there are some bears, Ann, and sold the skin to the Eng- 
and they say some lions also; for lish." Lechford, too, in his Plain 
they have been seen at Cape Ann." Dealing, p. 47, and Johnson, in his 
Wood, in his New-England's Pros- Wonderworking Providence, b. ii. 
pect, ch. 6, says, " concerning lions ch. 21, mention the lion among the 
I will not say that I ever saw any beasts of New England. Vander- 
myself; but some affirm that they donck also enumerates lions among 
have seen a lion at Cape Ann. the wild animals of New Nether- 
Some likewise being lost in the lands. But Morton, in his New 
woods, have heard such terrible English Canaan, ch. 5, remarks, 
roarings, as have made them much "lions there are none in New Eng- 
aghast: which must be either de- land ; it is contrary to the nature of 
vils or lions ; there being no other the beast to frequent places accus- 
creatures which use to roar, saving tomed to snow." Dr. Freeman ob- 
bears, which have not such a terri- serves, that Goodman and Brown, 
ble kind of roaring." Josselyn, in coming from England, where both 
his New-England's Rarities, p. 21, the lion and the wolf are unknown, 
says, " the jackal is a creature that might easily, under the impression 
hunts the lion's prey, a shrewd sign of fear, mistake the howling of the 
that there are lions upon the conti- one for the roaring of the other. 
nent. There are those that are ^ Plymouth abounds with ponds, 
yet living in the country that do that would be called lakes in Eng- 
constantly affirm, that about 36 or land. It is supposed that within 


and woods, and in one place where the salvages had chap. 
burnt the space of five miles in length, which is a fine — v^- 
champaign country, and even.^ In the afternoon, it ^ ^21. 
pleased God from a high hill they discovered the two^ 
isles in the bay, and so that night got to the plantation, 
being ready to faint with travail and want of victuals, 
and almost famished with cold. John Goodman was 
fain to have his shoes cut off his feet, they were so 
swelled with cold ; and it was a long while after ere 
he was able to go. Those on the shore were much 
comforted at their return ; but they on shipboard were 
grieved at deeming them lost. 

But the next day, being the 14th of January, in the Jan. 
morning about six of the clock, the wind being very 
great, they on shipboard spied their great new rendez- 
vous on fire ; which was to them a new discomfort, 
fearing, because of the supposed loss of the men, that 
the salvages had fired them. Neither could they pre- 
sently go to them, for want of water. But after three 
quarters of an hour they went, as they had purposed 
the day before to keep the Sabbath on shore,^ because 
now there was the greater number of people. At their 
landing they heard good tidings of the return of the 
two men, and that the house was fired occasionally by 
a spark that flew into the thatch, which instantly burnt 
it all up ; but the roof stood, and little hurt. The most 
loss was Master Carver's and William Bradford's,' who 

the bounds of the town there are bath which they kept on shore. 

more than two hundred. See Prince, p. 169, adduces no authority 

Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 180, and for his assertion, that " the 31st of 

Thacher's Plymouth, p. 320. Dec. seems to be the first day that 

' A plain commences two miles any keep the sabbath in the place 

fFom the town, and extends six of their building." 

miles southwest. F. '' The omission of Mr. before 

* See note ^ on page 163. Bradford's name in this place, and 

^ This seems to be the first sab- on pages 126, 136, and elsewhere, 



CHAF. then lay sick in bed, and if they had not risen with 

— '^^ good speed, had been blown up with powder ; but, 

16 21. through God's mercy, they had no harm. The house 

was as full of beds as they could lie one by another, 

and their muskets charged ; but, blessed be God, there 

was no harm done. 

Jan. Monday, the 15th day, it rained much all day, that 

they on shipboard could not go on shore, nor they on 

shore do any labor, but were all wet. 

Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very fair, 
sunshiny days, as if it had been in April ; and our 
people, so many as were in health, wrought cheerfully. 
19. The 19ih day we resolved to make a shed to put 
our common provision in, of which some were already 
set on shore ; but at noon it rained, that we could not 
work. This day, in the evening, John Goodman went 
abroad to use his lame feet, that were pitifully ill with 
the cold he had got, having a little spaniel with him. 
A little way from the plantation two great wolves ran 
after the dog ; the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs 
for succour. He had nothing in his hand, but took up 
a stick and threw at one of them and hit him, and they 
presently ran both away, but came again. He got a 
pale-board in his hand; and they sat both on their tails 
grinning at him a good while ; and went their way and 
left him. 

20- Saturday, 20th, w^e made up our shed for our com- 
mon goods. 

21- Sunday, the 21st, we kept our meeting on land. 

22- Monday, the 22d, was a fair day. We wrought on 

whilst il is prefixed to the names this Relation was written by Brad- 

of persons unquestionably his infe- ford. If any other person had been 

riors, as Mr. Christopher Blartin, the author, he would have prefixed 

p. 171, is a strong presumption that Mr. to Bradford's name. 


our houses ; and in the afternoon carried up our hogs- chap. 

heads of meal to our common storehouse. The rest of — v^- 

the week we followed our business likewise. 1621. 

Monday, the 29th, in the mornuig, cold, frost, and 29. 

sleet ; but after reasonable fair. Both the long-boat 

and the shallop brought our common goods on shore.' 

Tuesday and Wednesday, 30th and 31st of January, 30,31. 
cold, frosty weather and sleet, that we could not work. 
In the morning, the master and others saw two sava- 
ges, that had been on the island near our ship. What 
they came for we could not tell. They were going ^ 
so far back again before they were descried, that we 
could not speak with them. 

Sunday, the 4th of February, was very wet and Feb. 
rainy, with the greatest gusts of wind that ever we had 
since we came forth ; that though we rid in a very 
good harbour, yet we were in danger, because our 
ship was light, the goods taken out, and she unbal- 
lasted ; and it caused much daubing^ of our houses to 
fall down. 

Friday, the 9th, still the cold weather pontinued, 9- 
that we could do little work. That afternoon, our lit- 
tle house for our sick people was set on lire by a spark 
that kindled in the roof ; but no great harm was done. 
That evening, the master going ashore, killed five 
geese, which he friendly distributed among the sick 
people. He found also a good deer killed. The 
savages had cut off the horns, and a wolf was eating 
of him. How he came there we could not conceive. 

^ " Jan. 29, dies Rose, the wife ^ Their houses were probably 
of Captain Standish. N. B. This ]op:-huts, thatched, and the inter- 
ri>onth eight of our number die." slices filled with clay. 
Bradford, in Prince, p. 184. 

* Probably a typographical error 
for s^one. 


Friday, the I6tli, was a fair day; but the northerly 
wind continued, which continued the frost. This day, 
16 21. after noon, one of our people being a fowling, and hav- 

16. ing taken a stand by a creek side in the reeds, about a 
mile and a half from our plantation, there came by him 
twelve Indians, marching towards our plantation, and 
in the woods he heard the noise of many more. He 
lay close till they were passed, and then with what 
speed he could he went home and gave the alarm. So 
the people abroad in the woods returned and armed 
themselves, but saw none of them ; only, toward the 
evening, they made a great fire about the place where 
they were first discovered. Captain Miles Standish 
and Francis Cooke being at work in the woods, com- 
ing home left their tools behind them ; but before they 
returned, their tools were taken away by the savages. 
Tliis coming of the savages gave us occasion to keep 
more strict watch, and to make our pieces and furni- 
ture ready, which by the moisture and rain were out 
of temper. 

17. Saturday, the 17th day, in the morning, we called 
a meeting for the establishing of military orders among 
ourselves ; and we chose Miles Standish our captain, 
and gave him authority of command in affairs. And 
as we were in consultation hereabouts, two savages 
presented themselves upon the top of a hi 11,^ over 
against our plantation, about a quarter of a mile and 
less, and made signs unto us to come unto them ; we 
likewise made signs unto them to come to us. Where- 
upon we armed ourselves and stood ready, and sent 

1 Watson's Hill, called by the levelled in 1814, Indian relics of 

first settlers Strawberry Hill. The various kinds were found. See 

Indian name Avas Cantaiigcanteest. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 177. 
When the summit of the hill was 


two over the brook' towards them, to wit, Captain chap. 

Standish and Steven Hopkins,^ who went towards 

them. Only one of them had a musket, which they 1621. 
laid down on the ground in their sight, in sign of 
peace, and to parley with them. But the savages 
would not tarry their coming. A noise of a great 
many more was heard behind the hill ; but no more 
came in sight. This caused us to plant our great 
ordnances in places most convenient. 

Wednesday, the 21st of February,^ the master came Feb. 
on shore, with many of his sailors, and brought with 
him one of the great pieces, called a minion,* and 
helped us to draw it up the hill, with another piece 
that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a sailer, and 
two bases. He brought with him a very fat goose to 
eat with us, and we had a fat crane and a mallard, 
and a dried neat's tongue ; and so we were kindly 
and friendly together. 

Saturday, the 3d of March, the wind was south, the Mar. 
morning misty, but tovt^ards noon warm and fair 
weather. The birds sang in the woods most plea- 
santly. At one of the clock it thundered, which was 

' The Town Brook. See note' Morton, in his Memorial, p. 50, as 

on page 172. " a man pious and well deserving, 

* See note ' on page 126. endowed also with a considerable 

* " February 21. Die Mr. Wil- outward estate ; and had it been 
liam White, Mr. William Mullins, the will of God that he had sur- 
"with two more; and the 25th dies vived, might have proved a useful 
Mary, the wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton. instrument in his place." 

N. B. This month seventeen of our * The minion was a piece of 

number die." Bradford, in Prince, ordnance, the bore of which was 

p. 184. Mullins and White were 3 1-4 inches diameter. The saker 

the 10th and 11th signers of the (for which sailer is probably a 

Compact ; each of them brought misprint,) was a larger gun, the 

his wife over, and each had three diameter of which at the bore 

others, probably children, in his was from 3 1-2 to 4 inches; and 

fjimily. White was the father of the base was the smallest sort of 

the first child born in New Eng- artillery, the diameter of whose 

land, as mentioned on page 148. bore was only 1 1-4 inch. See 

William Mullins is described by Crabb's Univ. Tech. Diet. 


CHAP, the first we heard in that country. It was strong and 
-^-^' great claps, but short ; but after an hour it rained very 
1621. sadly till midnight. 

Mar. Wednesday, the 7th of March, the wind was full 
east, cold, but fair. That day Master Carver, with 
five others, went to the great ponds, ^ which seem to 
be excellent fishing places. All the way they went 
they found it exceedingly beaten, and haunted with 
deer ; but they saw none. Amongst other fowl they 
saw one, a milk-white fowl, with a very black head. 
This day some garden seeds were sown. 
16. Friday, the 16th, a fair warm day towards.^ This 
morning we determined to conclude of the military 
orders, which we had begun to consider of before, but 
were interrupted by the savages, as we mentioned 
formerly. And whilst we were busied hereabout, we 
were interrupted again ; for there presented himself a 
savage, which caused an alarm. He very boldly came 
all alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendez- 
vous ; where we intercepted him, not suffering him to 
go in,"^ as undoubtedly he would out of his boldness. 
He saluted us in English, and bade us '•'■Welcome f'' for 
he had learned some broken English among the Eng- 
lishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon,"* and knew 
by name the most of the captains, commanders, and 
masters, that usually come.^ He was a man free in 

' Billington Sea. •* Monhegan, an island on the 
^ Perhaps the word noon was coast of Maine, between the Ken- 
here accidentally omitted. nebec and the Penobscot, and about 
^ They were unwilling he should 12 miles distant from the shore. It 
see how few and weak they were, was an early and favorite place of 
They had already lost nearly half resort for the English fishermen. 
of their number, and had the In- See Williamson's Maiue, i. 61. 
dians attacked them in their sickly * Seeing the Mayflower in the 
and enfeebled state, they would harbour, he no doubt took her for a 
have fallen an easy prey. fishing-vessel. This explains his 


speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a chap. 

seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things ; — ^ — 

he was the first sav^aee we could meet withal. He ^^^^i- 

. Mar. 

said he was not of these parts, but of Morattiggon,^ 16. 
and one of the sagamores or lords thereof; and had 
been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day's 
sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He 
discoursed^ of the whole country, and of every province, 
and of their sagamores, and their number of men and 
strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we 
cast a horseman's coat about him ; for he was stark 
naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe 
about a span long or little more. He had a bow and 
two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. 
He was a tall, straight man, the hair of his head black, 
long behind, only short before, none on his face at all. 
He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, 
and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, 
and a piece of mallard ; all which he liked well, and 
had been acquainted with such amongst the English. 
He told us the place where we now live is called 
Patuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabi- 
tants died of an extraordinary plague,^ and there is 

boldness in coming directly to more intercourse with the natives, 

them. says, " As for the language, it is 

' Moratiggon. I know not what very copious, large, and difficult, 
part of the country this was meant As yet we cannot attain to any 
to designate. Perhaps it is an great measure thereof, but can un- 
error for Monhiggon. Samoset derstand tbem, and explain our- 
evidently was desirous of magni- selves to their understanding by 
fying his own importance, in giv- the help of those that daily con- 
ing the Pilgrims to understand verse with us." 
that he was a sagamore. ^ All the early writers on New 

^ It is difficult to conceive how England agree, that for three or 

they could converse together so as four years previous to the arrival 

to/be mutually understood. Ed- of the Pilgrims, a deadly pestilence 

ward A¥inslow, in his Good News had raged all along the seaboard, 

from New England, written two from the Penobscot to Narraganset 

years afterwards, when they had had Bay. The two tribes dwelling at 



CHAP, neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed 


we have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our 

5 21. possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the afternoon 

16. we spent in communication with him. We would 

gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not 

willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry 

these extremes, as well as the Nau- 
set Indians, on Cape Cod, escaped, 
whilst the intermediate inhabitants 
were almost entirely swept off. 
Some tribes were nearly extinct ; 
the Massachusetts, in particular, 
are said to have been reduced from 
30,000 to 300 fighting men. Capt. 
Dermer, who was here in 1619, 
says, " I passed along the coast 
where I found some ancient plan- 
tations, not long since populous, 
now utterly void. In other places 
a remnant remains, but not free of 
sickness ; their disease the plague, 
for we might perceive the sores of 
some that had escaped, who de- 
scribed the spots of such as usually 
die." Higginson, in his New Eng- 
land's Plantation, printed in 1629, 
says, " their subjects above twelve 
years since, were swept away by a 
great and grievous plague that was 
amongst them, so that there are 
very few left to inhabit the coun- 
try." Morton, in his New English 
Canaan, b. i. ch. 3, says, " some 
few years before the English came 
to inhabit at New Plymouth, the 
hand of God fell heavily upon the 
natives, with such a mortal stroke, 
that they died on heaps. In a place 
where many inhabited, there hath 
been but one left alive to tell what 
became of the rest ; and the bones 
and skulls upon the several places 
of their habitations made such a 
spectacle after my coming into 
these parts, that as I travelled in 
that forest, near the Massachusetts, 
it seemed to me a new-found Gol- 
gotha. This mortality was not 
ended when the Brownists of New 
Plymouth were settled at Patuxet, 
and by all likelihood the sickness 

that these Indians died of was the 
plague, as by conference with them 
since my arrival and habitation in 
these parts I have learned." John- 
son, in his Wonderworking Provi- 
dence, b. i. ch. 8, says, " about the 
year 1618, a little before the remo- 
val of that church of Christ from 
Holland to Plymouth, in New 
England, as the ancient Indians 
report, there befell a great mortality 
among them, chiefly desolating 
those places where the English 
afterwards planted ; their disease 
being a sore consumption, sweep- 
ing away whole families, but chiefly 
young men and children, the very 
seeds of increase." " What this 
disease was," says Gookin, who 
wrote in 1674, " that so generally 
and mortally swept away the Indi- 
ans, I cannot well learn. Doubt- 
less it was some pestilential dis- 
ease. I have discoursed with some 
old Indians, that were then youths, 
who say that the bodies all over 
were exceeding yellow, describing 
it by a yellow garment they showed 
me, both before they died, and 
afterwards." " There are some old 
planters," says Increase Mather, 
writing in 1677, " surviving to this 
day, who helped to bury the dead 
Indians, even whole families of 
them all dead at once." See Pur- 
chas, iv. 1778 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 
122, 148, xii. 66 ; Hutchinson, i. 34. 
In the Great Patent of New Eng- 
land, granted Nov. 3, 1620, the des- 
olating effects of this pestilence 
are assigned by King James as a 
reason for granting it. " We have 
been further given certainly to 
know, that within these late years 
there hath, by God's visitation, 



reigned a wonderful plague amongst 
the savages there heretofore inha- 
biting, in a manner to the utter 
destruction, devastation, and de- 
population of that whole territory, 
so as there is not left, for many 
leagues together, in a manner, any 
that do claim or challenge any kind 
of interest therein ; whereby we, in 
our judgment, are persuaded and 
satisfied that the appointed time is 
come in which Almighty God, in 
his great goodness and bounty to- 
wards us and our people, hath 
thought fit and determined, that 
these large and goodly territories, 
deserted as it were by their natural 
inhabitants, should be possessed 
and enjoyed by such of our subjects 
and people as shall by his mercy 
and favor, and by his powerful 
arm, be directed and conducted 
thither." Plymouth Colony Laws, 

Hutchinson, in his Hist, of Mass. 
i. 35, remarks, " Our ancestors sup- 
posed an immediate interposition 
of Providence in the great mortal- 
ity among the Indians, to make 
room for the settlement of the Eng- 


lish. I am not inclined to credulity, 
but should not we go into the con- 
trary extreme if we were to take 
no notice of the extinction of this 
people in all parts of the continent ? 
In some the English have made 
use of means the most likely to 
have prevented it ; but all to no 
purpose. Notwithstanding their 
frequent ruptures with the English, 
very few comparatively have pe- 
rished by wars. They waste, they 
moulder away, and, as Charlevoix 
says of the Indians of Canada, they 

' See note ^ on page 126. 

^ The English, not understand- 
ing Samoset perfectly, supposed 
that by Massasoit he meant an 
Indian tribe ; but this was the 
name of the great sagamore, as 
appears afterwards. F. 

^ See the Life of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges in Belknap's Am. Biog. i. 
346 — 393, and his Brief Narration, 
in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 45 — 93. 
In this work, p. 63, he mentions an 
attack that was made in July, 1620, 
by the Indians of Martha's Vine- 
yard on Capt. Dernier and his cora- 


him on shipboard, wherewith he was well content, chap. 
and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high and - — ^ 
the water scant, that it could not return back. We 1621, 
lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins's house,^ and 
watched him. 

The next day he went away back to the Masasoits,^ Mar. 
from whence he said he came, who are our next bor- 
dering neighbours. They are sixty strong, as he saith. 
The Nausites are as near southeast of them, and are 
a hundred strong ; and those were they of whom our 
people were encountered, as we before related. They 
are much incensed and provoked against the English ; 
and about eight months ago slew three Englishmen, 
and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon. 
They were Sir Ferdinando Gorge's ^ men, as this sav- 


CHAP, age told us ; as he did likewise of the hiiggery, that 
— v-^ is, fight, that our discoverers had with the Nausites, 
1621. and of our tools that were taken out of the woods, 
which we willed him should be brought again ; other- 
wise we would right ourselves. These people are ill 
affected towards the English by reason of one Hunt,' 
a master of a ship, who deceived the people and got 
them, under color of trucking with them, twenty out of 
this very place where we inhabit, and seven men from 
the Nausites, and carried them away, and sold them 
for slaves, like a wretched man (for twenty pound a 
man,) that cares not what mischief he doth for his 
Mar. Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the salvage, 
■ and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. He 
promised within a night or two to come again and to 
bring with him some of the Massasoyts, our neigh- 
bours, with such beavers' skins as they had to truck 
with us. 
18. Saturday and Sunday reasonable fair days. On this 
day came again the savage, and brought with him five 
other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's 

pany, whom he had sent over to a difference in the accounts of the 

New England. Dernier lost all number of the natives which he 

his men but one, and received four- thus seized and carried off". The 

teen wounds in this encounter; President and Council of New 

which took place just eight months England, in their Brief Relation of 

before ; and there can hardly be a its Discovery and Plantation, state 

doubt that these were the "Sir the number as 24; Gorges men- 

Ferdinando Gorge's men," men- tions 30 ; whilst Capt. John Smith, 

tioned in the text. Dermer had says 27, agreeing with the number 

previously been at Nautican, or mentioned in the text. Hunt car- 

Nauset. See Prince's Annals, p. ried these Indians to Spain, where 

157, 186. they were humanely rescued and 

* The name of this Captain Hunt set at liberty by the monks of Mal- 

has come down to us loaded with nga. Several of them got over to 

deserved infamy, as the first kid- England, and proved of essential 

napper and slave-dealer on the service to Gorges. See Mass. Hist, 

coast of North America. There is Coll. xix. 6, xxvi. 58, 61, 132. 



skin on him, and the principal of them had a wild cat's chap. 
skin, or such Hke, on the one arm. They had most of -^^— 
them long hosen ^ up to their groins, close made, and 162 1. 
above their groins to their waist another leather ; they is. 
w^ere altogether like the Irish trousers.^ They are of 
complexion like our English gipseys ; no hair or very 
little on their faces ; on their heads long hair to their 
shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before 
with a feather, broad-wise, like a fan ; another a fox 
tail, hanging out. These left (according to our charge 
given him before) their bows and arrows a quarter of a 
mile from our town. We gave them entertainment as 
we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally 
of our English victuals. They made semblance unto 
us of friendship and amity. They sang and danced 
after their manner, like antics. They brought with 
them in a thing like a bow-case, (which the principal of 
them had about his waist,) a little of their corn pounded 
to powder, which, put to a little water, they eat.^ 

' Leggins. 

' Morton, in his New English 
Canaan, b. i. ch. G, says, "of such 
deer's skins as they dress bare, they 
make stockings, that come within 
their shoes, like a stirrup stocking, 
and is fastened above at their belt, 
which is about their middle. When 
they have their apparel on, they 
look like Irish, in their trousers, 
the stockings join so to their 
breeches." Wood, in his New 
England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 5, 
says, " in the winter time the more 
aged of them wear leather draw- 
ers, in form like Irish trousers, fast- 
ened under their girdles with but- 

^ " The Indians make a certain 
sort of meal of parched maize. 
This meal they call noJcake. It is 
so sweet, toothsome, and hearty, 
that an Indian will travel many 

days with no other food but this 
meal, which he eateth as he needs, 
and after it drinketh water. And 
for this end, when they travel a 
journey, or go a hunting, they carry 
this nokake in a basket or bag, for 
their use." Gookin, in Mass. Hist. 
Coll. i. 150. — "AWc/i?c/i, parched 
meal, which is a ready, very whole- 
some food, which they eat with a 
little water, hot or cold. I have 
travelled with near two hundred 
of them at once, near a hundred 
miles through the woods, every 
man carrying a little basket of this 
at his back, and sometimes in a 
hollow leather girdle about his 
middle, sufficient for a man three 
or four days. With, this ready pro- 
vision, and their bows and arrows, 
are they ready for war, and travel 
at an hour's warning. With a 
spoonful of this meal, and a spoon- 



CHAP. He had a little tobacco in a bae; ; but none of them 
-^v^- drank ^ but when he liked. Some of them had their 
1621. faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four 


18. or five fingers broad; others after other fashions, as 
they liked. They brought three or four skins ; but we 

ful of water from the brook, have I 
made many a good dinner and sup- 
per." Roger Williams's Key, in 
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 208. — "If 
their imperious occasions cause 
them to travel, the best of their 
victuals for their journey is nocahc, 
(as they call it,) which is nothing 
but Indian corn parched in the hot 
ashes. The ashes being sifted from 
it, it is afterwards beat to powder, 
and put into a long leathern bag, 
trussed at their backs like a knap- 
sack, out of which they take thrice 
three spoonfuls a day, dividing it 
into three meals. If it be in win- 
ter, and snow be on the ground, 
they can eat when they please, 
stopping snow after their dusty 
victuals. In summer they must 
stay till they meet with a spring or 
brook, when they may have water 
to prevent the imminent danger of 
choking. With this strange via- 
ticum, they will travel four or five 
days together, with loads fitter for 
elephants than men." Wood's 
New England's Prospect, part ii. 
ch. 6. 

' That is, smoked. This was 
formerly a common expression. 
Thus Brereton, in his Journal of 
Gosnold's Voyage, says, " they gave 
us also of their tobacco, which they 
drink green, but dried into powder, 
very strong and pleasant." Rosier, 
in his account of Weymouth's 
Voyage to New England, in 1605, 
printed in Purchas's Pilgrims, iv. 
1662, says, " We drank of their ex- 
cellent tobacco, as much as we 
would, with them ; but we saw not 
any great quantity to truck for, and 
it seemed they had not much left of 
old, for they spend a great quantity 
yearly by their continual drinking." 

Johnson, in his Wonderworking 
Providence, b. i. ch. 41, mentions a 
lusty man (doubtless Underbill) 
who held forth to his pastor before 
the whole congregation, that the 
spirit of revelation came to him as 
he was drinking a pipe of tobacco." 
In the Records of Plymouth Colo- 
ny, under the year 1646, is the fol- 
lowing entry. " Anthony Thacher 
and George Pole were chosen a 
committee to draw up an order 
concerning disorderly drinking to- 
bacco." This use of language was 
probably descriptive of the manner 
in which the weed was formerly 
inhaled, and which still prevails in 
the East. Lane, in his account of 
the Manners and Customs of the 
Modern Egyptians, i. 187, says, 
" In smoking, the people of Egypt, 
and of other countries of the East, 
draw in their breath freely, so that 
much of the smoke descends into 
the lungs; and the terms which 
they use to express ' smoking to- 
bacco ' signify ^drinking smoke,' or 
' drinking tobacco.' " 

Winslow, in his Good News 
from New England, says, " the 
men take much tobacco." Roger 
Williams, in his Key, chs. ii. and 
XX. says, "they generally all take 
tobacco, and it is the only plant 
which men labor in, the women 
managing all the rest. They say 
they take tobacco for two causes ; 
first, against the rheum, which 
causeth the toothache, which they 
are impatient of; secondly, to re- 
vive and refresh them, they drink- 
ing nothing but water. Their to- 
bacco bag hangs at their neck, or 
sticks at their girdle, and is to them 
instead of an English pocket." 


would not truck with them at all that day/ but wished chap. 
them to bring more, and we would truck for all ; which -— v^^ 
they promised within a night or two, and would leave ^^^^• 
these behind them, though we were not willing they 18. 
should ; and they brought us all our tools again, which 
were taken in the woods, in our men's absence. So, be- 
cause of the day, we dismissed them so soon as we could. 
But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick or 
feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and 
stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we 
sent him to them, to know the reason they came not 
according to their words ; and we gave him a hat, a 
pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth 
to tie about his waist. 

The Sabbath day, when we sent them from us, we 
gave every one of them some trifles, especially the prin- 
cipal of them. We carried them, along with our arms, 
to the place where they left their bows and arrows ; 
whereat they were amazed, and two of them began to 
slink awav, but that the other called them. When 
they took their arrows we bade them farewell, and 
they were glad ; and so, with many thanks given us, 
they departed, with promise they would come again. 

Monday and Tuesday proved fair days. We digged 19, 20. 
our grounds and sowed our garden seeds. 

Wednesday a fine warm day. We sent away Sa- 21. 

That day we had again a meeting to conclude of 
laws and orders for ourselves, and to confirm those 
military orders that were formerly propounded, and 
twice broken off by the savages' coming. But so we 
■u^ere again the third time ; for after we had been an 

* It was Sunday. 



CHAP, hour together, on the top of the hill ' over against us 
-^^^^ two or three savages presented themselves, that made 
1 6 2 1. sei^l3]ance of daring us, as we thought. So Captain 
Standish with another, with their muskets, went over 
to them, with two of the master's mates that follows 
them without arms,^ having two muskets with them. 
They whetted and rubbed their arrows and strings, 
and made show of defiance ; but when our men drew 
near them, they ran away. Thus were we again 
interrupted by them. This day, with much ado, we 
got our carpenter, that had been long sick of the scur- 
vy, to fit our shallop to fetch all from aboard. 

Thursday, the 22d of March, was a very fair, warm 
day. About noon we met again about our public bu- 
siness. But we had scarce been an hour together, 
but Samoset came again, and Squanto,^ the only native 


^ The same hill on which the 
two Indians appeared, Feb. 17. See 
note on page ISO. 

^ By anns must be here meant 
side arms, swords, &c., as it is slated 
they had muskets. 

* Also called Squantum, or Tis- 
quantum. There is some discre- 
pancy in the early accounts of 
Squanto's captivity. Gorges, in 
his Brief Narration, ch. 2, says that 
" there happened to come into the 
harbour of Plymouth, where I then 
commanded, one Captain Wey- 
mouth, who happened into a river 
on the coast of America, called 
Pemmaquid, (the Penobscot,) from 
whence he brought five of the na- 
tives, three of whose names were 
Manida, Sketwarroes, and Tas- 
quantum, whom I seized upon. 
They were all of one nation, but of 
several parts and several families." 
This was in 1605. But the Gov- 
ernor and Council for New Eng- 
land, in their Relation, printed in 
1622, say, " it pleased God to send 
into our hands Tasquantum, one of 

those savages that formerly had 
been betrayed by this unworthy 
Hunt before named. But this sav- 
age being at that time in New- 
foundland, Master Dermer, who 
was there also, found the means to 
give us intelligence of him, and his 
opinion of the good use that might 
be made of his employment." Der- 
mer took Tisquantum with him to 
England, and on his return to New 
England in the spring of 1619, 
brought him back to his native 
country. In a letter dated Dec. 27, 
of that year he says, " when I ar- 
rived at my savage's native coun- 
try, finding all dead, I travelled 
almost a day's journey westward 
to a place called Nummastaquyt, 
(Namasket,) where finding inhabit- 
ants, I despatched a messenger a 
day's journey further west to Po- 
conaokit, which bordereth on the 
sea ; whence came to see me two 
kings, attended with a guard of 
fifty armed men, who being well 
satisfied with that my savage and 
I discoursed unto them, being de- 



of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of chap. 
the twenty captives that by Hunt were carried away, -'^^— 
and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with 1621. 

° ' Mar. 

Master John Slanie,^ a merchant, and could speak a 22. 
little English, with three others ; and they brought 
with them some few skins to truck, and some red her- 
rings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and sig- 
nified unto us, that their great sagamore, Masasoyt,^ 
was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother, and all 
their men. They could not well express in English 
what they would ; ^ but after an hour the king came to 
the top of a hill ^ over against us, and had in his train 
sixty men, that we could well behold them, and they 
us. We were not willing to send our governor to 
them, and they were ^ unwilling to come to us. So 

sirous of novelty, gave me content 
in whatsoever I demanded." These 
two kings were undoubtedly Mas- 
sasoit and Quadequina. On going 
to Virginia, in June, Dermer left 
'Tisquantum at Sawahquatooke, 
now Saco, whence he probably re- 
turned to Patuxet and Namasket. 
In another letter, dated June 30, 
1620, Dermer says, " Squanto can- 
not deny but that the Pocanokets 
would have killed me when I was 
at Namassaket, had he not entreat- 
ed hard for me." See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xxvi. 50, 62, xix. 7, 10, 13; 
Purchas, iv. 1778; Morton's Me- 
morial, pp. 55 — 59. 

The beautiful promontory in Dor- 
chester, near Thomson's island, 
will perpetuate the name of this 
early friend of the Pilgrims. They 
probably called it after him in their 
first expedition to the Massachu- 
setts in 1621, when he accompanied 
them as interpreter. This is pro- 
bably the same place which is called 
S/juanto's Chapel, by Morton, in 
his New English Canaan, b. ii. 
chs. 6 and 8. 
" ' The worshipful John Slany, of 

London, merchant," was one of the 
undertakers of the Newfoundland 
plantation, and treasurer of the 
Company. He probably sent 
Squanto to Newfoundland. See 
Whithourne's Newfoundland, p. 
V. and Purchas, iv. 1876, 1888. 

2 Prince says, in his Annals, p. 
187, " the printed accounts gene- 
rally spell him Massasoit ; Gov. 
Bradford writes him Massasoyt and 
Massasoyet; but I find the ancient 
people, from their fathers in Ply- 
mouth Colony, pronounce his name 
Ma-sas-so-it." It will be seen 
hereafter that Winslow writes it 
"Massassowat. The sachem, in 
conformity with a prevailing cus- 
tom among the Indians, afterwards 
changed his name, and took that of 
Owsamequin or Woosamequen. 
See his Life in B. B. Thacher's 
Indian Biography, i. 117 — 140, and 
in S. G. Drake's Book of the Indi- 
ans, b. ii. 17 — 29. 

^ See note ^ on page 183. 

^ Watson's hill, mentioned twice 
before on pages 180 and 190. 

^ The word were was accident- 
ally omitted in the original. 


CHAP. Squanto went again unto him, who brought word 
— v-^ that we should send one to parley with him, which we 
1621. (Jidj wliich was Edward Winsloe, to know his mind, 
22. and to signify the mind and will of our governor, which 
was to have trading and peace with him. We sent to 
the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain with a 
jewel at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, 
and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot of 
strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some but- 
ter ; which were all willingly accepted. 

Our messenger made a speech unto him, that King 
James saluted him with words of love and peace, and 
did accept of him as his friend and ally ; and that our 
governor desired to see him and to truck with him, 
and to confirm a peace with him, as his next neigh- 
bour. He liked well of the speech, and heard it atten- 
tively, thouo;h the interpreters did not well express it. 
After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given the 
rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's 
sword and armor, which he had on, with intimation of 
his desire to buy it ; but, on the other side, our mes- 
senger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In 
the end, he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his 
brother, and came over the brook, and some twenty 
men following him, leaving all their bows and arrows 
behind them. We kept six or seven as hostages for 
our messenger. Captain Standish and Master Wil- 
liamson ^ met the king at the brook, with half a dozen 
musketeers. They saluted him, and he them ; so one 

* There was a Thomas Wil- likely that any one of the ship's 

Hams, but no person of the name of company would be associated with 

Williamson, among the signers of Standish in this duty. Perhaps it 

the Compact. It is probably an should read Master Allerton. 
error of the press. It is very un- 


going over, the one on the one side, and the other on chap. 
the other, conducted him to a house then in buikling, — v-^ 
where we placed a green rug and three or four cush- ^^^^• 
ions. Then instantly came our governor, with drum 22. 
and trumpet after him, and some few musketeers. 
After salutations, our governor kissing his hand, the 
king kissed him ; and so they sat down. The governor 
called for some strong water, and drunk to him ; and 
he drunk a great draught, that made him sweat all the 
while after. He called for a little fresh meat, which 
the king did eat willingly, and did give his followers. 
Then they treated of peace, which was : 

1. That neither he nor any of his should injure or 
do hurt to any of our people. 

2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he should 
send the offender, that we might punish him. 

3. That if any of our tools were taken away, when 
our people were at work, he should cause them to be 
restored ; and if ours did any harm to any of his, we 
would do the like to them. 

4. If any did unjustly war against him, we would 
aid him ; if any did war against us, he should aid us. 

5. He should send to his neighbour confederates to 
certify them of this, that they might not wrong us, but 
might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace. 

6. That when their men came to us, they should 
leave their bows and arrows behind them, as we should 
do our pieces when we came to them. 

Lastly, that doing thus, King James would esteem 
of him as his friend and ally.' 

' " This treaty," says Belknap, estly intended on both sides, was 
*' the work of one day, being hon- kept with fidelity as long as Mas- 



CHAP. All which the kins seemed to like well, and it was 

X. . 

applauded of his followers. All the while he sat by 

1621. the governor, he trembled for fear. In his person he 
22. is a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, 
grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire 
little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, 
only in a great chain of white bone beads about his 
neck ; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of 
tobacco, which he drank, ^ and gave us to drink. His 
face was painted with a sad red, like murrey, and oiled 
both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his 
followers likewise were in their faces, in part or in 
whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, 
and some white, some with crosses, and other antic 
works ; ^ some had skins on them, and some naked ; all 
strong, tall men in appearance. 

So after all was done, the governor conducted him 
to the brook, and there they embraced each other, and 
he departed ; we diligently keeping our hostages. We 
expected our messenger's coming ; but anon w^ord was 
brought us that Quadcquina was coming, and our mes- 
senger was stayed till his return ; who presently came, 
and a troop with him. So likewise we entertained 
him, and conveyed him to the place prepared. He 
was very fearful of our pieces, and made signs of dis- 
like, that they should be carried away ; w hereupon 

sasoit lived, but was afterwards, in It was accordingly ratified and con- 

1675, broken by Philip, his succes- firmed by the government. See 

sor." Ara. Biog. ii. 214. In Sept. Morton's Memorial, p. 210. 

1639, Massasoit and his eldest son, ' See note ' on page 188. 

Mooanam, afterwards called Warn- * This description corresponds to 

suita, and in 1662 by the English the appearance of Black Hawk and 

named Alexander, came into the Keokuck, and the braves of the 

Court at Plymouth and desired that Sacs and Foxes, on their visit to 

this ancient league and confederacy Boston in 1837. 
Plight stand and remain inviolable. 


commandment was given they should be laid away. chap. 
He was a very proper, tall young man, of a very — — - 
modest and seemly countenance, and he did kindly 1621. 
like of our entertainment. So we conveyed him like- 
wise, as we did the king ; but divers of their people 
stayed still. When he was returned, then they dis- 
missed our messenger. Two of his people would have 
stayed all night ; but we would not suffer it. One 
thing I forgot ; the king had in his bosom, hanging in 
a string, a great long knife. He marvelled much at our 
trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as 
they could. Samoset and Squanto, they stayed all night 
with us ; and the king and all his men lay all night 
in the woods, not above half an English mile from us, 
and all their wives and women with them. They said 
that within eight or nine days they would come and 
set corn on the other side of the brook, and dwell there 
all summer ; which is hard by us. That night we kept 
good watch ; but there was no appearance of danger. 

The next morning, divers of their people came over Mar. 
to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. ^^' 
Some of them told us the king would have some of us 
come see him. Captain Standish and Isaac Alderton ^ 

' Generally spelt Allerton. He New England's Memorial, p. 394, 
was the fifth signer of the Compact " Like the promontory of Palinurus, 
on board the Mayflower. Hutch- it is respectfully regarded as the 
inson, in his History of Massachu- memorial of an ancient worthy, 
setts, ii. 461, says, " Isaac Allerton and the appellation, perpetuating 
or Alderton, the first assistant, was the memory of a man of the great- 
employed several times to negoti- est commercial enterprise in those 
ate matters in England relative to early times, is most fitly applied. / 
their trade, and at length left them ' Gaudet cognomine terra.' " — The 
and settled there. His male pos- accurate Hutchinson is for once in 
terity settled in Maryland. If they an error. Allerton removed to 
be extinct. Point Alderton, at the New Haven in Connecticut, pre- 
^trance of Boston harbour, which vious to the last of March, 1647, and 
took his name, will probably pre- died there in 1659. We are in- 
serve it many ages." Judge Davis debted to the Rev. Leonard Bacon, 
adds, in his edition of Morton's of New Haven, for the discovery of 


CHAP, went venturously, who were welcomed of him after 

-i^ their manner. He gave them three or four ground-nuts 

16 21. and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive but that 

2^ he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have seen 

our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods 

at work and fowling, whenas they offered them no 

harm, as they might easily have done ; and especially 

because he hath a potent adversary, the Narowhigan- 

sets, that are at war with him, against whom he thinks 

we may be some strength to him ; for our pieces are 

terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till ten 

or eleven of the clock ; and our governor bid them send 

the king's kettle, and filled it full of pease, which 

pleased them well ; and so they went their way. 

Friday was a very fair day. Samoset and Squanto 
still remained with us. Squanto went at noon to fish 
for eels. At night he came home with as many as he 
could well lift in one hand ; which our people were 
glad of; they were fat and sweet. He trod them out^ 
with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, 
without any other instrument. 

This day we proceeded on with our common busi- 
ness, from which we had been so often hindered by 
the salvages' coming ; and concluded both of military 
orders and of some laws ^ and orders as we thought 

this fiict. His conjecture, however, ' Of the mud; probably at Eel 

is unfounded that AUerton left no river, so called from the abundance 

daughter. It appears from Hutch- of eels which are taken there, 

inson, ii. 456, compared with Mor- About 150 barrels are annually 

ton's Memorial, p. TiSl, that his caught. See Thacher's Plymouth, 

daughter Mary, who married Tho- p. .32i!. 

mas Cushman, son of Robert, was ^ In 1636 a code of laws was 
alive in 1698, the last survivor of made, with a preamble containing 
the passengers in the Mayflower, an account of the settlement of the 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 243 Colony. This code was revised in 
and 301, and Professor Kingsley's 165S, and again in 1671, and print- 
Historical Discourse, p. 92. ed with this title, " The Book of 



behooveful for our present estate and condition ; and chap. 
did likewise choose ^ our governor for this year, which — -v-^ 
was Master John Carver, a man well approved 162 1. 
amongst us.^ 

[March 24. Dies Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. Ed- Mar. 


ward Winslow. N. B. This month thirteen of our 
number die. And in three months past, dies half our 
company ; the greatest part in the depth of winter. 

the General Laws of the Inhabit- 
ants of the Jurisdiction of New 
Plymouth." In 16S5, a new digest 
of them was published. In 1836 
these several codes were collected 
and digested into one volume by 
William Brigham, Esq. Counsellor 
at Law, agreeably to a Resolve of 
the Legislature of Massachusetts. 
It serves to illustrate the condition 
of the Colony at different periods, 
the manners, wants, and senti- 
ments of our forefathers, the diffi- 
culties with which they struggled, 
and the remedies provided for their 
relief. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 
265, 270. 

Gov. Hutchinson, with unac- 
countable carelessness, has assert- 
ed, ii. 463, that " they never estab- 
lished any distinct code or body of 
laws ; " grounding his assertion on 
a passage in Hubbard's Hist, of N. 
England, which implies no such 
thing. The quotation, imperfectly 
given by Hutchinson, is correctly 
as follows : " The laws they in- 
tended to be governed by were the 
laws of England, the which they 
were willing to be subject unto, 
though in a foreign land ; and have 
since that time continued in that 
mind for the general, adding only 
some particular municipal laws of 
their own, suitable to their consti- 
tution, in such cases where the 
common laws and statutes of Eng- 
land could not well reach, or afford 
them help in emergent difficulties 
of the place ; possibly on the same 

ground that Pacuvius sometimes 
advised his neighbours of Capua 
not to cashier their old magistrates 
till they could agree upon better to 
place in their room. So did these 
choose to abide by the laws of Eng- 
land, till they could be provided of 
better." Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 
242; Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 62. 

' "Or rather confirm." Bradford 
in Prince, p. 1S8. It will be recol- 
lected that Carver had been chosen 
governor on the 1 1th of November, 
the same day on which the Com- 
pact was signed. It was now the 
23d of March, and the new year 
beginning on the 25th, according 
to^the calendar then in use. Carver 
was reelected for the ensuing year. 
The question has sometimes been 
asked, Why was not Brewster cho- 
sen ? The answer is given by 
Hutchinson, ii. 460. " He was 
their ruling elder, which seems to 
have been the bar to his being their 
governor, civil and ecclesiastical 
office in the same person being 
then deemed incompatible." 

^ Here the daily journal breaks 
off, and an interval of three months 
occurs before the account of the 
expedition to Pokanoket, during 
which nothing is recorded. To fill 
up this chasm in some measure, I 
insert the following particulars, 
which Prince extracts from Gov. 
Bradford's History, and from his 
Reirister, in which he records some 
of the first deaths, marriages, and 
punishments at Plymouth. 



16 2L 

CHAP, wanting houses and other comforts, being infected 
— v^ with the scurvy and other diseases, which their long 
voyage and unaccommodate condition brought upon 
them ; so as there die sometimes two or three a day. 
Of a hundred persons scarce fifty remain ; the living 
scarce able to bury the dead ; the well not sufficient to 
tend the sick, there being, in their time of greatest dis- 
tress, but six or seven, who spare no pains to help them. 
Two of the seven were Mr. Brewster, their reverend 
elder, and Mr. Standish, their captain. The like dis- 
ease fell also among the sailors, so as almost half 
their company also die before they sail.^ But the 

' The exact bill of mortality, as 
collected by Prince, is as follows. 

In December 


In January 
In February 
In March 


Total 44 

Of these were subscribers to 
the Compact, 

The wives of Bradford, Stand- 
ish, AUerton, and Winslow, 

Also, Edward Thomson, a ser- 
vant of Mr. White, Jasper 
Carver, a son of the go- 
vernor, and Solomon Mar- 
tin, son of Christopher, 

Other women, children and 
servants, whose names are 
not known, 




Before the arrival of the Fortune 
in Nov. six more died, including 
Carver and his wife, making the 
whole number of deaths 50, and 
leaving the total number of the sur- 
vivors 50. Of those not named 
among the survivors, being young 
men, women, children, and ser- 
vants, there were 31 ; amongst 
whom, as appears from the list of 

names in the division of the lands 
in 1623, were Joseph Rogers, pro- 
bably a son of Thomas, Mary Chil- 
ton, probably a daughter of James, 
Henry Sainson, and Humility 
Cooper. See Baylies' Plymouth, i. 
70; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 207; 
Morton's Memorial, p. 375. 

Wood, in his New England's 
Prospect, ch. 2, says, " whereas 
many died at the beginning of the 
plantations, it was not because the 
country was unhealihful, but be- 
cause their bodies were corrupted 
with sea-diet, which was naught, 
the beef and pork being tainted, 
their butter and cheese corrupted, 
their fish rotten, and the voyage 
long by reason of cross winds, so 
that winter approaching before they 
could get w^arm houses, and the 
searching sharpness of that purer 
climate creeping in at the crannies 
of their crazed bodies, caused death 
and sickness." Dudley, too, in his 
letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 
in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 43, re- 
marks, " touching the sickness and 
mortality which every first year 
hath seized upon us and those of 
Plymouth, (of which mortality it 
may be said of us almost as of the 
Egyptians, that there is not a house 
where there is not one dead, and in 
some houses many,) the natural 



spring advancing, it pleases God the mortality begins chap. 
to cease, and the sick and lame recover ; which puts -^v^^ 
new life into the people, though they had borne their 1621. 
sad affliction with as much patience as any could do. 

The first offence since our arrival is of John Billlng- 
ton, who came on board at London, and is this month 
convented before the whole company for his contempt 
of the Captain's lawful command with opprobrious 
speeches, for which he is adjudged to have his neck 
and heels tied together ; but upon humbling himself 
and craving pardon, and it being the first offence, he 
is forgiven.^ 

April 5. We despatch the ship with Captain Jones, April 
who this day sails from New Plymouth, and May 6 
arrives in England.^ 

While we are busy about our seed, our governor, 
Mr. Carver, comes out of the field very sick, complains 

causes seem to be, the want of 
warm lodging and good diet, to 
which Englishmen are habituated 
at home. Those of Plymouth, 
who landed in Avinter, died of scur- 
vy, as did our poorer sort, whose 
housing and bedding kept them not 
sufficiently warm." 

Holmes, in his Annals, i. 168, 
says, "tradition gives an affecting 
picture of the infant colony during 
this critical and distressing period. 
The dead were buried on the bank, 
at a little distance from the rock 
where the fathers landed; and, lest 
the Indians should take advantage 
of the weak and wretched state of 
the English, the graves were lev- 
elled, and sown for the purpose of 
concealment. This information I 
received at Plymouth from the late 
Ephraim Spooner, a respectable 
inhabitant of that town, and dea- 
con of the church, who accompa- 
nied me to the spot where those 
first interments were made. Hu- 

man bones have been washed out 
of the bank, within the memory of 
the present generation. Deacon 
Spooner, then upwards of 70 years 
of age, had his information from 
Mr. Thomas Faunce, who was a 
ruling elder in the first church ia 
Plymouth, and was well acquainted 
with several of the first settlers. 
Elder Faunce knew the rock on 
which they first landed ; and hear- 
ing that it was covered in the erec- 
tion of a wharf, was so afiiected, 
that he wept. His tears perhaps 
saved it from oblivion. He died 
Feb.27, 1746, aged 99." See note' 
on page 161. 

* See note ' on page 149. 

^ It is a circumstance worthy of 
notice, that notwithstanding the 
hardships, privations, and mortality 
among the Pilgrims, not one of 
them was induced to abandon the 
enterprise and return home in the 



CHAP, greatly of his head. Within a few hours his senses 
— ^- fail, so as he speaks no more, and in a few days after 
^.^2.}- dies, to our great lamentation and heaviness. His 

April. ' . *= 

care and pains were so great for the common good, as 
therewith, it is thought, he oppressed himself and short- 
ened his days ; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently 
complain ; and his wife deceases about five or six 
weeks after.^ 

' " Before I pass on, I may not 
omit to take notice of the sad loss 
the church and this infant common- 
wealth sustained by the death of Mr. 
John Carver, who was one of the 
deacons of the church in Leyden, 
but now had been and was their 
first governor. This worthy gen- 
tleman was one of singular piety, 
and rare for humility, which ap- 
peared, as otherwise, so by his 
great condescendency, whenas this 
miserable people were in great 
sickness. He shunned not to do 
very mean services for them, yea, 
the meanest of them. He bare a 
share likewise of their labor in his 
own person, according as their great 
necessity required. Who being one 
also of a considerable estate, spent 
the main part of it in this enter- 
prise, and from first to last ap- 
proved himself not only as their 
agent in the first transacting of 
things, but also all along to the pe- 
riod of his life, to be a pious, faith- 
ful, and very beneficial instrument. 
He deceased in the month of April 
in the year 1621, and is now reap- 
ing the fruit of his labor with the 
Lord." MS. Records of Plym. Ch. 
vol. i. p. 27. See also Morton's 
Memorial, p. 68. 

It is supposed that Carver's death 
was occasioned by a stroke of the 
sun ; and yet, as Baylies observes, 
" it is not a little remarkable that 
such an effect should have been 
produced in this climate in the 
month of April." Morton says, 
" he was buried in the best man- 

ner they could, with as much so- 
lemnity as they were in a capacity 
to perform, with the discharge of 
some volleys of shot of all that bare 

Nothing is known of Carver pre- 
vious to his appointment in 1617 
as one of the agents of the Church 
at Leyden. Nor is any thing 
known of his immediate descend- 
ants. It will be seen by the Com- 
pact, p. 121, that there were 8 per- 
sons in his family. He lost a son 
Dec. 6, and his daughter Elizabeth 
married John Howland. See note '^ 
on page 149. The name of Car- 
ver does not appear in the assign- 
ment of the lands in 1623, nor in 
the division of the cattle in 1627; 
nor does it appear at any subse- 
quent time in ibe annals of the Col- 
ony. "Hischildren attained no civil 
honors ; they rose to no distinction ; 
but less fortunate than the children 
of the other governors, they re- 
mained in obscurity, and were un- 
noticed by the people." William, 
the grandson (or nephew) of the 
governor died at Marshfield, Oct. 
2, 1760, at the age of 102. Not 
long before his death, this grand- 
son, with his son, his grandson, 
and great grandson, were all at 
work together without doors, and 
the great great grandson was in the 
house at the same time. Many of 
the name are still living in various 
parts of the Old Colony. The 
town of Carver in Plymouth Coun- 
ty will help to perpetuate it. Com- 
pare Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 456, 


Soon after we choose Mr. William Bradford our chap. 
governor and Mr. Isaac Allerton his assistant, who are -^---^ 
by renewed elections continued together sundry years, j^^ 

May 12. The first marriage in this place is of Mr. 12. 
Edward VVinslow to Mrs. Susanna White, widow of 
Mr. William White.^ 

June 18. The second offence is the first duel foue;ht June 


in New England, upon a challenge at single combat 
with sword and dagger, between Edward Doty and 
Edward Leister, servants of Mr. Hopkins. Both being 
wounded, the one in the hand, the other in the thigh, 
they are adjudged by the whole company to have their 
head and feet tied together, and so to lie for twenty- 
four hours, without meat or drink ; which is begun to 
be inflicted, but within an hour, because of their great 
pains, at their own and their master's humble request, 
uj)on promise of better carriage, they are released by 
the governor.] 

■with Mitchell's Hist, of Bridge- ' Wm. White died Feb. 21, and 

water, pp. 129 and 362 ; and see Edward Winslow's first wife, 

Baylies' Plymouth, i. 71, and Bel- March 24. 
knap's Am. Biog. ii. 179 — 216. 




CHAP. It seemed good to the company, for many consider- 
-^v-^ ations, to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, the 
1621. greatest commander amongst the savages bordering 
upon us ; partly to know where to find them, if occasion 
served, as also to see their strength, discover the coun- 
try, prevent abuses in their disorderly coming unto us, 
make satisfaction for some conceived injuries to be done 
on our parts, and to continue the league of peace and 
friendship between them and us. For these and the 
like ends, it pleased the governor to make choice of 
Steven Hopkins and Edward Winsloe to go unto him ; 
and having a fit opportunity, by reason of a savage 
called Tisquantum, that could speak English, coming 

' There can hardly be a doubt The peculiar mode in which cer- 

that the narrative of this expedition tain words are spelt corresponds 

was written by Winslow. He and with the manner in which they are 

Hopkins were the only persons en- spelt in Winslow's Good News 

gaged in it, and of course one of from New England. Thus the 

them must have written it. That name of their Indian interpreter is 

the author was Winslow, and not in both papers invariably called 

Hopkins, is rendered highly proba- Tisquantum, whilst Bradford writes 

ble by the circumstance that Hop- it Squanto. In both narratives too 

kins's name is mentioned first, we read Paomet instead of Pamet. 



unto US, with all expedition provided a horseman's chap. 
coat of red cotton, and laced witli a slight lace, for a -^v-^ 
present, that both they and their message might be the I62i, 
more acceptable amongst them. 

The message was as follows : That forasmuch as 
his subjects came often and without fear upon all occa- 
sions amongst us, so we were now come unto him ; and 
in witness of the love and good-will the English bear 
unto him, the governor hath sent him a coat, desiring 
that the peace and amity that was between them and 
us might be continued ; not that we feared them, but 
because we intended not to injure any, desiring to live 
peaceably, and as with all men, so especially with 
them, our nearest neighbours. But whereas his people 
came very often, and very many together unto us, 
bringing for the most part their wives and children 
with them, they were welcome ; yet we being but 
strangers as yet at Patuxet, alias New Plymouth,^ and 
not knowing how our corn might prosper, we could no 
longer give them such entertainment as we had done, 
and as we desired still to do. Yet if he would be 
pleased to come himself, or any special friend of his 
desired to see us, coming from him they should be 
welcome. And to the end we might know them from 
others, our governor had sent him a copper chain ; de- 
siring if any messenger should come from him to us, we 
might know him by bringing it with him, and hearken 

' Capt. John Smith, in his map native country ; and for that they 

of New England, published in received many kindnesses from 

1616, had given the name of Ply- some Christians there." Smith 

mouth to this place. Morton says says its Indian name was Acco- 

in his Memorial, p. 56, " The name mack, and calls it "an excellent 

of Plymouth was so called, not only good harbour." The natives also 

for the reason here named, but also called it Apaum. See Mass. Hist, 

because Plymouth, in Old England, CoU. xxiii. 1, and xxvi, 97, 119. 
was the last town they left in their 


CHAP, and give credit to his message accordingly ; also re- 
— --^ questing him that such as have skins should bring them 
1621. to us, and that he would hinder the multitude from 
oppressing us with them. And whereas, at our first 
arrival at Paomet,' called by us Cape Cod, we found 
there corn buried in the ground, and finding no inha- 
bitants, but some graves of dead new buried, took the 
corn, resolving, if ever we could hear of any that had 
right thereunto, to make satisfaction to the full for it ; 
yet since we understand the owners thereof were fled 
for fear of us, our desire was either to pay them 
with the like quantity of corn, English meal, or any 
other commodities we had, to pleasure them w ithal ; 
requesting him that some one of his men might signify 
so much unto them, and we would content him for his 
pains.^ And last of all, our governor requested one 
favor of him, which was that he would exchange some 
of their corn for seed with us, that we might make 
trial w^hich best agreed with the soil where we live. 
With these presents and message we set forward the 
June 10th June,^ about nine o'clock in the mornina;, our 
July guide resolving that night to rest at Namaschet,"* a town 
under Massasoyt, and conceived by us to be very near, 
because the inhabitants flocked so thick upon every 
slight occasion amongst us ; but we found it to be some 

' See note ' on page 125, and with the rest of the Journal, I con- 
note ' on pa^e 210. elude that on Monday, July 2d, 
* See note ' on page 134. they agreed to send, but set not out 
^ " June 10th being Lord's Day, till the next morning." Prince, 
it is very unlikely that they set out Ann. 191. Morion, in his Memo- 
then, and is also inconsistent with rial, p. 69, says it was July 2. 
the rest of the Journal; whereas ^ Namaschct, or Namaslcet; that 
July 2d is Monday, when Governor part of Middleborough, which the 
Bradford says, 'We sent Mr. Ed- English first began to .settle. See 
ward Winslow and Mr. Steven Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 148. Capt. 
Hopkins to see our new friend Dermer was at this place in 1619. 
Massasoit;' though, to comport See note ^ on page 190. 



fifteen English miles. On the way we found some chap. 
ten or twelve men, ^vomen, and children, which had — v-w 
pestered us till we were wearj of them, perceivino- ^621. 
that (as the manner of them all is) where victual is 3. 
easilest to be got, there they live, especially in the 
summer ; by reason whereof, our bay affording many 
lobsters, they resort every spring-tide thither ; and now 
returned with us to Namaschet. Thither we came 
about three o'clock after noon, the inhabitants enter- 
taining us with joy, in the best manner they could, 
giving us a kind of bread called by them maiziiim,^ and 
the spawn of shads, which then they got in abundance, 
insomuch as they gave us spoons to eat them. With 
these they boiled musty acorns ; ^ but of the shads we 
eat heartily. After this they desired one of our men 
to shoot at a crow, complaining what damage they sus- 
tained in their corn by them ; who shooting some four- 
score off and killing, they much admired at it, as other 
shots on other occasions. 

After this, Tisquantum told us we should hardly in 
one day reach Packanokick, moving us to go some eight 
miles further, where we should find more store and 
better victuals than there. Being willing to hasten 
our journey, we went and came thither at sunsetting, 
where we found many of the Namascheucks (they so 
calling the men of Namaschet) fishing upon a wear' 
which they had made on a river which belonged to 
them, where they caught abundance of bass. These 
welcomed us also, gave us of their fish, and we them 

' Made of maz'te, or Indian corn, adjoining Bridgewater, is a noted 

See note ' on page 131. place, which was formerly called 

/ See note ' on page 145. the Old Indian Wear. Though 

^ At or near a village now called other wears have been erected on 

Tilicut, on Taunton river, in the Taunton river, yet this is probably 

northwest part of Middleborough, the place intended. F, 


CHAP, of our victuals, not doubtiiiir but we should have enough 


— v^- where'er we came. There we lodged in the open 
1621. fields, for houses thej had none, though they spent the 
most of the summer there. The head of this river is 
reported to be not far from the place of our abode. ^ 
Upon it are and have been many towns, it being a 
good length. The ground is very good on both sides, 
it being for the most part cleared. Thousands of men 
have lived there, which died in a great plague ^ not 
long since ; and pity it was and is to see so many 
goodly fields, and so well seated, without men to dress 
and manure the same. Upon this river dwelleth Mas- 
sasoyt. It cometh into the sea at the Narrohigganset 
bay, where the Frenchmen so much use. A ship may 
go many miles up it, as the salvages report, and a shal- 
lop to the head of it ; but so far as we saw, we are 
sure a shallop may.^ But to return to our journey. 
July The next morning we brake our fast, took our leave, 


and departed ; being then accompanied with some six 
salvages. Having gone about six miles by the river 
side, at a known shoal place, ^ it being low water, they 
spake to us to put off our breeches, for we must wade 
through. Here let me not forget the valor and courage 
of some of the salvages on the opposite side of the 
river ; for there were remaining alive only two men, 
both aged, especially the one, being above threescore. 
These two, espying a company of men entering the 
river, ran very swiftly, and low in the grass, to meet 

1 The Winnatuckset, one of the * About six miles below Old In- 

tributaries of Taunton river, has its dian Wear is a noted wading place, 

source in Carver, seven miles from The opposite shore of Taunton riv- 

Plvmouth. er is in Ravnham. F. Baylies, 

- See note " on page 1S3. says, i. 75, it is " near the new forge 

^ The river is navigable for on Taunton river, about three miles 

gloops as far as Taunton. from the Green." 


US at the bank : where, with shrill voices and fireat chap. 


courage, standing charged upon us with their bows, — ^— - 
they demanded what we were, supposing us to be 1621. 
enemies, and thinking to take advantage on us in the 4. 
water. But seeing we were friends, they welcomed 
us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a 
small bracelet of beads on them. Thus far we are 
sure the tide ebbs and flows. ' 

Having here again refreshed ourselves, we proceeded 
in our journey, the weather being very hot for travel ; 
yet the country so well watered, that a man could 
scarce be dry, but he should have a spring at hand to 
cool his thirst, beside small rivers in abundance. But 
the salvages will not willingly drink but at a spring- 
head. When we came to any small brook, where no 
bridge was, two of them desired to carry us through of 
their own accords ; also, fearing we were or would be 
weary, offered to carry our pieces ; also, if we would 
lay off any of our clothes, we should have them carried ; 
and as the one of them had found more special kind- 
ness from one of the messengers, and the other salvage 
from the other, so they showed their thankfulness ac- 
cordingly in affording us all help and furtherance in the 

As we passed along, we observed that there were 
few places by the river but had been inhabited ; by 
reason whereof much ground was clear, save of weeds, 
which grew higher than our heads. There is much 
good timber, both oak, walnut tree, fir, beech, and ex- 
ceeding great chestnut trees. The country, in respect 
of the lying of it, is both champaign and hilly, like 
many places in England. In some places it is very 
rocky, both above ground and in it ; and though the 


CHAP, country be wild and overgrown with woods, yet the 


trees stand not thick, but a man may well ride a horse 
1621. amongst them.^ 

July ^ . 

4. Passing on at length, one of the company, an Indian, 

espied a man, and told the rest of it. We asked them 
if they feared any. They told us that if they were 
Narrohigganset men, they would not trust them. 
Whereat we called for our pieces, and bid them not to 
fear; for though they were twenty, we two alone would 
not care for them. But they hailing him, he proved a 
friend, and had only two women with him. Their 
baskets were empty ; but they fetched water in their 
bottles, so that we drank with them and departed. 
After we met another man, with other two women, 
which had been at rendezvous by the salt water ; and 
their baskets were full of roasted crab fishes and other 
dried shell fish, of which they gave us ; and w^e eat 
and drank with them, and gave each of the women a 
string of beads, and departed. 

After we came to a town of Massasovt's, where we 
eat oysters and other fish. From thence we went to 
Packanokick;^ but Massasoyt was not at home. There 

' See note ^ on page 124. course on Rhode Island, says, that 

^ " This was a general name for " Sowams is the neck since called 

the northern shore of Narraganset Phebe's Neck, in Barrington ; " but 

Bay, between Providence and Taun- intimates in a note that ''perhaps 

ton rivers, and compreliending the Sowams is properly the name of 

present townships of Bristol, War- the river, where the two Swansey 

ren, and Barrington, in the State of rivers meet and run together for 

Rhode Island, and Swansey, in near a mile, when they empty 

Massachusetts. Its northern ex- themselves in the Narraganset Bay, 

tent is unknown. The principal or of a small island, where these 

seatsof Massasoit were at Sowams two rivers meet, at the bottom of 

and Kikemuit. The former is a New Meadow Neck, so called." 

neck of land formed by the conflu- See Rhode Island Hist. Coll. iv. 84. 

ence of Barrington and Palmer's Morton says, p. 69, that " they 

rivers: the latter is Mount Hope." found his (Massasoit's) place to be 

Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 221. about forty miles from New Ply- 

Callendcr, in his Historical Dis- mouth." 


we stayed, he being sent for. When news was brought chap. 
of his coming, our guide Tisquantum requested that at — -— 
our meeting we would discharge our pieces. But one I62i. 
of us going about to charge his piece, the women 4. 
and children, through fear to see him take up his piece, 
ran away, and could not be pacified till he laid it down 
again ; who afterward were better informed by our 
interpreter. Massasoyt being come, we discharged our 
pieces and saluted him ; who, after their manner, kindly 
welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us 
down by him ; where, having delivered our foresaid 
message and presents, and having put the coat on his 
back and the chain about his neck, he was not a little 
proud to behold himself, and his men also to see their 
king so bravely attired. 

For answer to our message, he told us we were wel- 
come, and he would gladly continue that peace and 
friendship which was between him and us ; and, for 
his men, they should no more pester us as they had 
done ; also, that he would send to Paomet, and would 
help us with corn for seed, according to our request. 

This being done, his men gathered near to him, to 
whom he turned himself and made a great speech ; 
they sometimes interposing, and, as it were, confirming 
and applauding him in that he said. The meaning 
whereof was, as far as we could learn, thus : Was not 
he, Massasoyt, commander of the country about them ? 
Was not such a town his, and the people of it ? And 
should they not bring their skins unto us ? To which 
they answered, they were his, and would be at peace 
with us, and bring their skins to us. After this man- 
ner he named at least thirty places, and their answer 



CHAP, was as aforesaid to every one ; so that as it was delight- 

'^-^ fu], it was tedious unto us. 

1621. This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell 
to discoursing of England and of the King's Majesty, 
marvelling that he would live without a wife.^ Also 
he talked of the Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer 
them to come to Narrohigganset, for it was King James's 
country, and he also was King James's man. Late it 
grew, but victuals he offered none ; for indeed he had 
not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired 
to go to rest. He laid us on the bed with himself and 
his wife, they at the one end and we at the other, it 
being only planks laid a foot from the ground and a 
thin mat upon them.^ Two more of his chief men, for 
want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we 
were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey. 
July The next day, being Thursday, many of their sachims, 
or petty governors, came to see us, and many of their 
men also. There they went to their manner of games 
for skins and knives. There we challenged them to 
shoot with them for skins, but they durst not ; only 
they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark, who 

' Anne of Denmark, the wife of three places of the house about the 

James I. of England, died on the fire. They lie upon planks, com- 

2d of March, 1619, aged 45. monly about a foot or eighteen 

^ "In their wigwams," says inches above the ground, raised upon 

Gookin, " they make a kind of mils that are borne up upon forks, 

couch or mattress, firm and strong, They lay mats under them, and 

raised about a foot high from the coats of deer's skins, otters', bea- 

earth ; first covered with boards vers', racoons', and of bears' hides, 

that they split out of trees, and up- all which they have dressed and 

on the boards they spread mats gen- converted into good leather, with 

erally, and sometimes bear skins the hair on, for their coverings; 

and deer skins. These are large and in this manner they lie as 

enough for three or four persons to warm as they desire." See Mass. 

lodge u|)on ; for their mattresses Hist. Coll. i. 150, and New English 

are 6 or 8 feet broad." Morton Canaan, b. i. ch. 4. 
says, " Their lodging is made in 


shooting with hail-shot, they wondered to see the chap. 
mark so full of holes. -^v^- 

About one o'clock Massasojt brought two fishes that 1621. 
he had shot ; they were like bream, but three times so 
big, and better meat.^ These being boiled, there were 
at least forty looked for share in them ; the most eat of 
them. This meal only we had in two nights and a 
day ; and had not one of us bought a partridge, we had 
taken our journey fasting. Very importunate he was 
to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to 
keep the Sabbath at home ; and feared we should either 
be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with bad 
lodging, the savages' barbarous singing, (for they use 
to sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, 
and mosquitoes without, we could hardly sleep all the 
time of our being there ; we much fearing that if we 
should stay any longer, we should not be able to reco- 
ver home for want of strength. So that on the Friday July 
morning, before sunrising, we took our leave and de- 
parted, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed that 
he could no better entertain us ; and retaining Tis- 
quantum to send from place to place to procure truck 
for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, 
in his place, whom we had found faithful before and 
after upon all occasions. 

At this town of Massasoyt's, where we before eat, 
we were again refreshed with a little fish, and bought 
about a handful of meal of their parched corn,^ which 
was very precious at that time of the year, and a small 
string of dried shell-fish, as big as oysters.^ The latter 
we gave to the six savages that accompanied us, keep- 

' Probably the fish called tataug. ^ See note ^ on page 1S7. 
Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 288. ^ These were probably claras. 


CHAP, inff the meal for ourselves. When we drank, we eat 

XI. ^ 

— -^-^ each a spoonful of it with a pipe of tobacco, instead of 
162 1. other victuals ; and of this also we could not but give 
them so long as it lasted. Five miles they led us to a 
house out of the way in hope of victuals ; but we found 
nobody there, and so were but worse able to return home. 
That night we reached to the wear where we lay be- 
fore ; but the Namascheucks were returned, so that we 
had no hope of any thing there. One of the savages 
had shot a shad in the water, and a small squirrel, as 
big as a rat, called a neuxis; the one half of either he 
gave us, and after went to the wear to iish. From 
hence we wrote to Plymouth, and sent Tokamahamon 
before to Namasket, willing him from thence to send 
another, that he might meet us with food at Namasket. 
Two men now only remained with us ; and it pleased 
God to give them good store of fish, so that we were 
well refreshed. After supper we went to rest, and 
they to fishing again. More they gat, and fell to eat- 
ing afresh, and retained sufficient ready roast for all 
our breakfasts. 
July About two o'clock in the morning, arose a great 
Storm of wind, rain, lightning, and thunder, in such 
violent manner that we could not keep in our fire ; and 
had the savages not roasted fish when we were asleep, 
we had set forward fasting ; for the rain still continued 
with great violence, even the whole day through, till 
we came within two miles of home. Being wet and 
weary, at length we came to Namaschet. There we 
refreshed ourselves, giving gifts to all such as had 
showed us any kindness. Amongst others, one of the 
six that came with us from Packanokick, having before 
this on the way unkindly forsaken us, marvelled we 


gave him nothing, and told us what he had done for chap. 
us. We also told him of some discourtesies he offered — v-^ 
us, whereby he deserved nothing;. Yet we gave him 1621. 
a small trifle ; whereupon he offered us tobacco. But 7. 
the house being full of people, we told them he stole 
some by the way, and if it were of that, we would not 
take it ; for we would not receive that vt'hich was 
stolen, upon any terms ; if we did, our God would be 
angry with us, and destroy us. This abashed him, 
and gave the rest great content. But, at our depart- 
ure, he would needs carry him ' on his back through 
a river whom he had formerly in some sort abused. 
Fain they would have had us to lodge there all night, 
and wondered we would set forth again in such weather. 
But, God be praised, we came safe home that night, 
though wet, weary, and surbated.^ 

^ Undoubtedly the writer himself, and reached Pokanoket on Wed- 

Winslow. nesday, spent Thursday there, left 

^ Surbated, bruised, wearied. Friday morning before sunrise, and 

They had been absent five days, arrived at Plymouth Saturday eve- 

They started Tuesday morning, ning. 







The 11th of June^ we set forth, the weather bemg 
very fair. But ere we had been long at sea, there arose 
a storm of wind and rain, with much hghtning and thun- 
der, insomuch the't a spout arose not far from us. But, 
God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that 
night for harbour at a place called Cummaquid,^ where 
we had some hope to find the boy. Two savages 
were in the boat with us. The one was Tisquantum, 
our interpreter ; the other Tokamahamon, a special 

' The name of this boy was John 
Billington, according to Bradford, 
in Prince, p. 192. He was the 
brother of Francis, who discovered 
Billington Sea, and the son of John, 
the first culprit. See note ' on page 
149, and note ^ on page 172. Mas- 
sasoit had sent word he was at 
Nauset. See Prince, p. 192. 

'^ "This date being inconsistent 
with several hints in the foregoing 
and following stories, I keep to 
Governor Bradford's original man- 
uscript, and place it between the 
end of July and the 13th of Au- 
gust." Prince, p. 192. 

^ Barnstable harbour; which is 
formed by a neck of land, about 
half a mile wide, called Sandy 
Neck, which projects from Sand- 
Avich on the north shore, and runs 
east almost the length of the town. 
The harbour is about a mile wide, 
and four miles long. The tide rises 
in it from 10 to 14 feet. It has a 
bar running off northeast from the 
neck several miles, which prevents 
the entrance of large ships. Mass. 
Hist. Coll. iii. 12. See note ^ on 
page 159. 


friend. It beino- night before we came in, we anchored chap. 


in the midst of the bay, where we were dry at a low ^^v-L. 
water. In the morning we espied savages seeking 1 621. 
lobsters, and sent our two interpreters to speak with day. 
them, the channel being between them ; where they 
told them what we were, and for what we were come, 
willing them not at all to fear us, for we would not 
hurt them. Their answer was, that the boy was well, 
but he was at Nauset ; yet since we were there, they 
desired us to come ashore, and eat with them ; which, 
as soon as our boat floated, we did, and went six ashore, 
having four pledges for them in the boat. They brought 
us to their sachim, or governor, whom they call lya- 
nough,^ a man not exceeding twenty-six years of age, 
but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair condi- 
tioned, indeed not like a savage, save for his attire. 
His entertainment was answerable to his parts, and 
his cheer plentiful and various. 

One thing was very grievous unto us at this place. 
There was an old woman, whom we judged to be no 
less than a hundred years old, which came to see us, 
because she never saw English ; yet could not behold 
us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping 
and crying excessively. We demanding the reason of 
it, they told us she had three sons, who, when Master 
Hunt^ was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade 
with him, and he carried them captives into Spain, (for 
Tisquantum at that time was carried away also,) by 
which means she was deprived of the comfort of her 
children in her old age. We told them we were sorry 

/^ Sometimes called lyanoiigh of stable and Yarmouth harbours. 

Cummaquid, and sometimes lya- See Prince, p. 193; Mass. Hist, 

nough of Mattakiest, which seems Coll. i. 197, and iii. 15. F. 

to be the country between Barn- ^ See pages 186 and 190. 


CHAP, that any Englishman should give them that offence, 
^— -^ that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the English 
1^21. that heard of it condemned him for the same ; but for 
us, we would not offer them any such injury, though it 
would gain us all the skins in the country. So we 
gave her some small trifles, which somewhat appeased 
2d After dinner we took boat for Nauset, lyanough 
and two of his men accompanying us. Ere we came 
to Nauset,^ the day and tide were almost spent, inso- 
much as we could not go in with our shallop ; ^ but the 
sachim or governor of Cummaquid went ashore, and his 
men with him. We also sent Tisquantum to tell As- 
pinet,^ the sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. The 
savages he4"e came very thick amongst us, and were 
earnest with us to bring in our boat. But we neither 
well could, nor yet desired to do it, because we had 
less cause to trust them, being they only had formerly 
made an assault upon us in the same place, ^ in time of 

^ The territory which the Eng- seem to have been two cantons or 

lish afterwards settled by the name sachemdoms of the Cape Indians, 

of Eastham, and the northern part One extended from Eel river in 

of which still retains the Indian Plymouth, to the south shore of the 

name. The three light-houses, re- Cape, and comprehended what are 

cently erected in that town, are now called the Mashpee Indians, 

called the Nauset Lights. The and then extended upon the Cape 

principal seats of the Nauset Indi- to the eastern part of Barnstable, 

ans were at Namskeket, within the and as far westward as Wood's 

limits of Orleans, and about the Hole; and divers petty sachems or 

cove, which divides this township sagamores were comprehended in 

from Orleans. Captain John Smith this division, of which Mashpee 

mentions twice " the isle Nawset," was one. The eastern part of the 

or " Nausit." See Mass. Hist. Cape, from Nobscusset, or Yar- 

Coll. viii. 160, xxvi. 108, 119. mouth, made another sachemdom, 

^ The water is very shoal at the capital of which was Nauset, 

Nauset, or Eastham. See note ' or Eastham. Of these petty tribes 

on page 152. the Nauset Indians appear to have 

^ "The Indians upon Cape Cod, been the most important." Hutch- 

although not considered a part of inson's Mass. i. 459, and Mass. Hist, 

the Wamponoags, yet were sup- Coll. viii, 159. 

posed to be under some kind of * See page 156. 
subjection to Massasoit. There 


our winter discovery for habitation. And indeed it chap. 

was no marvel they did so ; for howsoever, through ^--v-^ 

snow or otherwise, we saw no houses, yet we were in 1621. 

the midst of them. 

When our boat was aground, they came very thick; 
but we stood therein upon our guard, not suffering any 
to enter except two, the one being of Manamoick,^ and 
one of those whose corn we had formerly found. We 
promised him restitution, and desired him either to 
come to Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would bring 
them so much corn again. He promised to come. We 
used him very kindly for the present. Some few skins 
we gat there, but not many. 

After sunset, Aspinet came with a great train, and 
brought the boy with him, one bearing him through 
the water.- He had not less than a hundred with him ; 
the half whereof came to the shallop side unarmed with 
him ; the other stood aloof with their bows and arrows. 
There he delivered us the boy, behung with beads, 
and made peace with us ; ^ we bestowing a knife on 
him, and likewise on another that first entertained 
the boy and brought him thither. So they departed 
from us. 

Here we understood that the Narrohiggansets had 
spoiled some of Massasoyt's men, and taken him. 
This struck some fear in us, because the colony was 
so weakly guarded, the strength thereof being abroad.'* 

' Chatham, the southern extre- ^ Bradford adds, " We give them 

rnity of Cape Cod. full satisfaction for the corn we 

^ " He had wandered five days, had formerly found in their coun- 

lived on herries, then light of an try." Prince, p. 193. See note ' 

Indian plantation, twenty miles on page 134. 

so'uth of us, called Manomet, (Sand- '' There were ten men in this 

wich,) and they conveyed him to expedition. At the same time, ac- 

the people who first assaulted us." cording to the dates of this and the 

Bradford, in Prince, p. 192. previous paper, Winslow and Hop- 



CHAP. But we set forth with resolution to make the best haste 
^^— home we could ; yet the wind being contrary, having 
16 21. scarce any fresh water left, and at least sixteen leagues ^ 
home, we put in again for the shore. There we met 
again with lyanough, the sachim of Cummaquid, and 
the most of his town, both men, women, and children 
with him. He, being still willing to gratify us, took a 
runlet,^ and led our men in the dark a great way for 
water, but could find none good ; yet brought such as 
there was on his neck with them. In the mean time 
the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing 
before the shallop, the men also showing all the kind- 
ness they could, lyanough himself taking a bracelet 
from about his neck and hanging it upon one of us. 

Again we set out, but to small purpose ; for we gat 
but little homeward. Our water also was very brack- 
3d ish, and not to be drunk. The next morning lyanough 
^^* espied us again, and ran after us. We, being resolved 
to go to Cummaquid again to water, took him into the 
shallop, whose entertainment was not inferior unto the 

The soil at Nauset and here is alike, even and sandy, 
not so good for corn as where we are. Ships may 
safely ride in either harbour. In the summer they 
abound with fish. Being now watered, we put forth 
again, and by God's providence came safely home that 

kinswere absent on their expedition ' Tlie distance from Eastham to 

to Pokanoket, leaving only seven Plymouth is not more than twelve 

men at the Plantation, the whole leagues. F. 

number surviving at this time be- * A small barrel, 
ing nineteen. 



At our return from Nauset we found it true that chap, 


Massasoyt was put from his country by the Narrohig- — -— - 
gansets.* Word also was brought unto us that Cou- 162 1. 

^ ^ Aug. 

batant,^ a petty sachim or governor under Massasoyt, 
whom they ever feared to be too conversant with the 
Narrohiggansets, was at Namaschet ; who sought to 
draw the hearts of Massasoyt's subjects from him ; 
speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace 
between Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquan- 
tum, the worker of it ; also at Tokamahamon and one 
Hobbamock, two Indians, our allies,^ one of which he 
would treacherously have murdered a little before, be- 
ing a special and trusty man of Massasoyt's. Toka- 
mahamon went to him, but the other two would not ; 

' Governor Bradford says no- ^ In the original "or Lemes," to 

thing of this, nor of Massasoit's which no meaning can be attached, 

being either seized or invaded by It is manifestly an error of the 

th^ Narragansetts. Prince, p. 193. press, and I have given what I con- 

^ Governor Bradford plainly sider the true reading, 
writes him Corbitant. Prince, p. 



CHAP, yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see 
— v^^ if they could hear of their king, and lodging at Namas- 
1621. chet were discovered to Coubatant, who set a guard to 
beset the house, and took Tisquantum; for he had said if 
he were dead, the English had lost their tongue. Hob- 
bamock, seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and Cou- 
batant held a knife at his breast, being a strong and 
stout man, brake from them and came to New Ply- 
mouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom 
he thought to be slain. 
Aug. Upon this news the company assembled together, 
and resolved on the morrow to send ten men armed to 
Namaschet, and Hobbamock for their guide, to revenge 
the supposed death of Tisquantum on Coubatant, our 
bitter enemy, and to retain Nepeof,' another sachim or 
governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard 
what was become of our friend Massasoyt. 
14. On the morrow we set out ten ^ men, armed, who 
took their journey as aforesaid ; but the day proved 
very wet. When we supposed we were within three 
or four miles of Namaschet, we went out of the way, 
and stayed there till night ; because we would not be 
discovered. There we consulted what to do ; and 
thinking best to beset the house at midnight, each was 
appointed his task by the Captain,'' all men encourag- 
ing one another to the utmost of their power. By 
night our guide lost his way, which much discouraged 
our men, being we were wet, and weary of our arms. 
But one '* of our men, having been before at Namaschet, 
brought us into the way again. 

' This is the only time the name ish with 14 men." Prince, p. 194. 

of this chief occurs in the annals ' Standish. 

of the Colony. * Either Winslow or Hopkins, 

* Bradford says, " Captain Stand- who stopped at Namasket in going 


Before we came to the town, we sat down and ate chap. 


such as our knapsacks afforded. That being done, we --v^- 
threw them aside, and all such things as miHit hinder ip^i. 

~ . Aug. 

us, and so went on and beset the house, according to 14. 
our last resolution. Those that entered demanded if 
Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the 
savages of speech. We charged them not to stir ; for 
if Coubatant were not there, we would not meddle 
with them. If he were, we came principally for him, 
to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tis- 
quantum, and other matters ; but, howsoever, we would 
not at all hurt their women or children. Notwith- 
standing, some of them pressed out at a private door 
and escaped, but with some wounds. At length, per- 
ceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant 
was returned with all his train, and that Tisquantum 
was yet living and in the town ; offering some tobacco, 
other such as they had to eat. In this hurly-burly we 
discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified 
all the inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokama- 
hamon ; who, though they knew not our end in com- 
ing, yet assured them of our honesty, that we would 
not hurt them. Those boys that were in the house, 
seeing our care of women, often cried Neen squaes ! ^ 
that is to say, I am a woman ; ^ the women also hang- 
ing upon Hobbamock, calling him towam, that is, 

and returning from Pokanoket, in liams's Key to the native language 

July. If it was Winslow, he may of New England, oh. 5; Wood's 

reasonably be considered the writer Nomenclator, at the end of his 

of this narrative. New England's Prospect; and Gal- 

' This is correct Indian in the latin's Indian Vocabularies, in Coll. 

Massachusetts and Narragansett Am. Antiq. Soc. ii. 308, 352. 
dialects. See Eliot's Indian Gram- ^ Ptather, I am a girl ; sguaes being 

raSr, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 253 ; a diminutive, formed by adding es 

Cotton's Vocabulary of the Massa- to squa. See the Apostle Eliot's 

chusetts language, in Mass. Hist. Indian Grammar, in Mass. Hist. 

Coll. xxii. 156, 178; Roger Wil- Coll. xix. 258. 


CHAP, friend.^ But, to be short, we kept them we had, and 


— ^^ made them make a fire, that we might see to search 
1621. the house. In the mean tune, Hobbamock gat on the 
top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- 
hamon, which came unto us accompanied with others, 
some armed, and others naked. Those that had bows 
and arrows, we took them away, promising them again 
when it was day. The house we took, for our better 
safeguard, but released those we had taken, manifest- 
ing whom we came for and wherefore. 
^^S- On the next mornino;, we marched into the midst of 

15. ^ 

the town, and went to the house of Tisquantum to 
breakfast. Thither came all whose hearts were up- 
right towards us ; but all Coubatant's faction were fled 
away. There, in the midst of them, we manifested 
again our intendment, assuring them, that although 
Coubatant had now escaped us, yet there was no place 
should secure him and his from us, if he continued his 
threatening us, and provoking others against us, who 
had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil 
towards him till he now so Justly deserved it. More- 
over, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from Narro- 
higganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrec- 
tion against him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, 
Hobbamock, or any of Massasoyt's subjects, we would 
revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. 
As for those [who] were wounded, we were sorry for 
it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the 
house, at our command ; yet if they would return home 
^ with us, our surgeon ^ should heal them. 

' The most common word for tor; Roger Williams's Key, ch. 1; 

friend, in the Massachusetts and and Gallatin, in Coll. Am. Autiq. 

Narragansett dialects, was netop or Soc. ii. 321. 

netomp. See Cotton, in Mass. Hist. ^ Their surgeon and physician 

Coll. xxii. 165; Wood's Nomeacla- was Mr. Samuel Fuller, the eighth 


At this offer, one man and a woman that were chap. 
wounded went home with us ; Tisquantum and many — ^— 
other known friends accompanying us, and offering all 1621. 
help that might be by carriage of any thing we had, to 15! 
ease us. So that by God's good providence we safely 
returned home the morrow night after we set forth. 

signer of the Compact. In 1629, 
when the scurvy and a malignant 
distemper broke out among the first 
settlers at Salem, "Mr. Endicot 
understanding that there was one 
at Plymouth that had skill in such 
diseases, sent thither for him ; at 
whose request he was sent unto 
them." He died in 1633, of an in- 
fectious fever. In the MS. Records 
of Plymouth Church, vol. i. p. 42, it 
is slated that "when the church 
came away out of Holland, they 
brought with them one deacon, 
Mr. Samuel Fuller, who officiated 
amongst them until his death. He 
was a good man, and full of the 

holy spirit." Morton says, that 
"he did much good in his place, 
being not only useful in his faculty, 
but otherwise, as he was a godly 
man, and served Christ in the office 
of a deacon in the church for many 
years, and forward to do good in 
his place, and was much missed 
after God removed him out of this 
world." His widow, Bridget, and 
his son Samuel gave to the Ply- 
mouth church the lot of ground on 
which the parsonage now stands. 
See Morton's Memorial, pp. 143 
and 173 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 66, 
74—76, and xiii. 186. 



CHAP. It seemed good to the company in general, that 

^-^-^^ though the Massachusets had often threatened us, (as 

16 21. ^yg -yvere informed,) yet we should go amongst them, 

partly to see the country, partly to make peace with 

them, and partly to procure their truck. For these 

ends the governors chose ten men, fit for the purpose, 

and sent Tisquantum and two other salvages to bring 

us to speech with the people and interpret for us. 

Sept. We set out about midnight, the tide then serving for 

18. . . . . 

us. We supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought 
to be there the next morning betimes ; but it proved 
well near twenty leagues^ from New Plymouth. We 

^ The territory and tribe probably was called so from the Blue Hills, 

took their name from the Blue a little island thereabout (in Nar- 

Hills in Milton, which were origin- raganset Bay); and Cononicus's 

ally called Massachusetts Mount, father and ancestors living in those 

Smith speaks of them as " the high southern pans, transferred and 

mountain of Massachusit." Cot- brought their authority and name 

ton, in his Vocabulary of the Mas- into those northern parts." See 

sachusetts language, gives the fol- Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 1. xxvi. 120; 

lowing definition :" Massa-chusett R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 208; and 

— a hill in the form of an arrow's Hutchinson's Mass. i. 460. 

head." Roger Williams says, "I " The distance from Plymouth to 

had learnt that the Massachusetts Boston by water is about 40 miles. 


came into the bottom of the bay ; ^ but behig late, we chap. 
anchored and lay in the shallop, not having seen any — v^- 
of the people. The next morning we put in for the ^i^^^- 
shore. There we found many lobsters, that had been 20. 
gathered together by the salvages, which we made 
ready under a clifT.^ The Captain ^ set two sentinels 
behind the cliff, to the landward, to secure the shal- 
lop, and taking a guide with him and four of our com- 
pany, went to seek the inhabitants ; where they met a 
woman coming for her lobsters. They told her of 
them, and contented her for them. She told them 
where the people were. Tisquantum went to them ; 
the rest returned, having direction which way to bring 
the shallop to them. 

The sachim or governor of this place is called Obba- 
tinewat ; and though he lives in the bottom of the 
Massachuset Bay,^ yet he is under Massasoyt. He 
used us very kindly. He told us he durst not then 
remain in any settled place for fear of the Tarentines.^ 
Also the squa sachim,*^ or Massachusets queen, was an 
enemy to him. 

' By the bay is meant Boston ton. Thus Gov. Winthrop speaks 

harbour. It extends from Nantas- of going from vSalem to Massachu- 

ket to Boston, and spreads Irom setts. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 27. 

Chelsea to Hingham, containing ^ The Tarrateens orTarrenteens 

about 75 square miles. See vSuow's resided on the Kennebec and the 

Boston, p. 113. other rivers in Maine, and the 

' Supposed to be Copp's hill, at country east of it. There was 
the north end of Boston. At the great enmity between them and the 
first settlement of the town, in Indians of Massachusetts Bay, who 
1630, this hill, rising to the height although they had formerly been a 
of about fifty feet above the sea, great people, yet were now so re- 
presented on its northwest brow an duced that, upon alarms, they 
abrupt declivity, long after known would fly to the English houses as 
as Copp's hill steeps. See Snow's to asylums, where the Tarrenteens 
History of Boston, p. 105. durst not pursue them. Hutchin- 

3'Slandish. son's Mass. i. 28, 456. 

^ By Massachusetts Bay was ^ I suppose the widow of Nane- 

formerly understood only the inner pashemel, mentioned subsequently, 
bay, from Nahant to Point Alder- 





CHAP. We told him of divers sachims that had acknovvlede;ed 


-^v^- themselves to he King James's men,' and if he also 
l62i.^vould submit himself, we would be his safeguard from 
his enemies ; which he did, and went along with us to 
bring us to the squa sachim. Again we crossed the 
bay, which is very large, and hath at least fifty islands 
in it ; ^ but the certain number is not known to the 
inhabitants. Niglit it was before we came to that side 
of the bay where this people were. On shore the 
salvages WTnt, but found nobody. That night also we 
rid at anchor aboard the shallop. 

On the morrow we went ashore,^ all but two men, 
and marched in arms up in the country. Having gone 
three miles we came to a place w^here corn had been 
newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people 
gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, their king, 
in his life-time had lived. His house was not like 
others, but a scaffold w-as largely built, with poles and 
planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house 
upon that, being situated on the top of a hill.^ 

' Of course he could not be, as 
Prince supposes, the Obbatinnua 
who, with eight other sacheins, on 
the 13th of the same month, seven 
days before, had signed a paper, 
professing their submission to King 
James; unless his name was affix- 
ed subsequently to that date. See 
Morton's Memorial, p. 67, and 
Prince's Annals, p. 196. 

^ The number of islands in Bos- 
ton harbour is not overstated, al- 
though several of them, such as 
Bird Island and Nick's Mate, have 
been washed away since this Jour- 
nal was written. A list of them is 
contained in Snow's Boston, p. 114. 
Smith, in his Description of New 
England, says, " The country of 
the Massachusets is the paradise 
of all those parts ; for here are 

many isles all planted with corn, 
groves, mulberries, and salvage 
gardens." See Mass. Hist. Coll, 
iii. 295, and xxvi. 118. 

^ They probably landed at Squan- 
tum, in Dorchester, which may 
have been so called by them at this 
time after their interpreter Tis- 
quantum, who was one of the 
party. See note on page 191, and 
Mass. Hist. Coll. ix. 164. 

■* Perhaps Milton Hill, or some 
one of the Blue Hills. " At Mas- 
sachusetts, near the mouth of 
Charles river, there used to be a 
general rendezvous of Indians. 
That circle, which now makes the 
harbours of Boston and Charles- 
town, round by Maiden, Chelsea, 
Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, 
Braintree, and Dorchester, was the 


Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort, chap. 


built by their deceased king; the manner thus. There — — ^ 
were poles, some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the 1621. 
ground as thick as they could be set one by another ; 21. 
and with these they enclosed a ring some forty or fifty 
foot over ; ^ a trench, breast high, was digged on each 
side ; one way there was to go into it with a bridge. 
In the midst of this palisado stood the frame of a house, 
wherein, being dead, he lay buried.^ 

About a mile from hence we came to such another, 
but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepashemet 
was killed,^ none dwelling in it since the time of his 
death. At this place we stayed, and sent two salvages 
to look [for] the inhabitants, and to inform them of our 
ends in coming, that they might not be fearful of us. 
Within a mile of this place they found the women of 
the place together, with their corn on heaps, whither we 
supposed them to be fled for fear of us ; and the more, 
because in divers places they had newly pulled down 
their houses, and for haste in one place had left some 
of their corn covered with a mat, and nobody with it. 

With much fear they entertained us at first ; but 
seeing our gentle carriage towards them, they took 
heart and entertained us in the best manner they could, 

capital of a great sachem, much Mass. i. 460. See also Gookin, in 

reverenced by all the plantations of Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 148. 

Indians round about, and to him ' This corresponds exactly with 

belonged Naponset, (Milton,) Pun- the engraving of the Pequot Fort 

kapog, (Stoughton,) Wessagusset, in Underbill's Newes from Ameri- 

(Weymouth,)and several places on ca, printed in London in 1638, and 

Charles river, where the natives reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 

were seated. The tradition is, that 23. 

this sachem had his principal seat ^ See page 154. 

upon a small hill or rising upland, ^ Nanepashemet is supposed to 

in fhe midst of a body of salt marsh have been killed in 1619, and his 

in the township of Dorchester, [per- widow, the squa sachim, continued 

haps Savin Hill] near to a place in the government. See Lewis's 

called Squantum." Hutchinson's Hist, of Lynn, p. 16. 


CHAP, boiling cod and such other things as they had for us. 

— — At length, with much sending for, came one of their 

162 1. men, shaking and trembling for fear. But when he 

21. saw we intended them no hurt, but came to truck, he 

promised us his skins also. Of him we inquired for 

their queen ; but it seemed she was far from thence ; ' 

at least we could not see her. 

Here Tisquantum would have had us rifle the sal- 
vage women, and taken their skins and all such things 
as might be serviceable for us ; for, said he, they are a 
bad people, and have oft threatened you. But our 
answer was, Were they never so bad, we would not 
wrong them, or give them any just occasion against us. 
For their words, we little weighed them ; but if they 
once attempted any thing against us, then we would 
deal far worse than he desired. 

Having well spent the day, we returned to the shal- 
lop, almost all the women accompanying us to truck, 
who sold their coats from their backs, and tied boughs 
about them, but with great shamefacedness, for indeed 
they are more modest than some of our English women 
are. We promised them to come again to them, and 
they us to keep their skins. 

Within this bay the salvages say there are two riv- 
ers ; ~ the one whereof we saw, having a fair entrance, 
but we had no time to discover it. Better harbours 
for shipping cannot be than here are. At the entrance 
of the bay are many rocks ; ^ and in all likelihood good 

' The residence of the squa sa- Shattuck's Hist, of Concord, p. 2, 

chim of Massachusetts is variously and Drake's Book of the Indians, b. 

conjectured to have been at Con- ii. p. 40. 

cord, and in the neighbourhood of " The Mystic and the Charles, 

the Wachuselt mountain. There the former of which they saw. 

seems, however, no sufficient rea- ^ The Graves and the Brewsters 

son for placing it so remote. See are the principal rocks at the en- 



fishing-ground.' Many, yea most of the islands have chap. 
been inhaliited, some being cleared from end to end. ^^--^ 
But the people are all dead," or removed. I62i. 

Our victual growing scarce, the wind coming fair, 
and having a light moon, we set out at evening, and 
through the goodness of God came safely home before Sept. 
noon the day following.^ 

trance of Boston bay. It is sup- 
posed that in this or some subse- 
quent voyage the three Brewsters 
were named in honor of their ven- 
erable elder, and Point Alderton, 
the head-hind of Nantasket, after 
Isaac Allerion. See note on page 

' The neighbourhood of tliese 
rocks is excellent fishing-ground. 

* They had been swept off by 
the pestilence mentioned on page 

^ Governor Bradford adds, "with 
a considerable quantity of beaver, 
and a good report of the place, 
wishing we had been seated there." 
Prince, p. 19S. 

They were absent on this expe- 
dition four days. Winslow was 
probably one of the party, and 
wrote this account. 

" All the summer no want. 
While some were trading, others 
were fishing cod, bass, &c. We 
now gather in our harvest ; and as 
cold weather advances, come in 
store of water fowl, wherewith this 
place abounds, though afterwards 
they by degrees decrease ; as also 
abundance of wild turkeys, with 
venison, &c. Fit our houses against 
winter, are in health, and have all 
things in plenty." Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 198. 



CHAP. Loving and Old Friend/ 

Although I received no letter from you by this 
ship,^ yet forasmuch as I know you expect the perform- 
ance of my promise, which was, to write unto you truly 
and faithfully of all things, I have therefore at this time 
sent unto you accordingly, referring you for further 
satisfaction to our more large Relations.^ 

You shall understand that in this little time that a 
few of us have been here, we have built seven dwell- 
ing-houses ^ and four for the use of the plantation, and 
have made preparation for divers others. We set the 
last spring some twenty acres of Indian corn,^ and 

* This letter I think was ad- help, showing us how to set, fish, 
dressed to George Morton. See dress, and tend it." Bradford, in 
note on page 113. Prince, p. 190. The Indians' sea- 

* The Fortune, in which this son for planting the maize was 
letter and the preceding Journal " when the leaves of the white oak 
were sent to England. are as hig as the ear of a mouse." 

' The preceding narrative. See Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp- 

* See note * on page 173. shire, iii. 70. 
' " Wherein Squanto is a great 


sowed some six acres of barley and pease ; and accord- chap. 
ing to the manner of the Indians, we manured our -^-.— 
ground with herrings, or rather shads, ^ which we have I62i. 
in great abundance, and take with great ease at our n. 
doors. Our corn did prove well ; and, God be praised, 
we had a good increase of Indian corn, and our barley 
mdififerent good, but our pease not worth the gathering, 
for we feared they were too late sown. They came 
up very well, and blossomed ; but the sun parched 
ihem in the blossom. 

Our harvest being gotten in, our governor^ sent four 
men on fowling, that so we might, after a special man- 
ner, rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of 
our labors.^ They four in one day killed as much fowl 
as, with a little help beside, served the company almost 
a week. At which time, amono^st other recreations, 
we exercised our arms, many of the Indians coming 
amongst us, and among the rest their greatest king, 
Massasoyt, with some ninety men, whom for three days 
we entertained and feasted ; and they went out and 
killed five deer,^ which they brought to the plantation, 
and bestowed on our governor, and upon the captain 
and others. And although it be not always so plenti- 
ful as it was at this time with us, yet by the goodness 

' Or rather aleioives. Morton, in and an acre thus dressed will pro- 

his New English Canaan, b. ii. ch. duce and yield so much corn as 

7, says, " There is a fish, by some three acres without fish." The 

called shads, by some allizes, that Indians used to put two or three 

at the spring of the year pass up fishes into every corn-hill, 

the rivers to spawn in the ponds; ^ Bradford, 

and are taken in such multitudes in ^ This was the first Thanksgiv- 

every river that hath a pond at the ing, the harvest festival of New 

end, that the inhabitants dung their England. On this occasion they 

ground with them. You may see nodoubt feasted on the wild turkey 

in one township a hundred acres as well as venison. See note ^ on 

together set with these fish, every page 229. 

acre taking a thousand of them ; ■• See note * on page 175. 


CHAP, of God we are so far from want, that we often wish 

^-■^^ you partakers of our plenty.^ 

1621. We have found the Indians very faithful in their 
Dec. " . J J 

11. covenant or peace with us, very lovmg, and ready to 

pleasure us. We often go to them, and they come to 
us. Some of us have been fifty miles ^ by land in the 
country with them, the occasions and relations whereof 
you shall understand by our general and more full dec- 
laration of such things as are worth the noting. Yea, 
it hath pleased God so to possess the Indians with a 
fear of us and love unto us, that not only the greatest 
king amongst them, called Massasoyt, but also all the 
princes and peoples round about us, have either made 
suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to make 
peace with us ; so that seven of them at once have 
sent their messengers to us to that end.^ Yea, an isle 
at sea,^ which we never saw, hath also, together with 
the former, yielded willingly to be under the protection 
and subject to our sovereign lord King James. So 
that there is now great peace amongst the Indians 

' This representation was rather Ohquamehud, Chikkatahak, 

too encouraging, as will be seen Caiimacome, Quadaquina, 

hereafter. Obhatinnua, Huttmoiden, 

* Winslow himself had been to Nattaivahunt, Apannow." 

Pokanoket, a distance of forty Caunbalant, 
miles. See page 208. 

^ Morton has preserved in his Cawnacome was the sachem of 

Memorial, p. 67, the following do- Manomet, or Sandwich, Caunba- 

cument. tant of Mattapuvst, or Swansey, 

and CTikkatabak, of Neponset. 

''Septcmheri?.,aimoVnm.\cm. Quadequina was the brother of 

" Know all men by these presents, Massasoit, and Apannow was pro- 

that we, whose names are under- bably Aspinet, the sachem of Nau- 

written, do acknowledge ourselves set. Ohbatinua is supposed to have 

to be the loyal subjects of King been the same as Obbatinewat, the 

James, king of Great Britain, sachem of Shawmut, or Boston. 

France, and Ireland, Defender of But see note on page 225. 

the Faith, fee. In witness where- ■* Capawack, or Nope, Martha's 

of, and as a testimonial of the Vineyard. Sec Bradford, in Prince, 

same, we have subscribed our p. 195, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 

names or marks, as folio we th : 89. 


themselves, which was not formerly, neither would chap. 

■^ XV. 

have been but for us ; and we, for our parts, walk as — — 
peaceably and safely in the wood as in the highways ^^^^• 
in England. We entertain them familiarly in our 11. 
houses, and they as friendly bestowing their venison 
on us. They are a people without any religion or 
knowledge of any God,^ yet very trusty, quick of ap- 
prehension, ripe-witted, just. The men and women 
go naked, only a skin about their middles. 

For the temper of the air here, it agreeth well with 
that in England ; and if there be any difference at all, 
this is somewhat hotter in summer. Some think it to 
be colder in winter ; but I cannot out of experience so 
say. The air is very clear, and not foggy, as hath been 
reported. I never in my life remember a more season- 
able year than we have here enjoyed ; and if we have 
once but kine,^ horses, and sheep, I make no question 
but men might live as contented here as in any part of 
the world. For fish and fowl, we have great abundance. 
Fresh cod in the summer is but coarse meat with us. 
Our bay is full of lobsters^ all the summer, and affordeth 
variety of other fish. In September we can take a hogs- 
head of eels in a night, with small labor, and can dig 
them out of their beds all the winter.'* We have mus- 
cles and othus ^ at our doors. Oysters we have none 

' The writer of this letter, Ed- ^ The writer himself was the 
ward Winslow, afterwards correct- first to bring over cattle to the plan- 
ed this statement in his Good News tation, in 1624 — a bull and three 
from New England. "Whereas," he heifers. See Prince, p. 225. 
says, "myself and others, in former ^ See note * on page 164, and 
letters, (which came to the press also page 205. 
against my will and knowledge,) ^ See note ' on page 196. 
wrote that the Indians about us are ^ This I think a typographical 
a people without any religion, or error for other — the word shell- 
knowledge of any God, therein I fish being accidentally omitted ; or 
erred, though we could then gather perhaps the word in the MS. was 
no better." clams. 



CHAP, near, but we can have them brought by the Indians when 


we will. All the spring-time the earth sendeth forth na- 
1621. turallj very good sallet herbs. H ere are grapes/ white 
11. and red, and very sweet and strong also ; strawberries, 
gooseberries, raspas,^ &c. ; plums ^ of three sorts, white'* 
black, and red, being almost as good as a damson ; 
abundance of roses, white, red and damask ; single, but 
very sweet indeed. The country wanteth only indus- 
trious men to employ ; for it would grieve your hearts 
if, as I, you had seen so many miles together by goodly 
rivers uninhabited;^ and withal, to consider those parts 
of the world wherein you live to be even greatly bur- 
thened with abundance of people. These things I 
thought good to let you understand, being the truth of 
things as near as I could experimentally take know- 
ledge of, and that you might on our behalf give God 
thanks, who hath dealt so favorably with us. 

Our supply of men from you came the 9th of No- 
vember, 1621, putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or 
ten leagues from us.^ The Indians that dwell there- 

^ See note * on page 165. month ere she sails for England." 

^ Raspas, raspberries. Bradford and Smith,inPrince,p.l98. 

° See note * on page 165. The Fortune brought a letter for 

* In the original ivith — an error Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, dated 
of the press. London, July 6, wherein he writes, 

^ Winslowhad observed ihisde- " We (the adventurers) have pro- 

solation on the banks of Taunton cured you a charter, the best we 

river. See page 206. could, better than your former, and 

* The Fortune, a small vessel of with less limitation." Judge Da- 
55 tons, brought over Robert Gush- vis, in a note on Morton's Slemo- 
man and 35 persons, a part of rial, p. 73, says, "this intimation 
whom no doubt were the 20 that refers to a patent from the Presi- 
put back in the Speedwell. See dent and Council of New England 
note ' on page 99. The Fortune to John Fierce and his associates, 
sailed from London the beginning which was in trust for the compa- 
of July, but could not clear the ny. It was probably brought in 
channel till the end of August, this ship, and was a few years 
She found all the colonists whom since found among the old papers 
the Mayflower had left in April, in the Land Office at Boston, by 
"lusty and in good health, except William Smith, Esq.oneof the Land 
six who had died ; and she stays a Committee. It bears the seals and 



about were they who were owners of the corn which chap. 

. • XV. 

we found in caves, for which we have given them full — ^-^ 
content,^ and are in great league with them. They 1^21. 
sent us word there was a ship near unto them, but 11. 
thought it to be a Frenchman ; and indeed for ourselves 
we expected not a friend so soon. But when we per- 
ceived that she made for our bay, the governor com- 
manded a great piece to be shot off, to call home such 
as were abroad at work. Whereupon every man, yea 
boy, that could handle a gun, were ready, with full 
resolution that, if she were an enemy, we would stand 
in our just defence, not fearing them. But God pro- 
vided better for us than we supposed. These came all 
in health, not any being sick by the way, otherwise 
than by sea-sickness, and so continue at this time, by 
the blessing of God.^ The good-wife Ford was deliv- 

signatures of the Duke of Lenox, 
the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl 
of Warwick, and of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges. There is another signa- 
ture so obscurely written, as to be 
illegible. It does not appear what 
use was made of this patent by the 
Plymouth planters ; it was, not 
long afterwards, superseded by the 
second patent, surreptitiously ob- 
tained by Pierce, for his own bene- 
fit, and which, after his misfortunes, 
was assigned to the adventurers." 
Judge Davis gives an abstract of 
this patent in his Appendix, p. 362. 
I have sought for the original in 
vain in the archives of the State. 
It was never printed ; and it is to 
be feared is now lost. The original 
of the third patent, granted in 1629 
to William Bradford and his asso- 
ciates, is preserved in the office of 
the Register of Deeds at Plymouth. 
It is on parchment, signed by the 
Ea1rl of Warwick, and the seal of 
the Plymouth Company, four inches 
in diameter, is appended to it. It 
is prefixed to the printed Laws of 

Plymouth Colony, p. 21 — 26. See 
Memorial, p. 95 — 97, and Prince, 
pp. 204, 217. 

' See page 217. 

' The following is an alphabeti- 
cal list of the persons who came 
over in the Fortune. 

John Adams, 
William Bassite, 
William Eeale, 
Edward Bompasse, 
Jonathan Brewster, 
Clement Brigges, 
John Cannon, 
William Coner, 
Robert Cushman, 
Thomas Cushman, 
Stephen Dean, 
Philip De La Noye, 
Thomas Flavell 

and son. 
Widow Foord, 

Robert Hickes, 
William Hilton, 
Bennet Morgan, 
Thomas Morton, 
Austin Nicolas, 
William Palmer, 
William Pitt, 
Thomas Prence, 
Moses Simonson, 
Hugh Statie, 
James Steward, 
William Tench, 
John Winslow, 
William Wright. 

Jonathan Brewster was a son of 
Elder Brewster; Thomas Cushman 
Was a son of Robert ; John Wins- 
low was a brother of Edward. 
Thomas Prence (or Prince) was 
afterwards governor of the colony. 


CHAP, ered of a son the first ms;ht she landed, and both of 


— v^ them are very vi^ell. 

1621. When it pleaseth God we are settled and fitted for 


11. the fishing business and other trading, I doubt not but 
by the blessing of God the gain will give content to 
all. In the mean time, that we have gotten we have 
sent by this ship ; ^ and though it be not much, yet it 
will witness for us that we have not been idle, consi- 
dering the smallness of our number all this summer. 
We hope the merchants will accept of it, and be en- 
couraged to furnish us with things needful for further 
employment, which will also encourage us to put forth 
ourselves to the uttermost. 

Now because I expect your coming unto us,^ with 
other of our friends, whose company we much desire, 
I thought good to advertise you of a few things need- 
ful. Be careful to have a very good bread-room to put 
your biscuits in. Let your cask for beer and water be 
iron-bound, for the first tire, if not more. Let not your 

De La Noye (or Delano) was, ac- French, carried into France, kept 
cording to Winslow, in his Brief there fifteen days, and robbed of all 
Narrative, "born of French pa- she had worth taking; then the 
rents," and Simonson (or Sim- people and ship are released, and 
mons) was a " child of one that get to London Feb. 17." Bradford, 
was in communion with the Dutch in Prince, p. 199. Smith, in his 
church at Leyden." The widow New England's Trials, printed in 
Foord brought three children, Wil- 1622, says she was laden with three 
Ham, Martha, and John. For a hogsheads of beaver skins, clap- 
further account of some of these, board, wainscot, walnut, and some 
and the other early settlers, see sassafras. 

Farmer's Genealogical E.egister, " Upon her departure, the gov- 
Mitchell's Family Register, ap- ernor and his assistant dispose the 
pended to his Hist.of Bridgewater, late comers into several families, 
and Deane's Family Sketches, in find their provisions will now scarce 
his Hist, of Scituate. hold out six months at half allow- 
' " The Fortune sails Dec. 13, ance, and therefore put them to it, 
laden with two hogsheads of beaver which they bear patiently." Brad- 
and other skins, and good clap- ford, in Prince, p. 199. 
boards as full as she can hold ; the ^ George Morton, to whom I 
freight estimated near £500. But suppose this letter was written, 
in her voyage, as she draws near came out in the next ship, the 
the English coast, is seized by the Ann. 


meat be dry-sailed ; none can better do it than the chap. 


sailors. Let jour meal be so hard trod in your cask — -v-^ 
that you shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out 1621. 


with. Trust not too much on us for corn at this time, ii. 
for by reason of this last company that came, depend- 
ing wholly upon us, we shall have little enough till 
harvest. Be careful to come by some of your meal to 
spend by the way ; it will much refresh you. Build 
your cabins as open as you can, and bring good store 
of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every man a 
musket or fowling-piece. Let your piece be long in 
the barrel, and fear not the weight of it, for most of 
our shooting is from stands. Bring juice of lemons, 
and take it fasting ; it is of good use. For hot waters, 
aniseed water is the best ; but use it sparingly. If 
you bring any thing for comfort in the country, butter 
or sallet oil, or both, is very good. Our Indian corn, 
even the coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as rice ; 
therefore spare that, unless to spend by the way. 
Bring paper and linseed oil for your windows,^ with 

' Oiled paper to keep out the Even in the time of Henry VIII. 

snow-storms of a New England they were considered a luxury, and 

winter! This serves to give us yeomen and farmers were perfectly 

some idea of the exposures and contented with windows of lattice, 

hardships of the first colonists. It In the days of Queen Elizabeth 

is an indication of progress in do- they were unknown except in a 

mestic comfort when we find Hig- few lordly mansions, and in them 

ginson in 1629 writing from Salem they were regarded as movable 

to his friends in England, " Be furniture. When the dukes of 

sure to furnish yourselves with Northumberland left Alnwick cas- 

glass for windows." See Hutch- tie to come to London for the win- 

inson's Collection of Papers, p. 50. ter, the few glass windows, which 

Glass windows were first intro- formed one of the luxuries of the 

duced into England in 1180. They castle, were carefully taken out 

were so rare in the reign of Edward and laid away, perhaps carried to 

III. that Chaucer, in describing London to adorn the city residence, 

his chamber, mentions particularly See Anderson's Hist, of Commerce, 

th&t i. 90, ed. 1764; Elhs's Specimens 

of the Early English Poets, i. 221, 

»^ith glass 323; Hallam's Middle Ages, ii. 

" Were all the windows well y-giazed." 294 ; Northumberland Household 



CHAP, cotton yarn for your lamps. Let your shot be most 
•^-v-- for big fowls, and bring store of powder and shot. I 
1621. forbear further to write for the present, hoping to see 
11. jou by the next return. So 1 take my leave, com- 
mending you to the Lord for a safe conduct unto us, 
resting in him, 

Your loving friend, 

E. W.' 

Plymouth, in New England, this 11th of December, 1621. 

Book, Preface, p. 16;E. Everett's ' Edward Winslow, of whom 
Address before the Merc. Lib. As- some account will be given here- 
soc. p. 19. after. 




Forasmuch as many exceptions are daily made ^-^^f' 
against the going into and inhabiting of foreign desert ^^^ — ' 
places, to the hindrances of plantations abroad, and^^^^" 

. ... . ThePre- 

the increase of distractions at home ; it is not amiss amwe. 
that some which have been ear-witnesses of the ex- 
ceptions made, and are either agents or abettors of 
such removals and plantations, do seek to give content 
to the world, in all things that possibly they can. 

And although the most of the opposites are such as 
either dream of raising their fortunes here to that than 
which there is nothing more unlike, or such as affect- 
ing their home-born country so vehemently, as that 
they had rather with all their friends beg, yea, starve 
in it, than undergo a little difficulty in seeking abroad ; 
yet are there some who, out of doubt in tenderness of 
conscience, and fear to offend God by running before 
they be called, are straitened and do straiten others 
from going to foreign plantations. 

For whose cause especially I have been drawn, out 
of my good affection to them, to publish some reasons 


CHAP, that might give them content and satisfaction, and also 
-^v-^ stay and stop the wilful and witty caviller ; and herein 
1621. 1 trust I shall not be blamed of any godly wise, 
though through my slender judgment I should miss the 
mark, and not strike the nail on the head, considering 
it is the first attempt that hath been made (that I know 
of) to defend those enterprises. Reason would, there- 
fore, that if any man of deeper reach and better judg- 
ment see further or otherwise, that he rather instruct 
me than deride me. 
cau- And being; studious for brevity, we must first con- 
Gen. xii. sider, that whereas God of old did call and summon 

1. 2, & ' 

XXXV. 1. Q^j, fg^^j^g^-g |3y prcdictions, dreams, visions, and certain 

"•^^' illuminations, to go from their countries, places and 
habitations, to reside and dwell here or there, and to 

Psalm wander up and down from city to city, and land to 
land, according to his will and pleasure ; now there is 
no such calling to be expected for any matter whatso- 
ever, neither must any so much as imagine that there 

_Heb^ will now be any such thing. God did once so train 
up his people, but now he doth not, but speaks in 
another manner, and so we must apply ourselves to 
God's present dealing, and not to his wonted dealing ; 

•^°sh. and as the miracle of giving manna ceased, when the 

V. 12. ^ ^ 

fruits of the land became plenty, so God having such a 
plentiful storehouse of directions in his holy word, there 
must not now any extraordinary revelations be expect- 
ed. But now the ordinary examples and precepts of 
the Scriptures, reasonably and rightly understood and 
applied, must be the voice and word, that must call 
us, press us, and direct us in every action. 
*^?."g Neither is there any land or possession now, like 
unto the possession which the Jews had in Canaan, 


being legally holy and appropriated unto a holy people, chap. 

A. VI, 

the seed of Abraham, in which they dwelt securely, '-^-^- 
and had their days prolonged, it being by an immediate 1 621. 
voice said, that he (the Lord) gave it them as a 
land of rest after their weary travels, and a type of 
eternal rest in heaven. But now tfiere is no land of 
that sanctimony, no land so appropriated, none typical ; 
much less any that can be said to be given of God to 
any nation, as was Canaan, which they and their seed 
must dwell in, till God sendeth upon them sword or 
captivity. But now we are all, in all places, strangers 
and pilgrims, travellers and sojourners, most properly, 
having no dwelling but in this earthen tabernacle ; our \^^'-^/ 
dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding but as a 
fleeting, and in a word our home is nowhere but in 
the heavens,^ in that house not made with hands, 
whose maker and builder is God, and to which all 
ascend that love the coming of our Lord Jesus. 

Though then there may be reasons to persuade a 
man to live in this or that land, yet there cannot be 
the same reasons which the Jews had ; but now, as 
natural, civil and religious bands tie men, so they must 
be bound, and as good reasons for things terrene and 
heavenly appear, so they must be led. 

And so here falleth in our question, how a man that object, 
is here born and bred, and hath lived some years, may 
remove himself into another country. 

I answer, a man must not respect only to live, and Ans. i. 
do good to himself, but he should see where he can "'i^t 

c5 ' persor 

live to do most good to others ; for, as one saith, " He ^mc 
whose living is but for himself, it is time he were dead." 

1 So were the Jews, but yet heritances were more large than 
their temporal blessings and in- ours. — Author's Note. 





CHAP, Some men there are who of necessity must here live, 

XVI. .... " 

-^---^ as being tied to duties either to church, commonwealth, 
1621. household, kindred, &c. ; but others, and that many, 
who do no good in none of those, nor can do none, as 
being iiot able, or not in favor, or as wanting opportu- 
nity, and live as outcasts — nobodies, eye-sores, eating 
but for themselves, teaching but themselves, and doing 
good to none, either in soul or body, and so pass over 
days, years and months, yea, so live and so die. Now 
such should lift up their eyes and see whether there be 
not some other place and country to which they may 
2. Why go to do good, and have use towards others of that 
remove, knowlcdgc, wisdom, humanity, reason, strength, skill, 
faculty, &c. which God hath given them for the ser- 
vice of others and his own glory. 

But not to pass the bounds of modesty so far as to 

name any, though I confess I know many, who sit 

Luke here still with their talent in a napkin, having notable 

xix. 20. . . 

endowments both of body and mind, and might do 
great good if they were in some places, which here do 
none, nor can do none, and yet through fleshly fear, 
niceness, straitness of heart, &c. sit still and look on, 
and will not hazard a drachm of health, nor a day of 
pleasure, nor an hour of rest to further the knowledge 
Reas. 1. and salvation of the sons of Adam in that new world, 
where a drop of the knowledge of Christ is most pre- 
cious, which is here not set by. Now what shall we 
say to such a profession of Christ, to which is joined 
no more denial of a man's self .^ 

Object. But some will say. What right have I to go live in 
the heathens' country ? 

Answ. Letting pass the ancient discoveries, contracts and 
agreements which our Englishmen have long since 


made in those parts, toaether with the acknowledg;- chap. 

... . XVI. 

ment of the histories and chronicles of other nations, — v^- 
who profess the land of America from the Cape de 1621. 
Florida unto the Bay of Canada^ (which is south and 
north three hundred leagues and upwards, and east 
and west further than yet hath been discovered) is 
proper to the king of England, yet letting that pass, 
lest I be thought to meddle further than it concerns 
me, or further than I have discerning, I will mention 
such things as are within my reach, knowledge, sight 
and practice, since I have travailed in these affairs. 

And first, seeing we daily pray for the conversion of Reas. 2. 
the heathens, we must consider whether there be not 
some ordinary means and course for us to take to con- 
vert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred 
to God's extraordinary work from heaven. Now it 
seemeth unto me that we ought also to endeavour and 
use the means to convert them ; and the means cannot 
be used unless \ve go to them, or they come to us. To 
us they cannot come, our land is full ; to them we may 
go, their land is empty. 

This then is a sufficient reason to prove our going Reas. 3. 
thither to live, lawful. Their land is spacious and 
void, and there are few, and do but run over the grass, 
as do also the foxes and wild beasts. They are not 
industrious, neither have art, science, skill or faculty to 
use either the land or the commodities of it ; but all 
spoils, rots, and is marred for want of manuring, 
gathering, ordering, &c. As the ancient patriarchs, 
therefore, removed from straiter places into more roomy, 

'/Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, Montreal. Florida was discovered 
in France, discovered the great by Juan Ponce de I^enn, a Span- 
river of Canada in August, 1534, iard, in 1512. See Bancroft's Unit- 
and in 1535 sailed up as far as ed States, i. 19—24, 31—34. 


CHAP, where the land lay idle and waste, and none used it, 

XVI. -^ . . 

"^'■^ though there dwelt inhabitants bv them, as Gen. xiii. 

16 21. gj 11, 12, and xxxiv. 21, and xli. 20, so is it lawful 
now to take a land wiiich none useth, and make use 
of it. 

Reas. 4. Aiid as it is a common land, or unused and undress- 
ed country, so we have it by common consent, compo- 
sition and agreement ;* which agreement is double. 
First, the imperial governor, Massasoit, whose circuits, 
in likelihood, are larger than England and Scotland, 
hath acknowledged the King's Majesty of England to 
be his master and commander, and that once in my 
hearing, yea, and in writing, under his hand, to Cap- 
tain Standish, both he and many other kings which 
are under him, as Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Nar- 
rowhiggonset, Namaschet, &c., with divers others that 
dwell about the bays of Patuxet and Massachuset.^ 
Neither hath this been accomplished by threats and 
blows, or shaking of sword and sound of trumpet ; for 
as our faculty that way is small, and our strength less, 
so our warring with them is after another manner, 
namely, by friendly usage, love, peace, honest and just 
carriages, good counsel, &c., that so we and they may 
not only live in peace in that land, and they yield sub- 

psai. ex jection to an earthly prince, but that as voluntaries 

sKiii.3. ^j^g^- ^y^^y ]-jg persuaded at length to embrace the Prince 

of Peace, Christ Jesus, and rest in peace with him for- 

Secondly, this composition is also more particular 
and applicatory, as touching ourselves there inhabiting. 

' This is to be considered as ^ See pages 193 and 220. 
respecting New England, and the 
territories about the plantation. — 
Auihor^s Note. 


The emperor, by a joint consent, hath promised and chap. 

. ... XVI. 

appointed us to live at peace where we will in all his ^^v^l- 
dominions, taking what place we will, and as much 1621. 
land as we will,' ^"d bringing as many people as we 
will ; and that for these two causes. First, because we , 
are the servants of James, king of England, whose the 
land (as he confesseth) is. Secondly, because he hath 
found us just, honest, kind and peaceable, and so loves 
our company. Yea, and that in these things there is 
no dissimulation on his part, nor fear of breach (except 
our security engender in them some unthought of 
treachery, or our uncivility provoke them to anger) is 
most plain in other Relations,^ which show that the 
things they did were more out of love than out of fear. 
It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos; secondly, 
acknowledged the right of our sovereign king ; thirdly, 
by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers 
of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or call 
in question the lawfulness of inhabiting or dwelling 
there ; but that it may be as lawful for such as are not 
tied upon some special occasion here, to live there as 
well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise is weighty 
and difficult, so the honor is more worthy, to plant a 
rude wilderness, to enlarge the honor and fame of our 

' In the " Warrantable Grounds English New Plymouth. All which 

and Proceedings of the first Asso- lands being void of inhabitants, 

ciates of New Plymouth, in their we, the said John Carver, William 

laying the first foundation of this Bradford, Edward Winslow, Wil- 

Government, in their making of liam Brewster, Isaac AUerton, and 

laws, and disposing of the lands the rest of our associates entering 

within the same," prefixed to the into a league of peace with Massa- 

Code of Laws printed in 16S5, it is soit, since called Woosamequin, 

stated that " by the favor of the prince or sachem of those parts, 

Almighty they began the colony in he, the said Massasoit, freely gave 

New England (there being then them all the lands adjacent, to 

no other within the said continent) them and their heirs forever." 

at a place called by the natives ^ He refers to the preceding 

Apaum, alias Patuxet, but by the Journal. 


CHAP, dread sovereign, but chiefly to display the efficacy and 
— -v^- power of the Gospel, both in zealous preaching, pro- 
1621. fessing, and wise walking under it, before the faces of 

these poor blind infidels. 

As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage 

thither, the danger of pirates' robbery, of the savages' 
prov. treachery, Sec, these are but lions in the way : and it 

xxii. 13. -^ ' ' '^ ^ 

were well for such men if they were in heaven. For 
who can show them a place in this w^orld where in- 
xiix^'s. iquity shall not compass them at the heels, and where 
Mat. vi. they shall have a day without grief, or a lease of life 
for a moment.'' And who can tell, but God, what 
dangers may lie at our doors, even in our native coun- 
try, or what plots may be abroad, or when God will 
■^.mf| cause our sun to go down at noon-day, and, in the 
midst of our peace and security, lay upon us some 
lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt 
of his most glorious Gospel ? 
Object. But we have here great peace, plenty of the Gospel, 

and many sweet delights, and variety of comforts. 
Answ. True, indeed ; and far be it from us to deny and 
schro. diminish the least of these mercies. But have we ren- 


^" dered unto God thankful obedience for this long peace, 
whilst other peoples have been at wars ? Have we 
not rather murmured, repined, and fallen at jars amongst 
ourselves, whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign 
power ? Was there ever more suits in law, more en- 
Gen. vy, contempt and reproach than nowadays ? Abraham 

^^- ' and Lot departed asunder when there fell a breach 

betwixt them, which was occasioned by the straitness 
of the land ; and surely I am persuaded, that howso- 
ever the frailties of men are principal in all conten- 
tions, yet the straitness of the place is such, as each 


man is fain to pluck his means, as it were, out of his chap. 

. . . XVI. 

neighbour's throat, there is such pressing and oppressing ^--v^- 
in town and country, about farms, trades, traffick, &c. ; 1621. 
so as a man can hardly any where set up a trade, but 
he shall pull down two of his neighbours. 

The towns abound with young tradesmen, and the 
hospitals are full of the ancient ; the country is replen- 
ished with new farmers, and the almshouses are filled 
with old laborers. Many there are who get their liv- 
ing with bearing burdens ; but more are fain to burden 
the land with their whole bodies. Multitudes get their 
means of life by prating, and so do numbers more by 
begging. Neither come these straits upon men always 
through intemperance, ill husbandry, indiscretion, &c., 
as some think ; but even the most wise, sober, and 
discreet men go often to the wall, when they have done 
their best ; wherein, as God's providence swayeth all, 
so it is easy to see that the straitness of the place, hav- 
ing in it so many strait hearts, cannot but produce such 
effects more and more ; so as every indifferent minded 
man should be ready to say with father Abraham, 
" Take thou the right hand, and I will take the left :" 
let us not thus oppress, straiten, and afflict one another ; 
but seeing there is a spacious land, the way to which 
is through the sea, we will end this difference in a 

That I speak nothing about the bitter contention 
that hath been about religion, by writing, disputing 
and inveighing earnestly one against another, the heat 
of which zeal, if it were turned against the rude bar- 
barism of the heathens, it might do more good in a 
day, than it hath done here in many years. Neither 
of the little love to the Gospel, and profit which is 


CHAP, made by the preachers in most places, which might 
— v-^ easily drive the zealous to the heathens ; who, no 
1621. doLibt, if they had but a drop of that knowledge which 
here flieth about the streets, would be filled with ex- 
ceeding great joy and gladness, as that they would 
even pluck the kingdom of heaven by violence, and 
take it, as it were, by force. 
'^•',^^'ast Xhe greatest let that is yet behind is the sweet fel- 
lowship of friends, and the satiety of bodily delights. 

But can there be two nearer friends almost than 
Abraham and Lot, or than Paul and Barnabas ? And 
yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, they de- 
parted asunder, two of them being patriarchs of the 
church of old, the other the apostles of the church 
which is new ; and their covenants were such as it 
seemeth might bind as much as any covenant between 
men at this day ; and yet, to avoid greater inconve- 
niences, they departed asunder. 

Neither must men take so much thought for the 
flesh, as not to be pleased except they can pamper 
their bodies with variety of dainties. Nature is con- 
tent with little, and health is much endangered by 
mixtures upon the stomach. The delights of the palate 
James do oftcu iuflamc the vital parts ; as the tongue setteth 
a-fire the whole bod v. Secondlv, varieties here are 
not common to all, but many good men are glad to 
snap at a crust. The rent-taker lives on sweet mor- 
sels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with 
watery eyes ; and it is nothing to say what some one 
of a hundred hath, but what the bulk, body and com- 
monalty hath ; which I warrant you is short enough. 

And they also which now live so sweetly, hardly 
will their children attain to that privilege ; but some 


cii'cnmventor or other will outstrip them, and make chap. 
them sit in the dust, to which men are brought in one — -^-^ 
age, but cannot get out of it again in seven genera- 1621. 

To conclude, without all partiality, the present con- 
sumption which groweth upon us here, whilst the land 
groaneth under so many close-fisted and unmerciful 
men, being compared with the easiness, plainness and 
plentifulness in living in those remote places, may 
quickly persuade any man to a liking of this course, 
and to practise a removal ; which being done by hon- 
est, godly and industrious men, they shall there be 
right heartily welcome ; but for other of dissolute and 
profane life, their rooms are better than their compa- 
nies. For if here, where the Gospel hath been so 
long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in 
such vices as the heathen would shame to speak of, 
what will they be when there is less restraint in word 
and deed ? My only suit to all men is, that whether 
they live there or here, they would learn to use this 
world as they used it not, keeping faith and a good 
conscience, both with God and men, that when the 
day of account shall come, they may come forth as 
good and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and 
enter into the joy of their Master. R. C.^ 

' Robert Cushman. It will he those " which came first over in the 

recollected that he was twice sent Mayflower." In a letter toGover- 

frora Leyden to England as the nor Bradford, dated December 22, 

agent of the Pilgrims, and embark- 1624, he writes, "I hope the next 

ed in the Speedwell, in 1620, but ships to come to you;" but he 

was obliged to put back. He came was prevented by death. Governor 

over in the Fortune, and returned Bradford speaks of him as "our 

in her, as the adventurers had ap- ancient friend, Mr. Cushman, who 

poiijted, to give them information of was our right hand with the ad- 

the state of the colony. In 1623, a venturers, and for divers years 

lot of land was assigned him with managed all our business with 



CHAP. [A Letter from New Plymouth. 

1621. Loving Cousin, 

■'^°^" At our arrival at New Plymouth, in New England, 
we found all our friends and planters in good health, 
though they were left sick and weak, with very small 
means ; the Indians round about us peaceable and 
friendly ; the country very pleasant and temperate, 
yielding naturally, of itself, great store of fruits, as 
vines of divers sorts, in great abundance. There is 
likewise walnuts, chestnuts, small nuts and plums, 
with much variety of flowers, roots and herbs, no less 
pleasant than wholesome and profitable. No place 
hath more gooseberries and strawberries, nor better. 
Timber of all sorts you have in England doth cover 
the land, that affords beasts of divers sorts, and great 
flocks of turkeys, quails, pigeons and partridges ; many 
great lakes abounding with fish, fowl, beavers, and ot- 
ters. The sea affords us great plenty of all excellent 
sorts of sea-fish, as the rivers and isles doth variety of 
wild fowl of most useful sorts. Mines we find, to our 
thinking ; but neither the goodness nor quality we 
know. Better grain cannot be than the Indian corn, 
if we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need 
desire. We are all freeholders ; the rent-day doth not 
trouble us ; and all those good blessings we have, of 
which and what we list in their seasons for taking. 

them." He brought his soa Thomas first minister of Plympton. De- 

wilh him in the Fortune, whom he scendants of this honorable name 

entrusted to the care of Governor are numerous in the Old Colony. 

Bradford, and who, after the death See Morton's Memorial, 128, 376 ; 

of Brewster was chosen, in 1619, Prince, p. 238; Mass. Hist. Coll. 

ruling elder of the Plymouth church, iii. 35; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 

He married Mary, daughter of Isaac 267. 
AUertou, and his son Isaac was the 



Our company are, for most part, very religious, hon- chap. 
est people ; the word of God sincerely taught us -^~ 
every Sabbath; so that I know not any thing a con- 1621. 
tented mind can here want. I desire your friendly 
care to send my wife and children^ to me, where I wish 
all the friends I have in England ; and so I rest 

Your loving kinsman, 

William Hilton.^] 

' His wife and two childrea came 
in the next ship, the Ann, which 
arrived at Plymouth in the summer 
of 1623. See Prince, p. 220, and 
Morton, p. 379. 

" I insert this letter, because it 
was written by one of the passen- 
gers iu the Fortune. It was first 

printed in 1622, in Smith's New 
England's Trials. The writer and 
his brother Edward, fishmongers of 
London, commenced, in the spring 
of 1623, at Dover, the settlement of 
New Hampshire. See Belknap's 
New Hampshire, i. 14; Prince, p. 
215; Savage's Winthrop, i. 97. 




New England, so called not only (to avoid novel- ^^^^P' 
ties) because Captain Smith hath so entitled it in his --^-^- 
Description, but because of the resemblance that is in 1^621. 
it of England, the native soil of Englishmen ; it being 
muchwhat the same for heat and cold in summer and 
winter, it being champaign ground, but not high moun- 
tains ; somewhat like the soil in Kent and Essex, full 
of dales and meadow ground, full of rivers and svi^eet 
springs, as England is. But principally, so far as we 

' In the course of Robert Cush- 
man's short residence of a month at 
Plymouth he delivered a discourse 
to the colonists on the Sin and 
Danger of Self-Love, from 1 Cor. 
X. 24, " Let no man seek his own, 
but every man another's wealth ;" 
which was printed at London in 
1622, but without his name. In 
a tract printed at London in 1644, 
entitled " A Brief Narration of 
some Church Courses in New Eng- 
land," T find the following allusion 
to this discourse; "There is a 
book printed, called A Sermon 
preached at Plymouth, in New 
England, which, as I am certified, 
was made there by a comber of 

Dr. Belknap remarks, that "this 
discourse may be considered as a 
specimen of the prophesyings of the 
brethren. Tiie occasion was sin- 
gular; the exhortations and re- 
proofs are not less so, but were 
adapted to the existing state of the 
colony." Judge Davis says that 
" the late Isaac Lothrop, of Ply- 
mouth, often mentioned an intima- 
tion, received from an aged relative, 
as to the spot where this sermon 
was delivered. It was at the com- 
mon house of the Plantation, which 
is understood to have been erected 
on the southerly side of the bank, 
where the town brook meets the 
harbour. Mr. Lothrop died in 1808, 
aged seventy-three. Not many 


CHAP, can yet find, it is an island,^ and near about the quantity 
— ^^ of England, being cut out from the main land in Ameri- 
1621. ca, as England is from the main of Europe, by a great 
arm of the sea,^ which entereth in forty degrees, and 
runneth up northwest and by west, and goeth out 
eitlier into the South Sea, or else into the Bay of 
Canada. The certainty whereof, and secrets of which, 
we have not yet so found as that, as eye-witnesses, 
we can make narration thereof; but if God give time 
and means, we shall ere long discover both the extent 
of that river, together with the secrets thereof; and 
also try what territories, habitations, or commodities 
may be found, either in it, or about it. 

It pertaineth not to my purpose to speak any thing 
either in praise or dispraise of the country. So it is, by 
God's providence, that a few of us are there planted to 
our content, and have with great charge and difficulty 
attained quiet and competent dwellings there. And 
thus much I will say for the satisfaction of such as 
have any thought of going thither to inhabit ; that for 
men which have a large heart, and look after great 
riches, ease, pleasures, dainties, and jollity in this 
world, (except they will live by other men's sweat, or 
have great riches,) I would not advise them to come 
there, for as yet the country will afford no such mat- 
years before his death he had the England, together with all well- 
satisfaction of being called to view Avillers and well-wishers thereunto, 
sundry tools and implements which grace and peace, &c." The Epistle 
were dug up at that spot, and which is here printed entire, and all that 
he carefully preserved." See note" is of any general or historical in- 
on page 173 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. terest in 'the discourse. 
ii. 274 ; and Morton's Memorial, ' It will be seen hereafter that 
P- '''4. Winslow too, on the authority of 

Prefixed to the discourse is an the natives, calls it an island. 
"Epistle Dedicatory, to his loving ^ Hudson's river, 
friends, the adventurers for New 


ters. But if there be any who are content to lay out chap. 
their estates, spend their time, labors and endeavours, ^^^ 
for the benefit of them that shall come after, and in I62i. 
desire to further the Gospel among those poor heathens, 
quietly contenting themselves with such hardship and 
difficulties, as by God's providence shall fall upon 
them, being yet young, and in their strength, such 
men I would advise and encourage to go, for their 
ends cannot fail them. 

And if it should please God to punish his people in 
the Christian countries of Europe, for their coldness, 
carnality, wanton abuse of the Gospel, contention, 
&c., either by Turkish slavery, or by popish tyranny, 
(which God forbid,) yet if the time be come, or shall 
come (as who knovveth ?) when Satan shall be let loose 
to cast out his floods against them, here is a way open- r 
ed for such as have wings to fly into this wilderness ; 
and as by the dispersion of the Jewish church through 
persecution, the Lord brought in the fulness of the Acts xi. 

2U, -21. 

Gentiles, so who knoweth, whether now by tyranny 
and affliction, which he suffereth to come upon them, 
he will not by little and little chase them even amongst 
the heathens, that so a light may rise up in the dark, Luke 
and the kingdom of heaven be taken from them which 
now have it, and given to a people that shall bring ^'"•''■^• 
forth the fruit of it.^ This I leave to the judgment of 
the godly wise, being neither prophet nor son of a Amog 
prophet. But considering God's dealing of old, and 
seeing the name of Christian to be very great, but the 
true nature thereof almost quite lost in all degrees and 
>sects, I cannot think but that there is some judgment 
not far off, and that God will shortly, even of stones, M;iiih 
raise up children unto Abraham. 

ev. XII. 

14, 15. 

vii. 14. 

2 Kings 
xvii. 23. 

iii. 9. 


CHAP. And whoso rio^htlv considereth what manner of en- 
^^v^ trance, abiding, and proceedings we have had among 
16 21. these poor heathens since we came hither, will easily 


think that God hath some great work to do towards 

They were wont to be the most cruel and treacher- 
ous people in all these parts, even like lions ; but to 
us they have been like lambs, so kind, so submissive, 
and trusty, as a man may truly say, many Christians 
are not so kind nor sincere. 

They were very much wasted of late, by reason of 
a great mortality* that fell amongst them three years 
since ; which, together with their own civil dissensions 
and bloody wars, hath so wasted them, as I think the 
twentieth person is scarce left alive ; and those that 
are left, have their courage much abated, and their 
countenance is dejected, and they seem as a people 
affrighted. And though when we first came into the 
country, we were few, and many of us were sick, and 
many died by reason of the cold and wet, it being the 
depth of winter, and we having no houses nor sheltei*, 
yet when there was not six able persons among us, 
and that they came daily to us by hundreds, with their 
sachems or kings, and might in one hour have made a 
dispatch of us, yet such a fear was upon them, as that 
they never offered us the least injury in word or deed. 
And by reason of one Tisquanto,^ that lives amongst 
us, that can speak English, we have daily commerce 
with their kings, and can know what is done or in- 
tended towards us among the savages ; also we can 
acquaint them with our courses and purposes, both 
human and religious. And the greatest commander of 

' See note ' on page 183. ' See note ^ on page 190. 


the country, called Massasoit,^ cometh often to visit chap. 

us, though he lives fifty miles from us, often sends us '- 

presents, he having with many other of their governors i 621. 


promised, yea, subscribed obedience to our Sovereign 
Lord King James, and for his cause to spend both 
strength and life.^ And we, for our parts, through 
God's grace, have with that equity, justice, and com- 
passion carried ourselves towards them, as that they 
have received much favor, help, and aid from us, but 
never the least injury or wrong by us."^ We found 
the place where we live empty, the people being all 
dead and gone away,^ and none living near by eight 
or ten miles ; and though in the time of some hard- 
ship, we found, travelling abroad, some eight bushels 
of corn hid up in a cave, and knew no owners of it, 
yet afterwards hearing of the owners of it, we gave 
them (in their estimation) double the value of it.^ 
Our care also hath been to maintain peace amongst 
them, and have always set ourselves against such of 
them as used any rebellion or treachery against their 
governors ; and not only threatened such, but in some 
sort paid them their due deserts. And when any of 

' See page 191. avoid the least scruple of intrusion. 

* See pages 193 and 232. Particularly publish that no wrong 

^ They offer us to dwell where or injury be offered to the natives." 

we will. — Cushman-s Note. And in 1676, it was as truly as 

The first planters of Plymouth proudly said by Governor Josiah 
and Massachusetts invariably pur- Winslow, of Plymouth, " I think I 
chased of the natives the lands on can clearly say, that before these 
which they settled, for considera- present troubles broke out, the 
tions which were deemed at the English did not possess one foot of 
time fully equivalent. They fol- land in this Colony but what was 
lowed literally the instructions giv- fairly obtained by honest purchase 
en by the governor of the New Eng- of the Indian proprietors." See 
land Company to Gov. Endicolt, in Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 266; Haz- 
^629: "If any of the salvages pre- ard's State Papers, i. 263; Hub- 
tend right of inheritance to all or bard's Indian Wars, p. 13, (ed. 
any part of the lands granted in our 1677.) 
patent, we pray you endeavour to * See pages 184 and 206. 
purchase their title, that we may * See page 217. 


CHAP, them are in want, as often they are in the winter, 


when their corn is done, we supply them to our power, 
162 1. and have them in our houses eating and drinking, and 

Dec . 

warming themselves ; which thing, though it be some- 
thing a trouble to us, yet because they should see and 
take knowledge of our labors, orders and diligence, 
both for this life and a better, we are content to bear 
it ; and we find in many of them, especially of the 
younger sort, such a tractable disposition, both to reli- 
gion and humanity, as that if we had means to ap- 
parel them, and wholly to retain them with us, (as 
their desire is,) they would doubtless in time prove 
serviceable to God and man ; and if ever God send us 
means, we will bring up hundreds of their children 
both to labor and learning. 

But leaving to speak of them till a further occasion 
be ofifered, if any shall marvel at the publishing of this 
treatise in England, seeing there is no want of good 
books, but rather want of men to use good books, let 
them know, that the especial end is, that we may keep 
those motives in memory for ourselves and those that 
shall come after, to be a remedy against self-love, the 
bane of all societies ; and that we also might testify to 
our Christian countrymen, who judge diversely of us, 
that though we be in a heathen country, yet the grace 
of Christ is not quenched in us, but we still hold and 
teach the same points of faith, mortification, and sanc- 
tification, which we have heard and learned, in a most 
ample and large manner, in our own country. If any 
shall think it too rude and unlearned for this curious 
age, let them know, that to paint out the Gospel in 
plain and flat English, amongst a company of plain 
Englishmen, (as we are,) is the best and most profita- 


ble teaching ; and we will study plainness, not cu- chap. 

riosity, neither in things human nor heavenly. If any '- 

error or unsoundness be in it, fas who knoweth .'^) i(^2i. 


impute it to that frail man which indited it, which 
professeth to know nothing as he ought to know it. 
I have not set down my name, partly because I seek 
no name, and principally, because I would have nothing 
esteemed by names ; for I see a number of evils to 
arise through names, when the persons are either fa- 
mous or infamous, and God and man is often injured. 
If any good or profit arise to thee in the receiving of it, 
give God the praise, and esteem me as a son of Adam, 
subject to all such frailties as other men are. 

And you, my loving friends, the adventurers to this 
Plantation, as your care has been, first to settle religion' 
here, before either profit or popularity, so I pray you, 
go on to do it much more, and be careful to send godly 
men, though they want some of that worldly policy 
which this world hath in her own generation ; and so, 
though you lose, the Lord shall gain. I rejoice greatly 
in your free and ready minds to your powers, yea, and 
beyond your powers to further this work, that you thus 
honor God with your riches ; and I trust you shall be 
lepayed again double and treble in this world, yea, 
and the memory of this action shall never die. But 

» "The great and known end of his Majesty's dominions, might, 
the first comers, in the year of our with the liberty of a good con- 
Lord 1620, leaving their dear na- science, enjoy the pure scriptural 
tive country and all that was dear worship of God, without the mix- 
to them there, transporting them- ture of human inventions and im- 
selves over the vast ocean into this positions ; and that their children 
remote waste wilderness, and there- alter them might walk in the holy 
in willingly conflicting with dan- ways of the Lord." See General 
gers, losses, hardships and distress- Fundamentals, prefixed to theLavvs 
'es, sore and not a few, was, that of New Plymouth, published in 
without offence, they under the 1672, and reprinted in Brigham's 
protection of their native prince, edition, p. 242. 
together with the enlargement of 



CHAP, above all, addins; unto this, as I trust you do, like free- 

Y \/TT 

^— ^ ness in all other God's services, both at home and 
1621. abroad, you shall find reward with God, ten thousand- 
fold surpassing all that you do or think. Be not, there- 
fore, discouraged, for no labor is lost, nor money spent, 
which is bestowed for God. Your ends were good, 
your success is good, and your profit is coming, even 
in this life, and in the life to come much more. And 
what shall I say now ? A word to men of understand- 
ing suffiiceth. Pardon, I pray you, my boldness, read 
over the ensuing treatise, and judge wisely of the poor 
weakling ; and the Lord, the God of sea and land, 
stretch out his arm of protection over you and us, and 
over all our lawful and good enterprises, either this, or 

any other way. 

Plymouth., in Neio England., Decemher 12, 1621. 

There is a generation, which think to have more in 
this world than Adam's felicity in innocency, being 
born, as they think, to take their pleasures and their 
ease. Let the roof of the house drop through, they 
stir not ; let the field be overgrown with weeds, they 
care not ; they must not foul their hand, nor wet their 
foot. It's enough for them to say. Go you, not. Let us 
go, though never so much need. Such idle drones are 
intolerable in a settled commonwealth, much more in 
a commonwealth which is but as it were in the bud. 
Of what earth, I pray thee, art thou made ? Of any 
better than the other of the sons of Adam ? And 
canst thou see other of thy brethren toil their hearts 
out, and thou sit idle at home, or takest thy pleasure 
abroad ? 


It is reported, that there are many men gone to that chap. 
other plantation in Virginia, which, whilst they lived 3^ 
in England, seemed very rehgious, zealous, and con-i62L 
scionable ; and have now lost even the sap of grace, ^^' 
and edge to all goodness ; and are become mere world- 
lings. This testimony I believe to be partly true, 
and amongst many causes of it, this self-love is not the 
least. It is indeed a matter of some commendations 
for a man to remove himself out of a thronged place 
into a wide wilderness ; to take in hand so long and 
dangerous a journey, to be an instrument to carry the 
Gospel and humanity among the brutish heathen ; but 
there may be many goodly shows and glosses, and yet 
a pad in the straw. Men may make a great appear- 
ance of respect unto God, and yet but dissemble with 
him, having their own lusts carrying them ; and, out 
of doubt, men that have taken in hand hither to come, 
out of discontentment, in regard to their estates in 
England, and aiming at great matters here, affecting 
it to be gentlemen, landed men, or hoping for office, 
place, dignity, or fleshly liberty. Let the show be 
what it will, the substance is naught ; and that bird of 
self-love which was hatched at home, if it be not looked 
to, will eat out the life of all grace and goodness ; and 
though men have escaped the danger of the sea, and 
that cruel mortality, which swept away so many of our 
loving friends and brethren, yet except they purge out 
this self-love, a worse mischief is prepared for them. 
And who knoweth whether God in mercy have deliv- 
ered those just men which here departed, from the 
pvils to come, and from unreasonable men, in whom 
there neither was, nor is, any comfort, but grief, sor- 
row, affliction, and misery, till they cast out this spawn 
of self-love ? 


CHAP. Now, brethren, I pray you, remember yourselves, 
^v~ and know that you are not in a retired, monastical 
1^21. course, but have given your names and promises one 
to another, and covenanted here to cleave together in 
the service of God and the King. What then must 
you do ? May you live as retired hermits, and look 
after nobody ? Nay, you must seek still the wealth of 
one another, and inquire, as David, How liveth such a 
man ? How is he clad ? How is he fed ? He is my 
brother, my associate ; we ventured our lives together 
here, and had a hard brunt of it ; and we are in league 
together. Is his labor harder than mine ? Surely 1 
will ease him. Hath he no bed to lie on ? Why, I 
have two ; I'll lend him one. Hath he no apparel ? 
Why, I have two suits ; I'll give him one of them. 
Eats he coarse fare, bread and water, and I have bet- 
ter ? Why, surely we will part stakes. He is as good 
a man as I, and we are bound each to other; so that 
his wants must be my wants, his sorrows my sorrows, 
his sickness my sickness, and his welfare my welfare ; 
for I am as he is. And such a sweet sympathy were 
excellent, comfortable, yea, heavenly, and is the only 
maker and conserver of churches and connnonwealths ; 
and where this is wanting, ruin comes on quickly. 

It wonderfully encourageth men in their duties, 
when they see the burthen equally borne ; but when 
some withdraw themselves, and retire to their own 
particular ease, pleasure, or profit, what heart can men 
have to go on in their business ? When men are come 
together to lift some weighty piece of timber, or vessel, 
if one stand still and do not lift, shall not the rest be 
weakened and disheartened ? Will not a few idle 
drones spoil the whole stock of laborious bees ? So 


one idle belly, one murmurer, one complainer, one self- chap. 
lover, will weaken and dishearten a whole colony. -^^^ 
Great matters have been brought to pass, where men 1621. 
have cheerfully, as with one heart, hand and shoulder, 
gone about it, both in wars, buildings and plantations ; 
but where every man seeks himself, all cometh to 

The country is yet raw ; the land untilled ; the cities 
not builded ; the cattle not settled. We are compassed 
about with a helpless and idle people, the natives of 
the country, which cannot, in any comely or comfort- 
able manner, help themselves, much less us. We also 
have been very chargeable to many of our loving friends, 
which helped us hither, and now again supplied us ; 
so that before we think of gathering riches, we must 
even in conscience think of requiting their charge, love, 
and labor; and cursed be that profit and gain which 
aimeth not at this. Besides, how many of our dear 
friends did here die at our first entrance ; many of them, 
no doubt, for want of good lodging, shelter, and com- 
fortable things ; and many more may go after them 
quickly, if care be not taken. Is this then a time for 
men to begin to seek themselves ? Paul saith, that 
men in the last days shall be lovers of themselves ; but 2 Tim. 
it is here yet but the first days, and, as it were, the 
dawning of this new world. It is now therefore no 
time for men to look to get riches, brave clothes, dainty 
fare ; but to look to present necessities. It is now no 
time to pamper the flesh, live at ease, snatch, catch, 
scrape, and pill, and hoard up ; but rather to open the 
doors, the chests, and vessels, and say, Brother, neigh- 
bour, friend, what want ye ? any thing that I have ? 
Make bold with it ; it is yours to command, to do you 


111. i 


CHAP, eood, to comfort and cherish you ; and glad I am that 


-— v^l^ I have it for you. 

16 21. Let there be no prodigal person to come forth and say, 
Give me the portion of lands and goods that appertain- 


''''■^^- eth to me, and let me shift for myself.^ It is yet too 
soon to put men to their shifts. Israel was seven years, 
in Canaan, before the laud was divided unto tribes, 
much longer before it was divided unto families ; and 
why wouldest thou have thy particular portion, but be- 
cause thou thinkest to live better than thy neighbour, 
and scornest to live so meanly as he ? But who, 1 pray 
thee, brought this particularizing first into the world ? 
Did not Satan, who was not content to keep that equal 
state with his fellows, but would set his throne above 
the stars ? Did not he also entice man to despise his 
general felicity and happiness, and go try particular 
knowledge of good and evil ? And nothing in this 
world doth more resemble heavenly happiness, than for 
men to live as one, being of one heart and one soul ; 
neither any thing more resembles hellish horror, than 
for every man to shift for himself; for if it be a good 
mind and practice, thus to affect particulars, mine and 
thine, then it should be best also for God to provide 
one heaven for thee, and another for thy neighbour. 

Objection. But some will say. If all men will do 
their endeavours, as I do, I could be content with this 

' Throughout this paragraph ment, and were clamorous for a 

there is a manifest reference to the partition of the lands, and the in- 

copartnership into which they had stitution of separate property. It 

been obliged to enter with the was the design of Mr. Cushman to 

merchant adventurers, by which exhort them to be faithful to their 

all the property and profits of the engagement, to cherish a public spi- 

Plantation for seven years were to rit, and to seek the general and 

be held as a joint stock, not to be ultimate good of the Colony, rather 

divided till the expiration of that than their personal and immediate 

time. The colonists had already interest. See the conditions on 

become impatient of this arrange- page 81, and note ' on page 84. 


generality ; but many are idle and slothful, and eat up chap. 
others' labors, and therefore it is best to part, and iX^ 
then every man may do his pleasure. 1621. 

If others be idle and thou diligent, thy fellowship, ^'^' 
provocation, and example, may well help to cure that 
malady in them, being together; but being asunder, 
shall they not be more idle, and shall not gentry and 
beggary be quickly the glorious ensigns of your com- 
monwealth ? 

Be not too hasty to say men are idle and slothful. 
All men have not strength, skill, faculty, spirit, and 
courage to work alike. It is thy glory and credit, that 
canst do so well, and his shame and reproach, that can 
do no better ; and are not these sufficient rewards to 
you both ? 

If any be idle apparently, you have a law and gov- 
ernors to execute the same, and to follow that rule of 
the Apostle, to keep back their bread, and let them not 
eat. Go not therefore whispering to charge men with 
idleness ; but go to the governor and prove them idle, 
and thou shalt see them have their deserts. 

And as you are a body together, so hang not together 
by skins and gymocks, but labor to be jointed toge- 
ther and knit by flesh and sinews. Away with envy 
at the good of others, and rejoice in his good, and sor- 
row for his evil. Let his joy be thy joy, and his sorrow 
thy sorrow. Let his sickness be thy sickness, his hun- 
ger thy hunger, his poverty thy poverty ; and if you 
profess friendship, be friends in adversity, for then a 
friend is known and tried, and not before. 

Lay away all thought of former things and forget 
them, and think upon the things that are. Look not 
gapingly one upon other, pleading your goodness, 
your birth, your life you lived, your means you had and 


CHAP, might have had. Here you are by God's providence 
— ^ under difficulties ; be thankful to God it is no worse, 
16 21. and take it in good part that which is, and lift not up 
yourselves because of former privileges. Consider 
therefore what you are now, and where you are. Say 
not, I could have lived thus and thus ; but say. Thus and 
thus 1 must live ; for God and natural necessity requir- 
eth, if your difficulties be great, you had need to cleave 
the faster together, and comfort and cheer up one an- 
other, laboring to make each other's burden lighter. 

There is no grief so tedious as a churlish companion; 
and nothing makes sorrows easy more than cheerful as- 
sociates. Bear ye therefore one another's burthen, and 
be not a burthen one to another. Avoid all factions, fro- 
wardness, singularity, and withdrawings, and cleave fast 
to the Lord and one to another continually ; so shall 
you be a notable precedent to these poor heathens, whose 
eyes are upon you, and who very brutishly and cruelly 
do daily eat and consume one another, through their 
emulations, wars and contentions. Be you, therefore, 
ashamed of it, and win them to peace, both with your- 
selves and one another, by your peaceable examples, 
which will preach louder to them than if you could 
cry in their barbarous language. So also shall you be 
an encouragement to many of your Christian friends 
in your native country, to come to you, when they hear 
of your peace, love and kindness that is amongst you. 
But, above all, it shall go well with your souls, when 
that God of peace and unity shall come to visit you 
with death, as he hath done many of your associates ; 
you being found of him, not in murmurings, discontent, 
and jars, but in brotherly love and peace, may be trans- 
lated from this wandering wilderness unto that joyful 
and heavenly Canaan. 


" Good Newes from New England : or a true Relation of things 
very remarkable at the Plantation of Plimoth in New-England. 

Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of God, in their 
preservation and continuance, being delivered from many appa- 
rent deaths and dangers. 

Together with a Relation of such religious and civill Lawes and 
Customes, as are in practise amongst the Indians, adjoyning to 
them at this day. As also what Commodities are there to be 
raysed for the maintenance of that and other Plantations in the 
said Country. 

Written by E. W. who hath borne a part in the fore-named trou- 
bles, and there lived since their first Arrivall. 

Whereunto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible intel- 
ligence of the present Estate of Virginia. 

London. Printed by I. D. for William Bladen and lotin Bellamie^ 
and are to be sold at their Shops, at the Bille in PauVs 
Church-yard, and at the three Golden Lyons in Corn-hill, neere 
the Royall Exchange. 1624." pp. 66, sm. 4to. 

To all well-ioillers and furtherers of Plantations in New 
England, especially to such as ever have or desire to 
assist the people of Plyinouth in their just proceedings, 
grace and peace he multiplied. 

Right Honorable and Worshipful Gentlemen, 
or whatsoever, 

Since it hath pleased God to stir jou up to be 
instruments of his glory in so honorable an enterprise 
as the enlarging of his Majesty's dominions by planting 
his loyal subjects in so healthful and hopeful a country 
as New-England is, where the church of God being 
seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing 
the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to 
the true knowledge and worship of the living God, and 
so consequently the salvation of their souls by the me- 
rits of Jesus Christ, than elsewhere, though it be much 
talked on and lightly or lamely prosecuted, — I there- 
fore think it but my duty to offer the view of our pro- 
ceedings to your worthy considerations, having to that 
end composed them together thus briefly, as you see ; 
wherein, to your great encouragement, you may behold 
the good providence of God working with you in our 
preservation from so many dangerous plots and treach- 
eries as have been intended against us, as also in giving 


his blessing so powerfully upon the weak means we 
had, enabling us with health and ability beyond expec- 
tation in our greatest scarcities, and possessing the 
hearts of the salvages with astonishment and fear of 
us ; whereas if God had let them loose, they might 
easily have swallowed us up, scarce being a handful 
in comparison of those forces they might have gathered 
together against us ; which now, by God's blessing, 
will be more hard and diflicult, in regard our number 
of men is increased, our town better fortified, and our 
store better victualled. Blessed therefore be his name, 
that hath done so great things for us and hath wrought 
so great a change amongst us. 

Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours, pardon 
my unskil fulness, and bear with my plainness in the 
things I have handled. Be not discouraged by our 
former necessities, but rather encouraged with us, hop- 
ing that as God hath wrought with us in our beginning 
of this worthy work, undertaken in his name and fear, 
so he will by us accomplish the same to his glory and 
our comfort, if we neglect not the means. I confess it 
hath not been much less chargeable to some of you ^ 
than hard and difficult to us, that have endured the 
brunt of the battle, and yet small profits returned. 
Only, by God's mercy, we are safely seated, housed, 
and fortified, by which means a great step is made 
unto gain, and a more direct course taken for the same, 
than if at first we had rashly and covetously fallen 
upon it. 

Indeed three things are the overthrow and bane, as 
I may term it, of plantations. 

' The merchant adventurers. See pages 67 and 78. 


1. The vain expectation of present profit, which too 
commonly taketh a principal seat in the heart and af- 
fection, though God's glory, &c. is preferred before it 
in the mouth with protestation. 

2. Ambition in their governors and commanders, 
seeking only to make themselves great, and slaves of all 
that are under them, to maintain a transitory base honor 
in themselves, which God oft punisheth with contempt. 

3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies 
of men unto them, not caring how they be qualified ; 
so that ofttimes they are rather the image of men en- 
dued with bestial, yea, diabolical affections, than the 
image of God, endued with reason, understanding, and 
holiness. I praise God 1 speak not these things expe- 
rimentally, by way of complaint of our own condition, 
but having great cause on the contrary part to be thank- 
ful to God for his mercies towards us ; but rather, if 
there be any too desirous of gain, to entreat them to 
moderate their affections, and consider that no man ex- 
pecteth fruit before the tree be grown ; advising all men, 
that as they tender their own welfare, so to make choice 
of such to manage and govern their affairs, as are 
approved not to be seekers of themselves, but the com- 
mon good of all for whom they are employed ; and 
beseeching such as have the care of transporting men 
for the supply and furnishing of plantations, to be truly 
careful in sending such as may further and not hinder 
so good an action. There is no godly, honest man but 
will be helpful in his kind, and adorn his profession 
with an upright life and conversation ; which doctrine 
of manners ^ ought first to be preached by giving good 

' This sentiment shows how little ticisra, which has often been alleged 
obnoxious the first settlers of New against them by persons alike igno- 
England were to the charge of fana- rant of their spirit and their history. 




example to the poor savage heathens amongst whom 
they live. On the contrary part, what great offence 
hath been given by many profane men, who being but 
seeming Christians, have made Christ and Christianity 
stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels, and so laid a 
stumbling-block before them. But woe be to them by 
whom such offences come. 

These things I offer to your Christian considerations^ 
beseeching you to make a good construction of my 
simple meaning, and take in good part this ensuing 
Relation, dedicating myself and it evermore unto your 
service ; beseeching God to crown our Christian and 
faithful endeavours with his blessings temporal and 

Yours in this service, 

Ever to be commanded, 

E. W.^ 

* Edward Winslow was, ac- 
cording to Hutchinson, " of a very- 
reputable family and of a very ac- 
tive genius" — "a gentleman of 
the best family of any of the Ply- 
mouth planters, his father, Edward 
Winslow, Esq., being a person of 
some figure at Droitwich, in Wor- 
cestershire," a town seven miles 
from Worcester, celebrated for its 
salt springs. Edward was the 
eldest of eight children, and was 
born at Droitwich Oct. 19, 1595, as 
appears from the following extract 
from the records of St. Peter's 
church in that place : " 1595, Oct. 
20, baptized Edward, son of Ed- 
ward Winslow, born the previous 
Friday," which was the 19th. His 
mother's name was Magdalen ; her 
surname is unknown ; she was 
married Nov. 3, 1594. He was 
not one of the original band of Pil- 
grims who escaped to Holland in 
1608, but being on his travels, fell 
in with them at Leyden, in 1617, 

as we learn from his Brief Narra- 
tive, where he speaks of " living 
three years under Mr. Robinson's 
ministry before we began the work 
of plantation in New England." 
His name stands the third among 
the signers of the Compact on board 
the Mayflower ; and his family 
consisted at that time of his wife, 
Elizabeth, George Soule, and two 
others, perhaps his children, Ed- 
ward and John, who died young. 
As has already been seen, and will 
hereafter appear, he was one of the 
most energetic and trusted men in 
the Colonv- He went to England 
in 1623, 1624, 1635 and 1646, as 
agent of the Plymouth or Massa- 
chusetts colonies; and in 1633 he 
was chosen governor, to which 
office he was reelected in 1636 and 
1644. He did not return to New 
England after 1646. In 1655 he 
was sent by Cromwell as one of 
three commissioners to superintend 
the expedition against the Spanish 



possessions in the West Indies, and 
died at sea near Hispaniola, on the 
8th of May of that year, in his 60th 
year. An interesting letter, writ- 
ten by him at Barbadoes, March 
16, and addressed to Secretary 
Thurlow, is preserved in Thurlow's 
State Papers, iii. 250. Three letters 
of his to Gov. Winthrop, one to the 
Commissioners of the United Colo- 
nies, and another to Thurlow from 
Barbadoes, March 30, are contained 
in Hutchinson's Collection of Pa- 
pers, pp. 60, 110, 153, 228, 26S. 

In 1637 he obtained a grant of a 
valuable tract of land at Green's 
harbour, now Marshfield, to which 
he gave the name of Caresrull. 
This estate continued in the family 
till a few years since, when it came 
into possession of Daniel Webster, 
the present Secretary of Sta^e. 

Edward Winslow's son, Josiah, 
born at Plymouth in 1628, was 
governor of the Colony from 1673 
to his death in 1680. His last sur- 
viving male descendant is Mr. 
Isaac Winslow, of Boston, who 
possesses original portraits of these 
his illustrious ancestors. 

Edward Winslow had four bro- 
thers, all of whom came over to 
New England. Their names were 
John, born in April, 1597 ; Kenelm, 
born April 29, 1599 ; Gilbert, born 
in Oct. 1600 ; and Josiah, born in 
Feb. 1605. John came in the 
Fortune in 1621, married Mary 
Chilton, who came in the May- 
flower, and removed to Boston, 
in 1655, where he died in 1674, 
aged 77. He left a numerous pos- 
terity, one of whom is Isaac Wins- 

low, Esq., of Roxbury, formerly a 
merchant in Boston. — Gilbert came 
in the Mayflower, and soon left the 
Colony, and it is thought went to 
Portsmouth, N. H. and died before 
1660. — Kenelm and Josiah arrived 
at Plymouth before 1632, and both 
settled at Marshfield. The former 
died whilst on a visit at Salem in 
1672, aged 73, and the latter in 
1674, aged 69. — Edward Wins- 
low's sisters were Eleanor, born in 
April, 1598, Elizabeth, born in 
March, IGOl, and Magdalen, born 
Dec. 26, 1604. Elizabeth died in 
Jan. 1604, and neither of the other 
two ever came to New England. 

For the copy of the record of St. 
Peter's Church, Droitwich, contain- 
ing the births and baptisms of Ed- 
ward Winslow and his sisters and 
brothers, excepting Josiah, I am 
indebted to Isaac Winslow, Esq., of 
Pioxbury, whose son, Isaac, of New 
York, visited that place for this 
purpose in Aug. 1839. I am also 
indebted to Mr. Isaac Winslow, of 
Boston, for the loan of the family 
bible of the Winslows, containing 
on one of its covers an ancient re- 
gister, corresponding nearly with 
the Droitwich records, with the 
addition of the birth and baptism of 
Josiah, the youngest child. See 
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 187, ii. 457— 
460; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 281 
— 309; Mitchell's Bridgewater, p. 
387—390; Deane's Scituate, p. 
388—390 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. 
90—103, 139—144; Morton's Me- 
morial, pp. 178, 235, 259—261, 382, 
415; Hazard's Hist. Coll. i. 326. 


Good Reader, 

When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it 
chiefly for the satisfaction of my private friends ; but 
since that time have been persuaded to publish the 
same. And the rather, because of a disorderly colony^ 
that are dispersed, and most of them returned, to the 
great prejudice and damage of him ^ that set them 
forth ; who, as they were a stain to Old England that 
bred them, in respect of their lives and manners amongst 
the Indians, so, it is to be feared, will be no less to New 
England, in their vile and clamorous reports, because 
she would not foster them in their desired idle courses. 
I would not be understood to think there were no well 
deserving persons amongst them ; for of mine know- 
ledge it was a grief to some that they were so yoked ; 
whose deserts, as they were then suitable to their hon- 
est protestations, so I desire still may be in respect of 
their just and true Relations. 

Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that 1 deal so 

' At Wessagusset, or Weymouth, ^ Thomas Weston. See note 
ef wliich an ample account will be on page 78. 
found in the ensuing Narrative. 



plainly, than any way doubt of the truth of this my 
Relation ; yea, it may be, tax me therewith, as seem- 
ing rather to discourage men than any way to further 
so noble an action. If any honest mind be discour- 
aged, I am sorry. Sure I am I have given no just 
cause ; and am so far from being discouraged myself, 
as I purpose to return forthwith.' And for other light 
and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my 
desire, accounting it better for them and us that they 
keep where they are, as being unfit and unable to per- 
form so great a task. 

Some faults have escaped because I could not attend 
on the press,^ which 1 pray thee correct, as thou find- 
est, and I shall account it as a favor unto me. 


E. W. 

' Winslow returned ia the ship ^ This serves to confirm the 

Charity, in March, 1624. He had statement of numerous typographi- 

been absent six months, having cal errors in the previous Narrative, 

sailed from Plymouth in the Ann, See note on page 113, and note ^ on 

on the 10th of Sept. previous. See page 174. 
Bradford, in Prince, p. 221, 225. 


At the earnest entreaty of some of my much re- 
spected friends, I have added to the former Discourse a 
Relation of such things as were credibly reported at 
Plymouth, in New England, in September last past, 
concerning the present estate of Virginia. And because 
men may doubt how we should have intelligence of 
their affairs, being we are so far distant, 1 will there- 
fore satisfy the doubtful therein. Captain Francis 
West ^ being in New England about the latter end of 
May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, and returned 
in August. In September the same ship and company 
being discharged by him at Damarin's Cove,^ came to 
New Plymouth, where, upon our earnest inquiry after 
the state of Virginia since that bloody slaughter com- 
mitted by the Indians upon our friends and country- 
men,'' the whole ship's company agreed in this, viz. 

' West had a commission as ad- in Prince, p. 218, and in Morton, 

miral of New England, to restrain p. 97. 

such ships as came to fish and trade ^ The Damariscove islands, five 
without license from the New or six in number, lying west by 
England Council ; but finding the north from Monhegan, were early- 
fishermen stubborn fellows, and too resorted to and occupied as fishing- 
strong for him, he sails for Virginia; stages. See Williamson's Maine, 
and their owners complaining to i. 56. 

Parliament, procured an order that ' On the 22d of March, 1622, at 

fishing should be free. Bradford, mid-day, the Indians, by a precon- 


that upon all occasions tlioy chased the Indians to and 
fro, insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for 
peace, who for the present would not admit of any ; 
that Sir George Early, ^ &c. was at that present em- 
ployed upon service against them ; that amongst many 
others, Opachancano,^ the chief emperor, was supposed 
to be slain ; his son also was killed at the same time. 
And though, by reason of these fore-named broils in 
the fore part of the year, the English had undergone 
great want of food, yet, through God's mercy, there 
never was more show of plenty, having as much and 
as good corn on the ground as ever they had. Neither 
was the hopes of their tobacco crop inferior to that of 
their corn ; so that the planters were never more full 
of encouragement ; which I pray God long to continue, 
and so to direct both them and us, as his glory may be 
the principal aim and end of all our actions, and that 
for his mercy's sake. Amen. 

certod plan, fell upon the English and Bancroft's United States, i. 

settlements in Virginia, and mas- 181 — 185. 

sacred 347 persons. A war of ex- ' Ycardley. Sec note ' on p. 70. 

termination immediately ensued. ^ Opechancanough, as the name 

See Stith's Virginia, p. 208—213, is commonly spelt. 



CHAP. The p-ood ship called the Fortune, which, in the 

month of November, 1621, (blessed be God,) brought 

1622. yg ^ j^g^y supply of thirty-five persons, was not long 
departed our coast, ere the great people of Nanohig- 
ganset,' which are reported to be many thousands 
strong, began to breathe forth many threats against 
us, notwithstanding their desired and obtained peace 
with us in the foregoing summer ; insomuch as the 
common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides was 
of the preparation they made to come against us. In 
reason a man w^ould think they should have now more 
cause to fear us than before our supply came. But 

^ The Narragansetts were a nu- traveller would meet with a dozen 

merous and powerful tribe that oc- Indian towns in twenty miles, 

cupied nearly the whole of the They were a martial and formida- 

present territory of the State of ble race, and were frequently at 

Rhode Island, including the islands war with the Pokanokets on the 

in Narragansett Bay. They had east, the Pequots on the west, and 

escaped the pestilence which had the Massachusetts on the north, 

depopulated other parts of New See Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 

England, and their population at 147; Callender in R, I. Hist. Coll. 

this time was estimated at thirty iv. 123; Potter's Early History of 

thousand, of whom five thousand Narragansett, ibid. iii. 1, and 

were warriors. Roger Williams Hutchinson's Mass. i. 457. 
says they were so populous that a 


though none of them were present, yet understanding chap. 
by others that they neither brought arms, nor other '^-— 
provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occa- 162 2. 
sioned them to slight and brave us with so many threats 
as they did.^ At length came one of them to us, who 
was sent by Conanacus,^ their chief sachim or king, 
accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly In- 
dian.^ This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our 
interpreter, who not being at home, seemed rather to 
be glad than sorry, and leaving for him a bundle of 
new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desired to 
depart with all expedition. But our governors not 
knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and 
comparing it with that we had formerly heard, com- 
mitted him to the custody of Captain Standish, hoping 
now to know some certainty of that we so often heard, 
either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum, at 

^ " Since the death of so many or obtained ; for I never gat any 

Indians, they thought to lord it thing of Connonicus but by gift." 

over the rest, conceive we are a In 1636 the Massachusetts Colony 

bar in their way, and see Massa- sent to him "a solemn embas- 

soit already take shelter under our sage," who " observed in the sa- 

wings." Bradford's Hist, quoted chem much state, great command 

by Prince, p. 200. See pages 217 over his men, and marvellous wis- 

and 219, previous. dom in his answers." Edward 

^ Canonicus, the great sachem Johnson, who probably accompa- 
of the Narragansetts, though hos- nied the ambassadors, has given in 
tile to the Plymouth colonists, his "Wonderworking Providence," 
probably on account of their league b. ii. ch. vi. a very minute account of 
with his enemy, Massasoit, show- their reception and entertainment. 
ed himself friendly to the first set- He says that " Canonicus was very 
tiers of Rhode Island, who planted discreet in his answers." He died 
themselves within his territory. June 4th, 1647, according to Win- 
Roger Williams says that " when throp, " a very old man." See his 
the hearts of my countrymen and Life in Thatcher's Indian Biogra- 
friends failed me, the Most High phy, i. 177—209, and in Drake's 
stirred up the barbarous heart of Book of the Indians, b. ii. 54—57. 
Connonicus to love me as his son See also Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 215. 
to the last gasp. Were it not for 229, xiv. 42— 44, xvii. 75, 76; Sav- 
the favor that God gave me with age's Winthrop, i. 192, ii. 308. 
'him, none of these parts, no, not ^ See pages 211, 214, 219. 
Rhode Island had been purchased 



CHAP, his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity 

i^^ with the other forenamed Indian, to see if I could 

16 22. learn any thing from him; whose answer was spar- 

^^' ingly to this effect, that he could not certainly tell us, 

but thought they were enemies to us. 

That night Captain Standish gave me and another^ 
charcre of him, and gave us order to use him kindly, 
and that he should not want any thing he desired, and 
to take all occasions to talk and inquire of the reasons 
of those reports we heard, and withal to signify 
that upon his true relation he should be sure of his 
own freedom. At first fear so possessed him that he 
could scarce say any thing ; but in the end became 
more familiar, and told us that the messenger which 
his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his 
return persuaded him rather to war ; and to the end 
he might provoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him 
by our reports,) detained many of the things [which] 
were sent him by our Governor, scorning the meanness 
of them both in respect of what himself had formerly 
sent, and also of the greatness of his own person ; so 
that he much blamed the former messenger, saying, that 
upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it would 
cost him his life, but assured us that upon his relation 
of our speech then with him to his master, he would 
be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor 
and his Assistant^ and Captain Standish, who, after 
consultation, considered him howsoever but in the state 
of a messenger ; and it being as well against the law 
of arms amongst them as us in Europe to lay violent 

' Probably Stephen Hopkins. * j^^^^ Allerton. See note on 
See note ^ on page 126, and pages page 195, and page 201. 
181, 1S5, and 202. ' ^ " 


hands on any such, set him at liberty ; the Governor chap. 
giving him order to certify his master that he had — v^ 
heard of his large and many threatenings, at which he 162 2. 
was much offended ; daring him in those respects to 
the utmost, if he would not be reconciled to live peace- 
ably, as other his neighbours ; manifesting withal (as 
ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolution, if 
he could not so live amongst them. After which he 
caused meat to be offered him ; but he refused to eat, 
making all speed to return, and giving many thanks 
for his liberty, but requesting the other Indian again to 
return. The weather being violent, he used many 
words to persuade him to stay longer, but could not. 
Whereupon he left him, and said he was with his 
friends, and would not take a journey in such ex- 

After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the ar- 
rows were delivered, and the manner of the messen- 
ger's carriage related, he signified to the Governor that 
to send the rattlesnake's skin in that manner imported 
enmity, and that it was no better than a challenge.^ 
Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor stuffed 
the skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, re- 
turning no less defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if 
he had shipping now present, thereby to send his men 
to Nanohigganset, (the place of his abode,) they should 
not need to come so far by land to us ; yet withal 
showing that they should never come unwelcome or 

* " There is a remarkable coin- of declaring war by the Aracaunian 

cidence in the form of this chal- Indians of South America, was by 

lenge with that of the challenge sending from town to town an ar- 

given by the Scythian prince to row clenched in a dead man's 

Darius. Five arrows made a part hand." Holmes, Annals, i. 177. 

of fhe present sent by his herald See Rollin, Anc. Hist. b. vi. s. 4; 

to the Persian king. The manner and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 69. 


CHAP, unlocked for. This message was sent by an Indian, 
^^^-^ and delivered in such sort, as it was no small terror to 
1^22. this savage king; insomuch as he would not once 
touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in his 
house or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing 
it, another took it up ; and having been posted from 
place to place a long time, at length came whole back 
Feb. In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, not- 
withstanding our high words and lofty looks towards 
them, and still lying open to all casualty, having as 
yet (under God) no other defence than our arms, we 
thought it most needful to impale our town ; which with 
all expedition we accomplished in the month of Februa- 
ry, and some few days, taking in the top of the hill under 
which our town is seated ; making four bulwarks or 
jetties without the ordinary circuit of the pale, from 
whence we could defend the whole town ; in three 
whereof are gates, ^ and the fourth in time to be. This 
being done. Captain Standish divided our strength into 
four squadrons or companies, appointing whom he 
thought most fit to have command of each ; and, at a 
general muster or training,^ appointed each his place, 
gave each his company, giving them charge, upon 
every alarm, to resort to their leaders to their appoint- 
ed place, and, in his absence, to be commanded and 
directed by them. That done according to his order, 
each drew his company to his appointed place for de- 
fence, and there together discharged their muskets. 
After which they brought their new commanders to 

' Bradford adds, "Which are ^ This was the first general 

locked every night ; a watch and muster in New England, and the 

ward kept in the day." Prince, embryo of our present militia sys- 

p. 200. tem. 


their houses, where again thej graced them with their chap. 
shot, and so departed. ^^^-^ 

Fearing, also, lest the enemy at anytime should ^ 6 22. 
take any advantage by firing our houses, Captain 
Standish appointed a certain company, that whenso- 
ever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the town, 
should only betake themselves to their arms, and should 
enclose the house or place so endangered, and stand 
aloof on their guard, with their backs towards the fire, 
to prevent treachery, if any were in that kind intend- 
ed. If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, 
they were then freed from it ; but not otherwise, with- 
out special command. 

Long before this time we promised the people of Mar. 
Massachusets, in the beginning of March to come 
unto them, and trade for their furs ; which being then 
come, we began to make preparation for that voyage. 
In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who 
still lived in the town, told us that he feared the 
Massachusets or Massachuseucks (for so they called 
the people of that place,) were joined in confederacy 
with the Nanohigganeucks, or people of Nanohig- 
ganset, and that they therefore would take this oppor- 
tunity to cut off Captain Standish and his company 
abroad ; but, howsoever, in the mean time, it was to 
be feared that the Nanohigganeucks would assault the 
town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy, 
as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who, 
we should find, would use many persuasions to draw 
us from our shallops to the Indians' houses, for their 
, better advantage. To confirm this his jealousy, he 
told us of many secret passages that passed between 
him and others, having their meetings ordinarily abroad, 


CHAP, in the woods ; but if at home, howsoever, he was ex- 

^- — ^ eluded from their secrecy ; saying it was the manner 

162 2. of the Indians, when they meant plainly, to deal open- 

ly ; but in this his practice there was no show of 


Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assistant 
and Captain Standish, called together such as by them 
were thought most meet for advice in so weighty a 
business ; who, after consideration hereof, came to this 
resolution ; that as hitherto, upon all occasions be- 
tween them and us, we had ever manifested undaunt- 
ed courage and resolution, so it would not now stand 
with our safety to mew up ourselves in our new-en- 
closed town ; partly because our store was almost 
empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily food, 
without which we could not long subsist ; but espe- 
cially for that thereby they would see us dismayed, 
and be encouraged to prosecute their malicious pur- 
poses with more eagerness than ever they intended. 
Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of God, our 
fearless carriage might be a means to discourage and 
weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best 
to proceed in our trading voyage, making this use of 
that we heard, to go the better provided, and use the 
more carefulness both at home and abroad, leaving the 
event to the disposing of the Almighty ; whose provi- 
dence, as it had hitherto been over us for good, so we 
had now no cause (save our sins) to despair of his 
mercy in our preservation and continuance, where we 
desired rather to be instruments of good to the heathens 
about us than to give them the least measure of just 

All things being now in readiness, the forenamed 



Captain, with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum chap. 
and Hobbamock, set forwards for the Massachusets. ^v^ 
But we^ had no sooner turned the point of the harbour, 162 2. 


called the Gurnet's Nose,^ (where, being becalmed, we 
let fall our grapnel to set things to right and prepare 
to row,) but there came an Indian of Tisquantum's 
family running to certain of our people that were from 
home with all eagerness, having his face wounded, 
and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to them 
to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others 
had him in chase ; saying that at Namaschet^ (a town 
some fifteen miles from us,) there were many of the 
Nanohiggansets, Massassowat,^ our supposed friend, 
and Conbatant,^ our feared enemy, with many others, 
with a resolution to take advantage on the present 
opportunity to assault the town in the Captain's ab- 
sence ; affirming that he received the wound in his 
face for speaking in our behalf, and by sleight escaped ; 
looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at 
hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor ; where- 

' This indicates that the writer several places on the coast of Eng- 

himself, Winslow, was one of the land ; in the Channel we believe 

party. there are at least two." Connected 

* So early was the name of Gur- Avith the Gurnet by a narrow neck, 

net cfiven to this remarkable fea- and contiguous to Clark's island, is 

ture of Plymouth harbour. It is a another head-land, called Saquish, 
peninsula or promontory, connect- containing twelve or fourteen acres. 
ed with Marshfield by a beach See note ^ on page 164, Mass. Hist, 
about seven miles long, called Salt- Coll. xiii. 182, and Thacher's Ply- 
house beach. It contains about mouth, p. 330. 
twenty-seven acres of excellent ^ See note ■* on page 204. 
soil. On its southern extremity, * The sachem of the Wampa- 
or nose, are two light-houses. It noags. See note ^ on page 191. 
probably received its name from It will be observed that Winslow 
some headland known to the Pil- spells many of the Indian words 
grims in the mother country. The diffeiently from Bradford in the 
late Samuel Davis, of Plymouth, preceding Journal, 
/he accurate topographer, and faith- '" The same as Coubatant or Cor- 
ful chronicler of the Old Colony, bitant. See note '^ on page 219. 
says, "Gurnet is the name of 


CHAP, upon he e;ave command that three pieces of ordnance 

-^ should be made ready and discharged, to the end that 

1622. if ^ve were not out of hearing, we might return there- 
at ; which we no sooner heard, but we repaired home- 
ward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves, and 
making all in readiness to fight. When we entered 
the harbour, we saw the town likewise on their guard, 
whither we hasted with all convenient speed. The 
news being made known unto us, Hobbamock said 
flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowat's 
faithfulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would never 
have undertaken any such act without his privity, him- 
self being a pinse,^ that is, one of his chiefest champions 
or men of valor ; it being the manner amongst them 
not to undertake such enterprises without the advice 
and furtherance of men of that rank. To this the 
Governor answered, he should be sorry that any just 
and necessary occasions of war should arise between 
him and any [of] the savages, but especially Massasso- 
wat ; not that he feared him more than the rest, but 
because his love more exceeded towards him than any. 
Whereunto Hobbamock replied, there was no cause 
wherefore he should distrust him, and therefore should 
do well to continue his affections. 

But to the end things might be made more manifest, 
the Governor caused Hobbamock to send his wife with 
all privacy to Puckanokick, the chief place of Massas- 
sowat's residence, (pretending other occasions,) there 
to inform herself, and so us, of the right state of things. 
When she came thither, and saw all things quiet, and 
that no such matter was or had been intended, [she] 
told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by 

' What is now called a brave. 


them called Patuxet ;') which when he understood, he chap. 


was much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum, — -^^ 
returning many thanks to the Governor for his good i 6 22. 
thoughts of him, and assuring him that, according to 
their first Articles of Peace,' he would send word and 
give warning when any such business was towards. 

Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, 
whose ends were only to make himself great in the 
eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and 
favor with us; not caring who fell, so he stood. In the 
general, his course was to persuade them he could lead 
us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft threat- 
en the Indians, sending them word in a private man- 
ner we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby 
he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace ; in- 
somuch as they had him in greater esteem than many 
of their sachims ; yea, they themselves sought to him, 
who promised them peace in respect of us, yea, and 
protection also, so as they would resort to him ; so that 
whereas divers were wont to rely on Massassowat for 
protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to 
leave him and seek after Tisquantum. Now, though 
he could not make good these his large promises, 
especially because of the continued peace between 
Massassowat and us, he therefore raised this false 
alarm ; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of 
blood, to provoke us to march into his country against 
him, whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame as 
would not easily be quenched; and hoping if that 
block were once removed, there were no other between 
)iim and honor, which he loved as his life, and pre- 

' See page 1S3, and note on page - See the Articles on page 193. 




CHAP, fened before his peace. For these and the like abuses 
^— — the Governor sharply reproved him ; jet was he so 
1622. necessary and profitable an instrument, as at that time 
we could not miss him. But when we understood his 
dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance 
and innocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun 
with us, they should have no cause to fear ; and if any 
hereafter should raise any such reports, they should 
punish them as liars and seekers of tlieir and our dis- 
turbance ; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on 
all sides. 

After this we proceeded in our voyage to the Mas- 
sachusets; where we had good store of trade,* and 
(blessed be God) returned in safety, though driven 
from before our town in great danger and extremity of 

At our return we found Massassowat at the Planta- 
tion ; who made his seeming just apology for all former 
matters of accusation, being much offended and en- 
raged against Tisquantum : whom the Governor paci- 
fied as much as he could for the present. But not long 
after his departure, he sent a messenger to the Gov- 
ernor, entreating him to give way to the death of Tis- 
quantum, who had so much abused him. But the 
Governor answered, although he had deserved to die, 
both in respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he 
desired he would spare him ; and the rather, because 
without him he knew not well how to understand him- 
self or any other the Indians. With this answer the 
messenger returned, but came again not long after, 
accompanied with divers others, demanding him from ^ 

, ' We should like to have known ^ On the part of. 

more about this second voyage to 
Boston harbour. See page 224. 


Massassowat, their master, as being one of his subjects, chap 


whom, by our first Articles of Peace, we could not 
retain. Yet because he would not willingly do it with- 1622. 
out the Governor's approbation, offered him many bea- 
vers' skins for his consent thereto, saying that, according 
to their manner, their sachim had sent his own knife, 
and them therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and 
bring them to him. To which the Governor answered. 
It was not the manner of the English to sell men's 
lives at a price, but when they had deserved justly to 
die, to give them their reward ; and therefore refused 
their beavers as a gift ; but sent for Tisquantum, who, 
though he knew their intent, yet offered not to fly, but 
came and accused Hobbamock as the author and work- 
er of his overthrow, yielding himself to the Governor to 
be sent or not according as he thought meet. But at 
the instant when our Governor was ready to deliver 
him into the hands of his executioners, a boat was 
seen at sea to cross before our town, and fall behind a 
headland ^ not far off. Whereupon, having heard 
many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether 
there were any combination between the savages and 
them, the Governor told the Indians he would first 
know what boat that was ere he would deliver them 
into their custody. But being mad with rage, and 
impatient at delay, they departed in great heat. 

Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked 
practice of this Tisquantum ; who, to the end he might 
possess his countrymen with the greater fear of us, and 
so consequently of himself, told them we had the plague 

* This headland is Hither Man- mark in Barnstable bay, being 

omet Point, forming the southern visible from all points of its circling 

boundary of Plymouth bay. Man- shore, from Sandwich to Province- 

omet is the most prominent land- town. See note ' on page 148. . 


CHAP, buried in our store-house ; which, at our pleasure, we 


could send forth to what place or people we would, 
16 22. and destroy them therewith, though we stirred not 
from home. Being, upon the forenamed brabbles,^ 
sent for by the Governor to this place, where Hobba- 
mock was and some other of us, the ground being 
broke in the midst of the house, whereunder certain 
barrels of powder were buried, though unknown to 
him, Hobbamock asked him what it meant. To whom 
he readily answered, That was the place wherein the 
plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and 
others. After this Hobbamock asked one of our peo- 
ple, whether such a thing were, and whether we had 
such command of it. Who answered. No ; but the 
God of the English had it in store, and could send it 
at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our ene- 

This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622; 
at which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, 
having lived long before with a bare and short allow- 
ance. The reason was, that supply of men, before 
mentioned,^ which came so unprovided, not landing so 
much as a barrel of bread or meal for their whole com- 
pany, but contrariwise received from us for their ship's 
store homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof 
altogether to be blamed therein, but rather certain 
amongst ourselves, who were too prodigal in their 
writing and reporting of that plenty we enjoyed.^ But 
that I may return. 

This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a 

' Brabbles, clamors. ^ Winslow himself had sent 

" The passengers in the Fortune, home too flattering an account of 
See page 234. their condition. See page 232. 


fishins: ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master chap. 
Thomas Weston, late merchant and citizen of London, — ^ 
which brought six or seven passengers at his charge, 16 22. 
that should before have been landed at our Plantation;' 
who also brought no more provision for the present 
than served the boat's gang for their return to the ship; 
which made her voyage at a place called Damarin's 
Cove,^ near Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us 
northeastward ; about which place there fished about 
thirty sail of ships, and whither myself was employed 
by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals 
as the ships could spare ; where I found kind enter- 
tainment and good respect, with a willingness to sup- 
ply our wants. But being not able to spare that 
quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of some 
amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my 
coming, would not take any bills for the same, but did 
what they could freely, wishing their store had been 
such as they might in greater measure have expressed 
their own love, and supplied our necessities, for which 
they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of 

' " She brings a letter to Mr. he can, but writes to others to do 

Carver from Mr. Weston, of Jan. the like ; by which means he gets 

17. By his letter we find he has as much bread as amounts to a 

quite deserted us, and is go'ms; to "quarter of a pound a person per 

settle a plantation of his own. The day till harvest; the Governor 

boat brings us a kind letter from causing their portion to be daily 

Mr. John Huddleston, a captain of given them, or some had starved. 

a ship fishing at the eastw^ard. And by this voyage we not only 

whose name we never heard be- got a present supply, but also learn 

fore, to inform us of a massacre of the way to those parts for our fu- 

400 English by the Indians in Vir- ture benefit." Bradford, in Prince, 

ginia, whence he came. By this p. 202. Huddleston's letter, (or 

boat the Governor returns a grate- Hudston's, as Morton calls him,) 

ful answer, and with them sends may be found in New England's 

Mr. Winslow in a boat of ours to Memorial, p. SO. See note ^ on 

get provisions of the fishing ships ; page 278. 

whom Captain Huddleston receives ^ See note ^ on page 278. 
kindly, and not only spares what 


CHAP, their abilities ; which, although it were not much 


amongst so many people as were at the Plantation, yet 
16 22. through the provident and discreet care of the govern- 
ors, recovered and preserved strength till our own crop 
on the ground was ready. 

Having dispatched there, I returned home with all 
speed convenient, where I found the state of the Col- 
ony much weaker than when I left it ; for till now we 
were never without some bread, the want whereof 
much abated the strength and flesh of some, and 
swelled others. But here it may be said, if the coun- 
try abound with fish and fowl in such measure as is 
reported, how could men undergo such measure of 
hardness, except through their own negligence ? I 
answer, every thing must be expected in its proper 
season. No man, as one saith, will go into an orchard 
iri the winter to gather cherries ; so he that looks for 
fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his ex- 
pectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, 
is from the beginning of October to the end of March ; 
but these extremities befell us in May and June. I 
confess, that as the fowl decrease, so fish increase. And 
indeed their exceeding abundance was a great cause of 
increasing our wants. For though our bay and creeks 
were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and 
strong seines and other netting, they for the most part 
brake through, and carried all away before them.' And 
though the sea were full of cod, yet we had neither 
tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. And indeed had 
we not been in a place, where divers sort of shell-fish 
are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have 

* See note ^ on page 171. 


perished, unless God had raised some unknown or chap. 
extraordinary means for our preservation. -^.-^ 

In the time of these straits, indeed before my going 16 22. 
to Munhiggen, the Indians began again to cast forth 
many insulting speeches, glorying in our weakness, 
and giving out how easy it would be ere long to cut 
us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on 
us, and neither came or sent to us as formerly. These 
things occasioned further thoughts of fortification. And 
whereas we have a hill called the Mount,^ enclosed 
within our pale, under which our town is seated, we 
resolved to erect a fort thereon ; from whence a few 
might easily secure the town from any assault the In- 
dians can make, whilst the rest might be employed as 
occasion served. This work was begun with great 
eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping 
that this being once finished, and a continual guard 
there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages 
from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. 
And though it took the greatest part of our strength 
from dressing our corn, yet, life being continued, we 
hoped God would raise some means in stead thereof 
for our further preservation. 

^ The burying-hill. See page .in Plymouth. After the fort was 

170. The intelligence of the mas- used as a place of worship, it is 

sacre in Virginia reached Plymouth probable they began to bury their 

in May, and was the immediate dead around it. Before that time 

incitement to the erection of this the burial place was on the bank, 

fort. See page 250. above the rock on which the land- 

" Some traces of the fort are still ing was made." Judge Davis's 

visible on the eminence called the note in Morton's Memorial, p. 82. 

burying-hill, directly above the See note ^ on page 168, and page 

meeting-house of the first church 169 previous. 



CHAP. In the end of June, or beginnhip- of July, came into 


- — — our harbour two ships of Master Weston's aforesaid ; 

1622. the one called the Charity,' the other the Swan ; hav- 
ing in them some fifty or sixty men, sent over at his 
own charge to plant for him.^ These we received into 
our town, aflbrding them whatsoever courtesy our mean 
condition could afford. There the Charity, being the 
bigger ship, left them, having many passengers which 
she was to land in Virginia. In the mean time the 
body of them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, whilst 
some most fit sought out a place for them. That little 

' " By Mr. Weston's ship comes will hardly deal so well with the 

a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in savages as they should. I pray 

whose name the Plymouth patent you therefore signify to Squanto 

is taken, signifying that whom the that they are a distinct body from 

governor admits into the associa- us, and we have nothing to do with 

tion, he will approve." Bradford, them, nor must be blamed for their 

in Prince, p. 204. faults, much less can warrant their 

^ They came upon no religious fidelity." And Mr. John Pierce in 

design, as did the planters of Ply- another writes, " As for Mr. Wes- 

mouth ; so they were far from be- ton's company, they are so base in 

ing Puritans. Mr. Weston in a condition for the most part, as in 

letter owns that many of them are all appearance not fit for an honest 

rude and profane fellows. Mr. man's company. I wish they 

Cushman in another writes, " They prove otherwise." Bradford, in 

are no men for us, and I fear they Prince, p. 203. 


Store of corn we had was exceedingly wasted by the chap. 
unjust and dishonest walking of these strangers ; who, — v— 
though they would sometimes seem to help us in our 1622. 
labor about our corn, yet spared not day and night to " ^" 
steal the same, it being then eatable and pleasant to 
taste, though green and unprofitable. And though they 
received much kindness, set light both by it and us, 
not sparing to requite the love we showed them, with 
secret backbitings, revilings, &c., the chief of them 
being forestalled and made against us before they 
came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, for their mas- 
ter's sake, who formerly had deserved well from us,^ 
we continued to do them whatsoever good or further- 
ance we could, attributing these things to the want of 
conscience and discretion, expecting each day when 
God in his providence would disburden us of them, 
sorrowing that their overseers were not of more ability 
and fitness for their places, and much fearing what 
would be the issue of such raw and unconscionable 

At length their coasters returned, having found in 
their judgment a place fit for plantation, within the 
bay of the Massachusets^ at a place called by the Indi- 
ans Wichaguscusset.^ To which place the body of 
them went with all convenient speed, leaving still with 
us such as were sick and lame, by the Governor's per- 
mission, though on their parts undeserved ; whom our 
surgeon,^ by the help of God, recovered gratis for them, 
and they fetched home, as occasion served. 

They had not been long from us, ere the Indians 

' See note ' on page 78, ' Or Wessagusset, now called 

* Boston harbour. See notes ' Weymouth, 

and * on page 225. * Dr. Fuller. See note * on p. 222. 



CHAP, filled our ears with clamors against them, for stealing 
— v^- their corn, and other abuses conceived bj them. At 
1622. which we grieved the more, because the same men,' in 
mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading 
Captain Standish, before their coming, to solicit our 
Governor to send some of his men to plant by them, 
alleging many reasons how it might be commodious for 
us. But we knew no means to redress those abuses, 
save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as 
occasion served. 
Aug. In the end of August, came other two ships into our 
harbour. The one, as I take it, was called the Disco- 
very, Captain Jones ^ having the command thereof; 
the other was that ship of Mr. Weston's, called the 
Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of fish, and 
was consorted with the other, being both bound for 
Virginia.^ Of Captain Jones we furnished ourseh^es 
of such provisions as we most needed, and he could 
best spare ; who, as he used us kindly, so made us pay 
largely for the things we had. And had not the Al- 
mighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him to 
us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had 
been, or after was ; for as we had now but small store 
of corn for the year following, so, for want of supply, 
we were worn out of all manner of trucking-stuff, not 
having any means left to help ourselves by trade ; but, 
through God's good mercy towards us, he had where- 

' That is, the same Indians. bound for Virginia ; " and Brad- 

' This is supposed to be the ford states that " she was on her 

same Jones who was captain of way from Virginia homeward, be- 

the Mayflower. See note ' on ing sent out by some merchants to 

page 102, and note * on page 166. discover the shoals about Cape Cod, 

' Prince says, p. 205, that " Mr. and harbours between this and 

Winslow seems to mistake in Virginia." 
thinking Captain Jones was now 


with, and did supply our wants on that kind compe- chap. ' 
tently.i . J^ 

In the end of September, or beginning of Octo-i622. 
ber, Mr. Weston's biggest ship, called the Charity, re- 
turned for England, and left their colony sufficiently 
victualled, as some of most credit amongst them re- 
ported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with 
his colony, for their further help. At which time they 
desired to join in partnership with us, to trade for corn ; 
to which om- Governor and his Assistant^ agreed, upon 
such equal conditions, as were drawn and confirmed 
between them and us. The chief places aimed at 
were to the southward of Cape Cod ; and the more, 
because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time 
was wrought with Massassowat, undertook to discover 
unto us that supposed, and still hoped, passage within 
the shoals. 

Both colonies being thus agreed, and their compa- 
nies fitted and joined together, we resolved to set 
forward, but were oft crossed in our purposes. As 
first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law to Master 
Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight 
and government of his colony, died suddenly at our 
Plantation, to whom we gave burial befitting his place, 
in the best manner we could. Afterward, having fur- 
ther order to proceed by letter from their other Gover- 
nor at the Massachusets, twice Captain Standish set 
forth with them, but were driven in again by cross 
and violent winds ; himself the second time being sick 

' " Of her we buy knives and we are fitted to trade both for corn 

beads, which are now good trade, and beaver." Bradford, in Prince, 

tJiongh at cent, per cent, or more, p. 205, and in Morton's Memorial, 

and yet pay away coat beaver at p. 83. 
3s. a pound, (which a few years ^ Isaac Allerton. 
after yields 205.); by which means 


CHAP, of a violent fever. By reason whereof (our own wants 


-^-^ being like to be now greater than formerly, partly be- 
1622. cause we were enforced to neglect our corn and spend 
much time in fortification, but especially because such 
havock was made of that little we had, through the un- 
just and dishonest carriage of those people before men- 
tioned, at our first entertainment of them,) our Governor 
in his own person supplied the Captain's place ; and, 
Nov. in the month of November, again set forth, having Tis- 
quantum for his interpreter and pilot; who affirmed he 
had twice passed within the shoals of Cape Cod, both 
with English and French. Nevertheless they went so 
far with him, as the master of the ship saw no hope of 
passage ; but being, as he thought, in danger, bare up, 
and according to Tisquantum's directions, made for a 
harbour not far from them, at a place called Mana- 
moycke ;' which they found, and sounding it with their 
shallop, found the channel, though but narrow and 
crooked ; where at length they harboured the ship. 
Here they perceived that the tide set in and out with 
more violence at some other place more southerly,^ 
which they had not seen nor could discover, by reason 
of the violence of the season all the time of their abode 
there. Some judged the entrance thereof might be 
beyond the shoals ; but there is no certainty thereof 
as yet known. 

That night the Governor, accompanied with others, 
^ having Tisquantum for his interpreter, went ashore. 
At first the inhabitants played least in sight, because 
none of our people had ever been there before ; but 
understanding the ends of their coming, at length came 
to them, welcoming our Governor according to their 

' Chatham. * See note ' on page 103. 


savage manner ; refreshing them very well vv^ith store chap 


of venison and other victuals, which they brought them 
in great abundance; promising to trade with them, 16 22. 
with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their 
joy was mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by 
their after practices ; for at first they were loth their 
dwellings should be known ; but when they saw our 
Governor's resolution to stay on the shore all night, 
they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed 
all their stuff to a remote place, not far from the same ; 
which one of our men, walking forth occasionally, 
espied. Whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor 
they could be found ; and so many times after, upon 
conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and 
baggage. But being afterwards, by Tisquantum's 
means better persuaded, they left their jealousy, and 
traded with them ; where they got eight hogsheads 
of corn and beans, though the people were but few. 
This gave our Governor and the company good en- 
couragement ; Tisquantum being still confident in the 
passage, and the inhabitants affirming they had seen 
ships of good burthen pass within the shoals aforesaid. 
But here, though they had determined to make a 
second essay, yet God had otherways disposed ; who 
struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he there 
died ;* which crossed their southward trading, and the 

' His disorder was a fever, ac- Prince, p. 206, and in Morton, p. S5. 

companied with "a bleeding at the Judge Davis adds in his note, that 

nose, which the Indians reclion a "Governor Bradford's pen was 

fatal symptom." Before his death worthily employed in the tender 

" he desired the Governor (Brad- notice taken of the death of this 

ford) to pray that he might go to child of nature. Witii some aber- 

' the Englishman's God in heaven, rations, his conduct was generally 

bequeathing divers of his things to irreproachable, and his useful ser- 

sundry of his English friends, as vices to the infant settlement entitle 

remembrances of his love ; of whom him to grateful remembrance." 
we had great loss." Bradford, in 


CHAP, more, because the master's sufficiency was much doubt- 
-— - ed, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go 
1G22. upon discovery, having no guide to direct them. 

Nov. ^ J' to b 

From thence they departed ; and the wind being 
fair for the Massachusets, went thither, and the rather, 
because the savages, upon our motion, had planted 
much corn for us, whicli they promised not long before 
that time. When they came thither, they found a 
great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unlike 
the plague, if not the same. They renewed their 
complaints to our Governor, against that other planta- 
tion seated by them, for their injurious walking. But 
indeed the trade both for furs and corn was overthrown 
in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn 
as w^e used to do for a beaver's skin ; so that little 
good could be there done. 

From thence thev returned into the bottom of the 
bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset ; where the 
sachim' used the Governor very kindly, and where they 
bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn and beans ; also 
at a place called Mattachiest,^ where they had like 
kind entertainment and corn also. During the time 
of their trade in these places, there were so great and 
violent storms, as the ship w^as much endangered, and 
our shallop cast away ; so that they had now no means 
to carry the corn aboard that they had bought, the ship 
riding by their report well near two leagues from the 
same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having 
no carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch 
wood or water in her. Hereupon the Governor caused 
the corn to be made in a round stack, and bought mats, 

' Aspinet. See page 216. ble and Yarmouth harbours. See 

* The country between Barnsta- note ' on page 215. 


and cut sedge, to cover it ; arid gave charge to the In- chap. 

dians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt 1 

next to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from 16 22. 
it ; which he undertook, and the sachim promised to 
make good. In the mean time, according to the 
Governor's request, the sachim sent men to seek the 
shallop ; which they found buried almos^t in sand at a 
high water mark, having many things remaining in 
her, but unserviceable for the present; whereof the 
Governor gave the sachim special charge, that it should 
not be further broken, promising ere long to fetch both 
it and the corn ; assuring them, if neither were dimin- 
ished, he would take it as a sign of their honest and 
true friendship, which they so much made show of; 
but if they were, they should certainly smart for their 
unjust and dishonest dealing, and further make good 
whatsoever they had so taken. So he did likewise at 
Mattachiest, and took leave of them, being resolved to 
leave the ship and take his journey home by land 
with our own company, sending word to the ship that 
they should take their first opportunity to go for Ply- 
mouth, where he determined, by the permission of God, 
to meet them. And having procured a guide, it being 
no less than fifty miles to our Plantation,' set forward, 
receiving all respect that could be from the Indians in 
his journey ; and came safely home, though weary and 
surbated f w^hither some three days after the ship' also 

The corn being divided, which they had got, Master 
Weston's company went to their own plantation ; it 

' The distance from Easthatn ' With galled feet, 
to Plymouth by land is about fifty ^ The Swan. See page 299. 


CH\p. beiiio: further aCTeed, that thev should return with all 

XIX 53 ' 

--^— convenient speed, and bring their carpenter, that they 

might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop. 

1623. At their return, Captain Standish, beins: recovered 

T J. ^— 

and in health, took another shallop, and went with 
them to the corn, Avhich they found in safety as they 
left it. Also they mended the other shallop, and got 
all their corn aboard the ship. This was in January, as 
1 take it, it being very cold and stormy ; insomuch as, 
(the harbour being none of the best,) they were con- 
strained to cut both the shallops from the ship's stern ; 
and so lost them both a second time. But the storm 
being over, and seeking out, they found them l)oth, not 
having received any great hurt. 

Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie 
on the shore, laying their shallop in a creek ^ not far 
from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole 
certain beads, scissors, and other trifles out of the 
same ; which, when the Captain missed, he took cer- 
tain of his company with him, and went to the sachim, 
telling him what had happened, and requiring the 
same again, or the party that stole them, (who was 
known to certain of the Indians,) or else he would 
revenge it on them before his departure ; and so took 
leave for that night, being late, refusing whatsoever 
kindness they offered. On the morrow the sachim 
came to their rendezvous, accompanied with many 
men, in a stately manner, who saluted^ the Captain in 
this wise. He thrust out his tongue, that one might 
see the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand 

• Nauset, or Eastham, abounds ' In the orig'ma] saluting ; prob- 
with creeks. See note ' on page ably a typographical error. 
156, and Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155. 


from the wrist to the finger's end, withal bowing the chap. 
knee, striving to imitate the English gesture, being i^ 
instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum. His men 1623. 
did the like, but in so rude and savage a manner, as ^"* 
our men could, scarce forbear to break out in open 
laughter. After salutation, he delivered the beads and 
other things to the Captain, saying he had much beat- 
en the party for doing it ; causing the women to make 
bread, and bring them, according to their desire ; seem- 
ing to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be recon- 
ciled. So they departed, and came home in safety ; 
where the corn was equally divided, as before. 

After this the Governor went to two other inland 
towns, with another company, and bought corn like- 
wise of them. The one is called Namasket, the other 
Manomet.^ That from Namasket was brought home 
partly by Indian women f but a great sickness arising 
amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch 
home the rest. That at Manomet the Governor left 
in the sachim's custody. 

This town lieth from us south, well near twenty 
miles, and stands upon a fresh river, which runneth 
into the bay of Nanohigganset,^ and cannot be less 
than sixty miles from thence. It will bear a boat of 

^ The part of Sandwich, which lobsters at their backs; in winter 

lies on Manomet river. F. they are their husbands' porters to 

^ " It is almost incredible," says lug home their venison." See 
Roger Williams, "what burthens Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149, iii. 212, 
the poor women carry of corn, of and Wood's New England's Pros- 
fish, of beans, of mats, and a child pect, part ii. ch. 20. 
besides." Gookin says, " In their ^ This is called Manomet or 
removals from place to place, for Buzzard's bay, though AVinslow 
their fishing and hunting, the wo- seems to mistake it for Narragan- 
tnen carry the greatest burthen." sett bay, which is near twenty 
And Wood says, "In the summer leagues to the westward. Prince, 
they trudge home two or three p. 208. 
miles with a hundred weight of 




CHAP, eight or ten tons to this place. Hither the Dutch or 


---v^- French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the 
1623. bay of Cape Cod about eight miles ;^ out of which 


bay it flovveth into a creek some six miles, almost 
dh'ect towards the town. The heads of the river and 
this creek are not far distant. This river yieldeth, 
thus high, oysters,'^ muscles, clams,^and other shell-fish ; 
one in shape like a bean,"* another like a clam ; both 
good meat, and great abundance at all times ; besides 
it aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in their 

* " This creek runs out easterly 
into Cape Cod bay at Scussett har- 
bour; and this river runs out west- 
erly into Manomet bay. The dis- 
tance over land from bay to bay is 
but six miles. The creek and river 
nearly meet in a low ground ; and 
this is the place, through Avhich 
there has been a talk of making 
a canal, this forty years; which 
would be a vast advantage to all 
these countries, by saving the long 
and dangerous navigation round 
the Cape, and through the shoals 
adjoining." Prince, p. 208, (A. D. 
1736.) Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. 

' Oysters are still found in great 
excellence and plenty in Sandwich, 
on the shores of Buzzard's bay. 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. 

' The common clam, {mya are- 
naria,) or perhaps the quahaug, 
{venus mercenaria.) The English 
call the former the sand-gaper, the 
word clam not being in use among 
them, and not to be found in their 
dictionaries. And yet it is men- 
tioned by Captain Smith, in his 
Description of New England, print- 
ed in 1616. Johnson, whose Won- 
derworking Providence was pub- 
lished in 1644, speaks of " dam- 
banks, a fish as bi^ as horse-mus- 
cles." Morton too, in his New 
English Canaan, (1637) mentions 
them, and Josselyn, (1672) in his 

Rarities, p. 96, speaks of " clam, 
or clamp, a kind of shell-fish, a 
white muscle." Wood says, ch. 
ix. " clams or clamps is a shell- 
fish not niucii unlike a cockle ; it 
lieth under the sand. These fishes 
be in great plenty. In some places 
of the country there be clams as big 
as a penny white-loaf." See Mass. 
Hist. Col. iii. 224, viii. 193, xiii. 
125, xxvi. 121, and Dr. Gould's Re- 
port on the MoUusca of Mass. pp. 
40—42, and 85, 86. 

■* The razor-shell, (solcn,) which 
very much resembles a bean pod, 
or the haft of a razor, both in size 
and shape. See Mass. Hist Coll. 
viii. 192. Josselyn calls them 
^^ sheath fish, which are very plen- 
tiful, a delicate fish, as good as a 
prawn, covered with a thin shell 
like the sheath of a knife, and of 
the color of a muscle." And Mor- 
ton says, "razor fishes there are." 

"The animal is cylindrical, and 
is often used as an article of food 
under the name of long-clam, razor- 
fish, knife-handle, &c." See Dr. 
Gould's Report on the Mollusca of 
Massachusetts, p. 29. 

* In Manomet river, as well as 
in Buzzard's and Buttermilk bays, 
are found fish of various kinds, 
such as bass, sheep's head, tautaug, 
scuppaug, &c. See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. viii. 122. 


The governor, or sachim, of this place was called chap. 


CanacLim ;' who had formerly, as well as many others, 
yea all with whom as yet we had to do, acknowledged 1623. 
themselves the subjects of our sovereign lord, the King. 
This sachim used the Governor very kindly ; and it 
seemed was of good respect and authority amongst 
the Indians. For whilst the Governor was there, 
within night, in bitter weather, came two men from 
Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set aside 
their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat 
down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using 
any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all 
remained silent, expecting when they would speak. 
At length they looked toward Canacum ; and one of 
them made a short speech, and delivered a present to 
him from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco 
and many beads, which the other received thankfully. 
After which he made a long speech to him ; the con- 
tents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who 
then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as 
followeth. It happened that two of their men fell out, 
as they were in game (for they use gaming as much as 
any where, and will play away all, even their skin from 
their backs,^ yea their wives' skins also, though it may 
be they are many miles distant from them, as myself 
have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed 

' He was the same as Cawna- have." And Wood adds, " They 

come, mentioned in note ^ on page are so bewitched with tliese two 

232. games, that they will lose some- 

' "In their gamings," says Roger times all they have, beaver, moose 
Williams, "they will sometimes skins, kettles, wampompeage, mow- 
stake and lose tlieir money, clothes, hackies, hatchets, knives, all is 
house, corn, and themselves, if sin- confiscate by these two games." 
gle persons." Gookin says " They See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 153, iii. 234, 
are addicted to gaming, and will, and Wood's New England's Pros- 
in that vein, play away all they pect, pari ii. ch. 14. 


CHAP, the Other. The actor of this fact was a jjoivah,^ one 


of special note amongst them, and such an one as they 
1623. could not well miss; jet another people greater than 


themselves threatened them with war, if they would 
not put him to death. The party offending was in 
hold ; neither would their sachini do one way or other 
till their return, resting upon him for advice and fur- 
therance in so weiohtv a matter. After this there was 
silence a short time. At length, men gave their judg- 
ment what they thought best. Amongst others, he 
asked Hobbamock what he thought. ^V'ho answered, 
He was but a stranger to them ; but thought it was 
better that one should die than many, since he had 
deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon 
he passed the sentence of death upon him. 
Feb. Not loiiji; after, having no great quantity of corn 
left. Captain went again with a shallop to 
Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremity of 
weather, both of wind, snow, and frost ; insomuch as 
they were frozen in the harbour, the first night they 
entered the same. Here they pretended their wonted 
love, and spared them a good quantity of corn to con- 
firm the same. Strangers also came to this place, pre- 
tending only to see him and his company, whom they 
never saw before that time, but intendin"; to join with 
the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being 
forced through extremit}- to lodge in their houses, 
which they much pressed, God possessed the heart of 
the Captain with Just jealousy, giving strait command, 
that as one part of his company slept, the rest should 
wake, declaring some things to them which he under- 
stood, whereof he could make no good construction. 

' Powoiv, a priest and medicine man. 


Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole chap 


some beads also from him ; which he no sooner per- 
ceived, havinw not above six men with him, drew them 162 3. 


all from the boat, and set them on their guard about 
the sachim's house, where the most of the people were; 
threatening to fall upon them without further delay, if 
they would not forthwith restore them ; signifying to 
the sachim especially, and so to them all, that as he 
would not offer the least injiuy, so he would not receive 
any at their hands, which should escape without pun- 
ishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the sachim 
bestirred him to find out tiie party ; which, when he 
had done, caused him to return them again to the shal- 
lop, and came to the Captain, desiring him to search 
whether they were not about the boat ; who, suspect- 
ing their knaverj', sent one, who found them lying 
openly upon the boat's cuddy. Yet to aj)pease his 
anger, they brought corn afresh to trade ; insomuch as 
he laded his shallop, and so departed. This accident 
so daunted their courage, as they durst not attempt 
any thing against him. So that, through the good 
mercy and providenc e of God, they returned in safety. 
At this place the Indians get abundance of bass both 
summer and winter ; for it being now February, they 
abounded with them. 

In the beginning of March, having refreshed himself, Mar. 
he took a shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home 
that which the Governor had formerly bought,^ hoping 
also to get more from them ; but was deceived in his 
expectation, not finding that entertainment he found 
elsewhere, and the Governor had there received. The 


* It seems as if the Captain goes up westward towards Mano- 
weut iuto Scussetl harbour, which met. Prince, p. 210. 


CHAP, reason whereof, and of the treachery intended in the 
— ^ place before spoken of, was not then known unto us, 
1623. but afterwards ; wherein may be observed the abund- 
ant mercies of God, working with his providence for 
our good. Captain Standish being now far from the 
boat, and not above two or three of our men with him, 
and as many with the shallop, was not long at Cana- 
cum, the sachim's house, but in came two of the Mas- 
sachuset men. The chief of them was called Witu- 
wamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had for- 
merly imbrued his hands in the blood of English and 
French, and had oft boasted of his own valour, and 
derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, 
they died crying, making sour faces, more like child- 
ren than men. 

This villain took a dagger from about his neck, 
which he had gotten of Master Weston's people, and 
presented it to the sachim ; and after made a long 
speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, 
as the Captain, though he be the best linguist amongst 
us,^ could not gather any thing from it. The end of it 
was afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The 
Massacheuseuks had formerly concluded to ruinate Mas- 
ter Weston's colony ; and thought themselves, being 
about thirty or forty men strong, enough to execute 
the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such 
time as they had gathered more strength to themselves, 
to make their party good against us at Plymouth ; con- 
cluding, that if we remained, though they had no other 
arguments to use against us, yet we would never leave 
the death of our countrymen unrevenged ; and there- 

* In the Indian dialects. 


fore their safety could not be without the overthrow of chap. 
both plantations. To. this end they had formerly soli- ^---v^L. 
cited this sachim, as also the other, called lanouffh,' at 162 3. 
Mattachiest, and many others, to assist them, and now 
again came to prosecute the same ; and since there 
was so fair an opportunity offered by the Captain's 
presence, they thought best to make sure [of] him and 
his company. 

After this his message was delivered, his entertainment 
much exceeded the Captain's ; insomuch as he scorned 
at their behaviour, and told them of it. After which 
they would have persuaded him, because the weather 
was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest of his 
company ; but he would not, desiring, according to 
promise, that the corn might be carried down, and he 
would content the women ^ for their labor ; which 
they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian 
of Paomet,^ or Cape Cod, then present, who had ever 
demeaned himself well towards us, being in his general 
carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially 
towards the Captain. This savage was now entered 
into confederacy with the rest ; yet, to avoid suspicion, 
made many signs of his continued affections, and would 
needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven gallons on 
him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, 
saying he was rich, and could afford to bestow such 
favors on his friends whom he loved. Also he would 
freely help to carry some of the corn, affirming he had 
never done the like in his life before ; and the wind 
being bad, would needs lodge with him at their ren- 

',0r lyanough. See note 'on ^ Or Pamet, now called Truro, 
page 215. See pages 135 and 139. 

^ See note * on page 305. 


CHAP, dezvous, having: indeed undertaken to kill him before 


— — - they parted ; which done, they intended to fall upon 

162 3. the rest. 

The night proved exceeding cold ; insomuch as the 
Captain could not take any rest, but either walked, or 
turned himself to and fro at the fire. This the other 
observed, and asked wherefore he did not sleep as at 
other times ; who answered. He knew not well, but 
had no desire at all to rest. So that he then missed 
his opportunity. 

The wind serving on the next day, they returned 
home, accompanied with the other Indian ; who used 
many arguments to persuade them to go to Paomet, 
where himself had much corn, and many other, the 
most whereof he would prociu'e for us, seeming to 
sorrow for our wants. Once the Captain put forth 
with him, and was forced back by contrary wind ; 
which wind serving for the Massachuset, was fitted to 
go thither. But on a sudden it altered again. 



During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, chap. 


news came to Plymouth that Massassowat was like to — v-^ 
die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch ship ^623. 


driven so high on the shore by stress of weather, right 
before his dwelling, that till the tides increased, she 
could not be got off. Now it being a commendable 
manner of the Indians, when any, especially of note, 
are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to 
them to visit them in their extremity,^ either in their 
persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to 
them ; therefore it was thought meet, being a good 
and warrantable action, that as we had ever professed 
friendship, so we should now maintain the same, by 
observing this their laudable custom; and the rather, 
because we desired to have some conference with the 
Dutch, not knowing when we should have so fit an 
opportunity. To that end, myself having formerly 

' " All their refreshing in their very solemn, unless it be in infec- 

sickness is the visit of friends and tious diseases, and then all forsake 

neighbours, a poor empty visit and them and fly." Roger Williams, 

presence; and yet indeed this is in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 236. 




16 2 3. 



been there, and understanding in some measure the 
Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service 
upon mvself, and fitted me with some cordials to ad- 
minister to him ; having one Master John Hamden,' a 
gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, 
and desired much to see the country, for my consort, 
and Hobbamock for our guide. So we set forward, 
and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had 
friendly entertainment. 

The next dav, about one of the clock, we came to 

' It was conjectured by Belknap, 
Am. Biog. ii. 229, and has since 
been repeatedly asserted as a fact 
by other writers, that this person 
was the celebrated English patriot 
of the same name. But this is 
highly improbable. Hampden, who 
was born in 1591, and married in 
1619, was a member of the parlia- 
ment which assembled in January, 
1621, and was dissolved by James 
in 1622, under circumstances and 
in a juncture of affairs which ren- 
dered it certain that a new parlia- 
ment must soon be called. It is 
not at all likely that a person in 
Hampden's circumstances, a man 
of family, wealth and considera- 
tion, would, merely for the sake of 
gratifying his curiosity, have left 
England at this critical period, on 
a long voyage to another hemi- 
sphere, and run the risk of not 
being at home at the issuing of the 
writs for a new parliament. For 
the passage to America was at that 
time precarious ; the vessels were 
few, and the voyage a long one ; 
so that a person who undertook it 
could not reasonably calculate upon 
getting back in much less than a 
year. Winslow's companion, who- 
ever he was, must have come in 
the Charity, which brought AVes- 
ton's colony, unless we adopt the 
improbable supposition that this 
" gentleman of London " embarked 
in one of the fishing vessels that 

visited the Grand Bank, and took 
his chance of getting to Plymouth 
as he could. Now the Charity left 
London the last of April, 1622, and 
arrived at Plymouth the last of 
June. The visit to Massasoit took 
place in March, 1623, and after this 
no vessel sailed for England till 
the Ann, September 10, in which 
Winslow went home. Of course 
this "gentleman of London," must 
have been absent at least eighteen 
months, which it is altogether 
improbable that Hampden would 
have done, running the risk of not 
being at home to stand for the next 
parliament, to which he undoubt- 
edly expected to be returned, as 
we know he actually was. 

Besides, had this companion of 
Winslow been the great English 
patriot, the silence of the early 
Plymouth writers on the point is 
unaccountable. On publishing his 
"Good News from New England" 
immediately on his arrival in Lon- 
don, in 1624, one object of which 
was to recommend the new colony, 
how gladly would Winslow have 
appealed for the correctness of his 
statements to this member of par- 
liament who had passed more than 
a year in their Plantation. How 
natural too would it have been for 
him to have mentioned the fact in 
his " Brief Narrative," published in 
1646, only three years after the death 
of the illustrious patriot. Bradford, 



a ferrv' in Conbataiit's country, where, upon discharge 
of my piece, divers Indians came to us from a house 
not far off. There they told us that Massassowat 
was dead, and that day buried ; and that the Dutch 
would be gone before we could get thither, having 
hove off their ship already. This news struck us 
blank, but especially Hobbamock, who desired we 
might return with all speed. I told him I would first 
think of it. Considering now, that he being dead, 
Conbatant- was the most like to succeed him, and that 
we were not above three miles from Mattapuyst,^ 
his dwelling-place, although he were but a hollow- 



also, whose sympathies were all 
with the popular party in England, 
in Avriting an elaborate history of 
the Colony, v/ould not have failed 
to record the long residence among 
them of one who, at the time he 
wrote, had become so distinguished 
as the leader of that party in the 
House of Commons. That his lost 
history contained no such passage 
we may be certain ; for had it been 
there, it must have been quoted 
either by Prince or Morton, who 
make so free use of it, both of 
whom too mention this visit to Mas- 
sasoit, and who would not have 
omitted a circumstance so honora- 
ble to the Colony. 

Again. Winslow's companion 
was "a gentleman of London." 
Now although John Hampden hap- 
pened to be born in London, when 
his father was in parliament in 
1594, he was properly of Bucking- 
hamshire. Winslow, who was him- 
s<>lf of Worcestershire, if he knew 
who Hampden was, would not 
have called him " a gentleman of 
London;" and we cannot suppose 
that this English gentleman Avould 
have spent so many months in 
the Colony without making himself 
known to its two leading men, 
Winslow and Bradford. 

Equally unfounded is the state- 

ment that has gained so wide a 
currency and become incorporated 
with the history of those times, 
and is repeated in Lord Nugent's 
Life of Hampden, that John Hamp- 
den, in company with Cromwell, 
Pym,and Haze]rig,had actually em- 
barked for America on board a lleet 
in the Thames, in 1638, but were 
detained by an order from the Privy 
Council. Miss Aikin, in her Me- 
moirs of Charles L,ch. xiii., was the 
first to delect and expose this error 
of the historians. See also the 
authorities referred to in Bancroft, 
i. 411,412. For some of the views 
in this note I am indebted to the 
MS. suggestions of the learned edi- 
tor of Governor Winthrop's History 
of New England. 

' Probably the same which is 
now called Slade's Ferry in Swan- 
zey. Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 292. 

^ Conbatant, or Corbitant, was 
the sachem of Pocasset, and was 
subject to Massasoit. See Bay- 
lies' Plymouth, ii. 232. 

' A neck of land, in the town- 
ship of Swanzey, commonly pro- 
nounced Mattapoiset, now Gard- 
ner's neck, situated between the 
Shawomet and Toweset necks. See 
Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 292, and 
Baylies' Plymouth, ii. 232, 234. 


CHAP, hearted friend towards us, I thought no time so fit as 


this to enter into more friendly terms with him, and 
162 3. the rest of the sachims thereabout; hoping, through 
the blessing of God, it would be a means, in that 
unsettled state, to settle their affections towards us ; 
and though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect of 
our personal safety, because myself and Hobbamock 
had been employed upon a service against him,' which 
he might now fitly revenge ; yet esteeming it the best 
means, leaving the event to God in his mercy, 1 re- 
solved to put it in practice, if Master Hamden and 
Hobbamock durst attempt it with me ; whom 1 found 
willing to that or any other course might tend to the 
general good. So we went towards Mattapuyst. 

In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled 
spirit, brake forth into these speeches : Neen womasu 
sagimus, neen womasu sagimus, &c. " My loving 
sachim, my loving sachim ! Many have I known, but 
never any like thee." And turning him to me, said, 
whilst I lived, I should never see his like amongst the 
Indians ; saying, he was no liar, he was not bloody 
and cruel, like other Indians ; in anger and passion 
he was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards 
such as had offended him ; ruled by reason in such 
measure as he would not scorn the advice of mean 
men ; and that he governed his men better with few 
strokes, than others did with many ; truly loving where 
he loved ; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend 
left among the Indians ; showing how he ofttimes 
restrained their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, 
with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, 
as it would have made the hardest heart relent. 

' See page 220. 


At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the chap. 


sachimo comaco,^ for so they call the sachim's place, -— ^- 
though they call an ordinary house witeo f but Con- 162 3. 
batant, the sachim, was not at home, but at Puckano- 
kick, which was some five or six miles off. The squa- 
snclwn, for so they call the sachim's wife, gave us friend- 
ly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning 
Massassowat ; they thought him dead, but knew no 
certainty. Whereupon I hired one to go with all ex- 
pedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the 
certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint Conbatant 
with our there being. About half an hour before sun- 
setting the messenger returned, and told us that he 
was not yet dead, though there was no hope we should 
find him living. Upon this we were much revived, 
and set forward with all speed, though it was late 
within night ere we got thither. About two of the 
clock that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed ; so that 
in that respect our journey was frustrate. 

When we came thither, we found the house so full 
of men, as we could scarce get in, though they used 
their best diligence to make way for us. There were 
they in the midst of their charms for him, making such 
a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and 
therefore unlike to ease him that was sick.^ About 

' " Sachimmaacommock, a prince's ards and witches, holding familiari- 

house, which, according to their ty with Satan, that evil one ; and 

condition, is far different from the partly are physicians, and make 

other house, both in capacity or use, at least in show, of herbs and 

receipt, and also the fineness and roots for curing the sick and dis- 

quulity of their mats." Roger Wil- eased. These are sent for by the 

liams's Key, ch. xxii. sick and wounded; and by their 

^ Weill, or ungwam. See Galla- diabolical spells, niutterings, ex- 
tin's Indian Vocabularies, in Am. orcisms, they seem to do wonders. 
Antiq. Soc. Coll. ii. 322. They use extraordinary strange mo- 

^ "There are among them cer- tions of their bodies, insomuch that 

tain men and women, Avhom they they will sweat until they foam ; 

call powows. These are partly wiz- and thus continue for some hours 



CHAP, him were six or eight women, who chafed his arms, 
3i:^ legs, and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they 
1623. had made an end of their charming, one told him that 
his friends, the English, were come to see him. Hav- 
ing understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, 
he asked, Who was come ? They told him Winsnow, 
for they cannot pronounce the letter /, but ordinarily 
n in the place thereof.^ He desired to speak with 
me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he 
put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said 
twice, though very inwardly. Keen Winsnow ? which 
is to say, " Art thou Winslow ?" I answered, Ahhe, 
that is. Yes. Then he doubled these words ; Matta 
neen wonckanet iiamen, Winsnow ! that is to say, " O 
Winslow, I shall never see thee again." 

Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell 
Massassowat, that the Governor, hearing of his sick- 

together, stroking and hovering 
over the sick." Gookin, in Mass. 
Hist. Coll. i. 154. 

^^Poivawx, priests. These do be- 
gin and order their service and in- 
vocation of their gods, and all the 
people follow, and join interchange- 
ably in a laborious bodily service, 
unio sweating, especially of the 
priest, who spends himself in 
strange antic gestures and actions, 
even unto fainting. In sickness 
the priest comes close to the sick 
person, and performs many strange 
actions about him, and threatens 
and conjures out the sickness. The 
poor people commonly die under 
their hands; for, alas, they admin- 
ister nothing, but howl and roar 
and hollow over them, and begin 
the song to the rest of the people, 
who all join like a choir in prayer 
to their gods for them." Roger 
Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 
227, 237. 

" The manner of their action in 

their conjuration is thus. The par- 
ties that are sick are brought before 
them; the powow sitting down, 
the rest of the Indians give atten- 
tive audience to his imprecations 
and invocations,and after the violent 
expression of many a hideous bel- 
lowing and groaning, he makes a 
stop, and then all the auditors with 
one voice utter a short canto. 
Which done, the powow still pro- 
ceeds in his invocations, some- 
times roaring like a bear, other 
times groaning like a dying horse, 
foaming at the mouth like a chafed 
boar, smiting on his naked breast 
and thighs with such violence as if 
he were mad. Thus will he con- 
tinue sometimes half a day." 
Wood's New England's Prospect, 
part ii. ch. 12. See also Hutchin- 
son's Mass. i. 474. 

' Wood says,ch. IS," They pro- 
nounce I and /• in our English 
tongue, with much difficulty, call- 
ing a lobster a nobstan." Yet 


ness, was sorry for the same ; and thouojh, by reason chap. 
of many businesses, he could not come himself, yet he — ^-- 
sent me with such things for him as he thought most 1623. 

. . Mar. 

likely to do him good in this his extremity ;^ and 
whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently give 
him ; which he desired ; and having a confection of 
many comfortable conserves, &c., on the point of my 
knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get 
through his teeth. When it was dissolved in his 
mouth, he swallowed the juice of it ; whereat those 
that were about him much rejoiced, saying he had not 
swallowed any thing in two days before. Then I 
desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly 
furred, and his tongue swelled in such a manner, as it 
was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, 
his passage being stopped up. Then 1 washed his 
mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of 
corruption out of the same. After which I gave him 
more of the confection, which he swallowed with more 
readiness. Then he desiring to drink, I dissolved 
some of it in water, and gave him thereof. Within 
half an hour this wrought a great alteration m him, in 

Roger Williams states, that "al- * "When they are sick, their 

though some pronounce not Z nor r, misery appears, that they have not, 

yet it is the most proper dialect of but what sometimes they get from 

other places, contrary to many re- the English, a raisin or currant, or 

ports;" and Eliot, in his Indian any physic, fruit, or spice, or any 

Grammar, says, "These conso- comfort more than their corn and 

Bants, Z, 11, r, have such a natural water, &c. In which hleeding case, 

coincidence, that it is an eminent wanting all means of recovery or 

variation of their dialects. We present refreshing, I have been 

Massachusetts pronounce the n ; constrained, to and beyond my 

the Nipmuk Indians pronounce Z; power, to refresh them, and to save 

and the Northern Indians pro- many of them from death, who I 

nounce r. As instance : am confident perish many millions 

' We say Anum ) of them, in that mighty continent, 

Nipmuck, Alum > A Dog." for want of means." Roger Wil- 

Northern, Arum ) liams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 236. 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 223, xix. 


CHAP, the eyes of all that beheld him. Presently after his 

XX ... 

• — ^ sight began to come to him, which gave him and us 
16 2 3. good encouragement. In the mean time I inquired how 
he slept, and when he went to stool. They said he slept 
not in two days before, and had not had a stool in five. 
Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap we 
had by the way, in breaking a bottle of drink, which 
the Governor also sent him, sayino^ if he would send 
any of his men to Patuxet, I would send for more of 
the same ; also for chickens to make him broth, and 
for other things, which I knew were good for him ; 
and would stay the return of his messenger, if he 
desired. This he took marvellous kindly, and ap- 
pointed some, who were ready to go by two of the 
clock in the morning ; against which time 1 made 
ready a letter, declaring therein our good success, the 
state of his body, &c., desiring to send me such things 
as I sent for, and such physic as the surgeon durst 
administer to him. 

He requested me, that the day following, I would 
take my piece, and kill him some fowl, and make him 
some English pottage, such as he had eaten at Ply- 
mouth ; which I promised. After, his stomach coming 
to him, 1 must needs make him some without fowl, 
before I w^ent abroad, which somewhat troubled me, 
being unaccustomed and unacquainted in such busi- 
nesses, especially having nothing to make it comfortable, 
my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being we 
must do somewhat, 1 caused a woman to bruise some 
corn, and take the flour from it, and set over the grit, 
or broken corn, in a pipkin, for they have earthen pots 
3d of all sizes.^ When the day broke, we went out, it 

' See note ' oa page 144. 


being now March, to seek herbs, but could not find chap. 


any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered a hand- — ^ 

ful, and put into the same : and because I had nothinsr 162 3. 

. . . ^ Mar. 

to relish it, I went forth again, and jDuUed up a sassa- 
fras root, and sliced a piece thereof, and boiled it, till 
it had a good relish, and then took it out again. The 
broth being boiled, I strained it through my handker- 
chief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, 
and hked it very well. After this his sight mended 
more and more ; also he had three moderate stools, 
and took some rest ; insomuch as we with admiration 
blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and 
ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, him- 
self and all of them acknowledging us the instruments 
of his preservation. 

That morning he caused me to spend in going from 
one to another amongst those that were sick in the 
town, requesting me to wash their mouths also, and 
give to each of them some of the same I gave him, 
saying they were good folk. This pains I took with 
willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not 
being accustomed with such poisonous savours. After 
dinner he desired me to get him a goose or duck, and 
make him some pottage therewith, with as much speed 
as 1 could. So I took a man with me, and made a 
shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and 
killed one, at which he wondered. So we returned 
forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth there- 
with, which he much desired. Never did I see a man 
so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a 
time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hob- 
bamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would 
make him very sick again if he did eat it. This he 



CHAP, acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would not be 
'^v^ persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, show- 
1623. ine: the strength thereof, and the weakness of his sto- 

Mar. . 

mach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwith- 
standing, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much 
as would well have satisfied a man in health. About 
an hour after he began to be very sick, and straining 
very much, cast up the broth again ; and in overstrain- 
ing himself, began to bleed at the nose, and so con- 
tinued the space of four hours. Then they all wished 
he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, which 
we much feared also. They asked me what I thought 
of him. I answered, his case was desperate, yet it 
might be it would save his life ; for if it ceased in time, 
he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which was the 
principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood 
stayed, and he slept at least six or eight hours. When 
he awaked, I washed his face, and bathed and suppled 
his beard and nose with a linen cloth. But on a sud- 
den he chopped his nose in the water, and drew up 
some therein, and sent it forth again with such vio- 
lence, as he began to bleed afresh. Then they thought 
there was no hope ; but we perceived it was but the 
tenderness of his nostril, and therefore told them I 
thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did. 

The messengers were now returned ; but finding his 
stomach come to him, he would not have the chickens 
killed, but kept them for breed. Neither durst we 
give him any physic, which was then sent, because 
his body was so much altered since our instructions ; 
neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his re- 
covery, if he were careful. Many, whilst we were 
there, came to see him ; some, by their report, from a 


place not less than an hundred miles. To all that chap. 


came one of his chief men related the manner of his -^-^ 
sickness, how near he was spent, how amongst others 16 22. 
his friends the English came to see him, and how sud- 
denly they recovered him to this strength they saw, he 
being now able to sit upright of himself. 

The day before our coming, another sachim being 
there, told him that now he might see how hollow- 
hearted the English were, saying if we had been such 
friends in deed, as we were in show, we would have 
visited him in this his sickness, using many arguments 
to withdraw his affections, and to persuade him to give 
way to some things against us, which were motioned 
to him not long before. But upon this his recovery, 
he brake forth into these speeches : Now I see the 
English are my friends and love me ; and whilst I live, 
I will never forget this kindness they have showed me. 
Whilst we were there, our entertainment exceeded all 
other strangers'. Divers other things were worthy the 
noting ; but I fear I have been too tedious. 

At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, 4th 
and privately (none hearing, save two or three other of ^^' 
his pnieses,^ who are of his council) revealed the plot 
of the Massacheuseucks, before spoken of, against Mas- 
ter Weston's colony, and sa against us ; saying that the 
people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,^ Mattachiest, 
Manomet, Agowaywam,^ and the isle of Capawack,"* 
were joined with them ; himself also in his sickness 
was earnestly solicited, but he would neither join 
therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we 

' The same as finse. See page ^ Or Agawam, part of Ware- 

288. ham. 

* Sokones, or Succonusset, now * Martha's Vineyard, 
called Falmouth. 


CHAP, respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own 
-^^ after safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massa- 
162 3. chuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. 

Mar. , ' 1 1 M 

And whereas we were wont to say, we w^ould not strike 
a stroke till they first began ; if, said he, upon this 
intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when 
their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they 
being not able to defend themselves, that then it will 
be too late to recover their lives; nay, through the mul- 
titude of adversaries, they shall with great difficulty 
preserve their own ; and therefore he counselled with- 
out delay to take away the principals, and then the 
plot would cease. With this he charged him thoroughly 
to acquaint me by the way, that I might inform the 
Governor thereof, at my first coming home. Being 
fitted for our return, we took our leave of him ; who 
returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to our- 
selves for our labor and love; the like did all that were 
about him. So we departed. 

That night, through the earnest request of Conba- 
tant, who till now remained at Sawaams,' or Puckano- 
kick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way 
I had much conference w^ith him, so likewise at his 
house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry 
jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when 
the like are returned again upon him. Amongst other 
things he asked me, if in case he were thus dangerously 
sick, as Massassowat had been, and should send word 
thereof to Patuxet for maskiet,^ that is, physic, whether 
then Mr. Governor would send it ; and if he would, 
whether I would come therewith to him. To 

' See note ^ on page 208. sic." Roger Williams's Key, in 

' '^ Mashit, give me some phy- R. I. Hist. Coll. i. 159. 


both which I answered, Yea ; whereat he gave me chap. 
many jojful thanks. After that, being at his house, — ^ 
he demanded further, how we durst, beine: but two, 162 3. 


come so far into the country. I answered, where was 
true love, there w^as no fear ; and my heart was so 
upright towards them, that for mine own part I was 
fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if your 
love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh 
it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand 
upon your guard, with the mouths of your pieces pre- 
sented towards us ? Whereupon I answered, it was 
the most honorable and respective entertainment we 
could give them ; it being an order amongst us so to 
receive our best respected friends ; and as it was used 
on the land, so the ships observed it also at sea, which 
Hobbamock knew and had seen observed. But shak- 
ing the head, he answered, that he liked not such salu- 

Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our 
meat before we did eat, and after to give thanks for 
the same, he asked us, what was the meaning of that 
ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion to tell 
them of God's works of creation and preservation, of 
his laws and ordinances, especially of the ten com- 
mandments ; all which they hearkened unto with great 
attention, and liked well of; only the seventh com- 
mandment they excepted against, thinking there were 
many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied 
to one woman ; about which we reasoned a good time. 
Also I told them, that whatsoever good things we had, 
we received from God, as the author and giver thereof; 
and therefore craved his blessing upon that wc had, 
and were about to eat, that it might nourish and 



CHAP, strenojthen our bodies ; and having eaten sufficient, 


v^v^ being satisfied therewitli, we again returned thanks to 
1623. the same our God, for that our refreshing, &c. This 


all of them concluded to be very well ; and said, they 
believed almost all the same things, and that the same 
power that we called God, they called Kiehtan} Much 
profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which 
would be too tedious to relate, yet was no less delight- 
ful to them, than comfortable to us. Here we remain- 
ed only that night, but never had better entertainment 
amongst any of them. 
5tli The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told 
me of the private conference he had with Massassowat, 
and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me there- 
with, as I showed before ; which having done, he used 
many arguments himself to move us thereunto. That 
6th night we lodged at Namasket ; and the day following, 
^^' about the mid-way between it and home, we met two 
Indians, who told us, that Captain Standish was that 
day gone to the Massachusets. But contrary winds 
again drove him back ; so that we found him at home ; 
where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very im- 
portunate that the Captain should take the first oppor- 
tunity of a fair wind to go with him. But their secret 
and villanous purposes being, through God's mercy, 
now made known, the Governor caused Captain Stand- 
ish to send him away, without any distaste or mani- 
festation of anger, that we might the better effect and 
bring to pass that which should be thought most neces- 

^ " Ketan is their good God, to cate for fair weather, for rain in 

whom they sacrifice after their time of drought, and for the reco- 

garners be full with a good crop, very of their sick." Wood's New 

Upon this God likewise they invo- England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12. 





Before this journey we heard many complaints, chap. 
both by the Indians, and some others of best desert — v^ 
amongst Master Weston's colony, how exceedingly their 162 3. 
company abased themselves by undirect means, to get 
victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from 
them, fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for 
a meal's meat ; whereas, in the mean time, they might 
with diligence have gotten enough to have served them 
three or four times. Other by night brake the earth, 
and robbed the Indians' store ; for which they had been 
publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small 
amendment. This was about the end of February ; at Feb. 
which time they had spent all their bread and corn, 
not leaving any for seed, neither would the Indians 
lend or sell them any more upon any terms. Here- 
upon they had thoughts to take it by violence ; and to 
that spiked up every entrance into their town, being 
well impaled, save one, with a full resolution to pro- 
ceed. But some more honestly minded advised John 
Sanders, their overseer, first to write to Plymouth ; and 


CHAP, if the Governor advised him thereunto, he might the 
3i^ better do it. This course was well liked, and an In- 
162 3. dian was sent with all speed with a letter to our Gov- 
^^' ernor, the contents whereof were to this effect ; that 
being in great want, and their people daily falling 
down, he intended to go to Munhiggen, where was a 
plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from 
the ships that came thither a fishing, with the first op- 
portunity of wind ; but knew not how the colony would 
be preserved till his return. He had used all means 
both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew to 
be stored, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and 
therefore was resolved to take it by violence, and only 
waited the return of the messenger, which he desired 
should be hastened, craving his advice therein, pro- 
mising also to make restitution afterward. The Gov- 
ernor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the messenger 
what store of corn they had, as if he had intended to 
buy of them ; who answered, very little more than that 
they reserved for seed, having already spared all they 

Forthwith the Governor and his Assistant sent for 
many of us to advise with them herein ; who, after 
serious consideration, no way approving of this intend- 
ed course, the Governor answered his letter, and caused 
many of us to set our hands thereto ; the contents 
whereof were to this purpose. We altogether disliked 
their intendment, as being against the law of God and 
nature, showing how it would cross the worthy ends 
and proceedings of the King's Majesty, and his honor- 
able Council for this place, both in respect of the peace- 
able enlarging of his Majesty's dominions, and also of 
the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and 


the glad tidings of salvation, which we and they were chap. 
bound to seek, and were not to use such means as 3^ 
would breed a distaste in the salvages against our per- 162 3. 
sons and professions, assuring them their master would ^"' 
incur much blame hereby, neither could they answer 
the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the 
same with theirs, having but a small quantity of corn 
left, and were enforced to live on ground-nuts, clams, 
muscles, and such other things as naturally the country 
afforded, and which did and would maintain strength, 
and were easy to be gotten ; all which things they had 
in great abundance, yea, oysters' also, which we want- 
ed ; and therefore necessity could not be said to con- 
strain them thereunto. Moreover, that they should 
consider, if they proceeded therein, all they could so 
get would maintain them but a small time, and then 
they must perforce seek their food abroad ; which, hav- 
ing made the Indians their enemies, would be very 
difficult for them, and therefore much better to begin a 
little the sooner, and so continue their peace ; upon 
which course they might with good conscience desire 
and expect the blessing of God ; whereas on the con- 
trary they could not. 

Also that they should consider their own weakness, 
being most swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and 
therefore the more unlikely to make their party good 
against them, and that they should not expect help from 
us in that or any the like unlawful actions. Lastly, 
that howsoever some of them might escape, yet the 

' Morton says, in his New Eng- seen an oyster bank a mile in 

hsh Canaan ch. vii. "There are length. Muscles there are infinite 

great store of oysters in the en- store. I have often gone to Wes- 

trance ot all rivers. They are not sasuscus, where were excellent 

round, as those of England, but ex- muscles to eat, (for variety,) the 

cellent fat and all good. I have fish is so fat and large." 



CHAP, principal agents should expect no better than the gal- 
-^^ lows, whensoever any special officer should be sent 
16 23. over by his Majesty, or his Council for New England, 
which we expected, and who would undoubtedly call 
them to account for the same. These were the con- 
tents of our answer, which w^as directed to their whole 
colony. Another particular letter our Governor sent 
to John Sanders, showing how dangerous it would be 
for him above all others, being he was their leader and 
commander ; and therefore in friendly manner advised 
him to desist. 

With these letters we dispatched the messenger ; 
upon the receipt whereof they altered their determina- 
tion, resolving to shift as they could, till the return of 
John Sanders from Munhiggen ; who first coming to 
Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the 
Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to 
Munhiggen. But not having sufficient for the ship's 
store, he took a shallop, and leaving others with in- 
structions to oversee things till his return, set forward 
Feb. about the end of February ; so that he knew not of 
this conspiracy of the Indians before his going. Neither 
was it known to any of us till our return from Saw^aams, 
or Puckanokick ; at which time also another sachim, 
called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest, the sachim 
of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for par- 
taking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to 
purge himself, revealed the same thing. 
Mar. The three and twentieth of March being: now come, 

23 • • . 

which is a yearly court day, the Governor, having a 
double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing 
with the truth thereof, not being ^ to undertake war 

^ The word inclined or disposed seems to have been accidentally omitted. 


without the consent of the body of the company, made chap. 


known the same in public court, offering it to the con- ^-- 
sideration of the company, it being high time to come 1^23. 
to resolution, how sudden soever it seemed to them, 
fearing it would be put in execution before we could 
give any intelligence thereof. This business was no 
less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because 
it is so ordinary in these times for men to measure 
things by the events thereof; but especially for that 
we knew no means to deliver our countrymen and pre- 
serve ourselves, than by returning their malicious and 
cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing them 
to fall into the same pit they had digged for others ; 
though it much grieved us to shed the blood of those 
whos€ good we ever intended and aimed at, as a prin- 
cipal in all our proceedings. But in the end we came 
to this public conclusion, that because it was a matter 
of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency to 
judge, nor fitness to know, because of many other In- 
dians, which daily, as occasion serveth, converse with 
us; therefore the Governor, his Assistant, and the Cap- 
tain, should take such to themselves as they thought 
most meet, and conclude thereof. Which done, we 
came to this conclusion, that Captain Standish should 
take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make 
his party good against all the Indians in the Massachu- 
set bay ; and because, (as all men know that have to do 
with them in that kind,) it is impossible to deal with 
them upon open defiance, but to take them in such 
traps as they lay for others, therefore he should pre- 
tend trade, as at other times ; but first go to the Eng- 
lisli, and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of 
his own coming; that comparing it with their carriages 



CHAP, towards them, he miffht the better judse of the certainty 

XXI ' . "" 

— ^ of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the 
162 3. same; but should forbear, if it were possible, till such 
time as he could make sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody 
and bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had 
order to bring ^A•ith him, that he might be a warning 
and terror to all of that disposition. 

Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight 
men, and would not take more, because he would pre- 
vent jealousy, knowing their guilty consciences would 
soon be provoked thereunto. But on the next day, 
before he could go, came one ' of Mr. Weston's com- 
pany by land unto us, with his pack at his back, who 
made a pitiful narration of their lamentable and weak 
estate, and of the Indians' carriages, whose boldness 
increased abundantly ; insomuch as the victuals they 
got, they would take it out of their pots, and eat before 
their faces ; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, 
they were ready to hold a knife at their breasts ; that 
to give them content, since John Sanders went to 
Munhiggen, they had hanged- one of them that stole 

' Morton says, " this man's 
name was Phinchas Prat, who 
has penned the particulars of his 
perilous journey, and some other 
things relating to this tragedy." 
Hubbard states that he was living 
in 1G77, at the time he was writ- 
ing his History of New England. 
In^l662 the General Court of JMas- 
sachusetts, in answer to a petition 
of Phinehas Prat, then of Charles- 
town, which was accompanied 
" with a narrative of the straits 
and hardships that the first plant- 
ers of this Colony underwent in 
their endeavours to plant them- 
selves at Plymouth, and since, 
whereof he was one, the Court 
judgeth it meet to grant him 300 
acres of land, where il is to be had, 

not hindering a plantation." At 
the Court held ]\Iay 3, 1G65, it was 
ordered that land be laid out for 
Prat, " in the wilderness on the 
east of the Merrimack river, near 
the upper end of Nacook brook, on 
the southeast of it." Prat mar- 
ried in 1G30, at Plymouth, a daugh- 
ter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson. His 
heirs had grants of land in Abing- 
ton subsequent to 1672. Drake 
says tliat after long search he has 
not been able to discover Prat's 
narrative. It was probably never 
printed. See Morton's Memorial, 
p. 90 ; Drake's Book of the Indians, 
b. ii. 35; Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 78, 
xvii. 122. 

* The notorious Thomas Morton, 
of Merry Mount, iu his New Eng- 



their corn, and jet they regarded it not ; that another chap. 
of their company was turned salvage; that their people — --1- 
had most forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous 1623. 
where they got their victuals, because they would not 
take pains to bring it home ; that they had sold their 
clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both with 
cold and hunger also, because they could not endure 
to get victuals by reason of their nakedness ; and that 
they were dispersed into three companies, scarce hav- 
ing any powder and shot left. What would be the 

lish Canaan, b. iii. ch. 4, which was 
published in 1637, is the first writer 
who mentions a ludicrous fable 
connected with this execution, 
which has been made the occasion 
of some reproach on the first plant- 
ers of New England. After relat- 
ing the settlement of Weston's col- 
ony at Weymouth, he mentions 
that one of them stole the corn of 
an Indian, and upon his complaint 
was brought before " a parliament 
of all the people" to consult what 
punishment should be inflicted on 
him. It was decided that this 
ofTence, which might have been 
settled by the gift of a knil'e or a 
string of beads, " was felony, and 
by the laws of England, punished 
with death; and this must be put 
in execution, for an example, and 
likewise to appease the salvage. 
When straightways one arose, 
moved as it were with some com- 
passion, and said he could not well 
gainsay the former sentence, yet 
he had conceived within the com- 
pass of ills brain an embryon, that 
was of special consequence to be 
delivered and cherished. He said 
that it would most aptly serve to 
pacify the salvage's complaint, and 
save the life of one that might, if 
need should be, stand them in good 
Itead, being young and strong, fit 
for resistance against an enemy, 
which might come unexpected, for 
any thing they knew. The oration 

made was liked of every one, and 
he entreated to proceed to show the 
means how this maybe performed. 
Says he, ' You all agree that one 
must die ; and one shall die. This 
young man's clothes we will take 
ofl", and put upon one that is old 
and impotent, a sickly person that 
cannot escape death; such is the 
disease on him confirmed, that die 
he must. Put the young man's 
clothes on this man, and let the 
sick person be hanged in the other's 
stead.' 'Amen,' says one, and so 
say many more. And this had 
liked to have proved their final 
sentence; but that one, with a ra- 
venous voice, begun to croak and 
bellow for revenge, and put by that 
conclusive motion, alleging such 
deceits might be a means hereafter 
to exasperate the minds of the com- 
plaining salvages, and that by his 
death the salvages should see their 
zeal to justice; and therefore he 
should die. This was concluded ;" 
and they "hanged him up hard 

Tliis story of the unscrupulous 
Morton furnished Butler with the 
materials out of which he construct- 
ed the following fiible in his Hudi- 
bras, part ii. canto ii. line 409. 

" Our l>rethren of New Knaland use 

riiciice ninl-fHCtnrs to excuse, 
Aiul liaMg tlic giiiltless in their stead, 
Of wlidiM the chiinlies have less need ; 
As lately liappeiied. In a town, 
There lived a cobbler, and but one, 





event of these things he said he much feared ; and 
therefore not daring to stay any longer among them, 
though he knew not the way, vet adventured to come 
to us ; partly to make known their weak and danger- 
ous estate, as he conceived, and partly to desire he 
mi^ht there remain till things were better settled at 
the other plantation. As this relation was grievous to 
us, so it gave us good encoura2;ement to proceed in our 
intendments, for which Captain Standish was now fit- 
ted : and the wind coming fair, the next day set forth 
for the Massachusets. 

The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man ; out of doctrine could cut use, 
And nieml men's lives as well as shoes. 
This precious hrother dnviiis slain, 
In times of peace, an Tndmn, 
(Not out of malice, hut mere zeal, 
Because he was an infidel,) 
The mishty TottipolyniMy 
Sent to our elders an envoy, 
Coinplainin2 sorely of the hreach 
Of leanue, helil forth hy brother Patch, 
Against the articles in force 
Between liolh cinirclif s, his and ours ; 
For which he craved the sriinu to render 
Inio his hands, or Inns the offender. 
But they, maturely having weighed, 
They had no more but him of the trade, 
A man that scrveil tliein in a double 
Capacity, to tearh and cobble, 
Resolvi-d to spare him ; \et to do 
The Indian Hogheaii Mogbaan, too, 
Impartial justice, in his stead did 
Hang an old weaver, that was bed-rid." 

It will be observed tliat ^Morton 
mentions this substitution merely 
as the suggestion of an individual, 
which was rejected by the compa- 
ny. Even had it been adopted by 
ihein, and carried into execution, 
it would not have implicated the 
Plymouth people at all, nor cast the 
least slur on their characters or 
principles. For Weston's colony 
was entirely distinct from theirs. 
and composed of a very different 
set of men. Their character, as 
portrayed by Weston himself, and 
by Cushman and Pierce, before 
they came over, may be seen in 
note * on pase 2^16, to which the 
reader is particularly requested to 

refer. Morton himself calls "many 
of them lazy persons, that would 
use no endeavour to take the benefit 
of the country." As Belknap says, 
" they were a set of needy advea- 
turers, intent only on gaining a 
subsistence." They did not come 
over from any religious scruples, or 
with any religious purpose. There 
is no evidence that they had any 
church at all ; they certainly were 
not Puritans. Neal says, in his 
Hist, of New England, i. 102, that 
Weston obtained a patent under 
pretence of propasratins the disci- 
pline of the Church of England in 

Grahame. i. 198, falls into an er- 
ror in attributing this execution to 
Gorges's colony, which settled at 
the same pluce in the autumn of 
the same year ; and Drake, b. ii. 34, 
errs in saying that Morton was one 
of Weston's company. Morton did 
not come over till March, 1625, in 
company with Wollaston, and set- 
tled with him not at Weymouth, 
but in Quincv. See Prince, pp. 
221, 231. The accurate Hutchin- 
son, i. 6, should not have made a 
fact out of the careless Hubbard's 
supposition, which the latter men- 
tions as barely "possible." See 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 77. 


and suspecting his coming to us, as we conceive, sent one chap. 
after him, and gave out there that he would never come ^— 
to Patuxet, but that some wolves or bears would eat 1623. 
him. But we know, both by our own experience, and 
the reports of others, that though they find a man 
sleeping, yet so soon as there is life discerned, they 
fear and shun him. This Indian missed him but very 
little ; and missing him, passed by the town and went 
to Manomet ; wliom we hoped to take at his return, as 
afterward we did. Now was our fort made fit for ser- 
vice, and some ordnance mounted ; and though it may 
seem long work, it being ten months since it begun, 
yet w^e must note, that where so great a work is begun 
with such small means, a little time cannot bring [it] 
to perfection. Beside, those works which tend to the 
preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, 
what in him lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, 
and causing: reasonable men to reason against their own 
safety ; as amongst us divers seeing the work prove 
tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, flat- 
tering themselves \A'ith peace and security, and account- 
ing it rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than 
simple necessitv. But God, whose providence hath 
waked, and, as I may say, watched for us whilst we 
slept, having determined to preserve us from these in- 
tended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a spe- 
cial means to advantage us and discourage our adver- 
saries, and therefore so stirred up the hearts of the gov- 
ernors and other forward instruments, as the work was 
just made serviceable against this needful and danger- 
ous time, though we ignorant of the same. 

But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned, 
in his return from iManomet, came through the town, 


CHAP, pretending still friendship and in love to see us ; but as 
^^— formerl}' others, so his end was to see whether we 

162 3. continued still in health and strength, or fell into weak- 

ness, like their neighbours ; which they hoped and look- 
ed for, (though God in mercy provided better for us,) 
and he knew would be glad tidings to his countrymen. 
But here the Governor stayed him ; and sending for 
him to the fort, there gave the guard charge of him as 
their prisoner ; where he told him he must be contented 
to remain till the return of Captain Standish from the 
Massachusets. So he was locked in a chain to a staple 
in the court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our 
fort hanselled,^ this being the first day, as I take it, that 
ever any watch was there kept. 

The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, 
went first to the ship ; but found neither man, or so 
much as a dog therein. Upon the discharge of a mus- 
ket, the master and some others of the plantation 
showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering 
ground-nuts, and getting other food. After salutation. 
Captain Standish asked them, how they durst so leave 
the ship, and live in such security ; who answered, 
like men senseless of their own misery, they feared 
not the Indians, but lived and suffered them to lodge 
with them, not having sword or gun, or needing the 
same. To which the Captain answered, if there were 
no cause, he was the gladder. But, upon further in- 
quiry, understanding that those in whom John Sanders 
had reposed most special confidence, and left in his 
stead to govern the rest, were at the plantation, thither 
he went; and, to be brief, made known the Indians' 
purpose, and the end of his own coming, as also, (which 

* Hansel, to use for the first time. 


formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they durst not chap. 
there stay, it was the intendment of the governors and -— 1- 
people of Plymouth there to receive them, till they 1623. 
could be better provided ; but if they conceived of any 
other course, that miaht be more likely for their g-ood, 
that himself should further them therein to the utter- 
most of his power. These men, comparing other cir- 
cumstances with that they now heard, answered, they 
could expect no better ; and it was God's mercy that 
they were not killed before his coming; desiring there- 
fore that he would neglect no opportunity to proceed. 
Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to 
send special command to one third of their companv, 
that were farthest oft, to come home, and there enjoin 
them on pain of death to keep the town, himself allow- 
ing them a pint of Indian corn to a man for a day, 
though that store he had was spared out of our seed. 
The weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the 
longer before he could do anv thinoj. 

In the mean time an Indian came to him, and 
brought some furs, but rather to gather what he could 
from the Captain, than coming then for trade ; and 
though the Captain carried things as smoothly as pos- 
sibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by 
his eyes that he was angry .in his heart ; and therefore 
began to suspect themselves discovered. This caused 
one Pecksuot, who was a pniese,^ being a man of a 
notable spirit, to come to Hobbamock, who was then 
with them, and told him, he understood that the Cap- 
tain was come to kill himself and the rest of the salvages 
there. " Tell him," said he, " we know it, but fear 
him not, neither will we shun him ; but let him begin 

' The same as pinse, on page 28S. 


cH-\p. when he dare, he shall not take us at unawares." Many 


■^"^ times after, divers of them severally, or few together, 
162 3. came to the plantation to him ; where they would whet 
and sharpen the points of their knives before his face, 
and use many other insulting gestures and speeches. 
Amongst the rest Wituwamat bragged of the excel- 
lency of his knife. On the end of the handle there 
was pictured a woman's face ; '• but," said he, "I have 
another at home, wherewith I have killed both French 
and English, and that hath a man's face on it : and by 
and bv these two must marry." Further he said of 
that knife he there had, Hinnaim namen, hinnaim mi- 
chen, matta cuts ; that is to sav, Bv and bv it should 
see, and by and by it should eat, but not speak. Also 
Pecksuot, being a man of greater stature than the 
Captain,' told him, though he were a great captain, 
yet he w^as but a little man ; and, said he, though I be 
no sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and cour- 
age. These things the Captain observed, yet bare 
with patience for the present. 

On the next day, seeing he could not get many of 
them together at once, and this Pecksuot and A\ itu- 
wamat both together, with another man. and a vouth 
of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to 
Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily 
putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and 
having about as many of his own company in a room 
with them, gave the word to his men, and the door 
being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and 
snatching his own knife from his neck, though with 
much stmggling, killed him therewith, the point where- 

' Standish is said to have been on page 126, and Mass. Hist. Coll. 
a man of short stature. See note xv. Ill, and xviii. 121. 


of he had made as sharp as a needle, and ground the chap. 
back also to an edge. Wituwamat and the other man -^^ 
the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain i^^^ 
caused to be hanged. But it is incredible how many 
wounds these two pineses received before thev died, 
not making any fearful noise, but catching at their 
weapons and striving to the last. Hobbamock stood 
by all this time as a spectator, and meddled not, ob- 
serving how our men demeaned themselves in this 
action. All being here ended, smiling, he brake forth 
into these speeches to the Captain : '• Yesterdav Peck- 
suot. bragging of his own strength and stature, said, 
though you were a great captain, yet you were but a 
little man : but to-day I see you are big enoush to lav 
him on the ground." But to proceed ; there being 
some women at the same time. Captain Standish left 
them in the custody of ^Ir. AVeston-s people at the 
town, and sent word to another companv, that had 
intelligence of things, to kill those Indian men that 
were amongst them. These killed two more. Him- 
self also with some of his own men went to another 
place, where they killed another : and through the 
negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who dis- 
covered and crossed their proceedings.^ 

' When the news of the first In- with saying, " how happy a thing 

dians being killed by Standish at had it been that you had convert- 

"Weymouth reached Mr. Robinson, ed some before you killed any I"' 

their pastor, at Leyden, he wrote Prince adds, '•' It is to be hoped that 

to the church at Plymouth, Decern- Squanto was converted." It seems 

her 19, 1623, " to consider the dispo- Standish was not of their church at 

sition of their Captain, who was of first, and Hubbard says he had 

a warm temper. He hoped the more of his education in the school 

Lord had sent him among them of ^lars than in the school of 

fgr good, if they used him right ; Christ. Judge Davis remarks, 

but he doubted where there was "These sentiments are honorable 

not wanting that tenderness of the to Mr. Robinson ; they indicate a 

life of man, made after God's image, generous philanthropy, which must 

which was meet;" and he concludes always gain our affection, and 


CHAP. Not lono^ before this execution, three of Mr. Weston's 


— v-L men, which more regarded their bellies than any com- 
162 3. mand or commander, having formerly fared well with 
the Indians for making them canoes, went again to 
the sachim to offer their service, and had entertain- 
ment. The first night they came thither, within night, 
late came a messenger with all speed, and delivered a 
sad and short message. Whereupon all the men gath- 
ered together, put on their boots and breeches, trussed 
up themselves, and took their bows and arrows and 
went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and 
that at their return they should have venison enough. 
Being now gone, one being more ancient and wise 
than the rest, calling former things to mind, especially 
the Captain's presence, and the strait charge that on 
pain of death none should go a musket shot from the 
plantation, and comparing this sudden departure of 
theirs therewith, began to dislike and wish himself at 
home again, which was further off than divers other 
dwelt. Hereupon he moved his fellows to return, but 
could not persuade them. So there being none but 
women left, and the other that was turned salvage, 
about midnight came away, forsaking the paths, lest 
he should be pursued ; and by this means saved his 

should ever be cherished. Still little doubt. It is certain that they 
the transactions to which the stric- were fully persuaded of its exist- 
tures relate, are defensible. As ence, and with the terrible exam- 
to Standish, Belknap places his de- pie of the Virginia massacre in 
fence on the rules of duty imposed fresh remembrance, they had sol- 
by his character, as the military emn duties to discharge. The ex- 
servant of the Colony. The gov- istence of the whole settlement 
ernraent, it is presumed, will be was at hazard." See Prince, p. 
considered as acting under severe 226 ; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 461 ; 
necessity, and will require no apol- Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 330; Mor- 
ogy if the reality of the conspiracy ton's Memorial, p. 91. 
be admitted, of which there can be 


Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and chap. 


one or two of Mr. Weston's, and Hobbamock, still 
seeking to make spoil of them and theirs. At length 162 3. 
they espied a file of Indians, which made towards them 
amain ; and there being a small advantage in the 
ground, by reason of a hill near them, both companies 
strove for it. Captain Standish got it ; whereupon 
they retreated, and took each man his tree, letting fly 
their arrows amain, especially at himself and Hobba- 
mock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast off his coat, and 
being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased 
them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way 
with him ; insomuch as our men could have but one 
certain mark, and then but the arm and half face of a 
notable villain, as he drew^ at Captain Standish ; who 
together with another both discharged at once at him, 
and brake his arm ; whereupon they fled into a swamp. 
When they were in the thicket, they parleyed, but to 
small purpose, getting nothing but foul language. So 
our Captain dared the sachim to come out and fight 
like a man, showing how base and womanlike he was 
in tonguing it as he did ; but he refiised, and fled. 
So the Captain returned to the plantation ; where he 
released the women, and would not take their beaver 
coats from them, nor suffer .the least discourtesy to be 
offered them. 

Now were Mr. Weston's people resolved to leave 
their plantation, and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get 
passage and return^ with the fishing ships. The Cap- 
tain told them, that for his own part he durst there 
live with fewer men than they were ; yet since they 
were otherways minded, according to his order from 

' His bow. ^ To England. 



CHAP, the governors and people of Plymouth, he would help 
^-^ them with corn competent for their provision by the 
162 3. ^yav; which he did, scarce leaving himself more than 
brouo^ht them home. Some of them disliked the 


choice of the body to go to Munhiggen, and therefore 
desiring to go with him to Plymouth, he took them 
into the shallop ; and seeing them set sail, and clear 
of the Massachuset bay,' he took leave and returned to 
Plymouth ; whither he came in safety, blessed be God ! 
and brought the head of Wituwamat with him. 

Amongst the rest, there was an Indian youth, that 
was ever of a courteous and loving disposition- towards 
us. He, notwithstanding the death of his country- 
men, came to the Captain without fear, saying, his 
good conscience and love towards us imboldened him 
so to do. This youth confessed, that the Indians in- 
tended to kill Mr. Weston's people, and not to delay 
any longer than till they had two more canoes or boats, 

' "Thus this plantation is broken in the bottom of the bay betweea 

up in a year; and this is the end of Pascataquak and Merrimak river, 

those who being all able men, had and hardly escapes with his life, 

boasted of their strength and what Afterwards he falls into the hands 

they would bring to pass, in com- of the Indians, who pillage him of 

parison of the people at Plymouth, all he saved from the sea, and strip 

who had many women, children, him of all his clothes to his shirt, 

and weak ones with them ; and At length he gets to Pascataquak, 

said at their first arrival, when borrows a suit of clothes, finds 

they saw the wants at Plymouth, means to come to Plymouth, and 

ihatthey would take another course, desires to borrow some beaver of 

and not fall into such a condition us. Notwithstanding our straits, 

as this simple people were come to." yet in consideration of his neces- 

Bradford, in Prince, p. 214, and in sity, we let him have one hundred 

Morton, p. 92. and seventy odd pounds of beaver, 

" Shortly after Mr. Weston's peo- with which he goes to the east- 
pie went to the eastward, he comes ward, stays his small ship and 
there himself with some of the fish- some of his men, buys provisions 
ermen, under another name and and fits himself, which is the foun- 
disguise of a blacksmith ; where dation of his future courses ; and 
he hears the ruin of his plantation ; yet never repaid us any thing save 
and getting a shallop with a man reproaches, and becomes our ene- 
or two comes on to see how things my on all occasions." Bradford, in 
are; hut in a storm is cast away Prince, p. 216. See note' on p. 78. 


which Mr. Weston's men would have finished by this chap. 
time, having made them three ah'eady, had not the ^^ 
Captain prevented them ; and the end of stay for those 162 3. 
boats was to take their ship therewith. 

Now was the Captain returned and received with 
joy, the head being brouglit to the fort, and there set 
up.^ The governors and captains with divers others 
went up the same further, to examine the prisoner, 
who looked piteously on the head. Being asked 
whether he knew it, he answered. Yea. Then he 
confessed the plot, and that all the people provoked 
Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being drawn to it 
by their importunity. Five there were, he said, that 
prosecuted it with more eagerness than the rest. The 
two principal were killed, being Pecksuot and Witu- 
wamat, whose head was there ; the other three were 
powahs, being yet living, and known unto us, though 
one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, 
he would not acknowledge that he had any hand 
therein, begging earnestly for his life, saying he was 
not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger lived with 
them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, 
and besought for him ; but was bribed so to do. Nev- 
ertheless, that we might show mercy as well as ex- 
tremity, the Governor released him, and the rather, 
because we desired he might carry a message to Ob- 
takiest, his master. No sooner were the irons from 
his legs, but he would have been gone ; but the Gover- 

1 " This may excite in some year 1747, the heads of the lords 

minds an objection to the humanity who were concerned in the Scots 

of our forefathers. The reason as- rebellion were set up over Temple 

signed for it was that it might Bar, the most frequented passage 

prove a terror to others. In mat- between London and Westmin- 

ters of war and public justice, they ster." Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 

observed the customs and laws of 326. 
the English nation. As late as the 


CHAP, nor bid him stay, and fear not, for he should receive 


no hurt ; and by Hobbamock commanded him to de- 
162 3. Hver this message to his master : That for our parts it 

Mar. . 

never entered into our hearts to take such a course 
with them, till their own treachery enforced us there- 
unto, and therefore they might thank themselves for 
their own overthrow ; yet since he had begun, if again 
by any the like courses he did provoke him, his coun- 
try should not hold him ; for he would never suffer 
him or his to rest in peace, till he had utterly con- 
sumed them ; and therefore should take this as a 
' warning; further, that he should send to Patuxet 
the three Englishmen he had, and not kill them ; also 
that he should not spoil the pale and houses at Wicha- 
guscusset ; and that this messenger should either bring 
the English, or an answer, or both ; promising his safe 

This message was delivered, and the party would 
have returned with [an] answer, but was at first dis- 
suaded by them, whom afterwards they would, but 
could not persuade to come to us. At length, though 
long, a woman came and told us, that Obtakiest was 
sorry that the English were killed, before he heard 
from the Governor ; otherwise he would have sent 
them. Also she said, he would fain make his peace 
again with us ; but none of his men durst come to 
treat about it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily 
removed from place to place, expecting when we 
would take further vengeance on him. 

Concerning those other people, that intended to 
join with the Massacheuseuks against us, though we 
never went against any of them ; yet this sudden and 
unexpected execution, together with the just judgment 


of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so terri- chap. 
fied and amazed them, as in like manner they for- — v-^ 
sook their houses, running; to and fro like men distract- IJ^^^- 

, ,. . . Mar. 

ed, living in swamps and other desert places, and so 

brought manifold diseases amongst themselves, where- 
of very many are dead ; as Canacum, the sachim 
of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, and la- 
nough, sachim of Mattachiest. This sachim in his 
life, in the midst of these distractions, said the God of 
the English was offended with them, and would de- 
stroy them in his anger ; and certainly it is strange to 
hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst 
them. Neither is there any likelihood it will easily 
cease ; because through fear they set little or no corn, 
which is the staff of life, and without which they can- 
not long preserve health and strength. From one of 
these places a boat was sent with presents to the 
Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace ; but 
the boat was cast away, and three of the persons 
drowned, not far from our Plantation. Only one escap- 
ed, who durst not come to us, but returned ; so as 
none of them dare come amongst us. 

I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other 
things. Yet when I considered how necessary a thing 
it is that the truth and grounds of this action especially 
should be made known, and the several dispositions of 
that dissolved colony, whose reports undoubtedly will 
be as various, I could not but enlarge myself where I 
thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief, 
lest I should eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, 
and praise, which belongeth to him for preserving us 
from falling when we w^ere at the pit's brim, and yet 
feared nor knew not that we were in danger. 



CHAP. The month of April beine: now come, on all hands 


— ^ we began to prepare for corn. And because there was 
162 3. no corn left before this time, save that was preserved 
' for seed, being also hopeless of relief by supply, we 
thought best to leave off all other works, and pro- 
secute that as most necessary. And because there 
was 110^ small hope of doing good, in that common 
course of labor that formerly we were in f for that the 
governors, that followed men to their labors, had no- 
thing to give men for their necessities, and therefore 
could not so well exercise that command over them 
therein, as formerly they had done ; especially con- 
sidering that self-love wherewith every man, in a 
measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own 
good before his neighbour's, and also the base disposi- 
tion of some drones, that, as at other times, so now 
especially would be most burdenous to the rest ; it was 
therefore thought best that every man should use the 

' The word 710 appears to be an ^ See note ^ on page S4. 
error of the press. F. 


best diligence he could for his own preservation, both chap. 


in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own 
corn for the year following; and bring in a competent 162 3. 
portion for the maintenance of public officers, fisher- 
men, &c., which could not be freed from their calling 
without greater inconveniences. This course was to 
continue till harvest, and then the governors to gather 
in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of them- 
selves and such others as necessity constrained to 
exempt from this condition. Only if occasion served, 
upon any special service they might employ such as 
they thought most fit to execute the same, during this 
appointed time, and at the end thereof all men to be 
employed by them in such service as they thought 
most necessary for the general good. And because 
there is great difference in the ground, that therefore a 
set quantity should be set down for a person, and each 
man to have his fall by lot,* as being most just and 
equal, and against which no man could except. 

At a general meeting of the company, many courses 
were propounded, but this approved and followed, as 
being the most likely for the present and future good 
of the company ; and therefore before this month 
began to prepare our ground against seed-time. 

In the midst of April we began to set, the weather 
being then seasonable, which much encouraged us, 
giving us good hopes of after plenty. The setting 
season is good till the latter end of May. But it 
pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a 
great drought ; insomuch as in six weeks after the 

' This allotment was only for lot, as before, he gives every person 

one year. In the spring of the next an acre of land." Bradford, in 

year, 1623-4, " the people request- Prince, pp. 215 and 226. See this 

ing the Governor to have some land latter allotment in Hazard, i. 100, 

for continuance, and not by yearly and in Morton, p. 376. 


CHAP, latter setting there scarce fell any rain ; so that the 

ii^ stalk of that was first set began to send forth the ear, 

162 3. before it came to half growth, and that which was 

'^"^^' later, not like to yield any at all, both blade and stalk 

hanging the head, and changing the color in such 

manner, as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also 

ran not up according to their wonted manner, but 

stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though 

they had been scorched before the fire. Now were 

our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy 

being turned into mourning.^ 

To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we 
were, we heard of a supply that was sent unto us 
many months since, which having two repulses before, 
was a third time in company of another ship three 
hundred leagues at sea, and now in three months time 
heard no further of her ; only the signs of a wreck 
were seen on the coast, which could not be judged to 
be any other than the same.^ So that at once God 

' " But by the time our corn is divide among the company ; and 

planted, our victuals are spent, in the winter are helped with fowl 

not knowing at night where to and ground-nuts." Bradford, in 

have a bit in the morning, and Prince, p. 216. 

have neither bread nor corn for * "At length we receive letters 

three or four months together, yet from the adventurers in England 

bear our wants with cheerfulness of December 22 and April 9 last, 

and rest on providence. Having wherein they say, ' It rejoiceth us 

but one boat left, we divide the much to hear those good reports 

men into several companies, six that divers have brought home of 

or seven in each ; who take their you;' and give an account, that last 

turns to go out with a net and fall, a ship, the Paragon, sailed 

fish, and return not till they get from London with passengers, for 

some, though they be five or six New Plymouth ; being fitted out 

days out ; knowing there is nothing by Mr. John Pierce, in whose name 

at home, and to return empty our first patent was taken, his name 

Avould be a great discouragement, being only used in trust; but when 

When they stay long or get but he saw we were here hopefully 

little, the rest go a digging shell- seated, and by the success God 

fish; and thus we live the sum- gave us, had obtained favor with 

mer ; only sending one or two the Council for New England, he 

to range the woods for deer, they gets another patent of a larger ex- 

now and then get one, which we tent, meaning to keep it to him- 


seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most chap. 


courageous were now discouraged, because God, which — v^l- 
hitherto had been our only shield and supporter, now 1623. 
seemed in his anger to arm himself against us. And 
who can withstand the fierceness of his wrath ? 

These and the like considerations moved not only 
every good man privately to enter into examination 
with his own estate between God and his conscience, 
and so to humiliation before him, but also more 
solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord 
by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was ap- 
pointed by public authority, and set apart from all 
other employments ; hoping that the same God, which 
had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved hereby in 
mercy to look down upon us, and grant the request of 
our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any 
way stand with his glory and our good. But, O 
the mercy of our God ! w4io was as ready to hear, as 
we to ask ; for though in the morning, when we as- 
sembled together, the heavens were as clear, and the 
drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our ex- 
ercise continuing some eight or nine hours,) before our 

self, allow us only what he pleas- return to Portsmouth, having 109 
ed, hold us as his tenants and sue souls aboard, with Mr. Pierce him- 
to his courts as chief lord. But self. Upon which great and repeat- 
meeting with tempestuous storms ed loss and disappointment, he is 
in the Downs, the ship is so bruised prevailed upon for £500 to resign 
and leaky that in fourteen days she his patent to the Company, which 
returned to London, was forced to cost him but £50; and the goods 
be put into the dock, £100 laid out with charge of passengers in this 
to mend her, and lay six or seven ship cost the Company £640, for 
weeks to December 22, before she which they were forced to hire 
sailed a second time; but being another ship, namely, the Ann, of 
half way over, met with extreme 140 tons, to transport them, name- 
tempestuous weather about the ly, 60 passengers with 60 tons of 
iniddle of February which held goods, hoping to sail by the end of 
fourteen days, beat off the round April." Bradford, in Prince, pp. 
house with all her upper works, 217, 218. 
obliged them to cut her mast and 


CHAP, departure, the weather was overcast, the clouds gath- 
-^— ered together on all sides, and on the next morning 
16 2 3. distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers of 
rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with 
such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether 
our withered corn, or drooping affections, were most 
quickened or revived ; such was the bounty and good- 
ness of our God. Of this the Indians, by means of 
Hobbamock,' took notice ; who being then in the town, 
and this exercise in the midst of the week, said, It 
was but three days since Sunday ; and therefore de- 
manded of a boy, what was the reason thereof. Which 
when he knew, and saw what effects followed there- 
upon, he and all of them admired the goodness of our 
God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so 
short a time ; showing the difference between their 
conjuration, and our invocation on the name of God 
for rain ; theirs being mixed with such storms and 
tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them good, it 
layeth the corn flat on the ground, to their prejudice ; 
but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they 
nev'cr observed the like. 

At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly 
employed by the Governor to buy provisions for the 
refreshing of the Colony, returned with the same, ac- 
companied with one Mr. David Tomson,^ a Scotch- 

' This is the last time that Hob- tion, and also in his practice, re- 

baraock's name occurs in the his- forming and conforming himself 

tory of the Colony. His services accordingly; and though he was 

to the infant settlement had been much tempted by enticements, 

very important, and in the allot- scoffs, and scorns from the Indians, 

ment of the land in 1624, mention yet could he never be gotten from 

is made of " Hobbamock's ground." the English, nor from seeking after 

In New England's First Fruits, their God, but died amongst them, 

published in London in 1643, he is leaving some good hopes in their 

described as follows : " As he in- hearts that his soul went to rest." 

creased in knowledge, so in aifec- ^ David Thomson was sent over 


man, who also that spring began a plantation twenty- chap. 
five leajrues northeast from us, near Smith's islcs,^ at a — ^-^ 

16 2 3. 

place called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now July.* 
also heard we of the third repulse that our supply had,^ 
of their safe, though dangerous, return into England, 
and of their preparation to come to us. So that hav- 
ing these many signs of God's favor and acceptation, 
we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly 
we should smother up the same, or content ourselves 
with private thanksgiving for that, which by private 
prayer could not be obtained. And therefore another 
solemn day was set apart and appointed for that end ; 
wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, with all 
thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so gra- 
ciously with us ; whose name for these and all other 
his mercies towards his church and chosen ones, by 
them be blessed and praised, now and evermore. 

In the latter end of July, and the beginning of Au- Aug. 
gust, came two ships with supply unto us ; who 
brought all their passengers,^ except one, in health, 

by Gorges and Mason in the spring bard, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 105 ; 
of 1623, and commenced a settle- and see Adams's Annals of Ports- 
ment at a place called Little Har- mouth, p. 10. 
bour, on the west side of Piscata- ' So called after himself, by 
qua river, near its mouth. After- .Captain John Smith, who discov- 
wards, in 1626, or later, out ofdis- ered them in 1614. He thus de- 
like of the place or his employers, scribes them : " Smyth's Isles are 
he removed to Boston harbour, and a heap together, none near them, 
took possession of " a fruitful island against Accominticus." They are 
and very desirable neck of land," eight in number, and are now call- 
which were afterwaids confirmed ed the Isles of Shoals. See a de- 
to him or his heirs by the govern- scription and historical account of 
ment of Massachusetts. This neck them in Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 242 — 
of land was Squantum, in Dorches- 262 ; xxvi. 120. 
^r, and the island, which is very ^ " Governor Bradford gives no 
near it, has ever since been called hint of this third repulse." Prince, 
by his name. It is now the seat of p. 219. 

the Farm School. Compare Sav- ' The following is an alpha- 
age's Winthrop, i. 44, with Hub- betical list of those who came 



CHAP, who recovered in short time ; who, also, notwithstand- 
^-^v~ iiiir all our wants and hardship, blessed be God ! 
fiss. found not anyone sick person amongst us at the Plan- 


over in the Anne and Little James. 

Anthony Annable, Edward Holinan, 
Edward Hangs, John .liMiny, 
Robert BartkHt, Robert Long, 
Fear Hrewsler, E.xperience Mit- 
Patienco Ikewstcr, chell, 
Mary Bucket, George Morton, 

Edward Hurcher, Thomas !\Iorton,jr. 
Tlionias Clarke, Ellen Newton, 
ChrislopherConant.John Oldham, 
CiithbcrtCuthbert- Frances Paliiier, 

son. Christian Penn, 

Anthony Dix, Mr. Perce's two 

John Faunce, servants, 

Manassph Faunce, Joshua Pratt, 
Good wife FlavcU, James Rand, 
Edmund Flood, Robert Rattliffo, 
Bridget Fuller, Nicholas Snow, 
Timothy Hatherlj'', Alice Southworth, 
William Heard, Francis Sprarrue, 
Mariraret Hickes, Barbara Standisli, 

and lier children, Thomas Tilden, 
AVilliam Hilton's Stephen Tracy, 

wife and two Ralph Wallen. 


This list, as well as that of the 
passen£;ers in the Fortune, is ob- 
tained from the record of the allot- 
ment of lands, in 1624, which may 
be found in Hazard's State Papers, 
i. 101—103, and in the Appendix 
to Morton's Memorial, pp. 377 — 
380. In that list, however, Fran- 
cis Cooke and Richard Warren's 
names are repeated, although they 
came in the Mayflower; probably 
because their wives and children 
came in the Ann, and therefore an 
additional grant of land Avas made 
to them. Many others brought 
their families in this ship; and 
Bradford says that" some were the 
wives and children of such who 
came before." 

Fear and Patience Brewster were 
daughters of Elder Brewster. 
Thomas Clark's gravestone is one 
of the oldest on the Burial hill in 
Plymouth. See note - on page 160. 
Francis Cooke's wife, Hester, was 
a Walloon, and Cuthbert Cuthbert- 

son was a Dutchman, as we leara 
from Winslow's Brief Narrative. 
Anthony Dix is mentioned in Win- 
thro]), i. 2S7. Goodwife FlavcU 
was probably the wife of Thomas, 
who came in the Fortune, and 
Bridget Fuller was the wife of 
Samuel, the physician. Timothy 
Hathcrly went to England the next 
winter, and did not return till 
1632 ; he settled in Scituate. Mar- 
garet Hicks was the wife of Rob- 
ert, who came in the Fortune. 
William Hilton (see page 251) had 
sent for his wife and children. 
George Morton brought his son, 
Nathaniel, the secretary, and four 
other children. Thomas Morton, 
jr. was the son of Thomas, who 
came in the Fortune. John Old- 
ham afterwards became notorious 
in the history of the Colony. Fran- 
ces Palmer was the wife of Wil- 
liam, who came in the Fortune. 
Phinchas Pratt had a lot of land 
assigned him among those who 
came in the Ann ; but he was un- 
doubtedly one of Weston's colony, 
as appears from page 332. Bar- 
bara Standish was the Captain's 
second wit'"e, whom he married 
after the arrival of the Ann. Her 
maiden name is unknown. 

Annable afterwards settled in 
Scituate, Mitchell in Duxbury and 
Bridgewater, Bangs and Snow in 
Eastham,and Sprague in Duxbury. 
John Jenny, in 1636, had "liberty 
to erect a mill for grinding and 
beating of corn upon the brook of 

Those who came in the first 
three ships, the Mayflower, the 
Fortune, and the Ann, are distinc- 
tively called the old comers, or the 
forefathers. See pages 121 and 
235. For further particulars con- 
cerning them, see Farmer's Genea- 
logical Register, Mitchell's Bridge- 
water, and Deane's Scituate. 



tation. The bigger ship, called the Anne/ was hired, chap. 
and there again freighted back f from whence we set ^^■ 
sail the 10th of September. The lesser, called the 1623. 
Little James,^ was built for the company at their ^^ ' 
charge.^ She was now also fitted for trade and dis- 
covery to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost 
ready to set sail ; whom I pray God to bless in her 
good and lawful proceedings. 

' "Mr. William Pierce, master." 
Bradford, in Prince, p. 220. 

* " Being laden with clapboards, 
and all the beaver and oiher furs 
we have; wiih whom we send Mr. 
Wini^low, to inform how things 
are and procure what we want." 
Bradford, in Prince, p. 221. 

^ " A fine new vessel of 44 tons, 
Mr. Bridges, master." Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 220. 

* '' They bring about 60 persons, 
some being very useful and be- 
come good members of the body; 
of whom the principal are IVlr. 
Timothy Hatherly and Mr. George 
Morton, who came in the Ann, and 
Mr. John Jenny, who came in the 
James. Some were the wives and 
children of such who came before; 
and some others are so bad we are 
forced to be at the charge to send 
them home next year. 

" By this ship R. C. [i. e. doubt- 
less Mr. Cushman, their agent] 
writes. Some few of your old friends 
are come; they come dropping to 
you, and by degrees I hope ere long 
you shall enjoy ihem all, &c. 

" From the general, [that is, the 
joint concern, the company] sub- 
scribed by thirteen, we have also a 
letter wherein they say. Let it not 
be grievous to you, that you have 
been instruments to break the ice 
for others who come after with less 
difficulty ; the honor shall be yours 

to the world's end. We bear you 
always in our breasts, and our 
hearty affection is towards you all, 
as are the hearts of hundreds more 
which never saw your faces, who 
doubtless pray your safety as their 

" When these passengers see our 
poor and low condition ashore, they 
are much dismayed and full of sad- 
ness; only our old friends rejoice 
to see us, and that it is no worse, 
and now hope we shall enjoy better 
days together. The best dish we 
could present them with, is a lob- 
ster, or piece offish, without bread, 
or any thing else but a cup of fair 
spring water; and the long con- 
tinuance of tins diet, with our la- 
bors abroad, has somewhat abated 
the freshness of our complexion; 
but God gives us health, &c. 

"August 14. The fourth mar- 
riage is of Governor Bradford to 
Mrs. Alice Souihworth, widow." 
Bradford, in Prince, pp. 220, 221. 
Her maiden name was Carpenter, 
as appears from the following en- 
try in the records of the Plymouth 
Cnurch : "1667. Mary Carpenter, 
(sister of Mrs. Alice Bradford, the 
wife of Governor Bradford,) a mem- 
ber of the church at Duxbury, died 
in Plymouth, March 19-20, being 
newly entered into the 91st year of 
her age. She was a godly old 
maid, never married." 




CHAP. Thus have I made a true and full narration of the 


-''-^ state of our Plantation, and such things as were most 
1623. remarkable therein since December, 1621. If I have 
omitted any thing, it is either through weakness of 
memory, or because I judged it not material. I con- 
fess my style rude, and unskilfulness in the task I 
undertook ; being urged thereunto by opportunity, 
which I knew to be wanting in others, and but for 
which 1 would not have undertaken the same. Yet 
as it is rude, so it is plain, and therefore the easier to 
be understood ; wherein others may see that which we 
arc bound to acknowledge, viz. that if ever any peo- 
ple in these later ages were upheld by the providence 
of God after a more special manner than others, then 
we ; and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the 
memory of his goodness with everlasting thankfulness. 
For in these forenamed straits, such was our state, as 
in the morning we had often our food to seek for the 
day, and yet performed the duties of our callings, I 
mean other daily labors, to provide for after time ; 
and though at some times in some seasons at noon I 


have seen men stagger by reason of faintness for want chap. 
of food, jet ere night, by the good providence and bless- -^^^ 
ing of God, we have enjoyed such plenty as though the 1623. 
windows of heaven had been opened unto us. How 
few, weak, and raw were we at our first beginning, 
and there settling, and in the midst of barbarous ene- 
mies ! Yet God wrought our peace for us. How often 
have we been at the pit's brim, and in danger to be 
swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward that 
we were in peril! And yet God preserved us; yea, 
and from how many that we yet know not of, He that 
knoweth all things can best tell. So that when I se- 
riously consider of things, I cannot but think that God 
hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritance to 
our nation, and great pity it were that it should long 
lie in so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well 
with the constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, 
and so temperate for heat and cold, as in that respect 
one can scarce distinguish New England from Old. 

A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which 
I have observed amongst the Indians, both touching 
their religion and sundry other customs amongst them. 
And first, whereas myself and others, in former letters, 
(which came to the press against my will and know- 
ledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people 
without any religion, or knowledge of any God,' 
therein I erred, though we could then gather no bet- 
ter ; for as they conceive of many divine powers, so of 
one, whom they call Kiehtan,~ to be the principal and 
maker of all the rest, and to be made by none. He, they 
say, created the heavens, earth, sea and all creatures 

' See page 233. antiquity; for is an old man, 

* The meaning of the word and /uf/ic/jwe a man that exceedeth 
Kiehtan, I think, hath reference to in age. — Wmslow^s Note. 


CHAP, contained therein ; also that he made one man and 


^ one woman, of whom they and we and all mankind 

1623. came;' but how they became so far dispersed, that 
know they not. At first, they say, there was no sa- 
chim or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the 
heavens, whither all good men go when they die, to 
see their friends, and have their fill of all things. This 
his habitation lieth far westward in the heavens, they 
say ; thither the bad men go also, and knock at his 
door, but he bids them qiiatchet, that is to say, walk 
abroad, for there is no place for such ; so that they 
wander in restless want and penury.^ Never man saw 
this Kiehtan ; only old men tell them of him, and bid 
them tell their children, yea to charge them to teach 
their posterities the same, and lay the like charge upon 
them. This power they acknowledge to be good ; and 
when they would obtain any great matter, meet to- 
gether and cry unto him ; and so likewise for plenty, 
victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang 
up garlands and other things in memory of the same. 

Another power they worship, whom they call Hob- 
bamock, and to the northward of us, Hobbamoqui ; ^ 
this, as far as we can conceive, is the devil. Him they 
call upon to cure their wounds and diseases. When 
they are curable, he persuades them he sends the same 

' "They relate how they have it helieve that the souls of men and 

from their fathers, that Kautantow- women go to the southwest; their 

wit made one man and woman of great and good men and women to 

a stone, which disliking he broke Kautantowwit's house, where they 

them in pieces, and made another have hopes, as the Turks have, of 

man and woman of a tree, which carnal joys ; murtherers, thieves 

were the fountains of all mankind." and liars, their souls, say they, 

Roger Williams's Key, ch. xxi. wander restless abroad." Wil- 

* ^'Kautantoicivit, the great south- liams's Key, ch. xxi. 

west God, to whose house all souls ^ Wood, in his New England's 

go, and from whom came their Prospect, ch. xix. spells this word 

corn and beans, as they say. They Abamacho. 


for some conceived anger against them ; but upon their chap. 
calling upon him, can and doth help them ; but when li-v^ 
they are mortal and not curable in nature, then he per- 162 3. 
suades them Kiehtan is angry, and sends them, whom 
none can cure ; insomuch as in that respect only they 
somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, and there- 
fore in sickness never call upon him. This Hobbamock 
appears in sundry forms unto them, as in the shape of 
a man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, &c. but most ordina- 
rily a snake. He appears not to all, but the chiefest 
and most judicious amongst them ; though all of them 
strive to attain to that hellish height of honor. He 
appeareth most ordinary and is most conversant with 
three sorts of people. One, I confess I neither know 
by name nor office directly ; of these they have few, 
but esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon 
can kill them; another they call by the name of powah; 
and the i\nv^ pniese. 

The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised 
principally in calling upon the devil, and curing diseases 
of the sick or wounded. The common people join with 
him in the exercise of invocation, but do but only assent, 
or as we term it, say Amen to that he saith ; yet 
sometime break out into a short musical note with him. 
The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in coun- 
tenance, and joineth many antic and laborious gestures 
with the same, over the party diseased.^ If the party 
be wounded, he will also seem to suck the wound ; but 
if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth it not, but 
askooke, that is, the snake, or wobsacuck, that is, the 
pagle, sitteth on his shoulder, and licks the same. This 
none see but the powah, who tells them he doth it 

' See page 317, 


CHAP, himself. If the party be otherwise diseased, it is ac- 
-^-^ counted sufficient if in any shape he but come into the 
162 3. house, taking it for an undoubted sign of recovery. 

And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at 
Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus, so have I heard them 
call upon some as if they had their residence in some 
certain places, or because they appeared in those forms 
in the same. In the powah's speech, he promiseth to 
sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, 
knives, and other the best things they have to the 
fiend, if he will come to help the party diseased ; but 
whether they perform it, I know not. The other prac- 
tices I have seen, being necessarily called sometimes 
to be with their sick, and have used the best argu- 
ments I could to make them understand ao;aInst the 
same. They have told me I should see the devil at 
those times come to the party ; but I assured myself 
and them of the contrary, which so proved ; yea, them- 
selves have confessed they never saw him when any 
of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary 
hard travail in child-birth, when the party cannot be 
delivered by the ordinary means, they send for this 
powah ; though ordinarily their travail is not so ex- 
treme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more 
hardy nature ; for on the third day after child-birth, I 
have seen the mother with the infant, upon a small 
occasion, in cold weather, in a boat upon the sea. 
Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases 
/ kill children. It seemeth they are various in their re- 
ligious worship in a little distance, and grow more and 
more cold in their worship to Kiehtan ; saying, in their 
memory he was much more called upon. The Nano- 
higgansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a 


great spacious house, wherein only some few (that are, chap. 
as we may term them, priests) come. Thither, at cer- — v^ 
tain known times, resort all their people, and offer 162 3. 
almost all the riches they have to their gods, as kettles, 
skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which are cast by 
the priests into a great fire that they make in the midst 
of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this 
offering every man bringeth freely ; and the more he is 
known to bring, hath the better esteem of all men. 
This the other Indians about us approve of as good, 
and wish their sachims would appoint the like ; and 
because the plague^ hath not reigned at Nanohigganset 
as at other places about them, they attribute to this 
custom there used. 

The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, 
and to those also the devil appeareth more familiarly 
than to others, and as we conceive, maketh covenant 
wdth them to preserve them from death by wounds 
wath arrows, knives, hatchets, &c. or at least both 
themselves and especially the people think themselves 
to be freed from the same. And though, against their 
battles, all of them by painting disfigure themselves, 
yet they are known by their courage and boldness, by 
reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hun- 
dred men ; for they account it death for whomsoever 
stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all 
sorts of people, and are of the sachim's council, with- 
out whom they will not war, or undertake any weighty 
business.^ In war their sachims, for their more safety, 
go in the midst of them. They are commonly men of 
the greatest stature and strength, and such as will en- 
dure most hardness, and yet are more discreet, cour- 

' Seepages 183 and 206. » See pages 288 and 323. 


CHAP, teous and humane in their carriages than any amongst 
^ — ^ them, scorning theft, lying, and the like base dealings, 
162 3. and stand as much upon their reputation as any men. 
And to the end they may have store of these, they 
train up the most forward and likeliest boys, from their 
childhood, in great hardness, and make them abstain 
from dainty meat, observing divers orders prescribed, 
to the end that when they are of age, the devil may 
appear to them ; causing to drink the juice of sentry^ 
and other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must 
disgorge into the platter, and drink again and again, till 
at length through extraordinary oppressing of nature, 
it will seem to be all blood ; and this the boys will do 
with eagerness at the first, and so continue till by 
reason of faintness, they can scarce stand on their legs, 
and then must go forth into the cold. Also they beat 
their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through 
bushes, stumps and brambles, to make them hardy 
and acceptable to the devil, that in time he may appear 
unto them. 

Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only 
some few of them, to whom the rest resort for protec- 
tion, and pay homage unto them ; ^ neither may they 

^ Or centaury — probably the cured at what time as having en- 

sahbatia chloroides, a plant conspi- tertained Hercules in his cabin, he 

cuous for its beauty, which is found would needs be handling and tam- 

in great abundance on the margin pering with the weapons of his 

of the ponds in Plymouth. It be- said guest so long until one of the 

longs to the natural order of Gen- arrows light upon his foot and 

tians, one characteristic of which wounded hira dangerously." Hol- 

is an intense bitterness, residing land's Pliny, b. xxv. ch. 6. 

both in the stems and roots. The ^ "Their government is gene- 

gentiana crinita, or fringed gentian, rally monarchical, their chief saga- 

also grows in this region. See more or sachem's will being their 

Bigelow's Plants of Boston, pp. law ; but yet the sachem hath some 

79 and 111. chief men that he consults with as 

"The greater centaury is that his special counsellors. Among 

famous herb wherewith Chiron the some of the Indians their govern- 

centaur (as the report goeth) was ment is mixed, partly monarchical 


war without their knowledge and approbation ; yet to chap. 
be commanded by the greater, as occasion serveth. -^-^ 
Of this sort is Massassowat, our friend, and Conanacus, 1623. 
of Nanohigganset, our supposed enemy. Every sachim 
taketh care for the widow and fatherless, also for such 
as are aged and any way maimed, if their friends be 
dead, or not able to provide for them. A sachim will 
not take any to wife but such an one as is equal to 
him in birth ; otherwise, they say, their seed would in 
time become ignoble ; and though they have many 
other wives, yet are they no other than concubines or 
servants, and yield a kind of obedience to the princi- 
pal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The 
like their men observe also, and will adhere to the first 
during their lives ; but put away the other at their 
pleasure. This government is successive and not by 
choice. If the father die before the son or daughter be 
of age, then the child is committed to the protection 
and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in 
his stead till he be of age ; but when that is, I know 

Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and lim- 
its of his own country extendeth ; and that is his own 
proper inheritance. Out of that, if any of his men de- 
sire land to set their corn, he giveth them as much as 
they can use, and sets them their bounds. In this cir- 
cuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring 

and partly aristocratical ; their sag- sachems that can protect them ; so 
amore doing not any weighty that their princes endeavour to car- 
matter without the consent of his ry it obligingly and lovingly unto 
great men or petty sagamores, their people, lest they should desert 
-^heir sachems have not their men them, and thereby their strength, 
in such subjection but that very power, and tribute would be dimin- 
frequently their men will leave ished." Gookin in Mass. Hist, 
them upon distaste or harsh deal- Coll. i. 154. 
ing, and go and live under other 



CHAP, him his fee ; wliich is the fore parts of the same, if it 


-^-^^ be killed on the land, but if in the water, then the skin 
162 3. thereof. The great sachims or kings know their 
own bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All 
travellers or strangers for the most part lodge at the 
sachim's. When they come, they tell them how long 
they will stay, and to what place they go ; during 
which time they receive entertainment, according to 
their persons, but want not. Once a year the pnieses 
use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on the 
sachim. To that end, they appoint a certain time and 
place, near the sachim's dwelling, where the people 
bring many baskets of corn, and make a great stack 
thereof. There the pnieses stand ready to give thanks 
to the people, on the sachim's behalf; and after ac- 
quaint the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, 
and is no less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. 
When any are visited with sickness, their friends 
resort unto them for their comfort, and continue with 
them ofttimes till their death or recovery.^ If they die, 
they stay a certain time to mourn for them. Night 
and morning they perform this duty, many days after 
the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as 
though it be ordinary and the note musical, which they 
take one from another and all together, yet it will draw 
tears from their eyes, and almost from ours also.^ But 

' See page 313. and public. — When they come to 
'^ "Upon the death of the sick, the grave, they lay the dead by the 
the father, or husband, and all his grave's mouth, and then all sit 
neighbours wear black faces, and dovv^n and lament, that I have seea 
lay on soot very thick, which I tears run down the cheeks of stout- 
have often seen clotted with their est captains in abundance ; and 
tears. This blacking and lament- after the dead is laid in the grave, 
ing they observe in most doleful they have then a second lamenta- 
manner divers weeks and months, tion." Roger Williams's Key, ch. 
yea a year, if the person be great xxxii. 


if they recover, then because their sickness was char<re- chap. 

able, they send corn and other gifts unto them, at a — v^ 

certain appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, 16 23. 
which they call commoco. When they bury the dead, 
they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the 
earth. If the party be a sachim, they cover him with 
many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, 
and enclose the grave with a pale.^ If it be a child, 
the father will also put his own most special jewels 
and ornaments in the earth with it ; also will cut his 
hair, and disfigure himself very much, in token of sor- 
row. If it be the man or woman of the house, they 
will pull down the mats, and leave the frame standing, 
and bury them in or near the same,^ and either remove 
their dwelling or give over house-keeping. 

The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and 
other exercises of the bow, except at some times they 
take some pains in fishing. The women live a most 
slavish life; they carry all their burdens,^ set and dress 
their corn, gather it in, seek out for much of their food, 
beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all 
household care lying upon them. 

The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all 
mean offices, whilst they are together, although they 
be strangers. Boys and girls may not wear their hair 
like men and women, but are distinguished thereby. 

A man is not accounted a man till he do some nota- 
ble act, or show forth such courage and resolution as 
becometh his place. The men take much tobacco ; * 
but for boys so to do, they account it odious. 

All their names are significant and variable; for when 

* See pages 142, 143 and 154. ^ See note ' on page 305. 
2 See pages 154 and 227. ■* See note ' on page 188. 


CHAP, they come to the state of men and women, they alter ^ 


— -^ them according to their deeds or dispositions. 

162 3. When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth 
her hair, and after weareth a covering on her head, till 
her hair be grown out. Their women are diversely 
disposed; some as modest, as they will scarce talk one 
with another in the company of men, being very chaste 
also ; yet other some light, lascivious and wanton. If 
a woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, 
and there be war or opposition between that and any 
other people, she will run away from him to the con- 
trary party, and there live ; where they never come 
unwelcome, for where are most women, there is great- 
est plenty. 

When a woman hath her monthly terms, she sepa- 
rateth herself from all other company, and liveth cer- 
tain days in a house alone ; after which, she washeth 
herself, and all that she hath touched or used, and is 
again received to her husband's bed or family. For 
adultery, the husband will beat his wife and put her 
away, if he please. Some common strumpets there 
are, as well as in other places ; but they are such as 
either never married, or widows, or put away for adul- 
tery ; for no man will keep such an one to wife. 

In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sa- 
chim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of 
thefts, for the first offence, he is disgracefully rebuked ; 
for the second, beaten by the sachim with a cudgel on 
the naked back ; for the third, he is beaten with many 
strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby 
all men may both know and shun him. If any man 
kill another, he must likewise die for the same. The 

' See note ^ on page 191. * 


sachim not only passeth the sentence upon malefactors,' chap. 
but executeth the same with his own hands, if the -X^ 
party be then present; if not, sendeth his own knife, in 1623. 
case of death, in the hands of others to perform the 
same.^ But if the offender be to receive other punish- 
ment, he will not receive the same but from the sachim 
himself; before whom, being naked, he kneeleth, and 
will not offer to run away, though he beat him never 
so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man 
to cry during the time of his correction, than is his 
offence and punishment. 

As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stock- 
ings in one, like some Irish,^ which is made of deer 
skins, and have shoes of the same leather. They wear 
also a deer's skin loose about them, like a cloak, which 
they will turn to the weather side. In this habit they 
travel ; but when they are at home, or come to their 
journey's end, presently they pull off their breeches, 
stockings and shoes, W'ring out the water, if they be 
wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. Though 
these be off, yet have they another small garment that 
covereth their secrets. The men w^ear also, when 
they go abroad in cold weather, an otter or fox skin 
on their right arm,* but only their bracer on the left. 
Women, and all of that sex, wear strings about their 
legs, which the men never do. 

The people are very ingenious and observative ; they 

• See page 308. chiefest warriors, to fetch off ahead 

* " The most usual custom by some sudden, unexpected blow of 
amongst them in executing pun- a hatchet, when they have feared 
ishments, is for the sachim either mutiny by public execution." 
to beat or whip or put to death Koger Williams's Key, ch. xxii. 
^ith his own hand, to which the See also pnge 291 previous, 
common sort most quietly submit ; , ^ See note ^ on page 187. 
though sometimes the sachim sends "^ See page 187. 

a secret executioner, one of his 


CHAP, keep account of time by the moon, and winters or 


^^~ summers ; tliej know divers of the stars by name ; in 

1G23. particular they know the north star, and call it maske,^ 
which is to say, the bear;^ also they have many names 
for the winds. They will guess very well at the wind 
and weather beforehand, by observations in the hea- 
vens. They report also, that some of them can cause 
the wind to blow in what part they list — can raise 
storms and tempests,^ which they usually do when 
they intend the death or destruction of other people, 
that by reason of the unseasonable weather, they may 
take advantage of their enemies in their houses. At 
such times they perform their greatest exploits, and in 
such seasons, when they are at enmity with any, they 
keep more careful watch than at other times. 

As for the language, it is very copious, large, and 
difficult. As yet we cannot attain to any great mea- 
sure thereof; but can understand them, and explain 
ourselves to their understanding, by the help of those 
that daily converse with us. And though there be 
difference in a hundred miles' distance of place, both 
in language and manners, yet not so much but that 

• " Mosk, or pauJiunawaw, the water burn, the rocks move, the 
Great Bear, or Charles's Wain ; trees dance, and naetaniorphize 
which words mosk or paukunawaw himself into a flaming man. In 
signifies a bear ; which is so much winter, when there are no green 
the more observable, because in leaves to be got, he will burn an 
most languages that sign or con- old one to ashes, and putting these 
stellation is called the Bear." E.0- into the water, produce a new green 
ger Williams's Key, ch. xii. leaf, which you shall not only see, 

* "Their powows, by their exor- but substantially handle and carry 
cisms, and necromantic charms, away; and make a dead snake's 
bring to pass strange things, if we skin a living snake, both to be seen, 
may believe the Indians ; who re- felt, and heard." Wood's New 
port of one Passaconaway, a great England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12; 
sasamore upon Merrimack river, Hutchinson's Mass. i. 474; Mor- 
and the most celebrated powow in ton's New English Canaan, book i. 
the country, that he can make the ch. 9. 




they very well understand each other.' And thus 
much of their lives and manners. 

Instead of records and chronicles, thc;y take this 1623. 
course. Where any remarkable act is done, in memory 
of it, either in the place, or by some pathway near 
adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground, about 
a foot deep, and as much over ; which when others 
passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion 
of the same, whirh })eing once known, they are careful 
to acquaint all men, as occasion serveth, therewith ; 
and lest such holes should be filled or grown u|) by any 
accident, as men pass by, they will oft renew the same ; 
by which means many things of great antiquity are 
fresh in memory. So that as a man travelleth, if he 
can understand his guide, his journey will be the less 
tedious, by reason of the many historical discourses 
[which] will be related unto him. 

' "There is a mixture of this 
language north and south, from the 
place of my abode, about GOO miles ; 
yet within the 200 miles aforemen- 
tioned, their dialects do exceedingly 
differ ; yet not so but, within that 
compass, a man rnay converse with 
thousands of natives all over the 
country." Roger Williams's Key, 

"The Indians of the parts of 
New England, especially upon the 
sea-coasts, use the same sort of 
speech and language, only with 
some difference in the expressions, 
as they differ in several counties in 
England, yet so as they can well 
understand one another." Gookin, 
in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. 




CHAP. In all this, it may be said, I have neither praised nor 


'- dispraised the country; and since I lived so long there- 

1623, in, my judgment thereof will give no less satisfaction 
to them that know me, than the relation of our pro- 
ceedings. To which I answer, that as in one, so of 
the other, I will speak as sparingly as I can, yet will 
make known what I conceive thereof. 

And first for that continent, on which we are, called 
New England, although it hath ever been conceived 
by the English to be a part of the main land adjoining 
to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should ap- 
pear to be otherwise ; for they affirm confidently that 
it is an island,^ and that either the Dutch or French 
pass through from sea to sea between us and Virginia, 
and drive a great trade in the same. The name of 
that inlet of the sea they call Mohegon, which I take 
to be the same which we call Hudson's river, up which 
Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of 

' See page 256. 


means (as I hear) left it undiscovered.' For confirma- chap. 
lion of this their opinion, is thus much ; though Vir- ii^ 
glnia be not above a hundred and fifty leagues from 1623. 
us, jet they never heard of Powhatan, or knew that 
any English were planted in his country, save only by 
us and Tisquantum, who went in an English ship 
thither ; and therefore it is the more probable, because 
the water is not passable for them, who are very 
adventurous in their boats. 

Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three 
years' experience I can scarce distinguish New Eng- 
land from Old England, in respect of heat and cold, 
frost, snow, rain, winds, &c. Some object, because 
our Plantation lieth in the latitude of 42^, it must 
needs be much hotter. 1 confess I cannot give the 
reason of the contrary ; only experience teacheth us, 
that if it do exceed England, it is so little as must 
require better judgments to discern it. And for the 
winter, I rather think (if there be difference) it is both 
sharper and longer in New England than Old ; and 
yet the want of those comforts in the one, which I 
have enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judgment 
also. But in my best observation, comparing our own 
condition with the Relations of other parts of America, 
I cannot conceive of any to agree better with the 
constitution of the English, not being oppressed with 
extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold ; by which 

' In September, 1609, Hudson ert Juel's Journal of Hudson's third 

L'lf"iK I, ^'■'''^ river," now voya£:e, in Purchas, iii. 593, and in 

called by his name, in a small ves- N. Y. Hist Coll i 139 un- 

sel called the Half-Moon, above Moulton's Hist, of New York 213' 

the'city of Hudson, and sent up a 244-249; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxuil 

boat beyond Albany. Josselyn says, 372; Belknap's Am. Bio-, i. 400- 

that Hudson discovered Mohegan Douglass's Summary, ii. 256. 
river, in New England. See Rob- 



CHAP, means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notvvith- 

XXIV ... . 

v.--v-.-^ standing those difficulties we have undergone, in such 

162 3. a measure as would have been admired if we had lived 

in England with the like means. The day is two 

hours longer than here, when it is at the shortest, and 

as much shorter there, when it is at the longest. 

The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some 
clay, others, a mixed sand, &c. The chiefest grain 
is the Indian mays, or Guinea wheat. ^ The seed time 
beginneth in [the] midst of April,^ and continueth good 
till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with 
September. This corn increaseth in great measure, 
but is inferior in quantity to the same in Virginia ; the 
reason I conceive is because Virginia is far hotter than 
it is with us, it requiring great heat to ripen. But 
whereas it is objected against New England, that corn 
will not grow there except the ground be manured 
with fish,^ 1 answer, that where men set with fish, (as 
with us,) it is more easy so to do than to clear ground, 
and set without some five or six years, and so begin 
anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in 
some places, where they cannot be taken with ease in 
such abundance, the Indians set four years together 
without, and have as good corn or better than we 
have that set with them ; though indeed 1 think if 
we had cattle to till the ground, it would be more 
profitable and better agreeable to the soil to sow wheat, 
rye, barley, pease and oats, than to set mays, which 
our Indians call ewachim ; for we have had expe- 
rience that they like and thrive well ; and the other 
will not be procured without good labor and diligence, 

' See note ' on page 131. ' See note ' on page 231. 

See note ' on page 230. 



especially at seed-time, when it must also be watch- chap. 

"1 XXIV 

ed by night, to keep the wolves from the fish, till -^^ 
it be rotten, which will be in fourteen days. Yet men 162 3. 
agreeing together, and taking their turns, it is not 

Much might be spoken of the benefit that may 
come to such as shall here plant, by trade with the 
Indians for furs, if men take a right course for ob- 
taining the same ; for I dare presume, upon that small 
experience I have had, to affirm that the English, 
Dutch and French return yearly many thousand pounds 
profit by trade only from that island on which we are 

Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that 
profit as in some other places ; neither were it profita- 
ble there to follow it, though the increase were equal, 
because fish is a better and richer commodity, and 
moiTB necessary, which may be and are there had in as 
great abundance as in any other part of the world ; 
witness the west-country merchants of England, which 
return incredible gains yearly from thence. And if 
they can so do, which here buy their salt at a great 
charge, and transport more company to make their 
voyage than will sail their ships, what may the plant- 
ers expect when once they are seated, and make the 
most of their salt there, and employ themselv^es at least 
eight months in fishing ; whereas the other fish but 
four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour all 
the time, whereas such shipping as belong to planta- 
tions may take freight of passengers or cattle thither, 
and have their lading provided against they come ? I 
confess we have come so far short of the means to 
raise such returns, as with great difficulty we have pre- 


CHAP, served our lives ; insomuch as when I look back upon 
^^-~ our condition, and weak means to jDreserve the same, 
1623. I rather admire at God's mercy and providence in 
our preservation, than that no greater things have been 
effected by us. But though our beginning have been 
thus raw, small and difficult, as thou hast seen, yet the 
same God that hath hitherto led us through the former, 
I hope will raise means to accomplish the latter. Not 
that we altogether, or principally, propound profit to 
be the main end of that we have undertaken, but 
the glory of God, and the honor of our country, in 
the enlarging of his Majesty's dominions. Yet want- 
ing outward means to set things in that forward- 
ness we desire, and to further the latter by the former, 
I thought meet to offer both to consideration, hoping 
that where religion and profit jump together (which is 
rare) in so honorable an action, it will encourage every 
honest man, either in person or purse, to set forward 
the same, or at leastwise to commend the welfare 
thereof in his daily prayers to the blessing of the 
blessed God. 

I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, 
store of venison, and variety of fish, in their seasons, 
which might encourage many to go in their persons. 
Only I advise all such beforehand to consider, that as 
they hear of countries that abound with the good crea- 
tures of God, so means must be used for the taking of 
every one in his kind, and therefore not only to con- 
tent themselves that there is sufficient, but to foresee 
how they shall be able to obtain the same. Otherwise, 
as he that walketh London streets, though he be in the 
midst of plenty, yet if he want means, is not the better, 
but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of 


that he wanteth, and cannot enjoy it, so also there, if chap. 
thou want art and other necessaries thereunto belong- -^^ 
ing, thou majest see that thou wantest and thy heart 1623. 
desireth, and yet be never the better for the same. 
Therefore if thou see thine own insufficiency of thy- 
self, then join to some others, where thou mayest in 
some measure enjoy the same ; otherwise, assure thy- 
self thou art better where thou art. Some there be 
that thinking altogether of their present wants they 
enjoy here, and not dreaming of any there, through 
indiscretion plunge themselves into a deeper sea of 
misery. As for example, it may be here, rent and 
firing are so chargeable, as without great difficulty 
a man cannot accomplish the same ; never consider- 
ing, that as he shall have no rent to pay, so he must 
build his house before he have it, and peradventure 
may with more ease pay for his fuel here, than cut 
and fetch it home, if he have not cattle to draw it 
there ; though there is no scarcity, but rather too great 

I write not these things to dissuade any that shall 
seriously, upon due examination, set themselves to fur- 
ther the glory of God, and the honor of our country, 
in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to discourage 
such as with too great lightness undertake such cour- 
ses ; who peradventure strain themselves and their 
friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner 
there, than seeing their foohsh imagination made void, 
are at their wits' end, and would give ten times so 
much for their return, if they could procure it ; and out 
qf such discontented passions and humors, spare not to 
>lay that imputation upon the country, and others, which 
themselves deserve. 


CHAP. As, for example, I have heard some complain of 


- — '- others for their large reports of New England, and yet 
1623. because they must drink water and want many deli- 
cates they here enjoyed, could presently return with 
their mouths full of clamors. And can any be so sim- 
j)le as to conceive that the fountains should stream 
forth wine or beer, or the woods and rivers be like 
butchers' shops, or fishmongers' stalls, where they 
might have things taken to their hands .^ If thou canst 
not live without such things, and hast no means to 
procure the one, and wilt not take pains for the other, 
nor hast ability to employ others for thee, rest where 
thou art ; for as a proud heart, a dainty tooth, a beg- 
gar's purse, and an idle hand, be here intolerable, so 
that person that hath these qualities there, is much 
more abominable. If therefore God hath given thee a 
heart to undertake such courses, upon such grounds as 
bear thee out in all difficulties, viz. his glory as a prin- 
cipal, and all other outward good things but as acces- 
saries, which peradventure thou shalt enjoy, and it 
may be not, then thou wilt with true comfort and 
thankfulness receive the least of his mercies ; whereas 
on the contrary, men deprive themselves of much hap- 
piness, being senseless of greater blessings, and through 
prejudice smother up the love and bounty of God ; 
whose name be ever glorified in us, and by us, now 
and evermore. Amen. y 



If any man desire a more ample relation of the state 
of this country, before such time as this present Rela- 
tion taketh place, I refer them to the two former 
printed books ; the one published by the President 
and Council for New England, and the other gathered 
by the inhabitants of this present Plantation at Plymouth 
in New England : both which books are to be sold by 
John Bellamy, at his shop at the Three Golden Lions 
in Cornhill, near the Royal Exchange.^ 

1 The former of the works here is included in the present volume, 
referred to is reprinted in the Mass. pp. 109 — 250. See note ^ on page 
Hist. Coll. xix. 1—25; the latter 115. 



Htpocuisee Uxmasked : By a true Relation of the Proceedings of 
the Governour and Company of the Massachusets cigainsl Samuel 
Gorton, (and his Accomplices.) a notorious disturber of the 
Peace and quiet of the severall Governments wherein he Uved : 
With the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by 
their Gene rail Court holden at Boston in New England, in 
November last, 1646. 

Together with a particular Answer to the manifold slanders, and 
abom'mable falsehoods which are contained in a Book written by 
the said Gorton, and entituled Simjilicitus Defence against Seven- 
headed Policy, dec. Discovering to the view of all whose eyes 
are oj>en, his manifold Blasphemies ; as also the dangerous 
agreement which he and his Accomplices made with ambitious 
and treacherous Indians, who at the same time were deeply 
engaged in a desperate Conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the 
English in the other Plantations. 

Whereunto is added a Briefe Narration (occasioned by certain 
aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first Planting of 
New England : the Precedent of their Churches in the way and 
worship of God : their Communion with the Reformed Churches ; 
and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters 
of Religion and Church Government. By Edward Wi.vslow. 
Psalm cxx. 3, 4. ' What shall be siven unto thee, or what shall 
be done unto thee, thou false tongue .- Sharp arrows of the 
mighty, with coals of juniper.' Published by Authority. 

London. Printed by Rich. Cotes for John Bellamy, at the Three 
Golden Lions in Comhill, neare the Rovall Exchanse. 1646." 
sm. 4to, pp. 103. 




And now that I have finished what I conceive chap. 
necessary concerning Mr. Gorton's scandalous and .^^ 
slanderous books/ let me briefly answer some objec- 
tions that I often meet withal against the country of 

New England. 

The first that I meet with is concerning the rise and 
foundation of our New England Plantations ; it being 
alleged (though upon a great mistake by a late writer)^ 

* Winslow was sent to England 
in 1646 as the agent of Massachu- 
setts, to defend that colony against 
the complaints of Gorton ; and for 
that purpose published the work, the 
title of which is given on the last 
page, and of which this Brief Narra- 
tion constituted an Appendix. No 
copy of it is known to exist in this 
country, although it was in the 
possession both of Prince and Mor- 
ton; and I have endeavoured in 
vain to procure it from England. 
The portion of the volume which I 
print was copied for me from one 
in the British Museum. It is very 
desirable that the whole book should 
be reprinted here, as Gorton's work, 
to which it is an answer, has been 
recently embodied in the Collections 

of the R. I. Historical Society, and 
the merits of the case cannot be well 
understood without reading both 
sides. Full information about Gor- 
ton will be found in Savage's Win- 
throp, ii. 57, 295—299; Hutchin- 
son's Mass. i. 117—124, 549; Mor- 
ion's Memorial, pp. 202-206; 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 48—51 ; 
Callender's Historical Discourse, 
in R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 89—92, and 
ii. 9—20. 

* This was Robert Baylie, minis- 
ter at Glasgow, who in 1645 pub- 
lished " A Dissuasive from the 
Errors of the Time, wherein the 
tenets of the principal sects, espe- 
cially of the Independents, are ex- 
amined." In this work, page 54, 
he speaks of " a small company at 


CHAP, that division or disag-reement in the church of Leyden 

XXV. . 

«— v^>^ was the occasion, nay cause, of the first plantation in 
New England ; for, saith the author, or to this effect, 
when they could no longer agree together, the one 
part went to New England, and began the Plantation 
at Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, 
of the rest of the churches ; as if the foundation of our 
New England plantations had been laid upon division 
or separation, than which nothing is more untrue.^ For 
I persuade myself, never people upon earth lived more 
lovingly together and parted more sweetly than we, the 
church at Leyden, did ; not rashly, in a distracted 
humor, but upon joint and serious deliberation, often 
seeking the mind of God by fasting and prayer ; whose 
gracious presence we not only found with us, but his 
blessing upon us, from that time to this instant, to the 
indignation of our adversaries, the admiration of stran-^ 
gers, and the exceeding consolation of ourselves, to see 
such effects of our prayers and tears before our pil- 

Leyden, under Master Robinson's land, they had contention among 
ministry, which, partly by divisions themselves, and divided, and be- 
among themselves, was well near came two congregations." This is 
brought to nought." John Cotton a misstatement; they had no con- 
of Boston, who in 1648 wrote his tention among themselves. Gover- 
work entitled " The Way of Con- nor Bradford says in his Dialogue, 
gregational Churches cleared from "They lived together in love and 
the historical aspersions of Mr. peace all their days, without any 
Robert Baylie," says, p. 14, ''The considerable differences, or any dis- 
church at Leyden was in peace, turbance that grew thereby, but 
and free from any division, when such as was easily healed in love; 
they took up thoughts of transport- and so they continued until with 
ing themselves into America with mutual consent they removed into 
common consent. Themselves do New England." They left Am- 
declare it, that the proposition of sterdam for Leyden, as appears 
removal was set on foot and prose- from page 34, in order to avoid 
cuted by the elders upon just and being drawn into the controversy 
weighty grounds." that was then springing up be- 
' Hutchinson, too, in his Hist, of tween Smith's company and John- 
Mass, ii. 451, says, " During eleven son's church. 
or twelve years' residence in Hoi- 


grimage here be ended. And therefore briefly take chap. 
notice of the true cause of it. — ^^^ 

'Tis true that that poor persecuted flock of Christ, 1^608 
hy the malice and power of the late hierarchy, were 
driven to Leyden in Holland, there to bear witness in 
their practice to the kingly office of Christ Jesus in 
his church ; and there lived together ten years under ^^ 
the United States, with much peace and liberty. But 
our reverend pastor, Mr. John Robinson, of late memo- 
ry, and our grave elder, Mr. William Brewster, (now 
at rest with the Lord,) considering, amongst many 
other inconveniences, how hard the country was where 
we lived, how many spent their estate in it and were 
forced to return for England, how grievous to live 
from under the protection of the State of England, how 
like we were to lose our language and our name of 
English, how little good we did or were like to do 
to the Dutch in reforming the sabbath,^ how unable 
there to give such education to our children as we our- 
selves had received, &c., they, I say, out of their 
Christian care of the flock of Christ committed to 
them, conceived, if God would be pleased to discover 1 6 17. 
some place unto us, (though in America,) and give us 
so much favor with the King and State of England as 
to have their protection there, where we might enjoy 
the like liberty, and where, the Lord favoring our en- 
deavours by his blessing, we might exemplarily show 
our tender countrymen by our example, no less bur- 
dened than ourselves, where they might live and com- 
fortably subsist, and enjoy the like liberties with us, 
being freed from antichristian bondage, keep their 

1 See ncle ' on page 47. 


CHAP, names and nation, and not only be a means to enlarge 

XXV. . . 

— v^ the dominions of our State, but the Church of Christ 

1617. also, if the Lord have a people amongst the natives 
whither he should bring us, &c. — hereby, in their 
great wisdoms, they thought we might more glorify 
God, do more good to our country, better provide for 
our posterity, and live to be more refreshed by our 
labors, than ever we could do in Holland, where we 

Now these their private thoughts, upon mature de- 
liberation, they imparted to the brethren of the congre- 
gation, which after much private discussion came to 
public agitation, till at the length the Lord was 
solemnly sought in the congregation by fasting and 
prayer to direct us ; who moving our hearts more and 

1618. more to the work, we sent some of good abilities over 
into England to see what favor or acceptance such a 
thing might find with the King. These also found 

** God going along with them, and got Sir Edwin Sands, 

a religious gentleman then living, to stir in it, who 

procured Sir Robert Naunton, then principal Secretary 

of State to King James, of famous memory, to move 

<^ his Majesty by a private motion to give way to such a 

'(. people (who could not so comfortably live under the 

government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of 

C conscience under his gracious protection in x4merica, 

where they would endeavour the advancement of his 

Majesty's dominions and the enlargement of the Gospel 

by all due means. This his Majesty said was a good 

and honest motion, and asking what profits might arise 

' Compare this with Bradford's ses of their removal, in Chapter 
statement of the reasons and cau- IV. pp. 44 — 48 


in the part we intended, (for our eye was upon the chap. 
most northern parts of Virginia,)' 'twas answered, — ^ 
Fishing. To which he repHed with his ordinary 1618. 
asseveration, " So God have my soul, 'tis an honest 
trade ; 't was the Apostles' own calling," &c. But 
afterwards he told Sir Robert Naunton (who took all 
occasions to further it) that we should confer with the 
bishops of Canterbury and London,^ &c. Whereupon 
we were advised to persist upon his first approbation, 
and not to entangle ourselves with them ; which caused 
our agents to repair to the Virginia Company, who in 1619. 


their court^ demanded our ends of going ; which being 
related, they said the thing was of God, and granted a 
large patent, and one of them lent us £300 gratis for 
three years, which was repaid. 

Our agents returning, we further sought the Lord 162 0. 
by a public and solemn Fast, for his gracious guidance. 
And hereupon we came to this resolution, that it was 
best for one part of the church to go at first, and the 
other to stay, viz. the youngest and strongest part to 
go. Secondly, they that went should freely offer 
themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the 
pastor to go with them ; if not, the elder only. 
Fourthly, if the Lord should frown upon our proceed- 
ings, then those that went to return, and the brethren 
that remained still there, to assist and be helpful to 
them ; but if God should be pleased to favor them 
that went, then they also should endeavour to help 
over such as were poor and ancient and willing to 

'^ See note ^ on page 54. note ^ on page 56, and Fuller's 

^ Abbot was at this time arch- Church History, iii. 293, and 

bishop of Canterbury, and John Wood's Athen. Oxon. i. 457. 

King was bishop of London. See ^ See note " on page 67. 


CHAP. These things being agreed, the major part stayed, 
— ---«^ and the pastor with them, for the present ; but all 
1620. intended (except a very few, who had rather we would 
have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, with 
Mr. Brewster, their elder, resolved to enter upon this 
great work, (but take notice the difference of number 
was not great.) And when the ship was ready to carry 
us away, the brethren that stayed having again solemnly 
sought the Lord with us and for us, and we further 
engaging ourselves mutually as before, they, I say, 
that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to go, at 
our pastor's house, being large ; where we refreshed 
ourselves, after tears, with singing of psalms, making 
joyful melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, 
there being many of the congregation very expert in 
music ; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that 
July ever mine ears heard. After this they accompanied 
^^' us to Delph's Haven, where we were to embark, and 
there feasted us again ; and after prayer performed by 
our pastor, where a flood of tears was poured out, they 
accompanied us to the ship, but were not able to 
speak one to another for the abundance of sorrow to 
part. But we only going aboard, (the ship lying to 
the quay and ready to set sail, the wind being fair,) we 
gave them a volley of small shot and three pieces of 
ordnance, and so lifting up our hands to each other, 
July and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, 

22. ' 

we departed, and found his presence with us in the 
midst of our manifold straits he carried us through. 
And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I hear, 
at Delph's Haven preserve the memory of it to this 
■^Qy day, and will inform them. 
9- But falling in with Cape Cod, which is in New 


England, and standing to the southward for the place chap. 

• XXV 

we intended,* we met with many dangers, and the ^ 

mariners put back into the harbour of the Cape, which 1620. 

1 ' Nov. 

was the 11th of November, 1620; where considering ii.' 
winter was come, the seas dangerous, the season cold, 
the winds high, and being well furnished for a planta- 
tion, we entered upon discovery and settled at Ply- 
mouth, where God being pleased to preserve and ena- 
ble us, we that went were at a thousand pounds charge 
in sending for our brethren that were behind, and in 
providing there for them till they could reap a crop of 
their own labors. 

And so, good reader, I have given thee a true and 
faithful account, though very brief, of our proceedings, 
wherein thou seest how a late writer,^ and those that 
informed him, have wronged our enterprise. And 
truly what I have written is far short of what it was, 
omitting for brevity sake many circumstances ; as the 
large offers the Dutch offered to us, either to have 
removed into Zealand and there lived with them, or, if 
we would go on such adventures, to go under them to 
Hudson's river, (where they have since a great planta- 
tion, &c.) and how they would freely have transported 
us, and furnished every family with cattle, &c.^ Also 
the English merchants that, joined with us in this 
expedition, whom we since bought out j'' which is fitter 
for a history than an answer to such an objection, and 
I trust will be accomplished in good time. By all 
which the reader may see there was no breach be- 
tween us that went and the brethren that stayed, but 
su£h love as indeed is seldom found on earth. 

' See note ' on page 102. ' See page 42. 

* Baylie. See note'* on page 379. " See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 47. 





And for the many plantations that came over to us 
upon notice of God's blessing upon us, whereas 'tis 
falsely said they took Plymouth for their precedent, as 
fast as they came ;^ 'tis true, I confess, that some of 
the chief of them advised with us, (coming over to be 
freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed 
in England) how they should do to fall upon a right 
platform of worship, and desired to that end, since 
God had honored us to lay the foundation of a Com- 
monwealth, and to settle a Church in it, to show them 
whereupon our practice was grounded ; and if they 
found, upon due search, it was built upon the Word, 
they should be willing to take up what was of God. 
We accordingly showed them the primitive practice 
for our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, 
and the Epistles written to the several churches by 
the said Apostles, together with the commandments of 
Christ the Lord in the Gospel, and other our warrants 

^ " The dissuader," says Cotton, 
"is much mistaken when he saith, 
' The congregation of Plymouth did 
incontinently leaven all the vicini- 
ty ;' seeing for many years there 
was no vicinity to be leavened. 
And Salem itself, that was gather- 
ed into church order seven or eight 
years after them, was above forty 
miles distant from them. And 
though it be very likely that some 
of the first comers might help their 
theory by hearing and discerning 
their practice at Plymouth, yet 
therein the Scripture is fulfilled, 
The kingdom of heaven is like 
unto leaven, which a woman took 
and hid in three measures of meal, 
till all was leavened." Way, fee. 
p. 16. 

Endicott, writing to Governor 
Bradford from Salem, May 11, 
1629, says, " I acknowledge myself 
much bound to you for your kind 

love and care in sending Mr. Fuller 
(the physician) amongst us, and 
rejoice much that I am by him 
satisfied touching your judgment of 
the outward form of God's wor- 
ship. It is, as far as I can yet 
gather, no other than is warranied 
by the evidence of truth, and the 
same which I have professed and 
maintained ever since the Lord in 
mercy revealed himself unto me, 
being far differing from the com- 
mon report that hath been spread 
of you touching that particular." 
Fuller liimself, in a letter dated 
Massachusetts, June 28, 1630, 
writes, "Here is a gentleman, one 
Mr. Coddington, a Boston man, 
who told ine that Mr. Cotton's 
charge to them at Hampton was, 
that they should take advice of 
them at Plymouth, and should do 
nothing to offend them." Mass. 
Hist. Coll. ill. 66, 75. 


for every particular we did from the book of God. chap. 

Which being by them well weighed and considered, - 

they also entered into covenant with God and one 
another to walk in all his ways, revealed or as they 
should be made known unto them, and to worsliip him 
according to his will revealed in his written word only, 
&c. So that here also thou mayest see they set not 
the church at Plymouth before them for example, but 
the primitive churches were and are their and our 
mutual patterns and examples, which are only worthy 
to be followed, having the blessed Apostles amongst 
them, who were sent immediately by Christ himself, 
and enabled and guided by the unerring spirit of God. 
And truly this is a pattern fit to be followed of all that 
fear God, and no man or men to be followed further 
than they follow Christ and them. 

Having thus briefly showed that the foundation of 
our New England plantations was not laid upon schism, 
division or separation, but upon love, peace and holi- 
ness ; yea, such love and mutual care of the church 
of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel, the wel- 
fare of each other and their posterities to succeeding 
generations, as is seldom found on earth ; and having 
showed also that the primitive churches are the only 
pattern which the churches of Christ in New England 
have in their eye, not following Luther, Calvin, Knox, 
Ainsvvorth, Robinson, Ames, or any other, further than 
they follow Christ and his Apostles, I am earnestly 
requested to clear up another gross mistake which 
caused many, and still doth, to judge the harder of 
New England and the churches there, " because (say 
they) the Church of Plymouth, which went first from 



CHAP. Leyden, were schismatics, Brownists, rigid Separatists, 
— ~ &c., having Mr. Robinson for their pastor, who made 
and to the last professed separation from other the 
churches of Christ, &c. And the rest of the churches 
in New England, holding communion with that church, 
are to be reputed such as they are." 

For answer to this aspersion, first, he that knew 
Mr. Robinson either by his doctrine daily taught, or 
hath read his Apology, published not long before his 
death,' or knew the practice of that church of Christ 
under his government, or was acquainted with the 
w^iolesome counsel he gave that part of the church 
which went for New England at their departure and 
afterward, might easily resolve the doubt and take off 
the aspersion. 
16 17 For his doctrine, I living three years ^ under his min- 
1620. istry, before we began the work of plantation in New 
England, it was always against separation from any 
the churches of Christ ; professing and holding commu- 
nion both with the French and Dutch churches,^ yea, 
tendering it to the Scotch also, as 1 shall make appear 
more particularly anon ; ever holding forth how wary 
persons ought to be in separating from a Church, and 

^ la 1619. Robinson died in Again, on page 8, he says, "Touch- 

1625. ing the Reformed Churches, what 

* From 1617 to 1620. Winslow more shall I say? We account 

was 22 years old when he united them the true churches of Jesus 

himself to Robinson's church at Christ, and both profess and prac- 

Leyden. See note on page 274. tise communion with them in the 

' Robinson says in his Apology, holy things of God, what in us lieth. 
page 6, " We do profess before God Their sermons such of ours fre- 
and men, that such is our accord, quent, as understand the Dutch 
in the case of religion, with the tongue; the sacraments Ave do ad- 
Dutch Reformed Churches, as that minister to their known members, 
we are ready to subscribe to all and if by occasion any of them be pre- 
every article of faith in the same sent with us; their distractions 
Church, as they are laid down in and other evils we do seriously be- 
the Harmony of Confessions of wail ; and do desire from the Lord 
Faith, published in their name." their holy and firm peace." 


that till Christ the Lord departed wholly from it, man chap. 
ought not to leave it, only to bear witness against the ^^^v^ 
corruption that was in it. 

But if any object, he separated from the Church of 
England and wrote largely against it, but yet let me 
tell you he allowed hearing the godly ministers preach 
and pray ^ in the public assemblies ; yea, he allowed 
private communion ^ not only with them, but all that 
were foithful in Christ Jesus in the kino;dom and else- 
where upon all occasions ; yea, honored them for the 
power of godliness, above all other the professors of 
religion in the world. Nay, I may truly say, his spirit 
cleaved unto them, being so well acquainted with the 
integrity of their hearts and care to walk blameless in 
their lives ; which was no small motive to him to per- 
suade us to remove from Holland^ where we might 
probably not only continue English, but have and 
maintain such sweet communion with the godly of 
that nation as through God's great mercy we enjoy 
this day. 

'Tis true, I confess, he was more rigid in his course 
and way at first than towards his latter end ; '^ for his 
study was peace and union, so far as might agree with 
faith and a good conscience ; and for schism and divi- 

* Cotton says, " This must not any church, but from the world.' " 

be understood of the Common Prince, Annals, p. 174. 

Prayer Book, but of the prayers ^ The Avords " to some other 

conceived by the preacher before place," seem to be here accidentally 

and after sermon." Way, p. 8. omitted. 

- " By private communion I sup- * Baylie himself acknowledges 
pose he means in opposition to the that "Master Robinson was the 
mixed communion in the public most learned, polished, and modest 
churches ; that is, he allowed all of spirit that ever that sect enjoyed ; " 
tbe Church of England who were and adds, "it had been truly a mar- 
known to be pious to have commu- vel if such a man had gone on to 
nion in his private church. For as the end a rigid Separatist." Dis- 
Mr. Cotton, writing of Mr. Robin- suasive, p. l"?. 
son, says, ' He separated not from 


CHAP, sion, there was nothins; in the world more hateful to 

XXV ^ 

— v^- him. But for the government of the Church of Eng- 
land, as it was in the Episcopal way, the Liturgy,' and 
Stinted prayers of the Church then, yea, the constitu- 
tion of it as National, and so consequently the corrupt 
communion of the unworthy with the worth v receivers 
of the Lord's Supper, these things were never approved 
of him, but witnessed against to his death, and are by 
the church over which he was, to this day.' And if 
the Lord would be pleased to stir up the hearts of 
those in whom (under him) the power of reformation 
lies to reform that abuse, that a distinction might once 
be put between the precious and the vile, particular 
churches might be gathered by the powerful preaching 
of the Word, those only admitted into communion 
whose hearts the Lord persuades to submit unto the 
iron rod of the Gospel, O how sweet then would the 
communion of the churches be ! How thorough the 
reformation ! How easy would the differences be re- 
conciled between the Presbyterian and Independent 
way ! How would the God of peace, who command- 

* " Our faith is not negative, nor strangers from all show of true piety 

consists in the condemning of and goodness, and fraught never so 

others, and wiping their names out full with many most heinous impie- 

of the bead-roll of churches, but in ties and vices, are without difference 

the edifying of ourselves ; neither compelled and enforced by most se- 

require we of any of ours, in the vere laws, civil and ecclesiastical, 

confession of their faith, that they into the body of that church. And 

either renounce or in one word of this confused heap (a few, coni- 

contest with the Church of Eng- pared with the rest, godly persons 

land — whatsoever the world cla- mingled among,) is that national 

mors of us in this way. Our faith church, commonly called the church 

is founded upon the writings of the of England, collected and framed. 

Prophets and Apostles, in which no Every subject of the kingdom, 

mention of the Church of England dwelling in this or that parish, is 

is made." bound, will he, nill he, fit or unfit, 

"No man to whom England is as with iron bonds, to participate 

known can be ignorant that all the in all holy things, and some unholy 

natives there, and subjects of the also, in that same parish church." 

kingdom, although never such Robinson's Apology, pp. 52, 56. 


€th love and good agreement, smile upon this nation ! chap. 
How would the subtle underminers of it be disa})point- -X~ 
ed, and the faithful provoked to sing songs of praise 
and thanksgiving ! Nay, how would the God of order 
be glorified in such orderly walking of the saints! And 
as they have fought together for the liberties of the 
kingdom, ecclesiastical and civiV so may they join 
together in the preservation of them (which otherwise, 
'tis to be feared, will not long continue) and in the 
praises of our God, who hath been so good to his poor 
distressed ones, whom he hath delivered and whom he 
will deliver out of all their troubles. But I have made 
too great a digression, and must return. 

In the next place I should speak of Mr. Robinson's 
Apology, wherein he maketh a brief defence against 
many adversaries, &c. But because it is both in Latin 
and English,^ of small price, and easy to be had, I shall 
forbear to write of it, and only refer the reader to it for 
the difference between his congregation and other the 
Reformed Churches. 

The next thing 1 would have the reader take notice 
of is, that however the church of Leyden differed in 
some particulars, yet made no schism or separation 
from the Reformed Churches, but held communion 
with them occasionally. For we ever placed a large 
difference between those that grounded their practice 
upon the word of God, (though differing from us in the 
exposition or understanding of it) and those that hated 
such Reformers and Reformation, and went on in anti- 
christian opposition to it and persecution of it, as the 

' This was written and published ^ See the title of this work, note ^ 
in England in the time of the civil on page 40. 
wars in the reign of Charles I. 


CHAP, late Lord Bishops did, who would not in deed and 
^^^^-^ truth (whatever their pretences were) that Christ 
should rule over them. But as they often stretched 
out their hands against the saints, so God hath wither- 
ed the arm of their power, thrown them down from 
their high and lofty seats, and slain the chief of their 
persons, as well as the hierarchy, that he might be- 
come an example to all those that rise against God in 
his sabbath, in the preaching of his word, in his saints, 
in the purity of his ordinances. And I heartily desire 
that others may hear and fear withal. 

As for the Dutch, it was usual for our members that 
understood the language and lived in or occasionally 
came over to Leyden, to communicate with them, as 
one John Jenny,^ a brewer, long did, his wife and 
family, &c. and without any offence to the church. 
So also for any that had occasion to travel into any 
other part of the Netherlands, they daily did the like. 
And our pastor, Mr. Robinson, in the time when Ar- 
minianism prevailed so much, at the request of the 
most orthodox divines, as Polyander, Festus Hommius, 
1613. &c. disputed daily against Episcopius (in the Academy 
at Leyden) and others, the grand champions of that 
error, and had as good respect amongst them as any of 
their own divines.^ Insomuch as when God took him 
away from them and us by death, the University and 
ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave 
with all their accustomed solemnities, bewailing the 
great loss that not only that particular churdh had, 
whereof he was pastor, but some of the chief of them 

' He was one of the passengers * See pages 40 — 42. 
in the Ann. See note on page 352. 


sadly affirmed that all the churches of Christ sustained chap. 
a loss by the death of that worthy instrument of the — ^-^ 
Gospel.' 1 could instance also divers of their members 
that understood the English tongue, and betook them- 
selves to the communion of our church, went with us 
to New England, as Godbert Godbertson,^ &c. Yea, 
at this very instant, another, called Moses Symonson,^ 
because a child of one that was in communion with 
the Dutch church at Leyden, is admitted into church 
fellowship at Plymouth in New England, and his child- 
ren also to baptism, as well as our own, and other 
Dutch also in communion at Salem, &:c. 

And for the French churches, that we held and do 
hold communion with them, take notice of our practice 
at Leyden, viz. that one Samuel Terry was received 
from the French church there into communion with us. 
Also the wife of Francis Cooke,'' being a Walloon, holds ^ 
communion with the church at Plymouth, as she came 
from the French, to this day, by virtue of communion 

' " Contrary to Mr. Baylie's sug- Mrs. Adams, the wife of Presi- 

£jestion. Gov. Bradford and Gov. dent John Adams, in a letter writ- 

Winslovv lell us that Mr. Robin- ten Sept. 12, 1786, says, "I would 

son and his people always lived in not omit to mention that I visited 

great love and harmony among the church at Leyden, in which our 

themselves, as also with the Dutch, forefathers worshipped, when they 

with whom they sojourned. And fled from hierarchical tyranny and 

when I was at Leyden in 1714, the persecution. I felt a respect and 

most ancient people from their pa- veneration upon entering the doors, 

rents told me, that the city had like what the ancients paid to their 

such a value for them, as to let Druids." 

them have one of their churches, " This name is also spelt Cud- 

in the chancel whereof he lies bu- bart Cudbartson and Cuthbert 

ried, which the English slill enjoy ; Cuthbertson. He came in the 

and that as he was had in high es- Ann. See note on page 352. 

teem both by the city and univer- ' Symonson came in the For- 

sity, for his learning, piety, moder- tune. The name has become 

ation, and excellent accomplish- changed into Simmons. See 

ments, the magistrates, ministers, note * on page 235. 

scholars, and most of the gentry ^ Francis Cooke came in the 

mourned his death as a public loss, Mayflower, and his wife Hester 

and followed him to the grave." and children in the Ann. See 

Prince, p. 238. note ' on page 39. 




CHAP, of churches. There is also one Philip Delanoy,' horn 
^^-^-^ of French parents, came to us from Leyden to New 
Plymouth, who coming to age of discerning, demanded 
also communion with us ; and proving himself to be 
come of such parents as were in full communion with 
the French churches, was hereupon admitted by the 
church of Plymouth ; and after, upon his removal of 
habitation to Duxburrow,^ where Mr. Ralph Partridge^ 
is pastor of the church, and upon letters of recommen- 
dation from the church at Plymouth he was also ad- 
mitted into fellowship with the church at Duxburrow, 
being six miles distant from Plymouth; and so, I dare 
say, if his occasions lead him, may from church to 
church throughout New England. For the truth is, 
the Dutch and French churches, either of them being 

' De la Noye came in the For- 
tune. This n.ime has become cor- 
rupted into Delano. 

- The church in Duxbury was 
formed in 16.J2. " Those that lived 
on their lots on the other side of the 
bav, (called Duxburrow,) could no 
longer bring their wives and child- 
ren to the public worship and 
church meetings here (at Ply- 
mouth,) but with such burthen, as 
growing to some competent num- 
ber, they sued to be dismissed and 
become a body of themselves; and 
so they were dismissed about this 
time, (though very unwillingly,) 
and some time after being united 
into one entire body, they procured 
Reverend Mr. Ralph Partrich to be 
their pastor." MS. Records Plym. 
Ch. p. 36. " So that Duxbury 
seems to be the second town and 
church in Plymouth- Colony, and 
the next town settled after New- 
ton, that is, Cambridge, in New 
England." Prince, p. 411. See 
note on page 126. 

^ Ralph Partridge, "a gracious 
man of great abilities," arrived at 

Boston in 1636. He had been a 
clergyman of the church of Eng- 
land, but "being hunted, by the 
ecclesiastical setters, like a par- 
tridge on the mountains, he had no 
defence, neither of beak nor claw, 
but a flight over the ocean." He 
was a member of the Cambridge 
Synod, in 1647, and was associated 
with John Cotton and Increase 
Mather, in drawing up the Plat- 
form of church government and 
discipline. He continued in the 
ministry at Duxbury till his death 
in 1653. Cotton Mather, after 
playing upon his name through a 
whole page, concludes his Life of 
him thus; "Mr. Partridge was, 
notwithstanding the paucity and 
poverty of his congregation, so 
afraid of being any thing that look- 
ed like a bird wandering from his 
nest, that he remained with his 
poor people, till he took wing to 
become a bird of paradise, along 
with the winged seraphim of hea- 
ven. EpUaphtum — Avolavit ! " 
Ste Morton's Memorial, p. 276 ; 
Mather's Magnalia, i. 365. 


a people distinct from the world, and gathered into a chap. 
holy communion, and not national churches, — nay so >1-^ 
far from it as I verily helieve the sixth person is not of 
the church, — the difference is so small (if moderately 
pondered between them and us) as we dare not for the 
world deny communion with them. 

And for the Church of Scotland, however we have 
had least occasion ofifeied to hold communion with 
them, yet thus much I can and do affirm, that a godly 
divine coming over to Leyden in Holland, where a 
book was printed anno 1619, as I take it, showing the 
nullity of Perth Assembly,^ whom we judged to be the 
author of it, and hidden in Holland for a season to 
avoid the rage of those evil times, (whose name I have 
forgotten,) this man being very conversant with our 
pastor, Mr. Robinson, and using to come to hear him 
on the sabbath, after sermon ended, the church being 1619, 
to partake in the Lord's Supper, this minister stood 
up and desired he might, without offence, stay and see 
the manner of his administration and our participation 
in that ordinance. To whom our pastor answered in 
these very words, or to this effect, " Reverend Sir, you 
may not only stay to behold us, but partake with us, if 
you please ; for we acknowledge the churches of Scot- 
land to be the churches of Christ," &c. The minister 
also replied to this purpose, if not also in the same 
words, " that for his part he could comfortably partake 
with the church, and willingly would, but that it is 

' Sir Dudley Carleton, in a letter fairs of the church. It is without 

to Secretary Naunton, dated at the name either of author or printer; 

Hague, July 17, 1619, writes, "I but I am informed it is printed by 

have s^en, within these two days, a certain English Erownist of Ley- 

a Certain Scottish book, called Per/A den, as are most of the Puritan 

Assfimbly^ wriUen with much scorn hooks sent over of late days 

and reproach of the proceeding in England." Letters, p. 379. See 

that kingdom coacerning the af- note ' on page 42. 


CHAP, possible some of his brethren of Scotland mi^ht take 

XXV. ... 

— ^ offence at his act ; which he desired to avoid in regard 

1619. of the opinion the English churches, which they 
held communion withal, had of us." However, he 
rendered thanks to Mr. Robinson, and desired in that 
respect to be only a spectator of us.^ These things I 
was earnestly requested to publish to the world by 
some of the godly Presbyterian party, who apprehend 
the world to be ignorant of our proceedings, conceiving 
in charity that if they had been known, some late wri- 
ters and preachers would never have written and spoke 
of us as they did, and still do as they have occasion. 
But what they ignorantly judge, write, or speak of us, 
I trust the Lord in mercy will pass by. 

In the next place, for the wholesome counsel Mr. 
Robinson gave that part of the church whereof he was 

1620. pastor at their departure from him to begin the great 
work of plantation in New England, — amongst other 
wholesome instructions and exhortations he used these 
expressions, or to the same purpose : 

" We are now ere long to part asunder, and the 
Lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our 
faces again. But whether the Lord had appointed it 
or not, he charged us before God and his blessed an- 
gels, to follow him no further than he followed Christ ; 
and if God should reveal any thing to us by any other 
instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever 
we were to receive any truth by his ministry ; for he 
was very confident the Lord had more truth and light 

* Cotton, in his Way of Congre- John Tarbes,) he offered him com- 

gational Churches Cleared, page 8, munion at the Lord's table ; though 

says, "I have been given to under- the other, for fear of offence to the 

stand, that when a reverend and Scottish churches at home, excused 

godly Scottish njinister came that himself." 
way, (it seemeth to have been Mr. 


yet to break forth out of his holy word. He took oc- chap. 
casion also miserably to bewail the state and condition ^JL, 
of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period 162 0. 
in religion, and would go no further than the instru- 
ments of their Reformation. As, for example, the 
Lutherans, they could not be drawn to go beyond 
what Luther saw; for whatever part of God's will he 
had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will 
rather die than embrace it. And so also, saith he, you 
see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them ; a 
misery much to be lamented ; for though they were 
precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not 
revealed his whole will to them ; and were they now 
living, saiih he, they would be as ready and willing 
to embrace further light, as that they had received. 
Here also he put us in mind of our church covenant,^ 
at least that part of it whereby we promise and cove- 
nant with God and one with another, to receive what- 
soever light or truth shall be made known to us from 
his written word ; but withal exhorted us to take heed 
what we received for truth, and well to examine and 
compare it and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth 
before we received it. For, saith he, it is not possible 
the Christian world should come so lately out of such 
thick antichristian darkness, and that full perfection of 
knowledge should break forth at once. 

"Another thing he commended to us, was that we 
should use all means to avoid and shake off the name 
of Brownist,^ being a mere nickname and brand to 

^ See on page 21, the terms of the ' In his book on "Religious Com- 

cfcvenant here alluded to, by which munion, primed in 1614, Robinson 

they affree " to walk in all the ways says, p. 45, " He miscalls us Brown- 

of the Lord, made known or to be ists ;" and on the title pace of his 

made known unto them." Apology he speaks of "certain 



CHAP, make religion odious and the professors of it to the 


-^■^^ Christian world. And to that end, said he, I should 
1620. be glad if some godly minister would go over with jou 
before my coming ; ' for, said he, there will be no dif- 
ference between the unconformable ^ ministers and 
JOU, when they come to the practice of the ordinances 
out of the kingdom.^ And so advised us by all means 

Christians, contumeliously called 
Brownists." See this matter set 
right by Dr. Holmes, in his Annals, 
i. 572. Some account of Brown will 
be given hereafter. 

' They had engaged a minister 
to go wiih them. See page 85. 

'^ That is, the nonconforming 
clergy, who had not separated from 
the church. 

^ This prediction was remarka- 
bly fulfilled in the case of the Mas- 
sachusetts colonists. Higginson, 
in 1629, in taking his last look of 
his native land from the stern of 
his ship, exclaimed, " We will not 
say as the Separatists were wont 
to say at their leaving of Eng- 
land, Farewell, Babylon ! Farewell, 
Rome ! But we will say, Fare- 
well, dear England ! Farewell, the 
Church of Gud in England, and all 
the Christian friends there! We 
do not go to New England as se- 
paratists from the Church of Eng- 
land." Gov. Winthrop, too, and 
his company, on their departure in 
1630, in their address " to the rest of 
their brethren in and of the Church 
of England," say, " We desire you 
would be pleased to take notice of 
the principals and body of our com- 
pany, as those who esteem it our 
honor to call the Church of Eng- 
land, from whence we rise, our 
dear mother, and cannot part from 
our native country, where she 
specially resideth, without much 
sadness of heart, and many tears 
in our eyes, ever acknowledging 
that such hope and part as we have 
obtained in the common salvation, 
we have received in her bosom and 
sucked it from her breasts. We 

leave it not therefore as loathing 
that milk wherewith we were nou- 
rished there, but blessing God for 
the parentage and education, as 
members of the same body, shall 
always rejoice in her good, and 
unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow 
that shall ever betide her, and while 
we have breath, sincerely desire 
and endeavour the continuance and 
abundance of her welfare, with the 
enlargement of her bounds in the 
kingdom of Christ .Jesus ; wishing 
our heads and hearts were fountains 
of tears for your everlasting wel- 
fare, when we shall be in our poor 
cottages in the wilderness, over- 
shadowed with the spirit of suppli- 

These professions were undoubt- 
edly heartfelt and sincere. And 
yet no sooner were these Noncon- 
formists in a place where they could 
act for themselves, ihan they pur- 
sued precisely the course taken by 
the Separatists, adopted their form 
of ecclesiastical discipline and gov- 
ernment, and set up Independent 
churches. Higginson, though a 
presbyter of the Church of Eng- 
land, was ordained over again by 
the members of his own congrega- 
tion at Salem. Phillips, after- 
wards the minister of Walertown, 
who signed the above address with 
Wmihrop, declared soon after his 
arrival, that if his companions 
would "have him stand minister 
by that calhng which he received 
from the prelates in England, he 
would leave them." And when 
Mr. Cotton came over in 1633, " by 
his preaching and practice he did 
by degrees mould all their church 


to endeavour to close with the godly l)arty of the king- chap. 
dom of England, and rather to study union than divi — — ^ 
sion, viz. how near we might possibly without sin 1620. 
close with thein, than in the least measure to affect 
division or separation from them. And be not loath 
to take another pastor or teacher, saith he ; for that 
flock that hath two shepherds is not endangered but 
secured by it." ' 

Many other things there were of great and weighty 
consequence which he commended to us. But these 
things I thought good to relate, at the request of some 
well-wiUers to the peace and good agreement of the 
godly, (so distracted at present about the settling of 
church government in the kingdom of England,) that 
so both sides may truly see what this poor despised 
church of Christ, now at New Plymouth in New Eng- 
land, but formerly at Leyden in Holland, was and is ; 
how far they were and still are from separation from 
the churches of Christ, especially those that are Re- 

'Tis true we profess and desire to practise a separation 

administrations into the very same writers, such as Mather, Prince 

form which Mr. Phillips labored to and Neal, have copied it from 

introduce into the churches before ;" Winslow. 

so that after a while there was no "Words," says Prince, speak- 

perceptible difference between the ing of this exhortation, "almost 

Puritans of Massachusetts and the astonishing in that age of low and 

Separatists of Plymouth. See Ma- universal bigotry which then pre- 

ther's Magnalia, i. ri28 ; Hutchin- vailed in the English nation; 

son's Mass. i. 487; Morion's Me- wherein this truly great and learned 

morial, p. 146 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. man seems to be the only divine 

iii. 74, XV. 186. who was capable of rising into a 

* We have here this celebrated noble freedom of thinking and prac- 

farewell discourse of Robinson in tising in religious matters, and even 

its original form. Winslow was of urging such an equal liberty on 

present and heard it, and either his own people. He labors to take 

taok it down from memory or from them off from their attachment to 

the notes of his pastor. It appear- him, that they might be more en- 

ed in print for the first time in 1646, tirely free to search and follow the 

in this work, and all succeeding Scriptures." Annals, p. 176. 


CHAP, from the world, and the works of the world, which are 
.--v-^ works of the flesh, such as the Apostle speaketh of. And 
Ephes. as the churches of Christ are all saints bj calling, so we 
^ico^!' desire to see the grace of God shining forth (at least 
9-ii- seemingly, leaving; secret things to God) in all we admit 

Ephes. ft ^ ' o o / 

ii.u,i2. -j^^Q cl^Qich fellowship with us, and to keep off such as 
openly wallow in the mire of their sins, that neither the 
holj things of God nor the communion of the saints may 
be leavened or polluted thereby. And if any joining to 
us formerly, either when we lived at Leyden in Hol- 
land or since we came to New England, have with the 
manifestation of their faith and profession of holiness 
held forth therewith separation from the Church of 
England, I have divers times, both in the one place and 
the other, heard either Mr. Robinson, our pastor, or 
Mr. Brewster, our elder, stop them forthwith, showing 
them that we required no such things at their hands,* 
but only to hold forth faith in Christ Jesus, holiness in 
the fear of God, and submission to every ordinance and 
appointment of God, leaving the Church of England 
to themselves and to the Lord, before whom they 
should stand or fall, and to whom we ought to pray to 
reform what was amiss amongst them.^ Now this re- 

* Cotton too says, " When some of England ; penned by that learned 
Englishmen ihatotfered themselves and reverend divine, Mr. John Ro- 
to become members of his church, binson, late pastor to the English 
would sometimes in their confes- church of God in Leyden ; primed 
sions profess their separation from according to the cony that was 
the church of England, Mr. Robin- found in his study after his de- 
son would bear witness against cease." From this rare work I 
such profession, avouching they re- extract the concluding paragraph, 
quired no such professions of sepa- " To conclude. For myself, thus 
ration from this or that or any I believe with my heart before 
church, but only from the world." God, and profess with my tongue. 
Way, p. 8. 1 and have before the world, that I 

' In 1634, nine years after his have one and the same faith, hope, 

death, there was published "A spirit, baptism, and Lord, which I 

Treatise of the lawfulness of hear- had in the Church of England, and 

ing of the ministers in the Church none other; that I esteem so many 


formation we have lived to see performed and brought chap. 


about bj the mighty power of God this day in a good ^.^^ 
measure, and I hope the Lord Jesus will perfect his 
work of reformation, till all be according to the good 
pleasure of his will. By all which 1 desire the reader 
to take notice of our former and present practice, not- 
withstanding all the injurious and scandalous taunting 
reports [that] are passed on us. And if these things 
will not satisfy, but we must still suffer reproach, and 
others for our sakes, because they and we thus walk, 
our practice being, for aught we know, wholly grounded 
on the written word, without any addition or human 
invention known to us, taking our pattern from the 
primitive churches, as they were regulated by the 
blessed Apostles in their own days, who were taught 
and instructed by the Lord Jesus Christ, and had the 
unerring and all-knowing spirit of God to bring to their 
remembrance the things they had heard, — I say if we 
must still suffer such reproach, notwithstanding our 
charity towards them who will not be in charity with 
us, God's will be done. 

in that Church, of what state or tioned, both lawful, and upon occa- 
order soever, as are truly partakers sioa necessary for me and all true 
of that faith, (as I account many Christians, withdrawing from that 
thousands to be,) for my Christian hierarchical order of church gov- 
brethren, and myself a fellow mem- ernment and ministry, and the ap- 
ber with them of that one mystical purtenances thereof, and uniting in 
body of Christ scattered far and the order and ordinances instituted 
Avide throughout the world ; that I by Christ, the only King and Lord 
have always, in spirit and affection, of his church, and by all his disci- 
all Christian fellowship and com- pies to be observed; and lastly, that 
munion with them, and am most I cannot communicate with or sub- 
ready in all outward actions and mit unto the said church order and 
exercises of religion, lawful and ordinances there established, either 
lawfully done, to express the same; in state or act, without being con- 
and withal, that I am persuaded demned of mine own heart, and 
the hearing of the word of God therein provoking God, who is 
there preached, in the manner and greater than my heart, to condemn 
upon the grounds formerly men- me much more." 





The next aspersion cast upon us is, that we will not 
suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or 
cohabit with us ; no, not the Presbyterian government, 
which differeth so little from us. To which I answer, 
our practice witnesseth the contrary. For 'tis well 
known that Mr. Parker and Mr. Noyce,^ who are 
ministers of Jesus Christ at Newberry, are in that way, 
and so known, so far as a single congregation can be 
exercised in it ; yet never had the least molestation or 
disturbance, and have and find as good respect from 
magistrates and people as other elders in the Congre- 
gational or primitive way. 'Tis known also, that Mr. 
Hubbard,^ the minister at Hengam, hath declared him- 

' Thomas Parker and James 
Noyes carae to New England in 
1634, and were settled in 1635 as 
pastor and teacher of the church in 
Newbury, which was the tenth 
church gathered in Massachusetts. 
They were cousins, had been pu- 
pils and teachers in the same school, 
came over in the same ship, and 
lived together in the same house for 
twenty years, when death separated 
them. Parker had been a pupil of 
Archbishop Usher, and Noyes had 
been a student in the university of 
Oxford. The celebrated Baxter said 
" he was a lover of the New Eng- 
land churches according to the New 
England model, as Mr. Noyes had 
explained it." We are told by 
Winthrop that the principal occa- 
sion of the synod held at Cambridge 
in 1643. was because " some of the 
elders went about to set up some 
things according to the presbytery, 
as of Newbury, &c. The assembly 
concluded against some parts of the 
presbyterial way, and the Newbury 
ministers took time to consider the 
arguments, &c." For further par- 
ticulars concerning them, see Ma- 
ther's Magnalia, i. 433—441 ; Sav- 
age's Winthrop, ii. 137; Allen's 
Am. Biog. Diet. ; and Eliot's New 
England Biog. Diet. 

' Peter Hobart, the first minister 
of Hingham, was from the town of 
the same name in Norfolk, Eng- 
land, and having been graduated 
master of arts at the university of 
Cambridge, came to New England 
in June, 163-5. Hubbard says " he 
was not so fully persuaded of the 
congregational discipline as some 
others were ; he was reported to be 
of a presbyterial spirit, and man- 
aged all affairs without advice o£ 
the brethren." Some idea of his 
character may be gathered from the 
following passage in Winthrop's 
History; " There was a great mar- 
riage to be solemnized at Boston. 
The bridegroom being of Hingham, 
Mr. Hubbard's church, he was pro- 
cured to preach, and came to Bos- 
ton to that end. But the magis- 
trates, hearing of it, sent to him to 
forbear. The reasons Avere, first, 
for that his spirit had been dis- 
covered to be averse to our eccle- 
siastical and civil government, and 
he ivas a hold man, and ivould speak 
his mind." See more concerning 
him in Mather's Magnalia, i. 44S — 
452; Lincoln's History of Hing- 
ham, pp. 21, 59, 156; Savage's 
Winthrop, ii. 222, 313; Hubbard, 
in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 192, xvi. 


self for that way ; nay, which is more than ever I heard chap. 


of the other two, he refuseth to baptize no children '- 

that are tendered to him, (although this liberty stands 
not upon a Presbyterian bottom,) and yet the civil 
state never molested him for it. Only coming to a 
Synod held in the country the last year, which the 
magistrates called, requesting the churches to send 
their elders and such others as might be able to hold 
forth the light of God from his written word in case of 
some doubts which did arise in the country, I say he 
coming the last sitting of the Assembly, which was 
adjourned to the 8th of June next, was in all meek- 
ness and love requested to be present and hold forth 
his light he went by in baptizing all that were brought 
to him, hereby waiving the practice of the churches ; 
which he promising to take into consideration, they 
rested in his answer. 

So also 'tis well known that before these unhappy 
troubles arose in England and Scotland, there were 
divers gentlemen of Scotland that groaned under the 
heavy pressures of those times, wrote to New England 
to know whether they might be freely suffered to ex- 
ercise their Presbyterial government amongst us ; and 
it was answered affirmatively they might. And they 
sending over a gentleman to take a view of some fit 
place, a river called Meromeck, near Ipswich and 
Newberry aforesaid, was showed their agent, which he 
well liked, and where we have since four towns settled, 
and more may be for aught I know ; so that there they 
might have had a complete Presbytery, and whither 
they intended to have come. But meeting with mani- 
fold crosses, being half seas through, they gave over 
their intendments ; and, as I have heard, these were 


CHAP, many of the gentlemen that first fell upon the late 
-^-^^ Covenant in Scotland. By all which will easily ap- 
pear how we are here wronged by many, and the 
harder measure, as we hear, imposed upon our brethren 
for our sakes, nay pretending our example for their 
precedent. And last of all, not long before I came 
away, certain discontented persons in open court of 
the Massachusets, demanding that liberty, it was 
freely and as openly tendered to them, showing their 
former practices by me mentioned, but willed not to 
expect that we should provide them ministers, he. for 
the same ; but getting such themselves, they might 
exercise their Presbyterian government at their liberty, 
walking peaceably towards us, as we trusted we should 
do towards them. So that if our brethren here shall 
be restrained, they walking peaceably, the example 
must not be taken from us, but arise from some other 

But it will be objected. Though you deal thus 
with the Presbyterian way, yet you have a severe 
law against Anabaptists ;' yea, one was whipped at 
Massachusets for his religion f and your law banish- 
eth them. Answer. 'Tis true the Massachusets 
Government have such a law to banish, but not to 
whip in that kind. And certain men desiring some 
mitigation of it, it was answered in my hearing, " 'Tis 
true we have a severe law, but we never did or will 
execute the rigor of it upon any ; and have men living 
amongst us, nay some in our churches, of that judg-^ 
ment ; and as long as they carry themselves peaceably, 

' This law may be seen in punished was Thomas Painter, of 

Hazard's State Papers, i. 538. See Hingham. This was in 1644. See 

also Savage's Winthrop, ii. 174. an account of it in Savage's Win- 

^ The name of the person thus throp, ii, 174. 


as hitherto they do, we will leave them to God, our- chap. 


selves having performed the duty of brethren to them. — ^ — 
And whereas there was one whipped amongst us, 'tis 
true we knew his judgment what it was ; but had he 
not carried himself so contemptuously towards the au- 
thority God hath betrusted us with in a high exemplary 
measure, we had never so censured him ; and there- 
fore he may thank himself, who suffered as an evil- 
doer in that respect. But the reason wherefore we 
are loath either to repeal or alter the law, is, because 
we would have it remain in force to bear witness 
against their judgment and practice, which we con- 
ceive them to be erroneous. And yet nevertheless," 
said the Governor to those [who] preferred the request, 
*'you may tell our friends in England, whither ye are 
some of you going, since the motion proceedeth from 
such as we know move it in love to us, we will se- 
riously take it into consideration at our next General 
Court." So that thou mayest perceive, good reader, 
that the worst is spoken of things in that kind. 

Furthermore, in the Government of Plymouth, to 
our great grief, not only the pastor^ of a congregation 
waiveth the administration of baptism to infants, but 
divers of his congregation are fallen with hini ; and yet 
all the means the civil power hath taken against him 
and them is to stir up our elders to give meeting, and 
see if by godly conference they may be able to con- 
vince and reclaim him, as in mercy once before they 

* The person here referred to to intrants, provided it were done 

was the Rev. Charles Chauncy, at by immersion. See Mather's Mag- 

this time minister of Scituate, and nalia, i. 418 — 430; Deane's Scit- 

5fterwards President of Harvard uate, pp. 60, 89, 173; Savage's 

College. It appears, however, that Winthrop, i. 330, ii. 72; Mass. 

he was willing that the ordinance Hist. Coll. iv. 112, x. 30, 174; 

of baptism should be administered Hutchinson's Mass. i. 227, 


cHAi\ had done, by God's blessing upon their labors. Only 
-^^^ at the foresaid Synod, two were ordered to write to 
him in the name of the Assembly, and to request his 
presence at their next meeting aforesaid, to hold forth 
his light he goeth by in waiving the practice of the 
churches ; with promise if it be light, to walk by it ; but 
if it appear otherwise, then they trust he will return 
again to the unity of practice with them. And for the 
other two Governments of Conectacut and Newhaven, 
if either have any law in force against them, or so 
much as need of a law in that kind, 'tis more than I 
have heard on. 

For our parts (I mean the churches of New Eng- 
land) we are confident, through God's mercy, the way 
of God in which we walk and according to which we 
perform our v^orship and service to Him, concurreth 
with those rules our blessed Saviour hath left upon 
record by the Evangelists and Apostles, and is agreea- 
ble with the practice of those primitive churches men- 
tioned in the Acts, and regulated by the same Apostles, 
as appeareth not only in that Evangelical History, but 
in their Epistles to the several churches there mention- 
ed. Yet nevertheless if any through tenderness of , 
conscience be otherwise minded, to such we never 
turn a deaf ear, nor become rigorous, though we have 
the stream of authority on our sides. Nay, if in the 
use of all means we cannot reclaim them, knowing 
" the wisdom that is from above is first pure, then 
peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of 
mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without 
hypocrisy ; and the fruit of righteousness is sown in 
peace of them that make peace," according to James 
iii. 17, 18 ; and if any differing from us be answera- 


ble to this rule in their lives and conversations, we do chap. 


not exercise the civil sword against them. But for -^^^ 
such as Gorton and his company, whose wisdom seems 
not to be from above, as appeareth in that it is " full jan,es 
of envyings, strife, confusion," being therein such as '"' ' 
the Apostle Jude speaks on, viz. " earthly, sensual, •'^'■e 
devilish," who " despise dominion and speak evil of 
dignities," these are " murmurers, complainers, walk- le- 
ers after their own lusts, and their mouth speaketh 
great swelling words, being clouds without water, car- 12. 
ried about of winds, trees whose fruit withereth, with- 
out fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots, raging 13. 
waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame, wan- 
dering stars, to whom (without repentance, which I 
much desire to see or hear of in him, if it may stand 
with the will of God,) is reserved the blackness of 
darkness forever" — these, I say, are to be proceeded 
with by another rule, and not to be borne ; who suffer 
as evil-doers, and are a shame to religion, which they 
profess in word, but deny in their lives and conversa- 
tions. These every tender conscience abhors, and 
will justify and assist " the higher powers God hath 
ordained," against such carnal gospellers, " who bear R°^- 
not the sword in vain," but execute God's vengeance 
on such ; for the civil magistrate is " the minister of 
God, a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth 
evil." And therefore a broad difference is to be put 
between such evil-doers and those tender consciences 
who follow the light of God's word in their own 
persuasions, (though judged erroneous by the places 
where they live) so long as their walking is answerable 
to the rules of the Gospel, by preserving peace and 
holding forth holiness in their conversations amongst 


CHAP. Thus much I thought good to signify, because we of 
^iil^ New England are said to be so often propounded for 
an example. And if any will take us for a precedent, 
I desire they may really kno^v what we do, rather than 
what others ignorantly or maliciously report of us, assur- 
ing myself that none will ever be losers by following 
us so far as we follow Christ. Which that we may 
do, and our posterities after us, the Father of our Lord 
Jesus Christ and our Father accept in Christ what is 
according to him ; discover, pardon, and reform what 
is amiss amongst us ; and guide us and them by the 
assistance of the Holy Ghost for time to come, till time 
shall be no more ; that the Lord our God may still 
delight to dwell amongst his plantations and churches 
there by his gracious presence, and may go on blessing 
to bless them with heavenly blessings in these earthly 
places, that so by his blessing they may not only grow 
up to a nation, but become exemplary for good unto 
others. And let all that wish well to Zion say Amen.^ 

' The work of Winslow to which London. 1649." The paging, list 

this Brief Narrative is appended, of errata, &c. are precisely the same 

was afterwards published with a as in the other book, Hypocrisy 

new tiile-page, as follows: " The Unmasked. 

danger of tolerating levellers in a Whilst Winslow was in England, 
civil state ; or a historical narration he published, in 1647, another book, 
of the dangerous practices and ^xi\\\\^A'' New England's Salaman- 
opinions wherewith Samuel Gor- der Discovered — or a satisfactory- 
ton and his levelling accomplices answer to many aspersions cast 
so much disturbed and molested upon New England." This work 
the several plantations in New is reprinted in Mass.HisUColLxxii. 
England. By Edward Winslow, 110—145. 
of Plymouth, in New England. 





Godly and Conscientious Reader, 

It is a great part of the happiness of heaven, that 
the saints in celestial glory are and shall be all of one 
mind ; and it is not unprobably gathered by the learned, 
that when " the Lord shall be one, and his name one," ^^^""g 
there shall be a joint concurrence of the saints in and 
about the matters of God. In the mean time, it is no 
small grief to every modest, moderate-minded Christian, 
to see such discord among the best of saints; whereas 
if the ground of the difference were sometimes well 
scanned, it would appear to be more in circumstance 
than in substance, more nominal, or respecting names or 
abusive names given, than in substantial realities. Rev. 
Mr. Manton, in his sermon before the honorable House 
of Commons, saith, " The Devil getteth great advan- 
tages by names amongst Christians, as Lutherans, 
Calvinists, Presbyterians, Independents, inventing," 
saith he, " either such as may tend to contempt or 
derision, as of old Christians, of late Puritans, or to 
tumult and division, as those names amongst us, under 
which the members of Christ sadly gather into bodies 
and parties." 


Let me add hereunto, that the mischief of this also 
appeared when light sprung out of [the] darkness of Po- 
pery. Then the godly were forced to sustain the name 
of Puritans and the nickname of Brownists, so as many 
of the godly in our nation lay in obscurity under con- 
tempt of those names ; ^ and afterwards, as light ap- 
peared, notwithstanding became one in the profession 
and practice of the truth respecting the kingly office of 
Christ, wherein they seemingly differed but a little 
before, both in New England and in Old England ; 
but yet so as some estrangedness remains amongst 
those, although that in the main and substance of 
things they are of one mind, and with oneness of heart 
and mouth do serve the Lord, and do agree in and 
about the matters of the kingdom of Christ on earth. 
Yea, and 1 doubt not but some such of them as were 
of the eminentest on both sides, who are now departed 
this life, do agree and have sweet communion with 
each other in their more nobler part in glory. 

I have lately met with a plain, well composed, and 
useful Dialogue, penned by that honored pattern of 
piety, William Bradford, Esq. late Governor of the 
Jurisdiction of New Plymouth Colony, which occa- 
sionally treats something of this matter, together with 
and in defence of such as I may without just offence 
term martyrs^ of Jesus, and in defence of the cause 
they suffered for ; it being no other in effect but what 
our church and the churches of Christ in New England 
do both profess and practise. I will not defend, neither 

' These differences were partly Greenwood, Mr. John Penry, Mr. 
blown up amonijst these Christians William Dennis, [Mr. John] Cop- 
by the names of Brownist and Pu- ing and Elias [Thacker] and several 
ritans. — Morton'' s No Le. others that suffered much, though 

* Mr. Henry Barrow, Mr. John not put to death. — Morton's Note. 


doth he, all the words that might fall from those blessed 
souls in defence of the truth, who suffered so bitterly 
as they did from such as ere while (if I mistake not) 
were forced to fly into Germany for the cause of God 
in Queen Mary's days, and returned again in the happy 
reign of Queen Elizabeth, and turned prelates and bitter 
persecutors.^ This thing considered, and other things 
also, if some passages that fell from them might have 
been spared, yet in many things we all offend, and 
" oppression will make a wise man mad," saith Solo- 
mon. Such circumstantial weakness will not unsaint 
a Christian, nor render him no martyr, if his cause be 
good, as you will find it to be by the perusing of this 
Dialogue, I doubt not ; but let it speak for itself. 

Gentle reader, I hope thou wilt obtain a clear reso- 
lution about divers things, whereof possibly thou wert 
in doubt of formerly respecting the premises ; in the 
transcribing whereof I have taken the best care I could 
to prevent oifence and to procure acceptance. If any 
good comes thereof, let God have all the praise.^ 

' See pages 9 — 13. Plymouth Church, whence I oh- 

* This Preface was written by tained it. It has never before been 

Secretary Morton, who copied this printed. 

Dialogue into the records of the 




CHAP. Gentlemen, you were pleased to appoint us this time 

*" to confer with you, and to propound such questions as 

might give us satisfaction in some things wherein we 
are ignorant, or at least further light to some things 
that are more obscure unto us. Our first request 
therefore is, to know your minds concerning the true 
and simple meaning of those of The Separation, as 
they are termed, when they say the Church of Eng- 
land is no Church, or no true Church. 


For answer hereunto, first, you must know that they 
speak of it as it then was under the hierarchical prelacy, 
which since have been put down by the State, and not 
as it is now unsettled. 

2. They nowhere say, that we remember, that they 

' That is, the Dialogue was held or written in 164S. 


are no Church. At least, they are not so to be under- chap. 
stood ; for thej often say the contrary. .^-v-^ 

3. When they say it is no true Church of Christ, 
they do not at all mean as they are the elect of God, 
or a part of the Catholic Church, or of the mystical 
body of Christ, or visible Christians professing faith 
and holiness, (as most men understand the church); for 
which purpose hear what Mr. Robinson in his Apology, 
page 53. " If by the Church," saith he, " be under- 
stood the Catholic Church, dispersed upon the face of 
the whole earth, we do willingly acknowledge that a 
singular part thereof, and the same visible and conspicu- 
ous, is to be found in the land, and with it do profess 
and practise, what in us lies, communion in all things 
in themselves lawful, and done in right order." 

4. Therefore they mean it is not a true church as it 
is a National Church, combined together of all in the 
land promiscuously under the hierarchical government 
of archbishops, their courts and canons, so far differing 
from the primitive pattern in the Gospel. 


Wherein do they differ then from the judgment or 
practice of our churches here in New England ? 


Truly, for matter of practice, nothing at all that is 
in any thing material ; these being rather more strict 
and rigid in some proceedings about admission of 
members, and things of such nature, than the other ; 
and for matter of judgment, it is more, as we conceive, 
in words and terms, than matter of any great sub- 
stance ; for the churches and chief of the ministers 


CHAP, here hold that the National Church, so constituted and 


-^v^ governed as before is said, is not allowable according 
to the primitive order of the Gospel ; but that there 
are some parish assemblies that are true churches by 
virtue of an implicit covenant amongst themselves, in 
which regard the Church of England may be held 
and called a true church. 

Answer. Whcrc auj such are evident, we suppose the other 
will not disagree about an implicit covenant, if they 
mean by an implicit covenant that which hath the 
substance of a covenant in it some way discernible, 
though it be not so formal or orderly as it should be. 
But such an implicit [covenant] as is no way explicit, 
is no better than a Popish implicit faith, (as some of 
us conceive,) and a mere fiction, or as that which should 
be a marriage covenant which is no way explicit. 


Wherein standeth the difference between the rigid 
Brownists and Separatists^ and others, as we observe 
our ministers in their writings and sermons to distin- 
guish them ? 


The name of Brownists^ is but a nickname, as 

• The learned and ever-memora- charitable sentiment; "Difference 
ble John Hales, of Eton, said of of opinion may work a disaffection 
this word Separatist, "Where it in me, hut not a detestation. I 
may be rightly fixed and deservedly rather pity than hate Turk and 
charged, it is certainly a great of- infidel, for they are of the same 
fence; but in common use now metal and bear the same stamp as 
among us, it is no other than a I do, though the inscriptions differ, 
theological scarecrow." Works, i. If I hate any, it is those schisraat- 
XV. Foulis, 1765. ics that puzzle the sweet peace of 

* James Howell, in one of his our church ; so that I could be con- 
letters, aping the style, whilst de- tent lo see an Anabaptist go to hell 
void of the liberal spirit of Sir on a Brownist's back." Letters, 
Thomas Browne, has the following p. 270, (ed. 1754.) 


Puritan* and Huguenot,^ &c., and therefore they do not chap. 
amiss to decline the odium of it in what they may. iili. 
But by the rigidness of Separation they do not so 
much mean the difference, for our churches here in 
New England do the same thing under the name of 
secession from the corruptions found amongst them, as 
the other did under the name or term of separation 
from them. Only this declines the odium the better. 
See Reverend Mr. Cotton's Answer to Mr. Baylie, 
page the 14th.^ 

That some which were termed Separatists, out of 
some mistake and heat of zeal, forbore communion in 
lawful things with other godly persons, as prayer and 
hearing of the word, may be seen in what that 
worthy man, Mr. Robinson, hath published in dislike 


We are well satisfied in what you have said. But 
they differ also about synods. 

' See note ' on page 12. du nom des Eignots de Geneve, un 

' The origin of this word is un- peu autrement prononce." The 

tnown. Some have thought it term was first apph'ed to the Cal- 

was derived from a French and vinists of the Cevennes in 1560. 

faulty pronunciation of the German See Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. iv. 

word eidgnossen, which signifies 368 ; Fleury, Hist. Eccles. xviii. 

confederates, and which had been 603. An admirable Memoir of the 

originally tlie name of that valiant French Protestants, both in their 

part of the city of Geneva, which native country and in America, 

entered into an alliance with the written by that accurate annalist, 

Swiss cantons in order to maintain Dr. Holmes, is contained in the 

their liberties against the tyranni- Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 1 — 84. 

cal attempts of Charles HI. duke ^ "Neither was our departure 

of Savoy. These confederates were from the parishional congregations 

called eignots, nnd from thence very in England a separation from them 

probably was derived the word hu- as no churches, but rather a seces- 

guenots. The Abbe Fleury says, sion from the corruptions found 

" fls y furent appel^s Huguenots, amongst them." 





^^ It is true we do not know that ever they had any 

solemn Synodical Asseaibly. And the reason may be, 
that those in England living dispersed and' could not 
meet in their ordinary meetings without danger, much 
less in synods. Neither in Holland, where they might 
have more liberty, were they of any considerable num- 
ber, being but those two churches, that of Amsterdam 
and that of Leyden. Yet some of us know that the 
church [of Leyden] sent messengers to those of Am- 
sterdam, at the request of some of the chief of them, 
both elders and brethren, when in their dissensions 
they had deposed Mr. Ainsworth and some other both 
of their elders and brethren, Mr. Robinson being the 
chief of the messengers sent ; which had that good 
effect, as that they revoked the said deposition, and 
confessed their rashness and error, and lived together 
in peace some good time after. But when the churches 
want neither peace nor light to exercise the power 
which the Lord hath given them, Christ doth not direct 
them to gather into synods or classical meetings, for 
removing of known offences either in doctrine or man- 
ners ; but only sendelh to the pastors or presbyters of 
each church to reform within themselves what is 
amongst them. " A plain pattern," saith Mr. Cotton 
in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 95, " in case of 
public offences tolerated in neighbour churches, not 
forthwith to gather into a synod or classical meeting, 
for redress thereof, but by letters and messengers to 
admonish one another of what is behooveful ; unless 

' Here something seems to have been omitted. 



upon such admonition they refuse to hearken to the chap. 


wholesome counsel of their brethren." And of this ^--^ 
matter Mr. Robinson thus writeth in his book, Just. 
page 200/ " The officers of one or many churches may 
meet together to discuss and consider of matters for 
the good of the church or churches, and so be called 
a Church Synod, or the like, so they infringe no order 
of Christ or liberty of the brethren ;" not differing 
herein from Mr. Davenport^ and the principal of our 


But they seem to differ about the exercise of pro- 
phecy,^ that is, that men out of office, having gifts. 

' See the title of this book in 
note ' on page 40. 

^ John Davenport, born at Coven- 
try in 1597, a 2r;idunte of Oxford, 
and vicar of St. Stephens, in Lon- 
don, came to New England in 1637, 
with Theophilus Eaton and Ed- 
ward Hopkins, and with them laid 
the foundations of the colony of 
New Haven, in 1638. In 1668, in 
his 71st year, he removed to Bos- 
ton, to become the pastor of the 
First Church, and there died in 
1670. See Wood's At hen. Oxon. 
ii. 460; M^ither's Magnalia, i. 292 
—302; Winthrop's N. E. i. 227, 
404 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 82, 115, 
215 ; Emerson's History of the First 
Church in Boston, pp. 110—124. 
Bui the most ample and satisfac- 
tory account of Davenport will be 
found in Prof Kiugsley's Cen- 
tennial Discourse at New Haven, 
and in Dr. Leonard Bacon's His- 
torical Discourses. These works 
contain also a noble vindication of 
the principles and character of the 
Puritan fathers of New England. 

^ This religious exercise, in 
which laymen publicly taught and 
exhorted, was early practised in 

hoth the colonies of Plymouth and 
Massachusetts. As the church of 
Plymouth was long without a regu- 
lar pastor, " the ruling elder, when 
he wanted assistance, used frequent- 
ly to call upon some of the gifted 
brethren to pray and give a word of 
exhortation in their public assem- 
blies ; the chief of whom were Gov. 
Edward Winslow, Gov. Bradford, 
his son-in-law, Mr. Thomas South- 
worth, and secretary Nathaniel 
Morton; men of superior talents and 
parts, and of good school-learning." 
We are told by Gov. Winthrop, in 
his Journal, March 29, 1631, that 
■•' Mr. Coddington and Mr. Wilson 
and divers of the congregation met 
at the Governor's, and there Mr. 
Wilson, praying and exhorting the 
congregation to love, &c. commend- 
ed to them the exercise of prophecy 
in his absence, and designed those 
whom he thought most fit for it, 
viz. the governor, Mr. Dudley, and 
Mr. Nowell, the elder." On the 
visit of Governor Winlhrop and 
Mr. Wilson to Plymouth in Octo- 
ber, 1632, it is related that " on the 
Lord's day in the afternoon, Mr. 
Roger Williams (according to their 


CHVP. mav upon occasion edity the church publicly and open- 
"-^^ Iv. and applying the Scriptures : which seems to be a 
new practice. 


It doth but seem so; as many things else do that 
have by usurpation grown out of use. But that it hath 
been an ancient practice of the people of God, besides 
the 2;rounds of Scripture, we will give an instance or 
two. We find in the ancient Ecclesiastical History of 
Eusebius, lib. vi. cap. liK how Demetrius, bishop of 
Alexandria, being pricked \\ itli envy against Origen, 
complaineth in his letters that there was never such a 
practice heard of, nor no precedent to be found, that lay- 
men in presence of bishops have taught in the church; 
but is thus answered by the bishop of Jerusalem and 
the bishop of Cesarea : " We know not," say they, 
" why he reporteth a manifest untruth, whenas there 
mav be found such as in open assemblies have taught 
the people ; vea, whenas there were present learned 
men that could profit the people, and moreover holy 
bishops, who at that time exhorted them to preach. 

custom) propounded a question, to may learn, and all be comforted." 

whieh the pastor. Mr. Smith, spake It was ibr encouraging a similar 

briefly; then Mr. Williams prophe- exercise among his clergy, that 

sied ; and after the governor of archbishop Grindal incurred the 

Plymouth spake to the question; displeasureof Queen Elizabeth, and 

after him the elder; then two or was for a time suspended from his 

three more of the congregation, see. It should be remenibered that 

Then the elder desired the governor this was the scriptural sense of the 

of Massachusetts and IMr. Wilson to word prophesi/ins^ ; and that pre- 

speak to it, which they did." The diction is not its only signification, 

exercise was grounded on the appears from the title of one of 

primitive practice of the Church of Jeremy Taylor's Works, " The 

Corinth, as described and regulated Liberty of Prophesying." See 

by the Apostle Paul, in 1 Cor. xii. Savage's Winthrop, i. 50, 91 ; 

and xiv. and especially prescribed Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 136; Prince's 

in the 31st verse of the last named Annals, p. 407 ; Fuller's Ch. Hist, 

chapter, where he says, " Ye may iii. 6 — IS; Peirce's Vindication, 

all prophesy one by one, that all part i. pp. 92—96. 


For example, at Laranda Euelpis was requested offHAP. 
Neon, at Jronium Paulinus was requested by Celsus, — ^ 
at Sjnada Theodorus was requested by Atticus, who 
were godly brethren, Sec."' 

The second instance is out of Speed's Cloud of Wit- 
nesses, page 71. Saith he, " Ram barn or Maymon 
records, that in i\\('. synagogues, first, only a Levite 
must offer sacrifice ; secondly, but any in Israel mi^ht 
expound the law ; thirdly, the expounder must be an 
eminent man, and must have leave from the master of 
the synagogue ; and so contends that Christ, Luke iv. 
16, taught as any of Israel mijjht have done as well 
as the Levites : and the like did Paul and Barnabas, 
Acts xiii. 15." 

If any out of weakness have abused at any time 
their liberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes 
weak ministers may their office, and yet the ordinance 
good and lawful. 

And the chief of our ministers in New England 
afjree therein. See ^Ir. Cotton's Answer to Bavlie, 
page the 27th, 2d part. " Though neither all," saith 
he, " nor most of the brethren of a church have ordi- 
narilv received a sift of public prophesyinjr, or preach- 
ing^, yet in defect of public ministry, it is not an unheard 
of novelty that God should enlarge private men with 
public sifts, and^ to dispense them to edification : for 
we read that when the church at Jerusalem were all 
scattered abroad, except the Apostles, yet they that ^f,^ 
were scattered went every where preaching the word." ji.2i'. 

' See Doctor Fulke also on learned confutation of the Rheraish 

Ptomans the xi. in answer to the version of the New Testament, 

Pihemisis. — Bradford's Xote. See Fuller's Church History, iii. 

Dr. Fulke, master of Pembroke 70. 

Hall, Cambridge, wrote in 1685 a * Some word is here omitted. 




CHAP. Mr. Robinson also, in his Apology, page 45, chap- 
ter 8, to take off the aspersion charged on them, as if 
all the members of a church were to prophesy publicly, 
answers, " It comes within the compass but of a few 
of the multitude, haply two or three in a church, so 
to do ; and touching prophecy," saith he, " we think 
the very same that the Synod held at Embden, 1571, 
hath decreed in these words : ' First, in all churches, 
whether but springing up, or grown to some ripeness, let 
the order of prophecy be observed, according to Paul's 
institution. Secondly, into the fellowship of this work 
are to be admitted not only the ministers, but the 
teachers too, as also of the elders and deacons, yea, 
even of the multitude, which are willing to confer their 
gift received of God to the common utility of the church ; 
but so as they first be allowed by the judgment of the 
ministers and others.' So we believe and practise with 
the Belgic churches, &c." See more in the immediate 
following page. 


We cannot but marvel that in so few years there 
should be so great a change, that they who were so 
hotly persecuted by the prelates, and also opposed by 
the better sort of ministers, not only Mr. Gifford, Mr. 
Bernard, and other such like, but manv of the most 
eminent both for learning and godliness, and yet now 
not only these famous men and churches in New Eng- 
land so fully to close with them in practice, but all the 
godly party in the land to stand for the same way, 
under the new name of Independents, put upon them. 




It is the Lord's doing, and it ought to be marvellous 
in our eyes ; and the rather, because Mr. Bernard, in 
his book, made their small increase in a few years one 
and the chief argument against the way itself. To 
which Mr. Robinson answered, that " Religion is not 
always sown and reaped in one age ; and that John 
Huss and Jerome of Prague finished their testimony a 
hundred years before Luther, and Wickliff well nigh as 
long before them, and yet neither the one nor the other 
with the like success as Luther. And yet," saith he, 
" many are already gathered into the kingdom of 
Christ ; and the nearness of many more throughout 
the whole land, (for the regions are white unto the 
harvest,) doth promise within less than a hundred years, 
if our sins and theirs make not us and them unworthy 
of this mercy, a very plenteous harvest;" (Justif. folio 
62) ; as if he had prophesied of these times. Yea, 
some of us have often heard him say that " even those 
ministers and other godly persons that did then most 
sharply oppose them, if they might come to be from 
under the bishops, and live in a place of rest and peace, 
where they might comfortably subsist, they would prac- 
tise the same things which they now did." ' And 
truly, many of us have seen this abundantly verified, 
not only in these latter times, but formerly. 

Doctor Ames^ was estranged from and opposed Mr. 

' Seepage 45, and note ^ on page In 1609 he fled from the persecu- 

398, and Prince's Annals, p. 305. tion of Archbishop Bancroft, and 

" William Ames, one of the most became minister of the English 
Sfcute controversial writers of his church at the Hague, whence he 
age, was educated at Cambridge was invited by the states of Fries- 
under the celebrated Perkins, and land to the chair of theological pro- 
became fellow of Christ's College, fessor at Franeker, which he filled 


CHAP. Robinson ; and yet afterwards there was loving com- 
^^^ pliance and near agreement between tliem ; and, which 
is more strange, Mr. Johnson himself, who was after- 
wards pastor of the church of God at Amsterdam, was 
a preacher to the company of English of the Staple at 
Middlebiirg, in Zealand, and had great and certain 
maintenance ^ allowed him by them, and was highly 
respected of them, and so zealous against this way as 
that [when] Mr. Barrow's and Mr. Greenwood's Re- 
futation of GifTord^ was privately in printing in this 
city, he not only was a means to discover it, but was 
made the ambassador's instrument to intercept them 
at the press, and see them burnt ; the which charge 
he did so well perform, as he let them go on until they 
were wholly finished, and then surprised the whole 
impression, not suffering any to escape; and then, by 
the magistrates' authority, caused them all to be openly 
burnt, himself standing by until they were all con- 
sumed to ashes. Only he took up two of them, one 
to keep in his own study, that he might see their er- 
rors, and the other to bestow on a special friend for 
the like use. But mark the sequel. When he had 

with reputation for twelve years. ' £200 per annum. — Bradford's 

He was a member of the Synod of Note. 

Dort, and wrote several treatises ^ This book was printed in 1591. 

against the Arminians, besides his Its title was " A plain refutation of 

famous Medulla Theologim. He M. Gilford's book, entitled ' A short 

afterwards removed to Rotterdam, treatise against the Donatists of 

to preach to a congregation of his England;' wherein is discovered 

countrymen there: but the air of the forgery of the wiiole ministry, 

Holland not agreeing with his con- the confusion, false worship, and 

stituiion, he determined to remove antichristian disorder of these pa- 

to New England. This was pre- risli assemblies, called the Church 

vented by his death in 1633. The of England. Here also is prefixed 

next spring his widow and children a sum of the causes of our Separa- 

came over, bringing with them his tion, and of our purposes in prac- 

valuable library. Fuller's Hist, of tice." A copy of this rare work, 

Cambridge, p. 222; Neal's Puri- reprinted in 1606, is in Prince's 

tans, i. 436, 578; Belknap's Am. New England Library, in the keep- 

Biog. ii. 161. ing of the Mass. Hist. Society. 


done this work, he went home, and being set down in chap. 


his study, he began to turn over some pages of this — ^'— 
book, and superficially to read some things here and 
there, as his fancy led him. At length he met with 
something that began to work upon his spirit, which 
so wrought with him as drew him to this resolution, 
seriously to read over the whole book ; the which he 
did once and again. In the end he was so taken, and 
his conscience was troubled so, as he could have no rest 
in himself until he crossed the seas and came to Lon- 
don to confer with the authors, who were then in pri- 
son, and shortly after executed. After which confer- 
ence he was so satisfied and confirmed in the truth, as 
he never returned to his place any more at Middleburg, 
but adjoined himself to their society at London, and 
was afterwards committed to prison, and then banish- 
ed ; and in conclusion coming to live at Amsterdam, 
he caused the same books, which he had been an in- 
strument to burn, to be new printed and set out at his 
own charge. And some of us here present testify this 
to be a true relation, which we heard from his own 
mouth before many witnesses. 


We have seen a book of Mr. Robert Baylie's,' a 
Scotchman, wherein he seemeth to take notice of the 
spreading of the truth under the notion of error, and 
casts all the disgraces he can on it, and ranks it with 
others the foulest errors of the time, and endeavours 
to show how like a small spark it revived out of the 
ashes, and was brought from Leyden over the seas into 
New England, and there nourished with much silence 

' The title of this book is given in note '^ on page 379. 


CHAP, until it spread to other places in the country, and by 


'- eminent hands from thence into Old England. 


As we dare say Mr. Baylie intends no honor to the 
persons by what he says, either to those here or from 
whence they came, so are they far from seeking any 
to themselves, but rather are ashamed that their weak 
working hath brought no more glory to God ; and if in 
any thing God hath made any of them instruments for 
the good of his people in any measure, they desire he 
only may have the glory. And whereas Mr. Baylie 
affirmeth that, however it was, in a few years the most 
who settled in the land did agree to model themselves 
after Mr. Robinson's pattern, we agree with reverend 
Mr. Cotton, that " there was no agreement by any 
solemn or common consultation ; but that it is true 
they did, as if they had agreed, by the same spirit of 
truth and unity, set up, by the help of Christ, the same 
model of churches, one like to another ; and if they of 
Plymouth have helped any of the first comers in their 
theory, by hearing and discerning their practices, therein 
the Scripture is fulfilled that the kingdom of heaven is 
^'"".?o like unto leaven which a woman took and hid in three 
measures of meal until all was leavened." Answer to 
Mr. Baylie, page 17. 


We desire to know how many have been put to 
death for this cause, and what manner of persons they 
were, and what occasions were taken against them by 
bringing them to their end. 





We know certainly of six that were publicly exe- "^"^^^ 
cuted, besides such as died in prisons ; Mr. Henry 
Barrow, Mr. Greenwood, (these suffered at Tyburn;) 15 94 
Mr. Penry at St. Thomas Waterings, by London ; * 
Mr. William Dennis, at Thetford, in Norfolk ; two 
others at St. Edmund's, in Suffolk, whose names were 1583. 
Copping and Elias [Thacker.] ^ These two last men- 
tioned were condemned by cruel Judge Popham,^ 
whose countenance and carriage was very rough and 
severe toward them, with many sharp menaces. But 
God gave them courage to bear it, and to make this 
answer : 

" My Lord, your face we fear not, 
And for your threats we care not, 
And to come to your read service, we dare not." 

These two last named were put to death for dispersing 
of books. 

For Mr. Dennis, he was a godly man, and faithful 
in his place; but what occasion was taken against him, 
we know not, more than the common cause. 

' According to Stow's Chronicle, 
page 765, Henry Barrow and John 
Greenwood were hung on the 6th 
of April, 1594. John Penry was 
executed May 29, 1593. Barrow 
was a gentleman of Gray's Inn ; 
Greenwood and Penry were clergy- 
men. In 1592, Greenwood was 
teacher of a church in London, of 
which Francis Johnson, mentioned 
in note ' on pace 24, was pastor. 
See Fuller's Ch. Hisi. iii. 136 ; Hal- 
lam's Const. Hist. i. 230, (4lo ed.) ; 
Prince's Annals, p. 303. 

* Stow, in his Chronicle, page 
6^7, says, " Elias Thacker was 
hanged at Saint Edmondshury on 
the 4th of June, 1583, and John 
Coping on the 6th of the same 

month, for spreading certain books 
seditiously penned by one Robert 
Browne against the Bock of Com- 
mon Prayer established by the laws 
of this realm. Their books, so 
many as could be found, were burnt 
before them." See Strype's Annals, 
iii. 186; Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 66; 
Neal's Puritans, i. 254, 260, (4lo. 

^ This was Lord John Popham, 
Chief Justice of England, who af- 
terwards took so deep an interest 
ill the colonization of New Eng- 
land, and was foremost in planting 
the abortive colony at Sagadahoc 
in 1607. See note ' on page 50, 
and note ^ on page 112; and Wood's 
Athen. Oxon. i. 342. 


CHAP. For Mr. Penry, how unjustly he was charged, him- 
^^v^ self hath made manifest to the Avorld in his books, and 
that Declaration which he made a little before his suf- 
fering ; all which are extant in print, with some of his 
godly letters/ 

As for Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood, it also ap- 
pears by their own writings how those statutes formerly 
made against the Papists were wrested against them, 
and they condemned thereupon ; as may be seen by 
their Examinations.^ 


But these were rigid Brownists, and lie under much 
aspersion, and their names much blemished and be- 
clouded, uot only by enemies, but even by godly and 
very reverend men. 


They can no more justly be called Brownists, than 
the disciples might have been called Judasites ; for 
they did as much abhor Brown's apostasy, and profane 
course, and his defection, as the disciples and other 
Christians did Judas's treachery. 

' These tracts of Penry are in rowe, John Grenewood, and John 
the Prince Collection, in the Lilira- Penrie, before the Higli Comniis- 
ry of the Mass. Hist. Society. Hal- sioners and Lords of the Council ; 
lam says, " Penry's protestation at penned by the prisoners themselves 
his death is in a style of the most before their deaths." "Let any 
affecting and simple eloquence." man read the examinations of Bar- 
He was a graduate of O.xford, and row and Greenwood, and I am mis- 
was charged with being one of the taken if he will not perceive a 
author's of Martin Mar-Prelate, plain-hearted Christian simplicity 
See Wood's Aihen. Oxon. i. 258 — in their behaviour, and an inhu- 
261 ; Hallairi's Const. Hist. i. 221, man spirit of cruelty and tyranny 
and Neal's Puritans, i. 374 — 379. in their persecutors." Peirce's 

* In the Harleian Miscellany, ii. Vindication of the Dissenters, page 

10 — 42 (Svo. ed.) may be seen 146. 
" The Examinations of Henry Bar- 


And for their rigid and rouo;hness of spirit, as some chap. 


of them, especially Mr. Barrow, is taxed, it may be — v^^ 
considered they were very rigidly and roughly dealt 
with, not only by the Lord's enemies and their ene- 
mies, but by some godly persons of those times, ditfer- 
ing in opinions from them ; which makes some of us 
call to mind what one Doctor Taylor hath written in a 
late book in these stirring times. " Such an eminent 
man," saith he, " hath had the good hap to be reputed 
orthodox by posterity, and did condemn such a man 
of such an opinion, and yet himself erred in as con- 
siderable matters ; but meeting with better neigh- 
bours in his life-time, and a more charitable posterity 
after his death, hath his memory preserved in honor ; 
and the other's name suffers without cause." Of which 
he gives instances in his book entitled The Liberty of 
Prophesying, page 33 and following. 

We refer you to Mr. Robinson's Answer to Mr. Ber- 
nard,' where he charges him with blasphemy, railing, 
scoffing, &c. " For Mr. Barrow," saith Mr. Robinson, 
" as I say with Mr. Ains worth, that I will not justify 
all the words of another man, nor yet mine own, so say 
I also with Mr. Smith, that because I know not by 
what particular motion of the Spirit he was guided to 
write in those phrases, I dare not censure him as you 
do ; especially considering with what fiery zeal the 
Lord hath furnished such his servants at all times, as 
he hath stirred up for special reformation. Let the 
example of Luther alone suffice, whom into what terms 
his zeal carried, his writings testify ; and yet both in 
him and in Mr. Barrow there might be with true spi- 

' See the title of this work in note ' on page 40. 


CHAP, ritual zeal fleshly indignation mingled." Answer to 

ii^ Mr. Bernard, folio 84. 

And further in page 86 he saith, that " such harsh 
terms wherewith he entertains such persons and things 
in the church as carry with them most appearance of 
holiness, thej are to be interpreted according to his 
meaning, with this distinction, that Mr. Barrow speaks 
not of these persons and things simply, but in a re- 
spect, and so and so consid>ered ; and so no one term 
given by Mr. Barrow but may, at the least, be tole- 


But divers reverend men have expressed concerning 
this matter that God is not wont to make choice of men 
infamous for gross sins and vices before their calling, to 
make them any instruments of reformation after their 
calling, and proceed to declare that Mr. Barrow was a 
great gamester and a dicer when he lived in court, and 
getting much by play, would boast of loose spending 
it with courtesans, &c. 


Truly, with due respect to such reverend men be it 
spoken, those things might well have been spared from 
putting in print, especially so long after his death, 
when not only he, but all his friends are taken out of 
the world, that might vindicate his name. That he 
was tainted with vices at the court before his conversion 
and calling, it is not very strange ; and if he had lived 
and died in that condition, it is like he might have 
gone out of the world without any public brand on his 
name, and have passed for a tolerable Christian and 

xiii. 13. 


member of the church. He had hurt enough done chap. 
him, whilst he lived, by evil and cruel enemies ; why i^iL 
should godly men be prejudicated to him after his 
death in his name ? Was not the Apostle Paul a per- 
secutor of God's saints unto death ? And doth not the 
same Apostle, speaking of scandalous and lascivious 
persons, say, " And such were some of you ; but ye if""'-- 
are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified 
in the name of the Lord Jesus and by the spirit of our 

And if histories deceive us not, was not Cyprian a 
magician before his conversion, and Augustine a Mani- 
chaean ? And when it was said unto him in the voice 
he heard, ToUe et lege, he was directed to that place of 
Scripture, " Not in gluttony and drunkenness, nor in ^Ro", 
chambering and wantonness, nor in strife and envy- 
ing ; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and take 
no thought for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts of it." ^ 
By which it may seem that if God do not^ make 
choice of such men as have been infamous for gross 
vices before their calling, yet sometimes he is wont to 
do it, and is free to choose whom he pleaseth for 
notable instruments for his own work. As for other 
things that have been spoken of him and Mr. Green- 
wood and Mr. Penry, we leave them as they are. 
But some of us have reason to think there are some 
mistakes in the relations of those things. Only we 
shall add other public testimonies concerning them 
from witnesses of very worthy credit, which are also 
in print. 

First, from Mr. Phillips. A famous and godly 

1 This is the Geneva version. * The word ordinarily seems to 
See note ' on page 14. havebeen accidentally omitted here. 


CHAP, preacher, having heard and seen Mr. Barrow's holy 

XXVI. . . 

-^v^^ speeches and preparations for death, said, " Barrow, 
Barrow, my soul be \\'ith thine ! " The same author 
also reports, that Queen Elizabeth asked learned 
Doctor Reynolds^ what he thought of those two men^ 
Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood ; and he answered 
her Majesty that it could not avail any thing to show . 
his judgment concerning them, seeing they were put 
to death ; and being loath to speak his mind further, 
her Majesty charged him upon his allegiance to speak. 
Whereupon he answered, that he was persuaded, if 
they had lived, they would have been two as worthy 
instruments for the church of God, as have been raised 
up in this age. Her Majesty sighed, and said no more. 
But after that, riding to a park by the place where 
they were executed, and being willing to take further 
information concerning them, demanded of the right 
honorable the Earl of Cumberland, that was present 
when they suffered, what end they made. He an- 
svi'ered, " a very godly end, and prayed for your 
Majesty, and the State," fcc.^ We may also add what 
some of us have heard by credible information, that the 
Queen demanded of the Archbishop^ what he thought 

' Dr. John Reynolds, one of clined a bishopric. He died in 
the most learned divines of his 1607. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. 
age, was, according to Anthony i. 339 — 342; Prince's Worthies of 
Wood, "the pillar of Puritanism, Devon, pp. 6S4 — 692; Fuller's Ch. 
and the grand favorer of Noncon- Hist. iii. 172—193, 228, 230. 
formiiy." He was born in Devon- * See Peirce's Vindication of the 
shire in 1549, and educated in Cor- Dissenters, part i. p. 147, and 
pus Christi College, Oxford, of Strype's Life of Bishop Aylmer, p. 
which he was afterwards president. 247, and Neal's History of New 
He was the principal champion of England, i. 71. 
the Puritans at the Hampton Court ^ Whitgift. He succeeded Grin- 
Conference, and was one of the dal in 1584, and held the see till 
persons appointed by James to his death in 1694, the second year 
make the English version of the of James's reign. See Fuller's Ch. 
Bible now in common use. He Hist. iii. 66, 198. 
had been Dean of Lincoln, and de- 


^ XXVI. 

of them in his conscience. He answered "he thought ch\p. 
they were the servants of God, but dangerous to the 
State." "Alas !" said she, " shall we put the servants 
of God to death ?" And this was the true cause whj 
no more of them were put to death in her da\ s.^ 


Did any of you know Mr. Barrow ? if we may be so 
bold to ask, for we would willingly know what [was] 
his life and conversation ; because some, we perceive, 
have him in precious esteem, and others can scarce 
name him without some note of obloquy and dislike. 


We have not seen his person ; but some of us have 
been well acquainted with those that knew him fa- 
miliarly both before and after his conversion ; and one 
of us hath had conference with one that was his do- 
mestic servant, and tended upon him both before and 
some while after the same. 

He was a gentleman of good worth, and a flourishing 
courtier in his time, and, as appears in his own answers 15S6. 
to the Archbishop and Doctor Cousens, he was some 19.' 
time a student at Cambridge and the Inns of Court, 
and accomplished with strong parts. 

We have heard his conversion to be on this wise. 
Walking: in London one Lord's dav with one of his 
companions, he heard a preacher at his sermon very 
loud, as they passed by the church. Upon which Mr. 

' " There be grave professors, when she heard of it afterwards." 

■who lived near those occurrences, Cotton's Way, page 5. Bayliesays, 

who speak of Queen Elizabeth as p. 14, that " Queen Elizabeth, by the 

ignorant of Barrow's execution and evil adviceof ihecruelprelatesabout 

Greenwood's, and displeased at it her, caused Barrow to be hanged." 



CHAP. Barrow said unto his consort, " Let us go in and hear 
'J-v^ what this man saith that is thus earnest." " Tush," 
saith the other, " what ! shall we go to hear a man 
talk .'^" &c. But in he went and sat down. And the 
minister was vehement in reproving sin, and sharply 
applied the judgments of God against the same ; and, 
it should seem, touched him to the quick in such things 
as he was guilty of, so as God set it home to his soul, 
and began to work his repentance and conversion 
thereby. For he was so stricken as he could not be 
quiet, until by conference with godly men and further 
hearing of the word, with diligent reading and medita-r 
tion, God brought peace to his soul and conscience, 
after much humiHation of heart and reformation of life ; 
so as he left the court, and retired himself to a private 
life, some time in the country and some time in the 
city, giving himself to study and reading of the Scrip- 
tures and other good works very diligently. And be- 
ing missed at court by his consorts and acquaintance, 
it was quickly bruited abroad that Barrow was turned 
Puritan. What his course was afterwards, his writings 
show, as also his sufferings and conference with men 
of all sorts do declare, until his life was taken from 

And thus much we can further affirm, from those 
that well knew him, that he was very comfortable to 
the poor and those in distress in their sufferings ; and 
when he saw he must die, he gave a stock for the 
relief of the poor of the church, which was a good help 
to them in their banished condition afterwards. Yea, 
and that which some will hardly believe, he did much 
persuade them to peace, and composed many differ- 
ences that were grown amongst them whilst he lived, 


and would have, it is like, prevented more that after chap. 

• 1 ^ XXVI. 

fell out, if he had continued. ^— v-^ 


We thank you for your pains. We hope it will 
extend further than our satisfaction. W^e cannot but 
marvel that such a man should be by so many aspersed. 


It is not much to be marvelled at ; for he was most 
plain in discovering the cruelty, fraud, and hypocrisy 
of the enemies of the truth, and searching into the cor- 
ruptions of the time, which made him abhorred of 
them ; and peradvcnture something too harsh against 
the baitings of divers of the preachers and professors 
that he had to deal with in those times, who out of 
fear or weakness did not come so close up to the truth 
in their practice as their doctrines and grounds seemed 
to hold forth. Which makes us remember what was the 
answer of Erasmus to the Duke of Saxony, when he 
asked his opinion whether Luther had erred. He an- 
swered, "his opinions were good, but wished he would 
moderate his style, which stirred him up the more 
enemies, no doubt." 


We find in the writings of some such who were very 
eminent in their times for piety and learning, that those 
of the Separation^ found more favor in our native coun- 
try than those who were reproached by the name of 
Puritans ; and after much discourse thereabouts, come 

' For an account of the difference aratists, see Prince's Annals, pp. 
between tiie Puritans and the Sep- 302 — 305. 



CHAP, to this conclusion, that no comparison will hold from 
^^^-^ the Separatists to them in their sufferings but a minori ; 
and then thej go on and say, what a compulsory ban- 
ishment has been put upon those blessed and glorious 
lights, Mr. Cartvvright,^ Mr. Parker,^ Doctor Ames, &c. 


Far be it from any of us to detract from or to ex- 
tenuate the sufferings of any of the servants of God, 
much less from those worthies forenamed, or any others 
afterwards mentioned. Yet, under favor, we crave 
pardon if we cannot consent to the judgment of such 
eminent ones for piety and learning above hinted. 
We doubt not, but do easily grant, that the sufferings 
of those reproached by the name of Puritans were 
great, especially some of them, and were better known 
to those pious and learned [men] first above intimated, 
than the sufferings of those that are reproached by the 
name of Brownists and Separatists.^ But we shall 

1 Thomas Cartwright, " chief of 
the Nonconformists," as Fuller 
calls him, was one of the most 
learned scholars and skilful dis- 
putants of his age. He was bora 
in 1535, and educated at Cam- 
bridge ; was fellow of Trinity Col- 
lege, and Lady Margaret's profes- 
sor of divinity. But venturing in 
some of his lectures to point out 
the defects in the discipline of the 
Church, he was expelled from the 
university. He then went to Ge- 
neva, and afterwards became prea- 
cher to the English merchants 
at Antwerp. After his return from 
Antwerp he was often in trouble 
by suspensions, deprivations and 
long imprisonment; till at length 
the Earl of Leicester made him 
governor of his hospital at War- 
wick, where he died in 1603. See 

Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 503, iii. 105, 
165, 171; Neal's Puritans, i. 420._ 

" Robert Parker, a puritan di- 
vine of Wiltshire, in consequence 
of publishing a Treatise on the 
Cross in Baptism, was obliged in 
1607 to fly into Holland. Here he 
would have been chosen pastor of 
the English church at Amsterdam; 
but the magistrates being afraid of 
offending King James, he went to 
Doesburgh, and became minister 
of the garrison there, where he died 
in 1630. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. 
i.464 ; Peirce's Vindication, p. 171 ; 
Neal's Puritans, i. 436, 456. 

^ On the occasion of the passage 
of a law of banishment against the 
Separatists in 1593, Sir Walter 
Raleigh said in the House of Com- 
mons, ''In his conceit the Brown- 
ists are worthy to be rooted out of 


give you some instances, and leave it to you and some chap. 
others to consider of. v--v^ 

1. Though no more were publicly executed, yet 
sundry more were condemned, and brought to the gal- 
lows, and ascended the ladder, not knowing but they 
should die, and have been reprieved, and after banish- 
ed ; some of which we have known and often spoken 

2. Others have not only been forced into voluntary 
banishment, by great numbers, to avoid further cruelty, 
but divers, after long and sore imprisonment, have 
been forced to abjure the land by oath, never to return 
without leave. In anno 1604 four persons at once 
were forced to do so at a public Sessions in London, 
or else upon refusal they were to be hanged. This 
their abjuration was done on the statute of the 35 of 
Queen Elizabeth. Some of these we have also known. 

3. We find mention in a printed book of seventeen 
or eighteen that have died in several prisons in London 
in six years' time before the year 1592, besides what 
have been in other parts of the land, and since that 
time, perishing by cold, hunger, or noisomeness of the 

4. In the same year we find a lamentable petition, 15 92. 
now in print, of sixty persons committed unbailable to 
several prisons in London, as Newgate, the Gatehouse, 
Clink, &c., being made close prisoners, allowing them 
neither meat, drink, nor lodging, nor suffering any 

a commonwealth; but what dan- afraid there is near twenty thou- 

ger may grow to ourselves if this sand of them in England ; and 

law passes, it were fit to be consid- when they are gone, who shall 

^ed. If two or three thousand maintain their wives and child- 

Brownists meet at the seaside, at ren ?" Simon D'Ewes's Journals, 

whose charge shall they be trans- p. 517, and Peirce's Vindication, 

ported? or whither will you send page 143. 
them? I am sorry for it; I am 


CHAP, whose hearts the Lord would stir up for their relief, 

XXVI. , I 1 • 

■— — to have any access unto them ; so as they complain 
that no felons, traitors, nor murderers in the land were 
thus dealt with ; and so after many other grievous 
complaints conclude with these words : " We crave 
for all of us but the liberty either to die openly, or to 
live openly in the land of our nativity. If we deserve 
death, it beseemeth the majesty of justice not to see 
us closely murdered, yea starved to death with hunger 
and cold, and stifled in loathsome dungeons. If we 
be guiltless, we crave but the benefit of our innocence, 
viz. that we may have peace to serve our God and our 
Prince in the place of the sepulchres of our fathers."^ 

And what numbers since those, who have been put 
unto compulsory banishment and other hard sufferings, 
as loss of goods, friends, and long and hard imprison- 
ments, under which many have died, — it is so w^ell 
known, that it would make up a volume to rehearse 
them, and would not only equalize but far exceed the 
number of those godly called Puritans that have suffer- 
ed. Suppose they were but few of them ministers 
that suffered, as above expressed ; yet their sorrows 
might be as great, and their w^ants more, and their 
souls as much afflicted, because more contemned and 
neglected of men. 

But some have said they were excommunicated ; and 
that was no great matter as excommunications went in 
those days. So were these, not only while they were 
living, but some of them many times after they were 
dead; and as some of the other were imprisoned, so 
were more of these. But it is further said, all of 
them were deprived of their ministry ; and so were 

* See Peirce's Vindication of the Dissenters, part i. p. 144. 


these of their livelihood and maintenance, although chap. 
they had no offices to lose. But those remained still -^v^ 
in the land, and were succoured and sheltered bj good 
people in a competent wise, the most of them, and 
sundry of them lived as well, as may easily be proved, 
if not better, than if they had enjoyed their benefices ; 
whereas the other were, a great number of them, forc- 
ed to fly into foreign lands for shelter, or else might 
have perished in prisons ; and these poor creatures en- 
dured, many of them, such hardships (as is well known 
to some of us) as makes our hearts still ache to re- 

We some of us knew Mr. Parker, Doctor Ames, and 
Mr. Jacob ^ in Holland, when they sojourned for a 
time in Leyden ; and all three boarded together and 
had their victuals dressed by some of our acquaintance, 
and then they lived comfortable, and then they were 
provided for as became their persons. And after Mr. 
Jacob returned, and Mr. Parker was at Amsterdam, 

1 Henry Jacob was born in the gre^ational Church. He continued 
county of Kent in 1563, and was with his people about eight years, 
educated at Oxford. He became a but in 1624, went to Virginia, 
clergyman of the Church of Eng- where he soon after died. From 
land, and as Anthony Wood says, the Library of the American Anti- 
" was a person most excellently quarian Society, at Worcester, I 
well read in theological authors, have obtained the use of a book 
but withal was a most zealous written by Jacob, entitled ''An At- 
Puritan, or as his son Henry used testation of many learned, godly 
to say, the first Independent in and famous divines, lights of reli- 
England." He wrote two treatises gion and pillars of the gospel, jus- 
againstFrancis Johnson, the Brown- tifying this doctrine, viz. that the 
ist, in defence of the Church of Eng- church government ought to be al- 
land's being a true church. But ways with the people's free con- 
flying from the persecution under sent. Anno Dom. 1613." pp. 323. 
Bishop Bancroft in 1604, he fell in 16mo. This work is not contained 
with John Robinson at Leyden, in Wood's list of Jacob's writings, 
find conferring with him embraced nor is it mentioned by Ncal. See 
his peculiar sentiments of church Wood's Athen. Oxon.i. 464 ; Neal's 
government. On his return to Puritans, i. 438, 476 ; Mass. Hist. 
England, he laid in 1616, the foun- Coll. xi. 164 — 167. 
dation of an Independent or Con- 


CHAP, where he printed some of his books, and Mr. Ames 
-^-v~ disposed of himself to other places, it was not worse 
with him ; and some of us well know how it fared 
then with many precious Christians in divers times 
and places. To speak the truth, the professors in 
England, though many of them suffered much at the 
hands of the prelates, yet they had a great advantage 
of the Separatists ; for the Separatists had not only the 
prelates and their faction to encounter with, (and what 
hard measure they met with at their hands, above the 
other, doth sufficiently appear by what is before de- 
clared,) but also they must endure the frowns, and 
many times the sharp invectives, of the forward minis- 
ters against them, both in public and private ; and 
what influence they had upon the spirits of the people, 
is well enough known also ; by reason hereof the min- 
isters in foreign countries did look awry at them when 
they would give help and countenance to the other. 


Indeed, it seems they have sometimes suffered much 
hardness in the Low Countries, if that be true that is 
reported of such a man as Mr. Ains worth, that he 
should live for some time with nine pence a week. 
To which is replied by another, that if people suffered 
him to live on nine pence a week, with roots boiled, 
either the people were grown extreme low in estate, 
or the growth of their godliness was come to a very 
low ebb. 


The truth is, their condition for the most part was 
for some time very low and hard. It was with them 


as, if it should be related, would hardly be believed, chap. 


And no marvel. For many of them had lain long in ^-v-- 
prisons, and then were banished into Newfoundland, 
where they were abused, and at last came into the 
Low Countries, and wanting money, trades, friends or 
acquaintances, and languages to help themselves, how 
could it be otherwise ? The report of Mr. Ainsworth 
was near those times, when he was newly come out of 
Ireland with others poor, and being a single young man 
and very studious, was content with a little. And yet, 
to take off the aspersion from the people in that par- 
ticular, the chief and true reason thereof is mistaken ; 
for he was a very modest and bashful man, and con- 
cealed his wants from others, until some suspected how 
it was with him, and pressed him to see how it was ; 
and after it was known, such as were able mended his 
condition ; and when he was married afterwards, he 
and his family were comfortably provided for. But we 
have said enough of these things. They had (ew 
friends to comfort them, nor any arm of flesh to sup- 
port them ; and if in some things they were too rigid, 
they are rather to be pitied, considering their times and 
sufferings, than to be blasted with reproach to pos- 


Was that Brown ^ that fell away and made apostasy, 
the fii'st inventor and beginner of this way ? 

,' Robert Brown was descended the vehemence of his delivery gain- 

from an ancient and respectable ed him reputation with the people, 

family in Rutlandshire. His father He was first a schoolmaster in 

was a knight, and nearly related to Southworth, and then a preacher 

Cecil, Lord Burleigh. He was ed- at Islington, near London. He 

ucated at Cambridge, and preached first separated from the Church of 

some time in Benet Church, where England in 1580, and having been 







No, verily ; for, as one answers this question very 
vrell in a printed book, almost forty years ago, that 
the prophets, apostles and evangelists have in their 
authentic writings laid down the ground thereof; and 
upon that ground is their building reared up and surely 
settled.^ Moreover, many of the martyrs, both former 
and latter, have maintained it, as is to be seen in The 
Acts and Monuments of the Church. Also, in the 
days of Queen Elizabeth there was a separated church, 
whereof Mr. Fitts was pastor,^ and another before that 
in the time of Queen Mary, of which Mr. Rough ^ was 

twice imprisoned, at length escaped 
into Holland, and set up a congre- 
gation of his followers at Middle- 
burg. After its dissolution, he re- 
turned in 1589 to England, recanted 
his principles of separation, be- 
came reconciled to the established 
church, and was rewarded with a 
living in Northamptonshire. Ful- 
ler, the church historian, who was 
born within a mile of his residence, 
says he often saw him in his youth, 
and adds that " he had in my time 
a wife with whom for many years 
he never lived, and a church 
wherein he never preached." Be- 
ing imprisoned for striking the con- 
stable of his parish for demanding 
a church rate of him, he died in 
Northampton gaol in 1630, in his 
81st year. Hornius says, " De eo 
inter alia ridicula referunt, quod 
cum frequenter uxorem suam pul- 
saret, reprehensus propterea respon- 
derit, ' Se non verberare earn ut 
uxorem suam, verum ut nefariara 
et maledictam vetulam.' " 

Robinson, in his Justification of 
Separation, page 54, says, " Now 
touching Browne, it is true, that as 
he forsook the Lord, so the Lord 
forsook him in his way ; and so he 
did his own people Israel many a 

time. And if the Lord had not for- 
saken him, he had never so returned 
back into Egypt, as he did, to live 
of the spoils of it. And for the 
wicked things which Mr. Bernard 
affirmeth he did in this way, it 
may well be as he saith, and the 
more wicked things he committed 
in this course, the less like he was 
to continue long in it, and the more 
like to return again to his proper 
centre, the Church of England, 
where he should be sure to find 
companions enough in any wick- 
edness, as it came to pass." See 
Wood's Athen. Oxon. i. 341 ; Ful- 
ler's Ch. Hist. iii. 61—65 ; Strype's 
Annals, iii. 15; Neal's Puritans, i. 
251 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 13; 
Hornii Hist. Eccles. p. 231 ; Hoorn- 
beek, Summa Controv. p. 739. 

' As for Mr. Robinson's being 
the author of Independency, Mr. 
Cotton replies that " the New Tes- 
tament was the author of it, and it 
was received in the times of purest, 
primitive antiquity, many hundreds 
of years before Mr. Robinson was 
born." Prince, p. 176. See Cot- 
ton's Way, p. 9. 

^ See Prince's Annals, p. 302. 

^ Rough^was burnt. See Neal's 
Puritans, i. 71. 


pastor or teacher, and Cudbert Simpson a deacon, who chap. 
exercised amongst themselves, as other ordinances, so -X-^ 
church censures, as excommunication, &c., and pro- 
fessed and practised that cause before Mr. Brown 
wrote for it. But he being one that afterwards wrote 
for it, they that first hatched the name of Puritans' and 
bestowed it on the godlj professors that desired reform- 
ation, they likewise out of the same storehouse would 
needs bestow this new livery upon others that never 
would own it, nor had reason so to do. Mr. Cotton, 
likewise, in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page fourth, 
shows how in the year 1567 there were a hundred 
persons who refused the common liturgy, and the con- 
gregations attending thereunto, and used prayers and 
preaching and the sacraments amongst themselves, 
whereof fourteen or fifteen were sent to prison, of 
whom the chiefest were Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon, James 
Ireland, Robert Hawkins, Thomas Rowland, and Rich- 
ard Morecroft ; and these pleaded their separation 
before the Lord Mayor, Bishop Sands, and other com- 
missioners on June 20, 1567, about eighty years ago, 
being many years before Brown.^ Divers other in- 
stances might be given. 


But if we mistake not, Mr. Brown is accounted by 
some of good note to be the inventor of that way which 
is called Brownism, from whom the sect took its name. 
Moreover, it is said by such of note as aforesaid, that 
it is not God's usual manner of dealing to leave any of 
the first publishers or restorers of any truth of his to 
such fearful apostasy. 

1 In 1564. See note ' on page " See Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 480, 
12, and Neal's Puritans, i. 161—164. 




^ ^ Possibly this speech might arise from a common 
received opinion. But reverend Mr. Cotton, in his 
Answer to Mr. Bajhe, saith " the backsliding of Brown 
from that way of Separation is a just reason why the 
Separatists may disclaim denomination from him, and 
refuse to be called Brownists, after his name ; and to 
speak with reason," saith he, " if any be justly to be 
called Brownists, it is only such as revolt from Sepa- 
ration to formality, and from thence to profaneness." 
Page 5. 

To which we may add, that it is very injurious to 
call those after his name, whose person they never 
knew, and whose writings few if any of them ever 
saw, and whose errors and backslidings they have con- 
stantly borne witness against ; and what truths they 
have received have been from the light of God's sacred 
word, conveyed by other godly instruments unto them ; 
though Brown may sometimes have professed some of 
the same things, and now fallen from the same, as many 
others have done. 


Seeing we have presumed thus far to inquire into 
these ancienter times of you, and of the sufferings of 
the aforesaid persons, we would likewise entreat you, 
though never so briefly, to tell us something of the per- 
sons and carriages of other eminent men about those 
times, or immediately after, as Mr. Francis Johnson, 
Mr. Henry Ainsworth, Mr. John Smith, Mr. John 
Robinson, Mr. Richard Clifton. 




Here are some in the company that knew them all 
familiarly, whom we shall desire to satisfy your re- 

Those answered, We shall do it most willingly ; for 
we cannot but honor the memory of the men for the 
good that not only many others but we ourselves have 
received by them and their ministry ; for we have heard 
them all, and hved under the ministry of divers of them 
for some years. We shall therefore speak of them in 
order briefly. 

Mr. Johnson, 

Of whom something was spoken before,^ was pastor of 
the church of God at Amsterdam. A very grave man 
he was, and an able teacher, and was the most solemn 
in all his administrations that we have seen any, and 
especially in dispensing the seals of the covenant, both 
baptism and the Lord's supper. And a good disputant 
he was. We heard Mr. Smith upon occasion say, that 
he was persuaded no men living were able to maintain 
a cause against those two men, meaning Mr. Johnson 
and Mr. Ainsworth, if they had not the truth on their 
side. He, by reason of many dissensions that fell out 
in the church, and the subtilty of one of the elders of 
the same, came after many years to alter his judgment 
about the government of the church, and his practice 
thereupon, which caused a division amongst them. But 
l)e lived not many years after, and died at Amsterdam 
after his return from Embden. 

'On page 424. 




But he is much spoken against for excommunicating 
his brother ^ and his own father, and maintaining his 
wife's cause, who was by his brother and others re- 
proved for her pride in apparel. 


Himself hath often made his own defence, and others 
for him. The church did, after long patience towards 
them and mucli pains taken with them, excommunicate 
them for their unreasonable and endless opposition, 
and such things as did accompany the same ; and such 
was the justice thereof, as he could not but consent 
thereto. In our time his wife was a grave matron, 
and very modest both in her apparel and all her de- 
meanour, ready to any good works in her place, and 
helpful to many, especially the poor, and an ornament 
to his calling. She was a young widow when he mar- 
ried her, and had been a merchant's wife, by whom he 
had a good estate, and W'as a godly w^oman ; and be- 
cause she wore such apparel as she had been formerly 
used to, which were neither excessive nor immodest, 
for their chiefest exceptions were against her wearing 
of some whalebone in the bodice and sleeves of her 
gown, corked shoes, and other such like things as the 
citizens of her rank then used to wear. And although, 
for ofi'ence sake, she and he were willing to reform the 
fashions of them so far as might be without spoiling of 
their garments, yet it would not content them except 
they came full up to their size. Such was the strict- 

' His brother's name was George. See Baylie, p. 15. 


ness or rigidness (as now the term goes) of some in chap. 
those times, as we can by experience and of our own -^^-^ 
knowledge show in other instances. We shall for 
brevity sake only show one. 

We were in the company of a godly man that had 
been a long time prisoner at Norwich for this cause, 
and was by Judge Cooke set at liberty. After going 
into the country he visited his friends, and returning 
that way again to go into the Low Countries by ship 
at Yarmouth, and so desired some of us to turn in with 
him to the house of an ancient woman in the city, who 
had been very kind and helpful to him in his suffer- 
ings. She knowing his voice made him very welcome, 
and those with him. But after some time of their en- 
tertainment, being ready to depart, she came up to 
him and felt of his band, (for her eyes were dim with 
age,) and perceiving it was something stiffened with 
starch, she was much displeased, and reproved him 
very sharply, fearing God would not prosper his jour- 
ney. Yet the man was a plain countryman, clad in 
gray russet, without either welt or guard, (as the pro- 
verb is,) and the band he wore scarce worth threepence, 
made of their own homespinning ; and he was godly 
and humble as he was plain. What would such pro- 
fessors, if they were now living, say to the excess of 
our times ? ^ 

' Francis Johnson became a Se- son escaped from the country, and 

paratist by reading a book written with some of his people set up a 

by Barrow and Greenwood, as re- church at Amsterdam. Robinson 

lalcd on page 425. In 1592, on the found him there in 1608, as appears 

formation of a new congregation from page 34. On the breaking 

of Separatists in London, Johnson out of the dissensions among them, 

was chosen its pastor and Green- Johnson removed to Embden. See 

wood its teacher. They, with fifty- note ' on page 24 ; Neal's Puritans, 

four of their church, were soon pp. 3G3, 436 ; Prince's Annals, p. 

seized by the bishop's officers, and 303; Robinson's Justification, p. 

imprisoned. After the execution 55; Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 14; 

of Barrow and Greenwood, John- Cotton's Way, p. 6. 


CHAP. Mr. Henry Ainsworth, 

A A. V 1. 

A man of a thousand, was teacher of this church at 
Amsterdam at the same time when Mr. Johnson was 
pastor. Two worthy men they were and of excellent 
parts. He continued constant in his judgment and 
practice unto his end in those things about the church 
government, from which Mr. Johnson swerved and 
fell. He ever maintained good correspondence with 
Mr. Robinson at Leyden, and would consult with him 
in all matters of weight, both in their differences and 
afterwards. A very learned man he was, and a close 
student, which much impaired his health. We have 
heard some, eminent in the knowledge of the tongues, 
of the university of Leyden, say that they thought he 
had not his better for the Hebrew tongue in the uni- 
versity, nor scarce in Europe.^ He was a man very 
modest, amiable, and sociable in his ordinary course 
and carriage, of an innocent and unblamable life and 
conversation, of a meek spirit, and a calm temper, void 
of passion and not easily provoked. And yet he would 
be something smart in his style to his opposers in his 
public writings ; at which we that have seen his con- 
stant carriage, both in public disputes and the managing 
of all church affairs, and such like occurrences, have 
sometimes marvelled. He had an excellent gift of 
teaching and opening the Scriptures ; and things did 
flow from him with that facility, plainness and sweet- 
ness, as did much affect the hearers. He was powerful 
and profound in doctrine, although his voice was not 

' Cotton, in his Way of Congre- gently studious of the Hebrew text, 

gational Churches Cleared, page 6, hath not been unuseful to the church 

says, " Mr. Ainsworth, a man of a in his Exposition of the Pentateuch, 

modest and humble spirit, and diJi- especially of Moses his rituals." 


Strong ; and had this excellency above many, that he chap. 


was most ready and pregnant in the Scriptures, as if — v^ 
the book of God had been written in his heart ; being 
as ready in his quotations, without tossing and turning 
his book, as if they had lain open before his eyes, and 
seldom missing a word in the citing of any place, 
teaching not only the word and doctrine of God, but 
in the words of God, and for the most part in a con- 
tinued phrase and words of Scripture. He used great 
dexterity, and was ready in comparing scripture with 
scripture, one with another. In a word, the times and 
place in which he lived were not worthy of such a 


But we find that he is taxed, in a book writ by 
George Johnson, with apostasy and to be a man- 
pleaser, &c. 


Who can escape the scourge of tongues ? Christ 
himself could not do it when he was here upon earth, 
although there was no guile found in his mouth ; nor 
Moses, although he was the meekest man in the earth. 
For man-pleasing, they that tax him [do it] because 
he concurred against their violent and endless dissen- 
sions about the former matters. And for his apostasy, 
this was all the matter. When he was a young man, 
before he came out of England, he at the persuasion of 
some of his godly friends went once or twice to hear a 
godly minister preach ; and this was the great matter 
of apostasy, for which those violent men thought him 
worthy to be deposed from his place, and for which 



CHAP, they thus charge hhn. And truly herein they may 
^^v^^ worthily bear the name of rigid, &c.^ 

Mr. John Smith 

Was an eminent man in his time, and a good preacher, 
and of other good parts ; but his inconstancy, and 
unstable judgment, and being so suddenly carried away 
with things, did soon overthrow him. Yet we have 
some of us heard him use this speech : " Truly," said 
he, " we being now come into a place of liberty, are in 
great danger, if we look not well to our ways ; for we 
are like men set upon the ice, and therefore may easily 
slide and fall." But in this example it appears it is 
an easier matter to give good counsel than to follow it, 
to foresee danger than to prevent it : which made the 
Jere. prophct to say, " O Lord, the way of man is not in 
himself, neither is it in man to walk and to direct his 
steps." He was some time pastor to a company of 
honest and godly men which came with him out of 
England, and pitched at Amsterdam. He first fell 
into some errors about the Scriptures, and so into some 
opposition with Mr. Johnson, who had been his tutor, 

' After Johnson's removal to he would desire ; but Ainsworlh, 
Embden, Ainsworth was the sole though poor, would accept of no- 
pastor of the church at Amsterdam thing but a conference with some 
till his death. This " Rabbi of his of the rabbles upon the prophecies 
age," as he was called, " was the of the Old Testament relating to 
author of a very learned commen- the Messiah, which the other pro- 
tary on the five books of Moses, in raised ; but not having interest 
which he shows himself a complete enough to obtain it, and Ainsworth 
master of the Oriental languages being resolute, it is thought he 
and of Jewish antiquities. His was poisoned. His congregation 
death was sudden, and not without remained without a pastor for some 
suspicion of violence; for it is re- years after his death and then chose 
ported, that having found a dia- Mr. Canne, author of the marginal 
mond of great value in the streets references to the Bible." See 
of Amsterdam, he advertised it in Neal's Puritans, i. 363, 386, 437 ; 
print, and when the owner, who Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 15; Cot- 
' was a Jew, came to demand it, he ton's Way, p. 6. 
offered him any acknowledgment 



and the church there. But he was convinced of them chap. 
by the pains and faithfuhiess of Mr. Johnson and Mr. ^-^ 
Ainsworth, and revoked them ; but afterwards was 
drawn away by some of the Dutch Anabaptists, who 
finding him to be a good scholar and unsettled, they 
easily misled the most of his people, and other of them 
scattered away. He lived not many years after, but 
died there of a consumption, to which he was inclined 
before he came out of England. His and his people's 
condition may be an object of pity for after times.^ 

Mr. John Robinson 

Was pastor of that famous church of Leyden, in 
Holland ; a man not easily to be paralleled for all 
things, whose singular virtues we shall not take upon 

1 Smith, who has already been 
mentioned on pages 22 and 34, 
was, according to Baylie, p. 15, 
"a man of right eminent parts." 
Neal says that he was " a learned 
man, of good abilities, but of an 
unsettled head, as appears by the 
preface to one of his books, in 
which he desires that his last 
writing may always be taken for 
his present judgment. He was 
for refining upon the Brownists' 
scheme, and at last declared for the 
principles of the Baptists; but be- 
ing at a loss for a proper adminis- 
trator of the ordinance of baptism, 
he plunged himself, and then per- 
formed the ceremony upon others ; 
which gained him the name of a 
Se-baptist. He afterwards embraced 
the tenets of Arminius, and pub- 
lished certain conclusions upon 
those points in the year 1611, 
which Mr. R,obinson answered in 
1£14 ; but Smith died soon after, 
and his congregation dissolved." 

" The fall of Mr. Smith," says 
Cotton, in his Way, p. 6, "and the 
spirit of errors and instability that 
fell upon him, was a dreadful warn- 

ing from heaven against self-ful- 
ness and self-pleasing. For though 
the tyranny of the Ecclesiastical 
Courts was harsh towards him, and 
the yokes put upon him in his min- 
istry too grievous to be borne, yet 
neither was he alone in suffering. 
Nor were those that suffered with 
him at that time (Mr. Clifton and 
Mr. Robinson) such inconsiderable 
persons that he should affect to go 
alone from them. He thought he 
could have gained his tutor, John- 
son, [of Amsterdam] from the er- 
vors of his rigid separation. But 
he had promised them not to go 
over to him without their con- 
sents; and they utterly dissuaded 
him therefrom, as fearing his insta- 
bility. And yet, contrary to his 
promise, he went over to him, 
which led him into manifest temp- 
tations and aberrations." 

The celebrated Bishop Hall wrote 
a letter which he addressed " to Mr. 
Smith and Mr. Robinson, ringlead- 
ers of the late Separation, at Am- 
sterdam." See Neal's Puritans, i. 
437 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, pp. 15, 19 ; 
Bp. Hall's Epistles, dec. iii. ep. L 


CHAP. US here to describe. Neither need we, for they so 
- — -^ well are known both by friends and enemies. As he 
was a man learned and of solid judgment, and of a 
quick and sharp wit, so was he also of a tender con- 
science, and very sincere in all his ways, a hater of 
hypocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very plain 
with his best friends. He was very courteous, affable, 
and sociable in his conversation, and towards his own 
people especially. He was an acute and expert dis- 
putant, very quick and ready, and had much bickering 
with the Arminians,^ who stood more in fear of him 
than any of the university. He was never satisfied in 
himself until he had searched any cause or argument 
he had to deal in thoroughly and to the bottom ; and 
we have heard him sometimes say to his familiars that 
many times, both in writing and disputation, he knew 
he had sufficiently answered others, but many times 
not himself; and was ever desirous of any light, and the 
more able, learned, and holy the persons were, the 
more he desired to confer and reason with them. He 
was very profitable in his ministry and comfortable to 
his people. He was much beloved of them, and as 
loving was he unto them, and entirely sought their 
good for soul and body. In a word, he was much 
esteemed and reverenced of all that knew him, and his 
abilities [were acknowledged] both of friends and 
strangers. But we resolved to be brief in this matter, 
leaving you to better and more large information herein 
from others."^ 

' See pages 41 and 392. tor of the Pilgrim Church, raen- 

* John Robinson was born in tioned on page 23, he had a bene- 

1575, but the place of his birth is fice near Yarmouth, in Norfolk, 

unknown. He was probably edu- where he was often molested by 

Gated at the university of Cam- the bishop's officers, and his friends 

bridge. Before his election as pas- almost ruined in the ecclesiastical 




Mr. Richard Clifton 

Was a grave and fatherly old man when he came first chap. 
into Holland, having a great white beard ; and pity it 
was that such a reverend old man should be forced to 
leave his country, and at those years to go into exile. 
But it was his lot ; and he bore it patiently. Much 
good had he done in the country where he lived, and 
converted many to God by his faithful and painful 
ministry, both in preaching and catechizing. Sound 
and orthodox he always was, and so continued to his 
end. He belonged to the church at Leyden ; but be- 
ing settled at Amsterdam, and thus aged, he was loath 
to remove any more ; and so when they removed, he 

courts. It is an ungenerous insin- 
uation of Bisliop Hall, at the end 
of his Apology against Brovvnists, 
*' Neither doubt we to say, that the 
mastership of the hospital at Nor- 
wich, or a lease from that city, (sued 
for, with repulse,) might have pro- 
cured that this separation from the 
communion, government, and wor- 
ship of the Church of England, 
should not have been made by John 

Baylie, that bitter inveigher 
against the Brownists and Inde- 
pendents, acknowledges that'' Rob- 
inson was a man of excellent parts, 
and the most learned, polished and 
modest spirit that ever separated 
from the Church of England ; that 
the Apologies and Justifications he 
wrote were very handsome ; that 
by Dr. Ames and Mr. Parker he 
was brought to a greater modera- 
tion than he at first expressed ; that 
he ruined the rigid separation, 
was a principal overthrower of the 
Brownists, and became the author 
of Jndependenci/." As to this last 
point, however, see Cotton's reply, 
in note ' on page 442. The name, 
however, as Mosheim suggests, 

may have been derived from an 
expression of Robinson's in his 
Apology : " Coetum quemlibet par- 
ticularera esse totam, integram et 
perfectam ecclesiam ex suis parti- 
bus constantem, immediate et mde- 
pendenter quoad alias ecclesias, sub 
ipso Christo." 

As has already been seen, pp. 77 
and 384, and will more fully appear 
hereafter from his Letters, it was 
Robinson's intention and most ear- 
nest desire to come over and settle 
with his flock at Plymouth ; but he 
was prevented by the want of 
means, the opposition of some of 
.the merchant adventurers, and 
finally by death, Avhich removed 
him from the world March 1, 1625. 
The honors paid to his memory at 
his funeral are recorded in note ' 
on page 393. Hoornbeek says, in 
the work quoted on page 42, " Post 
obitum ejus, oborta in coetu con- 
tentione et schismate super com- 
munione cum Ecclesia Anglicana in 
audilione verbi, D. Robinsoni vidua, 
liberi, reliquique propinqui et amici 
in communionem ecclesiae nostroe 
recepti fuerunt." Prince says, in 
his Annals, p. 238, " His son Isaac 



CHAP, was dismissed to them there, and there remained until 
— v^ he died.^ Thus have we briefly satisfied your desire. 


We are very thankful to you for your pains. We 
perceive God raiseth up excellent instruments in all 
ages to carry on his own work ; and the best of men 
have their failings sometimes, as we see in these our 

came over to Plymouth Colony, liv- 
ed to above ninety of years, a ven- 
erable man, whom I have often 
seen, and has left male posterity in 
the county of Barnstable." He 
lived at Scituate in 1636, and in 
1639 removed to Barnstable ; he 
was a highly respectable man, and 
an Assistant in the government. 
He married a sister of Elder Faunce, 
and a son of his, Isaac, was drown- 
ed at Barnstable in 1663. See 
Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 151 — 178; 
Neal's Puritans, i. 437 ; Baylie's 
Dissuasive, p. 17 ; Cotton's Way, 
p. 7 ; Hoornbeek, Sum. Cont. p. 
741 ; Hornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 232 ; 
Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. v. 405; 
Deane's Scituate, p. 332; Holmes's 
Annals, pp. 191, 575; Prince, 173. 
In note ^ on page 40 there is a 
list of the books published by Rob- 
inson before the departure of the 
Pilgrims for America. He after- 
wards wrote the following works, 
all of which, with the others, I 
have had the privilege and pleasure 
of consulting. 1 . " A Defence of 
the Doctrme propounded by the 
Synod at Dort, against John Mur- 
ton and his Associates, with the 
Refutation of their Answer to a 
writing touching baptism. By 
John Robinson. Printed in the 
year 1624." 4to. pp. 203. 2. "A 
Treatise of the lawfulness of hear- 
ing of the ministers in the Church 
of England; penned by that learn- 
ed and reverend divine, John Ptob- 
inson, late pastor to the English 
church of God at Leyden. Printed 
according to the copy that was 

found in his study after his de- 
cease ; and now published for the 
common good. Together with a 
letter written by the same author, 
[Leyden, 5 April, 1624] and ap- 
proved by his church, which fol- 
loweth after this Treatise. Anno 
1634." pp. 77, 16rao. 3. "Es- 
says, or Observations, divine and 
moral, collected out of Holy Scrip- 
tures, ancient and modern writers, 
both divine and human, as also out 
of the great volume of men's man- 
ners ; tending to the furtherance of 
knowledge and virtue. By John 
Robinson. The Second Edition. 
London. Printed for /. Bellamie. 
1638." pp. 556, 4to. In his Pre- 
face he speaks of having " dili- 
gently observed the great volume 
of men's manners ; having had, in 
the days of my pilgrimage, special 
opportunityof conversing with per- 
sons of divers nations, estates, and 
dispositions, in great variety. This 
kind of study and meditation hath 
been unto me full sweet and de- 
lightful, and that wherein I have 
often refreshed my soul and spirit, 
amidst many sad and sorrowful 
thoughts, unto which God hath 
called me." 

' Of course Belknap is in an er- 
ror, when he says, in his Life of 
Robinson, Am. Biog. ii. 157, "As 
nothing more is said of the aged 
Mr. Clifton, it is probable that he 
died before this embarkation," i. e. 
from England to Holland. Baylies, 
in his Memoir of New Plymouth, 
i. 11, repeats the error. Yet Prince 
would have set them right, p. 120. 



times, and that there is no new thing under the sun. chap. 

Y Y V' I 

But before we end this matter, we desire you would '- 

say something of those two churches that were so long 
in exile, of whose guides we have already heard. 


Truly there were in them many worthy men ; and 
if you had seen them in their beauty and order, as we 
have done, you would have been much affected there- 
with, we dare say. At Amsterdam, before their divi- 
sion and breach, they were about three hundred com- 
municants, and they had for their pastor and teacher 
those two eminent men before named, and in our time 
four grave men for ruling elders,^ and three able and 
godly men for deacons, one ancient widow for a dea- 
coness, who did them service many years, though she 
was sixty years of age when she was chosen. She 
honored her place and was an ornament to the congre- 

' The difference between the pas- 
tor, or teaching elder, and the ruling 
elder, as it existed in the churches 
of the Pilgrims, is thus described by 
Prince, from their published writ- 
ings. "1. Pastors, or teaching el- 
ders— who have the power of over- 
seeing, teaching, administering the 
sacraments, and ruling too ; and 
being chiefly to give themselves to 
studying, teaching, and the spiritual 
care of the flock, are therefore to be 
maintained. 2. Mere ruling elders 
— who are to help the pastors in 
overseeing and ruling; that their 
offices be not temporary, as among 
the Dutch and French churches, 
but continual ; and being also quali- 
fied in some degree to teach, they 
are to teach occasionally, through 
necessity, or in their pastor's ab- 
sence or illness ; but being not to 
give themselves to study or teach- 
ing, they have no need of mainte- 
nance." It appears, from page 65, 

that they " chose none for govern- 
ing elders but such as were able to 
teach." The office of ruling elder 
also existed in the churches of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay, at their first plant- 
ing. Mr. Savage says, " It was 
kept up hardly more than fifty years, 
though in a few churches it contia- 
ued to the middle of the last cen- 
tury, much reduced, however, in 
importance, and hardly distinguish- 
able from that of deacon. The title 
of elders was retained from the be- 
ginning as a name for ministers." 
The office of ruling elder is still 
kept up in the First Church in Sa- 
lem, the oldest church in Massa- 
chusetts proper, the next after Ply- 
mouth. For further particulars con- 
cerning the functions and duties of 
the ruling elder, see Robinson's 
Apology, ch. iv. ; the Cambridge 
Platform, ch, vii. ; Hutchinson's 
Mass, i. 426 ; Prince's Annals, p, 
177; Savage's Winthrop, i. 31, 


CHAP, pfation. She usually sat in a convenient place in the 

XXVI. . . 

— ^ congregation, with a little birchen rod in her hand, and 
kept little children in great awe from disturbing the 
congregation. She did frequently visit the sick and 
w^eak, especially women, and, as there was need, call- 
ed out maids and young women to watch and do them 
other helps as their necessity did require ; and if they 
were poor, she would gather relief for them of those 
that were able, or acquaint the deacons ; and she was 
obeyed as a mother in Israel and an officer of Christ. 

And for the church of Leyden, they were sometimes 
not much fewer in number, nor at all inferior in able 
men, though they had not so many officers as the other ; 
for they had but one ruling elder with their pastor, a 
man well approved and of great integrity ; also they 
had three able men for deacons. And that which 
was a crown unto them, they lived together in love 
and peace all their days,* without any considerable dif- 
ferences or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such 
as was easily healed in love ; and so they continued un- 
til with mutual consent they removed into New Eng- 
land. And what their condition hath been since, some 
of you that are of their children do see and can tell. 
Many worthy and able men there were in both places, 
who lived and died in obscurity in respect of the world, 
as private Christians, yet were they precious in the 
eyes of the Lord, and also in the eyes of such as knew 
them, whose virtues we with such of you as are their 
children do follow and imitate. 


If we may not be tedious, we would request to know 

' See pages 34, 36, and 380. 


one thing more. It is commonly said that those of the chap. 


Separation hold none to be true churches but their own, -X-«l- 
and condemn all the churches in the world besides ; 
which lieth as a foul blot upon them, jea even on some 
here in New England, except they can remove it. 


It is a manifest slander laid upon them ; for they 
hold all the Reformed Churches to be true churches, 
and even the most rigid of them have ever done so, as 
appears by their Apologies^ and other writings ; and 
we ourselves some of us know of much intercommu- 
nion that divers have held with them reciprocally, not 
only with the Dutch and French, but even with the 
Scotch,^ who are not of the best mould, yea and with 
the Lutherans also ; and we believe they have gone as 
far herein, both in judgment and practice, as any of the 
churches in New England do or can do, to deal faith- 
fully and bear witness against their corruptions. 

Having thus far satisfied all your demands, we shall 
here break off this conference for this time, desiring 
the Lord to make you to grow up in grace and wis- 
dom and the true fear of God, that in all faithfulness 
and humility you may serve him in your generations. 


Gentlemen, we humbly thank you for your pains 
with us and respect unto us, and do further crave that 
upon any fit occasions we may have access unto you 
for any further information, and herewith do humbly 
take our leave.^ 

1 See Robinson's Apology, quot- => See pages 391—396. 
ed in note " on page 38S. ^ Bradford continued this Dia- 




CHAP, logue in two other parts; one of 
XXVI. which I have had in my possession, 
-■"^-'■—^ written with his own hand. Tlie 
title is as follows : " A Dialogue, 
or 3d Conference, hetweene some 
yonge men borne in New-Eng- 
land, and some ancient men which 
came out of Holand and Old Eng- 
land, concerning the Church and 
the governmente therof." It is 

longer than the first part which is 
here printed, and relates chiefly to 
the " controversyes amongst four 
sorts of men ; The Papists, the 
Episcopacy, the Presbyterians, and 
the Independents, as they are call- 
ed." Being a theological rather 
than a historical work, I have not 
deemed it suitable to be inserted in 
this volume. 







Now followeth that which was matter of jrreat sad- chap. 

X X V I r 
ness and mourning unto this Church. About the 16th -' 

of April,^ in this year, died their reverend Elder,^ our 16 44. 
dear and loving friend, Mr. William^ Brewster ; a i6.' 
man that had done and suffered much for the Lord 
Jesus and the Gospel's sake, and had borne his part in 
weal and wo with this poor persecuted Church about 
thirty-six years in England, Holland, and in this wil- 
derness, and done the Lord and them faithful service 
in his place and calling ; and notwithstanding the many. 

' From the records of Plymouth 
Church, book i. folio 38, into which 
it was copied by Secretary Morton, 
from Governor Bradford's MS. His- 
tory of Plymouth Colony. 

* Morton, in his Memorial, p. 
219, places Brewster's death on the 
18th of April, 1643. "Concerning 
whom," he adds, " I could say 
much of mine own knowledge ; but 
I shall content myself only to in- 
sert the honorable testimony that 
Mr. William Bradford, deceased, 
hath left written with his own hand 
cencerning him." He then pro- 
ceeds to copy a considerable part of 
the above account. Hutchinson, 
in his Hist. Mass. ii. 460, inserts 
about a page of it from Governor 

Bradford's MS. History. There 
can be no doubt that the whole 
Memoir proceeded from the pen of 
Bradford, and that Morton, in this 
as in other cases, was a mere 

^ Brewster was the ruling elder. 
Eancroft, i. 306, errs in calling him 
" the temidug elder." Burk, in his 
Hist, of Virginia, i. 214, makes 
Brewster the military as well as 
the spiritual leader of the Pilgrims, 
confounding him with Standish. 

* Neal, in his Hist, of New Eng- 
land, i. 85, errs in calling him 
John; an error which is repeated 
by the authors of the Mod. Univ. 
Hist, xxxix. 271. 


CHAP, troubles and sorrows he passed through, the Lord up- 


— ^'^' held him to a great age. He was near fourscore years 
of age (if not all out) when he died. He had this 
blessing added by the Lord to all the rest, to die in 
his bed, in peace, amongst the midst of his friends, 
who mourned and wept over him, and ministered what 
help and comfort they could unto him, and he again 
recomforted them whilst he could. His sickness was 
not long. Until the last day thereof he did not wholly 
keep his bed. His speech continued until somewhat 
more than half a day before his death, and then failed 
him ; and about nine or ten of the clock that evening 
he died, without any pang at all. A few hours before 
he drew his breath short, and some few minutes before 
his last he drew his breath long, as a man M\en into a 
sound sleep, without any pangs or gaspings, and so 
sweetly departed this life unto a better. 

I w^ould now demand of any w^hat he was the worse 
for any former sufferings. What do 1 say ? The worse? 
Nay, surely he was the better, and they now add to 

2 Thess. his honor. " It is a manifest token," saith the Apostle, 
" of the righteous judgment of God, that ye may be 
counted worthy of the kingdom of God, for which ye 
also suffer ; seeing it is a righteous thing with God to 
recompense tribulation to them that trouble you ; and 
to you who are troubled, rest with us when the Lord 
Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty an- 

1 Peter gcls ;" aud " If ye be reproached for the name of Christ, 
happy are ye ; for the spirit of God and of glory rest- 
eth upon you." What though he wanted the riches 
and pleasures of the world in his life, and pompous 
proj. monuments at his funeral, yet the memorial of the just 
shall be blessed when the name of the wicked shall rot. 


I should say something of his life, if to say a little chap. 
were not worse than to be silent. But I cannot wholly ii^' 
forbear, though haply more may be done hereafter. 

After he had attained some learning, viz. the know- 
ledge of the Latin tongue and some insight into the 
Greek, and spent some small time at Cambridge, and 
then being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and 
virtue, he went to the Court, and served that reli- 
gious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison,^ divers years, 
when he was Secretary of State ; who found him so 
discreet and faithful, as he trusted him above all other 
that were about him, and only employed him in mat- 
ters of greatest trust and secrecy.^ He esteemed him 
rather as a son than a servant, and for his wisdom and 
godliness, in private, he would converse with him more 
like a familiar than a master. He attended his master 
when he was sent in ambassage by the Queen into the 
Low Countries, (in the Earl of Leicester's time,) as 158 5. 
for other weighty affairs of State, so to receive posses- 
sion of the cautionary towns f and in token and sign 

1 The unfortunate William Davi- not a man in the land so furnished 

son, who fell a victim to Queen universally for the place he had, 

Elizabeth's duplicity and state- neither know I any that can come 

craft, was a person of great worth near him." See Supplement to 

and ability. The Earl of Essex, in the Cabala, p. 23; Strype's An- 

a letter to King James, April 18, nals, iii. 373. 

1587, interceding in his behalf, ^ Brewster had for a colleague 

speaks of him as " beloved of in office under Davison, George 

the best and most religious of this Cranmer, the pupil and friend of 

land. His sufficiency in council the judicious Hooker. See Wal- 

and matters of state is such, as the ton's Lives, p. 179, (Major's ed.) 

Queen herself confesseth in her Judge Davis justly remarks that 

kingdom she hath not such anoth- " there seems to have been a simi- 

er; his virtue, religion, and worth larity of character between Mr. '' 

in all degrees are of the world taken Brewster and his patron." Memo- 

to be so great, as no man in his rial, p. 221. 

gopd fortune hath had more gen- ' In 1584, when Elizabeth cnter- 

eral love than this gentleman in ed into a league with the United 

his disgrace ;" and Lord Burleigh, Provinces, and advanced money to 

in a petition to Queen Elizabeth, enable them to maintain their in- 

February 13, 1586, writes, "I know dependence of Spain, her rival in 



CHAP, thereof the keys of Flushing being delivered to him in 
^^-^ her Majesty's name, he kept them some time, and com- 
mitted them to his servant, who kept them under his 
pillow on which he slept, the first night. And, at his 
return, the States honored him with a gold chain, and 
his master committed it to him, and commanded him 
to wear it when they arrived in England, as they rode 
through the country, until they came to the Court. 
He afterwards remained with him until his troubles, 
1587. when he was put from his place about the death of the 
Queen of Scots, and some good time after, doing him 
many offices of service in the time of his troubles.^ 
Afterwards he went and lived in the country, in good 

power and ambition, she very pru- 
dently got consigned into her hands 
the three important fortresses of 
Flushing, the Brille, and Ramme- 
kins, as pledges for the reimburse- 
ment of the money which she ad- 
vanced in defence of their liberties. 
They were accordingly called " the 
cautionary towns." They were 
surrendered by James in 1616. 
See Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, 
pp. 27 — 35. 

> " When Mary, Queen of Scots, 
had been tried and condemned, and 
the Parliament of England had pe- 
titioned their sovereign for her ex- 
ecution, Elizabeth privately or- 
dered Davison to draw a death- 
warrant, which she signed, and 
sent him with it to the Chancellor 
to have the great seal annexed. 
Having performed his duty, she pre- 
tended to blame him for his preci- 
pitancy. Davison acquainted the 
Council with the whole transac- 
tion ; they knew the Queen's real 
sentiments, and persuaded him to 
send the warrant to the Earls of 
Kent and Shrewsbury, promising 
to justify his conduct, and take the 
blame on themselves. These Earls 
attended the execution of Mary ; 

but when Elizabeth heard of it, 
she affected great indignation, 
threw all the blame on the inno- 
cent Secretary, and committed him 
to the Tower, where he became the 
subject of raillery from those very 
counsellors who had promised to 
countenance and protect him. He 
was tried in the Star Chamber, 
and fined £10,000, which being 
rigorously levied upon him, re- 
duced him to poverty." Belknap's 
Am. Biog. ii. 253. Camden says, 
" Thus was Davison, a man of 
good ingenuity, but not well skill- 
ed in court arts, brought upon the 
court stage of purpose (as most 
men thought) to act for a time this 
part in the tragedy ; and soon after, 
the part being acted, and his stage 
attire laid aside, as if he had failed 
in the last act, he was thrust down 
from the stage, and, not without 
the pity of many, shut up in pri- 
son." For a particular account of 
Davison, and a full vindication of 
his conduct, see Kippis's Biog. 
Brit. v. 4 — 15. See also Camden's 
Hist, of Queen Elizabeth, pp- 389 — 
393; Supplement to the Cabala, 
pp. 22 — 25; Strype's Annals, iii. 
370—376, 447. 


esteem amongst his friends and the good gentlemen of chap. 
those parts, especially the godly and religious. ^^-v^' 

He did much good in the country where he lived, in 
promoting and furthering religion ; and not only by his 
practice and example, and provoking and encouraging 
of others, but by procuring of good preachers to all 
places thereabouts, and drawing on of others to assist 
and help to forward in such a work ; he himself most 
commonly deepest in the charge, and sometimes above 
his ability. And in this state he continued many 
years, doing the best good he could, and walking ac- '^ 
cording to the light he saw, until the Lord revealed ) 
further unto him. And in the end, by the tyranny of 
the bishops against godly preachers and people, in 
silencing the one and persecuting the other, he and 
many more of those times began to look further into 
particulars, and to see into the unlawfulness of their 
callings, and the burden of many anti-christian corrup- 
tions, which both he and they endeavoured to cast off, 
as they also did, as in the beginning of this treatise is 
to be seen.* 

• After they were joined together into communion, he IG02. 
was a special stay and help to them. They ordinarily 
met at his house on the Lord's day, which was a manor 
of the bishop's, and with great love he entertained 
them when they came, making provision for them to 
his great charge ; and continued so to do whilst they 
could stay in England. And when they were to re- 
move out of the country, he was one of the first in all 
adventures, and forwardest in any. He was the chief 
of those that were taken at Boston, in Lincolnshire, 1607, 
and suffered the greatest loss ; and [one] of the seven 

' See page 20. 


CHAP, that were kept longest in prison, and after bound over 

xxvn. , . , __r 

-^>'— to the assizes. 

16 08. After he came into Holland, he suffered much hard- 
ship after he had spent the most of his means, having 
a great charge and many children ; and, in regard of 
his former breeding and course of life,^ not so fit for 
many employments as others were, especially such as 
were toilsome and laborious. Yet he ever bore his 
condition with much cheerfulness and contentation. 
Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent in 
Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he 
lived well and plentifully ; for he fell into a way, by 
reason he had the Latin tongue, to teach many stu- 
dents who had a desire to learn the English tongue, to 
teach them English, and by his method they quickly 
attained it with great facility ; for he drew rules to 
learn it by, after the Latin manner ; and many gentle- 
men, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as 
they had time from other studies, some of them being 
great men's sons. He also had means to set up print- 
ing,^ by the help of some friends, and so had employ- 
ment enough ; and by reason of many books which 
would not be allowed to be printed in England,^ they 
might have had more than they could do. 

' See pages 26 and 27. mum Brewsterum, in vico Chorali. 

^ The words " of life " I restore 1617." 8vo. pp. 1513. A copy 

from Bradford, in Hutchinson, ii. of this work is now in the posses- 

460. sion of the Pastor of the First 

^ Among the books printed by Church in Plymouth, having been 

Brewster at Leyden, was the fol- presented to that Church in 1828 

lowing : " Commentarii Succincti by the Hon. John Davis, LL.D. 

et Dilucidi in Proverbia Salomonis. the learned editor of Morton's New 

Aulhore Thoma Cartwrightio, SS. England's Memorial. Another copy 

Theologise in Academia Cantabri- is in the library of the Pilgrim So- 

giensi quondam Professore. Qui- ciety at Plymouth. See Thacher's 

bus adhibita est Proefatio clarissimi Plymouth, p. 270. 

viri Johannis Polyandri, S. Theo- '' It appears from the following 

logise Professoris Leidensis. Lug- extracts of letters written by Sir 

duni Batavorum. Apud Guliei- Dudley Carleton to Secretary Naun- 



But now removing into this country, all these things chap. 

1 • J • 1 • 1 /• !• • XXVII. 

were Jam aside again, and a new course of living must --v-^. 
be submitted to; in which he was no way unwilling ^ 620. 
to take his part and to bear his burden with the rest, 
living many times without bread or corn many months 
together, having many times nothing but fish, and 
often wanting that also ; and drank nothing but water 
for many years together, yea, until within five or six 
years of his death. And yet he lived, by the blessing 
of God, in health until very old age ; and besides that, 
he would labor with his hands in the fields as long as 
he was able. Yet when the Church had no other 
minister, he taught twice every sabbath, and that both 
powerfully and profitably, to the great contentment of 
the hearers, and their comfortable edification. Yea, 
many were brought to God by his ministry. He did 
more in their behalf in a year, than many that have 
their hundreds a year do in all their lives. 

ton, from the Hague in 1619, that 
Brewster was at this time an object 
of suspicion and pursuit to the Eng- 
lish government on account of cer- 
tain obnoxious books which he had 

" July 22. One William Brew- 
ster, a Brownist, hath been for 
some years an inhabitant and print- 
er at Leyden, but is now within 
three weeks removed from thence 
and gone back to dwell in London, 
where he may be found out and ex- 
amined, not only of this book De 
Regimine Ecdesicc Scoticame, but 
likewise of Perth Assembly, of 
Avhich if he was not the printer 
himself, he assuredly knows botli 
the printer and author; for, as I 
am informed, he hath had, whilst 
he, remained here, his hand in all 
such books as have been sent over 
into England and Scotland ; as par- 
ticularly a book in folio, entitled A 
Confutation of the Rhemists' Trans- 

lation, Glosses and Annotations of 
the Neiu Testament, anno 1618, 
was printed by him. So was an- 
other in 18mo, De vera et genuind 
Jesii Christi Domini et Salvatoris 
nostri Rcligione, of which I send 
your honor herewith the title page ; 
and if you will compare that, which 
is underlined therein, with the 
other, De Regimine Ecclesim Scoti- 
coiKc, of which I send your honor 
the title-page likewise, you will 
find it is the same character ; and 
the one being confessed (as that 
De vera et genuind Jesu Christi, 
4"c. Religione, Brewster doth openly 
avow,) ^he other cannot well be 
denied." — " Aug. 20. I have made 
good inquiry after William Brew- 
ster, at Leyden, and am well as- 
sured that he is not returned thither; 
neither is it likely he will, having 
removed from thence both his fam- 
ily and goods."—" Sept. 12. In my 
last I advertised your honor that 





For his personal abilities, he was qualified above 
many. He was wise and discreet and well spoken, 
having a grave, deliberate utterance ; of a very cheerful 
spirit, very sociable and pleasant amongst his friends, 
of an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposi- 
tion, undervaluing himself and his own abilities, and 
sometimes overvaluing others ; inoffensive and innocent 
in his life and conversation, which gained him the love 
of those without as well as those within. Yet he 
would tell them plainly of their faults and evils, both 
publicly and privately ; but in such a manner as usually 
was well taken from him. He was tender-hearted, 
and compassionate of such as were in misery, but es- 
pecially of such as had been of good estate and rank, 
and were fallen into want and poverty, either for good- 
ness and religion's sake, or by the injury and oppres- 
sion of others. He would say, of all men these de- 
served to be most pitied ; and none did more offend 

Brewster was taken at Leyden : 
which proved an error, in that the 
schout, who was employed b^ the 
magistrates for his apprehension, 
being a dull drunken fellow, took 
one man for another. But Brewer, 
who set him on work, and being a 
man of means bare the charge of his 
printing, is fast in the University's 
prison ; and his printing letters, 
Avhich were found in his house in a 
garret, where he had hid them, and 
his books and papers, are all seized 
and sealed up. I expect to-morrow 
lo receive his voluntary confession 
of such books as he hath caused to 
be printed by Brewster for this 
year and a half or two years past ; 
and then I intend to send one ex- 
pressly to visit his books and pa- 
pers, and to examine him particu- 
larly touching Perth Assembly, the 
discourse De Regimine EcclesicB 
Scuticance, and other Puritan pam- 

phlets, which I have newly reco- 
vered." — "Sept. 18. It appears 
that this Brewer, and Brewster, 
whom this man set on work, hav- 
ing kept no open sliop, nor printed 
many books fit for public sale in 
these provinces, their practice was 
to print prohibited books to be 
vented underhand in his Majesty's 
kingdom."— "Jan. 19,1620. Un- 
less Brewer undertakes to do his 
uttermost in finding out Brewster, 
(wherein I will not fail likewise of 
all other endeavours) he is not like 
to be at liberty; the suspicion 
whereof keeps him from hence, for 
as yet he appears not in these 
parts." Carleton's Letters, pp. 3S0, 
386, 3S9, 390, 437. It appears 
from page 71, that in May, 1619, 
Brewster was in England. It is 
probable he did not return to Ley- 
den, but kept close till the May- 
flower sailed. 



and displease him, than such as would haujilitily and chap. 
proudly carry and lift up themselves, being risen from 
nothing, and having little else in them but a (e.w fine 
clothes or a little riches more than others. 

In teaching, he was very stirring, and moving the 
affections ; also very plain and distinct in what he 
taught ; by which means he became the more profita- 
ble to the hearers. He had a singular good gift in 
prayer, both public and private, in ripping up the heart 
and conscience before God, in the humble confession 
of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for 
the pardon thereof. He always thought it were better 
for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, 
than to be long and tedious in the same ; except upon 
solemn and special occasions, as on days of Humilia- 
tion and the like. His reason was that the heart and 
spirits of all, especially the weak, could hardly continue 
and stand bent (as it were,) so long towards God, as 
they ought to do in that duty, without flagging and 
falling off. 

For the government of the church, which was most 
proper to his oftice, he was careful to preserve good 
order in the same, and to preserve purity both in the 
doctrine and communion of the same, and to suppress 
any error or contention that might begin to arise 
amongst them ; and accordingly God gave good suc- 
cess to his endeavours herein all his days, and he saw 
the fruit of his labors in that behalf. But I must 
break off, having thus touched a few heads of things.^ 

' William Brewster, the rul- He was probably the oldest of the 

jng elder of John Robinson's Pilgrims, being 56 when he arrived 

church, and whose name stands at Plymouth. On account of his 

fourth among the signers of the age and office he probably was not 

Compact, was born in 1564; but much employed in the civil affairs 

the place of his birth is not known, of the Colony, and consequently 



CHAP, his name seldom occurs in the pre- 
XXVII. ceding History. The reason why 
• — ^"^ he was not chosen governor after 
the death of Carver in 1621, is 
slated in note ' on page 197. It 
appears from this Memoir that he 
had ''many children ;" but the ex- 
act number has not been ascer- 
tained. He brought his wife with 
him, and four other individuals, 
who were probably his children. 
The following are known to have 
been his children — Jonathan, Love, 
Wrestling, Patience, and Fear. 
The last two came in the Ann in 
1623; Patience married in 1624 
Thomas Prince, who was after- 
wards governor, and Fear married 
Isaac Allerton in 1626. It appears 
from page 173 that the venerable 
elder had a house lot assigned him 
in 1621, in Plymouth, on the street 
now called Leyden-street. In the 

latter part of his life he built a 
house in Duxbury, near Captain's 
Hill, and resided there a short 
time. His sons Jonathan and 
Love settled in Duxbury. Love 
died there, and his son William 
was deacon of the church in that 
place. Jonathan, wiih his family, 
removed to Connecticut after 1643. 
There are many descendants of the 
worthy elder in Plymouth, Duxbu- 
ry, Kingston, Pembroke, and in 
Connecticut, and elsewhere. A 
town on Cape Cod was named after 
him in 1S03, and it is believed that 
the Brewsters, in Boston harbour, 
were so called in compliment to 
him. See note ^ on page 27 ; Bel- 
knap's Am. Biog. ii. 252 — 266; 
Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 460; Mitch- 
ell's Bridgewater, p. 361 ; Mass. 
Hist. Coll. X. 73, XX. 57—68. 

ELDER Brewster's chair. 


" That is the best History, which is collected out of Letters.'" 


" Letters of affairs, from such as manage them, or are privy to 
them, are of all others the best instructions for history, and to a 
diligent reader the best histories in themselves." 

Lord Bacon. 



To the Church of God at Plymouth, in New England} 

Much Beloved Brethren, 

Neither the distance of i)lace, nor distinction of chap. 

^ ' xxvni. 

body, can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of ^^--^ 
true Christian affection in which the Lord by his spirit 1^21. 
hath tied us together. My continual prayers are to 
the Lord for you ; my most earnest desire is unto you;^ 
from whom I will not longer keep (if God vv'ill) than 
means can be procured to bring with me the wives 
and children of divers of you and the rest of your 
brethren, whom I could not leave behind me without 
great injury both to you and them, and offence to God 
and all men. The death of so many our dear friends 
and brethren,^ oh ! how grievous hath it been to you 
to bear, and to us to take knowledge of; which, if it 

1 This and most of the following nately destroyed, having been put 

letters are taken from a fragment to the most ignoble uses. See 

o& Gov. Bradford's Letter Book, Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 246, and 

■which was rescued about fifty years Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 45. 

since from a grocer's shop in Hali- * See note on page 453. 

fax, Nova Scotia. The earlier and ^ See note ' on page 198. 
more valuable part was unfortu- 



CHAP, could be mended with lamenting, could not sufficiently 
^^v^' be bewailed ; but we must go unto them, and they 
1621. shall not return unto us. And how many even of us 
God hath taken away here and in England, since your 
departure, you may elsewhere take knowledge. But 
the same God has tempered judgment with mercy, as 
otherwise, so in sparing the rest, especially those by 
whose godly and wise government you may be and (1 
know) are so much helped.^ In a battle it is not looked 
for but that div ers should die ; it is thought well for a 
side if it get the victory, though with the loss of divers, 
if not too many or too great. God, I hope, hath given 
you the victory, after many difficulties, for yourselves 
and others ; though I doubt not but many do and will 
remain for you and us all to strive with. 

Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to obedience 
unto those whom God hath set over you in church and 
commonwealth, and to the Lord in them. It is a 
Christian's honor to give honor according to men's 
places ; and his liberty to serve God in faith, and his 
brethren in love, orderly and with a willing and free heart. 
God forbid I should need to exhort you to peace, which 
is the bond of perfection, and by which all good is tied 
together, and without which it is scattered. Have 
peace with God first, by faith in his promises, good 
conscience kept in all things, and oft renewed by re- 
pentance ; and so one with another, for his sake who 
is, though three, one ; and for Christ's sake, who is 
one, and as you are called by one spirit to one hope. 

' It was certainly a remarka- Carver, most of the prominent 

ble providence, that out of the 21 men were spared. How different 

men who died the first winter, so might have been the fate of the 

few were among the leaders of the Colony had Bradford, Winslow, 

expedition. With the exception of Standish and AUerton been cut off. 


And the God of peace and grace and all goodness be chap. 
with you in all the iVuits thereof plenteously upon your ^ii' 
heads, now and forever. 162I. 

All your brethren here remember you with great 
love, a general token whereof they have sent you. 

Yours ever in the Lord, 

John Robinson. 

Ley den, (Holland,) June 30, anno 1C21. 

robinson to elder brewster. 

Loving and Dear Friend and Brother,^ 

That which 1 most desired of God in regard of you, 
namely, the continuance of your life and health, and 
the safe coming of those sent unto you, that I most gladly 
hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope 
mistress Brewster's weak and decayed state of body 
will have some repairing by the coming of her daugh- 
ters,^ and the provisions in this and other ships sent, 
w hich I hear is made for you ; which makes us with 
the more patience bear our languishing state and the 
deferring of our desired transportation, (which I call 
desired rather than hoped for,) whatsoever you are 
borne in hand with by others. For first, there is no 
hope at all, that I know nor can conceive of, of any 
new stock to be raised for that (Mid, so that all must 
depend upon returns from you ; in which are so many 
uncertainties, as that nothing with any certainty can 
thence be concluded. Besides, howsoever, for the 

' This letter is copied from the the daughters of the Elder, arrived 

records of Plymouth Church, book in tho Ann, in 1G23. See note on 

i. folio 27. page 352. 

' Patience and Fear Brewster, 


CHAP, present, the adventurers allege nothing but want of 
^^^^' money, which is an invincible difficulty ; yet if that 
16 23. be taken away by you, others without doubt will be 
found. For the better clearing of this, we must dis- 
pose the adventurers into three parts ; and of them 
some five or six (as I conceive) are absolutely bent for 
us above others. Other five or six are our bitter pro- 
fessed adversaries. The rest, being the body, I con- 
ceive to be honestly minded, and lovingly also towards 
us ; yet such as have others, namely, the forward 
preachers,' nearer unto them than us, and whose course, 
so far as there is any difference, they would advance 
rather than ours. Now what a hank ^ these men have 
over the professors you know ; and I persuade myself 
that for me they of all others are unwilling I should be 
transported ; especially such as have an eye that way 
themselves, as thinking if I come there, their market , 
will be marred in many regards. And for these adver- 
saries, if they have but half their will to their malice, 
they will stop my course when they see it intended, 
for which this delaying serveth them very opportunely;^ 
and as one rusty ^ jade can hinder by hanging back 

' John Lyford, who came over * Lyford wrote home to the ad- 

in the spring of 1624, was probably verse part of the adventurers, in 

one of those " forward preachers," 1624, counselling them that "the 

and John Pemberton, his corres- Leyden Company, Mr. Robinson 

pendent, was another. Robert and the rest, must still be kept 

Cushman, in a letter dated Jan. 24, back, or else all will be spoiled; 

1624, says " we send a preacher, and lest any of them should be ta- 

though not the most eminent, for ken in privately on the coast of 

whose going Mr. Winslow and I England, (as it was feared might 

gave way to give content to some be done,) they must change the 

at London." Bradford speaks of master of the ship, Mr. William 

" tiie minister, Mr. John Lyford, Peirce, and put another also in Mr. 

whom a faction of the adventurers Winslow's room for merchant, or 

send, to hinder Mr. Robinson." otherwise it would not be prevent- 

See Morton's Memorial, pp. Ill, ed." MS. Records of Plymouth 

114, and Prince's Annals, pp. 226, Church, b. i. folio 30. 

228. 4 Rusty, dull, lazy. 
^ Hank, influence. 


more than two or three can or wiJl (at least if they be chap. 
not very free) draw forward, so will it be in this case. ^^^' 
A notable experiment of this they gave in yom- mes- 1623. 
senger's presence/ constraining the company to pro- 
mise that none of the money now gathered should be 
expended or employed to the help of any of us towards 

Now touching the question propounded by you, I 
judge it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder, as 
Rom. xii. 7, 8, and 1 Tim. v. 17, ojiposed to the elders 
that teach and exhort and labor in the word and doc- 
trine, to which the sacraments are annexed, to admin- 
ister them, nor convenient if it were lawful.^ 

Be you heartily saluted, and your wife with you, 
both from me and mine. ^ Your God and ours, and the 
God of all his, bring us together, if it be his will, and 
keep us in the mean while and always to his glory, 
and make us serviceable to his majesty, and faithful to 
the end. Amen. 

Your very loving brother, 

John Robinson.^ 

Leyden, December 20, 1623. 

' This messenger was Edward England, although he so much 
Winslow, who sailed from Ply- longed to be with his flock, and his 
mouth in the Ann, Sept. 10, 1623, flock with him ; a wortliy pattern 
and returned in the Charity in unto all churches and their minis- 
March, 1624. He was the bearer ters to be imitated." — Bradford's 
of this letter. See Morton's Me- or Morton's Note. 
morial, p. Ill; Prince's Annals, Morion, in his Memorial, p. 126, 
pp. 225, 6. Prince quotes from says, that " his and their adversa- 
another letter of Robinson's to ries had been long and continually 
Gov. Bradford, brought by the same plotting how they might hinder his 
ship. coming into New England ; " and 

^ For the difference between a Hutchinson, ii. 454, says, that " he 

teaching and a ruling elder, see was prevented by disajjpointmcnts 

npte ' on page 455. from those in England who under- 

* "By the above written letter it took to provide for the passage of 

may appear how much the adver- him and his congregation." It 

sary hindered the coming of this appears that " Sir Fcrdinando Gor- 

blessed servant of Christ into New ges and others were at this time 




To his loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, Governor 
of Plymouth, in New England, these he, ^c} 


Loving and Kind Friends, &c. 

I know not whether ever this will come to your 
hands, or miscarry, as other of my letters have done ; 
yet in regard of the Lord's dealing with us here, I have 
had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your 
desire to bear a part with us, both in our joys and sor- 
rows, as we do with you. 

These therefore are to give you to understand, that 
it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears 
your and our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear 
and reverend brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was 
sick some eight days, beginning first to be sick on a 
Saturday morning ; yet the next day, being the Lord's 
day, he taught us twice, and the week after grew 
every day weaker than other, yet felt no pain but 
weakness, all the time of his sickness. The physic 
he took wrought kindly, in man's judgment, yet he 
grew every day weaker than other, feeling little or no 

determined that New England man as Mr. Robinson." Sherley, 

should be settled under episcopacy; one of the merchant adventurers, 

and though they would allow and incurred the ill-will of his associ- 

encourage people to settle here, ates, by being in favor of his remo- 

they were unwilling that anyPu- val. " The sole cause, he observed, 

ritan ministers should accompany in a letter to the Plymouth people, 

them. The bishops had prevented why the greater part of the adven- 

the crown from granting liberty to turers malign me, was that I would 

the petitioners from Leyden ; and not side with them against you and 

it was accounted a great matter, in the coming over of the Leyden 

1621, to obtain a cautious allow- people." See Holmes's Annals, i. 

ance of indulgence under the au- 192, 575. 

thority of the President and Council ' From the records of Plymouth 

for the Affairs of New England. Church, book i. folio 31, and Gov. 

But they took great care to obstruct Bradford's Letter Book, 
the coming over of so important a 


pain, yet sensible, till the very last. He fell sick the chap. 
22d of February, and departed this life on the 1st of ^Si^^' 
March. He had a continual inward ague, but, 1 thank 1625. 
the Lord, was free of the plague, so that all his friends 
could come freely to him ; and if either prayers, tears, 
or means would have saved his life, he had not gone 
hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, 
and performed his work, which the Lord had appointed 
him here to perform, he now rests with the Lord, in 
eternal happiness ; we wanting him and all church 
governors, not having one at present that is a govern- 
ing officer amongst us. Now for ourselves here left (I 
mean the whole church) we still, by the mercy of 
God, continue and hold close together in peace and 
quietness, and so I hope we shall do, though we be very 
weak ; wishing (if such were the will of God) that you 
and we were again together in one, either there or 
here ; but seeing it is the will of the Lord, thus to dis- 
pose of things, we must labor with patience to rest 
contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose 
of things.* 

For news at present here, is not much worth the 
writing ; only as in England we have lost our old king, 
James, who departed this life about a month ago,^ so 
here we have lost Grave Maurice,^ the old prince here, 

> "Until Robinson's death, the lution of his congregation at Ley- 
congregation at Plymouth had not den, some of whom removed to Am- 
abandoTied the hope of his coming sterdara, and others to New Eng- 
to America with their brethren land." Holmes, Ann. i. 191, 575. 
who remained in Holland. The ^ King James died March 27, 
only solution of the singular fact, 1625, in his 59th year, 
that the Plymouth people remained ^ Maurice, the prince of Orange, 
for so many years without a min- or landgrave of Holland,^ died at 
is<er, is— that until his death, their the Hague April 23, 1625, in his 
affectionate and beloved pastor 59th year. He was succeeded by 
cherished the desire, and they the his brother Frederick Henry. See 
expectation, of his coming to Ame- Grattan's Hist, of the Netherlands, 
rica. His death caused the disso- p. 250. 


CHAP, who both departed this life since my brother Robin- 
■ — — son ; and as in England we have a new king, Charles, 

16 25. of whom there is great hope of good, so here likewise 
we have made Prince Hendrick general, in his bro- 
ther's place, who is now with the Grave of Mansfield 
with a great army, close bj the enemy, to free Breda, 
if it be possible, which the enemy hath besieged now 
some nine or ten months ; but how it will fall out at 
last, is yet uncertain ; the Lord give good success, if it 
be his will. The king is making ready about one 
hundred sail of ships ; the end is not yet certain, but 
they will be ready to go to sea very shortly ; the king 
himself goes to see them once in fourteen days. And 
thus fearing lest this will not come to your hands, hop- 
ing as soon as I hear of a convenient messenger, to 
write more at large, and to send you a letter which my 
brother Robinson sent to London, to have gone to some 
of you, but coming too late was brought back again. 
And so for this time I cease further to trouble you, and 

Your assured loving friend, 

Roger White. 

Leyden, April 28, an7io 1625. 

thomas blossom to governor bradford. 

Beloved Sir, 

Kind salutations, &c. I have thought good to write 
to you, concerning the cause as it standeth both with 
you and us. We see, alas ! what frustrations and dis- 
appointments it pleaseth the Lord to send in this our 
course, good in itself, and according to godliness taken 
in hand, and for good and lawful ends, who yet pleaseth 


not to prosper as we are, for reasons best known to liim- chap. 
self; and which also nearly concerns us to consider of, ^v^' 
whether we have sought the Lord in it as we see, or 16 25. 
not. That the Lord hath singularly preserved life in 
the business to great admiration, givcth me good hope 
that he will, (if our sins hinder not,) in his appointed 
time, give a happy end unto it. On the contrary, 
when I consider how it pleaseth the Lord to cross 
those means that should bring us together, being now 
as far off or farther than ever, in our apprehension ; as 
also to take that means away, which would have been 
so comfortable unto us in that course, both for wisdom 
of counsel as also for our singular help in our course of 
godliness ; whom the Lord (as it were) took away even 
as fruit falleth before it was ripe ; when neither length 
of days, nor infirmity of body, did seem to call for his 
end.^ The Lord even then took him away, as it were 
in his anger ; whom if tears would have held, he had 
remained to this day. The loss of his ministry was 
very great unto me, for I ever counted myself happy 
in the enjoyment of it, notwithstanding all the crosses 
and losses otherwise I sustained. Yet indeed the 
manner of his taking away hath more troubled me, as 
fearing the Lord's anger in it, that, as I said, in the 
ordinary course of things, might still have remained, 
as also, the singular service he might have yet done in 
the church of God. Alas ! dear friends, our state and 
cause in religion, by his death being wholly destitute of 
any that may defend our cause as it should against our 
adversaries ; that we may take up that doleful complaint 
ifi the Psalm, that there is no prophet left among us, nor 

' " He means Mr. Robinson." — Bradford's Note. 


CHAP, any that knoweth how Ions. Alas ! you would fain haye 

had him with you, and he would as lam have come to 

1625. ^Q^j Many letters and much speech hath been about 
his coming to you. but never any solid course pro- 
pounded for his going : if the course propounded the 
last year had appeared to have been certain, he would 
have sone, though with two or three families. I know 
DO man amongst us knew his mind better than I did, 
about those things ; he was loath to leave the church, 
vet I know also, that he would have accepted the worst 
conditions which in the largest extent of a good con- 
science could be taken, to have come to you. For 
myself and all such others as haye formerly minded 
coming, it is much what the same, if the Lord aflbrd 
means. We only know how things are with you by 
your letters ; but how things stand in England we 
have received no letters of any thing, and it was No- 
vember before we received yours. If we come at all 
unto you, the means to enable us so to do must come 
from you.' For the state of our church, and how it is 
with us, and of our people, it is wrote of by Mr. ^\ hite. 
Thus pravins: you to pardon my boldness w"ith you in 
writing as 1 do, I commend you to the keeping of the 
Lord, desiring, if he see it good, and that I might be 
serviceable unto the business, that I were with you. 
God hath taken away my son, that was with me in the 

* "In anno 1629, a considerable They arrived in Augnst. Bradford 

number of the brethren of the says, " they were shipped at Lon- 

church, [35, with their families] don in IVIay with the ships that 

which were left in Holland, were came to Salem." See Prince's 

transported over to us that were of Annals, p. 264. Grahame, i. 193, 

the church in Xew England ; wrongs the Leyden congregation, I 

which although it was at about think, when he says that after the 

£500 charge, yet it was borne death of Robinson, " very few had 

cheerfully by the poor brethren the courage to proceed to New 

here concerned in it.'" — Records Plymouth." 
Plym. Church, book i. folio 33. 



ship, when I went back again ; 1 have only two child- chap. 

ren, which were born since I left jou. Fare you well, ^i^ 

lours to his power, 162 5. 

Thomas Blossom.' 
Leyden, December lb, anno 1625.