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; 



THE 



CHURCH HISTORY OF 
- ' BRITAIN 5 



FKOM 



THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST UNTIL 
THE YEAR M.DC.KLVIII. 



UNDEAVOURKD 

BY THOMAS FULLER, D.D. 



PRBBENDARY OP 8ARUM. 



A NEW EDITION. IN tsIX VOLl'MBB. 

BY THE REV. J. S!^ BREWER. M.A. 



VOLUME I. 



OXFORD: 

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
M.TKX<:.XLV. 



/ 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. 



IN preparing this new edition of Fuller's Church 
History, the principal object has been to ex- 
amine and correct the references. If attention to 
this point be incumbent on every editor of an 
historical work, it is eminently so in the present 
instance. The vivacity of Fuller's style, his wit, 
his moderation, the exuberance of his fancy, have 
made him a general favourite; but the praise for 
these excellencies has often been qualified by in- 
sinuations affecting his veracity. From the days 
of Heylyn, his literary competitor, to those of 
Warburton, and, still later, up to the present 
time, it has been fashionable to decry the History 
of the Church, not so much for those errors which 
are incidental to all works of this nature, and 
might be excused considering the disadvantages 
under which Fuller laboured,' as for the more 
serious faults of partiality and disingenuity. 

Now without entering into a laboured refutation 
of these charges, it may be sufficient to remark, 
that a careful examination of Fuller's authorities 



^ 



iv EDITOR^S PREFACE. 

with the statements made in his narrative, has 
ended in a result favourable to his industry, 
judgment, and accuracy. 

To the far more serious imputation of intentional 
dishonesty, the work itself seems to furnish a suffi- 
cient answer. Had Fuller wished to gain favour 
with the rising powers, how could he hope to pro- 
mote his object by dedicating the different Books 
and Sections of his History to such of his friends 
and patrons as were notorious for their loyalty 
and adherence to the church? When the work 
was first printed, the power and influence of the 
republicans were at their greatest height; nothing 
was to be gained by a needless profession of loy- 
alty or religious principles: yet so far was he 
from seeking favour with the uppermost party, or 
shrinking, like many others, from the avowal of 
his sentiments, that there is scarcely one among 
those whom he has thus recorded as his friends, 
who had not suffered in his person or his property, 
for adherence to the royal party. 

Tlie truth of these remarks might be further 
shewn by reference to the Life prefixed to this 
volume; a work which has now become compara- 
tively rare, notwithstanding that it passed through 
two editions within two years after its publicatic 
It was thought that a biography, written by 
contemporary, was likely to be more interesting 
the reader, than toy more recent memoir, 
withstanding its numerous affectations and o 
sioual obscurity of style. Besides its value, at 
accurate summary of events, it is important 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. v 

this respect, as shewing the estimation in which 
Fuller was held by some of his contemporaries ; 
and how little that estimation was affected by the 
disparaging remarks of his opponents. 

To this Life a few notes haye been added, con- 
sisting chiefly of extracts from his various writings, 
supplying deficiencies in the dates, or correcting 
occasional inaccuracies. 

In compliance with the rule uniformly adopted 
at the University Press, the spelling of words has 
been remodelled throughout the present work. 
In the orthography of proper names, especially of 
tho0e which occur in the earlier volumes, spelled 
sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, such 
forms have been adopted as were warranted by 
the best manuscripts, or, if possible, by letters and 
public documents. On some occasions it has been 
found impossible or inexpedient to adhere strictly 
to this rule, more particularly in the names of 
Fuller's contemporaries. 

In settling the chronology, and determining the 
marginal dates, the editor has allowed himself 
greater liberty; for this obvious reason : 

In the folio edition of the work, published at 
various presses, and bearing evident marks of haste, 
the dates were arranged in parallel columns, oppo- 
site the paragraphs to which they referred. By this 
means it frequently happened that a date seemed to 
apply to an entire page or section, which in reality 
was intended only for part of it ; from the careless- 
ness of the printer, or haste in the composition of 
the work, the numbers sometimes became misplaced. 



I 



vi EDITOR^S PREFACE. 

and attached to the wrong paragraph; an over- 
sight which has led the readers of Fuller into 
serious errors on more than one occasion. 

Another very fruitful source of error was the 
method of reckoning, not by the civil but the 
ecclesiastical year. To obviate such difficulties as 
were likely in this way to perplex the reader, it 
was necessary to correct the chronology through- 
out, to adopt the modem notation, and to insert 
fresh dates where they were requisite. 

The great uncertainty which pervades all our 
earlier annals is obvious to any one who is slightly 
acquainted with this portion of English History. 
Not only was it usual for different writers to 
commence their years with different months, but 
even the same writer, for example Matthew Paris, 
when compiling from different sources, either from 
carelessness or design, adopted different modes of 
computation in one and the same chronicle. Of 
this uncertainty Fuller has given a remarkable 
instance in this volume. It is not decided whether 
we must refer such an event as the conversion of 
a whole nation to the year 99» or to a hundred 
years later.* 

After a careful examination of the different 
systems of chronology adopted by different writers, 
it has been deemed advisable in the earlier por- 
tion of the work to follow the arrangement of 
Florence of Worcester, or rather the MS. copy o 
Florence, preserved in Corpus Christi College 
Oxford. For the use of this valuable MS. (whic^ 

' See Church History, i. 26. 



EDITOR^S PREFACE. vii 

IB free from the errors of the printed copy) he 
has to thank the Roy. E. Greswell, fellow of that 
college. Florence is succeeded by Nicholas Trivet, 
a most exact and careful annalist; public papers, 
rolls, and documents have served as a guide from 
the period of the Reformation; especially the 
notes to Godwin's treatise De Prsesulibus Anglise, 
edited by Dr. Richardson ; a work of the utmost 
value to the student of ecclesiastical history. 

The editor has now only to acknowledge his ob- 
ligations to the Rev. R. H. Barham, of 8t. Paul's 
Cathedra], for such genealogical notes in the first 
volume as are signed with the letter B. These, 
as well as all other additions to the original work, 
are distinguished by brackets. 



KlNG*8 COLLBGK, 
May, 1845. 



THE 



LIFE AND DEATH 



OF THAT 



REVEREND DIVINE 



AND 



EXCELLENT HISTORIAN, 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. 



'< Si post Fata venit Gloria, tic propero.** — Mart. 



OXFORD: 
Printed for R. Hoptok, and are to be Sold at the Royal Exchange, 



Wesitminnter Hall, and Fleet Street. 
1662. ' 




r 



FULLKR9 VOL. I. 



THE LIFE 

OF THE REVEREND AND EXCELLENT 

DE. THOMAS FULLER*. 



THE ample subject of this incompetent relation is 
doctor Thomas Fuller, to whose dust we do avowedly 
consecrate this elogy — the doctor of famous memory. 

He was born at Alwincle, an obscure town in North- 
amptonshire, some five miles from Oundel, in the year of 
our Lord 1608^, a place now equalled to, and vying 
honour with any seed-plot (in that county) of virtue, 
learning, and religion ; of which hereafter to its glory it 
shall be said, that this man was bom there. 

* In hi8 preface printed in this " virtuea, erected in the memory 

note, the author speaks as foUows : *' and fame of worthy men, whicn 

" To the reader. This reverend " are alwavs shewed by lamp, or 

" person deceased, who while he ** some otner fsecacious and bor- 

" shined here gave a full meridian « rowed light, that only directs to' 

*' li^ht to all kind of history, sets *' the solemnity, and invites vene- 

" with this shadow in his own, the '' ration, but cannot contribute 

" dark side of that lanthorn to '^ nor add any real estimate and 

*' himself, whose lucidations had " honour to the saint himself." 

" discovered all before it, and ** The account of this reverend 

" rescued so many brave memoirs '* doctor deceased states itself in 

" from the violence of time. Pity it ** this apology : it pretends not to 

" is that such excdlent persons *' be any of nis least and inconsi- 

" (for it is their common fate) ** derablereUc, and it doth alike jns- 

** should be so neglectful of them- '** tify itself from being his legend; 

" selves, while they are so sendee- *' merely the worth of so deserving 

" able to the world, which reaps ** a person, (which no pen hath yet 

" all, with a careless or ungratenil " undertook or attempted,) for d- 

" return to the authors of their " vility's sake, hath obliged this 

" store and increase. " essay, which to your easiest cen- 

" And as the intrinsical worth of " sure is here submitted." 

" diamonds, exerts not its lustre ^ According to the computation 

** without a foil ; so it fareth with in the Biographia Britannica; and 

" the most costly and rich shrines a MS. note in a copy of his life in 

'* of those resplendent and shining the British Museum. 

bS 



iv THE LIFE OF 

He was the son of Mr. The. Fuller, the minister of the 
same town**, a man of a blameless and as private life, who 
spent himself in the discharge of his pastoral office to 
which God had called him, without embarking himself in 
the busy controversies of his time, that laboured under the 
fatigues of most importunate puritanism and pleading 
popery. 

Part of this privacy bestowed itself fruitfully upon the 
youth of the venerable doctor, (who had lost some time 
under the ill menage of a raw and unskilful schoolmaster,) so 
that in a little space, such a proficiency was visibly seen in 
him, that it was a question, whether he owed more to his 
father for his birth or education; both which had so 
happily and so easily concurred, that he was admirably 
learned before it could be supposed he had been taught ; 
and this will seem no paradox to those who knew his 
felicity of memory, which he owed not to the lubricity of 
art, but the certainty of nature **. 

Having under this tuition passed the just time of ado- 
lescency in those puerile studies, at twelve years of age®, 
this hopeful slip was translated to Cambridge, where he 
first settled in Queen's College, of which a near kinsman of 
his. Dr. [Davenant], was then president. This was a sphere 
wherein his relucent virtues and conspicuous abilities had 
room to exert themselves, so that he filled the eyes of that 
university with a just expectation of his future lustre. 

Here he successively passed the degrees of bachelor and 
master of arts^, with such general commendation, and at 



c Of St. Peter's. To which he " wit, and when Bp. Davenant and 

was presented by William Cecily " his father were discoursing, he 

earl of Exeter. Biog. ib. Fuller " wouldbebyandhearken,nowand 

mentions his father in his Church " then put in, and sometimes be- 

History, and speaks of his ac- " yond expectation or his ^ears. 

quaintance with Greenham the ce- Letters from the Bodleian, ii. 354. 
lebrated puritan. Ch. Hist. V. « A. D. 1620. In 163 1 his unci' 

p. 103. was promoted to the see of Salit 



>9 



'uller's mother was a sister to bury, having been succeeded in tl 

Dr. John Davenant, afterwards headship by Dr. John Mansel. 
bishop of Salisbury, to whom un- ' Bachelor of arts in 1624 ; ma 

doubtedlyhe was much indebted for ter of arts 1628. The Biogr. B 

his early education. Aubrey says : from the University Register. 
" that he was a boy of a pregnant 



DR, THOMAS FULLER. v 

such unusual age, that 6uch a commencement was not 
within memory s. 

During his residence in this college, a fellowship was 
vacant, for which the doctor became candidate, prompted 
thereunto by a double plea of merit and interest, besides 
the desire of the whole house ; but a statute of the college 
prevailing against them all, which admitted not two fellows 
of the said county of Northampton, the doctor quitted his 
pretensions and designation to that preferment. And 
though he was well assured of a dispensation from the 
strict limitation of that statute to be obtained for him, yet 
he totally declined it, as not wilh'ng to owe his rise and 
advancement to the courtesy to so ill a precedent, that 
might usher in more immodest intrusions upon the privi- 
leges and laws of the college*'. 

But this gave him a fair occasion to transfer himself to 
Sidney college S whither by some of his choice and learned 
friends he had often been invited. He had not long been 
here, but he was chosen minister of St. Bennet's parish in 
the town of Cambridge^, in whose church he offered the 

s He stayed at this college eight " last eight years in this univer- 

years, according to his own state- " sitv. May her lamp never lack 

ment, in the History of the Uni- " lignt for the oil, or oil for the 

versity of Cambridge, p. 123. ** light thereof! ' Zoar, is it not a 

^ His uncle however, Bp. Dave- " little one ?* Yet who shall de- 

nant, used much entreaty with the " spise the day of small things ?" 

master, to obtain a fellowship for p. 217. From this then we may 

hia nephew; as may be seen by infer that Fuller's stay at the uni- 

his letters, in the Tanner Collec- versity lasted about sixteen years, 

tion, in the Bodleian. which would make him twenty* 

' Sidney was a very poor college, eight at the time of leaving it. 
In his History of the University, It is most probable that Fuller 

Fuller says :" It is as yet but early was received at Sidney, through 

da3r8 with this college, which the influence of Bp. Davenant with 

hath not seen sixty years; yet Dr. Ward, the master of it, his 

hath it been fruitful in worthy most dear and intimate friend, 

men proportionably to the age And if the computation in the 

thereof, and I hope it will daily previous notes be correct, he mi* 

increase. Now though it be only grated thither in 1628, the year in 

the place of the parents, and which he took his n^aster's decree, 
proper to him as the greater to ^ In his History of the Univer- 

•* bless his child (Heb. vii. 6.), yet sity of Cambridge, referring to his 

" it is the duty of the child to pray presentation. Fuller states a fact 

*' for his parents, in which relation which seems to have escaped the 

my best desires are due to this notice of his biographers: "I 

foundation, my mother for my " most thankfully confess myself, 

b3 



«( 

M 

(i 
M 
i( 
M 
it 
K 






VI 



THE LIFE OF 



primity of his ministerial fruits, which, like apples of gold 
in pictures of silver, (sublime divinity in the most ravishing 
elegancies,) attracted the audience of the university, by 
whose dilated commendations he was generally known at 
that age at which most men do but peep into the world. 

These his great sufficiencies (being now but about the 
age of twenty-three years) tendered him a prebendary of 
Salisbury', and at the same time a fellowship in Sidney 
college. They were both eximious preferments as the 
times then were, the estimation of either being equally 
great mutatis mutafidis ; but the doctor's inclination 
biassed him to the more active and profitable incumbency, 
into which his inbred piety and devotion had from the 
first of his resolutions induced him. Whereupon he retired 
from that university, and betook himself to the priestly 
function, being thereunto ordained by the right reverend 
father in God the bishop of Salisbury. 

This being the king's donation, was some further reason 
for abandoning his most pleasant studies and conversation 
in Cambridge, for that also by the statutes of both univer- 
sities it is provided, that no person who shall have ten 
pound per annum in the king's books shall be capable of 
a fellowship in either of them. So Providence was pleased to 
dispose of him in each of these academical honorary intend- 
ments, that his fluent should not run silently in those streams, 
contribute only to their emanations, but with fame dis- 
charge itself into the ocean, reciprocate honour and desert 
with the world. 

Having thus launched and being so furnished, he set 
forth in the course of the ministry, exchanging those de- 
lightful privacies of his college studies (which laid the 



(he says,) once a member at large 
of this house (Bennett college) 
when they were pleased, above 
twenty years since, freely (with- 
" out my thou||[ht8 thereof) to 
" choose me minister of St. Bene- 
dict's church, the parish adjoin- 
ing and in their patronage." p. 






<( 



*t 



it 



74. The History of Cambridgi 
was published in 1655. The living 
was then valued at 4/. 95. 6d. 

» « Of Netkerbmy in Ecclesp 
" to which he was collated up 
" the decease of Dr. John Rj 
*' linson on the i8th of Ju 
" 1631." Biog. Brit. 



DR. THOMAS FULLER, vii 

happy foundations and beginnings of those excellent books ■"y 
which successively teemed those productions and propaga- 
tions of divine learning and knowledge, of which more 
hereafUr) for the troublesome cure of a parish and impor- 
tunate pulpit. 

That prebend of Salisbury was a commodious step to 
another more profitable place, which for its vicinity to that 
cathedral, and being in the same diocese, did easily com- 
mend itself without the aid and instance of the patron or 
other inducements to the doctor's acceptance ; but yet he 
did not over-readily entertain the kindness of the proffer, 
till after a serious scrutiny of himself and his abilities to 
discharge the requisite duties the place called for ; and after 
a very fiill and satisfactory inquiry of his parishioners. 

It was the rectory of Broad Windsor in Dorsetshire, a 
place far distanced from his native country, and remoter 
from his university. " A prophet hath no honour of his 
own ;*' and therefore it was doubled to him in another. The 
accommodation both in reference to his maintenance and 
respect from this people was very noble, and which afforded 
great expedience to the doctor's other labours, which were 
bountifrilly cherished under the tuition of the ministry. 

After some while employed here in the pastoral office, 
the doctor was desired by some friends to dignify his 
desert with the degrees which his time and standing by 
the rules of the university afforded him : whereunto the 
doctor out of a reverence to his honourable calling was 
well inclined, and accordingly prepared for his departure 
to Cambridge to take the degree of bachelor of divinity ". 

Having taken care therefore to supply his place for the 
time of his absence, at his setting forth he was acquainted 
that four of his chief parishioners, with his good leave, 
were ready to wait on him to Cambridge, to testify their 
exceeding engagements, it being the sense and request of 
his whole parish. This kindness was so present and so 

™ The first of which was a poem, 1631 . See the list of his works at 

entitled " David's heinous Sin, the end of this Biographv. 

" hearty Repentance, and heavy " In 16^5. Bioffrapnia Brit. 

" Punishment." Published in from the University Register. 

b4 



viii THE LIFE OF 

resolutely pressed, that the doctor, with many thanks for 
that and other demonstrations of their love towards him, 
gladly accepted of their company, and with his customary 
innate pleasantness entertained their time to the journey's 
end. 

At his coming to Cambridge he was most welcomely 
treated and saluted by his friends and acquaintance, and 
visited almost by all considerable persons of the university 
and town ; especially of his parishioners of St. Bennet : 
fame and love vying which should render him most ad- 
dresses, to the great delight and satisfaction of his fellow- 
travellers and neighbours in having a minister who was so 
highly and yet no less deservedly honoured, but to the 
trouble of the modest doctor, who was then forced to busy 
his invention with compliments, to which he was most 
naturaUy averse. 

At this commencement there proceeded with him in the 
same degree of bachelor of divinity three other reverend 
persons, all with general applause and commendation ; and 
therefore to do them no wrong, must forbear to give the 
deceased doctor his particular due : only thus much by 
the way may be added, that this commencement cost the 
doctor for his particular, the sum of sevenscore pounds, an 
evidence of his liberality and largeness of mind proportion- 
able to his other capacities, and yet than which nothing was 
less studied. 

At his departure he was dismissed with as honourable 
valedictions, and so he returned in the same company (who 
had out of their own purse contributed another addition 
of honour to that solemnity) to his said rectory at Broad- 
Windsor, resolving there to spend himself and the time of 
his pilgrimage amongst his dear and loving charge. 

In the amenity and retirements of this rural life some 
perfection was given to those pieces which soon after 
blessed this age (an account of all which is reserved to the 
conclusion of these collections <>) : from this pleasant pro- 

o The first of these was dated the author styles himself, " B. D. 

from "Broad-Windsor, March 6. ** Prebendaiy of Sanun, late of 

** 1638;'* i. e. 1639, according to " Sidnev College in Cambridge." 

our computation. In the titlepage The Pis^h Sight was a much 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. ix 

spect he drew that excellent piece of the Holy War, Pisgah 
Sight; and other tracts relating thereto ; so that what was 
said bitterly of some tyrants, that they made whole coun- 
tries vast solitudes and deserts, may be inverted to the 
eulogy of this doctor, that he in these recesses made de- 
serts the solitudes of Israel, the frequented path and track 
of all ingenuous and studious persons. 

But contemplation, and the immurement of his vast 
spirit within the precincts of his parish, (although both de- 
lightful and profitable, those foreign travails of his brain 
above mentioned* affording the one, and his pious labours 
at home yielding the other,) grew tedious and wearisome 
to his active and free genius, which was framed by nature 
for converse and general intelligence, not to be smothered 
in such an obscurity. 

To this inclination also the unquietness and trepidations 
of those times (then scared with the news of a war about 
religion and reformation which the Scots pretended) did 
oversway him. He was very sensible whither those first 
commotions did tend, and that some heavy disaster did, in 
those angry clouds which impended over the nation, more 
particularly threaten the clergy. He was then also mar- 
ried unto a virtuous young gentlewoman, and by her had 
born there his eldest son, now a hopeful plant in the same 
college and university where his father had his educa- 
tion P. These motives, concurring with that general fame 
and esteem of him, drew him to the consultation of a city 
life, where both security, honour, and the advantages of 
learning, did demonstratively promise the completion of 
his desires and intended tranquillity, destined already to 
some public works which were then in designment. 

Removing therefore to London, having obtained his fair 
dismission firom that charge in the country, he continued 
his pious endeavours of preaching in most of the voiced 
pulpits of London, (being cried up for one of the most 
excellent preachers of his age,) but most usually in the 
inns of court. 

later production^ the dedication " bev, July 7. 1650." 
liearing the date, " Waltham Ab- p Named John. 



X THE LIFE OF 

He was from thence^ by the master and brotherhood of 
the Savoy^ (as well as earnestly desired and entreated by 
that small parish,) complimented to accept of the lecturer's 
place; which having undertaken after some instance^ he 
did most piously and effectually discharge, witness the 
great confluence of aflfected hearers &om distant congre- 
gations^ insomuch that his own cure were^ in a sense, ex- 
communicated from the church, unless their timous dili- 
gence kept pace with their devotion ; the doctor aflfording 
them no more time for their extraordinaries on the Lord's 
day, than what he allowed his habituated abstinence on all 
the rest. He had in his narrow chapel two audiences, one 
without the pale, the other within ; the windows of that 
little church and the sextonrv so crowded, as if bees had 
swarmed to his mellifluous discourse. 

He continued here to the great satisfaction of his people 
and the neighbouring nobility and gentry, till our unhappy 
unnatural wars had made a dismal progress through the 
whole nation; labouring all that while in private and in 
public to beget a right understanding among all men of 
the king's most righteous cause, which through seduction 
and popular fury was generally maligned. His exhorta- 
tions to peace and obedience were his constant subjects in 
the church, (all his sermons were such liturgies,) while his 
secular days were spent in vigorously promoting the king's 
aflfairs either by a sudden reconciliation or potent assist- 
ance <1. 

To this end, on the anniversary day of his late majesty's 
inauguration, which was the [27th] day of March, 1642, 
he preached at St. Peter's, Westminster, on this text, 
2 Sam. xix. 30 : Yea, let him take all, so that my lord the 
king return in peace. A theme so distasteful to the ring- 
leaders of the rebellion (who had on pui-posc so scandal- 
ously driven him from his court and parliament, that hf 
might never with any pleasure think of returning to the 

^ -About this time, that is, in of the bishops by the parliamei 

1640, the celebrated convocation Our author's own part on this f 

began at Westminster, in which occasion may be seen in 

the new canons were passed, lliis Church History, vol. vi. p. if 
gave occasion to the impeachment 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xi 

till he had yindicated his honour upon the abettors of 
those tumults), and so well and loyally enforced by him, 
that drew not only a suspicion from the moderate misled 
party of parliament, but an absolute odium on him from 
die grandees and principals in the rebellion r. 

There were few or none of the orthodox clergy then 
remaining within their lines of communication (new in- 
Tented limits for the city's old liberties), some being dead 
in restraint, or through more harsh and cruel dealing, the 
rest outed and silenced; so that their inspection and 
espial was confined almost to the doctor's pulpit as to 
public assemblies; where, nevertheless, he desisted not, 
nor altered from his main course, the doctrine of allegi- 
ance, till such time as the covenant was obtruded upon his 
conscience, and must, through his persuasions, be likewise 
pressed upon his people. 

Several false rumours and cavils there are about his car- 
riage and opinion touching that sacrilegious thing by per- 
sons, who were distanced as far from the knowledge of 
those passages, as fortunately from being concerned and 
engaged within the reach of that snare ^. It was not only 

' To the troubles then becloud- '* and what heretofore bath run out 

in^ this kingdom, and the oppo- " in writing shall hereafter (God 

sition which he expected to en- *' willing^ be improved in constant 

counter, Fuller alluded in his " preacmng, in what place soever 

Holy State, which, though printed " God's providence and friends' 

in 1642, was, as he tells us in his " good will shall fix [me]." 
address to the reader, prepared a * The author unquestionably 

year before. alludes, among others, to the ce- 

•* Now (he says) I will turn lebrated William Lilly the astro- 

** my pen into praver, that God loger. He had accused Fuller of 

*' would be pleasea to discloud dishonesty, in first taking the so- 

" these gloomy days with the lemn league and covenant, in 

beams of his mercy : which if I compliance with the orders of the 

may be so happy as to see, it parhament, and then taking re- 

" will then encourage me to coimt fuge with the king at Oxford, 

it freedom to serve two appren- ** He took the covenant twice for 

ticeships (God spinning out the " the parliament, before my face 

thick thread of my life so long) " in the Savoy church ; invited 

in writing the Ecclesiastical His- " others to it, yet, apostate-like, 

tory from Christ's time to our " ran within few days to Oxford, 

days, if I shall from remoter '* and then whined to his compan- 

perts be so planted as to enjoy ** ions, and protested the countess 

** the benefit of walking and stand- " of R made him take it." 

" ii^f Ubraries. Meanwhile I LiUy's Hist. p. 172. ed. 1774. 

** will stop the leakage of my soul, The statement is very positive, 






M 
M 
€€ 
«< 
M 
€€ 



xii THE LIFE OF 

easy, but most prudential, for other ecclesiastical persons 
to quit their livings who were out of the gripes and 
clutches, of those ravenous reformists, in order to keep 
their conscience inviolable; but it was difficulty enough 
of itself for the doctor to escape and get out of that 
place, where the next preferment would have been a 
dungeon. 

Some velitations, transient discourses, he made about 
that frequent and thumbed subject of the reformation, the 
rather to suspend the busy censures of the parliament and 
their party; wherein though he seemed to comply (but as 
far as the rule and example would allow), and indulge the 
misapprehension of those men, yet these his charitable dis- 
guises could not obscure him from the severe animadver- 
sions of several ministers eminent in those reforming times, 
particularly Mr. Saltmarsh. The contest betwixt them is 
so known in print that it will be needless to trouble the 
reader with it here'; only thus much by digression in 
honour of this venerable doctor : Mr. Saltmarsh being long 
long since dead, he hath in his book of the "Worthies Ge- 
neral of England (of which hereafter) given him a most 
honourable mention, and assigned him the place of his 

and not a little malicious ; yet, if Upon this our author observes, 

we may believe Fuller himself, that he himself has no cause to 

was founded on a mistake. See be angrv with fame for such 

his Church Hist. vi. p. 267. a favorable falsehood. "May 

* As for the controversy be- " I make this true (says he) of 

tween our author and Mr. John " that false report, to die daily. 

Saltmarsh, it was occasioned by " See how Providence has crosseid 

the Sermon of Reformation, whicn " it ! The dead reported man is 

Fuller had preached at the Savoy " still living ; the then living man 

(Heb. ix. X. in 1643). Against ** dead ; and seeing I survive to 

this sermon Saltmarsh published " go over his grave, I will tread 

some animadversions, wherein he " the more gently on the mould 

charged Fuller with several points "thereof; using that civility on 

of popery ; and Fuller defended " him, which I received from 

the arguments which he had de- " him." (Biog. Brit.) This was 

liveredinatractsetforth,underthe written May 20, 1661. See the 

title of Trvth Maintained, In this Worthies, iii. p. 435. Saltmarsh 

tract he challenged Saltmarsh to a died in 1647, in a state of insanity, 

reply, but he appeared in the lists He was a man of considerable abi- 

no more ; giving his reason after- lity and acuteness, but wild and 

wards for it, that he would not extravagant, as might be expected, 

shoot his arrows against a dead See the Biogr. Brit. ib. and Wood's 

mark. He had been informed that Athen. ii. 288. 
Fuller was dead at Exeter. 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xiii 

birth, education, and burial, registering him for an oma- 
ment of them all : so resplendent and durable was the doc- 
tor's charity. I may not omit one thing, that the doctor in 
recording and relating of the death of the said Mr. Salt- 
marsh, doth passionately reflect on the shortness of his life, 
and the acuteness of that fever which so violently ended 
him, reducing and applying it to the uncertainty of his 
own state ; and we now imhappily see those curious pre- 
sages of his pen verified and accomplished in his most 
immature and sudden decease. 

To return to our subject ; in the beginning of the year 
1643 the said covenant was generally pressed, and a very 
great persecution soon after followed it. The doctor was 
settled in the love and affections of his own parish, besides 
other obligations to his numerous followers; so that the 
Covenant then tendered might seem like the bright side of 
that cloud (promising serenity and prosperity to him, as was 
insinuated to the doctor by many great parliamentarians) 
which showered down, after a little remoteness, such a 
black horrible tempest upon the clergy, nay, the church 
and three kingdoms. But the good doctor could not bow 
down his knee to that Baal-Berith, nor for any worldly 
considerations (enough whereof invited him even to fall 
down and worship, men of his great parts being infinitely 
acceptable to them) lend so much as an ear to their ser- 
pentine charms of religion and reformation. 

Since therefore he could not continue with his cure 
without his conscience, and every day threatened the im- 
position of that illegal oath, he resolved to betake himself 
to God's providence, and to put himself directly imder it, 
waving all indirect means and advantages whatsoever 
towards his security. In order thereunto, in April 1643, 
he deserted the city of London and privately conveyed 
himself to Oxford, to the no less sudden amazement of 
the faction here, who yet upon recollection quickly found 
their mistake, than to the unexpected content and joy of 
the loyal party there, who had every day Job's messengers 
of the plundering, ruins, and imprisonments of orthodox 
divines. 



xiv THE LIFE OF 

Oxford was then the common refuge and shelter of such 
persecuted persons, so that it never was nor is like to be 
a more learned university, (one breast being dried up by 
Cromwell's visitation", the milk resorted to the other,) nor 
did ever letters and arms so well consist together, it being 
an accomplished academy of both. 

Among the multitude of those new comers, like the 
clean beasts to the ark when the waters increased, the 
king (the most excellent intelligent prince of the abilities 
of his clergy) vouchsafed the doctor the honour of preach- 
ing before him in St. Mary's, where, with the like modera- 
tion, he laid open the blessings of an accommodation, as 
being too too sensible, and that so recently, of the vim- 
lency and impotent rage, though potent arms, of the 
disloyal Londoners ; which, as the doctor then Christianly 
thought, could not better be allayed than by a fair con- 
descension in matters of church reformation. 

It seems some particulars in that sermon gave offence to 
some at court, as if the good doctor were a lukewarm 
royalist, and did not throughly own his majesty's cause ; 
which ill-grounded conceit (though he were well satisfied 
in that his plea for composure) did not a little trouble 
him: to explain and free himself, an opportunity was 
wanting both of press and ptdpit, and the hurry of the 
war gave not his prejudiced hearers leisure for his par* 
ticular vindication. He resolved therefore strenuously to 
evince his faithful loyalty to the king by another kind of 
argument; by appearing in the king's armies to be a 
preacher militant to his soldiers^. 

This resolution Providence was pleased to favour by an 
honourable friend's recommendation of the doctor to my 
lord Hopton /, who was then to choose a chaplain. This 

^ He means the university of coin. Probably- about this time 
Cambridge, which was nearly an- also he lost his books and papers, 
nihilated by the worthless earl of of which he so frequently corn- 
Manchester, plains. See particularly his dedi- 

» The writer of Fuller's life in cation to lord Cranfield in the 

the Biographia Britannica thinks Church Hist. iii. p. i. and other 

with very good reason, that during passages quoted in the Biography 

his stay in the university Fuller ib. 

was for a time entertained at lin- y Sir Ralph Hopton, creat 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xr 

noble lord, though as courageous and expert a captain, and 
successful withal, as the king had any, was never averse to 
an amicable closure of the war upon fidr and honourable 
terms, and did therefore well approve of the doctor and 
his desires and pursuit after peace. The good doctor was 
likewise infinitely contented in his attendance on such an 
excellent personage, whose conspicuous and noted loyalty 
could not but derive the same reputation to his retainers, 
especially one so near his conscience as his chaplain, and 
so wipe off that stain which the mistakes of those men had 
cast on him. In this intendment God was pleased to sue- 
ceed the doctor and give him victory (proper to the camp 
he followed) against this first attempt on his honour. 

During the campania, and while the army continued in 
the field, he performed the duty of his holy function with 
as much solemn piety and devotion as he used before in 
places consecrated to God's worship, and according to the 
form used and appointed by the Church of England : in 
all emergencies and present enterprises using no other 
prayers than what the care of the Fathers of the Church 
had in those miserable exigencies newly directed. To this 
he added constant preaching on the Lord's day, animating 
in his sermons the soldiers to fight courageously, and to 
demean themselves worthy of that glorious cause with 
which God had honoured them. 

With the progress of the war he marched from place to 
place, and wherever there happened for the better accom- 
modation of the army any reasonable stay, he allotted it 
with great satisfaction to his beloved studies. Those ces- 
sations and intermissions begot in him the most intentness 
and solicitous industry of mind ; which as he never used 
to much recreation or diversion in times of peace, which 
might loose and relax a well disciplined spirit, so neither 

lord Hopton, May- i6, 1643, for I may add that this lord be- 

his victory at Stratton in Cornwall, longed to Lincoln college, and was 

See his patent in the Worthies, i. brought up under the eye of the 

^i, and a larger account of him celebrated Bp. Sanderson, which 

in Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 341. One makes the suggestion stated in the 

other such a man had saved king former note stm more probable. 
Charles. 



xvi THE LIFE OF 

did the horror and rigidness of the war stiffen him in such 
a stupidity (which generally posses t all learned men) or 
else distract him, but that in such lucid intervals he would 
seriously and fixedly come to himself and his designed 
business. 
] Indeed his business and study then was a kind of 
errantry, having proposed to himself a more exact col- 
lection of the worthies general of England, in which others 
had waded before, but he resolved to go through. In 
what place soever therefore he came, of remark especially, 
he spent frequently most of his time in views and researches 
of their antiquities and church monuments, insinuating him- 
self into the acquaintance (which frequently ended in a 
lasting friendship) of the learnedest and gravest persons 
residing within the place, thereby to inform himself fully 
of those things he thought worthy the commendation of 
his labours. It is an incredible thing to think what a 
numerous correspondence the doctor maintained and en- 
joyed by this means. 

Nor did the good doctor ever refuse to light his candle 
in investigating truth from the meanest person's discovery. 
He would endure contentedly an hour's or more imper- 
tinence from any aged church officer or other super- 
annuated people for the gleaning of two lines to his pur- 
pose. And though his spirit was quick and nimble, and 
all the faculties of his mind ready and answerable to that 
activity of dispatch, yet in these inquests he would stay 
and attend those circular rambles till they came to a point ; 
so resolute was he bent to the sifling out of abstruse 
antiquity. Nor did he ever dismiss any such feeble adju- 
tators or helpers (as he pleased to style them) without 
giving them money and cheerful thanks besides. 

After the fight at Cheriton Down* my lord Hopton 
drew down with his army and artillery to Basing, and so 
marched that way to Oxford, intending to take up winter 
quarters as soon as he had consulted with the king, and 
lefl the doctor in that as courageously manned as well 
fortified house ; where he had scarce begun to reduce his 

' On March 39, 1644. 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. 



XVII 



marching observations into form and method, bat sir 
William "Waller, having taken in Winchester, came to 
besiege the doctor's sanctuary. This no way amated or 
terrified him, but only the noise of the canon playing from 
^ the enemy's leaguer interrupted the prosecution of digest- 
ing his notes ; which trouble he recompensed to them by 
an importunate spiriting of the defendants in their sallies ; 
which they followed so close and so bravely, suffering the 
besiegers scarce to eat or sleep, that sir William was com- 
pelled to raise his siege and march away, leaving above a 
thousand men slain behind him, and the doctor the pleasure 
of seeing that strong effort of rebellion in some way by his 
means repulsed and defeated, and in being free to proceed 
in his wonted intendments \ 

What time the doctor continued here is very uncertain ; 
sure we may be he was not an unemployed or an unac- 
ceptable guest to that loyal garrison, and that as noble and 
honourable marquis** the proprietary of the place; the de- 
molishing of which princely edifice then standing in spite 
of their potent arms, yet afterwards through the fortune 
of war being fallen into their hands and razed by their 
more impotent revenge <^, he doth heartily lament in his 
" Worthies general **," preferring it while it fiourished for 
the chiefest fabric in Hampshire. This his kindness to the 
place of his refuge though no doubt true and deserved 
enough, yet no questionless was endeared in him by some 
more peculiar obliging regards and respects he found 
during his abode there; though indeed his worth could 
want and miss them nowhere. 

The next removal of the doctor was to his charge in the 
army, and his particular duty of chaplain to his said lord. 



^ This happened in the No- 
vember following. 
^ The marquis of Worcester. 
^ Bj Cromwell, in Sept. 1645. 
" Basing house (says Sanderson) 
" had been first attempted in Au- 
gust 1643; again by Waller in 
Novemb^ after; and then with 
** considerable forces, from June 

FULLER, VOL. I. 



« 






€€ 
U 



14, in the year 1644, and relieved 
II September after, then con- 
tinue very considerable forces, 
constantly besieging it, — ^till now 

'' Cromwell comes." Reign of 

Charles I. p. 834. 
^ Vol. ii. p. 4. At the time of its 

capture, however. Fuller seems to 

have been at Exeter. 



xviii THE LIFE OF 

The war was then at its zenith ^, hotter and more dilated, 
raging everywhere both in this and the two neighbouring 
kingdoms, so that there was no shelter or retirement which 
it had not invaded and intruded into by unruly garrisons^ 
while the country became a devastated solitude^ so that the 
doctor's design could proceed nowhere. 

But that fatal war hasting to a sad and miserable end« 
success not answering the merit of the cause, the king's 
field forces being everywhere engaged, and part of the 
loyal army driven into Cornwall, under the command of 
that skilful captain, the good doctor took refuge betimes 
in Exeter, having taken his cong^ and dismission of his 
beloved lord*^. 

Here again he resumed his task of the aforesaid Wor* 
thies, not minding the cloud impending on that place, nor 
no way intermitting the duty of his calling, preaching con- 
stantly to those truly loyal citizens : it is a supernumerary 
labour to acquaint the reader with how great satisfaction 
and content ; that always and everywhere being annexed to 
his meanest endeavours. 

During his stay in Exeter, the queen having been deli- 
vered of her last burthen (saving her sorrows and dis- 
tresses) by the birth of the princess Henriettas, the learned 
doctor was preferred to be the infant lady's chaplain; her 
royal father's intendment being, as he had educated the 
rest of his princely issue, to have her brought up in the 
protestant religion. To that end, the good doctor, in re- 
gard of his soundness and sincerity in that profession, and 
eminent famous assertion of it, was designed to attend on 



c In 1645. forces, and defeated. Withdraw- 

' Lord Hopton, after leaving ma into Cornwall, he again raised 

Basing house, retired to Oxford ; a body of 5000 horse. But being 

and thence, after collecting re- summoned by Fairfax to siuren- 

cruits, he made a descent upon der at Tresilian bridge, he deli- 

Taunton, but being compelled to vered up his arms, and retired 

raise the siege upon the approach heyond sea. Ludlow, p. 65, and 

of the parliamentary forces, he Lloyd's Mem. p. 346. Exeter aur- 

tumed his thoughts to the relief renaered about the same time, 

of Exeter. At Torrington how- April 13, 1646. 
ever he was met by lord Fairfax » Afterwards duchess of Or- 

commanding twice the number of leans. See the Worthies, i. 144. 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xix 

her^ to instil unto her tender mind (if Qod had pleased to 
continue her with safety within the limits of this kingdom) 
the principles and belief of the English catholic church. 
This for the present was altogether honorary, and pointed 
only at his merit, which indeed was as much as the iniquity 
of those times would afford to any the most deserving per- 
sonages. But yet the king, to signify his approbation of 
the doctor's excellent worth by a farther testimony of it, 
soon afterwards gave him a patent for his presentation to 
the town of Dorchester in Dorsetshire, a living valued to 
be worth 400/. per annum* 

This royal and bounteous favour the doctor modestly 
declined, continuing his attendance on the princess till the 
rendition of the city of Exeter to the parliament; not- 
withstanding the doctor accepted not of that other prefer- 
ment of Dorchester ; for that London was in his eye, as 
the most necessary and expedient place for finishing his 
aforesaid book, to which place the expiration of the war 
promised some kind of access, which since it could not 
otherwise be, the doctor did gladly submit to. 

For general Fairfax, having by treaty reduced and dis- 
banded my lord Hopton's army in Cornwall, came directly 
back to besiege Exeter, which garrison, upon considera* 
tion that no relief could be expected, and that resistance 
would but defer the resettling of the king and kingdom, 
(pressed also by the enemy as a cogent argument for their 
rendition,) having very honourable and comprehensive ar- 
ticles, both for their conscience and estates, delivered up 
the city to the parliament forces. • 

In these articles the doctor was included, and by the 
benefit of them was, without molestation or hinderance, per- 
mitted to come to the city of London, where he presently 
recommenced his laborious enterprise, and by the addi- 
tional helps of books, the confluence and resort of learned 
men, his acquaintance, to their fleecing tyrannical courts 
and committees newly erected, made such a progress, that 
firom thence he could take a fair prospect of his whole 
work. 

Upon his first arrival he came to his oton^ (the parish of 

c 2 



XX THE LIFE OF 

Sayoy^) biU they receif>ed him not^ the face of things was so 
altered; many of his parishioners dead, others removed, 
all of them generally so overawed by an imperious rabbi 
of both factions, presbytery and independency, one Mr. 
Bond *», formerly a preacher at Exeter, then made by the 
pretended powers master of the Savoy. The doctor and 
he having countermarched, and changed ground, wherein 
different seed was sown of loyal obedience and treasonable 
sedition, that the doctor might have said of his parish what 
a learned historian said in another greater case, Parochia 
in parochia qucerenda erat. 

But a living was not the design of the good doctor, who 
knew how incompatible the times and his doctrine must 
needs be. However as ofb as he had private opportunities, 
he ceased not to assert the purity of the church of Eng- 
land, bewailing the sad condition into which the grievous 
abominable sins of the nation had so far plunged it, as to 
make it more miserable by bearing so many reproaches 
and calumnies groimded only upon its calamity. But 
some glimmering hopes of a settlement and understanding 
betwixt the king and the pretended houses appearing ; the 
pious doctor betook himself to earnest prayers and petitions 
to God, that he would please to succeed that blessed work, 
doing that privately as a christian, which he might not 
publicly do as a subject, most fervently imploring in those 
families where his person and devotions were alike accept- 
able, the blessing of restoration in this afflicted church, 
and its defenceless defender, the king ^. 

That desired stffair went on slowly and uncertainly, but 
so did not the doctor's book, for having recommended the 
first to the almighty Wisdom, he stood not still expecting 
the issue, but addressed himself to his study, affording no 
time but the leisure of his meals, which was short, to the 
hearing of news, with which the minds and mouths of men 

b John Bond, D. D. of St. and an assistant to the commie- 
John's college, Cambridge, made sioners for ejecting scandalous and 
master of Trinity hall, bv the par- malignant ministers. See Wood's 
liamentary faction, at the visita- Ath. i. 379. 
tion of that University. He was ^ In 1048. See the Church His- 
one of the assembly of divines, tory, vi. 335. 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. 



XXI 



were then full employed by the changeableness of the 
army, who played fast and loose with the king and parlia- 
ment, till in conclusion they destroyed both. 

Then indeed such an amazement struck the loyal pious 
doctor, when he first heard of that execrable design in- 
tended against the king's person, and saw the villany pro- 
ceed so uncontrollably, that he not only surceased, but 
resolved to abandon that luckless work (as he was then 
pleased to call it). For what shall I write, said he, of the 
worthies of England, when this horrid act will bring such 
an infamy upon the whole nation, as will ever cloud and 
darken all its former and suppress its future rising glories ? 

But when through the seared impiety of those men that 
parricide was perpetrated, the good doctor deserted not 
his study alone, but forsook himself too, not caring for or 
regarding his concerns, (though the doctor was none of the 
most providential husband, by having store beforehand,) 
until such time as his prayers, tears and fasting, having 
better acquainted him with that sad dispensation, he began 
to revive from that dead pensiveness to which he had so 
long addicted himself. 

He therefore now again renewed his former study, set- 
ting about it with unwearied diligence. About this time 
also it happened that the rectory of Waltham Abbey 
being vacant, and in the disposal of the right honourable 
earl of Carlisle'^, since deceased, he voluntarily and de- 
sirously conferred it on the doctor, and together made him 
his chaplain, both which he very piously and profitably 
performed, being highly beloved by that noble lord, and 
other gentlemen and inhabitants of the parish. 

About this time also, many of the orthodox clergy began 



i James Hay, earl of Carlisle, 
and baron of Waltham. He was 
presented to Waltham in 1648, 
according to the Biographia. To 
this earl, who died in 1660, Fuller 
dedicated various pieces. See the 
Dedication to the History of Wal- 
tham, the Pisffah Sight, 237. and 
this Work, vol. ii. p. 311. 

In the Dedication ofhis Sermon, 
On Assurance, to sir John Danvers, 



he speaks in such a manner, as 
if he expected to be suspended. 
That he nad at this time no fixed 
cure, may be inferred from what 
is stated in the Pisgah Sight, 
as Quoted above; viz. that the 
earl kindly gave him the living of 
Waltham, with a more than ade- 
quate salary; at that time when 
he was wandering from place to 
place. 



r 



xxii THE LIFE OF 

to appear again in the pulpits of London, through the zeal 
of some right worthy citizens, who hungered after the true 
and sincere word, from which they had so long been 
restrained ; among the chief of whom was our good doctor, 
being settled lecturer for a time at St. Clement's lane near 
Lombard street, where he preached every Wednesday in 
the afternoon, to a very numerous and christian audience ; 
and shortly after, from thence he was removed to St. 
Bride's in Fleet street in the same quality of lecturer, the 
day being changed to Thursday, where he preached with 
the same efficacy and success*'. 

^ At this time also, he printed '* reflected so favourably upon me. 

his Abel Redivivus. 4to Lond. " Otherwise how cometn it to pass, 

1 65 1. Like the Pisgah Sight, ** that mv fleece, like Gideon's, is 

which appeared the year before, " dry, when the rest of my bre- 

it is dated from Waltham Abbey. " thren of the same party, are wet 

It may perhaps seem strange ** with their own tears ? I being 
that Fuller should be allowed to " permitted preaching, and peace- 
pursue his calling unmolested, " able enjoying of a parsonage, 
when the clergy in general were " I anjswer,; first, I impute thfs 
silenced by the tyranny of Crom- " peaceableness I enjoy, to God's 
well. And it was even objected " undeserved goodness on my un- 
against him by his opponents as a ** worthiness. ' He hath not dealt 
proof of his want of loyalty and " thus with all^my brethren,' above 
affection to the church. To this " me in all respects. God maketh 
he replies in his appeal. " I have " people sometimes potius reperire 
" endeavoured (he says) to steer " quam invenire gratiam, * to find 
** my carriage by the compass ** the favour thev sought not for.* 
" aforesaid (that is, bearing and " If I am one of them whom God 

forbearing ;) and my main mo- " hath made ' to be pitied of those 

tive thereunto was, that I might " who carried me away captive,' (Ps. 

enjoy the benefit of my ministry, " cvi. 46.) I hope I snail be thaiil(- 

" the bare using whereof is the " ful unto Him; and others, 1 

" greatest advancement I am capa- " hope, will not be envious at me 

** ble of in this life. I know all " for so great a mercy. 

" stars are not of the same big- " Next to the fountain of God's 



« 

<c 

« 



« 
it 
it 



** ness and brightness ; some " goodness, I ascribe my liberty 

" shine, some only twinkle : and " of preaching, to the favour of 

allowing myself of the latter size "some great friends God hath 

and sort, 1 would not willingly " raised up for me. It was not 

put out my own (though dim) " a childish answer, though the 

" light in total darkness, nor wonla " answer of a child to his father, 

" bury my half-talent, hoi)ing by " taxing him with being proud of 

" putting it forth, to gain another " his new coat : ' I am glad (said 

" half-talent thereby, to the glory " he), but not proud of it.' Give 

" of God and the good of others. " me leave to oe glad and joyful 

" But it will be objected against " in myself, for my good friends ; 

" me, that it is suspicious, at the " and to desire and endeavour their 

" least, that I have bribed the " continuance and increase. * A 

" times with some base compliance *' friend in the court' hath always 

" with them, because they have " been accounted * as good as a 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. 



XXIU 



The doctor having continued some twelve years a 
widower, the war finding him so, had the better relished 
the loss of his first wife, by how much the freer it rendered 
him of care and trouble for her in those tumultuous times ; 
so as by degrees it had almost settled in him a persuasion 
of keeping himself in that state. But now an honourable 
and advantageous match presenting itself, and being recom- 
mended to him by the desires of his noble friends, he con- 
sented to the motion, taking to wife one of the sisters of 
the right honourable the Viscount Baltinglass ; by whom 
he hath issue one only son, now six years old, a very 
hopeful youth ; having had by his former wile another son, 
of the age of twenty-one years or thereabouts, now a hope- 
ful student in Cambridge. 

In the year 1655, when the usurping protector had pub- 
lished an interdict against ecclesiastical persons, school- 
masters and others, who had adhered to his late sacred 
majesty or assisted the present; whereby they were pro- 
hibited to perform any ministerial office, teach school, &c. 
upon several pains and forfeitures, the good doctor forbore 
not to preach as he did before; the convincing power 
either of his doctrine or his worth defending and keeping 
him out of the hands of that unreasonable man. 

This unchristian barbarous cruelty of that trial sorely 
afflicted the good doctor in his first apprehensions of it, 
though after a little consultation and the encouragement 
of friends, and the strong persuasions of his own con- 
science, he came to a resolution to do his duty as a 
minister of Christ, and leave the issue to God. But he 



penny in the council, or a pound 

in the purse.' 

" I must not forget, * The Arti- 
ticles of Exeter,' whereof I had 
the benefit, living and waiting 
there on the king's daughter, at 
** the rendition thereof : articles, 
which, both as penned and per- 
formed, were the best in £ng- 
*' land ; — thanks to their wisdom 
" who so warily made, and honesty 
" who so well observed them ! Nor 
was it (though last-named) least 



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" causal of my quiet, that (happy 
** criticism to myself as I may call 
" it !) I never was formally seques- 
" tered, but went, before driven 
" away, from my living ; which 
" took oflf the edge of the ordi- 
" nance against me, that the weight 
*' thereof fell but slantingly upon 
" me. Thus when God will fasten 
a favour on any person (though 
never so unworthy) he ordereth 
the conciurrences of all things 
" contributive thereunto." p. 303. 



« 



« 



« 



J 



xxiv THE LIFE OF 

did not only look upon this prohibition in general as a 
severe punishment inflicted upon the nation, by removing 
their teachers into corners, nay remote corners of the 
world, if they disobeyed that edict, but in particular (at 
first view of it) as some punishment or infliction on him- 
self, as if God had refused him and laid him aside as not 
fit to serve him ; and this he referred to his former remiss- 
ness in the discharge of that high function whereunto he 
was separated and called. 

And now did he superabundantly exercise that grace of 
charity to all persons distressed and ruined by this sad 
occasion; what his own small estate could not do, he 
helped out by exhorting and persuading all men of his 
acquaintance or congregation, (for so was the church of 
England reduced, even in that to the form of that schism 
that ruined it,) or select auditory; so that what by his 
powerful example and as strong persuasions, he did 
minister eflfectually to their relief. 

Not to omit one particular charitable office of this doctor 
to the same kind of sufferers : from the expiration of the 
war, he constantly retained one that had been a captain in 
the royal army, and whose fortunes and condition could 
neither keep him according to that degree, nor sustain or 
relieve him in any other. This the good doctor did out 
of a loyal and honourable sense of such persons' suflerings 
and contempts far unworthy their cause or their desert: 
and did therefore allow him lo/. yearly besides diet and 
lodging, till the captain died. 

About this time the doctor became chaplain to the right 
honourable the lord [George] Berkeley^, having quitted 
Waltham, in lieu whereof this lord presented him with 
the living of Cranford in Middlesex" where his body 
is now deposited. How infinitely well beloved he was 

^ Of this very noble patron, and parliamentary jurors, at 80/. per 

bountiful protector of the clergy, annum, with 15 acres of glebe. At 

see the Dedication in the Church that time it was held by Mr. Ash- 

Hist. iv. 252, and the Appeal of ford. Fuller was presented, March 

injured Innocence. 3, 1658, and was succeeded in it 

™ He dates the Appeal from by the celebrated Dr. Wilkins, 

Cranford Moat-house. In 1650 afterwards bishop of Chester. See 

this rectory was returned by the Lyson's Environs, p. 37. 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xxv 

there needs not be added to those accumulations of re- 
spect he found everywhere, for fear especially of resus- 
citating the recent grief of those parishioners for his late 
lamented loss. 

He was a little before wooed also to accept of a living 

at in Essex, which for some respects he owed the 

patron, and to employ that rich talent with which God had 
so bountifully trusted him, he undertook, and piously there 
continued his labours till his settlement at London °. ^ 

In the interim came out a book of Dr. Heylyn's, called 
" Animadversions upon Mr. Fuller's Ecclesiastical His- 
" tory <>," wherein somewhat tartly (though with that ju- 
dicious learning for which that doctor is most deservedly 
honoured) he taxed that book of some errors, &c. To 
this the doctor replied by a book styled " The Appeal of 
** injured Innocence to the learned and ingenious Reader," 
being a very modest, but a most rational and polite defence 
to the aforesaid exceptions against that elaborate piece. 
The dispute and controversy was soon ended; the oil the 
doctor bestowed on this labour being poured into the fresh 
wound of this quarrel did so assuage the heat of the con- 
test, that it was soon healed into a perfect amicable closure 
and mutual endearment p. 



^ He seems to have had two says : " It is questionable whether 

great deliverances from death while " the making of gunpowder be 
e was in this county ; for where " more profitable or more dan- 
he is speaking of the saffiron in it, " gerous, the mills in my parish 
which grows so plentifully about " having been five times blown up 
the town of Walden, he calls it an " within seven years ; but blessed 
admirable cordial ; adding, that " be God, without the loss of any 
" under God I owe my life when " one man's life." (Worthies, p, 
" sick of the small pox to the effi- 319, or i. 495.) 
" cacy thereof;'' and Dr. Baldwin Before he left Essex he made, 
Hamey, afterwards knighted, seems as we are told, his last will. Biog. 
to have been his physician in this Brit. ib. 2061. 
illness. (Fuller's Worthies in Es- ^ In 1^9. 
sex, p. 31 7, or i. 492. See also his p The Church History was print- 
Latin inscription on the copper ed in 1655. Heylyn's Animadver- 
plate of Jewish idols, to Dr. Hamey sions in 1659. It was answered by 
m his Pisffah Sight, &c. iv. p. 120. Fuller in his Appeal the same year. 
Also his Latin dedication to him and closed by a letter from Dr. 
in his Church History, f. 138, or Heylvn in his Certamen Epistolare, 
>• 3^.5') datea from " Lacie's court in 
fhe other deliverance we have ** Abingdon, May 16, 1659." Al- 
also in his own words, where he luding to the length of time which 



xxvi THE LIFE OF 

Indeed the grace that was supereminent in the good 
doctor was charity, both in giving and forgiving; as he 
had laboured during our civil broils after peace, so when 
that could not through our sins be attained, did he with 
the same earnestness press the duty of love, especially 
among brethren of the same afflicted and too much already 
divided church; and therefore was most exemplary in 
keeping the band of it himself, though in a matter that 
most nearly concerned his credit and fame, the chiefest 
worldly thing he studied and intended. 

This constrained retrospection of the doctor's to secure 
and assist the far advanced strength of his foremost works, 
did a little retard and impede the arrear of his labours, 
which consisted of the flower and choice of all his abilities, 
and wherein his Worthies were placed ; howbeit this 
proved but a halt to those encumbrances and difficulties 
which he had all along before met, and soon set that book 
on foot again ^, 



had elapsed from the publication " Solomon's words : Of making 

of the fchurch History to that of "many books there is no end," (Ecc\, 

Heylyn's Animadversions, Fuller " xii. 12.) Not but that all perfect 

says : that after some one had told " books (I mean perfect in sheets, 

him that Heylyn would i)robably ** otherwise none save scripture 

have answered his book had it " perfect) have finis in the close 

not been for his blindness, " not " thereof ; or that any author is 

" hearing any more for many " so irrational, but he propounds 

months after, I conceived myself " an end to himself before he be- 

secure from any wind in that " gins it ; but that in making many 

quarter." p. 280. " books there is no end ; that is, the 

<i Respecting this work the au- " writers of them seldom or never 

thor makes the following happy " do attain that end which they 

and ingenuous confession in his " propound to themselves, espe- 

Appeal, p. 300. "Mothers minding " ciaUy of squinting at sinister 

" to wean their children use to put " ends, as who is not flesh and 

" soot, wormwood, or mustard on " blood ? Such as project wealth 

" the nipples of their breasts. God '* to themselves are commonly by 

" foresaw I might suck to a surfeit " unwise managing or casual mis- 

" in writing histories, which hath " carriage, impaired thereby in 

** been a thief in the lamp of my " their estates. Others who de- 

" life, wasting much oil thereof. " signed to themselves (with the 

" My head and hand had robbed " builders of Babel) to get them 

" my heart in such delightful " a name, commonly meet with 

** studies. Wherefore he raised the ** shame and disgrace. Or else 



« 
« 



bitter pen of the Animadvertor *' when their books are ended, yet 

to wean me from such digressions " they are not ended ; because 

from my vocation. 1 now ex- " though never so cautiously writ- 

" perimentally find the truth of " ten, some antagonists will take 



tt 

€€ 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xxvii 

This was the last remora to it, the doctor going on a 
smooth swift pace while all things else were retrograde in 
the kingd(Hn^ through the tyrannical plots and stratagems 
of the usurper Cromwell; so as toward the beginning 
of that mirahilis armtis 1660 he had it ready for the press ; 
to which as soon as the wonders of his majesty's restitution 
were over, (in the thankful contemplation whereof the good 
doctor was so piously fixed as nothing else might presume 
to intrude upon his raise dgladded spirits,) he brought it, 
taking the auspicia of that happy and famous jimcture of 
time for the commencement of this everlasting monument 
of himself, as well as all other English noble deceased 
persons. 

A while before, to complete the doctor's contentment as 
to his ministry also, he was invited to his former lecturer's 
place at the Savoy, who even from his departure had suf- 
fered under an insufficient or disloyal and malicious clergy ; 
and therefore stood in need of an able and dutiful son of 
the church to reduce and lead them in the right way and 
the old paths; for this people (his ancient floe I;) the doctor 
had always a more especial respect and kindness, which 
was the rather heightened in him out of a compassion to 
their state and condition. Nor did he more tenderly aflfect 
them than they universally respect him, receiving him (as 
indeed he was) as an angel of God, sent to minister unto 
them heavenly things, in exchange whereof they freely 
gave him their hearts and hands. 

" up the bucklers against them, " I will never meddle more with 

" 80 that they must begin again " making any more books of this 

" after they have ended, (or sink " nature. It is a provident way 

•* in their credits,) to write in their " before writing leaves us to leave 

" own vindication : which is my " off writing, and the rather be- 

" case, enough to take off my *' cause scribbling is the frequenta- 

** edge, formerly too keen, in " tive thereof, 

making multiplicity of books. *' If therefore my petitioning 

" I confess I have yet one His- " and optative Amen shall meet 

tory [the Worthies] ready for " with God's commissioning and 

" the press, which I hope will be " imperative Amen, I will hereafter 

" for God's glory and nonour of " totally attend the concernments 

" our nation. ITiis new built ship ** of my calling, and what directly 

is now on the stocks, ready to " and immediately shall tend to 

be launched ; and being a vessel ** the advance of devotion in my- 

of great burthen, God send me *' self and in others, as preparatory 

some good adventurers to bear *' to my dissolution out of this state 

** part of the expense. This done " of mortality." 



(( 



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xxviii THE LIFE OF 

The doctor, through the injury and iniquity of the times, 
had for near twenty years been barred of all profits of his 
prebendaryship of Salisbury, ' (of which before,) but upon 
the return of the king, those revenues and possessions, so 
sacrilegiously alienated from the church, reverted also to 
their rightful proprietors. This accession and additional 
help did very much encourage the doctor in the carrying 
on of his book, which being large would require an able 
purse to go through with, and he was very solicitous (often 
presaging he should not live to see it finished, though satis- 
fied of his present healthy constitution)* to have it done 
out of hand ; to which purpose part of the money accruing 
to him from his Salisbury prebendaryship was designed. 

He therefore hastened his book with all expedition; 
and whereas he had intended to continue it but till 1659, 
and had therefore writ it in such language as those times 
of usurpation (during the most part of which it was com- 
piled) would suffer such a subject and concerning matter 
to be drest in ; he now reviewed it over, giving truth and 
his own most excellent fancy their proper becoming orna- 
ments, scope and clearness. But neither the elevation of 
the usurpers, nor the depression of the royalists, and the 
vice versa of it did ever incline or sway him to additions, 
intercalations, or expunctions of persons, whom he hath 
recommended for " Worthies ;" no such thing as a Pym 
or Protector, whom the mad world cried up for brave : 
drops of compassionate tears they did force from him, but 
his resolute ink was not to be stained by their black ac- 
tions. A pen ftdl of such would serve to blot out the 
whole roll of fame. 

This constancy of the doctor's to his first model and 
main of his design doth most evidently argue his firm per- 
suasion and belief of the reviving of the royal cause, since 
he wrote the most part during those improbable times of 
any restitution ; and he had very ill consulted his own ad- 
vantage if he had not well consulted the oracles of God. 

' Alluding to this, he says in his * The presage was unfortunately 

Appeal, '' for king Charles' sake I verified ; for the work was not 

lost none of the worst livings, published till 1663, and the doc- 

and one of the best prebends in tor died August 16, 1661. 
Engbind."— p. 286. 



« 

<4 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xxix 

As the last felicity of this doctor's life, he was made 
chaplain in extraordinary to his majesty, being also in a 
well grounded expectation of some present further advance- 
ment; but here death stept in, and drew the curtain 
betwixt him and his succeeding ecclesiastical dignities.^ 

And would a curtain were drawn here too, that the sad 
remainder of this task were enjoined to the last trump, 
when we shall know likewise wherefore God was pleased 
to take him from us, and be satisfied with his providence ! 
Pity the envious should find such an imperfection in him 
as death ; pity the grateful should mourn so long and so 
much for the loss of him, and his most incomparable giils 
and endowments, without any redress; but — vnfandos FuU 
lerejubes renovare ddores — we must continue our discourse 
though upon a discontinued subject, and write the much 
deplored death of Dr. Fuller. 

Having in August returned from Salisbury, whither he 
went to settle and let his revenue as prebend of that dean- 
ery, he returned to his charge at London. It was a very 
sickly time in the country, the distempers most rife were 
feverish agues, the disease of which our doctor died ; and 
therefore it was judged, that he had brought the infection 
of his disease thence, which broke out violently upon him 
soon after his return, Dr. Nicholas the reverend dean of 
Paul's dying near the same time upon his coming from the 
same place. For being desired to preach a marriage ser- 
mon on Sunday the twelfth of August to a kinsman of his, 
who was to be wedded the day after, the good doctor lov- 
ingly undertook it ; but on that Sunday at dinner felt him- 
self very much indisposed, complaining of a dizziness in 

^ At the Restoration Fuller wrote " vancement, that had he lived 

a poem on Charles II., published *' about a twelvemonth longer, it 

in the Worthies, iii. 385. At the " was thought he would have been 

same time " he was chosen chap- *' made, upon the translation of 

lain in extraordinary to his ma- *' Dr. Gauden from £xeter to 

jesty, created doctor of divinity " Worcester, on his death soon 

oy the king's letters of recom- " after, bishop of one of those 

mendation to the University of " sees, through the Berkeleys' in- 



« 
if 



" Cambridge, dated August 2, '* terest with the queen mother." 
" 1660; and so well-grounded was Biog. Brit. 2065. 



his expectation of higher ad- 



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XX THE LIFE OF 

his head : whereapon his son intreated him that he would 
go and lie down on bed, and forbear preaching that after- 
noon, informing him how dangerous those symptoms were ; 
but the doctor would not be persuaded, hut to church he 
would go, and perform his promise to his friend; sajring, 
he had gone up often into the pulpit sick, but always came 
down well again, and he hoped he should do as well now 
through God's strengthening grace. 

Being in the pulpit he found himself very ill, so that he 
was apprehensive of the danger ; and therefore before his 
prayer, addressed himself thus to his congregation : " I 
find myself very ill, but I am resolved by the grace of 
God to preach this sermon to you here though it be my 
last." A sad presage, and more sadly verified ! 
He proceeded in his prayer and sermon very perfectly, 
till in the middle (never using himself to notes, other than 
the beginning word of each head or division) he began to 
falter, but not so much out, but that he quickly recollected 
himself, and very pertinently concluded. After he had 
a while sat down, he was not able to rise again, but was 
&in to be led down the pulpit stairs by two men into the 
reading place. He had promised also to christen a child 
(of a very good friend of his) then in the church, and the 
parent did earnestly importune him to do it, and the good 
doctor was as willing as he desiring ; but the doctor's son ^ 
shewing him the extreme danger there was of his father, 
he desisted from his request. 

Much ado there was to persuade the doctor to go home 
in a sedan; he saying still he should be well by and by, 
and would go along with them ; but at last, finding himself 
worse and worse, he yielded to go, but not to his old lodg- 
ings, (which were convenient to him in the Savoy,) but to 
his new one in Covent Garden. Being come thither, they 
had him to bed, and presently sent for Dr. Scarborough, * 

^ John, who set forth the Wor- hrated Hobbes. Lyson, ib. 24. 

thies . Letters from the Bodleian, ii. p. 368. 

' This sir Charles Scarborough, Dr. Charlton who was physician 

the favourite pupil of Dr. Harvey, in ordinary to Charles I. and II., 

was physician to the duke of York, according to Wood, was the son 

and an intimate friend of the cele- of Walter Charlton, M.A., some- 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. 



XXXI 



but he being in the country Dr. Charlton came, who with 
the exactest skill and care possible, addressed himself to 
the recovery of the good doctor* The disease was judged 
by him to be a malignant fever, such as then raged every 
where, and was better known by the name of the New dis- 
ease, which like a plague had swept away a multitude of 
people throughout the kingdom. Therefore phlebotomy 
was directed, and some twenty ounces of blood taken from 
him, and yet nevertheless the paroxysms continued, hav- 
ing totally bereft the doctor of all sense, so much as to give 
any the least account of his condition ; the physicians now 
being at a loss, and not able to advise any further against 
the insuperable violence and force of the distemper. 

Yet in this sad and oppressed condition, some comfort- 
able signs and assurances were given by the good doctor, 
by his frequent lifting up his hands and his eyes ; which 
devotion ended in the folding of his arms, and sighs fetched 
questionless from a perfect contrition for this life, and from 
an earnest desire after and hope of that to come. 

Tuesday, August 14. The good doctor gave sad sjrmp- 
toms of a prevailing disease, and Dr. Charlton despaired of 
his recovery, his fever being so fierce and pertinacious, and 
which resisted all remedies. As was said almost from the 
very fixst decumbency, which was near as soon as he was 
ill, his senses were seized and surprised, with little or no 
remission of the distemper, which caused him to talk some- 
times, but of nothing more frequently than his books, call- 
ing for pen and ink, and telling his sorrowful attendants 



time vicar of Ilminster, and after- 
wards rector of Shepton-Mallet in 
Somersetahire. He was bom Feb. 
2, 1619, at the latter place, became 
a commoner of Magdalen-hall, 
Oxford, in 1635, at which time he 
was intrusted to the care of the 
celebrated Dr. Wilkins, afterwards 
bishop of Chester. By the favour 
of Charles I. he obtained the de- 
gree of doctor in physic, in 1643, 
bein^ at the same time appointed 
physician in ordinary to his ma- 
jesty. When the royal cause de- 
clined he retired to London, and 



pursued his practice, obtaining 
considerable eminence. In 1689 
he was chosen president of the 
College of Physicians; and died 
in 1707. Wood characterises him 
as " a learned and an unhappy 
'' man, a^ed and grave, yet too 
" much given to romance." Athen. 
ii. 1 1 12. Among other things he 
was a ffreat antiquarian, and cor- 
responded with the celebrated 
Olaus Wormius. See a list of his 
writings in Wood, ib. Letters from 
the Bodleian, i. 5. ii. 630. 



xxxii THE LIFE OF 

that by and by he should be well, and would write it out, 
&c. But on Wednesday noon the presages of a dislodging 
soul were apparent in him ; for nature being overpowered, 
the vitals burnt up by such a continual heat ; his lamp of 
life began to decay, his fever and strength abating toge- 
ther, so that it pleased God to restore to him the use of the 
faculties of his soul, which he very devoutly and thank- 
fully employed in a Christian preparation for death, earn- 
estly imploring the prayers of some of his reverend bre- 
thren with him, who then were sorrowful visitors of him 
in these his last agonies, which accordingly was performed, 
the good doctor with all the intentness of piety joining 
with them, and recommending himself with all humble 
thankfulness and submission to God's welcome providence. 
Nay, so highly was he affected with God's pleasure con- 
cerning him, that he could not endure any person to weep 
or cry, but would earnestly desire them to refrain, highly 
extolling and preferring his condition, as a translation to a 
blessed eternity. 

Nor would he therefore endure to hear any thing of the 
world or worldly matters, for the settling and disposition 
whereof he had before made no provision, and was desired 
by some to give some present direction for the better ac- 
commodating the several concerns of his family : but the 
doctor totally rejected any thoughts of those matters, hav- 
ing his mind engaged and prepossessed with things of ra- 
vishing and transcendent excellencies. Even his beloved 
book aforesaid, the darling of his soul, was totally neglected, 
not a syUable dropping from him in reference to the per- 
fecting and finishing thereof, which he had now brought 
so near to the birth. Nothing but heaven and the perfec- 
tions thereof, the consummations of grace in glory, must 
fill up the room of his capacious soul, which now was flit- 
ting and ready to take wing to those mansions of bliss. 

For on Thursday morning, August 16, 1661, this re- 
verend and painful minister of Christ Jesus, having finished 
his course, and run the race that was set before him, and 
fought a good fight, breathed out his wearied spirit into 
the hands of his Redeemer to his own everlasting fruition 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. 



xxxm 



«Dd consolation^ but to the irreparable loss and very ex- 
ceeding sorrow of all men, to whom religion, piety, virtue, 
and supereminent learning were ever acceptable. And 
whatever the present envious world may think, unpreju- 
diced posterity will undoubtedly erect him a shrine, and 
pay him those Justa of honour and fame, which to his me- 
mory most duly and rightly do belong* 

After he had laid a while dead, an eruption of blood 
burst from his temples, whic^ was conjectured to have 
been long settled there, through too much study, in the 
methodizing and completing those various pieces in his 
*' Worikiei Oeneraly^ of which he was prophetically afraid 
he should never live to see the finishing. 

He was buried at the desire and at the costs of the right 
honourable his noble patron the lord Berkeley, at his 
parish of Cranford in Middlesex, in the chancel of the 
said churchy, and attended thither by at least two hundred 
of his brethren of the ministry, such a solemn assembly 
being scarce to be paralleled, where the reverend dean of 
Rochester, Dr. Hardy, preached his funeral sermon ; being 
a very elegant and extraordinary pathetical deploration of 
so great a loss, which hath not yet (though it is hoped and 
much desired may) passed the press; to which learned 
piece with all humble submission be referred the praises 
and commendations of the deceased doctor, being thereby 
so excellently well transmitted to his everlasting rest. 



Though we have now brought this venerable doctor to 
his repository, and laid him in his silent grave : yet there 
remain some fiirther offices due to his yet speaking virtues 
and graces. The smooth and iaxx track whereof could not 
be so well insisted on in the foregoing considerations of 
him, as in rta, and that so salebrose and difficult by the 



rlliis inscription was placed 
upon his monumeiit : " Hie jacet 
** Thomas Fuller, e CoU^o Syd- 
** neiano in Academia UantaDri- 
giensi S.S.T.D. hujus Ecclesise 
rector: ingenii acumine, memo- 
riae felicitadte» momm probitate, 
omnigena doctiina, historia prse- 

FULLEB, VOL. I. 



tt 



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tt 



sertiin, uti vana ejus gumma 
" a^quanimitate composita testan- 
" tur,celeberrimu8. Qui dumviros 
^ Anglise illustres opere poethumo 
" immortalitati consecrare medi- 



" tatus est, ipse immortalitatem 
'' consecutus est* Aug. 15, 1661." 
Lysons, ib. p. 23. 

d 



xxxiv THE LIFE OF 

unevenness and asperity of the times he lived in : but do 
now orderly lead us without any diversion, as he is in 
glory, to the pursuit of his fame and memory. 

In tendency whereunto it is requisite, to enliven that 
portrait of him prefixed to this manual, with some of those 
natural graces which were unexpressible in him by the 
pencil ; withal to shew what a convenient habitation learn- 
ing and virtue had chosen, in which nothing could be com- 
plained of and faulted, but that they took it for so short a 
term. 

He was of stature somewhat tall, exceeding the mean, 
with a proportionable bigness to become it, but no way in- 
clining to corpulency : of an exact straightness of the 
whole body, and a perfect symmetry in every part thereof. 
He was of a sanguine constitution, which beautified his 
face with a pleasant ruddiness, but of so grave and serious 
an aspect, that it awed and discountenanced the smiling 
attracts of that complexion. His head adorned with a 
comely light- coloured hair, which was so, by nature exactly 
curled, (an ornament enough of itself in this age to deno- 
minate a handsome person, and wherefore all skill and art 
is used,) but not suffered to overgrow to any length un- 
seeming his modesty and profession. 

His gait and walking was very upright and graceful, be- 
coming his well-shapen bulk : approaching something near 
to that we term majestical ; but that the doctor was so well 
known to be void of any affectation or pride. Nay, so re- 
gardless was he of himself in his garb and raiment, in 
which no doubt his vanity would have appeared, as well 
as in his stately pace ; that it was with some trouble to 
himself to be either neat or decent; it mattered not for 
the outside, w^hile he thought himself never too curious 
and nice in the dresses of his mind. 

Very careless also he was to seeming inurbanity in the 
modes of courtship and demeanour, deporting himself 
much according to the old English guise, which for its 
ease and simplicity suited very well with the doctor, whose 
time was designed for more elaborate business ; and whose 
motto might have been " Sincerity." 



bR. THOMAS FULLER. xxxv 

As inobservant he was of persons, unless business with 
them, or his concerns pointed them out and adverted 
him; seeing and discerning were two things. Often in 
several places hath he met with gentlemen of his nearest 
and greatest acquaintanice, at a full rencounter and stop, 
whom he hath endeavoured to pass by, not knowing, that 
is to say, not minding of them, till rectified and recalled by 
their familiar compellations. 

This will not (it may be presumed) and justly cannot be 
imputed unto any indisposedness and unaptness of his na- 
ture, which was so far from rude and untractable, that it 
may be confidently averred he was the most complacent 
person in the nation, as his converse and writings, with 
such a freedom of discourse and quick jocundity of style, 
do sufficiently evince. 

He was a perfect walking library, and those that would 
find delight in him must turn him ; he was to be diverted 
from his present purpose with some urgency ; and when 
once unfixed and unbent, his mind freed from the incum- 
bency of his study, no man could be more agreeable to 
civil and serious mirth, which limits his most heightened 
fancy never transgressed. 

He had the happiness of a very honourable, and that 
very numerous acquaintance, so that he was no way un- 
disciplined in the arts of civility ; yet he continued stmper 
identy which constancy made him always acceptable to them. 

At his diet he was very sparing and temperate, but yet 
he allowed himself the repasts and refreshings of two 
meals a day ; but no lover of dainties, or the inventions of 
cookery ; solid meats better fitting his strength of consti- 
tution: but from drink very much abstemious, which 
questionless was the cause of that uninterrupted health he 
enjoyed till this his first and last sickness. Of which feli- 
city as he himself was partly the cause by his exactness in 
eating and drinking, so did he the more dread the sudden 
infliction of any disease, or other violence of nature, fearing 
this his care might amount to a presumption in the eyes of 
the great Disposer of all things ; and so it pleased God it 
should happen. 

d2 



xxxvi THE LIFE OF 

But his great abstinence of all was from sleep; and 
strange it was, that one of such a fleshy and sanguine com- 
position could overwatch so many heavy propense inclina« 
tions to rest. For this in some sort he was beholden to 
his care in diet aforesaid^ (the full vapours of a repletion 
in the stomach ascending to the brain causing that usual 
drowsiness we see in many^) but most especially to his 
continual custom, use, and practice, which had so subdued 
his nature, that it was wholly governed by his active and 
industrious mind. 

And yet this is a further wonder ; he did scarcely allow 
himself, from his first degree in the university, any recrea- 
tion or easy exercise, no not so much as walking, but very 
rare and seldom ; and that not upon his own choice, but 
as being compelled by friendly yet forcible invitations; 
till such time as the war posted him from place to place, 
and afler that his constant attendance on the press in the 
edition of his books ; when was a question which went the 
fastest, his head or his feet : so that in efiect he was a very 
stranger, if not an enemy to all pleasure. 

Riding was the most pleasant, because his necessary 
convenience ; the doctor's occasions, especially his last 
work, requiring travel, to which he had so accustomed him- 
self ; so that this diversion (like princes' banquets, only to 
be looked upon by them, not tasted of) was rather made 
such than enjoyed by him. 

So that if there were any felicity or delight which he 
can be truly said to have had, it was either in his relations 
or in his works. As to his relations, certainly no man was 
a more tender, more indulgent a husband and a father. 
His conjugal love in both matches being equally blessed 
with the same issue, kept a constant tenor in both mar- 
riages, which he so improved, that the harmony of his 
afiections stilled all discord and charmed the noise of 
passion. 

Towards the education of his children he was exceeding 
careful, allowing them any thing conducing to that end, 
beyond the present measure of his estate ; which it is well 
hoped will be returned to the memory of so good a father, 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xxxvii 

in their early imitation of him in all those good qualities 
and literature^ to which they have now such an hereditary 
claim. 

As to his books^ which we usually call the issue of the 
brain, he was more than fond, totally abandoning and for- 
saking all things to follow them. And yet, if correction 
and severity (so this may be aUowed the gravity of the 
sabject) be also the signs of love, a stricter and more 
careful hand was never used. True it is, they did not 
grow up without some errors, like the tares : nor can the 
most refined pieces of any of his antagonists boast of per- 
fection. He that goes an unknown and beaten track in a 
dubious way, though he may have good directions, yet if 
m the journey he chance to stray, cannot well be blamed ; 
they have perchance ploughed with his heifer, and been 
beholden to those authorities, for their exceptions, which 
he first gave light to. 

To his neighbours and friends he behaved himself with 
that cheerfulness and plainness of afiection and respect as 
deservedly gained him their highest esteem. From the 
meanest to the highest he omitted nothing what to him 
belonged in his station, either in a familiar correspondency 
or necessary visits ; never suffering intreaties of that which 
either it was his duty, or in his power to perform. The 
quickness of his apprehension, helped by a good nature, 
presently suggested xinto him (without putting them to the 
trouble of an innuendo) what their several afiairs required, 
in which he would spare no pains ; insomuch that it was a 
piece of absolute prudence to rely upon his advice and 
assistance. In a word, to his superiors he was dutifiilly 
respectful, without ceremony or officiousness ; to his equals 
he was discretely respectful, without neglect or unsociable- 
ness; and to his inferiors (whom indeed he judged Chris- 
tianly none to be) civilly respectful, without pride or dis- 
dain. 

But all these so eminent virtues, and so sublimed in 
him, were but as foils to those excellent gifts wherewith 
(jod had endued his intellectuals. He had a memory of 
that vast comprehensiveness, that he is deservedly known 

d3 



xxxvin THE LIFE OF 

for the first inventor of that noble art, whereof having left 
behind him no rules or directions, save only what fell firom 
him in discourse, no further account can be given but a 
relation of some very rare experiments of it made by 
him. 

He undertook once, in passing to and fro from Temple- 
bar to the frirthest conduit in Cheapside, at his return 
again, to tell every sign as they stood in order on both 
sides of the way, repeating them either backward or for- 
ward as they should choose, which he exactly did, not 
missing or misplacing one, to the admiration of those that 
heard him.^ 

The like also would he do in words of different lan- 
guages, and of hard and difficult prolation, to any number 
whatsoever. But that which was most strange, and very 
rare in him, was his way of writing, which, something like 
the Chinese's, was from the top of the page to the bottom. 
The manner thus. He would write near the margin the first 
words of every line down to the foot of the paper ; then 
would he, beginning at the head again, fill up every one of 
these lines, which, without any interlineations or spaces, 
but with the full and equal length, would so adjust the 
sense and matter, and so aptly connex and conjoin the ends 
and beginnings of the said lines, that he could not do it 
better, as he hath said, if he had writ all out in a conti- 
nuation. 

The treasury of this happy memory was a very great 
advantage to his preaching; but being assisted with as 
rich invention and extraordinary reading, did absolutely 
complete him for the pulpit. His great stores both of 
school and case divinity, both of history and philosophy, 
of arts and tongues, his converse in the scriptures, the 
fathers and human writings, had so abundantly furnished 
him, that without the other additaments he had been very 
eminent among his function. Now all so happily met to-r 
gether, such a constellation could portend no less than 
some wonder of men, who should be famous in hi^ gene-r 
ration. 

^ At that time, it must be remembered, all shops had their signs^ 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xxxix 

Not to omit to this purpose (however to the first intui- 
tion it may seem to the reverend and graver divines a pre- 
cipitancy, and a venturous rashness in any man with such 
unprovidedness to step into the pulpit) that this venerable 
doctor, upon some sudden emergent occasions, upon two 
hours' warning, and upon a subject of his friend's choice, 
which was knotty and very difficult, hath performed the 
task enjoined him with much accurateness ; such his art 
of method, besides that his understanding wa^ strangely 
opened for the unlocking and opening of scriptures, which 
he would do very genuinely and evidently, and then em- 
bellish his explication with curious variety of expression. 

For his ordinary manner of teaching, it was in some 
kind different from the usual preachers' method of most 
ministers in those times. For he seldom made any excur- 
sions into the handling of common places, or drew his 
subject matter out at length by any prolixly continued 
discourse. But the main frame of his public sermons, if 
not wholly, consisted (after some brief and genuine resolu- 
tion of the context, and explication of the terms, where 
need required) of notes and observations, with much va- 
riety and great dexterity drawn immediately from the text, 
and naturally without constraint, issuing or flowing either 
from the main body, or from the several parts of it, with 
some useful applications annexed thereunto; which, though 
either of them long insisted upon, yet were wont with that 
vivacity to be propounded and pressed by him, as well 
might, and oft did, pierce deep into the hearts of his 
hearers, and not only rectify and clear their judgments, but 
have a powerftd work also upon their affections. 

Nor was it his manner to quote many scriptures, finding 
it troublesome to himself, and supposing it would be so to 
his auditors also ; besides deeming it the less needful, in 
regard that his ohservations being grounded immediately 
on the scripture he handled, and by necessary consequence 
thence deduced, seemed to receive proof sufficient from it. / 

A constant form of prayer he used, as in his family, so 
in his public ministry ; only varying or adding, upon spe- 
cial occasions, as occurrences intervening required, because 

d4 



xl THE LIFE OF 

not only hesitation (which the good doctor, for all his 
strength of memory and invention, was afraid of before so 
awful a presence as the Majesty of heaven) was in prayer 
more offensive than other discourse, but because such ex- 
cursions in that duty, in the extempore way, were become 
the idol of the multitude. 

In his Mixed Contemplations read these words : ** Let 
** such new practices as are to be brought into our church 
*' be for a time candidates and probationers on their good 
** behaviour, to see how the temper of people will fit them, 
** and they.fadge with it, before they be publicly enjoined. 

'* Let them be like St. Paul's deacons, 1 Tim. iii. 10, first 
'* be proved, then be used, if found blameless. I cannot 
** therefore but commend the discretion of such statesmen, 
*^ who knowing the Directory to be but a stranger, and 
'^ considering the great inclination the generality of our 
*^ nation had to the Common Prayer, made their tempo- 
" rary act to stand in force but for three years*."* 

He could as well declare his mind and errand, and of 
all others likewise with as much plainness, clearness, and 
(which is more) reverence, as any of those who cried up 
the Spirit, and their own way, in opposition to the laws 
and the judgment of antiquity ; so to take the people with 
their newfangled words and licentious easiness of dis- 
coursing with God Abnighty, whose attributes they squared 
to their petitions, that it be not said, wills. 

As he was an enemy to the inventions of men obtruded 
upon the blessed Spirit in that irreverent and profane 
manner of praying and revelation ; so was he likewise, on 
the other side, a professed and avowed adversary to the 
mass and traditions, which caused him no little slander 
and obloquy. But the spirit of this pious doctor was ex- 
ceedingly stirred in him against all popish insinuators; 
because he was too sensible that through the mad zeal of 
the vulgar, whom they had by Jesuitical practices inflamed, 
the house of God in these kingdoms was set in com- 
bustion. 

'MizedContemplations on these dilations on aU kinds of Prayers^ 
Times, §. 33. Compare also. Me- §. 11, i3. 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xK 

Therefore with much pmdence, courage^ and boldness, 
did he ererywhere in his books^ as occasion offered, un- 
mask the deceits and designs, resist and curb the pride, 
oonyince and lay open the errors of the church of Rome ; 
though he never wrote any thing particularly by way of 
controversy against it, because, as he said, there was no 
end of it; and more than sufficient had already been 
wrote, if any ingenuity had been in the adherents of that 
see to have submitted to truth. 

Nor was there ever any of that religion who were so 
hardy as to challenge or tax the doctor but obliquely for 
any thing wherewith he had charged them, either of apo- 
stasy, heresy, or manifest idolatry; their abuse of anti- 
quity in their rasures and additions, which did very often 
occur to him in most of his books, from which they were 
sure to hear of them to the purpose. It much rejoiced the 
Roman party, when that misunderstanding happened be- 
twixt doctor Heylyn and himself about his Ecclesiastical 
History, though they caught no fish in those troubled 
waters. While they tossed their proud billows forward and 
backward, the protestant cause was safely anchored and 
moored between them. 

And as he never had occasion to engage in any polemical 
discourse with any of that party, so in these miserable 
bandyings of our late unhappy times did he always re- 
frain from stickling on any side ; though it was sufficiently 
known how firmly he was grounded and addict to the true 
protestant religion, in opposition to the innovations of 
presbytery and the schism of independency, against whom 
also he had a zeal, but allayed with a greater compassion 
than to the papist; distinguishing betwixt the seducers 
and the seduced, whom notwithstanding he did very se- 
verely deal withal in his writings. One instance whereof 
take in his Mixed Contemplations : '' I am sad that I may 
" add with too much truth, that one man will at last be 
'* divided in himself, distracted often betwixt many opin- 
" ions ; that what is reported of Tostatus, lying on his 

deathbed, in muUitudine controversiarum non habuit quod 

crederet ; amongst the multitude of persuasions through 



u 



xlii THE LIFE OF 

^ which he had passed^ he knew not where to cast anchor, 
'* and fix himself at last^." So that he may be said to have 
been a right-handed enemy to the stubborn Romanist^ and 
a left-handed one to the cunning sectary. 

He was wont to call those controversies concerning 
episcopacy, and the new-invented arguments against the 
church of England, with the answers and refutation thereof, 
^juieprf/3ta, things of a day's life, and of no permanency ; the 
church being built upon a rock, as no storms could shake 
or move it, so needed it not any defences of art or learning; 
being of the same mind with sir Henry Wotton, Dispu- 
tandi pruritus, scabies ecclesice. 

He was wholly conversant during the broils and dissen- 
sions of the clergy, in the thoughts and considerations of 
that text. Let your moderation be knovm unto aU men ; on 
which place he once preached a while before his ma- 
jesty's restitution to a very great auditory ; little imagining 
the subsequent words, for the Lord is at hand, were so 
near the fulfilling in the merciful visitations of God towards 
these miserable nations. 

In this he was the same still, but more solicitous in the 
glinmiering of that happy revolution ; when he plainly 
saw how indispensably necessary the mutual condescen- 
sions of all parties were to the establishment and consoli- 
dating of peace. (Mixed Contemplations, to this purpose 
again.) " Peace in our land, like St. Paul at Athens, be- 
** twixt two sects of philosophers, is now like to be encoun- 
" tered with two such opposite parties : such as are for the 
" liberties of a commonwealth, and such as are for an ab- 
*' solute monarchy in the full length thereof. But I hope 
" neither of them both are so considerable in their number, 
parts, and infiuences on the people, but that the moderate 
party, advocates for peace, will prevail for the settling 
" thereof." ^ Ibidem: " The episcopal party doth desire and 
'* expect that the presbyterian should remit of his rigid- 
ness, in order to an expedient between them. The pres- 
byterians require that the episcopal side abate of their 
authority to advance an accommodation. But some on 

^ Mixed Ck>nteniplation8 on these Times, §. 4. ^ Ibid. §. 35. 









<€ 
it 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xliii 

" both sides are so wedded to their wilfulness, stand so stiff 
** on their judgments, are so hot and high in their passions, 
*' they will not part with the least punctilio in their opin- 
" ions and practices. Such men^s judgments cannot pre- 
tend to the exactness of the Gibeonites, Judges xx. 16, 
that they hit the mark of [the truth at] an hair^s breadth^ 
and faU not : yet will they not abate an hair's breadth 
in order to unity; they will take all, but tender nothing ; 
^* make motions with their mouths, but none with their 
" feet, for peace, not stirring a step towards it. O that we 
*^ could see some proffers and performances of condescen- 
*^ sion on either side, and then let others who remain obsti- 
** nate be branded with Perez, Gen. xxxviii. 29, the breach 
•* be upon them.^ "^ 

Thus the good doctor's bent and resolutions were for a 
fidr and mutual compliance, out of a tender jealousy of this 
divided church ; seeing other men resolved indeed into an 
obstinate persistance and adherence to their opinions, who 
would rather rashly cut the Gordian knot of union and 
concord, to fulfil the doubtful oracles of their own judg- 
ment, than leisurely and with patience endeavour the un- 
tying of it, which would set the church of God at perfect 
liberty, and release it from the violence of prejudiced and 
captived reason. 

How much this lay upon his spirit, being the Benjamin 
of his love above all other duties and necessities in a 
Christian conversation or government, may seem further 
tedious to relate ; but because it is so genuine a trait of 
his elegant pen, and so like him, it is hoped that this ex- 
cellent feature copied here, in this rude transcript of him, 
may be of delight (amidst the mass and undigestedness of 

these collections) to the curious reader. " In my father's 

time there was a fellow of Trinity college in Cambridge, 
a native of Carleton in Leicestershire, where the people, 
through some occult cause, are troubled with a wharling 
in their throats, so that they cannot plainly pronounce the 
letter R. This scholar, being conscious of his infirmity, 
•* made a Latin oration of the usual expected length, with- 

* Mixed Contemplations on these Times, §.19. 



u 
ft 



xliv THE LIFE OF 

" out an R therein: and yet did he not only select words fit 
*^ for his easy pronunciation^ but also as pure and expres- 
^^ sive for signification; to shew that men might speak with- 
" out being beholden to the dog'^s letter. Oar English 
" pulpits for these last eighteen years have had in them too 
*^ much caninal anger vented by snapping and snarling 
** spirits on both sides. But if you hits and devour one 
*^ another, saith the apostle, Gal. v. 15^ take heed ye be not 
*^ devoured one of another. Think not that our sermons 
*^ must be silent if not satirical^ as if divinity did not afford 
^' smooth subjects enough to be seasonably insisted on in 
** this juncture of time. Let us try our skill whether we 
** cannot preach without any dog letter or biting word; the 
" art is half learned by intending, and wholly by serious 
** endeavouring of it. I am sure that such soft sermons 
" will be more easy for the tongue of the preacher in pro- 
" nouncing them, less grating to the ears of pious people 
^^ that hear them, and most edifying to the heart of both 
" speaker and hearer. «" Again, and for all — ** O may 
** the state be pleased so far to reflect on this IsaaCy as to 
^^ settle the inheritance on him ! Let protestant religion 
** be only countenanced by law, be owned and acknowledged 
" for the received religion of the nation. As for other 
** sects, (the sons of Keturah,) we grudge not that gifts be 
*^ bestowed on them. Let them have a toleration, (and 
*' that I assure you is a great gift indeed,) and be per- 
" mitted peaceably, but privately, to enjoy their con- 
" sciences, both in opinions and practices. Such favour 
" may safely, not to say ought justly, be afforded unto 
** them, so long as they continue peaceably in our Israel^ 
" and disturb not the state.^ " 

This is the rather inserted, both for the cautelousness of 
the expression he used, and which those times required ; 
and by which discrete and amicable way our differences 
and breaches were likeliest to be made up, the disguises 
of words to the undeceiving of a misled people into the 
right way of their felicity, who had all along been driven 
with speeches, and such like parliament oratory, being 

* Mixed Contemplations on these Times, §. 30. ^ Ibid. §. ai. 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xlv 

the facilest method of introducing that peace which by the 
same arts was violated. Storms begin from and end in 
calms ; the gentle breathings of soft and temperate spirits 
commencing the outrages of other men's violent passions, 
and terminating and stopping their fury. 

This was a charitable and also a reasonable and political 
design of the doctor, very well applied in the crisis of 
that distemper; whose acute pains, in the stripping of 
those people of their illegal possessions and purchases, 
(though in time they might and would naturally and cen- 
trally return to their just owners,) were to be alleviated 
and eased by some healing balsam ; not to be lanced and 
exasperated by the sharp and keen incisions of invectives 
and exprobrations ; those tumours and swellings of usurped 
estates being better to be laid by lenitives and suppling 
oils, than to be eaten away by corrosives, or cut off by 
cruel instruments. 

This policy, more eminent in illustrious persons, (though 
not the charity of the good doctor,) God succeeded in that 
juncture of time, by amusing the most considerable persons, 
as well as the generality of the engaged rebellious faction 
and party, into a supineness, or (which was the greater 
work of Providence, that doth commonly go by a method) 
confident reliance on the king's grace and kindness. Those 
who would not trust his blessed father, though under con- 
firmation of his royal seal and word, to be further strength- 
ened by their own authority in parliament, were quiet and 
contented in the only bare expectation what his royal son 
would promise them. 

But the doctor's charity, as before, though so extensive, 
was far overreached by that liberty of conscience, which 
interest and self-will and the pride of schism stretched 
beyond all convenient or reasonable limits ; his condescen- 
sions to such as went by the name of tender Christians sig- 
nifying no more than some acts of grace and pardon lately 
passed. So that all the good the doctor did in that re- 
spect was to himself; the benefit of that love and charity 
being returned and multiplied on him to his everlasting 
comfort. 



xlvi THE LIFE OP 

But Trhat the measure of his charitv could not fulfil wai 
made up in his piety and constant intercession^ that they 
might prove such as he in his best thoughts had wished 
them. He was most earnest in this duty of prayer; and his 
often accesses to that mercy-seat had made it a place of 
acquaintance and free reception. As his study importuned 
him at very unreasonable hours, so it opportuned his devo- 
tion in the early and late sacrifices, which he indispensably 
and firstly offered to the " God of Heaven ;" a phrase for 
its comprehensiveness of the divine Majesty, in the glory 
and perfection of it above all other his creatures, very 
familiar and usual with the doctor, by way of emphasis or 
reverend instance. 

If it may pass here without any rigid adversion, a very 
excellent passage of the doctor's (in the beginning of the 
anarchy under a commonwealth) would seek admittance, 
having relation to this duty in hand. Soon after the king's 
death he preached in a church near London, and a person 
then in great power, now levelled with his fellows, was 
present at the sermon. In his prayer before which he 
said, " God in his due time settle our nation on the true 
" foundation thereof." The then great man demanded of 
him what he meant by the true foundation f He answered, 
he was no lawyer nor statesman, and therefore skill in 
such matters could not be expected from him. But being 
pressed further to explain himself, whether thereby he did 
not intend the king, lords, and commons, he answered, 
that it was a part of his prayer to God, who had more 
knowledge than he ignorance in all things, that He knew 
what was the true foundation ; and so remitted the fac- 
tious querist to God's wisdom and goodness. 

This was a kind of his experiments in prayer, which 
were many and very observable ; God often answering his 
desires in kind, and that immediately when he was in some 
distresses : and Code's providence in taking care and pro- 
viding for him in his whole course of life, wrought in him 
a firm resolution to depend upon Him, in what condition 
soever he should be; and he found that providence to 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. 



xlvii 



continue in that tenour to his last end. Indeed he was 
wholly possessed with a holy fear of and reliance in God ; 
was conscionable in his private duties^ and in sanctifying 
the sabbath^ being much offended at its profanation by 
disorderly men ; and that both in reference to the glory of 
God and the scandal brought on the church of England^ 
as if it allowed (as some have impudently affirmed) such 
wicked licentiousness. For his own particular, very few 
Sundays there were in the year in which he preached not 
twice, besides the duties performed in his own house^ or in 
his attendance on those noble persons to whom successively 
he was chaplain S. 

So that if he had not been helped by a more than offi- 
cious memory, which devoured all the books he read, and 
digested them to easy nutriment, that supplied all the parts 
and the whole body of his learning, for his service and 
furtherance of his labours ; it had been impossible but that 
the duties he performed as a divine must have hindered 
and justled out those his happy productions as a most com- 
plete historian ; which study, being tied to the series and 
catenation of time and truth, could ill brook or break 
through those avocations, though no doubt it thrived the 
better under the kindly influence of his devotion. 

It will make it also the less wonder why a man of so 
great merit and such conspicuous worth should never 
arrive to any eminent honour and dignity or church re- 
venue, save that of a prebend in Salisbury, being also of 
competent age to become the gravity of such preferments : 
for he could not afford to seek great matters for himself. 



n 



8r Of this he gives an apt but 
homely illustration in his Appeal, 
p. 287. Speaking of his reluctance 
to be drawn into controversy, 
among other motives, he adds, this 
was one: " I lacked leisure so- 
lemnly to confute his Animad- 
versions, having at this time so 
" novel and various employment ; 
** the cow was well stocked with 
milk, thus praised by the poet : 

' Bis vemt ad mulctrum, binoa alit ubere 
**fmttu. 



<c 



« 



«( 



" She fiuckles two, yet doth not fkil, 
" Twice a day to come to the pail." 

But I justly feared who tvnce a 
Lord's day do come to the pul- 
pit, (God knows my heart, I 
speak it not to ostentation,) that 
I could not suckle my parish 
" and the press, without starving 
" or short-feeding of one : whereas 
" the Animadverter, in his retired 
'* life, gives no other milk than fol- 
*' lowing his own private studies." 



(( 



<( 



« 



C( 



<( 



xlviii THE LIFE OF 

who designed his all for the public good and the concerns 
of his precious soul. Questionless he could not have wanted 
friends to his advancement, if he would have pursued such 
ends, who would have been as great furtherers of himself 
out of a particular affection (which is always ambitious of 
laying such obligations upon virtue) to his person, as they 
had assisted him in his works and labours. 

He was reward and recompense enough to himself; and 
for his fame and glory certainly he computed it the best 
way ; it is the jewel that graces the ring, not so the contrary. 
High places are levelled in death, and crumble into dust, 
leaving no impression of those that possessed them, and 
are only retrievable to posterity by some excellent portraits 
of their nobler parts ; wherein it will on all hands be con- 
fessed the doctor hath absolutely drawn himself beyond 
the excellentest counterfeit of art, and which shall outlive 
all addition of monument, and outflourish the pomp of the 

j lastingest sepulchral glory. 

" But had the worthy doctor but some longer while sur- 

vived, to the fruition of that quiet and settlement of the 
church, of which by God's goodness and favour we have 
so full a prospect, and that the crowd of suitors for eccle- 
siastical promotions had left thronging and importuning 
their great friends, to the stifling and smothering of modest 
merit, it may be presumed the royal bounty would favour- 
ably have reflected on and respected that worth of the 
doctor, (which was so little set by and regarded of himself 
in his contented obscurity,) by a convenient placing and 
raising of that light to some higher orb, from whence he 
should have dilated and dispensed his salutiferous rays and 
influences. 

Some little time after his death his course would have 
come to have preached before his majesty, for which the . 
doctor made preparations ; and that most probably would 
have proved a fit opportunity of notifying himself to the 
king, whose most judicious and exact observation the re- 
marks of the doctor's learned preaching would have happily 
suited. This honour was designed him before by a right 
noble lord, in whose retinue as chaplain he went over to the 



DR. THOMAS FULLER. xlix 

Hague, at the reduction of his majesty into these his king- 
doms. But the haste and dispatch which that great affair 
required in the necessity of the king's presence here, 
afbrded him not the effect of that honourable intendment. 
But what he was disappointed of here is fully attained by 
his happy appearance before the King of kings, to praise 
and magnify him, and to sing hallelujahs for ever. 

So adieu to that glory of the doctor, which is incommu- 
nicable with the world ; and ave and all prosperity be to 
those his remains, which he hath to the general advantage 
of learning and piety most liberally imparted ! 

Too customary were it to recite the several kinds and 
sorts of honourable epithets which his equal readers have 
fixed on him ; but this under favour may be assigned pecu- 
liarly to him, that no man performed any thing of such 
difficulty as his undertakings with that delight and profit, 
which were as the gemelli and twins of his hard labour, 
and superfetations of wit, not distinguishable but by the 
thread of his own art, which clued men into their several 
and distinct apartments. 

And so impertinent it will be to engage further in a 
particular account of his books, whose sure and perpetual 
duration needs not the minutes of this biography, espe- 
cially that his ultimate piece, and partly posthumous, 
(his often mentioned book, the Worthies General of Eng- 
land,) whose design was drawn by eternity ; commencing 
from their (before) unknown originals, and leading into an 
ocean of new discoveries. And may some happy as hardy 
pen attempt the continuation ! 



FULLER, VOL. I. 



[The following List o/* Fuller's Works is with some 
alterations taken from Lowndes^ s Bibliographer^ s 
Mantud."] 



Thote marked with an asterisk are not eniunerBted in the Life. 

I . David's hamous Sinne, heartie Repentance, beavie Punish- 
ment. London^ 1631, i8mo. 

* 2. The Life of Dean Colet, prefixed to his Dayly Devotions. 
1635, i2mo. 

3. The Historie of the Holy Warre. Camh, 1639, fol. 

[This work passed through various editions in the years 1640, 1643, 
1647, 1651, 1651.] 

4. The Holy and Profane State. Camb, 1642, fol. 

[This work jmssed through various editions, and is generally found with 
the foregoing, &c. 1647, 1648, 1651, 1653, 1658, 1663.] 

5. Joseph's party-coloured Coat; a comment on part of 
I Corinth. II. together with eight Sermons. Lond, 1640, 1648, 
4to. 

6. A fast Sermon preached on Innocents' Day. Matt. v. 9. 
Lond, 1642, 4to. ; and 1654, i2mo. 

7. A Sermon of Reformation, preached at the Church of the 
Savoy, July 27, 1643. Lond. 1643, 4to. 

[Reprinted in the answer to Saltmarsh.] 

8. Truth Maintained ; or Positions delivered in a Sermon at 
the Savoy, asserted for Sacred and Safe. Oxf, 1^43, 4to. ", 

[An answer to Saltmarsh.] 

9. A Sermon preached at S. Peter's Westminster, on the 27th 
of March, being the day of His Majesty's inauguration. 2 Sam. 
V. 19, 20. Lond. 1643, 4to. ; and 1654, i2mo. 

10. Good Thoughts in Bad Times. Exeter, 1645, i6mo. ; 
Lond. 1 646. Since, at various times in London . 

11. Good Thoughts in Wor?e Times. Lond. 1640. i6rao. ; 
and 1647, ^2mo. 



in of Fuller's Warh, li 

12. Good Thoughts in Bad Times, together with Good 
llioiights in Worse Times. Land, 1649, i65^> 1669, 1680. 
Since lately at London. 

13. Cause and Cure of a Wounded Conscience. Lond. 1646, 
1 649, 1 2mo. ; 1 8 1 o, 1 8mo. 

* 14. Fear of losing the Old Light; a Sermon preached at 
Exeter. Lond. 1646, 4to. 

15. Andronicus; or the Unfortunate Politician. Lond. 1646, 
iimo.; and 1649. 

* 16. The Just Man's Funeral ; a Sermon preached at Chelsea, 
on Eodes. vii. 15. Ltmd. 1649, 4^^* 

17. The Pisgah Sight of Palestine. Lond. 1650, foL; 1653, 
1662. 

18. Ahel Redivivus. Lond. 165 1, 4to. ; and 1652. 

19. Comment on Christ's Temptation, Matt. iv. i — 11. 
1652, 8vo. 

20. The Infemt's Advocate. Lond. 1653, 8vo. 

* 21. Perfection and Peace; a Sermon. Lond. 1653. 8vo. 

22. A Comment on Ruth ; together with two Sermons ; the 
one teaching to Live Well, the other to Die Well. Lond. 
<654, 8vo. 

23. Omitho-logie ; or the Speech of Birds ; also the Speech 
of Flowers; partly moral, partly mystical. Lond. i663> i^mo. ; 
and both separately in 1655. 

* 24. Ephemeris Parliamentaria ; or a faithful Register of the 
Transactaons in Parliament, 1627 — 28. Lond. 1654, fol. 

25. A Triple Reconciler. Lond. 1654, 8vo. 

26. The Church History. Lond. 1655 — 6, fol. (With this 
Fuller published 

The History of the University of Cambridge ; and 
The History of Waltham Abbey. 

27. Life out of Death ; a Sermon preached at Chelsea. Lond. 

1655, 8vo. 

28. A Collection of Sermons : i . The best Employment. 
2. A Gift for God alone. 3. The true Penitent. 4. The best 
Act of Oblivion; together with Notes upon Jonah. Lond. 

1656, 8vo. 



lii Lia of FmOer's W<n*$. 

29. A Sermon [on Acts xiii. 36.] at the Funeral of G. Hey- 
cock. Lond. 1657. 4to. 

[In the MS. Part of the B. M. Catalogue.] 

29. The heat Name on Earth ; with other Sermons. Lond. 
1657, 1659, 8vo. 

30. Mixed Contemplations in Better Timee. Lond. 1660, 8vo. 

31. The Appeal of Injured Innocence. Lond, 1659, fol. 

32. History of the Worthies of England. Lond. 1662, fol. 

* 33. Several Sermons in Featley's House of Mourning. 

* 34. The Life of Henry Smith, prefixed to his Sermons; a 
Preface to Holdsworth's Valley of Vision; and to Spencer's 
Things New and Old ; a novel entitled Triana, published in 1 662 ; 
but upon what authority this latter work is attributed to Fuller 
I have not been able to discover. 

At the end of his Life, in the List of his Works, are mentioned 
the following : 

1 . A Sermon on Assurance. 

2. A Latin treatise, De Ecclesia. 



I 



THE 



CHURCH-HISTORY 



OF 



BRITAIN; 



From the Birth of 



JESUS CHRIST, 



Untill the Year 



M. DC. XLVIII. 



ENDEAVOURED 

By THOMAS F V L L E R. 



LONDON, 

Printed for Iohn Williams at the signe of the Crown 
in S'. PauFs Church-yard, Anno 1655. 



TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS 



ESME STUART, 



DUKE OF RICHMOND.i" 



T HAVE sometimes solitarily pleased myself 

with the perusing and comparing of two 

places of scripture: Acts xxii. 22. the wicked Jews 

said of St. Paul, Away with such a fellow from 

* [Son of James Stewart, thousand pounds together ; and 

third duke of Richmond ; one as soon as the war begun, en- 

too well known, to require a gaged his three brothers, all 

detailed notice here. In the gallant gentlemen, in the ser- 

offers of accommodation set on vice, in which they all lost their 

foot in the year 1642, he was lives. Himself lived with un- 

one of those who were excepted spotted fidelity some years after 

against by the parliament, for the murder of his master, and 

no other reason, than for " his was suffered to put him into his 

duty and reverence for the king grave ; and died without the 

and the church." See Claren- comfort of seeing the resurrec- 

don. III. 339. I. 215. tion of the crown.'* lb. 540. 

"As he had received great Fuller's wishes, unfortunately, 

bounties from the king," says respecting the young duke, the 

the same historian, " so he sa- subject of this Dedication, were 

crificcd all he had to his ser- not realized. He died without 

vice, as soon as his occasions issue, in 1660; five years after 

stood in need of it ; and lent his father.] 
bis majesty, at one time, twenty 



Ivi DEDICATION. 

the earth; for it is not fit that he should live: 
Hebrews xi. 38, St. Paul said of the godly Jews, 
Of whom the world was not worthy. Here I per- 
ceive heaven and hell, mercy and malice, God's 
spirit and man's spite, resolved on the question, 
that it is not fit that good men should live long 
on earth. 

However, though the building be the same, 
yet the bottom is different ; the same conclusion 
being inferred from opposite, yea contrary pre- 
mises. Wicked men think this world too good, 
God knows it too bad for his servants to live in. 
Henceforward I shall not wonder that good men 
die so soon, but that they live so long; seeing 
wicked men desire their room here on earth, and 
God their company in heaven. No wonder then, 
if your good Father was so soon translated to 
happiness, and his Grace advanced into glory. 

He was pleased to give me a text some weeks 
before his death, of the words of our Saviour to 
the probationer convert: ^Thou art not far from 
the kingdom of Gody that is, as the words there 
import, from the state of salvation. But before 
my sermon could be, his life was finished, and 

«Mark xii.;«4. 



DEDICATION. Ivii 

he, in the real acception thereof, possessed of 
heaTen and happiness. 

Thus was I disappointed (O that this were the 
greatest loss by the death of so worthy person !) 
of a patron, to whom I intended the dedication 
of this first part of my History. 

I after was entered on a resolution to dedicate 
it to his memory; presimiing to defend the inno- 
cency and harmlessness of such a dedication, by 
precedents of unquestioned antiquity. But I in- 
tended also to surround the pages of the dedica- 
tion with black, not improper, as to his relation, 
80 expressive of the present sad condition of our 
distracted Church. 

But seasonably remembering how the altar ED 
(only erected for commemoration,) ''was misinter- 
preted by the other tribes for superstition ; I con- 
ceived it best to cut off all occasions of cavil 
from captious persons, and dedicate it to you his 
son and heir. 

Let not your Grace be offended, that I make 
you a patron at the second hand : for though I 
confess you are my refuge, in relation to your 

^ Joshua xxii. 1 1. 

FULLKR, VOL. 1. f 



Iviii DEDICATION. 

deceased Father; you are my choice^ in reference 
to the surviving nobility. God sanctify your 
tender years with true grace, that in time you 
may be a comfort to your Mother, credit to your 
kindred, and honour to your nation. 

Your Grace's most boundeu 

Orator, 

THOMAS FULLER. 



TO 



THE READER 



A N ingenious gentleman some months since in 

jest-eamest, advised me to make haste with 

my History of the Church of England, for fear 

(said he) lest the Church of England be ended 

before the History thereof. 

This History is now, though late, (all church- 
work is slow,) brought with much difficulty to an 
end. 

And blessed be God, the Church of England is 
still (and long may it be) in being, though dis* 
turbed, distempered, distracted; Grod help and heal 
her most sad condition. 

The three first books of this volume were for 
the main written in the reign of the late king, 
as appeareth by the passages then proper for the 



Ix TO THE READER. 

goverDinent. The other nine books we made 
since monarchy was turned into a state. 

May God alone have the glory, and the in- 
genuous Reader the benefit of my endeavours; 
which is the hearty desire of 

Thy Servant in Jesus Christ, 



THOMAS FULLER. 



From my Chamber in 
Sion College. 



THE CHURCH HISTORY 



THE 

CHURCH HISTORY 

OF 

BRITAIN. 




CENTURY I". 

B HAT we may the more freely and fully 
I)ay the tribute of our thanks to God's 
goodness, for the gospel which we now 
njoT, let us recount the sad condition 
of the Britons our predecessors, before 
the Christian faith was preached unto them : At that 
time tkeif were without Christ, being aliens from the 
commonwealth of Israel, and strangers from the cove- 
nant of promise, having no hope, and without God in 
the worldK They were foul idolaters, who, from mis- 
applying that undeniable truth of God's being in 
every thing, made every thing to be their god, trees, 
rivers, hills, and mountains. They worshipped devils, 
whoee pictures remained in the days of GildasS 

[■ For this acconnt of the in- paging of both editions. Stil- 

trodnction of Christianity into fingfleet's work on the same 

Britain, Fuller is greatly in- Bubject,"TheAntiquitieaofthe 

debted to Uiher'a celebrated " British Churches," disptays 

work, " Britannicarum Eccle- considerable learning, and is su- 

" ■ I Antiqaitates." The periortoUsher'sincriticalskill; 



S&. 



fint edition of this book was 
poblisbed in Dublin, 1639, in 
4to, and the second in London, 
1687, fol. with additions, and 
s alight variation in the title 
page. I have retained the 

FDIXEB, VOL. 1. 



rejecting at once the fiibulons 
legends of Oalfridus Arthurus, 
the Glastonbury chronicle, and 
writers of a similar stamp.] 

Eph. ii. I a.] 

' Hist. c. ii. p. a. ed. Oale. 



s 



The Church History 



BOOl I. 



A. D. 37. within and without the decayed walls of their dties, 
drawn with deformed faces, (no doubt, done to the 
life, according to their terrible apparitions,) so that 
such ugly shapes did not woo, but fright people into 
adoration of them. Wherefore, if any find in Tully 
that the Britons in his time had no pictures, under- 
stand him, they were not artists in that mystery, 
(like the Greeks and Romans,) they had not pieces of 
proportion, being rather daubers than drawers, stainers 
than painters, though called picti from their self- 
discoloration. 

Their prin- g. Three paramount idols they worshipped above 
all the rest, and ascribed divine honour unto them : 

1. Apollo, by them styled Belinus the Great. 

2. Andraste, or Andate*, the goddess of victory. 

3. Diana, goddess of the game. 

This last was most especially reverenced, Britain 
being then all a forest, where hunting was not the 
recreation but the calling, and venison, not the 
dainties but the diet of common people. There is a 
place near St. Paul's in London, called in old records 
DiancCs Chamber ^^ where, in the days of King Ed- 



^ Dion. Cassius^ Ixii. 7. 

[« Fuller in his " Appeal, 
" &c." p. 52, adds the follow- 
ing observation on this passage : 
*' Let me add this passage from 
" the pen of as great an anti- 
** quary, as any Wales now 
•' doth enjoy. 

'"As for the name of Diana, 
" I do conceive that she was 
" called Dain in our language, 
'* and I have many histories of 
" our nation, that seem to make 
" no question of it. To this 
" day in Wales, /a/ marketable 



" cattle are called, Guartkeg 
" Deinol ; that is to say, 
" Diana's cattle, or, cattle it 
" to be sacrificed, &c. Ana I 
*' am more than confident, 
" there is no man living can 
" put any other interpretation 
" upon this word Deinol. It 
'* must be an adjective of Dain; 
'* and Dain hath no other signi- 
" fi cation in our language Uian 
" the name of Diana.' " This 
antiquary was the celebrated 
H. Lhuid.] 



CENT. I. 



ofBriiain. 



3 



ward the First ^ thousands of the heads of oxen were a.d. 37. 
digged up, whereat the ignorant wondered, whilst 
the learned well understood them to be the proper 
ncrifices to Diana, whose great temple was built 
theieabout. This rendereth their conceit not alto- 
gether unlikely, who will have London so called from 
IMm-Dian ^, which signifieth in British '' the temple 
**of Diana.'* And surely conjectures, if mannerly 
observing their distance, and not impudently in- 
truding themselves for certainties, deserve, if not to 
be received, to be considered. Besides these speci- 
fied, they had other portenta diabolica^ pene numero 
^gyptiaca mncentia^ : as indeed they who erro- 
neously conceive one God too little, will find two too 



<« 



c« 



^ Camden's Britaim. in Mid^ 
dlesez, p. 306, ed. 1607. 

[S The author of this *' con- 
" odt" ia the celebrated Selden. 
It was cavilled at by Dr. Hey. 
lyn, who imagines, that if this 
sappoaition were correct, '* the 
'* Welch being so tenacious of 
** their ancient language would 
" have had some remembrance 
of it, who to this day call it Lun- 
dayn, and not Llan-dian/' &c. 
Examen Hist. p. 3. The passage 
from Selden is quoted by Fuller 
in reply : '* This learned anti- 
quary," he says> ''after he had 
alleged some verses out of 
Robert of Oldster, deriving 
" the name of London^ quasi 
" Lud's town, from Lud, pro- 
'' ceedeth as followeth, in his 
notes on the eighth song in 
Polyolbion, p. 126. 'Judi- 
" cioos reformers of fabulous 
'' report, I know, have more 
'* serious derivations of the 
name ; and seeing conjecture 
is fr«e, I could imagine it 



r« 



a 



<i 



(€ 



€t 



9€ 



€€ 



€€ 



t€ 



«« 



tc 



** might be called at first Lhan- 
" dien, i. e. ' the Temple of 
" Diana,' as Lhan-Dewi, Lhan- 
" stephan, Lhan.padem vaur, 
"Lhan.vair, i. e. *8. Dewys, 
" S. Stephans, S. Patem the 
Great, S. Mary, (and Veni^ 
lam is by H. Lhuid derived 
" from Ver-Lhan, i.e. • the 
church upon the river Ver') 
with divers more such places 
" in Wales ; and so afterwards 
" by strangers turned into Lon- 
'* dinum, and the like. For 
" that Diana and her brother 
Apollo, under the name of 
Belin, were two great deities 
'* amongst the Britons." ** Ap- 
'• peal," &c. p. 53. For further 
remarks upon this subject, see 
Stow's Survey, (by Strype,) 
vol. i. p. 5. Carte has dedi. 
cated many pages in the com- 
mencement of his history to this 
subject, and has collected from 
ancient authors all that can 
serve to illustrate it.] 
^ Gildas, ib. 

B 2 



€t 



« 



4 The Church History book i. 

A.D.37. many, and yet millions not enough. Ab for those 
learned pens, which report that the Druids did in- 
struct the ancient Britons in the knowledge and wor- 
ship of one only God*; may their mistake herein be as 
freely forgiven them, as I hope and desire that the 
charitable reader, will with his pardon meet those 
unvoluntary errors, which in this work by me shall be 
committed. 

8. Two sorts of people were most honoured amongst 
the Britons : 

f philosophers, 

1. Druids, who were their J divines, 

(^ lawyers. 
f prophets, 

2. Bards, who were their < poets, 

t historians. 
The office The former were so called from Ipv^y signifying 
ment of S2e generally a tree^ and properly an oak^ under which 
they used to perform their rites and ceremonies. An 
idolatry whereof the Jews themselves had been guilty, 
for which the prophet threateneth them ; They shall 
be ashamed of the oaks lohich they have desiredi. But 
the signal oak which the Druids made choice of 
was such a one on which misletoe^ did grow; by 
which privy token they conceived God marked it 
out as of sovereign virtue for his service. Under 
this tree, on the sixth day of the moon, (whereon 
they began their year,) they invocated their idols, 
and offered two white bulls filleted in the horns, 
with many other ceremonies. These pagan priests 
never wrote any thing, so to procure the greater 

^ Dmides unuxn esse Deum De Prscts. p. 16. ed.Camb. 1 743. 
semper inculcanint. Camden's J Isai. i. 29. 
Britan.p.47.ed.i6o7. Godwin, k Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 44. 



EKT. I. 



of Britain. 



reneration to their mysteries; men being bound to a,d.37. 
believe that it was some great treasure which was 
locked up in such great secresy^ 

4. The bards™ were next the Druids in regard, and The power 
played excellently to their songs on their harps ; tiowofUie 
whereby they had great operation on the vulgar, ^^^|^ ^'^^ 
surprising them into civility unawares, they greedily 
swallowing whatsoever was sweetened with music. 
These also, to preserve their ancestors from corrup- 
tion, embalmed their memories in rhyming verses, 
which looked both backward in their relations, and 
forward in their predictions : so that their confidence 
meeting with the credulity of others, advanced their 
wild conjectures to the reputation of prophecies. 
The immortality of the soul they did not flatly deny, 
but falsely believe, disguised under the opinion of 
transanimation, conceiving that dying men's souls 
afterwards passed into other bodies, either preferred 
to better, or condemned to worse, according to their 
former good or ill behaviour. This made them con- 
temn death, and always maintain erected resolutions, 
counting a valiant death the best of bargains, wherein 



(} Another etymology of the 
word is given by Carte in his 
Hist, of Engl. vol. i. 28. with 
a learned dissertation upon the 
character and discipline of the 
Druids. It is not improbable 
that they believed in one su- 
preme €rod, but corrupted his 
worship by adoration paid to 
subordinate deities; to whom, 
after the feshion of other na- 
tionsy they attributed a partial 
and a local influence. The 
reason of their committing their 
mysteries to verse and not to 
writing, was perhaps not so 



much their ignorance of letters 
and want of materials, as the 
great facility which verse afford- 
ed the memory ; and such is the 
mode in which the memorials 
of the early religious rites of 
all pagan nations were pre- 
served. See also Heylyn's re- 
marks in the " Appeal," &c. p. 

540 

["* The Bards were not a class 

distinct from the Druids ; but 
one of their order, to whom the 
duties mentioned by our au- 
thor were assigned. See Carte, 
i.71.] 

b3 



6 The Church HiHory book i. 

A. D. 37. they did not lose, but lay out their lives to advan- 
tage. Generally they were great magicians, inso- 
much that Pliny saith", that the very Persians, in 
some sort, might seem to have learnt their magic 
from the Britons. 
The fiwt 5. So pitiful for the present, and more fearful for 
S^^- the future, was the condition of the heathen Britons, 
Sritoin. whcu it plcascd God with a strong hand and stretched 
out arm^ to reach the gospel unto them who were afar 
off, both in local and theological distance. This was 
performed in the latter end of the reign of Tiberius, 
some thirty-seven years after Christ's birth, as Poly- 
dor Virgil coUecteth out of the testimony of Gildas®. 
Causes 6. If it Seem incredible to any, that this island, 

hastened furthest from the sun, should see light with the first, 
^^'"^' whilst many countries on the continent interposed, 

foreoSier*" ^'^^^^^^ in situation to Judaea, the fountain of the 
1^0™ gospel,) sat as yet, and many years after, in darknes, 
neiirer to and in the shadow of death ; let us consider, first, 
that Britain being a by-comer, out of the road of the 
world, seemed the safest sanctuary from persecution, 
which might invite preachers to come the sooner 
into it. Secondly, it facilitated the entrance of the 
gospel hither, that lately the Roman conquest had 
in part civilized the south of this island, by trans- 
porting of colonies thither, and erecting of cities 
there P; so that, by the intercourse of traffick and 
commerce with other countries, Christianity had the 
more speedy and convenient waftage over. Whereas 
on the other side, this set the conversion of Germany 
so backward, because the inland parts thereof enter- 

» Nat. Hist. XXX. i. c. vi. p. 3. 

o Tempore (ut scimus) sum- P [See the " Appeal," &c. 
mo Tiberii Caesaris. Oildas, P* 550 



Palestine. 



CSKT. I. 



of Britain. 



tained no trading with others ; and (out of defiance a. n. 37. 
to the Romans) hugged their own barbarism, made 
lovely with liberty, bolting out all civility horn them- 
selves, as jealous that it would usher in subjection. 
Lastly and chiefly, God in a more peculiar manner 
did always &vour the islands, as under his imme- 
diate protection. For as he daily walls them with 
his Providence, against the scaling of the swelling 
soiges, and constant battery of the tide ; so he made 
a particular promise of his gospel unto them by the 
mouth of his prophet, / unU send those that escape 
of them to the isles afar ojff\ that have not heard my 
fame^. To shew that neither height nor depth (no 
not of the ocean itself) is able to separate any from 
the love of God. And for the same purpose Christ 
employed fishermen for the first preachers of the 
gospel, as who being acquainted vnth the water 
and mysteries of sailing, would with the more de- 
light undertake long sea voyages into foreign coun- 
tries. 

7- But now, who it was that first brought over the st Peter 
gospel into Britain is very uncertain. The Con- ported IT 
versioner (understand Parsons the Jesuit) mainly p^^,^ j^ 
stickleth for the apostle Peter to have first preach- Britain. 
ed the gospel here^ Yea, when protestants object 
against. St. Peter^s being at Rome, because St. Paul, 
in his £pistle to the Romans, omitteth to name or 



<1 Isai. Ixvi. 19. [DeLyra in 
his commentary upon Ps. xcvii. 
I . applies the multitude of the 
isles to Ghreat Britain and Ire- 
land ; and Usher seems to ap- 
Srove of this interpretation. See 
rit. Ecd. Ant. p. 2. TheVul. 
gate is more expressive than our 
▼ersion : " Mittam ex eis ad 



" gentes in Oceano insulasque 
" remotissimas quae non audi- 
" verant famam meam neque 
" viderant gloriam meam," &c. 
The latter words seem to sup- 
port De Lyra's interpretation.] 
«■ Parsons' Three Conver- 
sionSf i. 19. 

B 4 



8 



The CAiirch History 



BOOK I. 



A.D.37. salute him, the Jesuit handsomely answers, that 
Peter was then probably from home, employed in 
preaching in Britain and other places. His argu- 
ments to prove it are not so strong but that they 
easily accept of answers, as followeth : 

1. Ary. St. Peter preached in Britain, because 
Gildas* speaking against his dissolute countrymen, 
taxeth them for usurping the seat of Peter with 
their unclean feet. 

Answ. Understand him, that they had abused the 
profession of the ministry : for it follows, ." they have 
" sitten in the pestilent chair of Judas the traitor." 
Whence it appears both are meant mystically and 
metaphorically, parallel to the expressions of the 
apostle Jude, v. 11. They have gone in the way of 
Cainj &c. 

2. Arg. Simeon Metaphrastes saith so*, that he 
stayed some days in Britain, where having preached 
the word, established churches, ordained bishops. 



8 In Epist. de Excid. Brit, 
p. 23. ed. Gale. [See the " Ap- 
peal," &c. p. 57.] 

t Coi^ment. de Petro et 
Paulo ad diem 29 Junii. [chap, 
iii. p. 416. ed. Bolland. 

A translation of this treatise 
appears to have been first pub- 
lished by Surius, " De prob. 
" Sanctorum Historiis." Vol. 
III. 859.= 272. ad diem 29 Ju- 
nii, who attributes it to Simeon 
Metaphrastes. But the Bol- 
landists, who have printed the 
original Greek, following Leo 
Allatius, have rightly rejected 
the name of Simeon; for, as 
Allatius observes, " viri de 
" antiquitate ecclesiastica bene 
" meriti vitas sanctorum quas 



" auctorem sibi preefixum non 
'' preeferunt, omnes non sine 
** erroris atque inscitis nota 
'' Simeoni vindicarunt, quae 
" vere Simeonis non sunt." 
The remark of the Bollandists 
upon this passage supports, if 
such support be indeed neces- 
sary, the criticism of Fuller. 
" (Juia vero auctor dicti Com- 
" mentarii preefatur se ex va- 
riis collegisse, quae de SS. Pe- 
tro et Paulo dicit, atque in- 
terim diverKistemporibusacta 
parum congrue in unum idem- 
que tempus compingit, ideo 
et propter alia o-^MiX/Aora ab 
" eodem commissa arbitramor 
potius alium fuisse a Meta- 
phraste." Junii t. V. 400. B.J 



<t 



f< 



<« 



(< 



<t 



€{ 



€t 



€€ 



CBNT. I. of Britain. 9 

priests, and deacons, in the twelfth year of Nero he a. b. 37. 
returned to Rome. 

Answ. Metaphrastes is an author of no credit, as 
Baronius himself doth confess^. 

3. Ary. Innocent the First reporteth, that the first 
churches in Italy, France, Spain, Africa, Sicily, and 
the interjacent islands, were founded by St. Peter*. 

Answ. Make the map an umpire, and the epithet 
intefjacent will not reach Britain, intending only the 
islands in the midland sea. 

4. Arff. Gulielmus Eysingrenius saith so^. 
Answ. Though he hath a long name he is but a 

late author, setting forth his book anno 1566*. Be- 
sides, he builds on the authority of Metaphrastes, 
and so both fall together. 

5. Arg. St. Peter himself in a vision, in the days 
of king Edward the Confessor, reported that he had 
preached the word in Britain. 

Answ. To this vision pretended of Peter, we op- 
pose the certain words of St. Paul, iTim. i. 4. Neither 
ffite heed to fables. 

We have stayed the longer in confuting these 

* In aliis multis ibi a se '' tur, ab omnibus debere ser- 

podtis errare eum certum est. '*vari,nec8uperinduciaut]ntro- 

£cc. Annal. in an. 44. §. 54. *' ducialiquid,quodautauctori. 

[Vol. i. p. 306. ed. Mansi. See " tatem non habeat, aut aliunde 

a more &vourable judgment of " accipere videatur exemplum ? 

Metaphrastes in Weismann's " prsesertim cum sit manifes- 

Hist. Ecd. N. T. i. 837. Also '' tum in omnem Italiam, Gal- 

Heylyti's Examen Hist. p. 8.] " lias, Hispanias, Africam at- 

X Epistola 1 . ad Decentium. " que Siciliam, insulasque in. 

[in C!oncil. ii. 1245. ed. Labbe " terjacentes^ nullum iustituisse 

et C06S. 1 67 1. *' ecclesias, nisi eos quos vene- 

The words of Innocent are '* rabilis apostolus Petrus aut 

these : " Quis enim nesciat *' ejus successores constituerint 

" aut non advertat id quod " sacerdotes ?"] 
** a principe apostolorum Petro [y fol. ccxxii. b.] 
*' Romans eedesiie traditum ' Mason de Minist. Ang. ii. 

** est, ac nunc usque custodi- 2. p. 65. ed. 1625. 



10 



The Church History 



BOOK I. 



A.D.37- arguments, because fipom Peter's preaching here, Par- 
''^~"~~ sons would infer an obligation of this island to the 
see of Rome, which how strongly he hath proved let 
the reader judge. He that will give a cap, and make 
a leg in thanks for a favour he never received, de- 
serveth rather to be blamed for want of wit, than to 
be praised for store of manners. None therefore can 
justly tax us of ingratitude, if we be loath to confess 
an engagement to Rome more than is due. The 
rather because Rome is of so tyrannical a disposi- 
tion, that making herself the mother-church, she ex- 
pects of her daughters not only dutifulness, but ser- 
vility ; and (not content to have them ask her bless- 
ing, but also do her drudgery) endeavoureth to make 
slaves of all her children. 

8. Passing by Peter, proceed we to the rest of the 
apostles, whom several authors allege the first 
planters of religion m this island. 
A.D.4I- 1. St. James ^ son to Zebedee, and brother to 



St. James, 



^ Isidorus Hispal. de patri- 
bus utriusque Testament, c. 72. 
[p* 3^5* ^* Du Breul, 1617.] 
Flavius Lucius Dexter in 
Chronico ad annum 41. [p. 77. 
ed. 1627.] 

St. Isidore states nothing as 
to the preaching of St. James 
in Britain. His words are, 
" Jacobus filius Zebedeei frater 
Johannis, quartus in ordine 
XII., tribubus quae sunt in 
" dispersione gentium [scrip- 
sit], atque Hispaniee et oc- 
cident{dium locorum populis 
evangelium prsedicavit et in 
occasu mundi lucem prsedi- 
" cationis infudit." It is even 
doubtful whether these are the 
words of Isidore himself. See 



« 



€t 



€< 



tt 



<t 



t€ 



Du Breul, p. 610. F. For this 
treatise of Isidore is almost 
entirely extracted from a Mar- 
tjrrology of St. Jerom, accord- 
ing to Usher, ibid. 8.] 

Dexter's Chronicle is attribut- 
ed by Placcius to F. Bivarius its 
editor and commentator. For 
a long time this chronicle was 
supposed to have been lost; 
when suddenly, at the close of 
the 1 6th century, a report was 
circulated by a Spanish Jesuit, 
Hieron. Roman de Higuera, 
that he had discovered the MS. 
But the book is of no credit. 
Dionysius Petavius, in his epi- 
stle to Rosweide, (£p. ii. 26.) 
styles it ike clumsy forgery cf 
some Spanish rogue, ''Homw 



CENT. I. 



of BrUain. 



11 



John. But if we consult with the scripture, we a^d.^ 
shall find that the sword of Herod put an end to all stPaui, 
his travels before the apostles their general depar-^/^ 
ture from Jerusalem^. Indeed this James is noto-™^^" 

preadier 

riously reported (how truly, let them seek who are Britain, 
concerned) to have been in Spain; and it is pro- 
bable some, mistaking Hibemia for Hiberia, and then 
confounding Hibemia, a British island, with our Bri- 
tain, (as one error is very procreative of another,) 
gave the beginning to James his preaching here. 

2. St. Paul is by others shipped over into our island, 
amongst whom, thus sings Venantius Fortunatus ^ : 

Transit et oceanum, vel qua facit insula portum, 
Quasque Britannus habet terras atque ultima Thule. 

But less credit is to be given to Britannus, because 
it goeth in company with ultima ThuU^ which being 
the noted expression of poets for the utmost bound 
of the then known world, seems to savour more of 
poetical hyperbole than historical truth, as a phrase 
at random only to express far foreign countries. 

3. Simon the Canaanite, sumamed Zelotes; and A.D.. 
well did he brook his name, the fervency of whose 
zeal carried him into so far and cold a country to 
propagate the gospel. Dorotheus makes him to be 
both martyred and buried in Britain^. But this. 



'^ nis imperitissimi ^evdfTru 
'' ypa<t)ov, ab Hispano aliquo 
" nebulone confictuin ;" and 
Usher styles the author '^ille 
•' qui Flavii Lucii Dextri lar- 
" vam induit." Brit. Eccl. Ant. 
p. 3. See also Fabricius, Bib. 
Med. Latinit. IV. p. 25.] 
[* See Usher, Brit. Eccl. Ant. 

P- 3-] 

c Lib. 3. de vita S. Martini. 



[Bib. Max. PP. VoL x. p. 607. 
H. ed. 1677. These lines are 
somewhat different in Usher, 
lb. p. 4.] 

[d In which Dorotheus is 
supported by Nicephorus, Hist. 
Exxl. ii. 40. and by some of the 
Greek Msenologia for the i oth 
of May. See Usher, ib. 4. The 
treatise of Dorotheus referred 
to in the text is the *^ Synopsis 



12 The Church. History book i. 

A.D.47. saith Baronius, receiveth no countenance from any 



ancient writers*. What then, I pray, was Dorotheus 
himself, being bishop of Tyre under Diocletian and 
Constantino the Great? If the cardinal count him 
young, what grave seniors will he call ancient ? 
A. D. 56. 4. Aristobulus, though no apostle, yet an apostle's 
mate^, counted one of the seventy disciples, is by 
Grecian writers made bishop of Britain*^. Strange 
that foreign authors should see more in our island 
than our homebred historians, wholly silent thereof! 
and it much weakeneth their testimony, because they 
give evidence of things done at such distance from 
them. But how easy is it for a writer with one 
word of his pen, to send an apostle many miles by 
land and leagues by sea, into a country wherein 
otherwise he never set his footing ! 

The result of all is this : churches are generally 
ambitious to entitle themselves to apostles for their 
founders, conceiving they should otherwise be es- 
teemed but as of the second form, and younger 
house, if they received the faith from any inferior 
preacher. Wherefore as the heathen in searching 
after the original of their nations never leave soaring 
till they touch the clouds and fetch their pedigree 
from some god, so Christians think it nothing worth, 
except they relate the first planting of religion in 
their country to some apostle. Whereas indeed it 

" de vita Prophetarum, Apo- Aristobulus was brother of Bar- 

'' stolorum," &c. and is gene- nabas, according to the Menaea. 

rally supposed to be suppositi- See also the fragment of Heleca 

tious. The arguments respect- quoted by Usher, ib. 5.] 

ing its genuineness have been ® Anna]. Eccles. in anno 44. 

briefly stated by Oudinus de §. 3 8. [Vol. i. p. 3 o 1 . ed. Mansi.] 

Scrip. Eccl. 1. 1378. See also ' Rom. xvi. 2. 

Cave's Hist. Litt. I. p. 163. sr Mensea Grsecorum ad diem 

Dorotheus flourished in 525. 15 Martii. 



CENT. I. of Briiaifu 13 

matters not, if the doctrine be the same, whether A.D.56. 



Uie apostles preached it by themselves, or by their 
successors. We see little certainty can be extracted 
who first brought the gospel hither; it is so long 
since, the British church hath forgotten her own 
infancy, who were her first godfathers. We see the 
Ught of the word shined here, but see not who 
kindled it. I will not say, as God, to prevent idolatry, 
caused the body of Moses to be concealed^; so, to cut 
off from posterity all occasion of superstition, he 
suffered the memories of our primitive planters to 
be buried in obscurity. 

9- Now amongst the converts of the natives of this a. d. 63. 
island in this age to Christianity, Claudia (sumamed (notUth- 
Rufi^a) is reputed a principal, wife to Pudens, a^^^ 
Roman senator ^ And because all this is too hiffh a exceptions) 

*^ might be a 

step for our belief to climb at once, the ascent will British 
be more easy thus divided into stairs and half paces. 
First, That Claudia was a Britain bom, Martial 
afiirms it in his Epigram ^ : 

Claudia cseruleis cum sit Rufiina Britannis 
Edita, cur Latise pectora plebis habet ? 

Secondly, That this Claudia was wife to Pudens, 
the same poet averreth^ : 

Claudia, Rufe, meo nubit peregrina Pudenti. 
Macte esto taedis, o Hymenaee, tuis. 

Thirdly, That there was a Pudens and Claudia 
living at Rome, both Christians, we have it 
from a more infallible pen of St. Paul him- 
self, — Evhtdus greeteth thee, and Pudens^ and 
LintcSy and Claudia^ and all the brethren^. 

^ Deut. xxxiv. 6. J Lib. xi. Epig. 54. 

i See Usher, Brit. Ecd. Ant. ^ Lib. iv. Epig. 1 3. 
p. 5. J 2 Tim. iv. 21. 



I 



14 The Church History book i. 

A. P> 63. Lastly, That this Claudia mentioned by St. Paul, 

then living at Rome, was the same Claudia, a 
Britain bom, mentioned by Martial, is the 
opinion and probable conjecture of many mo- 
dem writers. 
But &ther Parsons will not admit hereof, because 
willingly he would not allow any sprinkling of Chris- 
tianity in this island but what was rained from Rome, 
when Eleutherius sent to christian king Lucius; 
that so our engagement to the Romish church might 
be the more visible and conspicuous. This of Claudia 
Ruffina is " huddled up," saith he, " by our later here- 
** tical writers,** (though some as catholic as himself 
in his own sense do entertain it^) " and hereby we 
" see that heretics are but slight provers, and very 
^^ deceitful in all matters, as well historical as doe- 
** trinal m." 
PMnmi8*ob. 10. But be it known to him and others, that our 
theomtrary history is fouuded on the best human books we can 
answered. ^^ |^^^ ^^^ doctriue is grounded on what is best in 

itself, the divine scriptures. The matter in hand is 
so slight a controversy, that it cannot bear a demon- 
stration on either side ; it will suffice, if by answering 
his reasons to the contrary, we clear it fix)m all im- 
possibility and improbability ; that it is not huddled, 
but built up by plummet and line with proportion to 
time and place. 

1. Arg. There is a general silence of all antiquity 
in this matter. 

Answ. Negative arguments from human writers 
in such historical differences are of small validity. 



1 Pitseus is zealous for it^ ^ Parsons, Three Conyers* f. 
de Script. Brit. p. 72. ed. 1619. p. 18. 



CENT. I. of Britain. 15 

2. Arg. Martial, an heathen, would hardly so much a. d. 6^. 
commend Claudia if she had been a Christian. 

Answ. A wanton poet, in his chaste intervals, 
might praise that goodness in another which he 
would not practise in himself. 

3. Arg. Claudia, spoken of by St. Paul, was in 
the time of Nero, and could not be known to Mar- 
tial, who lived sixty years after, in the reign of 
Trajan. 

Answ. Though Martial died a very old man in 
Trajan's days, yet he flourished under Nero, very 
familiar with his friend and fellow-poet Silius Ita- 
licus"*, in whose consulship Nero died. 

4. Arg. That same Claudia (reported also the first 
hostess which entertained Peter and Paul) must be 
presumed ancient in Martial's remembrance, and 
therefore unfit to be praised for her beauty. 

Ansia. Even in the autumn of her age, when she 
had enriched her husband with three children, her 
vigorous beauty preserved by temperance might 
entitle her to the commendation of matron-like 
comeliness. 

5. Arg. The children assigned in the Roman ca- 
lendar to Claudia the Christian will not well agree to 
this British Claudia. 

Answ. Little certainty can be extracted, and there- 
fore nothing enforced to purpose, from the number 
and names of her children, such is the difference of 
several writers concerning them®. 

The issue of all is this. Claudia's story, as a Bri- 
tish Christian, stands unremoved for any force of 
these objections, though one need not be much en- 

n Martial, lib. vii. £p. 62. <> Usher, Brit. Ecd. Ant. cap. 3. 



16 The Church History book i. 

A. D. 63. gaged herein : for whosoever is more than lukewarm 
is too hot in a case of so small consequence. YeK, 
we will not willingly leave an hoof of the British 
honour behind which may be brought on ; the rather 
to save the longing of such who delight on rath-ripe 
fruits; and antiquaries much please themselves to 
behold the probabilities of such early converts of 
our island. But now to return again to the prime 
planters of religion in Britain. As for all those for- 
merly reckoned up, there is in authors but a tinkling 
mention of them ; and the sound of their preaching 
low and little in comparison of those loud peals 
which are rung of Joseph of Arimathea his coming 
hither. Let the reader with patience take the sum 
thereof, extracted out of several authors. 
The coming 11. PTho Jows, bearing an especial spite to 
ArinuSiea Philip, (whether the apostle or deacon uncertain,) 
iittoBnuin. j^g^pjj of Arimathea, Lazarus, Mary Magdalene, 

and Martha his sisters, with Marcella their servant, 
banished them out of Judsea, and put them into a 
vessel without sails and oars, with intent to drown 
them. Yet they, being tossed with tempests on the 
midland sea, at last safe landed at Marseilles in 
Prance. A relation as ill accoutred with tacklings 
as their ship, and which is unrigged in respect of 
time and other circumstances; neither hath it the 
authority of any authentic writer for a pilot to steer 
it ; which notwithstanding hath had the happiness to 
arrive at the hearing of many, and belief of some 
few. Now whilst *^ Philip continued preaching the 
gospel in France, he sent Joseph of Arimathea over 



P See Usher, ib. not in this ship, but was in 

1 Some hold Philip came France before. 



CENT. I. 



of Britain. 



17 



into Britain, with Joseph his son, and ten other as- A.D.63. 
sociates, to convert the natives of that island to 
Christianity "". These coming into Britain, found 
such entertainment from Arviragus the king, that 
though he would not be dissuaded from his idolatry 
by their preaching, yet he allowed them twelve hides 
of ground (an hide is as much as, being well manured, 
will maintain a family ; or, as others say, as much as 
one plough can handsomely manage) in a desolate 
island, fiill of fens and brambles, called the Ynis- 
Witrin, since, by translation, Glassenbury. Here 
they built a small church, and by direction from 
Grabriel the archangel, dedicated it to the Virgin 
Mary, encompassing it about with a churchyard^ ; in 
which church afterwards Joseph was buried: and 
here these twelve lived many years, devoutly serving 
God, and converting many to the Christian religion. 

12. Now, a little to examine this history, we shall The history 
find, first, that no writer of credit can be produced when 
before the conquest, who mentioneth Joseph's coming the touch!' 
hither; but since that time (to make recompense 
for former silence) it is resoimded from every side. 
As for Bale* his citations out of Melkinus Avalo- 
nius^ and Gildas Albanius, seeing the originals are 
not extant, they be as uncertain as what Baronius 
hath transcribed out of an English^ manuscript in 



^ [This tradition of Joseph 
of Arimathea, the origin of 
which (according to Usher) 
cannot be traced higher than 
the conquest, has justly been 
rejected by Stillingfleet alto- 
gether. See Usher^ Brit. Eccl. 
Antiq. Prsef. ad Lectorem, et 

P-7] 

s Malmsbury, MS. de Antiq. 

FULLER, VOL. I. 



Glaston. Ecclesi^e. [Since pub- 
lished by Gale in Scriptor. 
XV. I. p. 392.] 

* [Script. Cent. I. §. 50 and 

570 

tt [Avalonius, that is, of 

Glastonbury.] 

» Written in our age, as 

archbishop Usher observes, 

Brit. Eccl. Ant. p. 15 = 8. 

c 



18 



The Church History 



BOOK I. 



A.D. 63. the Vatican, Yet because the Norman charters of 
Glassenbniy refer to a succession of many ancient 
charters bestowed on that church by several Saxon 
kings, as the Saxon charters relate to British grants^ 
in intuition to Joseph's being there; we dare not 
wholly deny the substance of the story, though 
the leaven of monkery hath much swollen and puffed 
up the circumstance thereof For the mentioning 
of an enclosed churchyard overthrows the foundation 
of the church, seeing churches in that time got no 
such suburbs about them, as any churchyards to 
attend them. The burying his body in the church 
was contrary to the practice of that age, yea, dead 
men's corpses were brought no nearer than the porch 
some himdreds of years after. The dedication of the 
place to the Virgin Mary sheweth the story of later 
date, calculated for the elevation of saint-worship. 
In a word, as this relation of Joseph is presented 
unto us, it hath a young man's brow, with an old 
man's beard ; I mean, novel superstitions, disguised 
with pretended antiquity. 

13. In all this story of Joseph's living at Glassen- 



The plat- 
form of the 



y [Fuller apparently alludes 
to the charter of St. Patrick, 
dated A.D. 430^ and subse- 
quently confirmed by an in. 
speximus, 6, 7, Edward II. 
This charter is doubtless a 
forgery, as Stillingfleet seems 
clearly to have proved. Antiq. 
of the British Churches, p. 17. 
Great suspicion is justly at- 
tached to all charters previous 
to the conquest^ written in the 
Latin tongue. At that period, 
when the different religious 
houses were required to pro- 
duce the title deeds of their 



lands^ and the warrants for 
their other privileges and ex- 
emptions^ this system of for- 
gery was carried to consider, 
able length, as might have 
been suspected. In a nation 
despising the Saxons and their 
language, as did the Normans, 
charters written in that lan- 
guage, which they did not and 
could not understand, would 
command but little respect. 
This charter of St. Patrick 
is printed in Gale's XV. Scrip, 
p. 296.] 



cxHT. I. of Britain. 19 

buy, there is no one passage reported therein beareth a.d. 6. 
better proportion to time and place, than the church most an- 
which he is said to erect, whose dimensions, mate-^hri^ 
rials, and making, are thus presented unto us. It had ^^^^^^ 
m length sixty feet*, and twenty-six in breadth, 
made of rods, wattled or interwoven* ; where at one 
view we may behold the simplicity of primitive de- 
votion, and the native fashion of British buildings in 
that age, and some hundred years after. For we find 
that ^Hoel Dha, king of Wales, made himself a 
palace of hurdle-work, called Twy Gwin, or the 
White House, because, for distinction sake, (to dif- 
ference it from, and advance it above other houses,) 
the rods whereof it was made were unbarked, having 
tiie rind stripped off, which was then counted gay 
and glorious, as white-limed houses exceed those 
which are only rough-cast. In this small oratory, 
Joseph, with his companions, watched, prayed, fasted, 
preached ; having high meditations under a low roof, 
and large hearts betwixt narrow walls. If credit 
may be given to these authors, this church, without 
competition, was senior to all Christian churches in 
the world. Let not then stately modem churches 
disdain to stoop with their highest steeples, reve- 
rently doing homage to this poor structure, as their 
first platform and precedent. And let their chequered 
pavements no more disdain this oratory's plain floor, 
than her thatched covering doth envy their leaden 
roofs. And although now it is meet that church 



s Ancient plate of brass in ^ He was king of all Wales 

the custody of sir Henry Spel- many years after, viz. 940. 

man ; Concilia 1. 1 1. Wilkins^ Camden's Brit, in Carmarthen- 

IV. 691-3. shire, p. 505. 



* Malmsbury ut prius, 293. 



cS 



90 



The Church History 



BOOK I. 



A.D.63. buildings, as well as private houses, partaking of the 
peace and prosperity of our age, should be both in 
their cost and cunning increased, (far be that pride 
and profaneness from any, to account nothing either 
too fair for man, or too foul for God,) yet it will not 
be amiss to desire, that our judgments may be so 
much the clearer in matters of truth, and oiur lives 
so much the purer in conversation, by how much our 
churches are more light, and our buildings more 
beautiful than they were. 

14. Some difference there is about the place of 
burial of Joseph of Arimathea ; some assigning his 
t^t bu-^ grave in the church of Glassenbury, others in the 
'^'^ south comer of the churchyard S and others else- 

where. This we may be assured of, that he who "*■ re- 
signed his own toml to our Saviour, wanted not a 
sepulchre for himself. And here we must not forget, 
how «more than a thousand years after, one John 



A.D. 76. 
Iliu6reno6 
aboatthe 



^ [An additional presumption 
against the truth of this tra- 
dition ; for although there were 
churches in the British cities 
from the introduction of Chris- 
tianity, yet it was not cus- 
tomary to have churchyards 
within towns or cities, until 
Cuthbert archbishop of Can- 
terbury obtained a ^spensation 
from the pope for that purpose 
in 758; till that time none 
were buried within the city 
walls in England. See Stil- 
lingfleet, ib. p. 29. Weever's 
Fun. Monuments, p. 8. Ac- 
cording to the last mentioned 
writer, quoting the authorities 
of Hospinian and Durand, both 
Jews and Gentiles used to bury 
their dead without the gates of 



towns and cities, ** yet the true 
" Christians, and such as by 
" their lively foith were adopt- 
" ed the children of God, had 
" further mystery in this their 
" manner of interment ; for by 
*' the carriage and burial of 
'* their dead corps without 
" their city walls^ they did 
'* publicly confirm and witness 
'* that the parties deceased 
'' were gone out of this world, 
" to be made free denizens of 
*' another city, namely, hea- 
'• ven.'* This custom of bury- 
ing without cities remained 
till the time of Gregory the 
Great.] 

<* Matt, xxvii. 60. 

« A. D. 1345, the 19th of 
Edward III. 



CEKT. I. of Britain. 21 

Blome of London, pretending an injunction from a.p. y6. 
heaven to seek for the body of Joseph of Arimathea, 
obtained a license from king Edward the Third to 
dig at Glassenbury for the same, as by his^ patent 
doth appear. It seems his conmiission of inquiry 
never originally issued out of the court of heaven ; 
for God never sends his servants on a sleeveless 
errand, but saith, Ask, and ye shall have ; seek, and 
ye shnli find. Whereas this man sought, and did 
never find, for ought we can hear of his inquisition. 
And we may well believe, that had he found the 
corpse of Joseph, though fame might have held 
her peace, yet superstition would not have been 
silent ; but long before this time she had roared it 
even into the ears of deaf men. And truly he might 
have digged at Glassenbury to the centre of the 
earth, and yet not met with what he sought for, if 
Joseph were buried ten miles off (as a Jesuit ^ will 
have it) at Montacute, or in Hampden-hill. Here- 
after there is hope, that the masons digging in the 
quarries thereof may light by chance on his corpse, 
which (if fond papists might prize it) would prove 
more beneficial to them than the best bed of free- 
stone they ever opened. The best is, be Joseph's 
body where it will, his soul is certainly happy in 
heaven. 

15. Some ascribe to the sanctity of this Joseph The bud- 
the yearly budding of the hawthorn near Glassenbury thom nigh 
on Christmas day, no less than an annual miracle. buJJ'Sii- 

' In the tower^ 19th of Ed- Z Guilielmus Goodus, cited 

ward III. part i. mem. 8. by archbishop Usher, Brit. 

[This patent is printed in Ry- Eccl. Ant. p. 28=16. [See a 

mer's Feed. III. part i. p. 44, further account of him and his 

new edition, and also by tJsher, work in Alegambe's Biblioth. 

ib. p. 15.] Soc. Jesu. p. 314. ed. 1676.] 

C 3 



as The CAfircA History book x. 

A.p.y6. This, were it true, were an argument (as king James 
bated a mi- did ouce pleasantly urge it) to prove our old style 
seph'i hoii- before the new, (which prevents our computation by 



ten days, and is used in the church of Rome,) yea, all 
prognosticators might well calculate their almanacks 
from this hawthorn. Others more warily affirm, that 
it doth not punctually and critically bud on Christmas 
day, (such miracles must be tenderly touched, lest, 
crushed by harsh handling they vanish into smoke, 
like the apples of Sodom,) but on the days near, or 
about it. However, it is very strange that this haw- 
thorn should be the harbinger, and (as it were) ride 
post to bring the first news of the spring, holding 
alone (as it may seem) correspondency with the trees 
of the antipodes, whilst other hawthorns near unto it 
have nothing but winter upon them. 
Different 16. It is truo, by pouriug every night warm water 
mrawn- ou the root thereof, a tree may be maturated arti- 
"^"^ "^ ficiaUy to bud out in the midst of winter ; but it is 
not within suspicion that any such cost is here ex- 
pended. Some likewise affirm, that if an hawthorn 
be grafted upon an holly, it is so adopted into the 
stock, that it will bud in winter ; but this doth not 
satisfy the accurateness of the time. Wherefore 
most men, pursued to render a reason hereof, take 
refiige at occulta qualitas^ the most mannerly con- 
fession of ignorance. And God sometimes puts 
forth such questions and riddles in nature, on pur- 
pose to pose the pride of men conceited of their skill 
in such matters. But some are more uncharitable 
in this point, who, because they cannot find the 
reason hereof on earth, do fetch it from hell ; not 
sticking to affirm, that the Devil, to dandle the 
infant faith of fond people, works these petty feats, 



CBHT. I. of Britain. 28 

and petty wonders, having further intents to invite a. p. 7^ 
tiiem to superstition, and mould them to saint- 
worship thereby. 

17. However, there is no necessity that this should The «ibj< 
be imputed to the holiness of Arimathean Joseph, tion takei 
For there is (as it is credibly said) an oak in New-*'^*^' 
forest, nigh Lindhurst, in Hantshire, which is endued 
with the same quality, putting forth leaves about the 
same time, where the firmness of the rind thereof much 
increaseth the wonder; and yet to my knowledge 

(for ought I could ever learn) none ever referred it 
to the miraculous influence of any saint. But I lose 
precious time, and remember a pleasant story, how 
two physicians, the one a Gralenist, the other a Para- 
eelsian, being at supper, fell into a hot dispute about 
the manner of digestion ; and whilst they began to 
engage vrith earnestness in the controversy, a third 
man casually coming in, carried away the meat from 
them both. Thus whilst opposite parties discuss the 
cause of this hawthorn's budding on Christmas day, 
some soldiers have lately cut the tree down, and 
Christmas day itself is forbidden to be observed ; and 
SO, I think, the question is determined. 

18. To conclude this century. By all this it doth The am- 

elusion 01 

not appear that the first preachers of the gospel in this cen- 
Britain did so much as touch at Rome, much less*"*^^' 
that they received any command of commission 
thence to convert Britain, which should lay an eternal 
obligation of gratitude on this island to the see of 
Rome. Insomuch that Parsons himself (as imwdlling 
to confess, as unable to deny so apparent a truth) 
flies at last to this slight and slender shift; "^That 
" albeit S. Joseph came not immediately from Rome, 

^ Three Conyersions^ I. p. 25. 
C 4 



24 The Church History of Britain. book i. 

A.D.76. " — ^yet he taught in England" (in Britain he would 
say) " the Roman faith. — Of which Roman faith St. 
" Paul hath written to the Romans themselves, be- 
" fore the going of S. Joseph into Britany : ^ Fides 
" vestra annuntiatur in universo mundor Hereby 
the Jesuit hopes still to keep on foot the engage- 
ment of this island to Rome for her first conversion. 
But why should he call the Christian religion the 
Roman faith, rather than the faith of Jerusalem, or 
the faith of Antioch, seeing it issued from the 
former, and was received and first named in the 
latter city, before any spark of Christianity wag 
kindled at Rome. But, what is the main, he may 
sooner prove the modem Italian tongue, now spoken 
in Rome, to be the selfsame in propriety and purity 
with the Latin language in Tully's time, than that 
the religion professed in that city at this day, with 
all the errors and superstitions thereof is the same 
in soundness of doctrine and sanctity of life with 
that faith which by St. Paul in the Roman church 
was then so highly commended. 

^ Rom. i. 8. 




THE SECOND CENTURY. 



TO ROBERT ABDY OF LONDON, Ebq.* 
He that hath an hand to take, and no tongue to return 
thanks, deserveth Jbr the Jiiture to be lame and dumb. 
Which punishment, that it maif not light on me, accept 
this acknowledgment of your favourt to your devoted 
Jrvnd and servant, rp p 

I ESIRE of our country's honour would a.d. 105. 
iiow make us lay claim to Taurinus, Taurmui 
bishop of York, and reported martyr, ^y^ 
■ To strengthen our title unto him we 
could produce mMiy •'writers aflSrming 
it, if number made weight in this case. But, being 
convinced in our judgment that such as make him a 
Briton ground their pretence on a leading mistake, 
reading him episcopum Eboracensem, instead oiEbrm- 
censem, Enreux (as I take it) in France*^; we will not 
enrich our country by the errors of any, or advantage 
ber honour by the misprisions of others. Thus being 
conscientiously scrupulous not to take or touch a 
thread which is none of our own, we may with more 

• [Abdy of Iiondon and of in Pasdculo, anno 94. f. 38. 

Albyns to Essex, arma. Or, b. ed. 1477. and Hartman- 

3 chevroDels between 3 trefbilB nus Schedelios in Chronico. 

■able. — Robert Abdy of Lon- f. CXI. a. [Tbis conjecture 

don and Albyns, merchant, was was proposed by Harrison bint- 

createdaboronet 9 June, 1660, self; see bis Chiron, ib. It 

married Catherine, daughter of is fiiUy supported by the au- 

sir John Gayer, knight, ob. thorities quoted by Usher, ib. 

care. 1670 B.] 17.] 

b Gnil. Harrison, Descript. ' [See Usher, Brit. Ecd. 

Brit, in Holinsbed. I. 9. p. 33. Ant. p. ■ 7.] 
Wemems Rolewink de LaSr. 



S6 The CImrch History book i. 

A. P. 105- boldness hereafter keep what is justly ours, and chal- 
lenge what is unjustly detained from us. 
A.D. io8. 2. But the main matter which almost engrosseth 
of aiithore all the history of this century, and, by scattered dates, 
Se^ttoe'of is Spread from the beginning to the end thereof, is 
^jj^^""the conversion of Lucius, king of Britain, to Chris- 
version. tiauity*^. However, not to dissemble, I do adventure 
thereon with much avereeness, seeming sadly to pre- 
sage, that I shall neither satisfy others nor myself; 
such is the variety, yea contrariety of writers about 
the time thereof. If the trumpet (saith the apostle) 
ffiveth an uncertain sounds who shall prepare himsdf 
to the battle ? He will be at a loss to order and dis- 
pose this story aright, who listeneth with greatest 
attention to the trumpet of antiquity, sounding at 
the same time a march and retreat ; appointing Lu- 
cius to come into the world by his birth, when others 
design him, by death, to go out of the same. Behold, 
reader, a view of their diflferences presented unto 
thee ; and it would puzzle Apollo himself to tune 
these jarring instruments into a concert. 
These make king Lucius converted 

A.D. 

1 P. Jovius in Descrip. Brit. [p. 4. ed. Basil, fol. 

1578.] 99 

2 Jo. Cajus in Hist. Cantab, [p. 22.] 108 

3 Annals of Burton. [In Usher, p. 20. An inter- 

polation ; the printed copy does not commence so 
early.] 187 

4 Nennius, in one copy. [Hist. Brit. chap. 18.]«* 144 

c [Respecting this story of the year 164, and in this they 

king Lucius, see StiUingfleet's very nearly agree with Bede ; 

Ant. of the British CC. p. 58. probably both writers would be 

sq., and Usher, ib.] found more perfectly to ooia- 

^ [The printed copies of the cide^ were the different sys- 

best MSB. of Nennius place terns of chronolc^ which each 

the conversion of Lucius in followed duly observed.] 



cxvT. II. qf Britain. £7 

5 Annals of Crokysdene. [Usher, ib. 20.] 150 A.D. xo8. 

6 Jeffery Monmouth, [f. xxxiii.je 166 

7 John Capgrave 166 

8 Matth. Floril^us, [or Mat. of Westminster; accord- 

ing to a MS. quoted by Usher, ib. The printed 
copy, as mentioned below, gives the date 185.] ... 168 

9 Florence Vigomienas, [p. 181.] 162 

10 Antiq. of Winchester. [Usher, ib. 20.] 164 

11 Tho. Rudbome, jun. [Wharton, A. S. i.l80.] ... 165 

12 Wil. of Malmesbury. [De Antiq. Glaston. p. 298.] 166 
18 Venerable Bede. [E. H. v. p. 24.] 167 

14 Henry of Erphurt. [Usher, ib. 21.] 169 

15 Annals of Lichfield. [Usher, ib. 21.] 175 

16 Marianus Scotus. [In anno, ed. Basil. 1659.] 177 

17 Ralph de Baldoc. [Usher, ib.] 178 

18 John Bale. [Script, i. §. 29.] 179 

19 Prfydor Virgil, [p. 41. ed. Basil. 1667.] 182 

20 Roger de Wendover. [Usher, ib.] 183 

21 Chron. Brit. Abbrev. [Usher, ib.] 184 

22 Matth. Paris, (Westminster.) [Usher, ib.] 186 

28 Hector Beothius, [p. 83. Paris. 1674.] 187 

24 Martinus Polonus, [p. 49. ed. Basil. 1669.] 188 

26 Saxon Annals, [p. 7. ed. Gibson.] 189 

26 John Harding, [chap. 61.] ^ 190 

Here is more than a grand jury of writers, which 
neither agree in their verdicts with their foreman, nor 
one with another ; there being betwixt the first and 
the last, Paulus Jovius and John Harding, ninety years 
distance in their account. This, with other arguments, 

c [I do not know upon what xxxiv. ed. Bad. Ascens. 1517.] 

anthority Fuller makes this as- ' [1 have supplied^ and in- 

sertion ; Geoffiy of Monmouth serted in the text the references 

states that king Lucius died which are enclosed between 

A. D. 156, but does not eive brackets^ in order to avoid con- 

the date of his conversion, fusion.] 
"De G^estis," &c. fol. xxxiii^ 



28 The Church History book i. 

A.D. io8. is used not only to shake, but shatter the whole repu- 
tation of the story. And we must endeavour to clear 
this objection before we go farther, which is shrewdly 
pressed by many. For if the two elders which ac- 
cused Susanna were condemned for liars, being found 
in two tales ; the one laying the scene of her incon- 
tinency under a ^mastich tree, the other under an 
holm tree ; why may not the relation of Lucius be 
also condemned for a fiction, seeing the reporters 
thereof more differ in time than the forenamed elders 
in place; seeing when and where are two circum- 
stances, both equally important and concerning in 
history to the truth of any action ? 

The histcny 3. But we auswor. That however learned men 

of king^ liU- ,,/w,.ii 1 •111 rm 1 • "• 

cius not du- differ m the date, they agree m the deed, fhey did 
thTdissen. sot thcmselvcs SO to hocd the matter, as of most 
Siora^am-" Biomeut, being the soul and substance of history, 
ceming the that they wero little curious (not to say very careless) 
thereof, in accurate noting of the time; which being well 
observed, doth not only add some lustre, but much 
strength to a relation. And indeed all computation 
in the primitive time is very uncertain, there being 
then (and a good while after) an anarchy, as I may 
term it, in authors their reckoning of years, because 
men were not subject to any one sovereign rule in 
accounting the year of our Lord, but every one fol- 
lowed his own arithmetic, to the great confusion of 
history, and prejudice of truth. In which age, though 
all start from the same place, our Saviour's birth, 
yet running in several ways of account, they seldom 
meet together in their dating of any memorable acci- 
dent. Worthy therefore was his wwk, whoever he 

^ Susanna, v. 54 and 58. 



cEirr. II. of Britain. 29 

was, who first calculated the Computation we use at a.d. ioS. 
this day, and so set Christendom a copy whereby to 
write the date of actions, which since being generally 
used, hath reduced chronology to a greater cer- 
tainty. 

4. As for their objection, that Lucius could not be liudut 

_ might be a 

a king in the south of Britain, because it was then British 
reduced to be a province under the Roman mon- th^^tJSum 
archy, it affects not any that understand how it was™""*^^' 
the Roman* custom, both to permit and appoint 
petty kings in several countries (as Antiochus in 
Asia, Herod in Judaea, Deiotarus in Galatia), who, 
under them, were invested with regal power and 
dignity. And this was conceived to conduce to the 
state and amplitude of their empire ^; yea, the German 
emperor at this day, successor to the Roman mon- 
archy, is styled rea? regum^ as having many princes, 
and particularly the king of Bohemia, homagers 
under him. As for other inconsistents with truth, 
which depend, as retainers, on this relation of king 
Lucius, they prove not that this whole story should 
be refused, but refined ; which calleth aloud to the 
discretion of the reader, to fan the chaff from the 
com, and to his industry, to rub the rust from the 
gold, which almost of necessity will cleave to mat- 
ters of such antiquity. Thus conceiving that for the 
main we have asserted king Lucius, we come to relate 
his history as we find it. 

5. He being much taken with the miracles which A.p. 167. 
he beheld truly done by pious Christians, fell in ad-aendethto 
miration of, and love with their religion ; and sent of Rome^to 

be instruct- 

« Vetere ac jampridem re- servitntis et reges. Tacitus in^JJ?^ *" 
cepta popoli Romani consuetiu vita Agricolse, di. 1 4. 
dine^ ut haberet instramenta ' [See Usher, ib. 23, 24.] 



80 



The Church History 



BOOK I. 



A.D. 167. ElvanuB and Meduinus, men of known piety, and 
learning in the scriptures, to Eleutherius bishop of 
Rome, with a letter, requesting several things of 
him, but principally, that he might be instructed in 
the Christian faiths. The reason why he wrote to 
Rome was, because at this time the church therein 
was (she can ask no more, we grant no less) the most 
eminent church in the world, shining the brighter, 
because set on the highest candlestick, the imperial 
city. We are so far from grudging Rome the hap- 
piness she once had, that we rather bemoan she lost 
it so soon, degenerating from her primitive purity. 
The letter which Lucius** wrote is not extant at this 
day, and nothing thereof is to be seen, save only by 
reflection, as it may be collected by the answer re- 
turned by Eleutherius, which (such an one as it is) it 
will not be amiss here to insert. 
A.D. 169. 6. ***Ye require of us the Roman laws and the 
emperor's to be sent over to you, which you would 
practice and put in ure within your realm. The 
Roman laws and the emperor's we may ever 
reprove, but the law of God we may not. Ye have 
received of late, through God's mercy, in the king- 
dom of Britain, the law and fidth of Christ; ye 
" have with you within the realm, both parts of the 



u 



« 



a 



C( 



c< 



« 



GT [The cause of this mission 
18 examined by Usher, ib. 24 

J> [The tenor of it is given 
by Usher from a poem by Gil- 
das the Briton^ though pro- 
bably having no other founda- 
tion than the imagination of 
the author. See Usher, ib. 37.] 

^ This translation of the let- 
ter of Eleutherius is transcribed 
out of bishop Godwin's Cata- 



logue of Bishops, p. 31. ed. 
1675. [The original will be 
found in the Latin copy of 
Godwin's work, p. 23. ed. Cant. 
1743 ; and in Parker's An- 
tiq. p. 7. ed. Drake.] There 
is some variety between this 
and that of Mr. Fox's Martyr- 
ology, I. 139. ed. 164U [Usher 
has also printed it from a col- 
lation of ^ve MSS. See Brit. 
£ccl. Ant. p. 54.] 



M 



U 



csvT. II. of Britain. 81 

" dcriptures. Out of them by God's grace, with the A- p. 169. 
^ council of your reahn, take ye a law, and by that 
" law (through God's sufferance) rule your kingdom 
" of Britain. For you be God's vicar in your king- 
" dom. The Lord's is the earthy and the fulness of 
^ the worlds and aU thai dwell in it. And again, ac- 
" cording to the Prophet that was a king. Thou hast 
** laved righteousness^ and hated iniquity^ therefore 
^ God hath anointed Ihee with the oil of gladness 
** above thy fellows. And again, according to the 
" same Prophet, O God^ give judgment unto the king^ 
" and thy righteousness unto the king's son^ &c. He 
said not, the judgment and righteousness of the 
emperor, but thy judgment and righteousness. The 
king^s sons be the Christian people and folk of the 
** realm, which be imder your government, and live, 
^^ and continue in peace within your kingdom. As the 
** gospel saith. Like as the hen gathereth her chickens 
** under her wings, so doth the king his people. The 
" people and folk of the realm of Britain be yours, 
** whom, if they be divided, ye ought to gather in 
^ concord and peace, to call them to the faith and 
" law of Christ, to cherish and ^to maintain them, to 
** rule and govern them, so as you may reign ever- 
" laatingly with him whose vicar you are : which, 
** with the Father, and the Son, &c." 

7. Now we have done our threshing, we must a prepam. 
begin our winnowing, to examine the epistle. Foreramining* 
flie trade of counterfeiting the letters of eminent J^^^r^ 
men began very early in the church. Some were 
tampering with it in the apostles' time, which occa- 
sioned St. Paul's^ caution, That ye be not soon shaken 

^ In the Latin it is, Manu tenere, ^ 2 Thess. ii. 2. 



32 The Church History book i. 

A,D. 169. in mind^ or be troubled^ neither by spirit^ nor by word^ 
nor by letter^ as from tis. Since men (then but ap- 
prentices) are now grown masters in this mystery, 
wherefore it will be worth our examining whether 
this epistle be genuine or no. Say not this doth be- 
tray a peevish, if not malicious disposition, and argues 
a vexatious spirit in him, which will now call the 
title of this letter in question, which time out of 
mind hath been in the peaceable possession of an 
authentic reputation, especially seeing it soundeth in 
honorem ecclesice Britannicce; and, grant it a tale, 
yet it is smoothly told, to the credit of the British 
church. But let such know that our church is sen- 
sible of no honour but what resulteth from truth ; 
and if this letter be false, the longer it hath been re- 
ceived, the more need there is of a speedy and pre- 
sent confritation, before it be so firmly rooted in 
men's belief, past power to remove it. See therefore 
the arguments which shake the credit thereof. 

1. The date of this letter differs in several copies, 
and yet none of them light right on the time of 
Eleutherius, according to the computation of the 
best esteemed authors. 

2. It relates to a former letter of king Lucius, 
wherein he seemeth to request of Eleutherius, both 
what he himself had before, and what the good 
bishop was unable to grant. For what need Lucius 
send for the Roman laws, to which Britain was al- 
ready subjected, and nded by them? At this very 
time, wherein this letter is pretended to be wrote, 
the Roman laws were here in force ; and therefore 
to send for them hither was even actum agere^ and to 
as much purpose, as to fetch water from Tiber to 
Thames. Besides, Eleutherius of all men was most 



CENT. II. of Britain. 8S 

improper to have such a suit preferred to him : holy A.D. 167. 
man ! he little meddled with secular matters, or was 
acquainted with the emperor's laws ; only he knew 
how to suffer martyrdom in passive obedience to his 
cruel edicts. 

3. How high a throne doth this letter inoimt Lu- 
cius on, making him a monarch ? who (though res 
Britannictis) was not res Britannice^ (except by a 
large synecdoche,) neither sole nor supreme king 
here, but partial, and subordinate to the Romans. 

4. The scripture quoted is out of St. Hierom's 
translation, which came more than a hundred years 
after. And the age of Eleutherius could not under- 
stand the language of manu tenere^ for to maintain^ 
except it did antedate some of our modem lawyers 
to be their interpreter. 

In a word, we know that the Gibeonites their 

mouldy bread was baked in an oven very near the 

Israelites"^, and this letter had its original of a later 

date''; which not appearing anywhere in the world 

tiQ a thousand years after the death of Eleutherius, 

probably crept out of some monk's cell some four 

hundred years since, the true answer of Eleutherius 

being not extant for many years before. 

8. But to proceed. Eleutherius, at the request of King La- 

T-i *^'** bap- 

king Lucius, sent unto him ^Faganus and Derwia- tized. 

nus, or Dunianus, two holy men, and grave divines, 

to instruct him in the Christian religion, by whom 

the said king Lucius (called by the Britons Leuer 

Maur^y or the great light) was baptized, with many of 

m Joshua ix. 12. ditions. 

» See sir H. Spelinan*s Con- « Aliter Phaganns et Du- 

cilia, I. 34, &c., where there is vianus. 

another copy of this letter, P [According to Usher, ib. 

with some alterations and ad- p. 22.] 

FULLER, VOL. I. D 



84 The Church History book i. 

A.D. 167. his subjects. For if when private persons were con- 
verted, Cornelius, Ljdia^, &c., their households also 
were baptized with them, it is easily credible that 
the example of a king embracing the faith drew 
many followers of court and country; sovereigns 
seldom wandering alone without their retinue to 
attend them. But whereas some report that most, 
yea^ all of the natives of this island then turned 
Christians, it is very improbable; and the weary 
traveller may sooner climb the steepest mountains in 
Wales, than the judicious reader believe all the hy- 
perbolical reports in the British chronicles hereof. 
I. Mon- 9. For Jeffery Monmouth tells usS that at this 
fiction of time there were in England twenty-eight cities, each 
2^^. of them having a *flamen, or pagan priest ; and three 
^*™®°^ of them, namely, London, York, and Caerlion in 
Wales, had archflamens, to which the rest were 
subjected : and Lucius placed bishops in the room of 
the flamens, and archbishops, metropolitans, in the 
places of archflamens. All which, saith he, solenmly 
received their confirmation from the pope. But 
herein our author seems not well acquainted with 
the propriety of the word flamen^ their use and 
office amongst the Romans, who were not set seve- 
rally, but many together in the same city. Nor were 
they subordinate one to another, but all to the priests 
college, and therein to the Pontifex Maximus. Be- 
sides, the British "manuscript, which Monmouth is 
conceived to have translated, makes no mention of 



^ Acts xvi. 15 and 32. ^ Monmouth de gestis Brit. 

' Ita ut in brevi, nullus in- f. 33. 

veniretur infidelis. Matth. "^ Usher, De Brit. Ecd. p. 

Westm. s. Paris, p. 112. (57=31. 

■ [See Usher, ib. 31 sq.] 



CSHT. II. 



of Britain. 



S5 



these flamens. Lastly, these words archbishop and a.d. 167. 
sietiopolitan are so hx firom being current in the 
days of king Lucius, that they were not coined till 
aftar-ages. So that in plain English, his flamens 
and aichflamens seem flams and archflams, even no- 
toriofis fiEdsehoods^ 

10. Grieat also is the mistake of 3^ another British a jproM 
historian, affimmig how in the days of king Lucius 
tills island was divided into five Roman provinces ; 
namely, Britain the first, Britain the second, Flavia, 
Maximw, and Valentia ; and that each of these were 
then divided into twelve bishoprics, sixty in the 
whole ; a goodly company, and more by half than 



> [This error arose from a 
misimderBtandiiigof die nature 
of the office of the flamines. 
There were no archiflamines 
among the Romans, nor any 
simikr religions order having 
the same relation to the fa- 
mines as an archbidiop does to 
a hishop. The sacerdotes pro^ 
findaram had subordinate 
priests under them, but this sa- 
cerdotal order did not exist till 
long after the introduction of 
Christianity into Britain, and 
was derived by Maximianus 
firom the Christian priesthood^ 
as Stillingfleet seems clearly to 
have shewn. Antiquities of the 
British Churches, p. 77 sq. 
See also '*The Appeal, &c." 
p. 68. Usher judiciously ob- 
serves, that although these ac- 
counts of king Lucius derived 
Srincipally from Geoffry of 
f (Mimoulii are deserving of no 
credit, yet that there cannot be 
any doubt of the gospel having 
been preached in Britain as 



early as the times of the apo- 
sties. We have the authority 
of Bede and the Liber Pontifi- 
calis (improperly attributed to 
S. Jerom and Damasus) for 
Lucius being the first Christian 
king of this island. But the 
imagination of Geoffiry, not sa- 
tisfied with this simple fact^ 
has converted a petty king into 
a Roman monarch, and these 
twenty bishops are but the 
coinage of his brain. Brit.Eccl. 
Ant. prsef. ad Lectorem^ and 
p. 49 sq. See some judicious 
observations on the subject in 
Godwin, De prsesul. Angl. 
p. 20.] 

y Giraldus Cambrensis de 
Sedis Menevensis dignitate^ 
apud D. Joh. Priseum, [in Hist. 
Brit. Defens. p. 75. ed. 1573. 
This whole treatise of Giraldus 
has since been published by 
Wharton. See Ang. Sac. II. 
541, where the passage here 
referred to will be found.] 

D 2 



S6 The Church History book i. 

A.D. 167. ever this land did behold. Whereas these provinces 
were so named from Valens, Maximus, and Flavins 
Theodosius, Roman emperors, many years after the 
death of Lucius. Thus, as the damsel convinced 
St. Peter to be a Gralilean, for, said she, Thy speech 
agreeth thereto^ so this fivefold division of Britain^ 
by the very novelty of the names, is concluded to be 
of far later date than what that author pretendeth. 
Pagan tem- 11. But it is generally agreed, that about this 
£an ^n-"' tinoie many pagan temples in Britain had their pro- 
^^an P^^y altered, and the selfeame were converted into 
ohurdies. Christian churches; particularly that dedicated to 
Diana in London, and another near it, formerly con- 
secrated to Apollo, in the city now called West- 
minster. This was done, not out of covetousness, to 
save charges in founding new fabrics, but out of 
Christian thrift; conceiving this imitation an invi- 
tation to make heathens come over more cheerfully 
to the Christian faith ; when beholding their temples 
(whereof they had an high and holy opinion) not 
sacrilegiously demolished, but solemnly continued to 
a pious end, and rectified to the service of the true 
God. But human policy seldom proves prosperous 
when tampering with Divine worship, especially when 
without or against direction from God's word. This 
new wine, put into old vessels, did in after-ages taste 
of the cask, and in process of time, Christianity, 
keeping a * correspondency and some proportion 
with paganism, got a smack of heathen ceremonies. 
Surely they had better have built new nests for the 
holy dove, and not have lodged it where screech- 

« Mark xiv. 70. turned into the church of All- 

* Thus the Pantheon, or saints, 
shrine of all gods in Rome, wbs 



czNT. II. of Britain. 87 

owls and unclean birds had formerly been harboured. a.d. i6y. 
If the high priest amongst the Jews was forbidden to 
marry a widow, or divorced woman, hut that he shotdd 
take a virgin of his own people to wifely how unseemly 
was it, that God himself should have the reversion 
of profiBmeness assigned to his service, and his wor- 
ship wedded to the relict, yea, (what was worse,) 
whorish shrines, formerly abused with idolatry ! 

12. Some report that at this time three thousand ^-^J- '78. 

* The bounty 

philosophers of the university of Cambridge were o£ king Liu 
converted and baptized; that king Lucius came Cambridge, 
thither, and bestowed many ^privileges and immu- 
nities on the place, with much other improbable 
matter^. For surely they do a real wrong, under a 
pretended courtesy, to that famous academy, to force 
a peruke of fiJse grey hair upon it, whose reverend 
wrinkles already command respect of themselves. 
Yet Cambridge makes this use of these overgrown 
charters of pope Eleutherius, king Lucius, king Ar- 
thur, and the like, to send them out in the front as 
the forlorn hope, when she is to encounter with 
Oxford in point of antiquity; and if the credit of 
such old monuments be cut off (as what else can be 
expected), yet she still keeps her main battle firm 
and entire, consisting of stronger authorities, which 
follow after. Nor doth Cambridge care much to 
cast away such doubtful charters, provided her sister 
likewise quit all title to fabulous antiquity (setting 
dross against dross) and waiving tales, try both the 
truth of their age by the register of unquestioned 



^ Ler. zxi. 14. tab. p. 22. ed. 1574. 

« Cains de Antiq. Cantab. ^ [Usher, ib. p. 68.] 
p. 51. ed. 1574* et Hist. Can- 

d8 



88 The Church History book i. 

A.D. 178. authors, if this difference betwixt them be conceived 

to deserve the deciding. 

13. Besides the churches aforementioned, many 

others there were whose building is ascribed to king 

Lucius, as namely® : 
A.D.179. 1. St. Peter^s in Comhill in London, to which 
diurches Cirau, a great courtier, lent his helping hand. It is 
^^^t^^ said, for many years after, to have been the seat of 
**'*^ an archbishopric : one Thean first enjoyed that 

dignity^ 

2. Bccleda prtmce sedis^ or the chief cathedral 

church in Gloucester. 
A.D.180. 3. A church at Winchester, consecrated by Fa- 

ganus and Duvianus, whereof one Devotus was made 

abbot. 

4. Afi^church and college of Christian philosophers 

at Bangor. 
A.D. 187. 5. The church dedicated to St. Mary in Glassen- 

bury, repaired and raised out of the ruins by Faganus 

and Duvianus, where they lived with twelve asso- 
ciates. 

6. A ^chapel in honour of Christ in Dover castle. 

7. The church of St. Martin in Canterbury ; imder- 
stand it thus, that church which in after-ages was 
new named, and converted to the honour of that 
saint. 

Of all these, that at Winchester was king Lucius 
his darling, which he endowed with large revenues. 



e [See Usher's Eccl. Brit. Usher, ib. 36.] 
Antiq. p. 66, where the sub- fir Pitzeus de Britan. Scriptor. 

ject of these chapels and p. 79. 
churches is examined.] ^ Leland assert. Arthori, 

f Tabula pensilis quce adhuc f. 7. ed. 1544. 
in ilia ecdesia cemitur. [See 



CENT. IF. of Britain. 89 

giving it all the land twelve miles on every side of a. p. 187. 
the city, fencing the church about with a churchyard, 
on which he bestowed privileges of a sanctuary, and 
building a dormitory and refectory for the monks 
there ; if the little history of ^ Winchester be to be 
believed, whose credit is very suspicious, because of 
the modem language used therein. For as country 
painters, when they are to draw some of the ancient 
scripture patriarchs, use to make them vrith bands, 
cuflfe, hats, and caps, a la mode to the times wherein 
they themselves do live ; so it seemeth the author of 
this history last cited (lacking learning to acquaint 
him with the garb and character of the age of king 
Lucius) doth pourtray and describe the bounty and 
church-buildings of that king, according to the 
phrase and fashion of that model of monkery in his 
ovni age. 

14. Some Dutch writers report'^, that king Lucius Two Lu- 
m his old age left his kingdom, and went over mto founded 
France, thence into Germany, as far as the Alps ; ^^^ **"®' 
where he converted all ^Rhetia, and the city of 
Augspurg in Suevia, by his preaching, vrith the as- 
sistance of Emerita his sister ; it being no news, in 
God's harvest, to see women vrith their sickles a 
reaping. It is confessed that converting of souls is a 
work worthy a king ; David's and Solomon's preach- 
ing hath silenced all objections to the contrary. It is 

i Manuscript, in Bibliotheca ton's Ang. Sac. I. 179, 180, 

Cottoniana. [This is probably and praef. p. xxvi.] 
the MS. now preserved in the ^ [See Usher, De Eccl. Brit. 

Cotton library, Domit. XIII. p. 17 and 70.] 
or else a paper MS. which was 1 Velser. Rerum August, 

almost destroyed by fire now Vindelic. lib. vi. ad an. 179. 

marked Galba A. XV. in the p. 136. ed. 1593. 
same repository. See Whar- 

D 4 



40 



The Church History of Britain. book i. 



^'^' '87. also acknowledged, that kings used to renounce the 
world, and betake themselves to such pious employ- 
ment; though this custom, frequent in after-ages, 
was not so early a riser as to be up so near the pri- 
mitive times. It is therefore well observed by a 
learned "man, that Lucius the German preacher was 
a different person from the British king, who never 
departed our island, but died therein. I have read, 
how a woman in the Lower Palatinate, being big 
with twins, had the fruit of her womb so strangely 
altered by a violent "contusion casually befalling her, 
that she was delivered of one monster with two 
heads ^ which nature had intended for two perfect 
children. Thus the history of this age being pr^« 
nant with a double Lucius at the same time, is by 
the carelessness of unadvised authors so jumbled and 
confounded together, that those which ought to have 
been parted as distinct persons, make up one mon- 
strous one, without due proportion to truth, yea, 
with the manifest prejudice thereof. 



^ Achilles Gkssarus in Au- 
gustanse urbis descriptione. 
[This work, according to Saxius 
(Onomast. III. 164. ed. 1780.), 
is only in MS. It appears to 
have been known to Usher, 
from whom Fuller borrowed 
this reference, merely through 
Munster's Cosmograph. de 
Germania, III. 609, who has 



quoted largely from Gassarus. 
See Usher, De Eccl. Brit. 17 
and 71.] 

II Munsteri Cosmographia^ 
p. 625. ed. 1559. 

° [Two monsters with one 
head ; two perfect children 
connected inseparably by the 
forehead.] 



THE THIRD CENTURY. 



TO MR. SIMEON BONNELL, MERCHANT." 
/( i» proportionable to present a century, short in story, to 
one low in stature, though deserve^ high in the esteem 
^yourjriend, „ _ 



F all centuries this begins moat eadly**; A.D.a 




I at the entrance whereof we are accosted The di 
with the funerals of king Lucius, (theejitmiiof 
brightest sun must set,) buried, as they^ *^' 
say, in Gloucester. Different dates of 
his death are assigned, but herein we have followed 
the '=mo8t judicious. Long after, the monks of that 
conTent bestowed an epitaph upon him, having in 
it nothing worthy of translating. 

Lucius in tenebris priuB idola qui coluisti, 
Es merito Celebris ex quo baptisma subisti'^. 
It seems the puddle-poet did hope, that the jingling 
of his rfiyme would drown the sound of his false 
quantity; except any will say that he affected to 
make the middle syllable in idda short, because in 
the days of king Lucius idolatry was curbed and 

* [Bonnell of London. Arms, tables, and Hist, of Rocliester, 

Or, a lion rampant within an quoted by Usher, ib. 

orle of 8 cross crosslet« az. B,] * John Fiberius or Bever, 

b [See Usher, ib. 72 sq.] and the Abbreviat. of theBrit. 

c Annals of Sarum, M. Paris Chron., quoted by Usher, Brit, 

and Westm. The London £gc1. Antiq. 73. 



it 
it 



4£t The Church History book i. 

A.D. SOI. contracted, whilst Christianity did dilate and extend 

itself. 
The Chris- 2. But Christianity in Britain was not buried in 
fromSe the grave of Lucius, but survived after his death. 
?"*gj]^" Witness Gildas, whose words deserve to be made 
ever con- much of, as the clearest evidence of the constant 

tinued in 

Britain, continuing of religion in this island. " Christ's pre- 
" cepts," saith he^ " though they were received but 
" lukewarmly of the inhabitants, yet they remained 
" entirely with some, less sincerely with others, even 
until the nine years of persecution under Diocle- 
tian.** Whose expression concerning the enter- 
taining of Christianity here, though spoken inde- 
finitely of the British inhabitants, yet we are so fisur 
from understanding it universally of all this island, 
or generally of the most, or eminently of the prin- 
cipal parts thereof, that, if any list to contend that 
the main of Britain was still pagan, we will not 
oppose. A thing neither to be doubted of, nor won- 
dered at, if the modem complaints of many be true, 
that even in this age there are dark comers in this 
kingdom, where profaneness lives quietly with in- 
vincible ignorance ; yea, that the first professors 
in Christianity were but lukewarm in religion, will 
(without oath made for the truth thereof) be easily 
believed by such who have felt the temper of the 
English Laodiceans nowadays. However, it appears 
there were some honest hearts, that still kept Chris- 
tianity on foot in the kingdom. So that since reli- 
gion first dwelt here, it never departed hence ; like 

d Quae [prsoepta in Bri- usque ad penecutionem Dio^ 

tannia] licet ab inoolis tepide cletiani novennem — perman- 

susoepta sunt, apud quosdam sere. Hist. Gildae, c. vii. p. 3. 

tamen integre, et alios minus, ed. Grale. 



CENT. III. 



of Britain. 



48 



the candle of the virtuous wife, It went not out ^ a.d.«>i 
night ® : by the night neither of ignorance, nor of se- 
curity, nor of persecution. The island generally 
never was an apostate, nor by God's blessing ever 
shall be. 

3. To the authority of Gildas we will twist the Twofetha 

to bfi l)6~ 

testimony of two Others, both flourishing in this Ueved be- 
century, Tertullian and Origen ; plainly proving c^roa. 
Christianity in Britain in this age; both of them 
being undoubtedly orthodox (without mixture of 
Montanist or Millenary) in historical matters. Hear 
the former : " There are places of the ^Britons which 
^^ were unaccessible to the Romans, but yet subdued 
" to Christ." Origen in like manner : "^The power 
" of God our Saviour is even with them which in 
** Britain are divided from our world." These ought 
to prevail in any rational belief, rather than the de- 
tracting reports of two modem men, Paradine and 
Dempster, who affirm that after Lucius' death, the 
British nation returned to their heathen rites, and 
remained infidels for full five himdred years after^. 
Which words \ if casually falling from them, may be 



« Prov. xxxi. 1 8. 

^ Britannorum inaccessa Ro- 
manis loca, Christo vero sub- 
dita. Tertull. advers. Judseos, 
c. vii. 

g Virtus Domini Salvatoris 
et cum his est, qui ab orbe 
nostro in Britannia dividuntur. 
Orig. in Lucae c. i. Hom. 6. 
III. 939. ed. Huet. 

^ [For an account of the 
falsehood of this report and its 
origin, see Usher, ib. 91.] 

i Paradine Ang. descrip. 



comp. c. 22, as quoted by 
Usher, ib. 74. Dempster in 
Apparat. Hist. Scot. I. 6. 
[Of Paradine's very rare book 
I have never seen a copy. It 
was "printed at Paris in the 
year 1545, according to Nice- 
ron, Mem. xxxiii. 169, who 
gives it the following title : 
" Anglicffi descriptionis et hi- 
" storiae Compendium." W. 
Paradine was dean of the coL 
legiate church of Baujeu. 



44 The Church History book i. 

A.D.goK pafised by with pardon ; if ignorantly uttered (from 
such pretenders to learning), will be heard with 
wonder; if wilfully vented, must be taxed for a 
shameless and impudent falsehood. Had Dempster 
(the more positive of the two in this point) read as 
many authors as he quoteth, and marked as much as 
he read, he must have confiited himself: yea, though 
he had obstinately shut his eyes, so clear a truth 
would have shined through his eyelids^. It will be 
no wild justice or furious revenge, but equity, to 
make themselves satisfaction, if the Britons declare 
Dempster devoid of the fisdth of an historian, who 
endeavoured to deprive their ancestors of the 
Christian faith for many years together ; his pen, to 
befriend the north, doing many bad offices to the 
south part of this island. 
Phfi judg- 4. The Magdeburgenses, compilers of the (Jeneral 
tfagdebur- Ecclcsiastical History, not having less learning, but 
l^^^t, more ingenuity, speaking of the churches through 
Europe in this age, thus express themselves : " Then 
" follow the isles of the ocean, where we first meet 
" with Britain ; ^Mansisse et hac {Btate ejits instdw 
" ecclesidSy affirmare non dvbitamtis ; we doubt not 
" to affirm, that the churches of that island did also 
" remain in this age." But as for the names of the 
places, and persons professing it, we crave to be 
excused from bringing in the bill of our parti- 
culars. 



^ [Thomas Dempsterus^ lected without any discrimi- 

homo multn lectionis sed nul- nation a mass of most senseless 

lius plane judicii. Usher De rubbish.] 

Brit. Ecd. 6. A very mild 1 Cent. III. a. col. 6. 
censure of a man who has col* 



ciVT. III. of Britain. 45 

5. By the Levitical law, If an oxy sheep^ or beasts a. p. aoi. 
were delivered to a man to keep^ and it were stolen^^iox ci 
Qwajffrom him^ the keeper should make restitution to fault of the 
ike oumer thereof; but if it was torn inpieces^ and he^ *^ 
could bring the fragments thereof for witness^ he was 

not bound to make it good^. Had former historians 
deUyered the entire memory of the passages of this 
century to our custody, and charged us with them, 
the reader might justly have blamed our negligence, 
if for want of our industry or carefulness they had 
miscarried ; but seeing they were devoured by age, 
in evidence whereof we produce these torn rever- 
gions, hardly rescued from the teeth of time, we pre- 
sume no more can justly be exacted of us. 

6. Gildas" very modestly renders the reason why Keawnwhy 
8o little is extant of the British history : Scripta of this age. 
patriigj scriptorumve monumenta^ si qua fuerinty aut 
ignibus hostium exustOy aut civium eandum classe Ion- 

gius deportatay non comparent. " The monuments,'* 
saith he, " of our country, or writers (if there were 
" any) appear not, as either burnt by the fire of 

enemies, or transported feur off by our banished 

countrymen.** 

7. This is all I have to say of this century ; and Condu«km 
must now confess myself as imable to go on, sotuiy. 
ashamed to break off; scarce having had, of a full 
hundred years, so many words of solid history. But 

as I find little, so I will feign nothing ; time being 
better spent in silence than in lying. Nor do I 
doubt but clean stomachs will be better satisfied 



^ Exod. xxii. 1 2. of the words are Rlightly al- 

n [Hist. chap. 2. The cases tered to suit the sense.] 



u 



46 The Church HUtory of Britain. book i. 

A.D. toi. with one drop of the milk of truth, than foul feeders 
(who must have their bellies full) with a trough of 
wash, mingled with the water of &bulous inventions. 
If any hereafter shall light on more history of these 
times, let them not condenm my negligence, whilst 
I shall admire their happiness. 



THE FOURTH CENTURY. 



TO THEOPHILUS BIDULPH OP LONDON. ESQ." 

Of aU Mhiret in Engtajid, Staffordshire was (if not the 
tooneei) the largest sown tmlh the seed of the church, I 
mean, the blood of primitive martyrs^ as by this century 
doth appear. I could not therefore dedicate the same to 
a fitter person than yourself, whose JhmUy hathfiourished 
so long *n that cotm^, and whose Javours have been so 
great unto your thank/itljrtend, „ „ 

ARK and tempestuous was the mom- A.D.303. 
ing of this century, which afterward Fim pene- 
cleared up to be a fair day. It hegan^^jj'" 
with great affliction to God's saints. The ^S^'**- 
Spirit saith to the church of Smyrna, 
Ye shaU have tri&ulation ten days^. This is commonly 
understood of the ten general persecutions over alt the 
Christian worid. But herein Divine mercy magnified 
itself towards this island, that the last oecumenical 
was the first provincial persecution in Britain. God, 
though he made our church his darling, would not 
make it a wanton ; she must taste of the rod with 
the rest of her sisters. The fiery trial" spoken of 
by the apostle, now found out even those which by 
water were divided irom the rest of the world. This 
tenth persecution, as it was the last, so it was the 
greatest of all, because Satan the shorter his reign, 

> [Biddulpb. Arma, argent *> Rer. ii. lO. 
ftn eagle displayed aafale.] <> i Pet. n. la. 




48 The Church History book i. 

A.D. 303. the sharper his rage ; so that what his fiiry lacks in 

the length, it labours to gain in the thickness 

thereof. 

Aibanthe 2. In this persecution the first Briton which to 

Stephen ' hoaveu led the van of the noble army of martyrs, 

seiTof °^' was Alban, a wealthy inhabitant of Verolam-cestre, 

^^'°^' and a citizen of Rome ^; for so Alexander Neccham^ 

reports him. 

Hie est martyrii roseo decoratus honore, 
Albanus; cives, inclyta Roma, tuus. 

Here Alban, Rome, thy citizen renownM, 
With rosy grace of martyrdom was crown'd. 

None need stop, much less stumble at this seeming 
contradiction, easily reconciled by him that hath 
read St. Paul, in one place proclaiming himself an 
Hebrew of the Hebrews^, and elsewhere pleading 
himself to be a Roman ^ because bom in Tarsus a 
city of Cilicia and Roman colony ; as Verolam-cestre 
was at this time enfranchised with many immu- 
nities8r. Thus Alban was a Britain by parentage, a 
Roman by privilege ; naturally a Britain, naturalized 
a Roman ; and, which was his greatest honour, he 
was also citizen of that spiritual Jerusalem which is 
from above. 
The man- 3. His couversiou happened on this manner. Am- 
ban'8 con. phibsJus, a Christian preacher of Caerleon in Wales, 

verrioQ. 

c ['< Ex illustri Romanorum Acta Sanctorum, June 23. T. v. 

" prosapia originem ducens," p. 149. See other authorities 

according to the ancient Anglo- quoted by Usher, ib. 83, 84.] 
Saxon life of him, translated ^ In his poem on Verulam, 

into Latin by William Martell, quoted by Usher, Brit. Eccl. 

himself a monk of St. Alban's, Ant. 76. 
of the order of Benedictines, ^ Philipp. iii. 5. 
and flourishing in the 1 2th cen. ^ Acts xxii. 25. 
tury. This life has been pub. IT [See Usher, ib. 76.] 
lished by the BoUandists in the 



dm. IV. of Britain. 40 

was fiiin to fly from persecution into the eastern a. 0.303. 
parts of this island, and was entertained by Alban in 
his house in Verulam. Soon did the sparks of this 
gaest's zeal catch hold on his host, and inflamed 
him with love to the Christian religion. Herein 
our Saviour made good his promise. He that receiveth 
a righteous man in the name cf a righteom man, shall 
receive a righteous nuxiis reward^. And the shot of 
Amphibalus his entertainment was plentifully dis- 
charged, in Alban's sudden and sincere conversion. 
Not long after, a search being made for Amphi- 
balus, AJban secretly and safely conveyed him away, 
and exchanging clothes with him, offered himself 
for his guest to the pagan officers, who at that in- 
stant were a sacrificing to their devil-gods'; where 
not only Alban, being required, refused to sacrifice, 
but also he reproved others for so doing, and there- 
upon was condenmed to most cruel torments. But 
he conquered their cruelty with his patience: and 
though they tortured their brains to invent tortures 
for him, he endured all with cheerfulness ; till rather 
their weariness than pity made them desist. And 
here we must bewail that we want the true story of 
this man's martyrdom, which impudent monks have 
mixed with so many improbable tales, that it is a 
torture to a discreet ear to hear them. However, 
we will set them down as we find them ; the rather 
because we count it a thrifty way, first to glut the 
reader^s belief with popish miracles, that so he may 
loathe to look or listen after them in the sequel of the 
history. 

4. Alban being sentenced to be beheaded, much The mire. 
people flocked to the place of his execution, which tyrdom^ST 

^ Matt. X. 41 . i Beda, H. E. i. 7. ^^ 

FULLER, VOL. I. E 



BO 



The Church History 



BOOK I. 



A. D. 303. was on a hill, called Holm-hursti ; to which they 
were to go over a river, where the narrow passage 
admitted of very few abreast. Alban being to 
follow after all the multitude, and perceiving it 
would be very late before he could come to act his 
part, and counting every delay half a denial, (who 
will blame one for longing to have a crown ?) by his 
prayer obtained that the river, parting asunder, af- 
forded free passage for many together. The cor- 
rupted copy of Gildas calls this river the ^Thames. 
But if the miracle were as far from truth as Thames 
from Verulam (being sixteen miles distant), it would 
be very hard to bring them both together. The sight 
hereof so wrought with him who was appointed to 
be his executioner, that he utterly refused the em- 
ployment, desiring rather to die with him or for him, 
than to offer him any violence. Yet soon was another 
substituted in his place : for some cruel Doeg will 
quickly be found to do that office which more mer- 
ciful men decline. 



J Understand it so called 
afterwards in the time of the 
Saxons. [Or rather, Holyn- 
hirst, as it is found in a copy 
of Tinmouth preserved in the 
Lambeth library. See Smith's 
note on Bede, i. 7. and some 
remarks upon the word in 
Usher, ib. 87. There would 
be no absurdity in retaining 
the word Thamesis, (although 
according to Usher it is gene- 
rally omitted in all the accounts 
of the sufferings of St. Alban) 
in the passage of Gildas, from 
whom this account of the mar- 
tyrdom of St. Alban is de- 
rived| because Gildas nowhere 



mentions the place of the mar- 
tyrdom of St. Alban, although 
Bede and other writers say 
that he suffered at Verulam. 
If however he was to be exe- 
cuted in the capital, and not 
in Verulam, it would rather 
appear that he should have 
been sent to York, if, as some* 
of the best English antiquarians 
have thought, York was at 
that time the capital of Great 
Britain. See however Usher, 
ib. 79.] 

k Thames is wanting in the 
manuscript Gildas, in Cam. 
bridge library. [Hist. c. viii.] 



CKHT. IV. of Britain. 61 

5. Alban at the last being come to the top of the a. d. 303. 
hill, was very dry, and desirous to drink. Wonder Anew 
not that he being presently to taste of joys for ever- ^^^^ 
more should wish for fadins: water. Sure he thirsted Aiban's 

summons 

most for Grod's glory, and did it only to catch hold of appears in 
the handle of an occasion to work a miracle, for the a hm.^ 
good of the beholders. For presently by his prayer 
he summoned up a spring to come forth on the top 
of the hill, to the amazement of all that saw it. Yet 
it moistened not his executioner's heart with any 
pity, who notwithstanding struck off the head of this 
worthy saint \ and instantly his own eyes fell out of 
his h^id, so that he could not see the villainy which 
he had done. Presently after, the former convert- 
executioner, who reftised to put Alban to death, was 
put to death himself, baptized, no doubt, though not 
with water, in his own blood. The body of Alban 
was afterwards plainly buried ; that age knowing no 
other use of saint's dust, than to commit it to the 
dust^ earth to earthy not acquainted with adoration 
and circumgestation of relics, as ignorant of the 
manner how, as the reason why, to do it. But some 
hundred years aflier king Offa disturbed the sleeping 
corpse of this saint, removing them to a more stately, 
though less quiet bed, enshrining them, as (God 
willing) shall be related hereafter ™. 

6. Immediately followed the martjrrdom of Am-sept. 16. 
phibalus, Alban's guest, and ghostly father, though ju^'^iiffCT- 
the story of his death be encumbered with much ob- ®?J* **^* 
scurity. For first there is a query in his very name : 
why called Amphibalus? and how came this com- 

1 May 23. Aliter, June 22. ing to Usher.] 
[2 2d of June according to °> See Mat. Paris, Vita Offae 
Bede, ibb 23d of May accord, secundi. p. 26. . 

E 2 



name. 



52 The Church History book i. 

A. D. 303* pounded Greek word to wander into Wales ? except 
any will say, that this man's British name was by 
authors in after-ages so translated into Greek. Be- 
sides, the name speaks rather the vestment than the 
wearer, signifying a cloak wrapt or cast about, 
(Samuel was marked by such a mantle,) and it may 
be he got his name hence ; as Robert Curt-hose, son 
to William the Conqueror, had his surname from 
going in such a garment. And it is worth our ob- 
serving, that this good man passeth nameless in all 
authors till about 400 years since, when Jeflfery 
Monmouth was his godfather, and first calls him 
Amphibalus, for reasons concealed from us, and best 
known to himself". 

Thecrud 7. But it matters not for words, if the matter 

manner of 

his martyr- were truc, being thus reported. A thousand inha- 
bitants of Verulam went into Wales to be ftirther 
informed in the faith by the preaching of Amphi- 
balus, who were pursued by a pagian army of their 
fellow-citizens, by whom they were overtaken, over- 
come, and murdered ; save that one man only (like 
Job's messenger) who escaped of them to report the 
loss of the rest. And although every thing unlikely 
is not untrue, it was a huge drag-net, and cunningly 
cast, that killed all the fish in the river. Now these 
pagan Verolamians brought Amphibalus back again, 
and being within ken of their city, in the village 
called Redbum, three miles from Verulam, they 
cruelly put him to death. For making an incision 

• 

^ Usher, Ant. Brit. Eccl. rather dfi^pi^Xop, was used to 

1 59= 84. [Nothing is to be denote the upper garment worn 

found respecting his martyrdom by monks or clerical persons, 

in Gildas, Bede, or the Sarum See the authorities quoted by 

breviary, or any of the ancient Uaher, ib. aSi. Such is the ex. 

martyrologies. See Usher, ib. pression in Gildas, p. i o, <* Sub 

84. The word amphibolus, or " sancti abbatis amphibalo."] 



CENT. IV. 



ofBritavn, 



58 



in his belly, they took out his guts, and tying them a. d. 30 3. 
to a stake, whipped him round about it. All which 
he endured, as free from impatience as his perse- 
cutors from compassion. Thus died Amphibalus; 
and a writer" bom and named from that place re- 
porteth, that in his days the two knives which 
stabbed him were kept in the church of Redbum'\ 
The heat and resplendent lustre of this saint's suf- 
fering wrought as the sunbeams, according to the 
capacity of the matter it met with, in the beholders, 
melting the waxen minds of some into Christianity, 
and obdurating the hard hearts of others with more 
madness against religion. 

7. Tradition reports, that the stake he was tied to Vain fan- 
afterwards turned to a tree, extant at this very day p, cerningthe 
and admired of many as a great piece of wonder, ^piS! 
though (as most things of this nature) more in report ^*'"^' 
than reality. That it hath green leaves in winter 
mine eyes can witness false ; and as for its standing 
at a stay time out of mind, neither impaired nor im- 
proved in bigness, (which some count so strange,) be 
it reported to woodmen and foresters whether it be 
not ordinary. I think the wood of the tree is as 
miraculous as the water of the well adjoining is 



^ Thomas Redburn, who 
wrote T480. [According to 
Bale^ Cent. vii. §. 94. But 
with more probability Usher 
places him forty years earlier. 
E.B. Antiq. p. 66. Wharton in 
his Anglia Sacra^ I. 179, has 
published a Hist. Maj. Eccle- 
siie Wintoniensis^ and in the 
preface to the same volume, 
p. xxvi. has given an account 
of this writer^ with his usual 
skill and sagacity.] 



o [[This is stated by Mat. 
Paris, who has incorporated 
part of the legend of St. Alban 
into his history, A. D. 1178. 
p. 136. ed. 1640. Rudbourne 
may also have stated it, but 
this part of his history is only 
in MS. His narrative is for 
the most part derived both in 
earlier and later portions from 
Matthew Paris.] 

P I mean anno 1643. 

e3 



54 The Church History book i. 

A.P.30J- medicinal, which fond people fetch so far ; and yet a 
credulous drinker may make a cordial drink thereof. 
The mar- 8. At the time of Amphibalus his martyrdom, an- 
S^r^ other thousand of the Verulam citizens, being con- 
B^^^^^ verted to Christ, were by command of the judges all 
™^'*" killed in the same place*!. A strange execution, if 
true, seeing John Rosse*" of Warwick lays the scene 
of this tragedy far off, and at another time, with 
many other circumstances inconsistent with this 
relation ; telling us how at Lichfield in Staffordshire 
this great multitude of people were long before slain 
by the pagans as they attended to the preaching of 
Amphibalus. This relation is favoured by the name 
of Lichfield, which in the British tongue signifies a 
Golgotha, or place bestrewed with skulls*. In allu- 
sion whereto, that city's arms are a field surcharged 
with dead bodies. He needs almost a miraculous 
faith to be able to remove mountains, yea, to make 
the sun stand still, and sometimes to go back, who 
will undertake to accord the contradictions in time 
and place between the several relators of this 
, history. 
Several 9- The rocords of Winchester make mention of a 

tend to, and great massacre, whereby at this time all their monks 
SJe^^e^""*" were slain in their church, whilst the Chronicle of 
rtyrdom. nYgg^jnijjg^gp challcngeth the same to be done in 

their convent ; and the history of Cambridge ascribeth 
it to the Christian students of that university, killed 
by their British persecutors. Whether this happened 

q Usher, de Brit. Eccl. of this name, see •* The Ap- 

160=85. " peal, &c/' p. 70, in which 

' In his book of the bishops Fuller has published a Latin 

of Worcester, [quoted by Usher, letter, respecting the meaning 

ib. 84.] of the word, from one of his 

" [Respecting the etymology Welsh correspondents.] 



ma 



CEimr. jy. of Britain. SB 

in any or all of these places I will not determine : a. d. 503. 
for he tells a lie, though he tells a truth, that 
peremptorily affirms that which he knows is but 
unoertain. Meantime we see, that it is hard for men 
to suffer martyrdom, and easy for their posterity to 
brag of their ancestors' sufferings ; yea, who would 
not entitle themselves to the honour when it is 
parted from the pain ? When persecution is a 
coming, every man posteth it off, as the Philistines 
did the ark infected with the plague, and no place 
will give it entertainment*. But when the storm is 
once over, then (as seven cities contended for Homer's 
birth in them) many places will put in a claim to 
share in the credit thereof. 

10. Besides Amphibalus, suffered Aaron and Ju-Theimper- 
Kus, two substantial citizens of Caerleon, and then (rfthese^'^ 
Socrates and Stephanus, forgotten by our British^*"™®** 
writers, but remembered by foreign authors, and 
Augulius, bishop of London, then called Augusta". 
Besides these, we may easily believe many more 

went the same way ; for such commanders-in-chief 
do not fall without common soldiers about them. It 
was superstition in the Athenians to build an altar 
to the unknown God'' ; but it would be piety in us 
here to erect a monument in memorial of these un- 
known martyrs, whose names are lost. The best is, 
God's calendar is more complete than man's best 
martyrologies ; and their names are written in the 
book of life, who on earth are wholly forgotten. 

11. One may justly wonder that the first four The cause 

of the great 

* I Sam. V. on the 1 7th of September, Au- 

« [See Usher, ib. p. 89, 90. gulius on the 7th of February 

Aaron and Julius on the ist of the next year.^ 

July, Socrates and Stephanus v Acts xvii. 23. 

E 4 



56 The Church Hutory book i. 

A. D. 303. hundred years of the primitive church in Britain^ 
giienoeof beiniT SO much observahle. should be so little ob- 
-et «rv^ the pe,» of hMori.™ writi-^f tha«of >^g 
starved for matter in an age so frmtful of memo- 
rable actions. But this was the main reason thereof 
that living in persecution (that age affording no 
Christians idle spectators, which were not actors on 
that sad theatre) they were not at leisure to do, for 
suffering. And as commonly those can give the 
least account of a battle who were most engaged in 
it, (their eyes the while being turned into armies, 
their seeing into fighting,) so the primitive confessors 
were so taken up with what they endured, they had 
no vacation largely to relate their own or others' suf- 
ferings. Of such monuments as were transmitted to 
posterity, it is probable most were martyred by the 
tyranny of the pagans : nor was it to be expected, 
that those who were cruel to kill the authors, would 
be kind to preserve their books. 
A.D.304. 12. Afterwards it pleased God to put a period to 

Constant. * r r 

Chiorus his servants' sufferings, and the fiiry of their ene- 
cifa^tianB miesw. For when Diocletian and Maximian had 
laid down the ensigns of command, Constantius 
Chiorus was chosen emperor in these western pro- 
vinces of France, Spain, and Britain*, whose carriage 
towards Christians Eusebius thus describeth: tov9 

VTT avTov Oeoa-efieh afiXafiet^ ^i/Xa^af, " that he pre- 

" served such religious people as were under his 
" command without any hurt or harm." So that 
imder him the church in these parts had a breathing- 
time from persecution. But I am afraid that that 



^ [See Usher, ib. 91.] 13. Cf.] de vita Constantini^ lib. 

^ Eusebius^ [Hist. £2ccl. viii. i. c. 9, 11. and Orosius, vii. 25. 



CBiiT. IV. of Britain. 67 

learned pen 3^ goes a little too far, who makes him a.d.3<>5. 
foonder of a hishopric at York, and styleth him " an 
** emperor surpassing in all virtue and Christian 
** piety:" seeing the latter will hardly be proved, 
that Constantius was a thoroughpaced Christian, 
except by our Saviour's argument, He that is not 
ajainst us is on our paH*. And Constantius did this 
good to Christianity, that he did it no harm : and not 
only so, a privative benefactor to piety, but positive 
thus far, that he permitted and preserved those who 
would rebuild the decayed Christian churches. But 
the greatest benefaction which he bestowed on 
Christians was, that he was father to Constantino. 
Thus as physicians count all sudden and violent 
alterations in men's bodies dangerous, especially 
when changing from extremes to extremes, so God 
in like manner adjudged it imsafe for his servants 
presently to be posted out of persecution into pro- 
sperity ; and therefore he prepared them by degrees, 
that they might be better able to manage their fu- 
ture happiness, by sending this Constantius, a prince 
of a middle disposition betwixt pagan and Christian, 
to rule some few years over them. 

13. At York this Constantius Chlorus did die andHedieth at 
was buried*. And therefore Florilegus, or the flower- 
gatherer, as he calleth himself, (understand Matthew 
of Westminster,) did crop a weed instead of a 
flower, when he reports "that in the year 1283 the 
•* body of this Constantius was found at Caer-Custe- 



7 Caoiden. Brit, in descrip. & As is witnessed by Hiero- 

tion of York, p. 573. [Camden nymus, in Chronico, [rather in 

does not speak upon this point his translation of the Chronicle 

from his own authority. See of Eusebius, in an. 309. Hen. 

also Usher^ ib. p. 39.] of Huntingdon, f. 1 76,] and 

s Mark ix. 40. Eutropius, Hist. x. i. 



58 The Church History book i. 

A.IX305. ** nith* in Wales, and honourably bestowed in the 

" church of Caer-narvon by the command of king 

" Edward the First ^^ Constantius dying, bequeathed 

the empire to Constantino, his eldest son by Helen 

his former wife ; and the soldiers at York cast the 

purple robe upon him, whilst he wept, and put 

spurs to horse to avoid the importunity of the 

army, attempting and requiring so instantly to 

make him emperor: but the happiness of the 

A. D. 307. state overcame his modesty. And whereas formerly 

^' Christians for the peace they possessed were only 

tenants at will to the present emperor's goodness, 

this Constantino passed this peaceable estate to the 

Christians and their heirs, or rather, to the immortal 

corporation of God's church, making their happiness 

hereditary by those good laws which he enacted. 

Now because this assertion, that Constantino was a 

Briton by birth, meets with opposition, we will take 

some pains in clearing the truth thereof. 

Worth the 14. Let uoue say, the kernel will not be worth 

SuTSn- the cracking, and so that Constantino were bom, it 

JJJJ^^ijy matters not where he was bom. For we may ob- 

wrth. serve God's Spirit to be very punctual in registering 

the birthplaces of famous men ; The Lord shall 

county when he tvriteth up the people^ that this man 

was bom there^. And as David cursed mount Gilboa, 

where godly Jonathan got his death ^, so by the 

» [That 18, the city of Con- Yet Matthew of Westminster, 

stantine. Matthew of West- under the year 305, states that 

minster (Hist. p. 371.) merely Constantius died at York.] 

states that the body of Constan- ^ Compare Mr. Camden's 

tins was found at Caernarvon Brit.in Caernarvonshire, p.535^ 

near Snowdon, which placeCam- with him in the description of 

den conceives to be the same as York, p. 572. [And Usher^ ib. 

Caer-custeinth, or rather Cair- p. 33.] 

custent^ the old town upon the ^ Psalm Ixxxvii. 6. 

ruins of which he supposes ^ 2 Sam. i. ai. 
Caernarvon to have been built. 



csnT. IT. o/Briiain. 69 

same proportion (though inverted) it follows, those a. d. 307. 
places are blest and happy where saints take their 
fiist good handsel of breath in this world. Besides, 
Constantine was not only one of a thousand, but of 
myriads, yea of millions, who first turned the tide in 
the whole world, and not only quenched the fire, but 
even overturned the famace of persecution, and en- 
franchised Christianity through the Roman emperor : 
and therefore no wonder if Britain be ambitious in 
having, and zealous in holding, such a worthy to be 
bom in her. 

15. An unanswerable evidence to prove the point The main 
in controversy, that Constantine the Great was aJo^J^ 
Briton, is fetched from the panegyrist, (otherwise ^* ^*°^ 
called Eumenius Rhetor,) in his oration made to Con- 
stantine himself % but making therein an apostrophe 
to Britain ; Ofortunata^ et nunc omnibus beatior terris 
BritanniOy qtuB Constantinum Ccesarem prima vidisti ! 
" O happy Britain, and blessed above all other lands, 
" which didst first behold Constantine Csesar ! " Twist 
this testimony with another thread, spun of the same 
hand ; Liberavit iUe \jpater Constantius'] Britannias 
servitute, tu etiam nobileSy iUic oriendoy fecisti^: 
** Your fother Constantius did free the British pro- 
" vinces from slavery, and you have ennobled them, 
" by taking thence your original.'' The same is 
aflSrmed by the writer of the life of St. Helen, mother 
to Constantine, written about the year of our Lord 
940 in the English Saxon tongue P: as also by Wil- 
liam of Malmesbury, Henry Huntingdon^ John of 

^ Panegyric [ix. 9. ed.Livin. gend of St. Helena abridged 

1607.] by John Capgrave^ and printed 

' Panegyric, v. 4. in hiA Legenda Sanctorum]] 

g [This is probably the le- ^ [Hist. f. 1 76.] 



60 The Church History book i. 

A.D.307. SaKsbury', and all other English writers. And lest 
any should object that these writing the history of 
their own country are too lightfingered to catch any 
thing (right or wrong) sounding to the honour 
thereof, many most learned foreign historians, Pom- 
ponius Lsetus, Polydore Virgil, Beatus Rhenanus, 
Franciscus Balduinus, Onuphrius Panvinius, Caesar 
Baronius, Anthony Possevine, and others, concur 
with them, acknowledging Helen, Constantine's 
mother, a Briton, and him bom in Britain^. 
Aniwento 16. But whilst the aforesaid authors in prose 
toni J^ softly rock the infency of, yet little, Constantino the 
"JJ?J|^ Great in Britain, and whilst others in verse (espe- 
cially Joseph of Exeter^ and Alexander Necham) 
sweetly sing lullabies unto him™, some learned men 
are so rough and uncivil as to overturn his cradle, 
yea, wholly deprive Britain of the honour of his 
nativity : whose arguments follow, with our answers 
imto them. 

Object. 1. The panegyrist speaking how Britain 
first saw Constantino Csesar, refers not to his ordinary 
life, but imperial lustre °. Britain beheld him not 
first a child, but first saw him Caesar ; not fetching 
thence his natural being, but honourable birth, first 
saluted Caesar in Britain. 

Ans. Even Lipsius (Britain's greatest enemy in 
this point) confesseth, that though Constantino was 

* [Proleg. in Polycraticum.^ refers also to this subject in his 

k [This subject has been Holy War, i. §. 4.^ 

discussed with his usual learning 1 In A ntiocheide sua, [quoted 

b7PrimateUsher,ib.93andio3. by Usher^ ib. 94.^ 

But the reference to William ^ See his Tetrastichon in 

of Malmsbury is an oversight^ bishop Usher de Brit. Eccles. 

unless Usher used some MS. primord. p. 76=95. 

of this author containing the ° Joannes Livineius not. in 

passage in question, varying Panegyr. v. p. 331. 
from the printed copy. Fuller 



CEKT. TV. of Britain. 61 

first elected emperor in Britain, yet he was first a. p. 307. 
pronounced Csesar in France, in the life and health of 
his fether°; (Csesar was a title given to the heir ap- 
parent to the empire ;) and therefore the words in 
the panegyrist, in their native construction, relate 
to his natural hirth. 

Object. 2. Constantino Porphyrogenetes, the Gre- 
cian emperor, about 700 years since, in his book of 
government P which he wrote to his son, confesseth 
Constantino the Great to have been a Frank by his 
birth, whence learned Meursius coUecteth him a 
Frenchman by his extraction. 

Ans. It is notoriously known to all learned men, 
that the Greeks in that middle age (as the Turks at 
this very day) called all western Europeans Franks. 
Wherefore as he that calleth such a fiidt of the 
earth grain (a general name) denieth not but it may 
be wheat, a proper kind thereof; so the terming 
Constantino a Frank doth not exclude him from 
being a Briton, yea strongly implieth the same, 
seeing no western country in Europe ever pretended 
unto his birth. 

Object. 3. Bede, a grave and faithful author, 
makes no mention of Constantino bom in Bri- 
tain, who (as Lipsius marketh*J) would not have 
omitted a matter so much to the honour of his own 
nation. 

Ans. By the leave of Lipsius, Constantino and 
Bede, though of the same country, were of several 

o Note in Admiranda, lib. Camden. Non Bedas— — ille 

iv. c. 1 1. [Antv. 1598.] antiquus et fidus an gloriae 

P [De administrando Im- gentis suae non fSavet? Qin 

perio, chap. 13. ed. Meursius^ Camdeni Epist. p. 67. ed. 

1617.^ Smith ; and Usher^ ib. p. 102.] 

4 In his Epistle to Mr. 



62 



The Church History 



BOOK I. 



A. D. 307. nations. Bede being a Saxon, was little zealous to 
advance the British honour: the history of which 
church he rather toucheth than handleth, using it 
only as a porch to pass through it to the Saxon his- 
tory. And Saxons in general had little skill to seek, 
and less will to find out any worthy thing in British 
antiquities, because of the known antipathy betwixt 
them. 

Object. 4. Procopius'' maketh Drepanum, a haven 
in Bithynia, (so called because there the sea runs 
crooked in form of a sickle,) to be the place where 
Constantino had his TjOo^cFa, or first nursing, very 
near to his birth"; and Nicephorus Gregoras* makes 
him bom in the same country. 

Ans. The former speaks not positively, but saith 
<^a(r\ " men say so," reporting a popular error. The 
latter is a late writer, living under Andronicus 
junior, anno 1340, and therefore not to be believed 
before others more ancient. 

Object. 5. But Julius Firmicus", contemporary with 
Constantino himself, an author above exception, 
maketh this Constantino to be bom at Naisus (in 
printed books Tharsus) a city of Dacia. 

Ans. An excellent critic^ hath proved the printed 
copies of Firmicus to be corrupted, and justifieth it 
out of approved manuscripts, that not Constantino 
the Great the father, but Constantino the younger. 



' De eedificiis Justiniani. 
pib. V. p. 46. ed. Hceschel. 
1607] 

s ['^Htircp ra Tpo<f>fia K6>v(rray. 
rivot c/trcti/a>y. Upon which 
passage see Usher, ib. 98.] 

t [Evidently an error for Ni- 
cephorus Callistius. See his 
Hist. Eccl. vii. 18. and viii. 2. 



ed. Paris. 1 630^ nothing of the 

kind is to be found in Ore- 

goras, as far as I can discover.] 

^ [Mathes. i. 4. p. 14. ed. 

▼Camden in his letter to 
Lipsius, printed in Usher de 
Eccl. Brit. p. 185=100. [and 
in Camden's Epist. p. 65.] 



CENT. IV. of Britain. 6S 

his son, was intended by Firmicus bom in that a. d. 307. 
place. 

Thus we hope we have cleared the point with 
ingenuous readers in such measure as is consistent 
with the brevity of our history. So that of this 
Constantino (a kind of outward saviour in the world 
to deliver people from persecution) we may say, 
with some allusion to the words of the Prophet ^ 
(but with a humble reservation of the infinite dis- 
tance betwixt the persons,) and thou BErrAiN art 

NOT THE MEANEST AMONG THE KINGDOMS OF EuROPE, 
FOR OUT OF THEE DID COME A GOVERNOR, WHICH DID 

RULE THE Israel of God, giving deliverance and 

PEACE TO THE SAINTS. 

17. Now see what a pinch Verstegan^ (whose Mr. Fox 
teeth are sharpened with the difference of religion) a^joLt the 
gives Mr. Fox : " What is it other than an absurdity y^^^, 
"" for an English author to begin his epistle (to a 
" huge volume '') with Constantino, the great and 
" mighty emperor, the son of Helen, an English 
" woman, &c. Whereas," saith he, " in truth St. 
" Helen, the mother of Constantino, was no English 
** woman, but a British woman.'* And yet Fox his 
words are capable of a candid construction, if by 
English women we imderstand (by a favourable pro- 
lepsis) one bom in that part of Britain which since 
hath been inhabited by the English. Sure in the 
same dialect St. Alban hath often been called the 
first martyr of the English by many writers of good 
esteem. Yea the Breviary of Sarum^ allowed and 

V Micah V. 2. Acts and Monuments. 

V In his Epistle to this na- ^ In officio sancti Albani. 
tion [prefixed to his Resti- [Concerning this office in the 
tution of decayed intelligence]. Breviary, see Usher^ ib. 78.] 

w He meaneth his Books of 



64 The Church History book i. 

A.D.S07. confinned no doubt by the infallible church of Rome, 
greets St. Alban with this salute ; 

Ave, proto-martyr Anglorum, 
Miles regis angelorum, 
O Albane, flos martyrum. 

Sure Helen was as properly an English woman as 
Alban an English man, being both British in the 
rigid letter of history, and yet may be interpreted 
English in the equity thereof. Thus it is vain for 
any to write books, if their words be not taken in 
a courteous latitude, and if the reader meets not his 
author with a pardon of course for venial mistakes, 
especially when his pen slides in so slippery a 
passage. 
Three dtiei ig. And uow haviuff asscrtod Constantino a Briton, 

ocmtendfor 

CaMtan- WO are engaged afresh in a new controversy betwixt 
inUiem. three cities, with equal zeal and probability, chal- 
lenging Constantino to be theirs by birth ; London y, 
York*, and Colchester*. We dare define nothing, 
not so much out of fear to displease, (though he that 
shall gain one of these cities his friend shall make 
the other two his foes by his verdict,) but chiefly 
because little certainty can be pronounced in a 
matter so long since, and little evident. Let me 
refresh myself and the reader with relating and 
applying a pleasant story. Once at the burial of 
St. Teliau, second bishop of Landaif, three places 
did strive to have the interring of his body ; Pen- 



7 William Fiizstephens in ^ Oratores Regis Angliee in 

the description of London^ Concil. Constant. [See Usber, 

p. 708. [published at the end ib. 13, 95.] 

of Stowe's Survey of London, * Camden's Brit, in Essex, 

1633O [p. 3*5-] 



CENT. IV. of Britain. 65 

nalun, where his ancestors were buried, Lan-Teilau- a. d. 307. 
vawr, where he died, and LandafF, his episcopal see. 
Now after prayer to God to appease this contention 
in the place where they had left him, there appeared 
suddenly three hearses, with three bodies so like, 
as no man could discern the right ^: and so every 
one taking one, they were all well pleased. If by 
the like miracle, as there three corpses of Teliau 
encoffined, so here three child-Constantines encradled 
might be represented, the controversy betwixt these 
three cities were easily arbitrated, and all parties 
fully satisfied. But seriously to the matter. That 
which gave occasion to the varieties of their claims 
to Constantine's birth may probably be this, that he 
was bom in one place, nursed in another, and per- 
chance, being young, bred in a third. Thus we see 
our Saviour, though bom in Bethlehem, yet was 
accoimted a Nazarite, of the city of Nazareth, where 
he was brought up : and this general error took so 
deep impression in the people, it could not be re- 
moved out of the minds and mouths of the vulgar. 

19. Constantino being now peaceably settled in a. 0.312. 
the imperial throne, there followed a sudden and prosperity 
general alteration in the world ; persecutors turning the church 
patrons of religion. O the efficacy of a godly eni-^^^?"^ 
peror's example, which did draw many to a consci- 
entious love of Christianity, and did drive more to a 
civil conformity thereunto ! The gospel, formerly a 
forester, now became a citizen; and leaving the 
woods, wherein it wandered, hills and holes, where 
it hid itself before, dwelt quietly in populous places. 
The stumps of ruined churches lately destroyed by 
Diocletian grew up into beautiful buildings; ora- 

^ Godwin, [de PraRsul. p. 592.] 

FULLER, VOL. I. F 



66 



The Church History 



BOOK I. 



A.D.3I2. tories were furnished with pious ministers, and they 
provided of plentiful maintenance, through the libe- 
rality of Constantine. And if it be true what one 
relates, that about this time, when the church began 
to be enriched with means, there came a voice from 
heaven (I dare boldly say he that first wrote it never 
heard it, being a modem author*-') saying, " Now is 
" poison poured down into the church :" yet is there 
no danger of death thereby, seeing lately so strong 
an antidote hath been given against it. Nor do we 
meet with any particular bounty conferred by 
Constantine or Helen his mother on Britain, their 
native country, otherwise than as it shared now in 
the general happiness of all Christendom. The 
reason might be this ; That her devotion most moved 
eastward towards Jerusalem, and he was principally 
employed far off at Constantinople, whither he had 
removed the seat of the empire, for the more conve- 
niency in the midst of his dominions. An empire 
herein unhappy, that as it was too vast for one to 
manage it entirely, so it was too little for two to 
govern it jointly, as in after-ages did appear. 

A.D.313. 20. And now just ten years after the death of 
St. Alban, a stately church was erected there and 
dedicated to his memory; as also the history of 
Winchester reporteth^ that then their church first 



c John Nauclerus president 
of Tubing university, anno 
1 500. [This information Fuller 
has derived from John Bale^ 
(Scriptor. p. 34.), who, as is 
frequently the case with him^ 
has misrepresented the passage. 
The words of Nauclerus are as 
follows : " Quod vero donante 
'* Constantino temporalia ec- 



" clesia: Romanee, vox audita 
" refertur hujusmodi^ hodie 
" veuenum ecclesiee est immis- 
*' sum, non bene quadrat; nam 
" ecclesia temporsdia ante Con- 
'* stantinum." Chronic, ii* 
p. 603. ed. 1564.1 

d [MS. quoted by Usher, 
ib. p. 85. See also Mat. of 
Westminster in an. 3 13.^ 



rKXT. IV. 



of Britaui. 



67 



fouiided by king Lucius, and since destroyed, was a.d. 313, 
built anew, and monks (as they say) placed in it. 
But the most avouchable evidence of Christianity 
flourishing in this island in this age, is produced 
firom the 



Bishops representing Britain in th^e council of 

i. Abjles in France, called to take cognizance of the A.D.314. 
cause of the Donatists ; where appeared for the p«ar^ of 

British theBritiA 

in foreign 

1. Eborius bishop of York*. omndii. 

2. Restitutus bishop of London. 

3. Adelfius bishop of the city called the colony 
of London^, which some count Colchester, 
and others Maldon, in Essex. 

4. Sacerdos a priest, both by his proper \ Both of 
name and office. > the last 

5. Arminius a deacon. J place. 

ii. Nice in Bithynia, summoned to suppress Arianism, a.d. 335. 
and establishing an uniformity of the observation 
of Easter ; to which agreed those of the church 

iii. Sardis inThracia, called by Constantius and Con- a.d. 347. 
stans, sons to Constantino the Great ; where the 
bishops of Britain concurred with the rest to con- 
denm the Arians and acquit Athanasius^. 



« See the several subscrip- 
tions at the end of this council 
in Binnius. [Ck>ncil. i. 1430. 
ed. Labbe 1671.] 

^ [Of this city called Colonia 
Londinensium, and the council 
of Arles^ see Stillingfleet's An- 
tiq. of the British Churches^ 

P- IS-'] 



ST Eusebius de vita Constant, 
iii. 19. 

h Athanasius in the begin- 
ning of his second apology 
against the Arians^ [i. p. 123. 
ed. C698. It is doubtful 
whether the British bishops 
were present at the council of 
Sardis. Athanasius states 

F 2 



68 The Church History book i. 

A. P. 359' iv. Abiminum on the Adriatic sea in Italy, a synod 
convocated by Constantius the emperor^ 

In this last council it is remarkable, that whereas 
the emperor ordered that provisions (and those very 
plentiful) of diet should be bestowed on the bishops 
there assembled, yet those of Aquitan, France, and 
Britain, preferred rather to live on their proper cost, 
than to be a burden to the public treasury^. Only 
three British bishops, necessitated for want of main- 
tenance, received the emperor's allowance : the re- 
fusal of the former, having enough of their own, 
being an act full of praise, as the latter's accepting a 
salary to relieve their want, a deed free from censure. 
Collect we hence, 1. That there were many British 
bishops in this council, though their names and 
number are not particularly recorded. 2. That the 
generality of British bishops had in this age plentiful 
maintenance, who could subsist of themselves so far 
off in a foreign country : whereas lately in the council 
of Trent many Italian bishops, though in a manner 
still at home, could not live without public contri- 
bution. But there was good reason why the British 
were loath to accept the emperor's allowance, 
though otherwise it had been neither manners nor 
discretion for prelates to refuse a prince's proffer, 
because as * Daniel and the children of the captivity 
preferred their pulse before the fare of king Nebu- 

merely that they, in conjunc- conduct of the British bishops 

tion with others, subscribed there present, see Usher's An- 

the decrees in his favour: roU tiq. p. 105, and Stillingfleet, 

T« KpiB^unv vnip rffA&y awty^tj<f>i' ib. p. 1 76.] 

aaPTo. See however Usher, ^ Sulpitius SeveniSj Hist, 
p. 105.] Sacra, [ii. 56.] 



* [Of this council, and the 1 Dan. i. 8. 



CENT. IV. of Britain. 69 

chadnezzar, for fear they should be defiled with his A.D.359. 
(though princely, yet) pagan diet, so these bishops 
did justly suspect, that Constantius the emperor, 
being an Arian, had a design to bribe their judg- 
ments by their palates, and by his bounty to buy 
their suffirages to favour his opinions. In very deed 
this synod is justly taxed, not that it did bend, but 
was bowed to Arianism, and being overborne by the 
emperor, did countenance his poisonous positions™. 

21. Hitherto the church in Britain continued a.d. 360. 

Britain be« 

sound and orthodox, in no degree tainted with ginneth to 
Arianism; which gave the occasion to St. Hilary iUwithAnan- 
his epistle to his brethren and fellow-bishops of""^* 
Germany and Britain, &c., though he himself was in 
Phrygia in banishment, to solace his soul with the 
consideration of the purity and soundness of religion 
in their countries^. But now, alas ! the gangrene 
of that heresy began to spread itself into this island ; 
so that what the Jews of Thessalonica said unjustly 
of St. Paul and his followers, the Britons might too 
truly affirm of Arius and his adherents. These that 
have turned the world upside down are come hither 
also^. Hear how sadly Gildas complaineth ; Mansit 
namque hcec Christi capitis membrorumque conso- 
nantia suavis, donee Arriana perfidia atrox^ ceu an- 
guis transmarina nobis evomens venena, fratres in 
unum hahitantes eantiabiliter faceret sejungi^ &c.p So 
that the words of Athanasius, totv^ mundits Arriani- 
zaty were true also of this peculiar or divided world 
of Britain. Naturalists dispute how wolves had their 

^ Episcopi in Arianum ^ Dedicating unto them his 

dogma fuerant subacti^ oppri- book De Synodis. 
mente Constantio. Facundus, o Acts xvii. 6. 
de tribus Capitulis^ v. [3. p. P [Hist. chap. ix. Bede 

72. ed. 1679.] i. 8.] 

F 3 



70 The Chttrch History book i. 

A. 0.360. first being in Britain ; i(k being improbable that mer- 

chants would bring any such noxious vermin over in 

their ships, and impossible that of themselves they 

should swim over the sea : (which hath prevailed so 

far with some, as to conceive this, now an island, 

originally annexed to the continent :) but here the 

query may be propounded, how these heretics {mys- 

Heal wolves not sparing the flocks) first entered into 

this island. And indeed we meet neither with their 

names, nor manner of transportation hither, but only 

with the cursed fruit of their labours. And it is 

observable, that immediately after that this kingdom 

was infected with Arianism, the pagan Picts and 

Scots out of the north made a general and desperate 

invasion of if. It being just with Grod, when his 

vineyard beginneth to bring forth wild grapes, then 

to let loose the wild boar, to take his full and free 

repast upon it*. 

A. D. 379. 22. In this woeful condition, vain were the com- 

uiurping plaiuts of the oppressed Britons for assistance unto 

expSeA* Gratian and Valentinian the Roman emperors, who, 

out rfj£i- ^^^^^ wsLjs employed, neglected to send them suc- 

**^ cour. This gave occasion to Maximus, a Spaniard 

by birth*, (though accounted bom in this island by 



<i Acts XX. 29. 

T Ammianus Marcellinns in 
the beginning of his twentieth 
book maketh this eruption to 
happen anno 360, which con- 
tinued many years after. [See 
Usher, ib. 306, 307.] 

8 [Of this charge of Arianism 
thus brought against the early 
British church, see Stilling- 
fleet, ib. p. 146. The whole 
imputation rests however upon 



the obscure passage of Oildss 
quoted in the text, which has 
been transcribed by Bede into 
hisEcclesiastical History. Usher 
attribut-es the diffusion of Ari- 
anism into this part of the 
world to Valentinian, who in 
the year 383 declared himself 
a patron of the Arian heresy.] 
t Zosim. Histor. [iv. 35, or 
p. 247. ed. Oxon. 1679.] 



CE»T. IV. of Britain. 71 

Qur homebred authors",) to be chosen emperor of a. 0.382 
the west of Europe by a predominant faction in his 
annj, who for a time valiantly resisted the Scots 
and Picts, which cruelly invaded and infested the 
south of Britain. For these nations were invincible, 
whilst, like two arms of the same body, they assisted 
each other; but when the Picts (the right arm 
bdng most strong and active) suffered themselves 
to be quietly bound up by the peace concluded, the 
Scots ^, as their own authors confess^, were quickly 
conquered and dispersed. But Maximus, whose 
mam design was not to defend Britain from enemies, 
but confirm himself in the empire, sailed over with 
the flower of the British nation into France ; where, 
having conquered the natives in Armorica, he be- 
stowed the whole country upon his soldiers, from 
them named at this day Little Britain^. 

28. But Ireland will noways allow that name unto a. d. 383 

Britain in 

it, pleading itself to be anciently called the Lesser France 
Britain, in authentic authors': and therefore this queil^*^rn< 
FVench Britain must be contented to bear that^^"® 
name, with the difference of the third brother, 
except any will more properly say, that the French 

^ Gildas, [Hist, chap.x. p.4. land^ the cradle of what is 

But it is questionable whether now called Scotland. See 

Gildas means that he was born Usher, ib. 3 1 0.] 

in Britain^ or commenced, as ^ John Fordun, Scoto.Chro- 



reelly the fact, his usurpa- nic. ii. 54. 
tion in this island.] H. Hunt- y [See Gul. Malmesbur. de 

ing. Hist. [i. p. 176 b. ed. gestis Regum, f. 3. ed. 1596.] 
i596.]Oalfnd.Monmouth.[fol. ' Ptolemy calls it luKpa 

37 J and before the three latter, Bptrrapia, ii. 6. p. 31. ed. 

EUielwerdiis^ Chron. i. [p. 474. Grsc. [I cannot find this pas. 

ed. 1596. Of Maximus^ see saee in Ptolemy. Gale has 

Usher, ib. 106.] collected the passages of this 

w [It is certainly more than writer, which relate to England 

probable that the Scots here and Ireland, in his Scriptor. i. 

mentioned were natives of Ire- p. 735 sq.] 

F 4 



72 The Church History book i. 

A.D.383. Britain is the daughter of our Britain, which infimt, 
when she asks her mother blessing, doth not jabber 
so strangely, but that she is perfectly understood by 
her parent. Although one will hardly believe what 
is generally reported, namely, that these French 
Britons were so ambitious to preserve their native 
language, that, marrying French women, they cut 
out their wives' tongues, for fear they should infect 
their children's speech with a mixture of French 
words*. Here the Britons lived, and though they 
had pawned their former wives and children at 
home, they had neither the honesty nor affection to 
return thither to redeem the pledges leff behind 
them. Strange that they should so soon forget their 
native soil ! But as the lodestone, when it is rubbed 
over with the juice of onions, forgetteth its property 
to draw iron any longer, so though we allow an at- 
tractive virtue in one's ovm. country, yet it loseth 
that alluring quality, when the said place of one's 
birth is steeped in a sad and sorrowfiil condition, as 
the state of Britain stood at this present. And 
therefore these travellers, having found a new habi- 
tation nearer the sun, and further from suffering, 
there quietly set up their rest. 
A.D.388. 24. But not long after, Maximus marching to- 
JJ^S'hu wards Italy, was overcome and killed at Aquilegia **. 
J^^ ^ A prince not unworthy of his great name, bad he 
i^y- been lifted up to the throne by a regular election, 
and not tossed up to the same in a tumultuous 

* Heylin's Geogr. in the de- who is generally very accurate 

scription of France^ [p. 93. ed. in his chronology, refers the 

1627. Such is the statement death of Maximus to the year 

of Nenuius^ Hist. Brit. ch. 386, but Fuller follows Usher, 

xxiii.J ib. p. 310.] 

*» [Florence of Worcester, 



CENT. IV. 



of Britain. 



73 



maimer. This makes St. Ambrose^ Gildas, and a.d a^g- 
other authors* violently to inveigh against his me- 
mory, notwithstanding his many most honourable 
achievements. This difference we may observe be- 
twixt bastards and usurpers : the former, if proving 
eminent, are much bemoaned, because merely pas- 
sive in the blemish of their birth ; whilst usurpers, 
though behaving themselves never so gallantly, never 
gain general good-will, because actually evil in their 
original, as it fared with Maximus, who, by good 
using, could never make reparation for his bad 
getting of the empire. Surely Britain had cause to 
curse him for draining it of her men and munition ; 
so leaving it a trunk of a commonwealth, without 
head or hands, wisdom or valour, effectually to ad- 
vise or execute any thing in its own defence®; all 
whose strength consisted in multitudes of people, 



® Orat. de obitu Theodosii. 
[§. 39. II. p. 1209. ed. 1690.] 
^ Sulpitius Severus, Dialog. 
II. 7. 

< [The effect of these am. 
bitious designs of Maximus^ 
and of Constantius, who in the 
year 406 followed the same 
course, is strikingly told by 
William of Malmsbury. ** Maxi- 
mus homo aptus imperio si 
non contra ndem ad tyran. 
*' nidem anhelasset^ quasi ab 
*' exerdtu impulsus purpuram 
" induit, statimque in Galliam 
^ transitum parans, ex pro- 
'* vincia omnem pene militem 
*' abrasit. Constantinus etiam 
quidam non multo post ibi- 
dem spe nominis imperator 
allectus, quicquid residuum 
" erat militaris roboris exhau- 
" sit. Sed alter a Theodosio^ 



€t 



€i 



« 



it 



r« 



€( 



€( 



'* alter ab Honorio interfecti, 
" rebus humanis ludibrio fii- 
*' erunt. Copiarum quae illos 
" ad bellum secutae fuerant, 
" pars occisa^ pars post fugam 
" ad superiores Brittones con- 
cessit. Ita cum tjrranni nul- 
lum in agris pneter semibar- 
" baros, nullum in urbibus 
'* preeter ventrideditos reliquis- 
*' sent, Britannia omni patro- 
'* cinio militaris vigoris vidua- 
" t&, omni artium exercitio ex- 
''inanita, oonterminarum gen- 
'* tium inhiationi diu obnoxia 
" fuit," f. 3. See also Bede 
£ccl. Hist. i. II. The supe- 
riores Britannos are the natives 
of Brittany. For Malmsbury 
uses the term superiores to dis- 
tinguish the natives of the con- 
tinent from this island.] 



74 The Church History book i, 

A.D. 388. where number was not so great a benefit as disorder 
was a burden: which encouraged the Picts (the 
truce expired) to harass all the land with fire and 
sword. The larger prosecution whereof we leave to 
the chronicles of the state, only touching it here by 
way of excuse for the briefness and barrenness of 
our ecclesiastical history, the sadness of the com- 
monwealth being a just plea for the silence of the 
church. 
A.D.390. 25. We conclude this century when we have told 
pilgrimages the reader, that about this time the fathers tell us^ 
tons to Jel ^^^ pilgrimages of the Britons began to be frequent 
JJ^J^f a^ ftiJ 8^ Jerusalem, there not only to visit Christ's 
Keby Kyed gepulchro, but also to behold Simon Stilita a pious 

quietly in ^ ^ '- 

Anfljbwy. man, and Melania a devout woman, both residing in 
Syria, and at this time eminent for sanctity i^. Per- 
chance discontentment mingled with devotion moved 
the Britons to so long a journey, conceiving them- 
selves, because of their present troubles at home, 
more safe any where else than in their own cotmtry. 
As for those Britons who in this age were zealous 
asserters of the purity of religion against the poison 
of Arianism, amongst them we find St. Keby, a prin- 
cipal champion, son to Salomon duke of Cornwall, 
scholar to St. Hilary bishop of Poictiers in France, 
with whom he lived 50 years, and by whom, being 
made bishop, he returned first to St. David's, after- 
wards into Ireland, and at last fixed himself in^the 
isle of Anglesey. So pious a man, that he might 



' Hieronymiis [in Epist. 1033. Bib. Magnse Vet. Pa- 

Paul. et Bust, ad Marcel, torn. trum. ed. de la Bigne, 1654*] 
^« P* '55' «P; 17- ^« Paris. » [See Usher, ib. 109, 408, 

1 609.] Palladius Ghdata, Hist. 411.] 
Lausiac. c. 119. [in t. XIII. 



CXKT. IV. of Britain. 75 

seem to have communicated sanctity to the place, a.d. 390. 
being a promontory into the sea, called from him 
Holyhead ; (but in Welsh Caer-guiby :) as in the same 
island, the memory of his master is preserved in 
Hilary-point; where both shall be remembered, as 
long as there be either waves to assault the shore, or 
rocks to resist them. 



THE FIFTH CENTURY. 




TO THOMAS BIDE OF LONDON, ESQ.' 

Amongst your many good qualities, I have particularly 
observed your Judicious delight in the mathematics. 
Seeing there/ore this century hath so much of the sur- 
veyor therein, being employed in the exact dividing of 
the English shires betwixt the seven Saxon kingdoms, 
the proportions herein are by me submitted to your cen- 
sure and approbation. 

10W the Arian heresy, by God's provi- 
dence and good men's diligence, was in 
some measure suppressed, when the 
unwearied malice of Satan (who never 
leaveth off, though often changeth his 
ways to seduce souls) brought " in a worse, be- 
cause more plausible, heresy of Pelagianismc. For 
every man is bom a Pelagian, naturally proud of 
his power, and needeth little art to teach him to 
think well of himself This Pelagius was a Biiton 
by birth, (as we take no delight to confess it, so 
we will tell no lie to deny it,) as some say called 
Mo^gan^ that is in Welsh, " near the sea," (and well 
had it been for the Christian world if he had been 
nearer the sea, and served therein as the Egyptians 
served the Hebrew males,) being to the same sense 

' [Arms. Or, on a pile en- *< Usber, de Brit. Ecc. Prim, 

grailed, az. three anchorB of p. 107=111. et Hen. Spel- 

the field. B.] man in Concil. 1. 46. [Wilkina' 

« [Bede E. H. i. 1 o.] Condi. IV. 7 1 a.] 



CENT. V. The Church History of Britain, Tt 

called in Latin Pelagius. Let no foreigner insult on a. P. 401. 
the infelicity of our land in bearing this monster ; 
but consider first, if his excellent natural parts, and 
eminent acquired learning might be separated from 
his dangerous doctrine, no nation need be ashamed 
to acknowledge him. Secondly, Britain did but 
breed Pelagius, Pelagius himself bred his heresy, and 
in foreign parts where he travelled. Prance, Syria, 
Egypt, Rome itself, if not first invented, much im- 
proved his pestilent opinions. Lastly, as our island 
is to be pitied for breeding the person, so she is to be 
praised for opposing the errors of Pelagius. Thus the 
best father cannot forbid the worst son from being 
his child, but may debar him from being his heir, 
affording no favour to countenance his badness. 

2. It is memorable what one relates*, that the Pehghi* no 
same day whereon Pelagius was bom in Britain, Cambridge, 
St. Augustine was also bom in Afric; divine pro- J^bJJ^^. 
vidence so disposing it, that the poison and the anti- 
dote should be twins in a manner, in respect of the 
same time. To pass from the birth to the breeding 
of Pelagius ; John Cajus^ who observes eight solemn 
destructions of Cambridge before the conquest, im- 
puteth that which was the third in order to Pela- 
gius; who being a student there, and having his 
doctrine opposed by the orthodox divines, cruelly 
caused the overthrow and desolation of all the uni- 
versity. But we hope it will be accounted no point 
of Pelagianism for us thus far to improve oiur free- 
will, as to refuse to give credit hereunto till better 
authority be produced. And yet this sounds much 
to the commendation of Cambridge, that, like a pure 

^ Dempster, Hist. Scot. 1. xv. §.1012. ^ Hist. Cantab, p. 38. 



78 The Church History book f • 

A.D.401. crystal glass, it would prefer rather to fly a pieces 
and be dissolved, than to endure poison put into it, 
according to the character which John Lidgate, a 
wit of those times, gave of the university : 

Of heresy Cambridge bare never blamed 

More true it is that Pelagius was bred in the mo- 
nastery of Banchor, in that part of Flintshire which 
at this day is a separatist from the rest, where he 
lived with two thousand monks, industrious in their 
callings, whose hands were the only benefactors for 
their bellies; abbey labourers, not abbey lubbers, 
like their successors in after-ages, who, living in 
laziness, abused the bounty of their patrons to riot 
and excess. 

The prin- 3. Infinite are the deductions and derived conse- 

ofPcfa^. quences of Pelagius his errors. 
These are the main : 

1. That a man might be saved without God's grace 
by his own merits and freewill, 

2. That infants were bom without original sin, 
and were as innocent as Adam before his Ml. 

3. That they were baptized not to be freed from 
sin, but thereby to be adopted into the kingdom of 
God. 

4. That Adam died not by reason of his sin, but 
by the condition of nature ; and that he should have 
died albeit he had not sinned. 

Here to recount the learned works of fathers 
written, their pious sermons preached, passionate 
epistles sent, private conferences entertained, public 
disputations held, provincial sjmods summoned, 

1 In his poeui of Cambridge^ [quoted in Twyne's Antiq. Acad. 
Oxon. p. 14.] 



cnrr. v. 



of Britain. 



79 



general councils called, wholesome canons made to A.D.401. 
eonfiite and condemn these opinions, under the 
'name of Pelagius, or his scholar Coelestius, would 
amount to a Tolume fitter for a porter's back to bear, 
than a scholar's brains to peruse. I decline the em- 
ployment, both as over painful, and nothing proper 
to our business in hand, fearing to cut my fingers if 
I put my sickle into other men's com, these things 
being transacted beyond the seas, and not belonging 
to the British history. The rather, because it cannot 
be proved that Pelagius in person ever dispersed his 
poison in this island, but ranging abroad, (perchance 
because this &lse prophet counted himself without 
honour in his own country^) had his emissaries here, 
and principally Agricola, the son of Severian a 
bishop™. 

4. It is incredible how speedily and generally the j^ ^•, **?• 

French bi" 

infection spread by his preaching, advantaged no shops lent 
doubt by the ignorance and laziness of the British pms pX- 
bishops in those days, none of the deepest divines or§J^^™ 



" Bede E. H. i. 1 7. [Pelagius 
first endeavoured to pave the 
way for his heresy in his letter to 
Paulinus bishop of Nola in the 
year 405. (Usher, ib. p. 1 11.) 
i'elagius was dead by the year 
430 (Id. p. 166.), but his he- 
resy was promoted, especially 
in the west, by his disciples 
Ccelestius and Julianus, and in 
this island by Agricola (Bede, 
£ccl. Hist. i. 17.) The disse- 
mination of these errors by 
Agricola is referred by Flo- 
rence of Worcester to the year 
429, in which year he also 
places the mission of Germanus 
and Lupus, and their successful 



efforts in restoring this island 
to its orthodox and primitive 
faith. From the words of 
Bede, Hist. Eccl. i. 17, it 
clearly appears that the Pela- 
gian heresy was checked in its 
early stage in this island, which 
renders the account of the 
rapid success of Germanus and 
Lnpus the more probable, 
though scarcely consistent with 
the expression of some writers, 
who have represented it as if 
the whole island had been in- 
fected by Pelagianism. See 
those quoted by Usher, ib. 
172.J 



80 The Church History book i. 

A.D.410. most learned clerks, as having little care, and less 
comfort to study, living in a distracted state ; and 
those that feel practical discords will have little joy ' 
to busy themselves with controversial dignity. How- 
ever, herein their discretion is to be conmiended, 
that finding their own forces too feeble to encounter 
so great a foe, they craved the assistance of foreigners 
out of France, and sent for Germane, bishop of 
Auxerre, and Lupus, bishop of Troyes, not being of 
their envious and proud disposition, who had rather 
suffer a good cause to fall, than to borrow supporters 
to hold it up, lest thereby they disgrace themselves, 
confessing their own insuflSciency, and preferring the 
ability of others. The two bishops cheerfully em- 
braced the emplojrment, and undertook the journey, 
no whit discouraged with the length of the way, 
danger of the sea, and badness of the winter ; seeing 
all weather is fair to a willing mind, and opportu- 
nity to do good is the greatest preferment which a 
humble heart doth desire. This Lupus was brother 
to Vincentius Lirinensis", husband to Pimeniola, 
the sister of Hilary, archbishop of Aries®; one of 
such learning and sanctity, that a grave author of 
those times styleth him a father of fathers, and 
bishop of bishops, yea, another James of that age p. 
And yet in this employment he was but a second to 
Germane the principal ; and both of them, like Paul 
and Barnabas, jointly advanced the design *>. 



° Eucherius de laude Eremi ed. Sirmondi 1652.] 

ad Hilarium, [§ 42. T. vi. 866. M [They were sent over by 

Bib. Max. Patr. Lugd. 1677.] pope Celestine at the instiga- 

o Usher de Brit. Eccl. Pri- tion of Palladius Diaconus. 

mord. p. 325= 175. Flor. Wigorn. ib.] 

P Sidonius [vi. ep. i. p. 155. 



CSHT. V. of Britain. 81 

5. Coming into Britain, with their constant labours A.D. 499 
they confirmed the orthodox, and reclaimed the erro- Oermanui 
neous, preaching openly in fields and highways', comfi orer 
As the king's presence makes a court, so theirs did ^ BnSn 
a church, of any place; their congregation being 
bounded with no other walls than the preacher's 
voice, and extending as far as he could intelligibly • 

be heard. As for their formal disputation with the 
Pelagian doctors, take it from the pen of Bede and 
mouth of Stapleton translating him*. 

6. ** The authoui's and head professours of hereticall Their dis- 

, putation 

•* errour lay lurking all this while, and like the wicked with the 
•* sprites, much spighted to see the people daily to fall dwtlS^* 
** from them. At length, after long advisement 
** used, they taketh upon them to try the matter by 
** open disputation ; which being agreed upon, they 
** come forth richly appointed, gorgiously apparaled, 
** accompanied with a number of flattering favours, 
** having leifer* to commit their cause to open dis- 
** puting, then to seem to the people, whom they 
** had subverted, to have nothing to say in defence 
** thereof. Thether resorted a great multitude of 
** people with their wives and childeren. The people 
was present both to see and judge the matter : the 
parties there were farre unleke of condition. In the 
** one side was the Faith, on the other man's Pre- 
** sumption ; on the one side Meeknesse, on the other 
" Pride ; on the one side Pelagius, on the other 
" Christ. First of all the blessed priest Germanus 



*■ Per trivia, per rura, [per of Stapleton's words, take it 

devia.] [Bede, E. H. ib.] with all the printer's faults, 

* [Stapleton*8 Trandation done probably by an outlandish 

of Bede, p. 25, b. ed. 1565.] press. 

^ Not presuming to alter any 

FULLER, VOL. I. G 









it 



SSt The Church History book i. 

A.D»4a9- ** and Lupus gave their adversaries leave to speak, 

" which vainly occupied both the time and eares of 

the people with naked words. But after the 

reverend Bishops poored out their flowing words, 

confirmed with scriptures out of the Gospels and 

" Apostles, they joyned with their own words the 

words of God ; and after they had said their own 

mind, they read other men's minds upon the same. 

" Thus the vanite of hereticks is convicted, and false- 

" hed is confuted ; so that at every objection they 

" were forced in effect to confesse their errour, not 

" being able to answerc them. The people had 

" much to do to keep their hands from them, yet 

** shewed their judgement by their clamours." 

Many re- 7- A Conference every way admirable. First, in 

inthudit- the Opponents, who came forth gallantly, as ante- 

imtation. jg^^jjjg ^.j^^ couqucst, and bringing the spoils of their 

victory with them. But gay clothes are no armour 
for a combat. Secondly, in the defendants of the 
truth, appealing to no unwritten traditions, but to 
the scriptures of the Gospels and Apostles ; because 
the point of grace controverted appeared most 
plainly in the New Testament. Thirdly, in the 
auditors, or, as they are called, the judges, men, 
women, and children. Wonder not at this feminine 
auditory, seeing they were as capable of the antidote 
as of the poison : and no doubt the Pelagians had 
formerly (as other heretics) ci'ept into hotises to se- 
duce silly women\ and therefore now the plaster must 
be as broad as the sore. As for children, we know 
who it was that said, Suffer little children to come 
unto me^ and forbid them not, &c." But here, 

* 2 Tim. iii. 6. 

« Matt. xix. 14. In Latin, not pucri, but liberi. 



CKKT. V. of Britain. 88 

though called children in relation to their parents, A.D.435 
they might be in good age and capacity of under- 
standing ; or if they were little ones indeed, flocking 
out of fashion in a general concourse to see these 
men speak divine mysteries, they could not here- 
after, when grown old, date their remembrance from 
a more remarkable epoch. See we here that in these 
times the laity were so well acquainted with God's 
word, that they could competently judge what was 
or was not spoken in proportion thereunto. Lastly 
and chiefly, in the success of this conference. For 
though generally such public disputations do make 
more noise than take effect, (because the obstinate 
maintainers of error come with their tongues tipt 
with clamorousness, as their proselyte auditors do 
with ears stopped with prejudice,) yet this meeting, 
by Grod's blessing, was marvellously powerful to 
establish and convert the people. But here a main 
difiiculty is by authors left wholly untouched, namely, 
in what language this conference was entertained 
and managed, that Germanus and Lupus, two French 
bishops, and foreigners, could both speak with fluent- 
n^s, and be understood with facility. Perchance 
the ancient Grauls in France, whence these bishops 
came, spake still (as they did anciently) one and the 
selfsame tongue with the Britons, differing rather in 
dialect than language^; or, which is more probable, 
both France and Britain, remaining as yet Roman 
provinces, spake a coarse vulgar Latin, though 
invaded with a mixture of many base words, as 

▼ [That sacli was the fact, at to this island, would scarcely 

all events in the Saxon times, have taken his interpreters 

is plain ; for otherwise St. Au- from France. See Bede, £. H. 

gustine, when on his mission i. 25.] 

G 2 



84 The Church History book i. 

A. D. 439. Britain especially, now or near this time, was infested 

with foreign barbarous nations. 
St. Aiban'8 8. This Conference was held at St. Alban's, even 
the a>n- ^ where at this day a small chapel is extant to the 
erenoe. Jiq^qu^ Qf g^ German, though Hector Boethius'' 

assigns London the place; adding moreover, that 
such obstinate Pelagians as would not be reclaimed, 
were, for their conttmiacy, burnt by the king's 
officers. But it will be hard to find any spark of 
fire in Britain or elsewhere, employed on heretics in 
this age. We may observe, that the aforesaid Hector 
Boethius and Polydore Virgil, (writing the chronicles, 
the one of Scotland, the other of England, at the 
same time,) as they bear the poetical names of two 
sons of Priamus, so they take to themselves much 
liberty of fancy and fiction in their several histories. 
Gennanui 9. Not loug after, the aid of Germanus and Lupus 
against the was implored, and employed an hundred miles off in 
and^&uLoua! another service, against the pagan Picts and Saxons. 
Here we meet with the first mention of Saxons, 
being some straggling volunteers of that nation, 
coming over to pillage here of their own accord, not 
many years before they were solemnly invited hither 
under Horsus and Hengistus, their generals. Ger- 
manus, after the Lent well spent, in the fasting of 
their bodies and feasting of their souls, (for the 
people had daily sermons*,) and the solemnity of 
Easter festival duly celebrated, wherein he christened 
multitudes of pagan converts in the river Aleny, 
marched with an army of them, whilst their bap- 
tismal water was scarce wiped from their bodies. 



^ Scot. Hi8t. lib. viii. [p. X Bede, E. H. i. 20. 
I45» b] y [In Flintshire.] 



CENT. V. 



of Britain. 



85 



against the aforesaid enemies, whom he fomid in the A.D.439. 
north-east of Wales. Here the pious bishop, turning 
politic engineer, chose a place of advantage, being a 
hollow dale surrounded with hills, near the village 
called at this day by the English Mold, by the 
British Guid-cruc, in Flintshire, where the field at 
this day retains the name of Maes Garmony, or 
Grerman's Field; the more remarkable, because it 
hath escaped (as few of this note and nature) the 
exact observation of master Camden*. 

10. Here Germanus placed his men in ambush, a victory 
with instructions, that at a signal given they should ^r^, 
all shout Hallelujah three times with all their might, \^^ * *^*" 
which was done accordingly. The pagans were sur- 
prised with the suddenness and loudness of such a 
sound, much multiplied by the advantage of the 



ing. 



y Usher de Brit. Ecc. Pri- 
mord. p. 333=179. 

« [From the absence of au- 
thentic materials, this portion 
of British history is involved 
in hopeless confusion. Nen- 
niofl, one of the principal au- 
thorities, (for Bede has given 
only a cursory account of the 
period,) is so completely cor- 
rupted and interpolated^ his 
chronology so confused, as to 
defy all attempts at arrange- 
ment, and fiirnish no clue for 
reducing the contradictory 
statements of our chroniclers 
into harmony and consistency. 
By Nennius the reign of Vor- 
tigem is placed about the year 
440 (Hist. Brit, xxriii.), the 
reception of Hengist and Horsa 
in 447, and the mission of 
€rermanus about the same pe- 
riod. But according to Bede, 
the mission of Germanus took 



place some years before the 
arrival of the Saxons, (Eccl. 
Hist. i. 17.), probably in 429 
(see Flor. Wigorn. in 429,) 
and the arrival of the Saxons 
in 450 (Eccl. Hist. i. 15. Flor. 
Wigorn. in 450) ; and yet Bede 
speaks of the defeat of the 
combined forces (Saxones Pic- 
tique — junctis viribus) of the 
Picts and the Saxons by Ger- 
manus in this first mission, and 
not as if these Saxons were, as 
Fuller has represented, " some 
" straggling volunteers." The 
authority of later chroniclers 
upon this topic is of little 
value, their narratives though 
sometimes woven together with 
much seeming consistency, 
(such as Matthew of West- 
minster,) having been derived 
from the legendary tales of 
Geoffry of Monmouth.] 

G 3 



86 The Church History book i. 

A.D.429- echo, whereby their fear brought in a false list of 
their enemies' number ; and rather trusting their ears 
than their eyes, they reckoned their foes by the 
increase of the noise rebounded unto them; and then 
allowing two hands for every mouth, how vast was 
their army ! But besides the concavity of the valleys 
improving the sound, God sent a hollowness into the 
hearts of the pagans, so that their apprehensions 
added to their ears, and cowardice often resounded 
the same shout in their breasts, till beaten with the 
reverberation thereof, without striking a stroke, they 
confusedly ran away, and many were drowned for 
speed in the river Alen, lately the Christians' font, 
now the pagans' grave. Thus a bloodless victory 
was gotten, without sword drawn, consisting of no 
fight, but a fright and a flight ; and that hallelujah, 
the song of the saints after conquest achieved*, was 
here the forerunner and procurer of victory. So 
good a grace it is to be said both before and after a 
battle. Gregory the Great (a grave author) in his 
Conmient upon Job^ makes mention of this victory, 
occasioned on those words. Can any understand the 
noise of his tabernacle? 
A.D. 4.;o. 11. Germanus, now twice a conqueror, of Pelagians 
ill Hert- and pagans, prepares for his return, after first he had 
Cc?(^e!' caused the tomb of St. Alban to be opened, and 
OMii'^re- therein deposited the relics of many saints which he 
tend to the brought ovcr with him, conceiving it fit (as he said) 
of St. Ai- that their corpses should sleep in the same grave, 
whose souls rested in the same heaven^. In lieu of 
what he left behind him, exchange is no robbery, 

a Rev. xix. I. Gregory quoted by Usher, 

^ Chap, xxxvi. 29, 30. 179.] 
[See the other passages of St. c [Bedc, E. H. i. 18.] 



CENT. V. of Britain, 87 

he carried along with him some of St. Alban's dust, a. 0.430- 
wherein spots of the martyr's blood were as fair and 
fresh as if shed but yesterday**. But what most 
concerns St. Alban's monks to stickle in, some 
report German to have carried the body of Alban to 
Rome, whence some hundred years after, the em- 
press to Otho the Second brought it to Cologne, 
where, at this day, they maintain his uncorrupted 
body to be enshrined®; the monks of Ely in Cam- 
bridgeshire pretending to the same, as also do those 
of Ottonium or Osell in Denmark. Thus, as Mettus 
Fuflfetius the Roman was drawn alive by horses four 
ways, like violence is offered to the dead body of 
Alban, plucked to four several places by importunate 
competitors ; only with this difference, that the 
former was mangled into quarters, whereas here each 
place pretends to have him whole and entire, not 
abating one hair of his beard ^: nor know I how to 
reconcile them, except any of them dare say, though 
without show of probability, that as the river in 
Paradise went out of Eden, from whence it was 
parted^ and became into four heads^^ Alban in like 
manner, when dead, had the same quality, of one to 
be multiplied into four bodies. 

12. Now after Germanus and Lupus were returned After the 
home into their native country, Pelagianism began to of Germa- 
sprout again in Britain^. An accident not so strange ^"nifm^ 
to him that considers how quickly an error much of ^j^^"* 
kin thereunto grew up amongst the Galatians pre- 

^ [See the authorities quoted [Surius, ib.] 

in Usher, 176.] e Gen. ii. 10. 

« Surius, vita Sanct. Junii ^ [Bede, Eccl. Hist. i. 21. 

22. [T. iii. 233. ed. 1581.] Usher, ib. 204.] 

^ *' Caput enim cum barba," 

G 4 



88 The Church History book l 

A.D.430. sently on Paul's departure. / marvel (said he) that 
ye are so soon removed from him that called you 
into the grace of Christ unto another gospelK St. 
Paul's marvelling may make us marvel the less, 
seeing that wonder which hath a precedent is not so 
great a wonder. Here we may sadly behold the 
great proneness of men to go astray, whose hearts by 
nature cold in goodness, will bum no longer than 

A.D.449. they are blown. To suppress this heresy, Germanus 
is solicited to make a second voyage into Britain, 
which he did accordingly, accompanied with his 
partner Severus, because Lupus his former com- 
panion was otherwise employed. Hereupon a prime 
poet^ of his age makes this apostrophe unto St. 
German : 

Tuque O, cui toto discretos orbe Britannos 
Bis penctrare datum, bis intima cernere magni 
Monstra maris : 

O thou that twice pierced Britain, cut asunder 
From the whole world, twice didst survey the wonder 
Of monstrous seas. 

The same success still followed, and this conqueror, 
who formerly had broken and scattered the main 
body of the Pelagians, now routed the renmant, 
which began to rally and make head again I 
Pelagian- 13. He also Called a synod, wherein those damn- 

iam and 

kingVor- able doctrfues were condemned"^; as also the in- 
oStaoiia*"" cestuous marriage of Vortigem king of Britain, (a 
©raSOTned kicked prfuce, in whom all the dregs of his vicious 
in a synod, ancostors Were settled,) who had took his own 

> Gal. i. 6. p. 243. ed. BoUand.] 
^ Ericus Antissiodorensis in ^ Bede, E. H. i. ai. 

vita S. German], [iv. 3. §. i iS. ^ Mat. West, in anno 449. 

Acta SS. die 21 Julii^ T. vii. 



CENT. V. 



of Britain. 



89 



daughter to wife". And yet of this unlawful copu- a. p. 449' 
lation a pious son, St. Faustus, was bom ; to shew 
that no crossbar of bastardy, though doubled with 
incest, can bolt grace out of that heart wherein God 
will have it to enter. Germanus having settled 
Britain in good order, went back to his own country, 
where presently upon his return he died, as God 
useth to send his servants to bed when they have 
done all their work : and by God's blessing on his 
endeavours, that heresy was so cut down in Britain, 
that it never generally grew up again ®. 

14. Meantime the south of this island was in a in vain the 
woeful condition, caused by the daily incursions of tiS)n'u)Se 
the Picts. As for the Picts' wall built to restrain ^*^^^- 
them, it beinff a better limit than fortification, served ^leip against 

' ° ' the Picts. 

rather to define than defend the Roman empire; 
and useless is the strongest wall of stone when it 
hath stocks only upon it : such was the sottish lazi- 
ness of the Britons to man it, a nation at this time 



o Nennius, c. [xxxviii. Gil- 
das, p. II. Usher, ib. 206.] 

o [St. Germanus died at Ra- 
venna, on a mission to Aetius in 
behalf of the people of Brittany 
(Bede, E. H.i. 21.) It appears 
that he did not leave this island 
till the latter years of his life. 
There are two calculations re- 
specting the date of his arrival 
and stay in the island; the 
first by Prosper, from the year 
429 to 435 ; the other, accord- 
ing to Constantius, who is foL 
lowed by Bede, from the year 
446 to 453. Both are how- 
ever involved in inextricable 
difficulties. See Smith's Bede, 
i. 22. n. 

Bede's narrative of the mis- 
sion and life of Germanus is 



taken verbally from a life of 
that saint written by Constan- 
tius, a presbyter of Lyons, who 
flourished about the year 480. 
See the Acta Sanctorum, and 
Surius, Act. SS. ad diem Julii 
3 1 . Another life of Germanus, 
written in verse by Venantius 
Fortunatus, bishop of Poictiers, 
who flourished about the year 
560, has been published, by 
Mabillon in the Acta SS. Be- 
ned. Saec. i. p. 319, and in the 
Acta SS. T. vi. Maii 27. p. 778, 
and in Surius for the same 
day. It is not a little strange 
that so judicious a writer as 
Malmsbury should have omit- 
ted all notice whatever of Ger- 
manus and Lupus.] 



90 Tlie Church History book i. 

A.D. 449- given over to all manner of sin, insomuch as Gildas 
their countryman calls them cetatis atramentum^ ^ the 
" ink of the age p." And though God did daily cor- 
rect them with inroads of pagans, yet, like restive 
horses, they went the worse for beating. And now 
the land being exhausted of the flower of her chi- 
valry, (transported and disposed in Roman garrisons 
as £ur as Judaea and Egypt itself^,) could not make 
good her ground against the Picts, and was fain to 
request first Theodosius the younger, then Valen- 
tinian, the third Roman emperor, (whose homagers 
the British kings were until this time,) for their 
assistance. They dispatch petition after petition, 
embassy on embassy, representing their woeful estate. 
Now the barbarians beat them to the sea, the sea 
repelled them to the barbarians ; and thus bandied 
betwixt death and death, they must either be killed 
or drowned. They enforced their request for aid 
with much earnestness and importunity ; all in vain, 
seeing whisperings and hoUowings are alike to a deaf 
ear, and no answer was returned. Had they been as 
careful in bemoaning their sins to God, as clamorous 
to declare their sufferings to the Roman emperor, 
their requests in heaven had been as graciously 
received, as their petitions on earth were carelessly 
rejected ^ 

P In prologo libri de Excid. ter occasion, after driving the 

Brit. [p. 5. ed. G^e.] Picts out of the kingdom, the 

<l See Notitia Provinciarum, Romans built for them a turf 

[fol. Basil. 1553.] wall (probably similar to that 

' [Their first embassy to which the Romans used for 

Theodosius was probably in fortifying their camps) from 

422, and to Valentinian in Sol way Firth to the mouth of 

446. See Usher, ib. 313 sq. the Tyne, in the place where 

Flor. Wigorn. an. 446. At the ancient wall of Severus 

both applications the Britons stood. This proved ineffec- 

received assistance ; on the lat- tual ; assistance was again de« 



CEirr. ▼. 



of Britain. 



91 



15. What might be the cause of this neglect? A.D.4 
Had the imperial crown so many flowers that itTro«w 

Mms wh 

might afford to scatter some of them? Was Britain the Ron 
grown inconsiderable, formerly worth the conquering, send ai^ 
not now worth the keeping? or was it because they'^®®"* 
conceived the Britons need not so much as was 
pretended ; and aid is an alms ill-bestowed on those 
beggars who are lame of laziness, and will not work 
for their living? Or was the service accounted despe- 
rate ; and no wise physician will willingly undertake 
a disease which he conceives incurable. The plain 
truth is, the Roman empire, now grown ruinous, 
could not repair its out-rooms, and was fein to let 
them fall down to maintain the rest ; and like 
fencers, receiving a blow on their leg to save their 
head, exposed the remote countries of Spain, France, 
and Britain, to the spoil of pagans, to secure the 
eastern countries near Constantinople, the seat of the 
empire. 

16. Here Vortigem, forsaken of God and man, The sac 
and left to himself, (malice could not wish him ath^^ 
worse adviser,) resolves on a desperate project, to call^^*^ 
in the pa^ran Saxons out of Germany for his assist- ^"^.^ 
ance, under Horsus and Hengistus their captains •.Britain 
Over they come at first but in three great ships, (a 
small earnest will serve to bind a great bargain,) first 
possessing the island of Thanet in Kent ; but following 



inanded from the Romans with 
the same success : in the place 
of the old one, a new wall was 
built of solid stone, flanked 
with fortifications which were 
continued towards the south, 
with towers at intervals, for 
better defence and security. 



'* Sicque valedixerunt Britan* 
" nis Romani tanquam ultra 
*' non reversuri." See Bede, 
Hist. Eccl. i. 12. Flor. Wi- 
gorn. ib.] 

8 [See Nennius, c. xxxv. sq. 
Bede, E. H. i. 15. Usher, ib. 
206-208, 216-221, 230.] 



9S The Church Hutmy book t. 

A.P. 449' afterwards in such swarms, that quickly they grew 
formidable to him that invited them over, of guests 
turning sojourners, then inmates, and lastly land- 
lords, till they had dispossessed the Britons of the 
best of the island: the entertaining of mercenary 
soldiers being like the administering of quicksilver 
to one in ilidca passioy a receipt not so properly pre- 
scribed by the physician to the patient, as by neces- 
sity to the physician. If hired aid do on a sudden 
the work they are sent for, and so have a present 
passage to be discharged, sovereign use maybe made- 
of them : otherwise, if long tarrying, they will eat 
the entrails, and corrode the bowels of that state 
which entertains them, as here it came to pass. 
There- 17. For soou after the Saxons erected seven king- 

bouncUof doms in Britain: and because their several limits 
SptordSy. ^^^^^^c® much to the clear understanding of the fol- 
lowing history, and we for the present are well at 
leisure, we will present the reader with the de- 
scription of their several principalities. The partition 
was made by mutual consent, thus far forth, that 
every king caught what he could, and kept what he 
caught ; and there being amongst them a parity of 
high-spirited princes, who more prized an absolute 
sovereignty over a little than a propriety with sub- 
jection in never so much, they erected seven several 
kingdoms in little more than but the third part of 
this island ; a thing which will seem no wonder to 
him who hath read how the little land of Canaan^ 
found room at the same time for one and thirty 
kings. But let us reckon them up. 

i. The first was the kingdom of Kent, which 

^ Joshua xii. 24. 



CSVT. V. 



of Britain. 



9S 



began anno 457, under king Hengisfi. It contained a.d. 
the county of Kent, as it is at this day bounded, 
without any notable difference. And though this 
kingdom was the least of all, as consisting but of one 
entire county without any other addition, yet was it 
much befriended in the situation for traffick with 
France an^ Germany. Besides, it being secured on 
three sides with Thames and the sea, and fenced on 
the fourth with woods, this made their kings (natu- 
rally defended at home) more considerable in their 
impressions on their neighbours. 

ii. Of the South-Saxons, comprising Sussex and 
Surrey, both which, till very lately, were under one 
sheriff. And this kingdom began anno 491 ^ under 
king -^le, and was the weakest of all the seven, 
affording few kings, and fewer actions of moment. 

iii. Of the East-Saxons, comprehending Essex, 
Middlesex, and so much of Hertfordshire as is under 
the bishop of London's jurisdiction, whose diocese is 
adequate to this kingdom. A small ring, if we 
survey the little circuit of ground ; but it had a fair 
diamond in it, the city of London, though then but 
a striphng in growth, well thriving in wealth and 
greatness. This kingdom began in Erchenwin about 
the year 527 ''. 



^ [The Saxon Chronicle, and 
Florence of Worcester both in 
the body of his history and in 
the appendix, (expressly de- 
voted to the rise and limits of 
these kingdonis)> date the com- 
mencement of the reign of 
Hengist in the year 455. From 
both historians, however, it is 
evident that the Britons were 
not entirely expelled from 
Kent till 457. This kingdom 



included also the Isle of Wight 
and the coast opposite.] 

^ [In 477. According to the 
Saxon Chronicle, Florence of 
Worcester, and Henry of 
Huntingdon, (f. 179.) the Bri- 
tons were completely extirpated 
from this kingdom at the siege 
of Andredes-cester (Peven- 
sey?) in 491.] 

^ [See Mat. of Westm. a. 5 2 7 . 
Hen. of Huntingdon, f. 180.] 



94 



The Church History 



BOOK I. 



A.D>449- iv. Of the East-Angles, contaming Norfolk, Suf- 
folk, Cambridgeshire, with the isle of Ely, and (as it 
seems, saith a reverend writer*) part of Bedford- 
shire. It began anno 575 y, under king Uffa, and 
lay most exposed to the cruelty of the Danish 
incursions. 

V. Of Mercia, so called because it lay in the midst 
of the island, being the merches or limits on which 
all the residue of the kingdoms did bound and 
border". It began anno 582% under king Crida, 
and contained the w^hole counties of Lincoln, North- 
ampton, (with Rutland, then and long since part 
thereof,) Huntingdon, Buckingham, Oxford, Wor- 
cester, Warwick, Derby, Nottingham, Leicester, 
Stafford, and Chester ; besides part of Hereford and 



X Usher de Brit. Ecc. Pri- 
mord. p. 394=210. 

y [This date is far too low. 
It is evident from Florence of 
Worcester, (p. 569,) and Wil- 
liam of Malmsbury, (f.14,) that 
the kingdom of the East- An- 
gles was prior to that of the 
West- Saxons. Indeed from 
their language it may fairly be 
concluded to be next in anti- 
quity to that of Kent. The 
opinion therefore of Ranulph 
Hygden (though a writer of no 
great judgment) is probably 
correct, that it commenced in 
492 under king Ufia. This is 
more probable from a fact 
stated by the same writer, and 
confirmed by Bede, that the 
East-Angles were originally 
called UffingdB. Bede, Eccl. 
Hist. ii. 15. R. Hygden p. 224. 
ed. Gale. See also Mat.Westm. 
p. 196, 197. 

Of the precise date of the 



kingdom of the East- Saxons, 
neither Florence of Worcester 
nor Malmsbury have spoken 
positively ; they state that it 
was founded at the same time 
as that of the East-Angles. 
Perhaps somewhat later. Ful- 
ler probably derived this date 
from Henry of Huntingdon, 
who seems to place the com- 
mencement of the kingdom of 
the East- Saxons in the ninth 
year of Cerdic, king of Wessex, 
which would make the date 
527. See Huntingd. f. 180.] 

< Lambarde's Descript. of 
Kent, [p. 5. ed. 1596. The 
name was derived, according 
to Lambard, from the Saxon 
word mearc, signifying a bound 
or limit.] 

A [In 585 according to Mat. 
of Westminster. None of the 
earlier writers speak positively 
as to the date. See Huntingd. 
f. 181.3 



CENT. V. 



of Britain, 



96 



Salop, (the remnant whereof was possessed by the a.d. ^ 
Welsh,) Gloucester, Bedford, and Lancaster. In 
view it was the greatest of all the seven: but it 
abated the puissance thereof, because on the west it 
affironted the Britons, being deadly enemies; and 
bordering on so many kingdoms, the Mercians had 
work enough at home to shut their own doors**. 

vi. Of Northumberland, corrival with Mercia in 
greatness, though far inferior in populousness, as to 
which belonged whatsoever lieth betwixt Himiber 
and Edinborough-Frith. It was subdivided some- 
times into two kingdoms, of Bemicia and Deira. 
The latter consisted of the remainder of Lancashire, 
with the entire counties of York, Durham, West- 
moreland, and Cumberland. Bemicia contained 
Northumberland, veith the south of Scotland to 
Edinborough. But this division lasted not long, 
before both were imited together. It began anno 
547, imder king Ida^. 

vii. Of the West-Saxons, who possessed Hamp- 
shire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, Dorset, and 
Devonshire ; part of Cornwall, and Gloucestershire : 
yea, some assign a moiety of Surrey imto them. 
This kingdom began anno 519 ^ under king Cerdicus, 



1> [Lambardc^ ib. Under 
Mercia was included the terri- 
tory or kingdom of the Middel- 
AngU, of which frequent men*- 
tion occurs in Bede and the 
Saxon Chronicle. It was ap- 

Sarently governed by a viceroy 
ependant on the kingdom of 
Mercia.] 

^ [Saxon Chron. and Flor. 
Wigorn. in a. 547. Previous 
to &e time of Idiia, Northum- 



berland was governed by dukes, 
who were subject to the kings 
of Kent ; for when Hengist 
was^confirmed in Kent, he sent 
Otha and Ebusa to subjugate 
the northern parts of the island. 
Malms. De gestis R^um^ f. 8.] 
d [In the Saxon Chronicle 
it is attributed to the year 495, 
but the complete and undis- 
turbed possession of it to the 
year 5 1 9. See WiU. of Malms- 



96 The Chtirch History book i. 

A.D.449. and excelled for plenty of ports on the south and 
Severn sea, store of boroughs, stoutness of active 
men, (some impute this to the natural cause of their 
being hatched under the warm wings of the south- 
west wind,) which being excellent wrestlers, gave at 
last a fall to all the other Saxon kingdoms. So that 
as the seven streams of Nilus lose themselves in the 
midland sea, this heptarchy was at last devoured in 
the West-Saxons' monarchy. 

The reason that there is some difference in writers 
in bounding of these several kingdoms is, because 
England being then the constant cockpit of war, the 
limits of these kingdoms were in daily motion, some- 
times marching forward, sometimes retreating back- 
ward, according to variety of success. We may see 
what great difference there is betwixt the bounds of 
the sea at high-water, and at low-water mark : and 
so the same kingdom was much disproportioned to 
itself, when extended with the happy chance of war, 
and when contracted at a low ebb of ill success. 
And here we must not forget that amongst these 
seven kings, during the heptarchy, conmionly one 
was most puissant, overruling the rest, who styled 
himself king of the English nation*. 
Irish St 18. But to rotum to the British church, and the 
^SJemd* year of our Lord 449, wherein St. Patrick, the apo- 
^bu ^^**" ^^'^ ^^ Ireland, is notoriously reported to have come 
to Glassenbury; where finding twelve old monks, 
successors to those who were first founded there by 

bur. f. 5, 6, and Hen. Hunt- cording to the earliest and 

ingd. f. 1 79. For the division most trustworthy chroniclers, 

of these kingdoms^ and the ex- see Malms, ibid. f. 18.] 

tent of the different sees, ac- ^ Camden's Brit. p. 97* 



CEMT. V. ^Britain. 97 

Joseph of Arimathea,) he, though unwilling, was a. d. 44. 
cfaonn their abhot, and lived with them thirty-nine 
years, obserring the rule of St. Mark and his 
^Tptian monks; the order of Benedictines being 
as yet unborn in the world. Give we here a list 
of these twelve monks, withal forewarning the 
reader, that for all their harsh sound, they are so 
many saints; lest otherwise he should suspect them by 
the ill noise of their names to be worse creatures. 

1 Brumbam. 7 Loyor. 

2 Hyregaam. 8 Wellias. 

3 Brenwal. 9 Breden. 

4 Wencreth. 10 Swelwes. 

5 Bantconmieweng. 11 Hinloemius. 

6 Adelwahed. 12 Hin^ 

Bat know that some of these names, as the 3rd, 
6fAi, and 9th, are pure, plain, Saxon words ^, which 
renders the rest suspected. So that whosoever it 
was that first gave these British monks such Saxon 
names, made more haste than good speed, preventing 
the true language of that age. 

19* So great was the credit of St. Patrick at Glas- a. p. 449 
senbuiy, that after his death and burial there, thatoo^i^^t^ 
church which formerly was dedicated to the Virgin J^^ 
Mary alone, was in after-ages jointly consecrated to^^.^ 
her and St. Patrick. A great presumption : for if it Mary. 
be true what is reported, that at the first, by di- 
rection of the angel GabrieU, that church was solely 
devoted to the Virgin Mary ; surely either the same 
or some other angel of equal power ought to have 

• [See Malmsbury, De An- Camden^ and since by the arch- 

tiq. Olaston. EcclesiK, p. 296^ bishop of Armagh. [SeeUsher^ 

and Usher, ib. p. 56.] ib. p. 56.] 

' First observed by Mr. e See i . Cent. 2. parag. p. 1 7. 

FULLEB, VOL. I. H 



98 The Church History book i. 

A.D.449. ordered the admission of St. Patrick to the same, to 

be matched and impaled with the blessed Virgin in 

the honour thereof. In reference to St. Patrick's 

being at Glassenbmy, several Saxon kings granted 

large charters, with great profits and privileges to 

this place. 

Yet the ere- 20. But now the spito is, that an unparalleled 

trick's *" critic in antiquity** leaves this Patrick at this time 

GWn- sweating in the Irish harvest, having newly con- 

^u ^' ji verted Leinster to the faith, and now ffone into the 

shrewdly ' «5 

shaken, proviuco of Muustor ou the same occasion. Yea, 
he denies (and proveth the same) that this Patrick 
ever lived, or was buried at Glassenbury. But be it 
known to whom it may concern, that the British 
are not so overfond of St. Patrick, as to ravish him 
into their coimtry against his will, and the consent 
of time. Yea, St. Patrick missed as much honour 
in not being at Glassenbury, as Glassenbury hath 
lost credit if he were never there ; seeing the British 
justly set as high a rate on that place, as the Irish 
do on his person. See but the glorious titles (which 
with small alteration might serve for Jerusalem 
itself) given to Glassenbury: and seeing now the 
place is for the most part buried in its own dust, let 
none envy these epithets for the epitaph thereof. 

Here lies the Cityi which once was the Fountain and 

Original of all Religion, built by Christ's disciples, 

consecrated by Christ himself ^^ ; and this 

place is the Mother of Saints ^ 

^ James Usher, de Brit. [Malmsbur. ib. p. 313 and 

Eccl. Primord. p. 875, 883, p. 320.] 

894, 895=519. . 1 So called in the charter of 

J Or borough. king Kenwin. Malmsbury, 

^ In the charter of king Ina, [ib. p. 308.] 
and also in king Edgar's. 



CZKT. V. of Britain. 99 

We are sorry therefore for St. Patrick's sake, if he a. p. 449 
was never there. To salve all, some have found out 
another Patrick, called Senior, or Sen Patrick, (a 
nice difference,) equal with the Irish apostle in time, 
and not much inferior in holiness, who certainly 
lived at Glassenbury". The plain truth is, that as 
in the CJomedian^ when there were two Amphitruos 
and two Sosias, they made much ftillacious intricacy 
and pleasant delusion in the eyes of the spectators : 
80 there being in this age two Patricks, (others say 
threeP,) two Merlins **, two Gildases^ and (that the 
homonomy may be as well in place as in persons) 
three Bangors*, three Glassenburies', (as haste or 
ignorance in writers mistake them,) these jumbled 
together have made a marvellous confusion in writers, 
to the great prejudice of history, where they are not 
exactly observed. 

21. But leaving St. Patrick, let us try whether we a. 0.450 
can have better success with St. Ursula, daughter of ioii» histor 
Dinoth, or Deo-notus duke of Cornwall, who in this^^^*^" 
yew is said with eleven thousand virgins to have^*«^^ 
sailed over into Little Britain in France, there to be 
married to the Britons their coimtrymen, who refused 
to wed French women for their wives : but by foul 
weather these virgins were cast on the French shore, 
amongst pagans, by whom they were cruelly mur- 
dered, for refusing to forsake their religion or betray 
their chastity. Others tell the story quite contrary; 
how the aforesaid Ursula with her virgin army went 

n [See Usher, ib. 458, 464.] * In Flintshire, in Carnar- 

*» Plautus his Amphitruo. vonshire, in Down in Ireland. 

P See Usher, ib. p. 895. * Glasgow in Scotland, Dun- 

4 Ambrofiius, Caledonius. glass in Ireland. 



oon- 



r Albanius, Badonicus. 



H 2 



100 The Church HUt&ry book i. 

A.D.450. to Rome, where she conversed with pope Cyriacus^, 
her countryman, and with him returning back into 
Britain, was murdered by the command of Attila 
king of the Hunnes, at Cologne, with all the rest of 
the virgins, and the aforesaid pope Cyriacus, whose 
name is omitted in the papal catalogue, because 
before his death he surrendered his place to Anterus 
his successor. In which relation we much commend 
the even tenor thereof, consisting of so level lies, 
that no one swelling improbability is above the rest ; 
but for matter of time, place, and persons, all pas- 
sages unlikely alike. We dare not defame Britain, 
as to suspect but that eleven thousand Christian 
virgins, all at once, able to travel, might be found 
therein : though at this time paganism prospered in 
this land, and religion was in a low condition. But 
what made these Christian Amazons with Ursula 
their Penthesilea to go (not to say to gad) to Rome ? 
Surely they were no daughters of Sarah, which did 
abide in her tenV^y but rather sisters of Dinah*, which 
woidd go abroad to see foreign fashions ; and there- 
fore their hard usage is the less to be pitied. Was 
it modest for so many maids to wander by them- 
selves, without a masculine guard to protect them ? 
Did ever such a wood of weak ivy grow alone, with- 
out any other trees to support it ? But the city of 
Cologne will not abate us one of the eleven thousand, 
where their relics and sepulchral inscriptions are at 
this day to be seen. And we may as safely believe 
that these virgin-martyrs lie there entombed, as that 
the bodies of the three wise men of the east, com- 

^ Visiones Elizabethse iv. 2. ^ Gen. xviii. 9. 
ed. Paris, 1513, et Colon. * Gren. xxxiv. i . 
1628. 



CEKT. V. of Britain. 101 

monly called the three kings of Cologne, which A.D.450. 
came to visit our infant Saviour at Bethlehem, are 
interred in the same city, which the monks of 
Cologne brag of, and shew to travellers. Besides all 
this, there is a town in Berkshire called Maidenhead y, 
which (as many other churches in Christendom) was 
dedicated in memory of their virginity : which, if it 
be not an argument strong enough to convert the 
reader to the belief of this story, we must leave him 
to his infidelity ; that as tales of bugbears are made 
to fiight crying children, so this story of Ursula was 
contrived to befool credulous men. 

22. Nor hath the judicious reader cause to wonder A.D.453. 
that no better account is given of the British church uttiechLdi 
in this age, considering the general persecution by J|^ *° 
pagan Saxons. Religion nowadays played least in 
sight, hiding itself in holes; and the face of the 
church was so blubbered with tears, that she may 
seem almost to have wept her eyes out, having lost 
her seers and principal pastors. Only two prime 
preachers appear: Vodine, the learned and pious 
bishop of London, who, taking the confidence to 
reprove Vortigem the British king, for putting away 
his lawful wife and wedding Rowen, the heathen 
daughter of Hengist, was by him most barbarously 
murdered*: the second, Gildas Albanius, (much 
ancienter than his namesake sumamed the wise,) 
bom in Scotland, bred in France ; whence returning 
into the south of Britain, he applied himself to the 
preaching of divinity, and reading liberal sciences to 

7 Camden's Brit, in Berk- 2 Hector Boeth. Scot. bist. 
shire^ [p. 207. Of St. Ursula, viii. [p. 143.] 
see Usher, ib. p. 331.] 

H 3 



102 The Church History book i. 

A.D.462. many auditors and scholars at Pepidiauc*, a promon- 

tory in Pembrokeshire, 
oiidaiata 23. It happened on a day, as Gildas was in his 
I^ TOd- sermon, (reader, whether smiling or frowning, forgive 
fmcedf *^® digression,) a nim^ big with child came into the 
congregation, whereat the preacher presently was 
^struck dumb, (would not a maid's child amaze any 
man ?) and could proceed no further. Afterward he 
gave this reason of his silence, because that virgin 
bare in her body an infant of such signal sanctity, as 
far transcended him. Thus as lesser lodestones are 
reported to lose their virtue in the presence of those 
that are bigger, so Gildas was silenced at the ap- 
proach of the Welsh St. David, (being then but 
Hanse en Keldar,) though afterward, like Zachary, 
he recovered his speech again. Thus fabulous au- 
thors** make this St. David a mock John Baptist, 
forcing a fond parallel betwixt them ; where to make 
the proportion current, Gildas must be allowed father 
to St. David. But enough ; I like this scent so ill, 
I will follow it no further. 
The par- 24. Meantime fierce and frequent fighting betwixt 
SwJon the British and Saxons about defending and enlarging 
their dominions. And although Gildas (and out of 
him Bede) confess often alternation of success, yet 
other Saxon writers mention not the least overthrow 
of their own side, but constant conquering; as if 



* Usher de Brit. Ecc. p. Cambrensis^ as quoted below.] 
442 = 237. [In Welsh, Can- c Girald. Cambrens. in the 
tred-Dewi, that is, St. David's life of St. David. [Since pub- 
land.] lished by Wharton in the An- 

^ [Not a nun. though her glia Sacra, vol. II. p. 630.] 

name was Nonnita. See Girald. d [Usher, ib. p. 443=237.] 



wnten. 



cKirr. ▼. 



of Britain, 



103 



their generals had always buckled on victory with a. p. 4 
their armour. It is almost incredible that ingenuous 
men should be so injurious to the truth and their 
own credits, by partiality, were it not that the factions 
of modem pens invite us to the belief thereof; not 
describing battles with a fiill face, (presenting both 
ffldes,) but with a half face, advancing their own, and 
depressing the achievements of the opposite party. 
Most true it is the British got many victories, espe- 
cially under hopeful prince Vortimer®, whose valour 
was the best bank against the Saxon deluge ; until 
broken down by untimely death, the pagans generally 
prevailed, much by their courage, more by their 
treachery. 

25. For they invited the British to a parley andTheBri 
banquet on Salisbury plain ; where suddenly drawing erousiy 
out their seaxes, (concealed under their long coats,) ™^^®" 
being crooked swords, the emblem of their indirect 
proceedings, they made their innocent guests with 
their blood pay the shots of their entertainment. 
Here Aurelius Ambrosius is reported to have erected 
that monument of Stonehenge to their memory^ 

26. It is contrived in form of a crown, consisting a. d. 4 
of three circles of stones set up gatewise; some^®^ 
called corsestones, of twelve tons, others called^'®'*®- 
cronets, of seven tons weight : those haply for 
greater, and these for inferior officers fi^: and one 



« [Son of Vortigem. For 
an account of his ^ttles with 
Hengist, and the subsequent 
treachery of the Saxons^ see 
Nennius, chap, xlv — Hi, and 
the judicious narrative of Wil- 
liam of Malmsbury, De G^- 
tis R^. f. 4. Comparq,Matth. 



Westmon. an. 460 sq., who has 
incorporated into his chronicle 
the British accounts.] 

f [See the Life of St. Dubri- 
cius, in Wharton's Angl. Sacr. 
11.656.] 

g Camden's Britann. in Wilt- 
shire, [p. 183.] 

H 4 



104 The Church History book i. 

A.D.463. stone at distance seems to stand sentinel for the 
rest. It seems equally impossible that they were 
bred here, or brought hither, seeing (no navigable 
water near) such voluminous bulks are unmanage- 
able in cart or waggon. As for the tale of Merlin's 
conjuring them by magic out of Ireland, and 
bringing them aloft m the skies, (what in Charles' 
wain?) it is too ridiculous to be confuted. This 
hath put learned men on necessity to conceive them 
artificial stones, consolidated of sand. Stand they 
there in defiance of wind and weather, which hath 
discomposed the method of them ; which, if made of 
any precious matter, (a bait to tempt avarice,) no 
doubt long since had been indicted of superstition ; 
whereas now they are protected by their own weight 
and worthlessness. 
A.D.466. 27. Vortigem the British king fled into Wales, to 
b,^^^™„ his castle Genereu, impregnable for situation, which 
to Mh«™^ he manned and womaned, (conveying a multitude of 
his whores into it,) and there lived surfeiting in lust, 
while his land lay sweltering in blood. Here Aure- 
lius Ambrosius, setting fire on his castle, biimt him 
and his to ashes. This gave occasion to the report 
so constantly affirmed by many authors, (and men 
are prone to believe prodigious deaths of such as led 
licentious lives,) that Vortigem's palace, like another 
Sodom, was burnt by fire from heaven^. Indeed in 
a secondary sense it was true; as all exemplaiy 
punishments more visibly proceed from divine ven- 
geance. But otherwise, the first raisers of this fable 
did apparent wrong to the attribute of God's truth, 

^ [As Nennius describes it, ports concerning the death of 
Hist. Brit. chap. xlix. He Vortigern. See also Usher, ib. 
also sets down the other re- 206^ 34P*] 



cEwi. V. of Britain. 106 

in pretending to do extraordinary right unto his a. d. 466. 
justice. 

28. This Aurelius Ambrosius is said to be ex-Aureiius 
tracted of the Roman race, who having done thisSmdered^ 
execution on Vortigem the tyrant, was a singular J JJ^ 
champion of the British against their enemies. One 
composed of valour and religion ^ wholly employing 
himself in time of peace to raise new churches, 
repair old, and endow both : unworthy therefore the 

Ubel of an ^ Italian author, who on no other evidence 
than bis own bare assertion, traduceth this Ambro- 
sius to have been a favourer of Judaism, Arianism, 
Manicheism, and a persecutor of the professors of 
true religion. Thus the greatest virtue is sanctuary 
too small to secure any from the pursuit of slan- 
derous pens : and thus some humorous authors, 
leaving the road of true reports, because common, 
go a way by themselves of different relation, so to 
entitle themselves to more immediate and peculiar 
intelligence ; as if others (being only of truth's 
council) had not received such private instructions as 
themselves, being cabinet historians. 

29. Leave we this Ambrosius bickering with the The aca- 
Saxons, with interchange of success, much com-i^^ed 
mended for his constancy in all conditions. For^^^^^ 
sometimes his valour was the hammer upon, some- 
times his patience was the anvil beneath his enemies ; 

but always he bravely bare up his spirits : and as the 
sun looks biggest on the earth when he is nearest to 
set, so he carried it out with the boldest appearance 
in the lowest declination of his fortune. If we be- 



i [SeeBede, E. H.i. 16.] 

^ Gotfrid. Viterbiensis Chro. part 18. [Basil. 1559.] 



106 



The Church Htstary 



BOOK I. 



A.D. 466. hold the church in his time, the most visible estate 
thereof presents itself to us in the academy which 
Dubritius kept, near the river Wye in Monmouth- 
shire. His father, say some^ was unknown ; others 
make him to be son to Pepiau, a petty king in this 
age°^: it being observable, that in this and the next 
century all men eminent for learning and religion 
are either made without known fathers, or sons to 
kings ; (no mean betwixt these extremes, as by many 
instances may appear ;) so that such as consider the 
narrowness of the principality, will admire at the 
number of British princes. • This Dubritius taught 
many scholars for seven years together, in human 
and divine learning, (being himself, in his life, a book 
of piety of the best edition for his pupils to peruse,) 
amongst whom the chiefest, Theliau, Sampson, 
Ubelin, Merchiguin, Elguored, &c.; for the reader 
had better believe than read the names of the rest", 
remarkable only for length and hardness, without 
any other information. Afterward Dubritius removed 
to Warwick, (haply mistaken for Werwick, a village 
some two miles from Cardigan®,) and from thence it 
seems returned to Moch-Rhos, that is, " the place of 
a hog :" because he was admonished, in a vision in 
his sleep, there to build a chapel or oratory, where 



1 Johan. Tinmuthensis in ejus 
vita, [quoted by Usher, ib. 
445 = 238.] 

™ Chro. colleg. Warwicensis, 
[quoted by Usher, ib. Capgrave 
abridged the narratives of John 
of Tinmouth. In an ancient 
life of St. Dubricius, written 
in the eleventh or twelfth cen- 
tury by Benedict, a monk of 
Gloucester, he is stated to be 



the grandson of Pepiau, and a 
very different account is given 
of his birth. This life has been 
printed in Wharton's Ans. 
Sacr. II. 654. Benedict in his 
introduction states that he com- 
piled this life from authentic 
materials.] 

n [Usher, ib. p. 445 = 338.] 
o Vid. Speed's map of that 
county. 



CENT. V. of Britain. 107 

he should find a white sow lodgmg with the hogsP, a A.D.461^ 
clean conceit, and as full of wit as devotion. It 
seems the fnar, father of this £a.ble, had read as far 
as the eighth book of Virgil's iEneids, where the 
riyer Tiber, in a dream, advised Maess to erect an 
dtar, and sacrifice to Juno in the place where he 
should find the sow lying with the pigs ; and from 
this pagan hint, was advantaged for a popish legend. 

30. Here we cannot but renew our former com- Forged lies 
plaint : and it is some mitigation to our misery, (as wMteritv in 
perchance some ease to the reader,) if we can buttnith». 
vent our old grievances in new expressions : how in- 
stead of true history, devoured by time, prodigious 
tales of impudent brazenfaced monks are obtruded 
upon us. Thus when the golden shields of king 
Solomon were taken away, Rehoboam substituted 
shields of brass in their room^; though not so good, 
perchance more gaudy, especially to ignorant eyes 
viewing them at distance, and wanting either the 
skill or opportunity to bring them to the touch. 
Amongst which the tale of Cungarus the Eremite, 
otherwise called Doccuin', (but first let the one man 
be allowed before his two names be admitted,) may 
challenge a principal place ; being reported son of a 
Constantinopolitan emperor, and Lucilia his em- 
press'. A name imowned by any Grecian historians. 
The best is, that imconscionable liars, though they 
most hurt themselves, do the least harm others, 
whose loud ones are both the poison and the anti- 
dote, seeing no wise man will believe them. Small 

P [Scropham albam cum >^ [Usher^ ib. 252.] 

porcia cubantem repent. Usher, * Joh. Capgrave in vita S. 

ib.] Gungari^ [f. Ixxx. ed. 1516.] 

<l I Kings xiv. 27. 



108 The Church History book i. 

A.D.469. grit and gravel may choke a man, but that stone 
can never stop his throat which cannot enter into 
his mouth. 
A.D.495. 31. In very deed, very little at this time was ever 
sacre'ofUie reported of church matters*. For a drought of 
^jJ^JJJJgj. Christian writers (in the heat of persecution) caused 
a dearth of all history. Now it was that Cerdicus 
first king of the West-Saxons, having overcome the 
Britons at Winchester, killed all the monks be- 
longing to the church of St. Amphibalus, and turned 
the same into a temple of idolatry'*. Also Theon, 
archbishop of London, seeing the pagan Saxons to 
prevail, left his see, and about this time may be 
presumed to have fled into Wales^. I say, about 
this time. For what liberty is allowed to prognos- 
ticators of weather, to use all favourable correctives 
and qualifications, (like to be rain, inclined to rain, 
somewhat rainy, &c.) the same latitude we must 
request in relating actions past in point of chrono- 
logy ; his fere temporibus^ per hcec tempora^ circOy 
circiter^ plus minus^ Sfc. And what we take upon 
trust in this kind, let the reader be pleased to 
charge, not on the score of our ignorance, but on the 
uncertainty of that age*s computation. As for St. 
Petrock, son to the king of Cumberland, we remit 
him to the next age, because though budding in this, 
full blown in the next century. 
Meriin left 82. This age is assigned by authors for that famous 
light ;whe- Ambrose Merlin, (differing from Sylvester Merlin 
^i^ ^^^ Scot,) though it be doubtful whether ever such 
Mtmm' ^ ™*^ ^^ rerum natura; it being suspicious, 

t [Usher, ib. 249.] ▼ But Matth. Florilegus de. 

» Wintoniensis Ecc. Hist, signeth the year 586. 
c. ix. [quoted by Usher, ib.] 



GENT. V. of Britain. 109 

First, because he is reported bom at Carmar- a.d.495* 



then, and that city so denominated from him. his whole 
Whereas it is called Maridimum by Ptolemy manyf^jj^^ 
years before. Thus it is ominous to begin with^J^Jj^^ 

a lie, posterity. 

Secondly, because it was said his mother was a 
nun, got with child by a devil in the form of an 
incubus ; perchance such a one as Chaucer describes. 

It seems, that as vestal virgins, when they had 
stolen a great belly, used to entitle some deity to the 
getting of their child, (so did the mother of Ro- 
mulus and Remus,) whereby they both saved them- 
selves from shame, and gained reputation ; so nuns 
in this age, when with child, unable to persuade 
people (as the poets feign of the Spanish mares) that 
they were impregnated by the wind alone, made the 
world believe that some spirit had consorted with 
them. This makes the whole story of Merlin very 
doubtful ; and as for all his miracles and prophecies, 
they sink with the subject. For sure the same hand 
which made the puppet gave it all its motions, and 
suited his person with properties accordingly. May 
the reader be pleased to take notice of three ancient 
British writers: 

1. Aquila Septonius, or the Eagle of Shaftsbury, 
whether he or she. 

8. Perdix Prsesagus, or Partridge the prophesier. 

8. Merlin Ambrose. 

All three birds of a feather, and perchance hatched 
in the same nest of ignorant credulity : nor can I 
meet with a fourth to make up the mess, except it 
be the Arabian Phoenix. But because it is a task 
too great for a giant, to encounter a received tra- 
dition, let Merlin be left in a twilight as we foimd 



110 



The Church HiMtary of Briiam. 



BOOK I. 



A.D.495. him. And surely no judicious man will censure the 
mention of Merlin, whose magical pranks and con- 
jurations are so frequent in our stories, to be a 
deyiation from the history of the church, who hath 
read both of Simon Magus, and Elymas the Sorcerer, 
in the Acts of the Apostles ''. 



w [For a specimen of Mer- 
lin's predictions, see Mat. 
Westmin. an. 464. Up to this 
period onr British history is 
involved in darkness and con- 
fusion. What should be re- 
ceived« and what rejected, is 
still doubtful, after all the 
labour and research of Usher, 
and the critical sagacity of 
Stillingfleet. The Welsh, if 
they ever possessed, have never 
preserved any authentic mate, 
rials of their history previous 
to the time of G^ffry of Mon- 
mouth, and the legends of 
Monmouth which have won 
their way in different shapes 
and disguises into the pages of 
various chroniclers, are the only 
source from which our British 
history is derived. By them- 
selves indeed they never can 
deceive a sagacious reader into 
a belief of their authenticity, 
but when mixed with truths, 
or employed to give connection 
and consistency to a few bare 
fEU^, and swell them out into 
the proportions of a just and 
real history, they perplex the 
reader, who is continually ha- 



rassed with the difficulty of se- 
parating truth from fdbefaood, 
and is in constant danger of as- 
sumingplausible interpretations 
ofhistoricalfiuts for tmeand ge- 
nuine, whidi are purely legend- 
ary. Inthis^BritiJi history is not 
singular; the same is ofaa^vable 
in the early annals of all other 
nations. A few isolated fiids 
remain through the liqpae of 
yea«. tiU the ^^ rf 
some modem writer woavea 
them together into a seeming 
consistency, with sudi addi- 
tions as his own ingenuity 
suggests as likely to give an 
air of plausibility to the whole. 
When once such a composition 
has prevailed to be reputed 
the true history of any coun- 
try, the work of separating 
truth ftt)m fEdsehood becomes 
extremely difficult. The ex- 
periment has been tried in 
Koman history, and until our 
own writers have passed through 
as searching a process, we look 
in vain for a trustworthy his- 
tory, not merely of the earlier, 
but likewise of the later annals 
of this nation.] 



THE SIXTH CENTURY. 




TO DOUSE FULLER OP HAMPSHIRE, ESQ w 

/ ccmnot say certainly of you as Naomi did of Boaz, He 
is near of kin unto us^, having no assurance^ though 
great probability ^ of alliance unto you. However^ Sir^ 
if you shaU be pleased in courtesy to account me your 
kinsman^ I wUl endeavour that, as it wiU be an honour 
to me^ it may be to you no disgrace, 

UESTIONLESS we shall not be ac- A.D.501. 
counted trespassers, though only eccle- The most 

misfirftblo 

siastical business be our right road, to estate of the 
go a little in the by-way of state- ^^n. 
matters, because leading the shortest ^®*^^- 
passage for the present to our church story. Most 
miserable at this time was the British common- 
wealth, crowded up into barren comers, whilst their 
enemies, the pagan Saxons, possessed the east and 
south; if not the greatest, the best part of the 
island. Much ado had Utery Pen-dragon, the British 
king, with all the sinews of his care and courage, to 
keep his disjointed kingdom together: whose only 
desire was to prolong the life, it being above his 
hopes to procure the health of that languishing 
state. And though sometimes the Britons got the 
better, yet one may say, their victories were spent 
before they were gained ; being so far behindhand 

^ [Arms : Argent, three * 2 Ruth 20. 
bamilets and a canton gules. 7 [Uthr, that is, fearful or 
B.] wonderful. Usher, ib. 249.] 



lis The Church History book i. 

A.D.501. before, that their conquest made no show, swallowed 
up in the discharging of old arrearages. Needs 
then must religion now in Britain be in a doleful 
condition ; for he who expects a flourishing church 
in a fading commonwealth, let him try whether one 
side of his face can smile when the other is pinched. 
A.D.508. 2. Pen-dragon dying, left the British kingdom to 
^^gac^ Arthur his son, so femous in history, that he is 
2J^J^ counted one of the nine worthies y: and it is more 
Jy^«^kUi than comes to the proportion of Britain, that amongst 
but nine in the whole world, two should prove 
natives in this island, Constantino and Arthur. This 
latter was the British Hector, who could not defend 
that Troy which was designed to destruction : and it 
soundeth much to his honour, that perceiving his 
country condemned by God's justice to rum, he 
could procure a reprieve, though not prevail for the 
pardon thereof. More unhappy was he after his 
death, hyperbolical monks so advancing his victories, 
above all reach of belief, that the twelve pitched 
battles of Arthur, wherein he conquered the pagan 
Saxons, find no more credit than the twelve labours 
of Hercules. Belike the monks hoped to pass their 
lies for current, because countenanced with the mix- 
ture of some truth ; whereas the contrary came to 
pass, and the very truths which they have written of 
him are discredited, because found in company with 
so many lies. Insomuch that learned Leland is put 
to it to make a book for the asserting of Arthur. 
Many are unsettled about him, because Gildas his 
coimtryman (living much about his age) makes no 
mention of him: though such may be something 

y [See Usher, ib. 249 sq. Arthur Latine translatum sonat 
ursum horribilem, &c. ib.] 



CENT. VI. 



of Britam 



113 



satisfied, if considering the principal intent of that a. 0.508. 
querulous author is not to praise, but to reprove, not 
greatly to grace, but justly to shame his country ; 
his book being a bare black bill of the sins and 
sufferings, monsters and tyrants of Britam, keeping 
no catalogue of the worthies of this island ; so that 
neither Lucius, Constantino, nor Arthur, are once 
named by him. But the best evidence that once 
Arthur lived in Britain is, because it is certain he 
died in Britain, as appeared undeniably by his corpse, 
coffin, and epitaph, taken up out of his monument in 
Glassenbury in the reign of king Henry the Second, 
whereof many persons of quality were eyewit- 
nesses*. 

3. The entire body of the British church at this Caer-iion a 
time was in Wales, where Bangor on the north, staple of 
and Caer-lion (on Usk in Monmouthshire) on the^^rX 
south, were the two eyes thereof for learning and^^"* 
religion. The latter had in it the court of king 
Arthur, the see of an archbishop, a college of 200 
philosophers, who therein studied astronomy, and 
was a populous place of great extent*. But cities. 



* Giraldus Cambrensis, an 
eyewitness. Camden*s Brit, 
in Somersetshire, [p. 166. Au- 
relius Ambrosius, of whom 
some account is given at p. 1 05. 
was assisted in his efforts to 
repel the Saxons by Arthur. 
William of Malmsbury, who 
mentions the fact, observes in 
reference to the legendary tales 
circulated by the Britons re- 
specting this prince, and sub- 
sequently embodied into a re- 
gular narrative by Geoffry of 
Monmouth ; " Hie est Ar- 

FULLER, VOL. I. 



*' thurus de quo Brittonum 
" nugse hodieque delirant ; 
** dignus plane quern non fal- 
** laces somniarent fabulae, sed 
** veraces praedicarent historiae, 
" quippe qui labantem patriam 
*^ diu sustinuerit, infractasque 
" civium mentes ad bellum 
'* acuerit." De Gestis Reg. 

f.4.] 

a Thomas James out of A- 
lexander Elsebiensis. MS. 
quoted by Camden in his Brit. 
in Monmouthshire, [p. 492.] 



114 The Church History- book i. 

A. D. 508. as well as their builders, are mortal : it is reduced at 
this day to a small village. But as aged parents 
content and comfort themselves in beholding their 
children, wherein their memories will be continued 
after their death, so Caer-lion is not a little delighted 
to see herself still survive in her daughter Newport^ 
a neighbouring town raised out of the ruins of her 
mother ^ Whilst the other stood in prime, there 
was scarce an eminent man who did not touch here 
for his education; whom we will reckon in order, 
the rather because all the church history of this age 
seems confined to some principal persons. Dubritius 
aforementioned was the father and founder of them 
all, late bishop of LandafF, now archbishop of Caer- 
lion, a great champion of the truth against Pela- 
gius^; and he had the honour here to crown two 
kings, Uter and Arthur. Being very old, he re- 

A.D.516. signed his archbishopric to David, his scholar; and 
that he might be more able and active to wrestle 
with death, he stripped himself out of all worldly 
employment, and became an anchoret in the island 
of Bardsey*^. Six himdred years aflber, (namely. May 
the 20th, 1120,) his bones were translated to Lan- 
daff, and by Urban, bishop thereof, buried in the 
church, towards the north side thereof 

St. David 4. David, the next archbishop, of royal extraction, 

ofmoMwtic w^ uncle to king Arthur®. He privately studied 

life. 

^ [Camden, ib.] the early Welsh bishops^ having 

c [For which purpose he been principally compiled from 

was consecrated by Germanus the celebrated '* Liber Llanda- 

and Lupus, according to the ** vensis." He was himself 

writer of his life, in Wharton's bishop of Llandaff.] 
Angl. Sacr. IL 656.] e [See his life by Giraldus 

^ Godwin, [De praesuL, p. Cambrensis in Wharton's Ang. 

571. Godwin's book is particii- Sacr. IL p. 628.] 
larly valuable, for the history of 



CSKT. VI. 



of Britain. 



115 



the scriptures ten years before he would presume to a. d. 5 19. 
preach, and always carried the Gospels about him. 
He kept a synod against the Pelagian error, a second 
edition whereof was set forth in his time, and con- 
firmed many wavering souls in the faith. By leave 
obtained from king Arthur, he removed the archi- 
episcopal seat fix)m Caer-lion to Menevea, now 
called St. David*s, in Pembrokeshire. In which ex- 
change his devotion is rather to be admired, than his 
discretion to be commended ; leaving a fruitful soil 
for a bleach barren place'; though the worse it was, 
the better for his purpose, being a great promoter of 
a monastical life. And though the place was much 
exposed to the rapine of pirates^, yet this holy man 
laid up his heavenly treasure where thieves do not 
break through nor steal. 

5. Yet I am sensible that I have spent, to my One para- 
shame, so much precious time in reading the legend rade of st. 
of his life, that I will not wilfully double my guilti- 
ness in writing the same, and tempt the reader to 
offend in like nature. This miracle I cannot omit*". 
David one day was preaching in an open field to the 
multitude, and could not be well seen because of the 
concourse, (though they make him four cubits high, 



f Giraldus Cambreiisis. [De 
Statu Menevensis Eccl. in 
Wharton's A. S. II. p. 542.] 

sr Camden's Brit, in Pem- 
brokeshire^ [p. 510.] 

^ H. Porter's Flowers of 
the English Saints, p. 222. 
[" The Flowers of the lives of 
" the most renowned Saints of 
*' the three kingdoms^England, 
" Scotland, and Ireland. By 
*' the R. Father Hierome Por- 
" ter. Priest and Monke of the 



*• holy order of Sainct Bene- 
** diet, of the Congregation of 
" England. The first tome. 
•' Printed at Doway, with li- 
'* cence and approbation of the 
" ordinary, 1632." 4*^. Formed 
on the plan of the Roman and 
other martyrologies. The first 
volume reaches to the end of 
June. I have not been able to 
discover whether the second 
volume was ever published.] 

I 2 



116 The Church History book i. 

A.D.519. a man and half in statu^e^) when, behold, the earth 
whereon he stood, officiously heaving itself up, 
mounted him to a competent visibility above all his 
audience^. Whereas our Saviour himself, when he 
taught the people, was pleased to choose a mountain'^, 
making use of the advantage of nature, without 
improving his miraculous power. He died aged 146 
years, on the first of March^ still celebrated by the 
Welsh with wearing of a leek™; perchance to per- 
petuate the memory of his abstinence, whose con- 
tented mind made many a savoury meal on such 
roots of the earth. 

Reasons 6. A wondor it is to see how many Methuselahs 

t^Jage'^'^l extreme aged men) these times did produce. St. 

^l^^ Patrick died aged 122; Samson, aged 120; David, 
146 ; Gildas Badonicus, 90, &c.° Some reason 
whereof may be alleged, because living retired in a 
contemplative way, they did not bruise their bodies 
with embroiling them in worldly affairs : or it may 
be ascribed to their temperate diet, whilst many of 
. our age spill their radical moisture through the 
leaks of their own luxury. Nor is it absurd to say, 
that God made these great tapers of a more firm 
and compacted wax than ordinary, that so they might 
last the longer in burning to give light to his church, 
and bestowed on them an especial strong natural 
constitution. 

The dis- 7. About the same time (accurateness in com- 

creet devo- 

1 Bale, Cent. I. §. 55. eleventh century.] 

J [Taken from among many ^ Matt. v. i . 

other miracles related of him 1 [In the year 544. See 

by Giraldus, ib. 638. The life Usher, ib. 274.] 

by Giraldus is chiefly a com- *" Several reasons hereof as- 

pilation from a life of St. Da- signed by authors. 

vid, written by Ricemarch, ^ See Bale in their general 

bishop of St. David's in the lives, [I. §. 46, 55, 62, 66.] 



csKT. VI. of Britain. 117 

puting years is not to be expected, for never were A.D.519. 
more doublings and redoublings niade by a hunted tion of Ca. 
hare, than there are intricacies in the chronology of 
this age, going backward and forward) flourished 
Cadocus, abbot of Llancarvan in Glamorganshire, 
son of the prince and toparch of that country. This 
godly and learned man so renounced the world, that 
he retained part of his paternal principality in his 
possession, whereby he daily fed three hundred of 
clei^ymen, widows, and poor people, besides guests 
and visitants daily resorting to him®. He is equally 
conunended for his policy, in keeping the root, the 
right of his estate, in his own hands ; and for his 
piety, in bestowing the fruit, the profits thereof, in 
the relieving of others. It seems in that age wilfiil 
poverty was not by vow entailed on monastical life. 
Nor did this Cadocus, as regulars in aftertimes, 
with open hands scatter away his whole means, so 
foolishly to grasp his fist full of popular applause. 
He is said afterwards to have died at Beneventum 
in Italy. 

8. Iltutus comes next into play, a zealous man,iitutiis 
and deep scholar; who not fer from Cadocus, at monkish 
Llan-lwit in Glamorganshire, (contractedly for Llan- ®^^"®*' 
iltut,) preached God's word, and set up a college of 
scholars, being himself a great observer of a single 
life. It is reported of him, that when his wife re- 
paired to him for due benevolence, or some ghostly 
counsel, he put out her eyes, out of anger, for inter- 
rupting him in his constant course of chastity i'. But 
surely some blind monk, having one of his eyes put 

" Joan. Tinmuthensis in ejus about three miles from Cow- 
vita, [quoted by Usher, ib. bridge.] 
1124=248. Llancarvan is P Bale, Cent. i. §. 52. 

i3 



118 The Church History book i. 

A»i>»5'9' out with ignorance, and the other with supergtition, 
was the first founder of this feble. Thus godly 
saints in that age were made martyrs afker their 
death ; persecuted (though in their commendation) 
with impudent and improbable lies. It is reported 
also of the same Iltutus, that he turned men into 
stones *i. Had it been stones into men, converting 
stupid souls into Christians by his preaching, it had 
been capable of an allegorical construction ; whereas, 
as now told, it is a lie in the literal, and nonsense in 
the mystical meaning thereof. 

A.D.sai. 9, Samson succeeds, scholar to Iltutus, made by 

bamson , 

archbishop Dubritius bishop at large, sine tittdo^. It seems in 
that age all bishops were not fixed to the chair of a 
peculiar church, but some might sit down in any 
vacant place for their cathedral, and there exercise 
their episcopal authority, provided it were without 
prejudice to other bishops. Afterwards this Samson 
was made archbishop of Dole in French Britain; 
and in those days, such was the correspondency be- 
twixt this Greater and that Lesser Britain, that they 
seemed to possess learned men in common betwixt 
them. Scarce am I reconciled to this Samson for 
•carrying away with him the monuments of British 
antiquity. Had he put them out to the bank, by 
procuring several copies to be transcribed, learning 
thereby had been a gainer ; and a saver, had he only 
secured the originals ; whereas now her loss is irre- 
coverable : principal and interest, authentics and 
transcripts, are all embezzled. Nor is the matter 
much, whether they had miscarried at home, by 



*» Bale, ib. p. 1130=277. 

'' Usher, de Brit. Eccl. prim. » Bale, [Cent. i. §. 6a.] 



cxiTT. VI. of Britain, 119 

foes' violence, or abroad, by such friends' negli- a. D. 540 
gence. 

10. It were a sin to omit St. Patem, for three and Paternus 1 

x 1 -Tk • pattern foi 

twenty years a constant preacher at Llan-Patem m au bishops 
Cardiganshire^ His fatherlike care over his flock 
passeth with peculiar commendation ; ^^ that he 
** governed his people by feeding them, and fed his 
" people by governing them"." Some years after 
the place continued an episcopal see, and was extin- 
guished upon occasion of the people's barbarously 
murdering of their bishop. 

11. St. Petrock comes in for his share, from a. d. 548. 
whom Petrock-stow, contracted Padstow, in Com- captain of 
wall, is denominated'^. One of great piety aod^^ 
painfiilness in that age. Afterward he is said to 

have gone to the East Indies, (all far countries are 
East Indies to ignorant people,) and at his return to 
be buried at Bodman in Cornwall. That county is 
the Cornucopia of saints, (most of Irish extraction,) 
and the names of their towns and villages the best 
nomenclature of the devout men of this age. If the 
people of that province have as much holiness in 
their hearts, as the parishes therein carry sanctity in 
their names, Cornwall may pass for another Holy 
Land in public reputation. 

12. Next St. Petrock comes St. Teliau; for it is a. 0.550. 
pity to part two such intimate friends. He was of st.'*Tel^ 
called, by allusion to his name, Helios^ which in^'*"* 
Greek signifieth the sun, because of the lustre of his 

life and learning. But the vulgar sort, who count it 
no fault to miscall their betters, if they have hard * 

* [Usher, ib. 275.] w [Usher, ib. 292.] 

'I Camden's Brit, in Cardi- » Harpsfield Hist. Eccl. Ang. 
ganshire^ [p. 518.] P- 41. [ed. 1622.] 

I4 



120 



The Church History 



BOOK r. 



A. P. 55 0- names, called him Eliud, (one of that name was one 
of our Saviour*8 ancestors^,) turning the Greek into 
an Hebrew word, and understanding both alike. He 
was scholar to Dubritius, and succeeded him in the 
bishopric of LandafT. A pious man, constant preacher, 
and zealous reprover of the reigning sins of that 
time*. This is all the certain truth extant of him ; 
which some monks counting too little, have with 
their fabulous breath blown up the story of his life 
to such a bigness, that the credit thereof breaks 
with its own improbability*. Witness his journey 
to Jerusalem, full of strange miracles, where he had 
a cymbal given him, excelling the sound of an organ, 
and ringing every hour of its own accord. No 
doubt a loud one. " Loaden with merits,*' saith the 
author ^ (I had thought nothing but sin could bur- 
den a saint,) he departed this life, having his me- 
mory continued in many churches of South- Wales, 
dedicated to him, and is remembered in the Roman 
Calendar on the ninth of February. 
A.D.580. 13. I had almost forgotten Congel, abbot of 
other wor- Banffor^, who much altered the discipline of that 
lameage.* nionastery; Kentigem, the famous bishop of Elwy 
in North- Wales ; St. Asaph, his successor in the 
same place. In whose mouth this sentence was 
frequent, " Such who are against the preaching of 
" God's word, envy the salvation of mankind^." As 



y Matt. 1. 14. 

« Bale. Cent. i. §. 58. 

* In the book of his life ex- 
tant in the church of Landaff. 
[See the life of St. Teliau in 
Wharton's Ang. Sacr. II. 662.] 

^ H. Porter's Flowers of 
the Saints, p. 151. 

^ [Fuller has fallen into the 
same error as Bale, Cent. i. §. 53 . 



This Congellus or Comgallus 
was an Irishman, not a Briton ; 
the monastery founded by him 
was in Ulster, not the cele- 
brated Bangor in Wales. See 
Usher, ib. 69, 494.] 

^ Godwin, [de Praesul. 633. 
See also the life of Kentigem, 
ib. 631.] 



CXMT. IV. of Britain, 121 

for Gildas, sumamed the Wise, their contemporary, A.D.58a 
we reserve his character for our library of British 
historians^. Many other worthy men flourished at 
the same time ; and a national church being a large 
room, it is hard to count all the candles God lighted 
therein. 

14. Most of these men seem bom under a tra- Pano™ in 

.» • 

veiling planet; seldom having their education in thewhyinooo 
place of their nativity : ofbtimes composed of Irish Jj^* ™^ 
infancy, British breeding, and French preferment ; 
taking a cowl in one coimtry, a crozier in another, 
and a grave in a third; neither bred where bom, 
nor beneficed where bred, nor buried where bene- 
ficed ; but wandering in several kingdoms. Nor is 
this to be imputed to any humour of inconstancy, 
(the running gout of the soul,) or any affected unset- 
tledness in them ; but proceeding from other weighty 
considerations. First, to procure their safety. For 
in time of persecution, the surest place to shift in, is 
constant shifting of places : not staying any where so 
long as to give men's malice a steady aim to level at 
them. Secondly, to gain experience in those things 
which grew not all in the same soil. Lastly, that 
the gospel thereby might be further and faster pro- 
pagated. When there be many guests and little 
meat, the same dish must go clean through the 
board ; and Divine providence ordered it, that in the 
scarcity of preachers, one eminent man, travelling 
far, should successively feed many countries. 

15. To most of these authors many written volumes Books 
are assigned, the titles and beginnings whereof you ^[j^ ^' 

« Vide our Library of Bri- haps being merged in ** The 
tish Histor. N®. i. [This work '• Worthieft/* where some ac« 
was never accomplished ; per- count of Oildas will be found.] 



I 



182 The Church History of Britain. book i. 

A.D.58O' may find in our countrymen Bale and Pits, who will 
British persuade you that they have seen and perused some 
of them. This they do partly to enhance the merit 
of their industry in finding out so many rarities, and 
partly to commend to the world the latitude of their 
own reading. I shall as soon believe that they have 
seen all Solomon's volumes, which he wrote from 
the Cedar of Libanus, to the hyssop that groweth on 
the wall. But this humour possesseth many men 
that brag of many books coming under their dis- 
covery ; as if not only with the mice, they had crept 
through the crannies of all libraries, but also with 
the moths, had got betwixt the leaves of all treatises 
therein. In plain truth, as it is probable that those 
British prelates wrote many books of consequence, 
so it i8 certain that long since by time they have 
been abolished. As for those spurious tracts which 
monks in after-ages set out under these worthy 
men's names, they are no more to be accounted the 
true offspring of these learned saints, than that 
common manna, ordinarily sold in apothecaries* 
shops, is the selfsame with that angel's food which 
fell down from heaven and feasted the Israelites. 



THE 



CHURCH HISTORY 



OP 



BRITAIN. 



THE SECOND BOOK, 

FROM THE CONVERSION OF THE SAXONS TO CHRIS. 

TIANITY, UNTIL THE (COMMONLY CALLED) 

CONQUEST OF THE NORMANS. 




RIGHT HONOURABLE 
HENRY, 

LORD MARQUIS OP DORCHESTER, 

EARL OF KINGSTON, VISCOUNT NEWARK. LORD FIERRE- 
FONT, fto.* 

10W low learning ran in our land 
amongst the native nobility Bome two 
hundred years since, in the reign of 
king Henry the Sixth, too plainly ap- 
peareth by the motto in the sword of the martial 
earl of Shrevrabury, where at the same time one 
may smile at the simplicity and sigh at the bar- 
barism thereof, Sum Talboti, pro occidebe inimicds 
MEOS. The best Latin that lord, and perchance his 
chaplains too in that age, could afford. 

But in the next generation we may observe the 
rise of learning in noble femilies. I behold John 
THptoft, earl of Worcester, bred in Balliol college, 
as the iirst English person of honour that graced 
learning with the study thereof in the days of king 

> [This was the celebrated of him in Wood's Fasti, ii. 33. 

Heniy Pierrepoint, wfaa was He was highly esteemed for 

appcrinted one of king CharW his abilities both aa a scholar 

oommisBiunerB at the treaty of and an author.] 
Uxbridge. See some account 



126 



DEDICATION. 



Edward the Fourth, both at home and in foreign 
universities. He made so eloquent an oration m 
the Vatican in the presence of pope Pius the 
Second, one of the least bad, and most learned of 
any of his order, that his holiness was divided 
betwixt weeping and wondering thereat^. 

This earl may be said to have left John Bourchier, 
baron of Bemers^ and governor of Calais, the heir 
to his learning; as who wrote many treatises and 
made exciuisions into variety of studies in the days 
of king Henry the Seventh^. 

This learned baron had several successors under 
king Henry the Eighth at the same time to his parts 
and liberal studies. 

1. Henry lord Stafford, son to the last duke of 
Buckingham of that name ®. 

2. William lord Montjoy, a great patron to 
Erasmus, and well skilled in chymistry and mathe- 
matics^. 

8. Henry Howard, earl of Surrey, though last in 



^ Bale, [Cent. viii. §. 46.] 

c [The celebrated translator 
of Froissart. He died in 1533. 
For a further account of him 
and his writings, see Wood's 
Ath. i. 33.] 

d Bale, Cent. ix. §. i, et Pits 
de Scrip. Anglic, [p. 713.] 

e [A nobleman of consider- 
able parts. Among other things, 
he translated the treatise '* De 
" vera differentia inter regiam 
'•potestatem et ecclesiasticam :" 
generally known by the name 



of the king's book, but attri- 
buted by Bale to Fox, bishop 
of Hereford, the king's al- 
moner. This nobleman died 
in 1558. See his life in Wood's 
Ath. i. 109. Bale, App. p. 1 12. 
Strype's Cran. 75. Mem. II. i. 

^ [William Blount, fourth 
baron Mountjoy. Erasmus de- 
dicated to him his Adagia. 
His corres|K)ndence with Eras- 
mus is published in Epist. 
Erasmi, 1642.] 



DEDICATION. 187 

time, not least in merit, the first reviver of English 
poetry : so that he may seem in some sort to wave 
his coronet to wear the laurel 8^. 

Since whose time to our days learning hath ever 
had a visible succession in our nobility. Amongst 
whom your honour, as captain of the highest form, 
is most illustrious. 

Indeed your lordship is a real refutation of that 
scandalous position which some maintain, that such 
who are generally seen in all arts, cannot be emi- 
nently skilful in any one. A position no better than 
a libel on learning, invented and vented either by 
the idle, who would not themselves study, or by the 
envious, who desire to discourage the endeavours of 
others. 

Whereas there is such a sympathy betwixt several 
sciences, as also betwixt the learned languages, that 
as in a regular fortification one piece strengtheneth 
another, a resultive firmness ariseth from their com- 
plication, reflecting life and lustre one on another. 
Arts may be said to be arched together: and all 
learned faculties have such a mutual reciprocation. 
Thus one is the better canonist for being a good 
civilian, and a better common lawyer, for being both 
of them. And hereof your honour is an experi- 
mental proof, whose knowledge is spread so broad, 
yet lieth so thick in all liberal sciences. 



? [He was beheaded in 1547. too well known to require a 
His excellencies as a poet are more detailed account.] 



1«8 DEDICATION. 

What remaineth, but that I crave leave humbly 
to mind your lordship of that allusive motto to your 
name, Pie repone te; that your honour reposing 
yourself piously in this life, may in a good old age be 
gloriously translated into another. The desire of, 

Your Lordship's 

Most bounden orator, 

THOMAS FULLER. 



THE 

CHURCH HISTORY 

OF 

BRITAIN. 

CENTURY VI. 

T is wonderful to see how the fruits of a.d.s8s. 




great events are virtually comprised in The em 
I the small seed of their causes, and how the Suom' 
I a contemptible accident may give the ^"J^^ 
occasion of most considerable effects ; '^■'r- 
u may appear by the conversion of the Saxons to 
Christianity. For it happened that certain Saxon 
children were to be sold for slaves at the market- 
place at Rome, when Divine providence, the great 
clock-keeper of time, ordering not only hoiure, but 
even instants ^ to his own honour so disposed it, that 
Gregory, afterwards fint bishop of Rome of that 
name, was present to behold them. It grieved the 
good man to see the disproportion betwixt the faces 
and fortunes, the complexions and conditions of 
tboee children, condemned to a servile estate, though 
carrying liberal looks, so legible was ingenuity in 
their laces. It added more to his sorrow, when he 
conceived that those youths were twice vassals, 

■ Bede, Hist. Eocl. ii. i. <> Luk« ii. 38. 

rOLLBX, VOL. I. K 



180 The Church History booi 

A.D. 585. bought by their masters, and sold under sin^; servj 
in their bodies, and slaves in their souls to Sal 
which occasioned the good man to enter into -furl 
inquiry with the merchants which set them to 
what they were, and whence they came, accordin 
this ensuing dialogue. 

G7'eff. Whence come these captives ? 

Mer. From the isle of Britain. 

(jh'eff. Are those islanders Christians ? 

Me7\ O no : they are pagans. 

Gfreff. It is sad that the author of darkness sb 
possess men with so bright faces. But what is 
name of their particular nation ? 

Mer. They are called Angli. 

Greff. And well may, for their angel-like facee 
becometh such to be coheirs with the angelf 
heaven. In what province of England did 1 
live? 

Mer. In Deira^. 

Cfreg. They are to be freed de Dei ira, from 
anger of God. How call ye the king of 
country ? 

Mer. ELLA. 

Gfreg. Surely Hallelujah ought to be simg in 
kingdom to the praise of that God who create<] 
things^. 

^ Rom. vii. 14. " major um ad nos asqtie 

d Which at this day is the " lata est/' This trad 

bishopric of Deirham, or Dur- however has been inse 

ham. nearly in the same word 

® [Bede narrates this dia- the life of Gregory attrit 

logue as merely traditional, to Joannes Diaconus (ii. 

prefixing to it the following who also mentions the nan 

observation : *• Nee silentio the pope to whom Grc 

" prsetereunda opinio qu» de imparted his design of 

•• beato Gregorio traditione verting Britain^ but whi< 



VI. 



of Britain. 



181 



lus Gregory's gracious heart set the sound of A.D.58J 
f word to the tune of spiritual goodness. Nor 
his words be justly censured for levity, if we 
ider how in that age the elegancy of poetry con- 
i in rhythm, and the eloquence of prose in allu- 
I. And, which was the main, where his pleasant 
eits did end, there his pious endeavours began ; 
h did not terminate in a verbal jest, but produce 
effects, which ensued hereupon. 
For repairing to Pelagius, bishop of Rome, he Oregatj 
Tted his discoveries unto him, desiring that vert £ng. 
J might be sent to endeavour the conversion of pg^ioli^ bu 
English nation, tendering his personal service ^^ *' ^^y 
^onto. But Pelagius was unwilling to expose 
;ory to so dangerous a design, and the people of 
8 accounting him a precious jewel, to be choicely 
for his own wearing, would not cast this pearl 
e stvine^ by hazarding him to the insolency of 
pagans. Now Pelagius not long after being 
d into another world, Gregory succeeded in his 



sd in Bede. This was 
lict I.^ who died in 582, 
tot Pelagius II., his sue 
*^ 88 Fuller states (see 
^almsb. De Gestis, f. 8.). 
refore any credit be due 
is life of Gregory, this 
;ae must have taJcen place 
$585. But this error of 
rathor should rather be 
Qted to Godwin, who 
ig the passage of Paulus 
nas, states that about 

years (he should rather 
said eleven, for Gregory 
aised to the popedom in 

bad elapsed since this 
rsation^ when Gregory, 
pope, attempted that by 



his own authority which he 
was not permitted to do whilst 
in an inferior station. (De Pre- 
sul. p. 28.) 

Archbishop Parker however, 
and I think justly, throws dis- 
credit upon this whole narra. 
tive. Observing upon the au- 
thority of Gregory 'sown letters^ 
that his first motive to the 
conversion of the Anglo-Sax- 
ons, was an application made 
to him from them for that 
purpose. See the letters quoted 
by him in his Antiq. Brit. 
Eccl. p. 52. They are printed 
at full length in Wilkins* Cone. 
I. 10 sq. fV. 714.] 

K 2 



\ 



188 Tlie Church History book ii. 

A.P.585 » place ; who rising to new greatness, did not fidl from 
his old goodness, but prosecuting his project with 
more earnestness, sent Augustine the monk, with 
Mellitus, and forty more, to preach the gospel in 
Britain. He himself tarrying behind in body, went 
with them in his spirit^, accompanying them with 
his effectual prayers : and none will deny but that 
Moses in the mount contributed as much to the 
conquering of Amalekfif, as Joshua in the valley. 
A.D.596. 3. These men had not gone far, when they were 
and his fd- Surprised with a qualm of fear, and sending Au- 
foTfeap. gustine back again to Gregory, requested to be ex- 
cused from going to so barbarous a nation, not as 
yet converted to civility, whose language they did 
not understand. Here some will be ready to deride 
them for cowards ; who more seriously considering 
with how many excuses Moses, being sent by Grod 
himself, declined the going to Pharaoh**, and how 
loath Jeremy was to preach to his countrymen, the 
stiff-necked Jews*, will presently change their cen- 
suring into commiserating the frailty of flesh, and 
common condition of mankind. But those make 
short miles, who looking through a window, travel a 
day's journey in an instant, whilst wayfaring men 
must honestly pay for every step, and dearly earn it 
with their industry. It is facile for men in their 
pleasing speculations to project the conversion of a 
kingdom, and with themselves to discourse a heathen 
nation into Christianity ; whilst those must encoimter 
many difficulties who really go about to perform it. 
Gregory perceiving them to tire in their under- 



f I Cor. V. 3. ^ £xod. iii. and iv. 

K Exod. xvii. II. * Jer. i. 6. 



CENT. VI. of Britain. 18S 

takings, spurred them on with his exhortatory letter ; a.d. 55 
the copy whereof is here inserted ^ to acquaint us 
with the style of the bishops of Rome in that age. 

" Gregorius, the servant of the servants of God, 
" &c. For so much as better it were never to begin 
** a good work, then after it is once begun to go 
" from it again, you must needs, my dear sons, now 
" fulfill the good work, which by the help of God 
" you have taken in hand. Let therefore neither the 
** travail of the journey, neither the talk of evill- 
" tongued men dismay you. But with all force and 
" fervour make up that you have by the motion of 
" God begun, assuring yourselves, that aft;er your 
" great labour etemall reward shall follow. Be you 
** in all points obedient unto Augustine, whom I 
** have sent back unto you, and appointed him to be 
** your abbot, knowing that shall much profit your 
" souls, which you shall do upon obedience of his 
** commandment. Our Almighty Lord defend you 
** with his grace, and grant me to see the fruit of 
" your labours in his kingdome of heaven: and though 
" I cannot labour myself with you, yet I may enjoy 
** part of your reward, for that I have a will to 
** labour. God keep you healthy, my dearly beloved 
** children. 

" Dated the 23rd of July, our Lord Mauricius 
** Tiberius reigning, our most vertuous emperour, in 
" the fourteenth year of his empire, the thirteenth 
** year after his consulship, indie tione 14 1" 

As yet we see the chaplain had not lorded it over 
his patron; as yet the pope's crown was not built 

^ Bede's Hist. Eccl. i. 23, translated by Stapleton. 
1 [That is in the year 596.] 

K 3 



1S4 The Church Hhiory book it. 

A D. 596. three stories high, but observed a distance of sub- 
mission towards the emperor, as appears by his 
respectful expressions. Yea, this bishop measured 
the time by the years of the emperor's reign, whose 
successors have learned a new arithmetic in their 
modem dates of charters, only reckoning by the years 
of their own consecration, Avithout relating to any 
imperial account. Gregory (by the way) was the 
first which in humility used the style of servtis ser^ 
vorum Dei, But as in the method of nature, a low 
valley is immediately seconded with an ambitious 
hill, so after this humble Gregory, (a submissive 
soul,) within two years followed Boniface the Third, 
in whom was the pitch of pride, and height of 
aspiring haughtiness, to be termed the universal 
bishop of the world™. 

Augustine 4. Besidcs the aforesaid letter, Gregory wrote 

troubled rmi. Tfroii 

with mock, many others, one to Theodonc and rheodebert, 
i^hispas-'l^i^^gs of France", and several epistles to sundry 
SSough French bishops, to accommodate and assist Augus- 
France. tine and his companions in so pious a design. And, 
which must not be forgotten, with them he sent 
over Candidus'', a priest, into France, to receive the 
profits and long-detained arrears of the pope's patri- 
moniolum^y as he terms it, (the diminutive is well 
increased at this time,) and with the money to buy 
clothes for the poor, and also to buy English pagan- 
captive youths in France of seventeen or eighteen 
year old, that they might be brought up in Chris- 

^ [He was raised to the Flor. Wigorn. an. 608.] 
popedom in 607. *• Hie impe- ^ Gregor. Ep. v. 58. 
" travit a Phoca ut scdes apo- © Ibid. v. 10. 
" stolica caput esset Ecclesiae, P Ibid. v. 57. [All these let- 

" cum antea Constantinopolis ters are printed in Wilkins' 

'* primamseomniumscriberet." Cone. I. 10 sq. IV. 716.] 



CKNT. vi. of Britain. 1S6 

tianity in monasteries; so at once bestowing both A.D.sg6. 
liberty, religion, and learning upon them. A tran- 
scendent degree of charity; an alms worthy Gre- 
gory's hands to give it. And now Augustine with 
his paitners well encouraged, effectually prosecute 
their project, passing quietly through France, save 
only at the village of Saye in Anjou, where some 
giggling huswives (light leaves will be wagged with 
little wind) causelessly fell a flouting at them. But 
in after-ages, the people of the same place, to repair 
this wrong, erected a masculine church (women 
being interdicted the entrance thereof) to the me- 
mory of St. Augustine ; and how soundly one woman 
smarted for her presumption herein, take it on the 
trust of my author** 

Plebs parat ecclesiam mulieribus baud reserandam : 
Introitum tentat una, sed ilia pent. 

They build a church where women may not enter : 
One tried, but lost her life for her adventure. 

Yet Augustine himself found courteous usage from 
the weaker sex : witness the kind carriage of Bruni- 
childa the queen of France unto him, for which 
Gregory in an epistle' returned her solemn thanks, 
and Bertha, the king of France his daughter, wife to 
Ethelbert king of Kent. 

5. Augustine safely wafted over the sea, lands Auguadne 
with the rest at Thanet in Kent, taking, as it seems, power of 
deep footing, if it be true what one writes*, that them^Jad^, 
print of his steps where he first landed left as perfect p^'^T*®'' 

q Alexander Essebiensis, in Printed in Wilkins' Cone. I. 

his Annal of Saints, and John lo.] 

Ca]^;rave, [in Vita, fol. 31. « Porter's Flowers of the 

h.] Saints^ in the life of St. Au. 

' Lib. V. 59, [and ix. 56. gnstine, p. 499. 

K 4 



1S6 The Church History book il 

A.D. 596. a mark in a main rock as if it had been in wax ; and 
to preach the Romanists will cry shame on onr hard hearts, if 
Engiiih. our obduratc belief, more stubborn than the stone, 
will not as pliably receive the impression of this 
miracle. But it is worthy our consideration, that 
though Augustine all his way might be tracked by 
the wonders he left behind him, (when thirsty, mira- 
culously fetching a fountains when cold, a fire, re- 
storing the blind and lame to their eyes and limbs,) 
yet for all this he was fain to bring interpreters out 
of France with him, by whose help he might imder- 
stand the English, and be imderstood by them. 
Whereas in Holy Writ, when the apostles (and pa^ 
pists commonly call Augustine the English apostle, 
how properly we shall see hereafter) went to a 
foreign nation, God gave them the language thereof, 
lest otherwise their preaching should have the vigour 
thereof abated, taken at the second hand, or rather 
at the second mouth, as Augustine's was ; who used 
an interpreter, not as Joseph " to his brethren, out of 
state and policy, but out of mere necessity. This, I 
say, well thought on, will make our belief to demur 
to the truth of his so frequent miracles, being so re- 
dundant in working them on trivial occasions, and so 
defective in a matter of most moment. But leaving 
him and his for a time safely landed and lodged, that 
our gratitude to God may be the greater for freeing 
the Saxons our ancestors from the bondage of idol- 
atry, let us behold with horror the huge fetters of 
error and ignorance wherewith the Devil kept them 
in durance before the gospel was preached unto 
them. 

^ Idem, p. 498. « Gen. xlii. 23. 



CBNT. VI. 



of Britain, 



187 



6. The Saxons, like the rest of the Germans, A.D. 596. 
whilst pure impure pagans, worshipped many idols. The rabble 

L t_ • X n j.» i» of Saxon 

barbarous m name, some monstrous, all antic foridob. 
shape, and abominable in the rites and ceremonies 
of their adoration. Some aver that as the Germans, 
affecting an autarchy, or sole-suflSciency amongst 
themselves, disdained commerce in customs or civil 
government with the Romans, so they communi- 
cated not with them in their religion. Yet others 
affirm that in after-ages the Dutch did enter common 
with the Romish superstition; at least-wise some 
modem authors have reduced the Saxon idols (sym- 
bolizing with the Romans in power and properties) 
to some conformity with the Roman deities. Now 
although, according to God's command to the Jews, 
their names shall not be heard out of our monthly by 
way of praising them, praying to them, or swearing 
by them, yet an historical mention of them here en- 
suing, is as free from offence, as useful for information. 
Besides the sun and moon, the Saxons sacri- 
ficed to 



Name, 



Shape* 



Thor or Thur, 
abbreviated d 
Tkifnrey which 
we now write 
Thunder. Thurs- 
iay named from 

Wodenj that is 
vood, fierce, or 
forious, giving 
the denommation 
to Wednesday, or 
Wodensday. 



A corpulent statue 
reposed on a cover- 
ed bed, wearing a 
crown of gold, about 
which twelve stars; 
a kingly sceptre in 
his right hand. 

Armed cap a pie, 
with a military co- 
ronet on his head. 



Office. 



Correspondent wUh 



The Roman Ju. 

PITER. 



MxRsy. 



w Exod. xxiii. 13. 

* Verstegan's Restitution of 
Decayed Intelligence, p. 74. 
[ed. 1634.] 

y So Verstegan, p. 72, but 



He governed the 
wind and clouds, 
causing light- 
ning, thunder, 
tempest, fair or 
foul weather. 

He was the god 
of battle, by 
whose aid and 
furtherance they 
hoped to obtain 
victory. 



Camden, Brit. p. 135, makes 
him to be Mercury. [Perhaps 
on the authority of Mat. Westm. 

P- 155-] 



188 



The Clmrch History 



BOOK IK 



A.D. 596. 



Name, 



Friga or Frea^ 
remembered on 
Friday^, 



Seater, still re- 
maining on Sa- 
turday 



Tuy$o, whence 
Tuesday took its 
name. 



Ermensewl, that 
is, the pillar or 
stay of the poor. 



Heile. 



Shape. 



An hermaphro- 
dite, perchance be- 
cause the reputed 
patroness of gene- 
ration,wberein both 
sexes are joined. 

Of a lean visage, 
longhair, bare head, 
holding in one hand 
a wheel, in the other 
a pail of flowers. 

Covered with a 
skin, arms and feet 
naked, with an an- 
cient aspect, and a 
sceptre in his hand. 

Pictured with a 
banner in one hand 
with a red rose, in 
the other a pair of 
balance, on his head 
a cock, breast a 
bear, before him an 
escutcheon, &c 

His stately statue 
stood at Cem in 
Dorsetshire. 



Office. 



The giver of 
peace and plenty, 
the causer of 
love, amity, and 
increase. 

Conceived to 
have a great in- 
fluence on the 
kindly fruits of 
the earth. 

The peculiar tu- 
telar god of the 
Dutch, whence 
they had their 
name. 

The pretended 
bestower of wit 
and cunning in 
bargains and con- 
tracts. 



The preventer 
of diseases, pre- 
server and re- 
storer of health. 



Carreepondeniwkk 



Venus. 



Satuen. 



• • • • • 



Mercury. 



iGsCULAPIUS. 



Thus we see the whole week bescattered with 
Saxon idols, whose pagan gods were the godfathers 
of the days, and gave them their names. This some 
zealot may behold as the object of a necessary re- 
formation, desiring to have the days of the week 
new dipped, and called after other names. Though 
indeed this supposed scandal will not offend the 
wise, as beneath their notice, and cannot offend the 
ignorant, as above their knowledge. Wherefore 
none need so hastily to hurry to the top of the main 
mast, thence to pluck down the badge of Castor and 
Pollux*; but rather let them be careful steadily to 
steer their ship to the haven for which it is bound. 



' [Malmsbury styles her the 
wife of Woden. De Gestis 
Regum, f. 3, b. Mat. West. ibid. 



The kings of the Saxons trace 
their pedigree to Woden.] 
^ Acts xxviii. 1 1 . 



CENT. VI. of Britain, 189 

and let us redeem the time, for the days are evil; not A.D.596. 
because in their name they bear the cognizance of 
the pagan gods, but because swarming with the sins 
of profane men, which all should labour to reprove 
in others, and amend in themselves. 

7. But it was not a week or a month, yea, scarce a recruit 
a year of days, which could severally contain the idols. 
numerous Saxon idols. Besides the forenamed, they 

had Neptune ^ to whom in their abominable decima- 
tions they sacrificed every tenth captive whom they 
had taken in war ; so making that sea-god to swim 
in man's blood, per hujrismodi non tarn sacrificia 
furgati^ quam sacrilegia polluti^ saith an ancient 
Christian author^. Secondly, Eoster or Goster, a 
goddess, which they worshipped in the spring time, 
wherein the feast of Easter afterwards was cele- 
brated, and so thence named, as Bede observeth. 
Thirdly, Flynt, so termed because set on a great 
flint-stone, which, I dare boldly say, had more sparks 
of divine nature than that idol which thereon was 
erected. Lastly, Tacitus observeth '^, that the Saxons 
worshipped the peculiar god Herthus, the selfsame 
which in English we call the Earth, adoring that 
whereon they did daily trample. 

8. Besides these, they had other lesser gods, of a ah these 
lower form and younger house, as Helmsteed, Prono, by chrfs- 
Fridegast, and Siwe ; all which at this day (to use •^^^^^^y* 
the prophet's expression) are cast to the moles and 

ike bats^ ; fit company for them which have eyes and 
see noty blind to the blind, like all those which put 

^ Selden of Tithes, ch. x. viii. Ep. 6. [p. 223. ed. 1652.] 
p. 269. [ed. 161 8.] d [Germania, chap, xl.] 

c Sidonias Apollinaris, lib. ^ Isaiah ii. 20. 



140 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 596. confidence in them. And as the tme and real 
serpent of Aaron ^ did swallow up and devour the 
seeming serpents which Jannes and Jambres, the 
Egyptian enchanters did make, so, long since in 
England, the religion of the true God hath outlived 
and outlasted, confuted and confounded all false and 
feigned deities. To conclude this discourse. I have 
heard of a man, who being drunk, rode over a narrow 
bridge, (the first and last that ever passed that way, 
as which in likelihood led him to imminent death,) 
and next morning viewing how he had escaped, he 
fell into a swoon with acting over again the danger 
of his adventure in his bare apprehension. So should 
England (now, thanks be to God, grown sober and 
restored to herself) seriously recollect her sad con- 
dition, when posting in the paths of perdition, being 
intoxicated with the cup of idolatry, she would fell 
into a trance of amazement at the consideration of 
her desperate state, before Christianity recovered 
her to her right senses: the manner whereof we now 
come to relate. 

A.D.597. 9. When Augustine the monk, as is aforesaid, 

meter of landed in Thanet, Ethelbert was then king of Kent. 

E^Sbert. O^® ^ho had very much of good nature in him ; of 
a wild olive well civilized, and a stock fit to be 
grafted upon. Yea, he was already, with king 
Agrippa, (though not in the same sense,) almost a 
Christian^; because his other hali^ queen Bertha, 
daughter to the king of France, was a Christian** : to 
whom he permitted the free use of her religion, 
allowing her both Liudhard a bishop, for her chap- 
lain, and an old church in Canterbury, formerly 

^ Exod. vii. 12. % Acts xxvi. 28. h Bede, Hist. Eccl. i. 25. 



CEKT. VI. of Britain. 141 

dedicated by the Romans to St, Martin, to exercise a. 0.597- 
her devotion therein. Besides, at this time, this 
Ethelbert was in effect monarch of England, whilst 
his person had residence chiefly in Kent, his power 
had influence even to Humber, all the rest of the 
Saxon kings being homagers unto him ; which after- 
ward much expedited the passage of the gospel in 
England. Thus each officious accident shall duti- 
fully tender his service to the advance of that design 
which God will have effected. 

10. Then Augustine acquainted this Ethelbert Augmtine'i 
with his arrival, informing him by his messengers, and eumS- 
that he brought the best tidings unto him, which j!^^* *"" 
would certainly procure eternal happiness in heaven, 
and endless reigning in bliss with the true God, to 
such as should entertain them. Soon after Ethelbert 
repaired into Thanet ; to whom Augustine made his 
address, fxera iroW^g (pavraa-la^j with a deal of (spi- 
ritual, carnal) pomp ; having a silver cross carried 
before him for a banner, the image of our Saviour 
painted in a tabled and singing the Litany in the 
way as they went^. King Ethelbert desired all 
things betwixt them might be transacted in the 
open air, refusing to come under a roof for fear of 
fiiscination. And indeed a stranger, who had never 
seen the like before, beholding Augustine with such 
abundance of trinkets about him, being formerly 
jealous, might hereby have his suspicion increased, 
that he went about some strange machination. 
However, Ethelbert returned him a civil answer; 
" That their promises were fair and good ; but be- 

1 [Merely a painting of our Bede, ibid.] 
Saviour. " Imago Domini Sal- J Bede^ ib. [Could it be St. 
" vatoris in tabula depicta." Gregory's own litany ?] 



142 The Church Hutory Boot il. 

A.D.597. " cause new and uncertain, he could not presentlj 
^^ assent unto them, and leave the ancient customs 
" of the English, which had been for so long time 
" observed. But because they were strangers, coming 
'^ from far countries, to communicate to him and his 
" such things as they conceived were good and troe^ 
" he would not forbid any converts, whom their 
^' preaching could persuade to their opinion, and also 
" would provide them necessaries for their comfort- 
" able accommodation." 
Ethdbert 11. Houce Augustine, with his followers, advanced 
SJJ^reited* to Canterbury, to the aforesaid old church of St 
Chrirtian Martin's. Here they lived so piously, prayed so fer- 
faith. vently, fasted so frequently, preached so constantly, 
wrought miracles so commonly, that many people of 
inferior rank, and at last king Ethelbert himself was 
baptized, and embraced the Christian religion. The 
same Ethelbert also ordered that none should be 
forced into religion, having understood that Christ's 
service ought to be voluntary, and not compelled'^. 
And if his courtiers had been as cautious not to 
embrace religion for fashion, as the king was careful 
they should not receive it for fear, there had not at 
that time been made so many Christians for conve- 
niency probably rather than for conscience, who 
soon after returned again to paganism. However, as 
it is rendered a reason in the days of Hezekiah, why 
the Jews at so short warning so unanimously kept 
the passover, God had prepared the people^ for the 
thing was done suddenly^ so on the same account it 
came to pass that in so little a time, besides tempo- 
rary believers, so many true and sincere converts 
embraced the Christian faith. 

k Bede» Hist. Eccl. i. 26. [Usher, De Antiq. 68.] 



CEVT. VI. 



of Britain, 



145 



12. Then Auguirtine by his letters* informed Gre- a.d. 



5S 



gory of the progress and proficiency of his pains in Gregory*! 
England ™. Gregory returned him a discreet answer, aI^Uii 
fejoicing with him, and advising of him, not to be'®^^"* 
puffed up by pride for the great miracles wrought by 
him ; but, timendo gauderCj et gaudendo pertimescere. 
He minded him how, when the disciples triumphed 
at their casting out of devils^ Christ more spiritual- 
iied their joy, rather to rejoice th^t their names were 
written in heaven^. And indeed, as some eminent in 
piety never attained this honour, John (Baptist) did 
no miracle^y so many, finally disavowed of God, as 
unknown unto him, shall plead for themselves, (and 
truly no doubt,) In thy name have we cast out devils^. 
Yet this admonition of Gregory is with me, and 
ought to be with all unprejudiced persons, an argu- 
ment beyond exception, that (though no discreet 
man will believe Augustine's miracles in the latitude 
of monkish relations) he is igndrantly and uncha- 
ritably peevish and morose, who utterly denies some 
miracles to have been really effected by him. About 
the same time St. Gregory sent from Rome Mellitus, 



1 [In this interval, and prior 
to the date of these letters^ 
AngOBtine^ who hitherto was 
only a monk, went over to 
ArleSy according to Gregory's 
direction to be consecrated by 
Etherins the archbishop of that 
dty. Upon his return into 
Bntain he sent Laurentius a 
priest, and Peter a monk, to 
ii3bnn Gregory that the Eng. 
liah nation had received Chris- 
tianity, and that he had now 
received the episcopal dignity 
(se episcopum factum esse,) 
requesting Gregory's advice 



and direction how he should act 
in his new honours. Gregory's 
answer is dated 6oi . The date 
therefore in the margin should 
be nearer 6oi than 597. With 
his answer Gregory also sent by 
Mellitus and the rest, who were 
appointed to assist St. Augus- 
tine, a pall, with directions for 
the appointment of bishops in 
England. Bede, ib. 37.] 
™ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. i. 27— 

32.] 

o Luke X. 1 7. 
o John X. 41. 
P Matt. vii. 23. 



( 



144 The Church History of Britain, book ii. 

A.D.600. Justus, Paulinus, and Ruffinianus, to be fellow- 
labourers with Augustine in the English harvest. 
ConduMon 13. Thus was Kent converted to Christianity. For 

of this oen- 

tuiy. such as account this a conversion of all England, to 
make their words good, do make use of a long and 
strong synecdoche, a part for the whole, fer more 
than half of the land lying some years after in the 
darkness of paganism; which others afterward en- 
lightened with the beams of the gospel. But as he 
is esteemed the architect or master-workman, not 
who builds up most of the wall, but who first de- 
signeth the fabric and layeth the foundation thereof, 
in the same respect Augustine carrieth away the 
credit of all that came after him, because the pri- 
mitive planter of the gospel amongst the Saxons. 
And it is observable that this conversion was done 
without any persecution, (yea, considerable oppo- 
sition ;) costing some pain, no torture, some sweat, no 
blood; not one martyr being made in the whole 
managing thereof. Meantime the poor Christian 
Britons, living peaceably at home, there enjoyed 
God, the gospel, and their mountains ; little skilftd 
in, and less caring for the ceremonies a la mode, 
brought over by Augustine: and indeed their po- 
verty could not go to the cost of Augustine's silver 
cross, which made them worship the God of their 
fathers after their own homely but hearty fashion ; 
not willing to disturb Augustine and his followers in 
their new rites, but that he had a mind to disquiet 
them in their old service, as in the sequel of the 
history will appear. 



THE SEVENTH CENTURY. 



AMICO SUO 
GR. B." 

Socrates interrogattts, quo pkiltro natura aympathiaa con- 
dliaret, quidve esset in causa, ut alii kominum prima 
occurau ament medttUitits, alii sibi muiuo sint itf/enaif 
hoBc rationem reddidit : 

Dau, inqtiit, ab tetemo quicquid Jiiturum esset animarum 
creavit ; creattu, per immenaum iemporis spaiium in uno 
cumulo coUocavit ,' coUocatas, corporihua, prout indies 
genrraniHr, irtfundit. Hinc est, si contingat vel Jbr- 
tmtum consortium inter eon homines, quorum animiB in 
hoc acervo prapinquiores, quod prima visit, qttasi veteris 
vicinitatis memores, se imncem diligant ; dum isti, 
primo intuitu, antipathia slimulis urgeantur, quorum 
anima adversontes diametrice opponebantur. 

Fateor commentum hoc Socraticum a lh:oiogia adhorrere; 
et in philosophia plurimis asyatatis laborare. Quod si ei 
tubeaaet tantum veritatis quantum ingenii, aanctisaime 
voverem in hoc animarum cumulo tuam et meam conti- 
guaa oHm jacuisse ; cum te primum conspeclum et ani- 
miiua amarem, et a te redamarer. 

I UCH about this time pope Gregory a. p. 601. 
1 sent two archbishops' paUs into Eng- why the 
land; the one for London, the other .hop-^lieo 
I for York''. The former of these cities ^^""^^.^ 

had been honoured with an archbishop's see some ^^''" *" 

hundred years since king Lucius. But at the instance bury. 

of Augustine, and by a new order of the foresaid 

> [Seethe Index.] Pur a description of these pallii, 

l> Rog. Weiidover, Matth. see Harpsheld's Hist. EccI, 

Florileg. and RofF. Ilistor. [in Ang. p. 58.] 

an. 601. Usher, Antiq. 38-42. 

FUI.LEE, VOL. t. I. 




146 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.601. Gregory, this pall sent to London was removed 
thence to Canterbury, whereof Augustine was made 
archbishop, and there, for the future, fixed and con- 
firmed for several reasons. First, London already 
had lustre enough, being the biggest city in Britain ; 
and it was needless to add new spiritual to her old 
temporal greatness; which conjoined, might cause 
pride in any one place, whilst divided, they might 
give honour to two cities. Secondly, London, by 
reason of the receipt thereof, was likely to prove 
the residing place for the English monarch ; and it 
was probable that the archiepiscopal dignity would 
there be eclipsed and outshined by the regal 
diadem. Thirdly, had Augustine been archbishop 
of London, he might have seemed to succeed the 
British archbishops, and to have derived some right 
from them, contrary to his humour, who would lead 
all, but follow none ; and therefore would not wear 
an old title, but have a span-new archbishop's chair 
carved out for himself. Lastly, Canterbury was the 
place wherein Christianity was first received by the 
Saxons, and therefore deserved to be honoured, to 
perpetuate the memory thereof. Thus London here- 
after must be contented with the plain seat of a 
bishop, the mother being made a daughter, imd 
must come behind Canterbury, which did much 
wrong, and perchance something trouble her. But 
churches have more discretion and humility than to 
break their hearts about earthly precedency; and 
the matter is not much which see went first when 
living, seeing our age hath laid them both alike level 
in their gravest 

^ [These remarks are incor. ble. In the first place it is 
rect and somewhat uncharita. hardly probable that Christian- 



C£NT. VII. 



of Britain. 



147 



2. Augustine thus aimed with archiepiscopal au- A.D.601. 
tfaority, to shew a cast of his office by the aid of Augu^ine 
£tbelbert king of Kent, called a council for the«ynodof 
Saxon and British bishops to come together, in the British 
confines of the Wiccians and West-Saxons^ An**^"^ 
indifferent place for mutual ease, in midway betwixt 
both; haply presaging, that as their distant per- 
sons met on equal terms, so their opposite opinions 
might agree in some moderation. The particular 
place was called Augustine's Ake, (that is, his oak, in 



ity had extended its influence, 
tt present, much further than 
Kent; nor could ambition^ or 
the fear of being eclipsed^ fur. 
niah a motive for Augustine to 
remove from London to Can- 
terfonry, because Kent at this 
period was the most important 
kingdom of the Saxon hept- 
archy. As Kent was the first 
scene of St. Augustine's mis- 
sion, and its king his first 
royal convert, it was hardly to 
be expected that the arch. 
bishop should fix his see at 
London, the capital of a king- 
dom which as yet had not risen 
into importance, and in all 
probability had not as yet re. 
ceived the Christian faith. For 
it was not till three years after, 
in 604, that Augustine sent 
Mellitus and Justus to preach 
to the West-Saxons (Flor. Wi- 
gom. 604.) Furthermore, their 
kingdom was at this time de. 
pendant upon Kent, and Lon. 
don was governed by a viceroy 
appointea by ^thelbright, the 
king of Kent, (Saxon Chron. et 
Flor. Wigom. an. 604. Bede, 
Hist. Eccl. ii. 3.) Another 
probable cause for Canterbury 
continuing to be the archiepi- 



« 



(t 



t€ 



«< 



scopal see, when Canterbury 
was no longer from accidental 
causes the metropolis of this 
part of England, is given by 
William of Malmsbury, ''Can- 

tuarise sedit primus Augusti. 

nus Gregorii magni disci. 
" pulus, ut vulgo notum est. 
•' Pallium autem et privile- 

gium archiepiscopatus idem 

Gregorius Augustino ad Lun- 
" doniam concessit, ut in primo 
" libro gestorum regalium, 
" per Kenulfi ostendimus epi- 
*' stolam ; quia scilicet ad id 
" iempus alierius obscura urbis 
" notttia Romanos non aHi~ 
*' gissei, Verumtamen quia 
" primus doctor, sedulitate re- 
'* gis hospitis et civium chari- 
" tate captus, Cantuariae inco- 
'* latum vivens throno annis 
*' quindecim, et mortuus tu- 
" mulo fovit, omnis eo in post. 
" erum honor translatus." De 
gestis Pontif . f. 1 1 1 , b.] 

c [Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 2. The 
date of this council is disputed. 
The different opinions respect- 
ing it are discussed at some 
length in Wilkins' Cone. I. 
27. n. The most probable 
date is that assumed by Ful- 
ler.] 

l2 



148 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.601. our modem dialect,) which Stapleton (mistaken by 
the affinity of Wiccii or Veccii, with Vectis, the 
Latin name for the Isle of Wight) seeketh near 
Southampton**; where indeed he may find many 
oaks in the New forest, and yet miss the right one. 
For this oak stood in the confines of Worcester and 
Herefordshire^ (though at this day time hath con- 
founded it root and branch,) and therefore this 
meeting is in Latin called st/nodus ViyomiensisK 
Many solemn entertainments we know were an- 
ciently made under treesfi^: and a palm-tree served 
Deborah for her Westminster-hall, wherein she 
judged Israel**. But several reasons are assigned 
why Augustine kept this council under an oak. 
First, so public a place was free from exceptions; 
whereunto none were debarred access. Secondly, 
being congregated under the view of heaven, and 
not pent within the walls of a private house, they 
were minded of clear, fair, and open proceedings, 
without secret ends or sinister intents. Thirdly, 
perchance some pagan Saxons, allured with novelty, 
would repair to the council, whose jealousy was such, 
as in no case they would come under a roof for fear 
of fascination, as hath been formerly observed*. 
Lastly, Augustine knowing that the pagan Britons 
performed their superstitions mider an oak*^, cele- 
brated his synod under the same, in some imitation, 
and yet a correction of their idolatry : as in a reli- 
gious parallel, pagan temples had formerly by him 
been converted into churches of saints. But when 

^ Translation of Bede, ib. S 6en« xviii. 4. 

« Camden's Britannia in ^ Judges iv. 5. 
Worcestershire, [p. 436.] > This reason is given by sir 

' Spelman's Cone. I. 107. Henrj Spelman, ib. 
[Cf. Wilkins, I. 24.] k See I. Cent. §. 3. p. 4. 



CXKT. VII. of Britain. 149 

aU is done, the matter is not so clear but that the A.D.6oi. 
jJace called Augustine's Oak may as well be a town 
as a tree, so called from some eminent oak in, at, or 
near it : as the Vine in Hampshire, so named from 
▼mes anciently growing there, is a beautiful house 
and principal seat, where the barons Sandys have 
their habitation. And, what is most apposite 
for our purpose, Sozomen calleth the place where 
Theophilus kept a synod against St. Chrysostom, the 
Oak, which notwithstanding is notoriously known to 
have been a populous suburb of the city of Chalcedon. 

3. At the first sessions of this synod there was a The British 
very thin appearance of the Britons: of whom Au-fi,*^*Tub^ 
gostine demanded that they should mutually contri- ™i"^" ^ 
bute with him their pains to convert the heathen in *^*'™®* 
Britain, and that they should submit to the pope, 
and embrace an uniformity with the Romish rites, 
especially in the celebration of Easterl What their 
answer was, it is pity it should be delivered in any 
other words than what the abbot of Bangor, being 
the mouth for the rest, represented as followeth; 
Mid let it shift as well as it can for its own authen- 
bicalness. 

BID isfis a diogel i chrvi Be it known and without 

fn bod ni hoU vn ac arral, yn doubt unto you, that we all 

ttndd ac ynn osiingedig i Eg- are, and every one of us, obe- 

firyjr Duw, ac ir Paah o Ruvain, dient and subjects to the church 

xc i Boob Kywir grissdion of Ood, and to the pope of 

iwyuol, y gam pawb yn i radd Rome, and to every godly 

mewn kariad perfaith, ac i Christian, to love every one in 

kelpio pawb o honauni, ar air his degree in perfect charity, 

I gueithred i vod ynn blant y and to help every one of them, 

Duw : ac amgenach vuyddod by word and deed to be the 

ro kfvn nidadwen i vod ir neb children of God : and other 

1 QAnd the administration of baptism according to the Romish 
matom. Bede^ ib.] 

lS 



ISO 



The Chmxk HiHory 



BOOK II. 



Cm! 



A.D.6oi.^ tfddick chwi ^ henwi yn 
Paab ne in Daad o daade : yw 
gleimio ac yw otmnn, ar uvyd^ 
dod hwn ir idden niyn varodytv 
roddi ac ytv dalu iddo ef ac i 
pob KrisdioH yn dragwiddol. 
Heuid yr ydym ni dan lyn^od- 
rath esgob Kaerllion ar Wysc, 
yr hien y sidd ytioligivr dan 
Duw arnom ni, y tvueuthud i 
ni gadmr ffordd ysbrydol^. 



obedience than this I do Mt 
know due to him whom yon 
name to be pope, nor to be 
the Father of fathers, to be 
chiimed and to be demanded. 
And this obedience we ne 
ready to give, and to pay to 
him, and to every Christin 
continually. Besides, we ne 
under the government of tke 
bishop of Kaerlion upon Ueke, 
who is to oversee under God 
over us, to cause us to keep 
the way spiritual. 

See we here the pedigree of the British church, 
which the shorter the ancienter, the fewer steps it 
had the higher it reached. They were subject in 
spiritual matters to the bishop of Caer-lion, and 
above him unto God^ without anj subordination 
unto the pope: so that it was more than a pre- 
sumption that religion came into Britain, not by the 
semicircle of Rome, but in a direct line from the 
Asiatic churches". We must not forget, that though 
many years since the archiepiscopal see of the Bri- 
tons was removed from Caer-lion to St. David's, yet 
it still retained the title of Caer-lion, as of the first 
and most famous place. 
The credit 4. A late papist much impugneth the credit of 
niucript this manuscript, as made since the days of king 
impugned, jj^^^ ^j^^ Eighth, and cavilleth at the Welsh 

thereof, as modem, and full of false spelling^". He 



^ Copied exactly many years 
since by sir Henry Spelman 
out of an ancient British ma- 
nuscript of Mr. Peter Mosten, 
a Welsh gentleman ; Spelman's 
Concilia, I. 108. 

" [With which they agreed 



in their mode of tonsure and 
observation of Easter.] 

[nn For a copy of this quo- 
tation, in the present ortho. 
graphy of the Welsh, I am in- 
debted to the Rev. J. Jones, of 
Christ Church, in this Univer* 



CENT. VII. 



of Britain. 



161 



need not have used so much violence to wrest it out a. d. 6oi. 

of our hands, who can part with it without consi- 

derable loss to ourselves, or gain to our adversaries ; 

for it is but a breviate or abstract of those passages, 
vhich in Bede and other authors appear most true, 
of the British refusing subjection to the see of Rome. 
Whilst therefore the chapter is canonical, it matters 
aot if the contents be apoetypha, as the additions of 
some well-meaning scribe. And though this Welsh be 
fiur later than the days of abbot Dinoth, and the Eng- 
lish (added in the original) later than the Welsh, yet 
the Latin, as ancienter than both, containeth nothing 
contrary to the sense of all authors, which write this 
intercourse betwixt Augustine and the Welsh nation. 

5. But this synod in fine proved ineffectual, the The synod 
British bishops refusing to submit, and Augustine to ^^,ai! 
communicate with them without such submission. 
Whereupon, at Augustine's motion, a blind man 
was publicly presented amongst them, on whom the 
British bishops practised in vain with their prayers to 
restore him to his sight, which, at the request of 
Augustine to God, was presently and perfectly per- 
formed®. This miracle convinced the Britons that 
Augustine was in the right for the critical observa- 



sity : " Bid hysbys a diogel i 
'' chwi ein bod ni oil, un ac 
" arall, yn ufydd ac yn os- 
" tyngedig i Eglwys Duw^ ac 
" i'r Pab o Rufain ac i bob 
*• cywir Oristion dawiol, i garu 
" pawb yn ei radd mewn cariad 
" perffaith ; ac i helpio pawb 
*' o honynt ar air a gweithred 
'* i fed yn blant i Dduw : ac 
" amgenach ufydd-dod no hwn 
•* nid adwaen i fod i*r neb yr 
'• ydych chwi yn ei enwi yn 



'* B&b, neu yn Dad o dadau i'w 
•* gleimioaci'wofyn.A'rufydd- 
•* dod hwn yr ydym ni yn bar- 
" od i'w roddi ac i'w dalu 
" iddo ef ac i bob Cristion yn 
dragwyddol. Hefyd yr ydym 
ni dan lywodraeth esgob 
'* Caerllion ar Wysg, yr hwn 
" y sydd yn olygwr, dan Dduw, 
" arnom ni i wneuthyd i ni 
** gadw'r ffordd ysbrydol."] 
o Bede's Hist. Eccl. ib. 

l4 



*€ 



€t 



152 The Church History book if. 

A.D.6or. tion of Easter. But yet they could not absque sua- 
rum consensu ac licentia, without the national consent 
of their own people, and principal elders therein, 
renounce their ancient customs to embrace new 
practices. Indeed, as for their submitting to Augus- 
tine's jurisdiction, they apprehended it unsafe for the 
present, and mischievous for the future, having an- 
other civil government under kings of their own, and 
suspecting his spiritual power might in process of 
time intrench upon their temporal liberty. 
Thedia- 6. Departing hence, the Britons repaired to an 
twizt the aged anchoret, charactered by Beda to be sanctus et 
ihop« and prudens^ " holy and wise," (and none would wish his 
Soret' counsellor better qualified,) and craved his advice 
how hereafter they should behave themselves in the 
next synod, wherein they had promised to give Au- 
gustine a meeting: which out of our author may 
thus be dialogue-wise digested. 

British Bishops. Anchoret. 

Brit. B. Are we bound to desert our traditions at 
the preaching of Augustine ? 

Anch. If he be a man of God, follow him. 

Brit. B. But how shall we be able to make trial 
thereof? 

Anch. The Lord saith. Take my yoke upon youy 
and learn of me^ for I am meekj and lowly in heart^. 
If therefore this Augustine be mild, and humble in 
heart, it is credible that he himself beareth the yoke 
of Christ, and tendereth the same to be borne of you : 
but if he be cruel and proud, it appeareth that he is 
not of God, neither ought ye to heed what he saith. 

Brit. B. But how shall we make discovery hereof ? 

o Matt. xi. 29. 



CENT. viT. of Britain, 163 

Anch. Contrive it so that he and his may come A.D.601. 
first into the place of the synod. And if he rise up 
when you draw near unto him, hear him then obe- 
diently, knowing him for a servant of Christ: but 
if he slighteth you, and vouchsafeth not to rise up 
unto you, seeing you are mo in number, let him be 
slighted by you. 

Armed with these instructions, the British bishops 
advance to the second synod : where Augustine, 
pontifically sitting in his chair, at their entrance, 
entertained them only with neglect and contempt ; 
which by the Britons was accordingly requited. 

7- Herein that stately prelate forgot St. Gregory's Proud Dio- 
precept to him ; Not to proceed too rigorously in the Augustine. 
alteration of ceremonies, but to allow a latitude 
according to time and place p. Oh for a little in him 
of St. Paul's temper, who was made all things to all 
men^ that by all means he might gain some^. Had 
Augustine's joints been suppled with the oil of hu- 
mility, one bended knee might probably have bowed 
many hearts unto him ; whereas now he lost their 
affections. Pride being an unwinning quality, ren- 
dering the proud party scorned by his betters, hated 
by his equals, feared, perchance, by his inferiors, but 
loved by none. Had not he, who is said to have 
cured the blind, need to have his own eyes opened 
herein? Who, though he be commonly called Au- 
gustine the Less, in distinction from his namesake, 
father St. Augustine of Hippo, yet may be allowed 
Augustine the Great, if a measure be taken from 
the dimensions of his pride and haughtiness. 

8, We pass now from this Augustine's pride to Auguitme'i 

prophecy. 
P See his answer to Augus- Hist. Eccl. i. 27.] 
tine's third question. [Bede, 4 i Cor. iz. 22. 



154 The Church HUtory wotxK ii. 

A,D.6oi. his prophecy; who enraged at the British bishops, 
for denying subjection unto him» flatly fell a menacing 
them; that, seeing they would not submit to his 
motion, and join with him in preaching to the 
Saxons soon after they should feel the force of their 
enemies' sword, and be suddenly confounded by those 
whom they would not endeavour to convert. Which 
accordingly came to pass. 
A.D. doi, 9. For not long after, ^thelfnth, the pagan king of 
Th^maal Northumberland, having conquered Chester, invaded 
JJ^UJ^^ ® Wales, and bade the Britons battle. Amongst them 
Bangor, y^^^ ^ regiment of the monks of Bangor, all naked 
and unarmed, save with tears and prayers, whole 
volleys whereof they discharged to heaven for the 
good success of their countiymen, being all by 
themselves upon an advantage of ground, and one 
Brocmail a Briton, as captain of their lifeguard, had 
a company of soldiers to defend them, ^thelfiith 
being informed that these monks prayed against 
him, concluded them to be his effectual enemies, 
"^ though otherwise offering him no hostility; and 
fiercely falling on them, put twelve hundred of them 
to the sword, fifty only escaping: Brocmail most 
basely deserting them whom he was set to defend. 
Augustine 10. But here some birds sing a different note from 
to be their the rest, which must be listened unto ; namely, such 
»-"- authors, considerable for their number, antiquity, 
gravity, and learning, who accuse this Augustine for 
the designer of the death and destruction of these 
innocent British monks ; so that he cunningly fore- 
told what he himself cruelly intended to fulfil. Thus 
well might Jezabel, who caUeth herself a prophetess^ ^ 
certainly foreshow the death of Naboth for denying 

^ Rev. ii. ao. 



CINT. VII. 



qf Britain, 



155 



his Tineyard to Ahab, when she had purposely a. d. 603. 
beforehand packed and plotted the same. An heavy 
accusation if true, that Augustine (to use my friend's 
expression •) Gregorii vicarius should be gregis sica- 
ritts ; etfuiurtB ecdesixB AnglicaruB conversoVy should 
be pr<BS€ntis BritannioB eversor ; so that instead of 
a prophefs retcard, he deserved the punishment of a 
murderer. But to clear this point, conceive we a 
grand jury of four and twenty judicious readers im- 
pannelled, before whom the memory of Augustine is 
indicted of murder, and witnesses produced on both 
sides. Let none censure me if in these proceedings 
my pen fails in legal formalities, such exactness not 
being by me intended, but only some general con- 
formity with a law-trial, to fix the history in our 
fancies with more pleasure and delight^. 



• Mr. Abraham Whelock, 
in his notes on Bede, P* i ^ 5- 
[ed. 1644.] 

* [The words of Bade are 
positive, that this defeat of the 
jBritons happened considerably 
after the death of St. Augustine : 
** Multo ante tempore ad coe- 
'' lestia regna subkto.'* (E. H. 
ii. 3.) But in the year 604 St. 
Angostine ordainedMellitus and 
Justus over the province of the 
£ast-Saxons. The date of this 
battle must therefore be refer- 
red to the year 607, as it is in 
the Saxon Chronicle^ or to the 
year 613, which Usher has 
adopted, following the Ulster 
Chronicles^ Antiq. E.B.p.536. 
This is also confirmed by the tes- 
timony of Florence of Worces- 
ter, a writer of extreme accu- 
racy, especially in all questions 
relating to the chronology of 
our early history, thus nar- 



»( 



tt 



ratings by anticipation, in the 
year 603, this victory of £theL 
frith. ** Is etiam longo post 
*' tempore collecto exercitu ad 
*' civitatem Legionum, quee a 
'' Brytonibus Carlegion appel- 
" latur, divino agente judicio, 
ut beatus praedixerat Augus- 
tinus archiepiscopus, ex Bry- 
*' tonum sacerdotibus, qui ad 
" exorandum Deum pro milite 
*' bellum agente convenerant, 
" milleducentospriusextinxit." 
This charge against St. Au- 
gustine was first propagated, 
and probably forged by Geofiry 
of Monmouth, who has in this, 
as in several other instances, 
confounded the customs of an- 
cient with modem times. In 
the first place, St. Augustine 
himself never moved so far 
northward as Northumberland. 
His ecclesiastical influence and 
authority extended little fur. 



156 



The Church History 



BOO|C 11. 



A.D.603. 11. The bill first was solemnly read, running to 
witne»es this effect, "That Augustine the monk, commonly 
^^T^ " called the English apostle, not having the fear of 
him. « Qq^j before his eyes, out of forethought malice, 
" feloniously did plot, project, and contrive the 
" murder of twelve himdred monks at Bangor, by 
** soliciting Ethelbert, the Christian king of Kent, 
** to move iEthelfirith, the pagan king of Northum- 
" berland, with force of arms to kill and slay the 
" monks aforesaid, &c." An accusation so heinous, 
that at first it filled the whole jury with silence, 
horror, and amazement; till afterwards they recol- 
lected themselves to attend unto the following wit- 
nesses. 

i. Jefiery Monmouth, whose Welsh blood was up. 



ther than the kingdom of Kent ; 
what influence could he have 
over a king whom he never 
saw, perhaps never heard of^ 
and who certainly was wholly 
ignorant of Christianity? Be- 
sides^ ^thelfrith was con tin u- 
ally engaged in war either with 
the Scots or the Britons^ and 
needed no such motive to in- 
duce him to attack them. The 
words of Malmsbury, a writer 
of great judgment and fidelity, 
make this more apparent ; for 
mentioning the wars in which 
iEthelfrith was engaged^ as 
proofs of his great courage and 
success, he observes ; *' Testis 
'* est Legionum civitas, quae 
*' nunc simpliciter Cestra voca- 
** tur, qufleque ad id temporis a 
*' Britannis possessa, contuma- 
*' cis in regem populi alebat su- 
•* perbiam. Ad cujus oppugna- 
*' tionero cum intendisset ani- 
mum,oppidani qui omnia per- 



<• 



" peti quam obsidionem mal- 
" lent, simul et numero con. 
*' fusi, effuse in bellum ruunt ; 
'* quos ille insidiis exceptos 
" fudit fugavitque, prius in 
" monachos delmcchatus, qui 
" pro salute exercitus suppli- 
*• caturi frequentes convene- 
'* rant. Quorum incredibilem 
'* nostra eetate numerum fuisse 
*' indicio sunt in vicino cceno- 
'* bio tot semiruti parietes ec- 
" clesiarum, tot anfractus por- 
*' ticuum, tanta turba ruderum, 
" quantum vix alibi cernas." 
Malmsb. De Gestis Reg. f. 8. 
And after all St. Augustine 
did not state that the Britons 
should be destroyed at Bangor, 
but that if they refused to be 
at peace with the Saxons they 
should be destroyed by them. 
Considering the state of the 
island at that time, it required 
no great foresight to predict 
such an event.] 






ciNT. VII. of Britain. 157 

88 concerned in the cause of his countrymen ; a. d. 603. 
** Ethelbert king of Kent," said he, " when he saw 
** the Britons disdaining to yield subjection to Au- 
"gustine, and that they scorned to be subject to 
" himself, stirred up the Northumberlanders, and 
" other Saxon princes, that gathering a great army 
against the city of Bangor, they should go forth to 
destroy the abbot Dionoth, and the other clergy 
" who had formerly slighted them"." 

ii. Thomas Gray, an old chronicler, (as it is written 
in French,) brought in this evidence, " that Augustine 
being refused of the Christian Britons, inflamed 
Ethelbertus king of Kent to levy his power, and to 
war against them, himself being also in company, 
** (as in the old abstract of chronicles is recorded,) 
" and marching with him towards the slaughter, 
" where they had no more regard of mercy than a 
" wolf hath upon a sheep ^." 

iii. Nicholas Trivet, a Dominican, who wrote some 

three hundred years since, deposed, " that iEthel- 

byrht king of Kent, being highly offended, incited 

iEthelfrith king of Northumberland, and other 

petty Saxon kings, because they had contemned 

Augustine in the council, &c.^" 

iv. Essebiensis Monachus, commenting on those 

words of Merlin, delebitur iterum religio^ "religion 

" shall again be destroyed," thus expoundeth them ; 

u Manuscript, in pub. Lib. portion of it, embracing the 

Cantab, p. 167, [quoted by period antecedent to the oon- 

Whelock, ib. See Monmouth, quest, has been edited by Jos. 

De G^stis, p. 93.] Stevenson, esq., and published 

^ Cited in Jewel's Apolog. by the Maithind Club, 1836.] 
port I. chap. ii. p. 11. [ea. fol. > Spelman's Cone. I. iii. 

1609. This Chronicle, with [Wilkins, I. 27.] 
the exception of the earlier 



u 
u 

w 



4( 



108 The Church History booi u. 

A, P. 60 3. '« Thifi was afterwards fulfilled, dther by Gormund 
*^ or by AuguBtine, who caused twelve bundled 
^ monks to be slain at Bangor in Wales, because 
" they obeyed him not in a council y." 

These testimonies much moved the jury*; who, 
notwithstanding, reserved their other ear, as it be- 
came honest men, to hearken to the depositions in 
Augustine's behalf. 
Testimo. 12. Amongst these that of Bede was most mate- 

nies in his • t n» 1. . • .• .* 

behalf. nal: Stcqus completum est prtesagium sanctt pontic 
fids Augustini^ quamvis ipso jam muUo ante tempore 
ad ccelestia regna sublato^ ut etiam temporalis interitus 
tdtionem sentirent perfidi^ quod oblata sibi perpettue 
saltUis consilia spreverant\ Which words (for it is 
seasonably remembered all pleas must now be in 
English) may thus be translated ; "And so the pro- 
" phecy of holy bishop Augustine was fulfilled, (al- 
though himself long before that was taken out of 
this life to the kingdom of heaven,) that also the 
treacherous people might feel the revenge of tem- 
poral ruin, because they had despised the counsels 
** of eternal salvation offered unto them." 
The para- 13. Much difference arose hereabouts; the rather, 
S^'ite*. because some urged that parenthesis ("although him- 
q^^oned. " s^lf l^^g before," &c.) to have been studiously in- 
terpolated in Bede, on purpose for the purgation of 
Augustine by some in afterages that favoured him ; 
alleging that it is not in the ancient Saxon copies, 

y MS. in Bennet Coll. li- Monmouth, whom the others 

brar. Camb. [quoted by Wbe- implicitly followed.] 
lock, ib.[] A Hist. Ecd. ii. a. ed. Whe- 

* [All these authorities might lochiana. 
be reduced to one, Geoffry of 



M 
<( 
<( 
(( 



CENT. VII. 



of Britain, 



159 



being put in as a piece of new cloth into an old gar- A.D.603. 
mentj with intent to Jill it up^ but in event making it 
worse: because this passage checketh the pen of 
Bede in the full speed thereof (no less against the 
rules of history than of horsemanship) as he was 
writing the life of Augustine, the story whereof not- 
withstanding stiU runs on, and continues until the 
end of the next chapter**. Here some of the jury 
betook themselves to the point of chronology, as 
most proper to decide the matter now depending; 
but such was the variety of authors, that no certainty 
could thence.be extracted. For though the massacre 
of the monks of Bangor is generally noted to be 
anno 608 S which fiEdls out before the death of Au- 
gustine, yet the Annals of Ulster, whose authority is 
not to be contemned, observe the same in the year 
618*, which undoubtedly was after Augustine's 
decease. 

14. Then a second sort of witnesses presented Mr. Fax 
themselves, as M. Parker% bishop JeweH, and others, raUonmudi 
somewhat sharp against Augustine in their ex-]l^? 
pressions; which wrought the less vnth the jury, 
partly because of such authors their known oppo- 



»> pn aU the MSS. which 
Dr. Smith consulted for his 
edition of Bede^ this clause is 
to be found, as also in the 
three which Whelock used for 
hia edition. I have myself 
consulted several MSS. in order 
to ascertain the authenticity of 
the passage, but with the same 
result ; in none was the passage 
wanting or interpolated. Upon 
this pomt indeed the authority 
of the Saxon translation is of 
little weight ; for it varies ma- 
terially in other passages from 



the original, omitting some 
and adding others.] 

c Matt. West, pn an. 603. 
But the words of this writer 
imply that this attack on the 
monks of Bangor happened 
after this year : " Non multo 
" post/' &c.] Chichestr. MS. 
Bibl. pub. Cantabrig. [quoted 
by Whelock, ib.] 

«1 Usher, Brit. Antiq. p. 

e Antiq. Britan. p. 71. 
f Apology, ib. 






160 The Church History booi ii. 

A.D.603. sition to the Romish church, and partly because of \i 
their modem writing, almost a thousand years aftef 
the matter in &ct. Only the moderate testimony 
of reverend Mr. Fox much moved the whole court, 
as one throughly well affected in religion, and averse 
from all popery and cruelty, thus expressing himself: 
'^ But that seemeth rather suspicious than true, that 
he (Ethelbert) being a Christian king, either could 
so much prevail with a pagan idolater, or else 
would attempt so far to commit such a cruel deed. 
But of uncertain things I have nothing certainly to 
" say, less to judges^." This, I say, prevailed so fiir 
with the jury, that consulting with themselves, they 
foimd an igfioramus. With whose commendable 
charity I concur ; preferring rather to clear a twilight 
innocence into noonday, than to darken it into mid- 
night, 
rhe blood 15. To rctum to the monks of Bangor. Their 
nonks re- inuoceut blood Went not long unrevenged : for we 
irenged. ^^^ recorded**, how three British princes, namely, 
Blederick duke of Cornwall, Margaduc duke of 
South- Wales, and Cadwan, duke of North- Wales, 
bade battle to the Northumberlanders as they were 
invading Wales, and not only dangerously wounded 
the aforesaid iEthelfrith their king, but also discom- 
fited his army, and slew ten thousand and sixty of 
his soldiers, forcing him at last to articles of compo- 
sition; that he should confine himself within his 
own country, north of Trent, and leave all Wales to 
be entirely and peaceably enjoyed by the Britons, 
the true owners thereof. 

fS Martyrolo<^, I. 154. ed. But this defeat is altogether 

1 64 1. unnoticed by writers of any 

h Trivet, in Spelman's Con- creditable authority.] 
cil. ib. [See Wilkins, 1, 2y, 






CENT. VII. of Britain, 161 

16. However here, to our great grief, we are fain A.D.603. 
to take our farewell, for some hundreds of years, of Farewdi 
the British church, wanting instructions concerning some yean 
the remarkable particulars thereof. Yet Dr. Harps- ^^i^. 
field deserves a check, both for his felse ground- 
work, and presumptuous inference built thereupon ^ 
For first, he slighteth the British nation, as such an 
one, as since this their dissenting from Augustine, 
and the Romish church in ceremonies, never achieved 
any actions of renown, or mounted to any eminency 
in the world. Then he imputeth their being so long 
depressed, and at last subdued by the English, as a 

I just punishment of God, on their not complying 
i with Rome : so pragmatical a prier he is into divine 
I secrets. But he who thus casteth forth a national 
abuse, can never see where such a stone lighteth ; 
for (besides the nation for the time being) their pos- 
terity engaged therein have just cause either to find 
or make reparation to themselves. I could, and 
would myself assert the British from his scandalous 
pen, were it not against the rules of manners and 
discretion, to take this ofiice out of the hands of 
some of their own nation, for whom it is more 
proper, as they are more able to perform it. 

17. Only give me leave to insert a line or twoc:onimen- 
(some pleasant discourse will not do amiss after sotheBntiih 
much sad matter) in commendation of the British '*°^^***^ 
tongue, and yindication thereof, against such as 
causelessly traduce it. First, their language is na- 
tive. It was one of those which departed from 
Babel: and herein it relates to God, as the more 
inmiediate author thereof; whereas most tongues in 

' Hist. Eccles. Angl. sec. vii. c. 39. p. 114. 

FULLER, VOL. I. M 



162 The Church History looi a 

A. P. 603. Europe owe their beginning to human deprairiiig 
of some original language. Thus the Italian, Spanifliii 
and French, daughters or nieces to the Latin, an 
generated from the corruption thereof. Second^, 
unmixed. For though it hath some few foreign 
words, and useth them sometimes, yet she nlha 
accepteth them out of state than borroweth then 
out of need, as having besides these, other words of 
her own to express the same things. Yea, the 
Romans were so far from making the Britons to do, 
that they could not make them to speak as thej 
would have them : their very language never had a 
perfect conquest in this island. Thirdly, unaltered. 
Other tongues are daily disguised with foreign words, 
so that in a century of years they grow strangers to 
themselves : as now an Englishman needs an inter- 
preter to understand Chaucer's English. But the 
British continues so constant to itself, that the pro- 
phecies of old Taliesin (who lived above a thousand 
years since) are at this day intelligible in that tongue. 
Lastly, durable ; which had its beginning at the con- 
frision of tongues, and is likely not to have its end- 
ing till the dissolution of the world. 

Cauaeiessiy 18. Some indeed inveigh against it, as being hard 

traduced by _ _ , /» /• 

ignorance, to be pronouucod, having a conflux of many conso- 
nants, and some of them double-sounded ; yea, 
whereas the mouth is the place wherein the office of 
speech is generally kept, the British words must be 
uttered through the throat. But this rather argues 
the antiquity thereof, herein running parallel with 
the Hebrew, (the common tongue of the old world, 
before it was enclosed into several languages,) and 
hath much affinity therewith, m jomting of words 
with affixes, and many other correspondencies. Some 



CENT. vii. of Britain, 168 

also cavil, that it grates and tortures the ears of a. d. 603. 



hearers with the harshness thereof; whereas indeed 
it is unpleasant only to such as are ignorant of it. 
And thus every tongue seems stammering which is 
not understood; yea, Greek itself is barbarism to 
barbarians. Besides, what is nicknamed harshness 
therein, maketh it indeed more full, stately, and 
masculine. But such is the epicurism of modem 
times, to addulce all words to the ear, that (as in the 
French) they melt out, in pronouncing, many essen- 
tial letters, taking out all the bones to make them 
bend the better in speaking : and such hypocrites in 
their words speak them not truly in their native 
strength, as the plamdealing British do, which pro- 
nounce every letter therein more manly, if less 
melodious. Lastly, some condemn it unjustly as a 
worthless tongue, because leading to no matter of 
moment ; and who will care to carry about that key 
which can unlock no treasure? But this is false; 
that tongue aiFording monmnents of antiquity, some 
being left, though many be lost ; and mo had been 
extant but for want of diligence in seeking, and 
carefulness in preserving them. 

19. But, craving pardon of the reader for this di- Augustine 
gression, we reassume our Augustine, who all this ,0,000 in 
while was very industrious, and no less successftd in*''^®^*^- 
converting the Saxons to the Christian faith. Inso- 
much that a certain author reporteth^, how in the 
river Swale near Richmond in Yorkshire ^ Augustine 

k Cited by Mr. Camden, " fragment of a nameless au- 

preface of Brit. p. 98. " thor cited by Camden^ fol. 

1 [Dr. Heylyn makes the " 136 [p. 98.], who tells the 

following remarks upon this " story otherwise than our au- 

passage. " The 'certain author' " thor doth. For though the 

'' whom he means is an old '* fragment tells us that the 

M 2 



164 



The Church History 



lOOI IL 



A. D. 603. on one day baptized above ten thousand; 

withal, that the people not only passed without 
danger through so deep a river, but also they who 
were sick and deformed when they went in, were 
whole and handsome when they came forth again>i^. 
The judicious reader may in this miracle discover 
how the author thereof (no doubt some ignorant 
monk) hath therein jumbled and confounded three | 
distinct scripture histories, to make a mock parallel 
betwixt the rivers Jordan and Swale ; borrowing 

1. The people's safe passing through it, from 
Joshua's conducting the Israelites through Jordan''. 

2. Their being baptized in it, from John's bap- 
tizing the Jews in Jordan®. 

3. The curing of their infirmities by it, from 
Elisha's healing Naaman's leprosy in Jordan p. 

But here it must be remembered, that Bede 
maketh no mention at all hereof, and ascribeth this 
numerous baptizing to Paulinus archbishop of York 
many years after. It would argue too much mo- 
rosity in us, to demur in our faith to the whole fact, 
till authors are all agreed about the doer thereof. 



'' river was called Swale, yet 
" that it was the river Swale 
" near Richmond in Yorkshire 
" is the addition of our au- 

" thor." " I shall concur 

" with the old fragment as to 
** the name of the river, and 
" yet not carry Austin out of 
*' Kent, and much less into 
'* Richmondshire to perform 
" that office. For when we 
" find in Camden that the 
" Medway falling into the 
'' Thames is divided by the 
" Isle of Sheppey into two 



(( 



great branches, of which the 
" one is called East- Swale, the 
" other West-Swale, I see no 
" reason why we should look 
'* elsewhere for the river Swale 
'* mentioned in the old frag- 
*' ment." Camden in Kent, 

f^l* 333* [p* ^3^0 Examen 
Historicum, p. 33. 

^ Porter's Flowers of the 
Saints, p. 515. 

^ Jos. iv. I. 

o Matt. iii. 6. 

P 2 Kings V. 14. 



CENT. VII. 



of Britain. 



165 



For mine own part, I conceive Paulinas the more a. p. 603. 
probable person, as questioning whether Augustine, 
most conversant amongst the South and West-Sax- 
ons, ever moved so far northward *J. 

20. And if so many were baptized in one day, it The tunpU. 

, , city of an- 

appears plainly that in that age the administration dent Im^ 
of that sacrament was not loaded with those super- "^ 
stitious ceremonies, as essential thereunto, of cross- 
ing, spittle, oil, cream, salt, and such like trinkets ; 
which protestants generally as little know what they 
are, as papists why they use them. I say, in that 
age nothing was used with baptism but baptism; 
the word and the water made the sacrament. Yea, 
the archbishop is said to have " commanded by the 
*• voice of criers, that the people should enter the 
** river confidently, two by two, and, in the name of 
** the Trinity, baptize one another by turns*"." This, 
indeed, was the most compendious way ; otherwise 
Joshua's day, wherein the sun stood still, had been 
too short for one man's personal performance of such 
an employment. 

21. Another considerable accession was made to The idol 
Christianity in the south-west part of this isle, and gtroy^ by 
particularly in Dorsetshire ; where Augustine at ^'*(^°® 
Cem destroyed the idol of Heale, or .^culapius, 
which the Saxons formerly adored*. But in his 
journey hither, (reader, they are not mine, but my 



4 [Dr. Smith inclines to this 
opinion. See his Appendix to 
oede, c. viii. p. 693. No men- 
tion of this circumstance occurs 
in the earlier and more au. 
thentic writers; as Bede, the 
Saxon Chronicle, Florence of 
Worcester; nor in the life of 



St. Augustine written by Gk>s. 
celinus between the nth and 
1 2th centuries, and published 
by Wharton in the Ang. Sacr. 

II. 56.] 

' Camden, ib. 

> Camden's Brit, in Dorset- 
shire, [p. 155.] 

M S 



u 
ii 

it 



166 The Church History book a 

A. D. 603. author's words,) "with his holy company, — bring 
" cruelly oppressed with the three fiBoniliar discom- 
modities of travellers, hunger, thirst, and weari- 
ness;" — Augustine, "striking his staff into the 
ground, there straight sprung forth a clear fountain 
of crystal streams, in which all his fellows quendied 
the extremity of their thirst. And the same place 
" was afterward called Cemel, a name composed of 
Latin and Hebrew; for cemo in Latin, signifies 
" to seCy and el in Hebrew, signifies GodK^ A compo- 
sition of a name hardly to be precedented, that i 
word should commence per saltum from Latin into 
Hebrew without taking Greek by the way thereof. 
Why not rather Cemwelly " Behold the fountain ;" or 
Cernhealy '' See the destruction of the idol ?" But in 
truth, in all books ancient and modem^ the place ifl 
plainly written Ceme, without any paragogical appo- 
sition thereunto. 
A ridicu. 22. Indeed, most of the miracles assigned unto 
wsmira- ^j^.^ Augustiue, intended with their strangeness to 
raise and heighten, with their levity and absurdity 
do depress and offend true devotion. Witness, how 
when the villagers in Dorsetshire beat Augustine 
and his fellows, and in mockery fastened fish-tails at 
their backs, in pimishment hereof, "all that gene- 
" ration had that given them by nature, which so 
contemptibly they fastened on the backs of these 
holy men ^." Fie for shame! he needs an hard 
place on his face that reports it, and a soft place in 
his head that believes it. 

* H. Porter's Flowers of ^ So both in Camden^ Brit. 

the Saints, p. 516. [But this ibid., and Harjwfield, Hist, 

etymology, as well as the legend Eccl. p. 753. 

below, are from Malmsbury, ^ H. Porter's Flowers of 

f. 142, b.J the Saints, p. 515. 






CSHT. VII. of Britain. 167 

23. However, for the main, we undoubtedly be- A.D.60 
lieve that the preaching of Augustine and hi8 fellows Thegna 
took good effect, finding the visible progress and the i^nToTt 
improvement thereof, in the conversion of so many«°*P«*- 
from paganism to Christianity. For Siebyrht king of 
Essex (nephew to iEthelbyrht king of Kent, by 
Ricola his sister) embraced the fieiith^, with all his 
kingdom, by the ministry of Mellitus, whom Au- 
gustine ordained bishop of London ; much about the 
same time making one Justus a Roman (who was 

vir sui nominisy a man answering his name) bishop 
of Rochester. Many other remarkable matters hap- 
pened in the life of Augustine, especially those 
questions and answers which passed betwixt him and 
Gregory the Great, by us purposely omitted, partly 
because they are too voluminous to insert, and partly 
because they are at large in many authors, to whom 
we remit the readery. 

24. And now was the time come of Augustine's 610, 
dissolution, whose body was buried in the northern ailw 61"^ 
porch of the new chm*ch in Canterbury, dedicated to a^S^ 
Peter and Paul, having, as Bede informs us*, this«P"**P*^ 
inscription written upon his monument ; " Here 

** resteth lord Augustine the first archbishop of 
** Canterbury ; who being in times past sent hither 
** from blessed Gregory, bishop of the Roman city, 
** and supported of God by the working of miracles, 
** brought king Ethelbert and his coimtry, from the 

X [In 604, the same year in eluded Essex, Middlesex^ and 

which Mellitus and Justus part of Hertfordshire.] 
were ordained, Bede, Hist. y Bede, Hist. Eccl. i. 27. 

Eod. ii. 3. Saxon Chron., and Fox's Book of Martyrs, i. 150, 

Flor. Wigom. in an. 604. The and others. 
kingdom of the East-Saxons, ' Eccl. Hist. ii. 3. 
which Fuller calls Essex, in- 

M 4 



168 The Church History booi ii. 

A.D.610. « worshipping of idols to the faith of Christ: and 
^^ the days of his office being finished in peace, be 
" died the seventh of the calends of June, the same 
" king reigning." 
The date of 25. But in this epitaph one thing is wanting, and 
how want- that mainly material ; namely, the year when he 
mg «»«»"• ji^^ Strangely is that watch contrived, and is 
generally useless, which shews the minute of the 
hour, not the hour of the day. As this epitaph 
points at the day, of smaller consequence, leaving 
out the year, of greater concernment. This hath 
put men's fancies on various conjectures. Some 
make it a mere omission of Bede : which notwith- 
standing is very strange, because otherwise he is 
most critical and punctual in the notation of time. 
Others conceive it a feult of commission, in some of 
after-ages, who purposely expunged the year, (be- 
shrew their fingers that thrust out the eyes, the 
date of this epitaph,) lest the same should make too 
clear discoveries of Augustine's surviving after the 
massacre of the monks of Bangor, which would in- 
crease the suspicion of his having a finger therein. 
Others place the neglect in the monument-maker, 
and not in Bede ; seeing he was but the bare relator 
of the epitaph, and therefore loath to add or alter 
any thing thereof. Perchance the tomb-maker re- 
gistered the day, as a nicety most likely to be for- 
gotten, omitting the year, as a thing generally, uni- 
versally, and notoriously known, all men keeping a 
record thereof, which in process of time became 
wholly forgotten. Thus those things are not long 
efiectually kept by any which are equally to be 
kept by all, and not charged on any one man's par- 
ticular account. Sure I am, the setting up of this 



CENT. VII. 



of Britain, 



169 



landmark, the noting of the year of his death, had A.P.610. 
given excellent direction to such as travel in the 
Saxon chronology, who now wander at random for 
the want of it*. 

26. And now we take our farewell of Augustine, Farewell to 
of whom we give this character. He found here a tine. 
plain religion (simplicity is the badge of antiquity) 
practised by the Britons, living some of them in 
the contempt, and many mo in the ignorance of 
worldly vanities, in a barren country: and surely 
piety is most healthful in those places where it can 
least surfeit of earthly pleasures. He brought in a 
religion spun with a coarser thread, though guarded 
with a finer trimming, made luscious to the senses 
with pleasing ceremonies ; so that many, who could 
not judge of the goodness, were courted with the 
gaudiness thereof. Indeed the papists brag that he 
was the apostle of the English ; but not one in the 
style of St. Paul, neither from men^ nor by man^ but 
by Jesus Christ^; being only a derivative apostle, 
sent by the second hand: in which sense also he 
was not our sole apostle ; though he first put in his 
sickle, others reaped down more of the English har- 



a [The date of St. Augus- 
tine's death ought probably to 
be fixed at an earlier period 
than the year 610. For in 
that year Mellitus brought let- 
ters from pope Boniface IV., 
directed to archbishop Lauren- 
tius^ the successor of St. Au- 
gustine. If the destruction of 
the monks of Bangor happened 
in the year 607, then the 
death of St. Augustine must 
have happened between 604 
and 607. (See the previous 
note, p. 155.) But according 



toGoscelinus, in his life of this 
archbishop, St. Augustine ap- 
pointed Laurentius his suc- 
cessor the same year in which 
he died. Vita August, ch. 38. 
Angl. Sacr. II. p. 70. So also 
the annals of Rochester, in the 
Ang. Sacr. I. 85. Little doubt 
therefore can exist but that 
St. Augustine died in 604, to 
which opinion Wharton entire- 
ly inclines. See his masterly 
discussion of the subject in his 
Ang. Sacr, I. 89.] 
b Gal. i. I. 



170 The Church History booe n. 

A.D.610. vest, propagating the gospel further, as shall appear 
hereafter- But because the beginnings of thingi 
are of greatest consequence, we commend his pains, 
condemn his pride, allow his life, approve his lean- 
ing,-admire his miracles, admit the foundation of fab 
doctrine Jesus Christ ; but refuse the hay and stubble 
he built thereupon. We are indebted to God bis 
goodness in moving Gregory, Gregory's carefulness 
in sending Augustine, Augustine's forwardness in 
preaching here: but above all, let us bless God's 
exceeding great fevour, that that doctrine which 
Augustine planted here but impure, and his suc- 
cessors made worse with watering, is since, by the 
happy reformation, cleared and refined to the purity 
of the scriptures. 

Laurentius 27. After the death of Augustine, Laurentius a 

suooeed6th ^ . 

Augustine. Romau succoeded him, whom Augustine in his life- 
time not only designed for, but ordained in that 
places out of his abimdant caution, that the in&nt 
church might not be orphan an hour, lest Satan 
should assault the breach of such a vacancy, to the 
disadvantage of religion. Such a superordination in 
such cases was canonical, it being a tradition, that 
St. Peter in like manner consecrated Clement his 
successor in the church of Rome^. And sure it is, 
the prophet Elijah, no doubt to his great comfort 
whilst living, anointed Elisha to minister in his 
room, in his prophetical function*. In one re- 
spect Laurentius exceeded Augustine, that he 
reduced the recusant Britons and Scots (probably 
demeaning himself more humbly than his prede- 
cessor) to some tolerable conformity to the Romish 

^ Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 4. ^ Ibid. < i Kings xix. i6. 



CEKT* VII. 



of Britain • 



171 



ceremonies, especially in the celebration of Easter. A.D.610. 
Now, seeing frequent mention hath formerly been 
made of the diflFerence between the Romish and 
British churches, in observation of that festival ; we 
will endeavour, as truly as briefly, to state the con- 
troversy betwixt them, with arguments each side 
produceth in their own behalf. 

28. But because the point in hand is so nice The ocmtro. 
(rather than necessary) that a little variation therein Easter be- 
may be material, I will carefully follow the truest J^J^dUie 
copy I can get, in stating the question, taking it^^^ ' 
from a learned pen^ exactly skilled therein. 



*' The Romans kept 

'* Easter upon that Sunday 

" which fell betivixt the 15 th and 

" 3 1 St day of the moonC? (both 

" terms included) next after the 



*' The Britons kept 

" Easter upon the Sun- 

** day that fell betwixt the 

'' 14th and 20th day of the 

" moon^ following in their 



tt 



(« 



' James Usher, in the Reli- 
gion of the ancient Irish, p. 66. 
[This was first published at 
die end of a treatise entitled, 
A friendly advertisement to 
the pretended Catholics of 
" Irelajid, by Christoph. Sib- 
" thorp, knight, one of his ma- 
" jesty's justices for Ireland." 
4°. 1622. It contains much re- 
search upon the doctrine and 
practice of the early church of 
Ireland, much illustration of 
the state of religion among the 
Britons. Besides Usher, Dr. 
Smith, in his Appendix to 
Bede, has devoted several pases 
to the examination of this in- 
tricate controversy. In the 
Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian, 
is also preserved a paper of 
considerable length, by the ce- 
lebrated mathematician Dr. 
Wallis, on the same subject. 



In this observation of Easter 
(as well as in other points) the 
Britons followed the eastern 
churches. A dispute on the 
same subject also existed among 
the Spaniards and the Franks. 
The latter observing its cele- 
bration on the 1 8th of April, 
the former on the 21st of 
March. The Romans professed 
to follow the order of the Ni- 
cene council in their celebra- 
tion of Easter; but as they 
reckoned by the moon and the 
golden numbers, it not unfre- 
quently happened that they 
fell into that very error whicn 
they wished to avoid. See 
also archbishop Parker's An- 
tiq. 585. Usher, Antiq. p. 485 
sq.] 

g Hence is it that Beza 
tartly termeth the controversy 
lunatica quastio. 



<« 
if 
« 

f* 



172 The Church Hisiofy book ii. 

A.D.6IO. *' 2i8t daj of March^ which they *' acooont thereof, not the 
" •' accounted to be the seat of the ** nineteen years' compntt- 

Temal equinoctial. And in " tion of Anatolius, hot 
reckoning the age of the moon^ " Sulpitius Severus his dr. 
they followed the Alexandrian " de of eighty-four years." 
cycle of 19 years^ as it was ex- 
plained unto them by Dionysius 
*' Exiguus." 

It is enough to prove the practice of Rome was 
the right, that it was the practice of Rome ; yea, did 
it not deserve the stab of excommunication, for any 
dissenting from her practice, tantamountingly to giye 
her the lie? However, it seems the reputation of 
Rome's infallibility was yet in the nonage thereof^ 
that the British durst so boldly differ from them, 
without danger of damnation. 
The Bri- 29. Yea, they pretended ancient tradition on their 
ptoft. side, from the primitive times, derived from St. John 
himself; as by the ensuing verses (which we thought 
fit to translate) may appear : 

Nos seriem patriam, non frivola scripta tenemus, 
Discipulo Eusebii^ Polycarpo dante Johannis. 
Ille etenim bis septena; sub tempore Phoebse 
Sanctum prseBxit nobis fore pascha colendum, 
Atque nefas dixit, si quis contraria sentit*. 

No writings fond we follow, but do hold 

Our country course, which Polycarp of old. 

Scholar to blessed John, to us hath given. 

For he, when the moon had finishM days twice seven. 

Bade us to keep the holy paschal time. 

And count dissenting for an heinous crime. 

Time was, when once the activity of Peter and John 

^ I. e. sancti, vel heati. Ion in Acta SS. Benedictin. 

> Fridgodus in the life of ssec. iii. part. i. p. 176. ed. 
Wilfrid, [published hy Mabil- Paris. 1672.] 



ciNT. vii. o/Briiam. 178 

inth holy zeal was excellently employed, contending A.D.6ia 
in a race which should first come to the grave of 
our Saviour ^* but see here the Romans and the 
Britons, the pretended followers of these two apo- 
stles, not running, but wrestling in a violent con- 
!;ention who should most truly observe the resur- 
rection of Christ out of his grave. 

80. Strange, that so good and wise men should Th«««- 
Jius fall out about the mmt and cummin of religion, oondiad by 
i ceremony not at all decided in scripture. It is to **" "^ 
ye feared, that the when marred the how of Easter ; 

md the controversy about the time spoiled a more 
naterial circumstance, of the maimer of keeping 
;hi8 feast ; these opposite parties scarce being mutu- 
dly in charity at the receiving of the sacrament, at 
;hat solemn festival kept among the Jews with im- 
eavened bread, celebrated among Christians with 
joo much leaven (sour and swelling) of anger and 
3assion. The best is, for the present Laurentius A.D.613. 
x)mposed the quarrel, and brought both Britons 
md Scots™, that is, the inhabitants of Ireland, to 
»mply with the Romans therein. But as every 
imall wrench, or stepping awry, is enough to put an 
U-set bone out of joint, so each petty animosity 
^as great enough to discompose this agreement. 
But enough of this controversy for the present, we 
(hall meet it too soon again ; which, like a restless 
fhost, will haunt our English history for more than 
in hundred and fifty years together. 

81. Only I will add, that although about Angus- The anti- 
;ine'8 time this controversy was then most height- 1'^''*^ 
med and inflamed, yet an old grudge it was long 

1 John XX. 4. m Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 4. 



174 The Church HUtory looE ir. 

A.D.613. before betwixt the Romans and Britons. For, if old 
Taliesin (styled chief of bards by the Britons) lired 
(as Pitseus, a catholic writer will have it") in the 
year 540, and if the following verses be Taliesin's, 
as it is undoubtedly believed^, then this difference 
was on foot fifty years before Augustine came into 
England. 

Gwae qffeiriad byd 
Nys engreifftia gwyd 

Ac ny phregetha : 
Gwae ny cheidw ey gail 
Ac efyn vugaU 

Ac nys areilia : 
Gwae ny cheidw ey dheuaid 
Rhac bleidhiau Rhufeniaid 

Aiffon gnwppa. 

Woe be to that priest ybom 

That will not cleanly weed his corn. 

And preach his charge among : 
Woe be to that shepherd (I say) 
That will not watch his fold alway. 

As to his office doth belong. 
Woe be to him that doth not keep 
From Romish wolves his sheep 

With staff and weapon strong P. 

These words, " from Romish wolves," relate to the 
vigilancy of the British pastors to keep their people 
from Rome's infection in these points. Thus, whilst 
the Britons accounted the Romans wolves, and the 

n De Britan. Scriptoribus, '* Austin the monk into Eng- 

p. 95. " land, and not fifty or sixty 

o Chron. of Wales, p. 254. ** years before, as others have 

P [Archbishop Usher, from ** imagined/' See Religion of 

whom Fuller quotes these lines, the ancient Irish, p. 80. The 

comes to a far more probable translation is by Humphrey 

conclusion, that they were Lloyd.] 
written *' after the coming of 



CENT. VII. of Britain, 175 

Romans held the Britons to he goats, what hecame A.D.613 
of Christ's little flock of sheep the whiles ? The best 
is, the good God, we hope, will be mercifiil in his 
sentence on men, though passionate men be merciless 
in their eenfiures on one another. 

32. To return to Laurentius. The great joy for A.D.616 
the agreement made by him was quickly abated of jEthd- 
with grief, at the death of king ^Ethelbyrht*!: whoj^**^^ 
having reigned fifty^ix. and been a Christian onegH«i.n- 
and twenty years, was buried nigh to his good wife, 
queen Bertha, who died a little before him, in the 
porch of St. Martinis church in Canterbury ; which 
fabric, with some other churches, by him were beau- 
tifully built, and bountifully endowed. In jiEthel- 
byrht's grave was buried much of the Kentish Chris- 
tianity : for Eadbald his son both refused his father^s 
religion, and wallowing in sensuality, was guilty of 
that sin not so much as named amongst the GentUes^ 
in keeping his father's second wife. Such as for- 
merly had took up Christianity, as the court fiashion, 
now left it; and whom iEthelbyrht's smiles had 
made converts, Eadbald's frowns quickly made apo- 
states. Yea, at the same time (so infectious are the 
bare examples of great men) the three sons of the 
king of the East-Saxons fell back to paganism ^ 
These refiised to be baptized, and yet in derision 
demanded of the bishop Mellitus to receive the 
eucharist; which he flatly denied them, baptism 
being an introductory sacrament, and it being un- 

*J Feb. 24. [Bede, Hist. Eccl. year with ^thelbyrht, they suc- 

ii. 5. Malmsb. De Gestis Reg. ceeded and encouraged idb- 

f. 4, b.] latry. Their names were Ser- 

' [They had always conti- red, Siward, and Sigebert. See 

nued pagans, but their father Bede, ib. Flor.Wigorn.in6i6. 

Saberct having died the same Parker, Antiq. p. 75.] 



176 The Church History book n. 

A.D.616. lawful to break into the church without going 
through this porch. Yet they gave Mellitus fair 
warning, and free leave to depart ; who coming into 
Kent, held there a council with Laurentius and 
Justus what was best to be done. At last they con- 
cluded that it was in vain prodigally to lose their 
pains here, which they might expend with more 
profit in their own country : and seeing martyrdom, 
as it is not cowardly to be declined, so it is not am- 
bitiously to be aflFected; they resolved to go the 
way which Divine providence directed them, and to 
return into France : which Mellitus and Justus did 
accordingly. 
MdUtiu 88. Was this well done of them, to leave their 
their de- chargc ? Did not God place them sentinels in his 
fended! ^ church, and could they come off from their duty 
before they were relieved by order ? But surely their 
ill-usage was an interpretative discharge unto them. 
In warrant whereof we have not only Christ's pre- 
cept, to leave the unworthy house with a witness, 
namely, with the dust of our feet shaken off as a 
testimony against \t\ but also his practice, going 
from the Gadarenes, when they desired he should 
depart their codstsK Indeed, the word of life is 
a quick commodity, and ought not, as a drug, to be 
obtruded on those chapmen who are unwilling to 
buy it ; yea, in whose nostrils the very savour of life 
unto life doth stink, because proffered unto them. 
Laoiendus, 34. Laurcutius entertained the like resolution of 
to depart departure ; when, lying on his bed, St. Peter is said 
to have taken him to task in a visional. Yea, St. 



« Matt. X. 14. « Bede, Hist. EccL ii. 6. 

t Matt. viii. 34, and ix. i. 



rebuked. 



CENT. VII. of Britain. 1T7 

Peter was not only seen, but felt, sharply and soundly a.d. 6i6. 
whipping him, for his unworthy intention to forsake 
his flock ; who rather should have followed St.Peter^s 
example, as he imitated Christ's, whom no losses or 
crosses could so deter, as to desert his charge. Some 
will say, Peter herein appeared a partial parent, so 
severely disciplining this his son, whilst two other of 
his children, being more guilty, Mellitus and Justus, 
who had actually done what Laurentius only de- 
signed, escaped without any correction. But we 
must know, though these seemed more faulty by 
what appears in open view, yet the passages behind 
the curtain (considerables concealed from us) might 
much alter the case. And indeed, pastors leaving 
their people is so ticklish a point, and subject to 
such secret circumstances, that God and their own 
consciences are only the competent judges of the 
lawfidness or unlawfiilness thereof. 

35. Thus, all black and blue, Laurentius repaireth Eadbaid 
to E^bald king of Kent, and presenteth himself christian! 
onto him in that sad condition. The king, much 
amazed thereat, demands who durst offer such vio- 
lence to so good a man ? Whereby it plainly appears, 
that though Eadbaid himself refused Christianity, 
yet he afforded civility and protection to Lauren- 
tius, and to all in Kent of his religion. He largely 
relates what had happened unto him, and in fine so 
prevailed on Eadbaid, that he not only put away his 
wife-mother-whore, but also embraced Christianity, 
and at his desire Justus and Mellitus returned again 
into England. 

86. Rochester readily received Justus their bishop, a. d. 6i8. 
being a little place, of few persons, and they there- ^^iJ^ 
fore the easier all to be brought to be of one mind. '*«*««^' 

FULLEE, VOL. I. N 



178 Tlie Church History book ii. 

A.D.618. But large London (though then, for greatness, but 
and MeUi. the suburbs to the present city) I say, London then, 
at London, was even London then, as wanton m the infancy, as 
now wayward in the old age thereof; where gene- 
rally the people, long radicated in wickedness, re- 
fused to entertain their good pastor returning unto 
them. But here my good friend^, in his notes on 
this passage, makes an ingenious reservation, that 
(though the major part must be confessed peevish in 
all populous places) London in all ages afforded 
eminent favourers of learned and religious men. 
And would I could, being the meanest of ministers'*, 
as truly entitle myself to the foresaid qualifications, 
as I heartily concur with him in my grateful con- 
fession, that I have effectually found plenty of good 
patrons in that honourable corporation. Mellitus 
thus rejected, was glad to lead a private life in 
London, till that after the death of Laurentius^, he 
succeeded him in the church of Canterbury. 
MeUitiuhis 37. A grave and good man, but much afliicted 
with the gout, and highly meriting of his see of 
Canterbury ; especially if true what Bede reports y, 
that when a grievous fire happened in that city, 
Mellitus accosted the very fiiry thereof with faithful 
prayer and his own bare hands, (strange! that no 
modem monk hath since in his relation put a crucifix 
or holy-water-sprinkle into them,) and so presently 
quenched the raging of the flames. Say not, why 
could he not as easily have cured his own gout as 
quenched this fire ? seeing miracles are done, not for 

^ Mr. Whelock on the place ton's Angl. Sac. I. 91. Flo- 

in Bede. rence of Worcester places his 

^ [He was minister of the death in the year 621.] 
Savoy.] y Hist. Eccl. ii. 7. 

X Feb. a, 619. [See Whar. 



CEMT..VII. of Britain. 179 

men's ordinary ease, but God's solemn honour. Yea, A.D.618. 
the apostles themselves were not at pleasure masters 
of their miraculous power for their personal use, 
seeing St. Paul could neither cure the often infirmU 
ties of his dear son Timothy*, nor remove the acute 
desperate disease wherewith he himself in Asia was 
afflicted ^ Five years sat Mellitus in Canterbury: 
after whose death^ Justus bishop of Rochester suc- 
ceeded him, and had his pall solemnly sent him by 
pope Boni&ce^. 

S8. By the way, the pall is a pontifical vestment. What a pau 
considerable for the matter, making, and mysteries 
thereof. For the matter, it is made of lambs' wool 
and superstition. I say, of lambs' ^' wool, as it comes 
^ from the sheep's back without any other artificial 
** colour," spun, say some, by a peculiar order of 
nuns, " first cast into the tomb of St. Peter^" taken 
firom his body say others®, surely most sacred if 
from both ; and (superstitiously) ^ adorned with little 
** black crosses." For the form thereof; ** in breadth 
" not exceeding three fingers," (one of our bachelor's 
lamb-skin hoods in Cambridge would make three of 
them,) having ^ two labels hanging down before and 
** behind ^" which the archbishops only, when going 
to the altar, put about their necks, above their other 
pontifical ornaments. Three mysteries were couched 
therein. First, humility, which beautifies the clergy 
above all their costly copes. Secondly, innocency, 
to imitate lamb-like simplicity. And thirdly, in- 

» I Tim. V. 23. <* H. Porter's Flowers of 

» a Cor. i. 8. the Saints, p. 506. 
^ April 24, 624. * Camden in Kent, p. 238. 

c[Bede,Hi8t.Eccl.ii.8. See ' Flowers of the Saints, 

Wharton's Angl. Sac. I. 92.] ibid. 

N 2 



180 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.618. dustiy, to follow him who fetched his wandering 
sheep home on his shoulders fl^. But to speak plainly, 
the mystery of mysteries in this pall was, that the 
archbishops receiving it shewed therein their de- 
pendance on Rome ; and a mote in this manner ce- 
remoniously taken, was a sufficient acknowledgment 
of their subjection. And, as it owned Rome's power, 
so in after-ages it increased their profit. For though 
now such palls were freely given to archbishops, 
whose places in Britain for the present were rather 
cumbersome than commodious, having little more 
than their pains for their labour, yet in after-ages 
the archbishop of Canterbury's pall was sold for five 
thousand florins ^ : so that the pope might well 
have the golden fleece, if he could sell all his lambs- 
wool at that rate. Only let me add, that the author 
of Canterbury-book styles this pall, tanquam grande 
Christi sacramentumK It is well tanquam came in 
to help it, or else we should have had eight sacra- 
ments. But, leaving these husks to such palates as 
are pleased to feed on them, we come to the kernel 
of religion, how the same was propagated in other 
parts of England. And first, of the preparative for 
the purge of paganism out of the kingdom of 
Northumberland. 
A. D. 624. 89. Edwin, the king thereof, was monarch of all 
prapwatory England, with the isles of Man and Anglesey, more 
^^^ puissant than any of his predecessors. And this, 
^'^^' saith Bede^, was in auspicium suscipiendis fidei^ " in 
" good haudsell of the faith" he was hereafter to 

K Camden, ib. p. 237. Luke > A manuscript in Trin. Hall 

xy. 5. library in Camoridge, quoted 

^ Godwin de Praesul. p. 800. by Whelock on Bede, p. 99. 
A florin is worth 4^ . 6d. ^ Hist. Ecd. ii. 9. 



CENT. VII. of Britain. 181 

neceiye. God first made him great, and after gra- a.d. 644- 
cious ; that so by his power he might be the more 
effectual instrument of his glory. Now he had 
married Edelburga, daughter of -^thelbyrht king of 
Kent ; to whom he not only permitted free exercise 
of reli^on to herself and her servants, but also pro- 
mised himself to embrace it, if, on examination, it 
appeared the most holy, and fittest for divine service. 
In the court of this queen was one Paulinus, a pious 
bishop, who, with much pains and little profit, long 
laboured in vain to convert the pagans. God hereby 
both humbling him, and shewing that the hour of 
his mercy shall not be antedated one minute by any 
human endeavours. However, Paulinus, seeing he 
could not be happy to gain, would be careful to 
save; and daily plied the word and sacraments, 
thereby to corroborate his own people in piety^ 

40. Now it happened that one Eomer", a swash- A.D.626. 
buckler, (a contemner of his own life, and thereby tion per- " 
master of another man's,) sent from Cuichelm, king 5^^'*°^ 
of the West-Saxons, with an envenomed dagger *^®™'^' 
sought to kill king Edwin : when Lilla, one of his 
guard, foreseeing the blow, and interposing himself, 
shielded his sovereign with his own body, yea, deaded 
the stroke with his own death. Loyalty's martyr ; 
in a case which is likely to find mo to commend 
than imitate it, on the like occasion. Edwin, not- 
withstanding slightly hurt, was very sensible of the 
deliverance, and promised, that if he might conquer 
the treacherous West-Saxon king, with his ad- 
herents, he would become a Christian". And though 

1 [See Malmsburj, De Ges- Flor. Wigorn. a. 627. Will, 
tis R^um, f. 9.] Malmsb. f. 6.] 

™ [Saxon Chron. a. 626. ^ [Malmsbury states this 

N 3 



183 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.626. there be no indenting, and conditional capitulating 
with God, (who. is to be taken on any terms,) yet 
this in a pagan was a good step to heayen, and Pan- 
linus was glad he had got him thus &T ; especially, 
when in earnest of the sincerity of his resolution, he 
consigned over his infismt daughter Eanfled to be 
baptized, whom Paulinus christened, with twelve 
mo of the queen's family®. Well, the West- 
Saxon king was quickly overcome, and all his 
complices either killed or conquered, and yet king 
Edwin demurred to embrace Christianity. But he 
communicated with the sagest of his council, with 
whom he had daily debates, being loath rashly to 
rush on a matter of such moment. And truly, that 
religion which is rather suddenly parched up than 
seasonably ripened, doth commonly ungive after- 
wards. Yea, he would sit long alone, making com- 
pany to himself, and silently arguing the case in his 
own heart, being partly convinced in his judgment 
of the goodness of the Christian religion ; and yet he 
durst not entertain truth, a lawful king, for fear to 
displease custom, a cruel tyrant. 

Th^^^'^h *^' Amongst the many debates he had with his 

of Coifi the council about altering his religion, two passages 

must not be forgotten ; whereof one was the speech 



deed in its true colours. — 
' Quichelmum sane non me- 
' diocris culpa respergit quod 

* Edwinum Northanhumbro- 
' rum regem probatae pruden- 
' tise virum^ subornato sicario, 

* insidiis appetiverit. Sed si 
' consideretur ilia gentilis sen- 
' tentia, dolus an virtus quis 

* in hoste requital ; facile ex- 
' cusabitur nihil praeter soli. 



« 

c« 
it 

(€ 
«( 
It 
€( 
tl 
€t 



turn fecisse, quod vellicato- 
rem potentise quoquo modo 
voluerit de medio subtrahe- 
Nam et antea de regno 



re. 



West-Saxonum plurima de- 
cerpserat, et tunc accepta ir- 
ritatus injuria, quoniam re- 
cruduerant odia, multa pro- 
vincialibus inflixit dispen. 
dia." WiU. Malmsb. f. 6.] 
o Bede, ibidem. 



CENT. VII. of Britain. 18S 

of Coifi, the prime pagan priest. " Surely," said he, a. p. 617. 
" these gods whom we worship are not of any power 
" or eflScacy in themselves ; for none hath served 
" them more conscientiously than myself, yet other 
" men, less meriting of them, have received mo 
" and greater favours from their hand, and prosper 
" better in all things they undertake. Now if these 
" were gods of any activity, they would have been 
" more beneficial to me, who have been so observant 
" of them®." Here the reader will smile at Coifi 
his solecism, wherein the premises are guilty of 
pride, as the inference thereon of error and mistake. 
If he turn Christian on these terms, he will be 
taught a new lesson : how not only all outward 
things happen alike to good and bad, to him that 
sacrificeth^ as to him that sacrificeth not^ ; but also, 
that judgment beginneth at the house of God% and 
the best men meet with the worst success in tem- 
poral matters. However, God was pleased to sanc- 
tify this man's error, as introductory to his conver- 
sion : and let none wonder, if the first glimmering 
of grace in pagans be scarce a degree above blind- 
ness. 

42. Better, in my opinion, was the plain compa^- The cour- 
rison, which another nameless courtier made at the ^SiS!"" 
same time. " Man's life," said he, " O king, is like 
" unto a little sparrow, which, whilst your majesty is 
" feasting by the fire in your parlour with your royal 
" retinue, flies in at one window and out at another. 
" Indeed we see it that short time it remaineth in 
" the house, and then is it well sheltered from wind 
" and weather ; but presently it passeth from cold to 

o Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 13. P Eccles. ix. 2. 4 1 Pet. iv. 17. ^ 

N 4 



184 The Church History book ii. 

A,D.(h7. ** cold, and whence it came, and whither it goes, we 
" are altogether ignorant. Thus, we can give some 
" account of our soul, during its abode in the body, 
^^ whilst housed and harboured therein ; but where it 
^^ was before, and how it fareth after, is to us alto- 
" gether unknown. If therefore Paulinus his preach- 
« ing will certainly inform us herein, he deserveth, 
. " in my opinion, to be entertained '." 

A. p. 627. 48, Long looked for comes at last. King Edwin, 

ridwin con- 1 <• ^% 

verted, and almost three years a candidate at large of Christian- 
*^ ity, cordially embraceth the same, and with many of 

his nobles, and multitudes of his subjects, is solemnly 
baptized by Paulinus, in the little church of St. Pe* 
ter's in York*, hastily set up by the king for that 
purpose, and afterward by him changed into a firmer 
and fairer fabric. Thus, as those children which are 
backward of their tongues, when attaining to speech, 
pronounce their words the more plainly and dis- 
tinctly : so Edwin, long, yea tedious, before his turn- 
ing to Christianity, more efiectually at last embraced 
the same. And when it was put to the question, 
what person most proper to destroy the heathen al- 
tars ? Coifi the chief priest tendered his service, as 
fittest for the purpose, solemnly to demolish what 
he had before so superstitiously adored. Down go 
all the pagan altars and images at God-mundingham 
(now Godmimdham, a small village in the East-Ri- 
ding of Yorkshire*), and those idols with their hands 
were so far from defending themselves, that their 
mock-mouths could not aflbrd one word to bemoan 
their final destruction. 

'■ Bede, ibid. Wigorn. a. 628.] 

■ Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 14. * Camden's Britannia, [p. 
[Saxon Chron. a. 627. Flor. 577.] 



cxNT.vii. of Britain. 186 

44. When thou art converted^ strengthen thy ir^-A.D.647. 
ihren^ was the personal precept given to Peter ^ but The Eait- 
ought generally to be the practice of all good men ; vJlltrt 2*^" 
as here it was of king Edwin, restless, until he hadj^™*^*^' 
also persuaded Eorpwald, king of the East-Angles, 

to embrace the Christian faith ^. Indeed Redwald, 
Eorpwald's father, had formerly at Canterbury, to 
ingratiate hunself with king Ethelbert, professed 
Christianity ; but, returning home, he revolted . to 
paganism at the instance of his wife'. So great is 
the power of the weaker sex, even in matters of re- 
ligion. For, as Bertha and Edelburga, the queens 
of Ethelbert and Edwin, occasioned and expedited 
the conversion of their husbands' kingdoms : so here 
a female instrument obstructed that holy design. 
Yea, Redwald afterwards, in the same church, set 
up a Samaritan mongrel religion^ havmg dtare et 
arulam\ a communion-table and an idolatrous altar 
in the same temple : You cannot be partakers^ saith 
the apostle, of the LortTs table^ and of the table of 
devils^; that is, you cannot lawfully, conscionably, 
comfortably; but, de facto it may be done, was done 
by Redwald in this his miscellaneous religion. 

45. But three years after**, the conversion of the a. d. 630. 
East-Angles was more eflectually advanced by king^jj^" 
Seabyrht, brother, and after the death of Eorpwald, j^'™^^ 
his successor in the kingdom. This Seabyhrt had^yrht. 
lived an exile in France, and got the benefit of 
learning by his banishment ; for, wanting accommo- 

^ Luke xxii. 3a. ' Bede, at priu8. 

^ [EK>rpwald was baptized » i Cor. x. 20. 
in the year 632. See Saxon. ^ [Rather in 636^ as Flo- 

Chron. and Florent. Wigom. rence of Worcester states, oor- 

in an. 632.] rectly enough. Wharton in- 

> Bede» Hist. Ecd. ii. 15. dines to the year 630. Ang. 

7 2 Kings xvii. 41. Sac. I. 403.] 



186 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.B.630. dations to appear in princely equipage, he applied 
himself the more close to his studies: seeing that 
means which would maintain a prince but like a 
scholar, would maintain a scholar like a prince. 
Yea, which was best of all, on his learning he grafted 
true religion ; Bede giving him this character, that 
he became Vir per omnia Christianissimus et docHs- 
simus : (can more be said in so few words ?) and re- 
turning home, assisted by the preaching of Felix, a 
monk of Burgundy, Juxta sui nominis sacramenium^ 
saith BedeS (happy was his name, and happiness was 
with him,) converted his subjects to Christianity. 
This Felix was made the first bishop of Dunwich in 
Suffolk^ ; a place formerly ftimished with two and 
fifty churches % and hath scarce two now remaining, 
the rest being swallowed up by the sea. I can 
hardly hold myself from calling the sea sacrUegioui ; 
save that, on second thoughts, considering that ele- 
ment to be but a natural agent, yea, such whose mo- 
tions are ordered by Divine providence. Hither shalt 
thou come, and no farther, I will rather reserve this 
epithet sacrilegiousy to be bestowed on those men 
who willingly and wilfiiUy demolish the places ap- 
pointed for God's serviced 



c [Hist. Ecd. ii. 15.] 

<^ [Thin see was translated 
from Dunwich to Elmham 
about the year 955 ; after- 
wards to Thetford^ in 1075 ; 
and lastly to Norwich, in 
1094.] 

« Weever* s Funeral Monu- 
ments in Suffolk, [p. 718.] 

' [At present one church 
only remains, dismantled of its 
roof and falling into ruins ; 
but many times, at low water, 
the remains of the other 



churches may be seen. In all 
probability, n'om the encroach- 
ments of the sea, the church 
and the abbey^ of which the 
walls remained but a few years 
backj will be soon swallowed 
up like the rest. Weever has 
published in his '* Funeral Mo- 
numents" an original letter re- 
specting the state of this town, 
written in the times of queen 
Marv^ p. 718. ed. 1631. I 
speak from personal observa- 
tion, having ft-equently ram- 



CENT. VII. of Britain, 187 

46. This Seabyhrt is generally reputed the founder A.D.631. 
of the university of Cambridge s. And because the Difference 
pmnt in hand is somewhat litigious, we will take the antiquity of 
more pains in clearing thereof, two things being 2^^[^^_ 
warily premised. First, that Sedbyhrt's founding ^"*^ 
the university of Cambridge ought not by any to be 
extended to lessen and abate, much less to drown 
and destroy her more ancient title to learning, which 
she deriveth, according to good authors^, from many 
hundred years before. Valeant^ quantum vcdere pos- 
sint^ let such her overgrown evidences stand as valid 
as they may, by us neither confirmed nor confuted 
for the present. And indeed all such old things in 
either university, though specious to the eye, must 
be closely kept and tenderly touched, lest otherwise, 
being roughly handled, they should moulder into 
dust. Secondly, let none suspect my extraction from 
Cambridge will betray me to partiality to my mo- 
ther, who desire in this difference to be like Mel- 
chisedec, ayeveaXoyo^i " without descent," only to be 
directed by the truth. And here I make this fair 
and free confession, which I hope will be accepted 
for ingenuous : that, as in Thamar's travail of twins, 
Zarah first put out his hand, and then drew it in 
again, whilst Pharez first came forth into the world' : 
so I plainly perceive Cambridge with an extended 
arm, time out of mind, first challenging the birth- 
right and priority of place for learning ; but after- 
wards drawing it in again, she lay for many years 
desolate, and of less account ; whilst Oxford, if later, 
lai^er, came forth in more entire proportion, and 

bled among these and other make it four years after, 
ruins of churches on this coast ^ See Caius De Antiq. Camb. 

when a boy.] [Acad. p. 30. et sq.] 
E A. D. 631. But some ^ Gen. xxxviii. 38. 



188 



Th€ Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D. 63r. ever since constantly continued in the full dimen- 
sions of an university*. 
Theieadi^ 47. These things being thus cautiously stated, we 
Bed«ez. proceed, beginning with Bede, on whose testimony 
^^* aU the following history is founded. 



[Sigehertus^ uhi regno 
poiitus est, mox ea qua in 
Galliis bene dispasita vidit, 
imitari cupiens, instituit 
scholam, in qua pueri li- 
teris erudirentur, juvante 
se episcopo Felice {quern de 
Cantia acceperat) eisque 
pcedagogas ac magistros, 
jwrta morem Cantuariorum, 
prahente^. 



<t 

t€ 
«< 
(« 
C( 

tc 

• i 

« 



'* Sedbyrht^ when he had ob- 
tained the kingdom, presently 
desiring to imitate those things 
which he had seen well-ordered 
in France^ instituted a school, 
wherein youths might be trained 
up in learning, Felix the bishop 
(whom he had received out of 
Kent) assisting him, and pro- 
viding for them teachers and 
masters, according to the cus- 
tom of those in Canterbury." 



See here, king Seabyrht, to make his school com- 
plete, united therein such conveniences for education 
as he had observed commendable, 

i. Abroad, in France : where learning at, and be- 
fore his time, was brought to great perfection : St. 
Hierome af&rming, that even in his age he had seen 
studia GaUiarum florentissima^ " most flourishing 
universities in France I" 

ii. At home, in Canterbury : where even at this 
time learning was professed, though more increased 
some forty years after ; when, as the same Bede re- 



i [This subject has been dis- 
cussed usque ad nauseam. Ful- 
ler has quoted and employed 
the principal authorities. Since 
his time, the Oxford antiquary. 
Wood, in the commencement 
of his History of the Univer- 
sity of Oxford, has considered 
the subject at great length, with 



considerable accuracy and re- 
search. See also Smith's Hia. 
tory of University College, and 
Smith's edition of Bede, Ap. 
pendix, N®. xiv.] 

k Bede, Hist. £ccl. iii. 18. 

1 In Epistola ad Rusticum, 
[Ep. iv. 1. 1, p. 43.] 



CENT. VII. 



of Britain. 



189 



ports™, that in the days ofTheodorus the archbishop a. d. 63 i . 
there were those that taught geometry, arithmetic, 
and music, (the fashionable studies of that age,) to- 
gether with divinity. The perfect character of an 
university, where divinity the queen is waited on by 
her maids of honour. 

But I question whether the formality of commenc- 
ing was used in that age; inclining rather to the 
negative that such distinction of graduates was then 
unknown, except in St. Paul's sense, Siich as used 
the office of a deacon weU^ purchased to themselves a 
good degree^. 

48. So much for Bede's text. Come we now to Authors 
ancient authors commenting upon him. Ancient I ing on 
call those who wrote many years before the diflfer- ^*^ ' ****' 
ences were started about the seniority of the univer- 
sities, and therefore are presumed impartial, as un- 
concerned in a controversy which did not appear. 
First, Polydore Virgil ^ who from Bede's words 
plainly collects, that Seabyrht then foimded the uni- 



m Hist. Ecd. i. [No such 
passage as this occurs in Bede's 
Historia Ecclesiastica ; nor are 
there any words in Asserius 
such as those attributed to him 
at p. 194. These are certainly 
great oversights, for which our 
author received a severe check 
from Anthony Wood, (Antiq. 
of the Univ. of Oxford^ 1. 106.) 
He has met with an advocate 
in Dr. Smith, the editor of Bede 
(Append, to Bede, No. xiv.) 
Dr. Smith endeavours to de- 
fend him, and to reply to 
Ant. Wood's objections, by 
shewing that passages of simi- 
lar import, though not the very 
words of the supposed quota- 



tions, are to be found in Bede 
and Asser. A very weak and 
untenable defence; for where 
so much depends upon the 
words of a quotation, accuracy 
is surely indispensable ; and 
upon a controverted subject it 
is altogether unjustifiable, to 
substitute in support of a posi- 
tion our sense of an auhor, in 
the place of that author's words. 
It is, however, probable that 
Fuller quoted them at second- 
hand, ort rusted to his memory 
for these passages. See Bede's 
Hist. £ccl. iv. 2. and v. ac] 

n I Tim. iii. 13. 

o [Hist. Aug. iv. p. 68. et v. 
p. 107.] 



190 The Church History book n. 

A.D.631. versity of Cambridge. Nor see I any cause for that 
passage in the assertion of Oxford's antiquityP, charg- 
ing Polydore, quod qffectihtis indtdgens^ adamaUB siw- 
det acoilemicB ; who, being a foreigner and an Italian, 
had nothing to bias his affection to one university 
more than the other. Learned Leland succeeds, 
who, being employed by king Henry the eighth to 
make a collection of British antiquities, (much scat- 
tered at the dissolution of abbeys,) thus expresseth 
himself : 

Olim Granta fuit titulis urbs inclyta multis, 

Vicino a fluvii nomine nomen habens. 
Saxones banc belli deturbavere procellis ; 

Sed nova, pro vetert, non proeul inde sita est : 
Quam Felix monachus, Sigeberti jussa sequutiis, 

Artibus illustrem reddidit atque scholis. 
Hsec ego perquirens gentis roonumenta Britannfle, 

Asserui in laudem Granta diserta tuam<i. 

Grant, long ago a city of great fame, 

From neighbouring river doth receive her name. 

When storms of Saxon wars her overthrew. 

Near to the old sprang up another new. 

Monk Felix, whikt he Sigebert obeys, 

Lightened this place with schools, and leaming^s rays. 

Searching the monuments of British nation. 

This I assert in Grant's due commendation. 

• 

Here we omit the several testimonies of Bale ', 
George Lilie, and Thomas Cooper, in their several 
histories, anno 636, with many mo, concluding 
Sedbyrht then the founder of the university of Cam- 
bridge. 

P Written [by Thos. Cains] am Cantionem ii. 2. [ed. 1544.] 
anno 1566. p. 20. [ed. 1574.] ' In Sigeberto, Cent. i. §. 78. 

<1 In his Comment, in Cygne- Cent. xiii. §. 5. 



NT. VII. of Britain. 191 

49. But our cousin-germans of Oxford will scarce a.d. 631. 
re credit hereunto, multiplying objections against Fimobjec 

Obf. There were, say they, many places, besides seSby^?' 
mbridge, in the kingdom of the East-Angles, con- ^"Jrifge! 
ning Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire, which, 
th equal probability, may pretend to this school of 
dbyrht's foundation, seeing Bede doth not nami" 
Hm affirm Cambridge for the particular place 
lere this university was erected. 

50. Ans. Though Bede be dumb in this particular. Answer. 
t naming Cambridge; yet he makes such signs, 

Bt most intelligent antiquaries by us alleged un- 
rstand him to intend the same : especially seeing 
mbridge is acknowledged by all authors, time out 
mind, to have been a place for the education of 
idents in literature. 

51. Obf. If any such university was founded by Second ob- 
abyrht, it was at Grantchester, differing, as in ap-^*^^"* 
llation, so in situation from Cambridge, as being a 

od mile south-west thereof. Cambridge therefore 
[mot entitle itself, but by apparent usurpation, to 
3 ancient privileges of Grantchester. 

52. Ans. Most usual it is for ancient places to Answer, 
er their names ; Babylon to Bagdat, Byzantium to 
^nstantinople, our old Verulam to St. Alban's ; stiD 
^ning the mmierical nature they had before. Ox- 

"d, they tell us, was once called Bellositum", and 
t not altered from its same self by another name. 
yr is it any news for great cities, in process of time 
I weary of long standing) to ease themselves a lit- 
)y by hitching into another place. Thus some part 
modem Rome is removed more than a mile from 

» Brian Twyne, Antiq. Acad. Oxon. p. 1 14. retaining this 
one still in Beaumont^treet. 



192 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.63K the ancient area thereof. Thus, Jerusalem at this 
day is come down from moimt Sion, and more south- 
west climbed up mount Calvary. Yet either of these 
places would account themselves highly injured if 
not reputed, for the main, the same with the former. 
Suf&ceth it, that some part of Cambridge stands at 
this day where Grantchester* did, which anciently 
extended north-west" as &r as the village called 
Howse; and that is enough to keep possession of the 
privileges of Grantchester, as properly belonging 
thereunto. Especially seeing Oxford at this day lays 
claim to the antiquities of Cricklade and Lechlade, 
towns distant sixteen miles 0% the one in Wilts, the 
other in Gloucestershire, two ancient schools of 
Greek and Latin, as some will have it, removed af- 
terwards to Oxford, from whence some of her assert- 
ors do date her beginning. 

Third ob- 58. Obj. Scabyrht foimded but Scholam^ which 
makes little to the honour of Cambridge ; for there- 
by her professors are degraded to pedants, and, by a 
retrograde motion, Cambridge is sent back to Eton; 
I mean, is made no better than a great grammar 
school. 

AMwer. 54. Ans. If the best of Latin orators may be be- 
lieved, schola properly signifies the place where all 
arts are publicly professed. Es Phtonis sclida Pon- 
ticus Heraclides^ " Ponticus Heraclides came out of 
the school of Plato ^ :" which is notoriously known 
to have been an academy; yea, all his scholars 



^ Mr. Camden, an Oxford ^ Cains de Antiq. Cantab, 

man^ in his description of Cam. (ex libro Bamwellensi) p. 1 1. 

bridgeshire, alloweth Grant- v TuUy, De Natnra Deorum. 

Chester and Cambridge for the [I. 13.] 
same place. [Britan. p. 356.] 



cKNT.vii. of Britain. 198 

known by the name of Academics to this day. A.D.631. 
Those of Salerno, in Italy, dedicating a book of 
physic to our Henry, (the second I take it,) begin 
thus ; 

Anglorum Re^ scribit schola tola Salerni ^. 

Schoolboys deserve to be whipped indeed, if pre- 
suming to prescribe receipts to a king: but that 
schokt there is suffitiently known to have been a 
&mous university. And, under the favour of the 
university, the word universitas is but a base and 
barbarous Latin, while schola is pure Greek origin- 
ally, to design either the place where general learn- 
ing is publicly professed, or the persons studying 
therein. And though I dare not totally concur with 
that learned critic*, that universitas was first used in 
the foresaid sense, about the reign of king Henry 
the Third ; yet I believe it will not be found in any 
classical author in that modem acception. 

55. Obj. In good authors, Seabyrht is said to have Foorth ob. 
founded not only scholam^ ** a school," but ^cAo^, ^°' 

** schools," in the plural. If schola therefore be an 
university, either he made mo universities than 
one in Cambridge, which is absurd to aflSrm ; or else 
he erected mo universities in other places of his 
kingdom, which Cantabrigians wll not willingly 
confess. 

56. Ans. The variation of the number is of no con- Answer, 
cemment ; for if respect be had to the several arts 
there professed, Seabyrht founded schools in the 
plural : but if regard be taken of the cyclopeedy of 

the learning resulting from those several sciences, 
he erected but one grand school. Every freshman 

^ [See Croke's edition, 1 830, « Camden, in his Britannia, 
p. 39.] , in Oxfordshire, p. 269. 

FULLEH, VOL. I. O 



194 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.631. knows that the single quadrant, wherein the publie 
lectures are read and acts kept, is called plurallj the 
schools in each university. 

Fifth ob- 57. Obf. But Bede terms them pueros^ ** boys," 

J®*- ^"' properly under the rod ; and fertda^ whom Sea- 
byrht placed in his school : and the word piedagogi, 
" ushers," placed over them, imports the same ; that 
they were no university students, but a company of 
little lads that lived there under correction. 

Answer. 58. Aus. Crftics wiU Satisfy you that the word 
pueri signifies even those of more maturity, especially 
if living sub regimine^ under the discipline of superi- 
ors. Secondly, Bede, being a great divine, and con- 
versant in scripture phrase, borroweth an expression 
thence ; Christ calling his disciples iratSiaj *^ chil- 
dreny." He also uses ptBdagogos in the same notion 
with St. Paul's TratSaywyoif^ ip Xpia-T^j which our 
last translators read instructors in Christy even to 
the Corinthians, who still needed such psedagogues 
or teachers, though already enriched in all utterance 
and knowledge^. Thirdly, the Saxon ancient copy of 
Bede, which doubtless doth emphatically render the 
Latin, translates pueri ^eonje menn. Fourthly, 
Asserius Menevensis**, speaking of Alfred's founding 
of Oxford, saith, that he endowed the same stuB 
propricB gentis nobilibus pueris^ et etiam ignobilibus ; 
and it is but equal that the ptieri at Cambridge 
should be allowed as much man in them as those at 
Oxford. Lastly, the young fry of scholars, when 
first admitted, is such to whom pueri^^ in the proper 

y John XX] . 5. ^ All the scholars of Pein- 

' 1 Cor. iv. 15. brokc-hall in Cambridge, not 

* I Cor. i. 5 . being fellows^ are termed pueri 

^ [See note p. 1 89.] in their statutes. 



c«NT. VII. of Britcm. 196 

sense thereof, may well be applied. And here it may A.D.631. 
seasonably be remembered how an Oxford antiquary 
affirmeth^, that Edward the fifth prince of Wales, 
and Richard his brother, duke of York, Oa^onice stu- 
dueruni, studied at Oxford, in the lifetime of their 
fiEither. Stout students no doubt, whereof the elder 
could not then be ten, the younger not nine years 
old. But I forget what lawyers hold, that the king's 
eldest son is at ftill age, for some purposes, at the 
day of his birth ; in which respect he may sue out 
his lireries for the dukedom of Cornwall : and this, 
perchance, may somewhat mend the matter. 

59. But enouffh of this matter, which some will Conclusion 

^ 1 TT With prayer. 

censure as an impertinency to our Church History, 
and scarcely coming within the churchyard thereof. 
My prayers shall be, that each university may turn 
all envy into generous, yea gracious, yea glorious 
emulation ; contending by laudable means which 
shall surpass other in their serviceableness to God, 
the church, and commonwealth : that so commenc- 
ing in piety, and proceeding in learning, they may 
agree against their two general adversaries, ignorance 
and profaneness. May it never be said of them, 
what Naomi said of herself, that she was too old to 
bear sons^ : may they never be superannuated into 
barrenness; but, like the good trees in God's garden, 
they shali stiU bring forth fruit in their old age^ they 
shall be fat and flourishing, 

60. Seasonably Seabyrht erected an university at a d. 632. 
Cambridge, thereby in part to repair the late great kin^ 
loss of Christianity in England, when, the year after, J^^u^" 
Edwin, king of Northumberland, was slain in battle 8^°- 

d Brian Twyne, Antiq. Oxon. p. 322. « Ruth i. 12. 

o2 



196 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A. P. 63a. by Cedwala, king of Wales, and Penda, king of the 
Mercians^ After whose death, his whole kingdom 
relapsed to paganism ; and Paulinas, archbishop of 
York, taking with him queen i^thelburga, returned 
into Kent, and there became bishop of the then 
vacant church of Rochester ». Mortified man, he 
minded not whether he went up or down hill, whilst 
he went on straight in his calling to glorify God and 
edify others ; sensible of no disgrace, when degrading 
himself from a great archbishop to become a poor 
bishop. Such betray much pride and peevishness, 
who, outed of eminent places, will rather be nothing 
in the church, than any thing less than what they 
have been before. 
A.D 633. 6x. After the death of king Edwin, his kingdom 
happy year, of Northumberland was divided into two parts \ 
both petty kingdoms ; 

i. Bemicia, reaching from the river Tees to Edin- 
burgh Frith, whereof Eanfrith was king*. 

ii. Deira, whence, say some, Deirham or Durham, 
lay betwixt Tees and Humber, whereof Osric was 
kingj. 

These both proved apostates from the Christian 
faith ; and God, in his justice, let in Cedwala, king 



f Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 20. 
[Flor.Wigorn. et Saxon Chrcm. 
in an. 633.] 

E [Romanus the last bishop, 
who had been sent to Rome 
by Justus the archbishop, hav- 
ing been drowned in the pas- 
sage. Bede, ibid.] 

^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. i. 
Flor. Wigorn. an. 634.] 

* Camden's Brit. p. 558. 

J [This was the ancient divi- 
sion of the kingdom of North- 



umberland. Authors are at 
variance as to the limits of 
Bemicia^ some considering the 
Tees and the Tweed as its ex- 
treme limits. (See Usher, An- 
tiq. p. 212.) As the two king- 
doms were generally governed 
by viceroys, or merely nominal 
kings, their extent continually 
varied, as might be expected. 
See also The Appeal, part ii. 
p. 16.] 



CENT, vi I. of Britain. 197 

of the Britons, upon them, who slew them, harassed A.D.634. 
their country, and made a lamentable desolation, 
within the compass of one year, without resj)ect to 
age or sex ; until Oswald, bred and brought up in 
Scotland, next of the blood royal, came to be king 
of Northumberland, whom God sent to redeem that 
miserable country from the hands of their enemies, 
and many eminent victories he obtained ''. 

62. The fatal year wherein so many outrages were a lost jrear 
committed on the apostate Northumberlanders by^ 
Cedwala, king of the Britons, is detested by all 
Saxon chronologers. And therefore all the annalists, 
and writers of histories in that age, by joint consent, 
universally resolved to damn and drown the memo- 
rial of that annus infaustus\ as they call it, ^' unlucky 
year,** but made so by ungodly men. Yea, they 
unanimously agreed to allow those two apostate 
kings no years' reign in their chronicles, adding the 
time subtracted from them to Oswald, their Christian 
successor, accounting him to have reigned nine 
years™; which indeed were but eight of his own, 
and one of these historians their adoption". Yet is 
it no news, even in scripture itself, to bury the reign 
of tyrants under the monument of a good prince 
succeeding them. Thus when Ehud is said to /lave 
Judged the land fourscore t/ears^, those eighteen years^ 
are included wherein Eglon the Moabite op[>ressed 
Israel. 

^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 3.] that of their successor; placing 

1 Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. i. their reign in the year 633, 

« Idem, iii. 9. [Saxon Chron. and that of Oswald in 634. 

an. 634.] See Malmsb. De Gestis regum 

n [Both William of Malms- f. 9. b.] 

bury and Florence of Worces- o Judges iii. 30. 

ter distinguish their reign from P Ver. 14. 

oS 



198 T%e Church Hiatory book ii. 

A. D. 6.^5. 6S. Amongst the many victories achieved by this 
A victory Oswald, One most remarkable was gained by him 
£»wnT™ near Hexham in Northimiberland, against the pa- 
gans, against whom he erected the standard of the 
cross, in a place which time out of mind wbs called 
Heafen-feld, (Haledon at this day,) by a prolepsis, 
not answering the name thereof until this time. 
Hence a poet writing the life of Oswald ; 

Tunc primum scivit causam cur nomen haberet 
Heafen-feld, hoc est, coelestis campus ; et illi 
Nomen ab antique dedit appellatio gentis 
Prseteritse, tanquam belli prsesaga fiituri<). 

Then he began the reason first to know 
Of Heafen-feld, why it was called so; 
Named by the natives long since by foresight. 
That in that field would hap an heavenly fight. 

Thus it is generally reported, that the place nigh 
Leipsic, where the king of Sweden got one of his 
signal victories, was, time out of mind, termed by 
the Dutch Gots Acre, or God's ground "". And thus, 
as Onesimus and Eutychus were so called from their 
infancy, but never truly answered their names till 
after the conversion of the one*, and reviving of the 
other* : so places, whether casually or prophetically, 
have names anciently imposed upon them, which are 
sometimes verified many ages after. 



<! [The quotation is little sagio futurorum antiquitus no- 
else than a metrical version of men accepit." Eccl. Hist. iii. 
Bede. '* Vocatur locus ille 2.] 

lingua Anglorum Heafen-feld" ^ Swedish Intelligencer, 
(that 18^ Heaven-field) " quod ^ Philem. v. 1 1. 
dici potest Latine, coelestis ^ Acts xx. 12. 
campus, quod certo utique prae- 



CKNT. ▼!!. 



of Britain. 



199 



64. About this time, Honorius the pope sent his ad. 635. 
letter to the Scotch nation, advising them to an uni- Pope Hoto. 
formity with the church of Rome in the celebration effactuai 
of Easter °. His main reason is thought to have 

more of state than strength ; human haughtiness, 
than holy divinity in it. Namely, he counselleth 
them, Ne paucitatem stuim in ea^tremis terrcB finihus 
constitutamj sapientiorem antiquis sive modemis qwB 
per orbem erant Christi ecclesiis cBstimarenU This is 
that Honorius, of whom Leo the second, his suc- 
cessor, complaineth in his epistle to the bishops of 
Spain ; flammam hceretici dogmatis^ non^ ut decuit 
apostolicam authoritatem^ incipientem ea^nanty sed 
negligendo confovit '^ ; "by his negligence he did 
countenance the heretical opinions (meaning of the 
Monothelites, then beginning afresh to spring up 
again,) which he ought to have suppressed." Thus 
he, who could stickle about the ceremony of keeping 
Easter, could quietly connive at, yea interpretatively 
consent to the depraving of the doctrinal part of re- 
ligion. But his Iptter to the Scotch took little ef- 
fect, who kept their Easter not one minute the 
sooner or later for all his writing unto them. 

65. In a better work, and with better success, was Binniu 
Birinus employed, an Italian by birth, sent over by West-Saz* 
pope Honorius for the conversion of the remainder f^jJilJ* 



n {Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 19. 
They held the error of the 
Quartadedmans ah*eady men. 
tioned^ supporting their prac- 
tice by the authority of Anato- 
lius. (See p. 171. Bede, Hist. 
Eccl. iii. 3. and Usher, Antiq. 

?. 482.) In the year 640, John 
V. wrote to the Scots, or ra- 
ther the Irish, in refutation of 



this their error, and for the 
suppression of the Pelagian he- 
resy, which had begun to re- 
vive among them. See Bede, 
Hist. Eccl. ii. 19. The efforts 
of the pope were eventually 
successful. Bede, ib. iii. 4.] 

^ Epist. Decret. vol. ii. 654. 
ed. Romec 1591. [Usher, ib. 
p. 486.] 



aOO The Church History book ii. 

A. P. 635. of England ; and to that purpose, that liis preaching 
belike might be the more powerful, made a bishop 
before his coming over, by Asterius, bishop of Ge- 
noa^. Here I am at a loss. Bishop of what ? where 
was his diocese or bishopric ? were not bishop and 
bishopric so correlated in that age, that they must 
be together ? the trick of making titular bishops not 
as yet being used in Rome. It is impossible that 
bishop here should import no more than a plain 
priest ; and that he only took orders before he came 
over into England. Well, commend me to the me- 
mory of this man, who first was made bishop, and 
then made himself a bishopric^ by earning it out of 
the pagan English, whom he intended to convert to 
Christianity. Yea, he passed his solemn promise, in 
the presence of the pope, that he would preach the 
gospel in the heart of the uttermost coasts of Eng- 
land, (meaning the northern parts thereof,) whither 
no teacher had at any time gone before him^. 
Minded herein like St. Paul, not to boast in another 
man's line of things made ready to his hand*, 
A broken gg. That his promise Birinus, though he literally 
wdii kept, brake, virtually kept ; for he chanced to land among 
the West-Saxons, then called Gevissse*, in the south- 
west part of England, where as yet the inhabitants 
were pure-impure pagans. Having here found a fit 
subject for his pains, why should he go fiuther to 
seek the same ? Is not Providence the best herald 
to marshal us, and ought we not to sit down where 



^ Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 7. from Berkshire and Hampshire 

y Idem ibid. to the Land's-end. It after- 

* 2 Cor. X. 16. wards became the most power- 

& [That is, the people of the ful kingdom in the Saxon hept- 

west. This country extended archy.] 



cxMT.Tli. of Britain, 201 

it dieposeth us ? Besides, according to military rules, a. d. 635. 
it was best to clear the coasts as he went, and not 
to leave a pagan foe behind his back. Moved here- 
with, Birinus here sets up his staff (episcopal), fix- 
eth himself, falls a preaching, converts many, and, 
amongst the rest, Cynegils the West-Saxon king, 
whom he baptized. Oswald, king of Northumber- 
land, chanced to be present at that time, and was 
first godiather, then father-in-law, to king Cynegils, 
to whom he gave his daughter to wife^ 

67. Dorchester, not the town which denominates DoreheMer 
Dorsetshire, but an old city in Oxfordshire, (not iughop's* 



Berkshire, as Stapleton mistakes it^) was made the 
seat of Birinus his bishopric. Bede saith, Donave- 
runt autem umbo reges eidem episcopo civitateniy qtuB 
vacatur Dorcic^ &c. ** both the kings, Oswald and 
Cynegils, gave to the said bishop the city Dorinca, 
or Dorchester." Both of them: — Whence observe, first, 
that Oswald, whose concurrence in this grant was 
required, though particular king of Northiunberland, 
was also monarch of all England. To justify our 
former observation, that amongst the seven Saxon 
kings, always one was paramount above the rest. 
Secondly, that this Dorchester, though it lay north 
of Thame in Oxfordshire, which properly belonged 
to the kingdom of Mercia, pertained now to the 
West-Saxons, beyond the ordinary limits assigned to 
that kingdom. 

68. In this year Honorius, archbishop of Canter- England du 
bury, divided England (understand, so much thereof Jaridiw. 
as was Christian) into parishes^. But that most ex- 

^ Bede^ Hist. Ecd. iii. 7. this assertion, as far as I can 

^ In his translation of Bede, discover, is bishop Godwin, in 

ib. his work De Praesul. Angliee, 

d [The only authority for p. 40,] 



SOS The Church ISstory book ii. 

A. D. 635. quisite antiquary® seems very unwilling to admit so 
early and ancient parishes, in the modem proper ac- 
ception of the word. Who knoweth not, that 
parochia at large signifieth the diocese of the bishop? 
and two new dioceses (Dunwich and Dorchester) 
were erected under Honorius, in the province of 
Canterbury. But whether parishes, as usually im- 
derstood for places bounded in regard of the profits 
from the people therein, payable only to a pastor in- 
cumbent there ; I say, whether such parishes were 
extant in this age, may well be questioned, as incon- 
sistent with the conununity of ecclesiastic profits, 
which then seemed jointly enjoyed by the bishop and 
his clergy. 
Amoroie 69- No sooncr was Oswald, whom we formerly 
Sttie edifi- mentioned, settled in his kingdom of Northumber- 
*^' land, but his first princely care was to provide pas- 

tors to instruct his people in Christianity^ In order 
whereunto he sends into Scotland, where he had his 
own education, for some eminent preachers. Un- 
usual the sun should come out of the north to en- 
lighten the south, as here it came to pass. One 
preacher was sent him thence, whose name we find 
not, but thus much of his nature ; that, being over 
rigid and severe, his sermons made no impression on 
his English auditory cf. Hard with hard, saith the 
proverb, makes no wall : and no wonder, if the spi- 
ritual building went on no better, wherein the aus- 
terity and harshness of the pastor met with the ig- 
• norance and sturdiness of the people. Home he re- 
turns, complaining of his ill success ; and one Aidan, 
of a milder temper, and more discretion, (a grace 

« Seldeu's Hist, of Tithes, ^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 3.] 
p. 256. g [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 5.] 



CENT. VII . of Britain. 808 

vhich none ever spake against but such as wanted a. p. 635. 
it,) was sent back in his room. 

70. Aidan comin&r into Enirland, settled himself Aidan Ws 

, due com* 

at Londisfame, or Holy-Island, in Northumberland ■^;mendmtioii. 
a place which is an island and no island twice in 
twenty-four hours, as divided by the tide from, so 
conjoined at low-water to the continent. His exem- 
plary life was a pattern for all pious pastors. First, 
he left to the clergy saluberrimum abstinentice, vd 
continenticB esemplum'^ ; though we read not he 
vowed virginity himself, or imposed it on others. 
He lived as he taught ; and whatsoever the bounty 
of princes or great persons bestowed on him, he 
gave to the poor. He seldom travelled but on foot ; 
and when invited to large feasts at court, used to 
arise after a short refection, and betake himself to his 
meditations. He redeemed many slaves from capti- 
Yity, making them first free-men, then Christians. 

71. All these his excellent practices Bede dasheth Bede his 
with this allay, that he had a zeal of God^ although ^' 
not fvUy according to knowledge^ ; merely because 

he dissented from the Romish church in the cele- 
bration of Easter. But whether those words of St. 
Paul, spoken of his countrymen the Jews*, in refer- 
ence to their stumbling at Christ, the Saviour of 
mankind, be fitly appliable to Aidan, only difiering 
in an outward ceremony, let others decide. True it 
is, this Aidan was a prime champion of the Quarta- 
decimans, as who had been brought up under or 
with St. Colme in Ireland ™. The writer of the life 
of this St. Colme" (let this be inserted by the way) 

^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 3.] m [Rather in lona. See 

^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 5.] Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 3.] 

^ Hist. Eccl. iii. 3, et 17. " [Written by Adamnanus, 

1 Rom. X. 2. presbyter of lona, who is sup- 



204 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.i>«635. reports how the said saint had a revelation of the 
Holy Ghosts which prophesied unto him of this 
discord, which after many days should arise in the 
church, about the diversity of the feast of Easter. 
Yet he telleth us not that the Holy Ghost reproved 
this Colmei*, whose example animated others against 
the Roman rite, for his error ; as if God cared not 
which of both sides carried the controversy. 

LBymen's 72. But all which Bede speaketh in diminution 

diligence m t* t ^ f 

reading of Aidau may freely be forgiven him, were it but for 
Bcnpure. j^.^ faithful recording of the following passage in 
Aidan's life ; and take it with Stapleton's own trans- 
lation thereof: 



Omnes qui cum eo ince- 
debanif sive aUonsi, seu laU 
ci, meditari deherenl ; id 
est, aut legendis scripiuris, 
aut psalmis discendis ope- 
ram dare^. 



"All they which went with him, 
" were they professed into religion, 
*' or were they lay brethren, gave 
*' themselves continuallv to con- 
" templation, that is to s&y, be. 
*• stowed all their time, either in 
** reading scriptnre, or in learn- 
" ing the psalter." 



Bede, speaking hereof, addeth moreover, tantum vita 
iUius a nostri temparis segiiitia distahat^ so much 



]>osed to have died about 704. 
This life has been published in 
several collections ; among the 
rest by Canisius, in his Var. 
Lectioues, vol. I. p. 674. ed. 
1725. Some account of Adam- 
nanus will be found in Bede, 
Hist. Eccl. V. 16.] 

o Archbishop Usher, in the 
Religion of the Irish, p. 72. 

P [St. Columba or Columba- 
nu8 was a native of Ireland, and 
founder of a monastery at Der- 
magh^ in that country ; whence 
he passed over into the north- 



ern and mountainous |Kirts of 
Scotland to convert the Picts ; 
the southern inhabitants haviiir; 
been converted long before by 
Ninna, a Briton He founded 
a monastery in the island Hii, 
or lona, since called Colmkill, 
that is, the cave of St. Colme. 
He died in 597. See Bede, 
Hist. £ccl. iii. 4. Sax. Chron. 
an. 560. He is altogether a 
different person from Columba, 
also a native of Ireland, who 
died in 61^.] 

q [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 5.] 



:bnt. VII. 



of Britain. 



90S 



liffercd his life from the laziness of our age : taxing A.D.635. 
!;ho8e of his time for neglect of the scriptures. And 
the ignorance bemoaned in his age continued and 
increased after his death. 

73. When Aidan came first into England, he was The royal 
not perfect in the language of our country "■ ; for al-'"**^ 
though the speech of the modem southern Scot be 

only a Doric dialect of no distinct language from 
English, yet Aidan, who naturally spoke Irish, was 
not intelligible of his English congregation. Where- 
fore king Oswald, a better Scotchman, as bred 
amongst them, than Aidan was Englishman, inter- 
preted to the people what the other preached unto 
them. Thus these two put together made a perfect 
preacher. And although some will say, sermons 
thus at the second-hand must lose much of their life 
and lustre ; yet the same spirit working in both, the 
ordinance proved effectual to the salvation of many 
souls. 

74. This year the first Lent was kept in England ; A. D. 640. 
conceive it in those parts thereof which obeyed the Lent in 
Roman celebration of Easter* : otherwise it is sus- ^ 
picious that the Quartadecimans were no good Qua- 
dragesimarians, and no such conscientious observers 

of Lent on the Romish account. Surely if people 
were taught in Lent to fast, as from flesh, so, from 



r [Bede, Hist. Eccl. ill. 3.] 
* [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 7. Ead- 
bald> king of Kent, dying this 
year^ was succeeded by his son 
Ercenberht. He destroyed all 
the idols in his kingdom which 
had been left by his grandfa- 
ther ^thelberht and his father 
Eadbald, who nevertheless had 
been converted to Christianity. 



He was also the first of oar 
English kings who observed 
the fast of Lent. Of coarse 
he could enjoin this observance 
no further than in that part of 
the Saxon heptarchy which ac- 
knowledged his authority. See 
Bede^ Hist. Eccl. iii. 7. Sax- 
on. Chron. and Flor. Wigom. 
an. 640.] 



206 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.(>4a a proud and fiJse opinion of meriting thereby, policy 
would be well pleased, and piety not offended at the 
observing thereof ; whilst continent countries might 
keep it without any loss to their souls, and islands 
with great gain to their estates. 

A. D. 64a. 75. Oswald, kinff of Northumberland, fis^htinfif at 



ofgoodMaserfeld (since Oswestry) in Shropshire, against 
>"««• Penda the pagan prince of Mercia', was overthrown, 
slain, and his body most barbarously abused, and 
chopped in pieces'*. Yea, it is observable that such 
Saxon kings which were first converted to Christi- 
anity, and such who were the most active restorers 
of religion after a general apostasy, commonly came 
to violent deaths by the hands of heathens : as, 

Edwin, first Christian king of Northumberland, 
slain by pagan Penda, anno 633. 

Eorpwald, first Christian king of East-Angles, 
slain by his own people, anno 636. 

Peada, first Christian king of Mercia, slain by his 
own wife, anno 656. 

Edelwald, or iEthelwald, first Christian king of 
Sussex, slain likewise^. 

Oswald, the most religious restorer of Christianity 
in Northumberland, slain anno 642. 



^ [He was the first king of 
Mercia, of which kingdom he 
laid the foundation in 626, 
and was the most formidable 
of all the princes of the Saxon 
heptarchy^ carrying terror and 
consternation wherever he turn- 
ed his arms. He slew two 
kings of Northumberland, Ed- 
win and Oswald ; and three 
of the East-Angles, Sedbyrht, 
Egric, and Anna ; and lastly, 



drove into exile Kenwalch, the 
king of the West Saxons. 
Malmsb. f. 14. The same wri- 
ter decribes him as eager for 
battle as the crow wheels its 
flight towards the smell of the 
carcass.] 

u [Bede^ Hist. Ecd. iii. 9.] 
^ [Slain in the year 685, by 
Cead walla. See Flor. Wigorn. 
a. 685.] 



csKT. VII. of Britain, 907 

Anna, the most pious king of the East-Angles, a. v. 642. 
slain by Penda, anno 654. 

Edmond, the most devout king of the East-An- 
gles, martyred by the Danes, anno 870. 

Inquiring into the causes hereof, we find, first, that 
the lustre of their lives shining before men, made 
them the fairer mark for their malicious enemies. 
Secondly, Satan, accounting them traitors against 
his kingdom of darkness^ left no stone unturned, 
thereby to bring them to temporal destruction, the 
greatest hurt which his power could inflict. Thirdly, 
God, to try the patience of his infant church, ac- 
quainted them with afflictions from their very cradle. 
Such therefore are mistaken, who make prosperity a 
note either of piety in particular persons, or verity 
in a whole church ; seeing, take it one time with 
another, and it misseth the mark oftener than it hits 
it. As for our Oswald, legions of miracles are attri- 
buted unto him after death ; all which we willingly 
omit, insisting only on one as most remarkable. 

76. The story goes thus*: On an Easter-day Os-Oiwaid^s 
wald was sitting in his palace at dinner with bishop never to 
Aidan ; when in comes one of his servants, and in- ^ ^' 
formeth him that abundance of poor people from all 
parts sat in the streets expecting some alms for their 
relief. Presently king Oswald commands, not only 
that the meat set before him should be given them, 
but also that the large silver charger holding the 
same should be broke in pieces, and, in want per- 
chance of present coin, parted betwixt them. Where- 
upon, Aidan, laying hold on Oswald's right hand, 
(and that alone, we know, ought to be the almoner^,) 

» [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 6.] J Matt. vi. 3. 



808 The Church Hutory book nr- 

A.D.649. " I pray God this hand," said he, " be never con — 
" sumed ' :" which is said accordingly to come tea 
pass. So that when all the other members of kin^ 
Oswald's body, torn asunder by his barbarous ene^ — 
mies, were putrefied, his right hand always remainecV 
unconsumed. 

NuIIo verme pent, nulla putredine tabet 
Dextra viri, niillo constringi frigore, nullo 
Dissolvi fervore potest ; sed semper eodem 
Immutata statu persistit, mortua vivit^. 

No worm, no rottenness taints his right hand ; 
Corruption free, in vain the cold doth strive 
To freeze, or heat to melt it, which doth stand 
Still at one stay ; and, though dead, is alive. 

But it is not enough for us that we have the poet's 
pen for it ; if we also had Oswald's hand to shew for 
the same, much might be wrought on our belief 
herein. 
Mystically 77. For mv o\^Ti part, I conceive that Aidan his 

tnio. 

words to Oswald, that " his hand should never wax 
" old, or be consumed," were spiritually spoken, in a 
mystical meaning, parallel to those scripture expres- 
sions; The righteous shall be in everlasting remem- 
brance\ even when the name of the wicked shall rot^. 
The bountiful hand never consumes : neither actually, 
it never wastes nor impairs an estate, God so order- 
ing it, that the more he giveth the more he hath ; 
nor passively, " it is not consumed," the acts thereof 
remaining in a perpetual memorial here and here- 

2 So Stapleton trauslateth » Camden's Brit, in Lincoln, 
what in Bede is itiveterascat. shire, [p. 406.] 
[ib.] ^ Psal. cxii. 6. 

^ Prov. X. 7. 



CIHT. VII. 



of Briiain. 



W9 



after. But grant this miracle of Oswald's hand lite- a. d. 642. 
rally true in the latitude there, I desire any ingenu- 
ous papist to consider the time wherein it was acted. 
It was Easter-day^, yea, such an Easter-day as was 
celebrated by the quartadecimans^ Aidan being pre- 
sent thereat, contrary to the time which the canons 
of Rome appointed. Now did not a divine finger in 
Oswald his miraculous hand point out this day then 
to be truly observed ? Let the papists produce such 
another miracle to grace and credit their Easter Ro- 
man style, and then they say something to the pur- 
pose. 

78. It plainly appears, that the survivors had not Over offi- 
only a charitable opinion, but a comfortable pre-^J^^ 
sumption, yea, an infallible persuasion, that the soul p"''«^'7- 
of king Oswald was possessed of heavenly happiness 
instantly after his death. What better demonstrar- 
tion of his present being in perfect bliss than those 
many miracles, which the papists confidently report 
to be done by him after his death, in curing sick 
people of their several maladies? For such souls 
which they fancy in purgatory are so far from heal- 
ing others, that they cannot help themselves. Yea, 
Bede calleth this Oswald, jam cum Domino regrumtisy 
" now reigning with the Lord*." Yet the same au- 
thor attesteth^ that even in his time it was the an- 



^ [Die Sancto Paschae. Bede, 
ib. Malmsbury speaks of this 
arm as existing even in his 
day. De Gestis Regum f. 9. b. 
The preservation of the arm is 
readily accounted for. When 
Oswald was slain in battle, the 
enemy cut off his head and 
arms, and aflixed them to a 

FULLER, VOL. I. 



pole, leaving the body for bu. 
rial. The arms were preserved 
in a box by his brother Oswiu 
at Bam borough, and the head 
buried by him at Lindisfame. 
Malmsb. ib.] 

« Hist. Eccl. iii. la. 

^ Hist. Eccl. iii. 2. 



210 



The Church Htstary 



BOOK If. 



A.D.642. niversary custom of the monks of Hexam to repair 
to Heafen-feld, (a place hard by, where Oswald, as 
aforesaid, obtained his miraculous victory,) and there 
" to observe vigils for the salvation of his soul," pin- 
rimaque psalmomm laude celebratay victimam pro eo^ 
mane sacrce oblationis offerre. A mongrel action, 
betwixt good-will and will-worship : though the eyes 
of their souls in those prayers looked not forward to 
the future, petitioning for Oswald's happiness ; but 
backward to what was past, gratulatory to the bliss 
he had received. Purgatory therefore cannot pro- 
perly be founded on such suffrages for the dead. 
However, such over officiousness (though at first it 
was like the herb in the pot, which doth neither 
good nor ill) in after ages became like that wild 
gourd ?, poisoning men's souls with superstition, 
when they fell to downright praying for the de- 
parted. 

A. D 644. 79. This year Paulinus, late archbishop of York, 
of Paulinus. since bishop of Rochester, ended his life"; and one 
Ithamar succeeded him, bom in Kent, and the first 
Englishman bishop, all being foreigners before him'. 
As he was the first of his nation, I believe him the 
second of his name, meeting with no more save only 
Ithamar J the youngest son of Aaron^ high-priest of 
Israel'K 



e 2 Kings iv. 40. 
^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 14.] 
* [The reason of foreigners 
being preferred seems to have 
been the want of learning in 
the native Saxons for so im. 
portant a dignity. So Bede 
seems to indicate in his com. 
mendation of Ithamar : '• In 



" cujus [sc. Paulini] locum 
" Honorius archiepiscopus or- 
*' dinavit Ithamar, oriundum 
" quidem de gente Cantuario- 
'' rum, sed vita et eruditione 
*' antecessoribus suis atquan- 
** dum." Hist. Eccl. iii. 14.] 
J Exod. vi. 23. 



TENT. VII. 



fif BHtam, 



211 



80. After king Oswald his deaths four Christian a. d. 645. 
contemporary kings flourished in England'^. First, Most ChrU- 
Oswiu, king of Northumberiand, more commendable Oiwltu* 
for the managing than the gaining of his kingdom* ; 
except any will say, that no good keeping can make 
amends for the ill getting of a crown, seeing he de- 
feated Ethelwald, Oswald's son, and the tnie heir 
thereof. Bede termeth him regem Christianissimum^^ 
" the most Christian king ;" a style wherewith the 
present majesty of France will not be offended, as 
which many years after was settled on his ancestors. 
Long had this Oswiu endeavoured in vain by presents 
to purchase peace from Penda, the pagan king of 
Mercia, who miserably harassed his country, and re- 
fused any gifts, though never so rich and great, 
which were tendered unto him. At last, saith my 
author", Osvriu resolved. We will offer our presents 
to such a king who is higher in command and hum- 
bler in his courtesy, as who will not disdain to ac- 
cept them. Whereupon he devoted his daughter 
to God, in her perpetual virginity, and soon after 
obtained a memorable conquest over his enemies, 
and cleared the country from his cruelty. 



k [Bede, Hist. iii. 16. If 
Fuller restricts the number to 
four, the statement is incor- 
rect : for Ercomberct, king of 
Kent, who is celebrated for his 
piety by all our early chroniclers, 
was still living.] 

^ [Oswiu succeeded his bro- 
ther Oswald in the kingdom of 
Northumberland in the year 
643. In the year 645 Oswini 
succeeded to the kingdom of 
Durham, by right of his father 
Osric. He, though related to 
Oswiu, was slain by him in the 



year 651, and was succeeded 
in Uiat kingdom by Ethelwald 
the son of Oswald. See Bede, 
Hist. Eccl . iii . 1 4. Flor . Wigom. 
and the Saxon Chron. in the 
years 642. 645^ 651. Seabyrht 
king of Essex, and Penda 
prince of the MiddeLangli, 
were converted by the means 
of Oswiu. See Flor. Wigorn. 
in an. 653.] 

m Hist. EccL iii. ai. 

n Idem, [iii. 24. Flor. Wi- 
gorn. a. 655.] 

p2 



212 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.645. 81. Secondly, Seabyrht, king of E8sex^ and the 



SeiOyyrht restorer of religion in his kingdom, (which formerly 
^^ had apostatized after the departure of Mellitus), 
valiant and pious, though taxed for his contumacious 
company-keeping, contrary to his confessor's com- 
mand, with an excommunicated count, in whose 
house he was afterward murdered by two villains : 
who, being demanded the cause of their cruelty, 
why they killed so harmless and innocent a prince, 
had nothing to say for themselves, but they did it 
because " his goodness had done the kingdom hurt ; 
** such his proneness to pardon offenders on their, 
*^ though but seeming, submission, that his meekness 
" made many malefactors p." But I hope, and be- 
lieve, that the heirs of Seabyrht, though the stoiy 
be silent herein, finding his fault, amended it in 
themselves, and exercised just severity in the execu- 
tion of these two damnable traitors. 
AD. 654. 32, Anna may be accounted the third successor 

Anna hap- *' 

vyinan to Seabyrht, and happy in a numerous and holy off- 
spring**. Yea, all his children, save Firminus the 
eldest, slain with his £ftther in a fight against pagan 
Penda, were either mitred or veiled when living, 
sainted and shrined when dead ; as Erkenwald, 
bishop of London ; jEtheldrith, or Audrey, and Sex- 
burga, successively foundresses and abbesses of Ely; 
Withgith, a nun therein ; and Ethilburg, abbess of 
Barking, nigh London. 

A.D.656. 83. Peada, prince of Mercia% may make up the 

o [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 22.] Penda. Bede, Hist. Ecd. iii.2 1. 

P Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 22. Flor. Wigom. a. 653. After 

M [Bede> Hist. Eccl. iii. 18. Penda was slain in battle bj 

Flor. Wigorn. a. 654.] Oswiu, in the year 653, the 

»• [At first viceroy of the kingdom of Mercia fell into 

Middel-angli under his father his hands ; but he gave the 



CENT, VII. of Britain. 213 

quaternion, who married Alchfleda, daughter of a. d. 656. 
Oswiu, king of Northumberland ; and thereupon re- non of the 
noimcing paganism, embraced Christianity, and pro-cwSwI. 
pagated it in his dominions. Indeed Penda, his'.^^^p^ 
father, that persecutor of piety, was still alive, and^*- 
survived two years after, persisting an heathen till 
death, but mollified to permit a toleration of Chris- 
tianity in his subjects. Yea, Penda, in his old age, 
used an expression, which might have beseemed the 
mouth of a better man, namely, " that he hated not 
" Christians, but only such who professed Christ's 
" feith without his works* ;" accounting them con- 
temptible who pretended to believe in God without 
obeying him, 

84. A brace of brethren, both bishops, both emi- st Cedd, 
nent for learning and religion, now appeared in the chad, 
church ; so like in name, they are oft mistaken in 
authors one for another. Now, though it be " plea- 
" sant for brethren to live together in unity ;" yet it 
is not fit by error they should be jumbled together 
in conftision. Observe their difference therefore. 

St Cedd, in Latin Ced. St. Chad, in Latin Ceadda, born 

J T K^r ♦!» n in^ Northumberland, bred likewise 

Qus, I Deiieve tne eiuer, .ttiti j j 1.1 *.a» 

in Holy Island, and scholar to Ai- 

bom at London ^ where , „ , . , r t • u 

danus. He was bishop of Lich- 

afterward he was bishop ; figij . ^ mild and modest man, of 

kingdom of South Mercia to Mercia reverted again to the 

Peada, who was murdered by family of Penda. Bede> Hist, 

his wife the next year. Three Eccl. iii. 34. Flor. Wigorn. a. 

years after the death of Peada^ 655. 659.] 

the nobles of Mercia, who had ■ Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 21. 

secretly preserved Wulfhere, ^ [H. Porter's Flowers of 

the son of Peada, rebelled the Saints, p. 35.] 

against Oswiu. They were sue- ^ Idem^ p. 224. 
cessfiil, and the kingdom of 

p8 



S14 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



^. D. 656. bred in Holy Island, an 
active promoter in making 
the East-Saxons converts^ 
or rather reverts, to the 
faith. He is remembered 
in the Romish Kalendar, 



whom more hereafter. His death 
is celebrated in the Kalendar 
March the second, and the dust 
of his tomb is by papists reported 
to cure all diseases, alike, in man 
and beast. I believe it might 
make the dumb io see, and the 
lame to speak^. 



January the seventh. 

The later of these was, as the longest liver, so the 
most eminent in his life; who made many Christians, 
and amongst the rest Wulfade and Bufine, sons to 
Wulfhere king of Mercia, succeeding Peada therein, 
who was suddenly slain, and his untimely death was 
a great loss to religion, 
'•ridona §5. Look we uow ou the see of Canterbury, where 

pchbi^. (to our comfort) we have gotten one of our own 
countrymen into the place, Fridona, a Saxon. Yet, 
for the more state of the business, he assumed the 
name of Deus-dedit. We know archbishops of his 
see are termed alteritis orbis papce^ and such chang- 
ing of names was fashionable with the popes. He 
was consecrated by Ithamar alone, bishop of Roches- 
ter, the first English bishop consecrating the first 
English archbishop. Let no sophister cavil with his 
threadbare maxim, Nihil dat quod nmi haheU and 



w [St. Cedd, the elder bro- 
ther, who was a monk in Holy 
Island^ was at first a preacher 
among the Middel-angli» short- 
ly after the conversion of king 
Peada by Finan, the successor 
of Aidan. Afterwards he was 
sent by king Oswiu to the East 
Saxons, and was consecrated 
one of their first bishops by 
Finan. He founded the mo- 
nastery of Laestingaeu, near 



Whitby, in Yorkshire ; the 
headship of which he left at 
his death to his brother St. 
Chad, more correctly Ceadda, 
first bishop of York, and after- 
wards of Litchfield. He ap- 
pears to have been the young- 
est of the four brothers, Cedd, 
Cynibill, Caelin^ and Ceadda. 
See Bede, Hist. Eccl.iii. 22. 23. 
Symeon. Hist. Eccl. Dunelm. 
chap, iv.] 



TENT. VII. 



of Britam, 



215 



therefore a single bishop could not confer archiepi- a. d. 656. 
scopal power, but leave it to the canon lawyers to 
decide what may be done in case of extremity. 
Meantime how causeless is the caption of the pa- 
pists* at the consecration of Matthew Parker, be- 
cause no archbishop, though four bishops, was pre- 
sent thereat. Seeing, though an archbishop be re- 
quisite ad dignitateniy bishops will suffice ad honesta- 
tern ; and a single bishop, as Ithamar here^, may be 
effectual ad essentiam of an archiepiscopal consecra- 
tion. No wonder therefore if Evagrius was acknow- 
ledged a legitimate bishop by the pope himself', 
though contrary to the rigour of the canon, conse- 
crated by Paulinus alone*. Deus-dedit answered his 
name, (a good archbishop is God's gift,) and for nine 
years and more ruled the church to his great com- 
mendation. 

86. A barbarous murder was committed by Wulf- A.D.663. 
here, king of Mercia, who, understanding that his murder^of * 
two sons, Wulfade and Rufine, had embraced Chris- ^*^^*^ 
tianity, cruelly slew them with his own hands^ But 



» Sanders de Schism. [Angl. 
p. 279. ed. 1628.] 

y Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 20. 

^ Binnius, in notis in epist. 
17. Innocentii I. [Concil. torn, 
ii. 1 268. ed. Labbe et Coss.] 

* Theodoret. [Hist. Eccl. v. 
23. ed. Reading.] 

*> [Bede, the Saxon Chroni- 
cle, and Florence of Worces- 
ter, observe a deep silence upon 
this point. The former indeed 
gives a direct testimony of 
Wulfhere being a Christian at 
the time of his accession. For, 
speaking of the emancipation 
of that kingdom ft>om the yoke 



of Oswiu^ who held it by the 
right of conquest, he observes; 
" Sicque cum suo rege liberi, 
" Christo vero regi pro sempi- 
'* terno in coelis regno servire 
" gaudebant." Hist. Eccl. iii. 
24. Ingulph styles the sons of 
Peada^ *' Christians religionis 
" cultoresdevotissimos:" which 
he would scarcely have done 
had Wulfhere been an idola- 
ter. Hist. Croyland. p. 1. ed. 
Gale. Malmsbury also states, 
that upon his very accession, 
Wulfhere used his utmost ex- 
ertions (enixUnme Juvit) to 
promote Christianity, which his 

P 4 



216 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.664. afterwards, repenting of so foul a &ct, he himself 
turned Christian ; and in testimony thereof, finished 
the fidr fabric of the monastery at Peterborough, 
begun by Peada his brother. The whole story thereof 
was, till lately, set forth in painting and poetry, such 
aa it was, in the glass windows round about the 
cloisters of Peterborough. 

Wulfade prayed Chad, that ghostly leech, 
The faith of Christ him for to teach. 



Themak- 87. And uow, having fallen on the mention of 
i^ugiu glass, be it seasonably remembered, that just at this 
Engi^. time one Benault, a foreign bishop, but of what 
place I find not, brought the mystery of making 
glass into England, to the great beautifying of our 
churches and houses; the eyes being the grace of 
the body, as windows are of buildings. I conceive 
his invention was white glass alone, more ancient 
than painted glass in this island, as plain song is 
much senior to all descanting and running of di- 
vision*^. 
Scottish bi. 88. The paroxysm continued and increased betwixt 
ienrfrom the Scottish bishops (headed, after Aidan*s death, by 



brother had introduced. De 
Gestis Regum, f. 14. Fuller 
follows a legend published by 
Dugdale in his Monasticon, 
vol. ii. p. 119. ed. 1661. 

A very full account of the 
building of this monastery will 
be found in the Sax. Chron. in 
the years 655, 656, though the 
passage bears all the marks of 
being an interpolation.] 

c [The use of glass windows 
was introduced into England 
by Abbot Benedict about the 



year 670, who built the mo- 
nasteries of St. Peter and Paul 
at Yarrow^ in the bishopric of 
Durham. He also first intro- 
duced into England artificers 
of stone buildings. *' Neque 
" enim ante Benedictum lapi- 
" dei tabulatus domus in Bri- 
*' tannia nisi perraro videba- 
" tur, neque perspicuitate vitri 
" penetrata lucem sedibus sola- 
'* ris jaciebat radius." Malmsb. 
f. I T . His life has been writ- 
ten by his pupil Bede.] 



CENT. VII. of Britain, 217 

Finan, bishop of Holy-Island,) and such who cele- a. d. 663. 
brated Easter after the Roman rite^. The latter sOothenm 
bitterly detested the former, that they would not^^ 
receiye consecration of them, or imposition of hands ; 
as if their very fingers' ends were infected with 
schism, for dissenting from Rome. Yea, they would 
neither give the sacrament of the eucharist to them, 
nor receive it from them : and yet they never quar- 
relled at or questioned the validity of baptism con- 
ferred by them, seeing bishop Finan christened the 
king of the East-Saxons®, and all his subjects. 
Somewhat more moderate were the Scots or Quar- 
tadecimans in their carriage to the other, seeing St. 
Chad (Scottized in his judgment) refused not conse- 
cration from Wina, bishop of Winchester, though 
one of the contrary opinion ^ 

89- Nor was this controversy confined to cloisters This oon- 
and colleges, but derived itself from the king's court »piSi7 
down into private families. Thus Oswiu king oV^^^^^^ 
Northumberland was of the Scottish persuasion, 
whilst his queen and eldest son were of the Romish 
opinion, in celebration of Easter. One board would 
not hold them whom one bed did contain. It fell 
out so sometimes, that the husband's Palm-Sunday 
was the wife's Easter-day ; and in other families the 
wife fasted and kept Lent still, whilst her husband 
feasted and observed Easter. Say not that wife 
deserved to fast always who in so indilSerent a cere- 
mony would not conform to her husband's judgment. 

^ [[Bede, Hist. iii. 25. Sy- who observed the Scottish rite 

meon, Hist. Eccl. Dunelm. ch. of Easter. But certainly St. 

iv.] Ceadda» so far from leaning to 

« [Seabyrht.] their customs, held the very op- 

^ [He was consecrated by posite. See the concluding pas- 

Wina and two British bishops, sage in Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. a8.]] 



218 The Church History book ii. 

A. D. 66a. For consciences in such kinds are to be led, not 
drawn. Great was the disturbance in every great 
femily; only the poor gained by the difference, 
causing a duplicate of festivals, two Easters being 
kept every year in the same house. 

A.D.664. 90. To compose this controversy (if possible), a 

A ooiincil 

is caUed to couucil was Called at Streoneshalh, now Whitby in 
Su^tro- Yorkshire, by the procurement of St. Hilda, abbess 
v««y- therein. Here appeared, amongst many others. 

For the Romish Easter^ 

AVilfrith, an abbot, a zealous champion Cf. 
Bomanus, a priest, very hot in the quarrel, and 
others. 

Moderators. 

Hilda, the abbess of Streoneshalh. 
St. Cedd, bishop of London, propending to the 
Scottish, but not throughly persuaded. 

For the Scottish Edster^ 

St. Colman, bishop of Holy Island, who succeeded 
Finan in that place. 

But Baronius and Binnius will in no case allow 
this for a council, (though elsewhere extending that 
name to meaner meetings,) only they call it a col- 
lation; because, forsooth, it wanted some council- 
formalities; all bishops not being solemnly sum- 
moned, but only some volunteers appearing therein. 
Besides, as there was something too little, so some- 
thing too much for a canonical council ; Hilda, a 
woman, being moderatress therein, which seemed 
irregular^ 

S [Heddius^ vit. Wilfrid, ch. ^ [It is clear that Oswiu, 
X.]] king of Northumberland, and 



CENT. VII. 



of Britain, 



319 



91. In this council or collation, call it which you A.D.664. 
please, after much arguing pro and con^ Wilfrith at wofrith 
last knocked all down with this argument; that thoing^!!^. ' 
Romish celebration of Easter was founded on the™®"^' 
practice of St. Peter, prince of the apostles, and 
porter of heaven. King Oswiu hearing this was 
affrighted, who had rather anger all the other eleven 
apostles than offend St. Peter, one so high in power 
and place ; for fear, as he said, lest coming to heaven- 
gate, St. Peter should deny him a cast of his office, 
and refuse to let him into happiness. St. Colman, 
being on the other side, was angry that so slight an 
argument had made so deep an impression on the 
king's credulity. And, to manifest his distaste, after 
the council was broken up, carried all those of his 



not St. Hilda, was moderator 
in this synod. In which office 
he seems to have had the as- 
sistance of his son Alch frith, 
who being a disciple of Wil- 
frith, followed the Romish per- 
suasion. The defenders of the 
Scotch, that is, the Irish custom 
of observing Easter, were Col- 
man and his disciples, whom he 
in all probability brought from 
Lindisfkrn for that purpose. 
Those who favoured it were 
Hilda and Cedd^ who had been 
ordained by the Scotch, who 
acted as interpreter for both 
parties. The defenders of the 
Romish custom were^Egilberct, 
bishop of the West-Saxons, 
Agatho, a priest, and Wilfrith, 
abbot of Rippon, who had been 
educated at Lyons, where the 
Romish custom was observed, 
and who had also made a pil- 
grimage to Rome, where he 
had been instructed in the 



Romish custom of celebrating 
Easter. Heddii V. Wilfridi, 
ch. V. (in Gale's Script, i. p. 
53.) These were supported by 
Jacobus, who had been a dea- 
con to Paulinus, archbishop of 
York, and Romanus a priest, 
whom Eanfled had brought 
with her out of Kent. Besides 
these was one Ronan a Scotch- 
man, but educated in France 
and Italy, a very strenuous ad- 
vocate for the Komish observ- 
ance, in which he had shewn 
much opposition to Finan, bi- 
shop of Lindisfarn, the pre- 
decessor of St. Colman. Fuller 
appears to have confounded 
him with Romanus. Wilfrith in 
his reply enters into a long and 
clear statement of the difference 
between the ch ur ches. See Bede, 
Hist. Eccl. iii. 25. Another 
point of dispute also was the 
mode of tonsure. Upon which 
see Dr. Smith's App. to Bede.] 



2S0 The Church History book II 

A. D. 664. own opinion home with him into Scotland ^ One 
Tuda succeeded him in his bishopric of H0I7 Island, 
the first of that see that conformed himself in this 
controversy to the Romish church, and died in the 
same year of the plague'^. 

His in- 92. As for Wilfrith, he was well rewarded for his 

tended, but 

disappoint- paius in this council, bemg presently promoted to 
rm^.^^ be bishop of York^ which, since Paulinus his death, 
was no longer an archbishop's, but a plain bishop's 
see™. But, though appointed for the place by king 
Oswiu, he refused consecration from any EngUsh 
bishops, being all irregular, as consecrated by the 
schismatical Scots ; only Wina, late bishop of Win- 
chester, now of London, was ordained canonically, 
but lately he had contracted just shame for his 
simony*^, in buying his bishopric®. Over goes Wil- 
frith therefore to Rome for consecration, and stays 
there so long, that in his absence the king put 
St. Chad into the bishopric of York p. The writer of 
Wilfrith's life complains loudly hereof; 

Audacter sponsam vivo rapiiere marito. 

Boldly in the husband's life. 
Away from him they took his wife. 

But, by the poet's leave, York was but espoused, not 



i [That is^ Ireland, at this 
time the great school of eccle- 
siastics. See Bede, Hist. Eccl. 
i. 27.] 

^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. a6. 
Symeon, ib. ch. v.] 

1 [Vacated by the death of 
Tuda.] 

°™ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 28." 

n [Will, of Makrisb. f. 134.; 

o [iEgilberct, bishop of Win- 
chester, the predecessor of 



Wina, who has been mentioned 
in a previous note as favourable 
to the Romish custom of cele- 
brating Easter, had now re- 
turned into France, his native 
country, and been made bishop 
of Paris. He assisted at Wil- 
frith's ordination. Bede, Hist. 
Eccl. iii. 28. Godwin de Prse- 
suLp. 203.] 

P [Heddius, ib. ch. xiv.] 



CENT. vii. of Britabu 221 

married to Wilfiith, whilst he was in England : and a. d. 664. 
after his going over beyond sea. he stayed so long, 
that his church presumed him dead, and herself a 
maid-widow, which lawfully might receive another 
husband. At last Wilfrith returning home had York 
restored unto him% and St. Chad was removed to 
the new-founded bishopric of Lichfield''. 

93. The abbess Hilda, whom we mentioned before. Abbess 
was like another Huldah, which lived in the college*, 
superior to most of her sex in learning, inferior to 
none in religion ^ Monks ascribe it to her sanctity, 
that she turned many serpents in that country into 
stones. Plenty of which stones are found at this 

day about Whitby, the place of her abode, having 
the shape of serpents, but most headless ; as the tale 
is truthless, relating it to her miraculous operation. 
Who knows not but that at Alderly in Gloucester- 
shire there are found stones resembling cockles or 
periwincles in a place far from the sea ? which are 
esteemed by the learned the gamesome work of 
nature, sometimes pleased to disport itself, and pose 
us by propounding such riddles unto us. 

94. Some impute it also to Hilda her holiness, a rairade 
that wild geese, when flying over the grounds near jj^r hoU-*** 
her convent, fell down to the ground, as doing 
homage to the sanctity thereof. As the credit of 
the reporters hath converted wise men to believe 
the thing, so they justly remain incredulous, that it 
proceedeth from any miracle, but secret antipathy. 

q [But not till three years xiv, xv.] 
after his return, when Theo- ^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iv. 3.] 
dorus having been appointed ^ 2 Chron. xxxiv. 22. 
archbishop of Canterbury, de- * [She died 17 Nov. 680. 

posed St. Chad, and restored Bede, Hist. Eccl. iv. 23.]] 
Wilfrid to York. Heddius, ib. 



ness* 



22S The Church History book ir. 

A. D. 664. But as philosophers, when posed in nature, and pro- 
" secuted to render reasons of her mysteries, took 

sanctuary at occulta qualitds^ monks in the same 
kind make their refiige to the shrine of some saint, 
attributing all they cannot answer to his or her mira- 
culous operation. Yea sometimes such is monkish 
impudence, falsely to assign that to a saint (though 
all chronologies protest against the possibility 
thereof) which is the plain and pregnant effect of 
nature. AVitness when they write, that Richard de 
la Wich, bishop of Chichester, with his fervent 
prayers obtained that the witches or salt springs 
should boil out of the earth in Durtwich in Wor- 
cestershire*; which are mentioned and described by 
ancient authors dead before the cradle of the said 
Richard de la Wich was made. 
A.D.668. 95. Look we now on the see of Canterbury, and 
arehbishop there after the death of the last archbishop, and 
bui^^*^" f^^r years vacancy, we find that church hath changed 
her Latin into Greek, I mean, dead Deus-dedit, into 
Theodorus his successor, put in by the pope v. This 
Theodorus was a Grecian by name and nation, fellow- 
citizen with St. Paul, bom in Tarsus in Cilicia^^; 
and herein like him, that he spake with tongues more 
than they all^^ had more skill in learned languages 
than all his brethren, bishops of England, in that 
age. Yea, as children when young are permitted to 
play, but when of some years are sent to learn their 
book, so hitherto the infant church of England may 
be said to have lost time for matter of learning, and 
now Theodorus set it first to school, brought books 

^ As Camden saith in Wor- ^ Acts xxii. 3. 
cestcrsliire, [p. 433.] * 1 Cor. xiv. 18. 

V [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iv. i.] 



CENT. VII. of Britain, 22S 

to it, and it to books ; erecting a well-fiimished a. d. 673. 
library, and teaching his clergy how to make use 
thereof. 

96. I could wish this Theodorus had had one His fierce- 
quality more of St. Paul ; that in matters indifferent JJ^t^ afl«r 
he would have been made all things to all meuy that ^^^^^^ 
by all means he might save samey. Whereas he most 
rigorously pressed confonnity to Rome in the ob- 
servation of Easter : and to that purpose a council 
was called at Herud-ford', now Hertford, and not 
Hereford, as judicious and industrious bishop Godwin Sept. 24. 
(partial to the place whereof he himself was bishop) 
doth mistake it**. Here Easter was settled after the 
Romish rite; and we are not sorry for the same, 
willing rather it should be any way ordered, than 
that the reader (with whom I sympathize more than 
grudge my own pains) should be troubled any longer 
with such a small-great controversy, low in its own 
merit, but heightened with the spleen and passion of 
such as prosecuted it. In this synod nine other arti- 
cles were concluded of, as they follow here in order, 
out of Bede, as Stapleton himself hath translated 
them^ 

i. " That no bishop should have ought to do in 
*' another's diocese, but be contented with the charge 
" of the people committed unto him. 

ii. " That no bishop should molest, or any wise 
" trouble such monasteries as were consecrated and 



7 I Cor. ix. 22. tide respecting Easter was as 

« [Heoptfopb.] follows: " That we all in com- 



b 



De Prsesul. p. 42.] " mon do keep the holy feast 

[See some pertinent re- " of Easter on the Sunday after 

marks respecting this synod by " the xivth day of the moon in 

Johnson, quoted in Wilkins' " the month of March."] 
Concil. I. p. 62. The first ar- 







(( 

<( 



2^ The Church History book 

A. D. 673. " given to God, nor violently take from them ought 
" that was theirs. 

iii. " That monks should not go from place to place, 
that is to say, from one monastery to another, unless 
by the leave of their own abbot, but should con- 
" tinue in the obedience which they promised at the 
" time of their conversion, and entering into religion, 
iv. "That none of the clergy forsaking his own 
bishop should run up and down where he list, nor 
when he came any whither, should be received 
" without letters of commendation from his diocesan. 
" And, if that he be once received, and vrill not 
" return, being warned and called, both the receiver 
" and he that is received shall incur the sentence of 
" excommunication. 

V. " That such bishops and clerks as are strangers, 
" be content with such hospitaUty as is given them ; 
" and that it be lawful for none of them to execute 
" any office of a priest without the permission of the 
** bishop in whose diocese they are known to be. 
vi. " That whereas by the ancient decrees a synod 
and convocation ought to be assembled twice a 
year, yet because divers inconveniences do happen 
among us, it hath seemed good to us all that it 
should be assembled once a year, the first day of 
August, at the place called Clofeshooh. 
vii. " That no bishop should ambitiously prefer 
" himself before another, but should all acknowledge 
" the time and order of their consecration. 

viii. " That the number of bishops should be in- 
creased, the number of Christian folk waxing daily 
greater ; but hereof at this time we said no farther, 
ix. " That no man commit advoutry nor fornication, 
" that no man forsake his own wife, but for only for- 



<( 
«( 
<( 
<( 

«( 






CENT, VII. 



(jf Britain. 



£25 



** nication, as the holy gospel teacheth. And if any a.d. 673. 
" man put away his wife being lawfully married unto 
" him, if he will be a right Christian man, let him be 
" joined to none other ; but let him so continue still 
*' sole, or else be reconciled again to his own wife^." 

I wonder no mention herein of settling the tonsure 
of priests (a controversy running parallel with that of 
Easter) according to the Roman rite^. To conclude, 
let not the reader expect the like exemplification of 
all articles in following synods so largely as here we 
have presented them. For this synod Stapleton 
calls " the first of the English nation®," (understand 
him, v^^ose canons are completely extant,) and 
therefore more patrimony is due to the heir and 
eldest son than to the younger brethren, who shall 
be content to be confined to their pensions, I mean, 
to have their articles not exemplified, but epitomized 
hereafter. 

97. Theodorus archbishop of Canterbury, beheld a.d. 678. 
Wilfiith bishop of York, (one of great parts, andwiifrith*^ 
greater passions,) with envious eyes ; and therefore, y^^^P ^^ 
to abate his power, he endeavoured that the diocese 



«= [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iv. 5.] 
d [This is not so surprising : 
for it is probable that Theo- 
dorus, who was educated in the 
Greek church, and previous to 
his coming into England had 
followed the Oriental mode of 
tonsure, which prevailed also 
in the British churches, was 
not jBavourable to the Romanists 
on this point. Hadrian ac- 
companied him by the express 
command of pope Vitellianus : 
" ne quid ille contrarium veri- 
" tati fidei, Graecorum more, 

FULLER, VOL. I. 



c< 



tc 



" in ecclesiam cui prseesset, in- 
" troduceret. Qui [Theodo- 
rus] subdiaconus ordinatus^ 
quatuor expectavit menses, 
'^ donee illi coma cresoeret quo 
" in coronam tonderi posset." 
Corona denotes the Romish 
mode of tonsure, which was an 
imitation of the crown of thorns 
platted about our Saviour's 
head. For an account of this 
controversy, see Dr. Smith's 
App. to Bede^ §. ix.] 

c In his tran^ation of Bede, 
ibid. 



226 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.678. of York might be divided^. Wilfrith offended hereat 
goes over to Rome to impede the project, and by 
the way is tossed with a grievous tempest. It is an 
ill wind which bloweth no man profit. He is cast 
on the shore of Friezeland in Belgia, where the 
inhabitants, as yet pagans, were by his preaching 
converted to Christianity. This may be observed in 
this Wilftith, his irapepya were better than his epya^ 
his casual and occasional were better than his inten- 
tional performances, which shews plainly that Provi- 
dence acted more vigorously in him than his own 
prudence : I mean, when at ease in wealth, at home, 
he busied himself in toys and trifles of ceremonious 
controversies ; but when (as now and afterwards) a 



^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. v. 19. 
Heddius, ib. ch. xxvi. Bede at- 
tributes the banishment of Wil- 
frith to Ecgf rith, king of North- 
umberland (Hist.Eccl.iv. 1 2,13, 
and V. 19, 20.) It appears that 
contrary to the wishes of the 
king, he not only countenanced 
the mistaken piety of ^thel- 
drith, who abandoned her hus- 
band for the cloister^ but even 
encouraged her in it, contrary 
to the express wishes of the 
king. See also Flor. Wigom. 
an. 672 and 677, and the Sax. 
Chron. a. 678. With these 
also Heddius Stephanus^ Wil- 
frid's biographer, to a certain 
extent agrees, although he at- 
tributes Ecgfrith's hostility to a 
different cause. According to 
his statement, Irminburga, 
Ecgfrith's queen, excited feel- 
ings of envy in her husband's 
breast against Wilfrith ; point- 
ing his attention to that pre- 
late's power and magnificence ; 



and they induced Theodorus^ 
corrupted as Balaam was by 
Balach, to pronounce sentence 
against him, and deprive him 
of his bishopric. Vit. Wilfridi, 
ch. xxiv. Malmsbur. de gestis 
Pontif. iii. f. 149. Wilfrith's 
own account of the matter will 
be found in his petition to the 
pope, printed in Heddius ib. 
ch. xxix. together with the pro- 
ceedings of the synod upon the 
occasion. 

It is not unlikely that (rod- 
win, who is Fuller's authority 
for this assertion, has mistaken 
Winfrid bishop of Litchfield, 
for Wilfrith bishop of York. 
Godwin, de Presul. 653. Theo. 
dorus, archbishop of Canter- 
bury, dispossessed the former 
of his bishopric, on occasion of 
some contention between them 
in the year 675. Bede^ Hist 
Eccl. iv. 6. Flor, Wigom. a. 

675] 



CENT. VII. 



of Britain. 



227 



stranger, and little better than an exile, he effect- a. 0.6 79. 
ually promoted the honour and glory of Godfif. 

98. And as it is observed of nightingales, that The South- 
they sing the sweetest when furthest from their formerly 
nests, so this Wilfrith was most diligent in God's fJJdera)^ 
service when at the greatest distance from his own ^^^Jh 
home. For though returning into England he re- 
turned not unto York, but stayed in the pagan 
kingdom of the South-Saxons, who also, by God's 
blessing on his endeavours, were persuaded to em- 
brace the Christian faith**. 

99- These South-Saxons, of all the seven king- The fim, 
doms, were the last which submitted themselves to * ^ 
the perfect freedom of God's service, and yet their 
country was in situation next to Kent, where the 
gospel was first planted. Herein it was verified, 
many that are first shall be last, and the last first. 
Yea, the Spirit, which bloweth where it listeth^ ob- 
serveth no visible rules of motion; but sometimes 
taking no notice of those in the middle, reacheth to 
them which are farthest off. Indeed, iEdilwalch their 
king was a little before christened by the persuasion 
of Wulfhere, king of Mercia, who was his god- 
father, and at his baptizing gave him for a gift the 
Isle of Wight, et provinciam Meanuarorum^ in gente 



If [He left Frisia for Rome ; 
and after pleading his cause 
there returned into England. 
Bede, Hist. Eccl. iv. 13. Flor. 
Wigom. an. 679. Upon his ar- 
rival he presented the pope's 
decree in his favour to king 
Ecgfrith, who notwithstanding 
refused to obey it. See Hed- 
dius, ib. ch. xxxiii. The ex- 
travagancies of this writer form 
a striking contrast to the judi- 



cious narrative of Bede, who 
has given a connected sketch 
of this prelate's life in his Hist. 
Eccl. V. 20.] 

^ [Bede» Hist. Eccl. iv. 13^ 
and V. 19.] 

i [The record of this pro- 
vince still remains in the names 
of Meansborough, Eastmean, 
Westmean, and other places in 
Hampshire. See Camden's Brit, 
p. 123. (ed. Gibson.) 

Q 2 



2S8 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.67g. ocddenialium Scuponumiy but his country still 



mained in paganism. And although Dicul a Scot, 
with some six of his brethren, had a small monastery 
at Boidiam in Sussex, yet they, rather enjoying 
themselves than meddling with others, were more 
careful of their own safety than their neighbours' 
conversion. And indeed the pagans neither heeded 
their life nor minded their doctrine. 
Pagan cb- 100. Howevor, thoso South-Saxons paid for their 
punished stubbomnoss, lu Standing out so long against the 
aSne.*' gospel ; for they always were a miserable people^ 
and at this present afflicted with a great famine, 
caused by three years' drought ; so that forty men in 
a row, holding hand in hand, used to throw them- 
selves into the sea to avoid the misery of a lingering 
death. In this wofiil condition did Wilfirith bishop 
of York, find them when he first preached the gospel 
unto them; and on that very day wherein he bap- 
tized them, (as if God from heaven had poured 
water into the font,) he obtained store of rain, which 
procured great plenty. Observe (though I am not 
so ill-natured as to wrangle with all miracles) an 
apish imitation of Elijah ; (who carried the key of 
heaven at his girdle, to lock or unlock it by his 
prayer ;) only Elijah gave rain after three years and 
six months, Wilfrith after bare three years ; it being 
good manners to come a little short of his betters. 
South- 101. Also, saith my author^, he taught the people 

taught to (who till then knew not how to catch any fishes but 

fiih. 

j fiede, Hist. Ecd. iv. 13. Surrey only. So little was its 
^ [The kingdom of the importance, that scarce a pass- 
South- Saxons was one of the ing notice has been bestowed 
smallest of the Saxon heptar- upon its history by Bede or 
chy, embracing in its extent the other chroniclers.] 
the counties of Sussex and ^ Bede, ib. 



CENT. VII. of Britain. 229 

eels) how to take all kind of fish in the sea and A.D.679. 
rivers. Strange ! that thus long they should live in 
ignorance of so useful a trade, being, though infidels, 
no idiots; especially seeing men's capacities come 
very soon to be of age to understand their own 
profit : and the examples of their neighbours might 
have been tutors unto them. But Wilfrith after- 
ward wanted no hearers, people flocking unto him ; 
as when Christ made his auditors his guests they 
followed after him, because they ate of the loaves and 
were filled. The priests Elappa, Padda, Burgfaelm, 
and Oiddi, assisted in baptizing the common people ; 
and king iEdilwalch gave Wilfrith a piece of land, 
containing eighty-seven families, at Selsey, where he 
erected a bishop's see, since translated to Chichester. 

102. Amongst other good deeds, Wilfrith freed a double 
two hundred and fifty men and maid servants, both^^^ 
out of soul slavery, and bodily bondage ^ For, having 
baptized them, he procured their liberty of their 
masters, which they (no doubt) cheerfiiUy embraced, 
according to St. Paul's counsel. Art thou called a 
servant f care not for it : but if thou may est be made 
fireej use it rather^. And thus by God's blessing, in 
the space of eighty and two years, (from five hundred 
ninety-seven to six hundred seventy-nine,) was the 
whole Saxon heptarchy converted to Christianity, 
imd did never again relapse to paganism. 

108. Mention being lately made of Wulfhere", the oodfathen 
Mercian king, his being godfather unto iEdilwalch, ^ mature 
king of the South-Saxons, some will much admire,*^ 
that one arrived at years of maturity, able to render 
an account of his faith, should have a godfather, 

^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. ib.] ™ i Cor. vii. 21. "^ Parag. 99. 

q3 



280 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.679. which (with swaddling-clouts) they conceive belong 
to infismts alone. Yet this was very fashionable in 
that age: not only for the greater state, in kings, 
princes, and public persons, but, in majorem cautdam^ 
even amongst private people. For such susceptors 
were thought to put an obligation on the credits, 
and by reflexion on the consciences, of new Chris- 
tians, (whereof too many in those days were bisiptized 
out of civil designs,) to walk worthy of their pro- 
fession, were it but to save their friends* reputation, 
who had undertaken for their sincerity therein. 
A.D.685. 104. Cadwallader, the last king of Wales, wearied 
der founds out with War, famine, and pestilence, left his own 
horouS^at ^^^^' ^^^' ^*^ some small treasure, fled to Alan, 
^^^^®- king of Little Britain. But princes are welcome in 
foreign parts, when pleasure, not need, brings them 
thither ; or whilst they are so considerable in them- 
selves as to command their own entertainment. 
Whereas this distressed king his company was be- 
held not only as useless and expensive, but dan- 
gerous, as likely to draw with it the displeasure of 
the Saxon kings, his enemies, on his entertainer. 
But it seems Cadwallader had better friends in 
heaven than any he found on earth, if it be true 
what confidently is reported, that an angel appeared 
unto him, advising him to go to Rome, there to take 
on him the habit of a monk, and spend the remainder 
of his life®. Here he purchased lands, all by the 
foresaid angelical direction, built an house, (after his 
death converted into an hospital,) and by his will so 
ordered it, that certain priests of his own country 
should for ever have the rule and government 

o Lewis Owen his Running Register, p. 17. [ed. 1626.] 



r. VI I. of Britain* 231 

Bof. These were to entertain all Welsh pilgrims a.p. 685. 

meat, drink, and lodging for the space of a 
th, and to give them a certain sum of money 
a viaticum at their departure towards their 
ges in returning to their o^ countryP. 
)5. Many a year did this hospital flourish in since inju- 

riously 

I plenty, till the middle of queen Elizabeth her taken from 
1; when fair the revenues belonging, and few 
Welsh pilgrims repairing thereto. This made 
3r Parsons, with the rest of our English Jesuits, 

an envious eye thereon, who would never be 
t until they had obtained of pope Gregory the 
Ith to eject the old British, and unite this hos- 
l to the English college at Rome. This, no 
3t, stirred up the Welsh blood of Dr. Morris, 
Lewis, Dr. Smith, Mr. Griffith, who in vain 
ded to the utmost of their power to continue 

foimdation to their countrymen. In my poor 
ion, seeing an angel is said to direct in the 
iding and endowing of this hospital, it was but 
hat either the same angel appearing again, or 
e other of an higher, or at least equal dignity 

[This foolish tale of Cad- of the Welsh chronicler, in 

ider or Ceadwalla going to which he has been followed 

e, depends wholly on the by some others, see R. Hig- 

jrity of Geoffry of Mon- den's Polychron. p. 243, (ed. 

;h, arising doubtless from Gale,) and J. Fordun, Hist, 

onf using Ceadwalla, king Scot. iii. 4 1 .sq. Were not Bede's 

3 West- Saxons, with Cead- authority sufficient to decide 

I, king of Wales, who was the point, it is certain that no 

i by Oswald in the year Welshman would ever think 

The former of these kings at that time of making a pil- 

5 a pilgrimage to Rome in grimage to Rome. This is 

^ear 688, and died there, only a foolish invention of later 

Bede, Hist. Eccl. iii. 12, times to magnify the import- 
ed V. 7. Sax. Chron. an. ance of the church at Rome, 
I so did his successor Ina. which the Britons at that time 
ecting this foolish conceit utterly despised. See p. 174.I 

Q 4- 



fast 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



Theecde- 
nastical 
lawiof 
king Ina. 



A.D.693. and degree in the celestial hierarchy, should have 
altered the use, and confirmed the alienation thereof. 
But of this more hereafter^. 

106. Ina, king of the West-Saxons, about this 
time set forth his Saxon laws, translated into English 
by Mr. Lambarde. Eleven of his laws concerned 
church matters; kings in that age understanding 
their own power, the pope having not as yet in- 
trenched on their just prerogative. These constitu- 
tions were concluded on by the king, through the 
persuasion of Cenred his father. Hedda and Elrken- 
wald his bishops, and all his aldermen and wise 
senators of the people. Let none wonder that Ina, 
in his preface to these laws, termeth Erkenwald his 
bishop', whose see of London was properly under 
the king of the East-Saxons. For he might call 
him his in affection, whose diocese was in another 
king's possession ; Ina highly honouring Erkenwald 
for his piety, and therefore inviting him (forward of 
himself to all goodness) to be present at the passing 
of these laws. Besides, some assign Surrey as part 



<1 Vide annum Domini 1 569. 
[Much curious information re- 
specting this college will be 
found in Ant. Munday's ' Eng- 
' lish Roman Life/ which de- 
scribes the author's visit to this 
seminary, and the manners of 
its scholars. This tract was 
first printed in the year 1590^ 
and since reprinted in the Har- 
leian Miscellany^ II. 167. ed. 
1 809.] 

^ [In some copies of this 
preamble^ as in that printed by 
Wilkins, Cone. I. 58, the words 
Herchenwoldi episcopi tnei are 
omitted. But whether Erken- 



wald was present or not^ does 
not affect the question which 
is here raised. Since the days 
of his predecessor Ceadii'alia, 
the whole of the Cis-humbrian 
provinces were virtually, for 
the most part actually^ under 
the dominion of the West- 
Saxon kings. According to 
Godwin, Erkenwald died in 
the year 685, three years be- 
fore Ina's accession; but he 
quotes no authority for this 
statement. De Preesul. p. 17a. 
See the note of Spelman in his 
Concilia^ touching the chrono* 
logy of this period.] 



CENT. viT. of Britain. 29ft 

of the kingdom of the West-SoxoDB^: probably at a. 0.691. 
this present Ina's puissance sallied over the Thames^ 
and London might be reduced into his honorary 
protection. But see here a breyiate of his church • 

laws^ 

i. That ministers observe their appointed form of 
living. 

ii. That every infant be baptized within thirty 
days after his birth, on the penalty of his parents 
forfeiting thirty shillings ; and if the child chance to 
die before he be baptized, all his estate. 

iii. If the servant doth any work on the Lord's 
day at the master's command, the servant shall be 
acquitted ^ and the master pay thirty shillings. But 
if he did that work without his master's command, 
let him be beaten, or redeem it with money, &c. A 
priest offending in this kind was to be double 
punished. 

iv. The first-fruits of seeds^ were to be paid to the 
church on the feast of St. Martin, on the penalty of 
forty shillings, besides the payment of the said first- 
fruits twelve times over. 

V. If any deserving stripes d^ fly to a church, 
his stripes shall be forgiven him. If guilty of a 
capital crime, he shall enjoy his life, but make re- 
compense according to what is right and due. 

* Usher, de Brit. Eccles. p. the following 1 13th paragraph. 

394=210. [Neither the Latin nor the 

t Spelman's Concilia, I. 182. Saxon (sj he freo) admit of 

[Wilkins^ I. 58, and IV. 744. any other than the latter in- 

Brompton* in Twysden, p. terpretation.] 
761.] ^ [Cyricsceat, church-scot, 

n The Latin, liher esto, may church-dues. The absurd 

not only import a freedom translation of the word given 

from fault, but also, that such in the text is taken from Lom- 

a slave-servant should be ma- barde. See Spelman's and 

numissed from servitude. See Twysden's Glossary, s. v.] 



SS4 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.692. vi. Fighters in the king's court to lose their goods, 
and to be at the king's mercy for their life. Such 
as fight in the church to pay one hundred and twenty 
shillings. If in the house of an alderman sixty 
shillings, &c. 

vii. Such as fitlsify their witness or pawn in the 
presence of the bishop, to pay one hundred and twenty 
shillings. 

viii. Several penalties of money imposed on those 
that should kill a stranger. 

ix. Such as are breakers of the peace in the town 
of the king Or bishop^ punishable with one hundred 
and twenty shillings ; in the town of an alderman 
eight shillings ; in the town of one of the king's ser- 
vant8« sixty shillings, &c. 

X. First-fruits of all seeds were to be paid by 
housekeepers as due from that place wherein they 
themselves were resident on the day of Christ's 
nativity. 

xi. What sums of money are to be paid by such 
who have killed their godfathers or godsons. 

In this last law express provision is made, episcopi 
filitis si ocddatur^ in case the son of a bishop be 
killed : a passage impertinently alleged by some for 
the proof of bishops married in that age; seeing 
neither sons natural nor conjugal, but only spiritual, 
at the font are thereby intended. Now let the 
learned in the law render the reason why murder in 
that age was not punishable with death, but might 
be bought off with money. 
A.D.694. 107. A great council (for so it is tituled) was held 

^ [Ubi sedes ejus est.] * [Thayni regis.] 



CENT. VII. 



of Britain. 



S35 



at Baccanceldey by Wihtred, king of Kent, and A.D.694. 
Brihtwald, archbishop of Britain, (so called therein,) present at 
understand him of Canterbury, wherein many things ^„«Sirf 
were concluded in favour of the church, pive®**^*^*- 
Kentish abbesses, namely, Mildred, ^SEtheldrith, -^te, 
Wilnode, and Herelwide, were not only present, 
but subscribed their names and crosses to the con- 
stitutions concluded therein. And we may observe, 
that their subscriptions are not only placed before 
and above all presbyters, but also above Botred a 
bishop', (but of what diocese not specified,) present 
in this great council. It seems it was the courtesy 
of England to allow the upper hand to the weaker 
sex, as in their sitting, so in their subscriptions. 

108. We will conclude this century with the mi-RomMb 
raculous holiness of iEtheldrith, or St. Audre ; pro- a^'i 
fessing at first to be afraid to adventure on so high**"*"^^' 
a subject, disheartened in reading a popish author to 
rant so in her commendation. ^^ Let the fabulous 
" Greeks talk no more of their chaste Penelope, who 
in the twenty years' absence of her husband Ulysses 
lived continently, in despite of the tempting im- 
portunity of many noble wooers : and let the proud 



(t 



M 



«( 



7 ['* Baccanoeld, now called 
*' Babchild, near to Sitting- 
" bourne on the Canterbury 
" side, being about midway 
" between the coast of Kent 
^* and London^ and therefore a 
" very convenient place for a 
" Kentish council. At this 
" place, not many years since, 
" were the visible remains of 
two chapels standing very 
near to one another, on the 
" right hand of the road from 
" Canterbury to Sittingboume; 



t( 



<« 



'' the present church stands on 
" the opposite side, at no ^eat 
" distance from them. Dr.Plott 
" many years since observed to 
" me that this and other cir- 
cumstances were good pre- 
sumptions that this was the 
'* old Baccanceld, the place for 
" the Kentish councils." John- 
son's Coll. of Canons, in an. 
692. Wilkins, I. 56.] 

< Spelman's Concil. I. 190. 
[Wilkins, I. 56. IV. 754.] 



t* 



St 



S36 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 694. '* Romans cease to brag of their fair Lucretia, that 
" ehose rather to become the bloody instrameBt of 
^^ her own death, than to live aiW the violent 
^^ ravishment of her honour : and let all the world 
^^ turn their minds to admire, and their tongues and 
^^ pens to sound the praises of the Christian virtues 
^^ and chastity of our blessed Ethelred," &c.^ But 
leaving the bubbles of his rhetoric to break of them- 
selves, on serious considerations we are so hr from 
admiring, it is more than we can do to excuse this 
St. Audre, as her story is reported. 

Twice a 109- This Audro was daughter to Anna king of 

iNrif(Ba still & 

maid. the East-Angles, and from her in&ncy a great 
affecter of virginity ^ However, she was over-per- 
suaded to marry one Tondberct, prince of the Fen- 
land S with whom she lived three years in the bands 
of unexperienced wedlock, both by mutual consent 
abstaining from carnal copulation. After his death, 
so importunate were her friends with her, that she 
married with Egfith king of Northumberland. 
Pretoided 110. Strange, that being once free, she would 
^in^ again entangle herself; and stranger, that being 
justice. married, she utterly refused to afford her husband 
what the apostle calls due benevolence^ though he 
by importunate entreaties requested the same. Being 
benevolence, it was uncharitable to deny it ; being 
due, it was unjust to detain it ; being both, she was 
uncharitable and unjust in the same action. Was 
not this a mockage of marriage (if in that age 
counted a sacrament) solemnly to give herself unto 
her husband, whom formerly she had passed away by 

» H. Porter's Flowers of the c [Australium Girviorum.] 
Saints, p. 393. d i Cor. vii. 3. 

^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. iv. 19.] 



CXNT. VII. 



of Britain. 



j»7 



a jwevious vow of virginity? At last she wrested a.p.6^ 
leave from her hnsband to live a nun in the monas- 
teiy of Ely, which she built and endowed. After 
her entrance therein she ever wore woollen, and never 
linen about her*: which, whether it made her more 
holy, or less cleanly, let others decide. Our author 
tells us®, that in memory of her, our English women 
are wont to wear about their necks a certain chain 
made of fine small silk, which they call ^^theldrith's 
chain. I must profess myself not so well acquainted 
with the sex, as either to confute or confirm the 
truth thereof. At last she died of a swelling in her 
throat, and was buried in Ely. 

111. Sixteen years her corpse slept in a private A.D.695. 
grave near her own convent ; when it came into thCciSiuMmo- 
head of bishop Wilfrith and her friends to bestow ^j^^Ste!'' 
on her a more costly burial. But alas ! the soft and 
fenny ground of Ely Isle (where scarce a stone big 
enough to bury a worm under it) afforded not a 
tombstone for that purpose. Being thus at a loss, 
their want is said to be miraculously supplied^; for 
under the ruined walls of Grantcbester, or Cam- 
bridge^, a cofiin was found, with a cover cor- 
respondent, both of white marble, which did fit her 
body so exactly, as if (which one may believe was 



<i Bede, Hist Bed. iv. 19. 

« Porter, in his Flowers of 
the Saints, p. 601. Harpsfield, 
[Hist. Eod. p. 85.] 

f Beda, ib. 

iT [Grantchester near Cam- 
bridge. Bede attributes this 
circumstance to Sexburg sister 
of iBtheldrith, wife of Earcon- 
berct, king of Kent, who sno- 
ceeded her sister as abbess. He 



appears however to have taken 
his narrative from Wilfrith: 
and his words are remarkable 
"Kpon this occasion :^— '' sicut et 
" preefatos Wilfrid et multi 
" alii qui novere testantur. 
*' Sed oertiofi netitU medicas 
" Cynifrid qui et morienti illi, 
" et elevate detnmuloadfmty" 
&c.] 



288 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.696. true) it was made for it. Herein was Audre's corpse 

stately enshrined, and for many years superstitiously 

adored. 

Confuted 112. But Jo. Caius, fellow of Gonvile-hall, within 

dibie wit- ten miles of Ely, at the dissolution of abbeys, being 

"^' reputed no great enemy to the Romish religion ^ 

doth on his own knowledge report, 

Quamquam illius eevi cee. " Although the blindness of 
citas admirationem in eo '* that age bred admiration there- 
parity quod regnante Hen. *' in, yet when the tomb was 
nuper VIII, dirutum idem " plucked down in the reign of 
sepulchrum ex lapide com. " king Henry the Eighth, it was 
muni fuit, non, ut Beda '' found made of common stone, 
narrat, ex albo marmore'. " and not of white marble, as 

" Bede reporteth." 

Thus was her tomb degraded and debased one degree, 
which makes the truth of all the rest to be suspected. 
And if all popish miracles were brought to the test, 
they would be found to shrink from marble to 
common stone, nay, from stone to dirt and untem- 
pered mortar. 
A.D.697. 113. It is needless here to insert the canons con- 
ca at Berk- cluded ou at Berkhcmpstead by Wihtred king of Kent, 
*^P«^and Brihtwald archbishop of Canterbury. First, 
because topical, confined to that small kingdom. 
Secondly, hard to be understood, as depending on 
some Saxon law-terms, whereon conjectures are the 
best comment. Thirdly, such as are understood are 
obsolete, viz. if a master gave his servant flesh to eat 
on a fasting-day, his servant was on the refusal, and 
complaint thereof, to be made free^. Some punish- 
ments therein were very absurdly proportioned, viz. 

^ [See Strype*8 Parker, p. ^ Spelman*s Concil. I. 196, 
199.] &c. [Wilkins, I. 60.] 

i In his Hist. Cantab, i. p. 8. 



CKNT. VII. 



of Britain, 



239 



six shillings or a whipping was to be paid by that a.d. 697. 
servant who ate flesh on &sting-days ; and just the 
same penalty was inflicted on him if convicted of 
oflering oblations to the Devil, as if equal their 
oflences. And be it remembered, that this council 
was kept cum viris quUmsdam militaribus^ ^'some 
" soldiers being present thereat ; ** and yet the fifth 
canon therein was made to punish adultery in men 
of their profession. 

114. As for bishop Wilfrith^ whom lately wewflfHth 
mentioned so active about the removal of St. Audreys yJSJ]^ 
corpse, he was about this time restored to his°"^ 
bishopric of York™. Whereupon he fairly quitted 
the bishopric of Selsey, which Edilwalch, and after 
Ceadwalla, kings of Sussex, bestowed upon him", 
and returned to York. It is much this rolUng stone 
should gather so much moss, and get wealth enough 
to found two monasteries ; who sometimes had three 
bishoprics together, York, Lindisfam, and Hagul- 
stad^; sometimes none at all, living many years 
together in exile. And indeed he continued not 



1 [He was restored to his 
see in the second year of Aid- 
frith king of Northumberland, 
anno 686, after he had been 
reconciled to archbishop Theo- 
dore» who wrote a letter to 
iEthelred king of Mercia in 
Wilfritfa's favour. Heddius^ib. 
ch. xlii. Five years after this 
he was again driven from his 
•eat by king Alfred and the 
prelates, and returning a second 
time to Rome was acquitted 
of all charges brought against 
him, by John V., who wrote a 
letter in his behalf to ^thelred 
and Alfred. Bede, Hist. Ecd. 
V. 19.] 



™ [In the year 686, by the 
favour of king Aldfrith, who 
had succeeded his brother Ecg- 
frith in the kingdom of North- 
umberland. He also restored 
to Wilfrith the monastery of 
Rippon, and gave him at the 
same time the bishopric of 
Hexham. In the following 
year St. Cuthbert died, and 
Wilfrith held the vacant see of 
Lindisfame for a year. See 
Heddius, ib. ch. Yliii. Flor. 
Wigom. an. 686, 687.] 

^ [See Heddius, ib. ch. xli.] 
o [That is, Hexham in 
Northumberland.] 



240 The Church History of Britain. book ii. 

A.D.^7. long in York, but being expelled them^e again, wbs 
for a time made lushop of Leicester. Nor wns the 
king of Northimiberland content with his bare ex- 
pulsion, but also he would have him confess the 
same legal, and resign it according to the late de- 
crees which the archbishop of Canterbury had made 
against him. But more hereof, God willing, in the 
next century. 



THE EIGHTH CENTURY. 



THOM^ ADAMIDI, SENATORI LONDINENSI, 

MEC(ENATI MEO." 

In hoc tanta rerum vicUsiludine, quis, qui ie novii, con- 
siantiam Uiam nan auspicit? Undique turbatur ; Tu 
interim tibimet ipsi iota tranquiUitas, cum Deo et bonis 
et atudits tuis vacas. 

Perlegas, guaso, hanc Cefituriam, vel eo nomine, qiiod 
Jitnera tni et met Bedce exhibeat. Tuum dico, quia 
haud ita pridem sub anspidis painynatiis liii, iypit 
Saxonicis piikkenimus prodiit ; meum, quo authore {vel 
potius authoribua) in hoc opere toties u-sus sum. Plu- 
ribus viro occvpaiisstmo molestu't esse nolo. Vule. 

lAINFUL Wilfrith was no sooner A.D.7 




out of one trouble, but he was engaged wiifriih 
in another. Hereupon" Harpsfield p?;^'^'^ 
calls him the Athanasius of that age ; ^^^"^ 
only, saith he, that father was perse- Northiim. 

cuted by heretics, and this Wilfrith by catholics. 

He might have added, that Athanasius was troubled 

■ [Of this generous patron " Araby, kappg as all novelties 
of learning and learned men, '' at the first, would soon be- 
Fuller has given the following " come desert, yet it seems it 
account in his History of Cam- " thrived bo well, that the sa- 
bridge, p. 166, "Thomas " lary was settled on Abraham 
" Adams, then citizen, since " Whelock, fellow of Clare 
" lord mayor of London, de- " hall," By his munificence 
" servedly commended for his Whelock was enabled to bring 
" Christian constancy in all out his edition of Bede. In 
" conditions, founded tui Are- the dedication of this work he 
" bian professorship, on con- has paid a just compliment to 
" dition it were frequented Adams. Amts r Ermine, three 
" with competency of auditors, cat-a- mountains passant guard< 
" And notwithstanding the ge- ant in pale azure.] 
" neral jealousy that this new •> Hist. Eccles. p. 95. 



24S 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D. 701. for essential and doctrinal truths, whilst Wilfirith 
was vexed about ceremonious and circumstantial mat- 
ters. And nowAldfrith, who succeeded Ecgfrith,kmg 
of Northumberland, powerfully opposed him, being 
the paramount prince, and in effect monarch of the 
Saxon heptarchy*^. For, as we have noted before, 
amongst these seven kings, as amongst the planets, 
there was ever one sun that outshined all the rest. 
This Aldfrith, joining with Brihtwald, archbishop of 
Canterbury, called a council, and simimoned Wilfnth, 
who appeared there accordingly**. But being de- 
manded whether he would obey the decrees of 
Theodore late archbishop of Canterbury, he warily 
returned. That he was willing to obey them so far as 
they were consonant to the holy canons. This an- 
swer was not satisfactory to his adversaries, as having 
in it too little of a grant to please them, and yet not 
enough of a denial to give them a just offence. Then 
they sought by fair means to persuade him, because 
much trouble had arose in the church about him, 
voluntarily to resign under hand and seal his pos- 
sessions and archbishopric ; affirming, it would be a 
glorious act to prefer the public good before his 
private profit. But Wilfrith persisted loyal to his 
own innocence, affirming such a cession might be 
interpreted a confession of his guiltiness, and ap- 



^ [Spelman's arrangement of 
the chronology of this period 
is certainly wrong. Aldfrith 
succeeded his brother £cgfrith 
in the year 685. (Saxon Chron. 
and Flor. Worcest. in an. 685.) 
In the second year of his reign 
Aldfrith restored Wilfrith to 
his see. Five years after (691) 
he was accused by the king 



himself and several of the bi- 
shops, and banished. (Bede, 
Hist. Eccl. V. 20.) The date 
of this council ought therefore 
to have been placed in the 
year 69 1 , and not in 70 1 .] 

^ Malmsb. de Gestis Pont, 
iii. f. 151^ b. Spelman's Con. 
cil. I. 201. [Wilkins, I 6.] 



CKNT. viii. of Britain, 243 

pealed from that council to his holiness: and this a. p. 705- 
tough old man, being seventy years of age, took a 
journey to Rome, there to tug it out with his adver- 
saries. 

2. They accused him of contumacy, that he had Wiifnth 
contemptuously denied canonical obedience to the to Rome, 
archbishop of Canterbury*. He cleared himself, and Quitted. 
complained that he had been unjustly deprived, and 
that two monasteries of his own founding, Rippon 
and Hexham, were violently detained from him. 
No fewer than seventy several councils^ (understand 
thetti so many several meetings of the conclave) 
were assembled in four months, and employed only 
or chiefly about deciding of this difference : belike 
there were intricacies therein more than are specified 
in authors, (knots to employ so many cunning fin- 
gers to untie them,) or else the court of Rome was 
well at leisure. The sentence of pope John the 
Seventh passed on his side, and his opposers were 
sent home with blame and shame, whilst Wilfrith 
returned with honour, managing his success with 
much moderation, equally commendable, that his 
innocence kept him from drooping in afiliction, and 
his humility from insulting in prosperity. 

8. Brihtwald, archbishop of Canterbury, humbly He is at 
entertained the pope's letters in behalf of Wilfrith, g^,^" and 
and welcomed his person at his return. But Aldfrith, J^ ' an. 
king of Northumberland, refused to reseat him in 709- 
his bishopric, stoutly maintaining, " that it was 
** against reason to communicate with a man twice 



e [Bede, Hirt. Eccl. v. 19.] 

f " Septuaginta conciliabula coacta." Malmsbury, ib. f. 152. 

R 2 



244 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D. 705. " condemned by the council of England, notwith- 
" standing all apostolic commands in favour of him if." 
But soon after he fell dangerously sick, a consequent 
of, and therefore caused by his former stubbornness ; 
as those that construe all events to the advantage of 
the Roman see, interpret this a punishment on his 
obstinacy. Suppled with sickness, he confessed his 
fault ; and so Wilfiith was restored to his place **; 
whose life was like an April day, (and a day thereof 
is a month for variety,) often interchangeably fair 
and foul ; and after many alterations he set fair in 
fiiU lustre at last. Being forty-five years a bishop, 
in the seventy-sixth year of his age, he died, and 
was buried in his monastery at Rippon. And as he 
had been a great traveller when living, so his bones 
took one journey after his death, being translated by 
Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, from Rippon to Can- 
terbury, in reparation (perchance) for those many 
wrongs which the predecessors of Odo had done to 
this Wilfrith'. Let not therefore the papists vaunt 
immoderately of the unity of their church, neither 
let them uncharitably insult on our unhappy dif- 
ferences, seeing by the confession of their own au- 
thors there was digladiabile odium, " hatred (as one 



K. '' Contra rationem, homini 
" jam bis a toto Anglorum con. 
'* cilio damnato^ propter quseli- 
" bet Apostolica scripta com- 
•* municare." Malmsbury, de 
Gestis Pontificum, ib. f. 152. 

i> [According to Bede, ( Hist. 
Eccl. V. 20,) he was not restored 
in the time of Aldfrith, but by 
Osred his son, who succeeded 
him, in the year 705. See 



also Flor. Wigorn., and Saxon 
Chron. an. 705.] 

' Godwin, De Prsesul. Angl. 
p. 654. " Illi viri quos sanctis- 
" simos celebrat antiquitas, 
** Theodorus, Bertualdus. Jo. 
" hannes, Bosa, nee non et 
" Hilda Abbatissa, digladiabili 
" odio impetierint Wilfirid- 
•• um Deo^— acceptissimmn." 
[Malmsb. ib. f. 152.] 



CKNT. VIII. 



of Britain. 



245 



" may say) even to daggers drawing" betwixt Wil- a. p. 705. 
frith and certain principal persons, conceived signal 
for sanctity in that age, and sithence put into the 
calendar of their saints. And it is as sure, as sad a 
truth, that as long as corruption resides in the bosoms 
of the best, there will be dissensions, inflamed by 
malicious instruments, betwixt pious people, which 
otherwise agree in main matters of religion. 

4. The bishopric of Sherbom was taken out of Sherbom 

t&lCflD out 

the bishopric of WinchestefJ by king Ina, and Ald-of Win- 
helm his kinsman made first bishop thereof^. I find jhopnc *" 
no compensation given to the see of Winchester for 
this great canton cut out of it: as in after-ages, 
when Ely was taken out of Lincoln diocese, the 
manor of Spaldwick in Huntingdonshire was given 
by king Henry the First to Lincoln, in reparation of 
its loss, for so much of the jurisdiction taken from 
it. But at this time, when Sherbom was parted 
from Winchester, the damage to Winchester ac- 
cruing thereby was not considerable; episcopal juris- 
diction in that age not being beneficial, but rather 
burdensome. So that Winchester might turn her 
complaints into thankfulness, })eing thus eased of 
her cumbersome greatness. This Aldhelm, bishop 
of Sherbom, was the first of our English nation who 



J [This division was made at 
a synod held about the year 
705. (See Wilkins' Concil. I. 
p. 70, and Wharton's Ang. Sac. 
II. p. 20.) Most probably in 
conformity to the resolutions 
made at the council of Heath, 
tield in 680 (Bede, Hist. Eccl. 
iv. 1 7.), and the growing neces- 
sities of that large province, 
but slowly converted to Chris- 



tianity. Daniel was appointed 
to the diocese of Winchester.] 
^ [Bede, Hist. Eccl. v. 18. 
See the life of this bishop 
written at considerable length 
by Will. Malmsb. in Whar- 
ton's Angl. Sac. II. i^ and in 
Gale's Scriptores, I. 337. See 
also Malmsb. ]>i» Gestis Reg^ 
f. 6.] 



_ c% 



5546 The Church History book ii. 

A. D. 705. wrote in Latin, and the first that taught Englishmen 
to make Latin verse^ according to his promise*. 

Primus ego in patriam inecum, modo vita superdt, 
Aonio rediens deducam vertice musas. 

If life me last, that I do see that native soil of mine. 
From Aon top 1*11 first with me bring down the muses nine. 

He wrote many works ; one of virginity™, another 

of the celebration of Easter: and about this time 

the libraries of monasteries began to be replenished 

with books, many being vmtten in that age. 

.Multitude 5. By the way, one mistake (I could not have 

created by discemed it mysclf, had not a learned writer disco- 

amu e. ^^j^^j }^ ^j^^^ ^^^^ uiakcs books of this age more 

numerous, and the kings therein more learned than 
indeed they were". Namely, because every Latin 
charter granted by any king to a monastery is termed 
by the Saxon writers, liber or libellus^ " a book V 
Wlierefore, when they tell us of such and such 
books made by the Saxon kings, understand we 
most of them of their charters of donation. In 
which sense king Edgar, who some two hundred 
years after this time founded as many monasteries 
as weeks in the year, and consequently made as 
many charters, was a voluminous writer of no less 
than fifty-two books. And yet this large acception 
of books will not make up the number which Bale 
and Pitz pretend they have seen in this age. A 

^ Camden's Britannia in Wilt- that the word *' libellus," being 

shire, [p. 177.] used for a translation of the 

^ Bede, [Hist. Eccl. v. 19.] word " book," came to signify 

° Spelman's Concil. I. 210. a charter. The word *• book 



o [The lands of the Saxons is frequently used in our early 

which were held by charter English writers in as extensive 

was called " boc-land, " or a sense.] 
** book.land :" it was from this 



CKNT. Till. of Britain. 247 

vanity in them to affect a title-learning, (though a A.D.705. 
stationer's apprentice after some weeks' experience 
might excel them therein,) and the greater, because 
many imaginary authors which they make as if they 
had seen, either were never extant, or long since 
extinguished. 

6. But the multitude of books increaseth not our The nume- 
marvel so much as the numerosity of saints, such as ^l^aamti 
they were, in this age ; whereof four parts of five, *" *^ ■**• 
according to the heraldry of such who wrote their 
lives, were of royal or noble extraction. It addeth 
to the wonder, because St. Paul saith, Not many 
noble are called^: except any confine that observation 
of the apostle to times of persecution, whereas Chris- 
tianity now in England flourished in all peace and 
prosperity. But, to render their noble parentage at 
this time the more probable, know, that imder the 
Saxon heptarchy royalty was increased sevenfold in 
England, which must beget a proportionable multi- 
plication of nobility attending them. Yet, when all 
is done, as the Jewish rabbins, on their bare tradition, 
without ground from scripture, make Ruth the 
dau^ter to Eglon king of Moab, merely to make 
the descent of their kmg David from her the more 
illustrious: so it is suspicious, that to advance the 
temporal reputation of these saints, such monks as 
wrote their lives causelessly clarified and refined 
many of their bloods into noble extraction. How- 
ever, if truly pious indeed, such saints have the best 
nobility in the scripture sense, Tfiese were more 
nobhy because titey received the word with all readiness 
of mind^. 

P 1 Cor. i. 26. <I Acts xvii. 11. 



eremite. 



248 The Church History >ook ii. 

A.D. 708. 7. Of these noble saints, St. Guthiake, a Bene- 
st. Outh- dictine monk, was the first Saxon that professed an 
li«t &xon eremitical life in England ; to which purpose he 
chose a fenny place in Lincolnshire, called Crow- 
land, that is, the raw, or crude-land*^; so raw indeed, 
that before him no man could digest to live therein. 
Yea, the devils are said to claim this place as their 
peculiar, and to call it " their own land".** Is any 
place but the prison of hell properly theirs? Yet 
wonder not at their presumption, pretending this spot 
of ground to be theirs, whose impudence durst affirm 
that God had given them all the world, and the glory 
thereof^. Could those infernal fiends, tortured with 
immaterial fire, take any pleasure, or make any ease 
to themselves by paddling here in puddles, and 
dabbling in the moist dirty marshes ? However, Guth- 
lake took the boldness to enter common with them, 
and erect his cell in Crowland. But if his prodigious 
life may be believed, ducks and mallards do not now 
flock thither faster in September, than herds of 
devils came about him; all whom he is said vic- 
toriously to* have vanquished. But, whom Satan's 
power could not foil, his policy had almost de- 
stroyed ; by persuading Guthlake to fast forty days 
and nights together, after the example of Moses and 
Elias'*; till, finding this project destructive to nature, 
he was forced in his own defence to take some neces- 
sary, but very sparing refection. He died in his 

^ [See Ingulphi Hist. Croy- p. 263, and in the Acta Sane- 
land, p. 5. The Hfe of St. torum, xi April, t. II. p. 38.] 
Outhlake, written by Felix, a « Porter'8 Flowers of the 
monk who lived in the middle Saints, p. 348. 
of the same century, has been t Matt. iv. 8. 
published by Mabillon in his « Porter, ibid. p. 347. 
Act. Sanct. Benedict. Sac. III. 



CENT. VIII. of Britain. 249 

own cell, and Pega bis sister, an anchoritess, led a A.D.708. 
solitary life not far from liim'^. 

8. Eoves also, a poor plain man, was eminent in a swimiOi 
this age^: a shepherd, say some ; a neatherd, others ; monk, 
a swineherd, say the third sort, and that most pro- 
bable. For whilst he lived in Worcestershire, not 
fiir fi^m the river Avon, the Virgin Mary is said to 
have appeared unto him, even where (farewell all 
good tokens) " he found a lost sow with seven pigs 
" sucking upon hery," and to have given order that 
in that very place a monastery should be erected to 
her honour. The beastly monk who made this vision 
had e'en learned as far as Virgil's iEneids, whence he 
fetched the platform of this pretty conceit, a place so 
marked being foretold fortunate to iEneas, to found 
Alba (since Rome) therein. 

Litoreis ingens inventa sub ilicibus sus 
Tri^nta capitum foetus enixa jacebit 
Alba solo recubans, albi circum ubera nati : 
Hie locus urbis erit, requies ea certa laboruni^. 

Where under oaks on shore there shall be found 
A mighty sow, all white, cast on the ground, 
With thirty sucking pigs; that place is ""sign'd 
To build your town, and ease your wearied mind. 

Here the monk, mutatis mutandis^ (but principally 
shrinking the number of the pigs from thirty to 
seven, as more mystical,) he applies the apparition to 
his purpose. A pretty parallel, that pagan Rome, 
and popish superstition, if hue-and-cry should be 

w [She afterwards went to ^ [See Wharton's Ang. Sac. 

llome and died there. For an I. 470.] 

account of her and others, sue- 7 Godwin, De Prffisul. Angl. 

cessors of Guthlake, see In- p. 448. 
giilph Hist. Croyl. p. 5.] ' iEneidos lii. 390. 



S50 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 708. made after them, might be discovered bj the same 
marks. This gave the first motion to the foundation 
of Eovesham abbey, so called from Eoves aforesaid, 
first built in that sow-place. 
TheiirKt 9- But the buildiug thereof was hastened by a 
h^^"^^ second, more neat and cleanly, apparition of the 
E^'uiid*" Virgin Mary in the same place ; who is pretended to 
have shewed herself, with two maiden-attendants, to 
Ecgwin, bishop of Worcester, prompting him to ex- 
pedite a structure therein •. Ecgwin posts presently 
to Rome, and makes fSsiith of this vision to Con- 
stantino the pope ; who convinced in his judgment 
of the truth thereof, dispatcheth his commands to 
A. D. 709. Brightwald, archbishop of Canterbury, to assemble a 
sjnttod at Alnecester in Worcestershire, to promote 
the building of an abbey in that place : which was 
done accordingly, and the same was boimtifully en- 
dowed by Offa, and other Mercian kings, with very 
large revenues. And not long after, another synod, 
saith my author^ was called at London, to intro- 
duce into England the doctrine of image-worship, 
not heard of before, and now first beginning to ap- 
pear in the public practice thereof. 
Binnius 10. Here we expected that Binnius and Baronius, 
nhw RuiJ^n, two of the Romish champions, should have been 
•"* ^^^' both joyful at, and thankful for this London synod 
in favour of image-worship, a point so beneficial to 
the popish coffers. But behold them, contrary to 
our expectation, sad and sullen ; insomuch as they 

A Spelmans Concil. I. 210. authoribus, Nauclero viz. et 

[Wilkins, I. 71.] Bolaeo. [Cent. i. §. 91. See the 

*> Magdcburgenses Centur. remarks of Spelmanj ib. They 

[Cent. VIII. §. 9. p. 536. ed. are also in Wilkins, I. 72.] 
fiasil.] Sed ex recentioribus 



CENT. VIII. of Britain, 261 

cast away the credit of this synod, as of no account, A.D.709. 
and disdain to accept the same. For, say they, long 
before, by Augustine the monk, worship of images 
was introduced into England. But let them shew 
us when and where the same was done. We deny 
not but that Augustine brought in with him, in a 
banner, the image of Christ on the cross, very lively 
depictured®; but this makes nothing to the wor- 
shipping thereof. Vast the distance in their own 
nature betwixt the historical use and adoration of 
pictures ; though, through human corruption, .the 
former in after-age^ hath proved introductory to the 
latter. Nor was it probable that Augustine would 
deliver doctrine point-blank against Gregory, that 
sent him, who most zealously inveigheth against all 
worshipping of images^. Wherefore, let Binnius 
and Baronius make much of this London synod for 
image-worship, or else they must be glad to accept 
of later councils in England to prove the same, 
seeing before this time none can be produced tending 
thereunto. 

11. Now also flourished another noble-bom saint. The miracle 
namely, John of Beverley, archbishop of York, ast johnof 

c See our second book. Cent. " adorandum addiscere. Nam ^^ ^' 

VI. parag. 10. [p. J 41.] " quod legentibus scriptura, 

^ In his epistle ad Serenum " hoc idiotis praestat pictura 

Massiliensem, [lib. vii. ep. 1 1 o. '* cementibus, quia in ipsa 

et ix. ep. 9. ed. Labbe. But *' etiam ignorantes vident quod 

not the use of images ; employ. " sequi debeant, in ipsa legunt 

ing the same arguments in *' qui liiteras nesciunt." Ep. 

their favour as the Romanists ix. 9. The historical use of 

of later days. For though he images was not disliked by 

commends Serenus for not per- some learned protestants in 

mitting the adoration of images, our ov/n church ; but the abuse 

he reproves him for breaking of them rendered their removal 

them and throwing them away ; at the Reformation a matter of 

thus arguing : ^*Aliud est enim necessity. The letter of Gre- 

'* picturam adoniite, aliud per gory is worthy both of his 

'* pictures histori^m quid sit character and sobriety.] 



252 The Church History book ii. 

A. D. 709. learned man, and who gave the education to one 
more learned than himself, I mean venerable Bede«. 
Now, though John Baptist did none^, yet John of 
Beverley is said to haye done many miracles. But 
did not the monk overdo, who reports in his rela- 
tion, that this John of Beverley, by making the sign 
of the cross on a dumb youth with a scalled head, 
not only restored him to speech and an head of hair, 
but eloquent discourse and brave " curled locks ? T 

A.D. 718. Some years before his death he quitted his arch- 
bishopric, and retired himself to his monastery at 
Beverley, where he died ; and which afterwards king 
Athelstan made (I will not call it a sanctuary, be- 
cause unhallowed with the largeness of the liberties 
allowed thereunto, but) a place of refuge for mur- 
derers and malefactors: so that the freed-stool in 
Beverley became the seat of the scornful ; and, such 
heinous offenders as could recover the same, did 
therein securely defy all legal prosecution against 
them. 

Kings and 12. About this time it grew fashionable with kings 

tomkn and and quccns in England to renounce the world, and 
turn monks and nuns, commonly in convents of their 
own foundation. Surely it is not only lawful, but 
commendable, for men to leave the world before it 
leaveth them, by beifig crucified thereunto^ and using 
it as if they used it not^. But let others dispute 
whether this properly be renouncing the world, for 
Christians to bury their parts and persons in a cloi- 



« Bede acknowledgeth that Godwin de Priesul. p. 655.] 

he received the order of priest- ^ John x. 41. 

hood from him at the conclu- g Flowers of the Lives of 

sion of his history. [See also English Saints, p. 416. 

fiede's Hist. Eccl. v, 2 — 6. h Gal. vi. 14. 



nunii. 



CK NT. VII I . of Britain, 253 

ster, which, put forth to the bank, would turn to a.d. 718. 
good account for church and commonwealth. Da^ 
vid, I dare say as holy a man as any of these, lived 
a king and died a king : the swaying of his sceptre 
did not hinder the tuning of his harp, his dignity 
being no impediment to his devotion. And whilst 
these kings turning monks pretended to go out of 
the world, a world of spiritual pride and superstition 
went into them, if, as it is too suspicious, they had 
an high opinion to merit heaven thereby*. 

18. Amongst the Saxon princes who thus re-Kingina 
nounced the world, in this and the next century, r^t^ So 
these nine following were the principal : church. 

1 . Cjniegils, king of West-Saxons. 

2. Ina, king of West-Saxons. 

3. Ceolwolfiis, king of Northumberland. 

4. Eadberht, king of Northumberland. 

5. iEthelred, king of Mercia. 

6. Cenred, king of Mercia. 
7- Offa, king of East-Saxons. 

8. Sebbi, king of East-Saxons. 

9. Seabyrht, king of East- Angles. 

Of all whom king Ina was paramount for his reputed 
piety, who accounted himself to hold all that he had 
of God, his landlord in chief, paid not only a great 
fine, but settled a constant rent on the church, then 
accounted the receiver-general of the God of heaven. 
Great fine ; for besides his benefaction to other, he 
bestowed on the church of GlassenburyJ two thou- 
sand six hundred forty pounds weight^, in the 

i [It was at this period that founder. See Malnisb. De 

pilgrimages to Rome came into Gestis, f. 7.] 
repute. Bede's Chron. p. 33.] ^ Spelman's Concil. I. 229. 

J [Of which he was the [Wiklin, I. 81.] 



254 The C/iurch History book ii. 

A.D.yi8. utensils thereof, of massy gold and silver. So that 
whiles some admire at his bounty, why he gave so 
much ; others wonder more at his wealth, how he 
got so much ; being in that age wherein such dearth 
of coin, and he, though perchance the honorary 
monarch of England, but the effectual king of the 
A. D. 726. West-Saxons. The constant rent he settled were 
the Peter-pences to the pope of Rome*, to be paid 
out of every fire-house in England, (a small sum in 
the single drops, but swelling great in the genend 
channel,) which, saith Polydore Virgil™, this king 
Ina began in England. I say, Polydore Virgil, 
(and let every artificer be believed in his own art,) 
seeing, as he confesseth, this place was his first pre- 
ferment in England, which brought him over to be 
the pope's publican, or collector of that contribu- 
tion. Afterwards this king went to Rome, and 
there built a school for the English, and a church 
adjoining unto it, to bury their dead. 
A.D. 730. 14. But, if my judgment mistake not, Wynfrith, 
an English- 8-1^ Englishman, was better employed, being busied 
vCTteth^the ^^^^^ ^^^s time to couvcrt to Christ the provinces 
Germans, of Francouia and Hessia, in Germany. True it is, 
the English were indebted to the Dutch, from them 
formerly deriving their original by natural generar 
tion : and now none will censure them for incest, if 
the son begat his parents ; and this Wynfrith, de- 
scended from the Dutch, was an active instrument 
of their regeneration". 



> Parker, Antiq. Brit. p. 87. who afterwards adopted the 

^ [Hist. Angl. p. I! 8. ed. name of Boniface, published 

165 1.] with his letters. Magontiaci, 

" [See the life of this saint, 1789.] 



CENT. VIII. of Britain. 255 

15. Now, although many in this age posted from a. d. 730. 
England to Rome, possessed with an high opinion of Bede, 
the holiness thereof ; yet sure I am, one of the best foi^^ntnot 
judgment, namely, Venerable Bede, was often sent ^ '^^^'^ 
for by pope Sergius himself to come to Rome ; yet, 

for ought we can find, never went thither: which 
no doubt he would not have declined, if sensible of 
any transcendent sanctity in that place to advantage 
the dwellers therein the nearer to heaven. This 
Bede was bom in the kingdom of Northumberland, 
at Girwii", now Yarrow, in the bishopric of Durham, 
brought up by St. Cuthbert^ and was the profound- 
est scholar in his age for Latin, Greek, philosophy, 
history, divinity, mathematics, music, and what not ? 
Homilies of his making were read in his lifetime in 
the Christian churches, a dignity afforded to him 
alone. We are much beholding to his Ecclesiastical 
History, written by him, and dedicated to Ceolwol- 
fiis, king of Northumberland. A worthy work in- 
deed, though in some respect we could heartily wish 
that his faith had been less, and his charity more. 
Faith less, in believing and reporting so many pro- 
digious miracles of the Saxons : except any will say, 
that this in him was not so much vitium hominis as 
seculi. Charity more, I mean to the Britons, being 
no friend to them, and over-partial to his own coun- 
trymen ; slightly and slenderly touching British mat- 
ters, only thereof to make a pedestal, the more fairly 
to rear and advance his Saxon history thereupon. 

16. Some report that Bede never went out of his Bede pro- 
cell, but lived and died thereinP. If so, the scholars out of hii*' 

A Camden's Brit. p. 606. pupil of Bede's.] 

o [An oversight for abbot P [This is farther confirmed 
Ceolfrid^ for Cuthbert was a by Bede's own letter to Eg^ 



256 The Church History book ii. 

A. D. 730. of Cambridge will be very sorry, because thereby 
deprived of their honour, by Bede's living once in 
their university; whose house they still shew, be- 
twixt St. John's college and Roimd-Church, or St. 
Sepulchre's. Surely Bede was not fixed to his cell, 
as the cockle to his shelly seeing no observance of 
his Benedictine order imposed such a penance upon 
him. Indeed his own words, in the end of his book, 
give some countenance to their conjecture of his vo- 
luntary confinement ; speaking of himself, Cunchm 
temptis viUe in efusdem monasterii habitatione per- 
agens. But his expression imports only his general 
residence therein, that he was no gadder abroad, or 
discontinuer from his convent, for a long time; 
though he might for some short space make his 
abode elsewhere. Thus, when of the prophetess it 
is said, that she departed not from the temple^ ; we 
understand it not so, as if she never went out 
thereof; but that for the main she spent the most 
of her time therein. 
Bede why 1 7. He is generally sumamed Venerabhy but why, 
FwwfwAi/w. authors differ therein ^ Some say; a dunce monk, 
being to make his epitaph, was nonplused to make 
that dactyl, which is only of the quorum in the hex- 
ameter, and therefore at night left the verse thus 
gaping— 

Hie sunt in fossa Bedse— — ossa. 

till he had consulted with his pillow to fill up the 

bert bishop of York ; printed The term venerabilis (acoording 

in Smith's Bede, p. 800.] to some authors) was first ap- 

^ Luke ii. 37. plied to those wlio foUowed t 

^ [Apparently this name was stricter observance of monasUc 

not given to Bede till the ninth discipline than was usual. See 

century. In the earlier writers Smithes dissertation in his edi- 

he is termed Beda Presbyter, tion of Bede, p. 807.] 



CENT. VIII. of Britain. J857 

hiatus. But returning in the moniing, an angel (we a. d. y^a 
have often heard of their singing, see now of their 
poetry,) had tilled up the chasm with venerabUis. 
Others, disclaiming this conceit, assign this reason ; 
because Bede's homilies were, as aforesaid, read in 
all churches in his lifetime"; plain Bede was con- 
ceived too little, and St. Bede too much ; because, 
according to popish (but not St. Paul's) principles, 
HLint is too much flattery to be given to any whilst 
alive ; Solon allowing none happy, and this mine 
author none, in this degree, holy, before their death. 
Wherefore venerable was found out as an expedient 
to accommodate the difference, luckily hitting the 
mark, as a title neither too high nor too low ; just 
even to so good a man and great a scholar, whilst 
alive. This is observable in all those who have 
written the life of Bede ; that whereas such Saxon 
saints as had not the tenth of his sanctity, nor hun- 
dredth part of his learning, are said to have wrought 
miracles ad lectoris nauseam ; not one single miracle 
is reported to have been done by Bede. Whereof, 
under favour, I conceive this the reason : monks, 
who wrote the lives of many of their saints, knew 
little more of many of them than their bare names 
and times wherein they lived ; which made them histo- 
ri€B vacua miraculis supplere, " to plump up the hol- 
lowness of their history with improbable miracles,'* 
swelling the bowels of their books with empty wind, 
in default of sufficient solid food to fill them. 
Whereas Bede's life affording plenty and .variety of 
real and effectual matter, the writer thereof (why 
should a rich man be a thief or liar ?) had no tempt- 
ation, I am sure no need, to farce his book with 

» Porter 8 Flowers of the Saints, in the life of Bede, p. 528. 

FULLER, VOL. I. S 



258 The Church Hhtary book ii. 

A> P. 730- fond miracles, who might rather leave than lack of 

material passages therein. 
A.D.734. 18. One of the last things he did was the trans- 
biaM,*and lating of the Gospel of St. John into English. When 
murf*S death seized on him, one of his devout scholars, 
andte of whom he used for his secretary or amanuensis, com- 
plained, " My beloved master, there remains yet one 
*' sentence unwritten." " Write it, then, quickly,** re- 
plied Bede : and summoning all his spirits together, 
like the last blaze of a candle going out, he indited 
it, and expired. Thus God's children are immortal 
whiles their Father hath any thing for them to do 
on earth ; and death, that beast, cannot overcome and 
kill theniy tiU first they have finished their testimony^ : 
which done, like silkworms, they willingly die when 
their web is ended, and are comfortably entombed 
in their own endeavours. Nor have I aught else to 
observe of Bede, save only this ; a foreign ambassa- 
dor, some two hundred years since, coming to Dur- 
ham, addressed himself first to the high and sump- 
tuous shrine of St. Cuthbert, " If thou beest a saint, 
" pray for me :" then coming to the plain, low, and 
little tomb of Bede, " Because," said he, " thou art a 
" saint, good Bede, pray for me'*." 

t Rev. xi. 7. "ad nostra tempera. Adeo 

^ [See the exquisite descrip- " nullus Anglorum, studionim 

tion of his death by his pupil " ejus aemulus* nullus gratia- 

Cuthbert, who attended him *' rum ejus sequax fuit, qui 

in his last moments, in Smith's " omissae monetie lineam pro* 

Bede, p. 792 ; and in Symeon, ** sequeretur : pauci quos a- 

Hist. Eccl. Dunelm. ch. xv. '* quus amavit Jesus, quamvis 

The following compliment was " litteris non ignobiliter infor- 

paid to his memory by one of '' mati, vita tota ingratum con- 

the most judicious of all our " sumpserunt silentium : alii 

early writers, whose account of " vix primis libris illas gustan- 

Bede is written with much " tes ignavum confoverunt oti- 

elegance and feeling. " Se- '* um. Ita cum semper pigro 

'• pulta est cum eo omnis ges- " succederet pigrior, multo 

" torum pene notitia usque " tempore in tota insula studi- 



CKNT. VIII. 



of Britain, 



259 



19. Now began the Saxons to be infected with an a. d. 735. 
universal viciousness, tbe cause whereof was; ^Ethel- Thcgenend 

vifliotiBiiflis 

bald, king of Mercia, contemned marriage : and of the Sm- 
though abstinence from it in som0 cases may be^^i^^ 
commendable, the contempt thereof always is dan- 
gerous, yea damnable, as it proved in him ; for his 
unlawftd lust made no difference of places or per- 
sons, castles or cloisters, common kerchief or nun's 
veil, all came alike to him. But, oh the legislative 
power which is in a great prince his example ! His 
subjects presumed they might not only impune^ but 
legtUmey follow his precedent ; which made the land 
swarm with wickedness^. 



*' orum detepuit fervor. Mag- 
*' num ignavise testimonium da. 
'' bunt versus epitaphii sui, 
•' perdendi prorsus et tanti viri 
'' mausoleo indigni. 

^ Presbyter hie Beda requieiMnt carne 

" sepultus; 
'^ Dona Christe animam in ooelis gau- 

*• dere per aevum : 
^ Daque illi sophis debriari fonte, cui 



jam 



'^ 8aipirayit orans, intento semper 
" amore." 

Will. Malmsb. f. 12.] 

^ [See the letter of arch- 
bishop Boniface to king iEthel- 
bald, and another to Herefrid ; 
in Wilkins' Cone. I. p. 86. &c. 
Malmsbury has given an ab- 
breviation of the first in his 
history De Gestis Reg. f. 14. b. 
The corruption of this country 
is strikingly displayed, particu- 
larly in Boniface's letter to arch- 
bishop Cuthbert, where these 
words occur: " Perpaucee sunt 
" civitates in Longobardia, vel 
" in Francia^ aut in Gallia, in 
" quibus non sit adultera vel 
'' meretrix generis Anglorum» 
" quod scandalum est et turpi. 



" tudo totius ecclesi*e vestrae." 
(Wilkins' Cone. I. p. 93.) The 
writer proceeds to state that one 
great cause of this immorality 
was the interference of the laity , 
their taking away the monas- 
teries and religious houses from 
the control of the bishops^ and a 
general intermeddling in eccle- 
siastical affairs from motives of 
cupidity. He also subjoins an- 
other reason, which shews the 
state of the times ; " aliquod 
" levamentum turpitudinis es- 
" set, si prohiberet synodus et 
" principes vestri muliebribus 
" et velatis foeminis illud iter 
" et frequentiam, quam ad Ro- 
" manam civitatem veniendo et 
'* redeundo faciunt, quia magna 
" ex parte pereunt, paucis re- 
" manentibus integris." (See 
also Bonifacii Epist. liv. Ixxi. 
Ixxii. Ixxiii.) 

England, whilst governed by 
the Saxons, was at its greatest 
height for learning and religion 
in the time of Bede ; after his 
death, it very rapidly declined. 
See the extracts from the let- 

s 2 



260 The Church History book ii. 

A. P. 735' 20. This caused the letter of Bonifia.ce, archbishop 
The effect of Mentz, (an Englishman btm» and lately very emi- 
hig letter to nent foF Converting the Germans to Christianity,) to 
Merdaf ^ king iEtholbald; wherein he observed the prudent 
method of St. Paul to the Corinthians*. As the 
apostle first commended them, I praise yotJL, brethren^ 
that you remember me in aU things^ &cc^ so he began 
with a large encomium of king ^thelbald his charity 
and bountiful almsgiving. Hence seasonably he de- 
scended to his faults ; shall I praise you in this f I 
praise you not ; and soundly and roundly told him 
of his notorious incontinency ; proving, botk by 
scripture and reason, the heinousness of that sin, 
and heavy judgments of God upon it. In fine, this 
wrought so far on the king's good nature, that he 
not only reformed himself, but with Cuthbert, arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, called a solemn synod at 
Cloves-ho, or Clives-at-ho, for the reformation of 
others^. 
J^'P't^"^' 21. But where this Cloves-ho should be, authors 

CliffinKent 

proba!)iy make much inquiry. It is generally conceived the 

the Ancient 

cioves-ho. same with Cliff, near Gravesend, in Kent. Though 
a learned author^ will hardly consent thereunto; and 
his intimations to the contrary are of no great va- 
lidity. For whereas he allegeth that this Cliff is in 
Kent, whilst ^Ethelbald, who called this synod, was 
king of Mercia ; he minded not meantime, what no 
doubt he knew well, that this ^Ethelbald is styled in 

ters of Alcuin in Malmsb. Fasti of sir Henry Savile, 

f. 13.] fixes it in the year 747. See 

* I Cor. xi. 2. 22. his note in Wilkins* Cone. I. 

y [The Saxon Chron. and 94. But the MS. of Flor. Wi- 

otherauthorities date this synod gorn. in Corpus Coll. Oxford, 

in the year 742. See Wilkins* places it in the year 748.] 

Cone. I. 86. Spelman fol- « Camden's Brit, in Kent, 

lowing archbp. Parker and the p. 233. [Wilkins* Cone. I. 94.] 



CENT. viii. of Britain. 961 

the letter of Boniface archbishop of Mentz unto him, A.D. 747. 



indyta Anglorum imperii sceptra gubemans^ " ruling 
the famous sceptre of the English empire*.*' And 
whereas he objecteth " the site of that place incon- 
"* venient for such an assembly ;" it seems fit enough, 
though confessed dirty in winter, and unhealthy at 
all times, for the vicinity thereof to London and 
Canterbury, the residing places of the king and arch- 
bishop, the two persons in this s)mod most concerned. 
Nor doth the modem meanness of the place make 
any thing against it ; it might be a gallant in that 
age, which is a beggar nowadays. And though we 
confess there be many Cliffs in the inland shires, 
properly belonging to Mercia; yet the addition of 
Ho, or Haw, speaketh the maritime posture thereof. 
So that Clives-ho, or Haw, seems to be a cliff near 
the sea, well agreeing to the situation of Cliff, in 
Kent aforesaid **. 

22. But the acts of this synod are more certain The chief 
than the place thereof, being generally accounted ^^J^nod. 
one and thirty canons, although some small variation 
in their number and order, all extant at large in 
Malmsbury*^ ; and of which we take notice of these 
four, as of most concernment : 

i. " That the priests learn, and teach *^ to know 
" the Creed, Lord's Prayer, and words of consecra- 
" tion in the mass (or eucharist) in the English 
" tongue*." It seems learning then ran low, that the 

A Extant in Spelman's Con- Chronicle. 

dl, p. 233. [Wilkins, I. 87.] « De Gestis Pont. i. f. 112. 

b Plimmouth Haw. See d " Discant, et doceant." 

Speed his Sarvey of London, Malmsbury, ib. [See also WiL 

the meaning of Haw. C r^ ]] kins' Cone. I. 94. where the 

Upon Clovesho see Gibson's acts of this synod are printed 

Index to his edition of the Saxon at length.] 

s3 



262 



The Church History 



BOOK ir. 



A. D. 747. priests themselves had need to learn them ; yet igno- 
rance was not then so high, but that the people were 
permitted to be taught them^ 

ii. " That the Lord's Day be honourably observed." 
We understand it not so, as if the sanctity of that 
day depended only upon ecclesiastical constitutions ; 
or that the command thereof in scripture is so in- 
firm, in point of right to oblige men's consciences, 
that it needs the title of man's power, ad corrobo- 
randum : only human authority was here cast in as 
overweight, for the better observation of the day. 
Carnal men being more affected, and affiighted with 
corporal penalties of man's inflicting, as nearer unto 
them, than with eternal punishments, which Divine 
justice at a distance denounceth against them. 



« [The article subjoins, " Ne 
'* vel in ipsis intercessionibus^ 
*' quibus pro populi delictis 
" Deum exorare noscuntur, vel 
** ministerii sui ofiiciis inveni- 
*' antur quasi muti et ignari, 
*' si non intelligant nee verbo- 
•* rum suorum sensum, nee sa- 
*' cramenta," &c.] 

^ [One principal cause of 
learning being at so low an 
ebb, is to be traced to the mis- 
management of monasteries ; 
for it appears that not only the 
princes of the land, but the 
superiors also of these houses, 
united in treating the monks 
like slaves and mechanics, and 
employed them in servile of- 
fices. And this abuse, in obe- 
dience to the directions of 
archbishop Boniface, is several 
times reproved in the decrees 
of this synod. Thus Boniface 
says, " De violenta quoque 
'* monachorum servitute ope- 



'* ribus et sedificiis regalibus 
" quae in toto mundo Christia- 
** norum non auditur facta nisi 
*' tantum in gente Anglonim," 
&c. (Wilk. I. 93.) Then in 
the fourth act of the synod, 
giving directions to the heads 
of religious houses, these words 
occur ; " ita tamen ut familias 
" suas meminerint digne in 
" Domino diligere et non in 
** vice servorum,*' &c. And in 
the seventh, where it enjoins 
the monks to study ; " nee 
** sint rectores terrense tam 
'* avidi operationis, ut domus 
" Dei desolatione spiri talis or- 
** naturae vilescat." 

The Acts of this synod de- 
serve partiaular attention, as 
describing many of the abuses 
which afterwards existed in 
the church, and applying to 
them the same remedies which 
were afterwards used by our 
reformers.] 



CENT. VIII. of Britain. 863 

iii. "That the sin of drunkenness be avoided, a. d. 747. 
** especially in the clergy." Indeed it was high time 
to suppress that sin, which was grown so rife, that 
(as Boniface, archbishop of Mentz, doth observe in 
his letter to Cuthbert, archbishop of Canterburys^) 
the English bishops were so far from punishing it, 
that they were guilty of the same. Moreover, he 
addeth, [Ebrietas] malum speciale est nostra gentis : 
hoc nee Francis nee Galliy nee Longobardi^ nee Ro^ 
mani^ nee Greed faciunt ; " Drunkenness is a special 
" evil of our nation, namely, of the Saxons, of which 
" country this Boniface was a native ; for neither 
** Franks, nor Gauls, nor Lombards, nor Romans, nor 
" Greeks, (understand him anciently, for we know 
" the modem proverb of a merry Greek,) are guilty 
" thereof" 

iv. " That prayers be publicly made for kings and 
** princes." An excellent canon indeed, because ca- 
nonical scripture, and long before made by St. Paul 
himself; / ea^hort^ therefore^ that supplieations be 
made for all men^for kings^ &c.** 

This S)mod being finished vdth the royal assent, 
and all the bishops their subscriptions thereunto; 
Cuthbert, archbishop of Canterbury, with wonderful 
celerity, returned the canons concluded therein, by 
Cynebryht his deacon, to Boniface, archbishop of 
Mentz, who was affected with great joy at the sight 
thereof. 

23. At this time flourished Ecgberht, archbishop Ecgberht, 
of York, famous in his generation ; for, first his royal of York^ 
extraction, being brother to Eadberht, king of North- ;3^~" 

fpecti. 

% Extant in Spelman's Concil. I. 241 ; and Wilkins, I. 93. 
>* I Tim. ii. f. 

s 4 



264 



The Church History 



BOOKIl. 



A.D.747. umberland; both of them lovingly lying buried to- 
gether in the porch of the church of York. For in 
that age the greatest princes and prelates their 
corpses came no nearer than the church porch, and, 
as I may say, only knocked at the church doors; 
though in after-ages the bodies of meaner persons 
were admitted into the church, and buried therein^ 
Secondly, for his procuring the archiepiseopal pall to 
his see. For after the departure, or rather the ban- 
ishment, of Paulinus from York, his successors were 
content with the plain title of bishop, until this Ecg- 
berht, to do something extraordinaiy, proportionable 
to his princely extraction, procured the restitution 
of his pall, which ipso facto readvanced his church 
into an archbishopric. Thirdly, for furnishing the 
same with a plentiful library, highly commended by 
Alcuinus, in his epistle to Charles the Great ^, wish- 
ing France had the like ; which, though exceeding 
England in paper, till of late years ever came short 
of it in books. Fourthly, for his canons for the re- 
gulating of his province. Whereof one sort is called 
Ecgberht his Excerptions out of Fathers^ and is gene- 
rally good ; the other entitled. Canons for the Re- 
medy of Sin, and are fraught with abundance of 
abominable beastliness and superstition. 



i [See Will, of Malmsbury, 
f. 12. b.] 

^ [See the extract of this 
letter, published in Malmsb. 
ibid.] 

1 At large in Spelman's Con- 
cil. I. p. 258. [Wilkins* Cone. 
1. 1 o I . Upon these Excerptions, 
see Johnson's notes in his Col- 
lection of Canons, under this 
year, which have also been print- 



ed by Wilkins. Fuller, follow- 
ing Sir H. Spelman, dates these 
excerptions 750^ not that SpeU 
man had any authority for so 
doing, but because it was his 
rule when the date \Tas oncer* 
tain to take the middle year of 
the reign in question, and that 
was 750. See Johnson 
above.] 



cBKT.viii. of Britain. 965 

24. I will give the reader only a taste» or rather a a. d. 750. 



distaste, of these canons, by which he may guess the The heuOj 
rest. ^^ If a layman hath carnal knowledge of a nun, Ecgberiit. 
" let him do penance for two years, &c., she three. 
" If a child be begotten betwixt them, then four 
** years: if they kill it, then seven years' penance™." 
Penance also is provided for bestiality and sodomy 
in the same canons. Thus, where God in scripture 
denoimceth death. Whoso sheddeth maris bloody by 
man shall his blood be shed^ ; they now changed it 
into penance, and in after-ages commuted that pe- 
nance into irtoney ; so by degrees making the word 
of God of none effect by their paltry canons. See we 
here also how forced virginity was the mother of 
much uncleanness, it being appliable to them what 
the apostle speaketh of others \ It is a shame even to 
speak of those things which are done of them in secret^. 
And one may justly admire how these canonists, be- 
ing pretended virgins, could arrive at the knowledge 
of the criticisms of all obscenity ; so that chaste love 
may lie seven and seven years in the undefiled mar- 
riage bed, and be utterly ignorant what the language 
of lust meaneth in such filthy canons. Yea, when 
such love, by the help of an interpreter, shall under- 
stand the same, it would blush for shame, were it 
not that red would be turned into paleness, as 
amazed at so horrid uncleanness. 

85. Some five years after, Kenulphus, king of a. d. 755. 
West-Saxons, conferred large privileges on the mo-of Kenui. 
nastery of Abingdon. We will recite so much of his abSJt^f^ 
charterP as concerns us, because useftd to shew the^**"*^*"* 

■B See Spelman, ib. p. 282. P Cited by Stanford, Les 

» Gen. ix. 6. plees del Coron. B. ii. f. 11 1. 

o Ephes. V. 12. ed. 1576. And this charter 



266 



The Church Hiatary 



BOOK II. 



A.D.755. power which kings in that age had in ecclesisfltical 
matters. 



Kenulphus, rex — per literas 
suas patentes, consilio et cotu 
sensu episcoporum, et senato- 
rum gentis sua, largitus JuU 
monasterio de Abindon in co- 
mitatu Berk, ac cuidam Ru~ 
chino tunc abbati monasterii — 
quondam runs sui portionem, 
id est, quindecim mansias in 
loco, qui a ruricolis tunc nun* 
cupabatur Culnam, cum om» 
nibus utilitatibus ad eandem 
pertinentibus, tam in magnis, 
quam in modicis rebus, in 
aternam hareditatem. Et, 
quod pradictus Ruchinus, ab 
omni regis obstaculo, et episco- 
pali jure in sempiternum esset 
quietus, ut inhabitatores ejus 
nullius regis out ministrorum 
suorum episcopi, ut aut suorum 
qfficialium jugo inde deprimaU" 
tur. Sed in cunctis rerum 
eventibus, et discussionibus 
causarum, abbatis monasterii 
pradicti decreto subjiciantur. 
Ita quod, Sfc. 



" Kenulphusy king, &c. hj 
his letters patents, with the 
advice and consent of the 
bishops and counsellors of 
his country, hath given to 
the monastery of Abingdon, 
in the county of Berks, and 
to one Ruchine, then abbot 
of the monastery. Sec, a cer- 
tain portion of his land, that 
is to say, fifteen mansions, 
in a place which then of the 
inhabitants was called CuL 
nam, with ail profits to the 
same belonging, as well in 
great as mean matters, as an 
inheritance for ever. And, 
that the aforesaid Ruchine, 
&c. should be for ever acquit 
from all episcopal jurisdic- 
tion, that the inhabitants 
thereof be thenceforth op- 
pressed with the yoke of no 
bishop, or his officials; but 
in all events of matters, and 
discussions of causes, they 
be subject to the decree of 
the abbot of the aforesaid 
monastery. So that," &c 



From this charter, sir Edward Coke, the king's 
attorney, inferreth^, that king Kenulphus had eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction in himself, in that he had power 



was pleaded 1. Hen. vii. f. 23. 
et 25. [according to Stanford, 
ib. This charter is printed at 
length from an Inspeximus 10 



£dw. III. n. §. 30. in the Mo. 
nasticon, I. 514. ed. 1817.] 

q His Reports, part 5. f. 9. 
[ed. 1605.] 



cENT.Tiii. of Britain. S67 

to discharge and exempt this abbot from the juris- a.d. 755. 
diction of the bishop ; which ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
tion was always invested in the imperial crown of 
England : and therefore the statute made under 
Henry the eighth, concerning the king's spiritual 
authority, " was not introductory of a new law, but 
" declaratory only of an old." 

26. But father Parsons, for he it is who stands The caviii 
under the visage of the catholic divine, in a book agungt nr 
wrote of set purpose against master attorney in this^J;^g^ 
point, will by no means allow king Kenulphus any 
ecclesiastical power, but by many fetches seeks to 
evade so pregnant a proofs 

Arg. 1. First he pleadeth, " that in this charter 
Kenulphus did not exempt the abbot from all ju- 
risdiction spiritual of the bishop, but from some 
temporal interest or pretence, which perhaps the 
bishop of the diocese claimed over the lordship of 
** Culnam." 

Answ. Perhaps, (commend not his modesty, but 
thank his guiltiness for his timorous assertion,) saith 
he: but how doth this appear, for he bringeth no 
proof? and if he affirmeth it on free cost, we can con- 
fute it as cheap by denying it. 

Arg. 2. Secondly, saith he, " the king exempted 
** the abbot," a6 (ymni epucopali jure ; that is, " from 
** all right of the bishop, and not jurisdiction." 

Answ. Sharp wit, to cut so small a mote in two 
parts for no purpose ; seeing jits and jurisdiction are 
often known to import the same sense. 

Arg. 3. Thirdly, he objecteth " the words no way 
" seem fitly to agree to be spoken of the bishop's 

r Catholic divine, alias Par- king's attorney, p. 95. sq. [ed. 
sons^ in his answer to the 1606.] 






268 The Church History book ii. 

A. D. 755. ^^ ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which run thus : that the 
^^ abbot should be quiet from the bishop's right, and 
^' that the inhabitants from thenceforward should 
" not be oppressed by the yoke of the bishop's 
" officers." 

Answ. Why? what incongruity, but that these 
words may be spoken, as they are, of ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction ? Is the word yoke too coarse a phrase 
to be applied to the bishop's spiritual power, as they 
sometimes did manage it ? I appeal to those who 
felt it ; for no yoke is heavy to him that puts it on, 
but to those who bear it. Mark by the way, the 
word he rendereth officers^ is in the charter (not offi- 
ciarii^ lay-Latin, but) officialese which is church-lan- 
guage, and the very dialect of the court Christian, 
and should be translated officials^ to whom bishops 
committed their spiritual power. But Parsons knew 
well how to lay his thumb on what he would not 
have seen. 

Arg. 4. Fourthly, " Howsoever it were, it is ma- 
nifestly false," saith he, " that this ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction of king Kenulphus was derived from 
his crown ; it might be he had it fi^m the pope, 
" which is most likely." 

Answ, Which is most unlikely, for no clause in 
the charter relates to any delegate power ; and yet 
such a passage might easily have been inserted, yea, 
could not justly have been omitted, if he had claimed 
his jurisdiction by deputation from the pope. 

Arg. 5. Lastly, " (which," he saith, " seemeth to 
convince the whole matter, and decide the very 
case,) one* Rethurus, abbot of Abingdon, went af- 

s Harpsfield^ Hist. Ang. p. 203. ex Mariano Scoto. 



u 



6i 



CENT. VIII. of Britain, 9SQ 

" terwards to Rome, to obtain confirmation of the a. d. 755. 
" privileges of his monastery from the see apo- 
" stolic." 

Answ. What of this? This post-fact of Rethurus 
argues no invalidity in Kenulphus his former grant, 
but rather shews the over officiousness of a pragma- 
tical abbot, who, to ingratiate himself with the pope, 
craved of him what he had before. Yea, such cun- 
ning compliance of the clergy with his holiness, by 
degrees fixed in him a supposed ecclesiastical power 
paramount, which really he never had, nor rightly 
ever ought to have. 

See here the king's power in church matters in 
conferring ecclesiastical privileges ; and this single 
thread we will twist with another instance so strong, 
that the Jesuit's art shall be unable to break it in 
sunder. 

27. By the constitution of Augustine, first arch- a. p. 758. 
bishop of Canterbury, confirmed by the authority of broii^t to 
Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome, it was decreed, ^^IJJJJ^"' 
that no corpse, either of prince or prelate, should be 
buried within the walls of a city, but only in the 
suburbs thereof; and that alone in the porch of the 
church, and not in the body. Now Cuthbert, arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, having built Christ Church 
therein, was desirous to adorn it with the corpses of 
great persons therein afterwards to be interred. In 
pursuance of this his design, he durst not adventure 
on this innovation by his own power, nor did he 
make his applications to the pope of Rome, as most 
proper to repeal that act which the see apostolic had 
decreed, but only addresseth himself to Eadberht, 
king of Kent, and from him, partim precario^ partim 
etiam pretio, " partly praying, partly paying for it," 



270 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.758. sajth my author S obtained his request. Behold here 
an ancient church canon recalled at the suit of an 
archbishop, by the authority of a king. This Cuth- 
bert afterwards handseled Christ Church with his own 
corpse, whose predecessors were all buried in St 
Augustine's, without the walls of Canterbury. ThiiB 
began corpses to be buried in the churches, which 
by degrees brought in much superstition, especially 
after degrees of inherent sanctity were erroneously 
fixed in the several parts thereof: the porch saying 
to the churchyard, the church to the porch, the 
chancel to the church, the east end to all, " Stand 
" farther off, for I am holier than you." And, as if 
the steps to the high altar were the stairs to heaven, 
their souls were conceived in a nearer degree to hap- 
piness whose bodies were mounted there to be in- 
terred. 
The ooca- 28. About this time the bill of fare of monks was 
monks their bettered generally in England, and more liberty in- 
ing of wine dulgcd in their diet. It was first occasioned some 
in England, ^^gjj^y yoars sincc, when Ceolwolfus, formerly king 

of Northumberland, but then a monk in the convent 
of Lindisfem, or Holy Island, gave leave to that con- 
vent to drink ale and vrine, anciently confined by 
Aidan, their first founder, to milk and water'*. Let 
others dispute whether Ceolwolfus thus dispensed 
with them by his new abbatical, or old regal power ; 
which he so resigned, that in some cases he might 
resume it, especially to be king in his own convent. 
And indeed the cold, raw, and bleak situation of 

* Tho. Sprot, in his Hist, of 91. See also Chron. W. Thorn. 

Canterbury. Also Archiv. Can- p. 1773. ed. Twysden, and this 

tnariens. [both cited by Abp. History, p. 20. n.] 

Parker in his Antiq. Brit. p. " Roger. Hoved. f. 231. 



CENT. VIII. of Britain, 271 

that place, with many bitter blasts from the sea, and a. d. 758. 
no shelter on the land, speaks itself to each inha- 
bitant there. Drink no longer water ^ hut use a little 
wine for thy stomach! s sake, and thine often infirmi- 
ties'^. However, this local privilege, first justly in- 
dulged to the monks of Lindisfam, was about this 
time extended to all the monasteries of England, 
whose primitive over-austerity in abstinence was 
turned now into a self-sufficiency that soon improved 
into plenty, that quickly depraved into riot, and that 
at last occasioned their ruin. 

29. This year* the English have cause to write a. d. 787. 
with sable letters in their almanack on this sad oc-fi^^rn^*^ 
casion, that therein the Danes first invaded England ^^ ^^^^^^ 
with a considerable armyy. Several reasons are as- 
signed for their coming hither, to revenge themselves 

for some pretended injuries ; though the true reason 
was, because England was richer and roomier than 
their own country. 

30. It is admirable to consider what shoals of Denmark, 
people were formerly vented out of Cimbrica Cher-f^Xifia 
sonesus, take it in the largest extent for Denmark ''sj^^™® 
Norway, and Sweden, who, by the terrible names °™®»- 

of Goths, Ostro-Goths, Vi si-Goths, Huns, Vandals, 
Danes, Normans, overran the fairest and fruitfulest 
parts of Christendom; whereas now, though for these 
last three himdred years, the Swedish wars in Ger- 
many excepted, that coimtry hath sent forth no visi- 
ble numbers of people, and yet is very thinly inha- 

w I Tim. V. 23. Chron. and Flor. Wig. a. 787.] 
* [See the Saxon Chronicle ^ Otherwise strictly, it con- 
in this year.] taineth only part of Denmark, 

y QThey landed in England continent to Germany, 
with three ships. See Sax, 



Vl^ The Church History book ii. 

A. D. 787. bited, so that one may travel some himdreds of miles 
therein through mere deserts, every man whom he 
meeteth having a Phoenix in his right hand. Yea, 
so few the natives, that some of their garrisons are 
manned with foreigners, and their kings &in to en- 
tertain mercenary Dutch and Scotch to manage 
their wars. 

Tworea- 31. Strange that this country, formerly all on the 

of. giving, should now be only on the taking hand. 

Some* impute their modem comparative barrenness 
to their excessive drinking ; a vice belike which 
lately hath infected that nation, drinking themselves 
past goats into stocks, out of wantonness into stn- 
pidity, which, by a contracted habit, debilitateth 
their former fruitfiilness. Others^ more truly ascribe 
their former fruitfiilness to their promiscuous copu- 
lations with women during their paganism, which 
are not so numerous since Christianity hath confined 
them to the marriage of one vdfe. 

The reason 32. If I might spcak according to my own pro- 
'^*^'**' fession of a divine, soaring over second causes in 
nature, I should ascribe their ancient populousness 
to Divine operation. As the widow her oil multi- 
plied till her debts were satisfied, and that effected 
for which the miracle was intended, which done, the 
increase thereof instantly ceased : so these northern 
parts flowed with crowds of people, till their inunda- 
tions had paid the scores of sinful Christians, and 
then, the birch grooving no more, when the wanton 
children were sufficiently whipped, the procreative- 
ness of those nations presently stinted and abated. 

a J. Barklay in Icon animo- ^ G. Tayl. in his Chronicle 
rum, [p. 176. ed. 1614.] of Normandy.p] 



CEKT. Till. 



33. The hndii^ of tbese Dmos^ in Eik^Mod w J^^ 



rf**' 



ushered with msny sad progDosdcs : «aR -were ^een Wmi 
strangely fidling frcnn beaTcn, and ^andwy tevriUe 
flames sppeBiei in the skies'. From the firing 
such extiBordinarr beaeonsw all conefaided fome nev 
enemy was i^roaching the oadon. Serpents were 
seen in Sussex, and Mood reigned in feme parts of 
the land. Lindes&m cm- HoIt Idand w^k the fiisc 
that felt the fury of these pagan« : bat soon after 
no place was safe and secnre from their mielty. 
whereof more h^cafter. 

34. At this time the archbishopric of Canterbory a. d. ;< 
was in part removed to Lichfield, fire eseential 
things concurring to that great alteration. ^ 

i. The puissance and ambition of OflSi, king of 
Mercia, commanding in chief over England ^. He 
would have the brightest mitre to attend the biggest 
crown. 

ii. The complying nature of pope Adrian ; except 
any will call it his thankfulness to gratify king OflS^ 
for the large gifts received from him. 

iii. The easy and unactive disposition of Janbyrht, 
or Lambert, archbishop of Canterbury^ : unless any 
will term it his policy, that finding himself unable 
to resist, (a pope and a prince overmatch for a pre- 



« Sim. Danelm. Hist. Eccl. 
ch. XX. Ranulphus Cestrensis, 
p. 251. ed. Gale, et alii. 

^ [See Malmb. f. 15. b. He 
ruled over twenty- three shires. 
Vita Offae, ii<*>, p. 30. (see be- 
low, p. 274.)] 

« [This reproach is certainly 
not just. Janbyrht was com- 
pelled to yield to the superfor 
force of Offa, after having em- 

FULLER, VOL. I. 



ployed all lawful means of re- 
sistance. See Malmsb. f. i5,b. 
The archbishop died in the 
year 790 ; his contest with 
Offa happened probably five 
years previously, in 785. since 
that is the period in which it 
is stated that he was deprived 
of part of his see. See the 
Saxon Chron. and Flor. Wi- 
gorn. in an. 785. Vit.Offae,p.2 1 .] 



274 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 790. late,) he would not strive to keep what most be 
taken away from him. 

iv. The commodious situation of Lichfield, almost 
in the navel of the land: and where should the high- 
est candlestick stand (the metropolitan cathedral) 
but in the midst of the table ? Whereas Kent itself 
was but a comer, whence it taketh its name ; and 
Canterbury seated in the comer of that comer, a 
remote nook thereof. 

V. The antiquity of Lichfield in Christianity, where 
the British church suffered a massacre from the 
pagans three hundred years before St. Augustine's 
coming to Canterbury''; witness the name of the 
place, being another Helkath-hazzurim, or field of 
strong men, where so many worthies died for the 
testimony of the truth*. 

On these and other considerations Ealdulf was 
made the first (and last) archbishop of Lichfield, 
though others make Humbert and Higbert his suc- 
cessors in that dignity, and six suffi-agans, viz. 
Worcester, Hereford, Leicester, Sidnacester, Helm- 
ham, and Dunwich, subjected to his jurisdiction. 
Yet was not the archiepiscopal see removed, as some 
seem to conceive, but communicated to Lichfield; 
Canterbury still retaining its former dignity, and part 
of its province; the bishops of London, Rochester, 
Winchester, and Sherborne continuing still subject 
unto him. 
^•j^- 79f 85. King Oifa having settled an archbishopric at 
ixjdy en- Lichfield, his next design was to enshrine the corpse 
of St Alban: five hundred and seven years had 
passed since his death and plain burial y. For as 

^ Vide supra, p. 54. y Vita Offse secundi, p. 38, 

« 2 Sam. ii. 16. annexed to the new edition of 



CKKT. VIII. of BrUain. 275 

John Baptist, the last martyr before Christ, and St. a.d. 793. 
Stephen, the first martyr after him, were fairly in- 
terred by their friends and followers, without any 
more ado, so the corpse of St. Alban were quietly 
committed to the earth, and there some centuries of 
years peaceably reposed. But now Offa, they say, 
was admonished in a vision to bestow more public 
sepulture upon him. A star, we know, directed to 
the place of Christ's birth, whereas a bright beam, 
say the monks, discovered the place of St. Alban*s 
burial'. A beam suspected by some shot by him 
who can turn himself into an angel of light, because 
gaining so much by their superstition. Then was 
Alban's body in pompous manner taken up, en- 
shrined, and adored by the beholders. No wonder 
then if the Danes now invaded the dominions of the 
English, seeing the English invaded the prerogative 
of Grod, diverting the worship due to him alone to 
the rotten relics of dead men : and henceforth the 
old Romans' city of Verulam lost its name under the 
new Saxon town of St. Alban's. 

56. King Offa went to Rome, and there confirmed a. d. 794. 
and enlarged to pope Adrian the gift of Peter-pence, re^»nSrm^ 
what Ina, king of the West-Saxons, had formerly •^ ^ ^^•• 
bestowed \ For this favour the pope granted him, 

that no Englishman for penance imposed should be 
banished out of his own country. 

57. But bold beggars are the bane of the best Gift no 
bounty, when grown so impudent, that what at first 
was given them for alms, in process of time they 



M. Paris^ [Lond. 1640. See called Peter-pence, because 

also Malmsb. f. 15, b.] paid on the day of St. Peter ad 

' Ibid. p. 26. Vincula. Vitae Abb. S. Albani ; 

• [It was from this time in Mat. Paris, -^PP* ?• 3^-] 



276 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 794. challenge for rent. Some call this a tribute (badge 
of subjection) of England to the see of Rome; 
among whom is Polydore Virgil, once collector of 
those Peter-pence in England. But blame him not 
for magnifying his own oflSce, who, had he owned 
this money (as indeed it was) given in frank almonage, 
had then appeared no better than a gentle beggar ; 
whereas now he hopes to advance his employment to 
a nobler notion. 
A.D.79S. 88. Oifa having done all his work at Rome^ 
foundatioii namely, procured the canonization of St. Alban^ the 
ban's ab.' absolution of his own sins, and many murders, and 
^' visited and endowed the English college there, re- 
turned home, fell to found the monastery of St 
Alban's, bestowing great lands and liberties upon it, 
as fireeing it from the payment of Peter-pence, epi- 
scopal jurisdiction, and the like*. This is alleged 
and urged by our regians, to prove the king's para- 
mount power in ecclesiasticis ; seeing none can give, 
save what they are formally or eminently possessed 
of. And whereas papists plead that Offa had fore- 
requested the granting of these privileges from the 
pope, no mention at all thereof appears in the 
charter ** of his foundation, here too large to insert, 
but that all was done by his own absolute authority. 
Next year Offa ended his life ; buried at Bedford, on 
that token that the river Ouse swelling on a sudden 
swept his corpse clean away. 
Canterbury 39- Offk being dead^ down fell the best pillar of 

reooverelh 

* [See a similar privilege 99. [ed. 1631.1 
granted by Kenulphus to the c [Offa died in 794, accord- 
monastery of Abingdon, men- ing to the Sax. Chron. and 
tioned in this History, p. 266.] Flor. Wigorn. ; in 796, accord- 

^ Amongst sir T. Cotton his ing to Sim. Dunelm. De Gestis 

manuscripts, and is exempli. Rcgum. in an.] 
tied in Weever's Fun. Mon. p. 



CENT. VIII. of Britain, 277 

Lichfield church, to support the archiepiscopality A.D.796. 
thereof. And now Canterbury had got ^thelheard a !» former 
new archbishop, who had as much activity to spare *^ 
as his predecessor Janbyrht is said by some to want. 
Wherefore he prevailed with Kenulph king of 
Mercia, and both of them with Leo the new pope, to 
restore back the archiepiscopal see to Canterbury ; 
as in the next century was perfectly effected. 

40. We will conclude this century with two emi- Learned 
nent men (to leave at last a good relish in the ooniutech 
memory of the reader) now flourishing therein. The JJj^^**' 
one Alcuinus or Albinus : it being questionable 
whether he were more famous for venerable Bede, 
who was his master, or Charles the Great, who was 
his scholar ; whilst it is out of doubt that he is most 
honoured for his own leammg and religion. And 
because Englishmen may be presumed partial in the 
praise of an Englishman, hear what a character a 
learned foreigner gives of him : Vir in divinis 
scriptis eruditissimuSy et in scecularium literarum 
peritia nuUi suo tempore secundtis ; carmine exceUens 
el prosa^. But he got himself the greatest credit by 
opposing the canons of the second Nicene council, 
wherein the superstitious adoration of images was 
enjoined**. These canons, some seven years since, 
were sent by Charles the Great to king Offa, to be 
received of the English ; who notwithstanding gene- 
rally distasted and rejected them, the aforesaid Al- 
cuinus writing a learned epistle against the same. 
He was fetched by Charles his scholar, calling him 
his delicious master ; where he first founded the uni- 

^ J. Tritliemius de Script. Ecclesiasticis, [p. 250. ed. 1601.] 
« R. Hovedeii. Annal. f. 234, b. 



ck 



278 



The Church History of Britain* book ii. 



A.D. 800. versity of Pari8, and died abbot of St. Martin's in 

Tours. 
Ecgbryht 41. The Other was Ecgbryht^, who in this rery year 

tii6 nnt fix* 

ed monarch made himsolf sole monarch of England. True it is, 
** " in the Saxon heptarchy there was generally one who 
outpowered all the rest. But such monarchy was 
desidtory and moveable, sometimes the West-Saxon, 
sometimes the Mercian, sometimes the Northumber- 
land king ruled over the rest. But henceforward Ecg- 
bryht fixed the supreme sovereignty in himself and 
his posterity : for though afterwards there continued 
some other petty kings, as Kenulph king of Mercia, 
&c., yet they shined but dimly, (as the moon when 
the sun is risen,) and in the next age were utterly 
extinguished. So that hereafter we shall double our 
files, and for the better regulating of time, next the 
column of the year of our Lord, add another of the 
reign of our English kings ^. 



^ [King of the West- Saxons; 
it was not till the year 827 
that he was master of the Cis- 
humbrian provinces, in which 
year also he inarched beyond 
the Humber with the purpose 
of making himself master of 
all England ; but the North- 



umbrians having met him with 
offers oi subjection, he return- 
ed without further efforts. See 
the Saxon Chron. and Flor. 
Wigom. an. 827.] 

? [In this edition the two 
series of dates are printed in 
the same column.] 



THE NINTH CENTURA. 



TO HR. WILLIAM, AND MR. ROBERT CHRISTMAS. 
MERCHANTS OP LONDON". 

You are both brethren by birth, and by your joint bounty 
on my endeavourt. It it there/ore pity to part you. May 
no other diffirence be in your hearts, than what heraldry 
aOowa in your arms, only to disHngfiish the age of the 
elder Jrom the younger; that so the memory cf your 
happy father may survive in you his hopefid children. 

HEN Kenulph, king of Mercia, sent a A-D-Soo. 
letter to Leo the third, pope, by^thel- '^T? — 1. 
heard the archbishop, to this effect: That biibopno 
whereas the metropolitan seat by ao-^^^Jw 
thority apostolic was primitively fixed at Canterbury, J^^™- 
where the blessed body of Augustine was buried ;kinBK^ 
and whereas lately king Offa, out of opposition to 
archbishop Lambert, had removed the same seat to 




• [i. Anns. Oules, on a 
feu raguled, or, three mutlets 
Bable, a canton ennine. 

3. The same with a crescent 
for difference : as the coat of a 
second ton. 

B^r the visitation of London 
made by sir Richard St. George, 
C]arencieux,kingetarms,i663, 
it appears that William was the 
eldest, and Robert the second 



and youngest son of William 
Christmas of London, mer- 
cliant, then living, by his wife 
Snsan, daughter of Thomas 
Endlin of Long Ditton, co. 
Surrey. The said William 
was the second son of Robert 
Christmas, of a good bmily 
seated at Onilford in that 
county. B.] 

Tl 



280 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.800. Lichfield, and procured from pope Adrian the same 
1 jiigDem. ^j^j^Jj^^Jqq ^q \yQ confirmed : Kenulph requested his 

holiness so far to concur with the general desire of 
the English nation, as to revoke the act of his pre- 
decessor, and restore the archbishopric to its proper 
place*. And knowing that suits in the court of 
Rome speed no whit the less when accompanied 
with gifts, he sent his holiness one hundred and 
twenty mancuses** for a present. The gift was 
kindly accepted, the archbishop courteously enter- 
tained, the request bbuntiftilly granted ; and thus the 
archbishop's see, dislocated, or out of joint for a time, 
was by the hands of his holiness set right again. 
A.D.803. 2. iEthelheard returning home, called a synod at 
most formal Cloves-ho iu Kent, not far from Rochester, where 
fn^sySod" ^y power from the pope he rivetted the archbishopric 
into the city of Canterbury, the synod denouncing 
heavy penalties to any that hereafter should endea- 
vour to divide them : so that it is believed, that the 
archbishop's see may as easily be wholly dissolved, as 
hence removed. The subscriptions in this council 
were the most formal and solemn of any so ancient. 
The reader will not be offended with their hard 
names here following, seeing his eye may run them 
over in perusing them, though his tongue never 
touch them in pronouncing them*'. 



& Malmsb. de Gestis Reg. 
f. 16. [^thelheard went to 
Rome in the year 799. See the 
Sax. Chron. and Florentius 
Wigornien. iu ann. According 
to the same Chronicles, and 
Malmsbury (ibid.), Ecgbryht 
succeeded in the year 800 ; 
according to Sim. Dunelm. in 
802. De Gestis Reg. in an.] 



^ Mancusee quasi manu cusee, 
a coin about the valuation 
whereof is much variety. [See 
Twysden*8 Glossary, s. v., and 
Foxe's Martyrol. I. 483.] 

c The original is extant in 
the records of Canterbury, 
copied out by Spelman in his 
Concil. I. 325. [Wilkins, I. 

167.] 



CENT. iX. 



of Britain, 



S81 



Diocese. Bishops, 



Abbots. Presbyters, Deacons. A.D.8a3i 

_ rVulfheard ^ 4 Egbert^ 

Canterbury.. I Jj;^«^ I p^j^^l^ jVuemo^ jVulfred, arch. 

rLuUa 
Moon 

Lichfield Alduulf Hygberht -{ Vuigferht 

Eadhere 



L« « * * 



Leicester .... Vuerenberht . * 



Ealhmund, pr. 
Beonna, pr. 
Forthred, pr. 
Vuigmund,pr. 

r Eadred, pr. 



^Cuthberht 
»Eadberht 
Pl^berht 



Sydn»ce«er . . E«luulf . . . . j Dac«hd.S, pr. | ^^^^ 

fHygberht "^ 
Thineferth 
Worcester . . Deneberht . . -< Pega >Cenferth 

Freothomund, 

Hereford .... Vulf heard . . Cuthraed 



« « « « 



« « « « 



« « « « 



rSrygol 



Schirebum . . Wigberht 



Winchester. . Alhmund 



J 



Aluda 
Eadberht 
Beorthmund 
r Cuthberht 
Mark 
Cumba 
Lulla 



Dygoga > Ueathobald 
Monn. J 



} 



Hehnham . . Ealheard .... * * * * 

r Vulf heard 



Dunwich .... Tidfrith .... 



1 Lulla 



r Northeard 
[Vngthe 

{Folcberht 
Frithobert 
Eadberht 
Wlflab 
{Ceolhelm 
Cynewulf J- 
Tydberth J 



« « « « 



Hunfrid 



Eadberht d 



London .... Osmond . . 



{Heahstan 
Plegberht 



.* * * * 



Rochester . . Weormund 



Selsey Weohthun 



Archbishop i 
Bishops 12 
Abbots 26 



{Wigheard 
Tidhun 
Frithorad 
iEthelhelm 
TLullingo 
Tuda 
« « * * ^ Beagnoth y* * * * 

Heathoberht I 
Wigheard J 
^Dudda 
Eadberht 
Beorcol 
Heahfrid 
Cynebalde ^ 



Ceolmund 



.* * * * 



Presbyters 39 
Archdeacon i 
Deacons x 



1 82 in all. 



^ [After this name is a blank, priest.] 
and therefore it is not certain ® Doubtful whether priests 
whether he were deacon or or deacons. 



3M The Church History book ii. 

A.P^8<>3. S. Now to make a short but necessaiy digression: 
tr^!^ in this synod we may observe, that bishops appeared 
■errabies personally, and the rest of the clergy were repre- 
Sbod^LiT sented, monks in their abbots, and the seculars in 
^^^^^ the priests and deacons of their diocese respectively. 
iDg. Such abbots as in this catalogue have the addition of 

pr. were also priests, and so present in a double 
capacity ; though perchance they made only use of 
their abbotship. No deans appear here, as a dignity 
of far later institution. The bishops, in the order of 
their subscriptions, seem to observe seniority of their 
consecrations, and not dignity of their bishoprics; 
seeing London lags one of the last, to which our 
church-heralds did afterwards assign the highest 
place next the archbishops^: only Lichfield may 
seem to have had the precedency, by the courtesy of 
the synod, that the lost dignity thereof might be 
buried in honour, being so lately the seat of an arch- 
bishop. Lastly, this was but a provincial coimcil for 
Canterbury alone, York with his two sufiragans, 
Lindisfam and Hexham, not mentioned in the meet- 
ing. Thus, as the anatomy of a little child, repre- 
senting all parts thereof, is accounted a greater rarity 
than the skeleton of a man of fiill stature, so I con- 
ceive it more acceptable to the studious in antiquity 
to behold the form of these synods, with the distinct 
members thereof, in the infancy of the Saxon church, 
than to see a complete council in after-ages, when 
grown to full perfection. 
A.D.816. 4. Pass we by some petty synods celebrated in the 
S wSSd/ ^^^S^ and country of king Kenulph of Mercia. Emi- 
hvS^*^ nent was the council at Celichyth under Wulfred 

^ Harpefield, Hist. Ang. p. 743. 



cKNT.iz. of Britain. 985 

(who succeeded iEthelheard) archbishop of Canter- A.p.8i& 
bury. Wherein, amongst other things slight or super- — 
stitious, was decreed, 

i. That the catholic faith should be kept, and 
ancient canons observed. 

ii. That new churches should be consecrated with 
holy water by their bishops, and the saint some- 
where painted therein to whom the same is dedi- 
cated ff. 

iii. That all in Christian charity mutually love one 
another. 

iv. That abbots and abbesses be blameless persons, 
chosen by the bishop with the consent of the convent. 

V. That no Scotchman baptize or administer the 
eucharist in England ; it being uncertain whether or 
by whom they are ordained. (We may discover 
herein some remaining dregs of the long-lasting dif- 
ference about the celebration of Easter, which made 
the suspicious EngUsh still to harbour a causeless 
prejudice against the Scotch priesthood.) 

vi. That the judicial sentences of bishops in former 
sjuods remain ratified ; as also all their acts solenmly 
signed with the cross. 

vii. That no abbey-lands be leased out longer than 
in dies^ et spatium unius hominis ; (that is, as I take it, 
for the single life of one man ;) except in some case 
of extremity, to help against famine, invasion of foes, 
or for obtaining of freedom. 

viii. That things dedicated to God remain so for 
ever. 

K Sec Spelman's Concil. I. " depictum in pariete oratorii, 

328. [Wilkiiw, I. 169. The " aut in tebula, Tel etiam in al. 

passaf^ referred to runs thus in ** taribus, quibus Sanctis sint 

the original: " Praecipimus uni- " utraque dedicata."] 
" cuique episcopoj ut habeat 



S84 The Church History book il 

A.D.816. ix. That the acts of all synods be fidrlj written 
i7isgt>ertL ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ thereof, and name of the arch- 
bishop president, and bishops present thereat. 

X. That bishops at their death giye the full tithe 
of their goods to the poor, and set free every English- 
man which in their lifetime was a slave unto them, 
xi. That bishops invade not the diocese, priests the 
parish, neither the oflSce of another, save only when 
desired to baptize or visit the sick. The refusers 
whereof in any place are to be suspended their 
ministry till reconciled to the bishop. 

xii. That they pour not water upon the heads of 
infonts, but immerge them in the font, in imitation 
of Christ, who, say they, was thrice so washed in 
Jordan. 

But where is this in scripture ? The manifestation 
indeed of the Trinity plainly appears in the text; 
Father in the voice. Son personally present, Holy 
Spirit in the dove**; but as for thrice washing him, 
altum silentium. However, see how our modem 
sectaries meet popery in shunning it, requiring the 
person to be plunged ; though critics have cleared it, 
that baptize doth import as well dipping as drench- 
ing in water. 
Ecgbryht 5. And now we take our farewell of king Kenulph, 
^^^^ who, for all his great bustling in church matters for 
England, ^jj^ fjj^^ twenty years in this century, was (as genus 
subdltemum amongst the logicians) a king over his 
subjects, yet but a subject to king Ekjgbryht, who now 
at Winchester was solemnly crowned monarch of 
the southern and greater moiety of this island, en- 
joining all the people therein to term it Engelond, 
since England, that so the petty names of seven 

^ Matt. in. 16. 17. 



CENT. IX. of Britain, 285 

fonner distinct kingdoms might be honourably buried A.D.830. 
in that general appellation ^ ^- ^ 

6. Some will wonder, seeing this nation was com-Serenking- 
poimded of Saxons, Jutes, and Angles, why it should lowed up in 
not rather be denominated of the first, as in number ^'*««^**^ 
greatest, and highest in reputation. Such consider 

not that a grand continent in Germany was already 
named Saxony; and it was not handsome for this 
land to wear a name at second-hand belonging to 
another. Besides, England is a name of credit, im- 
porting in Dutch the same with the land of angels*^. 
And how the name stamped with the king's com- 
mand soon became current, and extinguished all the 
rest. For Kent, Essex, Sussex, Northumberland, 
though remaining in common discourse, shrunk from 
former kingdoms into modem counties; Westsex, 
Mercia, and East- Angles were in effect finally for- 
gotten. It will not be amiss to wish that seeing so 
great a tract of ground meets in one name, the 
people thereof may agree in Christian unity and 
affections. 

7. King Ecgbryht was now in the exaltation of his Danes dis- 
greatness. But never will human happiness hold^bryhi 
out full measure to man's desire. Freed from home- 
bred hostility, he was ready to repose himself in the 

bed of ease and honour ; when the Danes not only 
jogged his elbows, but pinched his sides, to the dis- 

^ [Mercia was not subject to year 827, and Ecgbryht became 

Ecgbryht, king of the West- master of all the Cishumbrane 

Saxons, till some years after, provinces. See the Saxon 

Kenulph died in 819, and after Chron. and Flor. Wigorn. in 

various engagements between an. 819 and 827. Malm. f. 17, 

Ecgbryht, and the various kings 1 9.] 

oi Mercia who succeeded Ken- ^ Verstegan of decayed in- 

ulph^ that kingdom fell into telligence, [p* I4^'] 
the hands of Ecgbryht in the 



286 The Church Htsiary book ii. 

A. DJB33 . turbance of his future quiet. They beat the English 

1 in a naval fight at Carmouth in Dorsetshire, which 

proved fatal to our nation^ For an island is never 

an island indeed, until mastered at sea, cut off from 

conunerce with the continent. Henceforward these 

pagans settled themselves in some part of the knd. 

though claiming it by no other title than their own 

pride and covetousness, and keeping it in no other 

tenure than that of violence and cruelty. 

A.D.836. 8. iEthelwoIphus his son succeeded king Eksgbryht 

Ihi. '^ ' in the throne : a prince not less commended for his 

Smf Wb^' valour than devotion, and generally fortunate in his 

mivemi undertakings, though much molested all his lifetime 

ithes to by the Danes. But nothing makes him so remarkable 

jbe church. 

to posterity, as the granting of this charter, or rather 
the solemn passing of this act ensuing™. 

^' Regnante Domino nostro Jesu Christo, in per- 
petuum. Dum in nostris temporibus bellorum in- 
cendia, et direptiones opum nostrarum, necnon et 
vastantium crudelissimas deprsedationes hostium, 
" barbararum, paganarumque gentium multiplices 
" tribulationes ad afHigendum usque ad intemecio- 
nem, cemimus tempora incumbere periculosa : 
Quamobrem ego Ethelwlphus rex occidentalium 
" Saxonum, cum consilio episcoporum ac principum 
" meorum, consilium salubre atque uniforme reme- 
" dium affirmavi, ut aliquam portionem terrarum 
« hsereditariam antea possidentibus omnibus gradi- 
" bus, sive famulis et famulabus Dei, Deo servienti- 
" bus, sive laicis, semper decimam mansionem ubi 

^ [The first descent was at gestis, f. 20.] 

Sheppey in the year 832. See ^ Ex Ingulph. Hist. Croy- 

the Sax. Chron. and Flor. Wi- land. [p. 17.] et Malmsb. de 

gorn. an. 832. Malmsb. De Crest. Reg. [f. 23.] 



cc 









CEWT. IX. of Britain. 28T 

** TniniTniiTTi sit. tamen partem decimam in libertatem a. d. 83^ 

.1 £thfllwol- 

** perpetuam perdonari dijudicavi, ut sit tuta acphi. 
" munita ab omnibus secularibus servitutibus, necnon 
*^ regalibus tributis majoribus et minoribus, sive 
^ taxationibus, quod nos dicimus Witereden : sitque 
** libera omnium rerum pro remissione animarum 
^ nostrarum ad serviendum Deo soli sine expeditione, 
*' et pontis instructione, et arcis munitione, ut eo di- 
^* ligentius pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione 
iundant, quo eorum servitutem in aliqua parte 
levigamus. 

" Plaeuit etiam episcopis Alhstano Schirebumen- 
sis" ecclesise, et Swithuno Wintoniensis ecclesise, 
cum suis Abbatibus, et sends Dei, consilium inire, 
^ ut omnes fratres, et sorores nostrae, ad unamquam- 
que ecclesiam omni hebdomada die Mercurii, hoc 
est, Weddensday, cantent quinquaginta Psalmos, 
^ et unusquisque presbyter duas missas, unam pro 
** rege Ethelwlpho, et aliam pro ducibus ejus huic 
** dono consentientibus, pro mercede et refrigerio 
" delictorum suorum : et pro rege vivente dicant : 
** Oremus. Deus qui justificds ; pro ducibus etiam 
** viventibus, Prcetende Domine ; postquam autem 
** defuncti fiierint, pro rege defuncto singulariter, et 
" pro principibus defunctis communiter. Et hoc sit 
** tam firmiter constitutum omnibus Christianitatis 
** diebus, sicut libertas ilia constituta est, quamdiu 
•* fides crescit in gente Anglorum. 

Scripta est autem hsec donationis cartula anno 
dominicae incamationis 856 indictione quarta, die 
quinto nonas Novembris, in civitatae Wentana, in 

n [It was by the activity and cessfully to oppose the Danes. 
talents of this bishop that Malms, f. 20.] 
jEthelwolf was enabled suc- 



« 



u 






288 



The Church Uistory 



900K II. 



<c 



cc 



A.D.836. *^ ecclesia sancti Petri ante altare capitale; et hoc 
phi. ^ ~ '^ fecerunt pro honore sancti Michaelis archangeli et 

"Bancte Marise regin«, glorio«e Dei genitricis: 

simulque et beati Petri apostolorum principis, nee- 
non et sanctissimi patris nostri Gregorii papie, atque 
^^ omnium sanctorum. Et time pro ampliori finni- 
^^ tate rex Ethel wlphus posuit cartulam super altare 
" S. Petri, et episcopi pro fide Dei accepemnt» et 
^^ postea per omnes ecclesias transmiserunt in suis 
" parochiis, secundum quod prsedictum est®.** 
A. D. 855. This ^thelwolphus was designed by his father to 
be bishop of Winchester, bred in a monastery, after 
taken out, and absolved of his vows by the pope: 
and having had church-education in his youth, re- 
tained to his old age the indelible character of his 
affections thereunto. In expression whereof, in a 
solemn council kept at Winchester, he subjected the 
whole kingdom of England to the payment of tithes, 
as by the foregoing instrument doth appear. He 
was the first bom monarch of England. Indeed, 
before his time there were monarchs of the Saxon 
heptarchy ; but not successive and fixed in a family, 
but fluctuating from one kingdom to another. Ecg- 
bryht, father to this -Sithelwulf, was the first that 



o [See Wilkins' Cone. 1. 1 84, 
for other copies of this cele- 
brated instrument; they vary 
from each other in a few ver- 
bal expressions. The date of 
it is certainly 855, which coin- 
cides with the third indiction. 
The only writer of credit who 
varies from this date is Malms- 
bury, who places it in the year 
844, and the fourth indiction. 
But the fourth indiction does 
not fall upon the year 844, nor 



any thing near it. The date 
844 is therefore a clerical 
error for 856, (for 841, which 
is the only year it could pos- 
sibly be, is entirely out of the 
question,) and I have altered it 
accordingly. 

This grant of a tithe of the 
land for the church must be 
separated from a grant of a 
tithe of land to the poor by the 
same king. Of which see 
Malmsb. f. 2a.] 



CENT. IX. of Britain. 289 

achieved this monarchy, and left it to this his son, not a.d. 855. 
monarcka faciusy but nattis, and so in unquestionable woiph. 
power to make the foresaid act obligatory over all 
the land. 

9. Indeed, before his time many acts for tithes Former 
are produced, which when pressed will prove of no tithes in- 
great validity. Such are the imperial edicts in civil ™* 
law, never possessed of full power in England ; as 

also the canons of some councils and popes, never 
admitted into plenary obedience by consent of prince 
and people. Add to these, first, such laws as were 
made by king Ina and OfFa, monarchs indeed of 
England in their turns, as I may say, but not de- 
riving the same to the issue of their bodies : so that 
their acts as personal may by some froward spirits be 
cavilled at, as determining with their own lives. 
Join to these (if producible) any provincial consti- 
tutions of an English archbishop (perchance Egbertus 
of York) : those might obey them, who would obey, 
being otherwise not subject to any civil penalty. 
But now this act of ^thelwolphus appears entire in 
all the proportions of a law, made in his great 
council, equivalent to after-parliaments, not only 
cum consilio episcoporum^ with the advice of his 
bishops, which easily may be presumed willingly to 
conciu* in such a matter of church-advancement, but 
also principum meorum^ of my princes, saith he, the 
consent of inferior persons not being required in 
that age. 

10. However, nothing can be so strong but it may Objections 
meet with cavils, though not to destroy, to disturb act an- 
the validity thereof, as this act hath ; and we will ■^®™^- 
severally examine the defects charged upon it. 

Obj. 1. Some object that iEthelwolphus was but 

FULLER, VOL. I. U 



S90 



The Church History 



Booin. 



A.D.855. king of the West-Saxons, as appears by his style, 
wdph. " ^^^ occidentalium Saa^onum^ and not umyeml 
monarch of England, whose act only is obligatoiy to 
his own subjects. Let those of Cornwall, DeTcm, 
Somerset, Dorset, Hants, Wilts, and Berks pay 
tithes by virtue of this command ; other parts of the 
land are freed from the same, because nihU dot quod 
rum habety none can derive that to others which they 
enjoy not themselves ; being king but of a part, he 
could not lay this law upon all the land p. 

Ans. He is termed eminently, not exclusively, king 
of the West-Saxons : being fondest of that title, as 
his father's first inheritance, before he acquired the 
monarchy of the whole land. There were indeed at 
this time two other royalets, as only kings by his 
leave, viz. Burhred king of M ercia, and Edmond king 
of East-Angles, who, as it plainly appears by Ingul- 
phus, were present at his council, and consented to 
the acts thereof^. 

Obj. 2. The consideration was superstitious, to say 
so many masses for the souls of this king and his 
captains when deceased. 

Ans. A double consideration is mentioned in this 
grant. The first, general ; so pious in itself, no ex- 
ception can be taken thereat, viz. to divert the 
imminent judgments of God from the land, hourly 
fearing the invasion of fierce foreign pagans : so the 



P [This is a needless ques- 
tion. Ecgbriht, the father of 
^thelwulf, was monarch of all 
England : iota Britannia pott- 
lus: (Malms, f. 20.) This 
power at his death devolved to 
^thelwulf ; he contented him- 
self with the kingdom of the 



West-Saxons, del^ating the 
rest of his authority to his son 
iEthelstan. Saxon Chron. and 
Flor.Wigorn. an. 856. Malmsb. 
f. 20. See particularly Flor. 
Wigorn. in an. 855.] 

q Exemplified in sir Henry 
Spelman's Concil. I. 348. 



CKKT. IX. ^fBwUmm. 291 



better to secme the nine parts thereof to himself a.d. 855. 
and his sabjects, br seCth^ apvt. resgning, and sur-««i^ 
rendering a tenth to God, the supreme hindlord of 
all^ in such as attended his dailj serrice. The second 
consideration is more restrictive and particular, and 
resents indeed of the ignorance of that age ; but yet 
is proportionable to the best dcTotion those days 
produced: and easily may an accidental abuse be 
purged by the |hous use intended and designed gene- 
rally to God's glory. 

Obj. 3. The king only granted tithes of his own 
crown-land, non in dominion sed in dominico suOy 
** not in all his dominions, but only in his de- 



** mesnes." 



Ans. There needed no such solemn consent of the 
council of the land for the passing away of his pri- 
vate bounty. And that the grant extended to the 
kingdom in general, appears by other authors on tho 
same. Addtdfus decimo nono anno retjfni sni^ i/ni 
Mam terram mam ad opus ecdesiarum decimarH 
propter amorem Dei, kcJ More plainly another 
author: In eodem anno decimavit Athnlfrcv de omni 
possemone sua in partem Dominiy el in univerao rtyi- 
mine sui principatus sic constituit^. 

11. Here we insist not on the many arjir\nnontH»tiwna 
out of Old and New Testament to prove tithos to bi» 
jure divino; which in due time may bo proihuMMl, 
when all tempests of tumultuous spirits an> aHaymU 
and when (what the toAvn-clerk of Ephosus promised 
to the citizens thereof) the question may bo doU^r- 
mined, iv rrj ewofiay €KK\fi(ria\ in a lawful and ordinary 
assembly, without fear of force, and suspicion of 

' Hen. Huntind. Hist. f. 200. 

• [Ethelwerdi Chronicop f ^78, b.] ^ Acts xix. 39. 



k. .. r» 



292 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.855. violence. For two strings to a bow do not amisB^ 
^^ being no hinderance to the archer for the better 
hitting of the mark, who may wind up one, and use 
that for the present which he sees most for his own 
convenience. Meantime most true it is, that men 
are not so conscientious to obey the laws of GUmI, as 
fearful to resist the edicts of men: and therefore, 
though far be it from the clergy to quit their title to 
tithes by divine right, they conceive it the surest 
way sometimes to make use of human injunctions, as 
having the most potent influence on men's aflfections, 
especially in this age, when the love of many, both 
to God and goodness, beginneth to wax cold. 
Aj^eMant 12. A reverend doctor in Cambridge% and after- 
wards bishop of Salisbury, was troubled at his small 
living at Hogginton with a peremptory anabaptist, 
who plainly told him, ^^ It goes against my conscience 
to pay you tithes, except you can shew me a place 
of scripture whereby they are due unto you." The 
doctor returned ; " Why should it not go as much 
against my conscience, that you should enjoy your 
nine parts, for which you can shew no place of 
scripture?" To whom the other rejoined ; " But I 
have for my land deeds and evidences from my 
fathers, who purchased, and were peaceably pos- 
" sessed thereof by the laws of the land." " The 
" same is my title," saith the doctor, " tithes being 
" confirmed unto me by many statutes of the land 
" time out of mind." Thus he drove that nail, not 
which was of the strongest metal or sharpest point, 
but which would go best for the present. It was 
argumentum ad hominem^ fittest for the person be 

^' [Fuller doubtless alludes to liis uncle. Dr. John Davenant, 
bishop of Salisbury.] 






«« 
(( 
«< 
(( 
«« 



CENT. IX. of Britain. 29S 

was to meddle with ; who afterwards peaceably payed a.d. 8^5. 
his tithes unto him. Had the doctor engaged int^ph. 
scripture-argument, though never so pregnant and 
pertinent, it had been endless to dispute with him, 
who made clamour the end of his dispute, whose ob- 
stinacy and ignorance made him uncapable of solid 
reason ; and therefore the worse the argument, the 
better for his apprehension. 

] 3. Most solid and ingenious was the answer of a a soUd an- 
most eminent sergeant at law of this age, to the im- leaned 
pertinent clamours of such against the payment of '®'^^'*"'* 
tithes, because, as they say, due only by human right. 
" My cloak is my cloak by the law of man : but he 
" is a thief by the law of God that taketh it away 
" from me." 

14. True it is that this law did not presently find This law 
an universal obedience in all the land. And thetyand^. 
wonder is not great, if at the first making thereof it obeyed, 
met with many recusants ; since, corroborated by eight 
hundred years' prescription, and many confirmations, 

it finds obstacles and oppositions at this day : for in 
succeeding ages several kings confirmed the same, 
though papal exemptions of several orders, and 
modus dedmandi according to custom, have almost 
since tithed the tithes in some places. 

15. King jEthelwolphus the next year took his a.d. 856. 
(call it progress or) pilgrimage to Rome, where the iCthd- 
report of his piety prevented his arrival, and pro- journey to 
vided both welcome and wonder for his entertain- ^^^* 
ment. Here he confirmed unto the pope his prede- ^« ^v^ 
cessors' grant of Peter-pence, and, as a surplusage, 
bestowed upon him the yearly revenue of three hun- 
dred marks, thus to be expended'^: 

w Malmsbury, [f. 20, b. 33.] 

u 3 



veral dio- 



294 Tike Church History book ii. 

A. D. 856. i. To maintain candles for St. Peter, one hundred 

21 Ethel- , 

woiph. marks. 

ii. To maintain candles for St. Paul, one hundred 

marks. 

iii. For a free largess to the pope, one hundred 

marks. 
How this 16. If any be curious to know how these three 
divided,and hundred marks were in after-ages divided and col- 
mu^rf^ lected, let them peruse the following account : if the 

particulars be truly cast up, and (attested to me oat 

of sir T. Cotton's library*, and, as they say, out of 

the Vatican itself) be authentical. 

£. s. d. £. #• d. 

Canterbury 8 8 Winchester 17 6 8 

London 16 10 Covent. and Lich- 

Rochester 5 12 field 41 5 

Norwich 21 10 Exeter 9 5 

Salisbury 17 Worcester 10 5 

Ely ... 5 Hereford 6 

Lincoln 42 Bath and Wells... 12 5 

Chichester 8 York 11 10 

These sums were demanded by pope Gregory the 

X [Perhaps Julius, B. iii. f. 49. In a MS. in Queen's coUege 
library^ Oxford, which belonged to sir Robert Cotton, and re- 
tains his autograph, the sums are stated thus : 

** De Cantiiarien; dioc.. . viUi. xviii*. '* De Londonen: .... xriH, x«. 

'* De Roffens: v. xii. '< De Norwioen: .... xxi. z. 

" De Elien: v. — " De IjiDcx)ln: .... x[l]u. — 

" De Cioestren: viii. — " De Wynton: xvi. vi. ruL 

*• De Exonien: ix. v. ** De Wygomien: . . xi. ▼. 

** De Hereforden: vi. — " De Bathon: xii. ▼. 

** De Sarisbur: xvii. — ** De Coventren: .... x. ▼. 

** De Eboracen: xi. — 

" Dat: apud vetereni urbem x kalii Maii pont : uri anno secundo. 
" Sum ma total: clxxxxix^^ xvi" viii^^" See also another copy in 
Foxe's Martyrol. I. 483. In the succeeding passage Fuller has 
made a mistake in the name of the pope. It was evidently 
Gregory XI., not Gregory XIII. 

The reader will find the bull printed entire in Somers' Tracts, 
I. 3 1. (ed. 1809.) 



Thirteenth in the 46th of Edward the Third, on that A.11. M. 
token, that their payment was mnch opposed bTwoipk. 
John of Gaunt. I dare not discede firom my copy a 
tittle, coming, as they say, firom the register at 
Rome: nor will I demand a reason why Durham 
and Carlisle^ are here omitted, much less examine 
the equity of their proportions, as applied to their 
respective dioceses ; but implicitly belicYe all done 
very justly. The reason why the Welsh bishoprics 
were exempted is, because at the grant hereof by 
king ^thelwulf, Wales was not then under his 
dominion. This three hundred marks was but a 
distinct payment by itself, and not the whole body of 
Peter-pence, (amounting to a greater sum,) whereof, 
Grod willing, hereafter. 

17. After the death of king iEthelwoIphus, and a IX86S. 
his two sons iEthelbald and uEthelbert succeeding The 



him, this land was in a sad condition, though nothing JJ^^JJ^^^' 
so bad as under the reim of jEthelred his third son ^',^ 

o ruin bytM 

and successor : for then indeed most miserable was Du)«i> 
the state of the English, harassed by the Danes, who, 
like the running gout, shifted from joint to joint, 
from place to place ; often repelled from the several 
shires, never expelled out of England. The Saxon 
folly hurt them more than the Danish fury ; refusing 
eiTectually to unite to make a joint resistance against 
a general enemy. For some sixty years since, the 
West-Saxons had subdued the other six kings of 
this nation ; yet so that they still continued kings, 
but homagers to the West-Saxon monarchy. The 
shortening of their sceptres stuck in their stomachs, 
especially of the Mercian and Northumbrian kings, 

7 [Carlisle was not erected into a see till the reign of 
Henry I.] 

U 4 



296 The Church Histwjf book u. 

A.D.866. the most puissant of all the rest. Whereupon, be- 
!^5l!l!!!!^- holding iEthelred, the West^axon king, the staff 
and stay of the whole nation, embroiled with the 
invasion of the Danes, they not only lazily looked 
on, but secretly smiled at this sight, as the only way 
to conquer the conqueror*. Yea, such their envy, 
that rather than one (once their equal) should be 
above them in felicity, they all would be equal with 
him in misery. They would more contentedly be slaves 
to a foreign foe, to whom they all stood unrelated, 
than homagers to him, who had, as they thought, 
usurped dominion over them. Never considering 
that the Danes were pagans ; (self-interest is deaf to 
the checks of conscience;) and revenge, which is wild 
at the best, was so mad in them, that they would 
procure it with the hazard, if not loss, of their Grod, 
his church, and true religion. Thus the height of 
the Saxon pride and envy caused the breadth of the 
Danish power and cruelty. Indeed, the foresaid 
Saxon kings, perceiving their error, endeavoured at 
last to help the West-Saxons (or rather to help 
themselves in him) against the Danes. But alas ! it 
was too late. For the Danish garrisons lay so in- 
dented in the heart of the land, that the Saxon 
troops were blasted before they could grow into re- 
giments, and their strength, dispersed in the gather- 
ing, was routed before regulated into an army. 
A.D.870. 18. This year the Danes made an invasion into 
i JLtchris- Lincolnshire, where they met with stout resistance : 
[wT** and let us take a list of the chief officers on both 
sides. 

Christian Scuvons : — • Count Algar, general, 
with the youth of Hoyland: Harding de Rehale, 

« [See Malmsb. f. 23.] » Ingulphi Hist. [f.492=p. ac] 



CENT. IX. 



of Britain, 



897 



with Stanford men, all very young and valiant : a. d. 870. 

Tolius a monk, with a band of two hundred Crow-. 1 

landers^: Morcardus lord of Brunne, with those of 
his numerous family: Osgot *^ sheriff of Lincolnshire, 
with five himdred under him : Wibert, living at Wi- 
berton, nigh Boston in Hoyland : Leofiric, living at 
Leverton, anciently Lefrinkton, places named from 
their owners. 

Danish pagans :— -Kjing Gordroum : King Baseg : 
King Osketil : King Halfden : King Hamond : 
Count Frena : Count Unguar : Count Ubba : Count 
Sidrok the elder : Coimt Sidrok the younger. 

The Christians had the better the first day, wherein 
the Danes lost three of their kings, buried in a place 
thence called Trekingham : so had they the second, 
till at night, breaking their ranks to pursue the 
Danes in their dissembled flight, they were utterly 
overthrown. 

19- Theodore abbot of Crowland, hearing of thecrowiand 
Danes' approach, shipped away most of his monks, massacred. 
with the choicest relics and treasures of his convent, 
and cast his most precious vessels into a well in the 
cloister. The rest remaining were at their morning 
prayers, when the Danes entering, slew Theodore 
the abbot on the high altar ; Asker the prior in the 
vestiary ; Lethwyne the sub-prior in the refectory ; 
Pauline in the choir ; Herbert in the choir ; Wlric 
the torchbearer in the same place ; Grimketul and 



^ [These Crowlanders were 
persons who had taken refuge 
in the monastery of Croylana ; 
their general Tollius was a sol- 
dier who had assumed the mo- 
nastic habit. " Miles ante 
" suam couversionem per totam 



^* Merciam in bellicis artibus 
'* nominatissimus, sed tunc a- 
" more cselestis patriae, relicto 
" seculo, spirituali militiae 
" apud Croylandiam manci- 

patus." Ingulph. ib.] 

^ Vice dominoa- 



tf 



298 The Church Hutory book ii. 

A.D.870. Agamund, each of them an hundred years old, in the 

cloisters. 

These, saith my author^, were first esaminati^ tor- 
tured to betray their treasure, and then exanimaH, 
put to death for their refusal. The same writer 
seems to wonder, that being killed in one place, 
their bodies were afterwards found in another. Surely 
the corpse removed not themselves, but no doubt the 
Danes dragged them from place to place when dead. 
There was one child-monk therein, but ten years 
old, Turgar by name, of most lovely looks and 
person. Count Sidrok the younger, pitying his 
tender years, (all devils are not cruel alike,) east a 
Danish coat® upon him, and so saved him, who only 
survived to make the sad relation of the massacre. 
Peterbo- 30. Henco the Danes marched to Medeshamsted, 
monks kiU- siuco Called Peterborough, where finding the abbey 
naitery^ gates lockcd agaiust them, they resolved to force 
their entrance ; in effecting whereof, Tulba, brother 
to count Hulba, was dangerously wounded, almost to 
death, with a stone cast at him. Hulba enraged 
liereat, like another Doeg, killed abbot Hedda, and 
all the monks, being fourscore and four, with his 
own hand. Count Sidrok gave an item to young 
monk Turgar, who hitherto attended him, in no wise 
to meet count Hulba, for fear that his Danish livery 
should not be found of proof against his fury. Then 
was the abbey set on fire, which burned fifteen days 
together, wherein an excellent library was consumed. 
Having pillaged the abbey, and broke open the 
tombs and coffins of many saints there interred, these 
pagans marched forwards into Cambridgeshire, and 

^ Ingulphus, [f. 493= p. 2 2.] e In Latin collobium. 



burned. 



CSKT. IX. of Britain. S99 

passing the river Nene*^, two of their waggons fell A.D.870. 

into the water, wherein the cattle which drew them r 1 

were drowned, much of their rich plunder lost, and 
more impaired. 

21. Some days after, the monks of Medeshamsted a heap of 
were buried altogether in a great grave, and their 
abbot in the midst of them, a cross being erected 

over the same, where one may have four yards 
square of martyrs' dust, which no place else in Eng- 
land doth afford. Godric, successor to Theodore, 
abbot of Crowland, used annually to repair hither, 
and to say masses two days together for the souls of 
such as were entombed. One would think that by 
popish principles these were rather to be prayed to 
than prayed for ; many maintaining that martyrs go 
the nearest way to heaven, sine ambage purgaiorii : 
so that surely Godric did it not to better their con- 
dition, but to express his own affection, out of the 
redundancy of his devotion, which others will call 
the superfluity of his superstition. 

22. The Danes spared no age, sex, condition of The cruel 
people ; such was the cruelty of this pagan unpartial of king 
sword. With a violent inundation they brake into ^°*^^ 
the kingdom of the East-Angles ; wasted Cambridge 

and the country thereabouts; burnt (the then city 
of) Thetford ; forced Edmond, king of that country fi^, 
into his castle of Framlingham ; who perceiving 
himself unable to resist their power, came forth, and 
at the village of Hoxne in Suffolk tendered his 
person unto them, hoping thereby to save the efiu- 
sion of his subjects* bloods. Where, after many in- 

f [Or Nen, in Northampton- 9 [Ingulph, f. 494= p. 24. 

shire. They were inarching Malms. De Gest. f. 49, b. Jo- 

towards Huntingdon. See In- han. Bromton, Chron. p. 805.] 
gulph, p. 23.] 



900 Tke Ckmreh UiMtary book ii. 

A.D.870. dignitieB offered unto him, they bound him to a 

K tree ; and because he would not renounce his Chrig- 

tianity, shot him with arrow after arrow, their cruelty 
taking deliberation, that he might the better digest 
one pain before another succeeded, so distinctly to 
protract his torture, (though confusion be better 
than method in matters of cruelty,) till not m^cy, 
but want of a mark made them desist ; according to 
the poets expression^. 

Jam loca vulneribus desunt, nee dum furiods 
Tela, sed hybema grandine pi ura volant. 

Room wants for wounds, but arrows do not Ikil 
From foes, which thicker fly than winter hail. 

After-ages, desiring to make amends to his memoiy, 
so OYer-acted their part in shrining, sainting, and 
adoring his relics at Bury St. Edmonds, that, if those 
in heaTen be sensible of the transactions on earth, 
this good king's body did not feel more pain from 
the fiiry of the pagan Danes, than his soul is filled 
with holy indignation at the superstition of the 
Christian Saxons. 
King 23. However, the West-Saxon king jEthelbert be- 

Ws'^!^^- haved himself bravely, fighting, with various success, 
victory. ^^^ battlcs against the Danes': though ninety-nine 
had not been sufficient against so numerous an 
enemy. But we leave these things to the historians of 
the state to relate. We read of an heap of stones, made 
between Jacob and Laban, with a mutual contract, 
that neither should pass the same for hann'^. Thus 
would I have ecclesiastical and civil historians indent 
about the bounds and limits of their subjects, that 

^ Camden's Britann. in the gum, f. 32, b. [Nine battles 
description of Suffolk, p. 340. in one year. Malmsb. ibid.] 
i Malmsbury De Oestis Re- ^ Gen. xxxi. 53. 



CKNT. IX. of Britain. 801 



neither injuriously encroach on the right of the other, a. ix 870. 

And, if I chance to make an excursion into the mat- ! 

ters of the commonwealth, it is not out of curiosity 
or busybodiness to be meddling in other men's lines, 
but only in an amicable way, to give a kind visit, 
and to clear the mutual dependence of the church 
on the commonwealth. Yet let me say, that this 
war against the Danes was of church-concernment ; 
for it was as much pro arts as pro focis^ as much for 
religion as civil interest. But one war must not be 
forgotten^ Importunate messengers brought the 
tidings that the English were dangerously engaged 
with the Danes at j£sces-dune, (haply Essenden 
now, in Surrey™,) and likely to be worsted. King 
Ethelbert was at his devotions, which he would not 
omit nor abbreviate for all their clamour. No suit 
would he hear on earth till first he had finished his 
requests to heaven. Then, having performed the 
part of pious Moses in the mount", he began to act 
valiant Joshua in the valley. The Danes are van- 
quished, leaving posterity to learn that time spent 
in prayer is laid out to the best advantage. 

24. But alas! this Danish invasion was a mortal A.D.871. 
wound, dedecus ScueoniccB fortitudinis ; the cureiEtMbert 
whereof was rather to be desired than hoped for.b^[^ 
Ease for the present was all art could perform. King ^'^ «^'*^' 
Ethelbert saw that of these pagans the more he 
slew the more they grew, which went to his valiant 

1 [Asser, De Gestis iElfredi, this battle. Upon a careful 

and the Saxon Chron. in the examination of the authorities 

year 871. Malmsb. f. 23.^ quoted above, there seems to 

^ [Aston, near Wallingford be little doubt of this battle 

in Berkshire. Some however having been fought in Berk- 

think that Ashendon in Buck- shire.] 

inghamshire was the scene of ^ Exodus vm, 11. 



302 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.871. heart. Grief is an heavy burden, and generally the 
strongest shoulders are able to bear the least pro- 
portion thereof. The good king therefore withered 
away in the flower of his age, willingly preferred to 
encounter rather death than the Danes ; for he knew 
how to make a joyful end with the one, but endless 
was his contest with the other : according to the ob- 
servation of the English historian, that the Saxon 
kings in this age, magis optarent hanestum eantum^ 
quam dcerbum imperium^. 
AD. 871. 25. In this sad condition God sent England a deli- 
fred^exem- verer, namely, king Alfred, or Alured, bom in Eng- 
t^^ land, bred in Rome, where, by a prolepsis, he was 
anointed king by pope Leo, though then but a pri- 
vate prince, and his three elder brothers alive, in 
aiispicium futuri regniy in hope that hereafter he 
should come to the crown. Nor did this unction 
make Alfred antedate his kingdom, who quietly 
waited till his foresaid brothers successively reigned, 
and died before him, and then took his turn in the 
kingdom of the West-Saxons. The worst was, his 
condition was like a bridegroom, who, though law- 
fully wedded, yet might not bed his bride, till first 
he had conquered his rival ; and must redeem Eng- 
land before he could reign over it. The Danes had 
London, many of the inland, mo of the maritime 
towns; and Alfred only three effectual shires, So- 
merset, Dorset ^ and Wilts : yet by God's blessing 
on his valour he got to be monarch of all England. 
Yea, consider him as a king in his coiut, as a general 
in his camp, as a Christian in his closet, as a patron 
in the church, as a founder in his college, as a father 

o Malmesburiensis ut prius. Malmsbury, f. 33, b., and In- 
P [Hampshire, according to gulph. p. 26.] 



CENT. jx. of Britain. 303 

in his family ; his actions will every way appear no a. d. 878. 

less excellent in themselves, than exemplary to 1- 

others. 

26. His most daring design was, when lying hid Alfred as a 
ahout Athelney in Somersetshire, and disguised covereththe 
under the hahit of a fiddler, being an excellent mu-gi^ ®" 
sician, he adventured into the Danish camp^. Had 

not his spirit been undaunted, the sight of his armed 
foes had been enough to have put his instrument 
out of tune. Here going unsuspected through their 
army, he discovered their condition, and some of 
their intentions. Some would say that the Danes 
deserved to be beaten indeed if they would commu- 
nicate their counsels to a fiddler. But let such 
know, Alfred made this general discovery of them, 
that they were remiss in their discipline, lay idle and 
careless : and security disarms the best-appointed 
army. Themistocles said of himself, " that he could 
" not fiddle, but he knew how to make a little city 
" great." But our Alfred could fiddle, and make a 
little city great too ; yea, enlarge a petty and con- 
tracted kingdom into a vast and absolute monarchy. 

27. But, as the poets feign of Anteus, the son of TheDanish 
the earth, who fighting with Hercules, and often water- 
worsted by him, recovered his strength again every 

time he touched the earth, revived with an addition 
of new spirits : so the Danes, which may seem the 
sons of Neptune, though often beaten by the English 
in land battles, no sooner recovered their ships at 
sea, but presently recruiting themselves, they re- 
turned from Denmark more numerous and formidable 
than before. But at last (to follow the poetical 

q [Malmsb. f. 23, b.] 



304 



The Church Histaty 



BOOK II. 



A. D. 878. fancy) as Hercules, to prevent Antseus his father r&- 

viving, hoisted him aloft, and held him strangled in 

his arms till he was stark dead and utterly expired ; 
so, to secure the Danes from returning to the sea, 
who out of the Thames had with their fleet sailed up 
the river Lea, betwixt Hertfordshire and Essex, 
Alfred with pioneers divided the grand stream of 
Lea into several rivulets; so that their ships lay 
water-bound, leaving their mariners to shift for them- 
selves over land, most of which fell into the hands 
of their English enemies : so that this proved a 
mortal defeat to the Danish insolence'. 
Thegenerai 28. Alfred having thus reduced England to some 
InE^ADd. tolerable terms of quiet, made most of the Danes 
his subjects by conquest, and the rest his friends by 
composition, encountered a fiercer foe, namely, igno- 
rance and barbarism, which had generally invaded 
the whole nation. Insomuch that he writeth, that 
south of Thames he found not any that could read 
English. Indeed in these days all men turned stu- 
dents ; but what did they study ? only to live secretly 
and safely from the fury of the Danes. And now, 
that the next age might be wiser than this, Alfred 
intended the founding of an university at Oxford. 
Ancient 29- Indeed, there were anciently standing on the 
Ci^eiade bauks of Isis, which in due time commenceth 



^ [I can iind no authority 
for this statement. According 
to the Saxon Chronicle, in the 
year 896 the Danes ascended 
the river Lea, twenty miles 
above London, and there erect- 
ed a fort. To prevent their 
excursions, and obstruct the 
passage of their ships, Alfred 
built a fort on each side of the 



river. The Danes finding 
themselves thus hemmed in, 
fled over land to Quatbridge 
on the Severn, leaving their 
ships a prey to the enemy; 
these the Londoners took pos- 
session of and broke up sudi as 
they found impossible to re- 
move.] 



nsMT. nc. 



of Britain. 



805 



rhamisis, two towns, one Crekelade or Greeklade, in a. d. 878. 

Watshire ; the other Lechlade or Latinlade, in ^ 

Gloucestershire. In the former of these many years bd©. 
since (things time out of mind must not be con- 
demned as time out of truth) the Greek tongue, as 
in the latter the Latin tongue, are said to be publicly 
professed by philosophers*. But where was Hebrew- 
lade, the Hebrew tongue being more necessary than 
both the former for the understanding of the Old 
Testament ? Alas ! in this age it was banished, not 
only out of England, but out of Christendom. As 
in the ordinary method of nature, the more aged 
usually die first ; so no wonder if Hebrew, generally 
presumed the oldest language in the world, expired 
first in this age of ignorance, utterly abolished out of 
the western countries. Yea, it is well the other two 
learned tongues were preserved in these places; 
Crekelade and Lechlade being then cities of eminent 
note, shrunk now to mean towns, and content with 
plain English, where Latin and Greek were formerly 
professed. 

80. But now the muses swam down the stream of a. d. 88 2. 
the river Isis, to be twenty miles nearer to the verity fi'm 
rising sun, and were by king Alfred removed from AiflJ^at'^ 
Crekelade and Lechlade to Oxford, where he founded o«fo«J- 
an university. Yet some say Alfred did find, and 



* [In his observations upon 
this passage Dr. Heylyn re- 
marks ; *' The country people, 
" as it seems, do better under- 
'' stand themselves than our 
'* author doth. Amongst whom 
" there is a common tradition 
" that Crekelade was a univer- 
" sity of Greek philosophers, 
" L^hlade of leches or physi- 

FULLER, VOL. I. 



<* cians, as the name doth inti- 
" mate ; and Latten, a small 
** village betwixt both, to be 
" the place of study for the 
*' Latin tongue." He then pro. 
ceeds to shew that Lechlade 
takes its name from the river 
Lech. Examen Hist. p. 40. 
The Appeal, &c. part 11. p. 15. 



306 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.882. not found letters therein, seeing there was a 
^ sprinkling of students therein before ; though learn- 
ing was very low and little therein, till this consi- 
derable accession, when Alfred founded therein three 
colleges ; one for grammarians, a second for philoso- 
phers, a third for divines. Take a list of their pri- 
mitive professors : 

In divinity : St. Grimbald, St. Neot. 

In grammar : Asserius a monk. 

In logic : John of St. David's*. 

In mathematics : Joannes Monachus ". 
It is credibly reported, that what is now called Uni- 
versity college, was then one of king Alfred's founda- 
tions, as the verses written in their hall under his 
arms do attest : 

Nobilis Alfredi sunt haec insignia, cujus 
Primum constructa est haec pietate domus. 

' And from this time learning flourished here in great 

plenty and abundance, though ofttimes abated ; the 
universities feeling the impressions of the common- 
wealth. 
KingVhaU 31. At the samc time wherein king Alfred built 
id^ Ai- ^ University college in Oxford, he also founded an- 
*^^* other house called King's-great-hall, (intimating a 
lesser hard by,) now included within the compass of 
Brazen-nose college'. And hence it is that at this 
very day it payeth some chief rent to University col- 
lege, as the ancient owner thereof. Here he placed 
Johannes Scotus (highly endeared in this king's 
affections) reader therein. On the clearing of whose 
extraction and opinions a long story doth depend. 

t Wake's Rex Platonicus, p. ** de monasterio S. David Me- 

211. [ed. 1627.] *' nevise ad se vocavit." Hig- 

s [Evidently the same per- den, p. 256.] 
son : " Johannem monachum 



:ekt. IX. 



of Briiam. 



807 



32. This Scotus is called Johannes Scotus En- a. d. 88a. 

^na, with addition sometimes of ^M>phista : so that ^ — 

sdl may amoimt to a kind of definition of him as to place of 
his individual person. Conceive we Scotus for his 
^nus, which because homonymous in that age, as 
signifying both Scotland and Ireland, Erigena is 
added for his difference ^ that is, bom, as some will 
have it, in Ireland, called Erin in their own country 
language^. But Dempster, a Scotch writer, who will 
leave nothing that can be gotten above ground, yea, 
will dive and dig into the water and land of others, 
to the credit of his country, claimeth Scotus as bom 
in Scotland, spelling him Airigena, from Aire, a 
small place therein ''. But besides unanswerable ar- 
guments to the contrary, gena is a termination seldom 
added to so restrictive a word, but, as Francigena, 
Angligena, denoteth generally the nation, not petty 
place of a man's extraction y. As for Dempster, his 
credit runneth low with me, ever since he made pope 
Innocentius the First a Scotchman, because calling 
himself Albanus, (and Scotland forsooth is Albania,) 
it being notoriously known that the said Innocent 
was bom at Long Alba nigh Rome. Yea, Bellarmine 



^ Jac. Ware, de Scrip. Hib. 
p. 43. [ed. 1639.] 

^ Mercat. Atlas, p. 34. [ed. 
Hond. 1621.] 

* Eccles. Hist. Scot. lib. i. 
(. 64. et lib. ix. §. 704. 

7 [A very just account and 
leveral pleasing anecdotes of 
Johannes Scotus will be found 
in Maknsb. de Gestis Pontifi- 
cum, V. p. 360. ed. Grale ; and 
in Wharton, AngL Sacr. II. 27. 
In the letter of pope Nicholas, 
of which an extract has been 
preserved by Malnisbury^ this 



\mter is called, "Johannes ge- 
" nere Scotus ;" that is, an 
Irishman, for the term Scotus 
was not applied to natives of 
Scotland, as it is now called, 
till some time after. See the 
authorities quoted by Usher, 
Ant. Eccl. Brit. p. 382. sq. 
The discrepant opinions re- 
specting Johannes Scotus are 
briefly recapitulated by Fabri- 
cius in his Bibliotheca Mediae 
Latinitatis, ix. p. 136. ed* 

1 754.] 

X 2 



808 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.883. himself said, reading the three books of Dempster, 

1 wherein he hooketh in so many for his countrymen, 

that he thought that if he should add a fourth, he 
would make Jesus Christ himself to be a Scotch- 
man. 
Waietits 33. All this while Wales stands modestly silent, 
Sootua his with intention to put in her claim the last to Scotus 
^"^"^ his nativity, whom many writers make boru at St. 
David's*. Whilst some will have the epithet of 
Erigena affixed unto him, qu€m Jjpi ytpojULcvof, " early- 
" bom," because of the timely rising of his parts (as 
a morning star) in those dark dajrs: which I can 
better applaud for an ingenious allusion, than approve 
for a true and serious assertion. But be Scotus bom 
where he please, most sure it is, by king Alfred he 
was made a professor of learning in Oxford. 
Sootus, 34. I confess Caius maketh this John Scotus 

M, studied scholar to Bede, (as many good authors also do%) and 
wS^' brought up at Cambridge**: to which the sons of our 
aunt are loath to consent, that one who was taught in 
Cambridge should teach in Oxford ; and their elo- 
quent orator <^ falls very foul, save that it is some 
ease to be railed on in good Latin, on him for the 
same. Now because we Cambridge men are loath to 
take a limb of John Scotus, or any other learned 
man, more than what will come of itself, with the 



* Bale's Cent. ii. §. 24. 

»Trithemiu8,[i 15. ed. 1546.] 
et ejus sequaces. [Apparently 
Trithemius is not speakins of 
the same person as Fuller. 
Trithemius distinguishes Jo- 
hannes Scotus^ a monk of the 
order of S. Benedict, ^om Jo- 
hannes Erigena ; the first a 
disciple of Bede, and flourish- 



ing in the reign of Charle- 
magne, the other living in the 
time of Lotharius the emperor 
fifty years after. Trithem. de 
Script. Eccl. p. 115, 119.] 

1> Cajus de Ant. Cant. lib. i. 
p. 157. [ed. 1574.] 

c Wake's Rex Platonicns, 
p. 212. 



CF.XT. IX. 



of Britain. 



809 



consent of chronolofirr* and because I find Bale^ dis- A.D.88a. 

likes the same, chiefly on the account of his impro '- 

bable vivacity of an hundred and seventy years, I 
can be content to resign my particular title unto 
him, provided it be without prejudice to others of 
our university, who hereafter may challenge him 
with better arguments®. 

35. I much wonder that this Scotus should be so Miserably 
degraded in his old age from Oxford to Malmsbury ; by his 
from a professor in a university to a schoolmaster in **®**"* 
a coimtry town; where pouring learning into his 
lads, (rather in proportion to the plenty of the 
fountain than to the receipt of the vessels,) he was 
severe to such scholars as were dull in their appre- 
hensions. This so irritated their anger against him, 
that by an universal conspiracy they dispatched him 
in the school with their penknives. I find not what 
punishment was inflicted upon them : whipping being 
too little if sturdy youths, and hanging too much if 
but little boys. Only I observe one Cassianus, a 



a Bale, lb. 

c [No good writer, as far as 
I can find, states that Johannes 
Scotus studied at either of the 
universities, if indeed they ex- 
isted at the time. Scotus was 
the author of a tract, De DivU 
stone Natura, (since published 
at Oxford in 1681,) in which 
he had broached certain tenets 
abhorrent to the catholic faith. 
To avoid the ill consequences 
of this, according to Malms- 
bury, he left France, and came 
over to England, and had his 
residence appointed for him 
by the king, in the monas- 
tery of Malmsbury, where he 



was killed in the manner 
here described, and buried in 
the church of St. Laurence. 
In the year 1235, when this 
tract began to attract consider- 
able attention, on account of 
the spreading of the tenets of 
the Albigenses, pope Honorius 
III. issued a bull, directed to 
all archbishops and bishops, 
enjoining them to make dili- 
gent search for all copies of 
the work, and to send it 
to Rome without delay to be 
burnt, as containing many he- 
retical tenets. See this bull in 
Fabricius, ibid. See also 
Malmsb. f. 24, b.] 

x8 



810 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



Uninartyr- 

edbyBa- 

ronius. 



A. D. 88a. schoolmaster in primitive times, sent the same way 
^^ on the same occasion ; his death being elegantly de- 
scribed by Prudentius^ 

86. All the amends which is made to the memory 
of Scotus is, that he was made a martyr after his 
death, and his anniversary is remembered in the 
calendar on the fourth of the ides of November, in 
the Roman martyrology, set forth at Antwerp 1586, 
by the command of Gregory the Thirteenth. But 
since Baronius hath unmartyred him, and that on 
good reason, saith Henry Fitz-Simonfi^, attesting that 
an apology is provided, confirmed with approbation 
of many popes, cardinals, and many learned doctors, 
justifying Baronius therein, which we, as yet, have 
not beheld. Indeed Scotus detested some super- 
stitions of the times, especially about the presence in 
the Lord's Supper; and I have read^ that his book 
De Eucharistia was condemned in the Vercellian 
synod for some passages therein by pope Leo^ This 



^ Prudentius, in his Periste- 
phanon. [Hymn. ix. In Bib. 
Max. Patrum, vol. V. p. 1024. 
ed. 1677.] 

g In 2 edit. Catal. SS. Hib. 
[p. 96. Published at the end of 
J. F. (Roth's) Hiberniae Vin- 
diciae, ed. 1621.] 

b Job. Parisiensis Hist, in 
anno 877, [quoted in Malmsb. 
ib., and Bale, ib.] 

> [Held in the year 1050, 
when the book of Berengarius 
on the same subject was burnt. 
Berengarius was led to the 
opinions which he afterwards 
entertained of the eucharist, 
by perusing Scot's book, which 
was probably the first time 
that attention was directed to- 



wards it ; which makes the 
suspicion of Fuller very im- 
probable. He has forgotten 
the literary and theological 
state of England at the time. 
Besides, this work of Scotus 
was written at the desire of 
Charles the Bald, and pro. 
bably was not published in 
England. This suspicion Ful- 
ler derived from that absurd 
writer. Bale. 

Scot and Berengarius held 
the same doctrine as Bertram 
or Ratramnus, the writer from 
whom bishop Ridley and our 
other reformers derived their 
views of the sacrament of the 
Lord's Supper. See Strype's 
Cranmer, p. 257.] 



CKNT. IX. of Britain. 311 

makes it suspicious, that some hands of more age, A.D.ssa. 

and heads of more malice than schoolboys, might ^^ 1 

guide the penknives which murdered Scotus, because 
of his known opposition against some practices and 
opinions of that ignorant age. 

37. It is much that this Scotus, though carrying Sootus con- 
in his name a comment on himself, that all should with other 
not suffice so distinctly to expound him to some^gj"*™*" 
apprehensions, but that still they confound him with 
others of his name ; sometimes with Johannes Scotus 
Mailrosius^ sometimes with John Duns Scotus ; 
though indeed there be difference enough of time, 
place, and other distinguishing characters betwixt 
them. Our present Scotus being most probably an 
Irishman, a great linguist in the learned tongues, a 
vast traveller into the eastern parts, a monk by pro- 
fession, killed and buried at Malmsbury. The other 
Scotus bom in Northumberland, skilled only (and 
that but meanly) in Latin, never travelling further 
than France and the hither part of Germany, a Fran- 
ciscan by his order, dying of an apoplexy, and buried 
at Cologne; of whom, God willing, largely here- 
after. 

88. To return to king Alfred. As for the main- The icho. 
tenance of the scholars, it issued forth annually from temmoe out 
Alfred's exchequer, who made a fourfold division offing?, ex- 
his wealth^; understand it of the surplusage thereof, **®^'*®^' 
more than what his court and camp expended : one 
part to the poor of all kinds that came and craved 
of him; a second to the monasteries of his own 
erection ; a third to the school, understand Oxford, 

^ Bale, ib. Alfred! Gestis, [p. 19. ed. 

1 Asserius Menevensis De Camden.] 



SIS The Church History book u. 

A.D.883. which he himself had founded; the fourth and lart 
'- to the neighbouring monasteries round about. How- 
ever, we may easily believe that after his death the 
students of Oxford were often at a loss of livelihood. 
For, seeing the coffers of the greatest kings (espe- 
cially in the time of war) are subject to a drought of 
coin, there must needs be a dearth in those colleges, 
which are watered thence for their maintenance. 
Scholars may in time of peace, but soldiers must be 
paid in time of war. Wherefore, the most certain 
subsistence for scholars (so far forth as inconstant 
things, as all sublunary can be made constant) is 
what ariseth from solid lands, wherewith they are 
endowed. For though even such revenues are sub- 
ject to casualties, yet some water will ever be run- 
ning, though the tide thereof may ebb or flow ac- 
cording to the fall or rise of commodities. 
A.D.885. 39. But it is hard so to compose two swarms of 
betwixt the bccs in oue hive but that they will fidl out and 
Oxford. * fight. The college of logic, it seems, from the 
foundation thereof, studied divisions as well as dis- 
tinctions; there happening a dangerous difference 
betwixt the Aborigines and the Advenae, the old 
stock of students, and the new store brought in by 
St. Grimbald : the former, standing on their seniority, 
expected more respect unto themselves, deriving their 
privileges from their learned ancestors, time out of 
mind, which the Grimbaldists would not consent unto. 
Both sides appealed to Alfred as their patron™. He 
coming to Oxford, carried himself with much mode- 
ration, as accounting that agreement most durable 
into which the parties were persuaded, not com- 

>i« [See Asser, p. 52, and p. 132. ed. Wise.] 



CENT. IX. of Britain, 813 

manded. Grimbald, expecting: kinff Alfred's zealous A.D.8S5. 

engaging on his side, according to the conceived 

merits of his cause, was not a little offended that the 
king did not appear more resolute in his behalf. 
Insomuch that he forsook Oxford, wherein he had 
formerly built the church of St. Peter from the very 
foundation, with stone most curiously wrought and 
polished, and translated both himself and his intended 
tomb thence to Winchester. 

40. An antiquary tells us, that the ancient arms The amw 

r>^ /» 1 1 -I . . 1 . of Oxford. 

were assigned to Oxford about this time, namely, in 
a field azure, a Bible with seven seals appendant 
thereunto, opened (at the beginning of St. John's 
Gospel, In the beginning was the Word^ Sfc.) betwixt 
three crowns or : which three crowns, saith he, sig- 
nify the three senses of the scripture " : in the which, 
I confess, I do not understand him. For either we 
must admit but one sense of the scripture, as prin- 
cipally intended therein, which is the general opinion 
of the protestants, or if, with the papists, we will 
allow mo senses than one, we must conclude four, 
namely, the literal, allegorical, moral, and anago- 
gical®. What if the three crowns import the three 
professions which Alfred here founded, and all ne- 
cessary to the understanding of the book betwixt 
them? Grammar, to understand the letter; philo- 
sophy, the reason ; and divinity, the mystery of the 
scripture. 

41. One of the first scholars of note whom I find One, once 

bred in Oxford, was one Denulfiis, once a swine- herd, made 

herd in Athelney, when Alfred lurked therein, being ^ 

t 

n Brian Twyne in Apolog. prima pars, qusest. i. art. 10. 
Antiq. Oxon. [p. 201.] [p. 3. ed. 1604.] 

° Aquinas, Summa Theolog. 



314 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A. D. 885. the king's host, who entertained him, or rather his 

!^ 1 master, whom the king served. Alfred perceiving 

in him pregnancy of parts, (though stifled with the 
narrowness, and crippled with the lowness of his vo- 
cation,) sent him to Oxford P, where he became, after 
some years' study, doctor in divinity, and was by the 
king, in gratitude, preferred to be bishop of Win- 
chester **. But the monks of Winchester are so 
proud and sullen, they disdain to accept this man for 
their bishop, affirming, that their see stood void at 
this time"^; more willing to confess a vacancy, than 
admit a swineherd into their episcopal chair. Whereas 
surely Alfred, so great a scholar and good a man, 
would not have advanced him per saltum^ firom a 
swineherd to a bishop, had he not been qualified by 
intermediate degrees of education. For mine own 
part, I see no reason why Winchester should be 



P Godwin, [De Prsesul. p. 
207. There is as much au- 
thority for this assertion as 
there is for that of Scotus 
being a student at Oxford. 
Nor is the succeeding remark 
more just, that Denulf was a 
swineherd at Athelney ; for 
Alfred did not retire thither 
till the year 878, and in 879 
Denulf was made bishop of 
Winchester. See Wharton's 
Ang. Sacr. 1. 108. The report 
is indeed mentioned, with some 
misgivings, by Florence of Wor- 
cester, who saw in all probabi- 
lity that it could not be recon- 
ciled in its original state with 
the course of Alfred's history, 
for he has suppressed the name 
of the place (Athelney) where 
Alfred is said to have met 
him, and states merely that he 



met him in a wood feeding 
swine : " in silvam profugus 
** casu sues pascentem ofFen- 
" dit." Flor. Wigorn. an. 879. 
Indeed this entire period of 
Alfred's reign is involved in 
great confusion, as might be 
expected. Two distinct classes 
of legends respecting the life 
of this monarch remain to us ; 
the one has been followed by 
Asser, the Saxon Chronicle, 
Florence of Worcester, and 
Symeon of Durham ; the other 
by Ingulph, Malmsbury, Mat- 
thew of Westminster. Each 
has little in common with the 
other.] 

q Malmsb. de Gest. Pontifi- 
cum, [f. 138.] 

^ See Mr. Isaacson's Chro- 
nology, [p. 423. ed. 1633.] 



CENT. IX. of Britain. 315 

ashamed of him; and for ought I know, Denulf a. D. 887. 

might be as good a bishop as Dunstan, of whom the 'i 1 

monks of Winchester so boast, both without cause 
and measure. 

42. Councils (except councils of war) were very The pre- 
rare in this age. The first I find a solemn one, cele- canons 
brated by king Alfred*; the place not expressed, but^J!^®^ 
the canons therein fairly transmitted to posterity. ^'^• 
The preface of these canons is very remarkable, con- 
sisting of three parts*. 

i. The ten conmiandments translated into Saxon, 
as being the basis and foundation of all human 
laws. 

ii. Several pieces of chapters in Exodus, being 
the breviate of the judicial law of the Jews ; which 
though in the latitude thereof calculated only for 
the Jewish commonwealth, yet the moral equity 
therein obligeth all Christians. 

iii. The fifteenth chapter of the Acts, containing 
the council of Jerusalem, as being a divine precedent 
or warrant for Christians to convene together, and 
conclude orders for regulating men's conversations. 

It is remarkable, that in the aforesaid ten com- 
mandments, as exemplified in this council of Alfred, 
the second commandment is wholly expunged; 
image-worship beginning then to grow common in 
the world, and the clergy, who gained thereby 
(hating the second commandment on the same ac- 
count as Ahab did Micaiah", because it ever prophe- 

s [This was apparently no appeared to him most deserving 

council at all ; nor were these of distinction. This is clear 

the canons of any council ; but from the conclusion of them.] 
merely a collection by the king ^ Spelman's Cone. I. 354 

of such laws^ selected from [= 1 86. Wilkins, I. 1 86.] 
those of his predecessors^ as ^ i Kings xxii. 8. 



S16 The Church Hi8t€ny lonii. 

A. D. 887. sied evil unto them,) dashed it out of the Decakgne. 

i^ !lThe worst is, when this was wanting, the Denlogne 

was but an ennealogue; and therefore to presera 
the number of ten, the papists generally cleave tbe 
last commandment into two : but in Alfred's ipnAat 
this is made the tenth and last commandment^ ^Hmm 
" shalt not worship gods of gold and silver." Whi^ 
as it comes in out of its proper place, (and why should 
not God's order be observed, as well as his munbo; 
in the commandments ?) so it is defectively rendod 
nothing so full against graven-images, as God pro- 
pounded it. The canons made in this council 611 
under a threefold consideration. Some relate cmly 
to the commonwealth, and by us may properly be 
forborne. Others concern only monks and firian^ 
(a sixth finger, and no necessary member of the 
church,) and, as actio moritur cum persona^ so with 
the extirpation of those convents, those canons maj 
seem to expire. 
A. D. 880. 43. Plegmund, an eremite in the isle of Chester, 
oonui.* (now called Plegmundsham,) tutor to king Alfred, 
SumTiI^d ^^ ^^y ^^^ preferred to be archbishop of Canter- 
Jerusaiem. bury, then a miserable place, as hardly recovered 
from the late sacking of the Danes. By the king's 
command, he called the clergy of England together, 
and made a collection of alms, to be sent to Rome 
and Jerusalem^: and Athelm, archbishop of York, 
was employed in the journey, going personally to the 
aforesaid places to see the contribution there fiaith- 
fuUy delivered and equally distributed. 

^' [According to Mat. West- king Edward. See Malmsb. 

mon. in an. 889^ whose author- f. 26. iEthelmus was bishop 

ity is worth very little. He has of Winchester, not archbishop 

probably confounded this with of York.] 
another assembly held under 



mNT. UL. 



of Britain. 



817 



44. About the end of this century died worthy a. d. 901. 

dng Alfred, remarkable to posterity on many ac '■ 

counts, whereof this not the least ; that he turned king ai- 
David's Psalms into English; so that a royal text ' 
net with a royal translator. He left his crown to 
Edward his son, commonly called the elder, far infe- 
rior to his father in skill in, but not so much in his 

love to good literature. Indeed he had an excellent 
tator, Asserius Menevensis, archbishop of St. David's, 
bhe faithful writer of his father's actions, supposed 
by some bishop of Sherbom'^, which is denied by 
others*, (though one of the same name was some 
jrears before,) as inconsistent with chronology. 

45. As for the principal clergymen extant at this ^eak 

guardians 

time, we take special notice of two : the one, Ber- God wot. 
thulf bishop of Winchester y, made one of the guard- 
ians of the realm against the incursion of the Danes ; 
the other, Ealheard bishop of Dorchester, advanced 
also into the same employment. But alas! what 
weak guardians were these to defend the land, which 
could not secure their own sees ! And in what capa- 
city, save in prayers and tears, were they able to make 
any resistance ? for now the Danes not only assailed 
the skirts and outsides of the land, but also made 



^ [See Wise in his edition 
of Asser. If this Asser be the 
game as the author of Al^ed's 
life, he was indisputably bishop 
of Sherborn. " Habebat (Al- 
" fredus) ex sancto Dewi As. 
*' aerionem quendam scientia 
*' non ignobiliinstructum quern 
** Schireburniae fuit episco- 
** pum." Malmsb. 24, b. The 
authenticity of Asser's narra- 
tive is involved in great diffi- 
culty. In its present state it 
is evidently much interpolated. 



^ Usher de Brit. Eccles. 
primord. p. 11 77= p. 544. 

y [The sole authority for 
this statement is Mat. West- 
min. (in an. 897.), who has 
carelessly transcribed from 
Florentius Wigom. or the Sax- 
on Chronicle. By comparing 
these writers^ in the year 897, 
the reader will easily see the 
origin of the error. There 
was no bishop of Winchester 
of the name of Berthulf.] 



318 The ChuYch History of Britain. book ii. 

A.D.ooi. inroads many miles into the continent thereof. In- 
21 AJireai. g(^JJ^^^^^ ^hat Winchester lay void six, and Sherbom 

seven years ; such the pagan fury, that none durst 
offer to undertake those places. 
The wofui 46. True it is, the English oftentimes in battle got 
21^^. the advantage of them ; when the pagan Danes being 
'"^- conquered, had but one way to shift for themselves, 
namely, to counterfeit themselves Christians, and em- 
brace baptism : but no sooner had they got power 
again into their hands, but that they turning apostates 
were ten times more cruel than ever before. Thus 
successively was the land affected with sickness, 
recovery, and relapses ; the people's condition being 
so much the more disconsolate, because promising a 
continuance of happiness to themselves upon their 
victories, they were on their overthrows remanded to 
- .the same, if not a worse condition. 
The com. 47. It is Strange to observe the alternations of 
temper of succcss between the English and Danes, how exactly 
fo^and *^^y too\i their turns ; God using them to hold up 
king Ed- Q^e another, whilst he justly beat both. Meantime 
commendable the temper of late king Alfred and 
present king Edward ; it being true of each of them. 

Si modo victus erat, ad crastina bella parabat ; 
Si modo victor erat, ad crastina bella timebatx. 

If that it happ't that conquered was he, 
Next day to fight he quickly did prepare ; 

But if he chanc'd the conqueror to be, 
Next day to fight he wisely did beware. 

But these things we leave to the historians of the 
state to prosecute, and confine ourselves only to mat- 
ters of ecclesiastical cognizance. 

y [These verses are part of Wharton's Ang. Sacr. I. 208. 
a longer poem. See Hunting- Both copies vary slightly from 
don, f. 202, and Rudborne, in the lines in the text.] 



THE TENTH CENTURY. 



JACOBO LANGHAM, ARMIGERO, AMPLISSIMI 
SENATORIS LONDINENSIS PRIMOGENITO". 
Decimam hanc Centuriam tifn dedicandam curavi, quod 
numerus denarius semper aliguid mig»stum sonet. Sic 
in Papicolumm glolndU, quibua prectilas suaa numerant, 
decimiis [ill decurio) aliis magnitudine pretatat. 
At dices, cenluria here inter ecclesiaxticos audit infelix^cttm 
sua tantum obscttritate sil iliuslris. Quid tihi igitur, 
yelicitsimo virv, cui leetum itigeniunt, lauta kttreditas, 
ciim infelici seculo f 
Verbo expediam. Volui nomen tuum hiatorice mere kicprtr- 
iendi, ut instar phosphori, lectores in kac tenebrosa ivtate 
oberrantes splendoris sui radiis dirigat. 
Percttrras, quteso, insequenics paginas nihil sdentia; ali- 
quid voluptatis tWt allaturas. Qtto cum iiemo sit in ipsis 
elegantiarum apicibus Latinior, probe scio, te perguam 
suaviter riaurum, cum Diploma Edvardinum, nimia 
barborie scatena, perlegeris. 

_T this time there was a great dearth of a. d. 904. 

1 bishops in the land, which lasted forjj^^ 

I seven years, (as long as the famine in j.^^,, ' ' 

"gypt,) during which time there wa8!|"*5*"*^ 

> bishop in all the west parts of Eng- for want of 

land. Pope Formosus was foully offended hereat, 

» [Arms. This coat is erro- ants, of which county he was 

ntoiuly giren as three horses, high-sheritf in 1664. He wag 

heads cou[)ed, bridled, and bit- thrice marritid, his first wife 

ted, two and one. The arms, being Mary, daughter of sir 

as borne by James Langham, Edward Alston, his second Eli. 

esq. were, argent a chevron zabeth, daughter of Fcrdinando 

sable, between three bean' Hastings, earl of Huntingdon, 

hesde coaped of the second, and his third, who survived 

niDzzled or. Crest, a bear's him, Penelope, daughter of 

head erased, sable. This James John Holies, earl of Clare, 

(afterwards sir James) Lang- His father, sir John Langham, 

ham was the second baronet of was an alderman and sheriff of 

that &niily, and ancestor to its London 18th Car. I. (1643.), 

present representative. He was and was created a baronet 7U1 

aeated at Coteibroolc, North- June, 1660. B.] 





SaO The Church History book 

A.D.904. and thereupon, cum magna iracundia et devotUme\ 
!Lioril '' with much passion and piety," by his curse and 
excommunication, interdicted king, kingdom, and all 
the subjects therein. We cannot but gaze at the 
novelty of this act, (as we conceive a leading case in 
this kind,) whilst the skilful in the canon law can 
give an account of the equity of the pope's proceed- 
ings, why all should suffer for some, the guiltless 
with the guilty, and have the word and sacraments 
taken from them for the want of bishops in other 
places : otherwise, the punishment seemeth unjust in 
the rigid justice thereof, and (if not heavier) larger 
than the offence, and beareth no proportion with 
common equity. Christian charity, and Grod's pro- 
ceedings, who saith. The soul that sinneth^ it shall die. 
The cfaa- 2. Notwithstanding, this excommunicating of king 
S^id^ Edward by the pope is highly urged by Par8ons^ to 
on whom prove the pope's power in England over princes, ac- 
most im- cordlng to his constant solecism clean through the 
himself, tenure of his book, to reason a facto ad juSy arguing 
from the pope's barely doing it, that he may justly 
do it. We deny not but that in this age active and 
ambitious popes mightily improved their power 
upon five sorts of princes. First, on such as were 
lazy and voluptuous ; who, on condition they might 
enjoy their sports and delights for the present, cared 
not for their posterity. Secondly, on such as were 
openly vicious, and so obnoxious to censure; who 
would part with any thing, out of the apprehension 
of their guiltiness. Thirdly, on such as were tender 
and easy-natured ; who gave, not so much out of 
bounty to give, as out of bashftdness to deny the 

^ Archiv. Cant, in Regist. kins, as below.] 
Priorat. Eccles. Cant. f. 3^ b. ^ In his answer to the lord 
[Quoted in Spelman and Wil- Coke's Report, c. 6. p. 136. 



CENT. X. of Britain. 821 

pope's importunity. Fourthly, on those of a timorous a. d. 904. 
spirit ; who were affrighted with their own fancies of iniorfs. * 
the pope's terribleness, and being captivated unto 
him by their own fear, they ransomed themselves at 
what price he pleased. Lastly, on pious princes ; 
whose blind zeal and misled devotion thought no- 
thing too precious for him : in which form we rank 
this Edward the elder, then king of England. And 
it is worth our observing, that in point of power and 
profit, what the popes once get, they ever hold, being 
as good at keeping as catching ; so that what one got 
by encroaching, his successor prescribed that encroach- 
ment for a title, which whether it will hold good in 
matter of right, it is not for an historian to dispute. 

S. But to return to our story. We are glad to The pope 
see Malmsbury so merry, who calleth this passage of K^l^a*"^ 
the pope's interdicting England, yo(?wwrfww memoratu^^ ahsohred 
" pleasant to be reported," because it ended so well. 
For Plegmund archbishop of Canterbury posted to 
Rome, bringing with him honorijica munera^ (such 
ushers will make one way through the thickest 
crowd to the pope's presence,) informing his holiness 
that Edward king of England, in a late-summoned 
synod, had founded some new, and supplied all old 
vacant bishoprics. Pacified herewith, the pope 
turned his curse into a blessing, and ratified their 
elections. The worst is, a learned pen tells me, that 
in this story there is an inextricable error in point of 
chronology^, which will not suffer pope Formosus 
and this king Edward the elder to meet together®. 

«• [De Gestis Regum, f. 26.] Saxon Chronicle nor Florence 

^ Spelman's Concil. I. p. of Worcester notice this inter- 

389=[Wilkin8, I. 201.] diet, nor the mission of Pleg- 

« [Because Formosus died in muud.^ 

the year 896. Neither the 

FULLER, VOL. I. Y 



and new 
erected 



322 The Church History book ii. 

• 

A.D.904. And Baxonius makes the mistake worse by endea- 
inioril!!* vouring to mend it. I have so much wariness as 
not to enter into that labyrinth, out of which I can- 
not return ; but leave the doubt to the pope's datary 
to clear, proper to him, as versed in such matters. 
The same pen informs me®, that the sole way to re- 
concile the diflference is, to read pope Leo the Fifth 
instead of pope Formosus : which for quietness I am 
content to do, the rather because such a roaring 
curse best beseems the mouth of a lion. 
Vacant bi- 4. Hear now the names of the seven bishops which 
tuppii^, Plegmund consecrated in one day: a great day's 
work, and a good one, if all were fit for the function. 
Frithestan bishop of Winchester, a learned and holy 
man, Werstan of Sherbom, Cenulf of Dorchester, 
Beomege of Selsey, jEthelm of Wells, Eadulf of 
Crediton in Devon, and jSLthelstan in Cornwall of St. 
Petrock's^ These three last western bishoprics were 
in this council newly erected. But St. Petrock's had 
never long any settled seat, being much in motion, 
translated firom Bodmin in Cornwall (upon the 
wasting of it by the Danes) to St. German's in the 
same county, and afterwards united to Crediton in 
Devonshire. This bishopric was founded principally 
for the reduction of the rebellious Cornish to the 
Romish rites; who as they used the language, so 
they imitated the lives and doctrine of the ancient 
Britons, neither hitherto nor long after submitting 
themselves to the see apostolic. 

A.D.906. 5. A synod was called at Intingfordfi^, where Ed- 
King Ed- 

c Ibidem. S [The locality of this place 

f [See Malmsb. f. 141. Flor. is now unknown. But proba- 

Wigorn. et Diceto in Abbr. bly it was within or near 

Chron. an. 909.] Huntingdonshire.] 



CEMT. X. of Britain. 328 

ward the Elder, and Guthnin king of the Danes, in a. d. 906. 
that part of England which formerly belonged to the geni<^ ' 



East-Angles, only confirmed the same ecclesiastical ^^rdina 
constitutions which Alured, Edward's father, with ^^2^**^ 
the said Guthrun, had made before**. Here the *»» ^ati»«''» 

oonstitu* 

curious palates of our age will complain of crambe^^mB. 
that two kings, with their clergy, should meet to- 
gether only actum agere, to do what was done to 
their hands. But whilst some count all councils idle 
which do not add or alter, others will commend 
their discretion who can discern what is well ordered 
already, approve their policy in enjoining such things 
unto others, and principally praise their piety for 
practising them in themselves. And whosoever 
looks abroad into the world with a judicious eye, 
will soon see that there is not so much need of new 
laws, (the multitude whereof rather cumbers men's 
memories than quickens their practice), as an absolute 
necessity to enforce old laws, with a new and 
vigorous execution of them. 

6. And now king Edward, remembering the pious A.D.915. 
example of his father Alfred in founding of Oxford, u^ewity 
began to repair and restore the university of Cam-J]^^'^ 
bridge. For the Danes, who made all the sea-coasts Edward, 
of England their haunt, and kept the kingdom of 
the East-Angles for their home, had banished all 
learning from that place; Apollo's harp being si- 
lenced by Mars his drum: till this king's bounty 
brought learning back again thither, as by his fol- 
lowing charter may appear. 

In nomine D. Jesu Christi. Ego Edwardus, Dei 

gratia, rex Anglorum, divino compulsus amore. 



cc 



h Lambard in his Saxon Spelman» ib. p. 390. [Wilkins, 
Laws, [p. 38. ed. 1644] and I. 202.] 

Y 2 



324 The Church History book ii. 

^•^•9»5: " praecepto Joannis, apostolicse sedis episcopi, ac 
ILo^ ^' Pleigmundi Cantuar. archiepisc. consilio, omnium 
^^ sacerdotum et principum meae dominationis, uni- 
" versa et singula privilegia, doctoribus et scholaribus 
" Cantabrigiffi, nee non servientibus eorundem, (uti 
" ab dim viguit indesinenter mater philosophise et 
" reperitur in prsesenti fons clerimonise,) a me data, 
" sen ab antecessoribus meis quomodo libet concessa, 
" stabili jure grata et rata decemo durare, quamdiu 
" vertigo poli circa terras atque aequora sethera syde- 
" rum justo moderamine volvet. Datum in Grante- 
" cestria, anno ab incamatione D. 915, venerabili 
" fratri Frithstano, civitatis scholarium Cantabrig. 
" cancellario, et doctori per suum, &c/" 

The credit of this charter is questioned by some, 
because of the barbarous style thereof; as if a uni- 
versity were disgraced with honourable privileges 
granted unto it in base Latin. But know, that age 
was so poor in learning, it could not go to the cost 
of good language. Who can look to find a fair face 
in tlie hottest parts of Ethiopia ? Those times were 
ignorant : and as it is observed of the coimtry-people 
bom at the village of Carlton in Leicestershire, that 
they have all (proceeding from some secret cause 
in their soil or water) a strange uncouth wharling in 
their speech ^, so it was proper to the persons writing 
in this age to have a harsh, unpleasant, grating 
style, (and so much the sourer to critical ears, the 

* Charta extat in MS. codice for and chancellor were not at 

qui Cantabrigio! est in Aula that time used in the sense here 

Clarensi,ejusdem meminitTho. attributed to them. Exam. 

Rudburn, nee non Joh. Ros. Hist. p. 43. See The Appeal, 

sus, [p. 96. ed. Hearne^ 1716. &c. part 11. p. 19, and sir H. 

Dr. Heylyn objects to the au- Spelman in his Glossary.] 
thenticity of this charter, upon ^ Camden's Brit, in Leices- 

the ground that the words doc^ tershire, p. 517. 



C£NT. X. 



of Britain, 



335 



more it is sweetened with an affected rhythm,) a. 0.915. 
though a blemish, yet a badge of their genuine deeds ^^"^ 
which were passed in those times ^ 

7. Hear also what John Rosse, an excellent anti- The testi- 
quary, furnished by king Edward the Fourth withj^^^ 
privacy and pension to collect the monuments of ^^'^^^ 
this land, allegeth to this purpose. Who being bred "^^^^ ^ 
in Oxford, and having written a book in coniiitation Oambndge. 
of those which deduce the foundation of this univer- 
sity from Cantaber, may be presumed will allow 
Cambridge no more than what in right is due unto 
her™. He speaking of king Edward the elder, out of 
an ancient table and chronicle of Hyde-abbey by 
Winchester, which himself by the favour of the 
abbot perused, reporteth of the restoration of decayed 
Cambridge at this time, in manner as foUoweth. 



Propterea ad clerimoniam 
atigmentandantt stent pater 
suns Oxoniam, sic ipse ab 
aniiquo cum oBteris studiis 
generalibus suspensam, de- 
solatam, et destructam Can^ 
tabrigiam, iterum ad pri- 
mam gloriam erexit ; necnon 
ibi aulas studentium, et doc- 
torum magistrorumque ca- 
thedras et sedilia, ut dilec- 
iissimus cleri nutritor, ama- 
tor et defensor, suis sumpti- 
bus erigi et fabricari pra- 
cepit. Ab bxonia namque 
universitate, quam pater 



'* Therefore for the augnienta- 
** tion of clerklike learnings as 
** his father had done to Oxford^ 
'* so he again raised up Cambridge 
" to her first glory, which for a 
" long time, with other general 
" schools, had been suspended^ 
'* desolate^ and destroyed : as also» 
like a most loving nourisher of 
the clergy, he commanded that 
" halls for students^ chairs and 
" seats of doctors and masters, 
" should there be erected^ and 
" built on his own proper charges: 
'* for he called from Oxford uni. 
*' versity» which his noble father 



(« 



tt 



1 [This barbarous and gro- 
tesque style was introduced 
into our charters at the time of 
king Alfred, and im|)orted from 
Byzantium, according to the 
opinion of J. M. Kcmble^ esq. 



Traces of it however may be 

seen at an earlier period. 8ce 

Malmsb. Vita Aldhelmi, p. 9, 

10, &c.] 

•n Bale, Cent. viii. §. 53. 

y3 



The Church History book ii. 

A.D.915. ^«t<' nobilis rex lAlfredtui] ''the king had erected, maatera 
15 Edyardi erexerai, magUtros artiutn " of those arts which we call li- 
quas liherales vocamus, pa^ " beral, together with doctors in 

riterque in sacra theologia *' holy divinity, and invited them 

doctores advocavit,ibiquead '* there formally to read and 

legendum formaliter^ et do^ " teach." 

cendum invitavit^. 

Cambridge 8. Have we here Cambridge presented in a three- 
n'a^iU. fold condition. First, what she had been long before 
Ud estate, j^j^g Edward's time ; fairly flourishing with learning. 
Secondly, in what case he found her ; desolate and 
decayed. Then the cup of Cambridge was at the 
bottom, her breasts dry, and her sun in an eclipse. 
She was, saith Rosse, suspended, not by the power 
of any pope's keys, as the word may import, but by 
the force of pagan swords, who here interrupted the 
exercise of acts and public lectures; as in Spain, 
Germany, and other foreign parts, places appointed 
for learning, had shared in the like calamity. Thirdly, 
in what condition Edward left her ; under whom, as 
under the father of the act, Cambridge itself did 
then commence and take a new degree. Happy this 
Edward, who like a wealthy landlord, had two nur- 
series of choice fruit ; so that if the one by any sad 
accident chanced to fail, he could supply it from the 
other without being beholden to his neighbours. 
This was the love betwixt the two sisters; what 
either had, neither could want, and Oxford, which 
lent now, borrowed another time, as in due place 
shall appear. If the same author" elsewhere calleth 
this king Edward founder of Cambridge, it is by an 



^ [.Foh. Rossus, Hist. Regum passage which he saw in the 

Angliae, p. q6. ed. Hearne. Chronicle at Hyde.] 

This is merely a verbal quo- ^ In his Catalogue of the 

tation from Rudburn by John Earls of Warwick. (Unpub- 

Ross. He does not quote the lished.) 



CENT. X. 



of Britain. 



827 



easy and obvious error, because a total repairer doth A.U915. 
amount to a partial founder. Nor doth Cambridge ^ons. 
regret thereat; seeing grateful expressions, which 
had rather transgress in the excess than the defect, 
may in courtesy call their mender their maker. 

9. -ffithelstan his son succeeded king Edward, 
being much devoted to St. John of Beverley ; on a. i>. M4. 
whose church he bestowed a freed-stool, with large gtani. 
privileges belonging thereunto. Many councils were^.^^^" 
kept in this king's reign, at Exeter, Feversham, J^^^^ 
Thunderfield, and London, (all of them of uncertain at Graadea. 
date.) But one held at Greatlea is of greatest ac- 
count for the laws therein enacted ; the principal a. d. 928. 
here ensuing®. 

i. " That the king's officers should truly pay tithes 
** out of his demesnes, as well of his quick cattle, as 
" dead commodities. 

ii. " That cyricsceat (that is, firstfruits of seeds) be 
" duly paid to God in his church p. 



o [Brompton, p. 838. Wil- 
kins' ConciL I. 205. I can find 
notice of no other councils 
during this reign except this 
one.] 

P [The word is nothing 
more than the Saxon cyric^ 
aetata church-scot. Though 
some writers translate it, as 
though sceat was a corruption 
for scBd^ giving it the same 
sense with our author. See 
Spelman*8 Gloss, upon this 
word ; where the arguments 
for this latter opinion do not 
appear conclusive. 

These dues were probably 
omitted in the troubles which 
happened shortly after by the 
cruelty and barbarity of the 



Danes, and were restored by 
Canute upon his return from 
his pilgrimage to Rome. A 
passage in this king's letter, 
which' he addressed upon this 
occasion to his English sub- 
jects, gives a very clear account 
of them. '*Nunc igitur prse. 
dpio omnesmeos episcopos et 

regni praipositos quatenus 

faciatis ut antequam ego An- 
*' gliam veniam omnia debita 
" quae Deo secundum legem an-- 
tiquam (that is» the laws of 
Athelstan) debemus, sint per- 
'^ soluta. Scilicet eleemosinse 
'* pro aratris,. et decimae ani. 
*^ mab'um ipsius anni procrea- 
** torum, et denarii quos Romae 
" ad S. Petrum debemus, sive 

Y 4 



tA 



Ct. 



Ct 



«• 



<t 



828 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.038. 

$AUii 
itani. 



t 



u 



iii. ^^ That the king's officers maintam one poor 
body in the king's villages ; and in case none be 
" found therein, fetch him from other places." 

(Christ saith^ The poor you have always with you. The church 
in general is well stocked with them, though some parti- 
cular parish may want such as are in want. If any would 
know the bill of fare allowed these poor people^ It was 
monthly a measure of meaU vna pema, a gammon of bacon, 
a ram worth a groat^ four cheeses, and thirty pence on 
Easter Wednesday to buy them clothes.) 

iv. " That moniers wilfully corrupting the coin, 
** and found guilty, have their hands cut off, and 
" nailed to the mint-house." 

(Every borough was allowed one mint therein : but besides 
these; Hastings one, Chichester one^ Shaftsbury two, 
Wareham two, Exeter two, Hampton two, Lewes two, 
Rochester three [two for the king and one for the bishop], 
Winchester six, Canterbury seven, (viz. for the king four, 
for the archbishop two, for the abbot one), London 
eight. Most of these places were anciently in the West- 
Saxon kingdom : to whom the English monarchs were 
most favourable in doubling their privilege of coinage, 
but single in other places of greater capacity.) 

V. ** That such who were tried by ordeal, should 
" ceremoniously be prepared thereunto with the 
" solemn manner of managing that trial." 



" ex urbibus sive ex villis, et 
** median te Augusto decimse 
" frugum, et in festivitate S. 
'* Martini primitie seminum 
" ad ecclesiam sub cujus par- 
** rochia quisque deget, quae 
" Anglice Ciricsceatt nominan. 
'* tur." Flor. Wigorn. a. 1031. 
See sir H. Ellis Introd. to 
Domesday, I. 300. 

It should be observed that 
Fuller has followed Bromp- 
ton's Latin copy of these 



canons, and not the Saxon. 
The Latin copy is more full than 
the Saxon, and varies consider- 
ably in other points: thus in 
the third canon of the Saxon 
version it is merely, "and 
** clothing for twelve months, 
*' every year," no stipulation of 
^od. being paid on the third 
day of Easter, as in the Latin 
copies: and the drenching of 
witches in the eighth is omit- 
ted in the Saxon version.] 



CENT. X. of Britain. 889 

vi. "That no buying or selling be on the Lord's a.d.9«8. 
" day." ^J^ 

(This took not full effect for many years after ; for Henry 
the First granted to BatteLabbey a market to be kept on 
that day^ lately (at the motion of Anthony marquis Mon- 
tacute) by act of parliament removed to another day <1.) 

vii. " That one convicted of perjury shall be trusted 
** no more on his oath, nor be buried in holy earth, 
" except restored by the bishop on his penance." 

viii. " That witches, confessing themselves to have 
** killed any, be put to death." 

(Such as were suspected, and denied the fisict^ might be 
tried by ordeal ; which was done either by fire, whereof 
hereafter, or by water. Of the latter, mergatur una ulna 
et dimidia in fune, which I thus understand ; Let the 
party be tied to a rope, and drenched an ell and a half 
above his own height. And this is the first footstep we 
find of swimming of witches ; for which no law, save 
custom, at this day : and that whether just in itself, and 
satisfactory, (as a means proportionable for the discovery 
of the truth,) is not my work to determine.) 

Whosoever desires to have more exact information 
of this council, may repair to sir Henry Spelman, 
where he may receive plentiful satis&ction''. 

10. Only I must not omit one passage in this i>igmtiei 
council, acquainting us with the heraldry of thatuDongit 
age, and the distances and degrees of persons, col- 
lected from their weers or weer-gilds, that is, taxes 
and valuations; it being truly to be said in that 

age* 

Quantum quisque sua nummorum servat in area, 
Tantum habet et fidei 

Every one's testimony in law-cases in courts was 
credited according to his wealth. 

(1 Camden's Brit, in Sussex^ ^ In his Concil. 1. 396. et se- 
[p. 226.] quentibus. [Wilkins, I. 205.3 



380 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.928. i. Ceorles, whence our northern word carles, uid 
ttani. common word churles^ being country clowns, whose 
weer-gild was two hundred shillings, or ten pounds ; 
the same with villanes, who held land in villanage of 
others. These, if by blessing on their industry they 
rose so high as to have five hides of land of their 
own, with a place in the king's court, and some 
other privileges, now hardly to be understood, were 
advanced to be thanes. 

ii. The weergild, or value of a thane, was six 
times as much as a churle or a villane, namely, twelve 
times a hundred shillings, therefore termed a twelve 
hind-man ; whose oath in law was equivalent to six 
oaths of churles or villanes ; as a shilling passing in 
pajmient countervaileth six twopences. Note, that 
if a masseer or merchant pass the great sea thrice, 
(understand the Mediterranean, not the narrow seas 
betwixt us and France,) and not in the notion of a 
servant, but on his own account, he then was digni- 
fied with the reputation of a thane. These thanes 
were of two sorts : meset-thanes, priests qualified to 
say mass; and worrould-thanes, that is, secular or 
temporal thanes. 

iii. Of the first, if a scholar made such proficiency 
in his studies that he took holy orders, he was reve- 
rently respected, and (though not valued as a wor- 
rould-thane in rates and taxes) amends were to be 
made for any wrongs done unto him equal to a 
thane ; and in case he should be killed, the penalty 
thereof was the higher, the more orders the person 
had taken. Observe by the way, so far as we can 
understand the Saxon laws, that manslaughter was 
not then punished with death, but might be re- 
deemed by the proportionable payment of a sum of 



CENT. X. 



of Britain. 



331 



money, according to the quality of the person slain; A.D.028. 
part thereof payable to the king, part to his kindred, ^. 
part to the country thereabouts •. 

But the further prosecution hereof, where the 
footsteps are almost outworn with time, we leave to 
more expert antiquaries ; who will tell you, that 
alderman in that age was equal to our modem earl, 
who with bishops were of the same valuation : also 
that comes in that age sounded as much as duke in 
ours, archbishops going along with them in all con- 
siderable equipage. 

11. Now began St. Dunstan* to appear in court, A.D.933. 
bom at Glassenbury of noble parentage, (as almost his fim 
what saint in this age was not honourably extracted?) ^^^it'^ 
nephew both to Elphegus bishop of Winchester, and *^® ^'^^^^ 
jEthelm archbishop of Canterbury, yea kinsman re- 
mote to king jEthelstan himself: and being thus 
highly related, he could not miss of preferment. 



s [On ibis subject seeBromp- 
ton*8 Chronicle^ p. 845. ed. 
Twysden.] 

t QThis account of St. Dun- 
8tan is taken principally from bi- 
shop Parker's Antiq. Eccl. Brit, 
p. 1 19 sq. See also a life of 
St. Dunstan written by Osbern 
a monk of Canterbury^ pub- 
lished in Wharton's Ang. Sacra, 
II. p. 88^ and another by Ead- 
mer, monk and prior of Canter, 
bury, the friend and biographer 
of St. Anselm^ ibid. p. 211. 

Osbern flourished in the 
eleventh century. But his 
account of St. Dunstan was 
derived principally from a 
Saxon version of a Latin life of 
Dunstan, written probably but 
very shortly after Dunstan's 



death, which escaped the con- 
flagration in 1070, in which 
many of the records of the 
church of Canterbury were con- 
sumed. (Osb. vit. Dunst. p. 89.) 
It is stuffed with the most im- 
probable and gross falsehoods, 
but yet is curious in many 
particulars, as the composition 
of one who had conversed with 
St.Dunstan, and who had visited 
the scenes of which he speaks. 
Even at an earlier period 
than this a life of St. Dunstan 
was written by Adalardus, a 
monk of Bath, and Bridferth, 
a monk of Ramsey ; the latter 
of which has been published in 
the Acta SS. 19 Maii, tom. IV. 

P- 345] 



88S 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.933. His eminencies were painting and graving, (two 
gtani. ' qualities disposing him to be very useful for saint- 
worshipping, either for pictures or images,) an excel- 
lent musician, (preaching in those days could not be 
heard for singing in churches,) and an admirable 
worker in brass and iron^. These accomplishments 
commended him at court to be acceptable to com- 
pany; and for some time he continued with the 
king in great reputation. 
A. p. 935. 12. But it is given to that bowle which lies next 
thenoe on to the mark, to have most take aim to remove it. 
JJJJ^;^®" ® Eminency occasions envy, which made Dunstan's 
enemies endeavour to depress him. He is accused 
to the king for a magician, and upon that account 
banished the court^. It was brought as evidence 



V [Osbern, ib. p. 93 . It seems 
likely that Dunstan excelled 
his contemporaries not only in 
those arts and sciences which 
were more usually cultivated 
in his time, such as music and 
paintings but likewise in the 
natural sciences^ wUch were 
probably very little known. 
See Osbern, p. 93. That he 
should be an excellent worker 
in gold, silver, brass, and iron, 
they who have admired the ex- 
quisite productions of our fore, 
fathers will not wonder. Modern 
times have produced nothing in 
architecture or the ornamental 
arts equal to the taste of those 
days, called (vainly enough) 
the dark ages ; and these works 
were under the direction of the 
ecclesiastics. To the ecclesi- 
astics of those dark ages Eng. 
land owes most of what is ex. 
cellent in her civil institutions 



— whatever is noble in her 
buildings — the preservation of 
learning, and the cultivation of 
the arts.] 

w QOsbern, p. 94, 95. There 
is some difficulty in reconciling 
the accounts of St. Dunstan 
with the year of his birth as 
given by Osbern. For accord- 
ing to this writer he was born 
in the first year of king iEtheL 
Stan, that is, A. D. 924. But 
iBthelstan died when Dunstan 
was only seventeen, in the year 
941, and Athelmus in the year 
928. Consequently this ac- 
count of St. Dunstan's appear- 
ance at Athelstan's court, and 
the subsequent narrative of his 
banishment, is a fiction, or Os- 
bern is incorrect as to the date 
of St. Dunstan's birth. Most 
strange it is that these diffi- 
culties have not been noticed 
by Malmsbury.] 



CK NT. X, of Britain . 833 

against him, that he made his harp not only to have a. 0.935. 
motion, but make music of itself, which no white art stani. 
could perform. 

St. Dunstan's harp fast by the wall 

Upon a pin did hang-a ; 
The harp itself, with lie and all. 

Untouch*! by hand did twang-a. 

For our part, let Dunstan's harp hang there still, on 
a double suspicion twisted together; first, whether 
this story thereof were true or false: secondly, if 
true, whether dgpie by magic or miracle. Sure I 
am, as good a harper, and a better saint than Dun- 
stan was, hath no such miracle reported of him, even 
David himself : who with his harp praised God, 
pleased men, frighted devils*; yet took pains with 
his own light hand to playy, not lazily commanding 
music by miracle to be made on his instrument. 

13. Banished from court, Dimstan returns to Glas- A.D.937. 
senbury, and there falls a puffing and blowing in his unto his 

11 * 

forge. Here he made himself a cell, or rather a^^^", 
little-ease, being but four feet long, two and a half '^"'T- 
broad, (enough to cripple his joints with the cramp, 
who could not lie along therein,) whilst the height 
thereof was according to the stature of a man^. 
Wisely and virtuously he would not confine himself 
upwards, that the scantness of the earthly dimensions 
in his cell (breadth and length) might be enlarged in 
the height thereof, and liberty left for the ascending 
of his meditations. But it matters not how little 

X I Sam. xvi. 23. it is clear that the saint did 

y Psalm cxxxvii. 5. ^ " lie along therein." The cell 

2 [Osbern, who had seen it, indeed was only ^ve feet long, 

has given a description of this and Dunstan was very diminu- 

cell in his Life of St. Dunstan, tive.] 

p. 96. From the same writer 



334 The Church History book it. 

A.D.937. the prison be, if a man, with Dunstan, be his own 
Btani. ' jailer, to go in and out at pleasure. Leave we him 
at the fiimace in smithery work, (excelling Alexander 
the coppersmith therein,) whilst we find such monks 
as wrote his life at another forge, whence they coined 
many impudent miracles pretended done by Dunstan, 
and this among the rest. 
A.D.938. 14. Dunstan was in his vocation makinip some 

Takes a 

devUby irou triukcts, when a Proteus-devil appeared unto 
"«- him, changing into shapes, but fixing himself at last 
into the form of a fair woman ^ S^gange, that Satan 
(so subtile in making his temptations most taking) 
should prefer this form ; belike shrewdly guessing at 
Dunstan's temper, that a fiiir woman might work 
upon him, and Vulcan might love a Venus. Dun- 
stan perceiving it, plucked his tongs glowiag hot out 
of the fire, and with them kept him (or her shall I 
say ?) there a long time by the nose roaring and bel- 
lowing, till at last he brake lose, by what accident it 
is not told unto us. 
This false 15. I havc better employment than to spend pre- 
™nvassed. cious time in confiiting such follies; but give me 
leave to admire at these new arms against Satan. 
Take the shield offaith^ (saith the apostle,) wherewith 
ye may quench all the fiery darts of the wicked^. 
Dunstan found a new way by himself with fiery tongs 
to do the deed. But let us a little examine this 
miracle. The Devil himself we know is a spirit, and 
so impatible of material fire. Now if it were a real 
body he assumed, the snake could slip off his skin at 
pleasure, and not be tied to it, much less tormente<l 
with it. Besides, did Dunstan willingly or unwill- 

» [Osbern, p. 96.] *> Eph. vi. 16. 



CENT. X. 



of Britain. 



335 



ingly let the Devil go? If willingly, mercy to so a. 0.938, 
malicious an enemy (incapable of being amended) stani. 
was craelty to himself: if unwillingly, was it Dun- 
Stan's lire or his feith that failed him, that he could 
hold out against him no longer ? But away with all 
suspicions and queries : none need to doubt of the 
truth thereof, finding it in a sign painted in Fleet- 
street near Temple-bar. 

16. During Dunstan's abode in his cell, he had iojEiigivR 
his great comfort and contentment the company of a boimtifui* 
good lady, iElfgiva by name, living fast by^. No^"®"^* 
preacher but Dunstan would please her, being so ra- 
vished with his society, that she would needs build a 
little cell for herself hard by him. In process of 
time this lady died, and by her last will left Christ 
to be the heir, and Dunstan the executor of her 
estate. Enabled with the accession thereof, joined 
to his paternal possessions, which were very great, 
and now fallen into his hands, Dunstan erected the 
abbey of Glassenbury, and became himself first abbot 
thereof; a title till his time unknoum in England^. 



c [Osbern, p. 97. n. That 
practice which caused such a 
scandal in the early church 
was but too frequent at this 
time in England. William of 
Malmsbury mentions a similar 
instance in the life of Aldhelm, 
p. 13. See also Wharton's 
note in the Anglia Sacra^ II. 

P- 97] 

^ [Osbern, p. 100. In his 

Appeal of Injured Innocence, 

Fuller says, '^I request such 

" as have my Church-History 

'* to delete these words ; for I 

" profess I know not by what 

'* casualty these words crept 



" into my book, contrary to 
" my intent." 

This is an instance in which 
second thoughts are not best. 
Nor would Fuller have made 
this observation^ had he refer- 
red to the sources from which 
he probably derived the his- 
tory of St. Dunstan. The pas- 
sage irom which he gathered 
his information occurs in Os- 
bem's life of that saint, and is 
as follows : ** Ea tempestate 
" (that is^ the time here no- 
*' ticed by Fuller,) Glastonia 
'' regalibus stipendiis addicta, 
'^ monastic® religionis penitus 



886 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.939. He built also and endowed many other monasteries, 

l^^'"^' filling them with Benedictine monks, who began 

now to swarm in England, more tHan maggots in a 

hot May, so incredible was their increase. 

A.D.940. 17. After the death of king ^thelstan, Dunstan 

Recalled to n, .1 . /.i.-n^ « 

omirt, and was recalled to court m the reign of king fSdmund, 
i^enoe. iEthelstan's brother, and flourished for a time in 
great favour*. But who would build on the brittle 
bottom of princes' love ? Soon after he falls into the 
king's disfavour ; the old crime, of being a magician 
(and a wanton with women to boot) being laid to 
his charge. Surely Dunstan by looking on his own 
furnace might learn thence there was no smoke but 
some fire: either he was dishonest or undiscieet, 
which gave the groundwork to their general sus- 
picion. Hereupon he is rebanished the court, and 
returned to his desired cell at Glassenbury ; but 



** ignara. Nondum enim in 
'* Anglia communis ratio vitae 
*' colebatur ; non usus dese- 
** rendi proprias voluntatea ho- 
*' minibus aifectabatur. Abbaiis 
" nomen vix quispiam audierat, 
'* Conveutus monachorum non 
" satis quisquam viderat."Angl. 
Sacr. II. 91. Bridferth also in 
his life of St. Dunstan styles 
him, primus Abbas Anglictt 
nationis. lb. p. 101. n. 

Those religious houses which 
Dunstan and Edgar turned 
into monastic institutions were 
originally convents for the se- 
cular or married clergy, similar 
to the collegiate churches of 
the present day, and restricted 
pretty much by the same rules. 
The monastic life, though at 
this time not altogether un. 
known »wa8 unusual in England. 



For as the same writer in- 
forms us, sometimes indivi- 
duals, sometimes a small com- 
pany, who embraced the reso- 
lution of leading solitary lives, 
quitted their country, and spent 
their lives in seclusion, when- 
ever an opportunity offered it- 
self. This custom prevailed to a 
great extent in Ireland ; many 
of the most learned and reli- 
gious men of that nation left 
their country, and settled at 
Glastonbury, a place suitable 
to such a design, as secluded 
from the busy hum of men, 
and consecrated by the evange- 
lical labours of their renowned 
saint, St. Patrick.] 

c [See Flor, Wigom., and 
the Saxon Chron. in an. 940, 
and Malmsb. f. 29.] 



c ENT . X. of Britain . 387 

within three days was solemnly brought back again A.D.941. 
to court, if the ensuing story may be believed*^. *""" 

18. King Edmund was in an eager pursuit of a King Ed- 
buck, on the top of a steep rock, whence no descent mimcuiouf 
but destruction^. Down falls the deer, and dogs *''*"''*'™^' 
after him, and are dashed to pieces. The king fol- 
lows in fiiU speed on an unruly horse, whom he 

could not rein, and is on the brink of the precipice : 
yet his prayers prove swifter than his horse, he but 
ran, whilst they did fly to heaven. He is sensible of 
his sin in banishing Dunstan, confesseth it with 
sorrow, vows amendment, promiseth to restore and 
prefer him. Instantly the horse stops in his ftiU 
career, and his rider is wonderfully preserved. 

19. Thus far a strong feith may believe of the Fie for 
story : but it must be a wild one which gives credit lyingmonk. 
to the remainder. Cervm et canes reviviscunt^^ saith 

the impudent monk, "the deer and dogs revive 
" again." I remember not in scripture that God 
ever revived a brute beast; partly because such 
mean subjects are beneath the majesty of a miracle, 
and partly because (as the apostle saith) brute beasts 
are made to be taken and destroyed^. Well then 
might the monk have knocked off when he had done 
well, in saving the man and horse, and might have 
left the dogs and deer to have remained dead on the 
place; the deer especially, were it but to make venison 
pasties, to feast the courtiers at the solemnizing of 
their lord and master's so miraculous deliverance. 

e [Yet Dunstan subscribed K Roff. Histor. Matt. West. 

a charter, confirmed by king [an. 940.] J. Capgrave, [Le- 

i^thelbtan, in the year 940. gcnd. f. 90. b.] Osbi'inus, [p. 

Twysden x. Script, p. 2220.] 100.] 

^ [Osbern, p. 100.] h 2 Pet. ii. 12. 

FULLER, VOL. I. Z 



388 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.946. 20. Dunstan returning to court, was in higher 
I Edredi. favour than ever before*. Nor was his interest any 
^^ a whit abated by the untimely death of king Edmund, 
^j^^;^ (slain by one Leof a thief,) seemg his brother 
Edred, succeeding to the crown, continued and in- 
creased his kindness to him. Under him Dunstan was 
the do-all at court, being the king's treasurer, chan- 
cellor, councillor, confessor, all things. Bishoprics were 
bountifully proffered him, pick and choose where he 
please; but none were honoured with his accept- 
ance. Whether because he accounted himself too 
high for the place, and would not stoop to the em- 
ployment, or because he esteemed the place too 
high for him, unable conscientiously to discharge 
it in the midst of so many avocations. Mean- 
time monasteries were everjrwhere erected, (king 
Edred devoutly resigning all his treasure to Dun- 
stan's disposal,) secular priests being thrust out of 
their convents, and monks substituted in their 
rooms. 
A.D.955. 21. But after Edred's death the case was altered 

I £dwii« 

But kin^ with Duustau falling into disgrace with king Edwy 
profosed' his succcssorJ. This king on his coronation day was 
^'^^^y- said to be incestuously embracing both mother and 
daughter, when Dunstan boldly coming into his bed- 
chamber, after bitter reproofs, stoutly fetched him 
thence, and brought him forth into the company of 
his noblemen. An heroic act, if true, done with a 
John Baptist spirit: and no wonder if Herod and 
Herodias, I mean this incestuous king and his con- 



* [Flor. Wigorn. in an. 946. J [Flor. in anno. Malm. f. 
Malms. De Gestis Reg. f. 30. 30.] 
Osbern, p. 102.] 



CENT. X. 



of Britain^ 



339 



cubineSy were highly offended with Dunstan for the a. d. §55. 

1. I Edwii. 

same*. 

22. But good men and grave authors give no be- Who, 
lief herein, conceiving king Edwy (how bad soever wronged by 
charactered by the monks his malicious enemies) to wm a worl 
have been a worthy prince. In witness whereof *^y p""*- 
they produce the words of Henry Huntingdon, 
a learned man, but no monk, thus describing 
him: 

^ [This rudeness of St. Dun- 
Stan, although mentioned by 
Malmsbury^ upon Osbern's au- 
thority, was probably the in- 
vention of a later age^ since it 
has not been noticed either by 
the Saxon Chronicle, Ethel- 
werd, Ingulph, or Florence of 
Worcester. The offence of 
£dwy rather consisted in a 
contempt of his nobility, and 
in deserting their society for 
that of his wife, even on the 
day of his coronation. His 
specific crime is not very intel- 
ligibly expressed either in Os- 
bem or Malmsbury, the latter 
charging the king, proxime 
cogfuUam invadens uxorein ejus 
forma deperibat, sapientum con- 
siUafostidiens, This is so in- 
terpreted by later writers, as 
if Edwy had been gtiilty of 
adultery with the wife of one 
of his relations. Later chro- 
niclers, as might be expected, 
have added to the tale, but 
hardly any two are consistent 
with each other. The real 
reason for Ed^^'s ill repute 
among the monkish writers, 
was, as Fuller has justly ob- 
served, his favour to the secu- 
lar clergy, and his oppositipn 



{( 



«( 



to Dunstan, their violent and 
unscrupulous advocate. Hear 
Malmsbury's complaints. 

*' Miserrimis satellitibus sub- 
'' nixus, omnes in tota Anglia 
'' monastici ordinis homines 
*' prius nudatos facultatum 
'* auxilio, post etiam deporta- 
*' tos exilio calamitatibus in- 
" dignis affecit. Ipsum Dun. 
" stanum nionachorum princi- 

pem in Flandnam propellit. 

£a tempestate facies mona- 
'* chorum foeda et miserabilis 
" erat. Nam et Malmsburiense 
'' coenobium plusquam ducen- 
'* tis septuaginta annis a mo> 
•• nachis inhabitatum, clerico- 
" rum stabulum fecit." De 
Gest. f. 30. See also Osbern, 
105. 

To the passage from Henry 
of Huntingdon in favour of 
Edwy, mentioned in the text, 
may be added another from 
Ethehverd, living at the time, 
who speaks of him as generally 
beloved (per regnum aman- 
dus). Some ingenious re- 
marks upon the subject will 
be found in Wharton's notes 
to Osbern's life of Dunstan, 
published in the Angl. Sacr. 
II. 105, 106.] 

z 2 



340 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.955. ^^i ^on illaudabiliter " Edwy was not andeserving 

1 Edwii. regni infulam tenuil\ " of praise in managing the soep- 

•• tre of this land." 

Et rursus : And again : 

Edfvi rex, anno regni sui " King Edwy in the fifth year 

quinio, cum in principio ** of his reign, when his kingdom 

regnum ejus decentissime *' began at first most decently to 

jioreret, prosper a et iata^ '' flourish, had his prosperous and 

hunda exordia mors irnma^ " pleasant beginnings broken off 

tura perrupit^. " with untimely death." 

This testimony considered, makes many men think 
better of king Edwy, and worse of Dunstan, as 
guilty of some uncivil intrusion into the king's 
chamber, for which he justly incurred his royal dis- 
pleasure. 
A. D. ^56. 23. Hereupon Dunstan is banished by king Eldwy, 
ethDun. not as before from England to England, from the 
dieth court to his cell at Glassenbury, but is utterly ex- 
J^„ pelled the kingdom, and flieth into Flanders**. Where 
with grief, jjjg friends say that his fame prepared his welcome, 
and the governor of Gaunt most solemnly enter- 
tained him. Meantime all the monks in England 
of Dunstan's plantation were rooted up, and secular 
priests set in their places. But soon after happened 
many commotions in England, especially in Mercia 
and Northumberland. The monks which write the 
story of these rebellions conceive it unfit to impart 
to posterity the cause thereof, which makes wise 
men to suspect that Dunstan, (who could blow coals 
elsewhere as well as in his furnace,) though at dis- 
tance, virtually (or rather viciously present) had a 

1 Hist. f. 204. n [Osbern, p. 106.] 

«» [Ibid. See also Ethel- « [Flor. Wigorn, a. 957.] 
werd, f. 483.] 



CENT. X. 



of Britain. 



341 



finffer, yea, a hand therein. Heart-broken with these a. d. 959. 

_ 1 EdgarL 

rebellions, King Edwy died in the flower of his age®. 

24. Edgar succeeds him, and recalls Dunstan Dmwtan 

recalled by 



o QThe reign of king Edwy 
the Beautiful^ as he was called 
(see Ethelwerd^ f. 483.), is 
narrated with so much partial- 
ity by the chroniclers, who ge- 
nerally foUow Florence of 
Worcester >*ath much servility, 
that it is very difficult to ar- 
rive at any distinct under- 
standing of this king's cha- 
racter and conduct. The ear- 
liest and most respectable an- 
nalists, such as Florence and 
the Saxon Chron., do not men- 
tion the affair with Dunstan 
at all. The former merely 
says, " quoniam in commisso 
" regimine insipienter cgit a 
'* Mercensibus et Northim- 

brensibus contemptus relin. 

quitur et suns germanus 

Clito Eadgarus ab eis rex 
** eligitur." The meaning of 
this term " insipienter" is well 
explained by William of Malms- 
bury, f. 30. '* Ea tempestate 
'* facies Monachorum foeda et 
" miserabilis erat. Nam et 
*' Malmsburiense ccenobium 
" plusquam ducentis septua- 
** ginta annis a monachis inha- 
*' bitatum clericorum stahulum 
" fedt." And a little below 
he plainly intimates that this 
severe treatment of the monks 
was the occasion of Edwy's 

misfortunes " luit ille poe- 

*• nas ausus temerarii," &c. 
(Of. De Pontif. V. 365. Hist. 
Ramesien. in Gale, I. 393.) — 
Edwy succeeded to the king, 
dom 955 ; drove Dunstan into 
banishment the next year — 



<• 



<< 



€t 



the year after, 957, the Mer- 
cians and Northumbrians re- 
volt — and he died early in 959. 
His brother Edgar, being only 
fourteen, was chosen king by 
the Mercians in 957, and Dun- 
stan was immediately recalled^ 
and appointed the same year 
to the see of Worcester. But 
the Northumbrians had in the 
previous reigns been in a con- 
tinual state of revolt, and there- 
fore their rebellion is no proof 
of Edwy*s bad conduct. His 
brother Edgar, though guilty 
of some of the worst of vices, 
idolatry, debauchery, and cru- 
elty, (see Malmsbury, f. 33, and 
particularly the Saxon Chron . a. 
957.) is extolled to an excessive 
degree by the same writers. The 
reason is plain, — ** abjectis ex 
'* coenobiis clericorum neniis 
'^ ad laudem Creatoris summi 
'* monachorum et sanctimonia- 
" Hum catervas, et plusquam 
'' 40 monasteria cum eis con- 
*• stitui jussit." Flor. an. 959. 
There are some very judicious 
observations upon this subject, 
and this king's reign, in Carte's 
Hist. I. 324. All the monk- 
ish writers, when mentioning 
this dispute of Dunstan with 
the king, take occasion to ob- 
serve that their own monastery 
was spoiled by the king ; when 
it is doubtful whether more 
than two existed at that time 
in England, one at Glasten- 
bury, the other at Abingdon. 
See Wharton's A. S. H. 105, 
and Parker's Antiq. p. 121.] 

z 3 



342 The Church History book ii. 

L. D. 959. home, receiving him with all possible affection^ 
^^"' Yea now Dunstan's stomach was come down, and 
I2?tak^'he could digest a bishopric, which his abstemioos- 
^ric °^^ formerly refused. And one bishopric drew 
down another, Worcester and London p, not success- 
ively, but both abreast, went down his conscience. 
Yea, never age afforded more pluralist bishops. In 
this king's reign Leofwine held Lincoln and Lei- 
cester *i; Oswald (a great monk-monger, of whom 
hereafter) held York and Worcester ; and Ealdulf', 
his successor in both churches, did the like, par- 
doned, yea praised for the same : though Wulstan 
(because no favourer of monks) is reproved for the 
like plurality. Thus two men, though doing the 
same thing, do not the same thing. Bigamy of 
bishoprics goes by favour ; and it is condenmable in 
one, what is commendable in another. Odo Severus, 
archbishop of Canterbury, being ceremoniously to 
consecrate Dunstan bishop of Worcester, used all 
the formalities fashionable at the consecration of an 
archbishop*: and being reproved for the same, he 
answered for himself, that he foresaw that Dunstan 
instantly after his death would be archbishop of 
Canterbury. And therefore (a compendious way to 
spare pains) he only by a provident prolepsis ante- 
dated his consecration. Surely, whosoever had seen 
the decrepit age of Odo, the affection of king Edgar 
to Dunstan, the affection of Dunstan to dignity, 

o [Flor. Wigorn. in an. ter. Osbern, p. 1 10.] 

INIalin. f. 30. Osbern. p. 107.] q Parker's Antiq. Britan. 

P [The first in 957, the p. 124. 

other in 958. See Flor. Wi- r [Sax. Chron. a. 992.] 

gorn. iin. 957. Osbern, p. 108. » [Osbern, p. 107.] Antiq. 

In the same ^vay he afterwards Britan. ibidem, 
held Canterbury and Roches- 



CENT. X. 



of Britain, 



S43 



needed no extraordinary prophetical spirit to presage a. d. 959. 
that (on the supposition of Dunstan's surviving him) ^^^. 
he should succeed him in the archbishopric of Can- 
terbury. 

25. Yea king Edgar was so wholly Dunstanized, Oswald'* 
that he gave over his soul, body, and estate to be secular 
ordered by him and two more, (then the triumvirate '*"***** 
who ruled England,) namely, iEthelwold bishop of 
Winchester*, and Oswald bishop of Worcester. This 
Oswald was the man who procured by the king's au- 
thority the ejection of all secular priests out of Wor- 
cester, and the placing of monks in their roomer 
which act was called Oswald's law in that age. They 



* [Eadmer. vit. Dunst. p. 
219.] 

^ [As ^thelwold, another 
of the bishops, a pupil of Dun- 
Stan, and promoted by his in. 
terests^ expelled by the same 
means the regular clergy out 
of the diocese of Winton. He 
succeeded Brihthelm 963 ; his 
compeer Oswald was promoted 
to Worcester 960. See Florent. 
Wigom. sub annis. The same 
writer tells us that iEthelwold 
was the most active in urging 
the king to this conduct. — 
" Cujus ezimius erat consilia- 
" rius, ad hoc maxime provo- 
** cavit." — This ia confirmed 
by the Saxon Chron., who 
dates his expulsion of the 
clergy in the second year after 
his consecration. Not only did 
this prelate build and endow 
houses for monks in his dio- 
ct'se, but he also obtained from 
king Edgar a grant of such as 
had been ruined and devastated 
by the Danes, which he re- 
paired and endowed : among 



the rest Ely and Peterborough. 
The confirmation of the char- 
ter of Peterborough, and its 
endowments by king Edgar^ 
may be seen in the Saxon 
Chron. sub a. 963. 

Bishop Burnet^ in his His- 
tory of the Reform. I. 43, has 
quoted an Inspeximus of king 
Edgar's (Rot. Patent. 2. Hen. 
Vni. par. 1.), erecting the 
priory and convent of Wor- 
cester, which bears date a. 964. 
on St. Innocent's day. It 
rehearses that he did with the 
consent of his princes and gen- 
try confirm and establish that 
priory ; that he had erected 
forty-seven monasteries, which 
he intended to increase to fifty, 
the number of jubilee; and 
that the former incumbents 
should be for ever excluded, 
inasmuch as they had prefer, 
red, to the prejudice of their 
order and the ecclesiastical be- 
nefice, to adhere to their wives 
instead of serving God chastely 
nnd canonical! y.l 

z 4 



344 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A. D. 959. might, if it pleased them, have styled it Edgai^s law, 
2 jiKigan. ^^^ legislative power being then more in the king 
than in the bishop. This Oswald's law afterwards 
enlarged itself over all England, secular priests being 
thrown out, and monks every where fixed in their 
rooms; till king Henry the Eighth his law outed 
Oswald's law, and ejected those drones out of their 
habitations. 
Dunstan's 26. Kinff Edfi^ar violated the chastity of a nun at 
ofTkig"*'^ Wilton w. Dunstan getting notice thereof, refused 
*'^'*^' at the king's request to give him his hand, because 
he had defiled a daughter of God, as he termed her. 
Edgar hereby made sensible of his sin, with sorrow 
confessed it ; and Dunstan (now archbishop of Can- 
terbury^) enjoined him with seven years' penance 
for the same. Monks endeavour to enforce a 
mock parallel betwixt David and Edgar, Nathan 
and Dunstan, herein. Sure I am, on David's pro- 
fession of his repentance, Nathan presently pro- 
nounced pardon ; The Lord also hath put away thy sin^ 
thou shah not diey; consigning him to be punished 
by God the principal, (using an undutiful son, 
treacherous servants, and rebellious subjects to be 
the instruments thereof,) but imposing no voluntary 
penance, that David should by will-worship under- 
take on himself*. All that I will add is this; If 



w [Osbern, p. iii. Malms, 
f. 33. Eadm. ib. p. 218. Par- 
ker's Antiq. Brit. p. i 24.] 

^ [Brithelm, who succeeded 
Alfsy in the see of Winton, 
a. 958, was the next year, on 
the death of Odo, elected arch- 
bishop of Canterbury : but 
being thought unfit for it, was 
ordered by the king to resign in 



favour of Dunstan. Dunstan 
was at this time the king's tu- 
tor. See Flor. Wig. a. 959.] 

y 2 Sam. xii. 13, 

* [One part of the penance 
inflicted on the king by Dun- 
stan is very remarkable. He 
was to transcribe the holy scrip- 
tures, and order them to be 
kept throughout his kingdom. 



CENT. X. o/Britavi. 345 

Dunstan did septenary penance to expiate every a. d. 969. 
mortal sin (to use their own terms) he committed. 



he must have been a Methuselah, extremely aged, 
before the day of his death. 

27. More commendable was Dunstan's carriage And car- 
towards an English count, who lived incestuously ![l!i^ an 
with his own kinswoman*. Dunstan admonished JJJJ^^** 
him once, twice, thrice ; nothing prevailed : where- 
upon he proceeded to excommunicate him. The 
count slighted his excommunication, conceiving his 

head too high for church-censures to reach it. King 
Edgar (falsely informed) desires Dunstan to absolve 
him, and is denied. Yea the pope sends to him to 
the same purpose, and Dunstan persists in his re- 
fusal**. At last the count, conquered with Dunstan's 
constancy, and the sense of his own sin, came into a 
national council at Canterbury, where Dunstan sat 
president, (active therein to substitute monks in the 
places of secular priests,) on his bare feet, with a 
bundle of rods, tendering himself to Dunstan's chas- 
tisement. This wrought on Dunstan's mild nature, 
scarce refraining from tears ; who presently absolved 
him. 

28. Three things herein are remarkable : first, Obwnrm- 
that bribes in the court of Rome may purchase a on. 
male&ctor to be innocent ; secondly, that the pope 
himself is not so infallible, but that his key may 
miss the lock, and he be mistaken in matter of ab- 
solution ; thirdly, that men ought not so with blind 
obedience to obey his pretended holiness, but that if 

*' Sanctas conscriheret scriptu- * [Eadxner, ib. p. 215.] 

•* ras, per omnesjines imperii ^ Osbern. in vita Dunstani. 

" sui populis custodiendas tnan^ [No such passage occurs in 

** darel" Osbern, p. 1 1 1 .] thijj author.] 



346 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 969. (with Dunstan here) they see just cause to the con- 
il^:!!!!!ltmry, it is no mortal sin to disobey his commandB. 
Edgar's ca- 9Q. The apprenticeship of Edgar's penance long 
by uslere since expired, he flourished in all monarchical lustre : 
"^^' sole founder of many, co-founder of more, bene&ctor 
to most abbeys in England. And as he gave new 
cases to most monasteries, (repairing their outward 
buildings,) so he gave new linings to all, substituting 
monks instead of the secular priests, whom he ex- 
pelled^. Many ecclesiastical canons were by him 
ordained, which at large are presented in sir Hemy 
Spelman, and which I have neither list nor leisure 
to recount in this my history. Our women have a 
proverb ; " It is a sad burden to carry a dead man's 
'^ child:" and surely an historian hath no heart to 
take much pains (which herein are pains indeed) to 
exemplify dead canons, dead and buried long rince, 
as most relating to monkery ; this age, wherein we 
live, being little fond of antiquity, to know those 
things which were antiquated so many years since. 
Edgar a 30. Now though tho dovotiou of king Edgar may 
umphant be coudemnod to be biassed to superstition, yet be- 
^^' cause the sincerity of his heart sought to advance 
God's honour, according to the light in those dark 
days, he appears one of the most puissant princes 
that ever England enjoyed, both in church and com- 
monwealth. I have read in a most fair and authentic 
gilded manuscript^, wherein he styleth himself God's 
vicar in England, for the ordering ecclesiastical mat- 
ters : a title which at this day the pope will hardly 
vouchsafe to any Christian princes. His reign was 

^ [He gave orders for more Flor. Wigom. p. 159.] 
than forty monasteries to be ^ Extant in the precious Ii- 
built for the use of the uionks. brary of sir Thomas Cotton. 



CENT. X. of Britain. 847 

blessed with peace and prosperity, both by land and A.D.969. 

sea; insomuch that in a royal frolic eight petty 

kings rowed him over the river Dee near to Chester, 
namely, five princes of Wales, whereof Hoel-Dha 
was the principal, Kened king of Scotland, Malcolm 
king of Cimiberland, and Mac-ens, a great sea-robber, 
who may pass for the prince of pirates". 

81. This Hoel-Dha, contemporary with king Edgar^ a. D-.970. 
was he that held a national council for all Wales at council in 
a place called Ty-guin, or the Whitehouse, because 
built of white hurdles, to make it more beautiful, 
regulated after this manner. Out of every hundred 
in Wales he chose six laymen, with whom he joined 
all the eminent ecclesiastical persons (accounted an 
hundred and forty) in his dominions. Out of those 
he chose eleven laymen and one clergyman, (but 
such a one as who alone by himself might pass vir- 
tually for eleven,) Blangoridus by name, to enact 
what laws they pleased, which after the impression 
of royal assent upon them, should be observed by 
that nation. One might suspect this council, thus 
overpowered with laics therein, which pinch on the 
priests' side ; whereas we find the canons therein 
wholly made in favour of the clergy : enacting this 
among the rest, that the presence of a priest and a 
judge constitute a legal court, as the two persons 
only in the quorum thereof. 

32. But methinks the laws therein enacted (which The meny 
a learned antiquary presents us at large?) fall far therein. 

^ [Flor. Wigorn. a. 973. of Durham he died in 951. 

Malm. f. 31. "Maccus pluri- See also Wharton's A. S. IL 

** marum rex insularum/' as p. xxxii.] 
Florence describes him ; that is, K Spelman*8 Concil. I. 411. 

king of Man and the Hebrides.] [Wilkins, I. 208, and IV. 769. 

^ [Yet according to Simeon sq.] 



S48 The Church History book ii. 

A.D.970. short of the gravity of a council, except any will ex- 
i3i!Kigan. ^^^^ .^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ thereof ; what we count light 

and trivial, might be esteemed serious and solid in 
those days. Besides, the laws discover in them a 
conceited affectation of the number of three. In 
three cases a wife may legally leave her husband : 
first, if he hath a leprosy; secondly, if he hath a 
stinking breath ; thirdly, and if he be imable to give 
her due benevolence. In three cases it was lawful 
for a man to kiss his neighbour's wife : first, at a 
banquet ; secondly, at the Welsh play called Guare- 
raffau; and thirdly, when he comes from a far 
journey, by way of salutation. If a man and his 
wife were to part asunder, they were to divide their 
goods betwixt them so, that she was to have the 
sheep, he the hogs, she the milk and milk-vessels, 
with all the dishes save one, he all the beer and bar- 
rels, with the axe, saw, &c. 
A.D.971. 33. But how silly soever these canons seem to our 

Confirmed 1 * a* ,^ a-\ • t /• \ 

by the modem critics, they were then conceived of such 
^^' weight and worth, that king Hoel-Dha with his 
archbishop of St. David's, the bishops of Bangor, 
Landaff, and St. Asaph, are said to have taken a 
journey to Rome, and procured the pope's confirma- 
tion to them. Nor find I ought else of this synod, 
save that the close thereof presents us with a list of 
seven episcopal seats then in Wales: 1. St. David's, 
2. Ismael, 3. Degeman, 4. Ussylld, 5. Teilaw, 6. Theu- 
lydawg, 7. Genau^^. I am not Welshman enough to 
point at these places, and to shew you where they be 
at this day, which we leave to some skilfiil antiquary 
of their own nation. Only we find that whereas the 

P Query whether Bangor^ Landa(f> and St, Asaph be not 
comprised under these. 



CENT. X. of Britain. 849 

churches were burdened with some payments out of a. d. 971. 
them, two of the bishops' sees (Ussylld and Genau) 



were freed fix)m the same. And this satisfiujtory 
reason is rendered of their exemption, quia tei^ris 
carenU because they had no lands belonging unto 
them. 

84. King Edgar was peaceably gathered to his A.D.97S. 
fethers**, leaving his crown to Edward his son, and atWinchw- 
his son (because under age) to the tuition of Dun- min^ious 
Stan. In this king's reign three councils were sue- ^^** ^ '** 
cessively called, to determine the differences between 
monks and secular priests*. The first was at Win- 
chester, where the priests being outed of their con- 
vents, earnestly pressed for restitution, and sought by 
arguments to clear their innocence, and prove their 
title to their ancient possessions. The council seemed 
somewhat inclinable to favour unto them; when 
presently a voice, as coming from a crucifix behind 
Dunstan, is reported to be heard, saying, 

Absit hoc ut JiaU ahsit *' God forbid it should be done, 
hoc utjiai ; Judicaslis bene^ ** God forbid it should be done ; 
mutareiis non hene^. " ye have judged it well, and 

" should change it ill." 

Whether these words were spoken in Latin or 
English, authors leave us unresolved. Monks equal 
this (for the truth thereof) to the stiU small voice to 
Elijah^, whilst others suspect some forgery ; the 
rather, because it is reported to come as from a 
crucifix : they fear some secret falsehood in the 
fountain, because visible superstition was the cistern 

^ [Flor. in an. Osbern, p. from Rudborn's Hist. Winto- 

112. Malm. f. 33. b.] niens. in Wharton's Angl. 

i [See Wilkins' Cone. I. Sacr. I. 217.] 

263.] 1 I Kings xix. 12. 

^ [Parker De Antiq. p. 126. 



350 The Church History booi ii. 

A. D. 977. thereof. However, this voice proved for the present 
Martyris. the casting voico to the secular priests, who thereby 

were overborne in their cause, and so was the council 

dissolved. 
Secular 35. Yet Still the secular priests did struggle, re- 

priests 

strive still, fusing to be finally concluded with this transient 
airy oracle. To the law and to the testimony ; if they 
speak not according to this word, SfcJ^ They had no 
warrant to rely on such a vocal decision, from which 
they appealed to the scripture itself. A second 
council is called at Kyrtlynge, (now Katlage in 
Cambridgeshire, the barony of the right honourable 
the lord North,) but nothing to purpose effected 
therem^ Dunstan, say the monks, still answered 
his name, that is, dun, a rocky mountain, and stain, 
a stone P, (but whether a precious stone, or a rock of 
offence, let others decide,) persisting unmovable in 
his resolution ; nor was any thing performed in this 
council, but that by the authority thereof people 
were sent on pilgrimage to St. Mary at Abingdon. 
A porten. 86. The Same year a third council was called, at 
cii at*^n. Cain in Wiltshire^. Hither repaired priests and 
monks, with their full forces, to try the last con- 
clusion in the controversy betwixt them. The 
former, next the equity of the cause, relied most on 
the ability of their champion, one Beomelm, a Scot- 
tish bishop, who with no less eloquence than strength, 
with scripture and reason defended their cause. 
When behold, on a sudden the beams brake in the 
room where they were assembled, and most of the 

^ Isa. viii. 20. P " [Dunstanus quod petrae 

«» [Flor. Wig. a. 977. Malm. •* firmitatem sonat." Osbern, 

f. 33. Gibson thinks it the p. Qi- Compare also p. 103.] 
same as Kyrtlington in Ox- <l [Flor. Wig. 1. 1. See Wil- 

fordshire.] kins^ ibid.] 



CENT. X. of Britain. 85 1 

secular priests were slain, and buried under the a. D. 977. 
ruins thereof. All were af&ighted, many maimed ; Manyris. 
only the place whereon Dunstan sat either (as some 
say) remained firm, or fell in such sort, that the 
timber (the sword to kill others) proved the shield 
to preserve him from danger. 

37- Some behold this story as a notable untruth : Several 

oensiiret on 

others suspect the Devil therein, not for a liar, but a this sad 
murderer, and this massacre procured by compact 
with him : a third sort conceived that Dunstan, who 
had so much of a smith, had here something of a 
carpenter in him, and some device used by him 
about pinning and propping of the room. It renders 
it the more suspicious, because he dissuaded king 
Edward from being present there, pretending his 
want of age; though he was present in the last 
council, and surely he was never the younger for 
living some months since the same assembly. If 
truly performed, Dunstan appears happier herein 
than Samson himself, who could not so sever his 
foes, but both must die together. Sure I am, no 
ingenuous papist nowadays will make any uncha- 
ritable inference from such an accident: especially 
since the fell of Black friars, 1623, enough to make 
all good men turn the censuring of others into an 
humble silence, and pious adoring of Divine provi- 
dence. 

38. But the monks made great advantage of this SecuUn 
accident, conceiving that heaven had confirmed their monks aS. 
cause, as lately by word at Winchester, so now by ''*°**^ 
work in this council at Cain. Hereupon secular 
priests are every where outed, and monks substi- 
tuted in their room. Indeed these latter in civil re- 
spect were beheld as more beneficial to their con- 



352 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 977. vents; because secular priests did marryy and at 
MaityriB. their deaths did condere testamenta^ ^^rnake their 
" wills," and bequeathed their goods to their wives 
and children ; whilst monks, having no issue (which 
they durst own), made their monastery heir of all 
they had. It was also objected against the priests, 
that by their looseness and laziness, left at large in 
their lives, they had caused the general declination 
of piety at this time ; whilst it was presumed of the 
monks, that by the strict rules of observance to 
which they were tied, they would repair the ruins of 
religion in all places. 
Priests 39. It appears not what provision was made for 

dealt with, thcse pricsts wheu ejected ; and they seem to have 
had hard measure to be dispossessed of their civil 
right. Except any will say it was no injury to them 
to lose their places so soon, but a great fitvour that 
they enjoyed them so long, living hitherto on the 
free bounty of their founders, and now at the full 
dispose of the church and state. Little can be said 
in excuse of the priests, and less in commendation of 
the monks; who though they swept clean at the 
first, as new besoms, yet afterwards left more dust 
behind them of their own bringing in than their 
predecessors had done. Thus the hive of the church 
was no whit bettered by putting out drones and 
placing wasps in their room. Yea, whereas formerly 
corruptions came into the church at the wicket, now 
the broad gates were opened for their entrance; 
monkery making the way for ignorance and super- 
stition to overspread the whole worlds 

«■ The eifects of Dunstan's they were completely expelled 
severity to the secular clergy from such cities as Worcester, 
were probably very great, since Winchester, and the like — not 



CENT. X. of Britain. S5S 

40. Another humour of the former age (to make a. d. 977. 
one digression for all) still continued and increased, Maityns. 
venting itself in the fair foundations and stately The prodi. 
structures of so many monasteries*. So that one ^^y^]^***^*" 
beholding thdr neatness, beine: corrivals with some *'"^^**"f 

o o ' o and endow- 

towns in receipt and extent, would admire that they m «<■ «»»- 
could be so neat; and considering their neatness, 
must wonder they could be so great; and lastly, 
accounting their number, will make all three the 
object of his amazement. Especially, seeing many 
of these were founded in the Saxon heptarchy, when 
seven kings put together did spell but one in effect. 
So that it may seem a miracle what invisible Indies 
those petty princes were masters of, building such 
structures which impoverish posterity to repair them. 
For although some of these monasteries were the 
fruit of many ages, long in ripening, at several times, 
by sundry persons, all whose parcels and additions 
met at last in some toleraWe uniformity ; yet most of 
them were begun and finished, absolute and entire, 
by one founder alone. And although we allow that 
in those days artificers were procured, and materials 
purchased at easy rates, yet there being then scarce- 
ness of coin, (as a little money would then buy much 
ware, so much ware must first in exchange be given 
to provide that little money,) all things being audited 
proportionably, the wonder still remains as great as 
before. But here we see with what eagerness those 
designs are undertaken and pursued which proceed 
from blind zeal : every finger being more than an 

always by open, frequently by red the latteralternative.'* Ma- 
underhand means. The clergy *• gis vitam mollem elegissent," 
of Winchester, when they had says Malmsbury.^'tunctotain- 
the option of conforming to the *' sula incertis vagabantur sedi- 
rulesof the monastic institution, " bus." De Gestis Reg. f . 3 1 . b.] 
or deserting their cures^ prefer- « [Malmsb. f . 31.] 

FULLER, VOL. I. A a 



854 The Church History book il 

A. D. 977. hand to build, when they thought merit was annexed 
Martyris. to their perfonnancos. Oh ! with what might and 
main did they mount their walls both day and night; 
erroneously conceiving that their souls were advan- 
taged to heaven, when taking the rise from the top 
of a steeple of their own erection*. 
Caution to 41. But it will uot be amiss to mind our forgetfiil 
^' "*^ age, that, seeing devotion (now better informed), long 
sithence hath desisted to express itself in such 
pompous buildings, she must find some other me^is 
and manner to evidence and declare her sincerity. 
Except any will say that there is less heart required 
where more light is granted ; and that our practice 
of piety should be diminished, because our know- 
ledge thereof is increased. God, no doubt, doth 
justly expect that religion should testify her thank- 
fulness to him by some eminent way and works : and 
where the fountain of piety is fiill, it will find itself 
a vent to flow in, though not through the former 
channels of superstition. 
A. D. 978. 42. King Edward went to give his mother-in-law 
ward mur. ^.t Corfe-castlo a respectable visit, when by her con- 
^^^1^**' trivance he was barbarously murdered, so to pave 
the way for her son jEthelred his succession to the 
crown. But king Edward, by losing his life, got the 
title of a martyr, so constantly called in our chroni- 
cles. Take the term in a large acception, otherwise 
restrictively it signifies such an one as suffers for the 
testimony of the truth. But, seeing this Edward 
was cruelly murdered, and is said after death to work 
miracles, let him, by the courtesy of the church, pass 

s [This is certainly not true terested in cloaking the scanti- 

as applied to the age when mo- ness of its zeal under such mis- 

nasteries were erected. Though representations, 
modern selfishness may feel in- 



CENT. X. 



of Britain, 



355 



for a martyr, not knowing any act or order to the a.d. 978. 
contrary, to deny such a title unto him^ Mwt^ 



t [On the death of Edgar 
there was a contention among 
the nobles about a successor; 
some supporting the claims of 
-^thelred, and others those of 
Edward, but by the power of 
Dunstan it was determined in 
favour of the latter (Flor. Wi- 
gom. a. 975.) Immediately 
on the death of his father^ 
through the influence of his 
mother-in-law and some of the 
nobles, the regular clergy were 
recalled ; this produced two 
parties in the state, thus de- 
scribed by Ingulf : " Cujus 
" [Edwardi] ssuicta simplici- 
'* tate et innocentia tarn abusa 
'* est factio tyrannorum, per 
" reginse favorem et potentiam 
** prsecipue roborata, quod per 
'^ Merciam monachis de qui- 
*' busdam monasteriis ejectis 
*' clerici sunt inducti, qui sta- 
" tim monasteriorum maneria 
'' ducibus terrae distribuebant, 
'* ut sic in suas partes obligati 
*' eos contra monachos defen- 
'* sarent. Tunc de monasterio 
*' Eveshamensi monachis ex- 
pulsis clerici fuerunt intro- 
ducti, terrteque tyranni de 
terris ecclesise prsemiati sunt. 
•* Quibus regina novercali ne- 
'' quitia stans cum clericis in 
•* regis opprobrium favebat, 
** cum monachis autem rex et 
*' sancti episcopi persistebant, 
*' sed tyranni fulti reginae fa- 
vore et potentia super mo- 
nachos triumphabant. Mul- 
*' tus inde tumultus in omni 
*' angolo Angliae f actus est." 
f. 506. See Flor. a. 975. After 
a brief reign of four years this 



€t 



€€ 



tt 



4t 



<€ 



king came to an untimely end, 
hunting near Corfe-castle, as 
the monkish writers did not 
scruple to affirm, by the hands 
of his step-mother. But the 
Saxon annalist, who was either 
contemporary with the fact, or 
transcribed his narrative from 
one who was, mentions nothing 
of his mother's participation in 
the crime ; and Hen. of Hunt- 
ingdon, whose testimony is 
valuable as an unprejudiced 
writer, speaks thus of his 
death : *' occisus est proditione 
'* gentis suae." And then in- 
troduces the subsequent tale, as 
a dubious report : " dicitur au- 
" tem quod noverca ejus mater, 
" &c." Hist.f. 204. But though 
Flor. of Wigorn. and Ingulf at- 
tribute his death to the instiga- 
tion of Alfleda, they give not 
the slightest foundation for 
supposing that ^thelred *^puer 
** decern annorum" (Ingulf 1. 1.) 
could at all participate in it. 
The progress of falsehood, in 
this instance, may be traced 
with some instruction, as to 
the credit of the monkish 
writers. Ingulf says that Dun- 
stan, upon consecrating iEtheU 
red, addressed him after the 
ceremony thus; *'quia ascen- 
** disti ad thronum tuum per 
mortem fratris tui, quem oc- 
cidit mater tua ;"-which ver- 
sion of the tale Malmsbury, 
who wrote but very few years 
after, thus enlarges on ; ** quia, 
*• inquit, per mortem fratris tui 
'* aspirasti ad regnum audi 
*' verbum," — ^and speaks after- 
wards and before of his sharing 

A a 2 



<< 



t( 



356 



The Church Htstory 



BOOK 11. 



A.D. 978. 

oognom.the him in the throne^ 



noBticated 
unsuooess- 
ful. 



43. JEthehred, Edward's half-brother, succeeded 

One with whom Dmistan had 

— II— a quarrel from his cradle, because, when an infant, 

rwi^rog- " he left more water in the font than he found there 
at his baptizing. Happy Dunstan himself, if guilty 
of no greater fault, which could be no sin (nor pro- 
perly a slovenness) in an infant, if he did as an 
in&nt ! Yet from such his addition, Dunstan prog- 
nosticated an inundation of Danes would ensue in 
this island: which accordingly came to pass. But 
Ethelred is more to be condenmed for the blood he 
shed when a man; it being vehemently suspected 
that he was accessory with his mother to the mur- 
dering of his brother Edward. 

44. But Dunstan survived not to see his prediction 
corpse take effect, for he was happily prevented by death, 
daimed by and buriod ou the south side of the high altar in the 
of oi^T- church of Canterbury : where his tomb was famous 
bury. for some time, till Thomas Becket eclipsed the same; 

seeing saints, like new besoms, sweep clean at the 
first, and afterwards are clean swept out, by newer 
saints which succeed them. Yea, Dunstan's grave 
grew so obscure at Canterbury, that the monks of 
Glassenbury taking heart thereat, and advantaged by 
John Capgrave's report, that anno 1012 Dunstan's 
corpse were translated thither, pretended his burial, 
and built him a shrine in their convent^. Men and 



A.D. 987. 

DtinBtan*s 



in^ and conniving at, the crime : 
which in a boy of scarce ten 
years of age is so ridiculous, 
and so perverse a corruption 
of his authorities, that no one 
but a monk, anxious to bkcken 
the supporters of the married 
clergy, would ever have ima- 
ging.] 



V [Flor. Wigom. a. 978. 
Will, of Malmsbury, f. 34. b.] 

w [The monks of Glaston- 
bury laid claim to the body of 
St. Dunstan three centuries 
before Capgrave wrote. About 
fifty years after the death of 
Dunstan they pretended that 
some of their body had been 



CXNT. X. 



of Britain* 



867 



money met at Glassenbury on this mistake ; and a. d. 987. 
their convent got more by this eight foot length of redi. 
ground, (the supposed tomb of Dunstan,) than eight " 

hundred acres of the best land they possessed else- 
where. Whereupon William Warham, archbishop 
of Canterbury, to try the truth, and to prevent fur- 
ther fraud herein, caused a solemn search to be made 
in the cathedral of Canterbury after Dunstan's corpse, 
in the place tradition reported him to be interred. 

45. Four of the friars, fittest for the work, to wit, a night 

hue-and- 



deputed to take charge 6f 
Canterbury^ which had been 
deserted on the murder of 
St. ^phegus by the Danes. 
They pretended that in this in- 
terval the body of Dunstan was 
removed to Glastonbury, and 
an abbot of that monastery 
substituted in his room. On 
this occasion Eadmer^ a monk 
of Canterbury^ who had wit- 
nessed the translation of Dun- 
Stan's body to the new church 
at Canterbury^ undertaken by 
the order of archbishop Lan- 
franc^ addressed a letter to the 
monks of Glastonbury, ex- 
plaining these circumstances^ 
and shewing the impossibility of 
such a theft having ever been 
committed. Referring to the 
exhumation of Dunstan's body, 
with all its appropriate orna- 
ments, which he had himself 
witnessed, he asks. How was it 
possible for the monks to pro- 
cure a body habited like the 
corpse of the archbishop ; with 
its mitre> pall, pins, and shoes 
{infulatum, palliatum, spinda- 
latum, et sandaliis caldatum) ? 
Especially the pall> which could 
only be procured from Rome, 



and was never granted to any 
abbot of Glastonbury. Besides 
that the corpse was buried in 
the middle of the quire, close 
to the steps of the high altar, 
in a leaden coffin at a very 
great depth, as was formerly 
the custom with the Angli. 
He then addresses them with 
these remarkable words: '' Ossa 
*^ itaque quibus onerastis itmu 
** ginem nostri Redemptoris, ne 
** ipse nobis indignetur, nostra 
*' consilio auferetis. Satis enim 
*' habet in se unde honoretur^ 
'^ nee opus est ut sanctiias ei 
^* aut ex ossibus moriuorum aut 
"^ aliunde cumulatur" p. 2^26. 
(See this letter in Wharton's 
Ang. Sac. II. 333.)< 

Notwithstanding, the monks 
of Glastonbury, as it appears^ 
would not forego their claims. 
For as late as Uie year 1 508 a 
scrutiny was made for the body 
of St. Dunstan by order of 
William Warham, then arch- 
bishop of Canterbury. The 
result was such as is here de- 
tailed by Fuller. The papers 
relative to this search are also 
printed by Wharton, ib. p. 
227—233.] 

Aa3 



368 



The Church History 



BOOKU. 



redi. 

cry made 
after his 
corpse. 



A.D.087. of stronfifer bodies than brams, undertook to make 
this scrutiny, anno 1508, the 22nd of April. Great 
caution was used that all should be done semotis 
ImciSy " no laymen being present,** whether because 
their eyes were too profime to behold so holy sn 
object, or too prying to discover the default^ if the 
search succeeded not. In the night they so plied 
their work, that ere morning they discovered Dun- 
stan's coffin, and rested the day following from more 
digging ; as well they might, having taken so much 
pains, and gained so much profit by their en- 
deavours. 
Discovered, 46. Next night they on afresh; and, with main 
manner of forco, plucked up the poudcrous coffin upon the 
na^S^ pavement. A coffin built (as one may say) three 
^* stories high : the outermost of wood (but also made 

iron with the multitude of nails therein); within 
that another of plain lead ; within that a third of 
wrought lead, wherein the bones of Dunstan lay in 
his pontifical vests, with this inscription in a plate, 
Hie requiescit sancttis DuiistantLS archiepiscopus^. 
Some lumps of flesh were found, which were said to 



» Archiva Eccles. Cant, ex- 
emplified by my good friend 
Mr. Will. Somner, in his De- 
script, of Cant, in Appendice 
Script. 12. [ed. 1640. The 
monks who were employed in 
the search, after labouring all 
night, found a leaden chest, in 
which the relics were depo- 
sited. This chest was inserted 
in the stonework of the vault : 
^vithin it was another coffin of 
wood, covered within and with- 
out ^vith lead, and thickly 
studded with cramps or nails. 
The whole was so firmly fast- 



ened with ironwork, that they 
were compelled to defer their 
labours till the following night, 
and procure additional assist- 
ance for the completion of 
their task. Within the cases 
or coffins already described 
they found another shell, cu- 
riously wrought of lead (astu 
quadam pulcherrime pUcata), 
within which was another al- 
most consumed and worn away, 
and was supposed to have been 
the coffin in which St. Dun- 
stan was originally buried. See 
Ang. Sac. II. 327.] 



CSKT. X. of Britain. 859 

smell very sweet (the relics perchance of some spices A.D.987. 
which embalmed him), and all done in the presence ^f.**^" 
of many worthy witnesses : amongst whom, Cuthbert 
Tunstal was one, then the archbishop's chancellor, 
afterward, bishop of Durham. Hereupon the arch- 
bishop sent his mandate to the abbot and convent 
of Glassenbury, henceforward to desist from any 
jactitation of Dimstan's corpse, and abusing people 
with such pretences. A fault most frequent in that 
convent, challenging almost the monopoly of all 
English saints, witness that impudent lie of the 
rhythming monk, writing thus of Glassenbury ; 

Hie tumulus sanctus, hie scala poli celebratur ; 
Vix luit infemi pcenas hie qui tumulatur. 

But, who is rather to be believed ? St. Peter, that 
saith. Hie righteous shall scarcely be saved^: or this 
monk, affirming that, " Whoso is buried at Glassen- 
** bury shall scarcely be damned." 

47. After the death of Dunstan, their patron, the a. d. 988. 

T*|-|ngf« and 

monks (not much befriended by king ^thelred) were monks ai- 
cast out of the convent of Canterbury, or rather cast ^^^ 
out themselves by their misdemeanours. Man in 
honour hath no understanding ^ Sfc* They waxed so 
wanton with possessing the places of secular priests, 
that a monk himself of Canterbury confesseth, Mo- 
nachi propter eorum insolentiam sedibus pulsi^ et cle- 
rid introdu€ti\ " Monks for their insolency were 
•* driven out of their seats, and secular clerks brought 
" into their room." Thus was it often, in dock, out 
nettle, as they could strengthen their parties. For 
Siricius, the next archbishop of Canterbury, endea- 

y I Pet. iv. 18. Brit. p. 35. [Compare the 

* Psal. xlix. 20. printed Chronicle of Thorn, p. 

• Wil. Thorn cited by Ant. 1781. ed. Twysden.] 

A a 4 



360 



7Vi« Church History 



BOOK n. 



A. D. 989. voured the reexpulsion of the priests ; which by SX- 

redi. fncus his successor was effected. 

The Danes *8- ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ Doncs revenged the quarrel 

E*"iimd ^^ ^^ secular priests ; and by a firm ejection outed 

the monks before they were well warm in their 

nests. Their fury fell more on convents than castles : 

whether, because the former were in that age more 

numerous, (castles afterwards were increased by 

William the Conqueror,) or because their prey and 

plunder was presumed the richest and easiest to be 

gotten ; or because the Danes, then generally pagans, 

principally spited places of religion. A relapse is 

far more dangerous than a simple disease, as here it 

proved in the Danes. England for these last sixty 

years had been cured of, and cleared from their 

cruelty, which now returned more terrible than ever 

before. 

A. D. 990. 49. These Danes were also advantaged by the un- 

diness of activcncss of king jEthelred, therefore sumamed the 

J^^^^i^ Unready^ in our chronicles. The clock of his con- 



^ [There seems but very lit- 
tle reason for fixing this epi- 
thet upon iEthelred ; since the 
misfortunes of his reign ought 
rather to be attributed to a 
train of causes laid by his pre- 
decessors, of which he expe- 
rienced the unhappy effects, 
than to any mismanagement of 
his own. The government of 
the couuties by dukes had now 
become hereditary^ in imitation 
of the great vassals of the 
crown in the French empire; 
the civil and the military 
powers were united in the same 
person. Alfred and his imme- 
diate successoFs foreseeing the 



inconveniences which must in- 
evitably follow fVom such a 
union, had wisely entrusted the 
civil judicature and command 
of the military forces in the 
different counties to distinct 
persons : but the distractions 
of the kingdom, and weakness 
of some persons, had caused 
the neglect of this wise pro. 
vision. Another great cause of 
the inefficiency of his counsels 
was, the intermarriage of the 
nobles with the Danes, and the 
employment of officers of Dan- 
ish extraction in the army; 
who making common cause 
with the enemy, frustrated by 



CENT. X. 



of Britain. 



861 



sultations and executions was always set some hours a-d.mo. 
too late, vainly striving with much industry to re-r«dt 
dress, what a little providence might seasonably have Jli^^Sr&e" 
prevented. Now when this unready king met with ^^*°*' 
the Danes, his over-ready enemies, no wonder if 
lamentable was the event thereof. The best thing I 
find recorded of this king jEthelred is, that in his 
days began the trial of causes by a jury of twelve 
men, to be chosen out of the vicinage, of like qua- 
lity, as near as may be suited to the persons con- 
cerned therein. Hereby men have most fair play for 
their lives: and let it be the desires of all honest 
hearts, that whilst we pluck off the badges of all 
Norman slavery, we part not with the livery of our 
old Saxon liberty. 

50. In this sad condition king j^thelred hearkened A.D.991. 
to the persuasions of Siric archbishop of Canterbury, peace 
and with ten thousand pounds purchased a present JS^^ei. 
peace with the Danes *^. Indeed it was conformable 
to the calling of a churchman to procure peace. 



treachery any snccessful move- 
ments which might he made 
against them, both by perplex- 
ing the king's councils, and 
betraying his intentions. The 
consequence of all this was, 
that JEthelred knew not whom 
to trust. See Flor. Wigom. a. 

99273*. 99S-9» >oo7>, 1009- 
An incidental remark in Wil- 
liam of Malmsbury justifies 
this statement. " Veruntamen 
** multa mihi cogitanti mirum 
" videtur cur homo, ut a ma- 
** joribus accepimus^ neque 
" multum fatuus neque muL 
** tum ignavus, in tam tristi 
*' pallore tot calamitatum vitam 



" consumpserit. Cujus rei 
** causam si quis me interrc^t, 
*' non facile respondeam nisi 
" ducum defectionem ex su- 
^' perbia regis prodeuntem." 
Malms, f. 35. 

The same writer has touch- 
ingly described the conduct of 
the English, when the king 
commanded a general massacre 
of the Danes : '*fuit videre mi' 
*' seriam, dum quisque charis' 
" simos haspiles, quos etiam 
** arctissima- necessiludo duL 
" ciores effecerat, cogereiur 
" prodere et amplexus gladio 
" deturbare" Malms, ib.] 

c [Malmsb. f. 35.] 



862 The Ckitrch History book u. 

A.D.991. having not only scripture precepts therein, seek peace 
redi. ufid pwTSue it\ but also precedents for the same, 
when gracious Hezekiah with a present pacified 
Sennacherib to desist from invading him^ How- 
ever, this archbishop generally suffered in his repu- 
tation, condemned of all for counselling of what was, 
first, dishonourable ; that an entire nation, being at 
home in their own land, should purchase a peace 
from foreigners, fewer in number, and fetching their 
recruits and warlike provisions from a fiM* country: 
let them be paid in due coin, not silver, but steel. 
Secondly, unprofitable; if once the Danes got but 
the trick to make the English bleed money to buy 
peace, they would never leave them till they had 
sucked out their heart-blood, and exhausted the 
whole treasure of the land. 
Multitudes 51. Indeed one may safely affirm, that the multi- 
teries tude of monasteries invited the invasion, and fiacili- 
SJJ^ int tated the conquest of the Danes over England, and 
that in a double respect ; first, because not only the 
fruit of the king's exchequer (I mean ready money) 
was spent by this king his predecessors in founding 
of monasteries, but also the root thereof, his demesne 
lands, plucked up and parted with to endow the 
same ; whereby the sinews of war were wanting, to 
make effectual opposition against foreign enemies. 
Secondly, because England had at this time more 
flesh or fat than bones, wherein the strength of a 
body consists, mo monks than military men. For 
instance, Holy-Island near Northumberland is suffi- 
ciently known, for the position thereof, an advan- 
tageous landing-place, especially in relation to Den- 

^ Psalm xxxiv. 14. « a Kings xviii. 14. 



VBsion. 



CENT. X. of Britain. 868 

mark^. This place was presently forsaken of the a.d. 904. 
fearfhl monks, frighted with the Danes their ap-redL 
proach ; and Aldhunus, the bishop thereof, removed 
his cathedral and convent to Durham, an inland 
place of more safety. Now, had there been a castle 
in the place of this monastery, to secure the same 
with fighters instead of feeders, men of arms instead 
of men of bellies therein, probably they might have 
stopped the Danish invasion at the first inlet thereof. 
England then as much wanting martial men, as since 
it hath surfeited with too many of them^. 

52. The Danes, having received and spent their a. d. ^5. 
money, invaded England afresh, according to all wise^^^ 
men's expectation. It is as easy for armed might to jSimH!'* 
pick a quarrel, as it is hard for naked innocence to 
make resistance. The deluge of their cruelty over- 
ran the realm ^; whose sword made no more dif- 
ference betwixt the ages, sexes, and conditions of 
people, than the fire which they cast on houses 
made distinction in the timber thereof, whether it 
was elm, oak, or ash ; the fierceness of the one kill- 
ing, the fury of the other consuming all it met with. 
Indeed in some small skirmishes the English got the 
better, but all to no purpose. There is a place in 
Hertfordshire called Danes-end, where the inhabit- 
ants by tradition report (uncertain of the exact date 
thereof) that a fatal blow in a battle was given to 
the Danes thereabouts. But alas! the Danes-end 
was but Danes-beginning; they quickly recovered 

f [Florent. Wig. a. 994.] which England consisted, they 

E Viz. in the wars between overran sixteen. Malmsb. f. 

York and Lancaster. 35.] 
^ [Of the thirty-two pagi of 



864 The Church History of Britain. book ii. 

A.D. 905. themselves as many, and mighty in the field, and it 

^ ' seemed an endless end to endeavour their utter 

extirpation. Thus this century sets with little 

mirth, and the next is likely to arise with more 

mourning. 



THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. 



BALDWINO HAMEY, MEDICINiE DOCTORI LITE- 
RATISSIMO, MECCENATI SUO DIGNISSIMO* 

Congueruntur nostraies novissimo hoc decennio^ novam re* 
rum fadem induiy nee mutata solum, sed et inversa esse 
omnia. Hiyus indicia plurima prqferunt, trisHa safie 
ac dolenda, dominos nimirum servis postpositos, dum alii 
e servis domini repente prodierint, 

Aty ad metamorphosin hatic prcbandam, argumentum sup- 
petit mihi ipsi Icetum et memoratu jucundum, SoletU 
enim cegroti, si quando medicum adeant, manus qfferre 
plenaSy referre vacuas. At ipse e contra te scepe acccssi 
et (Bger et inops, decessi integer et bene nummatus. Quo- 
ties enim opus hoc nostrum radicitus exaruisset, si non 
imbre munificentiee tucejiiisset irrigatum t 

HIS century beffan (as children gene-A-D. looa. 
rally are bom) with crying ; partly for redi. 
a massacre made by the English on the Murder of 
Danes, but chiefly for the cruelty com- in a diulSi. 
mitted by the Danes on the English^. 
Concerning the former, certain Danes fled into a 




A [Arms : gules, a fesse or^ 
in chief a roebuck courant 
of the second, in base three 
mullets argent^ two and one. — 
By St. George's visitation of 
London 1633, it appears that 
two physicians of the name o^ 
Baldwin Hamey, father and son, 
were then living in London, the 
elder married to Sarah, sister 
of James Oeils, the younger to 
Anne, daughter of Francis de 
Petain of Kooen in Normandy. 
The coat as above blazoned is 
assigned to the £unily. B. 

Baldwin Hamey the toD, the 
subject of the demcation , wn • 



doctor of phvsic in Ley den in 
Holland, and was incorporated 
at Oxford in the year 1629. In 
the year following he was ad- 
mitted candidate of the college 
of physicians at London, after, 
wards, fellow, censor, anatomy 
reader, elector, register and 
consiliarius of the college. lie 
died on the 14th <if May 1676, 
aged 76, and was liiiried in the 
middle aisle <}f the church of 
Chelsea, 8t* Luke, near London. 
See Wood's Fasti, L 148.] 

^^[Malmslmrj De OeHis 
lUg. f . 39. bj 



866 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. ion. church at Oxford ^ hopmg the sanctity thereof (ac- 
^^' cording to the devout principles of that age) would 
secure them: and probably such pity might have 
inclined them to Christianity. Whereas by conmiand 
from king jEthelred, they were all burned in the 
place *^; whose blood remained not long unrevenged. 
Canterbury The Danish fury fell (if not first) fiercest on the city 
phage kiu." of Canterbury, with fire and sword, destroying eight 
^j^f^® thousand people therein: and such authors who 
quadruple that number, surely take in not only the 
vicinage, but all Kent to make up their account. 
-Mphegus the archbishop of Canterbury, commonly 
called Alphage, was then slain, and since sainted ; a 
church nigh Cripplegate in London being conse- 
crated to his memory. 
Believe 2. A mouk of Canterbury reports, that the abbey 

UstT ^^^ of St. Augustine was saved on this occasion ; a Danish 
soldier stealing the pall from the tomb of St. Au- 
gustine, it stuck so close under his arm-pits, that it 
could not be parted from his skin until he had pub- 
licly made confession of his fault : vltio raptorem ra- 
puit, saith the author^. And hereupon the Danes of 
invaders turned defenders of that monastery. But 
others conceive, if it found extraordinary favour, their 
money (not this miracle) procured it*. Sure I am, 
when Achan stole the Babylonish garment, he was 
left at large to discovery by lot, and no miracle 
A.D. lo 1 2. detected him^. Next year a nameless bishop of 
London was sacrificed to their fury, used worse than 
the task-masters of Israel, (on whose back the 



^ [St. Frides widens. Malmsb. ^ Thorn in his Description 

ib.] of Canterbury, [Col. 178a.] 

c [Flor. Wigorn. a. loii. « See Will. Somner in his 

Hoveden.f. 247. Matth.West. Antiqu. of Canterb. [p. 56.] 

an. Ton.] 'Joshua vii. 18. 



CEHT. XI. of Britain. 867 

number of bricks wanting were only scored in a. d. 1019. 
blowsfi^,) being killed outright for want of present ^'^^ 
pay of the tribute promised unto them**. 

8. Cambridge and Oxford both of them deeply More cm. 
tasted of this bitter cup at the same time. True it tS^* valour 
is, some two years since, when the rest of the East-^^^J^j^^ 
Angles cowardly fled away, homines comitatus Caw-"»«^ 
tabrigi(B viriliter obstiterunU unde Anglis regnantHms 
laus Cantabrigiensis provincice splendide florebat'^. 
Hence it is that I have read (though unable at the 
instant to produce my author) that Cambridgeshire 
men claim an ancient (now antiquated) privilege, to 
lead the van in all battles^. But valour at last little 
befriended them, the Danes burning Cambridge to 
ashes, and harassing the country round about. 

4. Here the state-historians inform the readerA.D. 1016. 
of intestine wars betwixt Edmund Ironside, (soii^^kh^" 
called for his hardy enduring all troubles,) king of*' ®"^* 
England, defender, and Canutus the Dane, invader 
of this land ; till at last, after a personal duel fought, 
the land was equally divided betwixt them I A 
division wherewith both seemed, neither were weU 
pleased ; seeing the least whole head cannot be 
fitted with the biggest half crown ; all or none was 
their desire. Canutus at last with his silver hand Edmund 



Ironside 



Z Exod. v. 1 4. kingdom Edmund had Wessex^ 

^ Hen. Hunt. [f. 207.] Rog. East-anglia^ Essex^ all the 

Hoved. [f. 248. In this reign countries on the south of the 

the Danesreceived first 1 0,000/, Thames, together with the 

then 24,000/., then 30,000/. city of London. Canute was 

See Malm. f. 35. b.] satisfied with the northern 

^ Chronicon Jo. Bromton, parts, thereby tacitly acknow- 

p. 887. [Flor. Wigorn. a. ledging his rival's superiority^ 

10 10.] Wessex having been for a long 

^ [There seems no authority time considered the regal por- 

for this assertion. See " The tion of the island, and the seat 

** Appeal," &c. p. ii. p. 20.] of the reigning monarch. See 

1 [In the division of the Flor. Wigorn. p. 298^ 18.^ 



368 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.10I6. was too hard for the other his iron side ; who by his 
I Canuti. prQjniged bribes prevailed with one Edric to kill 
^'^^^ this his corrival ; which being performed, he was 
•!«»• fairly advanced with a halter". It would spoil the 
trade of all traitors, if such coin only were current 
in paying their rewards. 
Canutus 5. Cauutus, or Knot the Dane, (from whom a bird 
18 cm ty. .^ l^ncolnshire is so called, whereveith his palate 
was much pleased ^) bathed himself in English blood, 
whom at this distance of time we may safely term a 
tyrant, so many murders and massacres were by him 
committed. For his religion, as yet he was a mon- 
grel betwixt a pagan and a Christian ; though at last 
the latter prevailed, especially after his pilgrimage 
Converted to Romc. In his passagc thither he went through 
•"-•-"^ France; where underBtanding that the people paid 
deep taxes, he disbursed so much of his own money 
in their behalf, that he brought their taxes to be 



na Others say he was be- 
headed, [Matt. West. a. to 17. 
Florence and the Saxon Chro- 
nicle^ an. 1016^ speak of his 
death as a natural occurrence. 
Ingulph^ f. 507, b., iEthelred of 
Kievaulx, p. 365, Radulfus 
de Diceto, p. 466, and others, 
describe it as owing to the 
treachery of Edric ; where- 
as, according to Malmsbury, 
the mode of it was uncer- 
tain : *' ambiguum quo casu 
" extinctus." f. 40, b. Bromp- 
ton, p. 906, mentions two re- 
ports similar to those already 
stated, but asserts that the lat- 
ter was considered the more 
probable. These writers also 
state that Edric was put to 
death immediately after the 
murder ; but the Saxon Chro- 
nicle, and Florence of Wor- 



cester, and Malmsbury, place 
it a year later. Edric was 
slain in the palace, and bis 
body cast over the city walls, 
remaining unburied in com- 
pliance with Canute's order, 
who had dreaded his power 
and his treachery. Malmsbury 
says he was first strangled, 
then thrown out of the palace 
windows into the Thames, f. 
41. Yet according to an early 
and contemporary author, Ca- 
nute commanded Eric to cut 
off Edric ; who at once struck 
off his head with a battle-axe. 
Encom. Emmae. p. 171. The 
discrepancies of the different 
chroniclers are noted by Rud- 
bourn, in the Ang. Sac. I. 
231.1 

^ Draiton*8 Poly-olbion, p. 
1 12. 



CENT. XI. 



of Britain. 



S69 



abated to one half®; an act of pity in a prince without a.d. 1031. 
precedent done to foreigners. It is vain for the^^^ — ^^ 
English to wish the like courtesy from the king of 
France; partly because England lies not in their 
way to Rome, partly because they are fuller of com- 
pliments than courtesy. 

6. Coming to Rome Canutus turned convert, He goeth 
changing his condition with the climate, shewing 
there many expressions of devotion. Much he gave 
to the pope, and something he gained from him; 
namely, an inmiunity for archbishops, from their ex- 



** RaduJph. de Diceto, col. 
468. Johannes Bromton, col. 
912. [Fuller has certainly 
misunderstood the charity of 
Canute, which did not consist 
in redeeming the taxes of the 
French nation, but in buying 
up and lessening the tolls 
which were exacted from pil- 
grims passing from England 
through France in their way 
to Rome. This will be seen 
by referring to the letter of 
Canute himself, published in 
Ingulph and Flor. of Wor- 
cester, and Malmsbury, a. 1 03 1 . 
From these authors the other 
chroniclers have derived their 
accounts. In this letter Ca- 
nute says ; *' Locutus sum igi- 
'* tur cum ipso imperatore 
" [Conrado] et domino papa 
** et principibus qui ibi erant 
" de necessitatibus totius po- 
" puli universi regni mei tam 
^* Anglorum quam Danoruni, 
'' uteis concederetur lex sequior 
*' et pax securior in via Romam 
*' adeundi, et ne tot clausuris 
** per viam arctentur et prop- 
" ter thelon injustum fatigen- 

FULLEE, VOL. I. 



** tur ; annuitque postulatis 
" imperator et Robertus rex 
'* [sc. Francoruni] qui maxime 
'* ipsarum clausurarum domi- 
'* natur. Cunctique principes 
" edictis firmaverunt ut homi- 
*' nes mei, tam mercatores quam 
" alii, orandi causa viatores, 
** absque omni angaria clausu- 
** rarum et theloneariorum fir- 
" ma pace et justa lege securi 
" Romam eant et redeant." 

At the request of OfFa 
king of Mercia, Charlemagne 
permitted pilgrims to pass 
through France to Rome 
without paying toll and cus- 
tom (Malmsb. f. 1 7.) For some 
very striking passages in the 
history of Canute, and the fer- 
vour of his devotion^ see the 
remarks of an eyewitness in 
the Encomium Emmee, p. 173. 
His character, which united in 
itself all the virtues and vices 
of the barbarian^ is also well 
drawn by Saxo Grammaticus 
in his Hist. Dan. p. 192 sq., 
with the notes of Stephanius. 
ed. 1644. fol.] 

Bb 



870 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D. loai.cessiye charges about their pall, and some other 
favours he obtained for his subjects?. After his 



15 Canuti. 



improved in return iuto his own country he laid out all the 
devotion, r^jnainder of his days in acts of charity, in founding 
or enriching of religious houses, and two especially, 
St, Bonnet's in the Holm in Norfolk, and Hyde- 
abbey near Winchester. 
A.D. 1035. 7. To this latter he gave a cross so costly for the 
moSnmosa metal, and curious for the making, that one year's 
forrichnoa. revcuues of his crown was expended on the same*J. 
But the cross of this cross was, that about the reign 
of king Henry the Sixth "^ it was burnt down, with 
the whole monastery, in a fire which was very sus- 
picious to have been kindled by intentional malice ^ 
This Canutus towards the latter end of his reign 
never wore a crown, resigning up the same to the 
image of our Saviour : he was also famous for a par- 
ticular act of hiunility done by him on this oc- 
casion. 

8. A parasite (and sooner will an hot May want 
flies than a king's court such flatterers) sought to 
puff up king Canutus with an opinion of his puis- 
sance ; as if, because England and Norway, there- 
fore iEolus and Neptune must obey him. In con- 
futing of whose falsehood, Canutus commanded his 
chair of state to be set on the seashore, nigh South- 



King Ca. 

nutus his 
humility. 



Commands 
the sea. 



p [These favours are those 
mentioned in the previous 
note.] 

q Camden s Britan. in Hant- 
shire, [p. 192.] 

^ [Perhaps an oversight for 
Henry I. This cross and mo. 
nastery were burnt in the civil 
wars which raged during Ste- 
phen's reign, in 1141, when 



Henry of Blois, the bishop of 
Winchester, set lire to that 
city. See a description of this 
costly offering, and the burn- 
ing of the city, in John of 
Worcester's Continuation of 
Florence of Worcester, p. 543. 
Will. Malmsbur. f. 107, b.] 
s Idem ibidem. 



CENT. XI . of Britain. 871 

ampton, and settled himself thereon. Then he im-A.D. 1035. 
periously commanded the waves (as a fence which '- 



walled that land belonging unto him) to observe 
their due distance, not presuming to approach him. 
The surly waves were so far from obeying him, they But in vain. 
heard him not; who listened only to the procla- 
mation of a higher monarch, Hither shalt thou come^ 
and no further^; and made bold to give the king's 
feet so coarse a kiss, as wetted him up to the 
knees ^. 

9. On this accident king Canutus made an excel- His sermon 
lent sermon : first, adoring the infinite power of God, 

sole commander of the winds and waves ; secondly, 
confessing the frailty of all flesh, unable to stop the 
least drop of the sea ; thirdly, confuting the profane- 
ness of flatterers, fixing an infinite power in a finite 
creature. As for the laws made by king Canutus, His laws 

-11 ^^y omit- 

we have purposely omitted them: not so much ted. 
because many, large, and ordinarily extant, but 
chiefly because most of civil concernment ^. 

10. Two of his sons succeeded him, more known Harold 
by their handsome surnames, than any other desert, succeeded 
First his base son, (taking advantage of his brother's ^°^ ^^^^ 
absence,) called from his swiftness Harold Harefoot J^Haroidi 

'' Uarefoot. 

belike ; another Asahel in nimbleness^ but hare's- 
heart had better befitted his nature, so cowardly his 
disposition. Then his legitimate son, called Hardy- a. d. 1040. 

I Hardv 

Canute, more truly bloody Canute, eminent for his canuti. 
cruelty y^. With him expired the Danish royal line J!'^^^^^^^^^^ 

t Job xxxviii. 1 1 . and was buried at Winton. 

V Hen. Huntingdon, [p. 209. Flor. Wigom. in an.] 

Radulf de Diceto, col. 469.] * 2 Sam. ii. 18. 

^ [He died at Shaftsbury y [William of Malmsbury 

on Wednesday Nov. 12^ 1035^ mentions a report that Harold 

B b 2 



87« 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D. io4o.in England, leaving no issue behind him, and open- 
Canuti/ ing an opportunity for the banished son of king 
" jEthelred to recover the crown, whose ensuing reign 
is richly worth our description. Meantime it is 
worth our observing, in how few years the Danish 
greatness shrank to nothing; and from formidable, 
became inconsiderable, yea contemptible. Indeed 
Canutus was one of extraordinary worth, and the 
wheel once moved will for a time turn of itself. 
Had Harold his son (by what way it skilled not) 
been one of a tolerable disposition, he might have 
traded in reputation, on the stock of his fathei^s 



was the son of Canute by 
iElfgiva, daughter of count El- 
felmus. (De Gestis, f. 42, b. 
Flor. Wigorn. a. 1035.) And 
although this Harold is fre- 
quently branded with the stig- 
ma of illegitimacy by our chro- 
niclers, he was in all probabi- 
lity illegitimate in no other 
sense, than as having been 
born previous to Canute's pos- 
session of the English crown ; 
and consequently was not con- 
sidered as the rightful heir, no 
uncommon thing in those days. 
These facts seem distinctly 
traceable in the varying state- 
ments of the monkish writers. 
" Haroldum filium i^lfgiva; 
" sed diffamatum fictum filium 
" regis Cnuti." Ingulph. p. 61. 
When Emma was married to 
Canute, she stipulated that 
none other than her own chil- 
dren should succeed : " Dice- 
** batur enim ab alia quadam 
" rex filios habuisse :" savs her 
courtly panegyrist. Encom. 
Emm«e, p. 172. Yet in the 
Chron. of Mailros (a. 1035.) ^^ 



is stated that Canate appointed 
Harold to succeed him in Eng- 
land. Harold took the north- 
ern parts of the island, being 
supported in his claims by most 
of the Danes, and by the Lon- 
doners, who had almost degene- 
rated into barbarism from their 
familiarity with the Danes. 
(Malmsb. f. 42, b.) -fflfgiva 
was to reside at Winchester, 
and govern the southern parts 
of the island in the right of 
her son Hardy-Canute. But 
in the year 1037, his brother 
still lingering in Denmark, 
Harold, partly by his own ac- 
tivity, partly by the influence 
of the treasures which he had 
seized at Winchester on the 
death of his father, caused 
himself to be proclaimed sole 
king of England, and banished 
iElfgiva. He dying at Oxford 
in J 040, the English nobles 
sent a deputation to his bro- 
ther Hardy-Canute, who suc- 
ceeded him. See the Sax. 
Chron. and Flor. Wigorn. a. 
1035 — 1040. Malmsb. f. 43.] 



CENT. XI. 



of Britain. 



878 



memory. But being so very mean, (considerable a. d. 1040. 
only in cruelty,) his father's worth did him the dis-canuti.^ 
advantage to render his unworthiness the more con- 
spicuous. Besides, when Hardy-Canute his brother 
succeeded him, and though better bom, shewed 
himself no better bred in his inhuman carriage ; it 
caused not only a nauseation in the people of Eng- 
land of Danish kings, but also an appetite, yea a 
longing after their true and due sovereign. 

11. Edward the Confessor, youngest son of kingA.D. 104a. 
^thelred, (his elder brethren being slain, and their Confesaoiu. 
children fled away,) came to be king of England '. the Con- 
I understand not the ceremony which I read was^^^ 
used to this Edward, whilst as yet, saith a monkish <>^*'»«**^<*' 
author, properly enough in his own language*, he 
was " contained in the weak cloisters of his mother's 
** womb ;" at which time the peers of the land 
sware allegiance unto him or her (the sex as yet 
being unknown) before he was bom. Indeed I find 
that Varanes his child was crowned king whilst yet in 
his mother's body, applicata ad uterum corona^. But 
what solemnity soever was done to this Hans-en- 
Kelder, it did not afterwards embolden him to the 
anticipation of the crown, attending till it descended 
upon him^. 



s [He was consecrated at 
Windiester April 3, 1043. Flor. 
Wigom., Sax. Chron. in an.] 

» Father Hierome Porter in 
the Flowers of the Lives of the 
Saints, p. 2. 

h Agathias [De Imp. Justi. 
niaui, lib. iv. p. 135- ed. Paris 
1660.] 

^ [From this period to the 



estabUshment of William the 
Conqueror our history is in. 
volved in much obscurity and 
confusion : how to discover the 
truth between the conflicting 
statements of the Norman and 
Saxon writers, seems next to a 
hopeless task. 

Thus much however seems 
clear; that king Edward was 

Bb 3 



of Britain. 



376 



m 






^ 



<^ 



^s, he caused some few of the best to be a.d. 104 

« . ^« -I I Edvardi 

^e rest, as captious and unnecessary, confeswm 

Hence, say some, they were called 
aws, as calculated for the common 
» ]>rivate person's advantage. 
iS admirable how the Danes in this king's No hortiic 
were vanished away. They who formerly p^hi*^ 
did scarce be numbered in England, they were so ^'^^^• 
many, could now scarce be numbered they were so 
few, and those living quietly with their English 
neighbours. As for foreign invading Danes in this 
king's reign, as I cannot see them, so I will not seek 
them, glad of their room and riddance. Indeed once 
I meet with an assay of them in a navy bound to in- 
fest England : but their king being casually drowned 
as he entered his own fleet, put an end to their 
hopes, and our fears for that design. 

14. Emma, king Edward's mother, being suspected a. d. 104 
too familiar with iElfwine bishop of Winchester, ner of or- 
under the colour of devotion, put herself to be tried ^^ ^^ ^' 



ority ; so at least we may in- 
fer from the terms upon which 
the quarrel was compromised. 
For all the Normans were 
banished, the queen was re- 
stored, and Godwin and his 
family taken into favour. The 
next year Godwin died ; in 
what way, may be best nar. 
rated in the words of Florence : 
•* Godwino comiti, more so- 
" lito, regi ad mensam asse- 
" denti suprema evenit cala- 
" mitas. Gravi etenim morbo 
'* ex im proviso percussus mu- 

tus in ipsa sede declinavit. 

Quod filii ejus comes Haral- 
*' dus, Tosti et Gyrth videntes, 
*' ilium in regis cameram por- 



•« 



«< 



'* tabant, sperantes eum post 
'* modicum de infirmitate con- 
" valescere. Sed ille expers 
" virium, quinta post haec fena 
'' miserabili cruciatu vita de- 
" cessit et in veteri monasterio 
" 8epultusest."an. 1054. Such 
is the good plain-sense account 
of Florence ; which almost all 
subsequent writers, particularly 
the Normans, distorted into 
the marvellous. Indeed Flo- 
rence^ assisted by the Saxon 
Chronicle and Ingulph, seems 
to be almost the only writer we 
can follow with safety in this 
perplexed period of our his- 
tory.] 

B b 4 



876 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. jo46.b7 ordeal ; whereof this the manner^. Nine plough- 
ConrenoriB. sharos glowing hot were laid on the ground, one foot 
distant from another ; the party suspected was to be 
brought blindfolded, and barefooted to pass over 
them ; if he chanced to step in the intervals, or on 
the hot iron unhurt, he was pronounced innocent, 
otherwise condemned tor an offender. An unjust 
law, wherein the triers had no precept, the tried no 
promise. Must innocence be ruined as often as 
malice would wrong it, if miracle would not rescue 
it ? This was not a way to try man, but tempt God : 
as just a trying by fire, as that of our modem witches 
by water. This trial queen Emma admirably under- 
went, not sensible of the ploughshares till past 
them, saying to such as led her, ** OU ! when shall I 
" come to the place of my purgation ?** 
Queen 15, By what powcr this was performed, I will not 

mirAcuiout disputc, finding amongst the heathens a city Feronia, 
purgttion. j^gjj|.y jjiiieg fi-QHj Rome, under mount Soracte, 

where the inhabitants, possessed with a spirit of a 
deity therein worshipped, usually walked upon burn- 
ing coals without any harm®. Only I wonder, that 
bishop ^fwine (equally suspected, and equally inno- 
cent with Emma) should not proffer himself to the like 
trial. But, perchance, the prudent prelate remem- 
bered that such barbarous customs, though kept up 
amongst the common people, were forbidden by the 
ancient canons, as also by the letter of pope Stephen 



«' [[Archbishop Parker s An- in the Saxon Chron., Florence 

tiq. p. 145. See also Godwin of Worcester, or Ingulph.] 
De Praesul. p. 56, who justly ^ Strab. Geog. lib. v. [p. 346. 

discredits the whole story, ed. Amsterd. 1707.] et Plin. 

which is evidently of modern Nat. Hist. vii. 2. 
growth, and is found neither 



CBNT. XI. of Britain, STI 

the Fifth', which about the year eight hundred eighty a. d. 1046. 
and seven he wrote to Humbert bishop of Mentz : ConfeMons. 
and now Emma, who went willingly on this sad 
errand, did the business for them both, and cleared 
their credits. The church of Winchester got well 
hereby, viz. nine manors, which queen Emma be- 
stowed thereon, in commemoration of her deli- 
verance. 

16. King Edward the Confessor was married to a wife no 

_ - wife 

the devout lady Edith ; his wife in mind, but not in 
body ; in consent, not act ; being only (as my author 
saith) an Abishag to the king ^. Strange ! that two 
persons, if loving each other in the prime of their 
years, should light on so happy a temper, as mutually 
to warm, not to heat one another ; which the wise 
men in our age will account difficult, and the wanton 
impossible. Such will say, if this was true, that 
king Edward passed a« great a trial as queen Emma 
his mother ; and that his ordeal was as hard as hers 
was painful. 

17. Was it not pity but the world should have Yet, was 
mo of the breed of them, who were so godly acaiue? 
couple? Let baseness be barren, and cruelty child- 
less ; pious persons deserve a double portion in that 
charter of fruitfulness, Multiply and increa^e^. Yea, 

the English crown now wanting an heir, and, for 
default thereof likely to fall to foreigners, might (I 
will not say have tempted, but) have moved king 
Edward to the knowledge of his wife. But whilst 
papists cry up this his incredible continency, others 
easily unwonder the same, by imputing it partly to 



f [See Bale's Acta Ruin. 9 [Ailred in vita Edwardi, 
Pontif. p. 136. ed. 1615.] p. 378.] *» Gen. i. 28. 



880 



The Church History 



BOOS II. 



A.D. xosi.usual fkvour from such a prelate. The archbishop 
tooSmam. retums, Do tibi basium, kissing him therewith. An 
holy kiss, perchance, as given, but a crafty one as 
taken : for Godwin presently posts to Boseham, and 
takes possession thereof. And though here was 
neither real intention in him who passed it away, 
nor valuable consideration to him, but a mere cir- 
cumvention, yet such was Godwin's power, and the 
archbishop's poorness of spirit, that he quietly en- 
joyed it. Nor have I ought else to observe either of 
Berkley or Boseham, but that both these rich and 
ancient manors, earl Godwin his brace of cheats, and 
distant an hundred miles each from other, are now 
both met in the right honourable George Berkley, as 
heir apparent thereof, the paramount Mecsenas of 
my studies : whose ancestors as they were long since 
justly possessed of them, so I doubt not but their 
posterity will long comfortably enjoy them^. 

21. The monks that wrote this king Edward's life 
had too heavy a hand in over-spicing it with mira- 
cles, which hath made the relation too hot for the 
mouth of any moderate beliefs. A poor cripple 



A miracle 
reported 
done by 
king Ed- 
ward. 



i [Of course all unfavourable 
rumours respecting Godwin^ 
proceeding from Norman au- 
thority, must be received with 
suspicion. His principal fault 
was apparently too great na- 
tionality (it might not be unal- 
loyed \vith ambition) in resisting 
Edward's efforts to Normanise 
this land, and throw all his 
influence into the hands of 
Norman nobles. See particu- 
larly Malmsb. f. 45, b. 

But where Fuller got these 
tales from (which are a dis- 



grace to his history) I cannot 
tell. They are not even hinted 
at by any of the early writers ; 
not even by the Norman chro- 
niclers, who would not have 
failed to avail themselves of so 
good a charge against Godwin. 

Not to say that the fri- 
volous play upon the word 
Bosham is absurd, particularly 
when at that time the word 
was pronounced and written 
Bosen-ham.] 

J [Fuller's account is derived 
from Ailredus Abbas Rievallis 



CENT. XI. 



of Britain, 



877 



the Fifth ^, which about the year eight hundred eighty a. d. 1046. 
and seven he wrote to Humbert bishop of Mentz : Confeworw. 
and now Emma, who went willingly on this sad 
errand, did the business for them both, and cleared 
their credits. The church of Winchester got well 
hereby, viz. nine manors, which queen Emma be- 
stowed thereon, in commemoration of her deli- 
verance, 

16. King Edward the Confessor was married to a wife no 

— wife 

the devout lady Edith ; his wife in mind, but not in 
body ; in consent, not act ; being only (as my author 
saith) an Abishag to the king «. Strange ! that two 
persons, if loving each other in the prime of their 
jears^ should light on so happy a temper, as mutually 
to warm, not to heat one another ; which the wise 
men in our age will account difficult, and the wanton 
impossible. Such will say, if this was true, that 
Idng Edward passed as great a trial as queen Emma 
Us mother ; and that his ordeal was as hard as hers 
ins painful. 

17. Was it not pity but the world should have Yet, was 
mo of the breed of them, who were so godly a cause? 
Mi^lef Let baseness be barren, and cruelty child- 

Ibb ; pious persons deserve a double portion in that 
<rf frnitfulness, Multiply and increase^. Yea, 
TCn glirih crown now wanting an heir, and, for 
thereof likely to fall to foreigners, might (I 
not say have tempted, but) have moved king 
to the knowledge of his wife. But whilst 
Cfy up this his incredible continency, others 
uiwonder the same, by imputing it partly to 



tjBee Bale*8 Acta Rom 
p. 136. ed. 1615.] 



S [Ailred in vita Edwardi> 
p. 378.] h Gen. i. 28. 



378 



The Church History 



BOOK II. 



A.D.io5i.hi8 impotence, afflicted with an infirmity, partly to 

^lonfi^soris. tl^© distaste of his wife, whom he married only for 

conveniency, and to the distrust of her chastity, on 

suspicion whereof he confined her to the monastery 

of Whorwell (as I take it) in Hampshire^. 

18. But grant queen Edith a chaste woman, as 
she is generally believed; daughter she was to a 
wicked father, earl Godwin by name, whence the 
proverb, 

Sicut spina rosam, genuit Godwinus Editham^. 
From prickly stock as springs a rose, 
So Edith from earl Godwin grows. 

Little ill being written of the daughter, and no good 



The good 
daughter 
of a bad 
fiUher. 



(? [Ingulph (a. 1043.) and 
other chroniclers very gene>- 
rally agree in commending the 
beauty and accomplishment of 
Edith. Ingulph, who knew 
her well, gives the following 
story of the queen's notice of 
him when a boy : '' Vidi ego 
*' illam multotiens, cum patrem 
'* meum in regis curia moran- 
" tern adhuc puer inviserem, 
'^ et sspius mihi de scholis ve- 
" nienti de Uteris ac versu meo 
*' opponebat cum occurrerem, 
*' et libentissime de gramma- 
'* tica soliditate ad logicam le- 
" vitatem, qua callebat, decli- 
'' nans, cum argumentorum 
'* subtili ligamine me conclu- 
^' sisset, semper tribus aut qua- 
" tuor nummis per ancillulam 
'* numeratis ad regium penu 
*' transmisit et refectum dimi- 
*• sit." p. 62. ed. 1684. But 
the testimony of William of 
Malmsbury is very remarkable, 
and strongly corroborates the 
opinion of Fuller. That writer 
says, f. 45 : '^ Non multo post 



c< 



(C 



(( 



<t 



'* Edgitham filiam Godwini 
" rex in connubium accepit, 
*' feminam in cujus pectore 
*' omnium liberalium artium 
esset gymnasium, sed parvum 
in mundanis rebus ingenium ; 
** quam cum videres, si litteras 
stuperes, modestiam certe 
animi et speciem corporis 
** desiderares. Haec et vivo 
" marito et mortuo probri sus- 
" picione non caruit, sed mo- 
" riens tempore regis Willielmi 
" jurejurando astantibus de 
** perpetua integritate ultro sa- 
" tisfecit. Nuptam sibi rex hac 
*' arte tractabat ut nee thoro 
** amoverit nee virili more cog- 
*' nosceret. Quod an familise 
" illius odio, quod prudenter 
" dissimulabat pro tempore, an 
" amore castitatis fecerit, pro 
" certo compertum non habeo. 
'* Illudceleberrimefertur,nun- 
** quam ilium cujusquam muli- 
" eris contubernio pudicitiam 
*• Isesisse." 
^ [Ingulph. Hist. Croyl. a. 

1043O 



CENT. XI . of Britain. 379 

of the fiither. Indeed king Edward was father-in-law a.d. 1051. 
ridden, who feared earl Godwin rather than trusted confewons. 
him, as who with a long train of his power could 
sweep many dependents after him. Thus Godwin, 
like those sands near Kent which bear his name, 
never spared what he could spoil, but swallowed all 
which came within his compass to devour. Two in- 
stances whereof, because both belonging to church- 
matters, we will relate. 

19. He cast a covetous eye on the fair nunnery of Godwin's 
Berkley in Gloucestershire, and thus contrived it forget Berk- 
himself. He left there an handsome young man,!,"^;.^- 
really or seemingly sick, for their charity to recover ; 

who quickly grows well and wanton. He is toying, 
tempting, taking ; such fire and flax quickly make a 
flame. The sisters lose their chastity, and, without 
taking wife in the way, are ready to make mothers. 
The young man, if sick, returns to earl Godwin in 
health, leaving the healthful nuns sick behind him. 
The fame hereof fills the country, flies to court, is 
complained of by earl Godwin to the king ; officers 
are sent to inquire, they return it to be true, the 
nuns are turned out, their house and lands forfeited, 
both bestowed on earl Godwin ; surprised weakness 
being put out, and designing wickedness being placed 
in the room thereof. Surely king Edward knew no- 
thing of Godwin's deceit herein; otherwise it was 
unjust that the whores should be punished, and the 
principal pander rewarded. 

20. At another time he had a mind to the rich Another 
manor of Boseham in Sussex, and complimented it gain the 
out of Robert archbishop of Canterbury in this^J^j^a^. 
manner. Coming to the archbishop, he saith. Da 

mihi basium, that is, " Give me a buss,** or a kiss, an 



S82 The Church History book ii. 

A.r}. io6uthicke0? This church many years before had been 
ConfeMoris. dedicated to, and, as the monks say, consecrated by 
St. Peter, till destroyed by the Danes, king Edward 
raised it from the ruins, endowing it with large pri- 
vileges and rich possessions^. 
A ring said 23. Ncxt to St. Peter, our Edward's darling, he is 
from St. said to be most in favour with St. John the apostle, 
kTng ^- ^^^ i^ reported to have appeared unto him in the 
''*^- shape of a begging pilgrim ; the king, not having at 
the present money to supply his wants, plucked off 
his ring from his finger, and bestowed it upon him. 
This very ring, some years after, St. John sent him 
back again by two pilgrims out of Palestine; but 
withal telling him, that he should die within six 
months after: a message more welcome than the 
ring to such a mortified man. If any doubt of the 
truth thereof, it is but riding to Havering in Essex, 
so called, as they say, from this ring\ where, no 
doubt, the inhabitants will give any sufiicient satis- 
faction therein. 
A virion 24. Amougst the many visions in this king's reign, 
Serving, ouc I will uot omit, becauso seeming to have some- 
what more than mere monk therein. One being 
inquisitive what should become of England after 
king Edward's death, received this answer; "The 
" kingdom of England belongeth to God himself, 
" who will provide it a king at his pleasure." Indeed 
England is God's on several titles : first, as a 
country ; the earth is hisy and the fulness thereof; 
secondly, as an island, which are God's demesnes, 

J Gen. xxii. 13. Thorn. Chron. col. 1768.] 

^ [Built by a Londoner at ^ Camden's Britan. in Esnex, 

the instigation of king iEthel- [p. 319.] 

bert about the year 61 8. Will. 



CENT. XI. of Britain. 883 

which he keeps m his own hand of his daily provi- a. d. io6i. 
dence ; thirdly, as a kingdom on which he hath confeMora. 
bestowed miraculous deliverances. Seeing then 
England is his own, we know who said, Is it not 
lawful to do what I will with mine own^f May he 
dispose of his own to his own glory, and the good of 
his own servants. 

25. Amongst the many resplendent virtues in king King Ed- 

wsrd*8 COQ" 

Edward, contempt of wealth was not the least, tempt of 
whereof some bring in this for an instance. The^ ^' 
king lay on a pallet surrounded with curtains ; by 
him stood a chest of silver, which Hugolin his trea- 
surer, called away on some sudden occasion, had left 
open. In comes a thievish courtier, takes away as 
much money as he could carry, and disposeth thereof. 
Then cometh he the second time for a new burden, 
little suspecting that the unseen king saw him all 
the while, and having laden himself, departed. Some 
add, he returned the third time. " Be content 
(quoth the king) with what you have, lest, if Hu- 
golin come in and catch you, he take it all from 
you." Soon after the treasurer returning, and 
fretting for loss of the money, " Let him have it 
" quietly (said the king), he needeth it more than 
" we do." Words which spake him a better man 
than king, as accessory to his own robbing ; who, if 
pleased to have made this pilfering fellow to have 
tasted of the whip for his pains, had marred a pretty 
jest, but made a better earnest therein". 

26. Posterity conceived so great an opinion of King Ed- 
king Edward's piety, that his clothes were deposited Jl^robe 

m Matt. XX. 15. cated instance in Ingulpb^ p. 

n [Ailred de vita Edwardi, 65.] 
p. 376. See a better authenti- 






884 The Church History book ir. 

A.D. 1061. amongst the regalia, and solemnly worn by our Eng- 
cSnfeesoris. l^^h kings on their coronation ; never counting them- 
put into the s^l^es 80 fine as when invested with his robes ; the 
'^■^' sanctity of Edward the first wearer excusing, yea 
adorning the modem antiqueness of his apparel. 
Amongst these is the rod or sceptre, with a dove on 
the top thereof, the emblem of peace, because in his 
reign England enjoyed halcyon days, free from 
Danish invasions: as also his crown, chair, staff, 
tunic, close pall, tuisni hosen, sandals, spurs, gloves, 
&c.^ Expect not from me a conmient on these 
several clothes, or reason for the wearing of them. 
In general, it was to mind our kings, when habited 
with his clothes, to be clothed with the habit of his 
virtuous endowments ; as when putting on the gloves 
of this confessor, their hands ought to be like his, in 
moderate taking of taxes from their subjects. In- 
deed, impositions once raised are seldom romitted, 
pretended necessities being always found out for 
their continuance. But our Edward released to his 
subjects the grievous burden of Dane-gelt, payed to 
his })redecessors, conceiving it fit, now the Danes 
were departed, that the gelt or tax should go after 
them P. But now Edward's staff is broken, chair 
overturned, clothes rent, and crown melted; our 
present age esteeming them the relics of super- 
stition. 
No oonfes- 27- And yet all things being cast up, I confess I 
."San^'of understand not how the name confessor is proper to 
the word, j^j^^g Edward, in the strict acceptance thereof. For 
a confessor is one actually persecuted for the testi- 
mony of the truth, and prepared to lose his life for 

o See Mille's Catalogue of [ed. 1610.] 
Honour ; of Nobility, p. 59. P [See Ingulph, ibid.] 



CEKT. XI. of Britain. S85 

the same. He is a martyr in bullion, wanting only a. d. xo6i. 
the stamp of a violent death to be impressed upon c^fe^orii. 
him. Now a great part of our Edward's life was 
led by him in peace and plenty ; nothing bounding 
his abundance but his own moderation, and for 
twenty years together having no visible foe to offend 
him. And although in his youth he lived in Nor- 
mandy, in a middle condition, betwixt an exile and 
a traveller, flying thither for fear of the Danes, yet 
such his sufferings were of civil concernment, not 
directly relating to conscience, though at distance 
reducible thereunto. But seeing in the titles of 
great persons it is better to give too much than too 
little, a confessor we found him, and a confessor we 
leave him. 

28. Our eyes have been so intent in beholding stigand the 
the virtues of this king, we have been little at leisure archbishop 
to take notice of the archbishops of Canterbury bury, 
during his reign. Know then that about ten years 

since, Robert archbishop of Canterbury, who suc- 
ceeded Eadsy therein, fearing some hard measure 
from earl Godwin, notwithstanding he had been con- 
tentedly kissed out of his manor of Boseham, con- 
veyed himself away beyond the seas to his monastery 
in Normandy, whence he came first into England^. 
After whose departure, Stigand bishop of Winchester 
intruded himself into that see, eminent only for vice 
and sordid covetousness. 

29. As for the ecclesiastical laws made by this King Ed- 
king in his reign, it will be enough to affix their desiaaticai 
prmcipal titles. tion*. 

q [He was outlawed with favour. See p. 374, n. Sax. 
other Normans, on occasion of Chron. an. 1052.] 
earl Godwin being restored to 

FULLER, VOL. I. C C 



386 The Church History book ii. 

A. D. 1061. i. That every clerk and scholar should quietly 

c^nfeasoriB. ©^J ^7 their goods and possessions. 

ii. What solemn festivals people may come and go 
of, without any lawsuits to disturb them. 

iii. That in all courts where the bishops' proctor 
doth appear, his case is first to be heard and deter- 
mined. 

iv. That guilty folk flying to the church should 
there have protection, not to be reprehended by any, 
but by the bishop and his ministers. 

V. That tithes be paid to the church of sheep, pigs, 
bees, and the like. 

vi. How the ordeal was to be ordered for the trial 
of guilty persons by fire and water. 

vii. That Peter-pence, or Romescot, be faithfully 
paid to the pope. 

But I lose time, and refer the reader to read 

these constitutions at large, being three and twenty 

in number, in the worthy work of that no less 

learned than religious knight, sir Henry Spelman**. 

'A.D. 1066. 30. And now the full time was come wherein 

How tbo __ 

kings of good king Edward exchanged this life for a better. 
come to Who, as he was famous for many personal miracles, 
wwa. ®^ ^® ^^ reported to have entailed, by heaven's con- 
sort, an hereditary virtue on his successors the kings 
of England, only with this condition, that they con- 
tinue constant in Christianity, to cure the king's 
eviK. This disease, known to the Greeks by the 
name of -j^oipaSe^^ termed by Latins strumay and 

Q In his Concil. I. 619. ing for the evil, narrated by 

[Wilkins, I. 310.] Mahnsb. De Gestis, f. 51. 

^ Jac. Primirosius de vulgi According to the monkish ac- 

in mediciua error, cap. 49. counts, he cured by his touch 

[ed. 1638. See the first in- other diseases besides the evil.] 
stance of king £dward touch- 



CENT. XI. 



of Britain, 



387 



scrophuUe^ hath its cause from phlegm, its chief and a.d. 1066. 
common outward residence, in or near the neck and confessoris. 
throat, where it expresseth itself in knobs and ker- 
nels, pregnant oftentimes with corrupted blood and 
other putrified matter, which on the breaking of 
those bunches floweth forth, equally offensive to 
sight, smell, and touch. And yet this noisome dis- 
ease is happily healed by the hands of the kings of 
England stroking the sore : and if any doubt of the 
truth thereof, they may be remitted to their own 
eyes for ftirther confirmation. But there is a sort of 
men, who to avoid the censure of over-easy cre- 
dulity, and purchase the repute of prudent austerity, 
justly incur the censure of affected frowardness. It 
being neither manners nor discretion in them, in 
matters notoriously known, to give daily experience 
the lie, by the backwardness of their belief". 

31. But whence this cure proceeds is much con-Sevemi 

^ . . opinions or 

troverted amongst the learned. Some recount it m the causa 
the number of those avairoSeiKra^ whose reason can- 
not be demonstrated. For as in vicious common- 



* [It will appear strange that 
Fuller should have been at- 
tacked for throwing discredit 
upon this miraculous cure. See 
The Appeal, &c. part i. p. 55, 
and part 11. p. 32. That some 
effect was produced is certain 
from the testimony of many re- 
spectable witnesses: nor is it pro- 
iMible that this ceremony would 
have continued so long, had 
its effects been merely imagina- 
tive. Fuller is guilty of a slight 
mistake respecting the collect, 
which does not consist of any 
portion of scripture. The form 
of the service, which is brief, 
will be found in The Appeal^&c. 



p. 23, and in Heylyn's Examen. 
Historicum, p. 47, from which 
it is taken. Till the time of 
James I., the custom had been 
for the king to make the sign 
of the cross over the tumour, 
by whom it was laid aside, and 
ordered to be expunged from 
the service. See H. Le Strange 
Alliances of Divine Offices, 
p. 250. And The Appeal, ib. 
This pretension to the gift of 
healing was first laid aside by 
queen Anne ; yet prince Charles, 
son of the Pretender, touched 
for the evil in the celebrated 
year 1 745 ; successfully accord- 
ing to some Scottish writers.] 

c c 2 



388 The Church History book ii. 

A. D. 1066. wealths bastards are frequent, who being reputed 
OmSeuanM.filii populi^ have no particular father ; so man's igno- 
ranee increaseth the number of occult qualities, 
which I might call chances in nature, where the 
effect is beheld, but cannot be certainly referred to 
any immediate and proper cause thereof. Others 
impute it to the power of fancy, and an exalted 
imagination^. For when the poor patient (who per- 
chance seldom heard of, and neyer saw a king before) 
shall behold his royal hand dabbling in a puddle of 
putrefaction, and with a charitable confidence rub- 
bing, smoothing, chafing those loathsome kernels, 
which I may call clouds of corruption, dissolved oft- 
times into a feculant shower, I say, when the sick 
man shall see an hand so humble of an arm so high, 
such condescension in a king, to stroke that sore, 
at which meaner persons would stop their nostrils, 
shut their eyes, or turn their fieu^es; this raiseth, 
erecteth, enthroneth the patient's fancy, summoning 
his spirits to assist nature with their utmost might, 
to encounter the disease with greater advantage. 
And who will look into the legend of the miracles of 
imagination, shall find many strange and almost in- 
credible things thereby really effected. 
Others 32. Other learned men, and particularly Caspar 

pemition. Peucerus% though acquitting this cure from diabo- 
lical conjuration, yet tax it as guilty of superstition. 
With him all such do side as quarrel at the cere- 
monies and circumstances used at the healing of 
this malady. Either displeased at the collect read, 
consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospel of 

t Aug. Ferrerius, [vera me- ▼ [Comment, de prsecipuis 
dendi method, ii. 11. ed. Divinationum generibus* p. 
1574-] 192. ed. 1591.] 



CENT. XI. of Britain. 889 

St. John^, as wholly improper, and nothing relating to a. d. 1066. 
the occasion, or unresolved of the efficacy of the confeeaona. 
gold pendent about the patients' neck, (whether 
partly completing, or a bare complement of the 
cure,) or secretly unsatisfied what manner and mea* 
sure of belief is required, according to the model 
whereof health is observed to come sooner or later, 
or openly offended with the sign of the cross^, which 
was used to be made by the royal hands on the 
place infected. All which exceptions fall to the 
ground, when it shall be avowed, that notwithstand- 
ing the omission of such ceremonies, as requisite 
rather to the solemnity than substance of the cure, 
the bare hands of our kings (without the gloves, as I 
may term it, of the aforesaid circumstances) have ef- 
fected the healing of this disease. 

33. Hereupon some make it a clear miracle, and Many 
immediately own God's finger in the king's hand.^re^,^ 
That when the art of the physician is posed, the in-*'**^*- 
dustry of the chirurgeon tired out, the experience of 
both at a loss, when all human means cry craven, 
then that wound made by the hand of God is cured 
by the hand of his vicegerent. Hath Heaven endued 
vegetables (the worst and weakest of living creatures) 
with cordial qualities? Yea, hath it bestowed pre- 
cious properties on dull and inanimate waters, stones, 
and minerals, insomuch that such are condemned for 
silly or sullen, for stupid or stubborn, as doubt 
thereof? And shall we be so narrow-hearted as not 
to conceive it possible that Christian men, the no- 
blest of corporeal creatures, kings, the most eminent 

^ [Probably he means the ^ Guil. Tooker in Charis- 
seeond Gospel, which was taken mate, cap. vii. p. 96. [ed. 1 597.] 
from John i. i — 14, inclusive.] 

C c 3 



390 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 1066. of all Christian men, kinirs of Britain, the first-fruits 
ciiifewiris. of all Christian kings, should receive that peculiar 
privilege and sanative power, whereof daily instances 
are presented unto us ? See here the vast diflference 
betwixt papists and protestants. How do the former 
court those miracles which fly from them ; and often, 
in default of real ones, are glad and greedy to hug 
and embrace empty shadows of things Msely re- 
ported to be done, or fondly reputed to be miracles ? 
Whereas many protestants, on the contrary, as in 
the matter in hand, are scrupulous in accepting mi- 
racles truly tendered unto them. But although our 
religion, firmly founded on, and safely fenced with 
the scriptures, needs no miracles to confirm or coun- 
tenance the truth thereof, yet when they are by the 
hand of Heaven cast into our scales, not to make our 
doctrine weight, but as superpondium^ or an overplus 
freely bestowed ; sure they may safely without sin 
be received, not to say, can scarce be refused, with- 
out, at least, some suspicion of neglect and ingrati- 
tude to the goodness of God. 
The inge- 34. Nor will it be amiss here to relate a passage 
fCTsion^lSra which happened about the midst of the reign of 
«ithoiic. q^^^jj Elizabeth, after pope Pius did let fly his ex- 
communication against her. There was a stiff Roman 
catholic, (as they delight to term themselves,) other- 
wise a man well accomplished, and of an ingenuous 
disposition, who being cast into prison, (I conceive 
for his religion,) was there visited in an high degree 
with the king's evil. And having with great pain 
and expense, but no success, long used the advice of 
physicians, at last he humbly addressed himself unto 
the queen's majesty, by whom, with God's help, he 
was completely cured. And being demanded, "What 






CENT. XI. of Britain. 391 

" news r " I perceive," said he, " now at last by plain a. g^^^ 
" experience, that the excommunication denounced Confessona. 
** by the pope against her majesty is in very deed of 

none effect, seeing God hath blessed her with so 

great and miraculous a virtue *." 

35. This mention of queen Elizabeth (there is a Queen eh- 

z&beth why 

magnetic virtue in stories for one to attract another) displeased 
minds me of a passage in the beginning of her^j^^® 
reign. Making her progress into Gloucestershire, ^^^^'" 
people affected with this disease did in uncivil crowds 
press in upon her. Insomuch that her majesty, be- 
twixt anger, grief, and compassion, let fall words to 
this effect : " Alas, poor people, I cannot, I cannot 
" cure you ; it is God alone that can do it !" Which 
words some interpreted, (contrary to her intent and 
practice, continuing such cures till the day of her 
death,) an utter renouncing and disclaiming of any 
instrumental efficacy in herself. Whereas she only 
removed her subjects' eyes from gazing on her, to 
look up to Heaven. For men's minds naturally are 
so dull and heavy, that instead of travelling with 
their thanks to God, the cause of all cures, they 
lazily take up their lodging more than half way on 
this side, mistaking the dealer for the giver of their 
recovery. It follows not therefore that the queen 
refused to heal their bodies, because careful in the 
first place to cure their souls of this dangerous mis- 
take. A princess, who as she was a most exact de- 
mander of her due, (observed seldom or never to 
forgive her greatest favourites what they owed her,) 
so did she most punctually pay her engagements to 
others, as to all men, so most especially to God, 

' Guil. Tooker in Charismate, cap. vi. p. 92. 

c c 4 



392 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 1 066. loath that he should lose any honour due unto him, 

ConfeMorii. bj her unjust detaining thereof. 

The kings 36. The kings of France share also with those of 

CTire'Se* England in this miraculous cure. And Laurentius 

king's evil, reports y, that when Francis the First king of France 

was kept prisoner in Spain, he, notwithstanding his 

exile and restraint, daily cured infinite multitudes of 

people of that disease ; according to this epigram : 

Hispanos inter sanat rex chocradas, estque 
Captivus superis gratus ut ante fuit. 

The captive king the evil cures in Spidn ; 
Dear, as before, he doth to God remain. 

So it seemeth his medicinal quality is affixed, not to 
his prosperity, but person ; so that during his durance 
he was fully free to exercise the same. 
liaurentius 37. Thus far WO patiently hear, and sufficiently 
niesthe credit this author; but can no longer afford him 
En^and either belief or attention, when he presumeth to tell 
^ring*the ^^ *^^^ ^^^ kings of England never cured the king's 
king's evu. ^yji^ ^ virtue appropriated only to his majesty of 

France^. Only he confesseth, that long ago some of 
our English kings of the Anjouan race, (descended 
from Jeffery Plantagenet), did heal the falling sick- 
ness Yai\i certain consecrated annulets, a custom long 
since disused. Thus he seeks to deprive our princes 
of their patrimonial virtue ; and to make them repa- 
rations (instead of their sanative power, whereof 
they are peaceably possessed to them and their 
heirs, holding it of God in chief) with assigning 

y [De mirabili strumar. sa- senting the ceremony of the 

naticme, p. 18. ed. 1609. To king touching for the evil.^ 
this book is prefixed a very 2 X)e mirabili strumarum cu« 

handsome engraving, repre- ratione, c. 3. 



CENT. XI. 



of Briiain. 



898 



them an old lease, where the title at the best was a. d. io6(S. 
litigious, and the term long ago expired. But the confeiioris. 
reader may be pleased to take notice, that this Lau- 
rentius was physician in ordinary to king Henry the 
Fourth of France, and so had his judgment herein 
bowed awry with so weighty a relation; flattery 
being so catching a disease, wherewith the best 
doctors of physic may sometimes be infected. To 
cry quits with him. Dr. Tooker, chaplain to queen 
Elizabeth, in a treatise he wrote of this subject, de- 
nieth the kings of France ever originally cured this 
evil, but per aliqtmm propcyinem^ by a sprig of 
right derived from the primitive power of our Eng- 
lish kings, under whose jurisdiction most of the 
French provinces were once subjected. 

38. Between these two authors, violent in oppo- The indif- 
sition, haply we may find the truth, whose constant op^on. 
dwelling-place is pleasantly seated in a moderate 
vale, betwixt two swelling extremes. For it plainly 
appeareth by uncontrollable arguments and evidences, 
that both the crowns of England and France have 
for many years been invested with this miraculous 
gift; yet so that our English kings are the elder 
brothers in the possession thereof. For if St. Lewis 
king of France, who was contemporary with our 
king Henry the Third, was the first of that royal 



a In his Cbarismate, cap. vi. 
p. 84. [Tooker's work was 
printed many years before that 
of his opponent, in which this 
absurdity was first advanced. 
The controversy had at this 
time quite changed from its 
original grounds. For in the 
time of Malmsbury it was at- 



tributed generally to king Ed- 
wards personal holiness : '* no- 
" stro tempore quidam falsam 
" insinuunt operam, qui asse- 
** verant istius morbi curatio. 
'* nem, non ex sanctitate scd 
'* ex regab's prosapia; ha;redi- 
"tate fluxisse." De Gest. f. 

Si.] 



894 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. To66.race which healed this evil^ his cradle was more 
Confenoris. than One hundred and sixty years after the coflSn of 
our Edward the Confessor, from whom, as is afore- 
said, our kings derive this sovereign power by con- 
stant succession. But methinks my book in this 
discourse begins to bunch or swell out, and some 
will censure this digression for a struma^ or tedious 
exuberancy, beyond the just proportion of our his- 
tory; wherefore no more hereof: only I will con- 
clude with two prayers, extending the first to all 
good people, that Divine Providence would be pleased 
to preserve them from this painful and loathsome 
disease. The second I shall confine to myself alone, 
(not knowing how it will suit with the consciences 
and judgments of others,) yet so as not excluding 
any who are disposed to join with me in my petition ; 
namely, that if it be the will of God to visit me, 
whose body hath the seeds of all sickness, and soul 
of all sins, with the aforesaid malady, I may have the 
fiivour to be touched of his majesty, the happiness to 
be healed by him, and the thankfulness to be grate- 
ful to God the author, and God's image the instru- 
ment of my recovery. I will only add this short 
story, and then proceed. A little before these wars 
began, a minister (not over-loyally affected) was ac- 
cused, and was like to have been troubled for this 
passage in his sermon, that "oppression was the 
" king's evil." But being called to answer it before 
the commissioners, he expounded his own ivords, 
that he meant oppression was the king's evil, not 
that the king caused it, but only cured it, and alone 
in this land could remedy and redress the same. 

^ So witnesseth Andr. du Chesne, a French author, and others. 



CENT. XI. 



of Britain, 



S95 



89. King Edward djdng childless, caused by hisA.D. iod6. 

affected chastity, left the land at a loss for an heir '- 

in a direct line, and opened a door to the ambition usmpeth 
of collateral pretenders. Indeed the undoubted ''*® *^'^*'^ 
right lay in Edgar -^theling, son to Edward the out- 
law, grandchild to Edmond Ironside king of Eng- 
land ^: but he being tender in age, and (as it seems) 
soft in temper, and of a foreign garb, because of his 
education in Hungary, (his most potent alliance in 
Grermany out of distance to send him seasonable 
assistance,) was passed by by the English nobility. 
These chose Harold to be king, whose title to the 
crown is not worth our deriving of it, much less his 
relying on it*. But having endeared martialists by 
his valour, engaged courtiers by his bounty, and 
obliged all sorts of people by his affability, he was 
advanced to the crown by those who more consi- 
dered his ability to defend, than his right to de- 
serve it. 

40. William duke of Normandy was competitor WiUiam 

duke of 



^ [He experienced the fickle- 
ness of fortune: for he was 
chosen king by a party after 
the death of Harold. Malmsb. 
De Oestis, f. 52. He was an 
old man, living retiredly in the 
country^ almost decrepit when 
Alalmsbury wrote his Chroni- 
cle, which was as late as the 
middle of the twelfth century.] 

*^ [If however the chronicle 
of Florence of Worcester may 
be trusted, Harold was the un- 
doubted heir to the throne, and 
appointed to it by Edward. It 
is also observable that the ex. 
pression used by this chronicler 
to describe Harold's succession 



is the same with that used to 
denote the accession of a law- 
ful sovereign : — " Subregulus 
" Ilaroldus Godwin! ducis fi- 
" lius, quem rex ante suam 
" decessionem regni successo- 
'* rem elegerat a totius Anglis 
" primatibus ad regale culmen 
" electus." a. 1066. The same 
is stated in the Hist. Eliensis, 
ii. 43. ed. Grale ; and both 
agree in commendation of Ha- 
rold. 

According to Malmsbury, 
he appointed WiUiam, who was 
his cousin, to succeed him. De 
Gest. f. 53, b.] 



396 The Church History book ii. 

A.D. 1066. with Harold, who supplying in numb^ what he 

! 1 wanted in strength of his titles, claimed the crown 

t^^M^ ^ by alliance, adoption, and donation from Edward the 
"^2^ J[®^ CJonfessor ; though he was as unable to give and 
K®'**^- bequeath, as William, being a bastard, in the strict- 
ness of Saxon laws, was uncapable to receive it. 
But his sword was stronger than his titles, and the 
sins of the English more forcible than either, to de- 
liver that nation (now grown, as authors observe, in- 
tolerably vicious) into his subjection. So that in a 
pitched field he overcame and killed king Harold, 
with the prime of the English nobility ; (a just 
punishment on their perjury for their deserting their 
kwful prince ;) and such as survived were forced 
either to hold the stirrup, or lackey by the side of 
many a mean-bom Norman, mounted to places of 
profit and honour. This was the fifth time wherein 
the south of this island was conquered; first, by 
Romans ; secondly, by Picts and Scots ; thirdly, by 
Saxons ; fourthly, by the Danes ; and fifthly, by the 
Normans. This mindeth me of the prophet Elisha's 
speech to Joash king of Israel ; Thou sJiouldest have 
smitten Syria five or sia? times ; then hadst thou 
smitten Syria till thou hadst consumed it^. It seemeth 
five may, but six must dispatch a people. God hath 
already smitten this island five times with a rod of 
foreign invasion ; let us beware the sixth time, that 
final, fatal number, for fear it prove the last, and 
utter confusion and destruction of our nation. 
William re- 41. Thus king William came in by conquest, 
conquering though in the latter part of his reign, growing more 
sword with jjj||^ ^^^ moderate, he twisted his right of victory 



compo- 
sition. 



^ 2 Kings xiii. 19. 



CENT. XI. of Britain. 897 

with composition : as such who have ravished a a. d. 1066. 

woman against her will endeavour afterwards to 

make her reparation by wooing and wedding her, 
whom formerly they had wronged ; so with love to 
cover their lust, by the most excusable way of mar- 
riage. So king William, though he had forced this 
land, yet afterwards, not so much out of remorse as 
policy, to suppress frequent tumults, and procure se- 
curity to himself and successors, is said to have 
closed with the commons in a fedr way of agreement, 
restoring many ancient privileges unto them. Thus, 
though conquest was more honourable for his credit, 
composition was comfortable for his conscience, and 
accounted most safe for his posterity. Witness that 
judicial sentence which king William in open court 
pronounced against himself, adjudging the lord of 
Shambom in Norfolk^, being an Englishman, true 
owner of that manor, contrary to that grant wherein 
he had formerly bestowed it on one Warren a Nor- 
man. Herein the conqueror confessed himself con- 
quered, submitting his arbitrary power and pleasure 
to be regulated by justice, and the ancient rights of 
Englishmen. 

42. But what impression the Norman victories a breviate 
made on the state, let politicians observe ; what trine of 
change it produced in the laws, we leave to the^"^^" 
learned of that faculty to prosecute : whilst that ^^"^^ ^^ 

■^ * Norman 

which renders the conquest to consideration in our conquest, 
church-story is, the manifest change of religion from 
what formerly was publicly professed in England. 
To make this mutation in its due time more conspi- 
cuous, we will here conclude this book with a brief 

^ Camden's Britannia in Norfolk, [p. 350.] 



398 The Church History book ii. 

A. D. 1066. character of the principal doctrines generally taught 
and believed by the English in these four last cen- 
turies, before tainted with any Norman infection. 
For though we must confess and bemoan that cor- 
ruptions crept into the church by degrees, and divine 
worship began to be clogged with superstitious cere- 
monies, yet that the doctrine remained still sound 
and entire, in most material points, will appear by 
an induction of the dominative controversies wherein 
we differ from the church of Rome. 

I. Scripture generally read. 
For such as were with the holy bishop Aidan, give 
attonsi seu laici^y either clergy or laity, were tied to 
exercise themselves in reading the holy word, and 
learning of psalms. 

The original preferred. 
For Ricemarch a Briton, a right learned and 
godly clerk ^, son to Sulgen bishop of St. David's, 
flourishing in this age, made this epigram on those 
who translated the psalter out of the Greek, so 
taking it at the second hand, and not drawing it im- 
mediately out of the first vessel. 

Ebreis nablam custodit litera signis. 
Pro captu quam quisque suo sermone Latino 
Edidit, innumeros lingua variante hbellos, 
Ebreumque jubar sufTuscat nube Latina. 
Nam tepefacta ferum dant tertia labra saporem. 
Sed sacer Hieronymus, Ebreo fonte repletus, 
Lucidius nudat verum, breviusque ministrat'. 



? Bede, Eccles. Hist. ill. 5. Dr. Powell^ page 156. edit. 

^ Caradoc. in Chron. of Cam- 1584.] 

bridge. [See the translation i MS. in the library of the 

of this Chron. published by learned bishop, William Bedel^ 



CENT. XI. of Britain. S99 

This harp the holy Hebrew text doth tender, A.D. 1066. 

Which, to their power, whilst every one doth render I ^ 

In Latin tongue with many variations. 
He clouds the Hebrew rays with his translations. 
Thus liquors when twice shifted out, and pour'd 
In a third vessel, are both cooPd and sour'd. 
But holy Jerome truth to light doth bring 
Briefer and fuller, fetch'd from the Hebrew spring. 

No prayers for the dead in the modern notion of 

papists. 
For though we find prayers for the dead, yet they 
were not in the nature of propitiation for their sins, 
or to procure relaxation from their sufferings ; but 
were only an honourable commemoration of their 
memories, and a sacrifice of thanksgiving for their 
salvation. Thus St. Cuthbert, after he had seen the 
soul of one Hadwaldus carried by angels into heaven, 
did celebrate obsequies of prayers in his behalf^. 

Purgatory y though newly hatched^ not yet fledged. 

For although there are frequent visions and reve- 
lations in this age pretended, thereon to build pur- 
gatory, which had no foundation in scripture, yet the 
architects of that fanciful fabric had not so hand- 
somely contrived it, as it stands at this day in the 
Romish belief. For Bede, out of the vision of Fur- 
seus, relateth certain great fires above the air, ap- 
pointed to examine every one according to the 
merits of his work, differing from the papist's purga- 
tory^; which Bellarmine, by the common consent of 
the schoolmen, determineth to be within the bowels 

and cited by the archbishop of ^ Bede in Vita Cuthberti, 

Armagh in the Religion of the cap. 34. 

Ancient Irish, p. 9. ^ Hist. Eccl. lii. 19. 



400 The Church History book il 

AD. 1066. of the earth. Thus nothing can be invented and 
perfected at once. 

Communion under both kinds. 
For Bede relateth, that one Hildmer, an officer of 
Ecgfrid king of Northumberland, entreated our Cuth- 
bert to send a priest that might minister the sacra- 
ment of the Lord's body and blood unto his wifSs, 
that then lay a dying '". And Cuthbert himself, im- 
mediately before his own departure out of this life, 
received the communion of the Lord's body and 
blood. And lest any should fondly hope to decline 
so pregnant an instance by the novel conceit of con- 
comitancy, (a distinction that could not speak, be- 
cause it was not bom in that age,) it is punctually 
noted, that he distinctly received the cup. 

Pocula degustat yits, Christique supinum 
Sanguine munit iter ^ 

His voyage steep the easier to climb up, 

Christ*s blood he drank out of life's healthful cup. 

So that the eucharist was then admitted entire, and 

not maimed, as it is by papists at this day, serving it, 

as Hanon the Ammonite did the clothes and beards 

of David's ambassadors, cutting it off at the middle®. 

And though the word mass was frequent in that age, 

generally expressing all divine service, yet was it not 

known to be offered as a propitiatory sacrifice for the 

quick and dead. 

The ail- 43. But if any desire further information herein, 

gagement let him repair to the worthy work, which James, the 

l^gijop ^ ' right learned and pious archbishop of Armagh, hath 



"> De vita Cuthberti, c. 15. 

^ Idem in vita Cuthberti carmine, c 36. » 2 Sam. x. 4. 



CENT. XI, of Briiain, 401 

written of the religion professed by the ancient Irish a. d. 1066. 

and British. From whom I have borrowed many a 1 

note, (though not always thanking him in the margin anT^.' 
by citing his name,) and therefore now must make^jf^^j^ 
one general acknowledgment of my engagement. *'^^- 
In cities we see, that such as sell by retail (though 
of less credit) are of great use, especially to poor 
people, in parcelling out pennyworths of commo- 
dities to them whose purses cannot extend to buy by 
wholesale from the merchant. Conceive I in like 
manner my pains will not be altogether unprofitable, 
who in this history have fetched my wares from the 
storehouse of that reverend prelate, the Cape-mer- 
chant of all learning, and here in little remnants 
deliver them out to petty-country-chapmen, who 
hitherto have not had the hap or happiness to under- 
stand the original treasuries whence they are taken. 
And clean through this work in point of chronology 
I have with implicit faith followed his computation, 
setting my watch by his dial, knowing his dial to be 
set by the sun, and account most exactly calculated, 
according to the critical truth of timeP. Long may 
he live for the glory of God, and good of his church. 
For whereas many learned men, though they be deep 
abysses of knowledge, yet (like the Caspian sea, re- 
ceiving all, and having no outlet) are loath to impart 
aught to others ; this bright sun is as bountiful to 
deal abroad his beams, as such dark dales as myself 
are glad and delighted to receive them. 

P In his book De Brit. Eccl. which work he has given a 
Primordifl. [At the end of chronology of these times.] 



FULLER, VOL. 1. D d 



SEVERAL COPIES 

OF 

BATTEL ABBEY ROLL. 



TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL SIR SIMON AR- 
CHER, OP TAMWORTH IN WARWICKSHIRE ». 

Some report^ that the toad befw-e lier death sucks up i^fnoi 
prevented with sudden surprisal) the precious stone {as 
yet but a jelly) in her head^ g^^^*^i^ mankind the good 
thereof. Such generally the envy of antiquaries y pre- 
Jerring that their rarities should die with them, and be 
buried in their graves^ rather than others receive any 
benefit thereby » 

You cross the current qf common corruption ; it being 
questionable whether you be more sktlfvl in knowings 
carefid in keepings or courteous in communicating your 
curious collections in that kind. 

Justly therefore have I dedicated these several ccpies qf 
Battel Abbey roll unto you : firsts because Iluive received 
one of the most authentic qf them from your own hand^ ; 
secondly, because your ancient name chargeth through 
and through most qf these catalogues. Yea, as the 
archers came over with the Conqueror, so the Conqueror 

A [Arms: azure, three arrows esq., by bis wife Margaret, 

erect, or, two and one ; im. daughter of Simon Rawley of 

paling Ferrers, vair^, or and Famborough, co. Wilts; was 

gules. Sir Simon Archer of born in 1583, married Ann. 

Tamworth in c5. Warwick, daughter of sir John Ferrers 

knight, was descended of an of Tamworth -castle, knight, 

ancient family seated there for knighted before 165 1, and died 

many generations, being the 1664, in his eighty-first year, 

fourteenth in lineal descent See Visitations of Warwick- 

from Robert Archer of Tarn- shire, 1619-1683. By his said 

worth, by Selida, daughter and wife he had issue, three sons 

heir of Roger de Hulehall. He and as many daughters. B.] 
was the eldest son and heir of *> [See p. 429, &c.] 
Andrew Archer of Tamworth, 




The Roll of Battel Abbof. 403 

may he mid to come over with the archers, {therefore 
placed in a list by themselves^ because tfteir valour 
achieved the greatest part of his victory. _^- 

ERUSING the worthy pains of grave Thadougn 
and godly Mr. Fox, in his Book ofa!^itt" 
Martyrs, I find him in the reign of**^" 
I William the First exemplifying a double 
catalogue of such eminent persons as 
came over at the conquest. Now, seeing so reverend 
a writer accounted the inserting thereof no deviation 
from his church-history, we presume accordingly, by 
way of recreation of the reader, to present him with 
a larger list of those names, with some brief notes 
thereupon. 

Here will I premise nothing about the ancient impoung 
original of names, which argued the undoubted do-atniaie/* 
minion of him who first gave them, over those on^"""""*' 
whom they were imposed. Thus Eve named Cain* ; 
to shew the command, even of the mother, over the 
eldest (and therefore over all her) children. Adam 
named Eve, she shall be called woman*'; to signify the 
husband's sovereignty over his wife. God named 
Adam, Lei us make Adam, or man' ; to denote his 
power and authority over man. And God named 
himself, / AM hath sent me unto you^; importing 
his absolute and independent being in, and from 
himself. But waving what may be said of the be- 
ginning of names, we shall digest what we conceive 
necessary for our present purpose, into the following 
propositions : 

The first is; surnames were fixed in fsimilies in^«*^»>|^ 



e Gen. i. 36. 
d Exod. iii. 14. 
Dd 3 



404 • The Roll of Battel Abbey , 

long before England, at or about the conquest. I say, fixed, 
quest, " Formerly, though men had surnames, yet their sons 
did not, as I may say, follow suit with their fathers, 
the name descended not hereditarily on the family. 
At or about. Forty years under or over will break 
no squares. It began somewhat sooner in the C!on- 
fessor's time, fetched out of France, but not imiver- 
sally settled till some hundred years after. When 
men therefore tell us how their surnames have been 
fastened on their families some centuries of years 
before the conquest, we hear them say so. His 
chronology was no better than bis heraldry, who 
boasted that his ancestors had given the three gun- 
holes (which indeed were the three annulets) for 
their arms these thousand years, when guns them- 
selves have not been extant three hundred years in 
Europe. The same solecism in effect is committed 
by such who pretend to the antiquity of surnames 
before the same were settled in rerum nattira. 
Samames Th® sccond ; kiugs had fixed surnames later than 
auieVot^ common people. Our four first Norman kings had 
needful to) jjo sumames, Henry the Second being the first of 
the Plantagenists. Wonder not that a genteel 
fashion should come later into the court than into 
the country, and last to the crown itself. For names 
being made to distinguish men, they were more ne- 
cessary for common people, whose obscurities would 
be lost in a multitude, were they not found out by 
the sign of their sumames, having no other emi- 
nency whereby they might be differenced. But 
princes (being comparatively few in respect of pri- 
vate persons) are sufficiently discovered by their own 
lustre, and sovereignty may be said to be a surname 
to itself; and therefore kings, not of necessity, but 



The Roll of Battel Abbey. 405 

mere pleasure, have accepted additions to their 
Christian names. 

The third ; many who came over out of Normandy Many of 
were noble in their native country. Especially such mans moBt 
who are styled from their places, as le sire de Sote- wrth. ^ 
ville, le sire de Margneville, le sire de Tancarville, 
&c., whereby we understand them lords and owners 
of such manors, towns, and castles from whence they 
took their denomination. However, this particle de 
such a place (when without le sire going before it) 
doth not always give "livery and seisin," and pre- 
sently put the person so named into possession of the 
place ; sometimes barely importing that he was bom 
there, and not owner thereof. 

The fourth ; all that came over with the Conqueror Yet some 

« .11 • 1 i_ not 10 much 

were not gentlemen until they came over with the as gentle- 
Conqueror. For instantly upon their victory, their "•'*• 
flesh was refined, blood clarified, spirits elevated to 
an higher purity and perfection. Many a peasant in 
Normandy commenced monsieur by coming over 
into England, where they quickly got goods to their 
gentry, lands to their goods, and those of the most 
honourable tenure in capite itself. What Richard 
the Third said, no less spitefully than falsely, of the 
Woodviles, (brethren to the wife of his brother king 
Edward the Fourth, by whom they were advanced,) 
that "many were made noble who formerly were not 
" worth a noble," was most true of some of the Nor- 
man soldiery, suddenly startmg up honourable from 
mean originals. These cruelly insulted over the Saxon 
ancient gentry whom they found in England. Thus 
on the new casting of a die, when ace is on the top, 
sise must needs be at the bottom. 

The fifth ; besides native Normans, many of the Many of 
neighbouring countries engaged in England's in- bouring na- 



406 The Roll of Battel Abbey. 

tioiiB under vEsioii. As Flemings, which Baldwin earl of Flan- 
of Nor-°'* ders, and father-in-law unto the conqueror, sent to 
man*. ^^j j j^j^ . Walloous, with many from Picardy, Bri- 
tain, Anjou, and the very heart of France. Thus 
when a fair of honour and profit is proclaimed, chap- 
men will flock from all parts unto it. Some will 
. wonder that any would be such wilful losers as to 
exchange France for England, a garden for a field. 
Was not this degrading of their souls in point of 
pleasure, going backward from wine to ale, from 
wheat to oats, then the general bread-corn of Eng- 
land ? Besides, coming Northward, they left the sun 
on their backs ; the sim, who is a comfortable usher 
to go before, but bad train-bearer to come behind 
one. But let such know, that England in itself is 
an excellent country, too good for the unthankfrd 
people which live therein, and such foreigners, who 
seemingly slight, secretly love, and like the plenty 
and profit thereof. But, grant England far short of 
France in goodness, yet such adventurers hoped to 
achieve to themselves a better condition in a worse 
country. Many a younger brother came over hither 
in hope here to find an elder brothership, and ac- 
cordingly procured an inheritance to him and his 
posterity. As for the great French nobility, store 
was no sore unto them : such pluralists retained still 
their old patrimonies in France, with the additions 
of their new possessions in England. 
n-iiauies. The sixth ; names coming over with the conquest 
beginning with W were not out of France, but the 
vicinage thereof. As the Britons disclaim Xy the 
Latins F, (save when the badge of a Greek word 
Latinized,) so the French disown W. When we 
find it therefore the initial letter of a name, whereof 
many occur in the ensuing catalogue, it argueth the 



\\ alloons. 



TTie Roll of Battel Abbey. 407 

same Walloon, or Almain. Yea, I am credibly in- 
formed, that some of the English here, wearied with 
Harold's usurpation, fled over into Normandy to 
fetch in the conqueror ; so that when king William 
entered, they returned into England. And this par- 
ticularly hath been avouched of the noble family of 
the Wakes, who were here before the conquest, yet 
found among the Norman invaders. 

The seventh ; Battel-abbey roll is the best extant The twi- 
catalogue of Norman gentry, if a true copy thereof ^Battel * 
could be procured. ^^"^ ""• 

1. Battel-abbey roll. Because hung up in that 
abbey, as fixed to the freehold thereof, where the 
names of such as came over with the conquest 
were recorded. 

2. Best extant. Otherwise industry, with honesty, 
leisure, and liberty to peruse Domesday-book, might 
collect one more perfect out of impartial records, 
which neither fear nor flatter. Such a catalogue 
were to be believed on its word, before battle roll on 
its oath. 

8. Yet that abbey roll desei*ved credit, if a true 
copy might be procured. One asked, " Which was 
"the best St. Augustine?" to whom this answer 
was given, (generally true of all ancient authors,) 
" even that Augustine which is least corrected." 
For corrections commonly are corruptive, as follow- 
ing the fancy and humour of the corrector. 

Battel-abbey roll hath been practised upon with 
all the figures of diction, prothesis, aphseresis, &c.; 
some names therein being augmented, subtracted, 
extended, contracted, lengthened, curtailed. The 
same scruple therefore which troubleth sophisters, 
" Whether Jason's weather-beaten ship, so often 
" clouted and i>atched with new boards, were the 



408 The Roll of Battel Abbey. 

•* same numerically with the first;" may be pro- 
pounded of Battel-abbey roll, whether that extant 
with us, after so many alterations, be individuallj 
the same with the original ? See what a deadly gash 
our great antiquary* gives to the credit thereof; 
" Whosoever considereth it well, shall find it to be 
" forged, and those names to be inserted, which the 
** time in every age favoured, and were never men* 
" tioned in that authentical record." 
obj. Then Obj, If such be the depraving of Battel-abbey roll, 
Credit. °" i\iGfi no credit at all is due unto it. Let it be pil- 
loried for a mere cheat, and be suffered no longer to 
go about, to deceive the honest reader thereof; see- 
ing we cannot hear the true tone of names therein, 
monks have so set them to the tune of their present 
benefactors and minions of the age they lived in. 
Ans, How Arts. Though there be much adulteration therein, 
I?im»'i?to^ yet I conceive the main bulk and body thereof un- 
becaii- corrupted. As they therefore overvalue this roll 
who make it the grammar of French gentry, the 
herald's institutes, and of canonical credit amongst 
them, so such too much decry the same, who deny 
all trust thereunto. Yea, we may confidently rely 
on this roll, where we find a concurrence of ancient 
English historians therewith : and this will appear in 
the generality of names which that roll presenteth 
unto us. 

We find in our English chroniclers two printed 
copies (a manuscript thereof worth mentioning I 
have not met with) of Battel-abbey roll. Wherein 

^ Camden in his Remains^ English origin. See another 

p. 152. [ed. 1614. No doubt copy in the Scala Chronica, 

can exist of the correctness of p. 12. (Unpublished; printed 

Camden's assertion. No two for the Maitland Club. 1 836.)] 

copies exist alike of this roll ; I have ranged similar names 

and most of them are interpo- opposite each other.] 
la ted with names of families of 



The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



409 



such various lections, they agree neither in number, 
order, nor spelling of the names; which, though 
generally digested in an alphabetical way, are neither 
of them exactly ordered according to the same. But 
behold both. 



Holinshed, p. 3. 


Stow'8Chr.p.io5. 


Holinahed, p. 3. 


Stow*8Chr.p.io5. 


Aumarle 


Aumeic 


Bigot 




Aincourt 




Bohun 


Bohun 


Audeley 


Audeley 


Bailif 


Baylife 


Angilliam 


Angilliam 


Bondeuile 


Bondeuile 


Argentoune 


Argentoun 


Brabason 


Barbason 


Arundell 


Arundell 


Baskeruile 




Auenant 


Auenant 




Beer 


Abell 


Abel 


Bures 


Bures 


Auaerne 




Bounilainc 


Bonylayne 


Aunwers 




Bois 




Angers 


Awgers 


Botelere 




Angenoun 


Angeruoun 


Bourcher 




Archere 


Archer 


Brabaion 


Barbayon 


Anuay 




Bemers 


Berners 


Asperuile 


Asperuile 


Braibuf 


Braybuf 


Albeuile 




Brande 


Brand 


Andeuile 




Bronce 




Amouerduile 


Amonerduile 




Bonuile 


Arcy 


Arcy 


Burgh 


Burgh 


Albeny 


Albeny 


Bushy 


Busshy 


Akeny 


Akeny 


Banet 




Aybeuare 




Blondell 


Blundell 


Amay 




Breton 


Breton 


Aspermound 


Asperemound 




Belasyse 


Amerenges. 






Bowser 
Bayous 
Bulmerc 


Bertram 


Bertram 


Bluat 




Buttecourt 


Butrecourt 


Baious 




Brebus 


Brsbus 


Browne 


Broune 


Byseg 


Byseg 


Beke 


Beke 


Bardolfe 


Bardolf 


Bickard 




Basset 


Basset 




Bowlers 



410 



The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



HoUnshed, p. 3. 


Stow*flChr.p.io5^ 


Holinshed, p. 3. 


Stew's Chr. p. 105. 


Banastre 


Banestre 


Boranuile 




Baloun 




Browe 






Belomy 


Beleuers 


Beleners 




Belknape 


Buffard 


Buffard 


Beauchauipe 


Beauchamp 


Botelere 


Boteler 


Bray 




Bonueier 




Bandy 


Bandy 


Boteuile 


Botuile 


Bracy 




Bellire 




Boundes 




Bastard 




Bascoun 




Bainard 




Broilem 




Brasard 


Bra^ard 


Broleuy 


Broyleby 


Beelhehne 


Belhelme 


Burnell 


Burnell 


Braine 




Bellet 


Belot 


Brent 






Beufort 


Braunch 


Braunche 


Baudewin 


Baudewine 


Belesuz 


Bolesur 


Beaumont 




Blundell 


Blundel 


Burdon 


Burdon 


Burdett 


Burdet 


Berteuilay 


Berteuyley 


Bagott 


Bagot 


Barre 


Barre 




Beaupount 


Busseuile 


Busseuile 


Beauuise 




Blunt 


Blunt 


Beleniis 




Baupere 


Beawper 


Beisin 




BeuiU 




Bernon 




Barduedor 




Boels 


Bools 


Brette 


Bret 


Belefroun 


Belefroun 


Barrett 


Barret 


Brutz 




Bonrett 




Barchampe 


Barchampe 


Bainard 




• 




Barniuale 


Barueuale 






Bonett 




Camois 


Camos 


Barry 

• 


Barry 


Camuile 


Canuille 


Bryan 




Chawent 


Chawent 


Bod in 


Bodyt 


Chauncy 


Chancy 


Berteuile 


Berteuile 


Conderay 


Couderay 


Bertin 


Bertine 


Coluile 


Coluile 


Bereneuilc 




Chamberlaine 


Chamberlaine 


Bellewe 


Belew 


Chambemoun 


Chambemoune 


Beuery 




Com in 




Busshell 


Bushell 


Columber 





The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



411 



Holinsbed, p. 3. 


Stow*flChr.p.io5. 


HoUnshed, p. 4. 


Stow*tChr.p.io5 


Cribett 


Cribet 


Cherecourt 


Cherecourt 


Creuquere 




Cammile 


Chaunuile 


Corbine 


Corbine 


Clerenay 


Clereney 


Corbett 


Corbet 


Curly 


Curley 




Coniers 


Cuily 




Chaundos 


Chaundos 


Clinels 






Coucy 


Chaundos 




Chaworth 


Chaworthe 


Courteney 




Cleremaus 


Claremaus 


Clifford 


Clifford 


Clarell 


Clarell 






Chopis 




Denauille 


Deanuile 




Camuine 


Dercy 


Dercy 


Chaunduit 


Chaunduyt 


Dine 


Dine 




Claruays 


Dispencere 


Dispencer 


Chantelow 


Chantilowe 


. Daubeny 




Chamberay 




i Daniell 


Daniell 




Colet 


1 Deuise 


Deuyse 


Creasy 


Cressy 


Druell 


Druell 


Curtenay 


Courtenay 


Deuaus 


Deuaus 


Conestable 


Constable 


Dauers 


Dauers 




Chaucer 


Dodingsels 


Doningsels 


Cholmeley 


Cholmelay 


; Darell 

1 


Darell 


Champney 


Champeney 


' Delaber 


De la Berc 


Chawnos 


Chawnos 


Delapole 


De la Pole 


Coiniuile 


Cornevile 


Delalinde 


De la Lind 


Champaine 


Champaine 


DelahiU 


De la HiU 




Carew 


Delaware 


De la Ware 


Careuile 


Claruaile 


Delauache 


De la Watch 


Carbonelle 


Carbonell 


Dakeny 


Dakeny 


Charles 


Charles 


Dauntre 


Dauntre 


Cherebergc 


Chareberge 


Desny 


Desnye 


Chawnes 


Chawnes 


Daberuounc 


Dabemoune 


Chaumont 


Chawmont 


Damry 


Damry 


Caperoun 




1 Daueros 


Daueros 


Cheine 


Cheyne 


1 Dauonge 




Curson 


Cursen 


; Duilby 




CouiUe, 


Couell 


i Delauerc 


De la Vere 


Chaiters 


Chayters 


Delahoid 




Cheines 


Cheyncs 


Durange 




Cateray 


Cateray 


Delee 


De Liele 



41S 



7%e RoU of Battel Abbey. 



lloKnibed, p. 4. 


Stow*flChr.p.i05. 


HoHnshed, p. 4. 


Stow*tChr.p.io5. 


Delaund 




Fitz- Pain 


Fitz-Payne 


Delaward 


De la Warde 


Fitz-Auger 




Delaplanch 


De la Planch 


Fitz-Aleyn 


Fitz-Alyne 


Damnot 




Fitz.Rauff 


Fitz-Raulfe 


Dan way 


Dan way 


Fitz -Browne 


Fitz-Browne 


Dehense 


De Hewse 


Fouke 


Foke 


Deuile 




Freuil 


Freuile 


Disard 


Disard 


Front de Boef 


Doiuille 




Facunberge 


Faconbridge 


Durant 


Durant 


Fort 




Drury 


Drury 


FriseU 


Frissell 


Dabitott 




Fitz- Simon 




Dunsteniile 




Fitz-Fouk 




Dunchampe 




Filioll 


Filioll 


Dambelton 




Fitz-Thomas 


Fitz-Thomas 






Fitz-Morice 


Fitz-Morice 


Estrange 


Estrange 


Fitz-Hugh 


Fitz-IIughc 


Estuteuile 


Estutauile 


Fitz-Henrie 




Ensaine 


Engayne 


Fitz-Warren 


Fitz-Warren 


Estriels 


Estriols 


Fitz-Rainold 






Euers 


Flamuile 


Faunuile 


Esturney 


Esturney 


Formay 
Fitz-Eustach 


Formay 


Ferrerers 




Fitz-Laurencc 




Foluille 


Foluile 


Formiband 


Formiband 


Fitz-Water 


Fitz-Water 


Frisound 


Frison 


Fitz-Marma- 


Fitz-Marma- 


Finere 


Finer 


duke 


duke 


Fitz-Robert 


Fitz-Robert 


Fleucz 






Fitz-Urc)' 


Filberd 


Fibert 


Furniuale 


Fumiuall 


Fitz- Roger 


Fitz- Roger 


Fitz-Geffrey 




Fanecourt 


Fanecourt 


Fitz-Herbert 


Fitz- Herbert 


Ferrers 




Fitz-Peres 




Fitz-Philip 


Fitz-Philip 


Fichet 




Filiot 




Fitz-Rewes 




Fumiueus 




Fitz-Fitz 




Furniuaus 




Fitz-John 


Fitz-John 


Fitz-Otes 




Fleschampe 




Fitz- William 


Fitz-William 






Fitz-Roand 




Gurnay 





The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



418 



llolinshed, p. 4* 


Stow*ii Chr. p. 106. 


Holinshed, p. 4. 


Stow*flChr.p.io6. 


Gressy 
Graunson 


Gargraue 
Graunson 


Hercy 

Herionn 

Heme 


Heme 


Gracy 
Georges 


Gracy 
Glaunvile 


Harecourt 

Henoure 

HoueU 




Gower 
Gaugy 
Goband 


Gouer 


Hamelin 

Harewell 

Harden 


Hamelyn 
Harewell 
Hardel 


Gray 
Gaunson 


Gascoyne 
Gray 


Haket 

Hamound 

Harcord 


Hecket 

Hamound 

Harecord 


Golofre 


Golofer 






Gobion 




Jarden 


Jarden 


Grensy 
Graunt 


Grauns 


Jay 
Jeniels 


Jay 


Greile 




Jerconuise 




Greuet 




Januile 


Janvile 


Gurry 

Gurley 

Grauimori 


Gurly 


Jasperaile 
Kaunt 


Jasper vile 


Gernoun 




Karre 


Karre 


Grendon 




Karrowe 


Karron 


Gurdou 


Gurdon 


Keine 




Gines 




Kimaronne 




Griuel 

Greneuile 

Glateuile 




Kiriell 

Kancey 

Kenelre 


Kyriell 


Gumey 
Giffard 
Gouerges 
Gamages 


Gamages 
Gaunt 


Loueny 

Lacy 

Linneby 

Latomer 


Levony 
Lestrange 

Latomere 


Hannteney 
Haunsard 


Hansard 


Loueday 


Loueday 
Lc^enton 


Hastings 

Haulay 

HaureU 


Hastings 
Haulay 


Louell 
Lemare 


Levell 
Le Scrope 
Lemare 


Husee 


Husie 


Leuetot 





414 



Tke Roll of Battel Abbey. 



Holinshed, p. 4* 

Lucy 
Luny 

Longespes 

Louerace 

Longechampe 

Lascales 

Lacy 

Louan 

Leded 

Logeuile 
Luse 

Loterell 

Loruge 

Longueale 

Loy 

Lorancourt 

Loions 

Limers 

Longepay 

Laumale 

Lane 

Louetot 



Stow*iiChr.p.io6. 

Litterile 
Lucy 

Lislay or Liele 
Longspes 

Longschampe 
Lascels 



Mohant 

Mowne 

Maundeuile 

Mannilon 

Moribray 

Moruile 

Miriell 

Manlay 

Malebraunch 

Malemaine 

Mortimere 



Lindsey 



Le Vawse 
Loterell 

Longuaile 
Loy 



Lane 



Le Dispenser 



Marmilon 
Moribray 
Morvile 

Manley 

Malebranch 

Malemaine 

Muschampe 



HoUnahed, p. 4. 



Mortimaine 

Muse 

Mountbother 

Maleuile 

Marteine 

Mountsoler 

Malet 

Mounteney 

Monfichet 

Maleherbe 

Mare 

Musegros 

Musarde 

Moine 

Montrauers 

Merke 

Murres 

Mortiuale 

Moncbenesy 



Mallory 

Marny 

Mountagu 

Mountford 

Maule 

Monbermon 

Musett 

Meneuile 

Manteuenant 

Manfe 

Menpincoy 

Maine 

Mainard 

Morell 

Mainell 



Stow*flChr.p.io6w 

Musgraue 

Menilebillers 

Mortmaine 

Muse 

Mountbocher 

Malevile 

Marteine 



Mountney 

Maleberbe 

Musgros 
Musard 

Mautravers 

Merke 

Murres 



Montague 

Mantalent 

Manle 

Malory 

Memy 



Mauley 
Muffet 



Menpincoy 

Mainard 

MoreU 

Morley 



The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



415 



Holinshed, p. 4. 


Stow*8Chr.p.io6. 


Hotinshfld, p. 4. 


Stow'sChr. p.106. 


Maleluse 




Noers 




Memorous 




Neuile 


Nevile 


Morreis 




Newmarch 


Neumarch 


Morleian 






Norton 


Maine 




Norbet 


Norbet 


Maleuere 




Norice 


Norece 


Mandut 


Mandute 


Newborough 


Newborough 


Mountmarten 


Mountmartin 


Neiremet 




Mantelet 




Neile 


Neele 


Miners 


Myners 


Normauile 


Norman vile 


Mauclerke 




Neofmarche 




Maunchenell 




Nermitz 




Mouet 




Nembmtz 




Meintenore 








Meletak 




Oteuel 


Oteuel 


Manuile 




Olibet 


Olibef 


Mangisere 


■ 


Olifant 


Olifauib 


Maumasin 




Osenel 




Mountlouel 




Oisell 


Oysell 


Mawrewarde 




Olifard 


Oliford 


Mouhaut 




OrinaU 




MeUer 




OrioU 


Oryoll 


Mountgomeric 








Manlay 




Pigot 


Pigot 


Maularde 




Per[c]y 


Percy 


Mainard 




Perepount 


Perepount 


Menere 




Pershale 


Pershale 


Martinast 




Power 


Power 


Mare 




Paineil 


Pa3rnel 


Main waring 


Mainwaring 


Perche 


Peche 


Matelay 




Pauey 






Mantell 


Peurell 


Peverell 


Malemis 




Perot 


Perot 


Maleheire 




Picard 


Picard 


Moren 






Pudsey 


Melun 




Pinkenie 




Marceans 




Pomeray 


Pimeray 


Maiell 


Mayel 


Pounce 


Pounsey 


Morton 


Morton 


Pauely 

• 

Paifrere 





416 



The RoH of Battel Abbey. 



Holiniihed, p. 4. 


Stow^sChr. p.io6. 


Holinshed, p. 4. 


Stow'aChr.p.io(. 


Plukenet 




Risers 




Phuars 




Randuile 




Punchardoun 


Punchardon 


Roselin 




Pinchard 


Pynchard 


Rastoke 




Placy 


Placy 


Rinuill 




Pugoy 




Rougere 




Patefinc 




Rait 




Place 




Ripere 






Patine 


Rigny 




Pampilioun 


Pampilioii 


Richemound 


Richmond 


Percelay 




Rochford 


Rochford 


Perere 




Raimond 


Reymond 


Pekeny 


Pekeney 






Poterell 


Poterell 


Souch 


Seuche 


Peukeny 




Sheaile 




Peccell 




Seucheus 




Pinell 




Senclere 




PutrUl 




Sent Quintin 


Seint Quintine 


PetivoU 




Sent Omere 


Seint Omer 


Preaus 




Sent Amond 


Seint Amond 


Pantolf 




Sent Legere 


Seint Leger 


Peito 




Someruile 


Somervile 




Pervinke 


Si ward 




Penecord 


Penicord 


Saunsouere 




Prendirlegast 




Sanford 


Sanford 


Percivale 




Sanctes 
Sauay 




Quincy 


Quincy 


Saulay 




Quintiny 


Quintine 


Sules 
Sorell 




R08 


Rose 


Somerey 


Somery 


Ridell 


Ridle 


Sent John 




Riuers 




Sent George 


Seint George 


Riuell 


Ryuel 


Sent Les 


Seint Les 


Rous 


Rous 


Sesse 




Rushell 


Russel 


Saluin 


Savine 


Rahand 




Say 




Ronde 


Rond 


Solers 




Rie 




Saulay 




Rokell 






Seint Glo 



The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



417 



HoKiiihed, p. 5. 


Stow'tChr.p.107. 


Holhiahed, p. 5. 


Stow*8Chr. 


Sent Albin 


Seint Albine 


Tolet 


Tolet 


Sent Martin 




Travers 


Travers 


Sourdemale 




Taverner 


Taverner 


Seguin 




Trenchevile 




Sent Barbe 


Seint Barbe 


Trenchelion 




Sent Vile 


Sandevile 


Tankenrile 




Souremount 




Tirel 


Tirel 


Soreglise 




Trivet 




Sandvile 




Tardevile 




Sauncey 




Turburvile 




Sirewast 




Tinevile 




Sent Cheyerel 




Torel 


Torel 


Sent More 


Seint More 


Tortechappel 




Sent Scude- 


Seint Scude- 


Trusbote 




more 


more 


Treverel 
Tenwis 








Totelles 


Totels 




Towrs 






Toget 


Toget 






Tercy 




Vere 


Vere 




Talybois 


Vemoun 


Vemoune 


Tuchet 


Tuchet 


Vescy 




Tracy 




Verdoune 


Verdon 




Truslot 


Valence 


Valence 


Trousbut 


Trusbut 




Vancord 


Trainel 


Traynel 


Verdeire 


Verder 


Taket 


Taket 


Vavasour 


Vavasour 


Trison 




Vendore 


Vender 


Talbot 


Talbot 


Verlay 


Verlay 


Touny 




Valenger 




Traies 




Venables 


Venables 


Trussel 


Troasel 


Venoure 


Venoure 


ToUemacb 




Vilan 


Vilan 


T0I0U8 




Verland 


Verland 


Tanny 


Tanny 


Valers 




Touke 




Veimy 


Vemy 


Tibtote 


Tibtote 


Vavurvil 




Turbevile 


Turbevile 


Veniels 




Turvile 


Turvile 


Verrere 




Tomy 




Uschere 




FULLER, VOL. I. 


B e 





418 



The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



HoIinBhed, p. 5. 
VeiFay 
Vanay 
Vian 


Stow'sChr.p.io;. 


HoUnahed, p. 5. 
Valenges 

Wardebois 


8low*iChr.] 
Wardebos 


Vernoys 


Venioi« 
Umframvile 


Ward 


Walenger 
Warde 


Urnal 


Umall 


Wafre 




Unket 


Unket 


Wake 


Wake 


Umaful 




\N areine 


Waren 


Vasderol 




Wate 


Wate 


Vaberon 




Watelin 


Wateline 


Valingford 

Venicorde 

Valive 




Watevile 

Wely 

Werdonel 


Watevile 
Woly 


Viville 
Vancorde 


Vancord 


V^ espaile 
Wivell 


Wvvel. 



The total sum of all in Ralph Holinshed, 629. 
The total sum of all in John Stow, 407. 



Besides this roll of Battel-abbey, there is another 
extant, not, as this, alphabetically modelled, the 
work of some monk well at leisure, but loose, with- 
out any literal order. An argimient, in my opinion, 
of the more native purity thereof, less soiled with 
partial fingers, as not so much tampered with by art 
and industry. It is reputed by many to be the 
muster-roll of such principal soldiers as embarked 
with duke William at St. Valeries : and it is said 
that after the fight ended, this list was called over, 
and all persons solemnly summoned to answer to 
their names therein; though many made no vous- 
aveZf as either sick of their wounds, or slain outright 
amongst the six thousand and odd which lost their 
lives on the place. Were we assured hereof, we 
would prefer this before the former roll, believing a 



The Roll of Battel Abbey, 



419 



French muster-master rather than any English monk» 
(though the abbot of Battel himself,) as not so subject 
to the suspicion of English flattery herein. This cata- 
logue is taken out of Guilliaume Tayleur, a Norman 
chronicler of good credit ; but the worst is, we want 
Tayleur's French original, and I fear it hath passed 
through some botcher's hands before it came to us. 
For there be three editions thereof in our English 
historians, which, like the feet of a badger, fall out 
of unequal length, if the reader be pleased to mea- 
sure them, so different the number of names therein. 
However, because this catalogue may conduce to the 
supplying of defects, clearing of doubts, and amend- 
ing of faults in that former, we here present the 
several copies thereof*. 



A [I have ventured to diverge 
a little from the text in print- 
ing the following names. The 
lists as given by Fox and Stow 
stand in the same order as be- 
fore, but the arrangement of 
that Arom Holinshed has 
been slightly varied, in order 
that like names might stand 
on the same line, and so the 
reader be enabled at a glance 
to observe the discrepancies 
of the various chroniclers. The 
list from Fox agrees, as ^eir as 
I can discover, more nearly 
than the others with the an- 
cient copies of the Roll; and 



next to this, the one from Ho- 
linshed. The greater number 
of names in the last mentioned 
writer is remarkable; some are 
merely repeated with a slight 
variation in the spelling : and 
these have been placed toge- 
ther for the convenience of the 
reader. Stow's Ijst is full of 
misprints; the grossest of which 
I have ventured to correct. 
Other copies of the Roll and 
lists of names will be found at 
the end of Du Chesne's Scrip- 
tores Normanici, and in Wace's 
Chronicle, which has of late 
been very judiciously edited.] 



E e S 



4^0 



The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



Fox, Acts and Mon.p.356. 
Odo bishop of Bayeux 
Robert count de Mor- 
taigne, duke Wil- 
liam's half brethren. 
Baudwin de Buillon 
Roger count de Beau- 
mont,surnamed with 
the beard. 
Guillaume Malet 

Le sire de Monfbrt 

sur Rille 
Guil. de Viexpont 
Neel de S. Saveur 

le Viconte 
Le sire de Fougiers 
Henry Seigneur de 

Ferieres 
Le sire Daubemare 
Guil. sire de Romare 
Le sire de Lithehare 
Le sire de Touque 
Le sire de la Mare 
Le sire de Neauhou 
Le sire de Peirou 
Rob. sire de Beaufou 
Le sire Danou 
Le sire de Stoteville 
Le sire deMargneville 

Le sire de Tancarville 

Eustace Dabeville 



Stow, Chron. p. 10^ 

Odo bishop of Bayon 
Robert earl of Mor. 
taigne 

Bandonni de Buillon 
Roger earl of Beamont 
with the beard 

Guilliam Mallet 
Guil. Fitz Osberne 
Le sire de Montfort 

sus RiUe 
Guil. de Vielz pont 
Neel de Saint Saveur 

le vicont 
Le sire de Feugiers 
Henry sire de Ferrers 

Le sire Dambemare 
Guil. sire de Romare 
Le sire de Lithare 
Le sire de Touque 
Le sire de la Mare 
Le sire de Nahalhou 
Le sire de Pirou 
Le sire de Beaufou 
Le sire de Damnou 
Le sire de Stoteville 
Le sire de Margne- 

ville 
Le sire de Tanker- 

ville 
Eustace Dambleville 



Le sire de Magneville Le sire de Magneville 



Le sire de Grantmesnil 

Guil. Crespin 

Le sire de S. Martin 



Le sire de GrimsviUe 

Guil. Crespin 

Le sire de S. Martin 



HoUndMdy Chitm. p. s. 
Odo bishop of Bayeulx 
Robert earl of Mor. 

taing 



Roger earl of Beau- 
mont, sumamed a la 
Barbe 

Guillaume Mallet 

seig. de Montfort 

GuiL de Vepont 
Neel le viconte 

seig. de Fougieres 
Henry seign. de Fer- 
rers 
Guil. d'Aubellemare 
Guil. de Roumare 
seig. de Luthare 
Le seig. d( Touque 
Le seig. de la Mare 
Le seig. de Neausboa 
Le seig. de Perou 
Robert de Beaufou 
Le seig. Deauvon 
Le seig. de Stotevile 
Le seig. de Maanevile 

The earl of Tanquer- 
vile 

Eustace de Amble- 
vile 

Le seig. de Magne- 
ville 

Le seig. de Grosmentl 

Guil. Crespin 

Le seig. de S. Martin 



The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



421 



Fox, Acts and Mon. p. 336. 

Guil. de Moulins 
JjQ sire de Puis 
GeofiVay sire de May- 

enne 
Onfrei de Bohon 
Onfrei, et Maugier 

de Cartrai 
Guil. de Grarcnne 
Hue de Gournay, sire 

de Bray 

Le conte Hue de 

Groumay 
Euguemont de T Aigle 

le viconte de Touars 
Rich. Dauverenchin 

Le sire de Biars 
Le sire de Solligny 
Le Bouteiller Dau- 

bigny 
Le sire de Maire 
Le sire de Vitry 
Le sire de Lacy 
Le sire du val Desaire 
Le sire de Tracy 

Hue sire de Montfort 
Le sire de Piquegny 
Hamon de Kayen 
Le sire Despinay 
Le sire de Port 
Le sire de Corey 
Le sire de lort 
Le sire de Reviers 
Gruil. Moyonne 
RaoulTaisson de Cin. 
gueleiz 



Stow, Chnm. p. 103. 

Guil. de Moulinous 
Le sire de Pins 
Gieflray sire de May- 

enne 
Anfroy de Bohunt 
Anfroy et Maugier de 

Cartraict 
Guil. de Garennes 
Hue de Gournay, sire 

de le Bray 

Le conte Hue de 

Gournay 
Enguemount deLaigle 

Le vicont de Touars 
Rich. Douremchin 

Le sire de Biars 
Le sire de Solligny 
Le Boutellier Dau- 

bigny 
Le sire de Marre 
Le sire de Victry 
Le sire de Lacy 
Le sire du vail Darie 
Le sire de Tracy 

Hue sire de Montfort 
Le sire de Piqgny 
Hamon de Kayen 
Le sire Despinay 
Le sire de Port 
Le sire de Corchy 
Le sire de Jort 
Le sire de Rivers 
Guil. Moyon 
Raoul Tesson de 
Chinguelois 



Holinshed, Cbron. p. a. 
Guil. Desmoullins 
Le seig. de Puis 
Geoffray de Maienne 
Geoffray Boumom 

Aunfray and Mauger 

de Carterey 
Guil. Desgarennes 
Hue de Gourney, alias 

Genevay le seig. de 

Bray 
Hue earl of Gourney 

Egremont de Laigle 
le seig. de Laigle 
Le seig. de Touarz 
Richard d*Aurenchin 
le seig. de Aurenchin 
Le seig. de Biarz 
Le seig. de Soulligny 
Boutellier d'Aubigny 

Le seig. de Marcey 
Le seig. de Vitrey 
Le seig. de Lachy 
Le seig. de Valdere 
Le seig. de Trassy, 

alias Tracy 
Eulde de Montfort 
Le seig. de Picquigny 
Henoyn de Cahien 
Le seig. d'Espinay 
Osmond seig. du Port 
Le seig. de Corchy 

Guil. de Movion 
Guil. de Moyenne 
Raoul Tesson de Cin- 
glois 



422 



The RoU of Battel Abbey, 



Fox, Acts and Mon. p. 336. 
Roger Marmion 
Raoul de Ghiel 
Avenal des Byars 
Hubert Paiennel des 

Monstiers 
Rob. Bertran le Tort 

Le sire de Seulle 
Le sire de Dorival 
Le sire de Brehal 
Le sire de S. Jehan 
Le sire de Bris 
Le sire du Homme 
Le sire de Sauchhoy 
Le sire de Cailly 
Le sire de Semilly 
Le sire de Tilly 
Le sire de Romelli 
Mar. de Basqueville 

Le sire de Praels 
Le sire de Oovis 
Le sire de Sainteals 
Le sire de Moulloy 
Le sire de Monceaulx 

The archers du val de 

Reul, and of Bre- 

theul, and of many 

other places. 

Le sire de S. Saen, i. 

de S. Sydonio 
Le sire de la Riviere 
Le sire de Salnar- 

ville 
Le sire de Tony 
Eude de Beaugieu 
Le sire de Oillie 
Le sire de Lacie 
Le sire de Nassie 



Stow, Chron. y, 103. 
Rogier Marmion 
Raoul de Grael 
Avenel de Biars 
Parnel du Monstier 
Robert Hubert 

Bertram le Tort 

Le sire de Seulle 
Le sire de Doriual 
Le sire de Breuall 
Le sire de S. Jehan 
Le sire de Bris 
Le sire de Homme 
Le sire de Saussay 
Le sire de Cailly 
Le sire de Semilly 
Le sire de Tilly 
Le sire de Romely 
Martell de Basquevill 

Le sire de Praux 
Le sire de Govys 
Le sire de Sainteaulx 
De Mulloiv 



These archers of the 
vale of Rueill, and 
of Bretviel, and of 
many other places. 

Le sire de S. Saen 

Le sire de la Rivier 
Le sire de Salnaruille 

Le sire de Tony 
Eude de Beaugieu 
Le sire de Oillie 
Le sire de Sacy 
Le sire de Nassie 



flolinshiwl, Chroo. p. s. 

Roger Marmion 
Raoul de Gkuel 
Avenal de Biers 
Paunel du Montier 

Hubert 
Rob. Bertram le Tort 



Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Le sieg. 
Le si^. 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 

ville 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Le seig. 
Leseig. 



de Seulle 
Dorival 
de Brehal 
de S. John 
de Brys 
de Houme 
de Souchoy 
deCally 
de Semilly 
de TiUy 
de Roumilly 
. de Basque* 

de Preaux 
de Gouy 
de Senlys 
de Meuley 
de Monceaux 



The archers of Bret- 

uile 
The archers of Vau- 

dreuile 
Le seig. de S. Sain 

Le seig. de la Rivere 



Le seig. de Tony 
Euldes de Beavieu 

Le seig. de Sassy 
Le seig. de Nassy 



The RoU ofBatUl Abbey. 



423 



Foi, Acta uid Hon. p. 3 36. 
Le ViBdams de 

Chajmes 
Le sire da Sap 
Le sire de Glos 
Le sire de Mine 

Le sire de Glandlle 
Le sire de Breencon 

Le Vidam de Partay 
Raonl de Morimont 
Pierre de Bailleal 
sire de Fiscamp 

Le sire de Beau^eialt 
Le sire de Tillieres 
Le sire de Pacy 
Le Seneschal de Corey 



Le sire de Ghu;y 
Le sire de Doully 
Le sire de Sacy 
Le sire de Vacy 
Le sire de Toumeeur 
Le sire de Praeres 
Guil.de Coulombieres 



Hue sire de BoUebec 
Rich, sire d'Orbec 
Le sire de Bonneboz 



Stow, Chroo. p. 103. 

Le Visduams de 

Chaymes 
Le sire de Sap 
Le sire Duglosse 
Le sire de Nime 

Le sire de Blamyille 
Le sire de Brencon 

Le vidam de Partenay 
Raoult de Mormont 
Pierre de Bailleul 
sire de Fescamp 

Le sire de Beau^eiult 
Le sire dc Tillieres 
Le sire de Pacy 
Le seneschall de Cor- 
chy 

Le sire de Gacy 
Le sire de Doully 
Le sire de Sancy 
Le sire de Vacy 
Le sire de Tourneur 
Le sire de Praores 
Guilliam de Colom- 
bieres 

Hue sire de Bollebec 
Richart sire Dorbec 
Le sire de Bonnebos 



Le sire de Tresgoz 
Le sire de Montfiqaet 
Hue le Bigot de Ma- 

letot 
Le sire de la Have 



Le sire de Troisgots 
Le sire Mont Fiquet 
Hue le Bigot, alias 

Bigot de Maletot 
Le sire de la Haye 



Holinahed, Chron. p. 3. 
lie Vidam de Chames 

Le seig. du Sap 
Le seig. de Glots 

Le seig. de Vanville 
Le seig. de Blainvile 
Le seig. Branchou 
Le seig. de Breansou 
Le Vidam du Passais 

Pierre du Ballieul 

seig. de Fescampe 
Le seig. BaUeul 
Le seig. de Beaufault 
Le seig. de Telleres 
Le seig. de Passy 
Le seneschal de Cor- 

chy 
Le seig. Torchy 
Le seig. de Ghusey 

Le seig. de Saussy 
Le seig. de Vassey 
Le seig. de Tourneur 
Le seig. de Preaux 
Guil. de Colombieres, 

le seig. de Colom- 

bieres 
Le seig. de Bollebec 
Richard Dorebec 
Le seig. de Bonne- 

bauz 
Le seig. de Bamabost 

Le seig. du Monfiquet 
Le seig. de Malletot 

Le seig. de la Hay 



424 



The Roll of Baud Abbey. 



Fox, Aoti and Mod. p. 336. Stow, Chron. p- 103. 



Le sire de Breey 
Le sire de Moabray 
Le sire de Saye 
Le sire de la Ferte 
Boateviilain 
Troussebout 
OoiUaume Patric de 
la Laund 

Hae de Mortemer 
Le sire Dauviller 
Le sire Donnebaut 
Le sire de S. Cler 
Rob. fils Herneys due 

d'Orleans 
Le sire de Harecourt 

Le sire de Crevecoeur 
Le sire de Dryncourt 
Le sire de Brencort 
Le sire de Combray 
Le sire Daunay 
Le sire de Fontenay 
Le conte Deureux 
De sire de Reberchil 
Alain Fergant, conte 

de Bretaigne 
Le sire de S. Vallery 

Le conte Dou 
Gualtier Giffard conte 
de Longueville 

Le sire Destouteville 
Le conte, Thomas 

Daubmalle 
Guii.contedeHuymes, 

et Darques 



Le sire de Braey 
Le sire de Moubray 
Le sire de Say 
Le sire de Lafert 
Bontevillain 
TrouasiAxmt 
Gailliam Patrit de la 
Land 

Hue de Mortimer 
Le sire Donviller 
Le sire Donnebaut 
Le sire de S. Cler 
Robert le Fitz Her. 
neys duke Dorleans 
Le sire de Harecourt 

Le sire Crevecure 
Le sire de Drencourt 
Le sire de Bremetot 
Le sire de Cambray 
Le sire Dauney 
Le sire Fonteney 
Le counte Deureux 
Le sire de Roberchil 
Alan Fergent counte 

de Britaigne 
Le sire de sainct 

Wallery 
Le counte Dedeu 
Gualter Giffart. 
counte de Longue- 
ville 
Le sire de Stouteville 
Le counte Thomas 

Daubmale 
Gull, de Hoimes et 
Darques 



HoUnihady Chroo. p. s. 

Le sag. de la Hais 

Malerbe 
Le seig. de Breaey 
Le seig. de Moabray 

Le seig. de la Ferte 



GhiiL Patris, seig. de 

la Lande 
Le seig. de la Lande 
Eulde de Mortimer 
Le seig. de Danrillers 
Le seig. de Ennebault 
Le seig. de S. Cler 
Rob. fils HemaySyduc 

de Orleans 
Errand earl of Har- 

court 
Le seig. de Creveceur 

Le seig. de Bremetot 



Le seig. de Fontnay 
The earl of Eureux 

Alain Fergant earl of 

Britaigne 
Le seig. de S. Valery 

The earl d'Eu 
Le seig. de Longue- 
ville 
Le seig. de Longveile 
Le seig. deEstoutevile 
Thomas earl d'Au- 

male 
The earl de Hiesmes 



The RoU qfBatUl Abbey. 



485 



Fox, Acti and MoQ.p. 336. 
Le sire de Bereville 
Le sire de Breante 
Le sire de Freanville 
Le sire de Pavilly 
Le sire de Clere 
Toustan du Bac 
Le sire de Maugny 
Roger de Montgomery 

Amaory de Touars. 



Stow, Chron. p. 103. 

Le sire de Barrevile 
Le sire de Breaute 
Le sire de Freanvile 
Le sire de Pauilly 
Le sire de Clere 
Tostam du bee 
Le sire de Maugny 
Roger da Montgo- 
mery Comes 
Almary de Touaers. 



Holinsbedy Chxtm. p. 4. 

Le seig. de Bervile 
Le seig. de Breaute 
Le seig. de Freanvile 
Le seig. de Pavilly. 
Le seig. de Clere 

Le seig. de Magny 
Roger de Montgomery 

Amaury de Touars. 



There is still another catalogue, late in the pos- 
session of Thomas Scriven, esquire. I confess, qtian' 
tus author^ tanta fides ; and the gentleman, long since 
dead, being generally unknown, some will question 
the authority thereof. But know he was a good 
promus-^ondus of ancient records. Condus^ in keep- 
ing them faithfully himself, and promfis^ in imparting 
them freely to others. This his catalogue is exem- 
plified by John Stow in his chronicle. Of whom 
though a Cambridge comedian was pleased pleasantly 
to say, that ^^ Mendacio now and then jogged on the 
" elbow," yet indeed he deserveth Camden's com- 
mendation of a famous chronicler, lacking learning 
rather than truth, seldom omitting what is, some- 
times recording what is not observable^. But see 
the catalogue*^. 



a [The name of Thomas 
Scriven, esq. occurs in Blow's 
Survey, p. 470, as a benefactor 
to the parish of St. Leonard's 
Shoreditch.] 

^ Camden in Middlesex, 



[P-3H] 

t Stow's Chron. p. 107. 

[This list is printed most in- 
accurately in Stow. The more 
remarkable blunders have been 
corrected in the text.] 



426 



The RoU qfBaUd AVtey. 



Achard 


Bracy 


Curthose 


Foaaard 


Averenges 


Brenenile 


Chamlin 


Freael 


Aielard 


Bounttuile 


Costentin 


Frevile 


Alard 


Butevile 


Comthense 


Fressevile 


Aubeney 


Beauchampe 


Cozmit 


Folenile 


Avenel 


Bumel 


Chalenges 


Firmunde 


Asprevil 


Bussel 


Chastlem 


Fizgeffray 


Audeny 


Beleice 


Courtney 


Firpera 


Akine 


Bonere 


Chawerd 


Fitzwatera 


Arcy 


Bodler 


Curcy 


Feskampe 


Amile 


Botiler 


Connn 


Fizhu 


Amnndivile 


Bigod 


Crioile 


Fizurs 


Abbevile 


Burle 


Clialers 


Ferrer 


Andvile 


Baul 


Cben 


Fomitall 


Albemarle 


Brenbe 


Chaucer 


Fienea 


Aubrey 


Brua 


Chandos 


Fitzbrian 


Archer 


Butelem 


Cunly 


Frison 


Bastarde 


Bricourt 


Curly 


Ferera 


Baignard 


Brian 


Crely 


Foljambe 


Barvile 


Botes 


Colerile 


Frignea 


Brassard 


Bohun 


Cabot 


Fitzgariz 


Berad 


Bion 


Chamel 


Formentin 


Boygnard 


Bailiol 


Chamel 


Orange 


Baskarvile 


Brocheris 


Clarel 


Grevile 


Baret 


Bardulfe 


Cheinie 


Gienuile 


Basset 


Bancan 


Darcy 


Gomuvile 


Bars 


Bussey 


Dunstervile 


Gemule 


Belet 


Beamuis 


Douchampe 


Gerard 


BeU 


Bleis 


Despenser 


Giffard 


Breit 


Baventre 


Duredent 


Gondrel 


Boneit 


Cavile 


DriveU 


Gorger 


Bluet 


Carevile 


Duket 


Gomer 


Brachet 


Cardevile 


Dreward 


Gigod 


Buket 


Condrey 


Delamare 


Gaibit 


Biset 


Cresey 


Druvall 


Giptot 


Blundel 


Caution 


Dela 


Gkurin 


Burdet 


Caily 


Deincourt 


Gunter 


Blete 


Corbet 


D*£ureus 


Gray 


Barry 


Clare 


f^tetkirke 


Grauntson 


Berri 


Curtais 


Faherburt 


Goumay 



The RoU ofBcatel Abbey. 



427 



Greis 


Lovell 


Morley 


Pales 


Gamage 


Lescei 


Martinas 


Prouz 


Gautere 


Lambert 


Murdacke 


Pirim 


Gorge 


Lenn 


Metun 


Peisim 


Hainule 


Limare 


Mameisin 


Parteben 


Hantvile 


Lisle 


Mohan 


Puntfrait 


Humchampe 


Lo 


Mare 


Quinci 


Herebrace 


Maignard 


Molins 


Quatrimare 


Henile 


Maureward 


Neumarch 


Russel 


Herenile 


Mountford 


Nepunt 


Ryvel 


Havel 


Mountague 


Omiall 


Rivers 


Hachet 


Mountbray 


Osevile 


Rochvile 


Haket 


Maundevile 


Orware 


Rooz 


Harvy 


Mortimer 


Passemer 


Richmoant 


Hanesy 


Mansel 


Passenaunt 


Seintevile 


Hussy 


Maschy 

• 


Pigot 


Somery 


Hai 


Mungomer 


Poorvanger 


Say 


Hasard 


Morvile 


Pers 


Soneli 


Hansard 


Meisy 


Purcel 


Sorel 


Hasser 


Munty 


Pichard 


Seteplace 


Hubert 


Mountein 


Pypard 


Spivenile 


Hamelin 


Mulet 


Pamel 


Saundervile 


Harecurte 


Mumfitchet 


Panel 


Sonule 


Hus 


Martell 


Piterel 


Soler 


Hense 


Morell 


Peverel 


Sourrile 


lardin 


Musard 


Pleisy 


Stutevile 


Kernes 


Mallet 


PaVeli 


Soleny 


Keines 


Milere 


Pilet 


Spigumel 


Kosin 


Molevorer 


Parly 


Seintbrevel 


Kamais 


Mautravers 


Palet 


Soylard 


Laci 


Moreiis 


Piket 


Swywar 


Liar 


Muelent 


Percy 


Saucer 


Lunecy 


Meigne 


Punchet 


Sansaver 


Luret 


Melvil 


Pachet 


Seniler 


Lucy 


Manne 


Ponis 


Saintcler 


Lidet 


Mareis 


Pandulfe 


Seintomer 


Longuevile 


Marmion 


Pulem 


Seintleger 


Levener 


Mortem 


Penir 


Saundenal 


Licot 


Maufey 


Penne 


Savage 


Lonecot 


Maresthall 


Phanecourt 


Seintion 



4S8 



The RoU ofBatld Abbey. 



Saint-martin 


Toret 


Trussebut 


Venur 


Saucei 


Tavit 


Toe 


Vayasur 


Sal 


Turpet 


Tailpas 


Vaus 


Seignes 


TMamel 


Truan 


Wodeyile 


Seintlis 


Torchapel 


Tener 


Wimle 


Seintmoris 


Tonny 


Tisiure 


Wilby 


Seintgorge 


Trussel 


Tayleboys 


Watvile 


Seintiore 


Tuchet 


Verer 


Ward 


Seint-quintin 


Torevile 


Vilers 


Wyschard 


Seintmore 


Trevet 


Vescy 


Waldeboef 


Sauntpire 


Tirel 


Vmfravile 


Wastueis 


Saintchy 


Trans 


VeUy 


Warer 


Setuans 


Talebot 


Valens 


Weirim 


Seinte-royiz 


Turbevile 


Veisin 


Yuoire. 


Seintelnie 


Tracy 


Vorill 





To these six catalogues let me add one more ; not 
that I am an affecter of a septenary number, but be- 
cause confident it is the best and most authentic of 
all the rest. I find it in Mr. Fox*; but surely col- 
lected by some more skilful than himself in this 
kind, out of several ancient chronicles. It containeth 
such persons who after the battle were advanced to 
seignories in this land. It presenteth us only with 
the initial letters of their Christian names, save for 
the first seven therein. And although hereby we 
are left at an uncertainty as whether G. signifieth 
George or Gilbert, J, James or John, yet more than 
a conjecture may be made by observing what Chris- 
tian name was predominant in their posterity. 



^ Acts and Mou. I. 237. [ed. 1641.] 



The Roll of BaUel Ahbey. 



4S9 



John de Maunderile 
Adam Vndevile 
Bernard de Frevile 
Rich, de Rochvile 
Gilbert de Frankvile 
Hugo de Dovile 
Symond de Rotevile 
R. de Evile 

B. de Kneuvile 
Hugo de Morvile 
R. de Cole^ile 
A. de Warvile 

C. de Kandle 
R. de Rotevile 
S. de Stotevile 
H. Bohum 

I. Mohum 
W. de Vignoum 
K. de Vispount 
W. Bailbeof 
8. de Baleyn 
H. de Marreys 
I. Aguleyne 

0. Agilon 

R. Chamburlayne 
N. de Vendres 
H. de Verdon 
H. de Verto 
C. de Vernon 
H. Hardnl 
C. Cappan 
W. de Camvile 

1. de Gamoyea 
R. de Roz 

R. de Boys 
W. de Waren 
T. de Wardboys 
R. de Boys 
W. de Audely 
K. Djrnham 



R. de Vaures 

0. de Argenteen 

1. de Hastings 

0. de Hastank 
L. de Burgee 
R. de Butvileyn 
H. de Malebranch 
S. de Malemain 
G. de Hautevile 
H. Hauteyn 

R. de Morteyn 
R. de Mortimer 
G. de Kanovile 
£. de Columb 
W. Paynel 
C. Fanner 
H. Pontrel 

1. de Rivers 
T. de Reuile 

W. de Beauchamp 
R. de Beaupale 
£. deOu 

F. Lovel 

S. de Troys 

I. de Artel 

I. de Montebru^^ 

H. de Mountesorel 

W. Trussebut 

W. Trussell 

H. Byset 

R. Basset 

R. Molet 

H. Malovile 

G. Bonet 

P. de Bonvile 
S. de Rovile 
N. de Norbeck 
I. de Comeux 
P. de Corbet 
W. de Monntagne 



S. de Mountfychet 
I. de G^evyle 
H. Gyffard 
I. de Say 
T. Gilbard 
R. de Chalons 
S. de Chauward 
H. Ferret 
Hugo Pepard 
I. de Harecourt 
H. de Haunsard 
I. de Lamare 
P. de Mautrevers 
G. de Ferron 
R. de Ferrers 
I. de D'esty 
W. do Werders 
H. de Bomevile 
I. de Saintdenys 
S. de Synder 
R. de Gorges 
£. de Gomere 
W. de Fens 
S. de Filberd 
H. de Turbervile 
R. Troblemer 
R. de Angon 
T. de Morer 
T. de Rotelet 
H. de Spencer 
R. de St. Quentin 
I. de Saint Martin 
G. de Custan 
Saint Constantin 
Saint Leger e/ Sain 

Med. 
M. de Cronu ti de 

S.Viger 
S. de Crayel 
R.'de Crenker 



4S0 



The R6U qfBaUd Abbey. 



N. Meyvel 

I. de Beraers 

S. de Chumly 

£. de Charers 

I. de Grey 

W. de Grangers 

S. de Grangers 

S. Baudevyn 

H. Vamgers 

£. Bertram 

R. Bygot 

S. Treoly 

I. Trigos 

G. de f*eme8 

H. Foliot 

R. Taperyn 

S. Talbot 

H. Sauntsaver 

T. de Samford 

G. de Vandieu 

C. de Vautort 

G. de Mountague 

Tho. de Chambernon 

S. de Montfort 

R. de Fernevaulx 

W. de Valence 

T. Clarel 

S. de Clenraus 

P. de Aubermale 

H. de Saint Arvant 

£. de Auganuteys 

S. de Gant 

G. de Malearbe 

H. Mandut 

W. de Chesun 

L. de Chandut 



R. Fitzurz 

B. Vicount de Low 

G. de Cantemere 

T. de Cantlow 

R. Breaunce 

T. de Broxeboof 

S. de Bolebec 

B. Mol de Boef 

I. de Muelis 

R. de Brus 

S. de Brewes 

I. de Lille 

T. de BeUUe 

I. de Water vile 

G. de Nevile 

R. de Neuburgh 

H. de Burgoyne 

G. de Bourgh 

S. de Lymogee 
L. de Lyben 
W. de Helyoun 
W. de Hilderbron 
R. de Loges 
S. de Saint Low 
I. de Maubank 
P. de Saint Malow 
R. de Leofern 
I. de Lovetot 
G. de Dabbevile 
H. de Appetot 
W. de Percy 
H. de Lacy 
G. de Quincy 
E. Tracy 
R. de la Souche 



V. de Somery 
L de Saint John 
T. de Saint Gory 
P. de Boyly 
R. de Saint Valenr 
P. de Pinkeny 
S. de Pavely 
G. de Monthaut 
T. de Moontchesy 
R. de Lymozy 
G. de Lucy 
I. de Artois 
N. de Arty 
P. de Grenidle 
I. de Greys 
V. de Crescy 

F. de Courcy 
T. de Lamar 
H. de Lymastz 
I. de Moubray 

G. de Morley 
S. de (Forney 
R. de Courtenay 
P. de Goumey 
R. de Cony 

I. de la Huse 
R. de la Huse 
V. de Longevile 
E. Longespy 
I. Ponchardon 
R. de la Pomercy 
I. de Pountz 
R. de Pontlarge 
R. Estraunge 
Tho. Sayage 



The Boa of BaUel Abbey. 481 

I presume the reader sufficiently wearied with so 
many dull prose catalogues, and now we will refresh 
him a little with an old song, as I find their names 
metrically composed in the chronicle of John Bromp- 
ton the abbot. Indeed the rhythmes may be said to 
make themselves, such is the like cadency of many 
Norman names ; and if the verses do but chime and 
tinck in the close, it is enough to the purpose. 

Vous qe desyrez assaver 

Les nouns de grauntz dela la mer 

Qe vindrent od le oonquerour 

William Bastard de graunt vigoure, 

Lours sumouns issi vous denys, 

Gome je les trova en esoris. 

Gar les propres nouns force ny a, 

Parce qillis sent chaunges sa et la ; 

Gome de Edmond en Edwarde, 

De Baldwyne en Barnard, 

De Godwyne en Godard, 

De Elys en Edwyn : 

Et issint des touz autrez nouns. 

Gome ils sont levez du founs. 

Parce lour sumouns qe sont usez, 

Et ne sont pas sovent chaungez, 

Vous ay escript ; ore escotez, 

Si vous oier les wylleth. 

Maundevyle et Daundevyle Baylon et Bayloun 

Owmfrayyle et Dawmfrevyle Maris et Marmyoun 

Boelyyle et Baskarvile Agulis et Aguloun 

Euyle et Cleuyle Chaumberleyn et Ghaumber- 

Morevyle et Golevyle soun 

Warbevyle et Carvyle Vere et Veraoun 

Botevyle et Stotevyle Verdyen et Verdoun 

Deverous ei Cavervyle Cryel et Gardoun 

Mooun et Boun Dummer et Dommoun 

Vipoun et Vinoun Hastyng et Cammois 



4S2 



The Roll of Battel Abbey. 



Bardolfe» Botes ^ Boys 
Warenne ei Wardeboys 
Rodes et Deverois 
Auris et Argenteyn 
Botetour et Botevyleyn 
Malebouch et Malemeyn 
Haatevyle et Hauteyn 
Denney el Dyveyn 
Malins et Malvesyn 
Morten et Mortimer 
Braiinz et Columber 
Seynt Denis et Seynt Cler 
Seint Aubyn et Seynt Omer 
Seynt Fylbert^ Fyens et Gomer 
Turbevyle et Turbemer 
Oorges et Spenser 
Brus et Boteler 
Crevequel et Seynt Quinteyn 
Deverouge et Seynt Martyn 
Seynt Mor et Seynt L^r 
Seynt Vigor et Seynt Per 
Avynel et Paynell 
Peyvere et Peverell 
Rivers et Rivel 
Beauchamp et Beaupel 
Lou et Lovell 
Ros et Druell 

Mountabouns et Mountsorell 
Trussebot et Trussell 
Bergos et Bumell 
Bray et Boterell 
Biset et Basset 
Malevyle et Malet 
Bonevyle et Bonet 
Nervyle et Narbet 
Coynale et Corbet 
Mountayn et Mounfychet 
Geynevyle et Ojrffard 
Say et Soward 
Chary et Chaward 



Pyryton et Ffpaid 
Hareoonrt et Hannaard 
Musegrave et Mosard 
Mare et Mautravers 
Fernz et Ferers 
Bemeyyle et Bemers 
Cheyne et Chalers 
Daand(Hi et Daangera 
Vessi, Ghray et Ghraungers 
Bertram et Bygod 
Traylliz et Traygod 
Penbri et Pypotte 
Freyn et Folyot 
Dapisoun et Talbote 
Sanzaver et Saunford 
Vadu et Vatorte 
Montagu et Mounford 
Fomeus et Fomyvause 
Valens, Yle et Vans 
Clarel et Claraus 
Aubevyle et Seint Amauns 
Agantez et Dragans 
Malerbe et Maudut 
Brewes et Chaudut 
Fizowres et Fiz de Lou 
Cantemor et Cantelou 
Braybuffe et Holdbynse 
Bolebeke et Molyns 
Moleton et Besyle 
Rochforde et Desevyle 
Watervyle et Dayvyle 
Neburs et Nevyle 
Hynoys, Bnrs^ Burgenoun 
Ylebone^ Hyldebrond.Helyoun 
Loges et Seint Lou 
Maubank et Seint Malou 
Wake et Wakevyle 
Coudree et Knevyle 
Scales et Clermount 
Beauvys et Beaumont 



The Roll ofBaitd Abbey. 



433 



Mouns et Mountchampe 
Nowers et Nowchampe 
Percy* Crus et Laci 
Quyncy et Traci 
Stoke8 et Somery 
Seynt Jehan et Seynt Jay 
Greyle et Seynt Walry 
Pynkeney et Panely 
Mohaunt et Mountchensy 
Loveyn et Lucy 
Artoys et Arcy 



Grevyle et Courcy 
Arras et Cressy 
Merle et Moubray 
Gomay et Cowrtnay 
Haustlayng et Tomay 
Hunee et Ilusay 
Pounchardon et Pomeray 
Longevyle et Longespay 
Peyns et Pountlarge 
Straunge et Sauvage*. 



Pass we now from poetry to painting, seeing great 
the affinity betwixt them, fancy being predominant 
in both. Present we here the reader with the names 
and arms of forty soldiers of king William the Con- 
queror, matched with as many monks ; but how, and 
on what occasion, the ensuing writing will acquaint 



us^ 



" In the time of Thurston, our abbot of Ely, bom 
of worshipful parentage in the village of Wichford 
near Ely, king Harold, son of Godwin, and to- 
gether with him all the states of England almost, 
•* were slain by the soldiers of William duke of 
" Normandy, nephew to St. Edward the king, upon 
" the feast of St. Calixt the pope, in the year of our 
'' Lord God one thousand sixty and six. 



«« 



it 



(« 



« [Bronipt. p. 963, collated 
with the MS. in the Cotton 
Library. 

f I^The outline of this paper 
will be found in the Chro- 
nicle of Thomas of Ely, pub- 
lished by Wharton in his Ang. 
Sac. I. 609. But who is the 

FULLER, VOL. 1. 



earl of Margary and Edward 
Byam ? It should almost seem 
that Edward was a mistake 
for Her ward or Here ward, the 
Saxon who took refuge in Ely, 
and earl Margary for earl Mor- 
car. See Flor. Wigorn. an. 
1071.] 

rf 



484 The Roll of Battel Abbey. 

" Whereupon iEgelwine bishop of Durham, Eg- 
" fride abbot of St. Alban's, the earl of Margary, 
" and Edward Byam, with sundry other chief of the 
" land, together with their friends, laden with great 
" treasures, fled unto us, desirous to withstand, so 
" far as lay in them, the enterprise of the bastard : 
" by whose aid we withstood the tempestuous threats 
of the Normans seven years, until such a time as 
Belase, who at that time was general of the king's 
" army, and from whom the circuit of certain hills 
" at the south end of Alderhithe-causey, which at 
" this day are corruptly called Belsar's hills, took 
" their name, being cast up on purpose that the army 
" in the night-time might lodge there safely, astonied 
us by the means of an huge number of boats 
gathered together upon a sudden. A council then 
" being called, it seemed good to our captains in 
" convenient time to crave the king's mercy. Where- 
** upon certain were sent to the king's court, being 
" then at Warwick, carrying with them to the king 
" a mighty treasure, a competent price and satisfac- 
tion to pacify him concerning an unadvised at- 
tempt. Wherewith the honourable king was ap- 
peased, yet with this covenant and condition, that 
so long as it pleased him, forty of the king's sol- 
" diers should be maintained at the charge of the 
" monastery. For the king feared, lest that whilst 
" he bent his forces against the Scots not yet sub- 
" dued, the Isle of Ely, being then a dreadful 
" strength, should again revolt to his great danger. 
" The soldiers with their retinue are sent, they come 
" and here abide. Whereof each one is delivered to 
" some principal monk, as a captain to his lieutenant, 
** or a guest to his host. Now the king decreed 






4( 






The Roll (f Battel Abbey, 485 

that Bertwolde the butler should minister food to 
the soldiers and monks jointly together, one with 
another, in the common hall of the monastery. 
What need many words ? These captains to their 
lieutenants, these guests to their hosts, these sol- 
diers to their monks were most welcome : for all 
of them entertained each one, each one enter- 
tained all, and every one nmtually one another, 
with all duties of humanity. At length the fire of 
the civil war being quenched, and the king esta- 
blished according to his heart's desire, five years 
after, his severity in punishing being in godly 
manner pacified, it pleased the king to withdraw 
his yoke, wherewith the pride of the monks was 
now sufficiently abated. And the conqueror re- 
claimed his soldiers to punish the ungodly inso- 
lency of his son Robert, who at that time in out- 
rageous manner kept riot in Normandy. But our 
monks (which is a wonder to report) did not only 
Avith tears bewail the departure of their dearest 
mates^ the heroical soldiers and welcome guests, 
but howled out most fearfully, and beat their 
breasts as destitute of hope, after the manner of a 
new-married wife, whose husband is violently taken 
away, at an unseasonable time, out of her sweet 
arms unto the wars. For they doubted lest that, 
being thus forsaken, they should be subject to the 
spoil; whereas they had lived securely at ease, 
with their armed guests, to whose trust they had 
committed themselves and their goods. They 
being now all ready for their journey, every one of 
our monks, many in number, investured in their 
copes, in dutiful manner accompanied these gentle- 
men departing unto Hadenham, with songs, crosses, 

Ff 2 



4S6 The RoU of' Battel Abbey . 

" censers, processions, and all solemnity that might 
" be used. And returning home, took order that 
" the arms of each soldier should be lively depainted 
" upon the wall of the common hall, where they 
" took their repast together, to the perpetual memory 
" of the customed kindness of their soldier-like 
" guests, the which from time to time, from the pre- 
" decessors to the successors, and from obscure an- 
" tiquity to our posterity at this day, are curiously 
" set forth to be viewed of all men, not without a 
" pleasant delight, in such manner as they glitter 
'* and shine honourable in the margent of this 
" table." 

This writing was composed about the reign of 
king Henry the Seventh, but the arms set up in 
Ely-hall (as may appear by inserting the coat of 
Robert Orford, the fourteenth bishop of Ely) about 
the year 1306. Which hall was destroyed at the 
dissolution; but another transcript of the arms of 
these knights being depicted on the wall of the 
dean's dining-room, was lately extant, whence our 
draught here presented was taken, (rather truly than 
neatly done, out of desire to conform to the original,) 
and communicated to me by that worthy knight and 
able antiquary, sir Simon Archer of Warwickshire p. 
Some will wonder that Mr. Camden maketh no 
mention hereof, whose omnisciency in these things 
may be presumed of. Yea, which is more, " there 
is," saith he, " a rampire of mean height, but of 
very large compass, which they call Belsar's hills, 
of one Belsar, I wot not who**;" taking no notice 



a 



ff [See a copy of it in Ben- h Camden's Britannia in 

tham's Ely, p. io6.] CamhridgeHhire, [p. 361.] 



The Roll of Battel Abbey, 487 

of Belasis, the Norman general who subdued Elie, 
and from whom our late-produced writing attesteth 
those hills to be so named. But besides that Cam- 
dentis no7i videt omnia^ great antiquaries are some- 
times subject to fits of suUenness, and will not see 
what they do see, when resolved to take no notice 
thereof. 

And now we have presented the reader with eight 
several catalogues, two of Holinshed's, two of Stow's, 
two of Mr, Fox, one of Scriven's, one of friar 
Brompton's, besides the list of Elie knights ; I could 
wish a good herald would make a mono^gdoon^ that 
is, " one out of eight,*' and alphabetically digest the 
same ; also note what names are extant, and which, 
how, and when extinct. 

By names which I call extinct, understand, not 
existent in any signal and remarkable lustre propor- 
tionable to their former greatness, though possibly 
some obscure under-boughs, truly derived thence, 
may still be in being. That worthy doctor' hath 
made many converts in physic to his seeming para- 
dox, maintaining the circulation of blood running 
round about the body of man. Nor is it less true, 
that gentle blood fetcheth a circuit in the body of a 
nation, running from yeomanry through gentry to 
nobility, and so retrograde, returning through gentry 
to yeomanry again. My father hath told me from 
the mouth of sir Robert Cotton, that that worthy 
knight met in a morning a true and undoubted Plan- 
tagenet holding the plough in the country. 

He might add arms to ancient names, where he 
could recover any certainty therein ; for I am con- 
fident that hereditary arms are not so ancient as the 

* Dr. Hervey. 



438 The RoU of Battel Abbey. 

conquest, but fixed in families about the beginning 
of Henry the Third, finding before that time the 
warlike devices of the sons not the same vdth the 
fancies of their fathers, and their grandchildren dif- 
fering from both. 

If any say that I have already gone too fer in this 
subject, who am no herald by profession, but only 
Kfipv^^ prcBCOy a crier in the spiritual acceptation of 
the office; yea, that this favours of revenge, as if 
because so many in this age invade my calling, I in 
requital have made incursion into other men's pro- 
fessions; like men that take letters of mart, not 
caring whom they wrong, so they repair themselves 
for their former sustained or pretended losses: let 
such know that I adventure on heraldry not as a 
calling, but as an accessory quality for recreation. 
And, in evidence of my loyalty to the king of arms, 
I submit what here I have written to their censure 
and correction, who have obliged me unto them with 
their many and great civilities. 

Only I will add some corollaries to this roll, and 
so conclude. 

The prefix- First coTolL When any name begins \iith a vowel 

fore names, or an H, the prefixing of D' createth a (seeming) 
new name ; as, Arcy, D'Arcy ; Ann vers, D'Aunvers ; 
Haurel or Hairel, D'Hairel. 

French sur- SecoTid coTolL Frcuch sumames are generally dis- 

cerned by ccmible by their termmations : 

their termi- 



nations. jp ^^^ 


as, Savage. 


ers. 


83, Danvers. 


ard, 


GifFard. 


eux, 


Devereux. 


chanipe, 


Beauchampe. 


et. 


Barret. 


court. 


Harcourt. 


lay. 


Cholmelav* 


cy, 


Darcy. 


nay, 


Courtnay. 


ell, 


Terrell. 


ol, 


Talbot. 


er. 


A rcher. 


vile, 


Nevile. 



Tk€ RM tf Baud Abbey. 499 

Some few names whose endings are exceptions from 
these roles are easily observed by reading* and 
known to be of French extraction. 

Third coroH. Wivil is the last name in most cata- y»^a ^ 
logues. First fixed at Stanton Wivil in Leicester- cata^gwe. 
shire, where thev continued in the twentv-fourth 
year of the reign of king Henry the Sixth, on this 
token, that William Wivil, being sworn and ex- 
amined, did depose that he could expend twenty 
pounds a year of old rents besides all charges. Of 
this house was Robert de Wivil bishop of Salisbury, 
one neither handsome nor learned, but eminent for 
his long life (forty-five years bishop there) and high 
spirit, that he would not suffer the castle of Sarum 
to be parted from his see, challenged by William 
Mountacute earl of Salisbury, without putting it 
upon trial of battle. Liong since the Wivils here 
are extinct, bearing gules, frettey vary, a chief or. 
But there is extant an ancient family of that name 
in the north, (though different in arms,) augmented 
in state and honour bv matches with the heirs of 
Pigot, Scroope of Upsal, and Bointon : whereof sir 
Marmaduke Wivil of Constable-Burton in Rich- 
mondshire was created baronet by king James, 
whose grandchild Marmaduke baronet Wivil mar- 
ried the daughter of Couiers lord Darcy. And I am 
glad that I may auspiciously close, and conclude my 
catalogue with so worthy a gentleman; bearing 
gules, three cheveronels braced in base, gobonee ar- 
gent and azure, a chief or. 

Fourth corolL All names of gentry which by au- The famiiv 
thentical records came over at the conquest are not g,T»t«. 
expressed in any of these catalogues ; as Saukvil or 



440 The Roll of Battel Abbey. 

Sackvil, and Waldgrave, we finding two of that sur- 
name. 

One John Waldgrave a Saxon, Uving at Wald- 
grave in Northamptonshire, and possessed of that 
manor before the conquest. 

The other a Walloon of that name, coming over 
with the conqueror, and employed by him in many 
services. 

The latter of these, on the former his consent 
that he should marry his only daughter, procured 
from the conqueror a pardon for his father-in-law, 
that he might quietly enjoy his lands and livings, 
descending on this Walloon Waldgrave after the 
other his death. Which pardon, legible in French, 
was anno 1612 in the possession of the Waldgraves, 
still flourishing in Suffolk*^. 
After the Fifth cotvlL Let none wonder if some names of 
AmnOn). worshipful and honourable families, undoubtedly of 
French in French original, (but since the conquest,) have not 
England, appeared in the aforesaid catalogues. For know 
that after the conquest, sundry Frenchmen of signal 
worth entered England at several times, chiefly at 
the marriage, first, of king Henry the Second to 
queen Eleanor, who brought the dukedom of Aqui- 
tain and earldom of Poictiers for her dowry : 
secondly, of Edward the Second to Isabella daughter 
to Philip the Fair, king of France, when three thou- 
sand French came over with her, (complained of as a 

• 

great grievance,) and many settled there. Not to 
speak of the conquests of king Edward the Third 
and Henry the Fifth in France, causing such an in- 

^ Attested by John R^iveri Richmond. See Weaver's Fu- 
neral Monuments, p. 757. 



The Roll of BaUel Abbey. 441 

tercourse of the nations, that then England and 
France may be said to have bom oounterchangeably 
each other's natives. 

Sitth coroU. Many will admire no mention of Trademieii 
tradesmen in all these catalogues, being of absolute ^^^d^' 
necessity both in war and peace. For soon would ^^^p 
the head of the best monsieur ache without a capper: '^'^ **'®™- 
hands be tanned without a glover ; feet be foundred 
without a tanner, currier, shoemaker; whole body be 
starved, cold, without weaver, fuller, tailor; hungry, 
without baker, brewer, cook; harbourless, without 
mason, smith, and carpenter. Say not it was beneath 
the French gallantry to stoop to such mean employ- 
ments, who found all these trades here amongst the 
English their vassals. For (besides that nothing is 
base which is honest, and necessary for human so- 
ciety) such as are acquainted with the French both 
ancient and modem finical humour, know they ac- 
count our tailors botchers, shoemakers cobblers, cooks 
slovens, compared to the exactness of their fEUicy 
and palate ; so that certainly such trades came over 
with them. 

Seventh corolL But hear what our great antiquary* ^ ^Sm^ 
saith herein. "In that most authentical register, day-book. 
Domesday-book in the exchequer, ye shall have 
cociLSy aurifabeTy jnctor^ pistor^ accipitraritiSy came^ 
rariuSy venatOTj pisctUor^ medicus ; cook, goldsmith, 
painter, baker, falconer, chamberlain, huntsman, 
" fisher, leach, marshall, porter, and others, which 
" then held land in capite^ and without doubt left 
" these names to their posterity ; albeit haply they 
" are not mentioned in those tables of Battel-abbey 
" of such as came in at the conquest." 

1 Camden his Remains^ p. 153. 

FULLER, VOL. I. O g 






442 The Roll of Battel Abbey. 

^*5ui Eighth caroll. Now let me bespeak the reader^s 
English, pity (though possibly his ingenuous symp^y hath 
given it before it was requested) for those poor 
Englishmen who were to find free quarters for aU 
those French. Where could their landlords lodge 
them? Or rather, how could they long continue 
landlords, when such potent guests came to their 
houses? O the several ways which their necessities 
dictated unto them ! Some fought, as the Kentish, 
who capitulated for their liberty : some fled, as those 
in the north into Scotland : some hid themselves, as 
many in middle England in the Isle of Ely : some, 
as those of Norfolk, traversed their title by law, and 
that with good success in the old age of king Wil- 
liam the Conqueror. Most betook themselves to 
patience, which taught many a noble hand to work, 
foot to travel, tongue to intreat ; even thanking them 
for their courtesy who were pleased to restore a 
shiver of their own loaf which they violently took 
from them. 



END OF VOL. I.