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- • y 



THE 



CHURCH HISTORY OF 

BRITAIN ; 

FROM 

THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST UNTIL 
THE YEAR M.DC.XLVIII. 



ENDEAVOURED 

BY THOMAS FULLER, D.D. 



PRBBBNDART OF 8ARUM. 



A NEW EDITION, IN SIX VOLUMES, 



BY THE REV. J. S. BREWER, M.A. 



VOLUME VI. 



OXFORD: 
AT THE UNIVERSITY .PRESS. 



M.DCCC.XLvl ^ly 



' 1 



THE 



CHURCH HISTORY 



d* 



BRITAIN. 



THE ELEVENTH BOOK, 

CONTAINING THE REIGN OF KING CHARLES. 



[There if a generation that are pure in their own conceit, and yet are no* 
washed from their filthineM. Proy. zzx. t a.] 



rULLBR, VOL. VI. B 



THE HONOURABLE 
EDWARD MOUNTAGUE, Ebo. 

SON AND HEIR TO THE BIGHT HONOURABLE EDWARD 
LORD MOUNTAGUE OF HOUGHTON*. 



T is a strange casualty which an histo- 
rian 1 * reporteth, of five eariB of Pem- 
broke, successively, (of the family of 
Hastings,) that the father of them 

never saw his son, as bora either in his absence or 

after his death. 




• [This Edward lord Moan- 
tague of Bough ton, a very able 
and accomplished gentleman, 
was the second who bore that 
title i son of the celebrated 
lord Mountague, of whom some 
account is given in note (S.) 
He succeeded his father in 
1644, and in 1646 was nomi- 
nated with certain other lords 
and commons to receive the 
king's person from the Scots 
and conduct him to Holmeby 
house. After the restoration 
he lived mostly at his conn- 
try -seat, and died 1 oth of Ja- 
nuary, 1683. His son Ed- 
ward, to whom this dedication 
wis inscribed, contrary to the 
will of Us father, had a great 



share in the restoration, and in 
persuading his cousin, admiral 
Edward Mountague, afterwards 
earl of Sandwich, to serve his 
majesty, Charles II. After the 
restoration he was appointed 
master of the horse to the 
queen of Charles II., but being 
dismissed from that post, and 
going to sea with his kinsman, 
the earl of Sandwich, he was 
slain in the attack of the Dutch 
East-India ships at Bergen in 
Norway, 3rd of August, 1 665, 
in the twenty-fifth year of his 
age. See Collins' Peerage, vol. i. 
P- 333-] 

b Camd. Brit, in Pembroke- 
shire. 



DEDICATION. 



I know not whether more remarkable, the 
fatality of that, or the felicity of your family; 
where, in a lineal descent, five have followed one 
another; the father not only surviving to see his 
son of age, but also (yourself excepted, who in 
due time may be) happy in their marriage, hopeful 
in their issue. 

These five have all been of the same Christian 
name: yet is there no fear of confusion, to the 
prejudice of your pedigree, (which heralds com- 
monly in the like cases complain of,) seeing each 
of them being, as eminent in their kind, so different 
in their emiuency, are sufficiently distinguished by 
their own character to posterity. 

Of these, the first a judge ; for his gravity and 
learning famous in his generation 

The second, a worthy patriot and bountiful 
housekeeper, blessed in a numerous issue ; his four 
younger sons affording a bishop to the church d , a 

• [Edward, son of Thomas of the others were sir Walter 

Mountague, chief justice of the and sir Charles, not mentioned 

common pleas in the reigns of here.] 

Henry VIII. and Edward VI. e [Henry, earl of Manches- 
See a further account of him ter, who professed the common 
by our author in this History, law, and from recorder of Lon- 
viii. i. §. i. His son, who don came to be lord chief jus- 
was knighted in 1567, served tice of the king's bench, after- 
in parliament as knight of the wards lord treasurer of Eng- 
shire of Northampton ; and land, where he continued but a 
was much celebrated for his short time ; then was made 
piety, justice, and other virtues, president of the council of state, 



He died Jan. 26, 1601. See 
Collins* Peerage, vol. i. 324.] 



(for he and chancellor Bacon 
were put out of their places to- 



d [James Mountague, bishop gether,) and at last died lord 
of Winchester. privy seal. Warwick's Chas. I. 

He had six sons, the names p. 245.] 



■ • 



• • 



DEDICATION. 



judge and peer to the state 6 , a commander to the 
camp, and an officer to the court f . 

The third was the first baron of the house; of 
whose worth I will say nothing, because I can 
never say enough *. 

The fourth, your honourable father, who because 
he doth still, and may he long, survive; I cannot 
do the right which I would to his merit, without 
doing wrong, which I dare not, to his modesty. 

You are the fifth in a direct line, and let me 
acquaint you with what the world expected (not 
to say requireth) of you, to dignify yourself with 
some select and peculiar desert, so to be differenced 
from your ancestors, that your memory may not 



f [Sir Sidney Mountague, fa- 
ther of the earl of Sandwich, 
and master of requests to James 
I. He refused to take the oath 
to live and die with the earl of 
Essex, in 1642, as other mem* 
bers of the commons had done, 
for which he was ousted from 
the house. See Warwick's 
Chas. I. p. 243.] 

% [The celebrated Edward, 
lord Mountague of Bough ton, 
a man of a plain upright Eng. 
lish spirit, of a steady courage, 
of a devout heart, and a true 
son of the Church of England ; 
so severe and regular in his life, 
that he was by most men reckon- 
ed a puritan ; and yet so attach- 
ed to the liturgy of the Church 
of England, that when he had 
married his eldest son (father of 
theEdwardtowhom this book is 
dedicated) unto secretary Win- 
wood's eldest daughter, who 



affected not the common prayer, 
which he used daily in his house, 
he would say to her, " Daugh- 
" ter, if you come to visit me, I 
" will never ask why you come 
" not to prayers ; but if you 
" come to cohabit with me, pray 
" with me or not live with me." 
(Warwick's Chas. I. p. 243. ed. 
1813). This fine old nobleman 
and true patriot, of whom some 
beautiful anecdotes are related 
by Collins in his Peerage, (vol. 
i. p. 326, ed. 2.) was, for his 
loyalty to king Charles I., ap- 
prehended by command of the 
members who sat at Westmin- 
ster, and made prisoner in the 
Savoy, near to the Strand, in 
London, where he died, 15th 
June, 1 644. He was the per- 
son who proposed the thanks- 
giving day for discovery of the 
popish plot.] 



bS 



6 DEDICATION. 

be mistaken in the homonyme of your Christian 
names ; which to me seemeth as improbable, as that 
a burning beacon (at a reasonable distance) should 
not be beheld ; such the brightness of your parts 
and advantage of your education. 

You was bred in that school which hath no 
superior in England; and successively in those two 
universities which have no equal in Europe. Such 
the stock of your native perfection before grafted 
with the foreign accomplishments of your travels. 
So that men confidently promise themselves to 
read the best, last, and largest edition of " Mer- 
" cator'8 Atlas/ 9 in your experience and discourse. 

That good God who went with you out of your 
native country, and since watched over you in 
foreign parts, return with you in safety in due time, 
to his glory, and your own good; which is the 
daily desire of 

Your Honour's most devoted Servant, 

THOMAS FULLER. 




i 



ft 



1 



*4i 









Is 

r 

t 



t 




THE 

CHURCH HISTORY 

OF 

BRITAIN. 



HE sad news of king James his death A -p. , , 6 »i- 
was soon brought to Whitehall, at that - " ~ " 
very instant when Dr. Laud, bishop king'«4»tji 
of St. David's, was preaching therein. wnhchaiL 
' This caused him to 'break off his ser- 
mon in the midst thereof, out of civil compliance 
with the Badness of the congregation ; and the same 
day was king Charles proclaimed at Whitehall b . 

2. On the seventh of May following, king James "j"'°j" Dn 
his funerals were performed very solemnly in the 
collegiate church at Westminster, his lively statue 
being presented on a magnificent hearse c . King 
Charles was present thereat: for though modem 
state used of late to lock up the chief mourner in 
his chamber, where his grief must be presumed 

* See his own Diary on that lay in state for a considerable 

day, [p. 15.] time. It was carried thence 

° [See the account of it in with great solemnity on Satur- 

Rnshwortb, vol. i. p. 169.] day, 7th of May, to St. Peter's 

1 [The body of the late king church in Westminster, where 

was brought from Theobald's it was solemnly interred. See 

into Somerset house, where it Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 132.3 



10 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1625. too great for public appearance, yet the king caused 

- this ceremony of sorrow so to yield to the substance 

thereof, and pomp herein to stoop to piety, that 
in his person he sorrowfully attended the funerals 
of his father. 

3. Dr. Williams, lord keeper and bishop of Lin- 
coln, preached the sermon, taking for his text 



Dr. Wil- 
liams his 



£3^ 2 Chron. ix. 29, 30, and part of the 31st verse, con- 
text king taining the happy reign, quiet death, and stately 
aid king burial of king Solomon. The effect of his sermon 
was to advance a parallel betwixt two peaceable 
princes, king Solomon and king James. A parallel 
which willingly went, (not to say ran of its own 
accord,) and when it chanced to stay, was fairly 
led on by the art and ingenuity of the bishop, not 
enforcing, but improving the conformity betwixt 
these two kings in ten particulars, all expressed in 
the text, as we read in the vulgar Latin, somewhat 
different from the new translation. 



King Solomon. 

1. His eloquence, the rest 
of the words of Solomon. 

2. His actions, and all that 
he did. 

3. A well within to supply 
the same, and his wisdom. 



4. The preservation there- 
of to eternity ; Are they not 
written in the book of the acts 



King James. 

1. Had d profluentem y et 
quae principem deceret, elo- 
quentiam. 

%. Was eminent in his ac- 
tions of religion, justice, war, 
and peace. 

3. So wise, " that there was 
" nothing that any • would 
" learn, which he was not 
" able to teach." 

4. As Trajan was nick- 
named herba parietaria, " a 
u wall-flower," because his 



<* Tacitus of Augustus. 



e Sermon, p. 59. 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



11 



of Solomon, made by Nathan 
the prophet, Ahijah tlte Shu 
lonite, and Iddo the seer t 



5. He reigned in Jerusa- 
lem, a great city, by him en- 
larged and repaired. 

6. Over all Israel, the 
whole empire. 

7. A great space of time, 
full Jbrty years. 



8. Then he slept, import- 
ing no sudden and violent 
dying, but a premeditate and 
affected kind of sleeping. 

9. With his fathers, Da- 
vid especially; his soul being 
disposed of in happiness. 

10. And was buried in the 
city of David. 



name was engraven on every A. D. 16*5. 

wall; so king James shall be \ * 

called herba chartacea, " the 
" paper-flower,* and his glory 
be read in ' all writers. 

5. He reigned in the capi- 
tal city of London, by him 
much augmented. 

6. Over Great Britain, by 
him happily united, and other 
dominions. 

7 • In all fifty-eight, (though 
over all Britain but two and 
twenty years,) reigning as 
ffbetter, so also longer, than 
king Solomon. 

8. Left the world most re- 
solved, most prepared, em- 
bracing his grave for his bed. 

9. Reigning gloriously with 
God in heaven. 

10. Whilst his body was in- 
terred with all possible so- 
lemnity in king Henry the 
Seventh his chapel. 



Be it here remembered, that in this parallel the 
bishop premised to set forth Solomon, not in his full 
proportion, faults and all, but half faced, (imagine 
lusca, as Apelles painted Antigonus, to conceal the 
want of his eye,) adding, that Solomon's vices could 
be no blemish to king James, wh resembled him 
only in his choicest virtues. He concluded all with 
that verse, Ecclesiasticus xxx. 4. Though his father 

' Sermon, p. 61. * Ibid. p. 66. 



12 The Church History book Xi. 

a.d. 1625. die, yet he is as though he were not dead, for he hath 
r *J left one behind him that is like himself: in applica- 
tion to his present majesty h . 
Exceptions 4. Some auditors who came thither rather to 

taken at his 

•ermou. observe than edify, cavil than observe, found or 
made faults in the sermon, censuring him for touch- 
ing too often, and staying too long, on an harsh 
string ; three times straining the same, making elo- 
quence too essential, and so absolutely necessary in 
a king, that the want thereof made Moses in a 
1 manner refuse all government, though offered by 
God ; that k no man ever got great power without 
eloquence: Nero, being the first of the Caesars, 
qui alienee facundite eguit, " who usurped another 
" man's language to speak for him/ 9 Expressions 
which might be forborne in the presence of his 
son and successor, whose impediment in speech 
was known to be great, and mistook to be greater. 
Some conceived him too long in praising the past, 
too short in promising for the present king, (though 
saying much of him in a little;) and the bishop's 
adversaries, (whereof then no want at court,) some 
took distate, others made advantage thereof. Thus 
is it easier and better for us to please one God, than 
many men with our sermons. However, the sermon 
was publicly set forth by the printer (but not by the 
express command) of his majesty, which gave but 
the steadier mark to his enemies, noting the marginal 
notes thereof, and making all his sermon the text 
of their captious interpretations. 



b [This Sermon, under the an epitome of it in Rushworth's 

title of " Great Britain's Solo- Collections, vol. i. p. 164.] 
" mon," will be found in So- i Sermon, p. 16. 
mere' Tracts, vol.ii. p. 33 ; and k Ibid. p. 5. 



L 



cknt.xvii. of Britain. 13 

5. Now began animosities to discover themselves a. d. 1625. 

in the court, whose sad influences operated many — 

jeare after, many being discontented that on this bc^nin the 
change they received not proportionable advance- court ' 
ment to their expectations. It is the prerogative 

of the King of heaven alone, that he maketh all his 
sons heirs, all his subjects favorites, the gain of one 
being no loss to the other; whereas the happiest 
kings on earth are unhappy herein, that, unable 
to gratify all their servants (having many suitors for 
the same place) by conferring a favour on one, they 
disoblige all other competitors, conceiving them- 
selves, as they make the estimate of their own 
deserts, as much (if not more) meriting the same 
preferment. 

6. As for doctor Preston, he still continued and Dr - Pn * ton 

a great fa- 

increased in the favor of the king and duke, it being rant* 
much observed, that on the day of king James his 
death, he *rode with prince and duke in a coach shut 

1 See his Life, p. [99, writ- " had preferred himself to 
ten by Thomas Ball, a puritan, " be chaplain to the prince, 
and published at the end of " and wanted not the intelli- 
Clark's Martyrology, ed. 1677. " gence of all dark mysteries 
This artful and designing man, " through the Scotch especi- 
who veiled a discontented and " ally of his highness' bed- 
ambitious spirit under the cloak " chamber. These gave him 
of religious seal, to ingratiate " countenance more than others, 



elf with the duke of Buck- " because he prosecuted the 

t, (anxious at that time " endeavours of their country- 

to repair his credit by some " man, Knox. To the duke 

popular measure,) proposed to "he repairs, and be assured 

him the spoliation of the church's " he had more skill than bois- 

lands. His conduct is accu- " terously to propound to him 

rately described by bishop Hack- " the extirpation of the bishops, 

et, whose moderation and piety " Therefore he began to dig 

is a sufficient warrant for no- " further off, and to heave at 

thing being exaggerated in his " the dissolution of cathedral 

narrative. " This politic man," " churches, with their deans 

he observes, " that he might " and chapters, the seminary 

" feel the pulse of the court, " from whence the ablest scho- 



14 



77*4? Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A cfok?i ^ own ^° m Theobald's to London, applying comfort 

now to one now to the other on so sad an occasion. 

His party would persuade us, that be might hare 
chose his own mitre, much commending the moder- 
ation of his mortified mind, denying all preferment 
which courted his acceptance ; verifying the anagram 
which a "friend of his made on his name, Johannes 



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lars were removed to bishop- 
rics. At his audience with 
the duke, he told him he was 
sorry his grace's actions were 
not so well interpreted abroad 
as godly men thought they 
deserved. That such mur- 
murings as were but vapours 
in common talks might prove 
to be tempests when a par- 
liament met. That his safest 
way was to anchor himself 
upon the love of the people ; 
and let him persuade himself 
he should not fail to be mas- 
ter of that achievement if he 
would profess himself not 
among those that are Pro. 
testants at large, and never 
look inward to the centre of 
religion, but become a warm 
and zealous Christian that 
would employ his best help 
strenuously to lop off from 
this half-reformed church the 
superfluous branches of Rom- 
ish superstition that much 
disfigured it. Then he named 
the quire-service of cathedral 
and collegiate churches, with 
the apanages which were 
maintained with vast wealth 
and lands of excessive com- 
modity to feed fat, lazy, and 
unprofitable drones ; and yet 
all that chanting and pomp 
hindered the heavenly power 
and simplicity of prayer, and 



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M 



" furthered not the preaching 
" of the gospel. And now, 
" says he, let your grace ob- 
" serve all the ensuing emo. 
•* luments if you will lean to 
" this counsel ; God's glory 
" shall be better set forth ; 
(that's ever the quail-pipe to 
bring worldlings into the 
snares of sacrilege;) the lands 
of those chapters escheating 
" to the crown by the dissolu- 
" tion of their foundations, will 
pay the king's debts. Your 
grace hath many alliances of 
kindred all sucking from you, 
" and the milk of those breasts 
" will serve them all and nou- 
" rish them up to great growth 
" with the best seats in the 
" nation. Lastly, your grace 
" shall not only surmount envy, 
" but turn the darling of the 
" commonwealth, and be rever- 
" enced by the best operators 
" in parliament as a father of a 
" family ; and if a crum stick 
" in the throat of any consider- 
" able man that attempts to 
make a contrary part, it will 
be easy to wash it down with 
" manors, woods, royalties, 
tythes, &c. the large product 
of those superstitious planta- 
tions." Hacket's Life of Wil- 
liams, p. 204.] 

m Mr. Ayrs of Lincoln's 
Inn. 



t< 



u 



«< 



<• 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



15 



En stas pius in honore. Indeed he was A «P- ! ^5- 

111111 i»i» ii 1 Charles I. 

conceived to hold the helm of his own party, able — 

to stew it to what point he pleased, which made the 
duke, as yet, much to desire his favour n . 

7. A book came forth called Appello Caesarem, Mr.Mount- 
made by Mr. Mountague. He formerly had been ^Crater. 
fellow of King's College in Cambridge, at the pre- 
sent a parson of Essex and fellow of Eton; one 
much skilled in the fathers and ecclesiastical anti- 
quity, and in the Latin and Oreek tongues. Our 
great ° antiquary confesseth as much {Grace simul 
et Latine doctus) though pens were brandished be- 
twixt them ; and virtues allowed by one's adversa- 
ries may pass for undeniable truths. These his great 
parts were attended with tartness of writing, very 
sharp the nib of his pen, and much gall in his ink, 
against such as opposed him. However, such the 
equability of the sharpness of his style he was un- 
partial therein, be he ancient or modern writer, 



m 



<« 



° [Hit character is thus set 
forth by Dr. Heylyn: "His 
" principles and engagements 
" were too well known by those 
which governed affairs to 
venture him unto any such 
'* great trust in church or state; 
" and his activity so suspected 
" that he would not have been 
" long suffered to continue 
* preacher at Lincoln's Inn. 
" As for his intimacy with the 
" duke, too violent to be long 
" lasting, it proceeded not from 
" any good opinion which the 
" duke had of him, but that he 
" found how instrumental % he 
" might be to manage that pre- 
u railing party to the king's 
" advantage. But when it was 
" found that he had more of the 



" serpent in him than the dove, 
" and that he was not tract- 
" able in steering the helm of 
" his own party by the court- 
" compass, he was discounte- 
" nanced and laid by, as not 
" worth the keeping. He 
" seemed the court-meteor for 
" a while, raised to a sudden 
" height of expectation ; and 
" having flashed and blazed a 

little, went out again, and 
was as suddenly forgotten." 
Fuller appears to acknowledge 
the justice of these remarks, 
and therefore they are probably 
correct. See " The Appeal, 
" &c," part iii. p. a ; see also 
note p. 13.] 

pelden De Diis Syris, p. 
36a. 



c« 



« 



16 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1615. Papist or Protestant, that stood in his way, they 

1 Charles 1- • . , •« „ , g^ 

should all equally taste thereof*. 

Setteth 8. Pass we from the author to his book, whereof 

AppeUoC». this was the occasion. He had lately written satiri- 
***** cally enough against the Papists in confutation of 
The Gagger of Protestants. Now two divines of 
Norwich diocess, Mr. Yates and Mr. Ward, informed 
against him for dangerous errors of Armimanism and 
Popery, deserting our cause instead of defending it. 
Mr. Mountague, in his own vindication, writes a 
second book, licensed by Francis White, dean of 
Carlisle 4, finished and partly printed in the reign 
of James, to whom the author intended the dedi- 
cation. But on king James his death, it seems it 
descended by succession on king Charles his son, 
to whom Mr. Mountague applied the words which 
Ockam once used to Lewis of Bavaria, emperor of 
Germany, Dotnine imperator defends me gladio, et 
ego te defendant calamo, " Lord emperor, defend me 
" with thy sword, and I will defend thee with my 
" pen." Many bitter passages in this his book gave 
great exception, whereof largely hereafter. 
Queen 9. On Sunday, being the twelfth of June, about 

fint arrival seven of the clock at night, queen Mary landed 
** er ' at Dover ; at what time a piece of ordnance being 



P [Fuller is not very favor* 
able to Dr. Richard Montague, 
certainly one of the ablest con- 
troversialists and most learn* 
ed men of his times. Nor has 
he by any means done jus- 
tice to the " AppelloCasarem" 
of that writer, a work ably 
written, and containing pas* 
sages of great beauty. Unfortu- 
nately, any one who opposed 
the doctrines of Calvin was at 



this time branded with the 
name of Papist, and persecuted 
as such. This was the lot of 
Montague, who opposed the 
religious principles of Hall, 
Davenant, and others, and for 
this he has met with a very 
scanty measure of justice from 
our author.] 

q [The author of the Reply 
to Fisher the Jesuit, 1620.] 



CENT- XV11. 



of Britain. 



17 



discharged from the castle, flew in fitters, yet did a. d. 1625. 

f nobody any harm. Moe were fearful at the presage " 

than thankful for the providence'. Next day, the king 
coming from Canterbury met her at Dover, whence 
with all solemnity she was conducted to Somerset 
house in London, where a chapel was new prepared 
for her devotion, with a convent adjoining of Capu- 
chin friars, according to the articles of her marriage 8 . 

10. A parliament began at London, wherein the The king 
first statute agreed upon was for the more strict Mr. Mount- 
observation of the Lord's day ; which day, as it first SSTLuieof 
honoured the king, (his reign beginning thereon,) 



common*. 



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r [Laud's Diary, p 18.] 
* (/'In all this, nothing true 
but that the new queen was 
conducted with all solemnity 
from Dover to London. For 
first, although there was a 
chapel prepared, yet was it 
not prepared for her, nor at 
Somerset house. The chapel 
which was then prepared, 
was not prepared for her, 
but the Lady Infanta, built 
in the king's house at St. 
James's, at such time as the 
treaty with Spain stood upon 
good terms, and then intend. 
ed for the devotions of the 
princess of Wales, not the 
queen of England. Secondly, 
the articles of the marriage 
make no mention of the Ca- 
puchin friars, nor any con- 
vent to be built for them. 
The priests who came over 
with the queen were by a- 
greement to be all of the 
Oratorian order, as less sus- 
pected by the English, whom 
they had never provoked, as 
had the Jesuits, and most 
other of the monastic or* 

FULLER, VOL^YJ. 



" ders, by their mischievous 
" practices. But these Orato- 
" rians having been sent back 
" with the rest of the French, 
" anno 1626, and not willing to 
" expose themselves to the ha. 
" zard of a second expulsion, 
" the Capuchins under father 
" Joseph made good the place. 
" The breach with France, the 
" action at the Isle of Rhee, 
u and the loss of Rochelle, did 
" all occur before the Capu- 
" chins were thought of or ad- 
" mitted hither. And thirdly, 
44 some years after the making 
" of the peace between the 
" crowns, which was in the lat- 
" ter end of 1628, and not be- 
" fore, the queen obtained that 
M these friars might have leave 
" to come over to her, some 
M lodgings being fitted for them 
" in Somerset h juse, and a new 
" chapel then and there built 
u for her devotion." Heylin in 
" The Appeal, &c," part iii. p. 
2. Rush worth gives a full ac- 
count of the queen's espousals, 
Coll. vol. i. p. 173.] 



18 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. D.1625. go the king first honoured it by passing an act for the 

1 Conrtes I. 

greater solemnity thereof. The house of commons 

fell very heavy on Mr. Mountague for many bitter 
passages in his book ; who in all probability had now 
been severely censured, but that the king himself 
was pleased to interpose in his behalf, signifying to 
the house, "that those things which were then 
a spoken and determined concerning Mountague 
" without his privity did not please him," who by 
his court friends being employed in the king's ser- 
vice, his majesty signified to the parliament, that he 
" thought his chaplains (whereof Mr. Mountague was 
" one) might have as much protection as the servant 
" of an ordinary burgess," nevertheless his bond of 
two thousand pounds wherewith he was tailed con- 
tinued uncancelled, and was called on the next 
parliament*. 



* [The best account of Dr. 
Mount ague's book is given by 
Dr. Heylyn in his Life of Arch- 
bishop Laud, p. 124, who ob- 
serves that the Jesuits and Pa- 
pists, being very busy at this 
time in gaining proselytes, had 
begun to infest a village in 
Essex called Stamford- Rivers. 
" The rector of that church 
" was Richd. Mountague, B.D. 
" prebend of Windsor, and one 
" of the fellows of Eton col- 
•' lege; a man exceedingly well 
" versed in all the learning of 
" Greeks and Romans, and as 
'* well studied in the fathers, 
" councils, and all other an- 
" cient monuments of the Chris- 
" tian church. Desirous to free 
" his parish from this haunt, 
" he left some propositions at 
" the house of one of his neigh - 
" bours, which had been fre- 



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quently visited by these night- 
spirits, with this declaration 
thereunto ; that if any of 
those which essayed that walk 
could convince him in any 
of the same, he would im- 
mediately subscribe and be a 
Papist. After long expecta- 
tion, instead of answering to 
his queries, one of them leaves 
a short pamphlet for him, en- 
titled, A new Gag for the old 
Gospel ; in which it was pre- 
tended, that the doctrine of 
the Protestants should be con- 
futed out of the verv words 
of their own English Bibles. 
This book he was required to 

answer But in perusing 

of that book, he found that 
besides some few doctrines 
which properly and truly 
did belong to the Church of 
England, there were crowded 



CEKT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



19 



11. The plague increasing in London, the parlia- a. d. 1625. 

ment was removed to Oxford. But alas ! no avoid —' 

ing God's hand. The infection followed, or rather mmt^. *" 
met the houses there, (whereof worthy Dr. Chaloner^^^ 
*fied u , much lamented,) yet were the members of Jj£^2n£ n 
parliament not so careful to save their own persons 
from the plague, as to secure the land from a worse 
and more spreading contagion, the daily growth of 
popery. In prevention whereof, they presented a 
petition to his majesty, containing sixteen particu- 
lars, all which were most graciously answered by his 
majesty, to their full satisfaction. Thus this meet- 
ing began hopefully and cheerfully, proceeded tur- 
bulently and suspiciously, brake off suddenly and 



" into it all points of Calvinism, 
" such heterodoxies and out- 
" landish fancies as the Church 
" of England never owned. 
*' And therefore in his answer 
*' to that Popish Gagger, he 
" severed or discriminated the 
44 opinions of particular men 
"' from the authorized doctrines 
" of this church ; leaving the 
*' one to be maintained by their 
" private fautors, and only de» 
" fending and maintaining the 
*' other. And certainly, had 
" he not been a man of a mighty 
** spirit, and one that easily 
" could contemn the cry and 
M clamors which were raised 
M against him for so doing, he 
" could not but have sunk im- 
" mediately under the burthen 
" of disgrace, and the fears of 
" ruin which that performance 
'* drew upon him." This an- 
swer came out under the quaint 
title of " A Gag for the new 
•* Gospel? — No, a new Gag for 
" an old Goose, who would un- 



" dertake to stop all Protestant 
'• Mouths for ever with 276 
" Placesout of their own Eng- 
" lish Bibles, &c. 1625/' Out 
of this book, Yates and Ward, 
two preachers in Ipswich, were 
employed to gather such points 
as they conceived to lean to 
Popery and Arminianism* to 
be presented to the censure of 
the following parliament. Of 
which information Montague 
having obtained a copy, be- 
sought his majesty's protection, 
and wrote his book, entitled 
'* AppelloCaesarem." But king 
James dying before it had gone 
through the press, it was pre- 
sented to king Charles at die 
beginning of his reign. A com- 
mittee of bishops seems also to 
have been appointed by the 
king to report on the subject. 
See the letters in the Appendix.] 
* [Dr. Edward Chaloner was 
principal of St. Alban HalL 
See an account of him in Wood'* 
A then. vol. i. p. 496. J 

c2 



20 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1625. sorrowfully, the reason whereof is to be fetched from 

I Charles I. . \ . 

our civil historians. 

Dr. James 12. The convocation kept here is scarce worth 

his motion . • i« 1 1 ., 

in the con- the mentioning, seeing little the appearance thereat, 
▼ocaaon. no ti 1 i I1 g. tbe performance therein. Dean Bowles, 

the prolocutor, absented himself for fear of infection, 
Dr. Thomas Goad officiating in his place, and their 
meeting was kept in the chapel of Merton College. 
Here Dr. James, that great book man, made a mo- 
tion, that all manuscript fathers in the libraries of 
the universities, and elsewhere in England, might 
be perused, and that such places in them as had 
been corrupted in popish editions, (much superstition 
being generated from such corruptions,) might faith- 
fully be printed according to those ancient copies x . 
Indeed, though England at the dissolving of abbeys 
lost moe manuscripts than any country of Christen- 
dom (of her dimensions) ever had, yet still enough 
were left her, if well improved, to evidence the 
truth herein to all posterity. This design might 
have been much beneficial to the Protestant cause, 
if prosecuted with as great endeavour as it was pro- 
pounded with good intention : but alas ! this motion 
was ended when it was ended, expiring in the place 
with the words of the mover thereof. 

w^ofp **' ^ e k* n ff» according to his late answer in the 
pistsseason- parliament at Oxford, issued out a commission to 
ttnined. the judges to see the law against recusants put in 

execution. This was read in all the courts of 

. 

x [See Wilkins' Concil. vol. heart, as appears by several of 

iv. p. 469. There is an unpub- his letters to Usher. See Parr's 

lished letter addressed by him Usher, p. 303. A motion to the 

to Dr. Ward upon this subject, same effect was also made in 

in Tan. MSS. lxxiv. It was a the convocation of 1624. See 

subject which he had much at Wilkins, ibid.] 



cent, xvii, of Britain. 21 

judicature at Reading, (where Michaelmas term was ad. 1625 

kept,) and a letter directed to the archbishop of - 

Canterbury to take special care for the discovery of 
Jesuits, seminary priests, &c. within his province. 
A necessary severity, seeing Papists (presuming on 
protection by reason of the late match) were grown 
very insolent. And a popish lord, when the king 
was at chapel, was heard to prate on purpose louder 
in a gallery adjoining than the chaplain prayed, 
whereat the king was so moved that he sent him 
this message : " Either come and do as we do, or 
" I will make you prate further off." 

14. In this and the next year, many books, from Several 
persons of several abilities and professions, were gainst Mr 
written against Mr. Mountague, by Moumagu* 

i. Dr. Sutcliffe, dean of Exeter; one who was 
miles emeritus, age giving him a supersedeas, save 
that his zeal would employ itself, and some conceived 
that his choler became his old age. 

ii. Mr. Henry Burton, who then began to be well 
(as afterwards too well) known to the world. 

iii. Mr. Francis Rowse, a layman by profession. 

iv. Mr. Yates, a minister of Norfolk, formerly a 
fellow of Emmanuel in Cambridge ; he entitles his 
book " Ibis ad Csesarem." 

v. Dr. Carleton, bishop of Chichester. 

vi. Anthony Wotton, divinity professor in Gres- 
ham College. 

In this army of writers the strength is conceived 
to consist in the rear, and that the last wrote the 
solidest confutations. Of these six, dean Sutcliffe 
is said to have chode heartily ; Mr. Rowse meant 
honestly ; Mr. Burton wrote plainly ; bishop Carle- 

cS 



9St 



The Church History 



BOOK XT. 



a.d. 1625. ton very piously; Mr. Yates learnedly; and Mr. 
* Wotton most solidly y. 



1 [The divines who were 
sent to the Synod of Dort were 
extremely mortified by the re- 
marks of Mountague in this and 
his other pamphlet. In a let- 
ter of Dr. John Davenant, then 
bishop of Salisbury, to Ward, 
master of Sidney College, he 
thus speaks of Mountague : 
" Your vindicating of those 
" that were at the Synod of 
" Dort from the wash and filth 
" in perfection laid on us by 
" Mr. Mountague, was a laud- 
" able and necessary work. I 
" could wish for his own good 
" that he had a more modest 
" conceipt of himself, and a 
" less base opinion of all 
" others who jump not with 
" him in his mongrel opinions. 
He mightily deceives him- 
self in taking it for granted 
M that Dr» Overall, or Bucer, 
•' or Luther, were ever of his 
" mind in the point of Pre- 
" destination, or falling from 
" grace ; the contrary may evi- 
" dently be shewn out of their 
" writings. But the truth is, 
" he never understood what 
" Bucer or Luther mean, when 
" they speak of extinguishing 
" faith or losing grace; and 
" as little does he understand 
" the canon of our church, 
44 which he makes his main 
" foundation. Whether Re- 
" probus may be mere justifi- 
" cat us, verum et vivum mem- 
*' brum sub Christo copite, vere 
" adopt at us, I confess may out 
t€ of Aug. and Prosp. be pro- 
" bably held both ways. But 



€€ 



St 



" yet let all places which seem 
" to imply contradiction about 
" this matter be laid together,. 
" and such other as may serve 
" for interpretation be also cast 
" into the balance* and in my 
" opinion it will be found that 
" S. Augustine does more in- 
" cline to the opinion, that only 
" the predestinate attain unto 
" a true estate of justification, 
" regeneration, and adoption* 
" &c. Oct. 10, 1625." Tan. 
MSS. lxxii. p. 65. 

So in another letter. 

— "lam afraid Mr. Mount* 
" ague his book will breed him- 
" self and others much trouble 
" whensoever a parliament shall 
" be called. His opinion 0011- 
" cerning predestination and 
** total falling from grace is 
" undoubtedly contrary to the 
" common tenet of the English 
" Church ever since we were 
" born. Against our next meet- 
" ing you shall have our opinion 
" concerning the two theses. 
M For Dr. Overall, 1 know not 
'* to the contrary, but it was 
" his opinion that some, not 
" elected by the working of 
" universal sufficient grace, did 
" or might sometimes attain to 
" an estate of justification and 
" regeneration, and yet fall 
" a way and perish. But for 
" Luther and Bucer, I am re- 
* ' sol ved that they never thought 
" any reprobate to have ever 
" obtained the state of a truly 
" faithful, justified, adopted, 
" and sanctified man. But they 
" affirm that faith and the grace 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



S3 



15. I remember not at this time any of master a. d. 16*5. 

1 Chnrlif I 

Mountague's party engaged in print in his behalf; ! 

whether because they conceived this their champion ^^eftto 
sufficient of himself to encounter all opposers, or^ ndhim - 
because they apprehended it unsafe (though of the 
same judgment) to justify a book which was grown 
so generally offensive. Insomuch, as his majesty 
himself, sensible of his subjects' great distaste thereat, 
(sounded by the duke of Buckingham to that pur- 
pose,) was resolved to leave Mr. Mountague to stand 
or fell, according to the justice of his cause. The 
duke imparted as much to Dr. Laud, bishop of St. 
David's, who conceived it of such ominous concern- 
ment, that he entered the same in his diary, viz. 
Methinks I see a cloud arising and threatening 
the Church of England ; God of his mercy dissi- 
pate it." 

16. The day of the king's coronation drawing a maim on 

,. . , . . j .1 the emblem 

near, his majesty sent to survey and peruse the of peace, 
regalia, or royal ornaments, which then were to be 
used*. It happened that the left wing of the dove on 
the sceptre was quite broken off, by what casualty 
God himself knows. The king sent for Mr. Acton, 



it 



<« 



« 



** of the Spirit cannot stand to- 
" gether with impenitency in 
" any mortal sin : meaning 
" thereby the act of faith ap- 
" prehending justification, and 
" the working of the Spirit 
" sealing unto us our justitica- 
" tion. But that the state of 
44 regeneration, or adoption, or 
" justification, (as it respects 
" all sins fore-passed,) was 
thereby dissolved, they never 
thought. — " Dec. 5, 1625. 
Jo. Sarum to Dr. Ward. Tan. 



« 



a 



lxxii. p. 68.] 

* [This account of the coro- 
nation of king Charles, Fuller 
tells us he received from " a 
." doctor of divinity still alive, 
" rich in learning and piety, 
" present on the place, and an 
" exact observer of all passa- 
•• ges." See " The Appeal," 
&c. part iii. p. 4. See also a 
letter written at the time by 
sir S. D'Ewes on the same sub- 
ject in Ellis' Orig. Lett. iii. 

c 4 



24 



The Church History 



BOOK XI, 



a.d. 1625. then his goldsmith, commanding him that the very 

- same should be set on again. The goldsmith replied, 

that it was impossible to be done so fairly, but that 
some mark would remain thereof. To whom the 
king in some passion returned a , " If you will not do 
" it y another shall." Hereupon Mr. Acton carried it 
home, and got another dove of gold to be artifi- 
cially set on ; whereat, when brought back, his 
majesty was well contented, as making no discovery 
thereof b . 



* His son succeeding his fa- 
ther in that place, and then 
present, attested to me the 
truth hereof. 

b [" Two things there were 
" remarkable in this corona- 
" tion, which seemed to have 
" something in them of presage. 
•' Senhouse, who had been once 
" his chaplain when prince of 
*• Wales, and was now bishop 
•* of Carlisle, had the honor to 
*' preach upon the day of that 
" great solemnity. An elo- 
•' quent man he was reputed, 
" and one that could very well 
" express a passion ; but he 
" had chosen such a text as 
•• was more proper for a fune- 
" ral than a coronation ; his 
" text being this, viz. I will 

give thee a crown of life, 

Apoc. ii. 10. and was rather 
" thought to put the new king 
" in mind of his death than his 
" duty in government ; and to 
*'• have been his funeral sermon 
•* when he was alive, as if he 
were to have none when he 
• - was to be buried. It was 
" observed also that his ma- 
" jesty on that day was clothed 
" in white, contrary to the cus- 
" torn of his predecessors, who 



** 



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" were on that day clad in pur- 
" pie. And this he did not 
** out of any necessity, for want 
" of purple velvet enough to 
" make a suit, (for he had many 
" yards of it in his outward 
" garment,) but at his own 
" choice only, to declare that 
M virgin purity with which he 
" came to be espoused unto his 
•• kingdom. White (as we 
" know) is the colour of the 
" saints, who are represented 
"to us in white robes by St. 
" John in the Revelation ; and 
" purple is the imperial and 
" regal colour. And this some 
" looked on also as an evil pre- 
" sage that the king, laying 
" aside his purple, the robe of 
" majesty, should clothe him- 
•• self in white, the robe of in- 
" nocence ; as if it thereby 
tf were fore-signified that he 
" should divest himself of that 
" royal majesty, which might 
" and would have kept him 
" safe from affront and scorn, 
" to rely wholly on the inno- 
" cence of a virtuous life, which 
" did expose him finally to ca- 
'• lamitous ruin." Heylyn's 
Life of Laud, p. 144.]] 



C£NT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



25 



17. The bishop of Lincoln, lord keeper, was now a. p. 1625. 
daily descendent in the king's favor ; who so highly l --- aren 
distasted him, that he would not have him, as dean we ii waved. 
of Westminster, to perform any part of his corona- 
tion ; yet so (was it a favour or a trial ?) that it was 
left to his free choice to prefer any prebendary of 
the church to officiate in his place . The bishop 
met with a dilemma herein. To recommend Dr. 
Laud, bishop of St. David's, (and prebendary of 
Westminster,) for that performance was to grace 
one of his greatest enemies; to pass him by, and 



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e [Dr. Heylyn observes that 
the bishop of Lincoln was not 
lord keeper at the coronation. 
Secondly, if he had been so, 
and that the king was so dis- 
tasted with him as not to 
suffer him to assist at his co- 
ronation, how came he to be 
suffered to be present at it in 
the capacity of lord keeper ? 
For that he did so in affirmed 
by our author, saying, ' That 
the king took a scroll of 
parchment out of his bosom 
and gave it to the lord keeper 
Williams, who read it to the 
commons four several times, 
east, west, north, and south/ 
p. 30. Thirdly, the lord 
keeper who read that scroll 
was not the lord keeper Wil- 
liams, but the lord keeper 
Coventry, the seal being taken 
from the bishop of Lincoln 
and committed to the custody 
of sir Thomas Coventry in 
October before. And there- 
fore, fourthly, our author is 
much out in placing both the 
coronation and the following 
parliament before the change 
of the lord keeper; andsend- 



" ing sir John Suckling to fetch 
" that seal at the end of a par- 
*' liament in the spring, which 
" he had brought away with 
" him before Michaelmas term." 
The Appeal, &c. part iii. p. 3. 
A MS. letter from Mr. Mead, 
quoted by sir Henry Ellis in 
his Orig. Lett. iii. 214, gives 
the following reasons for Wil- 
liams' disgrace : " My lord bi- 
" shop of Lincoln being se- 
" questered from his office at 
the coronation, as he is dean 
of Westminster, and the bi- 
shop of St. David's being set 
up in his room by the great 
man, his lordship is going 
to retire himself at Bugden. 
" The occasion of this loss of 
his lord keeper's place, was 
(besides some things that 
passed at the last sitting in 
parliament) a plain piece of 
counsel his lordship gave my 
lord duke at Salisbury, name- 
ly, that. being as then general 
both by sea and land, he 
" should either go in person, or 
" stay the fleet at home, or else 
" give over his office of admi- 
" ralty to some other."] 



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26 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1625. prefer a private prebendary for that purpose before a 

" bishop, would seem unhandsome, and be interpreted 

a neglect of his own order. To avoid all exceptions, 
he presented a list of all the prebendaries of that 
church, referring the election to his majesty himself, 
who made choice of Dr. Laud, bishop of St. David's, 
for that attendance. 
The coro. 18. Dr. Senhouse, bishop of Carlisle, (chaplain to 

nation ser- 
mon, the king when prince,) preached at the coronation ; 

his text, And I wiU give unto thee a crown of life. 

In some sort it may be said that he preached his 

own funeral, dying shortly after ; and even then the 

black jaundice had so possessed him, (a disease which 

hangs the face with mourning as against its burial,) 

that all despaired of his recovery. Now seeing this 

coronation cometh within (if not the pales and park) 

the purlieus of ecclesiastical history, we will present 

so much thereof as was acted in the church of 

Westminster. Let heralds marshal the solemnity of 

their advance from Westminster hall to this church, 

where our pen takes the first possession of this subject. 

The solemn 19. But first, we will premise the equipage ac- 

the church, cording to which they advanced from Westminster 

hall to the abbey church, in order as followeth : 

1. The aldermen of London, two by two, ushered 
by an herald. 

£. Eighty knights of the bath in their robes, each 
having an esquire to support, and page to attend him. 

3. The king's sergeants at law, solicitor, attorney, 
masters of request, and judges. 

4. Privy counsellors that were knights, and chief 
officers of the king's household. 

5. Barons of the kingdom, all bare headed, in their 
parliament robes, with swords by their sides. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 27 

6. The bishops, with scarlet gowns and lawn sleeves, a.d. 1635. 
bare headed. »Ch»rU»l. 

7. The viscounts and earls (not in their parliament, 
but) in their coronation robes, with coronetted caps 
on their heads. 

8. The officers of state for the day ; whereof these 
are the principal : 

Sir Richard Winn. 

Sir George Goring. 

The Lord Privy Seal. 

The Archbishop of Canterbury. 
The earl of Dorset carrying the first sword naked. 
The earl of Essex carrying the second sword naked. 
The earl of Kent carrying the third sword naked. 
The earl of Montgomery carrying the spurs. 
The earl of Sussex carrying the globe and cross upon it. 
The bishop of London carrying the golden cup for the 

communion. 
The bishop of Winchester carrying the golden plate for 

the communion. 
The earl of Rutland carrying the sceptre. 
The marquis Hamilton carrying the sword of state 

naked. 
The earl of Pembroke carrying the crown. 

The lord mayor, in a crimson velvet gown, carried 
a short sceptre before the king amongst the ser- 
geants : but I am not satisfied in the criticalness of 
his place. 

The earl of Arundel, as earl marshal of England, 
and the duke of Buckingham, as lord high constable 
of England for that day, went before his majesty in 
this great solemnity. 

20. The king entered at the west gate of the The man. 
church, under a rich canopy carried by the barons of king's coro. 
the cinque ports, his own person being supported by natMM1 - 
Dr. Neyle, bishop of Durham, on the one hand, and 



28 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1625. Dr. Lake, bishop of Bath and Wells, on the other. 

t Charles I. tt« j. • i_ • • j » i? 1 1 .*. 

His train, being six yards long, of purple velvet, was 

held up by the lord Compton (as belonging to the 
robes) and the lord viscount Doncaster. Here he 
was met by the prebends of Westminster, (bishop 
Laud supplying the dean his place,) in their rich 
copes, who delivered into his majesty's hand the 
staff of king Edward the confessor, with which he 
walked up to the scaffold. 

n» fashion 21. This was made of wood at the upper end 

ofthescaf- rr 

fold. of the church, from the choir to the altar. His 

majesty mounted it, none under the degree of a 
baron standing thereon, save only the prebends of 
Westminster, who attended on the altar : three 
chairs were appointed for him in several places ; one 
of repose, the second the ancient chair of corona- 
tion, and the third, (placed on a high square of five 
stairs ascent,) being the chair of state. 

The king 22. All being settled and reposed, the lord arch- 
presented 

and accept, bishop did present his majesty to the lords and 
peopL e commons, east, west, north, and south, asking their 
minds, four several times, if they did consent to 
the coronation of king Charles, their lawful sovereign. 
The king meantime presented himself bare headed ; 
the consent being given four times with great accla- 
mation, the king took his chair of repose. 
8wom and 23. After the sermon, (whereof before,) the lord 
anointed. arc hbishop, invested in a rich cope, tendered to the 
king (kneeling down on cushions at the communion 
table) a large oath; then were his majesty's robes 
taken off him and were offered on the altar. He 
stood for a while stripped to his doublet and hose, 
which were of white satin, (with ribbons on the 
arms and shoulders to open them,) and he appeared 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 29 

a proper person to all that beheld him. Then wasA.D. 1625. 

he led by the lord archbishop and the bishop of — 

St. David's, and placed in the chair of coronation, 
(a close canopy being spread over him,) the lord 
archbishop anointing his head, shoulders, arms, and 
hands, with a costly ointment, the choir singing an 
anthem of these words, Zadoc the priest anointed 
king Solomon. 

24. Hence the king was led up in his doublet Solemnly 
and hose, with a white coif on his head, to the com- crow 
munion table, where bishop Laud (deputy for the 
dean of Westminster) brought forth the ancient 
habiliments of king Edward the Confessor, and put 
them upon him. Then was his majesty brought 
back to the chair of coronation, and received the 
crown of king Edward, (presented by Laud, and) 

put on his head by the archbishop of Canterbury ; 
the choir singing an anthem, Thou shalt put a crown 
of pure gold upon his head. Whereupon the earls 
and viscounts put on their crimson velvet caps with 
coronets about them, (the barons and bishops always 
standing bare headed.) Then every bishop came 
severally to his majesty to bring his benediction 
upon him, and he, in king Edward's robes, with the 
crown upon his head, rose from his chair and did 
bow severally to every bishop apart. 

25. Then was king Edward's sword girt about *"i girt ana 
him, which he took off again and offered up at the »"<>"i»- 
communion table, with two swords more, (surely 

not in relation to Scotland and Ireland, but to some 
ancient principalities his predecessors enjoyed in 
France.) Then the duke of Buckingham (as master 
of the horse) put on his spurs ; and thus completely 



30 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1625. crowned his majesty offered first gold, then silver, at 

-the altar, and afterwards bread and wine, which 

were to be used at the holy communion. 

Homage 26. Then was his majesty conducted by the no- 
done by the o J J 

nobility to bility to the throne upon that square basis of five 
18 *******' ascents, the choir singing Te Deum. Here his 
majesty took an oath of homage from the duke 
Buckingham, (as lord high constable for that day,) 
and the duke did swear all the nobility besides to 
be homagers to his majesty at his majesty's knees. 

with their 27. Then as many earls and barons as could con- 

oath. veniently stand about the throne, did lay their hands 
on the crown on his majesty's head, protesting to 
spend their bloods to maintain it to him and his 
lawful heirs. The bishops severally kneeled down, 
but took no oath as the barons did, the king kissing 
every one of them. 

A pardon gg. Then the king took a scroll of parchment out 

general ° r 

granted, of his bosom, and gave it to the lord keeper Wil- 
liams, who read it to the commons four several 
times, east, west, north, and south. The effect 
whereof was, that his majesty did offer a pardon 
to all his subjects who would take it under his 
broad seal. 
The com- 29. From the throne his majesty was conducted 
conclude to the communion table, where the lord archbishop 
the^oiem- k nee ]j n g on ^ e nor th side, read prayers in the choir 

and sung the Nicene Creed. The bishop of Llandaff 
and Norwich read the epistle and gospel, with whom 
the bishops of Durham and St David's, in rich copes, 
kneeled with his majesty and received the commu- 
nion ; the bread from the archbishop, the wine from 
the bishop of St. David's, his majesty receiving last 



cent, xvii, of Britain. 31 

of all 9 whilst Gloria in excebis was sung by the a. d. 16*5. 

choir, and some prayers read by the archbishop con-i ar< * 

eluded the solemnity. 

30. The king, after he had disrobed himself in The return 

• to White- 

king Edward's chapel, came forth in a short robe of hail. 

red velvet girt unto him, lined with ermines, and a 

crown of his own on his head set with very precious 

stones, and thus the train going to the barges on 

the water side, returned to Whitehall in the same 

order wherein they came, about three o'clock in the 

afternoon. 

31. I have insisted the longer on this subject Ourproiiri. 

J ty herein 

moved thereunto by this consideration, that if it excused. 
be the last solemnity performed on an English king 
in this kind, posterity will conceive my pains well 
bestowed, because on the last. But if hereafter 
divine providence shall assign England another king, 
though the transactions herein be not wholly prece- 
dential, something of state may be chosen out grate- 
ful for imitation. 

32. And here if a blister was not, it deserved A foul 

mouth rail- 
to be, on the fingers of that scandalous pamphleteer, er. 

who hath written that king Charles was not crowned 
like other kings ; whereas all essentials of his coro- 
nation were performed with as much ceremony as 
ever before, and all robes of state used according 
to ancient prescription : but if he indulged his own 
fancy for the colour of his clothes, a white suit, &c. 
persons meaner than princes have in greater matters 
assumed as much liberty to themselves. 

33. Indeed, one solemnity (no part of, but preface Why the 
to, the coronation) was declined on good consider- not through 
ation. For whereas the kings of England used to ride eaty * 
from the tower, through the city, to Westminster; 



S£ The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1625. king Charles went thither by water, out of double 

— providence, to save health and wealth thereby. For 

though the infectious air in the city of London had 
lately been corrected with a sharp winter, yet was it 
not so amended but that a just suspicion of danger did 
remain. Besides, such a procession would have cost 
him threescore thousand pounds, to be disbursed on 
scarlet for his train ; a sum which if then demanded 
of his exchequer would scarce receive a satisfactory 
answer thereunto ; and surely some who since con- 
demn him for want of state in omitting this royal 
pageant, would have condemned him more for pro- 
digality, had he made use thereof. 
A memo- 34. As for any other alterations in prayers or 

nble alter- J r J 

ation in a ceremonies, though heavily charged on bishop Laud, 
pag6an are since conceived by unpartial people done by 
a committee, wherein (though the bishop accused 
as most active) others did equally consent*. Indeed, 
a passage not in fashion since the reign of king Henry 
the Sixth, was used in a prayer at this time. Obti- 
neat gratiam huic populo sicut Aaron in tabemaculo, 
Elizeus in flwio, Zacharias in templo, sit Pctrus in 
clave, Paulus in dogmate. " Let him obtain favour 
" for his people like Aaron in the tabernacle, Elisha 
" in the waters, Zacharias in the temple; give him 
" Peter's key of discipline, Paul's doctrine." This I 
may call a Protestant passage, though anciently used 
in popish times, as fixing more spiritual power in 
the king than the pope will willingly allow, jealous 
that any should finger Peter's keys save himself. 
a confer- 35 a few days after a parliament began, wherein 
home. Mr. Mountague was much troubled about his book, 

d [Upon this point see a full and complete justification of the 
archbishop, in the History of his Troubles, p. 3 18, sq.] 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



S3 



but made a shift by bis powerful friends to save A P- ! / w J- 

* * i Chnrles I. 

himself. During the sitting whereof, at the instance 

and procurement of Robert Rich, earl of Warwick, 
a conference was kept in York house, before the 
duke of Buckingham and other lords, betwixt Dr. 
Buckeridge, bishop of Rochester, and Dr. White, 
dean of Carlisle, on the one side, and Dr Morton, 
bishop of Coventry, and Dr. Preston on the other, 
about Arminian points, and chiefly the possibility of 
one elected to fall from grace e . The passages of 



c [Not upon Arminian points, 
although our author is pleased 
to call them such. The confer- 
ence resjiected points of doctrine 
and discipline, where, in sup- 
port of his views, Mountague 
appealed to the writings of the 
primitive church. Indeed he 
earnestly disclaimed the tenets 
of Arminius, or any other pri- 
vate teacher, as may he seen in 
the following passage : " I am 
" not, nor would be accounted 
" willingly, Arminian, Calvin- 
44 ist, or Lutheran, (names of di- 
" vision,) but a Christian. For 
" my faith was never taught by 
" the doctrine of men. I was 
not baptized into the belief, 
or assumed by grace into the 
" family of any of these, or of 
•• the pope. I will not pin my 
" belief unto any man's sleeve, 
" carry he his head never so high ; 
" not unto S. Augustin, or any 
" ancient father, nedum unto 
" men of lower rank. A Chris- 
'* tian I am and so glory to be ; 
" only denominated of Christ 
" Jesus my lord and master, by 
whom I never was as yet so 
wronged that I would relin- 
quish willingly that royal 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



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tt 

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tt 
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it 
it 



title, and exchange it for any 
of his menial servants. And 
further yet I do profess that 
I see no reason why any 
member of the Church of 
England, a church every way 
so transcendant unto that of 
Leyden and Geneva, should 
bend so low as to denomi- 
nate himself of any the most 
eminent among them. 

" For Arminianism I 

must and do protest before 
God and his angels, id que in 
verbo sacerdotis, the time is 
yet to come that I ever read 
word in Arminius. The course 
of my studies was never ad- 
dressed to modern epitom- 
izers ; but from my first en- 
trance to the study of divi- 
nity, I balked the ordinary 
and accustomed bye- paths of 
Bastingius' Catechism, Fen- 
ner's Divinity, Buchanan's 
Common-places, Trelcasius, 
Polanus, and such like ; and 
betook myself to scripture, 
the rule of faith, interpreted 
by antiquity, the' best expo- 
sitor of faith and applier of 
that rule : holding it a point 
of discretion to draw water, 

I) 



34 The Church History book xe. 

A ^P* 1 . 62 5* which conference are variously reported. For -it is 

I Charles I. ,11 

not in tongue combats, as in other battles, where 

the victory cannot be disguised, as discovering itself 
in keeping the field, number of the slain, captives, 
and colours taken. Whilst here, no such visible 
effects appearing, the persons present were left to 
their liberty to judge of the conquest as each one 
stood affected. However William* earl of Pembroke, 
was heard to say, "that none returned Arminians 
4i thence, save such who repaired thither with the 
" same opinions." 

ABecondon g(} # Soon after, a second conference was entertain- 

the same 

■ubjecu. ed in the same place, on the same points, before the 
game persons ; betwixt Dr. White, dean of Carlisle, 
and Mr. Mountague on the one side, and Dr. Mor- 
ton, bishop of Lichfield, and Dr. Preston on the 
other. Dr. Preston carried it clear at the first by 
dividing his adversaries; who quickly perceiving 
their error, pieced themselves together in a joint op- 
position against him. The passages also of this con- 
ference are as differently related as the former. Some 
making it f a clear conquest on one, some on the 
other side, and a third sort a drawn battle betwixt 
both. Thus the success of these meetings answered 
neither the commendable intentions, nor hopeful 
expectations, of such who procured them. Now 
whilst other dare say universally of such conferences, 
what David saith of mankind, that of them, *there 



*' as near as I could, to the •' to I have not repented me of 

" well-head, and to spare labor •• it." Appello, p. 10, sq.] 

" in vain in running further off f Thus the writer of Dr. 

c< to cisterns and lakes. I went Preston's Life concludes the 

" to inquire when doubt was of conquest on his side. 

'• the days of old, as God him- ff Psalm xlv. 3. 

" self directed me, and hither- 



CENT. XVII. 



of' Britain. 



35 



is none that doeth good; no, not one: we dare only a. d. 1635. 

intimate, tbat (what statesmen observe of inter " 

views betwixt princes; so) these conferences be- 
twixt divines rather increase the differences than 
abate them 11 . 

37. The bishop of Lincoln fell now, through the The bishop 

,1,. 11*9 1*1 1 it of Lincoln 

dukes, into the kings, displeasure; and such who loseth his 
will read the late letters in the Cabala may conjee- pST * 
ture the cause thereof, but the certainty we leave to 
be reported by the historians of the state ; belonging 
in his episcopal capacity to my pen, but as lord 
keeper properly to theirs. 

38. The bishop, finding his own tottering con- The duke 
dition, addressed himself to all who had intimacy gainst him. 
with the duke, to reingratiate himself. But such 
after-games at court seldom succeed ; all would not 

do : for as amicus omnium optimus was part of the 
duke's epitaph ', so no fiercer foe when displeased ; 
and nothing under the bishop's removal from his 
office would give him satisfaction. 

39- Sir John Suckling was sent unto him from The w- 

# . shop's wari- 

the king to demand the broad seal of him, which ness in re. 
the cautious bishop refused to surrender into hisJS"* 
hands, to prevent such uses as might be made there- 
of (by him or others) in the interval betwixt this 



h [Of these conferences, 
which made great noise at 
the time, and certainly caused 
a great change in the senti- 
ments of bishop Morton, some 
account will be found in Ball's 
Life of Preston, p. 101, sq. 
But the writer of that life has 
either so entirely misunderstood 
or misrepresented the argu- 
ments, us to make the defenders 
of the sentiments he disliked 



talk arrant nonsense, and sup- 
port their tenets in a way utter- 
ly at variance with their printed 
works. An account of the se- 
cond conference is printed in 
the appendix to Cosins' History 
of Transubstantiation, found a- 
mong some MS. papers in the 
Bodleian ; and probably writ- 
ten by Cosins.] 

1 On his tomb in Westmin- 
ster chapel. 

D 2 



36 The Church History jiook xi. 

a.d. 1615. resigning it, and the king's conferring it on another; 
but he charily locked it up in a box, and sent the 

box by the knight, and key thereof inclosed in a 

letter to his majesty. 
But keeps 40. However, his bruise was the less, because he 

his bishop- 
ric fell but from the first loft and saved himself on the 

second floor. Outed his lord-keepership, but keep- 
ing his bishopric of Lincoln and deanery of West- 
minster, though forced to part with the king's purse, 
he held his own, and that well replenished. And 
now he is retired to Bugden-great, where, whether 
greater his anger at his enemies for what he had 
lost, or gratitude to God for what he had left, though 
others may conjecture, his own conscience only could 
decide. Here we leave him at his hospitable table, 
where sometimes he talked so loud, that his dis- 
course at the second hand was heard to London, 
by those who bare no good-will unto him. 
a new col- 41. An old hall turned into a new college was 
old hail in this year finished at Oxford. This formerly was 
called Broadgate's Hall, and had many students 
therein, k amongst whom, Edmund Bonner, after- 
wards bishop of London, (scholar enough and tyrant 
too much,) had his education 1 . But this place was 
not endowed with any revenues till about this time ; 
for Thomas Tesdale, of Glympton, in the county of 
Oxford, esquire, bequeathed five thousand pounds, 
wherewith lands were purchased to the value of two 
hundred and fifty pounds per annum, for the main- 
tenance of seven fellows and six scholars. After- 
wards Richard Whitwick, bachelor of divinity, rector 
of East Ilsley in Berkshire, gave lands to the yearly 

k [So well frequented and known as to become a proverb.] 
1 O *5 2 4-] 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



37 



value of one hundred pounds, for the maintenance a. p. 16*5. 

of three fellows and four scholars ; whereupon, peti " 

tion being made to king James, this new college 
was erected, and a charter of mortmain of seven 
hundred pounds per annum granted thereunto. 

42. It was called Pembroke College, partly in Called Pem- 
respect to William, earl of Pembroke, then chan-iege. e 
cellor of the university, partly in expectation to 
receive some favour from him. And probably had 
not that noble lord died suddenly soon after, this 
college might have received more than a bare name 
from him. The best, where a child hath rich pa- 
rents it needeth the less any gifts from the god- 
father. 



Matters, 


Benefactors. 


Bishops. 


Learned Writers. 


1. [1624] Dr. [Thomas] Clay- 
ton, M.D. 

2. [1647. Henry Wightwick, 
ejected by Parliament; re. 
stored in 1660; and eject- 
ed by the chancellor a se- 
cond time, 1664.] 

3. [1647] Dr. [Henry] Lang- 
ley. 


King Charles, 
who gave the 
patronage of 
St. Aldate's, 
the church 
adjoining. 




Sir Thomas Browne, 
Physician. 



So that this college consisteth of a master, ten 
fellows, and ten scholars, with other students and 
officers to the number of one hundred sixty-nine. 

43. " The doctor and the duke were both of them 
unwilling to an open breach, loved for to temporise 
and wait upon events™". Surely temporise here is 
taken in the apostolic sense, according to some 
copies, " serving the times 11 ". And henceforward the 

m ~ Dr. Preston's Life, p. 505. 

B Rom. xii. II. r$ icaipy &ov\€vovrts. Ambrosiu?. 

p3 



38 



The Church History 



book xr. 



a. d. 1626. duke resolved to shake off the doctor, who would 

1 f hiirlrn T 

not stick close unto him, betaking himself to the 

opposite interest. Nor was the other surprised 

herein, as expecting the alteration long before. 

Dr. Piw. 44. By the late conferences at York house it 

Inthe n< * appeared, that by the duke's cold carriage towards 

v^ §fiu * l * m » ( an( * sn "li n g on his opponents,) Dr. Preston 

was now entering into the autumn of the duke's 

favour. Indeed, they were well met, each observing, 

neither trusting other, (as I read in the doctor's life, 

written by his judicious pupil.) 

The death 45. This year concluded the life of Arthur Lake, 

•hop Lake, warden of New College in Oxford, master of St. 

Cross's, dean of Worcester, and at last promoted 

bishop of Bath and Wells, not so much by the power 

of his brother, sir Thomas, (secretary to king James,) 

as his own desert ; as one whose piety may be justly 

exemplary to all of his order. He seldom (if at all) 

is said to have dreamt, justly imputed, not to the 

dulness of his fancy, in which faculty he had no 

defect, but to the staidness of his judgment, wherein 

he did much excel, as by his learned sermons doth 

appear . 

The death 46. About the same time Lancelot Andrews ended 

and charac- 
ter of bi- bis religious lifeP; born at Allhallows-Barking in 

drew*, 11 London; scholar, fellow, and master of Pembroke 

Hall in Cambridge*. Then dean of Westminster, 



[He died May 4. See 
Wood's Athen. vol. i. p. 505.] 

P [See Buckeridge's Sermon 
upon bishop Andrews' death, 
Nov. 11, 1626.] 

q [Perhaps there never ex- 
isted a prelate so universally 
beloved as Andrews. Al- 
though a zealous and earnest 



admirer of the primitive church, 
and one of the most learned 
men of his days, he bore his 
faculties so meekly, his humi- 
lity was so unaffected, his piety 
so real and sincere, that all 
parties have joined in com- 
mending him. " This is that 
" Andrews," says Hacket, who 



CXWT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



39 



bishop of Chichester, Ely, and at last of Winchester 1 ". ^J^jf 7 *!' 

The world wanted learning to know how learned 

this man was, so skilled in all {especially oriental) 
languages, that some conceive he might (if then 
living) almost have served as an interpreter general at 
the confusion of tongues. Nor are the fathers more 
faithfully cited in his books, than lively copied out 
in his countenance and carriage; his gravity in a 
manner awing king James, who refrained from that 
mirth and liberty, in the presence of this prelate, 
which otherwise he assumed to himself. He lieth 
buried in the chapel of St. Mary Overe's, having on 
his monument a large, elegant, and true epitaph 8 . 



had personally known him, 
" the ointment of whose name 
" is sweeter than all spices. 
This is that celebrated bishop 
of Winton, whose learning 
king James admired above all 
his chaplains. Indeed, he 
" was the most apostolical and 
primitive-like divine, in my 
opinion, that wore a rochet 
in his age ; of a most vener- 
able gravity, and yet most 
sweet in all commerce ; the 
most devout that ever I saw 
when he appeared before God ; 
** of such a growth in all kind 
u of learning, that very able 
" clerks were of a low 6tature 
to him ; colossus inter icun- 
culas ; foil of alms and cha- 
rity, of which none knew but 
his Father in secret; a certain 
patron to scholars of fame 
and ability, and chiefly to 
" those that never expected it. 
'* I am transported even as in 
" a rapture to make this digres- 
sion ; for who could come 
near the shrine of such a 



** 



<€ 



<« 



«< 



<% 



<* 



«4 



«< 



€€ 



<t 



** 



f* 



€* 



«C 



4* 



4« 



U 



" saint and not offer up a few 
" grains of glory upon it !" 
Life of Williams, p. 45.] 

r [Wood dates his death 
upon Sept. 26, 1626, wherein 
he is followed by a MS. in 
the Heralds' College, and by 
Parker in his Seel. Cant, (see 
Wood's Fast. vol. i. p. 219, 
and the notes.) But Godwin 
de Praesul. p. 245, and Heylyn 
in his Life of Laud, p. 165, 
date it on the 21st. In this 
they are supported by the fol- 
lowing entry in Laud's Diary, 
p. 36, which is decisive of the 
question: " Sep. 21. die Lunee, 
" hora matutina fere quarta 
•' Lancelotus Andrews, episco- 
** pus Winton. nieritissimus, 
" lumen orbis Christiani, mor- 
" tuus est." He died at the 
age of 71. His Life, written 
by Isaacson, may be seen in 
Fuller's Abel Redivivua, and 
has also been printed sepa- 
rately.] 

8 S tow's Survey of London, 
[vol. ii. p. 1 4 and 1 6.] 

D 4 



40 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1626. 47. Since bis death some have unjustly snarled at 
-his memory, accusing him for covetousness, who 

Unjustly . . - . 

accused for was neither rapaa\ to get by unjust courses, (as 
covetous- a pj^fegg^ enemy to usury, simony, and bribery,) 



ness, 



and super- 
stition. 



nor tenaw, to hold money when just occasion called 
for it ; for in his lifetime he repaired all places he 
lived in, and at his death left the main of his estate 
to pious uses. Indeed he was wont to say, "that 
" good husbandry was good divinity 1 ," the truth 
whereof no wise man will deny. 

48. Another falls foully upon him for the orna- 
ments of his chapel, as popish and superstitious, in 
the u superabundant ceremonies thereof, to which 
I can say little ; but this I dare affirm, that where- 
soever he was a parson, a dean, or a bishop, he 
never troubled parish, college, or diocess, with press- 
ing other ceremonies upon them than such which 
he found used there before his coming thither. And 
it had not been amiss if such, who would be ac- 
counted his friends and admirers, had followed him 
in the footsteps of his moderation, content with the 
enjoying, without the enjoining, their private prac- 
tices and opinions on others 1 . 
c«i»deMiy 49. As for such who causelessly have charged his 
with affect- sermons as affected, and >' surcharged with verbal 
sermons, allusions, when they themselves have set forth the 



* [See his sermon on Mary's 
anointing our Lord's feet, p. 
287. Buckeridge's sermon suf- 
ficiently disproves this slander.] 

u Prynne, in Canterbury's 
Doom, p. 1 a 1, sq. 

x [He means archbishop 
Laud, who was exceedingly 
devoted to Andrews ; publish- 
ing his sermons and writing the 



preface prefixed to them. The 
ceremonies used in dedicating 
Catharine Cree Church, for 
which the archbishop was vehe- 
mently taxed, (see Rush worth, 
vol. i. p. 77,) were derived from 
Andrews. See Heylyn's Life 
of Laud, p. 49.] 

y Bayley in his Laudensium 
Autocatacrisis, [p. 89.] 



CKNT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



41 



like, it will then be time enough to make thisA.D. ir>*r». 

bishop's first defence against their calumniations - •' 

Nor is it a wonder that the master's pen was so 
in his writings, whose very servant (a layman) was 
so successful in the same ; I mean Mr. Henrv Isaac- 
son, (lately gone to God,) the industrious author of 
the useful Chronology 1 . 

50. It is pity to part this patron from his chap- Nicholas 
lain, Nicholas Fuller, born, as I take it, in 1 1 amp- chaplain, 
shire, bred in Oxford, where he was tutor to sir ab ie Stic. 
Henry Wallop, who afterwards preferred him to 
the small parsonage of Allington in Wiltshire; 
and Robert Abbot, bishop of Salisbury, made him 
canon of that church. Afterwards a living of great 
value was sent by bishop Andrews (the patron* 
thereof) on the welcome errand to find out Mr. 
Fuller to accept the same, who was hardly contented 
to be surprised with a presentation thereunto ; such 
his love to his former small living and retired life b . 
He was the prince of all our English critics; and 
whereas men of that tribe are generally morose, 



* [Author of the Life of bi- 
shop Andrews, generally pre- 
fixed to his Works.] 

* See bishop Andrews his 
funeral sermon, [by bishop 
Buckeridge, at the end of his 
Works.] 

b [Aubrey tells the follow- 
ing anecdote, which he received 
from good authority, respect- 
ing Nicholas Fuller's present- 
ation. Speaking of Andrews' 
industry in searching out and 
promoting poor and deserving 
clergymen, he observes ; " The 
" bishop made it his inquiry to 
" search out such men. A- 



" mongst several others, (whose 
" names have escaped my me- 
" mory,) Nicholas Fuller, min- 
" isterof Allington, near Ames- 
" bury, in Wilts, was one. The 
" bishop sent for him, and the 
" poor man was afraid, and 
" knew not what hurt he had 
" done. He makes him sit 
" down to dinner : and, after 
" the dessert, was brought in, in 
" a dish, his institution and in- 
" duction, or the donation of a 
" prebend, which was his way." 
Letters from the Bodleian, vol. 
ii. p. 206.] 



42 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A.D. 1626. so that they cannot dissent from another without 

2 Charlen I. 

'disdaining, nor oppose without inveighing against 

him, it is hard to say whether more candour, learn- 
ing, or judgment, was blended in his miscellanies. 
By discovering how much Hebrew there is in the 
New Testament Greek, he cleareth many real diffi- 
culties from his verbal observations , 
ceedl™*^ &l. A commission was granted unto five bishops 
gam«tarrfi- ( w hereof bishop Laud of the quorum) to suspend 
i*>t. Su»- archbishop Abbot from exercising his authority any 

pendedfrom « « • 1 #» 1 1 • • j 

hi 8 juriadio longer, because uncanomcal for casual homicide; 
tion- the proceeding against him being generally con- 
demned as over rigid and severed. 



c [See a very just commend- 
ation of Nicholas Fuller in 
Wood's Athen. vol. i. p. 474.] 
d [The observations on this 
passage in " The Appeal, &c." 
part iii. p. 1 o, deserve serious 
attention. Dr. Heylyn says, 
" Had our author said that 
" bishop Laud had been one of 
" the number, he had hit it 
" right ; the commission being 
" granted to five bishops, viz. 
" Dr. Mountain, bishop of Lon- 
" don ; Dr. Neil, bishop of 
" Durham ; Dr. Buckeridge, 
" bishop of Rochester; Dr. 
" Howson, bishop of Oxford ; 
" and Dr. Laud bishop of Bath 
" and Wells ; and to any four, 
" three, or two of them, and 
" no more than so. Had bi- 
shop Laud been of the quo- 
rum, his presence and con- 
" sent had been so necessary 
" to all their consultations, 
" conclusions, and despatch of 
" businesses, that nothing could 
" be done without him," &c. 
To this Fuller replies : ''Be 



•« 



tt 



tt 

tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 

tc 

tt 
tt 

tt 
C< 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
t€ 
it 
tt 
tt 
It 
tt 

tt 

tt 

tt 

tt 

tt 

it 



it remembered that here I 
use the word quorum not in 
the legal strictness thereof, 
but in that passable sense in 
common discourse; viz. for 
one so active in a business, 
that nothing is, though it 
may be, done without him 
therein. 

" When the writing for arch- 
bishop Abbot's suspension 
was to be subscribed by the 
bishops aforesaid, the four 
seniors, viz. London, Dur- 
ham, Rochester, and Oxford, 
all declined to set their hands 
thereunto, and, seemingly at 
the least, shewed much re- 
luctance and regret thereat. 
Then give me the pen, said 
bishop Laud, and though last 
in place first subscribed his 
name. Encouraged by whose 
words and example, the rest, 
after some demur, did the 
like. This was attested to 
me by him who had best 
cause to know it, the good 
and credible register, still 



TENT. XVII. 



<tf Britain. 



43 



i. The act was committed seven years since, inA.D. 1626. 
the reign of king James. 

ii. On a commission then appointed for that pur- 
pose, he was cleared from all irregularity, by bishop 
Andrews, in divinity ; sir Edward Coke in common, 
and sir Henry Martin in canon law. 

iii. It would be of dangerous consequence to 
condemn him by the canons of foreign councils, 
which never were allowed any legislative power in 
this land. 

iv. The archbishop had manifested much remorse 
and self-affliction for this (rather sad than sinful) 
act. 

v. God may be presumed to have forgotten so 
much as there was of fault in the fact, and why then 
should man remember it ? 

vi. Ever since he had executed his jurisdiction 
without any interruption 6 . 

vii. The archbishop had both feet in the grave, 
and all his whole body likely soon after to follow 
them. 

viii. Such heightening of casual homicide did 
savour of intentional malice. 



" alive, who attended in the 
" place upon them. This I 
" formerly knew, but conceal- 
" ed it ; and had not published 
" it now, if not necessitated 
" thereunto in my just de- 
" fence."] 

e [" I must needs add, that 
" he is very much mistaken in 
" this particular. Dr. Williams, 
" lord elect of Lincoln ; Dr. 
'• Carew, lord elect of Exeter ; 
" and Dr. Laud, lord elect of 
" St. David's, and I think some 



•« 



others, refusing to receive 
" episcopal consecration from 
" him on that account." Dr. 
Heylyn, in "The Appeal," 
&c. p. 12, pt.iii. Fuller re- 
plies, " I beheld this as no 
" effectual interrupting of his 
jurisdiction, because other 
bishops, more in number, no 
" whit their inferiors, received 
" consecration, Dr. Davenant, 
" Dr. Hall, and king Charles 
" himself his coronation from 
" him." Ibid.] 



« 



t* 



44 



The Church History 



BOOK XK 



ad. 1626. The truth is, the archbishop's own stiffness and 
' averseness to comply with the court designs, advan- 
taged his adversaries against him, and made him the 
more obnoxious to the king's displeasure. But the 
blame did most light on bishop Laud, men account- 
ing this a kind of filius ante diem> Sfc. as if not con- 
tent to succeed, he endeavoured to supplant him; 
who might well have suffered his decayed old age to 
have died in honour. What needs the felling of 
the tree a falling f ? 



f [On this Dr. Heylyn re- 
marks, " No such matter nei- 
" ther ; for though for a while 
" he stood confined to his house 
" at Ford, yet neither this con- 
" finement, nor that commis- 
" sion, were of long continu- 
" ance ; for about Christmas, 
,4 in the year 1628, he was re- 
" stored both to his liberty and 
" jurisdiction, sent for to come 
" unto the court, received as 
" he came out of his barge by 
4< the archbishop of York and 
" the earl of Dorset, and by 
" them conducted to the king, 
" who, giving him his hand to 
" kiss, enjoined him not to fail 
" the council-table twice a 
" week. After which time we 
" find him sitting as archbishop 
" in parliament, and in the full 
" exercise of his jurisdiction 
" till the day of his death, 
" which happened on Sunday, 
" August 4th, 1633." Fuller 
replies, "But from this his 

" suspension he was in his 

" own thoughts buried, it re- 
" viving his obnoxiousness for 
" his former casual homicide; 
" so that never he was seen 
" heartily, if at all, to laugh 



" hereafter, though, I deny not, 
" much court favour was after* 
" wards on design conferred on 
t% him. Here I hope it will be 
•' no offence to insert this inno- 
u cent story, partly to shew how 
" quickly tender guiltiness is 
" dejected, partly to make folk 
" cautious how they cast out 
" galling speeches in this kind. 
" This archbishop returning to 
" Croydon after his late ab- 
" sence thence a long time, 
" many people, most women, 
" whereof some of good quality 
" for good will, for novelty and 
" curiosity, crowded about his 
"coach. The archbishop, being 
•' unwilling to be gazed at, and 
" never fond of females, said, 
" somewhat churlishly, ' What 
" make these women here ? ' 
" ' You had best,' said one of 
•« them, ' to shoot an arrow at 
" us/ I need not tell the read- 
•• er how near this second arrow 
" went to his heart." There 
is a very pleasing anecdote 
respecting Abbot related in an 
unpublished letter of J. Pory 
to sir Thomas Pickering, (dated 
Sept. 20, 1632.) " One day the 
" last week my lord of A run- 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 45 

52. However, a double irood accrued hereby to AI) ,f>a 

2 Churlett 

the archbishop. First, he became the more beloved 



Two pjod 



of men ; (the country hath constantly a blessing for effects of 
those, for whom the court hath a curse.) And >a< c *" w 
secondly, he may charitably be presumed to love 
God the more, whose service he did the better 
attend, being freed from the drudgery of the world, 
as that soul which hath the least of Martha hath the 
most of Mary therein. 

53. And although this archbishop survived some Thecham 
years after, yet it will be seasonable here for us tobiihop At 
take a fair farewell of his memory, seeing hence- lK)t * 
forward he was buried to the world. He was bred 
in Oxford, master of University College ; an excel- 
lent preacher, as appears by his Lectures on Jonah ; 
chaplain to the earl of Dunbar, (with whom he was 
once solemnly sent by king James into Scotland to 

M del and his son, my lord Mai- "noble usage of his son and 

" travers, having espied my " daughter, Malt ravers, while 

" lord of Canterbury's coach on "they were his prisoners/ 

•* Barnsted Down coming to- " Whereupon my lord's grace 

" wards their 's, before they " took occasion to congratulate 

" came a butt's length short of " unto both their lordships, my 

" it both their lordships alight- " lord Maltravers his brave and 

" ed and went a great pace to- " hopeful progeny of three sons 

" wards his grace's coach, who, " and a daughter : and so they 

•• when they were approached, " parted. His grace by his 

" said, • What ! and must my " diet hath so moderated his 

" lord marshal of England take " gout, as it is now rather an 

" so great pains to do me so " infirmity than a pain. He 

" much honour ? were my legs u looks fresh, and enjoys his 

" as good as my heart, I should " health, and hath his wits and 

" have met your lordships the " intellectuals about him. So 

'• better half of the way.' Then " that if any other prelate do 

" my lord of Arundel replied, " gape after his benefice, his 

•' ' It might well become an " grace perhaps (according to 

" earl marshal to give so much " that old and homely proverb) 

" respect to an archbishop of " [may] eat of the goose which 

" Canterbury, besides the par- •' shall graze upon his grave." 

" ticular obligation from his Harl. MSS. 7000. fol. 181.] 
lordship to his grace for his 



46 



Tl* Chunk History 



BOOK XI. 



a. D.1676. preach there,) and afterwards by his means promoted 

2 Charles 1. 

to the archbishopric of Canterbury, haply according 

to his own, but sure I am above, if not against, 
the expectations of others ; a grave man in his con- 
versation, and unblamable in his life*. 

Accounted 54. Indeed it is charged on him that nan amavit 

no great 111 %* 

friend to the gentem nostram, "he loved not our nation, for- 
ew ' saking the birds of his own feather to fly with others, 
and generally favouring the laity above the clergy in 
all cases brought before him. But this he endea- 
voured to excuse to a private friend, by protesting 
he was himself so severe to the clergy on purpose 
to rescue them from the severity of others, and 
to prevent the punishment of them from lay judges 
to their greater shame. 
Accused for 55. I also read in a nameless author 11 , that to- 
of maieoon- wards his death he was not only discontented himself, 
tenu * but his house was the rendezvous of all malecontents 
in church and state ; making midnight of noonday 
by constant keeping of candles 9 light in his chamber 
and study; as also such visitants as repaired unto 



* [It was generally expected 
as it was hoped by the clergy 
that Andrews should have suc- 
ceeded Bancroft in the see of 
Canterbury, a prelate incom- 
parably better suited to such 
a preferment than Abbot. 
Though a good man, Abbot 
had never held any preferment 
in the church, and " was of a 
" morose and retiring temper, 
" and wholly devoted to the 
" Calvinistic party." But the 
interest of the earl of Dunbar 
with the king procured Abbot 
this promotion, — the king open- 
ly professing that it was the 



earl's recommendation which 
moved him to prefer that pre- 
late " before the rest of his 
•' fellows." See Birch's View 
of the Negotiations, &c. p. 338. 
The archbishop's character is 
drawn by lord Clarendon, with 
his usual felicity in his History 
of the Rebellion, vol.i. p. 156.] 
h In answer to Weldon's 
pamphlet intituled, The Court 
and Character of King James, 
p. 132. [This answer is gene- 
rally attributed to William 
Saunderson, author of a His- 
tory of the Reign of James I. 
and Charles I.] 



CENT. XVI 1. 



of Britain. 



47 



him called themselves Nicodemites because of their A *P- \ 62 ^ 

a Charles I. 



secret addresses 1 . But a credible person k , and one 
of his nearest relations, knew nothing thereof, which 
with me much shaketh the probability of the report. 
And thus we leave this archbishop, and the rest of 
his praises, to be reported by the poor people of 
Guildford in Surrey, where he founded and endowed 
a fair almshouse in the town of his nativity. 

56. The king's treasury now began to grow low, £ toleration 
and his expenses to mount high. No wonder then Ireland. 
if the statesmen were much troubled to make up the 
distance betwixt his exchequer and his occasions. 
Amongst other designs, the papists in Ireland, 
(taking advantage of the king's wants,) proffered 
to pay constantly five thousand men if they might 
but enjoy a toleration. But that motion was crushed 
by the bishops opposing it, and chiefly by bishop 
Downham's sermon in Dublin, on this text, Luke i. 
74, That we, being delivered from the hands of our 
enemies, might serve him without fear l . 



* [And so it is stated by the 
noble historian. Indeed, the 
archbishop was not much belov- 
ed by the clergy, with whom he 
appears to have had but little 
community of feeling. For he 
was in truth, as the same his- 
torian describes him, " totally 
" ignorant of the true consti- 
" tution of the Church of Eng- 
" land, and the state and in- 
" terest of the clergy; as suffi- 
••" ciently appeared throughout 
" the whole course of his life 
" afterward." Rebel, vol. i. 
p. 156. John Featley also, in 
his Life of Dr. Featley, gives 
a very striking instance of the 
morosenes* and uncharitable- 



ness of the Archbishop, whose 
anecdote is more likely to be 
correct, as Featley entertained 
the same sentiments as Abbot. 
To this may be added the 
unquestionable authority of 
Hacket, who, speaking of the 
archbishop's rigorous conduct 
in the high commission court, 
observes, that " sentences of 
'* great correction, or rather of 
" destruction, have their epocha 
" from his predominancy in 
" that court." Life of Wil- 
liams, p. 97.] 

k Dr. Barnard his household 
chaplain. 

1 [This protest of the Irish 
bishops against any toleration to 



i 



48 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A.D. 1626. 
1 Charles I. 

Hopes to 
spring in 
England, 



But is re- 
jected. 



57. Many a man sunk in his estate in England 
hath happily recovered it by removing into Ireland ; 
whereas, by a contrary motion, this project, bank- 
rupt in Ireland, presumed to make itself up in 
England : where the papists promised to maintain 
a proportion of ships on the aforesaid condition, of 
free exercise of their religion. Some were desirous 
the king should accept their tender, who might 
lawfully take what they were so forward to give, 
seeing no injury is done to them who are willing. 

58. It was urged on the other side, that where 
such willingness to be injured proceeds from the 
principle of an erroneous conscience, there their 
simplicity ought to be informed, not abused. Grant 
papists so weak as to buy, protestants should be 
more honest than to sell such base wares unto them. 
Such ships must needs spring many leaks, rigged, 
victualled and manned with ill-gotten money gained 



the Roman Catholics is printed 
in Parr's Life of Usher, p. 28. 
They state that the religion of 
the papists is superstitious and 
idolatrous, their faith and doc- 
trine erroneous and heretical, 
their church, in respect of both, 
apostolical, and consequently 
that to grant them toleration 
is a grievous sin; 1. In making 
ourselves thereby accessory to 
their superstition and idolatry, 
as also to the perdition of the 
people that perish by their se- 
ductions; 2. That to grant 
them toleration in respect of 
any money to be given, is to set 
religion to sale, and with it the 
souls of the people. This pro- 
testation Dr. Downham, bishop 
of Derry, published at Christ- 
Church at the next meeting of 



the assembly, April 23, 1627, 
before the lord deputy and 
council in the midst of his ser- 
mon, in which he spoke much 
against subordinating religion, 
and setting souls to sale for the 
gain of earthly matters. The 
next Sunday, primate Usher 
preached before the same audi- 
tory on the words, Love not the 
world, nor the things that are 
in the world, 1 John v. 15. 
making a similar application, 
and rebuking those who, like 
Judas, would sell Christ for 
thirty pieces of silver. These 
proceedings of the bishops pre- 
vailed so far that the proposal 
for a toleration did not succeed, 
at least for the present. See 
Parr, ibid. See also Usher's 
Letters, p. 376.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 49 

by the sale of souls. Add here all the objections a. d. 1618. 

were revived which in the reign of king James were 4 " 

improved against such a toleration. 

59. Here sir John Savile interposed, that if tbe||'£j , ?i 
king were pleased but to call on the recusants to motion. 
pay thirds, (legally due to the crown,) it would 
prove a way more effectual and less offensive to 
raise a mass of money ; it being but just, who were 

so rich and free to purchase new privileges, should 
first pay their old penalties. This motion was list- 
ened unto, and sir John, with some others, appointed 
for that purpose in the counties beyond Trent, scarce 
a third of England in ground, but almost the half 
thereof for the growth of recusants therein; but 
whether the returns seasonably furnished the king's 
occasions is to me unknown. 

60. It is suspicious that all such projects toApa *%j 
quench the thirst of the king's necessities proved which 

no better than sucking bottles, soon emptied, and STuSubies. 
but cold the liquor they afforded. Nothing so 
natural as the milk of the breast, I mean subsidies 
granted by parliament, which the king at this time 
assembled. But alas, to follow the metaphor, both 
the breasts, the two houses, were so sore with several 
grievances, that all money came from them with 
much pain and difficulty; the rather, because they 
complained of doctrines destructive to their pro- 
priety lately preached at court. 

61. For towards the end of this session of par- Mr. Pym'§ 
liament, Dr. Main waring was severely censured for gainst Dr. 
two sermons he had preached and printed about the ri^ Wft " 
power of the king's prerogative. Such is the preci- 
pice of this matter, (wherein each casual slip of 

my pen may prove a deadly fall,) that I had rather 

VULLEft, VOL. VI. E 



50 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1628. the reader should take all from Mr. Pym's mouth 



4 Charles 1. 



than from ray hand, who thus uttered himself 



m 



m [This speech and the 
proceedings against Dr. Main- 
waring have been published at 
full length by Rushworth, in 
his Collections, vol.i. p. 601. 
As to justice in these proceed- 
ings there was none ; and while 
the commons thus punished 
severely the indiscretion of 
one sermon, where the author 
had pushed his principles, good 
in themselves, to indiscreet 
lengths, they let pass without 
censure hundreds of sermons 
in which seditious principles 
and far worse divinity were 
inculcated ; thus verifying lord 
Clarendon's observation of the 
sickly humour of the times, 
that men were " more troubled 
" at that they called the viola- 
" tion of one law, than de- 
" lighted or pleased with the 
" observation of all the rest of 
" the charter." 

But the reasons which drove 
on both houses to this censure 
have been more accurately de- 
tailed by bishop Hacket in his 
Life of Archbishop Williams : 
•' When the commons," he says, 
" fell roundly to sift the ex. 
" acting of the loan, the ill 
" will gotten by it touched 
" none so near as the clergy; 
" so ill was it taken that their 
" pulpits had advanced it, and 
" that some had preached a 
" great deal of crown-divinity, 
" as they called it. And they 
" were not long to seek for one 
" that should be made an ex- 
" ample for it. But to make 
" that which was like to be 

by consequent less offensive, 



«< 



" they unanimously voted a 
" gift of five subsidies, before 
" the king's servants had 
" spoken a word unto it. — 
" Straightway they called Dr. 
" Mainwaring, the king's chap- 
" lain, before them, for preach- 
" ing, but rather for printing, 
" two sermons delivered before 
" the king, the one at Oatlands, 
" the other at Alderton, in the 
" progress in July ; neither of 
" them at St. Giles' in the 
" Fields, as Mr. W. S[ander- 
•• son] might have found in 
" the title-page of them both. 
" These being in print no wit- 
" nesses needed to be deposed, 
•• the doctrine was above the 
" deck sufficiently discovered. 
" The sermons, both preached 
" upon one text, Eccl. viii. 2, 
" are confessedly learned, ^v- 
" tea noWa Xrya>v ervpoicriv opota, 
" (Odys. xxiii.) wherein art 
" and wit have gone about to 
" make true principles beget 
" false conclusions It was not 
" well done to hazard the dan- 
" gerous doctrine in them, for 
" the learning sake, to the 
" view of the world; for not 
" the seeds of a good melon, 
" but the good seeds of a 
melon should be preserved to 
be planted. No notice was 
taken of the king's special 
" command to publish these 
" tractates, but severing the 
author by himself he is de- 
signed to be censured, as 
" keepers beat whelps before 
" their lions to make them 
"gentler." Part ii. p. 74. Wil- 
liams publicly reprehended the 



<« 



n 



«« 



M 



»« 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



51 



«c 



<< 



«t 



ct 



" Master Speaker", I am to deliver from the sub- ad. 1628. 

committee a charge against Mr. Mainwaring, a 4 * 

preacher, and doctor of divinity, but a man so cri- 
" minou8 that he hath turned his titles into accu- 
" sations ; for the better they are the worse is he that 
" hath dishonoured them. Here is a great charge 
" that lies upon him ; it is great in itself, and great 
because it hath many great charges in it ; serpens, 
qui serpentem devoraifit draco; his charge, having 
" digested many charges into it, is become a monster 
" of charges. The main and great one is this : a 
" plot and policy to alter and subvert the frame and 
" fabric of this state and commonwealth. This is 
the great one, and it hath others in it that gains 
it more greatness ; for to this end he labours to 
" infuse into the conscience of his majesty the per- 
suasion of a power not bounding itself with laws, 
which king James of famous memory calls, in his 
speech in parliament, J 619, tyranny, yea, tyranny 
" accompanied with perjury. 

" Secondly, He endeavours to persuade the con- 
u sciences of the subjects, that they are bound to 
H obey illegal commands ; yea, he damns them for 
" not obeying them. 

"Thirdly, He robs the subjects of the propriety 
*' of their goods. 

** Fourthly, He brands them that will not lose 
" this propriety with most scandalous and odious 



« 



it 



«< 



u 



M 



sermons in the upper house, 
but none of the bishops thought 
fit to defend them. 

However, let Dr. Mainwar- 
ing'8 faults have been what they 
might theoretically, in practice 
he was a truly excellent and 
pious man. Some very pleas- 



ing anecdotes are related of him 
in Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 270. 
See also as account of him in 
Wood's Athen. ii. p. 1 141.] 

n Transcribed ont of his ma- 
nuscript speech. But by Rush- 
worth, (Coll. i. p. 593,) attri- 
buted to Rous.] 

E 2 



53 The Church History book x». 

a. p. 1618. « titles to make them hateful both to prince and 

" people, bo to set a division between the head and 

" members, and between the members themselves. 

44 Fifthly, To the same end (not mnch unlike 
44 to Faux and his fellows) he seeks to blow up par- 
" liaments and parliamentary power. These five 
44 being duly viewed, will appear to be so many 
" charges, and withal they make up the main and 
44 great charge, A mischievous plot to alter and sub- 
44 vert the frame and government of this state and 
44 commonwealth. And now that you may be sure 
44 that Mr. Mainwaring, though be leave us no pro- 
44 priety in our goods, yet he hath an absolute pro- 
" priety in his charge, andite ipsam beUuam y hear 
44 Mr. Mainwaring by his own words making up his 
a own charge." 

Here he produced the book, particularly insisting 
on pag. 19, 29, and SO, in the first sermon, pag. 3&, 
46, and 48, in the second sermon. All which pas- 
sages he heightened with much eloquence and acri- 
mony ; thus concluding his speech, " I have shewed 
" you an evil tree thai bringeth forth evil fruit, and 
44 now it rests with you to determine whether the 
44 following sentence shall follow, Cut it down and 
44 cast it into the fire? 
Theae?ere 62. Four days after the parliament proceeded to 
the doctor, his censure, consisting of eight particulars, it being 
ordered by the house of lords against him, as 
followeth : 

i. To be imprisoned during the pleasure of the 
house. 

ii. To be fined a thousand pounds. 

iii. To make his submission at the bar in this 
house, and in the house of commons, at the bar 



ckkt. xvn. of Britain. 58 

there, in verbis concept™ by a committee of this A - D - «*«•. 

house. 

iv. To be suspended from his ministerial function 
three years, and in the mean time a sufficient preach- 
ing man to be provided out of the profits of his 
living, and this to be left to be performed by the 
ecclesiastical court. 

v. To be disabled for ever hereafter from preach- 
ing at court. 

vi. To be for ever disabled of having any eccle- 
siastical dignity in the Church of England. 

vii. To be uncapable of any secular office or pre- 
ferment. 

viii. That his books are worthy to be burned, and 
his majesty to be moved that it may be so in Lon- 
don, and both the universities. 

But much of this censure was remitted, in con- 
sideration of the performance of his humble sub- 
mission at both the bars in parliament: 

63. Where he appeared on the three and twen- His humbte 
tieth of June following, and on his knees, before 
both houses, submitted himself as fblloweth, with 
outward expression of sorrow : 

" I do here, in all sorrow of heart and true re- 
" pentance, acknowledge those many errors and in- 
" discretions which I have committed in preaching 
and publishing the two sermons of mine, which 
I called Religion and Allegiance, and my great 
fault in falling upon this theme again, and hand- 
ling the same rashly, scandalously, and unad- 
visedly in my own parish church in St. Giles' in 
the fields, the fourth of May last past I do hum- 
bly acknowledge those three sermons to have been 
full of dangerous passages, inferences, and scan- 

eS 






cc 
it 



cc 



54 The Church Hut tort/ book xi. 

A.D.i6a8." dalous aspersions in most part of the same. And 

— " I do humbly acknowledge the just proceedings of 

" this honourable house against me, and the just 
" sentence and judgment passed upon me for my 
great offence. And I do from the bottom of my 
heart crave pardon of God, the king, and this 
a honourable house, and the commonweal in general, 
and those worthy persons adjudged to be reflected 
upon by me in particular, for those great offences 
" and errors." 

How this doctor, Roger Mainwaring, (notwith- 
standing the foresaid censure,) was afterwards pre- 
ferred, first to the deanery of Worcester, next to 
the bishopric of St. David's, God willing in due place 
thereof . 
The acts of 64. On Thursday, the 26th of this month, ended 

this parlia- 

ment. the session of parliament, wherein little relating to 
religion was concluded, save only that divers abuses on 
the Lord's day were restrained: "All carriers, carters, 
" waggoners, wain-men, drovers of cattle, forbidden 
*• to travel thereon, on the forfeit of twenty shillings 
" for every offence." Likewise, " Butchers to lose 
u six shillings and eight pence for killing or selling 
any victuals on that day/' A law was also made, 
That whosoever goeth himself, or sendeth others 
beyond the seas to be trained up in popery, &c. 
" shall be disabled to sue, &c, and shall lose all 
" his goods, and shall forfeit all his lands, &c. for 

[His vindictive opponents, cerning Dr. Mainwaring, now 
however, did not cease from bishop of St. David's, his ma- 
persecuting him, although many jesty had given command that 
years had passed away ; for the bishop should not come to 
on Tuesday, April 28, 1640, a sit in parliament or give any 
message was delivered to the proxy. See Nalson's Coll. ii. 
lords from his majesty, that p. 336. Any remarks on his 
there being some question con. sentence would be superfluous.] 



it 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 55 

44 life.* Five entire subsidies were granted to theA.p.i6a& 

king by the spirituality, and the said grant con * 

finned by the act of this parliament, which now 
was first; prorogued to the twentieth of October 
following, and then (on some intervening obstruc- 
tions) put off to the twentieth of January, when 
it began again. 

65. As for the convocation, concurrent, in time, Nothing 
with this parliament, nothing considerable was acted oonvoca- 
therein. Dr. Thomas Winniff, dean of Gloucester, t,on * 
preached the Latin sermon ; his text, Acts xx. 28, 
Attendite ad vos ipsos, et totum gregem> Sjc. Dr. 
Curie was chosen prolocutor, and a low voice would 
serve the turn where nothing was to be spoken. 

66. On the twentieth of July following, Dr. Pres- J h * d «J th 
ton died in his native county of Northamptonshire, ton. 
near the place of his birth, of a consumption, and 

was buried at Fauseley, Mr. Dodd preaching his 
funeral sermon; an excellent preacher, of whom 
Mr. Noy was wont to say, that he preached as if he 
knew God's will ; a subtle disputant and great poli- 
tician ; so that his foes must confess, that (if not 
having too little of the dove) he had enough of the 
serpent. Some will not stick to say he had large 
parts of sufficient receipt to manage the broad seal 
itself, which, if the condition had pleased him, was 
proffered unto him, for he might have been the duke's 
right hand, though at last less than his little finger 
unto him ; who, despairing that this patriarch of the 
presbyterian party would bring off his side unto 
him, used him no longer who would not or could 
not be useful unto him. Most of this doctor's post- 
hume books have been happy in their education, 
I mean in being well brought forth into the world, 

£ 4 



66 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1628. though all of them have not lighted on so good 

4. Charles L 00 

guardians; but his life is so largely and learnedly 

written by one of his own pupils^, that nothing can 
be added unto it. 

?b'1r A ^' About this time George Carleton, that grave 

Carieton. and godly bishop of Chichester, ended his pious life. 

i6afiL] He was born at Norham % in Northumberland, where 
his father was the keeper of that important castle in 
the marches, an employment speaking him wise and 
valiant in those dangerous and warlike days. He 
was bred and brought up under Mr. Bernard Gilpin, 
that apostolical man, (whose life he wrote in grati- 
tude to his memory,) and retained his youthful and 
poetical studies fresh in his old age. He was se- 
lected by king James one of the five divines sent 
over to the synod of Dort. He wrote many small 
tracts, (one against sir John Heydon about judi- 
cial astrology,) which conjoined would amount to 
a great volume. Mr. Richard Mountague, one of a 
different judgment, succeeded in his see, who at first 
met with some small opposition on the following 
occasion. 

Mr. Mount- gg # There is a solemnity performed before the 

ague s con- J r 

firmation consecration of every bishop in this manner: The 

OBDMfid 

royal assent being passed on his election, the arch- 
bishop's vicar-general proceeds to his confirmation, 
commonly kept in Bow church. A process is issued 
forth to call all persons to appear, to shew cause 
why the elect there present should not be confirmed. 
For, seeng a bishop is in a manner married to 
his see, (save that hereafter he taketh his surname 

P Mr. Tho. Ball, of North- Wood's Athen. i. p. 517.] 
ampton. [See a further account 4 Camden Brit, in Northum- 
of him and his writings in berland. 



. xvii. of Britain. 57 

from his wife, and not she from him,) this ceremony a. n. 1628. 
is a kind of asking the banns, to see if any can- — L!L-! 
allege any lawful cause to forbid them. Now at 
the confirmation of Mr. Mountague, when liberty was 
given to any objectors against him, one Mr. Hum- 
phreys, (since a parliament colonel, lately deceased,) 
and William Jones, a stationer of London, (who 
alone is mentioned in the record,) excepted against 
Mr. Mountague, as unfitting for the episcopal office, 
chiefly on this account, because lately censured by 
parliament for his book, and rendered uncapable of 
all preferment in the church. 

69. But exception was taken at Jones his excep- Bu * *• °p- 

position in* 

tions, (which the record calls prtetensos artictdos) effectual. 
as defective in some legal formalities. I have been 
informed, it was alleged against him for bringing in 
his objections viva voce, and not by a proctor, that 
court adjudging all private persons effectually dumb, 
who speak not by one admitted to plead therein. 
Jones returned, that he could not get any proctor, 
though pressing them importunately, and proffering 
them their fee, to present his exceptions, and there- 
fore was necessitated ore tenus there to allege them 
against Mr. Mountague. The register 1 " mentioneth 
no particular defects in his exceptions, but Dr. Rives 
(substitute at that time for the vicar-general) de- 
clined to take any notice of them, and concludeth 
Jones amongst the contumacious, quod nullo modo 
legitime comparuit, nee aliquid in hoe parte juxta 
juris exigentiam diceret, ewcipereU vel opponeret. Yet 
this good Jones did bishop Mountague, that he 
caused his addresses to the king to procure a par- 

r Registrant Cantuar. fol. 140. in anno 1628. 



58 'Hie Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1618. don, which was granted unto him in form like those 
1 — are> given at the coronation, save that some particu- 
lars were inserted therein for the pardoning of all 
errors heretofore committed, either in speaking, 
writing, or printing, whereby he might hereafter be 
questioned. The like at the same time was granted 
to Dr. Mainwaring, on whom the rich parsonage of 
Stanford Rivers, in Essex, was conferred, as void 
by bishop Mountague's preferment. 
Caution 70. An intention there was for the bishop and all 

seasonably , 

used. the company employed at his confirmation to dine 
at a tavern, but Dr. Thomas Rives utterly refused it, 
rendering this reason; that he had heard that the 
dining at a tavern gave all the colour to that far- 
spreading and long-lasting lie of Matthew Parker 
his being consecrated at the Nag's Head in Cheap- 
side ; and for ought he knew captious people would 
be ready to raise the like report on the same occa- 
sion. It being therefore Christian caution, not only 
to quench the fire of sin, but also (if possible) to 
put out the smoke of scandal, they removed their 
dining to another place. 
Thepariia- 71. On the twentieth of January the parliament 
solved. was reassembled, which died issueless (as I may say) 
tl * 9 '^ the March following, leaving no acts (abortions are no 
children) completed behind it. Let the reader who 
desireth further instructions of the passages herein 
consult the historians of the state. Indeed, if the 
way were good and weather fair, a traveller, to please 
his curiosity in seeing the country, might adventure 
to ride a little out of the road; but he is none 
of the wisest, who, in a tempest and miry way, will 
lose time and leave his own journey. If pleasant 
and generally acceptable were the transactions in this 



cent, xv 1 1 . of Britain. 59 

parliament, it might have tempted me to touch a a. 0.16*9. 
little thereon, out of the track of my church story ; 5Chark * ■ 
but finding nothing but stirs and storms therein, I 
will only go on fair and softly in my beaten path of 
ecclesiastical affaire. Bishop Laud had no great 
cause to be a mourner at the funerals of this parlia- 
ment, having entered it in his diary, that it endea- 
voured his destruction 8 . 

72. At this time Richard Smith*, (distinct from Prociama- 
Henry Smith, alias Lloyd, a Jesuit, whom some con- the highop 
found as the same person,) being in title bishop of S< °°~ 



ion. 



Chalcedon, in Greece, in truth, a dangerous English 
priest 11 , acted and exercised episcopal jurisdiction 
over the catholics here, by commission from the 
pope, appearing in his pontificalibus in Lancashire, 
with bis mitre and crosier, to the wonder of poor 
people, and conferring orders and the like. This 
was much offensive to the regulars, as entrenching 
on their privileges, who countermined him as much 
as they might. His majesty, having notice of this 
Romish agent, renewed his proclamation (one of a 
former date taking no effect) for his apprehension, 
promising an hundred pounds to be presently paid 
to him that did it, besides all the profits which 
accrued to the crown, as legally due from the person 
who entertained him x . 
72. However, such as hid and harboured him Hefliethm 

to France. 

* [See Laud's Diary, p. 44, * [He was originally a stu- 
and p. 238.] dent of Trin. Coll. in Oxford. 

* [The best account of this See Wood, ib.] 

affair, and the disputes occa- * [Dr. Bliss has reprinted 

sioned by Dr. Smith's appoint- these proclamations in his edi- 

ment, will be found in the Me- tion of Wood's Athen. iii. 384. 

moirs of Oregorio Panzani, the The first bears date 1 ith Dec. ; 

papal nuncio, by Berrington, the other the 24th of March 

p. 108 and 119.] following, 1629.] 



60 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A 

5 Charles 



p. 1629. were neither frighted with the penalty nor flattered 
with the profit to discover him. But Smith, con- 
ceiving his longer stay here to be dangerous, con- 
veyed himself over into France, where he became 
a confident of cardinal Richelieu's. The conveni- 
ence and validity of his episcopal power was made 
the subject of several books which were written 
thereon 



In opposition to him. 

1. Daniel, a Jesuit \ 

2. Horucan. 

3. Lumley. 

4. Nicholas Smith a . 



Injhvour of him. 

1. Nicholas le Maitre, a Sorbonne 

priest, in his book, entitled 
De Persecutione EpUcoporum , 
et dt iUustrissimo Antistite 
Chalcedonensi. 

2. The faculty of Paris, which 

censured all such as opposed 
himx. 

This Chalcedon Smith wrote a book called The 

Prudential Balance, much commended by men of 

his own persuasion ; and, for aught I know, is still 

alive b . 

The death 74. Within the compass of this year died the 

ter d <rfT^ reverend Toby Matthew, archbishop of York. He 

Matthew. wag b orn j n the Somersetshire side of Bristol, and 

[Mar. 29, 

1 6«8.] in his childhood had a marvellous preservation, when 
with a fall he brake his foot, ancle, and small of his 



y [Pet. Aurelius, Opera, I. 
prsef. sub init. Other authors 
besides those here mentioned 
engaged on both sides in this 
controversy. See Panzani, ib.] 

* [Daniel a Jesu, or proper- 
ly, father John Floyd, an Eng- 
lish Jesuit ; his book, which was 
printed in 1631, is entitled: 
" Apologia Sanctie Sedis Apo- 
" stolicae, pro modo proceden- 



" di," &c3 

a [" Brevis et modesta dis- 
" cussio assertionum Kellisoni, 
" &c. 1 63 1." His real name 
was Edward Knott, the supe- 
rior of the Jesuits, Chilling- 
worth's opponent. See Pan- 
zani, p. 124.] 

b [He died March 8, 1655. 
See Wood's Athen. ii. p. 187.J 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 61 

leg, which were so soon recovered to eye c , use, sight, A - D - ^q- 

service, that not the least mark remained thereof. 

Coming to Oxford, he fixed at last in Christ Church, 
and became dean thereof. He was one of a proper 
person, (such people, cisteris paribus, and sometimes 
cater is im paribus, were preferred by the queen,) 
and an excellent preacher, Campian himself confess- 
ing that he did in concionibus dominari*. He was 
of a cheerful spirit, yet without any trespass on 
episcopal gravity, there lying a real distinction be- 
tween facetiousness and nugacity. None could con- 
demn him for his pleasant wit, though often he 
would condemn himself, as so habited therein he 
could as well not be, as not be merry, and not take 
up an innocent jest as it lay in the way of his dis- 
course 6 . 

75. One passage must not be forgotten. After His grati- 
he had arrived at his greatness, he made one journey <jk>d. un 
into the west to visit his two mothers; her that 
bare him at Bristol, and her that bred him in learn- 
ing, the university of Oxford. Coming near to the 
latter, attended with a train suitable to his present 
condition, he was met almost with an equal number, 
who came out of Oxford to give him entertainment. 
Thus augmented with another troop, and remember- 
ing he had passed over a small water a poor scholar, 
when first coming to the university, he kneeled down 
and took up the expression of Jacob, With my staff 
came I over this Jordan, and now I am become two 

« Sir John Harington in his preserved some instances of it. 

[Nngae Antiques, ii. p. 258.] See his Nugae Antiquae, ii. 

d [See Campian's X Ratio- p. 259. See also his life in 

ne», p. 70.] Wood's Athena;, i. p. 730.] 

e fSir John Harington has 



62 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1619 bands. I am credibly informed that, mutatis mutan- 

5 Charles I. J 

ats f the same was performed by his predecessor, 

archbishop Hutton, at Sophister's Hill, nigh Cam- 
bridge a and am so far from distrusting either, that I 
believe both. 

pied year. yg # jj e died yearly in report, and I doubt not 

but that in the apostle's sense he died daily in bis 
mortifying meditations. He went over the graves 
of many who looked for his archbishopric ; I will 
not say they catched a cold in waiting barefoot for 
a living man's shoes. His wife, the daughter of 
bishop Barlow, (a confessor in queen Mary's days,) 
was a prudent and a provident matron. Of this 
extraction came sir Toby Matthew, having all his 
father's name, many of his natural parts, few of his 
moral virtues, fewer of his spiritual graces, as being 
an inveterate enemy to the Protestant religion f . 



f [Being a person of con- 
siderable attainments, and inti- 
mate with most of the wits in 
that wit-loving age, (among 
others, with Dr. Donne and sir 
Francis Bacon,) he was taken 
notice of by the duke of Buck- 
ingham, and employed by him 
in various capacities. He at- 
tended the prince and the duke 
into Spain, and managed part 
of the correspondence ; (see 
the Cabala and Goodman's Me- 
moirs) . When the duke died, 
sir Toby (who was knighted 
in 1623 for his services in 
Spain) attached himself to the 
celebrated earl of Strafford, 
whom he attended into Ireland; 
but to neither party did the 
intimacy prove advantageous; 
Strafford especially being ex- 
posed, on his account, to the 



greatest suspicions of the pu- 
ritanical party. He died at 
Ghent in 1655, in a house be- 
longing to the Jesuits, of which 
fraternity he was a member. 
Wood sums up his character 
with great fairness : " He had 
" all his fathers name and 
" many of his natural parts ; 
" was also one of considerable 
" learning, good memory, and 
" sharp wit, mixed with a plea- 
" sant affability in behaviour, 
" and a seeming sweetness of 
" mind, though sometimes, ac- 
" cording to the company he 
" was in, pragmatical and a 
?' little too forward." Athens, 
Oxon. ii. p. 195. The charac- 
ter of the celebrated lady Lucy 
Carlisle, prefixed to his letters, 
is one of the most favourable 
specimens of his ability. 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



68 



George Mountain succeeded him, scarce warm in ad. 1619. 

his church before cold in his coffin, as not con- 5 — 

tinuing many months therein?. 

77. I humbly crave the reader's pardon for omit- The death 
ting due time of the death of reverend Dr. Nicholas Feiton? P 
Felton, bishop of Ely, as buried before (though 
dying some days after) bishop Andrews ; and in- 
deed great was the conformity betwixt them — 
both being sons of seafaring men b , (who, by God's 
blessing on their industry, attained comfortable 
estates,) both scholars, fellows, and masters of Pem- 
broke Hall, both great scholars, painful preachers 
in London for many years, with no less profit to 
others than credit to themselves, both successively 
bishops of Ely. This bishop Felton had a sound 
head and a sanctified heart, beloved of God and all 
good men, very hospitable to all, and charitable to 
the poor. He died the 5th of October, 1626, and 
lieth buried under the communion table in St. An- 
tholin's in London, whereof he had been minister 
for twenty-eight years '. One (whilst a private man) 
happy in his curates, (whereof two, Dr. Bowles and 
Dr. Westfield, afterwards became bishops,) and (when 
a bishop) no less happy in his learned and religious 
chaplains. 



His father, the bishop, was 
intimate with the well-known 
sir Thomas Fairfax, and Henry 
Fairfax, the second son, was 
chaplain to the archbishop. See 
a very carious anecdote respect- 
ing the two sons in Goodman's 
Memoirs, ii. p. 269, note.] 

? [He was an aged man when 



he succeeded to the see ; which 
happened in July, 1628; and 
before the end of the year he 
died. See Hacket's Life of 
Williams, i. p. 168.] 

h Bishop Andrews in Lon- 
don, and Felton in Yarmouth. 

1 Attested unto me by John 
Norgate his son-in-law. 



SECT, vir 



TO 



JOHN C A R Y% 



OF STANSTED IN HERTFORDSHIRE, ESQ. 



Rare is your happiness in leaving the court be/ore it left you. 
Not in deserting your attendance on your master, (of whom 
none more constantly observant,) but in quitting such vani- 
ties which the court then in power did tender, and you, then 
in prime, might have accepted. Whilst you seasonably re- 
trenched yourself and reduced your soul to a holy serious- 
ness, declining such expensive recreations, (on principles of 
piety as well as providence,) wherewith your youth was so 
much affected. 

And now, sir, seeing you are so judicious in racing, give me 
leave to prosecute the apostle's metaphor in applying my best 
wishes to you and to your worthy lady, which hath repaired 
the losses caused by loyalty, so thai you have found in a 
virtuous mate what you have lost for a gracious master. 

Heaven is your mark, Christ your way thither, the Word 
the way to Christ, God's Spirit the guide to both. When 
in this race impatience shall male you to tire, or ignorance 



a [Arms. Argent, on a bend 
sable three roses of the field. 
Fifth baron of Hunsdon ; eldest 
son of Henry Cary, fourth baron 
of Hunsdon, and Judith, daugh- 
ter of sir Thomas Pelham of 
Laughton, in Sussex, bart. He 
married Abigail, daughter of 
the celebrated sir William Co- 
kaine, knight, and alderman of 



the city of London. Various 
members of this family were 
fined by the parliament for 
their loyalty to king Charles; 
among the rest two bearing the 
same Christian name, of whom 
probably this person was one. 
He died in 1677, at tne a g e °f 
68. See Clutterbuck's Herts, 
ii. p. 181.] 




cent. xvii. of Britain. 65 

to stray, or idleness to ttay, or weakness to stumble, or toil- A. D. 1619. 

fulness to fall; may repentance raise you, faith quiettm you, s ' 

patience strengthen you, till perseverance brina you both to 
the mart, 

|UEEN MARY surprised with some The birth 
fright, (as is generally believed,) ante-" pr inoe 
dated the time of her travail by some rhar '™- 
weeks, and was delivered of a son b . 
But a greater acceleration was endea- 
voured in his baptism than what happened at his 
birth, such the forwardness of the popish priests 
to snatch him from the hands of those as dressed 
him, had not the care of king Charles prevented 
them, assigning Dr. Webbe (then waiting his month) 
to christen him. He died about an hour after, the 
king very patiently bearing the lose, as receiving the 
first fruits of some of his subjects' estates, and as 
willingly paying those of his own body to the King 
of heaven. 

2. The university of Oxford (Cambridge being Oxford 
then heavily infected with the plague) at once in 
their verses congratulated the safe birth, and con- 
doled the short life of this prince; and a tetrastich, 
made by one of Christ Church, (thus in making bis 
address to the queen,) I must not omit. 

Quod Lucina tuo* semtl estfruxlrata laborer. 

Nee forttm antes prabuit ilia manvs, 
Ignosca* regina: una molimine ventrig, 

Non potuit prineeps ad tria regno dan. 

This prince the next day after was buried by bishop 
Laud in the chapel at Westminster. 

b [From some fright caused by u irnstiff utliicking 11 hpaiiiel 
iu the pretence- chamber.] 

FULLER, VOL. VI. C 



66 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A 

5 



.d. 1629. 3. During the sitting of the last parliament, one 
Leigh ton b , a Scottish man, presented a book unto 



Dr. Leigh • 

ton his mil- them : had he been an Englishman we durst call 
,ng him a furious, and now will term him a fiery, 

(whence kindled let others guess,) writer. His book 
consisted of a continued railing from the beginning 
to the end ; exciting the parliament and people to 
kill all the bishops, and so smite them under the 
fifth rib. He bitterly inveighed against the queen, 
calling her a daughter of Heth, a Canaanite and 
idolatress; and "Zion's Plea" was the specious title 
of his pamphlet ; for which he was sentenced, in 
the Star-chamber, to be whipped and stigmatized, 
to have his ears cropped and nose slit c . But be- 
twixt the pronouncing and inflicting this censure, 
he makes his escape into Bedfordshire. 
Recovered 4 # The warden of the fleet was in a bushel of 

(after his 

escape) and troubles about his escape, though alleging that some 
punished, helped him over the wall, and that he himself knew 
nothing thereof till the noon after. But no plea 
seemed available for one in his place, but either the 
keeping or recovering of his prisoner; unfortunate 
in the former, he was happy in the latter, and 
brought him back into his custody, so that the 
aforesaid censure was inflicted on him d . It is re- 



b [Father of the celebrated 
bishop Leighton. According 
to the indictment and the re- 
port of his trial, in Rush worth, 
Leighton was a Roman Catho- 
lic. If this be true, and it 
seems probable from what is 
stated below, then this is an- 
other instance of tracts being 
circulated by the Romanists 
against the church in the name 
of the puritans. Hist. Coll. iii. 



App. p. 29.] 

c [See the proceedings a- 
gainst him in the Star-chamber, 
in Rush worth, ii. p. 55.] 

d [" He was taken again in 
" Bedfordshire, and brought 
" back to the Fleet, within a 
•' fortnight." Laud's Diary* 
p. 45. Two persons named 
Livingston and Anderson, who 
changed clothes with him and 
favoured his escape, were fined 



CEXT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



67 



markable, that amongst the many accusations charged * \^f 7 \ 

on archbishop Laud at his trial, the severity on 

Leighton is not at all mentioned, chiefly because 
(though he might be suspected active therein) his 
faults were of so high a nature, none then or since 
dare appear in his defence. The papists boast that 
they have beyond the seas, with them, his son of 
another persuasion. 

5. Some three years since, certain feoffees were Feoff** to 
(though not incorporated by the king's letters patent, propria!" 1 
or any act of parliament) legally settled in trust tlon8 " 
to purchase in impropriations with their own and 
other well disposed persons' money, and with their 
profit to set up and maintain a constant preaching 
ministry in places of greatest need, where the word 
was most wanting. These consisted of a number 
neither too few, as the work should burthen them, 
nor so many as might be a burthen to the work, 
twelve in all, diversely qualified. 



i William Gouge, D.D. 

2 Richard Sibbs, D.D. 

3 C. Offspring. 

4 J. Davenport. 

5 Ralph Eyre of Lincoln's Inn. 

6 S. Brown of Lincoln's Inn. 



7 C. Sherland of Gray's Inn. 

8 JohnWhiteofMid.Temple. 

9 John Geering, citizen. 

10 Richard Davis, citizen. 

1 1 George Harwood, citizen. 

1 2 Francis Bridges, citizen. 



Here were four divines to persuade men's con- 
sciences, four lawyers to draw all conveyances, and 
four citizens who commanded rich coffers, wanting 
nothing, save (which since doth all things) some 
swordmen, to defend all the rest. Besides these, 
the Cape merchants, (as I may term them,) there 
were other inferior factors, Mr. Foxley, &c, who 

500/. apiece. See Rush worth's Hist. Coll. iii. App. p. 32, and 
ii. p. 56.] 

F 2 



68 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



Begin and 

proceed 

hopefully. 



A. d. 1629. were employed by appointment, or of officiousness 

5 " employed themselves in this design. 

6. It is incredible what large sums were advanced 
in a short time towards so laudable an employment. 
There are indeed in England of parish churches, 
nine thousand two hundred eighty-four, endowed 
with glebe and tithes; but of these, (when these 
feoffees entered on their work,) three thousand 
eight hundred forty-five were either appropriated to 
bishops, cathedrals, and colleges, or impropriated 
(as lay-fees) to private persons, as formerly belong- 
ing to abbeys. The redeeming and restoring of the 
latter was these feoffees' design, and it was verily 
believed, (if not obstructed in their endeavours,) 
within fifty years, rather purchases than money would 
have been wanting unto them, buying them generally 
(as candle-rents) at or under twelve years' valuation. 
My pen passing by them at the present may safely 
salute them with a God speed, as neither seeing nor 
suspecting any danger in the design e . 



e [The history of these feof- 
fees is described rather differ- 
ently, and more completely, by 
Dr. Heylin in " The Appeal," 
&c. part iii. p. 13 ; and as the 
justice of his remarks is ac- 
knowledged by Fuller, we shall 
present them to the reader. 
After observing that they were 
entirely self-appointed, and only 
" a secret combination of the 
•' brotherhood " acting for their 
own advantage, " not laying 
" the impropriations by them 
" purchased to the church or 
' ' chapelry to which they had an- 
" ciently belonged, nor settling 
" them on the incumbent of 
" the place, as nMUiy hoped they 



" would ; " he proceeds to state 
that their object "was not to 
" advantage the regular and 
" established clergy, but to set 
" up a new body of lecturers 
" in convenient places for the 
" promoting of the cause. And 
" therefore, having bought an 
" impropriation, they parcelled 
" it out into annual pensions 
" of 40/. or 50/. per ann. and 
14 therewith salaried some lec- 
•* turers in such market towns 
" where the people had com. 
" monly less to do, and con- 
44 sequently were more apt to 
" faction and innovation than 
* ( in other places. Our author 
" notes it of their predecessors 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



69 



7. Richard Smith, titulary bishop of Chalcedon, 
taking his honour from Greece, his profit from Eng- 



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in Cartwright's days, that they 
preached most diligently in 
populous places; 'it being ob- 
served in England, that those 
who hold the helm of the 
pulpit always steer people's 
hearts as they please," ' ix. 1 6. 
22. " And he notes it also 
of these feoffees, that in con- 
formity hereunto they set up a 
preaching ministry in places 
of greatest need, not in such 
parish churches to which the 
tithes properly belonged, but 
where they thought the word 
was most wanting to advance 
their projects. 3rdly, If we 
behold the men whom they 
made choice of and employed 
in preaching in such market 
towns as they had an eye on, 
either because most popu- 
lous, or because capable of 
electing burgesses to serve in 
parliament, they were for the 
most part non-conformists, 
and sometimes such as had 
been silenced by their ordi- 
nary or the high commission 
for their factious carriage. 
And such a one was placed 
by Geering, one of the citi- 
zen feoffees, in a town of 
Gloucestershire ; a fellow 
who had been outed of a 
lecture near Sandwich by the 
archbishop of Canterbury, 
out of another in Middlesex 
by the bishop of London, out 
of a third iu Yorkshire by 
the archbishop of York, out 
of a fourth in Hertfordshire 
by the bishop of Lincoln, 
and finally suspended from 
his ministry by the high 



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commission ; yet thought the 
fittest man by Geering, as 
indeed he was, to begin this 
lecture. 4thly, and finally, 
These pensions were neither 
so settled, nor these lectures 
so well established in their 
several places, but that the 
one might be withdrawn and 
the other removed at the will 
and pleasure of their patrons, 
if they grew slack and negli- 
gent in the holy cause, or 
abated any thing at all of 
that fire and fury they first 
brought with them. Exam- 
ples of which I know some 
and have heard of more. 
And now I would fain know 
of our author whether there 
be no danger to be seen or sus- 
pected in this design, whether 
these feoffees in short time 
would not have had more chap- 
lains to depend upon them 
than all the bishops in the 
kingdom ; and finally, whe- 
ther such needy fellows de- 
pending on the will and plea- 
sure of their gracious mas- 
ters, must not be forced to 
preach such doctrines only 
as best please their humors. 
And though I shall say no- 
thing here of their giving 
underhand private pensions, 
not only unto such as had 
been silenced or suspended 
in the ecclesiastical courts, 
but many times also to their 
wives and children after their 
decease, all issuing from this 
common stock : yet others 
have beheld it as the greatest 
piece of wit and artifice both 



A.D. 1630. 
6 Charles I. 

The bishop 
of Chalce- 
don his epi- 
scopizingin 
England. 



70 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1630. land, (where he bishoped it over all the Romish Ca- 

6 Charles I. , r 

tholics,) was now very busy in his employment ; but 

when, where, and how oft he acted here, is past our 
discovery, it being never known when men of his 
profession come hither, till they be caught here. 
Now if any demand why the pope did not entitle 
him to some English rather than this Grecian bi- 
shopric, (the grant of both being but of the same 
price of his holiness his breath, and the confirmation 
equally cheap in wax and parchment,) especially 
seeing that in Ireland he had made anti-bishops 
to all sees, it is easy for one (though none of his 
conclave) to conjecture. For in Ireland he had in 
every diocese and parish a counterpart of people for 
number and quality, which he had not in England, 
and therefore to entitle bishops here had but ren- 
dered it the more ridiculous in the granter, and 
dangerous in the accepter thereof. 

Opposed g. Nicholas Smith, a regular, (and perchance a 

by Nioho- «• 

las Smith. Jesuit,) f much stomached the advancement and ac- 



" to encourage and increase 
" their emissaries which could 
•• possibly be devised. If, as 
" our author tells us, (. 30. 
" the design was generally ap- 
" proved, and that both dis- 
" creet and devout men were 
" doleful at the ruin of so 
" pious a project, it was be- 
" cause they neither did sus- 
" pect the danger, nor foresee 
" the mischiefs which unavoid- 
'• ably must have followed, if 
" not crushed in time." 

See also the information laid 
against these feoffees in the 
exchequer, 8 Charles I., in 
Rush worth, ii. p. 150. Of the 
divines here mentioned Gouge 



was afterwards a member of the 
Assembly ; Davenport went to 
New England, being too vio- 
lent a puritan for this country; 
White was the author of that 
notorious libel against the cler- 
gy, called " A Century of Ma- 
" lignant Priests," &c. subse- 
quently a member of parliament, 
and a witness against archbishop 
Laud. One of their first acts 
was to appoint Baxter to a lec- 
tureship in Kidderminster .] 

f [Wood tells us that " Edw. 
" Knott, a Jesuit, went some- 
" times by the name of Nich. 
" Smith; Quare?" The mat. 
ter is past doubt: for in the 
" Reply to M. Nic. Smith," 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 71 

tivity of Richard Smith, bishop of Chalcedon, and £15.1630. 

wrote bitterly against him ; the hammer of one 

Smith clashing against another. He fell foul also 
on Dr. Kellison, president of the college of Douay, 
who lately set forth a treatise of the dignity and 
necessity of bishop and secular clergy e, generally 
opposing his doctrine, and particularly in relation to 
the English bishops, instancing in the following 
exceptions ; 

9- First, a bishop over the English was useless; Alleging a 

° bishop over 

and might well be spared in times of persecution, English ca- 
there being but two peculiar performances of a less in per- 
bishop b , viz. ordination and confirmation. For the 860 " 11011 * 
former it might be supplied by foreign bishops, the 
priests of our English nation being generally bred 
beyond the seas. As for confirmation of the chil- 
dren of English catholics, he much decried the 
necessity thereof, (though not so far as to un-seven 
the sacraments of the church of Rome,) affirming 
it out of St. Thomas of Aquin 1 , and other divines, 
that, by commission from the pope, a priest, though 
no bishop, might confirm. To this Dr. Kellison his 
scholar (or himself under the vizard) replied, that in 
the definition of St. Cyprian k , a church was a people 

&c. p. 1 2, the following passage * [The full title of this book 

occurs : •• Why should I, [Dr. is " A Reply to M. Nicholas 

"Kellison; for the writer is " Smith his Discussion of Some 

quoting his words,] encounter '* Points of M. Doctor Kelli- 

with an adversary that dareth " son his Treatise of the Ilier- 

not shew himself in the field, " archie. By a Divine. Printed 

" and therefore goeth masked 1C at Douay, by the Widow of 

" under another man's name; " Marke Wyon, 1630." 12°.] 

■• though it is thought he walk- h [" Reply to N. Smith," 

" eth rather in a net ; the ques- &c. p. 1 6 and p. 21 sq.] 

" tion who he should be being » [Summa, iii. 9 ; lxxii. art. 

** not so hard to solve, as Gor. 1 1 .] 

•* dins his Knotte was to bo k [Cypr. Epist. 69. als. 66.] 
•• dissolved."] 

F 4 



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72 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



And bur- 
thensome. 



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t* 



a.d. 1630. united to its bishop, and therefore an absolute neces- 

6 Charles I. . . x . 

sity of that function 1 . 

10. Secondly, he was burthensome to the church, 
considering the present pressures of poor English 
catholics, needing now no unnecessary expenses for 
the maintenance of the bishop and his agents 00 . 
To this it was answered, that Mr. Nicholas Smith 
and his brethren regulars " daily put the catholics 

to for greater charges, as appeareth by the stately 
houses, purchases," &c. n Indeed, generally the 
little finger of a Jesuit was conceived, in his enter- 
tainment, heavier than the loins of a secular. Mean- 
time, in what case were our English lay catholics, 
with Issachar couching down between two burthens* \ 
bearing the weight of both regulars and seculars? 
but who need pity them who will not pity them- 
selves ? 

11. Thirdly, he took exceptions at the person of 
this bishop of Chalcedon, as not lawfully called in 
canonical criticism p. First, because not estated in 
his episcopal inspection over England, during his 



And this 
bishop no 
ordinary. 



1 [According to G . Wright, in 
his preface toNic. Smith's book, 
Kellison gave the first offence 
by his work upon the Ecclesi- 
astical Hierarchy, in which he 
took occasion to glance at these 
proceedings in England. Pref. 
p. 9. The principal offence on 
the part of Kellison was doubt- 
less the assertion that the secu- 
lars vf ere jure divino governors 
of the church and part of the 
hierarchy, but the regulars 
were not, being only their as- 
sistants (iUorum opitulatores) 
by extraordinary privilege. lb. 

no 



m [According to Wright, 
this appointment of the bishop 
of Chalcedon was vexatious 
to the Romanists in another 
way ; for in the search made 
for him by the officers of 
the government, the houses of 
other Roman Catholics were 
entered, and whilst the bishoo 
was sought for, many of the 
same persuasion were appre- 
hended. Pref. p. 6.] 

n " Reply to Mr. N. Smith," 
p. 1 94. 

Gen. xlix. 14. 

P [" Reply to Nic. Smith," 
&c. p. 287, sq.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 78 

life, (as a bishop ought to be,) but only constituted a. p. 1630. 

ad beneplacitum papa, at the pleasure of the pope ; ■ 

which restriction destroyeth his being a lawful ordi- 
nary. Secondly, he carpeth at him as made by 
delegation and commission, and therefore a delegate, 
not an ordinary. To which the other replied, that 
even legates have that clause in their commission, 
limited to the pope's pleasure, and yet no catholic 
will question them to be lawful ordinaries. As to 
the second exception, the same, saith he, doth not 
destroy his ordinaryship, but only sheweth he was 
made an ordinary in an extraordinary manner : which 
distinction, how far it will hold good in the canon 
law, let those inquire who are concerned therein. 

12. Notwithstanding Dr. Kellison his confutation, RegwW 
the insolency of the regulars daily increased in proposition 
England, so that they themselves may seem the 2? ° mn " 
most seculars ; so fixed were they to the wealth 
and vanity of this world. The Irish regulars ex- 
ceeded the English in pride, maintaining (amongst 
other printed propositions) that the superiors of 
regulars are more worthy than bishops themselves, 
because the honour of the pastor is to be measured 
from the condition of the flock, quemadmodum opilio 
dignior est subtdco, as a shepherd is of more esteem 
than a hoggard. In application of the first to them- 
selves, the last to the seculars, it is hard to say 
whether their pride was more in their own praise, 
or charity less in condemning of others. It was 
therefore high time for the doctors of Sorbonne, in 
Paris, (who for many ages have maintained in 
their college the hereditary reputation of learning,) 
to take these regulars to task. Sixty of the Sor- 
bonne doctors censured the aforesaid proposition, 



74 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1630. and the archbishop of Paris condemned the book of 

— Nicholas Smith, as also another tending to the same 

subject, made by one Daniel, a Jesuit \ 
Querewhe- 13. On what terms the regulars and seculars stand 
reconciled, in England at this day, I neither know nor list to 
inquire. Probably they have learned wit from our 
woes, and our late sad differences have occasioned 
their reconcilement. Only I learn this distinction 
from them ; the " catholics, as catholics, agree al- 
" ways in matters of faith, and good catholics never 
" break charity, but the best catholics, as men, may 
•• vary in their opinions 1 "." I hope they will allow 
to us what liberty they assume to themselves 8 . 
Bishop Da- 14. Dr. John Davenant, bishop of Salisbury, 
sermon at preached his course on a Sunday in Lent, at White- 
oaarU hall, before the king and court, finishing a text 
Rom. vi. 23, the former part whereof he had handled 
the year before. In prosecution whereof it seems 
he was conceived to fall on some forbidden points, 
insomuch that his majesty (whether at first by his 
own inclination, or others' instigation, is uncertain) 
manifested much displeasure thereat. Sermon end- 
ing, his adversaries at court hoped hereby to make 
him fall totally and finally from the king's favour, 
though missing their mark herein, as in fine it did 
appear. 
For which 15. Two days after he was called before the privy 
vented be- council, where he presented himself on his knees, 
cwnciL and so had still continued for any favour he found 

q [Entitled "Apologia Sane- * " Reply to AJr.N. Smith," 

" fcc Sedis Apostolica* pro Pref. p. 20. 

" modo procedendi circa regi- 8 [Berrington, in his Preface 

men Cathnlicorum Angliae to Panzani's Memoirs, has 



it 



tempore persecutions, cum treated this subject at consi 
" defensione religiosi status." derable length. See also Rush- 
Rothomagi, 163 1 .] worth's Collections, ii. p. 15.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 75 

from any of his own function there present. But the £. d. 1630. 

6 Charles I. 

temporal lords bade him arise and stand to his own 

defence, being as yet only accused, not convicted. 
Dr. Harsnet, archbishop of York, managed all the 
business against him, (bishop Laud walking by all 
the while in silence spake not one word,) making 
a long oration uttered with much vehemency to this 
effect : 

First, He magnified king James his bounty unto 
him, who, from a private master of a college in 
Cambridge, (without any other immediate prefer- 
ment,) advanced him by an unusual rise to the great 
and rich bishopric of Salisbury. 

Secondly, He extolled the piety and prudence 
of king Charles in setting forth lately an useful 
declaration, wherein he had commanded that many 
intricate questions, tending more to distraction than 
edification of people, should utterly be forborne in 
preaching, and which had already produced much 
peace in the church. 

Thirdly, He aggravated the heinousness of the 
bishop's offence, who so ill requited his majesty's 
favour unto him, as to offer in his own presence, 
in so great an auditory, to break his declaration, 
inviting others by his example to do the like. 

Fourthly, That high contempt was the lowest 
term could be given to such an offence, seeing igno- 
rance could in no probability be pretended in a 
person of his reputed learning and eminent pro- 
fession 

What the other answered hereunto will best appear 
by his own letter written to his worthy friend, 
doctor Ward, giving him an exact account of all 
proceedings herein in manner as followeth : 



76 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1630. 16. *" As for my court business, though it 

.* « grieved me that the established doctrine of our 

Darenant " church should be distasted, yet it grieved me the 
of'th^hote" ' e88 » because the truth of what I delivered was 
STkueTto " acknowledged even by those which thought fit to 
Dr. Ward. " have me questioned for the delivery of it. Pre- 
" sently after my sermon was ended, it was signified 
" unto me by my lord of York, and my lord of 
" Winchester, and my lord chamberlain, that his 
" majesty was much displeased that I had stirred 
" this question, which he had forbidden to be 
" meddled withal, one way or other: my answer 
" was, that I had delivered nothing but the received 
" doctrine of our church established in the 17th 
" Article, and that I was ready to justify the truth 
" of what I had then taught. Their answer was, 
" the doctrine was not gainsaid, but his highness 
" had given command these questions should not 
" be debated, and therefore he took it more offen- 
" sively that any should be so bold, as in his own 
" hearing to break his royal commands. And here 
" my lord of York aggravated the offence from 
" many other circumstances. My reply was only 
" this : That I never understood that his majesty 
" had forbid handling of any doctrine comprised in 
" the Articles of our church, but only • raising of 
*• new questions, or adding new sense thereunto,' 
" which I had not done r nor ever should. This was 
" all that passed betwixt us on Sunday night after 
" my sermon. The matter thus rested, and I heard 
" no more of it, till coming unto the Tuesday 
" sermon, one of the clerks of the council told me, 
" that I was to attend at the council-table the next 

' [Original holograph, Tanner's MSS. lxxi. 39.] 









cent. xvii. of Britain. 77 

w day at two of the clock. I told him I would wait a. d. 1630. 

" upon their lordships at the hour appointed. When ' 

** I came thither, my lord of York made a speech 
wellnigh half an hour long, aggravating the bold- 
ness of my offence, and shewing many inconve- 
** niences that it was likely to draw after it. And 
•* he much insisted upon this, what good effect his 
** majesty's declaration had wrought, how these con- 
«* troversies had ever since been buried in silence, 
** no man meddling with them one way or other. 
** When his grace had finished his speech, I desired 
" the lords, that since I was called thither as an 
offender, I might not be put to answer a long 
speech upon the sudden, but that my lord's grace 
** would be pleased to charge me point by point, 
44 and so to receive mine answer, for I did not yet 
" understand wherein I had broken any command- 
ment of his majesty, which my lord in his whole 
discourse took for granted. Having made this 
motion, I gave no further answer; and all the 
" lords were silent for a while. At length my lord's 
grace said I knew well enough the point which 
was urged against me, namely the breach of the 
king's declaration. Then I stood upon this de- 
" fence ; That the doctrine of predestination which 
** I taught was not forbidden by the declaration. 
*• First, because in the declaration all the Articles 
are established, amongst which, the Article of 
predestination is one. Secondly, because all min- . 
isters are urged to subscribe unto the truth of 
that Article, and all subjects to continue in the 
profession of that as well as of the rest. Upon 
** these and such like grounds, I gathered it could 
" not be esteemed amongst ' forbidden, curious, or 









U 
M 

At 

«4 









78 7%e Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1630. " needless doctrines.' And here I desired that out 

' " of any clause in the declaration it might be shewed 

" me (that keeping myself within the bounds of the 
" Article) I had transgressed his majesty's command. 
" But the declaration was not produced, nor any 
particular words in it; only this was urged, that 
the king's will was, that for the peace of the 
" church these high questions should be forborne. 
" My answer then was, that I was sorry I under- 
" stood not his majesty's intention, which if I had 
" done before, I should have made choice of some 
" other matter to entreat of, which might have 
given no offence; and that for the time to come 
I should conform myself as readily as any other to 
his majesty's commands. The earl of Arundel 
seemed to approve of this my answer, and withal 
" advised me to proceed no further in my defence. 
" This is in substance all which was done or said in 
" this matter, and so I was dismissed. The lords 
" said nothing either in approbation of what I had 
alleged, to shew that I had not wittingly broken 
the king's known command, or in confirmation of 
the contrary, urged against me by my lord's grace. 
" At my departure I entreated their lordships to let 
his majesty understand that I had not boldly, or 
wilfully and wittingly, against his declaration, 
" meddled with the forenamed point ; and that now 
" understanding fully his majesty's mind, and inten- 
" tion, I should humbly yield obedience thereunto. 
" This business thus ended, I went the next day to 
" my lord chamberlain, and intreated him to do me 
" the favour that I might be brought to kiss the 
king's hand before I went out of town, which his 
lordship most readily promised and performed. 



<4 
it 









cent. xvii. of Britain. 79 

" When I came in, his majesty declared his resolu-A.n. 1630. 

" tion that he would not have this high point " 

" meddled withal or debated, either the one way or 

" the other ; because it was too high for the people's 
understanding, and other points which concern 

" reformation and new r ness of life were more needful 
and profitable. I promised obedience herein, and 
so kissing his majesty's hand departed. I thought 
fit to acquaint you with the whole carriage of this 
business, because I am afraid many false reports 
will be made of it, and contrary one to another, as 
men stand contrarily affected. I shewed no letter 
or instructions ; neither have any, but those general 
instructions, which king James gave us at our 
going to Dort, which make little or nothing to 
this business. I sought amongst my papers, but 

" could not find them on the sudden, and I suppose 
you have them already. As for my sermon, the 
brief heads were these : • Eternal life is the gift 
of God, through Jesus Christ our Lord V As in 
the former part I had spoken of the threefold 
misery of the wicked, so here I propounded the 
threefold happiness of the godly to be considered. 
i. Happy in the Lord whom they serve: God 

u or Christ Jesus. 

" ii. Happy in the reward of their service : Eternal 

« life. 

u iii. Happy in the manner of their reward : x«- 
picrjia, or gratuitum donum in Christo. 

The two fbrmer points were not excepted 
against. In the third and last I considered eternal 

" life in three diverse instances. In the eternal des- 

" tination thereunto, which we call election. In our 

* Rom. vi. 33. 



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80 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1630." conversion, regeneration, or justification, which I 

" " termed the embryo of eternal life. (John iv. 14.) 

" And last of all in our coronation, when full pos- 
" session of eternal life is given us. In all these I 

" shewed it to be x a V> l(r ^ a » or *he ^ ree S^ °^ God, 
through Christ, and not procured or promerited, by 
any special good acts depending upon the free will 
of men. The last point, wherein I opposed the 
popish doctrine of merit, was not disliked. The 
second, wherein I shewed that effectual vocation 
or regeneration (whereby we have eternal life 
inchoated and begun in us) is a free gift, was not 
expressly taxed. Only the first was it which bred 
the offence; not in regard of the doctrine itself, 
but because (as my lord's grace said) the king had 
prohibited the debating thereof. And thus having 
let you understand the carriage of this business I 
commit you to the protection of the Almighty, 

" And rest always 

" Your very loving friend, 

" Jo. Sarum." 

The death 17. This year Thomas Dove, bishop of Peter- 
Dore. ^ borough, ended his life. He was bred in Pembroke 
hall in Cambridge: chosen tanquam therein, which 
it seems is a fellow in all things save the name 
thereof. Afterwards chaplain to queen Elizabeth, 
who made him dean of Norwich, being much 
affected with his preaching, as wont to say that 
" the Holy Ghost was again descended in this 
" Dove u ." He was a constant housekeeper and 
reliever of the poor, so that such who in his life- 

11 Godwin De Presul. Angl. p. 559, and sir John Haringtou 
in his Nugae Antiq. ii. p. 209. 



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ii 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



81 



time condemned him for covetousness, have since a. d. 163 1. 

justly praised his hospitality. Now though doves- ' 

are generally said to want gall, yet the noncon- 
formists in his diocese will complain of his severity 
in asserting ecclesiastical discipline, when he silenced 
five of them in one morning, on the same token that 
king James is said to say " it might have served for 
44 five years." He was an aged man, being the only 
queen Elizabeth's bishop of that province which died 
in the reign of king Charles, living in a poor 
bishopric, and leaving a plentiful estate; to shew 
that it is not the moisture of the place, but the 
long lying of the stone, which gathereth the great 
moss therein. In a word, had he been more careful 
in conferring of orders (too commonly bestowed by 
him) few of his order had exceeded him for the 
unblamableness of his behaviour x . 

18. Now began great discontents to grow up in Trouble 
the university of Oxford on this occasion. Manyo§br<i? 
conceived that innovations (defended by others for 
renovations, and now only reduced, as used in the 



* [Mr. Gunton sap that the 
queen had so good an esteem 
for him on account of his ex- 
cellency in preaching, reverend 
aspect and deportment, that 
she was wont to call him the 
Dove with silver wings. He 
was consecrated bishop of Pe- 
terborough April 26, 1 60 1. 
Mr. Isaackson in his Life of 
Bishop Andrews says, that as 
soon as Dove was B. A., and 
so capable of a fellowship in 
Pembroke hall, there being 
then but one place void in the 
college, and Dove being one of 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



its scholars and well approved 
by many of the society, the 
warden and fellows put him 
and Andrews to a trial before 
them by some scholastical 
exercises, upon performance 
whereof they preferred sir An- 
drews, though they liked sir 
Dove so well also, that being 
loth to lose him, they made 
him some allowance for his 
present maintenance, under the 
title of a tanquam socius. See 
Gunton'B Hist, of Peterb. p. 
8i. Wood's Athen. I. 697.] 



G 



88 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1631. primitive times) were multiplied in divine service. 
— ?L!!!Ll Offended whereat, they in their sermons brake out 
into (what was interpreted) bitter invectives. Yea 
their very texts gave some offence, one preaching 
on Numbers xiv. 4, Let us make us a captain, and let 
us return into Egypt. Another on 1 Kings xiii. 2, 
And he cried against tlie altar in the word of the 
Lord, and said, altar, altar, &c. In prosecution 
whereof they had not only tart reflection on some 
eminent persons in the church, but also were appre- 
hended to violate the king's declaration for the 
sopiting of all Arminian controversies. 
An appeal 19. Dr. Smith, warden of Wadham, con vented the 
vice-chan- principal persons, (viz. Mr. Thorn of Balliol College, 
J^HS^and Mr. Ford of Magdalen Hall,) as offenders against 
the king's instructions, and ordered them to bring 
in the copies of their sermons. They, suspecting 
partiality in the vice-chancellor, appealed from him 
to the proctors, two men of eminent integrity and 
ability, Mr. Atherton Bruch, and Mr. John Doughty, 
who received their appeal, presuming the same jus- 
tifiable by the Statutes of tbe university. But it 
seems the proctors were better scholars than lawyers, 
except any will say both law and learning must 
submit, when power is pleased to interpose v . 



7 [The vice-chancellor ap- 
pealed to the king, according 
to the Statutes. See Laud's 
Diary, p. 46. Rushworth, 
though not inclined to favour 
the authorities of the univer- 
sity, with much more fairness 
implies that these proceedings 
on the part of the proctors 
were illegal and unwarrant- 



able : " The chief ringleaders/' 
he says, •• were the said Mr. 
" Ford and Mr. Thorn. And 
" the proctors, Mr. Bruch and 
" Mr. Doughty, received their 
" appeals, as if it had not been 
" perturbatio pads. The vice- 
" chancellor was forced in a 
" statutable way to appeal to 
" the king, who with all the 



CENT* XVII. 



of Britain. 



88 



20. Archbishop Laud did not like these retrograde a. d. 163 r. 
appeals, but sensible that his own strength moved — ' 

SfiVPfluV 

rather ascendendo than descendendo, procured the punished, 
cause to be heard before the king at Woodstock, 
where it was so ordered, that *, 

i. The preachers complained of were expelled the 
university. 

ii. The proctors were deprived of their places for 
accepting their appeal. 

iii. Dr. Prideaux and Dr. Wilkinson were shrewdly 
checked for engaging in their behalf. 

The former of these two doctors ingenuously con- 
fessing to the king, Nemo mortalium omnibus horis 
sapit, wrought more on his majesty's affections, than 
if he had harangued it with a long oration in bis 
own defence. 

21. The expulsion of these preachers expelled And m 
not, but increased the differences in Oxford, which Pe8Cn 
burnt the more for blazing the less, many com- 
plaining that the sword of justice did not cut indif- 
ferently on both sides, but that it was more penal 

for some to touch than others to break the king's 
declaration. 

22. This year ended the days of Mr. Arthur Hil- The death 
dersham a , born at Stitchworth in the county, bred demham. " 
in Christ College in the university of Cambridge, 
whose education was an experimental comment on 



€€ 



€* 



" lords of the council then 
" present, heard the cause at 
Woodstock. Aug. 23, 1631, 
being Tuesday in the after- 
'* noon." Rushworth, ii. 1 10.] 
» [Hodges on his submission 
seems to have been restored: 
Ford refused " to make any 
" address to be restored ;" ex. 



pecting to be chosen lecturer 
in Plymouth, but the trustees 
of the place " were required 
" not to choose him upon pain 
" of his majesty's displeasure." 
Rushworth, ib.] 

a [See the Life of Hilder- 
sham in Clark's Martyrology, 
App. p. 1 14.] 



84 The Church History book xi. 

A.d. 163 1. the word 8 of David, When my father and mother 
forsake me, then the Lord taketh me up b . 

My father — Thomas Hildersham, a gentleman of an 
ancient family. 

And mother — Anne Pole, daughter to sir Jeffery, 
niece to cardinal Pole, grandchild to sir Richard 
Pole, and Margaret countess of Salisbury, who 
was daughter to George duke of Clarence. 

Forsake me, — quite casting him off, because he 
would not be bred a papist and go to Rome. 

Then — an emphatical monosyllable, just in that nick 
of time. 

The Lord taketh me up — not immediately (miracles 
being ceased), but in and by the hands of Henry 
earl of Huntingdon (his honourable kinsman) 
providing plentiful maintenance for him. 

Often si- 23. However, after he was entered in the min- 
rortored? i8try, he met with many molestations, as hereby doth 
appear. 

i. Silenced by the high commission, 1590, in June. 

ii bishop Chaderton, 1605, April 24. 

iii bishop Neile, 1611, in November. 

i v the court at Leicest. 1 630, March 25. 

i. Restored by the high commission, 1591, in January. 

ii bishop Barlow, 1608, in January. 

iii Dr. Ridley d , 1625, June 20. 

iv the same court, 1631, August 2. 

And now methinks I hear the Spirit speaking unto 
him, as once to the prophet Ezekiel c , Thou shalt 
speak and be no more dumb, singing now with the 

t> Psalm xxvii. i o. d Vicar gen. to archbishop Abbot. 

c [Henry Hastings.] • Ezek. xxiv. 27. 






cent. xvii. of Britain. 85 

celestial quire of saints and angels. Indeed, though a. d. 1631. 

himself a nonconformist, he loved all honest men, I ** . 

were they of a different judgment, minded like 
Luther herein, who gave for his motto, In quo ali- 
quid Christi video, ilium diligo. 

24. He was minister of Ashby de la Zouch forty His kmg 
and three years. This putteth me in mind of Tbeo- duoiiT*' 
dosius and of Valentinian, (two worthy Christian preftching - 
emperors,) their constitutions making those readers 

of the civil law counts of the first order, cum ad 
mginti anno* observatione jugi, ac sedido docendi 
labore pervenerint f , " when with daily observation 
and diligent labour of teaching they shall arrive at 
twenty years." Surely the readers of God's law 
which double that time shall not lose their reward. 

25. The same year died Robert Bolton, born in The death 
Lancashire, bred in Brasennose College in Oxford, "* 
beneficed at Broughton in Northamptonshire. An 
authoritative preacher, who majestically became the 
pulpit, and whose life is exactly written at large *, 

to which I refer such as desire further satisfaction h . 
And here may the reader be pleased to take notice, 
that henceforward we shall on just grounds forbear 
the description of such divines as yearly deceased. 
To say nothing of them save the dates of their 
deaths, will add little to the reader's information, to 
say much in praise or dispraise of them (wherein 
their relations are so nearly concerned) may add too 

' C. Theod. lib. 6. tit. 21. " Assize-sermons, and Notes on 

£ By my good friend Mr. " Justice Nicolls his funeral. 

Bagshaw. " Together with the Life and 

k [See " Mr. Bolton's last " Death of the Author. Pub- 

" and learned work of the four " lished by £. B. &c." Lond 

** last things, Death, Judgment, 1639. 4 . 4th ed.] 

" Hell, and Heaven. With his 

G3 



86 7%i Church History book xi. 

a. d. 163a. much to the writer's danger. Except therefore they 

8 Charles I., . ? . . . r . . 

be persons so eminent for their learning, or active 

for their lives, as their omission may make a maim 
in our history, we shall pass them over in silence 
hereafter. 

, - mpP 2£* a - 26. Archbishop Laud began to look with a jealous 

questioned, eye on the feoffees for impropriations, as who in 
process of time would prove a thorn in the sides of 
episcopacy, and by their purchases become the prime 
patrons for number and greatness of benefices. This 
would multiply their dependants, and give a secret 
growth to nonconformity. Whereupon by the arch- 
bishop's procurement a bill was exhibited in the ex- 
chequer chamber, by Mr. Noy the attorney general, 
against the feoffees aforesaid, and that great lawyer 
endeavoured to overthrow (as one termed it) their 
apocrypha incorporation. 

Tbdr first 27. It was charged against them, first, that they 
diverted the charity, wherewith they were intrusted, 
to other uses 1 , when erecting a lecture every morning 
at St. Antholine's in London k . What was this but 
lighting candles to the sun, London being already 
the land of Goshen, and none of those dark and far 
distant corners, where souls were ready to famish 
for lack of the food of the word ? What was this but 
a bold breach of their trust, even in the eye of the 
kingdom ? 

Andanswer 28. They answered that London being the chief 
staple of charity, and the place where the principal 
contributors to so pious a work did reside, it was 
but fit that it should share in the benefit of their 

* Being by their feoffment k [The stronghold of Puri- 
to erect them where preaching tnnism.] 
was wanting. 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britons 



87 



bounty. That they were not so confined to the uses a. d. 1632. 

in their feoffment, but that in their choice they " 

might reflect as well on the eminency as necessity 
of the place ; that they expended much of their own 
(as well as other men's) money, and good reason 
they should do therewith as they pleased. 

29. It was pressed against them, that they gene- a Moond 
rally preferred nonconformists to the lectures ofagwrt 
their erection. To this it was answered, that none them# 
were placed therein but such whose sufficiency and 
conformity were first examined and approved by the 
ordinary to be to such a degree as the law re- 
quired. Yea it is said that Mr. White, one of the 
feoffees, privately proffered bishop Laud at his house 

in Fulham, that if he disliked either the persons 
who managed, or order which they took in this 
work, tbey would willingly submit the alteration to 
his lordship's discretion. 

30. In conclusion the court condemned their They are 
proceedings, as dangerous to the church and state, thrown. 
pronouncing the gifts, feoffments, and contrivances 
made to the uses aforesaid to be illegal, and so dis- 
solved the same, confiscating their money unto the 
king's use. Their criminal part was referred to, but 
never prosecuted in, the Star-chamber, because the 
design was generally approved, and both discreet and 
devout men were (as desirous of the regulation, so) 
doleful at the ruin of so pious a project K 



1 [The appointment of feof- 
fees had been one of the pro- 
jects of abp. Laud ; when St. 
Paul's was completely repaired, 
it was his intention " to move 
" his majesty for the like grant 
" from the high commission 



44 for the bringing in of impro- 
" priations." (Diary, p. 69.) 
But these feoffees, as may be 
seen by the list of those who 
were the chief managers, (some 
of whom were afterwards lead- 
ing members of the Assembly 

64 



88 



The Church HUtory 



BOOK XI. 



a. i). 163a. SI. Samuel Harsnet about this time ended his 
- life, born in Colchester, bred scholar, fellow, master 

Th« death 

of arch- of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge, afterwards bishop 
Hanmet. °f Chichester and Norwich, archbishop of York, and 
privy councillor. He was a zealous asserter of cere- 
monies, using to complain of (the first I believe who 
used the expression) conformable puritans, who 
practised it out of policy, yet dissented from it in 
their judgments. He lieth buried in Chigwell church 
in Essex, (where he built a school,) with this epitaph, 
Indignus episcopus Cicestrensis, indignior Norvicensis, 
et indignissimus archiepiscopus Eboracensis m . 

32. Now the Sabbatarian controversy began to be 
revived, which brake forth into a long and hot con- 
tention. Theophilus Bradborn D , a minister of Suf- 



Bradbom 
his erro- 
neous 
opinion. 



of Divines), were, as Laud 
truly states of them, " main 
" instruments for the puritan 
" faction to undo the church" 
(lb. p. 47.) ; and the erection 
of a daily lecture at S. Antho- 
line's, always noted as a fa- 
vourite place of resort for the 
party, as it was contrary to the 
principles of their incorporation, 
so does it afford a presumptive 
proof of their intentions to ad- 
vance puritan principles.] 

m [Composed by himself. 
See Godwin, Praesul. p. 713.] 

n [" An old and zealous pu- 
" ritan, named Theophilus Bra- 
" bourne, an obscure school- 
" master, or, as some say, a 
" minister of Suffolk, was very 
" stiff for a Sabbath, in his 
" books published 1628 and 
"31, and endeavoured to take 
" off all objections that might 
" be said against one; yet by 



" maintaining the indispensable 
" morality of the fourth com- 
" mandment, and consequently 
" the necessary observation of 
" the Jewish sabbath, did in- 
" cline several of his readers to 
" Judaism. Thomas Broad, 
" who was esteemed an anti- 
" Sabbatarian, did write almost 
" to the same effect that Brere- 
" wood did, though Brer e wood 8 
" first book did dissent from his 
'* opiuions in those points, op- 
" posed by George Abbot in his 
" Vindxcict Sabbat hi, wherein 
'* are also surveyed all the rest 
" that then had lately written 
" on that subject concerning 
" the Sabbath : viz. Francis 
" White bishop of Ely, Pet. 
" Heylyn, D. D., and Christo- 
*' pher Dowe, whose several 
" treatises on the said subject 
" he calls anti- Sabbatarian." 
Wood's Athen. i. 391. Of 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



89 



folk, sounded the first trumpet to this fight, who a. d. 1633. 
some five years since, namely anno 1628, set forth ft 8Charlc,L 
book, dedicated to his majesty, entitled, " A defence 



<f 



« 



this man Dr. White gives the 
following account in the pre- 
face to his book on the Sabbath. 
" A certain minister of Nor- 
" folk, where I myself of late 
" years was bishop, published 
" a tractate of the Sabbath ; 
" and proceeding after the rule 
" of presbyterian principles, 
" among which, this was prin- 
" cipal : That all religious 06- 
" serrations and actions, and 
" among the rest t the ordaining 
" and keeping of holy days, 
" must have a special warrant 
" and commandment in holy 
" scripture, otherwise the same 
is superstitious : concluded 
from thence, by necessary in- 
** ference, that the seventh day 
•• of every week, to wit, Satur- 
day, having an express com. 
mand in the Decalogue, by a 
precept simply and perpetu- 
ally moral, (as the Sabbata- 
rians teach,) and the Sunday, 
or the Lord's day, being not 
** commanded, either in the 
44 Law or in the Gospel, the 
" Saturday must be the Christ- 
44 tans weekly sabbath, and the 
" Sunday ought to be a work' 

" i*g day. 

'* This man was exceeding 
*' confident in his way, and de- 
" lied his puritan adversaries, 
" and loaded them with much 
" disgrace and contempt. Be- 
" aides, he dedicates his book 
* 4 to the king's majesty him. 
" self; he implores his princely 
" aid to set up his old new 
" sabbath; he admonisheth the 



€( 



€€ 



4€ 



*4 



<« 



4 * reverend bishops of the king- 
" dom, and the temporal state 
•• likewise, to restore the fourth 
44 commandment of the Deca- 
" logue to his ancient posses- 
44 sion ; and professeth that he 
44 would rather suffer martyr- 
" dom than betray such a 
" worthy cause, so firmly sup- 
44 ported by the common prin- 
" ciples of all our new men, 
** who have in preaching or 
" writing treated of the Sabbath. 
" But while he was in this 
" heat, crying in all places 
•• where he came, Victoria, vie- 
" toria, he chanced to light 
" upon an unkind accident : 
" which was to be con vented 
44 and called to an account 
" before your grace" (that is, 
the archbishop) " and the 
" honourable court of high 
44 commission. 

M At his appearance your 
44 grace did not confute him 
" with fire and fagot, with 
•• halter, axe, and scourging, 
(as a certain Hotspur, a libel- 
ling disciple of Thomas Cart- 
wright's, traduceth the judges 
*' of that honourable court,) but 
" according to the usual pro- 
44 ceedings of your grace and 
44 of that court with delinquents, 
•• which are overtaken with 
" error, in simplicity, there 
" was yielded unto him a deli- 
berate, patient, and full hear- 
ing, together with a satis- 
" factory answer to all his main 
44 objections. 

44 The man perceiving that 



« 



•« 



(€ 



it 



« 



90 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1631. " of the most ancient and sacred ordinance of God, 
1 " The Sabbath day :" maintaining therein, 

i. The fourth commandment simply and entirely 
moral. 

ii. Christians, as well as Jews, obliged to the ever- 
lasting observation of that day. 

iii. That the Lord's day is an ordinary working 
day, it being will-worship and superstition to make 
it a sabbath by virtue of the fourth commandment. 

But whilst Mr. Bradbora was marching furiously, 
and crying victoria to himself, he fell into the ambush 
of the high commission, whose well tempered severity 
herein so prevailed upon him, that, submitting him- 
self to a private conference, and perceiving the un- 
soundness of his own principles, he became a con- 
vert, conforming himself quietly to the Church of 
England. 
Habbata- 38. Francis White, bishop (formerly of Norwich) 
then of Ely, was employed by his majesty to confute 
Mr. Bradborn his erroneous opinion. In the writing 
whereof some expressions fell from his pen, whereat 
many strict people (but far enough from Bradborn's 
conceit) took great distaste. Hereupon books begat 



nan contro- 
versies re- 
vived. 



" the principles which the sab- 
*• batarian dogmatists had lent 
" him were not orthodoxal, and 
" that all which were present 
" at the hearing (of which 
" number there were some 
" honourable lords of his ma- 
" jesty's privy council, and 
" many other persons of qua- 
" lity) had approved the con- 
" futation of his error ; the 
" man began to suspect that 
" the holy brethren, who had 
44 lent him his principles, and 



" yet persecuted his conclusion, 
" might |>erhaps be deceived in 
" the first, as he had been in 
" the latter. And therefore 
" laying aside his former con- 
" tidence, he submitted him- 
" self to a private conference, 
" which by God's blessing so 
" far prevailed with liim, that 
44 he became a convert, and 
" freely submitted himself to 
44 the orthodoxal discipline of 
" the Church of England."] 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



91 



books, and controversies on this subject were inulti-A.D. 163a. 
plied, reducible to five principal heads. — I 

i. What is the fittest name to signify the day set 
apart for God's public service ? 

ii. When that day is to begin and end ? 

iii. Upon what authority the keeping thereof is 
bottomed ? 

iv. Whether or no the day is alterable ? 

v. Whether any recreations, and what kinds of 
them, be lawful on that day ° ? 

And they are distinguishable into three several 
opinions : 



[Upon these controversial 
writings Heylyn makes the fol- 
lowing observations. " The ar- 
" gumentative and scholastical 
" part was referred to the right 
" learned Dr. White, then bi- 
" shop of El y, who had given 
" good proof of his ability in 
" polemical matters in several 
" books and disputations against 
" the papists. The practical 
** and historical, by Heylyn of 
" Westminster, who had gained 
" some reputation for his 8tu- 
" dies in the ancient writers by 
" asserting the history of St. 
*' George, maliciously impugn. 
" ed by those of the Calvinian 
" party upon all occasions. 
" Both of them being enjoined 
" their tasks, were required to 
" be ready for the press against 
" Michaelmas term ; at the end 
" whereof both books came 
out : the bishop's under the 
title of, A Treatise of the Sab- 
" bath Day, containing a Defence 
*' of the orthodox a I Doctrine of 



ii 



ti 



<* 



«< 



•* the Church of England against 
•• Sabbatarian Novelty. The 
" other, called the History of 
" the Sabbath, was divided into 
" two books or parts ; the first 
44 whereof began with the crea- 
" tion of the world, and carried 
" on the story till the destruc- 
tion of the temple. The 
second beginning with our 
" Saviour Christ and his apo- 
" sties, was drawn down to the 
" year 1633, when the publish- 
" ing of this declaration was 
" required. The bishop's book 
" had not been extant any long 
" time, when an answer was 
" returned unto it by Byfield 
" of Surrey, which answer occa- 
" sioned a reply, and that reply 
" begat a rejoinder. To Hey- 
" lyn's book there was no 
" answer made at all." Life of 
Abp. Laud, p. 296. This trea- 
tise of Dr. Heylyn's was re- 
printed in the collection of his 
miscellaneous works, p. 316.] 



92 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A. D.i 639. 
8 Charles 1. 



Sabbatarians. 

1. 
Are charged to af- 
fect the word Sab- 
bath as a shibboleth 
in their writing, 
preaching, and dis- 
counting, to distin- 
guish the true Israel- 
ites from lisping 
Ephraimites, as a 
badge of more [pre- 
tended] purity. As 
for Sunday, some 
would not have it 
mentioned in Christ- 
ian mouths, as re- 
senting of Saxon ido- 
latry, so called from, 
and dedicated to the 
sun, which they 
adored. 



Moderate men. 



2. 

Some make the 
Sabbath to begin en 
Saturday night, (the 
evening and the 
morning were the 
first day,) and others 
on the next day in 
the morning, both 
agreeing on the ex- 
tent thereof for four 
and twenty hours. 

3- 
They found it part- 
ly on the law and 
light of nature, de- 
riving some coun- 
tenances for the sep- 
tenary number out 
of heathen authors : 
and partly on the 
fourth command- 
ment, which they 
avouch equally moral 
with the rest. 



1. 

Sabbath (especially if Christian be 
premised) may inoffensively be used, as 
importing in the original only a rest. 
And it is strange that some who have a 
dearness, yea fondness, for some words 
of Jewish extraction (altar, temple, &c.) 
should have such an antipathy against 
the Sabbath. Sunday may not only safely 
be used without danger of paganism, but 
with increase of piety, if retaining the 
name, we alter the notion, and therewith 
the notion thereof, because on that day 
the Sun of Righteousness did arise with 
healing in his wings P. But the most 
proper name is the Lord's day, as ancient, 
used in the apostles' time 4; and most 
expressive, l»eing both an historian, and 
preacher. For the Lord's day, looking 
liackward, mindeth us what the Ix>rd did 
for us thereon, rising from the dead: 
and, looking forward, it monisheth us 
what we ought to do for him on the 
same, spending it to his glory, in the 
proper duties thereof. 

2. 

The question is not of so great con- 
cernment. For, in all circular motions, 
it matters not so much where one begin - 
neth, so be it he continueth the same, 
until he return unto that point again. 
Either of the aforesaid computations of 
the day may be embraced. 

Diesque quiesque redibit in orbem. 



In the Lord's day three things are 
considerable: 1. A day, founded on the 
light of nature; pure impure pagans 
destining whole days to their idolatrous 
service. 2. One day in seven, grounded 
on the moral equity of the fourth com- 
mandment, which is like the feet and 
toes of Nebuchadnezzar's imager, part of 
potter's clay, and part of iron. The clay 
part, and ceremonial moiety of that com- 
mandment (viz. that seventh day, or 
Jewish Sabbath) is mouldered away, and 
buried in Christ's grave. The iron part 
thereof, viz. a mixture of morality there- 
in, one day in seven, is perpetual and 
everlasting. 3. This seventh day (being 
indeed the eighth from the creation, but 
one of the seven in the week) is built on 
divine right in a larger sense, having an 
analogy in the Old, and insinuations in 
the New Testament, with the continued 
practice of the church. 



Anti-sabbatariam. 

1. 
The word Sabbath 
(as now used) con- 
taineth therein a se- 
cret magazine of Ju- 
daism, as if the af- 
fecters thereof by 
spiritual necromancy 
endeavoured the re- 
viving of dead and 
rotten Mosaical cere- 
monies. 



2. 



They confine the 
observation of the 
day only to the few 
hours of public ser- 
vice. 



These unhinge the 
day off from any 
divine right, and 
hang it merely on 
ecclesiastical author- 
ity first introducing 
it, as custom and 
consent of the church 
had since established 
it 



P Mai. iv. 2. 



q Revel, i. 10 



r Dan. ii. 41. 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



98 



» 



The church, no not 
ex piemtmthu tu* 
p otnimhs, may, or 
cut, alter the tame. 



5- 
N«> exercises at all 
(walking excepted, 
with which strictness 
itself cannot lie of- 
fended) are lawful 
no this day. Inso- 
much as some of 
them hare been ac- 
cused of turning the 
day of rest into the 
day «f torture and 
•elf -maceration . 



Moderate men. 



Would be right glad of the general 
agreement of the Christian church ; but, 
withal, right sorry that the same should 
be abused for the alteration of the Ix>rd's 
day. But, as there is but little hope of 
the former, so is there no fear of the 
latter, it being utterly (inexpedient to at- 
tempt the altering thereof. 



Anti+abbatarian*. A j>. i6u. 

The universal con- 
sent of the Christian 
church may alter it. 
Yea, one saith «, that 
the church of Geneva 
went about to trans- 
late it to Thursday, 
but, it seems, it was 
carried in the nega- 
tive. 

5- 
Mixed dancings, 

masques, interludes, 
revels, &c are by 
them permitted in 
the intervals be- 
twixt, but generally 
after evening service 
ended. 



\ 



The Sabliath (in some sort) was lord 
(yea, tyrant) over the Jews ; and they by 
their superstition contented vassals under 
it. Christ was Lord of the Sabbath t, 
and struck out the teeth thereof. Indeed 
such recreations as are unlawful on any 
day, are most unlawful on that day; 
yea, recreations doubtful on other days, 
are to be forliorne on that day, on the 
suspicion of unlawfulness. So are all 
those, which, by their over violence, put 
people past a praying capacity. Add also 
those, which, though acted after evening 
service, must needs be preacted by the 
fancy (such the volatility thereof) all the 
day twfore, distracting the mind, though 
the body lie at church. These recrea- 
tions forbidden, other innocent ones may 
be permitted. 

A worthy doctor™, who in his sermons at the temple 
no less piously than learnedly handled the point of 
the Lord's day, worthily pressed, that gentlefolk 
were obliged to a stricter observation of the Lord's 
day than labouring people. The whole have no need 
of the physician, but those who are sick. Such as 
are not annihilated with labour have no title to be 
recreated with liberty. Let servants, whose hands 
are ever working whilst their eyes are waking; let 
such who all the foregoing week have their cheeks 
moistened with sweat and hands hardened with la- 
bour; let such have some recreation on the Lord's 



* [Dr. John] Pocklington in 
his "Sunday no Sabbath/' p. 9. 
[A sermon preached and printed 



in the year 1636.] 
t Matth. xii. 8. 
a Dr. Paul Micklethwaite. 



94 



The Church Htetory 



BOOK XI. 



A ch' kf l ^ a y indulged unto them : whilst persons of quality, 

who may be said to keep sabbath all the week long, 

I mean, who rest from hard labour, are concerned 
in conscience to observe the Lord's day with the 
greater abstinence from recreations*. 



* [Of all the multitudinous 
writings on this fiercely dis- 
puted subject, Dr. White's 
work, entitled " A Treatise of 
" the Sabbath Day, containing 
" a Defence of the orthodoxal 
" Doctrine of the Church of 
" England against Sabbatarian 
** Novelty," is by far the most 
learned, as it is the most im- 
portant. This work, which was 
dedicated to Laud, archbishop 
of Canterbury, and was under- 
taken by his desire and direc- 
tion, may be considered as a fair 
exposition of their sentiments, 
who were undoubtedly the most 
learned and most catholic por- 
tion of the Church of England. 

Like various other questions 
disputed during these times, 
this was no more than the 
legitimate fruit of that prin- 
ciple, so strenuously advocated 
by the opponents of church 
authority, that scripture alone, 
or rather every man's private 
interpretation of it, is the only 
warrant for any observances 
whether civil or ecclesiastical. 
Undervaluing all human learn- 
ing, and rejecting from the first 
the testimony and tradition of 
the church ; private judgment 
became their only standard by 
which they could test the truth, 
and all things stood or fell ac- 
cordingly as they were found to 
tally with it. The same test 
which required the Jewish 
observance of the Sabbath, in 



aftertimes rejected infant bap- 
tism and set open the door to 
heresy in all its shapes ; the 
same private judgment which 
exaggerated the holiness of the 
Sunday, and would have bound 
it on the necks of Christians 
with an iron yoke, soon set men 
above it altogether. The Jew- 
ish observance of the Sunday 
became the touchstone of a 
man's election ; " To do any ser- 
" vile work or business on the 
•• Lord's day, (says one of 
" them,) is as great a sin as to 
" kill a man or commit adul- 
" tery ;" — " to make a feast on 
*' the Lord's day (says another) 
" is as great a sin as for a fa- 
" ther to take a knife and cut 
" his child's throat," (Heylyn's 
Tracts, p. 490) ; so hard is it 
for men who forsake the truth 
in one point to keep it in an- 
other : or even when advocat- 
ing that which is good and 
excellent in itself, if dislo- 
cated from that body of the 
truth once delivered to the 
saints, to avoid distorting its 
proportions and robbing it of 
its true life and spirituality. 
Thus these men in defending 
the perpetual morality of the 
fourth commandment, lost sight 
of those objects for which that 
commandment was given ; 
taught men to dislike and hate 
the services of the church, the 
administration of her sacra- 
ments, the ordination of her 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



95 



84. Pass we now from the pen to the practical a. d. 163.1. 

r * 9 Charl» I. 

part of the Sabbatarian difference. Somersetshire 

was the stage whereon the first and fiercest scene b^hT 
thereof was acted. Here wakes (much different, I jj^ 1 "**" 
dare say, from the watching prescribed by our Sa- 
viour) were kept on the Lord's day, with church- 
ales, bid-ales, and clerks-ales. If the reader know 
not the critical meaning and difference of these 
words, I list not to be the interpreter ; and his igno- 
rance herein neither is any disgrace nor can be any 
damage unto him. The gentry of that county, per- 
ceiving such revels the cause of many and occasion 
of moe misdemeanours, (many acts of wantonness 
bearing their dates from such meetings,) importuned 
ar Thomas Richardson T , lord chief justice, and baron 



ministers ; quenched the devo- 
tion of the people towards 
God's service by persuading 
them that it was profane and 
superstitious; and outwardly, 
most earnest in demanding obe- 
dience to the letter of God's 
word, became, in fact, its great, 
est transgressors, the most dis- 
obedient to its spirit. 

" Such (says even our own 
" author) who at the time of 
" the Sabbatarian controversy 
" were the strictest observers 
" of the Lord's day, are now 
" reeled by their violence into 
"another extreme, to be the 
" greatest neglect era, yea, con- 
M temners thereof. These tran- 
" scendenta, accounting them- 
" selves mounted above the 
" predicament of common piety, 
M aver they need not keep any, 
" because they keep all days 
" Lord's days in their elevated 
" holiness," &c. §. 44-] 



7 [This was " that jeering 
•• judge," (of whom Evelyn 
speaks in his diary) who " un- 
" justly and spitefully molest- 
•' ed" Evelyn's father, a man 
universally esteemed by all who 
knew him. Evelyn's Diary, ii. 
10. So also G. Garrard, in a 
letter to lord Strafforde, speak- 
ing of the death of this judge 
and of sir Robert de Grice who 
died at the same time, observes, 
that both of them were " little 
" missed in the commonwealth. 
" Never ( he continues) sat there 
" a judge in that court that was 
" less respected. He desired 
" to be buried in Westminster, 
" and was so poorly and mean- 
" ly attended only with hack- 
" ney coaches, and scarce a 
" j ua *ge> or any of his own pro- 
" fession, to attend him to his 
" grave ; yet he hath left be- 
" hind him an estate better 
M than three thousand pounds 



96 The Church History book xi. 

a. i>. 1633. Denham, then judges, riding the western circuit in 

9 Charles I. __ . , , - , 

the lent vacation, to make a severe order for the 

suppressing of all ales and revels on the Lord's day. 
judge ri- 35. In compliance with their desire, the afore- 
order ™* s&id judges made an order on the 19th day of March, 
KrdWay (founded on former precedents signed by judge Pop- 
revel8 - ham, lord chief justice in the latter end of queen 
Elizabeth her reign,) therein suppressing such revels, 
in regard of the infinite number of inconveniences 
daily arising by means thereof, enjoining the con- 
stables to deliver a copy thereof to the minister 
of every parish, who, on the first Sunday in Feb- 
ruary, and likewise the two first Sundays before 
Easter, was to publish the same every year. 
Which he 86. The archbishop of Canterbury beheld this as 

would not . _ . . . . , ,. . 

revoke, an usurpation on ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and com- 
plained of the judges to his majesty, procuring a 
commission to bishop Pierce and other divines to 
inquire into the manner of publishing this order, 
and the chief justice bis carriage in this business. 
Notwithstanding all which, the next assize judge 
Richardson gave another strict charge against these 
revels, required an account of the publication and 
execution of the aforesaid order, punishing some 
persons for the breach thereof. After whose return 
from London, the archbishop sent for him, and com- 
manded him to revoke his former order as he would 
answer the contrary at his peril, telling him it was his 
majesty's pleasure he should reverse it. The judge 
alleged it done at the request of the justices of the 
peace in the county, with the general consent of 

" a-year." — Straffbrde's Let- able as he was inclined to pu- 
ters, i. p. 373. This writer's ritanism.] 
testimony is the more remark. 



CKNT. XVII. 



<jf Britain. 



97 



tbe whole bench, on the view of ancient precedents a. d. 1633. 
in that kind. However, the next assize he revoked 9 — ^-' 
his order with this limitation, as much as in him 
lay 1 . At what time also the justices of the peace 
in Somersetshire (who in birth, brains, spirit, and 
estate, were inferior to no county in England) drew 
up an humble petition to his majesty, for the sup- 
pressing of the aforesaid unlawful assemblies 8 , con- 
curring with the lord chief justice therein, sending 
it up by the hand of the custos rotuhrum to deliver 
it to the earl of Pembroke, lord lieutenant of their 
county, to present it to his majesty 5 . 



[Rush worth, ib. 192.] 
It might be supposed 
from Fuller's language that this 
was the act of the county in 
general. The same statement 
was made against the archbi- 
shop by Prynne; whereupon 
he says at his trial : " Mr. 
" Prynne says ; that all the 
M gentlemen in the country pe- 
*• titioned on the judge's behalf. 
No ; there was a great faction 
in Somersetshire at that time, 
" and sir Robert Philips and all 
his party wrote up against the 
judge and the order he made, 
as was apparent by the certifi- 
M cates which he returned. And 
** sir Robert was well known 
in his time to be neither 
popish nor profane." — Trou- 
bles, p. 343. Afterwards they 
were made friends, as we learn 
from a letter of Garrard to the 
earl of Strafforde : ' • Sir Robert 
Philips (he says) and the 
chief justice Richardson have 
" been made friends of late, 
" before a committee of the 
" Lords. Their difference arose 



«« 



•1 



i« 



(4 



•f 



<• 



•• 



«< 



•1 



" in the country, at the assizes, 
" about these wakes and love- 
*• feasts in the country, as they 
" call them ; against which the 
" judge was very bitter in his 
" charge, many misdemeanors 
" being presented by the grand 
" inquest, which were done at 
" those meetings ; and the like 
" did most of the judges on 
%t their circuits. But now this 
" new declaration shuts their 
" mouths for the future. Sir 
" Robert Philips complains of 
" him to the king ; his majesty 
" refers it to the archbishop, 
" lord keeper, lord treasurer, 
" and the earl marshal ; they 
" hear them both, and thought 
"it fitter to reaccord them, than 
" to trouble the king further 
" about it. n — Strafforde's Lett, 
i. p. 167.] 

o [The truth of this matter 
will be better understood by 
the following letter which arch, 
bishop Laud wrote to the bishop 
of Bath and Wells on this occa- 
sion. 

" There hath been of late 



FULLER, VOL. VI. 



H 



98 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A.D.163.;. 87. Just in this juncture of time a declaration for 

" sports, set forth the fifteenth of king James, was 

decLr^tlon. revi ved and enlarged c ; for his majesty, being trou- 
bled with petitions on both sides, thought good to 
follow his father's royal example, upon the like 
occasion in Lancashire ; and we refer the reader 
to what we have written before d , for arguments 



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some noise in Somersetshire 
about the feasts of the dedi- 
cations of churches, common- 
ly called wakes, and it seems 
the judges of assize formerly 
made an order to prohibit 
them, and caused it to be 
published in some or most of 
the churches there by the 
ministers, without my lord the 
bishop's consent or privity. 
The pretence of this hath 
been, that some disorders de- 
rogatory from God's service 
and the government of the 
commonwealth are commit- 
ted at those times : by which 
argument any thing that is 
abused may quite be taken 
away. It seems there hath 
been some heat struck in the 
country about this, by the 
carriage of the lord chief jus- 
tice Richardson at the two 
last assizes, especially the 
last, with which his majesty 
is not well pleased. And for 
the preventing of outrages or 
disorders at those feasts, no 
man can be more careful than 
his majesty ; but he con- 
ceives, and that very rightly, 
that all these may and ought 
to be prevented by the care 
of the justices of peace, and 
leave the feasts themselves to 
be kept for the neighbourly 
meeting and recreation of the 



" people, of which he would 
•• not have them debarred un- 
'• der any frivolous pretences. 
" And further, his majesty hath 
" been lately informed by men 
" of good place in that county, 
" that the humorists increase 
" much in these parts, and 
" unite themselves by banding 

" against the feasts. Yet for 

" his better satisfaction, he hath 
" commanded me to require you 
" to inform yourself, and give 
" a speedy account how these 
" feasts have been ordered." 
See Rush. Coll. ii. p. 192. 

To this subject the arch- 
bishop, again making reference 
at his trial, observes, " Under 
your lordship's favour I am 
still of opinion, that there is 
" no reason the feasts should 
" be taken away for some 
" abuses in them ; and those 
" such as every justice of peace 
" is able by law to remedy, if 
" he will do his duty. Even 
" by this kind of proceeding, 
" we may go back to the old 
cure, and remedy drunken- 
ness by rooting out all the 
" vines, the wine of whose 
" fruit causes it." — Troubles, 
p. 269.] 

c [See king Charles's decla- 
ration in Wilkins' Concil. iv. 

P- 483O 

d Seethe 15th of king James. 



tt 



u 



tt 



tt 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



99 



pro and con about the lawfulness of public reading A.n. 1634. 

- n 10 Chai. I. 

thereof. 

38. It was charged at his trial on the archbishop The arch- 
of Canterbury, that he had caused the reviving and cu«S hlm- 
enlarging of this declaration, strong presumptions "^ 
being urged for the proof thereof. He denied it, 
jet professing his judgment for recreations on that 
day, alleging the practice of the church of Geneva, 
allowing shooting in long bows, &c. thereon. Add- 
ing also, that though indulging liberty to others, 
in his own person he strictly observed that day. A 
self-praise, or rather self-purging, because spoken on 
his life, which seemed uttered without pride, and with 
truth, and was not clearly confuted. Indeed, they 
are the best carvers of liberty on that day, who cut 
most for others and leave least for themselves 6 . 



« 



*€ 



44 



tt 



M 



c [The passage alluded to 
runs as follows : 

44 The fourth charge was the 
" publishing The Book of Re- 
" creations: and it was ushered 
" in with this scorn upon me, 
" that I labored to put a badge 
of holiness by my breath upon 
places; and to take it away 
from days. But I did nei- 
ther ; the king commanded 
the printing of it, as is therein 
" attested, and the warrant 
•• which the king gave me they 
have ; and though at conse- 
crations I read the prayers. 
M yet it was God's blessing, not 
" my breath, that gave the ho- 
" lines* 

" And first it was said, that 
this was done of purpose to 
take away preaching. But 
" first, there is no proof offered 
for this ; and secondly, it is 
impossible. For till the after- 



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noon service and sermon were 
done, no recreation is allow- 
ed by that book ; nor then to 
any but such as have been at 
both : therefore it could not 
be done to take it away. 
Thirdly, the book names none 
but lawful recreations, there- 
fore if any unlawful be used, 
the book gives them no war- 
rant. And that some are 
lawful (after the public ser- 
vice of God is ended) appears 
by the practice of Geneva, 
where, after evening prayer, 
the elder men bowl and the 
younger train. And Calvin 
say 8 in express terms, that 
one cause of the institution 
of the Sabbath was, that ser- 
vants might have a day of 
rest and remission from their 
labour. And what time of 
the day fit, if not after even- 
ing prayer ? And what rest 

H 2 



100 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A 

10 



.d. 1634. 39, However, there was no express in this decla- 

D Chan. I. f 

ration, that the minister of the parish should be 



tim'tHfe pressed to the publishing. Many counted it no 
ministers, m^j^r's WO rk, and more proper for the place of 
the constable or tythiug-man to perform it. Must 
they, who were (if not worst able) most unfitting, 
bold the candle to lighten and let in licentiousness ? 
But because the judges had enjoined the ministers 
to read their order in the church, the king's de- 
claration was enforced by the bishops to be published 
by them in the same place. 
Yetwrne 49. As for such whose consciences reluctated to 

silenced for 

refusal to publish the declaration, various were their evasions. 

book. Some left it to their curates to read. Nor was this 
the plucking out of a thorn from their own, to put it 
in another man's conscience, seeing their curates 
were persuaded of the lawfulness thereof. Others 
read it indeed themselves, but presently after read 
the fourth commandment. And was this fair play, 
setting God and their king (as they conceived) at 
odds, that so they themselves might escape in the 
fray ? Others pointblank refused the reading thereof, 
for which some of them were suspended ab officio et 
beneficio, some deprived, and moe molested in the 
high commission: it being questionable, whether 
their sufferings procured more pity to them, or more 
hatred to the causers thereof. 



*• is there for able young men 
" if they may use no recreation ? 
'" Then it was urged, that there 
" was great riot and disorder 
" at wakes kept on the Lord's 
" day. That is a very sufficient 
" cause to regulate and order 
" those feasts, but not quite 
" to take them away. I make 



44 no doubt for my part but that 
" the feast of the dedication 
" was abused by some among 
" the Jews; and yet Christ 
" was so far from taking it 
" away for that, as that he ho- 
" noured it with his own pre- 
" sence."— Troubles, p. 343.] 



CKNT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



101 



41. All bishops urged not the reading of the book a.d. 1634. 

r ° ° ioChas.1. 

with rigour alike, nor punished the refusal with equal 

. 111 1 i 1 • 1 Moderation 

seventy. I hear the loudest, longest, and thickest of some 
complaints come from the diocese of Norwich, and therein. 
of Bath and Wells. I knew a bishop in the west, 
(to whom I stood related in kindred and service 1 ,) 



f [Most probably Dr. John 
Davenant, bishop of Salisbury, 
Fuller's uncle. Several letters 
of this bishop are still preserv- 
ed iu the Bodleian, written to 
different Cambridge friends in 
behalf of his nephew. Of the 
state of his diocese this year, 
archbishop Laud made the fol- 
lowing report to the king: — 
" I found that the bishop had 
" taken a great deal of care 
" about your majesty's instruc- 
" tions ; and, that they might 
" be the better both known 
" and obeyed, he hath caused 
** copies of them to be sent to 
" most of the ministers in his 
" diocese ; which hath done a 
" great deal of good. And 
" though it be not amongst 
" your instructions, yet I am 
" bold to signify unto your 
" sacred majesty, that I find 
M the greatest part of Wiltshire 
" overgrown with the humors 
" of those men that do not 
" conform, and are as back- 
" ward, both clergy and laity, 
" towards the repairs of St. 
" Paul's church, as any part 
" of England that I have ob- 
" served.*' 

The archbishop further adds, 
" Concerning Bath and Wells," 
(then governed by Dr. Pierce, 
who was afterwards fiercely 
persecuted by the parliament,) 
" I must needs return to your 
" majesty that which I would 



" to God I could do of all the 
" rest, namely, that all your 
" instructions are punctually 
" observed ; and the lectures 
" (as many as are in that dio- 
" cese) read not by any parti- 
" cular factious persons, but 
" by a company of learned 
" neighbouringministers, which 
" are every way conformable to 
" the church." — Diary, p. 53 1 . 

Much the same testimony is 
given of Norwich, only that 
there the bishop found great 
trouble in carrying out the 
archbishop's injunctions, owing 
to the hostility of the puritan 
clergy, who were in great num. 
bers in that diocese. 

During the time that Dave- 
nant was bishop of Salisbury, 
Henry Sherfteld, the recorder, 
wantonly destroyed the " fair 
" and costly glass window in 
" the church of St. Edmund's, 
" containing the history of the 
" creation of the world, (paint- 
•' ed in seven compartments) ; 
" which had stood there for 
hundreds of years, and was 
" a great ornament to the 
" church." When he was called 
to his answer, among other 
things, he justified himself, 
" upon the doctrine of his 
" learned diocesan, the now 
" lord bishop of Sarum, in his 
" Exposition on the Epistle to 
" the Colossians, p. 97 and 98." 
— See Rushworth, ii. p. 155.] 

hS 



108 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1634. who, being pressed by some to return the names 
— — — ' of such as refused to read the book, to the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, utterly denied ; and his words 
to me were these : " I will never turn an accuser of 
" my brethren, there be enough in the world to take 
" that office." As for the archbishop of Canterbury, 
much was his moderation in his own diocese, silenc- 
ing but three (in whom also a concurrence of other 
nonconformities) through the whole extent thereof. 
But oh, the necessity of the general day of judg- 
ment, wherein all men's actions shall be expounded 
according to their intentions, which here are inter- 
pretable according to other men's inclinations ! The 
archbishop's adversaries imputed this, not to his 
charity, but policy ; fox-like, preying farthest from 
his own den, and instigating other bishops to do 
more than he would appear in himself. As for his 
own visitation articles, some complained they were 
but narrow as they were made, and broad as they 
were measured ; his under officers improving and 
enforcing the same, by their inquiries, beyond the 
letter thereof. 
Licentious- 42. Many complain that man's badness took occa- 
creaseth. si on to be worse, under the protection of these sports 
permitted unto them. For although liberty on the 
Lord's day may be so limited in the notions of 
learned men, as to make it lawful, it is difficult (if 
not impossible) so to confine it in the actions of 
lewd people, but that their liberty will degenerate 
into licentiousness. 
Conceived 43. Many moderate men are of opinion, that this 

by some a " * 

concurring abuse of the Lord's day was a principal procurer 

cause of our ^ lt . 1 . 1 , . 

civil wan. of God s anger, since poured out on this land, m 
a long and bloody civil war. Such observe, that 



cent, xvii. of Britain. 108 

our fights of chief concernment were often fought a.d. 1634. 

on the Lord's day, as pointing at the punishing of — 

the profanation thereof. Indeed, amongst so many 
battles which in ten years' time have rent the bowels 
of England, some on necessity would fall on that day, 
(seeing we have be-rubrick'd each day in the week, 
almost in the year, with English blood,) and there- 
fore to pick a solemn providence out of a common 
casualty savours more of curiosity than conscience. 
Yet, seeing Edge Hill fight (which first brake the 
peace, and made an irreconcilable breach betwixt 
the two parties) was fought on that day, and some 
battles since of greatest consequence, there may be 
more in the observation than what many are willing 
to acknowledge. But whatsoever it is which hence 
may be collected, sure I am those are the best 
Christians who least censure others and most reform 
themselves. 

44. But here it is much to be lamented, that A , 8ad Or- 
ation. 

such who at the time of the Sabbatarian controversy 
were the strictest observers of the Lord's day, are 
now reeled by their violence into another extreme, 
to be the greatest neglecters, yea, contemners there- 
of. These transcendents, accounting themselves 
mounted above the predicament of common piety, 
aver they need not keep any, because they keep all 
Lord's days in their elevated holiness. But alas! 
Christian duties said to be ever done will prove 
never done, if not sometimes solemnly done. These 
are the most dangerous levellers, equalling all times, 
places, and persons, making a general confusion to 
be gospel perfection ; whereas, to speak plainly, we 
in England are rebus sic stantibus, concerned now 
more strictly to observe the Lord's day than ever 

Hi 



104 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. i6.h. before. Holy days are not, and holy eves are not, 
™ — !^Lland Wednesday and Friday litanies are not, and 
Lord's day eves are not, and now some (out of error, 
and others out of profaneness) go about to take 
away the Lord's day also ; all these things make 
against God's solemn and public service. Oh, let 
not his public worship, now contracted to fewer 
channels, have also a shallower stream. But enough 
of this subject; wherein, if I have exceeded the 
bounds of an historian by being too large therein, 
such will pardon me, who know (if pleasing to re- 
member) that divinity is my proper profession «. 

45. At this time miserable the maintenance of 
the Irish clergy, where scandalous means made 
scandalous ministers. And yet a popish priest would 
grow fat in that parish where a protestant would be 
famished, as have not their livelihood on the obla- 
tions of those of their own religion. But now such 
impropriations as were in the crown, by the king 
were restored to the church, to a great diminution 
of the royal revenue, though his majesty never was 
sensible of any loss to himself, if thereby gain might 
redound to God in his ministers. Bishop Laud was 
a worthy instrument in moving the king to so pious 
a work, and yet this his procuring the restoring of 
Irish did not satisfy such discontented at his ob- 
structing the buying in of English impropriations: 
thus those conceived to have done hurt at home 



Irish im- 
propria- 
tions re- 
stored. 



g [This is a very remarkable 
passage, and the best comment 
on the effects which the ex- 
cesses of the different religious 
factions had produced. The 
cautious manner in which our 
author speaks sufficiently war- 
rants the truth of his assertion. 



That he did not speak out all 
that he thought of the charac- 
ter and proceedings of the pu- 
ritan party, we might gather 
from this passage ; but he has 
himself further assured us of it 
in his " Appeal of Injured In- 

] 



nocence. 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



105 



will hardly make reparations with other good deeds a. p. 1634. 

1# , 10 Chaa. I. 

at distance. 

46. A convocation (concurrent with a parliament) The Thirty. 
was called and kept at Dublin in Ireland, wherein Scieir£ 
the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England J*^ 11 
were received in Ireland for all to subscribe unto. 
It was adjudged fit, seeing that kingdom complies 
with England in the civil government, it should also 
conform thereto in matters of religion. Meantime 
the Irish Articles 11 concluded formerly in a synod 
1613 (wherein Arminianism was condemned in ter- 
minis terminantibus, and the observation of the 
Lord's day resolved jure divino) were utterly ex- 
cluded ! . 

47- A cardinal's cap once and again offered byBwhop 
the pope to bishop Laud, was as often refused by fu ^ t h a 
him. The fashion thereof could not fit his head,££ inar8 
who had studied and written so much against the 
Romish religion. He who formerly had foiled the 
Fisher himself in a public disputation, would not 
now be taken with so silly a bait, but acquainted 
the king therewith : timuit Romam vel dona ferentem, 
refusing to receive anything from Rome till she was 
better reformed k . 

48. Dr. William Juxon, bishop of London, was Bishop 
by bishop Laud's procurement made lord treasurer made lord 



treasurer. 



h [These articles were drawn 
up by Usher, and he inserted 
them among the celebrated 
Lambeth Articles.] 

i [See the " Constitutions 
" and Canons ecclesiastical 
" treated upon by the Arch- 
" bishops and Bishops and the 
" rest of the Clergy of Ireland ; 

and agreed upon by the 



•f 



" King's Majesty's License in 
" their Synod begun and holden 
" at Dublin, A. D. 1634." 
Printed in Wilkins' Concil. iv. 
p. 496. See Cox's Hist, of Ire- 
land, ii. 55, and a letter ad- 
dressed by the earl of Strafford 
to archbishop Laud in his Let- 
ters and Dispatches, i. 342.] 
k [See his Diary, p. 49.] 



106 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A, ?: ,6 -Y* °f England, entering on that office with many and 

great disadvantages. First, because no clergyman 

had executed the same since William Grey, bishop 
of Ely, almost two hundred years ago, in the reign 
of king Edward the Fourth. Secondly, because the 
treasury was very poor, and if in private houses 
bare walls make giddy housewives, in princes' 
palaces empty coffers make unsteady statesmen. 
Thirdly, because a very potent (I cannot say com- 
petitor, the bishop himself being never a petitor for 
the place, but) desirer of this office was frustrated 
in bis (almost assured) expectation of the same to 
himself 1 . 



1 [This promotion of Juxon 
gave great offence to the no- 
bility, who looked upon this 
office as a prize for one of 
themselves, particularly since 
the bishop was a man entirely 
unknown till this time. As 
lord Clarendon observes : "This 
" inflamed more men than were 
" angry before, and no doubt 
" did not only sharpen the 
" edge of envy and malice 
" against the archbishop, (who 
" was the known architect of 
" this new fabric,) but most 
" injustly undisposed many to- 
" wards the church itself; which 
" they looked upon as the gulf 
" ready to swallow all the great 
" offices, there being others in 
'• view of that robe, who were 
" ambitious enough to expect 
" the rest." Rebel, i . 1 75 . Per- 
haps the historian refers more 
particularly to the known dis- 
seusion which happened at this 
time between Laud and his 
former friends Wardebank and 
Cottington. See Laud's Diary, 
p. 51. Strafforde's Lett. i. 449, 



•« 



«< 



tt 



479. Mr. Garrard in a letter 
to the earl of Strafforde ob- 
serves upon this appointment : 
The clergy are so high here 
since the joining of the white 
sleeves with the white staff, 
" that there is much talk of 
" having a secretary a bishop, 
" Dr. Wren, bishop of Norwich, 
" and a chancellor of the ex- 
" chequer, Dr. Bancroft, bishop 
" of Oxford ; but this comes 
" only from the young fry of 
,( the clergy, little credit is 
*' given to it, but it is observed 
" they swarm mightily about 
" the court." Strafforde's Let- 
ters, ii. 2. Sanderson tells us 
that one of the great motives 
which induced the king to de- 
sire the promotion of the dig- 
nified clergy to such posts was 
economy, they having no fami- 
lies to provide for, and there- 
fore more frugal, as undoubt- 
edly more honest, dispensers 
of the king's revenues. A re- 
mark which I do not remember 
to have been made elsewhere.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 107 

49. Howsoever, so discreet his carriage in that a. d. 1635. 

place, it procured a general love unto him, and—; — 

politic malice, despairing to bite, resolved not to rae ndabU» 
bark at him. He had a perfect command of his carnage ' 
passion, (an happiness not granted to all clergymen 
in that age, though privy counsellors m ,) slow, not of 
speech as a defect, but to speak, out of discretion, 
because when speaking he plentifully payed the 
principal and interest of his auditors' expectation. 
No hands, having so much money passing through 
them, had their fingers less soiled therewith. It is 
probable his frugality would have cured the con- 
sumption of the king's exchequer, had not the (un- 
expected) Scotch commotion put it into a desperate 
relapse. In this particular he was happy above 
others of his order, that whereas they may be said 
in some sort to have left their bishoprics, (flying 
into the king's quarters for safety,) he staid at home 

m [He glances at Laud, who " sweeten many of them again 

was somewhat warm and hasty: " when they least looked for it." 

" He had indeed/' says Heylin, Examen Historicum, p. 218. 

" no such command upon his An admirable anecdote is 

" passions as to be at all times preserved by lord Clarendon in 

" of equal temper ; especially the History of his own Life, 

" when wearied with the bust- which shews how sensible Laud 

" ness of the council table and was of this constitutional in- 

" the high commission. But as (trinity, and how ready to make 

" he was soon hot, so was he reparation when he had given 

" soon cooled. And so much/' offence. The manner in which 

he continues, " is observed by he received Mr. Hyde's expos- 

•• sir Edward Deering, though tulation, then but a very young 

" his greatest adversary, and man, is very creditable to the 

" the first that threw dirt in his archbishop's moderation and 

" face in the late long parlia- temper, and must give every 



ment ; who telleth us of him, unprejudiced reader a very high 

" that the roughness of his imi- opinion of the excellence of his 

courtly nature sent most men disposition and the greatness 

discontented from him, but so of his moral courage. See the 

that he would often of himself Life of Clarendon, i. 70.] 
find ways and means to 



(4 
tt 
•4 
<« 



108 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A. D. 1635. till bis bishopric left him, roused from bis swan's 
' *"" nest at Fulham for a bird of another feather to 
build therein. 
Archbishop so. Dr. Laud, formerly archbishop in power, now 
presses con- so in place, after the decease of bishop Abbot, this 
onmty. ^^^ ]nept his metropolitical visitation, and hence- 
forward conformity was more vigorously pressed 
than before. Insomuch that a minister was cen- 
sured in the high commission for this expression in 
a sermon, "That it was suspicious that now the 
night did approach, because the shadows were so 
much longer than the body, and ceremonies more 
in force than the power of godliness." And now 
many differences about divine worship began to 
arise, whereof many books were written pro and 
con. So common in all hands, that my pains may 
be well spared in rendering a particular account of 
what is so universally known. So that a word or 
two will suffice n . 



« 



a 



«t 



n [And yet it is said in "The 
" Appeal" &c. p. iii. p. 8, that 
Laud s articles of visitation 
were observed to be so mode- 
rate that " there was a design 
" of the thirty-six dissenters 
" .... in the convocation to 
44 obtain that these articles of 
" his visitation might be pre- 
" c?dential to all the bishops 
" in England, as being in them - 
•• selves inoffensive, and con- 
" taining no innovations. This 
" was by some communicated 
'* to archbishop Laud, who at 
"first seemed to approve 
"* thereof, and how it came 
" afterwards to miscarry I am 
•' not bound to discover." To 
this the archbishop alludes in 



his trial : 4< My articles gave so 
" good content, that while the 
" convocation was sitting, Dr. 
" Brownrigg and Dr. Holds- 
'* worth came to me, and de- 
" sired me to have my book 
" confirmed in convocation, to 
" be general for all bishops in 
" future, it was so moderate 
" and according to law. But 
" why then (say they) were 
" other articles thought on, and 
" a clause that none should pass 
" without the approbation of 
" the archbishop? Why: other 
" were thought on, because I 
" could not in modesty press 
'* the confirmation of my own 
" though solicited to it." Trial, 

345-3 



cekt. xvn. of Britain. 109 

51. One controversy was about the holiness of a. 0.1636. 

our churches, some maintaining that they succeed — — 

to the same degree of sanctity with the tabernacle churches 
of Moses and temple of Solomon, which others "J*^^ 
flatly denied. First, because the tabernacle and p,e ' ,mt 

J 7 synagogues. 

temple were and might be but one at a time, 
whilst our churches, without fault, may be multi- 
plied without any (set) number. They both for 
their fashion, fabric, and utensils, were jure divino, 
their architects being inspired, whilst our churches 
are the product of human fancy. Thirdly, God 
gloriously appeared both in the tabernacle and 
temple, only graciously present in our churches. 
Fourthly, the temple was a type of Christ's body, 
which ours are not. More true it is, our churches 
are heirs to the holiness of the Jewish synagogues, 
which were many, and to whom a reverence was 
due, as publicly destined to divine service. 

52. Not less the difference about the manner of Adoration 
adoration to be used in God's house, which some^r. " 
would have done towards the communion table, as 

the most remarkable place of God's presence. Those 
used a distinction between bowing ad aitare towards 
the altar, as directing their adoration that way, and 
ad aitare to the altar, as terminating their worship 
therein ; the latter they detested as idolatrous, the 
former they defended as lawful and necessary ; such 
a slovenly unmannerliness had lately possessed 
many people in their approaches to God's house 
that it was high time to reform. 

53. But such as disliked the gesture, could not Disliked hy 
or would not understand the distinction, as in the many * 
suburbs of superstition. These allowing some cor- 

° Mai. i. 7. 



110 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. i6j6.poral adoration lawful, yea necessary, seeing no 

'. reason the moiety of man, yea the total son of him, 

which is visible, his body, should be exempted 
from God's service, except such a writ of ease could 
be produced and proved from scripture. But they 
were displeased with this adoration, because such as 
enjoin it maintain one kind of reverence due to the 
very place, another to the elements of the sacra- 
ments, if on the table, a third to God himself : these 
several degrees of reverence ought to be railed about 
as well as the communion table, and clearly distin- 
guished, lest that be given to the creature which 
belongs to the Creator, and such as shun profanation 
run into idolatry. 

54. A controversy was also started about the 
posture of the Lord's board, communion table, or 
altar, the last name beginning now in many men's 
mouths to out the two former. Some would have 
it constantly fixed with the sides east and west, ends 
north and south, on a graduated advance next the 
east wall of the chancel, citing a canon and the 
practice in the king's chapel for the same. Others 
pressed the queen's injunctions that (allowing it at 
other times to stand, but not altarwise in the 
chancel) it ought to be set in the body of the 
church when the sacrament is celebrated thereon p. 



P [" The question was, whe- 
" ther it ought to stand in the 
" middle of the church or 
" chancel, with one end toward 
" the east great window, like 
44 a common table, or close up 
" to the eastern wail, with ends 
" north and south, according 
" as the altars had been placed 
€( in the former times. They 



" that maintained the last opin- 
" ion had authority for it ; that 
" is to say, the injunctions of 
" the queen, anno 1599, the 
" orders and advertisements of 
" the year 1562 and 1565, the 
" constant practice of the cha- 
" pels in his majesty's houses, 
" most of the cathedrals, 
" and some of the parochial 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



Ill 



55. Such the heat about this altar till both sides a. d. 1636. 

had almost sacrificed up their mutual charity thereon, 1 

and this controversy was prosecuted with much 
needless animosity. This mindeth me of a passage 
in Cambridge, when king James was there present, 



" churches : and, finally, a de- 
" claration of the king, anno 
" '^33, commending a con- 
•• formity in the parish churches 
" to their own cathedrals. They 
•' on the other side stood chiefly 
" upon discontinuance, hut 
" urged withal, that some ru- 
" brie* in the Common Prayer 
" Book seemed to make for 
'• them." Examen Hist. p. 215. 
The chief writers in this con- 
troversy were archbishop, then 
bishop, Williams, in a short 
tract entitled, "A Letter to the 
" Vicar of Grantham against 
" the Communion-table stand- 
•• ing altar-ways ;" first printed 
in 1 627, (Hacket's Life of Wil- 
liams, ii. p. 100,) but revived 
at this time, and reprinted by 
Dr. Heylyn at the end of his 
tract, " A Coal from the Altar, 
" or an Answer to a Letter not 
" long since written to the 
" Vicar of Gr. against the 
44 placing of the Communion- 
4< table at the East end of the 
Chancel ; and now of late 
dispersed abroad to the Dis- 
' turbanceof the Church. Lond. 
1636." To this the arch- 
bishop replied in a pamphlet 
entitled, "The Holy Table, 
" Name and Thing, more an- 
" ciently, properly, and literal- 
•• ly used in the New Testa- 
" ment than that of an Altar : 
" written long ago by a minis- 
" ter in Lincolnshire, in answer 



«« 



*i 



t* 



" to Dr. Coal ; a judicious di- 
" vine of queen Mary's days. 
" Printed for the diocese of 
" Lincoln. 1637." This was 
immediately answered by Dr. 
Heylyn in his Antidotum Lin- 
coln i en se printed the same 
year. In Bp. Hacket's Life of 
Williams, besides an account 
of this controversy, will be 
found a copious abstract and 
defence of Williams* writings 
in defence of his views, part ii. 
p. 99, and for the other side of 
the question see Heylyn's Life 
of Laud, pp. 285, 3 14. 

Besides these, Dr. Heylyn's 
views were supported by Dr. 
John Pocklington, in a tract 
called, " Altare Christ ianum, 
" or the dead Vicar's Plea. 
" Lond. 1637." By the learned 
Joseph Mede, in a pamphlet 
which he put forth the same 
year, "The Name Altar an- 
" tiently given to the Holy 
" Altar. Lond. 1637." After- 
wards the same controversy 
was continued by R. Day, in 
his " Two Looks over Lincoln. 
" 1 641." By Shelford, Reeve, 
and others, to whom the noto- 
rious Prynne replied in his 
tract called, " A quench Coal ; 
" or a brief Disquisition and 
" Inquiry in what place of the 
" Church or Chancel the Lord's 
" Table ought to be situated, 
" &c. Lond. 1637."] 



112 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 16.16. to whom a great person complained of the inverted 
— ■ — ~ situation of a college chapel, north and south, out 
of design to put the house to the cost of new build- 
ing the same. To whom the king answered, " It 
" matters not how the chapel stands, so their hearts 
" who go thither be set aright in God's service.*' 
Indeed if moderate men had had the managing of 
these matters, the accommodation had been easy, 
with a little condescension on both sides. But as a 
8m all accidental heat or cold (such as a healthful 
body would not be sensible of) is enough to put 
him into a fit who was formerly in latitudine febris, 
so men's minds, distempered in this age with what I 
may call a mutinous tendency, were exasperated 
with such small occasions which otherwise might 
have been passed over, and no notice taken thereof. 
Mr.Wii- 56. For now came the censure of Mr. Prynne, 

liara 

Prynne. Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton ; and we must go a 
little backwards to take notice of the nature of their 
offences. Mr. William Prynne born (about Bath) in 
Gloucestershire, bred some time in Oxford, after- 
wards utter-barister of Lincoln's Inn, began with 
the writing of some useful and orthodox books <*. 
I have heard some of his detractors account him as 
only the hand of a better head, setting forth at first 
the endeavours of others. Afterwards he delighted 
more to be numerous with many than ponderous 
with select quotations, which maketh his books to 
swell, with the loss ofttimes of the reader, some- 
times of the printer, and his pen generally querulous 
hath more of the plaintiff than of the defendant 
therein r . 

4 The Perpetuity of the Re- r [An admirable account of 
generate Man his Estate. Prynne, who was a student in 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 113 

57. Some three years since he set forth a book ^- ^iilJ. 3 /" 
called Histriom astir, or the Whip of Stage-players. Acctlied for 
A whip so held and used by his hand, that some libelling 

againitt the 

conceived the lashes thereof flew into the lace of the bishops. 
queen herself, as much delighted in masques. For 
which he was severely censured to lose his ears on 
the pillory, and for a long time (after two removals 
to the fleet) imprisoned in the tower. Where he 
wrote, and whence he dispersed new pamphlets, 
which were interpreted to be libels against the 
established discipline of the Church of England, for 
which he was indited in the Star-chamber. 

58. Dr. John Bastwick (by vulgar error generally Dr. Bast- 

wick his ac* 

mistaken to be a Scotchman) was born at Writtle cusarion. 
in Essex, bred a short time in Emmanuel College, 
then travelled nine years beyond the seas, made Dr. 
of physic at Padua. Returning home he practised 
it at Colchester, and set forth a book in Latin 
(wherein his pen commanded a pure and fluent 
style) entitled, Flagellum pontificis, et episcoporum 
Latialium •. But it seems he confined not his cha- 
racter so to the Latian bishops beyond the Alps, 
but that our English prelates counted themselves 
touched therein. Hereupon he was accused in the 
high commission, committed to the gate-house, 
where he wrote a second book, taxing the injustice 
of the proceedings of the high commission, for which 
he was indited in the Star-chamber. 

59. Mr. Henry Burton, minister, rather took a Mr. Burton 

his cha- 

snap than made a meal in any university; was first meter. 

Oriel College in Oxford, will his letter to " Mr. Aquila 

be found in Wood's Athen. ii. " Wycks, Keeper of the Gate 

434.] " House," in Nal son's Coll. i. 

■ [A tolerable specimen of 500. Our honest historian is 

this purity will be found in laughing in his sleeve.] 

FULLEE, VOL. VI. I 



The cause 
of hit dia- 



114 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1637. schoolmaster to the sons of the lord Cary (afterwards 

" earl of Monmouth), whose lady was governess to 

king Charles when prince *. And this opportunity 
(say some), more than his own deserts, preferred him 
to the service of prince Charles, being designed (as I 
have heard) to wait on him in Spain, but afterwards 
(when part of his goods were shipped for the voyage) 
excluded the attendance. Whether because his parts 
and learning were conceived not such as to credit 
our English church in foreign countries, or because 
his principles were accounted uncomplying with that 
employment. 

60. The crudity of this affront lay long on his 

content, mind, hot stomachs (contrary to corporal concoction) 
being in this kind the slowest of digestion. After 
the venting of many mediate discontents, on the last 
fifth of November he took for his text Prov. xxiv. 
21, My son, fear thou (he Lord and the king : and 
meddle not with them that are given to change. This 
sermon was afterwards printed, charging the prelates 
for introducing of several innovations into divine 
worship, for which, as a libel, he was indited in the 
Star-chamber. 

Thdr fault 61. But the fault general, which at this day was 
charged on these three prisoners at the bar in the 
Star-chamber, was this : That they had not put in 

* [But according to his own curious tract entitled, "A Nar- 
account he resided long enough " rative of the Life of Mr. 
in St. John's College, in the " Henry Burton, wherein is 
university of Cambridge, to " set forth the various and re- 
take his degree of M. A. He " niarkable passages thereof, 
was at first '* sole officer of the *' Now published, according 
" closet/' as he styles it, to "to a copy written with his 
prince Henry, (according to " own hand. Lond. 1643." At 
Sanderson, " clerk of the cha- the time of his writing this 
" pel-closet,") and after his book he was certainly mad.] 
death to prince Charles. See a 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



115 



their effectual answer into that court wherein they a. d. 1637. 

were accused, though sufficient notice and com--- 1 

petent time was allowed them for the performance 
thereof. The lord keeper Coventry minded them, 
that for such neglect they had a precedent, wherein 
the court after six days had taken a cause pro con- 
fesso, whereas the favour of six weeks was allowed 
unto them, and now leave given them to render 
reason why the court should not proceed to present 
censure u . 



u [The official account of the 
trial of these men will be found 
in Rush worth, ii. 380 ; their 
own report is contained in a 
tract reprinted in the Harleian 
Miscellany, entitled, " A brief 
M Relation of certain special 
" and most material Passages 
" and Speeches in the 8tar- 
" chamber, occasioned and de- 
" livered June 14th, 1637, at 
" the censure of those three 
" worthy gentlemen, Dr. Bast- 
" wick, Mr. Burton, and Mr. 
" Prynne, as it hath been truly 
" and faithfully gathered from 
" their own mouths, by one 
" present at the said censure." 
Fuller's narrative is abridged 
from this tract. As to the 
justice of their censure, they 
were scarcely punished above 
their deserts, but as to the ex- 
pediency of their being thus 
made an example to others, 
this is another question. As 
far as Laud himself was con- 
cerned, he neither proposed nor 
assisted at the sentence; and 
of this charge even his bitterest 
enemies have acquitted him. 
The reasons for this forbearance 
lie has stated himself, con- 
cluding his celebrated speech 



in the Star-chamber with these 
words: " But because the busi- 
" ness hath some reflection 
•* upon myself, I shall forbear 
" to censure them, and leave 
" them to God's mercy and 
" the king's justice." 

In his trial, the archbishop 
thus tells us what share he took 
in the proceedings against these 
men, and the malice and the 
fury with which he was perse- 
cuted by them and their faction : 
" In the giving of this sen- 
" tence," he says, •' I spake my 
" conscience ; and was after 
" commanded to print my 
" speech. But I gave no vote; 
" because they had fallen so 
" personally upon me, that I 
44 doubted many men might 
" think spleen, and not justice, 
" led me to it. Nor was it my 
'* counsel that advised their 
" sending into those remote 
" parts. The Brown ists and 
'• the preciser part of the king- 
" dom were nettled at this ; 
" and the anger turned upon 
" me, though I were the pa- 
•• tient all along. For they 
had published most enor- 
mous libels against me ; and 
" I did but shew such as came 

I 2 



(< 



tt 






XI. 



3 

• T 




ii Tfun Mr: ^ 


Tn» irsc moved that they 


-ir*ud "ie ntsae* ~o a 


L._jt a ana bfil (which he 


^usc£-HtE?n: acscw 


lie iresaEe^w Th» die lord 


«p*qig > ^rasw "u srre 


gr if it :ne present, as not 


lent tie toshhs* 7 "in* car. Tbesi he moved that 


:he TiPMxe* Tiicnr 'je 


iismisKd :ae court : it being 


vn^esbie n??nxty :u 3a 


rare. TseonL nor justice, that 


iuma? -rtiM tpp! -nt»r 


■■Minum h* should be their 


inu?s. T!ns liaM i» 


^ffiw by the lord keeper, 


leemse "jv ^le «ne 

* 


imwmiJD. bad he libelled 


ncimst :ae Knwnu Lumsv jmisest and prHr coun- 


cilor* n rh** liar**, "ly 


- "hi* piea. sone shoald pass 


cerare to«ii zha*m~ "Moaa? ill were made parties. 


<&> Mr. Ptyine irwwnw ?> shew be had done 


lis znthaamixr ^ prepare ib* answer, being hindered 


arse by iis not* imocisunimaic ♦fcmed pea. ink, and 


paper : ami by :ie impRMamefic also of hi? servant, 


wbi> was ri> sotiesc lis 


basnet That the council 


aas^riett 5:m vraaie ti 


?ry -are. aad thoogh twice 


paje«i 5>r lieir pains 


ieKrrec die drawing up of 



** 



*i it isuuia si zx icine. 
ixut su»r» jgf: tie-n *f if 
wimt taev jitKiaeii rn. x. B*rc 
char cor ^rim^i roer ^nsn? 

br Mr. Barton, xad 
and tens by knnseif ti> cite 
Lords •J^Hmg ia council : sad 
a Ktazxr and other «cammltias 



4i 
4* 
4* 
** 
*i 
«4 
** 



by Dr. Bastwick ; and things 
of like nature br Mr. Prr ime. 
And be was thought to de- 
terre less fiTour than the 
rem, became he had been 
censured before in that great 
or/art, for grots abases of the 
queen's gracious majesty and 
the government, in his book 



* xjca taese men, though I 

- in£ ao mere than is before 
~ oendootftL ret thev and that 
~ csctiua contnned all manner 

* or malice against me: and I 
~ kid Lfbei upon fibel s c atte red 

- in the *tic « is and pasted 
"~ upon posts. And upon Fri- 
** day. July 7, 1637, a note 
* % w*s brought to me of a short 
** Hbel pasted on the cross in 

Cheapsade, that the arch- wolf 
of Canterbury had his hand 
" in persecuting the saints and 
" shedding the blood of the 
•• martyrs." Troubles and 
Trid* p. .44.] 



ۥ 



€« 



cent. xvii. • of Britain. 117 

his answer, and durst not set their hands tin to it. a. d. 1637. 

13 Chas. I. 

Mr. Hole, one of his council, being present, confessed 

that he found his answer would be very long, and 
of such a nature as he durst not subscribe it, fearing 
to give their lordships distaste. 

64. Dr. Bastwick being spoken to, to speak for Sou Dr. 
himself, why he brought not in his answer before, 

hud the blame on the cowardice of his counsel, that 
durst not sign it for fear of the prelates. He there 
tendered his answer on oath with his own hand, 
which would not be accepted. He spake much of 
his own abilities, that he had been a soldier able to 
lead an army of men into the field, and now was a 
physician able to cure kings, princes, and emperors ; 
and therefore how unworthy it was to curtailize his 
ears, generally given out by the bishops' servants as 
a punishment intended unto him. He minded them 
of the mutability of all earthly things, and chiefly 
of the changes in the court ; where he x , lately the 
chief judge therein, was the next day to have his 
own cause censured : wishing them seriously to 
consider, that some who -now sat there on the bench, 
might stand prisoners at the bar another day, and 
need the favour which now they denied. 

65. Mr. Burton being asked what he could allege Mr. Bur- 
why the court should not take his fault pro confesso, out for im- 
pleaded that he had put in his answer, drawn up per ^" 
with great pains and cost, signed by his council, and 
received into the court. The lord keeper rejoined, 

that the judges had cast his answer out as imperfect. 
Judge Finch affirming that they did him a good 
turn in making it imperfect, being otherwise as li- 
bellous as his book, and deserving a censure alone. 

z The bishop of Lincoln. 
13 



118 The Church History book xi. 

a, d. 1637. 66. Here the prisoners desiring to speak were 
1 commanded silence, and the premises notwithstand- 

Til© BCV6T6 • 1 11 11 

censure, ing, the court proceeded to censure: namely, that 
they should lose their ears in the palace yard at 
Westminster, fining them also five thousand pounds 
a man to his majesty, and perpetual imprisonment 
in three remote places. The lord Finch added to 
Mr. Prynne's censure, that he should be branded 
in each cheek with S. L. for slanderous libeller, to 
which the whole court agreed. The archbishop of 
Canterbury made a long speech, since printed, to 
excuse himself from the introducing of any innova- 
tions in the church, concluding it, that he left the 
prisoners to God's mercy and the king's justice y. 

^^ y 67. It will be lawful and safe to report the dis- 

■o™ 6 - course of several persons hereon. This censure fell 
out scarce adequate to any judgment, as conceiving 
it either too low or too high for their offence. High 
conformists counted it too low, and that it had been 
better if the pillory had been changed into a gallows. 
They esteemed it improvident (but by their leaves 
more of Machiavel than of Christ in such counsel) 
to kindle revenge, and not to quench life in such 
turbulent spirits. The only way with them, had 
been to rid them out of the way. 

by most 68. Most moderate men thought the censure too 
sharp, too base and ignominious for gentlemen of 
their ingenuous vocation. Besides, though it be 
easy in the notion, it is hard in the action to fix 
shame on the professors, and sever it from the pro- 
fessions of divinity, law, and physic 1 . As for the 

y [Printed in Rush worth, and is borne out by the obser- 

vol. iii, App. p. 1 16.] vation of lord Clarendon. For 

* [This remark is very just, although these men were very 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



119 



former, though Burton was first degraded a , yet such A % - qJ£ 3 /' 
who maintain an indelible character of priesthood - 



contemptible, and none of them 
either esteemed or regarded by 
the worthy part of their several 
professions, " yet when they 
*' were all sentenced, and for 
" the execution of that sen. 
" tence brought out to be 
M punished as common and 
*' signal rogues, exposed upon 
" scaffolds to have their ears 
" cut off, and their faces and 
" foreheads branded with hot 
" irons, (as the poorest and 
" most mechanic malefactor 
" used to be, when they were 
" not able to redeem them- 
selves by any fine for their 
trespasses, or to satisfy any 
damages for the scandals they 
" had raised against the good 
" name and reputation of 
'* others,) men began no more 
" to consider their manners 
" but the men ; and each pro- 
" fession, with anger and in- 
" dignation enough, thought 
" their education, and degrees, 
" and quality, would have se- 
" cured them from such in. 
" famous judgment, and trea- 
" sured up wrath for the time 
" to come." Rebeli. i. 167. 

It must always indeed be a 
matter of regret, that the arch- 
bishop permitted his name to 
be mixed up so much with 
proceedings of this kind ; and 
that having a work truly 
mighty and important to per- 
form, he should have increased 
the obstacles already sufficient- 
ly numerous, and wasted his 
energies on things unworthy of 
him. It might be hard for one 
of his temperament to refrain ; 



«« 



•< 



** 



his very attachment to king 
Charles, more like the warm 
and ardent affection of a friend, 
than the dutiful loyalty of a 
subject, may have often urged 
him, naturally warm and im- 
petuous, to take part with 
royalty ; and to be forward in 
punishing those who insulted it, 
as though thin had been part of 
his own sacred cause. Still 
harder was it, for one serving 
such a king as Charles I, and 
that one a bishop, not to es- 
pouse his cause with unflinching 
energy and devotion ; and to 
bring to its support his in- 
fluence, not merely as a subject 
and as a Christian, but as the 
head and representative of the 
Church of England. In this 
respect the archbishop's conduct 
was imitated by many other 
prelates ; so that men could 
not distinguish between the 
church and the state, nor se- 
parate from the church those 
abuses which were committed 
by a worthless aristocracy, who 
cared only so far for the church 
as the representative of a po- 
litical party. So all the seve- 
rities of the Star and Council 
chamber came to be charged 
upon the church ; men's hearts 
(always ready to revolt against 
excessive punishments, even 
when in some degree deserved) 
were alienated from her; in 
the redress of political griev- 
ances, or defence of political 
rights, they regarded her as 
their adversary, because those 
who chiefly represented her, if 
not of the number of the in- 

14 



120 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d.i 6.17. hold that degradation cannot delete what ordination 
J. — !!!_' hath impressed ; and grant the censure pronounced 
ad terrorem, it might have become the bishops to 
mediate for a mitigation thereof. Let canvass be 
rough and rugged, lawn ought to be soft and smooth. 
Meekness, mildness, and mercy being more proper 
for men of the episcopal function. 
Mr. Burton 69. Two days after, three pillories were set up in 
the pillory, the palace yard, or one double one, and a single one 
at some distance, for Mr. Prynne as the chief 
offender. Mr. Burton first suffered, making a long 
speech in the pillory, not entire and continued, but 
interrupted with occasional expressions. But the 
main intent thereof was to parallel his sufferings 
with our Saviour's. For at the first sight of the 
pillory, " Methinks," said he, " I see mount Calvary, 
" whereon the three crosses were erected. If Christ 
" was numbered amongst thieves, shall a Christian 
" think much for his sake to be numbered amongst 
" rogues ?" And whereas one told an halberdeer 
standing by, who had an old rusty halbert, (the iron 



jurers, had been found and 
mixed up far too much with 
them. The fate of Laud, the 
fate of the Marian bishops, both 
of whom were made responsible 
for cruelties which they both 
abhorred, must ever be a warn, 
ing unto churchmen against 
taking an active part in state 
affairs, and mixing too much in 
courts. It is true that bishops 
and clergy were equally found 
in courts, perhaps far more 
so, before the reformation than 
afterwards; but in the first 
case (happily for the church 
and its influence among the 
people) it was in opposition to 



the despotic measures both of 
the nobility and the crown; 
but in Laud's time things had 
changed, and with it the posi- 
tion of the clergy. Honesty, 
loyalty, and affection, may have 
induced him to espouse the part 
which he did, and to support 
without discrimination the mea- 
sures of the court throughout 
his life; it might have been 
right, it might have been neces- 
sary, but it was not the less un- 
fortunate that it should have 
been so.] 

a By sir John Lamb in the 
high commission in St. Paul's. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 121 

whereof was tacked to the staff with an old crooked *• d. 1637. 

nail,) " What an old rusty weapon is this !" Mr. Bur- * " 

ton overhearing them answered : " It seems to be 
" one of those halberts which accompanied Judas 
" when Christ was betrayed and apprehended." 

70. His ears were cut off very close, so that the Several cen- 
temporal or head artery being cut, the blood in behaviour. 
abundance streamed down upon the scaffold, all 
which he manfully endured, without manifesting 

the least shrinking thereat. Indeed of such who 
measured his mind by his words, some conceived 
his carriage far above: others (though using the 
same scale) suspected the same to be somewhat 
beside himself. But let such who desire more of 
his character, consult with his printed life, written 
with his own hand, though it be hard for the most 
excellent artist truly to draw his own picture. 

71. Dr. Bastwick succeeded him, making a speech Mr. Bast- 
to this effect. " Here are many spectators of us, IJ^ech. 

u who stand here as delinquents, yet am I not con- 
u scious to myself of the least trespass, wherein I 
" have deserved this outward shame. Indeed I wrote 
" a book against antichrist the pope, and the pope 
u of Canterbury said it was written against him. 
" But were the press open unto us, we would scatter 
" his kingdom, and fight courageously against Gog 
and Magog. There be many here that have set 
many days apart on our behalf, (let the prelates 
" take notice thereof,) and have sent up strong 
" prayers to God for us, the strength and fruit 
*• whereof we have felt all along in this cause. In 
" a word, so far am I from fear or care, that had 
"I as much blood as would swell the Thames," 
(then visible unto him, his face respecting the 



u 



122 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1637. south,) "I would lose every drop thereof in this 

i 3 Chas.l. „ J r 

* cause. 

Many men 72. His friend 8 much admired and hicrhly corn- 
many , 
minds. mended the erection of his mind triumphing over 

pain and shame, making the one easy, the other 
honourable, and imputed the same to an immediate 
spiritual support. Others conceived that anger in 
him acted the part of patience, as to the stout 
undergoing of his sufferings, and that in a Christian 
there lieth a real distinction betwixt spirit and 
stomach, valour and stubbornness. 
Mr. Prynne 73, ]yi r# Prynne concluded the sad sight of that 

his speech. ' ° 

day, and spake to this purpose : " The cause of my 
" standing here is for not bringing in my answer ; 
" God knoweth, my conscience beareth witness, and 
" my council can tell ; for I paid them twice, though 
" to no purpose. But their cowardice stands upon 
" record. And that is the reason why they did 
proceed, and take the cause pro confesso against 
me. But rather than I would have my cause a 
leading cause to the depriving of the subject's 
liberties, which I seek to maintain, I choose to 
suffer my body to become an example of this 
" punishment 5 ." 



«< 



4« 



U 



« 



it 



t> [Gerrard in a letter to 
lord Strafford, dated July 24, 
1637, mentions a fewadditional 
particulars : " Some few days," 
he observes, " after the end of 
" the term in the palace yard 
" two pillories were erected, 
" and there the sentence of 
" Star-chamber against Bur- 
" ton. Bast wick, and Prynne 
" was executed. They two 
" stood in the pillory two 
" hours; Burton by himself, 



" being degraded in the high 
44 commission court three days 
" before ; the place was full of 
" people, who cried and howled 
" terribly, especially when Bur- 
" ton was cropped. Dr. Bast- 
" wick Was very mdrry ; his 
" wife, Dr. Par's daughter, got 
" a stool, kissed him; his ears 
" being cut off, she called for 
" them, and put them in a clean 
" handkerchief, and carried 
" them away with her. Bast- 



ckkt. xvii. of Britain. 128 

74. The censure was with all rigour executed on a. d. 1637. 

him, and he who felt the most fretted the least;- - 

commended for more kindly patience than either of haviour at 
his predecessors in that place. So various were oen,ure - 
men's fancies in reading the same letters imprinted 
in his face, that some made them to spell the guilti- 
ness of the sufferer, but others the cruelty of the 
hnposer. Of the latter sort many for the cause, 
more for the man, most for humanity sake, bestowed 
pity upon him: and now all three were remanded 
to their former prisons; and Mr. Prynne, as he 
returned by water to the tower, made this distich 
upon his own stigmatizing: 

S. L. 
Stigmata maxiUis referens, insignia Laudis, 
Kxulians remeo^ victima grata Deo. 

Not long after, they were removed : Mr. Prynne to 
Caernarvon Castle in Wales : Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. 
Burton, the one to Lancaster Castle, the other to 
Launceston in Cornwall. 

75. But it seems these places were conceived to Their re- 
have, either too little of privacy, or too much of mov 
pleasure. The two latter therefore were removed 
again; one to the Isle of Scilly, the other to the 
Isle of Guernsey ; and Mr. Prynne to mount Orgueil 
Castle in Jersey. This in vulgar apprehensions 
added breadth to the former depth of their suffer- 
ings, scattering the same over all the English do- 
minions, making the islands thereof as well as the 



M 
€$ 



wick told the people, the " several counties where they 

lords had collar-days at court, " are to Ik? imprisoned, to re- 

" but this was his collar-day, " ceive them and see them 

44 rejoicing much in it. Some " placed." Strafford's Lett. ii. 

" warrants are sent from the 86.] 

" lords to the sheriffs of the 



124 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1637. continent, partake of their patience. And here we 

- leave them all in their prisons, and particularly Mr. 

Prynne, improving the rocks and the seas (good 
spiritual husbandry) with pious meditations 6 . But 
we 6hall hear more of them hereafter at the begin- 
ning of the parliament. 
a prepare- 76. Next came the bishop of Lincoln to be cen- 
cenmire of sured in the Star-chamber, and something must be 
of Lincoln, premised j) reparative thereunto d . After the great 
seal, some ten years since, was taken from him, he 
retired himself to Bugden, in Huntingdonshire, 
where he may be said to have lived in a public 
privacy. So many his visitants, hospital his house- 
keeping: it being hard to say, whether his table 
were more free and full in diet or discourse : indeed 
he had a plentiful estate to maintain it, besides his 
purchased land ; the revenues of his bishopric and 
deanery of Westminster, out of which long since he 
had been shaken, if not fastened therein by the 
letters patents of king James. His adversaries be- 
held him with envious eyes, and one great prelate 
plainly said in the presence of the king, that " the 
" bishop of Lincoln lived in as much pomp and 
" plenty as any cardinal in Rome, for diet, music, 
" and attendance." They resolved therefore to 
humble his height, the concurrence of many matters 
ministering occasion thereunto. 

77. Sir John Lambe, dean of the arches, for- 



c [Writing most wretched " 1. Rocks; 2. Seas; 3. Gar- 

doggrel on this occasion enti- " dens. Loud. 1641."] 
tied, *' Mount Orgueil, or di- d [A very full account of 

" vine and profitable Medita- these proceedings against the 

" tions raised from the Con- bishop of Lincoln will be found 

" temptations of these three in Hacket's Life of Williams, 

•• Leaves of Nature's Volume, ii. 1 1 1 , sq] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 125 

merly a favourite of Lincoln, (fetched off from being A -i*j**37- 
prosecuted in parliament, and knighted by his means,) - — ; — 
with Dr. Sibthorp, Allen, and Burden, (two proctors, his div ° P 
as I take them,) were entertained at the bishop's ^"^bie 
table at Bugden, where their talk was (the discourse J^J^ lILhU. 
general of those days) against puritans. The bishop 
advised them to take off their heavy hand from 
them, informing them that his majesty intended to 
use them hereafter with more mildness, as a con- 
siderable party having great influence on the par- 
liament, without whose concurrence the king could 
not comfortably supply his necessities; adding more- 
over, that his majesty had communicated this unto 
him by his own mouth, with his resolutions hereafter 
of more gentleness to men of that opinion. 

78. Some years after, upon the denial of an informed a- 
official's place in Leicestershire, (which notwith- in the sur- 
standing he carried in despite of the bishop,) sir am 
John Lambe fell foul with his old friend, and in 
revenge complained of him for revealing the king's 
secrets concredited to his privacy. Hereupon at- 
torney Noy was employed to put the same into an 
information in the Star-chamber, unto which bishop 
Williams, by good advice of counsel, did plead and 
demur, as containing no matter fit for the cogni- 
zance of that court, as concerning words spoken of 
matters done in parliament and secrets pretended 
to be revealed by him, a privy councillor and peer 
of parliament, and therefore not to be heard but in 
that high court. This demurrer being heard and 
argued by counsel pro and con in open court for 
two or three hours, (the lord keeper and other lords 
there present finding no cause nor colour to over- 
rule it,) was referred to judge Richardson, (who 



126 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



Deaerteth 
his intents 
of com- 
pounding 
with the 
king. 



A.p. 1637. lately having singed his coat from blasts at the 

J 1 court,) by him to be smothered, who in a private 

chamber presently after dinner overruled the same 
in a quarter of an hour e . 

79. The demurrer thus rendered useless in the 
bishop's defence, he used what means he could by 
the lord Weston (a proper person, because treasurer, 
to meddle in money matters) to compound with his 
majesty ; but his majesty resolved to have the 
bishop's answer, and confession of his fault, before 
he would compound with him. Whereupon the 
bishop, quitting all thoughts of composition, resolved 
to weather out the tempest of his majesty's dis- 
pleasure at open sea, either out of confidence of the 
strength of his tackling, his own innocence, or skill 
of his pilots, who were to steer his suit, having the 
learnedest counsel of the land by whose advice he 
put in a strong plea, which likewise being argued 
and debated in open court, came at last to the same 
untimely end with the demurrer, as referred to 



e [ Fuller has omitted a very 
important item in the charges 
brought against bishop Wil- 
liams, the first, the foundation 
of all the rest. It is thus no- 
ticed in a letter addressed to 
lord Strafford : " Four of the 
" prebends of Westminster have 
" given to the lords of the 
M council a charge by way of 
" several articles against the 
" bishop of Lincoln, as dean 
" of Westminster, the other 
eight complain not. The king 
is made acquainted therewith, 
" and it is referred to some of 
" the council to examine the 
" business and report it to the 
" king." This was a charge 



a 



u 



of embezzlement of money be- 
longing to the cathedral, as 
may be seen by the notes on 
§. 93. Strafford's Letters, i. 
p. 360. As for his cause in the 
Star-chamber, he was fully par- 
doned in Dec. 1635; DUt not 
so this contention with the 
prebends ; for as there were 
stili great quarrels between 
them in January, 1636, a com- 
mission was appointed by bis 
majesty to hear and decide be- 
tween them. See ibid. p. 5 1 1 . 
And in the February following 
the college of Westminster put 
in a bill against the bishop for 
tampering with witnesses. lb. 
p. 516.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 127 

judge Richardson, and smothered by him in a*. 1x1637. 

13 Chat. 1. 

chamber 1 . 

80. This plea thus overruled, the bishop put in Puts in an 

68D£cial an- 

an especial answer to the information, declaring how H «er. 
all was grounded by a conspiracy and combination 
of the persons named in the bill, to wit, (Lambe, 
Sibthorpe, Allen, and Burden,) out of an intent to 
advance themselves, and hatred they bare to him, 
for not permitting them to poll and pill the king's 
subjects in Leicestershire, in their ecclesiastical 
courts, by hauling them into their nets ex officio 
mero without any previous complaint, under an 
imaginary colour of puritanism. To this especial 
answer attorney Noy rejoined in issue, admitting 
the bishop to prove his especial matters, who pro- 
ceeded to the examination of his witnesses therein. 

81. Now began attorney Noy to crow weary of Ki,v ? rt ? n - 
the matter, and became slow and remiss in the pro- m* prwecu- 

tor. 

secution thereof, whether out of respect to the 
bishop, whom he honoured, (though tart in terms 
against him, to please a greater prelate,) or out of 
consciousness that more weight was hung thereon 
than the slender wires of the cause would bear. 
Hereupon Richard Kilvert was entertained to fol- 
low the suit, (though not entering himself as he 
ought prosecutor upon record,) at the best being 
a necessary evil, to do what an honest man would 
be ashamed of. Indeed, like an English mastiff, he 
would fiercely fly upon any person or project, if set 
on with promise of profit, and having formerly made 
his breakfast on sir John Bennet, he intended to 
dine and sup on the bishop. And though his strength 

* [Thin must refer to an died in Feb. 1635. See Straf- 
period, as this judge ford's Letters, i. p. 369.] 



128 The Church History book xt. 

a.d. 1637. consisted much in a cunning head, yet far more in 

— 1 an able back, and seconded in this suit and abetted 

from the court in his undertakings. This Kilvert so 
wrought himself into Warren, an examiner of the 
Star-chamber, that (some say) contrary to his oath he 
revealed unto him that the testimony of one John 
Pregion, register of Lincoln and Leicester, was most 
material in the bishop his defence?. 
Pnsion,a gg. Then was it Kilvert his design to uncredit 

principal ° 

witnewof the testimony of Pregion, by charging him with 

the bishop, , • 1 1 • 11 

much mo- several accusations, particularly getting a bastard, 
though being no matters upon record, to take away 
the validity of his witness. The bishop apprehend- 
ing himself necessitated to weigh up Pregion his 
repute, engaged himself more zealously therein than 
was conceived consistent with the gravity of so great 
a prelate for so inconsiderable a person. Especially 
to such who knew not that Dr. Morrison and this 
Pregion were the only persons of note present at 
the bishop his table when the discourse passed 
betwixt him and sir John Lambe. The bastard 
laid to his charge is bandied at Lincoln sessions 
backward and forward betwixt Pregion and another. 
The first court fathers it upon him, the next freed 
him from it, and a third returned it upon him again. 
This last order of sessions was again dissolved as 
illegal by the judges of the king's bench, and Pre- 
gion cleared from the child charged on him ; sir John 
Mounson, a justice of that county appearing very 
pctive against him, and the bishop no less earnest in 
his behalf. 

* [Heylin in "The Appeal/* but so slight that it is scarcely 
&c- partiii. p. 23, gives a slightly worth quoting.] 
different version of this tale, 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



129 



83. Here happened the occasion of that which A,1 i l63 , 7 * 

was afterwards so highly charged and heavily cen 

sured on the bishop Williams, viz. tampering totionufper- 
suborn witnesses. Henceforward Kilvert let fall^/^" 
his first information, which from this day sunk in b " ,h °H- 
silence, and employed all his power on the proof of 
subornation. That ban- dog let go his first hold, 

too hard for his teeth to enter, and fastened his 
fangs on a softer place, so to pinch the bishop to 
purpose; yea, so expensive was the suit, that the 
bishop (well skilled in the charge of charitable 
works) might with the same cost have built and 
endowed a small college. 

84. Some days before the hearing, a noble lord *» vain «- 

. deavonreth 

of his majesty's council", the bishop's great friend, a composi- 
tion with 
" of cunning and malice. I the king. 



b [He probably refers to Cot- 
tington, who had at this time a 
quarrel with his former friend 
the archbishop, for refusing to 
use his influence (as it seems) 
in procuring Cottington the 
treasurer's place. In a letter, 
dated Aug. 4, 1635, Cotting- 
ton tells Strafforde ; " Trust 
" me, (for I always tell you 
M the truth,) there is no more 
" intention in the king to make 
" me his treasurer, than to 
" make you archbishop of Can- 
" terbury. I go sliding back 
" very visibly, I go so seldom 
" to the court, as I am scarce 

a courtier. I do never see 
** the king but on Sundays, 
" nor speak with him at all, 

except he call me, which is 

also very seldom. Credit I 
" have none at all with his 
" majesty, much less power. 
" Where then is your staff? 
" Such a rumour hath indeed 
" been raised, but merely out 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



<« 



«• 



«• 



" know by whom. All 

" this is true, as any man who 
" observes any thing can tell 
" you. If you should ask 
" me then, who the king will 
" give the staff to, I answer, 
" that in my opinion it will be 
" either to your lordship, or to 
" my lord of Canterbury. His 
" grace declares much his dis- 
" pleasure against me, and per- 
" adventure it increaseth by my 
" taking no notice of it ; but 
" that which is worst of all, 
" they say, he can never be re- 
" conciled where once he takes 
" displeasure." — Strafforde's 
Letters, i. p. 449. Shortly 
after this we find the archbishop 
writing to his friend the lord 
deputy these very sententious 
and pregnant lines: "In the 
" mean time take this, Cotting- 
44 ton is bringing off the bishop 
" of Lincoln ; which, certainly 
" among other good causes and 

K 



ISO 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1637. interposed himself to compound the matter, pre- 
— LI vailing so far that on his payment of two thousand 



« 



« 



<t 



•< 



" considerations him thereunto 
" moving, is to do me a great 
" kindness, for he knows he 
" loves me heartily." lb. p. 480. 
In another letter of the same 
collection, written about a fort- 
night after this, it is stated by 
another writer : " They say the 
" lord bishop of Lincoln's par- 
" don is ready to pass the great 
seal, with a perfect redinte- 
gration into the king's favor, 
" abolition of all old matters, 
and my lord Cottington had 
a great hand in it. The four 
" youngest prebends of West- 
" minster have eagerly bonded 
" themselves against him lately 
" divers ways." Ibid. p. 489. 
In his diary Laud makes a brief 
allusion to these troubles, but 
so very briefly that he throws 
no light on the matter. " May, 
" June, and July. In these 
" months the troubles at the 
44 commission for the treasury, 
" and the difference which hap- 
pened between the lord Cot- 
tington and myself, &c." and 
a little below ; " during the 
" commission for the treasury, 
" my old friend, sir F. W[in- 
" debanke], forsook me and 
" joined with the lord Cotting- 
" ton; which put me to the 
" exercise of a great deal of 
" patience." 

To this note, which is already 
overgrown, I must beg the 
reader's pardon for subjoining 
an extract from lord Claren- 
don's History ; but it forms so 
admirable a comment upon the 
whole of these proceedings, and 
brings out the characters of the 



c« 



<• 



€€ 



ti 



*< 



€t 



archbishop and his wily adver- 
sary so clear and forcibly, that 
I cannot refrain from extract- 
ing it. 

Speaking of Juxon's appoint- 
ment to the treasury, he ob- 
serves : " In the mean time the 
" archbishop himself was infi- 
" nitely pleased with what was 
" done, (how very true this is, 
" see his Diary, p. 53,) and un- 
" happily believed he had pro- 
" vided a stronger support for 
" the church ; and never abated 
any thing of his severity or 
rigor towards men of all con- 
" ditions, or in the sharpness of 
" his language and expressions, 
" which was so natural to him, 
" that he could not debate any 
thing without some commo- 
tion, when the argument was 
" not of moment, nor bear con* 
" traduction in debate, even in 
'* the council, where all men 
" are equally free, with that 
" patience and temper that was 
" necessary ; of which they 
" who wished him not well 
" took many advantages, and 
" would therefore contradict 
" him, that he might be trans- 
" ported with some indecent 
" passion ; which, upon a short 
" recollection, he was always 
" sorry for, and most readily 
" and heartily would make ac- 
" knowledgment. No man so 
" willingly made unkind use of 
" all those occasions as the 
" lord Cottington, who, being 
" a master of temper, and of 
" the most profound dissimu- 
" 1 at ion, knew too well how to 
" lead him into a mistake, and 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



181 



pound the suit should be superseded in the Star- a. d. 1637. 
chamber, and he freed from further molestation.— — — 1 
But at this lord's return the price was risen in the 
market, and besides the aforesaid sum it was de- 
manded of him, that to procure his peace he must 
part with his deanery of Westminster, parsonage of 
Walgrave, and prebend of Lincoln, which he kept 
in commend am. To this the bishop answered, that 
he would in no case forego those few remainders of 
the favour which his dead master king James had 
conferred upon him. 

85. Not long after another bargain was driven, Frustrated 
by the well intended endeavours of the same lord; hi? great 7 
that seeing his majesty at that time had much occa- adver8ary * 
sion for moneys, if he would but double the former 
gum, and lay down four thousand pounds, he should 
be freed from further trouble, and might go home 
with all his parcels about him. The bishop returned, 
that he took no delight to fence at law with his 
sovereign, and thankfully embracing the motion pre- 
pared himself for the payment ; when a great ad- 
versary stepping in, so violented his majesty to a 
trial, that all was not only frustrated, but this 



€* 



C« 



ti 



'* then drive him into choler, 
" and then expose him upon 
" the matter and the manner 
" to the judgment of the com- 
pany; and he chose to do 
this most when the king was 
present, and then he would 
" aine with him the next day." 
Rebellion, i. p. 1 76. The last 
remark is admirable. Yet cun- 
ning and wily as was Cotting- 
ton, it seems that he was de- 
ceived in this matter of the 
treasuryship, and that Went- 
worth, to whom he complained, 



was the first person to whom 
he owed this opposition to his 
wishes. At all events, we find 
Laud acknowledging Cot ting- 
ton's capacity, and then asking 
Strafforde this question: "But 
•' I would fain hear from your 
lordship, how you think bu- 
siness would be carried by that 
" (Cottington's) hand. For 
" what I think, both in regard 
" of king and church, I have 
" written to you already." Let- 
ters, i. p. 43 8. Unfortunately, we 
have not the deputy's answer.] 

k 2 



€t 



(€ 



13£ The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1637. afterwards urged against the bishop, to prove him 
— — ^- conscious of a crime, from his forwardness to enter- 
tain a composition. 
wmuJT^ **6. The day of censure being come, sir John 
Finch, lord chief justice, fined the bishop ten thousand 
pound for tampering to suborn witnesses ; secretary 
Windebank concurred with (that little bell being 
the loudest and shrillest in the whole peal) as who 
alone motioned to degrade him ; which was lustily 
pronounced by a knight and layman, having no pre- 
cedent for the same in former ages. The other 
lords brought the fine down to eight thousand 
pound, and a thousand marks to sir John Mounson, 
with suspension ab officio et beneftcio, and imprison- 
ing him during the king's pleasure. The earl of 
Arundel added, that the cause in itself was extra- 
ordinary, not so much prosecuted by the attorney, 
as immediately by the king himself recommended 
to their justice. Manchester, lord privy seal, said 
that this was the first precedent, wherein a master 
had undone himself to save his servant *. 
To which 87. The archbishop of Canterbury did consent 
fthopof thereunto, aggravating the fault of subornation of 
did^ncur perjury, with a pathetical speech of almost an hour 
long, shewing how the world was above three thou- 
sand years old before ripe enough to commit so 
great a wickedness, and Jezabel the first in Scrip- 
ture branded with that infamy, whose felse wit- 
nesses the Holy Spirit refused to name, otherwise 
than under the character of men of Belial. Where- 
fore, although (as he said) he himself had been five 

1 [These speeches are print- Laud's speech is reported here 
ed at greater length in Hush- unfairly enough.] 
worth's Collections, ii. p. 429. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 183 

times down on his knees to his majesty in the A ^• l6 *V* 

J J 13 Chan. I. 

bishops behalf, yet, considering the guilt so great, 

he could not but agree with the heaviest censure. 
And although some lords, the bishop's friends, as 
treasurer Weston, earl of Dorset, &c, concurred in 
the fine, with hope the king should have the sole 
honour of the mitigation thereof; yet his majesty's 
necessities meeting with the person adjudged guilty, 
and well known for solvable, no wonder if the 
utmost penny of the fine was exacted. 

88. At the same time were fined with the bishop Threeof his 

servants 

George Walker his secretary, Cadwallader Powell fined with 
his steward, at three hundred pounds apiece, and 
Thomas Lund, the bishop his servant, at a thousand 
marks, all as defendants in the same cause k , yet 
none of them was imprisoned, save Lund, for a few 
weeks, and their fine never called upon unto this 
day, which the bishop said was commuted into such 
offices as hereafter they were to do in the favour of 
Kilvert. 

89. To make this our history entire, the matter The com. 
shall rather rule the time, than the time the matter, jJSJIJj* JJ" e 
in this particular suit. Be it therefore known to lin J" 8t p™- 

1 oeedings 

the reader, that some four years after, viz. I640,again»thim, 
when this bishop was fetched out of the tower, and the bishop 
restored a peer in parliament, he therein presented l^ment 1 *^ 
several grievances, concerning the indirect prosecu- 
tion of this cause against him, whereof these the 
principal. 

First, That his adversaries utterly waved and de- 
clined the matter of their first information about 

k [These men were fined for them be true. See Heylyn in 

being concerned in tampering " The Appeal," &c. part iii. 

with the witnesses in Predeon's p. 24.] 
case, if the report respecting 

K3 



184 The Church History book xi. 

^3 chl?/" revea " n ? *^ e king's secrets, as hopeless of success 

therein, and sprung a new mine to blow up his 

credit, about perjury in the examination of witnesses. 
Whereas he conceived it just, that all accidentals 
and occasional should sink with the substance of 
the accusation, otherwise suits would be endless, 
if the branches thereof should still survive when 
the root doth expire l . 

Secondly, That he was deprived of the benefit 
of bringing in any exceptions against the testimonies 
of sir John Lambe and Dr. Sibthorp, to prove their 
combination against him, because they deposing pro 
domino rege, none must impeach the credit of the 
king's witnesses, who must be reputed holy and 
sacred in what they aver, insomuch that after briefs 
were drawn by counsels on both sides, the court was 
moved to expunge those witnesses which made most 
against the king and for the defendant. 

Thirdly, That Kilvert used all ways to menace 
and intimidate the bishop his witnesses, frighting 
them as much as he could out of their own con- 
sciences, with dangers presented unto them. To 
this purpose he obtained from secretary Windebank, 
that a messenger of the Star-chamber, one Peachy 
by name, was directed to attend him all along the 
speeding of the commission in the country, with his 
coat of arms upon him, with power to apprehend 
and close imprison any person whom Kilvert should 
appoint, pretending from the secretary warrants for 
matters of state, and deep consequence so to do; 
by virtue whereof, in the lace of the commission, he 
seized on and committed George Walker and Thomas 
Lund, two material witnesses for the bishop, and by 

1 These complaints I extracted out of the bishop his original. 



ceht. zvii. of Britain. 185 

the terror thereof chased away many more, whose a. a 1637. 

depositions were necessary to the clearing of the - 

bishop his integrity; yet when the aforesaid two 
prisoners, in the custody of the messenger, were 
produced before secretary Windebank, he told them 
he had no matters of state against them, but turned 
them over to Kilvert, wishing them to give him 
satisfaction ; and were not permitted to have their 
liberty until after long close imprisonment, they 
were forced to confess under their own hands crimes 
against themselves and the bishop, which afterwards 
they denied and revoked upon their oaths. 

Lastly, and chiefly, That the judges privately 
overruled his pleas, so that what shame and the 
honour of the court, with the inspection of so many 
eyes, would not permit to be done publicly in the 
sunshine of justice, was posted over by a judge pri- 
vately in a corner. 

These and many more Kilvertisms, as he calls 
them, did the bishop complain of in parliament, 
who so far tendered his innocency therein, that they 
ordered all the records of that suit in the Star- 
chamber to be obliterated. Yea, we may justly 
conceive that these grievances of the bishop did 
much hasten, if not chiefly cause, the suppression of 
that court. 

90. Thirteen days after he was suspended by theisexamin- 
high commission, and imprisoned in the tower for Se'lEJJU! 1 
almost four years, during whose durance therein, 
two bishops and three doctors were sent thither 
unto him to take his answer to a book of articles 
of twenty-four sheets of paper written on both sides. 
They proffered him the Bible to take the oath 
thereon, which he utterly refused, claiming the pri- 

k 4 



136 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. i637.vilege of a peer, adding moreover, that being a 
—bishop, it was against law and precedent in anti- 
quity, that young priests, his grace's (and some who 
had been his own) chaplains, and lay doctors, should 
sit as judges of a bishop his doctrine, with power to 
deprive him of his bishopric if disliking the same. 
This was overruled, and he as one of the king's sub- 
jects required to make his answer™, 
whether gj Fj ret Th e ar ticle that all books licensed by 

Mime books J 

were onho- his grace's chaplains (as Chune his, and Sales his 
book, with doctor Mannering his Sermons) are pre- 
sumed by all true subjects to be orthodox, and 
agreeable to sound religion. This the bishop utterly 
denied, and wondered at their impudency to pro- 
pound such an article unto him. 
who had 92. Secondly, They alleged, that no bishop but 
license his grace, the lord of London, and their chaplains, 
had power to allow books. This the other denied, 
saying that all bishops, who were as learned as they, 
had as much power as they, citing for the same 
the council of Lateran under Leo the Tenth, Re- 
formatio Cleri, under Cardinal Pole, Queen Eliza- 
beth her Injunctions, and the decree of the Star- 
chamber relating to all these. He also stoutly 
averred the privilege to belong only to the bishops, 
and not to their- servants : howbeit his grace had 
shuffled in his chaplains to the last printed Star- 
chamber decree. More frivolous were the ensuing 
articles whereon he was examined. 

m [Fuller has committed Rush worth, or in the MS. re- 
many errors in this account of ports which I have met with. 
Williams. The articles here Hacket, however, has copied 
mentioned are not to be found them into his narrative. Ibid, 
in the reports of his trial, either p. 130.] 
in those which are printed in 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 187 

That he called a book entitled " A Coal from the a.d. 1637 
« Altar," a pamphlet. ' 3ChaaL 

That he said that all flesh in England had cor- 
rupted their ways. 

That he said scoffingly he had heard of a mother 
church, but not of a mother chapel, meaning the 
king's, to which all churches in ceremonies were to 
conform. 

That he wickedly jested upon St. Martin's hood. 

That he said that the people are not to be lashed 
by every man's whip. 

That he said (citing a national council for it) that 
the people are God's and the king's, and not the 
priests' people. 

That he doth not allow priests to jeer and make 
invectives against the people. 

93. To all which the bishop made so wary anHUcau- 
answer, that no advantage could be gained thereby ; 8 wl£. an " 
yea, though some days after they returned to re- 
examine him upon the same articles, to try as he 
thought the steadiness of his memory, or else to 
plunge him into some crime of perjury, if in any 
material point he dissented from his former depo- 
sitions; but the bishop, like a good boy, said his 
lesson over again and again, so that no advantage 
could be taken against him, and thereupon they 
gave him leave to play, proceeding no further in 
this cause, only they painted him out in an ugly 
shape to the king, as disaffected to the present 
government, and, God willing, we shall hear more 
of their proceedings against him hereafter 11 . 

n [The following particulars ceedings in the Star-chamber 
from a MS. in the Harleian against the bishop of Lincoln 
Collection respecting the pro- have not hitherto been noticed 



\ 



188 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A. D. 1637 
13CI1M.I. 

Transition 
to a sad 
•abject. 



• 94. But now we are gammoned to a sadder sub- 
ject, from the sufferings of a private person, to the 



a 



u 



€t 



«« 



« 



<* 



by his biographers, and may 
serve to correct several errors 
into which they have fallen. 

Pory to Puckering, Nov. 1, 
1632. "My lord bishop of 
" Lincoln was at first summon- 
" ed up to the Star-chamber by 
a writ from my lord keeper, 
as peers used to be, but hav- 
" ing excused his not coming 
up for default of health, he 
' was then served with a writ 
as a common man, fol. 184, 
" Nov. 15, 1632. On Mon. 
" day I was told by the clerk 
" of the entries of the Star- 
" chamber, there is now a bill 
" really exhibited into that 
" court against my lord bishop 
of Lincoln, which chargeth 
his lordship (as the same 
" clerk upon superficial view 
" tells me) with spreading 
" false news and rumours, with 
" disclosing secrets out of coun- 
" sels, and with extortion in 
" some things while he was 

" lord keeper When the 

" bill was brought into him by 
" Mr. attorney's clerk, (so sir 
" C. Y. tells me,) he said 
somewhat merrily unto him, 
' You mistake the party, 
(quoth he,) the bill belongs 
" to the earl of Lincoln, and 
" not to the bishop.' The mes- 
" senger replied ; ' If it please 
" your lordship to peruse it, 
" you shall find it concerns the 
" bishop only.'" fol. 183. 
Jan. 24, 1633. " My lord 
bishop of Lincoln, notwith- 
standing the last term's Star* 
" chamber bill put in against 
" him was overthrown by a 



«* 



a 



€< 



<• 



• « 



" demurrer and taken off the 
" file, is against this term cited 
*' both by letter and subpoena 
" to appear and answer in that 
" court to a new bill which 
" Mr. attorney hath framed 
" against him." fol. 188. April 
13, 1636, E. R. to sir T. Puck, 
ering. "The commission which 
" has been a-foot every Mon- 
" day these two months, upon 
" the prebends of Westmin- 
" ster's complaints against the 
" bishop of Lincoln, is now 
" put off till the Monday after 
" Easter week. Monday, the 
" last week, he had a very ill 
day ; a new charge is lately 
risen up against him, that his 
lordship hath received out 
of the prebends' allowances 
u 3300/. towards the repara- 
" tion of the abbey church ; 
" they charge him he hath not 
" laid out half the money, and 
" that he keeps the rest. His 
" lordship saith a bargain is a 
" bargain, and gives in no ac- 
" count ; but his grace told his 
lordship ; ' It was a base bar- 
gain,' so requires the bishop 
to bring in the accounts, 
" which the bishop hath small 
" mind unto ; and whether his 
" lordship can now make a true 
•• account, yes or no, is a great 
" question ; because it is said 
" his lordship hath made seve- 
" ral accounts and then dis- 
" liked them again.*' fol. 191. 
Jan . 17, 1 63 7 . •• The bishop 
" of Lincoln hath sent up to 
" the board letters of com* 
" plaint against one Shelly, 
" an assessor of the ship-money 



<t 



€t 



U 



U 



(t 



(i 



t€ 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



180 



miseries and almost mutual ruin of two kingdoms, a. d. 1637. 
England and Scotland. I confess my hands have— Li 



«< 



Cf 



« 



"in his lordship's town of 
" Bngden, as also against sir 
u Robert Osberne, a justice of 
* peace thereabouts. The bu- 
" siness I cannot learn perfect- 
" It: thus I hear it. Because 
" the constable did not com- 
ply with Shelly in the man- 
ner of his assessing, therefore 
does Shelly snatch the roll 
M out of the constable's hand 
u and puts it in his pocket, 
M and would not return it back 
" again, which the bishop un- 
" derstanding, he commits 
" Shelly to the jail without bail 
" or mainprise ; but sir Robert 
" Osberne, approving what 
" Shelly would have done, he 
" bails him. Of this the bi- 
" shop complains, and so pos- 
•' sesseth their lordships with his 
M letter, as if he had been very 
" sesJous to do his majesty ser. 
" vice ; which their lordships 
do apprehend, and thereupon 
return the bishop letters of 
" thanks. Yet when this bu- 
" siness was in agitation, there 
" was an attachment granted 
" out of the Star-chamber 
court against the bishop for 
not bringing in a commission 
" for his examination of wit- 
u nesses, which his lordship 
" having notice of, he sends it 
" in before this attachment was 
" signed, saying he had thought 
" the Star-chamber office had 
"not been open during the 
" twelve days, and that was the 
reason he had delayed the 
M putting it in according to the 
M day appointed. The bishop's 
u cause will be put off till the 



•f 



«• 



*t 



M 



«f 



« 



44 



" first day in Easter term, be- 
" cause before it can come to 
" hearing, some orders about 
" expunging of witnesses must 
" be settled in court in that 
" house : but then both bills 
" will be ready for hearing. 
" Upon the bishop's complaint 
" Shelly was sent for up. He 
" tells a fair tale for himself, 
casting all the blame upon 
the bishop, that the lords 
" are all astand, and therefore 
" they have appointed a day to 
" hear all parties. Some say 
" that Shelly 's report makesthe 
u bishop to have done his ma- 
" jesty a great disservice, and 
" that he having eight hundred 
" acres of land in that town, he 
" would have freed it from being 
" charged with ship-money, and 
" have laid it upon the poorer 
" townsmen ; but whether this 
" be true, yea or no, I am yet 
uncertain, till their lordships 
have heard both parties." 
fol. 199. 

Feb. 14, 1637. " In some 
" church within the county of 
" Bedford there was lately an 
" altar of stone, with four pillars 
" altarwise erected. It seems 
" there had been one there 
" heretofore, for in digging 
" thereabouts the altar-stone 
" was found in the ground. 
" This being complained of to 
" the diocesan, the bishop of 
" Lincoln, he came to the 
" church to see if it were so, 
yea or no, and finding it 
there, his lordship caused it 
in his own presence to be 
digged up and to be taken 



*< 



«« 



« 



M 



44 



44 



140 



The Church History 



noon XT. 



a.d. 1637. al way 8 been unwilling to write of that cold country, 
.!£ — * * for fear ray fingers should be frostbitten therewith, 
but necessity to make our story entire puts me upon 
the employment. Miseries caused from the sending 
of the book of service, or new liturgy, thither, which 
may sadly be termed a rubric indeed, dyed with the 
blood of so many of both nations slain on that 
occasion. 
The project 95. It seem 9 the design began in the reign of 

of a public i . t i-i*iii 1 

Prayer-book king James, who desired and endeavoured an uni- 
be^imthe£ orm j t y f p U b]j c prayers through the kingdom of 
king James. Scotland. In order whereunto an act was passed in 
the general assembly at Aberdeen, 1616, to au- 
thorize some bishops present to compile and frame 
a public form of common prayer : and let us observe 
the motions thereof. 

i. It was committed to the bishops aforesaid, and 
principally to the archbishop of St. Andrew's p, and 



" quite away, telling the parson 
" that if he pleased he might set 
" the communion-table there, 
44 but altars were forbidden by 
" the statute. In that business 
" between the bishop and Shel- 
" ly, wherein the bishop was so 
44 passionate upon the relating 
" it to his majesty, the king 
" hath commanded the lords to 
" allow Shelly grand costs, be- 
" cause the bishop hath so 
" much troubled him, besides 
44 Shelly *s false imprisonment." 
fol. 202. 

Feb. 7, 1637. "Friday last 
" the lords heard that differ- 
" ence between the bishop of 
" Lincoln and Shelly, as in 
44 course of my last. I do hear 
" that it did appear on exami- 
44 nation that the bishop was 



" much to blame. He would 
44 have taken in that roll where- 
44 in he was seized 11/. or 13/. 
44 (I know not whether) to 
44 have made a new roll, to have 
4< eased himself and to have laid 
44 it upon divers poor people 
14 that received alms of the pa- 
44 rish, (as it was the last year.) 
44 The bishop was over-passion- 
44 ate, and Shelly was not so 
41 dutiful as it became him. 
44 The lords spent much time 
44 to hear it, but concluded no- 
44 thing at all against the bishop, 
44 because the king had all his 
44 rights." fol. 204.] 

o The king's large declara- 
tion concerning the tumults in 
Scotland, p. 16. 

P See the Life of Archbishop 
Spot s wood. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 1 41 

William Cooper, bishop of Galloway, to draw up the a. D.1637. 
order thereof. — — !^I — 1 

ii. It was transmitted into England to king James, 
who punctually perused every particular passage 
therein. 

iii. It was remitted with the king's observations, 
additions, expunctions, mutations, accommodations, 
to Scotland again. 

But here the design sunk with the sudden death 
of king James, and lay not only dormant but dead ; 
till some years after it was awakened, or rather 
revived again 1 ). 

96. In the reign of king Charles the project being why *dtf- 

1 ference l»e- 

re8umed r , (but whether the same book or no Godtwixtthe 
knowetb,) it was concluded not to send into Scot- Engiinh^i- 
land the same liturgy of England totidem verbis, lest turgy * 
this should be misconstrued a badge of dependence 
of that church on ours. It was resolved also, that 
the two liturgies should not differ in substance, lest 
the Roman party should upbraid us with weighty 
and material differences 8 . A similitude therefore, 

4 [The king desired, as bi- nativity, passion, resurrection, 

■bop Guthry tells us in his and ascension, and Whit-Sun- 

memoirs, that there should be day. These articles having 

t uniformity of worship be- been debated in the general as- 

tween the two churches of sembly at St. Andrew's, 1617, 

Scotland and England; for this were afterwards concluded in 

purpose he recommended to the general assembly at Perth, 

the bishops the introduction of 1618, and ratified in parlia- 

certain English ceremonies ; as ment, 162 1 . At the same time 

1st, That the gesture of kneel- the king was desirous of having 

ing should be enforced in re- a liturgy formed after the model 

caring the holy communion, of the English ; but this latter 

2ndlv, That private baptism design was waived for the pre- 

ihould be allowed in cases of sent, in consideration of its 

necessity. 3rdly, Private com- unpopularity with the people. 

munion in the like case. 4thly, See Guthry, p. 7.] 
Confirmation. 5thly, An ob- r [In 1636.] 
servance of the great feasts of s King's Declaration, p. 18. 
the church, such as our Lord's 



143 The Church Hutoty book xi. 

a. d. 1637. not identity, being resolved of, it was drawn up 
— l_with some, as they termed them, insensible altera- 
tions, but such as were quickly found and felt by 
the Scotch to their great distaste. These alterations 
are of two natures. First, ingratiating, which may 
be presumed, made to gain the affection of that 
nation. Secondly, distasting, which (if not in the 
intent) in the event proved the great grievance and 
general cause that the book was hated and rejected. 
We will insist on three of the first sort *. 
Canonical First, Whereas there was an ancient complaint, 

scripture 

only used in That so much of the Apocrypha was read in churches, 
Liturgy- yvz " about sixty chapters for the first lesson, (from 
the 28th of September till the 24th of November,) 
canonical scripture is alone appointed to be read 
in the Scotch liturgy, one day alone excepted, viz. 
All Saints day, when Wisdom iii. and Ecclesiasticus 
xiv. are ordered for morning and evening prayer ; on 
the same token there wanted not such who said that 
those two chapters were left there to keep posses- 
sion, that all the rest might in due time be re- 
introduced, 
^ahwe Secondly, The word priest, often used in the 
in declined. English liturgy, gave offence to many, insomuch that 
one u writeth, "To call us priests as touching our 
" office, is either to call back again the old priesthood 
" of the law, which is to deny Christ to be come, or 
" else to keep a memory of the popish priesthood of 
" abomination still amongst us ; besides, we never 
" read in the New Testament, that the word priest 
" (as touching office) is used in the good part." 



* [These objections are prin- u Cartwright in his Admo- 
ci pally taken from Baillie's nition, cap. iii. div. 1. 
avTOKaroKptats, p. 98, sq.] 



CBVT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



148 



Whereupon, to prevent exception, it was mollified *• ^J^ 3 /.' 

into presbyter in the Scotch rubric. 

97. The names of sundry saints, omitted in the Scotch 
English, are inserted into the Scotch calendar (but sorted into 
only in black letters) on their several days according^. 
to the form following :— 



JANUARY. 

1 1 David, king. 
13 Mungo, bishop; in 
Latin, KnUigernut. 


FEBRUARY. 
18 Colman. 


MARCH. 

11 Constantino III. king. 
17 Patrick. 
10 Cuthbert. 


APRIL. 

1 Gilbert, bishop. 
20 Serf©, bishop. 


MAY. 


JUNE. 

9 Columba. 


JULY. 
6 Palladium 


AUGUST. 


SEPTEMBER. 

18 Ninian, bishop. 
25 Adaman, bishop. 


OCTOBER. 


NOVEMBER. 

16 Margaret, queen. 
27 Ode Virgin. 


DECEMBER. 

4 Droftane. 



Some of these were kings, all of them natives of 
that country, (Scotch and Irish in former ages being 
effectually the same,) and which in probability might 
render them to the favour of their countrymen, some 
of them (as Coldman, &c.) zealous opposites to the 
church of Rome in the celebration of Easter x . 



z [Bat these and other al- 
terations were introduced to 
conciliate the Scottish nation, 
and give their liturgy a nation- 
ality, that it might not look like 
an imposition from England, 
nor that a form of prayer settled 
in a parliament at Westminster 



should without any alteration 
be enforced upon Scotland. 
It was feared by the bishops 
that this would look like an 
attempt, of which that nation 
was at this time particularly 
jealous, of making Scotland a 
province to England. And this 



144 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1637. 98. But these Scotch saints were so fer from 
13 "' ' making the English liturgy acceptable, that the 



Alterations 
of addition 



probably was one of the rea- 
sons why the liturgy of king 
Edward VI. was in some points 
adopted in preference to that 
which now prevails in the 
church of England, bishop 
Laud being anxious to retain 
as nearly as possible that form 
of worship and public prayer 
which had been authorized and 
approved of by the fathers of 
the reformation, and to intro- 
duce nothing into the church 
but what was sanctioned by 
their example and authority, 
andthatof the primitive church. 
We have indeed the positive 
declaration of lord Clarendon, 
that Laud was opposed to any 
;ilteration8 whatever. " He 
" foresaw the difficulties which 
" would arise in rejecting, or 
" altering, or adding to the li- 
" turgy, which had so great 
" authority, and had by the 
" practice of near fourscore 
44 years obtained great venera- 
" tion from all sober protest- 
" ants; and how much easier 
" it would be to make objec- 
" tions against anything that 
" should be new, than against 
" the old." Rebellion, i. 150. 
The event verified his antici- 
pations, but Laud was obliged 
to submit to circumstances over 
which he hud no control. 

The archbishop's own ac- 
count of the matter, though 
somewhat long, is so exceed- 
ingly important, that I shall 
make no scruple of introducing 
the chief portions of it here. 
It is as follows : " Dr. John 
" Maxwell, the late bishop of 



*< 



t€ 



a 



Ross, came to me (Laud) 
from his majesty, it was 
" during the time of a great 
" and dangerous fever, under 
" which I then laboured. It 
was in the year 1629, in Au- 
gust or September. The 
" cause of his coming was to 
" speak with me about a li- 
" turgy for Scotland. At his 
" coming I was so extreme ill, 
" that I saw him not. After 
" this, when I was able to sit 
" up, he came to me again, and 
" told me it was his majesty's 
" pleasure, that I should re- 
" ceive instructions from some 
" bishops of Scotland concern- 
" ing a liturgy for that church ; 
" and that he was employed 
" from my lord the archbp. of 
" St. Andrew's (Spottiswoode), 
" and other prelates there about 
'• it. I told him I was clear of 
" opinion, that if his majesty 
" would have a liturgy settled 
" there, it were best to take the 
" English liturgy without any 
" variation, that so the same 
service book might be esta- 
blished in all his majesty's 
" dominions. Which I did then 
" and do still think would have 
been a great happiness to this 
state, and a great honour and 
safety to religion. To this 
he replied, that he was of a 
contrary opinion, and that 
" not he only, but the bishops 
" of that kingdom thought heir 
" countrymen would be much 
" better satisfied, if a liturgy 
" were framed by their own 
" clergy, than to have the Eng- 
" lish liturgy put upon them; 



a 



€t 



CC 



it 



«( 



if 



it 



CENT. XVII. 



Of Britain. 



145 



English liturgy rather made the saints odious unto 
them. Such the distasting alterations in the book, 
reducible to, i. additions, ii. omissions, iii. variations, 
and, iv. transpositions. To instance in the most 
material of the first kind. 

i. In the baptism these words are inserted, " Sanc- 
u tify this fountain of water, thou which art the 
" sanctifier of all things*." Which words are en- 
joined to be spoken by the minister so often as the 
water in the font is changed, which must be at least 
twice a month. 

ii. In the prayer after the doxology, and before 



A. D. 1637. 

13 CtlM. I. 

in the 
Scotch 
liturgy. 



tt 
tt 
94 
tt 
tt 
*t 
«• 
«• 
tt 
«• 
• • 
tt 
■ « 



tt 

« 
tt 

«. 
U 

«■ 

• 4 
M 
tt 

« 
tt 

tt 



yet he added, that it might 
be according to the form of 
oar English service book. I 
answered to this, that if this 
were the resolution of my 
brethren the bishops of Scot- 
land. I would not entertain 
so much as thoughts about 
it, till I might by God's bless- 
ing have health and oppor- 
tunity to wait upon his ma- 
jesty, and receive his farther 
directions from himself. 
" When I was able to go 
abroad I came to his majesty, 
and represented all that had 
passed. His majesty avowed 
the semling of Dr. Maxwell 
to me, and the message sent 
by him. But then he in- 
clined to my opinion, to have 
the English service without 
any alteration to be establish- 
ed there ; and in this con- 
dition I held that business, 
for two if not three years at 
least. Afterwards the Scot- 
tish bishops still pressing bis 
majesty that a liturgy framed 
by themselves, and in some 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



« 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
ft 
tt 
tt 
it 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
«« 
c« 

tt 
if 
it 
tt 
tt 
tt 
ft 



few things different from 
ours, would relish better with 
their countrymen ; they at 
last prevailed with his ma- 
jesty to have it so, and car- 
ried it against me, notwith- 
standing all I could say or do 
to the contrary. Then his 

• 

majesty commanded me to 
give the bishops of Scotland 
my best assistance in this 
way and work. I delayed, as 
much as I could, with my 
obedience, and when nothing 
would serve, but it must go 
on, I confess I was then very 
serious, and gave them the 
least help I could. But of 
whatsoever I had any doubt, 
I did not only acquaint his 
majesty with it, but writ 
down most of the amend- 
ments or alterations in his 

majesty's presence. Sure 

I am his majesty approved 
them all; and I have his 
warrant under his royal hand 
for all that I did about that 
book." Troubles, p. 169.] 
7 Fol. 106. pag. 2. 



146 The Church History book xi. 

A -*J- ,6 37-the communion, this passage (expunged by the 

English reformers out of our liturgy) is out of the 

ordinary of Sarum inserted in the Scotch prayer 
book. " And of thy almighty goodness vouchsafe 
" so to bless, and sanctify with thy word and holy 
" word, these thy gifts and creatures of bread and 
" wine, that they may be unto us the body and 
" blood of thy most dearly beloved Son f :" from 
which words, saith the Scotch author, all papists * 
use to draw the truth of the tran substantiation. 

iii. He that celebrateth is enjoined to cover that 
which remaineth of the consecrated elements with 
a fair linen cloth or corporal b ; a word unknown to 
vulgar ears of either nations, in other sense than to 
signify an under officer in a foot company, and com- 
plained of to be purposely placed here, to wrap up 
therein all Romish superstition of Christ's carnal 
corporal presence in the sacrament. 

iv. In the prayer for the state of Christ's church 
militant, these words are added : " And we also 
bless thy holy name for all those thy servants, 
who having finished their course in faith, do now 
" rest from their labours. And we yield unto thee 
" most high praise and hearty thanks, for the won- 
" derful grace and virtue declared in all thy saints, 
" who have been the choice vessels of thy grace 
" and the lights of the world in their several gene- 
" rations : most humbly beseeching thee that we 
" may have grace to follow the example of their 
" steadfastness in thy faith, and obedience to thy 
holy commandments, that at the day of the general 
resurrection, we, and all they which are of the 

z Fol. 1 02. pag. 1. 

* Baillie's \vroKardKptais, p. 105. b Fol. 103. pag. 2. 



cc 






cent. xvii. of Britain. 1 47 

" mystical body of thy Son, may be set on his right a. d. 1637. 

" hand, and hear that his most joyful voice, Come ye — 1 

" Messed, &c. c " 

99- Amongst the omissions none more complained The most 
of than the deleting these words in the delivery of omission. 
the bread at the sacrament. " Take and eat this in 
u remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed 
* on him in thine heart by faith with thanksgiving*." 
A passage destructive to transubstantiation, as di- 
verting communicants from carnal manducation, and 
directing their souls to a spiritual repast on their 
Saviour. All which in the Scotch liturgy is cut off 
with an Amen from the receiver. 

The variations and transpositions are of less 
moment, as where the money gathered at the offer- 
tory, distributable by the English liturgy to the 
poor alone, hath a moiety thereof assigned the 
minister, therewith to buy him books of holy divi- 
nity, and some prayers are transposed from their 
place and ordered elsewhere, whereat some do take 
no small exception. Other smaller differences (if 
worth the while) will quickly appear to the curious 
perusers of both liturgies. 

100. Pass we now from the constitution of the The discon- 
book to the condition of the Scotch nation, in this^ nofthe 
unhappy juncture of time when it was imposed upon j^J^nm' 
him. For it found them in a discontented posture, the li } nr ey 

*■ was first 

(and high royalists will maintain, that murmuring brought 

, .. • * • j»i«» 1 • 1 . unto them. 

and muting against princes diner only in degree, not 
in kind,) occasioned on several accounts e . 



c Fol. 98. pag. 1 . " occasions, yet they were not 

d Fol. 103. pag. 2. " the causes of the war ; reli- 

• [" Though liturgy and " gion being but the vizard to 

" episcopacy were made the " disguise the business ; which 

l2 



148 



The Chunk History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1637. i. Some years since the king had passed an act 

of revocation of crown lands, (aliened in the minority 

of his ancestors,) whereby much land of the nobility 
became obnoxious to forfeiture. And though all 
was forgiven again by the king's clemency f , and 
nothing acted hereby to the prejudice of any, yet it 
vexed some to hold that as remitted by the king's 
bounty, wherein they conceived themselves to be 
before unquestionably estated. 

ii. Whereas many formerly in Scotland were 
rather subjects than tenants, rather vassals than 
subjects: such the landlords' princely (not to say 
tyrannical) power over them, the king had lately 
freed many from such dangerous dependence. Espe- 
cially in point of payment of tithes to the lords of 
the erection, equivalent to our English lay impro- 
priators, (but allowing the landlords a valuable con- 
sideration, according to the purchases* of that 
country,) whereby the king got the smiles of those 
who were most in number, but the frowns of such 
who were greatest in power. 

iii. Many were offended that at the king's coro- 
nation, some six years ago, and a parliament follow- 



•t 



<« 



" covetousnees, sacrilege, and 
" rapine, had the greatest hand 
in. For the king resolved 
to revoke all grants of abbey- 
" lands, the lands of bishoprics 
" and chapters, and other reli- 
" gious corporations, which 
having been vested in the 
crown by act of parliament, 
" were conferred on many of 
" the nobility and gentry in 
•' his father's minority, when 
" he was under protectors. 
" Whence the nobility of Scot- 



fi 



«f 



" land made use of discontented 
" and seditious spirits (under 
" colour of the canons and 
" common prayer) to embroil 
" that kingdom, that so they 
" might keep their lands, and 
" hold up their power and 
•• tyranny over the people." 
Heylyn's Obs. on L' Est range's 
Hist, of Charles I. p. 151.] 

f The King's Declaration at 
large, p. 6. 

£ Idem, p. 9. 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



149 



ing thereon, an act of ratification was passed con- a. d. 1637. 

cerning the church, her liberties and privileges, J ! 

which some complained of was done without plu- 
rality of suffrages. 

iv. Some persons of honour desiring higher titles h 
were offended that they were denied unto them, 
whilst his majesty conferred them on others. 

There want not those also who confidently suggest 
it to posterity, that pensions constantly payed out of 
the English exchequer in the reign of king James 
to some principal pastors in the Scottish church 
were since detained. So also the bounty of boons 
was now restrained in the reign of king Charles, 
which could not fall so freely as in the days of his 
father, (the cloud being almost drained,) adding 
moreover that the want of watering of Scotland 
with such showers, made them to chap into such 
clefts and chinks of parties and factions disaffected 
to the king's proceedings. 

101. To increase these distempers, some complain The book 
(how justly their own countrymen best know) of blame of all 
the pride and pragmaticalness of the Scotch bishops, 
who being but probationers on their good behaviour 
(as but reintroduced by king James) offended the 
ancient nobility with their meddling in state matters. 
And I find two principally accused on this account ; 
Dr. Forbes, bishop of the new bishopric of Edinburgh*, 



■ Pag. 11. 

1 [This must be a mistake; 
for Forbes, the learned and 
pious bishop of Edinburgh, 
died in 1634, having held his 
bishopric only three months. 
He was succeeded by David 
Lindsay, a man of great meek- 
ness and moderation, who was 



unfortunate in this respect, that 
he was set over a most turbulent 
and insolent province, the fo- 
mented of disturbance and trea- 
sonable combinations. It is far 
more likely that Fuller has mis- 
taken him for Maxwell, bishop 
of Ross, who was hated by that 
paragon of duplicity or folly, 

L3 



150 



Tlte Church History 



HOOK XI. 



a. d. 1637. and Dr. Wedderbume, bishop of Dumblane. Tims 

- ' was the Scotch nation full of discontents, when this 

book being brought unto them bare the blame of 
their breaking forth into more dangerous designs, as 
when the cup is brimful before, the last (though 
least) superadded drop is charged alone to be the 
cause of all the running over. 
The Scotch 102. Besides the church of Scotland claimed not 
itandeth on only to be independent, and free as any church in 
l^ora" * Christendom, (a sister, not daughter, of England,) but 
also had so high an opinion of its own purity, that it 
participated more of Moses his platform in the 
mount, than other protestant churches, being a re- 
formed reformation; so that the practice thereof 
might be directory to others, and she fit to give, 
not take, write, not receive copies from any neigh- 
bouring church, desiring that all others were like 
unto them, save only in their afflictions k . 



inde- 
pendency. 



Traquair ; " for he conceived a 
" jealousy (and many thought 
" not without cause) that the 
" bishops intended his fall, to 
" the end Mr. John Maxwell, 
" bishop of Ross, might be 
" made treasurer." Guthry, p. 

k [According to lord Claren. 
don, the new bishops in Scot- 
land had so little interest in 
the affections of that nation, 
and so little control and au- 
thority, that they had not 
power to reform and regulate 
their own cathedrals, and their 
jurisdiction was so much con- 
fined that they possessed little 
more than the name of episco- 
pacy. To redeem them from 
this ill conceit, and to increase 
their authority, the king made 



the archbishop of St. Andrew's 
and four or five other bishops 
lords of the session. " But this 
" unseasonable accumulation of 
" so many honours upon them," 
says the noble author, "exposed 
" them to the universal envy 
" of the whole nobility, many 
" whereof wished them well, 
" as to their ecclesiastical quali- 
" fi cations, but could not en- 
" dure to see them possessed 
" of those offices and employ- 
" ments, which they looked 
" upon as naturally belonging 
" to themselves ; and then the 
" number of them was thought 
" too great, so that they over- 
" balanced many debates ; and 
" some of them, by want of 
" temper or want of breeding, 
" did not behave themselves 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



151 



103. So much for the (complained of) burden ofA.D. 1637. 

the book, as also for the sore back of that nation ■ — 1 

(galled with the aforesaid grievances) when this L»ud ao- * 
liturgy was sent unto them : and now we must not JJJfSd ™i 
forget the hatred they bare to the hand which they J^}^ rf 
accused for laying it upon them. Generally they 
excused the king in their writings as innocent 
therein, but charged archbishop Laud as the prin- 
cipal (and Dr. Cosins 1 for the instrumental) compiler 
thereof, which may appear by what we read in a 
writer of that nation, afterwards employed into 
England, about the advancing of the covenant be- 
twixt both nations, and other church affairs m . 

"This unhappy book was his grace's invention; 
" if he should deny it, his own deeds would convince 
tt him. The manifold letters which in this pesti- 
" ferous affair have passed betwixt him and our 
prelates are yet extant. If we might be heard, 
we would spread out sundry of them before the 
convocation house of England, making it clear as 
the light, that in all this design his hand hath 
ever been the prime stickler; so that upon his 
back mainly, nill he will he, would be laid the 



u 



u 



u 



u 



«« 



€€ 



" with that decency in their 
" debates towards the greatest 
men of the kingdom as in 
discretion they ought to have 
" done." Rebel, i. 155, see 
also 184 sq. Outhry thinks 
very reasonably that it was an 
appointment of this kind which 
first induced Archibald lord 
Lorn, the most influential leader 
in this Scottish rebellion, to 
turn against the bishops. He 
was irritated at seeing the office 
of chancellor, for which he was 
a suitor* bestowed upon the 
archbishop of St. Andrew's. 



" The like was talked concern- 
" ing some others/' he con- 
tinues, " who had formerly 
" turned that way, and I know 
" well there was ground for it, 
" yet because the same is not so 
" generally understood, as this 
" which I have instanced, there- 
" fore I forbear to condescend," 
(i. e. to notice it). lb. p. 12.] 

1 Baillie, ibid. p. 100. 

m [Yet the framing of this li- 
turgy was committed to a select 
number of the Scottish bishops; 
and Laud was scarce consulted. 
See Clarendon, ib. p. 1 5 1 , 183.] 



152 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1637." charge of all the fruits, good or evil, which from 

I ^ Oil HE. I 

'* that tree are like to fell on the king's countries n ." 

Surely if any such evidence was extant, we shall 

hear of it hereafter at his arraignment, produced 

and urged by the Scotch commissioners. 

Thetumuit 104. But leaving the roots to lie under the earth, 

burgh at let us look on the branches spreading themselves 

reading the &bove ground, and passing from the secret author 

book " of this book, behold the evident effects thereof. 

No sooner had the dean of Edinburgh began to 

read the book in the church of St. Giles, in the 

presence of the privy council, both the archbishops, 

divers bishops, and magistrates of the city, but 

presently such a tumult was raised, that through 

clapping of hands, cursing, and crying, one could 

neither hear nor be heard. The bishop of Edinburgh 

endeavoured in vain to appease the tumult ; whom a 

stool aimed to be thrown at him had killed, ° if not 

diverted by one present, so that the same book had 

occasioned his death and prescribed the form of his 

burial, and this hubbub was hardly suppressed by 

the lord provost and bailiffs of Edinburgh p. 

More am- 105. This first tumult was caused by such whom 

siderable _ 

person* en- 1 find called the scum of the city**, considerable for 
thfoause. nothing but their number: but few days after the 
cream of the nation (some of the highest and best 
quality therein) engaged in the same cause, crying 
out, "God defend all those who will defend God's 
" cause, and God confound the service book and all 
" the maintainers of it V 



n [Baillie, ibid. p. 93.] p. 193. Guthry, p. 19.] 

The King's large Declare- 4 [See the same thing stated 

tion, p. 23. by Clarendon, ib. 194. 196.] 
P [See an account of these r The King's large Declare? 

disturbances in Clarendon, i. tion, p. 37. 



c«rr. x*ii. 



of Britain. 



153 



106. The lords of the council interposed their a. d. 1657. 

1 11 • • 1 1 3 Chaa. I. 

power, and to appease all parties issued out a pro- J 

clamation to remove the session (much like to our 8 j ntfthe 
term in London) to Linlithgow. This abated their St ' otch 



covenant. 



anger as fire is quenched with oil, seeing the best 
part of the Edinburghers' livelihood depends on the 
session kept in their city; yea so highly were the 
people enraged against bishops as the procurers of 
all these troubles, that the bishop of Galloway 
passing peaceably along the street towards the 
council house was waylaid 8 in his coming thither, 
if by divine providence, and by Frances Stewart, 
son to the late earl of Bothwell, he had not with 
much ado been got within the doors of the council 
house. Indeed there is no fence but flight, nor 



* King's large Declaration, 
p. 35. [Dr. Sideserfe. This 
prelate, who owed his appoint- 
ment to Laud, has received 
very scanty justice even from 
those who were concerned in 
some measure to justify him. 
(See Guthry, p. 14.) Happily 
sir David Dalrymple, one not 
likely to be prejudiced in favour 
of Laud or any of his friends, 
has printed a letter in his Me- 
morials of Charles I. which is 
greatly to this bishop's honour. 
" Mr. Sydeserf, sometime bi- 
" shop of Galloway, came here 
" five or six weeks ago. I 
" could have wished he had 
" not come here, as long as I 
" had been here, rather to have 
" satisfied other men's scruples 
" whom I have no intention to 
" offend than my own ; for the 
" Lord is my witness, to whom 
" I must answer at the last 
" day, I think there was never 



" a more unjust sentence of 
" excommunication than that 
" which was pronounced against 
" some of these bishops, and 
" particularly against this man, 
" since the creation of the 
" world ; and I am persuaded, 
" that these who did excom- 
" municate him did rather ex- 
" communicate themselves from 
" God, than him ; for I have 
" known him these 29 years, 
" and I have never known any 
" wickedness or unconscien- 
" tious dealing in him ; and 1 
" know him to be a learneder 
" and more conscientious man 
" (although I will not purge 
" him of infirmities more than 
others) than any of those who 
were upon his excommuni- 
" cation." p. 73. For the pro- 
ceedings against him in the 
general assembly the reader 
may consult fiaillie's Letters, 
No. 10.] 



€t 



■« 



154 



The Church History of Britain. book xi. 



a.d. 1637. counsel but concealment, to secure any single party 



i3Chfts.I. 



against an offended multitude. 



The au- 
thor's 



107. These troublesome beginnings afterwards did 
cuie,°why occasion the solemn league and covenant, whereby 
ta£fcTSi?"the greatest part of the nation united themselves to 
object defend their privileges, and which laid the founda- 
tion of a long and woful war in both kingdoms. 
And here I crave the reader's pardon to break off; 
and leave the prosecution of this sad subject to pens 
more able to undertake it. For first, I know none 
will pity me if I needlessly prick my fingers with 
meddling with a thistle which belongs not unto me. 
Secondly, I despair of perfect notice of particulars, 
at so great a distance of place, and greater of parties 
concerned therein. Thirdly, if exact intelligence were 
obtained, as ages long ago are written with more 
safety than truth, so the story hereof might be 
written with more truth than safety. Lastly, being 
a civil business, it is aliened from my subject, and 
may justly be declined. If any object, that it is 
reducible to ecclesiastical story, because one, as 
they said, termed this beUum episcopale, "the war 
" for bishops V' I conceive it presumption for so 
mean a minister as myself (and indeed for any 
under that great order) to undertake the writing 
thereof. 



t [Rather, the war against 
bishops. For they shewed their 
usual dishonesty in this cove- 
nant, pretending that it was 
none other than what had been 
subscribed in the reign of 
James I.; by which artifice 
they induced many to subscribe 
to it. Whereas in fact " they 
" had inserted a clause never 
" heard of, and quite contrary 



" to the end of that covenant, 
•• whereby they obliged them- 
" selves to pursue the extirpa- 
" tion of bishops, and had the 
" confidence to demand the 
" same in express terms of the 
" king, in answer to a very 
" gracious message the king 
" had sent them/' Clarend. i 

I97-] 



SECT. VIII. 



TO 



HENRY PUCKERING NEWTON*, 

SON AND HEIR TO 
SIR HENRY PUCKERING NEWTON, BARONET. 

No gentleman in this nation is more advantaged to be a A. D. 1637. 

scholar born than yourself. You may be free of the city of 11 1 

the muses by the copy of your grandfathers. By your 
father's side, sir Adam Newton b , tutor to prince Henry ; 



* [Henry Puckering New- 
ton, son to sir Henry, whom he 
did not survive. His grand- 
father was dean of Durham in 
1606, and tutor of prince 
Henry, and created a baronet 
in 1620. He died in 1629, and 
partly before his death, partly 
by bequest after his decease, 
rebuilt his parish church of 
Charlton, in the diocese of Dur- 
ham. He married Dorothy 
daughter of sir John Pucker- 
ing, knight, lord keeper of the 
great seal in the reign of Eliza- 
beth. Sir Henry his son took 
the surname of Puckering on 
succeeding to his estates, and 
removed to the priory in War- 
wickshire, the seat of his uncle 
aforesaid. He fought for his 



sovereign at Edge Hill, was 
member of parliament for War- 
wick, and was of a generous 
spirit, a father to the poor, and 
a kind benefactor to many of 
those who having suffered in 
the cause of royalty were yet 
neglected by king Charles II. 
He died before his son Henry 
in 1 700, at the advanced age of 
eighty-three. His wife was 
Elizabeth daughter of Thomas 
Murray, esq., tutor to king 
Charles I.] 

h [A letter addressed to him 
while tutor of prince Henry 
respecting the education of a 
Mr. Puckering, has been print- 
ed by Ellis in his Second Se- 
ries, iii. p. 220. See Smith in 
vita Pet. Junii, p. 17.] 



Bishop 
WilliMM 
hii second 



.56 The Church Histitry book xi. 

by your mother's tide, Mr. Murray, tutor to king CharU» c . 
If you be not more than an ordinary scholar, it will not 
be lest than an extraordinary disgrace : good it not good 
where better is expected. But I am confident if your 
pains be added to your parts, your prayers to your pains, 
God's blessing mill be added to your prayers to crown all 
with success. 

OW bishop Williams was sentenced 
the second time in the Star-chamber 
on this occasion : Mr. Lambert Osbald- 
ston, schoolmaster of Westminster, 
wrote a letter unto him wherein this 
passage: "The little vermin the urchin and hocus- 
" pocus is this stormy Christinas at true and real 
" variance with the leviathan d .** Now the bishop 
was accused for divulging scandalous libels on privy 
councillors, and that the archbishop of Canterbury 
was meant by the former names. The lord treasurer 
Weston by the leviathan, because he should have 
presented the libellous letter at the receipt thereof 
to some justice of peace, and not dispersed the 




c [Thomas Murray succeed- 
ed air Henry Saville in the pro- 
vostshin of Eton 1622, which 
he appears to hare held, as did 
hit predecessor, by a royal dis- 
pensation, both being laymen, 
and consequently incompetent 
by the Statutes. It is not 
a little strange that Murray 
should have been a puritan and 
disliked subscription, for which 
reason he appears to have re- 
fused to enter into holy orders j 
and still more strange that Wil- 
liams, the bishop of Lincoln, 
should have lectured him upon 



neglect " of subscription and 
" other conformities." " I 
" schooled him soundly against 
" puritanisui," he observes in 
a letter to Buckingham, "which 
" he disavows, though aome- 
" what faintly ; and hope his 
" highness [prince Charles] and 
" the king will second it." Ca- 
bala, p. 264. See also Wood's 
Ath. i.467.] 

d [This letter, which is print- 
ed at full length in Rusbworth, 
iii. 803, is dated Jan. 9, 1633, 
that is, 1634.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 157 

2. The bishop pleaded, that he remembered not A - JJ- ,6 3T- t 

113 v»nss» x. 

the receiving of any such letter, that he conceived 

no law directs the subject to bring to a justice of 
peace enigmas or riddles, but plain literal and 
grammatical libels, against a known and clearly 
deciphered person. Mr. Osbaldston denied the 
words so meant by him, and deposed that he in- 
tended one Dr. Spicer a civilian by hocus-pocus, 
and the lord Richardson (alive when the letter was 
written, but then dead) for the leviathan. 

3. Here a paper was produced by Mr. Walker 
the bishop's secretary, and found in a bandbox at 
Bugden, wherein the bishop had thus written unto 
him : " Here is a strange thing, Mr. Osbaldston im- 
M portunes me to contribute to my lord treasurer's 
u use some charges upon the little great man, and 
" assures me they are mortally out. I have utterly 
" refused to meddle in this business, and I pray you 
** learn from Mr. S. and Mr. H. if any such falling 
•* out be, or whether somebody hath not gulled the 
schoolmaster in these three last letters, and keep 
it to yourself what I write unto you. If my lord 
treasurer would be served by me, he must use a 
more near, solid, and trusty messenger, and free 
" me from the bonds of the Star-chamber, ehe let 
them fight it out for me c ." Now Mr. Walker 
being pressed by a friend why he would discover 
this letter to his master's prejudice, averred he 
brought it forth as a main witness of his innocency, 
and as able to clear him of all in the information : 
however it was strongly misunderstood, for by com- 
paring both letters together the court collected the 
bishop guilty f . 

• [This letter is also at full f [In refutation of the bi- 
length in Rushworth, ib.] shop's defence, the attorney 



u 
u 

<« 
«< 



158 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1638. 4. Sir John Finch fined him a just ten thousand 

11 1 pounds, rotundi numeri causa, whom secretary 

Windebank p did follow. The rest brought it down 
to eight thousand pounds only, one lord thought 
fitting to impose no fine upon him, rendering this 
reason, quijacet in terra non habet unde cadet 

5. The bishop already being sequestered from all 
his temporal lands, spiritual preferment, and his 
person imprisoned, Mr. Osbaldston was sentenced 
five thousand pounds, loss of his good living at 
Wethamstead, and to have his ears tacked to the 
pillory in the presence of his scholars, whom his 
industry had improved to as great eminency of 
learning as any of his predecessors, insomuch that 
he had at the present above fourscore doctors, in 
the two universities, and three learned faculties, all 
gratefully acknowledging their education under him. 
But this last personal penalty he escaped by going 
beyond Canterbury, conceived seasonably gone be- 
yond the seas, whilst he secretly concealed himself 
in London h . 

6. All this put not a period to the bishop's 
troubles ; his unsequestered spirit so supported him, 
that some of his adversaries frowned because he 



general urged, that this inter- 
pretation would not serve ; be- 
cause these letters were found 
in a box in the bishop's house 
at Bugden ; and when the bi- 
shop heard they were found, he 
said Osbaldston was undone. 
That the bishop's secretary, 
Walker, and the clerk of the 
kitchen, had heard their master 
discourse on the subject of these 
letters, that these names were 
frequently used by him and 
Osbaldston, and that by them 



was meant the archbishop and 
the treasurer. Rushworth, ib. 

P. 8340 

8 [Not only Windebanke, 

but some others.] 

h [And this principally by 
the connivance of archbishop 
Laud, as Heylyn assures us. 
See "The Appeal" &c. part iii. 
p. 25. He had fled, however, 
before the trial ended, Rush- 
worth, p. 806, as it was report- 
ed, but in reality concealed 
himself in Drury Lane.] 



cent. xvii. qf Britain. 159 

could smile under so great vexatious. A design ^ A '^\^ 3 f' 

8et afoot, either to make him voluntarily surrender 

his bishopric deanery, and dignities, (permitted per- 
chance a poor bishopric in Ireland,) or else to press 
his degradation : in order whereunto a new informa- 
tion with ten articles is drawn up against him, 
though for the main, but the consequence and de- 
ductions of the fault for tampering with witnesses, 
for which in the 13th of king Charles he had been 
so severely censured. 

7. To this the bishop put in a plea, and demurrer, 
that Deus nonjudicat bis in id ipsum, God punisheth 
not the same fault twice: that this is the way to 
make causes immense and punishments infinite : 
that whereas there was two things that philosophers 
denied, infiniteness and vacuity, Kilvert had found 
them both in this prosecution; infiniteness in the 
bishop's cause, and vacuity in his purse: that the 
profane wits of this age should begin to doubt of 
the necessity of believing a hell hereafter, when 
such eternal punishments are found here in such 
kind of prosecution: he added also that he could 
prove it, that it was a conspiracy of Kil vert's with 
other persons, if he might have freedom to bring 
his witnesses against them; which, because it cast 
scandal on those who were pro domino rege, was 
now denied him. 

8. Then put he in a rejoinder and an appeal unto 
the next parliament, whensoever it should be assem- 
bled, pleading his privilege of peerage as his free- 
hold, and that he could not be degraded of his 
orders and dignities. This was filed in the Star- 
chamber under the clerk's book, and copies thereof 
signed with the usual officers. Now although this 



160 Tike Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1630. was but a poor help, no light of a parliament dawn- 
— — ^L-l ing at that time ; yet it so far quashed the proceed- 
ings, that it never came to further hearing, and the 
matter superseded from any final censure. 
Scotch 9. And now began Scotland to be an actor, and 

roi begin, g^^j ^ M y e ^ a ^j 8 p ec tator thereof, as sus- 
pecting ere long to feel what she beheld. There is 
a high hill in Cumberland called Skiddaw, and an- 
other answering thereto (Scrussell by name) in 
Anandale in Scotland, and the people dwelling by 
have an old rhyme : 

if Skiddaw i hath a cap, 

Scrussle wots full well of that. 

Meaning, that such the vicinity (and as I may say 
sympathy) betwixt these two hills, that if one be 
sick with a mist of clouds, the other soon after is sad 
on the like occasion. Thus none, seeing it now foul 
weather in Scotland, could expect it fair sunshine in 
England, but that she must share in the same mise- 
ries ; as soon after it came to pass. 
The reader 10. Let those who desire perfect information 
othTrau- hereof, satisfy themselves from such as have or may 
thors * hereafter write the history of the state k . In whom 
they shall find how king Charles took his journey 
northward, against the Scottish covenanters. How 
some weeks after, on certain conditions, a peace was 
concluded betwixt them. How his majesty returned 
to London ; and how this palliated cure soon after 
brake out again, more dangerous than ever before. 
AparKa- H. In these distracted times a parliament was 

1 Camden's Brit, in Cumber, son's Reign of King Charles, 

p. 767. p. 247. Clarendon's Rebellion. 

k [See L'Estrange, Reign of 1.201. Burnet's Memoirs of the 

King Charles, p. 165. Sander. Dukes of Hamilton, p. x 16.] 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain, 



161 



called with the wishes of all, and hopes of most that a. d. 1638. 
were honest, yet not without the fears of some who - — ^-^ 
were wise, what would be the success thereof ! . convocation 
With this parliament began a convocation; all the call6d ' 
mediate transactions (for aught I can find out) are 
embezzled; and therein it was ordered, that none 
present should take any private notes in the house, 
. whereby the particular passages thereof are left at 
great uncertainty™. However, so far as I can 
remember, I will faithfully relate", being comforted 
with this consideration, that generally he is ac- 
counted an impartial arbitrator who displeaseth both 
sides. 

12. On the first day thereof Dr. Turner, chaplain Doctor 
to the archbishop of Canterbury, made a Latin text and 
sermon in the quire of St. Paul's. His text, M atth. Bepmon * 
x. 16, Behold, I send you forth as sheep in the midst 
of wolves". In the close of his sermon he com* 
plained, that all bishops held not the reins of church 
discipline with an even hand, but that some of them 
were too easy and remiss in the ordering thereof. 
Whereby whiles they sought to gain to themselves 
the popular praise of meekness and mildness, they 
occasionally cast on other bishops (more severe than 
themselves) the unjust imputation of rigour and 
tyranny; and therefore he advised them all with 



1 [Of the proceedings of this 
parliament, see Clarendon's Re- 
bell ion t i. 232.] 

m [A long account of it how- 
ever will be found in Nalson's 
Collections, i. 35 1, a work un- 
dertaken by the advice and 
assistance of abp. Sancroft, and 
therefore very trustworthy in 
these points. The only order 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



however, as to silence, of which 
Fuller speaks in this passage, 
related to the canons then to 
be proposed, an order made by 
the house themselves. See 
Nalson, ib. p. 363.] 

" [Our author was proctor 
for Bristol on this occasion.] 

[See Wilkins' Cone, iv, 
P- 5*8.] 

M 



162 771 e Church History book xi. 

a.d. i6 4 o. equal strictness to urge an universal conformity. 
- — Sermon ended, we chose Dr. Stewart, dean of Chi- 
chester, prolocutor p. 
The effect 13. Next day of sitting we met at Westminster, 
bishop's in the chapel of king Henry the Seventh, both the 
Bpeech# houses of convocation being joined together, when 
the archbishop of Canterbury entertained them with 
a Latin speech, well nigh three quarters of an hour 
gravely uttered, his eyes ofttimes being but one 
remove from weeping. It consisted most of generals, 
bemoaning the distempers of the church, but con- 
cluded it with a special passage, acquainting us how 
highly we were indebted to his majesty's favour, so 
far intrusting the integrity and ability of that convo- 
cation, as to empower them with his commission, the 
like whereof was not granted for many years before, 
to alter old, or make new canons for the better 
government of the church^. 
The just 14. Some wise men in the convocation began now 
suspicions ^ ^ jeaioug f the event of new canons, yea, became 

fearful of their own selves, for having too great power, 
lest it should tempt them to be over tampering in 
innovations. They thought it better, that this convo- 
cation, with its predecessors, should be censured for 
laziness, and the solemn doing of just nothing, rather 
than to run the hazard by over activity to do any- 
thing unjust. For, as waters long dammed up, oft- 
times flounce and fly out too violently, when their 
sluices are pulled up, and they let loose on a sudden; 
so the judicious feared, lest the convocation, whose 
power of meddling with church matters had been 

P [Dr. Richard Stewart, Nalson's Collections, i. 358/] 
clerk of his majesty's closet. 4 [This commission is print- 
Heylyn's Laud, p. 423. See also ed in Nalson, ib. p. 358.] 



men. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 163 

bridled up for many years before, should now, en- a. d. i6 4 o. 

abled with such power, overact their parts, espe- ^Ll 

cially in such dangerous and discontented times. 
Yea, they suspected, lest those who formerly had 
outrun the canons with their additional conformity, 
(ceremonizing more than was enjoined,) now would 
make the canons come up to them, making it neces- 
sary for others, what voluntarily they had practised 
themselves. 

15. Matters began to be in agitation, when on a The pariia- 
sudden the parliament (wherein many things were deniy du- 
started, nothing hunted down or brought to per- 8 ° v 
fection) was dissolved. Whilst the immediate cause 
hereof is commonly cast on the king and court, 
demanding so many subsidies at once, (England 
being as yet unacquainted with such prodigious 
payments,) the more conscientious look higher and 
remoter, on the crying sins of our kingdom. And 

from this very time did God begin to gather the 
twigs of that rod, (a civil war,) wherewith soon after 
he intended to whip a wanton nation. 

16. Next day the convocation came together, asVetthe 

. i /» ii convocation 

most supposed, merely meeting to part, and finally R tiii con- 
to dissolve themselves. When, contrary to general ,nue ** 
expectation, it was motioned, to improve the present 
opportunity, in perfecting the new canons which 
they had begun. And soon after a new commission 
was brought from his majesty, by virtue whereof we 
were warranted still to sit, not in the capacity of a 
convocation, but of a synod, to prepare our canons 
for the royal assent thereunto. But Dr. Brownrigg, 
Dr. Hacket, Dr. Holdsworth, Master Warmistrey r , 

r [Proctor for Worcester.] 
M S 



164 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1640. with others, to the number of thirty-six, (the whole 
1 house consisting of about six score 8 ,) earnestly pro- 
tested against the continuance of the convocation 1 . 



* [The house consisted of 
147 members according to the 
list printed, see Nalson. Some 
of course would not be pre- 
sent.] 

1 [Dr. Heylyn and Fuller 
were both present at this con- 
vocation, but vary in their nar- 
ratives respecting its proceed- 
ings, which isnot to be wondered 
at, since the circumstances re- 
ferred to occurred sixteen years 
l>efore their controversy. Dr. 
Heylyn says : "I have not 
" heard of any such motion as 
" our author speaks of from 
" any who were present at that 
" time, though I have dili- 
" gently laboured to inform 
" myself in it. Nor is it pro- 
" bable, that any such motion 
" should be made as the case 
" then stood. The parliament 
" had been dissolved on Tues- 
" day, 5th May ; the clergy 
met in convocation the mor- 
row after, expecting then to 
" be dissolved and licensed to 
" go home again. But con- 
44 trary to that general expccta- 
" (io?i y instead of hearing some 
" news of his majesty's writ 
" for their dissolution, there 
" came an order from the arch- 
" bishop to the prolocutor to 
" adjourn till Saturday. And 
M this was all the business that 
" was done that day ; the 
" clergy generally being in no 
" small amazement, when they 
*' were required not to dissolve 
" till further order. Saturday 
" (9th May) being come, what 



*t 



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then ? • A new commission/ 
saith he, ' was brought from 
his majesty, by virtue where- 
of we were warranted to sit, 
not in the capacity of a con- 
vocation, but of a synod. ' I 
had thought our author with 
his wise and judicious friends 
had better hearkened to the 
tenour of that commission, 
than to come out with such 
a wild and gross absurdity as 
this is, so fit for none as sir 
Edward Deering, and for 
him only to make sport withal 
in the house of commons. 
At the beginning of the con- 
vocation, when the prolo- 
cutor was admitted, the abp. 
produced his majesty's com- 
mission under the great seal; 
whereby the clergy was en- 
abled to consult, treat of, 
and conclude such canons, 
as they conceived most ex- 
pedient to the peace of the 
church and his majesty's ser- 
vice. But this commission 
being to expire with the end 
of the parliament, it became 
void, of no effect as soon as 
the parliament was dissolved. 
Which being made known 
unto the king, who was re- 
solved the convocation should 
continue, and that the clergy 
should go on in completing 
those canons which they had 
so happily begun, he caused 
a new commission to be sent 
unto them, in the same words 
and to the very same effect 
as the other was, but that it 



CENT. XVII. 



of' Britain. 



165 



17- These importunately pressed that it might sink a.d. 1640. 
with the parliament, it being ominous and without 



" was to continue durante be- 
14 neplacito only, as the other 
" was not. The Appeal, &c." 
P. iii. p. 33. 

These remarks of Dr. Hey- 
lyn are without doubt substan- 
tially correct, as they agree 
with the statement made by 
the archbishop on his trial. 
And as his narrative of these 
events supplies »ome deficiencies 
in Fuller's account, and cor- 
rects some of his errors, I 
have quoted it at considerable 
length. The following is the 
archbishop's version of these 
occurrences : 

" During this parliament the 
" clergy had agreed in convo- 
" cation to give his majesty six 
" subsidies, payable in six years, 
" which come to 20,000/. a 
" year for six years, but the 
" act of it was not made up. 
" His majesty seeing what lay 
" upon him, and what fears 
*■ there were of the Scots, was 
" not willing to lose these sub- 
M sidies, and therefore thought 
" upon the continuing of the 
" convocation, though the par- 
" liament was ended, but had 
" not opened those thoughts of 
" his to me. 

" Now I had sent to dissolve 
" the convocation at their next 
*' sitting, haste and trouble of 
these businesses making me 
forget, that I was to have the 
king's writ for the dismissing 
" as well as the convening of 
** it. Word was brought me 
" of this from the convocation 
" bouse, while I was sitting in 
M council and his majesty pre- 



M 



•« 



M 



" sent. Hereupon, when the 
" council rose, I moved his 
'* majesty for a writ : his ma- 
" jesty gave me an unlookedfor 
" reply, That he was witling 
" to have the subsidies which 
•• we had granted him, and 
" that we should go on with the 
* r finishing of those canons which 
" he had given us power under 
t( the broad seal of England 
" to make. And when I re- 
" plied it would be excepted 
" against, in all likelihood by 
" divers, and desired his ma- 
" jesty to advise well upon it, 
" the king answered me pre- 
" sently, that he had spoken 
" with the lord-keeper, the 
" lord Finch, about it, and that 
" he assured him it was legal. 
" / confess I was a little trou- 
" bled] both at the difficulties 
" of the time, and at the answer 
" itself; that a/ler so many 
" years* faithful service, in a 
" business concerning the church 
t€ so nearly, his majesty wotdd 
" speak with the lord-keeper, 
" both without me, and before 
" he would move it to me, and 
" somewhat I said thereupon 
" which pleased not; but the 
l< particulars I remember not. 
" Upon this, I was command- 
u ed to sit and go on with the 
M convocation. At first, some 
" little exception was taken 
" there by two or three of the 
" lower house of convocation, 
" whether we might sit or no. 
" I acquainted his majesty with 
" the doubt, and humbly be- 
" sought him, that his] learned 
" council, and other persons of 

M 3 



166 



T/te Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. i6 4 o. precedent, that the one should survive, when the 

" other was expired. To satisfy these, an instrument 

dissent* was brought into synod, signed with the hands of 
^against 'be l° r d privy-seal, the two chief justices, and other 
the con- judges, justifying our so sitting in the nature of a 

tinuance * ° ' ° J ° ° 

thereof, synod, to be legal according to the laws of the 
realm u . It ill becometh clergymen, to pretend to 



«< 



t* 



«< 



tt 



t< 



•' honour, well acquainted with 
" the laws of the realm, might 
" deliver their judgment upon 
" it. This his majesty gra- 
" ciously approved, and the 
" question was put to them : 
" they answered as followeth 
under their hands (see this 
instrument in note n ) . 
" This judgment of these 
" great lawyers," he continues, 
" settled both houses of con. 
" vocation. So we proceeded 
" according to the power given 
us under the broad seal, as 
is required by the statute 
25 Hen. VIII. c. 19. 
" In this convocation thus 
" continued, we made up our 
" act, perfect for the gift of six 
" subsidies, according to the an- 
" cient form in that behalf, and 
" delivered it under seal to his 
majesty. This passed nemine 
refragante, as may appear 
apudAcla. And we followed a 
precedent in my lord abp. 
Whitgift's time, an. 1586. 
'* Together with this act for 
subsidies, we went on in de- 
" liberation for certain canons, 
" thought necessary to be addr 
" ed, for the better govern,. 
" ment and more settled peace 
of the church, which began 
to be much disquieted by 
'* the proceedings of some fac- 
" tious men (which have since 



«« 



*t 



n 



it 



€i 



<« 



it 



<( 



" more openly and more vio- 
" lently shewed themselves). 
44 The canons which we made 
" were in number seventeen, 
" and at the time of the sub- 
*' 8cription, no man refused or 
" so much as checked at any 
" one canon, or any one breach 
" in any one of them, saving a 
" canonical or two," &c. Trou- 
bles and Trial, p. 80.] 

a [The instrument ran as 
follows : 

" The convocation being calL 
" ed by the king's writ under 
" the great seal, doth continue 
" until it be dissolved bv writ 
" or commission under the great 
" seal, notwithstanding the par* 
" liament be dissolved. 
" 14 Maii, 1640. 
" Jo. Finch, C. S. 

" H. Manchester. 

" John Bramston. 

" Edward Littleton. 

" Ralph Whitfield. 

" John Bankes. 

" Robert Heath." 
(Laud's Troubles, p. 80. 
Nalson's Coll. i. 364.) 
The long parliament however 
(notwithstanding this opinion) 
made this continuation of the 
convocation a matter of great 
complaint against the archbi- 
shop. It must not however on 
that account be inferred that 
there was any thing illegal, 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain, 



167 



more skill in the laws than so learned sages in that ad. 1640. 

~° i6Chai. I. 

profession, and therefore impartial judgments may 

take off from the fault of the followers, and lay it on 
the leaders, that this synod sat when the parliament 
was dissolved. This made the aforesaid thirty-six 
dissenters (though solemnly making their oral pro- 
tests to the contrary, yet) not to dissever themselves, 
or enter any act in scriptis against the legality of 
this assembly; the rather, because they hoped to 
moderate proceedings with their presence. Surely 
some of their own coat, which since have censured 
these dissenters for cowardly compliance, and doing 
no more in this cause, would have done less them- 
selves if in their condition. 

18. Thus was an old convocation converted into a Out of the 

j_ ■■ .• • j» • • . 1 , • 1 • burial of an 

new synod*; and now their disjointed meeting being old convo- 
cation the 

act without parliament. Thii^^ 
was a point of Erastianism to 



either in its sittings or proceed- 
ings. In the disputes which 
afterwards arose on this subject, 
both parties seem to have as- 
sumed it as an unquestionable 
right, that the king might as- 
semble and continue convoca- 
tion, whether parliament was 
sitting or not. Dr. Wake was 
for making the sitting and act- 
ings of convocation entirely de- 
pendent on the free pleasure 
of the prince ; his opponent 
Dr. Atterbury, taking at least 
a juster view of the powers 
and rights of the church ca- 
tholic (whatever the practice of 
this kingdom may have been), 
claimed for the church an in- 
alienable right of making ca- 
nons for itself, a right which it 
never surrendered to the civil 
power. Neither however seem 
to have imagined that con- 
vocation could not sit and 



which even Tillotson had not 
descended. That the church 
before emperors were Chris- 
tianized did hold synods of her 
own pure authority is indis- 
putable ; that after the time 
of Constant! ne, though synods 
were summoned by imperial au- 
thority, yet that the church did 
not conceive that such assemblies 
were dependent on mere royal 
grace and favour, is evident 
from various declarations made 
to that purpose, collected by 
Dr. Brett, in his Church Go- 
vernment (p. 295. ed. 2d). 
This I think is quite enough to 
justify the archbishop's pro- 
ceedings in this particular, had 
he not been fortified by the 
king's warrant.] 

* [This passage has been 
controverted by Dr. Ileylyn, 

M 4 



168 



The Church History 



BOOK XI 



a. d. 164a set together again, they betook themselves to consult 
' about new canons. Now because great bodies move 



who affirms that the words "as 
" used in England of late 
" times" are synonymous ; nor 
does our author deny it, but 
defends his use of them by the 
opinion of those who made 
this distinction between them : 
" 1. Convocation, which is in 
" the beginning and ending 
" parallel with the parliament; 
" 2. Synod, which is called by 
" the king out of parliament." 
The expression however, which 
appears to have been bandied 
about at this time, was " bor. 
" rowed from the speech of a 
" witty gentleman, as he is 
" called by the author of the 
" History of the Reign of 
" King Charles, and since by 
*' him declared to be the lord 
" George Digby, now earl of 
" Bristol. But he that spent 
" most of his wit upon it, and 
" therefore gave occasion unto 
" others for the like mistak- 
" ings, was sir Edward Deer- 
" ing, in a speech made against 
" these canons an. 1640, where 
we find these flourishes : 
' * Would you confute the 
convocation ? they were a 
•• holy synod. Would you 
" argue against the synod? 
• c why they were commissioners. 
" Would you dispute the com- 
" mission ? they will mingle 
" all powers together, and an- 
" swer that they were some 
" fourth thing, that neither we 
" know nor imagine ; that is to 
" say (as it follows afterwards, 
" P* 57)> a convocational-syno- 
■• dical assembly of commis- 
" sioners.' " Heylyn in The 



«i 



<t 



Appeal, &c. P. iii. p. 37. Cla- 
rendon says, that after the de- 
termination of the last, the 
convocation-house was " bv a 
" new writ continued, and sat 
" for the space of above a 
" month under the proper title 
" of a synod ; made canons, 
" which was thought that it 
" might, and gave subsidies 
" out of parliament, and en- 
" joined oaths, which certainly 
" it might not do : in a word, 
" did many things which in 
" the best of times night have 
" been questioned, and there- 
" fore were sure to be con- 
" demned in the worst." Re- 
bellion, i. 261. Dr. Barnard 
gives us a further account of 
this continuation of the convo- 
cation, in his Life of Dr. Hey- 
lyn, p. 180. "The convoca- 
'* tion," he says, " usually end- 
" eth in course the next day 
" after the dissolution of par- 
" liament. But the Doctor 
" (Heylyn) well knowing that 
" one great end of calling par- 
" liaments is to raise the king 
" money for the public con- 
•' cern8, he therefore went to 
" Lambeth, and shewed the 
" archbishop a precedent, in 
" the reign of Q. Elizabeth, 
" for granting subsidies, or a 
" benevolence by convocation 
" to be levied upon the clergy, 
" without the help of a parlia- 
" ment, whereby the king's 
" necessities for money might 
" be supplied : and so it suc- 
•' cessfully fell out, the arch- 
" bishop acquainting the king 
44 with this present expediency, 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



169 



slowly, and are fitter to be the consentere to thau AD - 16 4©- 

.". i»i. . ii/« 1 6 Chat. I. 

the contrivers of business, it was thought fit to con 



44 the convocation still conti- 
" nued sitting, notwithstanding 
" the dissolution of parliament. 
" And when this was scrupled 
" at by some of the house, the 
" Doctor resolved their doubts 
" and rid them of their fears, 
'* by shewing them the dis- 
" tinction betwixt a king's writ 
" for calling a parliament, and 
" that for assembling a convo- 
" cation ; their different forms 
" and independence of one upon 
" another. Finally, it was de- 
" termined by the king him- 
" self* and the learned council 
" in the law, that the convoca- 
" tion called by his majesty's 
" writ was to be continued till 
" it was dissolved by his writ, 
" notwithstanding the disso- 
*' lution of parliament. This 
" benefit the king got by their 
" sitting, six subsidies under 
*' the name of benevolences, 
" which the clergy paid him. 

" On Friday, May 29, the 
" canons of that convocation 
" were unanimously subscribed 
" unto by all the bishops and 
* 4 clergy, no one of them dis- 
" senting but the bishop of 
** Gloucester, for which he was 
" deservedly suspended, who 
" afterwards turned papist, and 
" was the only renegado prelate 

'• of this land But lastly, 

" to consider the sad condition 
" of that convocation before 
41 thev were dissolved. The 
" Doctor, as one of their fellow 
44 members, speaks most feel- 



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ingly : during all the time of 
their sitting, they were under 
those horrid fears, by reason 
of the discontents falling upon 
the parliament's dissolution, 
' that the king was fain to 
set a guard about Westmin- 
ster Abbey, for the whole 
time of their sitting. Poor 
men, to what a distress were 
they brought: in danger of 
the king's displeasure if they 
rose, of the people's fury if 
they sat ; in danger of being 
beaten down by the following 
parliament, when the work 
was done ; and, after all, ob- 
noxious to the lash of censo- 
rious tongues for their good in- 
tendments; for notwithstand- 
ing their great care that all 
things might be done with 
decency and to edification, 
every one must have his blow 
at them*.' For Prynne pub- 
lished The Unbishoping of 
Timothy and Titus, and his 
other libel of News from 
Ipswich, wherein he called 
the archbishop of Canterbury 
archagent of the devil, ' that 
Beelzebub himself had been 
archbishop, and all the bi- 
shops were Luciferian lords.' 
The like reproaches were 
thundered out of the pulpit 
by Burton in his sermon on 
Prov. xxiv. 22, where he 
abused the text and bishops 
sufficiently, calling them in- 
stead of fathers step- fathers, 
for pillars caterpillars, limbs 



• Heylyn'i Obs. on I/F?strange*n Char. I. p. 181. 



170 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A. D. 1640. tract the synod into a select committee of some six 

— and twenty, beside the prolocutor, who were to ripen 

matters, as to the propounding and drawing up the 
forms to what should pass, yet so, that nothing 
should be accounted the act of the house, till thrice 
(as I take it) publicly voted therein ?. 
why the 19. Expect not here of me an exemplification of 

canons of * 1 1 1 /• • j_i_ • *• 

this synod such canons as were concluded of in this convocation. 
uT<aem- y Partly, because being printed they are public to every 
piified. e y e> b u t chiefly, because they were never put in 
practice or generally received. The men of Persia 
did never look on their little ones till they were 
seven years old, (bred till that time with their 
mothers and nurses,) nor did they account them in 
their genealogies amongst their children (but amongst 
the more long-lived abortives) if dying before seveti 
years of age. I conceive such canons come not 
under our cognizance, which last not (at least) an 
apprenticeship of years in use and practice, and 
therefore we decline the setting down the acts of 



" of the Beast, factors for Anti- 
" chri8t,andantichristianmush- 
" rooms t. Bastwick laid about 
" him before in his Fiagellum 
" EpiscoporumLatialium.when 
" he had worn out that rod, 
" took another in his Litany. 
" Finally, the rabble had a 
" cursed song among them to 
" affront the poor clergy with 
" as they met them ; saying, 

" * Your bishops are bite-sheep ; 
" Your deans are dunces ; 
" Your priests are the priests of 
Baal;— 



" The devil fetch them all by 
bunches.* " 
A very full and complete ac- 
count of the proceedings of 
this convocation will also be 
found in Heylyn's Life of 
Laud, p. 422, sq.] 

y [" Some things passed at 
" the first time, but others 
" which were nearly new were 
" thrice read, on the same token 
" that it occasioned the contest 
" betwixt the prolocutor and 
" Dr. Holdsworth." Fuller in 
The Appeal, &c. P. iii. p. 39.] 



t See Heylyn's Life of Laud, p. 339. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 171 

this synod. It is enough for us to present the a. d. 1640. 
number and titles of the several canons : 

1. Concerning the regal power. 

2. For the better keeping of the day of his majesty's most 
happy inauguration. 

3. For suppressing of the growth of popery. 

4. Against Socinianism. 

5. Against sectaries. 

6. An oath enjoined for the preventing of all innovations 
in doctrine and government. 

7. A declaration concerning some rites and ceremonies. 

8. Of preaching for conformity. 

9. One book of articles of inquiry to be used at all paro- 
chial visitations. 

10. Concerning the conversation of the clergy. 

1 1. Chancellors' patents. 

1 2. Chancellors alone not to censure any of the clergy in 
sundry cases. 

13. Excommunication and absolution not to be pronounced 
but by a priest. 

14. Concerning the commutations, and the disposing of 
them. 

15. Touching concurrent jurisdictions. 

16. Concerning licenses to marry. 

17. Against vexatious citations 2 . 

20. As for the oath concluded on in this synod, The form 
because since the subject of so much discourse, it is&c. °* 
here set forth at large, according to the true tenour 
thereof, as followeth : 

u I A. B. do swear, that I do approve the doctrine 
" and discipline, or government established in the 
" church of England, as containing all things neces- 
M sary to salvation; and that I will not endeavour by 
44 myself or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring 

* [See these canons at length in Wilkins' Concil. iv. p. 543.] 



it 
(( 



u 

(4 



172 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1640." in any popish doctrine contrary to that which is so 

1 !!ll" established; nor will I ever give my consent to 

" alter the government of this church, by arch- 
" bishops, bishops, deans, and archdeacons, &c. as it 
stands now established, and as by right it ought to 
stand, nor yet ever to subject it to the usurpation 
and superstitions of the see of Rome. And all 
" these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge 
and swear, according to the plain and common 
sense and understanding of the same words, with- 
" out any equivocation or mental evasion, or secret 
" reservation whatsoever. And this I do heartily, 
" willingly, and truly, upon the faith of a Christian. 
" So help me God, in Jesus Christ*." 
a motion 21. Toward the close of the convocation, Dr. Grif- 
editionrf fith, a clerk for some Welsh diocese, (whose moderate 
BiwT 61811 cama £ e a N th e while was very commendable,) made 
a motion that there might be a new edition of the 
Welsh church Bible, some sixty years since first 
translated into Welsh, by the worthy endeavours of 
bishop Morgan, but not without many mistakes and 
omissions of the printer. He insisted on two most 
remarkable, a whole verse left out, Exod. xii., con- 
cerning the angeF s passing over the houses besprinkled 
with blood, which mangleth the sense of the whole 
chapter. Another, Habak. ii. 5, where that passage, 
He is a proud man, is wholly omitted. The matter 
was committed to the care of the Welsh bishops, 
who, (I fear,) surprised with the troublesome times, 
effected nothing therein 6 . 

a [See Laud's Troubles, was for amendment of the 

p. 281. Nalson, ib. 374.] Welsh Liturgy. As the busi- 

b [See Nalson, ib. 370, ac- ness was intrusted to the bishop 

cording to whom, this motion of St. Asaph, it is not unlikely 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



173 



pension. 



22. The day before the ending of the synod, A ;?;. i64 ?- 

Godfrey Goodman, bishop of Gloucester, privately 

repaired to the archbishop of Canterbury, acquaint- «*> iingu- 

ljtrjtv 

ing him, that he could not in his conscience subscribe threatened 
the new canons. It appeared afterwards, that he WIt iUS " 
scrupled some passages about the corporal presence. 
But, whether upon popish or Lutheran principles, he 
best knoweth himself. The archbishop advised him 
to avoid obstinacy and singularity therein. However, 
the next day, when we all subscribed the canons, 
(suffering ourselves, according to the order of such 
meetings, to be all concluded by the majority of 
Totes, though some of us in the committee privately 
dissenting in the passing of many particulars,) he 
alone utterly refused his subscription thereunto. 
Whereupon the archbishop, being present with us in 
king Henry the Seventh his chapel, was highly of- 
fended at him ; " My lord of Gloucester," said he, 
u I admonish you to subscribe ;" and presently after, 
" My lord of Gloucester, I admonish you the second 
u time to subscribe ;" and immediately after, " I ad- 
•• monish you the third time to subscribe :" to all 
which the bishop pleaded conscience, and returned a 
denial c . 



that the Dr. Griffith here men- 
tioned was Dr. George Griffith, 
proctor for that diocese.] 

c [From the report of the 
proceedings of this convocation 
in Wilkius, Cone. iv. p. 541, 
Goodman appears to have made 
a public opposition. The sub- 
ject under discussion, was the 
propriety of publishing some 
canon concerning the Eucha- 
rist and the placing of the holy 
table. This Goodman opposed, 



affirming, that he would assent 
to no canon agreed upon in 
this convocation, until it should 
be first made apparent by what 
authority it was assembled and 
acted. (See Nalson, ib. 369.) 
The following is Laud's own 
account of the matter, when it 
formed one of the articles of 
his accusation : " For the bi- 
" shop of Gloucester's refusing 
" to subscribe the canons and 
" take the oath, — the truth is 



174 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1640. 23. Then were the judgments of the bishops sever- 

- 1 ally asked, whether they should proceed to the present 

p«M?onsu*- suspension of Gloucester, for his contempt herein? 

pended. 



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this: he first pretended (to 
avoid his subscription) that 
we could not sit, the parlia- 
ment risen. He was satisfied 
in this by the judges' hands. 
Then he pretended the oath; 
but that which stuck in his 
stomach was the canon about 
the suppressing the growth 
of popery. For coming over 
to me, to Lambeth, about 
that business, he told me he 
would be torn with wild 
horses before he would sub- 
scribe that canon. I gave 
him the best advice I could, 
but his carriage was such, 
when he came into the convo- 
cation, that I was forced to 
charge him openly with it, 
and he as freely acknowledged 
it, as there is plentiful proof 
of bishops and other divines 
then present. 

44 And for his lordship's being 
after put to take the oath, — 
it was this: I took myself 
bound to acquaint his ma- 
jesty with this proceeding of 
my lord of Gloucester's, and 
did so. But all that was 
after done about his commit- 
ment first, and his release 
after, when he had taken the 
oath, was done openly at a 
full council-table, and his 
majesty present, and can no 
way be charged upon me as 
my act. For it was my duty 
to let his majesty know it, 
to prevent further danger, 
then also discovered." p. 282. 
In another part also of his 



defence, where the archbishop 
enters even yet more minutely 
into an account of his proceed- 
ings with the bishop of Glou- 
cester on this occasion, we find 
that one of the arguments 
urged against the bishop was 
this, that in all synods the suf- 
fragans are bound to declare 
themselves by open affirmation 
or denial of the canons agreed, 
when however it came to the 
bishop's turn to subscribe, he 
would not do either; "on this," 
says Laud, '* I, with the con- 
" sent of the synod, suspended 
" him. Divers of my lords 
" the bishops were verv tender 
" of him, and the scandal given 
" by him. And John Dave- 
" nant, then lord bishop of 
" Salisbury, and Joseph Hale, 
" then lord bishop of Exeter, 
" desired leave of the house, 
*' and had it, to speak with my 
•' lord of Gloucester, to see if 
" they could prevail with him. 
" They did prevail, and he 
" came back and subscribed 
" the canons in open convoca- 
" tion." He then proceeds to 
state, that upon informing the 
king with what had taken 
place, and upon certain in- 
formation received from some 
agents beyond sea, the king 
restrained the bishop to his 
lodgings for a time. What 
that information was may be 
seen in the preface to Good- 
man's M emoirs. His imprison- 
ment however had nothing to 
do with these canons.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 175 

Davenant, bishop of Salisbury, being demanded his A -D- l6 40- 

opinion, conceived it fit some lawyers should first be 

consulted with, how far forth the power of a synod in 
such cases did extend. He added moreover, that the 
threefold admonition of a bishop ought solemnly to 
be done with some considerable intervals betwixt 
them, in which the party might have time of conve- 
nient deliberation. However, some days after he 
was committed (by the king's command as I take it) 
to the Gate-house, where he got by his restraint 
what he could never have gained by his liberty, 
namely, of one reputed popish, to become for a short 
time popular, as the only confessor suffering for not 
subscribing the canons. Soon after the same canons 
were subscribed at York, where the convocation is 
bnt the hand of the dial, moving and pointing as 
directed by the clock of the province of Canterbury. 
And on the last of June following, the said canons 
were publicly printed, with the royal assent affixed 
thereunto. 

24. No sooner came these canons abroad into public Fim ex- 
view, but various were mens censures upon them. gdn»t the 
Some were offended, because bowing toward the *" 0118, 
communion-table (now called altar by many) was not 
only left indifferent, but also caution taken that the 
observers or the omitters thereof should not mutu- 
ally censure each other ; yet many complained, that 
this ceremony, though left indifferent as hereafter to 
salvation, was made necessary as here to preferment. 
Yea, this knee-mark of bowing or not bowing would 
be made the distinguishing character, that hereafter 
all such should be condemned as halting in con- 
formity, who were not thoroughpaced in these addi- 
tional ceremonies. 



176 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. i6 4 o. 25. Many took exception at the hollowness of 

-'-- the oath in the middle thereof, having its bowels 

ception. puffed up with a wind &c, a cheverel word, which 
might be stretched as men would measure it. Others 
pleaded for it, as only inserted to save the enumera- 
tion of many mean officers in the church, whose 
mention was beneath the dignity of an oath, and 
would but clog the same. Yea since, some have 
endeavoured to excuse the same by the interpreta- 
tive &c. incorporated into the body of the covenant, 
whereby people are bound to defend the privileges 
of parliament, though what they be is unknown to 
most that take the same. 
Thini and 26. But most took exception against that clause 
£!^ ex * in the oath, " we will never give any consent to alter 
** this church government," as if the same were in- 
tended to abridge the liberty of king and state in 
future parliaments, and convocations, if hereafter 
they saw cause to change any thing therein. And 
this obligation seemed the more unreasonable, be- 
cause some of those orders specified in the oath (as 
archbishops, deans, archdeacons) stand only esta- 
blished jure humano, site ecclesiastico ; and no wise 
man ever denied, but that by the same power and 
authority they are alterable on just occasion d . 
Endeavour- 27. Yet there wanted not others, who with a 
cuaS.* 6 ex favourable sense endeavoured to qualify this sus- 
picious clause, whereby the taker of this oath was 
tied up from consenting to any alteration*. These 

d [The arguments against borne for the present, consider- 

the oath may be seen in Bax- ing the difficulties of the time, 

ter's Life, p. 16.] He wrote a very moderate and 

e [Bishop Sanderson, though sensible letter to the archbishop 

approving the oath, wished that on this occasion, printed by 

the pressing of it might be for- Nalson, ib. p. 498.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 1 77 

argued, that if the authority, civil or ecclesiastical, a.d. 1640. 

did not herein impose an oath, binding those that-! — 

took it hereafter to disobey themselves, and reject 
such orders, which the foresaid civil or ecclesiastical 
power might afterwards lawfully enact or establish. 
For, seeing in all oaths this is an undoubted maxim, 
Quacunque forma verborum juratur, Deus sic jura- 
mentum accipit, sicut tile cui juratur intelligit, none 
can probably suppose that the governors in this 
oath intended any clause thereof to be an abridg- 
ment of their own lawful power, or to debar their 
inferiors from consenting and submitting to such 
alterations as by themselves should lawfully be made. 
Wherefore these words, "We will never give any 
" consent to alter," are intended here to be meant 
only of a voluntary and pragmatical alteration ; when 
men conspire, consent, labour, and endeavour to 
change the present government of the church, in 
such particulars as they do dislike, without the con- 
sent of their superiors. 

• 28. But the exception of exceptions against these The over 
canons is, because they were generally condemned somebi-° 
as illegally passed, to the prejudice of the funda- sbo1 *' 
mental liberty of the subject, whereof we shall hear 
enough in the next parliament. Meantime some 
bishops were very forward in pressing this oath, 
even before the time thereof. For, whereas a liberty 
was allowed to all to deliberate thereon, until the 
feast of Michael the archangel, some presently 
pressed the ministers of their dioceses, for the tak- 
ing thereof, and, to my knowledge, enjoined them 
to take this oath kneeling. A ceremony (to my 
best remembrance) never exacted or observed in 
taking the oath of supremacy or allegiance ; which 

FULLER, VOL. VI. N 



178 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1640. some accounted an essay of their activity, if provi- 

1 Idence had not prevented them f . 

Theimpor- 29. Many impressions of English Bibles printed 

&ise print- at Amsterdam, and moe at Edinburgh in Scotland, 
were daily brought over hither, and sold here. Little 
their volumes, and low their prices, as being of bad 
paper, worse print, little margent, yet greater than 
the care of the corrector, many most abominable 
errata being passed therein. Take one instance for 
all : — Jer. iv. 17, speaking of the whole common- 
wealth of Judah, instead of, because she hath been 
rebellious against me, saith the Lord, it is printed, 
Edinburgh 1637, because she hath been religious 
against me, saith the Lord. Many complaints were 
made, especially by the company of stationers, against 
these false printed Bibles, as giving great advantage 
to the papists, but nothing was therein effected 8. 

f [It might be imagined " London ; and their excep- 

from Fuller *8 language, that " tions were spread in writing 

objections were made to the " against them. And this set 

canons immediately on their " others to work both in the 

being published. We learn " western and the northern 

otherwise from Laud. It ap- " parts ; till at last by the 

pears from him, that no one m " practice of the faction, there 

convocation, bishop Goodman " was suddenly a great altera- 

excepted, hesitated to subscribe " tion, and nothing so much 

them. "At their first publica- " cried down as the canons." 

" tion," he says, "they were ib. p. 83. 
" generally approved in all The list of the puritan min- 

" parts of the kingdom ; and I isters who combined to get 

" had letters from the remotest hands to a petition against the 

" parts of it full of approba- oath may be seen in Nalson. 

" tion ; insomuch, that not Their leaders were Burgess, 

" myself only, but my brethren Calamy and Goodwin. Collect. 

" who lived near these parts, i. 496.] 

" and which were not yet gone g [Yet the suppression of 

" down, were very much joyed these Bibles afterwards formed 

" at it. But about a month one of the charges brought by 

" after their printing, then be- Prynne against the archbishop. 

" gan some whisperings against Pry nne's Complete History &c, 

"them by some ministers in p. 183.] 



cent. xvn. of Britain. 179 

For in this juncture of time came in the Scottish a. d. 1640. 
army, and invaded the northern parts of England. - — — . - 
What secret solicitations invited them hither, is not 
my work to inquire. Many beheld them as the 
only physicians of the distempered state, and be- 
lieved that they gave not their patient a visit on 
pure charity, but having either received, or being 
well promised their fee before* 1 . 

30. Soon after began the long lasting parliament, Parliament 
so known to all posterity for the remarkable trans- cation be. 
actions therein. The king went to the house pri-* 10, 
vately by water, many commending his thrift in 
sparing expenses, when two armies in the bowels of 
the land expected their pay from his purse. Others, 
distinguishing betwixt needless pomp and necessary 
state, suspected this might be misinterpreted as if 
the Scotch had frighted him out of that ceremony 
of majesty : and some feared such an omission pre- 
saged that parliament would end with sadness to 
him, which began without any solemnity. Abreast 
therewith began a convocation, though unable long 
to keep pace together, the latter soon tiring as 
never inspirited by commission from the king to 
meddle with any matters of religion : Mr.Warmistrey 
(a clerk for Worcester) made a motion therein, that 
they should endeavour (according to the Levitic«al 
law) to cover the pit which they had opened, and to 
prevent their adversaries' intention, by condemning 
such offensive canons as were made in the last con- 
vocation. But it found no acceptance, they being 

h [Our historian had very their army. Some very auius- 

good reason for this statement : ing disclosures to this effect 

avarice being a stronger motive are made in Baillie's Letters 

than religion in bringing the and Journals.] 
Scots here* and in maintaining 

N 2 



180 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1640. loath to confess themselves jruilty before they were 

accused. 

The in§o- 31. This day happened the first fruits of Anabap- 

lenceofAn- 

•baptists, tistical insolence, when eighty of that sect meeting 
at a house in St. Saviour's in Southwark, preached 
that the statute in the 35th of Eliz. for the adminis- 
tration of the Common Prayer was no good law, 
because made by bishops. That the king cannot 
make a good law, because not perfectly regenerate. 
That he was only to be obeyed in civil matters. 
Being brought before the lords they confessed the 
articles, but no penalty was inflicted upon them. 

The three 32 . About this time Mr. Prynne, Dr. Bastwick, 



brought and Mr. Burton were brought out of durance and 

home in 

triumph, exile, with great triumph into London, it not suffic- 
ing their friends to welcome them peaceably, but 
victoriously, with bays and rosemary in their hands 
and hats. Wise men conceived that their private 
returning to the town had signified as much grati- 
tude to God, and less affront to authority. But 
some wildness of the looks must be pardoned in 
such, who came suddenly into the light out of long 
darkness. 
Dr. Pock- 88. As bishop Williams and Mr. Osbaston were 
Dr. Bray the two first clergymen who found the favour of 
oenaured. ^j g p ar ii a]lien t 9 (being remitted their fines, and re- 
stored to their livings and liberty,) so doctor Pock- 
lington and doctor Bray were the two first that felt 
their displeasures 1 : the former for preaching and 

* [" No other way to pacify " two books as were to be re- 

" the high displeasures of the " canted by the one, and for 

" bishop of Lincoln, but by " which the other was to be 

" such a sacrifice, who there- " deprived of all his prefer- 

" fore is intrusted to gather " ments. And in this the 

" such propositions out of those " bishop served his own turn, 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



181 



printing, the latter for licensing two books, one a. d. 1640. 
called Sunday no Sabbath, the other The Christian ' 
altar k . Bishop Williams moved, that doctor Bray 



«< 



«« 



« 



" and the people's too ; his 
" own turn first in the great 
" controversy of the altar, in 
" which he was so great a 
" stickler, and in which Pock- 
lington was thought to have 
provoked him to take that 
revenge. The people's turn 
" he served next, in the con- 
" demning and recanting of 
" some points about the Sab- 
" bath, though therein he ran 
" cross to his former practice. 
" Who had been not long since 
" so far from those Sabbatarian 
" rigors, which now he would 
" fain be thought to counten- 
" ance, that he caused a co- 
" medy to be acted before him 
" at his house at Bugden, not 
" only on a Sunday in the after- 
" noon, but upon such a Sun- 
" day also on which he had pub- 
" licly given sacred orders both 
" to priests and deacons. And 
'* to this comedy he invited the 
" earl of Manchester, and di- 
vers of the neighbouring gen- 
try." "Though on this 

turning of the tide he did 
not only cause these doctors 
•' to be condemned for some 
" opinions which formerly him- 
" self allowed of, but moved at 
" the assembly in Jerusalem- 
" chamber, that all books should 
" be publicly burnt, which had 
" disputed the morality of the 
" Lord's-day Sabbath." Dr. 
Heylyn in The Appeal, &c. P. 
iii. p. 45. To the last obser- 
vation Fuller replies, " I have 
" been credibly informed that 



•« 



tt 



" when in Jerusalem- chamber, 
" Mr. Stephen Marshall urged 
" most vehemently for severe 
** punishment on the authors 
" of those books ; bishop Wil- 
44 liams fell foul on the books, 
" moving they might be burn- 
" ed, that their authors might 
•• the better escape."] 

k [Dr. Pocklington was ac- 
cused by one Harvey his pa- 
rishioner for being an introducer 
of innovations and idolatry, and 
the author of the books men- 
tioned in the text. He was 
condemned in the house of 
lords (who had now lent them- 
selves to the popular clamor) 
and the following sentence was 

Sassed upon him, — passed upon 
im by that very parliament 
who restored Bastwick and 
his fellow libellers to their 
original position in society, 
and voted, that all the several 
commissioners who had passed 
sentence against them in a for- 
mal court of law should make 
them satisfaction ! 

These were the terms of the 
sentence: — 1. "That the said 
" Dr. Pocklington is prohibited 
" from ever coming within the 
" verges of the king's court. 
" 2. That he is deprived of all 
" his ecclesiastical livings, dig. 
" nities and preferments. 3. 
" That he is disabled and held 
" incapable hereafter to hold 
" any place or dignity in church 
•' or commonwealth. 4. That 
" his two books be publicly 
" burnt in the city of London, 



182 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. D. 164a might recant seven errors in the first, four-and-twenty 

^1-1 in the second treatise. Soon after, both the doctors 

deceased, for grief, say some, that they had written 
what they should not ; for shame, say others, that 
they had recanted what they would not ; though a 
third sort more charitably take notice neither of 
the one nor the other, but merely impute it to the 
approach of the time of their dissolution 1 . 
Superstu 34. Doctor Cosins soon after was highly accused, 

tions charg- « . . , . ,. . 

ed on Dr. for superstition and unjust proceedings against one 
CoMns. jy| r g mar t on this occasion. The doctor is charged 
to have set up in the church of Durham a marble 
altar with cherubins, which cost two thousand 
pounds, with all the appurtenances thereof; namely, 
a cope with the Trinity, and God the Father in the 
figure of an old man, another with a crucifix and 
the image of Christ, with a red beard and blue cap. 



" and the two universities, by 
" the hand of the common ex- 
'* ecutioners." — Nalson's Col- 
lections, i. p. 774. Had the 
house of lords resisted the 
iniquitous proceedings of the 
commons, they had saved the 
bishops, and with the bishops 
saved themselves. Some ac- 
count of Dr. Pocklington will 
be found in Wood's Fasti, i. p. 
166. According to Walker, 
who examined the church re- 
gister, he died in 1641. — Suf- 
ferings of the Clergy, p. 95. 

Dr. Bray, who also suffered 
on this occasion, was chaplain 
to archbishop Laud, and had 
been originally much inclined to 
puritanism. His only fault was 
the licensing Dr. Pocklington's 
books, in his capacity of chap- 
lain to the archbishop. Yet 



the parliament not only sen- 
tenced him to a recantation, 
but shortly after deprived him 
of his ecclesiastical preferments. 
His books were seized, himself 
imprisoned, plundered, and 
forced to fly. — See Lloyd's 
Memoirs, p. 512. Walker's 
Sufferings, p. 6.] 

1 [" Dr. Pocklington lived 
" about two years, and Dr. Bray 
" above four years, with as 
"great cheerfulness and cou- 
" rage as formerly /' says Dr. 
Heylyn, ib. p. 46. 

Dr. Pocklington's pamphlet 
shews great ability, but is 
written with a keenness and 
smartness which were sure to 
bring upon him the vengeance 
of mean-spirited minds when 
once they had gained a political 
ascendancy.] 



CBMT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



188 



Besides, he was accused for lighting two hundred a. d. 1640. 

wax candles about the altar on Candlemas-day. For LI 

forbidding any psalms to be sung before or after 
sermon, though making an anthem, to be sung of 
the three kings of Cologne, by the names of Grasper, 
Balthazar, and Melchior ; and for procuring a con- 
secrated knife only to cut the bread at the commu- 
nion ". 

35. Mr. Smart 11 a prebendary of the church, one Cruel mage 
of a grave aspect and reverend presence, sharply in- smart!' 
veighed in a sermon against these innovations, taking 

for his text : / hate all those that hold superstitious 
vanities, but thy law do I love. 

36. Hereupon he was kept prisoner four months 
by the high commission of York, before any articles 
were exhibited against him, and five months before 
any proctor was allowed him. Hence was he carried 
to the high commission at Lambeth, and after long 
trouble remanded to York, fined 500/., committed 
to prison, ordered to recant, and for the neglect 
thereof, fined again, excommunicated, degraded, and 
deprived, his damage (as brought in) amounting to 
many thousand pounds. 

37. But now Mr. Rous of the house of commons, Relieved by 
bringing up the charge to the lords against doctor 1 "* 



m [None of these charges 
appear in the articles exhibited 
in parliament against Dr. Co- 
sins in the year 1641. His 
own defence of himself, which 
is too important to be omitted, 
I have printed in an appendix 
to this volume. See also a 
correct account of these pro- 
ceedings in Nalson's Collec- 
tions, 1. p. 518.] 



n [Of this weak and mis- 
chievous man, who afterwards 
distinguished himself as a wit- 
ness against archbishop Laud, 
a short account will be found 
in Wood's Athen . ii. p. 2 1 . Some 
extracts from this sermon have 
been printed in Nalson ; they 
are too coarse and too violent 
to find a place here.] 

N 4 



184 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1640. Cosins, termed Mr. Smart the " Proto-martyr of 
- — — " England in these latter days of persecution," and 
large reparations was allowed unto him, though he 
lived not long after to enjoy them. 

88. Now though none can excuse and defend 
doctor Cosins his carriage herein, yet this must be re- 
ported to his due commendation. Some years after 
getting over into France, he neither joined with the 
church of French protestants at Charenton nigh 
Paris, nor kept any communion with the papists 
therein, but confined himself to the church of old 
English protestants therein °. Where, by his pious 



Dr. Cosins 
his due 
praise. 



[This is not altogether so. 
Dr. Basire in his life of bishop 
Cosins thus narrates these cir- 
cumstances :— " One signal in- 
" stance of his constancy and 
" courage for the Liturgy of the 
" Church of England may not 
" be omitted, that is anno 1 645 . 
•' He did, with the consent of 
" the ministers of the reformed 
" church of Charenton near 
" Paris, solemnly, in his priest- 
" ly habit, with his surplice 
" and with the office of burial, 
" used in the Church of Eng- 
" land, inter there the body of 
"sir Wm. Carnaby a noble 
" and loyal knight, not with- 
" out the troublesome contra. 
" diction and contention of the 
" Romish curate there. At 
" that time many that were 
" pur-blind and not able to 
" see the then less visible face 
" of the Church of England 
" then in the wane ; a church 
44 in the wilderness because 
44 under persecution, when sun- 
" dry were wavering from the 
" true religion ; our bishop did 
" then confirm some eminent 



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persons against many immi- 
nent and importunate se- 
ducers (another episcopal of- 
fice), which is in such am. 
biguous times especially to 
confirm the souls of the dis- 
ciples, exhorting them to con- 
tinue in the faith (Tit. i. 11); 
teaching that we must through 
much tribulation enter into 
the kingdom of God (Acts 
xiv. 22.). 

" One notable instance of 
this our bishop's constancy 
and zeal in this kind we may 
not omit, which was a solemn 
conference both by word and 
writing betwixt him and the 
prior of the English Benedic- 
tines at Paris supposed to 
be [ ] Robinson. 

The argument was concern- 
ing the validity of the ordi- 
nation of our priests, &c. in 
the Church of England. This 
conference was undertaken 
to fix a person of honour 
then wavering about that 
point. The sum of which 
conference, as I am informed, 
was written by Dr. Cosins to 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 185 

living, and constant praying and preaching, he re- a. d. 1640. 

_ _ i6Chas. I. 

duced some recusants to, and confirmed more doubt 

ers in the protestant religion. Many his encounters 
with Jesuits and priests, defeating the suspicions of 
his foes, and exceeding the expectation of his friends, 
in the success of such disputes p. 

39. The commons desired the lords to join with a. D.1641. 
them to find out, who moved the king to reprieve prieatbui* 
John Goodman a seminary priest, who (as they said) I^uHfe 
had been twice condemned, and now the second and deftth * 
time reprieved, whilst the parliament sat**. 

40. The king sent a message by the lord privy- 
seal, that Goodman was not (as the commons were 
informed) condemned and banished, but only sen- 
tenced for being a priest, and therefore that in re- 
prieving him he shewed but the like mercy which 
queen Elizabeth and king James had shewed in the 
like cases. 

41. The lords joined with the commons in their 
desire concerning Goodman, that the statutes might 
speedily be executed upon him, as necessary in this 
juncture of time, wherein papists swarmed in all 
parts presuming on indemnity. With what credit 
or comfort could they sit to enact new laws, whilst 
they beheld former statutes daily broken before 
their eyes? 

42. The king acquainted the houses that though 



" Dr. Morley, the now rt. rev. charges against Dr. Cosins ; 

M lord bishop of Winchester, but for this, as well as for 

" in two letters bearing date, the bishop's own defence, the 

"June ii, July n, 1645." reader is referred to the Ap- 

Basire, p. 60.] pendix.] 

P [Our author in his Wor- 4 [See Nalson's Historical 

thies has noticed the mistakes Collections, i. p. 738, 739.] 
made* in this narrative of the 



186 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1 6 4 1. queen Elizabeth and king James never condemned a 

1 !L_1 priest merely for religion, yet rather than he would 

discontent his subjects he left him to the judgment 
of both houses, to be disposed of at their pleasure. 
Yet he «- 48. Goodman petitioned the king, that like Jonah 
SeatiasL the prophet, he might be cast into the sea, to still 
the tempest betwixt the king and his people, con- 
ceiving his blood well spent to cement them toge- 
ther. But in fine he escaped with his life, not so 
much by any favour indulged him, as principally 
because the accusations could not be so folly proved 
against him r . 
The fir»t 44. About this time was the first motion of a new 
tfaTproL- protestation, to be taken all over England (the copy 
larion * whereof is omitted as obvious every where), which 
some months after was generally performed, as con- 
taining nothing but what was lawful and commend- 
able therein. Yet some refused it, as suspecting the 
adding of new would substract obedience from 
former oaths, (men being prone to love that best 
which left the last relish in their souls,) and in fine 
such new obligations of conscience, like suckers, 
would draw from the stock of the old oaths of supre- 
macy and allegiance 9 . 



r [This letter is printed at 
full length in Nalson's Collec- 
tions, i. 746. Though Good- 
man escaped this time with his 
life, he shortly after died in 
prison. See Marsys La Mort 
glorieuse, &c. p. 51, ed. 1646. 
Panzani's Memoirs, p. 282.] 

8 [Dr. Heylyn gives a fuller 
history of this protestation. 
He says, " The occasion of it 

m 

M was a speech made by the 
" king in the house of peers 



44 in favour of the earl of 
" Strafford, upon the Saturday 
" before; which moved them 
" to unite themselves by this 
M protestation for • bringing to 
" condign punishment all such 
" as shall either by force, prac- 
" tice, plots, counsels, conspira- 
" cies or otherwise, do any 
'• thing to the contrary of any 
" thing in the same protestation 
" contained/ Which protests - 
" tion being carried into the 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



187 



45. March began very blusteringly, on the firstA.D. i6 4 r. 

day whereof archbishop Laud was in Mr. Maxfield his - 1 

coach carried to the Tower, and not long after the m iSJT f 
lords appointed a committee of their own members ^f^ ^.* 
for settling of peace in the church. What hopeful & on - 
opinion the aforesaid archbishop had of their pro- 
ceedings, will appear by the following note which 
he entered into his l diary : 

" A committee for religion settled in the upper 
" house of parliament. Ten earls, ten bishops, ten 
u barons. So the lay-votes will be double to the 
* clergy. This committee will meddle with doctrine 
u as well as ceremonies, and will call some divines 
" to them to consider of the business, as appears by 
" a letter hereto annexed, sent by the lord bishop of 
u Lincoln to some divines, to attend this service. 



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house of peers, was, after 
some few days, generally taken 
by that house also. But the 
prevalent party in the house 
of commons having further 
aims than such as our author 
pleaseth to take notice of, 
first caused it to be printed 
by an order of the 5th of 
May. that they might be sent 
down to the sheriffs and 
justices of peace in the seve- 
ral shires; to whom they 
intimated, ' that as they 
justified the taking of it 
in themselves, so they could 
Dot but approve it in all such 
as should take it.* But 
finding that this did not 
much edify with the country 
people, they desired the lords 
to concur with them in im- 
posing the same. Failing 
whereof, by an order of their 



" own house only July 30, it 
" was declared, that ' the pro- 
" testation made by them was 
" fit to be taken by every per- 
" son that was well affected in 
" religion and to the good of 
" the commonwealth ; and 
" therefore what persons so- 
" ever did not take the same, 
" was unfit to bear office in the 
" church or commonwealth.' 
" Which notwithstanding, many 
" refused to take it, as our 
" author telleth us, not know- 
" ing but that some sinister 
" use might be made thereof; 
" as afterwards appeared by 
" those rites and protestations 
" which conducted some of the 
'• five members to the house of 
" commons." See the Appeal, 
P. iii. p. 47.] 

* March 15^.24=61. [See 
Laud's Diary, p. 6 1 .] 



188 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A.D.1641. " Upon the whole matter, I believe this committee 
— ■ — — " will prove the national synod of England, to the 
" great dishonour of this church. And what else 
" may follow upon it, God knoweth." 

46. At the same time the lords appointed a sub- 
committee, to prepare matters fit for their cogni- 
zance (the bishop of Lincoln having the chair in 
both), authorized to call together divers bishops and 
divines, to consult together for correction of what 
was amiss, and to settle peace, viz. 



A sub-com- 
mittee for 
the same 
purpose. 



u The archbishop of Armagh 

[Jas. Usher]. 
The bishop of Durham 

[Thos. Morton]. 
The bishop of Exeter [Jos. 

Hall]. 
Doctor Samuel Ward 1 . 
Doctor John Prideauxy. 
Doctor William Twisse 2 . 
Doctor Robert Sanderson a . 



Doctor Daniel Featley b . 
Doctor Ralph Brownrigg c . 
Doctor Richard Holdsworth d . 
Doctor John Hacket 6 . 
Doctor Cornelius Burges f . 
Master John Whites. 
Master Stephen Marshall. 
Master Edmund Calamy. 
Master Thomas Hill. 



11 More were named, but 
these chiefly were present. 
[See their names at length in 
Kennet, iii. p. 105. Compare 
also Plume's Life of Hacket, 
p. xvi., and Racket's Life of 
Williams, ii. p. 146.] 

x [Professor of divinity in 
the university of Cambridge, 
and archdeacon of Taunton.] 

>' [Professor of divinity, and 
vice-chancellor in the univer- 
sity of Oxford.] 

2 [The celebrated defender 
of superlapsarianism.] 

* [Afterwards bishop of Lin- 
coln.] 

b [A witness against Laud.] 

c [Afterwards bishop of Ex- 



eter ; a good but a weak man ; 
at this time archdeacon of Co- 
ventry.] 

d [Vice-chancellor of the 
University of Cambridge, and 
archdeacon of Huntingdon.] 

e [Afterwards the good bishop 
of Lichfield, and restorer of its 
cathedral; at this time arch- 
deacon of Bedford.] 

f [A railer against bishops* 
afterwards a purchaser of bi- 
shops' lands.] 

S [The author of A Century 
of Malignant Priests, omitted 
by Hacket. The three others, 
Marshall, Calamy, and Hill, 
were concerned in writing 
Smectymnuus.] 



cent. xvii. (f Britain. 189 

Jerusalem-chamber in the dean of Westminster's 11 a. d. 1641. 

house was the place of their meeting (where they 1 

had solemn debates six several days), always enter- 
tained at his table with such bountiful cheer as well 
became a bishop. But this we behold as the last 
course of all public episcopal treatments, whose 
guests may now even put up their knives, seeing 
soon after the voider was called for, which took away 
all bishops' lands, and most of English hospitality. 

47. First they took the innovations of doctrine They con- 
into consideration, and here some complained, that novationiin 
all the tenets of the Council of Trent had (by doctrine - 
one or other) been preached and printed, abating 

only such points of state popery against the king's 
supremacy, made treason by the statute. Good 
works co-causes with faith, in justification: private 
confession, by particular enumeration of sins, need- 
ful necessitate medii to salvation, that the oblation 
(or, as others, the consumption) of the elements, in 
the Lord's Supper, holdeth the nature of a true 
sacrifice, prayers for the dead, lawfulness of monas- 
tical vows, the gross substance of Arminianism, and 
some dangerous points of Socinianism. 

48. Secondly, they inquired into praeter-canonical And in di*. 
conformity, and innovations in discipline. Advancing ap ne * 
candlesticks in parochial churches in the daytime, 

on the altar so called. Making canopies over, with 
traverses of curtains (in imitation of the vail before 
the holy of holies) on each side and before it. Having 
a credentia or side-table (as a chapel of ease, to the 
mother altar) for divers uses in the Lord's Supper. 
Forbidding a direct prayer before sermon, and min- 

* [Bishop Williams.] 



190 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. i^i.isters to expound the Catechism at large to their 

- -parishioners, carrying children (when baptized) to 

the altar so called, and there offering them up to 
God, pretending for some of these innovations the 
Injunctions and Advertisements of queen Elizabeth, 
which are not in force, and appertaining to the 
printed Liturgy, secundo et tertio Edvardi sextU 
which is reformed by parliament. 
And am- 49. Thirdly, they consulted about the Common 
c^on Prayer Book, whether some legendary and some 
Prmyer " much doubted saints, with some superstitious memo- 
rials, were not to be expunged the calendar l . Whe- 
ther it was not fit that the lessons should be only 
out of canonical scripture, the epistles, gospels, 
psalms, and hymns, to be read in the new transla- 
tion, &c. Whether times prohibited for marriage 
are not totally to be taken away. Whether it were 
not fit that hereafter none should have a license, or 
have their banns of matrimony asked, save such who 
should bring a certificate from their minister, that 
they were instructed in their Catechism. Whether 
the rubric is not to be mended, altered and explained 
in many particulars. 
Andiqgu- 50. Lastly, they entered on the regulating of 
verSnenT" ecclesiastical government, which was not brought in, 
because the bishop of Lincoln had undertaken the 
draught thereof, but not finished it, as employed at 
the same time in the managing of many matters of 
state : so easy it is for a great person never to be at 
leisure to do what he hath no great mind should be 
done. 
Divm opi. 51. Some are of opinion that the moderation and 

nions what 

1 This I did write out of the private notes of one of the 
committee. 



cent, xvii- of Britain. 191 

mutual compliance of these divines might have pro-A.D. 1641. 

dnced much good, if not interrupted, conceiving-: — 

such lopping might have saved the felling of episco- ence might' 
pacy. Yea they are confident, had this expedient duced. pr °~ 
been pursued and perfected, 

Trqjaque nunc stares, Priamique arx alta maneres. 

Troy still had stood in power, 
And king Priam's lofty tower 
Had remained at this hour : 

it might, under God, have been a means, not only 
to have checked, but choked our civil war in the 
infancy thereof. But the court prelates expected 
no good from the result of this meeting, suspecting 
the doctrinal puritans (as they nicknamed them), 
joined with the disciplinary puritans, would betray 
the church betwixt them. Some hot spirits would 
not have one ace of episcopal power or profit abated, 
and (though since confuted by their own hunger) 
preferred no bread before half a loaf. These main- 
tained that any giving back of ground was in effect 
the granting of the day to the opposite party, so 
covetous they be to multiply their cravings, on the 
others 9 concessions. But what the issue of this con- 
ference concluded would have been, is only known 
to Him who knew what v tlie men ofKeilak would do, 
and whose prescience extends, not only to things 
future, but futurable, having the certain cognizance 
of contingents, which might, yet never actually shall, 
come to pass 1 . 

k I Sam. xxiii. 12. been their policy throughout 

1 [The presbyterian party publicly to ask but little, and 

broke it off for fear that they when that little was like to be 

should not accomplish what granted them, to use all kinds 

they desired, the utter aboli- of intrigues to prevent it, with- 

tion of episcopacy. It had out appearing to stir in the 



192 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A.D.164T. 52. This consultation continued till the middle 

1 7 Chat. I. 

of May, and the weaving thereof was fairly forward 

** ' on the loom, when atropos occat, the bringing in the 
bill against deans and chapters, root and branch, cut 
off all the threads, putting such a distance betwixt 
the foresaid divines, that never their judgments 
(and scarce their persons) met after together. 
The death 53. In the midst of these troublesome times, John 
Davenant. Davenant bishop of Salisbury ended his life. His 
father was a wealthy and religious citizen of London, 
but born at Davenant's-lands in Sible Hedingham 
in Essex ; where his ancestors had continued in a 
worshipful degree from sir John Davenant, who lived 
in the time of king Henry the Third. He bred his 
son a fellow commoner in Queen's College in Cam- 
bridge, and would not suffer him to accept a fellow- 
ship, though offered, as conceiving it a bending of 
these places from the direct intent of the founders, 
when they are bestowed on such as have plenty. 
Though indeed such preferments are appointed, as 



matter. So on this occasion 
they wanted not peace, they 
desired not unity, it suited 
their purpose with the people 
of England to appear moderate 
and conciliating, but nothing 
was furtherfrom their thoughts. 
When therefore there was a 
probability of some concessions 
being made, and so the grounds 
of their discontent would have 
been removed, they got sir Ed- 
ward Deering to propose the 
bill of "The Root and Branch/' 
Of their most unscrupulous re- 
course to " lies and hypocrisy" 
on these occasions, Dr. Baillie, 
their agent, gives many lament- 
able instances ; and it is strange 



to see how such a man could 
approve, and even take part in 
them apparently, without any 
scruple of conscience. Hi 3 
27th letter is a very instructive 
one, in which he describes the 
dangerous game which they 
had to play, to gain the rabble 
of London and their money by 
demanding the abolition of 
episcopacy, and yet at the 
same time to make it appear 
to the moderate party among 
the lords, whom they wished 
to conciliate, that they had no 
such design in reality. Alas ! a 
little more firmness on the 
part of the king had saved him 
from all his misfortunes.] 



cbnt. xvi 1. qf Britain* 193 

well for the reward of those that are worthy, as theA.D.1641. 

relief of those that want : and after his father's death — ■ 

he was chosen into that society. In his youthful 
exercises, he gave such an earnest of his future 
maturity, that Dr. Whitaker, hearing him dispute, 
said, " that he would in time prove the honour of the 
" university." A prediction that proved not untrue ; 
when afterward he was chosen Margaret professor 
of divinity, being as yet but a private fellow of the 
college. Whereof some years after he was made 
master, and at last bishop of Salisbury. Where 
with what gravity and moderation he behaved him- 
self, how humble, hospitable, painful in preaching 
and writing, may better be reported hereafter, when 
his memory (green as yet) shall be mellowed by 
time. He sat bishop about twenty years, and died 
of a consumption anno 1641, to which, sensibleness 
of the sorrowful times (which he saw were bad, and 
foresaw would be worse) did contribute not a little, 
I cannot omit, how some few hours before his death, 
having lien for a long time (though not speechless, 
yet) not speaking, nor able to speak, (as we beholders 
thought, though indeed he hid that little strength 
we thought he had lost, and reserved himself for 
purpose,) he fell into a most emphatical prayer for 
half a quarter of an hour. Amongst many heavenly 
passages therein, he thanked God for this his 
fatherly correction, because in all his lifetime he 
never had one heavy affliction, which made him 
often much suspect with himself, whether he was a 
true child of God or no, until this his last sickness. 
Then he sweetly fell asleep in Christ, and so we 
softly draw the curtains about him m . 

m [See Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 281. He died April 20, 1641.] 

FULLER, VOL. VI. O 



194 The Church History book xi. 

A 'Jix l64 i' 54. The whole bodies of cathedral churches, being 

i6Chat>L 

of too great a bulk to be blown up by their adveiv 

chapters earies at once, they began with the quires, accusing 
^ffiy the members thereof for useless and unprofitable, 
parliament. r£^ e practical court clergy were not so active and 

diligent in defending these foundations, as it was 
expected from their interest and relations 11 . Whe- 
ther because they were disheartened at the imprison- 
ment of their chief the archbishop of Canterbury, or 
because some of them being otherwise obnoxious to 
the parliament were loath therein to appear; or 
because they vainly hoped that this heat once over, 
all things would continue in their pristine condition ; 
or because they were loath to plead in that suit, 
wherein they despaired to prevail, as foreseeing those 
places destined to dissolution. 
An unjust 55. Yet some of the same side causelessly com- 
plained of the backwardness of other moderate 
cathedral men, that they improved not their power 

n [This 8iipineness (if such this same year, "that the clergy 
conduct deserves this name) " of England convented in any 
was not more remarkable in the " convocation, or synod, or 
" prelatical court clergy/' as " otherwise, have no power to 
Fuller odiously calls them, " make any constitutions, ca- 
than it was in the clergy in ge- " nons or acts whatsoever in 
neral ; Laud and Wrenn were " matters of doctrine, discl- 
in custody, Montague dying of " pline or otherwise to bind 
an ague which carried him off " the clergy or laity of this 
about this time, Mauwaring " land without common con- 
disabled from sitting in the " sent in parliament ;" and yet 
house by a censure passed on no one exclaimed against this 
him some time before. These usurpation. Nor must the 
as they were the ablest pre- clergy be blamed as if they 
lates, so were they of undoubted were singular in this respect: 
courage. But these had been the judges submitted with equal 
removed to make safer way for supineness to the interference 
the tyranny of the commons, of the commons in their juris- 
Far more surprising is it that diction, and were as tame and 
parliamenUhould have resolved as abject as others. To say 



charge. 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



195 



with their parliament friends so zealously as *heyA.D.id4i. 

might in this cause, as beginning too late, and pro- - 

ceeding too lazily therein, who should sooner have 
set their shoulders and backs to those tottering 
quires, so either to support them, or to be buried 
under the ruins thereof. Whereas they did whatso- 
ever good men could, or wise men would do in their 
condition, leaving no stone unturned which might 
advantage them herein. 

56. Indeed it was conceived inconsistent with The cathe- 
their gravity, to set themselves to fight against the endewmr 
shadow of common rumour, (and so to feign an enemy £jfrj£££ 
to themselves,) whilst as yet no certainty of the par- a***** 
liament's intentions to destroy deans and chapters. 
What had this been but perchance to put that into 
their brains, which otherwise they charitably believed 
would not enter therein ? But no sooner were they 
certified of the reality of their design, but they 
vigorously in their callings endeavoured the preven- 
tion thereof: 



that no man possessed either 
sufficient courage or principle 
to resist these instances of ille- 
gal oppression would be unfair : 
some such there were, but they 
were either paralyzed by the 
rapid movements of the popular 
party, or misled by the appa- 
rent zeal and sanctity of design. 
ing members. Great indeed 
was the humiliation of the 
church at this period of Eng- 
land's history, but that humi- 
liation consisted, not so much 
in the loss of her temporal 
power, and in the success of 
her adversaries, as in the fact, 
that she had now found how 
little she possessed of the sym- 
pathy of the people; that the 



lowest and the wickedest could 
wound her with impunity, im- 
peach her ceremonies, libel her 
bishops, blaspheme her ordi- 
nances, cry aloud for her de- 
struction, and none came for- 
ward to defend her cause. This 
indeed was degradation enough; 
and it seems as if that degrada- 
tion was needful to restore her 
to the affections of the nation. 
It was a degradation, but that 
out of which she came not 
merely unscathed but brighter 
and stronger, a probation which 
wiU be and has been a tower 
of strength to her ever since, 
and a lesson of wisdom if it be 
used aright.] 

02 



196 The Church History book xi. 

A 6ChlfV' ^ appointing one in each cathedral church to 

solicit their friends on this behalf. 

By drawing up a petition (the same mutatis 
mutandis) to house of lords and commons, which 
(because never formally presented) I forbear to insert. 
By retaining and instructing learned counsel to 
move for them in the house. Until they were in- 
formed that the orders of the house would not bear 
any to plead for them, but that they must personally 
appear and viva voce plead for themselves. 
Dr. Hao- 57. Lest therefore their longer silence should by 
in thed* posterity be interpreted, either sullenness that they 
d^stnd would not, or guiltiness that they durst not, speak 
chapters. f or themselves, by their friends they obtained leave 
to be admitted into the house of commons, and to 
be heard what they could allege in their own be- 
half. They made choice of Dr. John Hacket, pre- 
bendary of Paul's, and archdeacon of [Bedford], 
to be the mouth in the behalf of the rest. The 
brief heads of whose speech, copied (by his leave) 
out of his own papers, are here inserted . 

58. First he craved the favour of that honourable 
house, to whom he was to speak on a double disad- 
vantage. One caused from the shortness of time, this 
employment being imposed on him but in the after- 
noon of the day before. The other because he had 
not heard what crimes or offences were charged on 
deans and chapters (that so he might purge them 
from such imputations), reports only flying abroad 
that they were accounted of some of no use and 
convenience ; the contrary whereof he should en- 
deavour to prove, reducing the same to two heads, 

° [Printed at full length by Dr. Plume, in his Life, p. xviii. 
He had but one night to prepare himself.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 197 

quoad res, et quoad personas, in regard of things of a. d. i6 4 i. 

great moment, and divers persons concerned in such — 

foundations. 

59- To the first. It is fit that to supply the 
defects of prayer committed by private men, the 
public duty thereof should be constantly performed 
in some principal place (in imitation of the primitive 
practice) and this is daily done in cathedral churches. 
And whereas some complain that such service gives 
offence for the super-exquisiteness of the music 
therein (so that what was intended for devotion 
vanished away into quavers and air), he, with the 
rest of his brethren there present, wished the amend- 
ment thereof, that it might be reduced to the form 
which Athanasius commends, ut legentibus sint quam 
cantantibus similiores. And here he spake much in 
praise of the church music, when moderated to 
edification. 

60. Hence he passed to what he termeth the 
other wing of the cherubin, which is preaching, first 
planted since the reformation in cathedral churches, 
as appears by the learned sermons which Dr. Alley 
(afterwards bishop of Exeter) preached in the church 
of St. Paul's, and since continued therein. Where 
by the way he took occasion to refel that slander, 
which some cast on lecture preachers as an upstart 
corporation, alleging that the local statutes of most 
or all cathedral churches do require lectures on the 
week days. And in the name of his brethren he re- 
quested that honourable house, that the godly and 
profitable performance of preaching might be the 
more exacted. 

61. In the third place he insisted on the advance- 
ment of learning, as the proper use and convenience 

o3 



198 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1641. of cathedrals, each of them being a small academy, 
— for the champions of Christ his cause against the ad- 
versary by their learned pens. Here he proffered 
to prove by a catalogue of their names and works, 
which he could produce, that most excellent labours 
in this kind (excepting some few) have proceeded 
from persons preferred in cathedrals or the univer- 
sities. Now what a disheartening would it be to 
young students, if such promotions were taken away, 
witness the fewness of such admitted this last year 
into the universities, and the deadness of the sale of 
good books in St. Paul's churchyard, merely upon 
a timorous imagination abroad, that we are now 
shutting up learning in a case and laying it aside. 
But if the bare threatening make such a stop in 
literature, what will the blow given do thereon ? 

62. Fourthly, he alleged that the ancient and 
genuine use of deans and chapters was, as senatus 
episcopi, to assist the bishop in his jurisdiction. Now 
whereas some of his reverend brethren had lately 
complained, that bishops have for many years usurped 
the sole government to themselves, and their con- 
sistories, the continuing of chapters rightly used 
would reduce it from one man to a plurality of 
assistants. 

63. Lastly, the structures themselves should (said 
he) speak for the structures. Not that he would 
have them with Christ's disciples fondly to admire 
the fabrics, but to put them in remembrance, that 
cathedral churches were the first monuments of 
Christianity in the kingdom. 

64. From things he passed to persons, and began 
with the multitude of such members as had main- 
tenance from cathedrals, (some one of them allowing 



cknt. xvii. qf Britain. 199 

livelihood to three hundred, and) the total amount- a. D.1641. 

tag to many thousands. All which by the dissolu — 

tioiis of deans and chapters must be exposed to 
poverty. Next he instanced in their tenants, who 
holding leases from deans and chapters are sensible 
of their own happiness, (as enjoying six parts of 
seven in pure gain,) and therefore have petitioned 
the house to continue their ancient landlords. 
Thirdly, such cities wherein cathedrals stand, (if 
maritime,) being very poor in trade, are enriched by 
the hospitality of the clergy, and the frequent resort 
of strangers unto them. 

65. Then proceeded he to speak of the branches 
of the whole kingdom, all being in hope to reap 
benefit by the continuance of deans and chapters' 
lands as now employed. For all men (said he) are 
not born elder brothers, nor all elder brothers in- 
heritors of land. Divers of low degree, but generous 
spirits, would be glad to advance themselves, and 
achieve an estate by qualifying themselves, by in- 
dustry and virtue, to attain a share of cathedral 
endowments, as the common possession of the realm, 
inclosed in no private men's estate. 

66. And whereas travellers inform them, that all 
ranks and degrees of people in England, (knights, 
gentlemen, yeomen,) live more freely and fashion- 
ably than in any other countries, he trusted their 
honours would account it reasonable, that the clergy 
had in some sort a better maintenance than in 
neighbouring reformed churches, and not, with Jero- 
boam's priests, to be the basest of all the people. 

67. Then did he instance in some famous pro- 
testants of foreign parts, who had found great relief 
and comfort by being installed prebendaries in our 

o 4 



£00 The Church History book xt, 

ad. 1641. cathedral and collegiate churches , as Dr. Saravia, 
16 Chan. 1, pjgjggjj^ ^y q Ueen Elizabeth, Dr. Casaubon (father 

and son) by king James, Dr. Primrose, Mr. Vossius, 
in the reign of king Charles, and Dr. Peter Moulin 
alive at this day, and who intended to leave Sedan, 
(if the warlike preparations there proceeded,) and 
come over into England, where he should have but 
sad welcome if all his livelihood were taken away 
from him. 

68. Nor could an act be done more to gratify 
the church of Rome than to destroy deans and 
chapters, seeing p Sanders himself seemeth to com- 
plain, that queen Elizabeth had left provosts, deans, 
canons and prebendaries in cathedral and collegiate 
churches, because he foresaw such foundations 
would conduce to the stability of religion, so that 
by his words, a fetter sacrifice could not be offered 
up to such as himself than the extirpation of them. 

69- He went forwards to shew the benefit the 
king and commonwealth reaped by such lands as 
paying greater sums to the exchequer for first fruits 
tenths and subsidies, according to the proportion, 
than any other estates and corporations in the king* 
dom ; and are ready (said he), if called upon, 
cheerfully to contribute in an extraordinary manner 
to the charge of the kingdom. 

70. Now as he was by their honours' favour ad- 
mitted to plead under that roof, where their noble 

[Of whom those who were " losing his prebend at Canter- 
alive at this time shewed their " bury, which king Charles the 
gratitude by holding their peace " First conferred upon him 
in the dangers of the church, " withgreatliberality." Plume's 
satisfied with their own safety, Life of Hacket, p. xxv.] 
Vossius particularly, " for fear ? De schismate Anglicano, 
" of the parliament, and of p. 163. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 801 

progenitors had given to the clergy so many charters, a.d. 1641. 

privileges, and immunities, so he implored to find - 

the ancient and honourable justice of the house 
unto bis brethren who were not charged, much less 
convicted of any scandalous faults, justly for the 
same to forfeit their estates. 

71. At last he led them to the highest degree 
of all considerations, viz. the honour of God, to 
whose worship and service such fabrics and lands 
were dedicated, and barred all alienation with (which 
he said is tremenda too) curses and imprecations; 
he minded them of the censers of Korah and his 
complices, pronounced hallowed % because pretended 
to do God service therewith. And lest any should 
wave this as a Levitical nicety, it was proverbial 
divinity, as a received rule in every man's mouth : 
It is a snare to a man that devoureth that which is 
hcly x . He added the smart question of St. Paul, 
Thou thai abhorrest idols, dost thou commit sacrilege f 
and concluded, that on the ruins of the rewards 
of learning no structure can be raised but ignorance, 
and upon the chaos of ignorance nothing can be 
built but profaneness and confusion. 

72. This his speech was uttered with such be- T1 * 8 P eech 

1 well accept 

coming gravity, that it was generally well resented, «l 
and wrought much on the house for the present, 
so that had the aliening of such lands been then put 
to the vote, some (who conceived themselves know- 
ing of the sense of the house) concluded it would 
have been carried on the negative by more than six 
score suffrages 8 . 

4 Numbers xvi. 38. the first instance it was actually 

r Proverbs xx. 25. thrown out: "In the after- 

• [Dr. Plume says that in " noon it was put to the ques* 



90S 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1 641. 73. In the afternoon Dr. Cornelius Barges, as 

—speaker for his party, made a vehement invective 

Us' speech against deans and chapters, and the unprofitableness 
deras*and of such corporations* He heavily aggravated the 
chapter*, debauchedness of singing-men, not only useless, but 
hurtful by their vicious conversations. Yet he con- 
cluded with the utter unlawfulness to convert such 
endowments to any private persons' profit. So that 
the same doctrine was delivered by both the doctors, 
only they differed in their applications, the former 
being for the continuing such lands to their ancient, 
the latter for diverting them to other, but neither 
for alienating them from public and pious employ- 
ments*. 
Hk ability 74. if since Dr. Burges hath been a large pur- 
est divinity, chaser of such lands to himself; if since St. Andrew , 
the first converted, and St. Paul, the last converted 



tt 



tt 



tt 



tt 



tion, and carried by many 
votes, that their revenues 
" should not be taken away ; 
yet not long after, in the same 
session, after a most unparlia- 
mentary manner, they put it 
" to a second vote, and without 
" a second hearing voted the 
" contrary." Life of Hacket, 
p. xxv.] 

* [There was a deeper motive 
at bottom for suppressing ca- 
thedral endowments; at least 
with the lower orders. To keep 
the king in good temper, the 
Puritans had persuaded the 
commons to grant him tonnage 
and poundage for three years ; 
but not to burthen the people, 
and so become unpopular, 
they determined to raise a fund 
for the expenses of the nation 
out of the revenues of the 



thedrals. " The scaffolds in 
" Westminster Hall " (says 
Baillie) " are now ready — 
" Monday is the first day of 
" Strafford's cause. Some think 
" his process will be short. To 
"mollifV the king, they have 
" given nim, the other day, the 
" tonnage and poundage for the 
" next three years, and some 
" three subsidies, which with 
" the former make nine. The 
stop of trade here, through 
men's unwillingness to ven- 
" ture these three or four years 
" bygone, has made this people 
" much poorer than ordinary. 
" They will be no ways able to 
" bear their burthen if the ca- 
" thedrals fail not." Lett.xxvii. 
P. S. See also Lett, xxv.] 
11 Wells and London. 



tt 



Ct 



ckht. xvii. of Britain. 90S 

apostle, have met in his purse. I doubt not but that a. d. 1641. 
hVcan give Bufficient rsLn for the same, both toi^=± 
himself and any other that shall question him there- 
in. The rather because lately he read his learned 
lectures in St. Paul's on the Criticisms of Conscience, 
no less carefully than curiously weighing satisfaction 
to scruples, and if there be any fault, so able a con- 
fessor knows how to get his absolution 1 . 
75. A bill brought up from the commons to the a medley 

. , bill against 

lords against bishops and clergymen, which, having bishops 
several branches, was severally voted. granted, 

i. That they should have no votes in parliament. ^ y de " 

ii. That they should not be in the commission 
of the peace, nor judges in temporal courts. 

iii. Nor sit in the Star-chamber, nor be privy 
counsellors. 

The two last branches of this bill passed by general 

x [He was afterwards so " thereof since fallen on Dr. 
large a purchaser of the bishops' " Burges. Lond. 1659. In 
lands, that a little before tne " two parts." After the Resto- 
Restoration he was offered ration, when his ill-gotten pos- 
20,000/. for his bargain, which sessions reverted to their right- 
he refused. Tojustifyhiscon- ful owners, this man was re- 
duct, he put forth a tract en. duced to great distress, the 
titled, " No Sacrilege nor Sin anguish of which was augment- 



•4 



U 
it 



to alien or purchase the ed by a terrible disease. And 

" Lands of Bishops or others being reduced to the last ex- 

" whose offices are abolished." tremity, he who had once pos- 

Lond. 1659; and a shuffling sessed more influence over a 

apology which he styled, " A factious house of commons than 

Case concerning the Buying ever was possessed by Laud in 

of Bishops' Lands with the the upper house, was compelled 

" Lawfulness thereof. And the to sell his books for his sup- 

" Difference between the Con- port, and was (to use his own 

" tractors for Sale of those words) reduced to want a piece 

" Lands and the Corporation of of bread. He died in obscu- 

" Wells, (ordered, anno 1650, rity in 1665. See Wood's 

" to be repaid to the then par- Athen. ii. p. 347, and Fuller's 

" liament,) with the Necessity "Appeal" &c. at the conclusion.] 



204 The Church History book xi. 

a. 0.1641.000861119 not above two dissenting. But the first 

.! !!U branch was voted in the negative, wherein all the 

bishops gave their own voices for themselves ; yet, 
had their suffrages been secluded, and the question 
only put to the lay lords, it had been carried for the 
bishops by sixteen decisive *. 
At ia§t 76. After some days' debate, the lords who were 

wholly cut 

out. against the bishops protested that the former manner 

of voting the bill by branches was unparliamentary 

and illegal; wherefore they moved the house that 

they should be so joined together as either to take 

the bill in wholly or cast it all out. Whereupon 

the whole bill was utterly cast out by many voices, 

had not the bishops (as again they did) given their 

suffrages in the same. 

Mr. May- 77. Master Maynard made a speech in the com- 

speecha- mittee of lords against the canons, made by the 

canons, bishops in the last convocation, therein with much 

learning endeavouring to prove, 

i. That in the Saxons 9 times (as Malmesbury, 
Hoveden, sir Henry Spelman, &c. do witness) laws 
and constitutions ecclesiastical had the confirmation 
of peers and sometimes of the people, to which great 
counsels our parliaments do succeed. 

ii. That it appears out of the aforesaid authors 
and others, that there was some checking about the 
disuse of the general making of such church laws. 

iii. That for kings to make canons without con- 
sent of parliament cannot stand, because built on 
a bad foundation, viz .on the pope's making canons 
by his sole power, so that the groundwork not being 
good the superstructure sinketh therewith. 

7 [See Clarendon's Rebellion, i. p. 410.] 



cent. xvn. of Britain. £05 

iv. He examined the statute 25th of Henry VIII, ^£tf; 

avouching that that clause, "The clergy shall not 

u make canons without the king's leave/' implieth 
not that by his leave alone they may make them. 

Lastly, He endeavoured to prove that these canons 
were against the king's prerogative, the rights, liber- 
ties, and properties of the subject, insisting herein on 
several particulars. 

i. The first canon puts a penalty on such as dis- 
obey them. 

ii. One of them determineth the king's power and 
the subject's right. 

iii. It sheweth that the ordinance of kings is by 
the law of nature, and then they should be in all 
places and all alike. 

iv. One of the canons saith that the king may not 
be resisted. 

v. Another makes a holy day, whereas that the 
parliament saith there shall be such and no more. 

This his speech lost neither life nor lustre, being 
reported to the lords by the bishop of Lincoln, a 
back friend to the canons, because made during his 
absence and durance in the tower. 

78. One in the house of commons heightened the Several 
offence of the clergy herein into treason, which their if tSeder- 
more moderate adversaries abated into a praemunire. ** 8 ence# 
Many much insisted on the clerks of the convocation 
for presuming (being but private men after the dis- 
solution of the parliament) to grant subsidies, and so 
without law to give away the estates of their fellow- 
subjects. 

79- A bill was read to repeal that statute ofAHiiread 

against the 

1 Elizabeth whereby the high commission court is high com- 
erected. This bill afterwards forbade any archbishop, 



206 The Church History of Britain. book xi. 

a.d. 1641. bishop, &c, deriving power from the king to assess, 
or inflict any pain, penalty, amercement, imprison- 
ment, or corporal punishment for any ecclesiastical 
offence or transgression. Forbidding them likewise 
to administer the oath ex officio, or give oath to 
churchwardens, sidesmen, or any others, whereby 
their own or others' offences should be discovered. 



SECT. IX. 



DOM. THOMAE FISHER, 

BARONETTO*. 

Cum insignia tua gentilitia intueor, non turn adeo heraldicte. 

tartit iananu, quim probe soiam, quid ribi velit manus iUa, 

tatteUo interta. 
Tfi tcilieet baronettum detignat, cum omnee in ilium ordmem 

cooptati, ex institutions sua, ad b VJtoniam, (Hibernice pro- 

vinciam,) forti dsxtra defandendam teneantur. 
At censum (prater hunc vulgarem) alium latiorem, et (quoad 

meipiwn) latiorem, manui illi expanses, qua in too clypeo 

spectabilu, tubem video. Index at tvmma tuts munifi- 

eentia, quo nomine me tibi devindimmum projiteor. 

MUTING matters of greater conse- a. D.164L 
quence, know that the bill against the 

Z- \. ■ ■ ,. .f. . .. The high 

high commission was the third tune- ^^ns^- 
read in the house of lords and passed ^^_ pot 
it, which some days after was con- 
firmed by his majesty. Thus the edge of the spi- 

* [Arms. Three demi-Jions Jane, daughter of sir J. Prescot, 
rampant gules, a chief indented lent, of Hoxne, Suffolk ; and 
of tie second. This air Thomas died in 1670. See Lyson's En- 
Fisher, bart. the second of that virons of London, lii. p. 153. 
name, was son of sir Thomas He is sometimes described as 
Fisher (who received his ba- being of St. Giles', Middlesex, 
roaetcy in 1637) and Sarah, The title was extinct ia 1707.] 
daughter of sir Thomas Fowler, b Seldenus in Titulia Ho- 
bart. of Islington. He married noria. [p. 680, ed. 673.] 




808 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1641. ritual sword, as to discipline, was taken away. For 

- — although I read of a proviso made in the house of 

lords, that the general words in this bill should 
extend only to the high commission court, and not 
reach other ecclesiastical jurisdiction; yet that proviso 
being but written and the statute printed, all coer- 
cive power of church consistories was taken away. 
Mr. Pym triumphed at this success, crying out, Digit- 
us Dei 9 " It is the finger of God," that the bishops 
should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised 
in their power. Some disaffected to episcopacy ob- 
served a justice, that seeing many simple souls were 
in the high commission court by captious interro- 
gatories circumvented into a self-accusation, an un- 
suspected clause in this statute should abolish all 
their lawful authority. 
a bm for g. The bishop of Lincoln brought up a bill to 
of bithopt. regulate bishops and their jurisdiction, consisting of 
several particulars : 

i. That every bishop being in his diocese not sick, 
should preach once every Lord's day, or pay five 
pounds to the poor, to be levied by the next justice 
of peace, and distress made by the constable. 

ii. That no bishop shall be justice of peace, save 
the dean of Westminster in Westminster and St. 
Martin's. 

iii. That every bishop should have twelve assist- 
ants, (besides the dean and chapter,) four chosen by 
the king, four by the lords, and four by the com- 
mons, for jurisdiction and ordination. 

iv. That in all vacancies they should present to 
the king three of the ablest divines in the diocese, 
out of which his majesty might choose one to be 
bishop. 



CXNT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



209 



v. Dean8 and prebends to be resident at theA.D. 1641. 

, _ _ . , i6Chai. I. 

cathedrals but sixty days. 

Ti. That sermons be preached therein twice every 
Lord's day, once every holy day, and a lecture on 
Wednesday with a salary of one hundred marks. 

viL All archbishops, bishops, collegiate churches, 
&c. to give a fourth part of their fines and improved 
rents, to buy out impropriations. 

viii. All double beneficed men to pay a moiety of 
their benefice to their curates. 

ix. No appeal to the court of arches or audience. 

x. Canons and ecclesiastical capitulations to be 
drawn up and fitted to the laws of the land by six- 
teen learned men, chosen six by the king, five by 
the lords, and five by the commons. 

This bill was but once read in the house, and no 
great matter made thereof; the anti-episcopal party 
conceived it needless to shave their beards, whose 
beads they intended to cut off, designing an utter 
extirpation of bishops c . 

3. By the way the mention of a moiety to the a crying 
curates, minds me of a crying sin of the English English 
clergy conceived by the most conscientious amongst ergy " 
them, a great incentive of divine anger against 
them ; namely, the miserable and scandalous sti- 
pends afforded to their curates, which made laymen 
follow their pattern in vicarages unendowed, seeing 



* [This seems to have been 
in furtherance of a scheme 
which the bishop entertained at 
this period, of taking off the 
edge of Presbyterian hosti- 
lity, by moderating the power 
of the bishops, and making 
some provision for " painful 
" preachers." " The bishop 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



" was sure (says Williams) he 
•• dealt with such as were bare 
"and necessitous, from the 
" Orcades to Berwick, and that 
it was part of their errand 
"into England to carry away 
" gold and to get pensions." 
Ibid, p-143-] 



« 



210 The Church History book xi. 

A.D.i64i.guch who knew most what belong to the work 

: allowed the least wages to the ministry. Hence 

is it that God since hath changed his hand, making 

many who were poor curates rich rectors, and many 

wealthy incumbents to become poor curates. It 

will not be amiss to wish thankfulness without pride 

to the one, and patience without dejection to the 

other. 

a bill a. 4 # a bill was sent up by the commons against 

shop Matthew Wren, bishop of Ely, containing twenty- 

five articles, charging him for being popishly affected, 

a suppressor of preaching, and introducer of arbitrary 

power to the hazard of the estates and lives of many. 

They desired he might be sequestered from the king's 

person and service d . 

The M- 5. To return to the bishops : the commons per- 

shopf im- ••ti • n i • 

peached for cei ving that they were so tenacious of their votes 
mgo in parliament, resolved vigorously to prosecute the 



canons. 



impeachment against them for making of canons, 
expecting the bishops should willingly quit their 
votes as barons to be acquitted of their praemunire, 
whereby they forfeited all their personal estates; 
yet the sound of so great a charge did not so affright 
them but that they persisted legally to defend their 
innocence. 
Have time 6 # The bishops that were impeached for making 

and counsel \ * ° 

allowed canons craved time till Michaelmas term to make 
their answer. This was vehemently opposed by 
some lords, and two questions were put : 

d [See these articles in Nal- unworthy to hold any spiritual 

son's Collections, ii. p. 398. promotion or office in the church 

Though they assumed merely or commonwealth, he was de- 

the form of a charge, and the prived, and imprisoned in the 

bishop was never brought to tower until the restoration, 

his answer, yet being declared See Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 613.] 



cknt. jbvii. o/Britam. 211 

i. Whether the bishops should sit still in theA.D.1641. 

house, though without voting, (to which themselves 

consented,) whilst the circumstance of time for their 
answer was in debate. 

ii. What time they should have for their answer. 

The first of these was carried for them by one 
present voice and four proxies ; and for the second, 
time was allowed them till the tenth of November. 
And although the adverse lords pleaded that in 
offences criminal, for matters of fact, no counsel 
should be allowed them, but to answer yea or no ; 
yet on the lord keeper's affirming it ordinary and 
just to allow counsel in such cases, it was permitted 
onto them e . 

7. Bishop Warner of Rochester f is chosen by joint The im- 
oonsent to solicit the cause, sparing neither care nor^t^™" 
cost therein. Of the counsel he retained two only^*J HV " 
appeared, sergeant Jermin, who declined to plead for wh y- 
them, except the bishops would first procure him a 
warrant from the house of commons, (which they 
refused to do,) and Mr. Chute, who, being de- 
manded of the lords whether he would plead for the 
bishops, " Yea," said he, " so long as I have a tongue 

" to plead with." Soon after he drew up a de- 
murrer in their behalf, that their offence in making 
canons could not amount to a praemunire ; this being 
shewn to the bishop of Lincoln, be protested that 
he never saw a stronger demurrer all the days of his 
life, and the notice hereof to the lords was probably 
the cause, that they waved any further prosecution 
of die charge, which henceforward sunk in silence. 

8. Pass we now from the outworks of espicopacy 

e [Ruthworth, iv. 282.] f [Wood's Athen. ii. p. 373.] 

p 2 



218 The Church History book xi. 

a.Dli6 4 i.(I mean the deans and chapters) thus fiercely storm- 

! ed (but as yet not taken) to the bishops themselves, 

dui^ac. w h° began to shake, seeing their interest and re- 

mean Mrtfi. 8 P ects * n ^ e house of lords did daily decay and 

decline. Yea, about this time came forth the lord 

Brooke his book against bishops, accusing them in 

respect of their parentage to be de face popidi, " of 

" the dregs of the people," and in respect of their 

studies no way fit for government, or to be barons 

in parliament. 

Sri? *** 1 9« Whereupon the bishops, taking this accusation 

«n*g* to heart, meet together, and in their own necessary 

defence thought fit to vindicate their extractions, 

some publicly, some in private discourse. 

Dr. Williams e began, then archbishop of York, 
(Canterbury being in the tower,) was accused in the 
Star-chamber for purchasing the two ancientest 
houses and inheritances in North Wales, (which are 
Penrhyn and Quowilocke, ) in regard he was de- 
scended from them. So that he might as truly 
accuse all the ancient nobility of Britain as tax him 
for meanly descended. 

Dr. Juxon, bishop of London, did or might plead 
that his parents lived in good fashion, and gave him 
large allowance, first in the university, then in Gray's 
Inn, where he lived as fashionably as other gentle- 
men, so that the lord Brooke might question the 
parentage of any inns-of-court-gentleman as well 
as his. 

Bishop Morton of Durham averred that his father 
had been lord mayor of York, and borne all the 
offices of that city with credit and honour, so that 

* [See Hacket's Life of Williams, p. 6—7.] 



CENT. XV11. 



of Britain. 



213 



the lord Brooke might as justly quarrel the descent a. p. 1641. 
of any citizens' sons in England h . — 

Bishop Curie of Winchester his father was for 
many years auditor in the court of wards to queen 
Elizabeth and king James; and the aforesaid lord 
may as well condemn all the sons of officers to be 
meanly born as accuse him. 

Bishop Cook of Hereford his father's family had 
continued in Derbyshire, in the same house and in 
the same means, four hundred years at least ; often 
sheriffs of that county, and matched to all the best 



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h [" His coat armour and 
pedigree will shew him to be 
of the same original and stock 
with that eminent prelate and 
wise statesman, John Morton, 
bishop of Ely, and lord chan- 
cellor of England, afterward 
archbishop of Canterbury and 
cardinal. (See this History 

under the year i486.) 

And from hence the judicious 
reader will conclude his an- 
cestors could not be obscure, 
at least since this cardinal's 
time, for such persons as he 
have seldom left their kin- 
dred without some consider- 
able preferments. If I were 
so good an herald as to trace 
up his pedigree to those times, 
it is possible it would reach 
to Thomas or John Morton, 
whom the cardinal made his 
heirs, as being sons to two of 
his brothers, (Jo. Budden vit. 
Jo. Mort. archiep. Cant. p. 
50.) Sure I am that sir 
Thomas Morton of Dorset- 
shire, who reckoned his de- 
scent from one of them, 
sought him out and acknow- 
ledged his kindred, and de- 



c< 



« 



" sired his acquaintance, pre- 
" sently after he appeared in 
'* print, and long before he 
" ascended to any considerable 
eminency in the church. His 
parents were Mr. Richard 
" Morton, citizen and mercer, 
" of York, and Mrs. Elizabeth 
" Leedale his wife, who enrich- 
" ed the world with him on 
" Thursday, 20th of March, 
" 1564. His father was so 
" eminent in his calling, that 
" there is not at this day 
" [1660], nor hath been for 
many years by-past, any mer- 
cer in that city [York] who 
" were not his apprentices either 
" immediately or mediately. 
*' His mother also was a gentle* 
" woman of very good family, 
" descended from the Valva- 
sours by her mother's side* 
and by whom not only the 
" Valvasours', but the Lang- 
" dales also, and other gen* 
" tlemen of eminent worth 
*' in Yorkshire, acknowledged 
" themselves to be of his kin- 
" dred." Barwick's Life of 
Bishop Morton»p.6i. ed. Lond. 
1660.] 

PS 



•< 



*c 



tt 



tt 



214 T/te Church History book zi. 

a. D.1641. houses therein. So that the lord Brooke might as 

— well have charged all the ancient gentry of that 

sb ire for mean parentage as accuse him. 

Bishop Owen of Asaph, that there was not a 
gentleman in the two counties of Carnarvon and 
Anglesea of three hundred pounds a year but was 
his kinsman, or allieman, in the fourth degree, which 
he thinks will sufficiently justify his parentage. 

Bishop Goodman of Gloucester, that though his 
very name seemed to point out his descent from 
yeomanry, yet (though the youngest son of the 
youngest brother) he had more left unto him than 
the lord Brooke his father had to maintain him and 
all his family. That his grandfather by his father's 
side purchased the whole estate of sir Thomas Exmew, 
lord mayor of London 1517, and that by his mother's 
side he was descended of the best parentage of the 
city of London. 

The rest of the bishops might sufficiently vindicate 

their parentage, as most the sons of ministers or lay 

gentlemen, whose extractions ran not so low as to 

any such feculancy charged upon them. 

Thede- io. But moe symptoms of their dying power in 

wherebythe parliament daily discovered themselves, some where- 

cHnecHn of we will recount, that posterity may perceive by 

parliament. ^j^ degrees they did lessen in the house before 

they lost their votes therein. 

First, Whereas it was customary that in all com- 
missions such a number of bishops should be joined 
with the temporal lords, of late their due proportions 
were not observed. 

The clerk of the parliament, applying himself to 
the prevalent party in the reading of bills, turned his 
back to the bishops, who could not (and it seems he in- 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



215 



tended they should not) distinctly hear any thing, as i^:^*, 1, 
their consent or dissent were little concerned therein. 

When a bill passed for exchange of lands betwixt 
the bishop of London and sir Nicholas Crisp, the 
temporal lords were offended that the bishop was 
styled "right honourable" therein, which at last was 
expunged, and he entitled " one of her majesty's 
" most honourable privy council," the honour being 
fixed upon his state employment, not episcopal 
function. 

On a solemn fast, in their going to church, the 
temporal lords first took precedence of the bishops, 
(who quietly submitted themselves to come behind,) 
on the same token that one of the lay lords 1 said, 
u Is this a day of humiliation, wherein we shew 
u so much pride in taking place of those to whom 
u our ancestors ever allowed it ? " 

But the main matter was, that the bishops were 
denied all meddling even in the commission of pre- 
paratory examinations concerning the earl of Straf- 
ford, as causa sanguinis, and they, as men of mercy, 
not to deal in the condemnation of any person. The 
bishops pleaded, though it was not proper for them 
to condemn the guilty, yet they might acquit the 
innocent, and such an one as yet that earl was cha- 
ritably presumed to be, until legally convicted to be 
otherwise 11 . They alleged also in their own behalf, 



' The young lord Spencer, 
afterwards earl of Sunderland. 

k [The subject has been 
learnedly handled by the in- 
imitable bishop Hacket in his 
Life of Williams, (ii. p. 151.) 
By the same canon law (with 
which these lords played fast 
and loose as it served their 



purpose) bishops are strictly 
inhibited from giving testimony 
in causes of blood; yet the 
archbishops of Canterbury and 
Armagh, and the bishop of 
London, were brought forward 
by the house to give evidence 
against the earl. But what 
could be expected of those who 

P 4 



216 The Church History book xi. 

^^'^j-that a commission was granted in the reign of queen 
Elizabeth to certain privy councillors, for the exa- 
mination of the queen of Scots, even to her con- 
demnation, if just cause appeared 1 , and John Whit- 
gift, archbishop of Canterbury, first named therein. 
All would not prevail, the bishops being forbidden 
any interposing in that matter. 

ftSe^ii?*" 11- I* must not be forgotten, how about this time 
ingiytore- the lord Kimbolton made a motion to persuade the 
votes. bishops willingly to depart with their votes in par- 
liament; adding, that if the same would surrender 
their suffrages, the temporal lords who remained in 
the house were obliged in honour to be more tender 
of and careful for the bishops' preservation in their 
jurisdictions and revenues. An instrument was em- 
ployed by the earl of Essex, (or else he employed 
himself, conceiving the service acceptable,) who 
dealt privately with several bishops to secure them- 
selves by prevention, to surrender that which would 
be taken away from them. But the bishops per* 



pulled down their king and their " them/' says Hacket, " prance 

church, and then bowed their " about the streets in London, 

nobility to the mock majesty of " with pistols in their holsters 

Pym, homo ex argilla, el luto " and swords by their sides ; 

facus Epicturao ?~\ " And so for Edge Hill, and 

1 Camden's Eliz. in anno " Newbury, &c. Could they 

1586. [Could there be any hy- " rush into so many fights and 

pocrisy, any dishonesty more " be clear from cause of blood?" 

flagrant than this ? When the Life of Williams, part ii. p. 153. 

very same parliament appointed Baillie and Baxter, two of the 



armed chaplains to attend their most celebrated among them, 
armies ; when it was a common speak with sufficient satisfac- 
practice with the Scotch and tion of the part which they 
English rebels to inspire fresh took in animating their sol- 
courage into their soldiers by diers to flesh their swords in 
appointing ministers to preach the blood of their fellows ; but 
before them on the very field the fact is too notorious to re- 
of battle. " Have I not seen quire further comment.] 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



217 



8isted in the negative, refusing by any voluntary a. d. 1641. 
act to be accessary to their own injury, resolving l__!t_l 
to keep possession of their votes, till a prevalent 
power outed them thereof" 1 . 

12. Now no day passed wherein some petition Multitude 
was not presented to the lords or commons from ^gdrSTw. 8 
several persons against the bishops as grand griev- ,ho,>s, 
ancers, causing the general decay of trade, obstruct- 
ing the proceedings in parliament, and what not. 
Insomuch that the very porters (as they said) were 
able no longer to undergo the burden of episcopal 
tyranny, and petitioned against it. But hitherto 
these were but blunt petitions, the last was a sharp 



«" [The adviser was after- 
wards that earl of Manchester 
who plundered the universities. 
Nothing could exceed the mi- 
serable selfishness and cow- 
ardice of the temporal lords, 
on this as on other occasions; 
plundering the church in pros- 
perity, and forsaking it in its 
adversity. With the excep- 
tion of Strafford, and perhaps 
one or two others, not one 
came nobly forward in its de- 
fence, noble in nothing but their 
names. Their aid was like the 
reed, whereon if a man leans it 
shall even pierce through his 
hand ; throughout the troubles 
of the church, the first to pierce, 
and then desert it. Strange 
does it seem, that, in this reign 
especially, more than all in one 
whose heart was truly catho- 
lic, such as Laud's, no attempt 
should have been made to gain 
the sympathies of the people, 
even at this last and latest 
hour, the only trustworthy 
and hearty friends of the 



church. " So am I full of this," 
(to use the words of Hacket,) 
" to tell it to posterity, that 
" the pitiful handful of lords 
" temporal (and now tempo- 
" rary) that adhered not to 
" the king, and cashiered the 
•• lords spiritual out of their 
" society, for their immoveable 
" fidelity, were dismounted for 
" ever from their own privi- 
" lege and honour, and might 
•' pawn their parliament-robes 
•' if they pleased. And the 
" remainder of the commons, 
" after Pride's purge, was so 
" despicable, that every tongue 
" was so audacious to give 
" them the nickname of the 
" posteriors of a beast ; and 
" they put it up, lest angry 
" wits should paste a greater 
" scorn upon them." Life of 
Williams, ii. 139. In its mi. 
sery this church might have 
long looked for help from those 
whom she had befriended. The 
people restored her, and they 
only made her strong.] 



218 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1641. one (with point and edge) brought up for the same 

16 Chas. 1. , . - 1 , . 

purpose by the armed apprentices. 

a land-tide 13. Now, seeing men's judgments are at such a 
tices Aw to distance about the nature of this their practice, some 
Westmin- Arming it a tumult, mutiny, riot, others calling it 
courage, zeal, and industry ; some admiring them as 
acted with a public spirit above their age and edu- 
cation, others condemning them much, their counte- 
nancers more, their secret abettors and contrivers 
most of all : I say, when men are thus divided in 
point of judgment, it will be safest for us to confine 
ourselves merely to matter of fact. Wherein also we 
meet with much diversity of relation, though surely 
w r hat a parliamentary chronicler" 1 writes thereof 
must be believed : 

" Now, see how it pleased the Lord it should 

" come to pass ; some of the apprentices and citizens 

were again affronted about Westminster Abbey, 

and a great noise and hubbub fell out thereabouts. 

" Others some of them watched (as it seems by the 

sequel) the bishops' coming to the parliament, who, 

considering the great noise and disquiet which was 

by land all about Westminster, durst not come to 

the parliament that way for fear of the apprentices, 

" and therefore intended to have come to parliament 

" by water in barges. But the apprentices watched 

" them that way also ; and as they thought to have 

" come to land, they were so pelted with stones, and 

" frighted at the sight of such a company of them, 

" that they durst not land, but were rowed back, and 

" went away to their places." 



m John Vicars, God in the Mount, or Parliamentary Chro- 
nicle, i. p. 58. 






(4 

<( 
t< 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



£19 



Thus the bishops were fain to shelter themselves a. d 1641. 

from the shower of stones ready to fall upon them, — 

and with great difficulty made their escape; who 
otherwise on St. Stephen's day had gone St. Ste- 
phen's way to their graves. 

14. As for the hubbub at Westminster Abbey The man- 
lately mentioned, eyewitnesses have thus informed "Jmuit at 
me of the manner thereof. Of those apprentices 2^"SSy 
who coming up to the parliament cried, "No bishops, J^S hite " 
" no bishops," some rudely rushing into the Abbey to the pens 
church, were reproved by a verger for their irre-torians. 
verent behaviour therein. Afterwards, quitting the 
church, the doors thereof by command from the 
dean were shut up, to secure the organs and monu- 
ments therein against the return of apprentices. For 
though others could not foretell the intentions of 
such a tumult, who could not certainly tell their 
own, yet the suspicion was probable, by what was 
uttered amongst them. The multitude presently 
assault the church, (under pretence that some of 
their party were detained therein,) and force a pane 
out of the north door, but are beaten back by the 
officers and scholars of the college. Here an un- 
happy tile was cast by an unknown hand from the 
leads or battlements of the church, which .so bruised 
sir Richard Wiseman (conductor of the apprentices) 
that he died thereof, and so ended that day's dis- 
temper 11 . 



n [" These Wat Tylers and 
" Round Robins," says Hacket, 
" being driven or persuaded 
" out of Whitehall, there was 
" a buz among them to take 
" their way to Westminster 
" Abbey. Some said, Lei us 



" pluck down the organs; some 
" cried, Let us deface the mo- 
" numents ; that is, prophane 
the tombs and burying-places 
of king and queens. This 
" was carried with all speed to 
" the archbishop (Williams), 



« 



(* 



220 



The Church History 



BOOK XT. 



a. d. 1641. 15. To return to the bishops. The next day twelve 
— — * of them repaired to Jerusalem chamber, in the 
more than dean s lodgings ; and if any demand where were the 
the bishops rest of them to make up twenty-six, take this account 

5££. of their absence : 

18. Dr. Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, was in 
the tower. 



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the dean, who made fast the 
doors, which they found shut 
against them ; and when they 
would have forced them, they 
were beaten off with stones 
from the top of the lends, 
the archbishop all this while 
maintaining the Abbey in his 
own person, with a few more, 
for fear they should seize on 
the regalia, which were in 
that place under his custody. 
The spite of the mutineers 
was most against him, yet 
his followers could not entreat 
him to go aside, as the disci- 
ples restrained Paul from 
rushing into an uproar. After 
an hour's dispute, when the 
multitude had been well 
pelted from aloft, a few of 
the archbishop's train open- 
ed a door, and rushed out 
with swords drawn, and 
drove them before them like 
fearful hares. They were 
already passed their duty, 
but short of their malice, and 
every day made battery on 
all the bishops as they came 
to parliament, forcing their 
coaches back, tearing their 
garments, menacing if they 
came any more. — What aid 
did the lords afford to quell 
these affronts? Why, Let 
Sosthenes be beaten before the 



tt 



tt 



tt 



"judgment seal, Gallia cares 
for none of these things. 
" Acts xviii. 17." In these 
tumults Morton, bishop of 
Durham, as well as the rest, 
was in great danger of his life. 
•' I am sure," says Dr. Bar- 
wick, " there could hardly be 
" a fitter parallel to that at 
" Ephesus (Acts xix. 31.) 
" than these at Westminster, 
" in one whereof this reverend 
" bishop was in extreme hazard 
" of his life, by the multitude 
that were beckoned thither 
by the contrivers of our late 
miseries. Whereof some 
•' cried, Pull him out of his 
" coach : others, Nay, he is a 
ce good man : others, But for 
" all that he is a bishop. And 
" I have often heard him say, 
" he believed he should not 
" have escaped alive, if a lead- 
" ing man among that rabble 
" had not cried out, Let him go 
" and hang himself Which 
" he was wont to compare to 
" the words of the angel utter- 
" ed by Balaam's ass ; though 
" the rudeness of the expres- 
" sion argued more of the ass 
" than the angel." Life of 
Morton, p. 103. This graphic 
description clearly shews the 
temper and conduct of nobles as 
well as people at that time.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 821 

14. Dr. Juxon, bishop of London, was keeping A -£- l6 y. 
his hospitality (it being Christmas) at Fulham. 

15. So was Dr. Curie, at Winchester house, and it 
was conceived unsafe (though but cross the Thames) 
to send unto him. 

16. So also was Dr. Warner of Rochester returned 
to entertain his neighbours in the country. 

17. Dr. Bridgman of Chester was not as yet come 
out of the country. 

18. Dr. Roberts of Bangor was not as yet comfe 
out of the country. 

19. Dr. Man waring, bishop of St. David's, sat not 
in the house, as disabled long since by his censure in 
parliament. 

20. Dr. Duppa, bishop of Salisbury, was attending 
his charge, prince Charles. 

21. Dr. John Prideaux was not yet consecrated 
bishop of Worcester. 

22. Dr. Winniffe was not yet consecrated bishop 
of Lincoln. 

23. Dr. Ralph Brownrigg was not yet consecrated 
bishop of Exeter. 

24. Dr. Henry King was not yet consecrated 
bishop of Chichester. 

25. Dr. John Westfield was not yet consecrated 
bishop of Bristol. 

26. Carlisle was void by the late death of Dr. Potter, 
only conferred by the king on archbishop Usher to 
hold it in commendam. 

Thus have we made up their numbers, and must not 
forget, that a secret item was given to some of the 
bishops by some of their well-wishers to absent 
themselves in this licentious time of Christmas, 



£9£ The Church History book xi. 

a. D.1641. though they had not the happiness to make use of 

16 Chas. I. ,, , . 

the advice. 

The form 16. The other twelve bishops, being not yet fully 
recovered from their former fear, grief, and anger, 
(which are confessed by all to be bad counsellors in 
cases of importance,) drew up in haste and disturb- 
ance such a protestation, that posterity already hath 
had more years to discuss and examine, than they 
had hours (I had almost said minutes) to contrive 
and compose, and (most of them implicitly relying on 
the conceived infallibility of the archbishop of York 
in point of common law) all subscribed as folio we th : 

To the king's most excellent majesty y and the lords 
and peers now assembled in parliament p. 

" Whereas the petitioners are called up by se- 
" veral and respective writs, and under great penal 
ties to attend tliQ parliament, and have a clear and 
indubitable right to vote in bills and other 
matters, whatsoever debatable in parliament by 
" the ancient customs, laws, and statutes of this 
" realm, and ought to be protected by your majesty, 
" quietly to attend and prosecute that great service : 
" They humbly remonstrate, and protest before God, 
" your majesty, and the noble lords and peers now 
" assembled in parliament, that as they have an in- 
d ub it ate right to sit and vote in the house of the 
lords ; so are they, if they may be protected from 
" force and violence, most ready and willing to 

P [See Hacket's Life of Wil- He called the bishops together, 

liams, ii. p. 178. The archbi- according to Dr. Hacket, and 

shop is said to have drawn this got them to put their hands to 

protest from a similar one this protestation.] 
which he found in the Tower. 



a 
tt 



tt 



cent. xvii. of Britain. fStS 

u perform their dutiee accordingly: And that theyA.D.i6 4 i. 

" do abominate all actions or opinions tending to 

" popery and the maintenance thereof, as also all 
" propension and inclination to any malignant party, 
" or any other side or party whatsoever, to the 
44 which their own reasons and conscience shall not 
u move them to adhere. But whereas they have 
44 been at several times violently menaced, affronted, 
44 and assaulted by multitudes of people in their 
44 coming to perform their services in that honour- 
" able house, and lately chased away and put in 
44 danger of their lives, and can find no redress or 
44 protection upon sundry complaints made to both 
" houses in these particulars, they humbly protest 
44 before your majesty and the noble house of peers, 
44 that saving unto themselves all their rights and 
44 interest of sitting and voting in that house at other 
44 times, they dare not sit or vote in the house of 
u peers, until your majesty shall further secure them 
44 from all affronts, indignities, and dangers in the 
44 premises. Lastly, whereas their fears are not 
44 built upon phantasies and conceits, but upon such 
44 grounds and objects as may well terrify men of 
" resolution and much constancy, they do in all 
humility and duty protest before your majesty and 
peers of that most honourable house of parliament, 
against all laws, orders, votes, resolutions, and 
determinations, as in themselves null and of none 
44 effect, which in their absence, since the 27th of 
" this instant month of December 1641, have al- 
44 ready passed, as likewise against all such as shall 
44 hereafter pass in that most honourable house, 
44 during the time of this their forced and violent 
44 absence from the said most honourable house : not 



u 
u 
u 



2£4 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 164 i. " denying, but if their absenting of themselves were 
- 1 " wilful and voluntary, that most honourable bouse 



" might proceed in all their premises, their absence 

u or this protestation notwithstanding. And humbly 

" beseeching your most excellent majesty to com- 

" mand the clerk of that house of peers to enter 

" this their petition and protestation among his 

" records, 

" They will ever pray God to bless, &c. 

" John Eborac. Geo. Heref. 

" Tho. Duresme. Robt. Oxon. 

" Ro. Co. & Lich. Ma. Ely. 

" Jos. Norw. Godfr. Glouc. 

" Jo. Asaph. Jo. Petroburg. 

" Guli. Ba. & Wells. Maur. Landav.^ 
This instrument they delivered to archbishop Wil- 
liams, who, according to their desire, his own 
counsel and promise, at the next opportunity pre- 
sented it to his majesty. 
Thebj- 17. hj s majesty would not meddle therewith in 

shops 1m- " " 

peached of this dangerous juncture of time, (his great council 
got!; then sitting,) but wholly remitted the matter to the 
parliament. The next morning a privy councillor 
brought this protestation into the house, at the 
reading whereof the anti-episcopal party much 
triumphed that the bishops had gratified them with 
such an advantage against themselves, which their 
adversaries might wish, but durst not hope for here- 
tofore. A conference is desired with the commons 
in the painted chamber, and therein concluded, that 

q [Williams gave it to lord such a time to the king, when 

keeper Littleton to present to he thought it would be unftu 

the king. And Hacket in- vourably received and produce 

sinoates, that the lord keeper most mischief. Life of Wil- 

intentionally presented it at Hams, p. 178.] 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



8«5 



the bishops should be impeached of high treason, for a.d. 1641. 

endeavouring to subvert the fundamental laws of? — 

the land, and the very being of parliaments r . 

18. Hereupon the next day the twelve subscribers And com. 
were voted to be committed to the Tower, save that Zh e tw. 
bishop Morton, of Durham, and Dr. Wright, bishop 
of Coventry and Lichfield, found some favour, partly 
iu respect of their old age, and partly in regard of 
the great good they had done with their pens and 
preaching to the church of God : so that they alone 
were sent to the custody of the black rod. The rest 
being brought into the Tower, had that honour 
granted them in the prison which was denied them 
in the parliament, to be esteemed equal with, yea 
above, temporal lords, as appeared by the fees de- 
manded of them; though in fine sir John Byron, 
lieutenant of the Tower, proved very courteous in 
removing the rigour thereof. The archbishop of 
Canterbury, by a civil message, excused himself for 
not conversing with them, because he was com- 
mitted on a different account from them, and pro- 
bably they might mutually fare the worse for any 
intercourse. And here we leave them prisoners for 
eighteen weeks together, and proceed. 



* [" That day" (says Hacket) 
" it broke forth that the largest 
" part of the lords were fer- 
" men ta ted with an anti-cpi- 
" scopal sourness. If they had 
* loved that order, they would 
" never have doomed them to 
a prison, and late at night, 
in bitter frost and snow, upon 
no other charge but that they 
" presented their mind in a 
" most humble paper to go 
" abroad in safety. Here was 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



M 



<• 



" no sign of any filial respect 
" to their spiritual fathers. 
" Nothing was offered to the 
" peers, but the substance was 
" reason, the style lowly, the 
" practice ancient; yet upon 
" their pleasure, without de- 
" bate of the cause, the bishops 
" are packed away the same 
" night to keep their Christmas 
" in durance aud sorrow." 
Hacket's Williams, ii. 179.] 



it 
u 

a 



226 The Church History book xi. 

a.p. 1641. 19. Now was the bill against the bishops' sitting 

— -in parliament brought up into the house of lords, 

Newark and the matter agitated with much eagerness on 
•peecfaes in b°th sides. Amongst those who sided with them, 
of w2i balf none appeared in print more zealous than the lord 
viscount Newark, (afterward earl of Kingston, &c. 8 ) 
whose two speeches in parliament, although spoken 
some months* before, yet for the entireness of the 
history may now seasonably be inserted u . 

" T shall take the boldness to speak a word or 
" two upon this subject, first as it is in itself, then as 
it is in the consequence : for the former, I think 
he is a great stranger in antiquity, that is not well 
acquainted with that of their sitting here they 
" have done thus, and in this manner, almost since 
" the conquest ; and by the same power and the 
" same right the other peers did, and your lordships 
" now do ; and to be put from this their due, so 
" much their due by so many hundred years, 
" strengthened and confirmed, and that without any 
w offence, nay, pretence of any, seems to me to be 
" very severe ; if it be jus, I dare boldly say it is 
" sum mum. That this hinders their ecclesiastical 
" vocation, an argument I hear much of, hath in my 
" apprehension more of shadow than substance in it : 
" if this be a reason, sure I am it might have been 
" one six hundred years ago. 

" A bishop, my lords, is not so circumscribed 
" within the circumference of his diocese, that his 
" sometimes absence can be termed, no not in the 

8 [Robert Pierrepoint, ere- * The first May 21, the se- 
ated earl of Kingston in 1628. cond May 24, anno 1641. 
See his character in Lloyd's u [See Nalson's Collections, 
Memoirs, p. 434. See also this ii. p. 251.] 
History, i. 125.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 287 

"most strict sense, a neglect or hinderance of his*;?: 1 ** 1 - 

" duty, no more than that of a lieutenant from his 

u county; they both have their subordinate min- 
u isters, upon which their influences fall, though the 
" distance be remote. 

u Besides, my lords, the lesser must yield to the 

* greater good ; to make wholesome and good laws 
" for the happy and well regulating of church and 
" commonwealth, is certainly more advantageous to 
u both, than the want of the personal execution of 

* their office, and that but once in three years, and 
" then peradventure but a month or two, can be 
" prejudicial to either. I will go no further to 
" prove this, which so long experience hath done so 
tf fully, so demonstratively. 

" And now, my lords, by your lordships' good 
u leave, I shall speak to the consequence as it 
" reflects both on your lordships and my lords the 
u bishops. Dangers and inconveniences are ever 
" best prevented e longinquo ; this precedent comes 
u near to your lordships, the bill indeed hath a 
" direct aspect only upon them, but an oblique one 
u upon your lordships, and such a one, that mutato 
u nomine dc vobis. Pretences are never wanting, 
" nay, sometimes the greatest evils appear in the 
most fair and specious outsides ; witness the ship- 
money, the most abominable, the most illegal 
u thing that ever was, and yet this was painted over 
" with colour of the law ; what bfcnch is secure, if 
" to allege be to convince, and which of your lord- 
u ships can say that he shall continue a member of 
44 this house, when at one blow six and twenty are 
u cut off? It then behoves the neighbour to look 
u about him, cum prtwimus ardet Ucalegon. 

Q 2 









228 3FAe Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1641. " And for the bishops, my lords, in what condition 

1 " will you leave them? The house of commons 

" represents the meanest person, so did the master 
" his slave; but they have none to do so much for 
" them, and what justice can tie them to the ob- 
" servation of those laws, to whose constitution thev 
" give no consent ? The wisdom of former times 
" gave proxies unto this house merely upon this 
" ground, that every one might have a hand in the 
" making of that which he had an obligation to 
" obey : this house could not represent, therefore 
" proxies in room of persons were most justly 
" allowed. 

And now, my lords, before I conclude, I beseech 
your lordships to cast your eyes upon the church, 
" which I know is most dear and tender to your 
" lordships ; you will see her suffer in her most prin- 
cipal members, and deprived of that honour which 
here and throughout all the Christian world ever 
since Christianity she constantly hath enjoyed; 
" for what nation or kingdom is there in whose 
" great and public assemblies, and that from her 
" beginning, she had not some of hers, if I may not 
" say as essential, I am sure I may say as integral 
" parts thereof? and truly, my lords, Christianity 
" cannot alone boast of this, or challenge it only as 
" hers, even heathenism claims an equal share. 

" I never read of any of them, civil or barbarous, 
" that gave not due honour to their religion, so that 
u it seems to me to have no other original, to flow 
" from no other spring, than nature itself. 

" But I have done, and will trouble your lord- 
" ships no longer ; how it may stand with the 
" honour and justice of this house to pass this bill, 



4( 

a 



cekt. xvii. of Britain. 229 



"I most humbly submit unto your lordships, the a. d. 1641. 
" most proper aud only judges of them both." - 1 !t_l 



His second speech x . 

" I shall not speak to the preamble of the bill, 
tt that bishops and clergymen ought not to inter- 
u meddle in temporal affairs. For truly, my lords, 
" I cannot bring it under any respect to be spoken 
" of. Ought is a word of relation, and must either 
" refer to human or divine law : to prove the law- 
M fulness of their intermeddling by the former, would 

* be to no more purpose, than to labour to convince 
M that by reason which is evident to sense. It is 
u by all acknowledged. The unlawfulness by the 
tt latter the bill by no means admits of, for it ex- 
u cepts universities and such persons as shall have 

* honour descend upon them. And your lordships 
" know that circumstance and chance alter not the 
" nature and essence of a thing, nor can except any 
" particular from an universal proposition by God 
" himself delivered. I will therefore take these two 
" as granted, first that they ought by our law to 
44 intermeddle in temporal affairs ; secondly, that 
u from doing so they are not inhibited by the law 
41 of God, it leaves it at least as a thing indifferent. 
u And now, my lords, to apply myself to the business 
" of the day, I shall consider the conveniency, and 
u that in the several habitudes thereof. But very 
" briefly ; first in that which it hath to them merely 
" as men, qua tales : then as parts of the common- 
" weal : thirdly, from the best manner of consti- 
tuting laws: and lastly, from the practice of all 
" times both Christian and heathen. 

* [See Nalson, ibid. p. 252.] 
Q 3 



830 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1641. " Homo sum, nihil humanum a me alienum puto 9 
*** *" was indeed the saying of the comedian, but it 
" might well have become the mouth of the greatest 
" philosopher. We allow to sense all the works 
" and operations of sense, and shall we restrain 
" reason ? Must only man be hindered from his 
" proper actions ? They are most fit to do reasonable 
" things that are most reasonable. For science 
" commonly is accompanied with conscience ; so is 
" not ignorance : they seldom or never meet. And 
" why should we take that capacity from them 
44 which God and nature have so liberally bestowed ? 
" My lords, the politic body of the commonwealth 
" is analogical to the body natural : every member 
" in that contributes something to the preservation 
" of the whole, the superfluity or defect which 
44 hinders the performance of that duty, your lord- 
" ships know what the philosopher calls dfxaprlav 
" T179 (frvo-cm, ' nature's sin.' And truly, my lords, to 
" be part of the other body, and do nothing bene- 
" ficial thereunto, cannot fall under a milder term. 
" The commonwealth subsists by laws and their 
" execution : and they that have neither head in the 
44 making nor hand in the executing of them, confer 
" not anything to the being or well-being thereof. 
44 And can such be called members unless most 
" unprofitable ones? onljfruges conmmere nati. 

44 Methinks it springs from nature itself, or the 
" very depths of justice, that none should be tied by 
" other laws than himself makes ; for what more 
44 natural and just, than to be bound only by his 
own consent? to be ruled by another's will is 
merely tyrannical. Nature then suffers violence, 
and man degenerates into beast. The most flourish- 






ckkt. xvii. of Britain. 231 

" ing estates were ever governed by laws of an uni- a.d. 1641. 

" versal constitution ; witness this our kingdom, 1 —1 

" witness senatus populusque Romanics, the most 
" glorious commonwealth that ever was, and those 
u many others in Greece and elsewhere of eternal 
u memory. 

" Some things, my lords, are so evident in them- 
" selves, that they are difficult in their proofs, 
" Amongst them I reckon this conveniency I have 
" spoken of: I will therefore use but a word or two 
" more in this way. The long experience that all 
" Christendom hath had hereof for these 1300 years 
" is certainly argumentum ad hominem. Nay, my 

* lords, I will go further, (for the same reason runs 
u through all religions,) never was there any nation 

* that employed not their religious men in the 
" greatest affairs. But to come to the business that 
" now lies before your lordships. Bishops have 

* voted here ever since parliaments began, and long 
before were employed in the public. The good 
they have done your lordships all well know, and 
at this day enjoy : for this I hope ye will not put 

** them out, nor for the evil they may do, which yet 
u your lordships do not know, and I am confident 
u never shall suffer. A position ought not to be 
" destroyed by a supposition, et a posse ad esse non 
" valet consequential My lords, I have done with 
u proving of this positively ; I shall now by your 
" good favours do it negatively in answering some 
" inconveniences that may seem to arise. 

" For the text, No man that wars entangles himself 'object 1. 
" with the affairs of this life, which is the full sense 
u of the word both in Greek and Latin, it makes not 
" at all against them, except to intermeddle and 

Q 4 



u 



44 



232 The Church History book xi. 

a. D. 1641." entanqle be terms equivalent. Besides, my lords, 

i6Chas.I. . , , . 1.1 11 • • 

« though this was directed to a churchman, yet it is 

" of a general nature, and reaches to ail, clergy and 
" laity, as the most learned and best expositors 
" unanimously do agree. To end this, Argumentum 
" symbolicum non est argumentativum. 

Object. «. « It may be said, that it is inconsistent with a 
" spiritual vocation : truly, my lord, grace and nature 
" are in some respects incompatible, but in some 
" others most harmoniously agree ; it perfects nature, 
" and raises it to a height above the common aiti- 
44 tude, and makes it most fit for those great works 
44 of God himself, to make laws, to do justice. There 
" is then no inconsistency between themselves, it 
" must arise out of scripture ; I am confident it doth 
44 not formally out of any place there, nor did I ever 
44 meet with any learned writer of these or other 
44 times that so expounded any text. 

Object 3. « But though in strict terms this be not incon- 
" sistent, yet it may peradventure hinder the duty 
44 of their other calling. My lords, there is not any 
44 that sits here more for preaching than I am ; I 
•' know it is the ordinary means to salvation ; yet 
" I likewise know there is not that full necessity of 
44 it as was in the primitive times. God defend that 
44 1600 years' acquaintance should make the gospel 
44 of Christ no better known unto us. Neither, my 
44 lords, doth their office merely and wholly consist 
44 in preaching ; but partly in that, partly in praying 
" and administering the blessed sacraments ; in a 
44 godly and exemplary life ; in wholesome admo- 
44 nitions ; in exhortations to virtue, dehortations from 
44 vice ; and partly in easing the burdened conscience. 
44 These, my lords, complete the office of a church- 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 283 

" man. Nor are they altogether tied to time orA.D. 1641. 

" place, though I confess they are most properly - 

" exercised within their own verge, except upon 
" good occasion, nor then the omission of some can 
" be termed the breach of them all. I must add 
" one more, an essential one, the very form of 
" episcopacy that distinguished it from the inferior 
" ministry, the orderly and good government of the 
" church : and how many of these, I am sure not 
tt the last, my lords, is interrupted by their sitting 
14 here once in three years, and then perad venture 
" but a very short time ? And can there be a greater 

* occasion than the common good of the church and 
"state? I will tell your lordships what the great 

* and good emperor Constentine did in his expe- 
" dition against the Persians ; he had his bishops 
u with him, whom he consulted about his military 
" affairs, as Eusebius has it in his life, lib. iv. 
" c. 56. 

" Reward and punishment are the great nego- Object 4. 

* tiators in all worldly business ; these may be said 
" to make the bishops swim against the stream of 
" their consciences. And may not the same be said 

* of the laity ? Have these no operations but only 
u upon them ? Has the king neither frown, honour, 
u nor offices, but only for bishops ? Is there nothing 
" that answers their translations ? Indeed, my lords, 
" I must needs say, that in charity it is a supposition 
u not to" be supposed ; no, nor in reason, that they 
" will go against the light of their understanding. 
"The holiness of their calling, their knowledge, 
14 their freedom from passions and affections to which 
14 youth is very obnoxious, their vicinity to the gates 
11 of death, which, though not shut to any, yet always 



u 



284 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1641." stand wide open to old age: these, my lords, will 
1 — --'. " surely make them steer aright. 
Object 5. " But of matter of feet there is no disputation, 
" some of them have done ill ; crimine ab uno disce 
" omnes is a poetical not a logical argument. Some 
" of the judges have done so, some of the magis- 
" trates and officers ; and shall there be therefore 
" neither judge, magistrate, nor officer more ? A 
" personal crime goes not beyond the person that 
" commits it, nor can another's fault be mine offence. 
If they have contracted any filth or corruption 
through their own or the vice of the times, cleanse 
and purge them throughly: but still remember the 
great difference between reformation and extirpa- 
" tion. And be pleased to think of your triennial 
" bill, which will save you this labour for the time 
to come; fear of punishment will keep them in 
order, if they should not themselves through the 
" love of virtue. I have now, my lords, according 
" to my poor ability, both shewed the conveniences 
" and answered those inconveniences that seem to 
" make against them. I should now propose those 
" that make for them : as, their falling into a con- 
" dition worse than slaves, not represented by any ; 
" and then the dangers and inconveniences that may 
" happen to your lordships : but I have done this 
" heretofore, and will not offer your lordships cram- 
" ben bis coctam" 

These speeches (though they converted none of 

the opposite) confirmed those of the episcopal party, 

making the lords very zealous in the bishops' behalf. 

Temporal 20. There were in the house many other defenders 

vouren of of episcopacy ; as William [Seymour], lord marquess 

"*■»■■ of Hertford, the earl of Southampton [Thomas 



C4 



CSKT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



2S5 



"Wriothesley], the earl of Bristol [John Digby], and A.D.1641. 

the lord Digby his son, and (the never to be for- 1 

gotten) Henry [Bourchier], earl of Bath, a learned 
lord and lover of learning, oftentimes on occasion 
speaking for bishops ; once publicly professing it one 
of the greatest honours which ever happily happened 
to his family, that one thereof (Thomas Bourchier 
by name) was once dignified with the archbishopric 
of Canterbury. Many other lords (though not 
haranguing it in long orations), by their effectual 
votes for bishops, manifested their unfeigned affec- 
tions unto them. 

21. About this time there were many vacant The death 
cathedrals, which the king lately had or now didMouii- 0p 
furnish with new bishops; Dr. Joseph Hall being tague ' 
removed from Exeter to Norwich, void by the death 
of Richard Mountague, born in Westminster v , bred 
in Eton School, fellow in King's College; a great 
Grecian, and church antiquary, well read in the 



J [Born at Dorney, according 
to Wood, Ath. i. 732. He was 
translated from Chichester to 
Norwich 4th of May 1638, 
where he died, and was buried 
in the choir of the cathedral 
church ; " where to this day," 
say 8 Wood, " is this only written 
" on his grave, * Depositum 
" Montacutii episcopi.' He 
" came to Norwich with the 
" evil effects of a quartan ague 
" which he had about a year 
" before, and which accom- 
" panied him to his grave ; yet 
" he studied and wrote very 
" much, had an excellent li- 
brary of books, and heaps of 
papers fairly written with his 



(% 



n 



« 



own hand concerning the 
" ecclesiastical history. He 
" was a person exceedingly 
" well versed in all the learning 
" of Greeks and Romans, and 
" as well studied in the fathers, 
" councils, and all other monu- 
" Dients of the Christian world 
" as any man beside in the 
" whole nation." He was much 
esteemed by the learned sir 
Hen. Saville, whom he assisted 
in his edition of St. Chrysostom, 
and besides the pieces men- 
tioned before in this History, 
was the author of an ecclesias- 
tical history which he left un- 
finished, and editor also of 
the Epistles of Photius.] 



286 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1641. fathers. But (all in his diocese not being so well 

— skilled in antiquity as himself) some charged him 

with suj>er8titious urging of ceremonies, and being 

accused in parliament he appeared not, (being very 

weak,) but went" a more compendious way, to 

answer all in the high court of heaven. 

Eminent 22. As for new elected bishops, his majesty was 

persons ' most careful to choose them out of the most sound 

bishops, for judgment and blameless for conversation. 

i. Dr. John Prideaux, almost grown to the king's 
professor's chair in Oxford, he had sat so long and 
close therein : procuring, by his painful and learned 
lectures, deserved repute at home and amongst 
foreign protestants : he was made bishop of 
Worcester. 

ii. Dr. Thomas Winniffe, dean of St. Paul's ; a 
grave, learned, and moderate divine; made bishop 
of Lincoln. 

iii. Dr. Ralph Brownrig, of most quick and solid 
parts, equally eminent for disputing and preaching; 
made bishop of Exeter. 

iv. Dr. Henry King, acceptable on the account of 
his own merit, and on the score of a pious and 
popular father ; made bishop of Chichester. 

v. Dr. John Westfield, for many years the painful 
and profitable preacher of great St. Batholomew's, 
London ; made bishop of Bristol. He died not long 
after. 

Surely, si urbs defensa, fuisset his dextris^ if Divine 
Providence had appointed that episcopacy (at this 
time) should have been kept up and maintained, 
more probable persons for that purpose could not 

* He died on the 1 2th of April. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 887 

have been picked out of England; so that envy andA.D. 1641. 
detraction might even feed on their own flesh, their l? M " 
teeth finding nothing in the aforesaid elects to fasten 
upon. 

23. But episcopacy was so for from faring the ah would 
better for them, that they fared the worse for it, 
insomuch that many who much loved them in their 
gowns did not at all like them in their rochets. 

24. The bill was again brought in against bishops' Ad!sad - 
votes in parliament, and that in a disadvantageous juncture of 
juncture of time, the bishops then being under a D fchops. 
threefold qualification. 

i. Imprisoned in the tower. Of these eleven, 
besides archbishop Laud, whose absence much weak- 
ened the party. 

ii. Lately consecrated, and later inducted into the 
house of lords, as the bishops of Worcester, Lincoln, 
Exeter, Chichester, Bristol, such their modesty and 
manners, they conceived it fitting to practise their 
hearing before speaking in the house. So that in 
some sort they may be said to have lost their voices 
before they found them in the parliament. 

iii. The remainder of ancient bishops, London, 
Salisbury, Bangor, &c, who seldom were seen (de- 
tained with other occasions) and more seldom heard 
in the parliament. 

So that the adversaries of episcopacy could not 
have obtained a fitter opportunity (the spirits of time 
at large being distilled thereinto) than in this very 
instant to accomplish their desires. 

25. Only Dr. John Warner, bishop of Rochester, Bishop 
was he in whom dying episcopacy gave the last best cham- 
groan in the house of lords, one of good speech and u&ajZ 

a cheerful spirit ; and, which made both, a good purse ; 



288 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1641. and, which made all three, a good cause, as he con- 
— ceived in his conscience, which made him very per- 
tinently and valiantly defend the antiquity and justice 
of bishops' votes in parliament. This is he of whose 
bounty many distressed souls since have tasted, 
whose reward no doubt is laid up for him in another 
world. 
Theprind- 26, The main argument which was most insisted 
gftinttbi?" on against their temporal baronies were the words 
jjjjjfjj 1 ** of the Apostle, No man which warreth entangleth 
himself with the affairs of this life*. Their friends 
pleaded, 1. That the words equally concerned all 
militant Christians, bishops not being particularized 
therein. 2. That it was uncharitable to conclude 
their fingers more clasping of the world, or the 
world more glutinous to stick to their fingers, that 
they alone of all persons could not touch the world 
but must be entangled therewith. But it was an- 
swered, that then, a fortiore, clergymen were con- 
cerned in the text aforesaid not to meddle with 
worldly matters, whose governing of a whole diocese 
was so great an employment, that their attendance 
in parliament must needs be detrimental to so care- 
ful a vocation. 
Earl of 27 # The earl of Bristol engaged himself a valiant 

Bristol's e © 

plea for bi- champion in the bishops 9 behalf ; he affirmed, that it 
op8 " was according to the orders of the house, that no 
bill being once cast out should be brought in again 
at the same sessions. Seeing therefore the bill 
against bishops' votes had formerly been clearly 
carried by many decisive votes for the bishops, it 
was not only pr&ter, but con/ra-parliamentary, it 
should be brought again this session. 

* 2 Tim. ii. 4. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 239 

28. But seeing this parliament was extraordinary A -^- l6 4»- 
in the manner and continuance thereof, (one session 

Refuted to 

being likely to last for many years,) it was not con-othen. 
ceived fit they should be tied to the observance of 
such punctual niceties ; and the resumption of the 
bill was not only overruled by votes, but also it was 
clearly carried in the negative, " That bishops never 
" more should vote as peers in parliament." 

29. Nothing now wanted, save the royal assent, The king 
to pass the said votes into a law. The king appear- to^nsent. 
ed very unwilling therein, partly because he con- 
ceived it an injury to give away the bishops' un- 
doubted right, partly because he suspected that the 
haters of the function and lovers of the lands of 
bishops would grow on his grants and improve 
themselves on his concessions, so that such yielding 

unto them would not satisfy their hunger, but quicken 
their appetites to demand the more hereafter. 

80. The importunity of others pressed upon him, But is im- 
that to prune off their baronies was the way to pre- thereunto. 
serve their bishoprics ; that his majesty, lately ob- 
noxious to the parliament for demanding the five 
members, would now make plenary satisfaction, and 
give such assurance of his affections for the future, 
that all things would answer his desired expectation. 
This was set home unto him by some (not the far- 
thest) relations, insomuch that at last he signed the 
bill, as he was in St. Augustine's in Canterbury, 
passing with the queen towards Dover, "then under- 
taking her voyage into the Low Countries 5 . 

D [Hacket has not failed to king should have consented to 

notice these unjust and cow- pass the bill. "Why he did 

ardly proceedings against the " it," he says, " is a thing 

church. He wonders that the " not well known, and wants 



840 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1641. 81. Many expected and more desired that the 
- — ■ — 1 king's condescension herein should put a period unto 
55^? y all differences ; but their expectations were frustrate, 
and not long after the king apprehending himself in 
danger by tumults, deserted Whitehall, went into 
the north, erected his standard at Nottingham; 
Edge-hill field was fought, and much English blood 
on both sides shed in several battles : but I season- 
ably remember that the church is my castle, viz. 
that the writing thereof is my house and home, 
wherein I may stand on my own defence against all 
who assault me. It was good counsel king Joash 
gave to king Amaziah, Tarry at home* ; the prac- 



" more manifestation ; 'neces- 
" sity was in it/ say they that 
" would look no further ; — the 
" most said, that nothing was 
" more plausible than this to 
" get the people's favor." He 
then states what he undoubt- 
edly considered to be the real 
cause, although his respect and 
reverence to the king forbade 
him to speak out as clearly and 
positively as he might have done. 
" Fear," he says, " had not so 
" much stroke in this, as the 
" persuasions of one whom his 
" majesty loved above all the 
" world. The king foresaw 
" he was not like to get any 
" thing from this parliament 
" but a civil war, he would not 
" begin it, but on their part he 
" heard their hammers already 
at the forge. — He being most 
tender to provide for the 
" safety of his queen, went 
with her to Dover to convey 
her into France. — Being at 
" Dover, the queen would not 
part with the king to ship. 



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board till he signed this bill, 
being brought to believe by 
all protestation from sir 
John Culpepper, who at- 
tended there for that dis- 
patch, that the lords and 
commons would press his ma- 
jesty to no more bills of that 
unpleasing nature. So the 
king snatched greedily at a 
flower of a fair offer ; and 
though he trusted few of the 
men at Westminster, yet in 
outward show he would seem 
to trust them all, the more 
because the queen had such 
confidence in them. How 
Culpepper instilled this into 
the queen and how she pre- 
vailed, York is my author, 
and could not deceive me, 
for he told me in the Tower, 
' That the king had sacrificed 
the clergy to this parliament 
by the artifices contrived at 
Dover, a day before the news 
were brought to London.' "] 
c 2 Kings xvi. 10. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 241 

tice whereof shall I hope secure nie from many a.d. 1641. 
mischiefs. LI 

32. About this time the word malignant* was Malignant 
first born (as to the common use) in England, the fir§tco,ned ' 
deduction thereof being disputable, whether from 
mains ignis, " bad fire," or malum lignum, " bad fuel;" 

but this is sure, betwixt both the name made a com- 
bustion all over England. It was fixed as a note of 
disgrace on those of the king's party, and (because 
one had as good be dumb as not speak with the 
Tolge) possibly in that sense it may occur in our 
ensuing history. However, the royalists plead for 
themselves, that malignity* (a scripture word) pro- 
perly denoteth activity in doing evil, whereas they, 
being ever since on the suffering side in their per* 
sons, credits, and estates, conceive the name impro- 
perly applied unto them; which plea the parlia- 
mentary party smile at instead of answering, taking 
notice of the affections of the royalists, how malig- 
nant they would have appeared if success bad be- 
friended them. 

33. Contemporary with malignant was the word And the 

-. word plun- 

plunder, which some make of Latin original, fromder. 
planum dare, " to level," or plane all to nothing. 
Others make it of Dutch extraction, as if it were to 
plume or pluck the feathers of a bird to the bare 
skin. Sure I am, we first heard thereof in the 
Swedish wars, and if the name and thing be sent 
back from whence it came, few English eyes would 
weep thereat. 

34. By this time ten of the twelve bishops, for- 

d [It is used by the parlia- this time to the king.] 
ment in their remonstrance e Rom. i. 29. 
which they addressed about 

FULLER, VOL. VI. R 



248 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. i64*.merly subscribing their protestation to the parlia- 
^— m — '■ ment, were (after some months durance, upon good 
shops In bail given) released; two of them finding great 
tdJiri?* favour in their fees from the lieutenant of the tower, 
in respect of their great charge and small estate. 
These now at liberty severally disposed themselves ; 
some went home to their own diocese, as the bishops 
of Norwich, Oxford, &c. : some continued in Lon- 
don, as the bishop of Durham, not so rich in age, 
as in all commendable episcopal qualities: some 
withdrew themselves into the king's quarters, as 
archbishop Williams, &c. Only bishop Wren was 
still detained in the tower, where his long imprison- 
ment (being never brought in to a public answer) 
hath converted many of his adversaries into a more 
charitable opinion of him f . 



f [On this passage Dr. Hey- 
lyn observes, " He telleth us 
" that when all others were re- 
•• leased, bishop Wren was still 
44 detained in the Tower, which 
" is nothing so. That bishop 
" was released upon bail when 
" the others were, returned un- 
" to his diocese as the others 
" did, and there continued for 
" a time ; when of a sudden he 
" was snatched from his house 
" at Downham, in the Isle of 
" Ely, carried to the Tower, 
" and there imprisoned, never 
" being brought unto a hear- 
" ing, nor any cause shewn for 
" his imprisonment to this very 
" day." Fuller rejoins. "Would 
" it were ' nothing so.' Si mea 
" cum vesiris valuissent vota. 
" If the animadverter's and au- 
" thor's joint desires might 
" have taken effect, there had 



" been no difference about this 
" passage in my book. 

" Tuque domo propria, not te Prmtul 
poteremur, 

" Thou hadst enjoyed thy house, and 

we, 
" Prelate, had enjoyed thee. 

" But alas, it is so ; he is still, 
" and still when all other bi- 
" shops are released, detained 
" in the Tower, where I be- 
•• lieve he maketh God's ser- 
" vice his perfect freedom. My 
" words, as relating to the time 
" when I wrote them, contain 
" too much sorrowful truth/* 
The Appeal, &c. part iii. p. 5 1 . 
The Church History was writ 
ten in 1655. The Appeal in 
1659. Bishop Wren was first 
sent to the Tower in 1641. 

To this bishop, if I mistake 
not, bishop Sprat refers in his 
discourse to his clergy in 1695. 



CINT. XYJt. 



of Britain, 



248 



35. The bishops' votes in parliament being dead 
and departed, (neither to be helped with flattery nor 



« 



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<• 



Entreating them to study the 
scriptures, he sets before them 
the following instance : " The 
" more to encourage your stu- 
" dies in this method, if you 
" shall he necessitated to it, 
" give me leave to present you 
" with one example of a great 
" divine and bishop, in the 
"time of king Charles the 
" First, who was one of the 
" most eminent confessors then, 
" and survived those calamities 
" to die in peace and tranquil- 
" lity several years after the 
" return of king Charles the 
Second. 

" In the common persecu- 
tion, which then happened 
to the whole episcopal order, 
" this reverend person was ex- 
" posed to a more than ordi- 
" nary degree of popular ma- 
" lice and rage ; so that, with- 
" out ever being once brought 
" to his trial, he was closely 
imprisoned in the Tower for 
almost twenty years, and was 
not only despoiled of his an- 
nual revenue and personal 
estate in the first fury of the 
" civil wars, but was also plun- 
" dered of most of the collec- 
" tions of his former labours, 
and a very considerable li- 
brary. 

" Wherefore, being thus laid 
up in prison, without any 
prospect of liberty, having 
"also a numerous family to 
44 maintain, so that he was not 
M able, in any sort, to repair 
" the loss of his books and pa. 
"pen, he betook himself to 



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this course of study : well 
knowing that he could have 
no faithfuller companion for 
his solitude, nor surer conso- 
lation in his afflictions, than 
the holy scriptures, he ap- 

Slied himself to them imme* 
iately, with little other help 
but what he had within him- 
self, and the best prints of 
the originals in the learned 
tongues, and their translation 
in the learned and modern, 
in both which he was a great 
master. 

" Thus, however, he firmly 
and vigorously proceeded so 
far in the single study of the 
scriptures, that long before 
his enlargement he had com- 
posed a great mass of anno- 
tations on divers parts of the 
Bible. What is become of 
them I know not. If they 
are either embezzled or sup. 
pressed, no doubt it is to 
the great damage of the 
church ; since the native 
thoughts of a great man are 
generally, at least, as good as 
the most artificial. 
" Perhaps you will say, he 
might be able to do all this 
by the strength of his me- 
mory, and the variety of 
learning he had laid up in it 
beforehand : and I make no 
doubt but those were an ex- 
ceeding great assistance to 
him. 

•• But what was very re- 
markable, and for which I 
am bold to produce him as 
an instance worthy your imi- 

R 2 



A. D.1642. 
18 Chas. I. 

A query 
worth in- 
quiring. 



\ 



244 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. D. 1643. hurt with malice,) one word of inquiry in what 

fl ft f^ltBfl T 

" notion they formerly voted in parliament. 



Whether j as a distinct third 
estate of the clergy, or, 

This was formerly receiv- 
ed for a truth, countenanced 
with some passages in the 
old statutes, reckoning the 
lords spiritual, and lords tem- 
poral, and the commons, to 
be the three estates, the 
king (as paramount of all) 
not comprehended therein. 



Whether , as so many single 

barons in their temporal 

capacity. 

This is maintained by 
those who account the king, 
the lords, and commons, the 
three estates, amongst which 
lords the bishops (though spi- 
ritual persons) appeared as 
so many temporal barons; 
whose absence is no whit 
prejudicial to the acts passed 
in parliament. 



Some of the aged bishops had their tongues so 
used to the language of a third estate, that more 
than once they ran on that (reputed) rock in their 
speeches, for which they were publicly shent, and 
enjoined an acknowledgment of their mistake, 
routed *6 # The convocation now not sitting, and many 
within par- ma tters of religion being brought under thecognizance 



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tation in this particular, I 
know he was often heard to 
profess solemnly, that in all 
his former studies, and vari- 
ous reading and observations, 
he had never met with a more 
useful guide or a surer in- 
terpreter to direct his paths 
in the dark places of the lively 
oracles, to give information 
to his understanding in the 
obscure passages, or satis- 



" faction to his conscience in 
" the experimental truths of 
" them, than when he was thus 
" driven by necessity to the 
" assiduous contemplation of 
" the scripture alone, and to 
" weigh it by itself, as it were 
" in the balance of the sanc- 
•' tuary." — The Clergyman's 
Instructor, p. 263, ed. Oxford, 
1 827. See also the preface to 
Wren's Jncrepatio Bar JesuJ] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 245 

of the parliament, their wisdoms adjudged it not^^J^Y* 

only convenient but necessary, that some prime cler- 

gymen might be consulted with. In order where- 
unto they resolved to select some out of all counties, 
whom they conceived best qualified for their design 
herein, and the first of July was the day appointed 
for their meeting. 



r3 



SECT. IX. 



TO 



MR. GILES VANDEPUT*, 

MR. GILES CLEGAT b , 

MR. PETER MATTHEWS', 



OF LONDON, MERCHANTS. 

A threefold cable is not easily broken, and a triplicate of 
friends may be presumed effectual to protect my endeavours, 
of whom two are of Dutch) the third in the midst of English 
extraction, not falling there by casual confusion, but placed 
by designed conjunction. Methinhs it is a good sight, to 



a [Arms. Or, three dolphins 
haurient azure. Collins, in his 
Baronetage, gives a very just 
account of this family. " This 
" family," he says, " has been 
" of great eminence in the 
" Netherlands, and the present 
" sir Peter Vandeput, bart." 
(this was written in 1 741 , since 
which time the title has become 
extinct) " is the sixth in a li- 
*' neal descent from Henry Van - 
" deput, of Antwerp, who fled 
" from thence with several 
" wealthy families, anno 1568, 
"the nth of Elizabeth," (on 
the persecution of the duke 
D'Alva to extirpate the Pro- 
testant religion in the Nether- 
lands,) " and brought over hi- 
" ther a good estate ; though 

several branches of his family 



a 



" are still remaining in the Low 
" Countries. Giles Vandeput, 
" esq." (mentioned by Fuller) 
" son of the above Henry, mar- 
" ried Sarah, daughter and 
" heir of John Joupin, esq., by 
" whom a considerable estate 
" came into this family : he 
" died March 24, 1656, leaving 
" Peter his son and heir, who 
" married Jane, daughter of 
" Theodoric Hoste, of London, 
" merchant. Peter Vandeput, 
" lineal descendant from Giles 
" Vandeput, was created a 
" bart. in 1723 ." — Collins's 
Baronetage, iv. 204. 

An act for his naturalization, 
in 1624, is printed in Rush, 
worth, i. 153. The inscription 
on his tombstone, as given by 
Collins, fixes his death in 1 646; 




cekt. xvii. The Church History of Britain. 847 

behold the Dutch embracing the English, and this dedication 
may pass for the emblem of the late agreement, tohieh God 
long continue, if for the mutual good of both nations. 

jHEN on this day the assembly of di-*-"^*?- 
nnes, to consult about matters of re- r » 

J he nnt 

ligion, met at Westminster, in the mowing of 
chapel of king Henry the Seventh jbly. 
then the constitution of this assembly, 
as first elected and designed, was to consist of about 
one hundred and twenty persons chosen by the par- 
liament (without respect of dioceses) in relation to 
shires, two or more of a county. They thought it 
not safe to intrust the clergy with their own choice, 
of whose general corruption they constantly com- 
plained, and therefore adjudged it unfit that the 
distempered patients should be or choose their own 
physicians. 

2. These elects were of four several natures, as The four 
the quarters of the same body, easily distinguishable tl "£4™ of 
by these conditions or opinions. hi*.™"" 1 " 

First, Men of episcopal persuasion ; as the right 
reverend James Usher, archbishop of Annagh ; Dr. 
Brownrigg, bishop of Exeter ; Dr. Westfield, bishop 
of Bristol ; Dr. Daniel Featley ; Dr. Richard Holds- 
worth, &c. 

Secondly, Such who in their judgments favoured 

but this must be a mistake for ward Clcgatt, draper, Kent, and 

1656, for Fuller could scarcely his coat empaled with Gadden. 

be unacquainted with it, and bo I lind him mentioned as being 

rk of him, us being alive at of Leyborn Castle, in the same 

time, 1655.] county, yet no notice of him or 

b [Arms. Ermine, on a fess his family is found in Hasted.} 
table three pheons or. See the e [Of this person I can dis. 

Harleian MS8. 1086, p. 18, cover no traces.] 
where he ia styled colonel Ed- 



248 



The Church History 



BOOK XI, 



a. d. 164a. the presbyterian discipline, or in process of time 

1 Iwere brought over to embrace it, amongst whom 

(to mention those who seemed to be pillars, as on 
whose abilities the weight of the work most lay) 
we take special notice of 



Dr. [Joshua] Hoyle, divinity professor in Ireland, 



Cambridge. 

Dr. Th. Gouge of Black friars. 
Dr. Smith of Bark way, 
Mr. Oliver Bowles. 
Mr. Thomas Gataker. 
Mr. Henry Scudder. 
Mr. Anthony Tuckeners. 
Mr. Stephen Marshall. 
Mr. John Arrowsmith. 
Mr. Herbert Palmer. 
Mr. Thomas Throughgood. 
Mr. Thomas Hill. 
Mr. Nathaniel Hodges. 
Mr. Gibbons. 
Mr. Timothy Young. 
Mr. Richard Vines. 
Mr. Thomas Coleman. 
Mr. Mathew Newcomen. 
Mr. Jeremiah W hi taker. 
&c. 



Oxford. 

Dr. William Twiss. 
Dr. Cornelius Burgess. 
Dr. [Edmond] Stanton. 
Dr. White of Dorchester, 
Mr. Harris of Han well. 
Mr. Edward Reynolds. 
Mr. Charles Herle. 
Mr. Corbet of Merton Col' 

lege. 
Mr. Conant. 
Mr. Francis Cheynell. 
Mr. Obadiah Sedgwick, 
Mr. Cartar, senior. 
Mr. Cartar, junior. 
Mr. Joseph Caryll, 
Mr. Strickland. 



&c d . 



I hope an et ccetera (so distasteful elsewhere) may 
be permitted in the close of our catalogue, and am 
confident that the rest here omitted as unknown 
unto me will take no exception. The like assurance 



d [Their names will be found 
at length in the ordinance for 
calling the assembly of divines, 
printed in Dugdale's Short 



View, &c. p. 90 2. See also Wal- 
ker's Sufferings of the Clergy, 
Intr. p. 29.] 



asm. xti i . of Britain . 249 

I have, that none will cavil if not reckoned up in a. d. 1643. 

their just seniority, both because they know I was - 

none of the register that entered their admissions in 
the universities, and because it may savour some- 
thing of a prelatical spirit to be offended about 
precedency. 

Thirdly, Some zealous ministers, who formerly dis- 
liking conformity, to avoid the censures of episcopal 
consistories, removed themselves beyond the seas, 
chiefly to Holland, where some had plentiful, all 
comfortable subsistence, whence they returned home 
at the beginning of this parliament. These after- 
wards proved dissenting brethren to some transac- 
tions in the assembly, as Thomas Goodwin, Sidrach 
Symson, Philip Nye, &c. 

Fourthly, Some members of the house of lords 
and commons were mingled amongst them, and 
voted jointly in their consultations, as the earl of 
Pembroke, the lord Say. The most learned anti- 
quary, Mr. John Selden, Mr. Francis Rouse, Mr. 
Bulstrode Whitelock, &c. 

Thus was this assembly (as first chosen and in- 
tended) a quintessence of four parties. Some con- 
ceived so motley a meeting promised no good results, 
whilst others grounded their hopes on what was the 
motive of the former to despair — the miscellaneous 
nature of the assembly. For what speedier way to 
make peace in a distracted church than to take in 
all interests to consult together. It had been little 
better than a spiritual monopoly only to employ 
those of one party, whilst if all men's arguments, 
objections, complaints, desires, be indifferently ad- 
mitted, an expedient may be the sooner found out 
for their just and general satisfaction. 



sermon. 



250 The Church History book xi . 

A.D. 1643. 8. So much for the English party of this assembly : 

-for know, that commissioners from Scotland were 

oommis- joined with them ; some of the nobility, as the earl 
jd^Tinthe°f Lothian, the lord Lauderdale, the lord Warriston. 
M8emb, 3 r - Others of the clergy, as Mr. Alexander Henderson, 
Mr. Gillespie, &c. So that as Livy calleth the ge- 
neral meeting of iEtolia Pan-iEtolium, this assembly 
endeavoured to put on the face of Pan-Britannicum, 
that the walls of the palace wherein they met might 
in some sort be like the waves of the sea, within 
the compass whereof they lived, as surrounding one 
island and two nations. 
Dr. Twi« 4. Dr. Twiss preached the first sermon at the 
cutor hit meeting of the assembly, though the schools, not the 
pulpit, was his proper element, (witness his contro- 
versial writings ;) and in his sermon he exhorted 
them faithfully to discharge their high calling to the 
glory of God and the honour of his church c . He 
much bemoaned that one thing was wanting, namely, 
the royal assent to give comfort and encouragement 
to them. Yet he hoped that by the efficacy of their 
fervent prayers it might in due time be obtained, 
and that a happy union might be procured betwixt 
him and the parliament. Sermon ended, the ordi- 
nance was read, by which was declared the cause, 
ground and intent of their convention, namely, to 
consult with the parliament for the settling of reli- 
gion and church government. Then the list of their 
names was called over who were appointed to be 
present there, and a mark (but no penalty) set on 
such who appeared not at the time prefixed. 

* [See a somewhat tempe- " this latter age," p. 13, ed. 
rate account of him in Clark's 1683. Wood's Athen. ii. 80.] 
" Lives of Eminent Persons of 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 851 

5. The appearance of the persons elected answer- a. d. 1643. 

ed not expectation, seeing of an hundred and twenty^ 1 

but sixty-nine were present, and those in coats and u^^EmB 
cloaks, of several forms and fashions, so that Dr. oftheirnon " 

appearance. 

Westfield and some few others seemed the only 
nonconformists amongst them, for their conformity 
whose gowns and canonical habits differed from all 
the rest. For of the first sort of royalists, episcopal 
in their judgments, very few appeared, and scarce 
any continued any time in the house, (save Dr. 
Daniel Featley, of whom hereafter,) alleging pri- 
vately several reasons for their absence or departure. 

i. First, they had no call from the king ; (having 
read how anciently the breath of Christian emperors 
gave the first being to counsels;) yea, some on my 
knowledge had from his majesty a flat command to 
the contrary f . 

ii. They were not chosen by the clergy, and so 
could not appear as representatives, but in their per- 
sonal capacities. 

iii. This meeting seemed set up to pluck down 
the convocation, (now neither sitting nor legally 
dissolved,) which solemnly was summoned for eccle- 
siastical affairs. 

iv. If appearing there they should be beheld by 
the rest (what Joseph charged on his brethren) as 
spies come thither to see the nakedness of the 
assembly. 

v. Being few, they should easily be out-voted by 
the opposite party, and so only worn as countenances 
to credit their proceedings. 

f [The king published a ge- Church, Oxford. See it in 
neral protestation against this Rush worth, iii. p. 346. Col- 
assembly, dated from Christ lier's £. H. ii. 826.] 



262 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



t'chliM? However, I have heard many of both parties 

desire that those defenders of the hierarchy had 

afforded their presence, as hoping that their learning 
and abilities, their temper and moderation, might 
have conduced much to mitigate some violence and 
extremity in their proceedings. But God in his ail- 
ordering providence saw it unfitting, and whether 
or no any good had been effected by them, if present, 
(seeing as yet no law to alter men's conjectures,) is 
left to the liberty of every man's opinion &. 



g [Of the formation of this 
assembly, the author of Perse- 
cute Undecima speaks thus, in 
language more true and just 
than ceremonious : " That this 
" faction in parliament may 
" blind the eyes of the world, 
" (indeed to strengthen and 
" support themselves till they 
" should become absolute mas- 
" ters of England,) when they 
" had been long tampering 
" with religion, at last they 
" found (policy necessitating 
" them) some need of using 
" clergymen ; yet in such a 
" monstrous way, as the Chris- 
" tian world never heard the 
" like ; by a new thing called 
" an assembly of divines, not 
" summoned by the king's writ 
*' and authority, (expressly a- 
" gainst the statute of Henry 
" I.) ; not chosen by the cler- 
" gy ; hut plucked out of each 
" member's pocket; — juggled 
" into a conventicle synod on 
" purpose, — to help out with 
" some new religion, as their 
masters (which hired them 
with 4*. per diem) shall ap- 
point. Yet lest these di- 
vines, (such as they be,) New 



u 



a 



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it 



" Englanders, Amsterdamians, 
" pedants, and trencher-chap- 
" lain 8, (to whom were some ten 
" learned clergymen's names 
" joined as seals, who never 
" came there in person,) should 
" take any authority to them- 
" selves, the faction in parlia- 
" ment have jostled in 30 of 
" their lay-members (another 
" vote can make them 30 more) 
" as members of this linsey- 
" wolsey synod, to make up a 
" side. But to make all sure, 
" their parliament masters have 
" ordered that this assembly 
" (yoked like an ox and an 
" ass to till the Holy Land) 
" must meddle only with what 
" shall be propounded to them 
from the houses of parlia- 
ment ; and when all is done, 
" their conclusions shall not 
" bind till the parliament give 
" leave and consent ; and, saith 
" the ordinance (not law) 
" whereby this learned synod 
" is created and bridled, these 
" divines must tell them what 
is most agreable to God's 
" word, and when the parlia- 
" ment is thus certified what 
" God's law is, the house of 



it 



it 



tt 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 258 

6. Soon after, the assembly was completely con- a. d. 1643. 

stituted with all the essentials thereunto, Dr. Twiss, — — 

prolocutor, Mr. Roborough and Adoniram Byfieldhiyooniti." 
their scribes and notaries ; and now their good sue- tllted ' 
cess (next to the parliament's) was publicly prayed 

for by the preachers in the city, and books dedicated 
unto them under the title of the most Sacred As- 
sembly 11 , which, because they did not disavow, by 
others they were interpreted to approve ; four shil- 
lings a day salary was allowed them, much too little 
as some thought for men of their merit, others 
grumbling at it as too much for what by them was 
performed. And now what place more proper for 
the building of Sion (as they propounded it) than 
the chamber of Jerusalem, (the fairest in the dean's 
lodgings, where king Henry the Fourth died, and) 
where these divines did daily meet together. 

7. Be it here remembered, that some (besides t^ »»P er - 

added di- 

those episcopally affected) chosen to be at this vine., 
assembly notwithstanding absented themselves, pre- 
tending age, indisposition, &c, as it is easy for able 
unwillingness to find out excuses and make them 
probable. Fit it was therefore so many evacuities 
should be filled up, to mount the meeting to a com- 
petent number; and assemblies, as well as armies, 
when grown thin must be recruited. Hence it was 
that at several times the lords and commons added 
more members unto them, by the name of the super- 
added divines. Some of these, though equal to the 
former in power, were conceived to fall short in 

" commons will vote whether " tion usurped." p. 40.] 

" it shall be obeyed or no. b Mr. Saltmarsh's book a- 

" Such an omnipotence over gainst Tho. Fuller's [Sermon 

" God's law, over the church on the Reformation.] 

M and the king, hath this fac- 



854 The Church History boo* xr. 

a. d. 1643. parts, as chosen rather by the affections of others 

I? LI than for their own abilities, the original members 

of the assembly not overpleased thereat, such addi- 
tion making the former rather more, than more 
considerable. 
bJ^fiST' 8. One of the first public acts which I find by 
petition for them performed, was the humble presenting of a 
petition to both houses for the appointing of a 
solemn fast to be generally observed. And no won- 
der if their request met with fair acceptance and 
full performance, seeing the assembly's petition was 
the parliament's intention, and this solemn suit of 
the divines did not create new, but quicken the old 
resolutions in both houses; presently a fast is ap- 
pointed, and accordingly kept on the following Fri- 
day, Mr. Bowles and Mr. Newcomen (whose sermons 
are since printed) preaching on the same, and all 
the rest of the particulars promised to be taken into 
speedy consideration. 

n^ft enter- $' '* was now projected to fad out some band 
eth Eng- r tie for the straiter union of the English and 

Scottish amongst themselves, and both to the par- 
liament ; in order whereunto the covenant was now 
presented. This covenant was of Scottish extrac- 
tion, born beyond Tweed, but now brought to be 
bred on the south side thereof. 
Jan* fim *®. The house of commons in parliament and the 
taken - assembly of divines solemnly took the covenant at 

St. Margaret's in Westminster. 
^^ nd " 11. It was ordered by the commons in parlia- 
printed. ment that this covenant be forthwith printed and 

published. 
Ta iU«wn 12. Divers lords, knights, gentlemen, colonels, 
officers, soldiers and others, then residing in the city 



cent. xvii. (f Britain. 265 

of London, met at St. Margaret's in Westpiinster, a. p. 1643. 

and there took the said covenant : Mr. Coleman — - 

preaching a sermon before them concerning the piety 
and legality thereof. 

13. It was commanded by the authority of both Enjmnedaii 
houses, that the said covenant, on the sabbath day 
ensuing, should be taken in all churches and chapels 
of London within the lines of communication, and 
throughout the kingdom, in convenient time ap- 
pointed thereunto, according to the tenor following. 

A solemn league and covenant, for reformation and 
defence of religion, the honour and happiness of the 
king, and the peace and safety of the three king- 
doms, of England, Scotland, and Ireland. 

" We noblemen, barons, knights, gentlemen, citizens, 
burgesses, ministers of the gospel, and commons of all sorts, 
in the kingdom of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by the 
providence of God living under one king, and being of one 
reformed religion ; having before our eyes the glory of God, 
and the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord and 
Saviour Jesus Christ, the honour and happiness of the 
king's majesty and his posterity, and the true public liberty, 
safety and peace of the kingdom, wherein every one's private 
condition is included ; and calling to mind the treacherous 
and bloody plots, conspiracies, attempts and practices of the 
enemies of God against the true religion, and the professors 
thereof in all places, especially in these three kingdoms, ever 
since the reformation of religion, and how much their rage, 
power, and presumption are of late, and at this time in- 
creased and exercised, whereof the deplorable estate of the 
church and kingdom of Ireland, the distressed estate of the 
church and kingdom of England, the dangerous estate of 
the church and kingdom of Scotland, are present and public 
testimonies: We have now at last, (after other means of 
supplications, remonstrances, protestations, and sufferings), 



256 The Church History book xk 

A. D. 1643. for the preservation of ourselves and our religion from utter 
19 ruin and destruction according to the commendable prac- 

tice of these kingdoms in former times, and the example 
of God's people in other nations, after mature deliberation, 
resolved and determined to enter into a mutual Solemn 
League and Covenant, wherein we all subscribe, and each one 
of us for himself, with our hands lifted up to the most high 
God do swear, 

*' That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, through 
the grace of God, endeavour in our several places and 
callings the preservation of the reformed religion in 
the church of Scotland in doctrine, worship, discipline, 
and government, against our common enemies; the 
reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England 
and Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipline and go- 
vernment, according to the word of God, and the 
example of the best reformed churches; and shall 
endeavour to bring the churches of God in the three 
kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity 
in religion, confession of faith, form of church-go- 
vernment, directory for worship and catechizing; 
that we and our posterity after us may as brethren 
live in faith and love, and the Lord may delight to 
dwell in the midst of us. 
" That we shall in like manner, without respect of per- 
sons, endeavour the extirpation of popery, prelacy, 
(that is, church-government by archbishops, bishops, 
their chancellors and commissaries, deans, deans and 
chapters, archdeacons, and all other ecclesiastical offi- 
cers depending on that hierarchy,) superstition, he- 
resy, schism, profaneness, and whatsoever shall be 
found to be contrary to sound doctrine and the power 
of godliness ; lest we partake in other men's sins, and 
thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, and 
that the Lord may be one, and his name one in the 
three kingdoms. 
" We shall, with the same sincerity, reality, and con- 
stancy in our several vocations, endeavour with our 



dENT. xvn. ofBrtiabi. S57 

estates and lives mutually to preserve the rights and A. D. 1643. 
privileges of the parliaments, and the due liberties of f 9 cha,<1 * 
the kingdoms, and to preserve and defend the king's 
majesty 9 his person and authority, in the preservation 
and defence of the true religion and liberties of the 
kingdoms, that the world may bear witness with our 
consciences of our loyalty, and that we have no 
thoughts or intentions to diminish his majesty's just 
power and greatness. 

" We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the dis- 
covery of all such as have been or shall be incen- 
diaries, malignants, or evil instruments, by hindering 
the reformation of religion, dividing the king from his 
people, or one of the kingdoms from another, or 
making any faction or parties amongst the people 
contrary to this league and covenant, that they may 
be brought to public trial and receive condign pu- 
nishment, as the degree of their offences shall require 
or deserve, or the supreme judicatories of both king- 
doms respectively, or others having power from them 
for that effect, shall judge convenient. 

u And whereas the happiness of a blessed peace between 
these kingdoms, denied in former times to our pro- 
genitors, is by the good providence of God granted 
unto us, and hath been lately concluded and settled 
by both parliaments, we shall each one of us, accord- 
ing to our plnce and interest, endeavour that they 
remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to all 
posterity, and that justice may be done upon the 
wilful opposers thereof in manner expressed in the 
precedent article. 

" We shall also, according to our places and callings, 
in this common cause of religion, liberty, and peace 
of the kingdoms, assist and defend all those that 
enter into this league and covenant, in the maintain- 
ing and pursuing thereof, and shall not suffer ourselves 
directly or indirectly, by whatsoever combination, 
persuasion, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn 

FULLER, VOL. VI. S 



258 The Church Hisiwy book xi 

A.D. 1645. ^ rom ^^ blessed conjunction and union, whether to 

i9Chas.l. make defection to the contrary part, or to give our- 

selves to a detestable indiflerency or neutrality in 
this cause, which so much concerneth the glory of 
God, the good of the kingdoms, and honour of the 
king, but shall all the days of our lives zealously and 
constantly endeavour to continue therein against all 
opposition, and promote the same according to our 
power against all lets and impediments whatsoever; 
and what we are not able of ourselves to suppress or 
overcome, we shall reveal and make known, that it 
may be timely prevented or removed. All which we 
shall do as in the sight of God. 
" And because these kingdoms are guilty of many sins 
and provocations against God and his Son Jesus 
Christ, as is too manifest by our present distresses 
and dangers, the fruits thereof; we profess and 
declare before God and the world, our unfeigned 
desire to be humbled for our own sins, and for the 
sins of these kingdoms, especially that we have not as 
we ought valued the inestimable benefit of the gospel, 
that we have not laboured for the purity and power 
thereof, and that we have not endeavoured to receive 
Christ in our hearts, nor to walk worthy of him in our 
lives, which are the causes of other sins and trans- 
gressions so much abounding amongst us, and our true 
•and unfeigned purpose, desire and endeavour for our- 
selves, and all others under our charge, both in public 
and in private, in all duties we owe to God and man, 
to amend our lives, and each one to go before an- 
other in the example of a real reformation, that the 
Lord may turn away his wrath and heavy indignation, 
and establish these churches and kingdoms in truth 
and peace. And this covenant we make in the pre- 
sence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, 
with a true intention to perform the same, as we shall 
answer at the great day, when the secrets of all hearts 
shall be disclosed, most humbly beseeching the Lord 



CENT. XVII. 



qf Britain. 



259 



to strengthen us by his Holy Spirit to this end, and AD - l6 -M. 

1.1 j • i j- • l i- i9ChM.I. 
to bless our desires and proceedings with such success, 

as may be deliverance and safety to his people, and 
encouragement to other Christian churches groan- 
ing under, or in danger of the yoke of antichristian 
tyranny, to join in the same or like association and 
covenant, to the glory of God, the enlargement of 
the kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the peace and 
tranquillity of Christian kingdoms and common- 
wealths?. 

We listen not to their fancy, who have reckoned the 
words in the covenant six hundred sixty-si<v\ preface 
and conclusion, as only circumstantial appendants, 
not accounted, and esteem him who trieth it as well 
at leisure (alias as idle) as he that first made the 
observation. Much less applaud we their parallel, 
who (the number in branches agreeing) compare it to 
the superstitious and cruel Six Articles enacted by 
king Henry the Eighth. But let us consider the 
solid and serious exceptions alleged against it, not 
so light and slight as to be puffed away with the 
breath of the present age, but whose weight is likely 
to sink them down to the consideration of posterity. 



g [To this bishop Hacket al- 
ludes in the following passage: 
" To make us swear ourselves 
" for ever unto prophanencss, 
" sin, and baseness, the solemn 
" league and covenant passed 
" by the votes of both houses, 
" and by the great approve- 
" ment of their journeymen 
" the assembly ; and this flag 
n of six colours was hung up 
" in all the houses of God in 
'• the land : where the two 
"tables of the law were put 
" before, to hold out our duty 
" to God and love to our neigh* 



" hour, a new piece of Chris- 
" tianity is clapt upon the wall, 
" to renounce the king and 
•' ruin the church. — Oh, very 
" wise parliament ! Can you 
" teach one how to piece li- 
" berty and this covenant to- 
" gether ? for all that refuse it 
" must be sequestered, impri- 
" soned, disofficed, the clergy 
" that will not submit lose 
" their benefices, and the law 
" cannot keep them in their 
" freehold." Life of Williams, 

II. 200.] 

h Rev. xiii. 19. 

s2 



260 The Church History book si. 

^Jw\ 3 ' 14u First, seeing this covenant (though not as 
- first penned ) as prosecuted had heavy penalties 



general to inflicted on the refusers thereof, such pressing is 
w inconsistent with the nature of any contract, wherein 
consent, not constraint is presumed. In a covenant 
men should go of their own good will, or be led by 
persuasions, not drawn by frights and fears, much 
less driven by forfeits and punishments. 
M«de with- 15. Secondly, subjects are so far from having the 
king's con- express or tacit consent of the king for the taking 
" ent " thereof, that by public proclamation he hath for- 
bidden the same. Now, seeing parents had power 
by the law l of God to rescind such vows which their 
children made without their privity, by the equity of 
the same law this covenant is void, if contrary to 
the flat command of him who is Parens patrue. 
Full of 16. Many words occur in this covenant, some 

doubtful 

words. obscure, others of doubtful meaning, viz. common 
enemies, best reformed churches, malignants, highest 
judicatories of both kingdoms, &c. Until therefore 
the obscure be cleared, the doubtful stated and fixed, 
the same cannot (as it ought) be taken in judgment. 

Exceptions to the preface. 

Therein it is suggested, that supplications, remon- 
strance, protestations to the king, were formerly 
used ; which proving ineffectual, occasioned the try- 
ing of this covenant, as the last hopeful means to 
preserve religion from ruin, &c. Now, seeing many 
joined neither with their hands nor hearts in pre- 
senting these writings, such persons scrupled this 
covenant, which they cannot take in truth, because 
founded on the failing of the aforesaid means, to 

4 Numb. xxx. 6. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. £61 

the using whereof they concurred not in the last AD - 16 4> 
degree. 

17. It is pretended in the preface, that this cove- P«««>ded 

ancient, yet 

nant is " according to the commendable practice of unprece- 
" these kingdoms in former times." Whereas, in- 
deed it is new in itself, following no former pre- 
cedents; a grand divine k of the parliament party 
publicly professing, that " we read not, either in 
" divine or human histories, the like oath extant in 
" any age, as to the matter, persons, and other 
u circumstances thereof." 

Exceptions to the first article. 

18. They are unsatisfied to swear to maintain the Cannot be 

taken 

preservation of the reformed religion of Scotland in knowingly, 
doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, as 
being ignorant (such their distance thence, and small 
intelligence there) of the particulars thereof. They 
are loath therefore to make a blind promise, for fear 
of a lame performance. 

19. As for the reforming of religion (which neces- Nor with- 
sarily implies a changing thereof) of England and scandal 
Ireland in doctrine, worship, discipline, and govern- 
ment, they cannot consent thereunto without mani- 
fest scandal, both to papists and separatists. For 
(besides, that they shall desert that just cause, which 
many pious martyrs, bishops, and divines of our 
church have defended both with their ink and blood, 
writings and sufferings) hereby they shall advantage 

the cavils of papists against our religion, taxing it of 
uncertainty, not knowing where to fix our feet, as 
always altering the same. Yea, they shall not only 
supply papists with pleas for their recusancy, sec- 

k Phil. Nye Covenant with Narrat. p. 1 2. 

s 3 



£6£ The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1643. taries for their separation, acknowledging something 

]1 \ in our church doctrine and service not well agreeing 

with God's word ; but also shall implicitly confess 
papists unjustly punished by the penal statutes, for 
not conforming with us to the same public sendee, 
wherein some things are by ourselves, as well as 
them, misliked and disallowed, 
injury to go. Nor can they take this covenant without 

themselves. 

injury and perjury to themselves. Injury, by en- 
snaring their consciences, credits and estates, if 
endeavouring to reform religion (under the notion of 
faulty and vicious) to which formerly they had sub- 
scribed, enjoined thereto by the law 1 of the land, not 
yet abrogated, never as yet checked by the regrets of 
their own consciences, nor confuted by the reasons 
of others for the doing thereof. 
Perjury to 21. Perjury, as contrary to the protestation and 

their soul*. 1 » 

solemn vow they had lately m taken, and oath of 
supremacy, swearing therein to defend all the king's 
rights and privileges, whereof his spiritual juris- 
diction in reforming church matters is a principal. 
Now, although a latter oath may be corroborative 
of the former, or constructive of a new obligation 
consistent therewith, yet can it not be inductive of a 
tie, contrary to an oath lawfully taken before. 

Exceptions to the second article. 

in, but 22. It grieveth them therein to see prelacy so 

p*ge of pre- unequally yoked : popery being put before it; super- 

iacy * stition, heresy, schism, and profaneness following 

after. Such the pleasure of those that placed them, 

though nothing akin in themselves. But a captive, 

1 13 Eliz. cap. 12. m May the 5th, 1641. 



cent. xvii. qf Britain. 268 

by the power of others, may be fettered to those a.d. 1643 
whom he hates and abhors. I9Chl * 

Consent they cannot to the extirpation of prelacy, f«» ««- 

• 1 • ,» aonsagains 

neither in respect of extirpation 

i. The thing itself; being persuaded, that neither" v™** 7 ' 
papal monarchy, nor presbyterian democracy, nor 
independent anarchy are so conformable to the scrip- 
tures as episcopal aristocracy, being (if not of divine 
in a strict sense) of apostolical institution, confirmed 
with church practice (the best comment on scrip- 
ture when obscure for 1500 years), and bottomed on 
the same foundation with infants-baptism, national 
churches, observing the Lord's day, and the like. 

ii. Themselves; of whom, l,all when taking degrees 
in the university ; 2, most, as many as are entered 
into holy orders; 8, not a few, when lately peti- 
tioning the parliament for the continuing of episco- 
pacy; and, 4, some, being members of cathedral 
and collegiate churches, have subscribed with their 
hands, and with their corporal oaths avowed the 
justification and defence of that government. 

Hi. Church of England; fearing many mischiefs 
from this alteration, (felt sooner than seen in all 
great and sudden changes,) especially because the 
ecclesiastical government is so interwoven in many 
statutes of the land. And, if schisms so increase on 
the suspension, what is to be expected on the extir- 
pation of episcopacy. 

iv. His majesty; as contrary to their oath of 
supremacy, wherein they were bound to maintain his 
privileges; amongst which a principal is, that " he is 
" supreme moderator over all causes and persons 
u spiritual," wherein no change is to be attempted 
without his consent; and also his dignity, the collations 

s 4 



204 The Church History book si. 

a.ik 1643. f bishoprics and deaneries, with their profits in their 

vacancies belonging unto him, and the first fruits 

and tenths of ecclesiastical dignities, a considerable 
part of the royal revenue. 

Here we omit their plea, whose chief means con- 
sisting of cathedral preferment, allege the like not 
done from the beginning of the world, that men 
(though deserving deprivation for their offences) 
should be forced to swear sincerely, seriously, and 
from their souls, to endeavour the rooting out of 
that whence their best livelihood doth depend. 

Exceptions against the third article. 

23. It grieveth them herein to be 6worn to the 

* preservation of the privileges of parliament, and 
liberties of the kingdom, 9 at large and without any 
restriction, being bound in the following words to 
defend the ' king's person and authority,' as limited 
'in the preservation and defence of true religion, 
and the liberties of the realm ;' enlarging the former, 
that the latter may be the more confined. 

24. They are jealous what should be the cause of 
the inversion of the method, seeing in the ' solemn 
vow and protestation,' the * defence of the king's 
person and authority' is put first, which in this cove- 
nant is postposed to the * privileges of parliament.' 
However, seeing the protestation was first taken, the 
covenant as the * younger' cannot disinherit the 

* elder' of the possession which it hath quietly taken 
in men's consciences. 

Exceptions to the fourth article. 

25. They are unsatisfied whether the same im- 
poseth not a uecessity for children to prosecute their 



cent. xvii. tf Britain. £65 

parents even to death, under the notion of 'ma- a. D.1643. 

Jignants,' against all rules of religion and humanity. — ^LL 

For even in case of idolatry, children under the old 
law n were not bound publicly to accuse their parents, 
so as to bring them to be stoned for the same; 
though such unnatural cruelty be foretold by our 
Saviour , to fall out under the gospel, of those that 
shall rise tip against their parents, and cause them to 
be put to death. 

Exceptions to the fifth article. 

26. They understand not what is meant therein by 
the 'happiness of a blessed peace betwixt these 
kingdoms,' whereof Ireland must needs be one, 
whilst the same is rent with a woeful war, and the 
other two lands distracted with homebred discords ; 
whereof no settlement can be hoped, until first all 
interests be equally stated, and the * king's authority,' 
1 privileges of parliament,' and ' liberties of subjects' 
justly bounded and carefully preserved. 

Exceptions to the sixth article. 

27. They are unsatisfied therein as wholly hypo- 
thetical, supposing what as yet is not cleared by 
solid arguments, viz. that this is ' the common cause 
of religion, liberty, and peace of the realms,' &c. 
And if the same be granted, it appeareth not to 
their conscience, that the means used to promote 
this cause are so lawful and free from just objections 
which may be raised from the laws of God and man. 

Exceptions to the conclusion. 

28. They quake at the mention, that the taking of 

n Deut. xiii. 6. ° Matth. x. 21. 



266 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d.i 64V this covenant should 'encourage other churches 

— - groaning under the yoke of antichristian tyranny,' to 

join in the same, fearing the dangerous consequences 
this may produce to foreign protestants, and enrage 
popish princes (in whose dominions they live) to 
cruelty against them, as disaffected to their govern- 
ment. Besides, when Divine Providence layeth such 
burthens on his servants, even 'the yoke of anti- 
christ' is then ' the yoke of Christ,* not to be thrown 
off with force, but to be borne with the confession of 
the truth, prayers, patience, and Christian courage. 

29. So much concerning the covenant, which some 
three months after began to be rigorously and generally 
urged p. Nor have I ought else to observe thereof, 



P [Not the least inducement 
which urged the parliamentary 
party and their puritan fa- 
vourites to press the covenant 
so rigorously was their belief 
that it would be generally re- 
fused by the clergy, and thus 
afford a handle for turning 
them out of their livings. One 
of their main engines for ad- 
vancing the work of reforma- 
tion, as it was called, was to 
plant lecturers in the city 
churches, a work not of mere 
policy, but thrift, and a saving 
method of providing for needy 
puritan ministers. The most 
violent of that party had now 
crowded up to London, those 
who had been silenced by arch, 
bishop Laud or had retired 
into the provinces had return- 
ed, and claimed a reward for 
their sufferings and their ser- 
vices. Stripped of all defence, 
deserted by the nobility, who 
prostituted their honour to the 



smiles of the popular puri- 
tans, the clergy were a ready 
and easy prey. " To which 
" purpose," (to use the words 
of the author quoted before,) 
" they at first invented these 
" tricks and formalities of jus. 
" tice against the clergy, till 
" having got the power, their 
" sword should make good 
" the sequestering and removal 
" of those (especially in Lon- 
" don) who were not like to 
" apostatize from religion and 
" loyalty. — This made the fac- 
" tion in the house of com- 
" mons never transmit any bills 
" against any particular accused 
" clergymen to the house of 
" peers (where indeed lay ju- 
" diciary power) to a legal 
" hearing ; but knowing well 
" such foggy charges would 
" soon vanish at the face of 
" justice, these evil spirits kept 
" on their course of casting 
" mists before the people's 



cekt. xvii. qf Britain. 267 

«ave to add in mine own defence, that I never sawAD- 1 ^. 

i9Cha». I. 

the same, except at distance as hung up in churches, 

nor ever had any occasion to read, or hear it read, 
till this day * in writing my history, whatever hath 
been reported and printed to the contrary of my 
taking thereof in London, who went away from the 
Savoy to the king's quarters long before any mention 
thereof in England. 

30. True it is, there was an oath which never The au- 
exceeded the * line of communication,' meeting with i n °hu own 
so much opposition, that it expired in the infancy!^®" 
thereof, about the time when the plot was dis- 
covered for which Mr. Tomkins and Mr. Chaloner 
suffered. This was tendered to me, and taken by me 
in the vestry of the Savoy church, but first protest- 
ing some limitations thereof to myself. This not 
satisfying was complained of, by some persons pre- 
sent, to the parliament, where it was ordered that 
the next Lord's day I should take the same oath in 
terminis terminantibus in the face of the church, 
which not agreeing with my conscience, I withdrew 
myself into the king's parts, which (I hope) I may 
no less safely than I do freely confess, because 
punished for the same with the loss of my live- 
lihood, and since (I suppose) pardoned in the act 
of oblivion. 

81. Now began the great and general purgation The par- 
of the clergy in the parliament's quarters, many purge to 
being outed for their misdemeanours by the com- e rgy * 
mittee appointed for that purpose. Some of their 



<« 



eyes, to make them think " quite put them out." Pers. 

that the lights of the church Undec. p 43.] 
" burned so dim, that it was Q July 1, 1654. 
" necessary to snuff them or 



968 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1643- offences were so foul, it is a shame to report them, 

— crying to justice for punishment. Indeed, Constan- 

tine the Christian emperor was wont to say, " If 
" I see a clergyman offending I will cover him with 
" my cloak," but surely he meant such offences as 
are frailties and infirmities, no scandalous enormities. 
Such unsavoury salt is good for nothing, no, not for 
the dunghill r , because as the savour is lost which 
makes it useful, so the fretting is left which makes 
it useless, whereby it is so far from being good com- 
post to fatten ground, that it doth rather embarren 
it. Let Baal therefore plead for itself, nothing can 
be said in their excuse, if (what was the main 
matter) their crimes were sufficiently proved. 
The «pei- 82. But as to the point, hear what the royalists 
plea/ 1878 at Oxford say for their friends, whilst they conceive 
themselves to take just exceptions at the proceed- 
ings against these ministers R . 



r Luke xiv. 35. 

8 [Dr. Heylin is rather indig- 
nant at this passage of our au. 
thor, and not better satisfied with 
the salvo of the concluding ob- 
servations. See his epistle " To 
" the Poor Remainders of the 
" Old Regular and Conform - 
" able Clergy, &c." Perhaps 
some few of the clergy may have 
been guilty of the irregularities 
here imputed to them; still 
with every concession, the 
proceedings of these commis- 
sioners were most dishonest, 
cruel, and tyrannical. What 
further proof can be required 
of their injustice than the fact 
of their depriving, "as igno- 
" rant and scandalous minis- 
" ten," such men as Hales, 
Walton, the editor of the 



Polyglott, and Pocock, the 
orientalist? The fate of these 
and many others is a sufficient 
proof, to use the words of 
a very candid writer, " that 
" the bare expulsion of men 
" from ecclesiastical benefices 
" by this committee implied 
" neither moral delinquency 
" nor a want of ministerial qua- 
" lifications." Jackson's Life of 
Goodwin, p. 83. Opposition 
to Calvinism and an attachment 
to episcopacy were in the judg- 
ment of this committee as hei- 
nous as infidelity and immo- 
rality ; and though not the 
only motives, (for covetousness 
was the strongest,) was often a 
prevailing one in the expulsion 
of the clergy.] 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



269 



i. Some of their faults were so foul, that the a. d. 1643. 

foulness 1 of them is all that can be pleaded for — 

them. For being capital, the persons deserved to 
be outed of life, not of living, which leaves a 
suspicion of imperfect proof. 

ii. The witnesses against them were seldom de- 
posed on oath, but their bare complaints believed. 

iii. Many of the complainers were factious people, 
(those most accusing their sermons who least heard 
them,) and who since have deserted the church 
as hating the profession of the ministry. 

iv. Many were charged with delivering false doc- 
trine, whose positions were sound, at the least, dis- 
putable. Such, those accused for preaching that 
baptism washeth away original sin, which the most 
learned and honest in the Assembly in some sense 
will not deny, namely, that in the children of God it 
cleanse tb the condemning and final, peccable, com- 
manding, power of original sin, though the stain and 
blemish thereof doth still remain. 

v. Some were merely outed for their affections to 
the king's cause, and what was malignity at London 
was loyalty at Oxford u . 



t Cent. p. 1. 

* [Various were the means 
•t this time used by the parlia- 
ment to bring the clergy into 
contempt; the strongest militia, 
as they were truly called, of the 
king ; and therefore the great- 
est obstacle to the designs 
both of the parliament and the 
Presbyterians. The author of 
" Persecutio Undecima," an 
eyewitness and a sufferer, has 
well stated the various wicked 
endeavours made by the popu- 



lar faction to render the clergy 
odious; the passage would be 
too long to quote entire, but 
the remarks that follow may 
suffice as a key to the rest; 
and furnish an admirable com- 
ment upon Fuller's more cau- 
tious narrative. 

" A fourth way," he says, 
" to make the clergy odious to 
" the people was their abetting 
" all outrages and affronts done 
" to the persons and functions 
" of the clergy, insomuch that 



270 



The Church Hhtory 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1643. Yea, many moderate men of the opposite party 
i? — ^-1 much bemoaned such severity, that some clergymen, 



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upon their sending for Burton, 
and Prynne, and Bast wick, 
(three champions or Puritan 
boute-feus,) and the auda- 
cious riots and tumults at- 
tending their return to Lon- 
don without control, the fac- 
tion took such encourage- 
ment (having found their 
strength in the house of com- 
mons) in their contempt of 
the priest, that a divine in 
his habit could not walk the 
streets of London without 
being reproached in every 
corner by name of Baal's 
priest, popish priest, Caesar's 
friend, and the like scoffings; 
nor durst parishioners shew 
their wonted love toward 
their spiritual father, nay, 
scarce durst they come to 
hear him preach without ha- 
zard of being accounted a 
malignant, if he were so con- 
scientious as not to change 
his religion, (as these secta- 
ries would have them). And 
now New England so vomited 
up her factious spirits, that 
merchants in England began 
to complain that all commo- 
dities in England were fallen 
to half their former price; 
and each dam and sink of 
religion pumped into our 
wholesome streams those who 
(as witches do their baptism) 
had renounced their former 
sacred calling to the priest- 
hood, yet now returned the 
only admired churchmen, and 
were, by orders of the house 
of com mons, either forced into 
other men's churches as lec- 



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turers, or thrust into seques- 
tered parsonages, (their fel- 
low subjects' freehold,) which 
before themselves had cried 
down for Antichristian. 
" 5. A fair introduction to 
the reproachful usage of the 
clergy at committees in the 
face of their own parishio- 
ners; for having found the 
forwardness of the people (by 
their first foisted order afore- 
said) to serve them in their 
designs, the faction in the 
house of commons procured 
a large committee for reli- 
gion, (as they called it,) the 
Puritans* main engine against 
the church, dividing it into 
many sub-committees ; as 
Mr. White's committee, Mr. 
Corbet's committee, sir Ro- 
bert Haalow's committee, sir 
Edward Deering's committee, 
and divers others, upon pre- 
tence of hearing the mul- 
titudes of petitions daily 
brought in against scandalous 
ministers, (as the term was,) 
which committees were made 
as several stages for continual 
clergy- baitings. Mine ears 
still tingle at the loud cla- 
mours and shoutings there 
made (especially at the com- 
mittee which sat at the court 
of wards) in derision of grave 
and reverend divines, by that 
rabble of sectaries which 
daily flocked thither to see 
this new pastime, where the 
committee members, out of 
their vast privilege to abuse 
any man (though their bet- 
ters ; some members of con- 



CENT. XVU. 



of Britain. 



S71 



blameless for life and orthodox for doctrine, were a. d. 1643. 

19 Chat. I. 

only ejected on the account of their faithfulness to 

the king's cause. And as much corruption was let 
out by this ejection, (many scandalous ministers 
deservedly punished,) so at the same time the veins 
of the English church were also emptied of much 
good blood, (some inoffensive pastors,) which hath 
made her body hydropical ever since ; ill humours 
succeeding in the room, by reason of too large and 
sudden evacuation. But others of a more violent 
temper excused all, the present necessity of the 
cause requiring it. All pulpits in the parliament 



«« 



«< 



* ( vocation, whose privileges 
are, and by law ought to be, 
as large as those of the house 
" of commons,) without con- 
" trol, have been pleased to 
*' call the members of Christ 
" brought before them, (by 
" gaolers and pursuivants, and 
M placed like heinous malefac- 
" tors, without their bar, bare- 
" headed forsooth !) saucy 
"jacks, base fellows f brazen- 
4t x faced fellows ; and in great 
" scorn hath the cap of a known 
" orthodox doctor, (Dr. Halsy,) 
" been called to be pulled off 
" to see if he were not a shaven 
" popish priest ; and upon a 
" person's evidence for one of 
" his parishioners, that he was 
" no Papist, (which evidence 
" in such cases is and ought to 
•• be authentical,) it was re- 
•* plied by a committee, • Have 
" you no witness but a base 
priest ? % And to some emi- 
nent doctors in divinity of 
the City of London, viz. Dr. 
" Baker, Dr. Borough, Dr. 
" Walton, giving testimony in 



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a cause then before them, it 
was said by a citizen member 
of that committee, Isaac Pen. 
nington, ' What shall me be- 
lieve these doctors for?' And 
sir Robert Horton, going to 
his committee chair, (the 
chair of the scorner,) bragged 
to his friend how he would 
bait the dean of Christ- 
Church ( Dr. Fell) . And after 
such like usage, with charge- 
able and long attendance, de 
die in diem, on these commit- 
tees, as many clergymen as 
were brought to the stake to 
be bated (right or wrong) 
were sure to be ousted of 
their livings, else their good 
and godly people were not 
pleased ; that the souls of 
many honest and faithful 
ministers of Christ were so 
tilled with the scorn of the 
period, who thus had them 
in derision, that they died 
for very grief, as did Dr. 
Halsy, and Dr. Clarke, and 
diver 8 others." p. 22.] 



272 The Church History book xt. 

a.d. 1643. quarters must be made like the whole earth before 
i 9 cha».i. t jj e building of Babel, of one language, and of one 

speech, or else all may be destroyed by the mixture 
of other doctrines; and better a mischief to few 
than an inconvenience to all. Safer that some 
(suppose unjustly) suffer, than that the success of 
the whole cause should be endangered. 
The first 33. Then came forth a book called the First 

Century- 
why with- Century*, containing the names of an hundred di- 

arad." 6 " vines, sequestered for their faults, with a promise of 
a second, which to my knowledge never came forth. 
Whether because the author of the former was sen- 
sible that the subject was generally odious, or be- 
cause the death of Mr. White?, licenser thereof, pre- 
vented any addition, or whether, because dissuaded 
from the design, suspecting a retaliation from Ox- 
ford. Sure I have been informed, that when some 
solicited his majesty for leave to set forth a book of 
the vicious lives of some parliament ministers, his 

* [•* The First Century of thor of this pamphlet was of 

" Scandalous Malignant Priests, so infamous a character ; the 

" made and admitted into be* charges which he shifted so 

"nefices by the prelates in false and frequently male- 

" whose hands the ordination volent, that it did the clergy 

u of ministers and government little harm. So much were 

" of the Church hath been, their opponents chagrined with 

" &c." Lond. 1643.] the reception of this Century, 

y [He died the following that they hazarded not the pro- 
year, in a state of distraction, duction of a second. See a 
according to the author of further account of this pam- 
Persecutio Undecima, p. 18. phlet in Walker's " Sufferings 
" Crying out how many cler- " of the Clergy," i. p. 47 ; and 
" gym en, their wives and chil- of White himself in Wood's 
" dren, he had undone." The Athen. ii. p. 70. The author 
Puritans, in these proceedings of Persecutio Undecima has 
against the regular and con- sufficiently exposed the false- 
formable clergy, acted upon the hood, calumny, and immorality 
maxim, — audacter calumniare of White and his pamphlet. 
hcerebit aliquid; but the au- See p. 26, sq.] 



csmt. xvii. of Britain. 273 

majesty blasted the design, partly because recrimina-A.D. 1643. 
tion is no purgation ; partly lest the public enemy '- 9 — —L 
of the protestant religion should make an advantage 
thereof. 

34. To supply the vacant places, many young Vacant u. 
students (whose orders got the speed of their de-gip^JiedT 
grees) left the universities. Other ministers turned 
duallists and pluralists, it being now charity, what 
was formerly covetousness, to hold two or three 
benefices. These could plead for themselves the 
practice of Mr. Sanders, the martyr 1 , who held two 
livings at good distance, because he could not resign 
one but into the hands of a Papist, as these men 
would not surrender them to malignants. Many 
vicarages of great cure but small value were without 
ministers, (whilst rich matches have many suitors, 
they may die virgins that have no portions to prefer 
them,) which was often complained of, seldom re- 
dressed, it passing for a current maxim, it was safer 
for people to fast than to feed on the poison of 
malignant pastors. 

85. Let us now look a little into the assembly of Dissenting 
divines, where we shall not find them (as we might 6m appear 
justly expect) all of one tongue and of one language, iembfy?*" 
there being some not concurring with the major 
part, and therefore styled dissenting brethren. I 
know the Scotch writers call them of the separation, 
but because mollifying terms are the best poultices 
to be applied to the first swellings of church dif- 
ferences, we decline these words of distaste. They 
are also commonly called Independents, though they 
themselves (if summoned by that name) will return 

1 Fox's Acts and Monuments, p. 1494, in an. 1555. 

FULLER, VOL. VI. T 



374 



The Church History 



BOOK Xt. 



a.d. 164.M10 vous arez thereunto, as to a word odious and 
19 '***' offensive in the common sound and notation thereof. 
For independency, taken for absolute subsistence, 
without relation to, 1, God, is profane and blas- 
phemous; 2, king or state, is seditious and trea- 
cherous; 8, other churches, is proud and a \ bitious; 
4, particular Christians, is churlish and uncharitable. 
These dissenting brethren, or congregationalists, 
were but five in the assembly* though many more 
of their judgments dispersed in the land ; namely, 
1 . Thomas Goodwin, bred first in Christ's College, then 
fellow of Katherine Hall, in Cambridge ; 2. Philip 
Nye, who had his education in Oxford ; 3. William 
Bridge, fellow of Emanuel College in Cambridge; 
all three still alive ; 4. Sidrach Simpson, of Queen's 
College in Cambridge ; 5. Jeremiah Burroughs, of 
Emanuel College in Cambridge, both deceased 6 . 
It is our unhappiness, that in writing their story we 
have little save what we have collected out of the 
writings of pens professedly engaged against them, 
and therefore the less credit is to be given there- 
unto. However, in this narration there is nothing 
of my own, so that if any falsehoods therein, they 
must be charged on their account whom the reader 
shall behold cited in the margin ; otherwise, I con- 
fess my personal respects to some of the aforenamed 
dissenters for favours received from them. 

36. Some ten years since the sinful corruptions (to 



a [Baillie however speaks of 
there being '• ten or eleven in 
" the synod, many of them very 
" able men/' and then enume- 
rates besides those mentioned 
by Fuller, Carter, Caryl, Phil- 
lips, and Sterey. Lett. 39.] 



h [They were the authors of 
the pamphlet hereafter fre- 
quently quoted by Fuller, en- 
titled, "An Apologetical Nar- 
" ration, humbly submitted to 
" both Houses of Parliament," 
Lond. 1643.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 275 

use their own language c ) of the worship and govern- a. d. i6 43 . 

ment in this church, taking hold on their consciences, - 

unable any longer to comport therewith, they de- f their first 
serted their native country. This we believe the t ho a iim!df 
true cause of their departure, not what some sug- 
gest d , that one for debt and another for danger 
(to answer some ill interpreted words concerning 
the Scots) were forced to forsake the land. And 
although I will not say they left not an hoof of 
their estates behind tbem here, they will confess 
they conveyed over the most considerable part there- 
of. Many wealthy merchants and their families 
went over with them, so that of all exiles (for so 
they style themselves) these may seem most like 
voluntary travellers for good company, though of 
all travellers most like to exiles. 

37* Their reception beyond the seas in Holland Are kindly 

_ entertained 

was fair and civil, where the States (who, though in Holland. 
they tolerate, own not all religions) were interpreted 
to acknowledge them and their churches by many 
signs of their favour. First, by granting them their 
own churches to assemble in for divine worship, 
where their own countrymen met also the same day 
(but at different hours) for the same purpose: by 
permitting the ringing of a bell e , to call people 
to their public meetings, which loudly sounded the 
States' consent unto them, as not allowed to such 
clandestine sects, which shelter themselves rather 
under the permission than protection thereof: by 
assigning a full and liberal maintenance annually 

c Apol. Nar. p. 2. if tion of Mr. Goodwin, &c. ; 

* Mr. Edwards in his An- " wherein is handled many of 

swer to the Apol. Nar. ["An- "the controversies of these 

tapologia, or a full Answer " times." Lond. 1644.] 



ft 



to the Apologetical Narra- c Apol. Nar. p. 7. 

T 2 



276 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1643. for their ministers, as also wine for their com- 
ic Chas. I. 

mumons. 

Nor can there be a better evidence of giving the 
right hand of fellowship than to give the full hand 
of liberality. A moiety of this people fixed at Rot- 
terdam, where they landed ; the other travelled up 
higher for better air to Wianen, and thence soon 
after removed to Arnhein, a sweet and pleasant city. 
No part of Holland (largely taken f ) affording more 
of England therein, resembled in their letters to 
their friends to Hertford, or Bury in Suffolk. 

JjTtHSr 88 ' Then fal1 the y to consu,t of church discipline, 
wt £* professing themselves a mere abrasa tabula, with 
"" virgin judgments, longing only to be married to the 

truth. Yea, they looked " upon the word of Christ n 
(reader, it is their own expression *,) "as impartially 
" and unprejudicially as men made of flesh and blood 
" are like to do in any juncture of time that may 
" fell out ; 'the place they went to, the condition 
" they were in, the company they went forth with, 
" affording no temptation to bias them any way." 
Th«r two 39. And first, they lay down two grand ground- 
ground- works on which their following fabric was to be 
erected. 

i. Only to take what was held forth in God's 
word, leaving nothing to church practice or human 
prudence, as but the iron legs and clay toes of that 
statue whose head and whole body ought to be of 
pure Scripture gold. 

ii. Not to make their present judgment binding 
unto them for the future. 

Their adversaries cavil hereat, as a reserve able 

f Otherwise Arnhein is in Gelderland. ff Apol. Nar. p. 3. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 277 

to rout all the armies of arguments whteh are a. d. 1643. 

brought against them, that because one day teacheth " 

another, they will not be tied on Tuesday morning 
to maintain their tenets on Monday night, if a new 
discovery intervene. 

40. In pursuance of these principles they pitched c«*«n»- 
on a middle way (as generally the posture of truth) churches 
betwixt presbytery, as too rigorous, imperious, and 
conclusive, and Brownism, as too vague, loose, and 
uncertain 11 . Their main platform was, that churches 
should not be subordinate, parochial to provincial, 
provincial to national, (as daughter to mother, mo- 
ther to grandmother,) but coordinate, without supe- 
riority, except seniority of sisters, containing no 
powerful influence therein. Thus the church, for- 
merly like a chain with links of dependency on one 
another, should hereafter become like an heap of 
rings, each entire in itself, but (as they thought) far 
purer than was ever seen before. 

41. The manner of their church service, according The man. 
to their own relation 1 , was performed m the form cimrah Mr- 
following : public and solemn prayers for kings and vlce * 

all in authority; reading the scriptures of the Old 
and New Testament, with exposition thereof on 
occasion ; administration of the two sacraments, 
baptism to infants, and the Lord's supper ; singing 
of psalms, and collection for the poor every Lord's 
day; for public officers they had pastors, teachers, 
and ruling elders, (not lay but ecclesiastic persons,) 
and deacons. As for church censures, they resolved 
only on admonition and excommunication, the latter 
whereof was never handselled in their church k , as 

fe Apol. Nar. p. 24. * Ibid. p. 8. k Ibid. p. 9. 

T 8 



278 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1643. no reason that the rod, though made, should be 

— — used where the children are all quiet and dutiful. 

Synods they account useful, and in some cases neces- 
sary, yet so that their power is but official, not 
authoritative, whereby they may declare the truth, 
not enjoin obedience thereunto. Or take it in the 
language of one of their grandees : actus regiminu 
a synodis debent porrigi non peragi 1 , the latter be- 
longing to the liberty of several congregations. Their 
adversaries' object, that none can give in an exact 
account of all their opinions, daily capable of alter- 
ation and increase; while such countries, whose 
unmovable mountains and stable valleys keep a 
fixed position, may be easily surveyed, no geogra- 
pher can accurately describe some part of Arabia, 
where the flitting sands driven with the winds have 
their frequent removals, so that the traveller findeth 
a hole at his return where he left a hill at his 
departure. Such the uncertainty of these congre- 
gationalists in their judgments, only they plead for 
themselves, it is not the wind of every doctrine 1 ", 
are always but the sun of the truth which with its new lights 
lights. makes them renounce their old and embrace new 

resolutions. 
^^ | | i n 42. Soon after a heavy schism happened in the 
church, church of Rotterdam betwixt Mr. Bridge and Mr. 
Simpson, the two pastors thereof; insomuch that the 
latter, rent himself, (saith one",) from Mr. Bridge his 
church, to the great offence thereof; though more 
probable, as another reporteth , Mr. Simpson was dis- 

1 Responsio [ad Guil. Apol- his preface to Mr. Norton's 

lonii Syllogen ad componendas book. 

controversies in Anglia. Lond. n Mr.Edwardsutpriu8 t p.35. 
1648.] Jo. Norton, p. 114. ° Mr. John Goodwin in an- 

m Eph. iv. 15. Mr. Cotton swer to Mr. Edwards, p. 238. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 279 

missed with the consent of the church. However, a. d. 1643. 

many bitter letters passed betwixt them, and more 

sent over to their friends in England full of invec- 
tives, blackness of the tongue always accompanying 
the paroxysms of such distempers. Their presbyte- 
rian adversaries make great use hereof to their dis- 
grace 1. If such infant churches, whilst their hands 
could scarce hold any thing, fell a scratching, and 
their feet spuming and kicking one another before 
they could well go alone, how stubborn and vex- 
atious would they be when arrived at riper years ! 

43. This schism was seconded with another in theAwcond 
same church, wherein they deposed one of their the same 
ministers. (Mr. Ward I conceive his name,) which u 
was beheld as a bold and daring deed, especially 
because herein they consulted not their sister church 
at Arnhein, which publicly was professed mutually 
to be done in cases of concernment. Here the pres- 
byterians triumph in their conceived discovery of the 
nakedness and weakness of the congregational way, 
which for want of ecclesiastical subordination is too 
short to reach out a redress to such grievances. For 
seeing par in parent non habet potestatem, " equals 
" have no power over their equals," the aggrieved 
party could not right himself by any appeal unto a 
superior. But such consider not the end as well as 
the beginning of this difference, wherein the church 
of Arnhein r interposing, (not as a judge to punish 
offenders, but as a brother to check the failings of a 
brother,) matters were so ordered, that Mr. Ward 
was restored to his place, when both he and the 
church had mutually confessed their sinful carriage 

<l Mr. John Goodwin in answer to Mr. Edwards, p. 245. 
r Apol. Nar. p. 21. 

T 4 



280 The Church History book xi. 

A.D.i6 4 .j.in the matter; but enough, (if not too much hereof,) 

19 Chas. I. ° m 

seeing every thing put in a pamphlet is not fit to be 

recorded in a chronicle. 
Theprac- 44. More concord crowned the congregation at 

tice of 00 

Amhein Arnhein, where Mr. Goodwin and Mr. Nye were 
pastors, wherein besides those church ordinances 
formerly mentioned, actually admitted and exercised, 
some others stood candidates and fair probationers 
on their good behaviour, namely, if under trial they 
were found convenient ; such were 

i. The holy kiss 8 . 

ii. Prophesyings 1 when private Christians at fit 
times made public use of their parts and gifts in the 
congregation. 

iii Hymns ', and, which if no better divinity than 
music, might much be scrupled at, 

iv. Widows*, as essential she-ministers in the 
church, which if it be so, our late civil wars in 
England have afforded us plenty for the place. 

v. Anointing of dying people, as a standing apo- 
stolical y ordinance. 
Th«five 45. Other things were in agitation, when now the 
tum home, news arriveth, that the parliament sitting at West- 
minster had broken the yoke of ceremonies, and 
proclaimed a year of jubilee to all tender consciences. 
Home then they hasted with all convenient speed ; 
for only England is England indeed, though some 
parts of Holland may be like unto it. Over they 
came in a very good plight and equipage, which the 
presbyterians (and those I assure you are quick- 
sighted when pleased to pry) took notice of. Not a 

8 1 Cor. xvi. 20. * 1 Tim. v. 9. 

t 1 Cor. xiv. y James v. 14. 

u Eph. v. 19, and Col. iii. 16. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 881 

hair of their head singed, nor any smell of the fire of a.d. 1643. 

persecution upon their clothes. However they were : — - 

not to be blamed, if ' setting their best foot forward* 
in their return, and appearing in the handsomest and 
cheerftillest fashion for the credit of their cause, and 
to shew that they were not dejected with their suf- 
ferings. 

46. Presently they fall upon gathering of congre- father 
gations, but chiefly in or about the city of London. England. 
Trent may be good, and Severn better, but oh the 
Thames is the best for the plentiful taking of fish 
therein. They did pick (I will not say steal) hence 
a master, thence a mistress of a family, a son out of 
a third, a servant out of a fourth parish, all which 
met together in their congregation. Some prevented 
calling, by their coming, of old parishioners to become 
new church members, and so forward were they of 
themselves, that they needed no force to compel nor 
art to persuade them. Thus a new inn never wanteth 
guests at the first setting up, especially if hanging 
out a fair sign, and promising more cleanness and 
neatness than is in any of their neighbours. 

47- The presbyterians found themselves muchTkepw*- 

byteri&iis 

aggrieved hereat. They accounted this practice of offended, 
the dissenting brethren but ecclesiastical felony, or 
at the best that they were but spiritual interlopers 
for the same. They justly feared (if this fashion 
continued) the falling of the roof, or foundering of 
the foundations of their own parishes, whence so 
many corner stones, pillars, rafters, and beams, were 
taken by the other to build their congregations. 
They complained that these new pastors, though 
slighting tithes and set maintenance, yet so ordered 
the matter by gathering their churches, that these 



u 

4C 
it 
it 
€i 



£88 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1643. gleanings of Ephraim became better than the vintage 

— of Abi-ezer. 

Dwenting 48. Not long after, when the Assembly of divines 

crave a to- was called, these five congregationalists were chosen 
<m ' members thereof, but came not up with a full con- 
sent to all things acted therein. As accounting that 
the pressing of an exact occurrence to the presby- 
terian government was but a kind of a conscience- 
prison, whilst accurate conformity to the Scotch 
church was the very dungeon thereof; •• a regimine 
" ecclesiastico," say they 1 , " uti nunc in Scotia viget 
longius distamus, quippe quod (ut nobis videtur) 
non tantum a scripturis, sed ab ecclesiarum refor- 
matarum suorumque theologorum sententiis (qui 
sub episcoporum tyrannide diu duriterque passi 
sunt) plurimum distat." No wonder therefore if 
they desired a toleration to be indulged them, aud 
they excused for being concluded by the votes of 
the Assembly. 

Oppoaedby 49. But the presbyterians highly opposed their 
toleration, and such who desired most ease and 
liberty for their sides when bound with episcopacy, 
now girt their own government the closest about the 
consciences of others. They tax the dissenting 
brethren for singularity, as if these men (like the 
five senses of the church) should discover more in 
matter of discipline than all the Assembly besides, 
some moving their ejection out of the same, except 
in some convenient time they would comply there- 
with*. 



* In their epistle to the other spawn of the same kind, 

reader prefixed to Mr. Norton's this work had its origin in the 

book. interminable debates and bick- 

a Apol. Nar. p. 2. [Like erings of the Assembly of di- 



CENT. XVII. 



of' Britain. 



888 



50. Hopeless to speed here, the dissenters season- AJ k l6 *}- 

j i 19O1M. 1. 

ably presented an apologetical narrative to the parlia 

But fift" 

ment, styled by them ** the most sacred refuge and soured by 

" asylum for mistaken and misjudged innocence." \ t ^ T **" 

Herein they petitioned pathetically for some favour, 

whose conscience could not join with the Assembly in 

all particulars, concluding with that pitiful close, 

(enough to force tears from any tender heart,) that 

" they b pursued no other interest or design but a 

** subsistence (be it the poorest and meanest) in 

" their own land, as not knowing where else with 

" safety, health, and livelihood to set their feet on 

" earth," and subscribed their names : — 

" Thomas Goodwin. Sidrach Simson. William Bridge. 
" Philip Nye. Jeremiah Burroughs." 

If since their condition be altered and bettered, 



vines. Dr. Baillie, who was a 
rigid presbyterian, earnest for 
the parliamentary establish- 
ment of the Scottish observ- 
ances, complains bitterly of 
the waste of time and of the 
heart-burnings caused by the 
dissenting brethren, that is, the 
Independents. They resorted 
to various manoeuvres to pro- 
long the time, as finding that 
their party gained strength by 
the delay. After several ses- 
sions and debates to no pur- 
pose, at which the Independents 
held off with long weapons, 
and debated all things with the 
utmost prolixity, which " came 
within twenty miles^of their 
quarters, foreseeing that they 
" behoved^ere long to come to 
the point, they put out in 
print on a sudden an Apolo- 
getical Narration of their 



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way, which long had lien 
ready beside them, wherein 
they petition the parliament 
in a most sly and cunning 
way for a toleration, and 
withal had too bold wipes to 
all the reformed churches, 
as imperfect yet in their re- 
formation, while (until) their 
new model be embraced, 
which they set out so well 
as they are able. This piece 
abruptly they presented to 
the Assembly, giving to every 
member a copy; also they 
gave books to some of either 
lionse. — The thing in itself 
coming out at this time, was 
very apt to have kindled a 
fire, and it seems both the 
Devil and some men intend- 
ed it." Lett. 43.] 
b Ibid. p. 31. 



284 The Church History book xr. 

a.d. 1645. that they (then wanting where to set their feet) 

1? 1 since lie down at their length in the fat of the land; 

surely they have returned proportionable gratitude 
to God for the same. Sure it is that at the present 
these petitioners found such favour with some potent 
persons in parliament, that they were secured from 
further trouble, and from lyinjr at a posture of 
defence, are now grown able, not only to encounter, 
but invade all opposers, yea, to open and shut the 
door of preferment to others; so unsearchable are 
the dispensations of divine Providence in making 
sudden and unexpected changes, (as in whole na- 
tions,) so in private men's estates, according to the 
counsel of his will. 
New 51. Such as desire further instruction in the 

churches tenets of these congregationalists may have their 
taSJufe recourse to those many pamphlets written pro and 
con thereof. The worst is, some of them speak so 
loud we can scarce understand what they say, so 
hard is it to collect their judgments, such the vio- 
lence of their passions. Only I will add, that for the 
main the churches of New England are the same in. 
discipline with these dissenting brethren. 
Tk* «f 52. Only I will add, that of ail the authors I have 

re fer red to * 

Mr. Nor- perused concerning the opinions of these dissenting 
" brethren, none to me was more informative than 
Mr. John Norton, (one of no less learning than 
modesty,) minister in New England, in his answer 
to Apollonius Pastor in the church of Middle- 
borough . 

Mr. Herie 53. Look we now again into the Assembly of 

sueceedeth c J 

prolocutor divines, where we find Dr. Cornelius Burgess and 

Twi» Mr. Herbert Palmer the assessors therein, and 1 am 

informed by some (more skilful in such niceties than 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



885 



myself) that two at the least of that office are of the a.d. 1644. 

quorum essential to every lawful assembly. But I 

miss Dr. William Twiss, their prolocutor, lately de- 
ceased ; he was bred in New College in Oxford, 
good with the trowel, but better with the sword, 
more happy in polemical divinity than edifying doc- 
trine. Therefore he was chosen d by the state of 
Holland to be professor of divinity there, which he 
thankfully refused. Mr. Charles Herle, fellow of 
Exeter college of Oxford, succeeded him in his place, 
one so much Christian, scholar, and gentleman, that 
he can unite in affection with those who are dis- 
joined in judgment from him*. 

54. The Assembly met with many difficulties, some Mr. 8d- 
com plaining of Mr. Selden, that advantaged by hisziingq^ 
skill in antiquity, common law, and the oriental ne§ " 
tongues, he employed them rather to pose than 



d See his dedication to them 
in his book called Vindiciae 
Gratis. (Dr. Baillie, to whose 
Journal such frequent refer- 
ence has been made, seems to 
have entertained no very ex- 
alted opinion of Dr. Twiss. 
" The prolocutor at the be- 
" ginning and end has a short 
" prayer* The man, as the 
M world goes* is very learned in 
" the questions he has studied, 
" and very good and beloved of 
" all, and highly esteemed; but 
" merely bookish, and not much 
" as it seems acquaint with 
" conceived prayer ; among the 
" unfittest of all the company 
for any action ; so after the 
prayer he site mute. It was 
the canny conveyance of these, 
" who guide most matters for 
" their own interest, to plant 



«• 



tt 



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" such a man of purpose in 
" the chair. The one assessor, 
" our good friend Dr. Burgess, 
" a very active and sharp man, 
" supplies, so far as is decent, 
*' the prolocutor's place ; the 
" other, our good friend Mr. 
Whyte, has kept in of the 
gout since our coming."] 
e [He became an Independent. 
But how Fuller could pass this 
eulogium upon him is strange; 
since Herle was one of the 
committee for examining the 
loyal clergy, whom the puri- 
tans called the scandalous and 
malignant ministers, in which 
office he behaved with extreme 
severity and injustice. See his 
Life in Wood's Ath. ii. p. 237. 
But this is not the only occa- 
sion .in which Fuller truckled 
too much to the times.] 



286 The Church History book xr. 

A. d. 1644. profit, perplex than inform the members thereof, in 

' the fourteen queries he propounded. Whose intent 

therein was to humble the jure-divinoship of pres- 
bytery, which though hinted and held forth, is not 
so made out in Scripture, but being too scant on 
many occasions it must be pieced with prudential 
additions. This great scholar, not overloving of any 
(and least of all these) clergymen, delighted himself in 
raising of scruples for the vexing of others, and some 
stick not to say, that those who will not feed on the 
flesh of God's word, cast most bones to others to 
break their teeth therewith, 
wh^w^di- 55# More trouble was caused to the Assembly by 
ed»and the opinions of the Erastians, and it is worth our 

what they 

held. inquiry into the first author thereof. They were so 
called from Thomas Erastus, a doctor of physic, 
born at Baden in Switzerland, lived professor in 
Heidelberg, and died at Basil about the year one 
thousand five hundred eighty three. He was of 
the privy council to Frederic, the first protestant 
prince Palatine of that name, and this Erastus (like 
our Mr. Perkins) being lame f of his right, wrote all 
with his left hand, and amongst the rest, one against 
Theodore Beza, de excommunicatione, to this effect, 
that the power and excommunication in a Christian 
state principally resides in secular power as the most 
competent judge, when and how the same shall be 
exercised. 

The Era- ]yj r- John Coleman, a modest and learned man, 

•nans in the 

A«emUy. beneficed in Lincolnshire, and Mr. John Lightfoot, 
well skilled in rabbinical learning, were the chief 
members of the Assembly, who (for the main) main- 

f Thuanus in Obit. Vir. Illustr. anno 1583. [See also his 
Theses, p. 350. Pescl. 1589.] 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 287 

tained the tenets of Erastus. These often produced a. d. i6 44 . 

the Hebrew original for the power of princes in 1 

ecclesiastical matters. For though the New Testa- 
ment be silent of the temporal magistrate (princes 
then being pagans) his intermeddling in church- 
matters, the Old is very vocal therein, where the 
authority of the kings of Judah, as nursing fathers 
to the church, is very considerable. 

57. No wonder if the prince palatine (constantly Favourably 
present at their debates) heard the Erastians with w 
much delight, as welcoming their opinions for country 

sake, (his natives as first born in Heidelberg,) though 
otherwise in his own judgment no favourer thereof. 
But other parliament-men listened very favourably 
to their arguments, (interest is a good quickener of 
attention,) hearing their own power enlarged thereby, 
and making use of these Erastians for a check to 
such who pressed conformity to the Scotch kirk in 
all particulars. 

58. Indeed, once the Assembly stretched them- TheAwem- 
selves beyond their own line, ill meddling with wbatiy^edked. 
was not committed by the parliament to their cogni- 
zance and consultation, for which thev were after- 

ward staked down, and tied up with a shorter tedder. 
For though the wise parliament made use of the 
presbyterian zeal and activity for the extirpation of 
bishops, yet they discreetly resolved to hold a strict 
hand over them ; as not coming by their own power 
to advise, but called to advise with the parliament. 
Nor were they to cut out their own work, but to 
make up what was cut to their own hands, and 
seeing a prtemunire is a rod as well for a presbyter 
as a prelate, (if either trespass on the state by their 
over activity,) though they felt not this rod, it was 



£88 The Church History book xt. 

a -D- l6 44- shewed to them, and shaked over them, and they 

SO CllHS. I. 

■ shrewdly and justly shent for their overmeddling, 
which made them the wiser and warier for the time 
to come. 
SdrfT*^ 59. Indeed, the major part of the Assembly endea- 
rmin utrived voured the settling of the Scotch government in all 
particulars, that though Tweed parted their countries, 
nothing might divide their church discipline, and 
this was laboured by the Scotch commissioners with 
all industry and probable means to obtain the same ; 
but it could not be effected, nor was it ever settled 
by act of parliament. For as in heraldry the same 
seeming lions in colour and posture (rampant and 
langued alike) are not the self-same, if the one be 
armed with nails and teeth, the other deprived of 
both, so cannot the English be termed the same 
with the Scotch presbytery, the former being in a 
manner absolute in itself, the latter depended on 
the state in the execution of the power thereof. 
Coerei bn ®® # I nsomuc h> that the parliament kept the co- 
tothepwr- ercive power in their own hands, not trusting them 
to carry the keys at their girdle, so that the power 
of excommunication was not intrusted with them, 
but ultimately resolved into a committee of eminent 
persons of parliament, whereof Thomas, earl of 
Arundel, (presumed present because absent with 
leave beyond the seas,) is the first person nomi- 
nated. 
Uxbndge 6l. A treaty was kept at Uxbridge betwixt the 

fruitless J V © 

treaty. commissioners of the king and parliament, many 
well-meaning people promising themselves good suc- 
cess thereby, whilst others thought this treaty was 
born with a dying countenance, saying there wanted 
a third to interpose to make their distances up by 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 889 

powerful persuasion, no hope of good in either with- AD - 1644* 

out condescension in both parties. One may smile 

at their inference, who presumed that the king's 
commissioners, coming to Uxbridge two parts of 
three to meet those of the parliament, would propor- 
tionally comply in their yieldings. A weak topical 
conjecture, confuted by the formerly going of the 
parliament's commissioners clean through to Oxford, 
and yet little condescension to their propositions*. 

62. Here Mr. Christopher Love (waiting on the Mr. Lore's 
parliament commissioners in a general relation) gave tion. 
great offence to the royalists in his sermon h , shewing 
the impossibility of an agreement, such the dan- 
gerous errors and malicious practices of the opposite 
party ; many condemned his want of charity, more 
of discretion in this juncture of time, when there 
should be a cessation from invectives for the time 
being. But men's censures must fall the more 
lightly upon his memory, because since he hath 
suffered, and so satisfied here for his faults in this or 
any other kind 1 . 

c [All the material papers cause his destruction) of bring* 

and proceedings of this treaty ing in Charles II, the Pres- 

will be found in Dugdale's byterians having row become 

Short View of the late Trou- so thoroughly incensed against 

Met, &c p. 737. The ori- their rivals, as to be willing to 

gmals are in Thurloe's Col- make any sacrifice to obtain 

lection now preserved in the their revenge. The little com- 

Bodleian. It began at Ux- miseration that this vain and 

bridge Jan. 30th, 1644. See weak man met withal, was a 

also the particulars of it in just retribution for his conduct 

Clarendon's History of the Re- towards his sovereign; and a 

bellion, v. 36.] striking illustration of the 

* [See Dugdale's Short warning given in the Psalms, 
View, p. 764.] that the bloodthirsty man shall 

• [He suffered in 165 1 ; not live out half his days. See 
having been accused by the In- his Life in Wood's Athen. ii. 
dependents (falsely, in order to p. 136.] 

ruLLXft, vol, VI. D 



290 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1644. 68. With the commissioners on both sides certain 

20 Chan. I. 

—clergymen were sent in their presence to debate the 

enceofdi- point of church government. 

vines. 

For the king. For the parliament. 

Dr. [Richard] Stewart. Mr. Stephen Marshall. 

Dr. [Gilbert] Sheldon. j Mr. Richard Vines. 

Dr. Benjamin Laney. | 
Dr. Henry Hammond. 
Dr. Henry Feme. 

These, when the commissioners were at leisure from 
civil affairs, were called to a conference before them. 
Dr. Laney 64. Dr. Laney proffered to prove the great bene- 
be heart, fits which had accrued to God's church in all ages 
by the government by bishops ; but the Scotch com- 
missioners would in no wise hear him, whereupon 
the doctor was contentedly silent. Some discourses 
rather than disputes passed betwixt Dr. Stewart 
and Mr. Marshall, leaving no great impressions in 
the memories of those that were present thereat. 
Anaiga- gg Only Mr. Vines was much applauded by his 

ment ad ho- J m x *■ J 

mwntifnotown party, for proving the sufficiency of ordination 
by presbyters, because ministers made by Presby- 
terian government in France and the Low Countries 
were owned and acknowledged by our bishops for 
lawfully ordained for all intents and purposes, both 
to preach and sacramentize, and no reordi nation 
required of them. Thus the goodness of bishops in 
their charity to others was made use of against them- 
selves, and the necessity of the episcopal function. 

Books made 65. To return to the Assembly ; the monuments 

by the As- J 

sembiy. which they have left to posterity of their meeting 
are chiefly these : Articles of Religion drawn up by 
them, and a double Catechism; one the lesser, the 
other the greater; whereof at first very few were 



CENT. *VII. 



of Britain. 



291 



printed for parliament men, meaner folk not attain- a. *^k- 
ing so great a treasure, besides their Directory, 
whereof hereafter, 

67* As for the conclusion of this Assembly, it The Awem- 
dwindled away by degrees, though never legally sinketh 
dissolved J ; many of them, after the taking of e^ ** 



J [The truth is, they never 
could come to any agreement ; 
the Independents daily grow- 
ing too strong to be put down, 
contrary to the hopes of the 
Presbyterians. They had been 
admitted into the assembly at the 
first without suspicion, indeed 
with the expectation that they 
might be reasoned into some 
conformity with the rest, or if 
not, the Presbyterians reckon- 
ed upon possessing sufficient 
influence to force their compli- 
ance. " We trust to carry (all) 
" at last, (says Baillie) ; with 
*' the contentment of sundry 
" once opposite, and silence 
" of all their divine and scrip. 
" tural institution. This is a 
•* point of high consequence, 
• c and upon no other we expect 
" so great difficulty, except 
** alone on Independency ; — 
•• wherewith we purpose not to 
" meddle in haste? till it please 
" God to advance our army, 
u which we expect will much as- 
" sist our arguments. However, 
we are not desperate of some 
accommodation; for Good- 
win, Burroughs, and Bridges 
" are men full, as it seems 
" yet, of grace and modesty ; 
" if they shall prove otherwise, 
" the body of the Assembly and 
" parliament, city and county, 
" will disclaim them." Lett. 39. 
A few days after we find him 
thus writing : " In the time of 



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*' this anarchy the divisions of 
people do much increase ; 
the Independent party grows, 
" but the Anabaptist 8 more, 
" and the Antinomians most. 
The Independents being most 
able men and of great credit, 
fearing no less than banish- 
" ment from their native coun- 
" try of Presbyteries here e- 
'* rected, are watchful that no 
" conclusion be taken to their 
" prejudice. It was my ad- 
u vice, which Mr. Henderson 
presently applauded, and 
gave me thanks for it, to 
eschew a public rupture with 
" the Independents till we were 
more able for them ; as yet 
a presbytery to this people 
" is conceived to be a strange 
" monster." Lett. 40. He soon 
found reason, however, to 
change his tone, and his sub- 
sequent letters are full of in- 
vectives against the sectaries, 
as he calls them. They out- 
manoeuvred the Presbyterians 
turning their designs upon 
their own heads. It was in 
reality a trial of strength, not 
of reason or justice; and as 
the influence of the Scotch 
and the credit of their armies 
declined, their power in the 
assembly declined also. The 
Independents also in their turn 
learned what advantage their 
cause derived by the success 
of those in the army who pro- 

U2 



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44 



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293 



The Church History 



TOOK XL 



a. d. 1644. Oxford, returning to their own cures, and others 
ao /living in London absented themselves, as disliking 



fessed their principles ; and they 
pushed their advantage to the 
uttermost. Having induced 
Cromwell to join them, or ra- 
ther being led by him whose 
interests and judgments were 
the same, they took every op- 
portunity of increasing his 
fame and popularity ; whatever 
honour was gained by other 
men's valour and good conduct, 
was cast upon him. As Wal- 
ker tells us, "the news-books 
" were taught to speak no lan- 
" g UA g e but Cromwell and his 
" party ; and were mute in 
" such actions as he and they 
" could claim no share in ; — 
" when any great exploit was 
" half achieved, and the diffi- 
*' culties overcome, Cromwell 
" was sent to finish it and take 
" the glory to himself; all other 
" men must be eclipsed, that 
" Cromwell (the knight of the 
" sun, and Don Quixote of the 
" Independents) and his party 
" may shine the brighter." — 
History of Independ. i. p. 30. 
The result might be easily fore- 
seen ; as the Independents 
and their party increased, they 
cared but little for the Assem- 
bly or its sanction ; and ended 
with despising it and its mem- 
bers altogether. From this pe- 
riod, Baillie's letters are full of 
the humiliation and disappoint- 
ment experienced by himself 
and his fellow commissioners 
from Scotland. At one time 
he says ; " Our hearts here 
" are oft much weighted and 
" wounded by many hands. 
** Our wrestlings with devils 
" and men are great: however 



" the body of this people be as 
" great as any people, yet they 
" that rule all are mucu oppo- 
" site to our desires. Some 
" very few guide all now at 
•• their pleasure, only through 
" the default of our army. For 
" this long time they have not 
" trusted us." Lett. 119. Else* 
where : " All here is in the ba- 
" lance. In the assembly we 
" are going on languidly with 
" the Confession of Faith and 
44 Catechism. The minds of 
" the divines are much en- 

•• feebled. Mr. Prynne and 

" the Erastian lawyers" (which 
are a large portion of the 
house) " are now our femora. 
" The Independents and sects 
" are quiet, enjoying peaceably 
" all their desires and increas- 
" ing daily their party. They 
" speak no more of bringing 
" their model to the Assembly. 
" We are afraid of this shame- 
" ful and monstrous delay of 
" building the Lord's house, 
" and their ingratitude and un- 
'* kindness to us in our deep 
sufferings for them will pro* 
voke God against them ; 
which we oft earnestly de- 
precate." Lett. 117. This 
concluding remark, with which 
also I must terminate this note, 
looks like dissimulation, but it 
is the unintentional dissimula- 
tion of one who had deceived 
himself. Unperceived perhaps 
by themselves, their own profit 
and aggrandizement had be- 
come the leading motive of his 
and his coadjutors' actions : 
could they wonder that from 
such sowing they reaped only 



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cent, xvik of Britain. 298 

the managing of matters. Such as remained (having a. d.i6 44 . 

survived their great respect) and being too few to ™ ' 

maintain the dignity of an Assembly, contented 
themselves with the notion of a committee, chiefly 
employed to examine their abilities and good affec- 
tions, who were presented to livings ; till at last, as 
in philosophy, accidentia non corrumpuntur sed desi- 
nunt, they vanish with the parliament, and now the 
execution of the archbishop of Canterbury comes 
next under our pen, whose trial being most of civil 
concernment is so largely done in a book of that 
subject, that by us it may be justly omitted k . 

68. Next followed the execution of the arch- The arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, sheriff Chambers of London p!mj£*° 
bringing over night the warrant for the same and death * 
acquainting him therewith. In preparation to so 

sad a work, he betook himself to his own, and 
desired also the prayers of others, and particularly 
of Dr. Holds worth, fellow prisoner in that place for 
a year and half; though all that time there had not 
been the least converse betwixt them. On the 
morrow he was brought out of the tower to the 
scaffold, which he ascended with a cheerful counte- 
nance, (as rather to gain a crown than lose a head,) 
imputed by his friends to the clearedness, by his 
foes to the searedness, of his conscience. The be- 
holders that day were so divided betwixt bemoaners 
and in8ulter8, it was hard to decide which of them 
made up the major part of the company. 

69. He made a sermon speech, taking for his text And _ . 
the two first verses of the twelfth chapter of the w» own fa- 
epistle to the Hebrews: Let us run with patience mon. 

ingratitude ? " Hac seges in- " annis."] 

" gratos tvlit, et feret omnibus k By Prynne in his Breviate* 

U 3 



£94 The Church History book xu 

A - SjJ"* 4 !* the race which is set before us ; looking unto Jesus 

the author and finisher of our faith, who for the 

Joy that was set before him endured the cross, de- 
spising the shame, and is set down at the right hand 
of the throne of God. Craving leave to make use 
of his notes, (for the infirmity of his aged memory,) 
he dilated thereon about half an hour, which dis- 
course, because common, (as publicly printed,) we 
here forbear to insert 1 . For the main, he protested 
his own innocence and integrity, as never intending 
any subversion of laws and liberty ; no enemy to 
parliaments, (though a misliker of some miscarriages,) 
and a protestant in doctrine and discipline according 
to the established laws of the land ; speech ended, 
he betook himself a while to his prayers, and after- 
wards prepared himself for the fatal stroke. 
Questioned 70. Sir John Clotworthy (a member of the house 
assurance of commons) being present, interrogated him con- 
J^'^^cerning bis assurance of salvation, and whereon the 
**"• same was grounded 111 . Some censured this inter- 
ruption for uncivil and unseasonable, as intended to 
ruffle his soul with passion, just as he was fairly 
folding it up to deliver it into the hands of his 
Redeemer. But the archbishop calmly returned, 
that his assurance was evidenced unto him by that 
inward comfort which he found in his own soul. 
Then lying down on the block, and praying, Lord, 
receive my soul, the executioner dexterously did his 
office, and at one blow severed his head from his 
body. Instantly his face (ruddy in the last moment) 

1 [It is printed in Heylin's part towards the archbishop 

Life of Laud, p. 53 1 .] that Cheynell did towards Chil- 

m [This indecent fanatic ling worth. See Heylin, ibid, 

seems to have acted the same p. 536.] 



cent, xvii, of Britain. 995 

turned white as ashes, confuting their falsehoods A ?^ 4 /' 

who gave it out that he had purposely painted it, 

to fortify his cheeks against discovery of fear in the 
paleness of his complexion. His corpse was pri- 
vately interred in the church of Allhallows Barking, 
without any solemnity, save that some will say, he 
had (in those days) a fair funeral who had the 
Common Prayer read thereat". 

71. He was born anno 1573, of honest parents, His With in 
at Reading in Berkshire, a place, for the position brwding'in 
thereof, almost equally distanced from Oxford, the° xford * 
scene of his breeding, and London, the principal 
stage of his preferment. His mother was sister to 
sir William Webb, (born also at Reading,) Salter, 
and anno 1591 lord mayor of London . Here the 
archbishop afterwards built an almshouse, and en- 
dowed it with two hundred pounds per annum, as 
appeareth by his own diary, which, if evidence 
against him for his faults, may be used as a witness 
of his good works. Hence was he sent to St. John's 
College in Oxford, where he attained to such emi- 
nency of learning, that oneP since hath ranked him 
amongst the greatest scholars of our nation. He 
afterwards married Charles Blount, earl of Devon- 
shire, to the lady Rich, which proved (if intended 
an advantage under his feet, to make him higher 
in the notice of the world) a covering to his face, 
and was often cast a rub in his way, when running 

n [He was executed Jan. io, St. John's College in Oxford.] 
1645, on Tower-hill; at first ° [See Heylin's Life of 

he was sentenced to be hanged, Laud, p. 46.] 
drawn, and quartered ; after- P [See " The Appeal, &c." 

wards to be simply beheaded, part iii. p. 60.] Dr. Heylin 

The body was finally removed in his last edition of the Ali- 

and interred in the chapel of crocosm. 

u 4 



896 T/ie Church Hutory soot xi. 

A. d. 1645. in bis full speed to preferment, till after some diffi- 

' culty his greatness at the last made a shift to stride 

over it. 
He oharg- 72. In some sort he may be said to have served 
tSTa in aU offices in the church, from a common soldier 
ferment**" to a ^ n ^ °f general therein. There was neither 
order, office, degree, nor dignity in college, church, 
or university, but he passed thorough it. 1. Order, 
deacon, priest, bishop, archbishop. 2. Office, scho- 
lar, fellow, president of St. John's College, proctor, 
and chancellor of Oxford. S. Degree, bachelor and 
master of arts, bachelor and doctor of divinity. 
4, Dignity, vicar of Stanford, parson of Ibstock, pre- 
bendary of Westminster, archdeacon of Huntingdon, 
dean of Gloucester, bishop of St. David's in Wales, 
Bath and Wells, and London, in England, and finally 
archbishop of Canterbury. It was said of Dr. George 
Abbot, his predecessor, that he suddenly started to 
be a bishop without ever having pastoral charge, 
whereas this man was a great traveller in all cli- 
mates of church preferment, sufficient to acquaint 
him with an experimental knowledge of the con- 
ditions of all such persons who at last were subjected 
to his authority. 
Charged 73. He is generally charged with popish indi- 
te a papist, nations, and the story is commonly told and believed, 
of a lady (still alive) p who, turning papist, and being 
demanded of the archbishop the cause of her chang- 
ing her religion, tartly returned, " My lord, it was 
" because I ever hated a crowd ; n and being desired 
to explain her meaning herein, " I perceived," said 
she, " that your lordship and many others are making 
•' for Rome as fast as ye can, and therefore, to pre- 

P [The Dowager duchess of Buckingham ?] 



CKNT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



897 



" vent a press, I went before you." Be the tale true a.d. i6 4 c. 

or false, take papist for a Trent-papist, embracing all — 

the divisions of that council, and surely this arch- 
bishop would have been made fuel for the fire be- 
fore ever of that persuasion. Witness his book 
against Fisher, wherein he giveth no less account of 
his sincerity than ability to defend the most domi- 
native points wherein we and the papists dissent q . 

q [The following anecdote 

related by Dr. Heylin in The 

Appeal* &c. part iii. p. 6a, 

serves as an additional proof, 

if proof indeed were needed, 

of the groundlessness of this 

charge which some of his 

opponents have endeavoured 

to fix upon him. *' It was 

" in November, anno 1639," 

•ays Heylin, " that I received 

" a message from the lord arch- 

" bishop to attend him the 

" next day at two of the clock 
in the afternoon. The key 
being turned which opened 
the way into his study, I 

" fonnd him sitting in a chair 

** holding a paper in both 

" hands, and his eyes so fixed 

" upon that paper, that he ob- 

" served me not at my coming 

" in. Finding him in that pos- 

" ture, I thought it (it and 

" manners to retire again ; but 

" the noise I made by my re- 

" treat bringing him back unto 

" himself, he recalled me again, 

" and told me, after some short 
pause, that he well remem- 
bered having sent for me, but 

" could not tell for his life 

'* what it was about. After 

" which he was pleased to say, 

" not without tears standing in 

" his eyes, that he had newly 

" received a letter acquainting 



«c 



4« 



•I 



« 



<< 



«< 



«• 



" him with a revolt of a person 

" of some quality in North 

" Wales to the church of Rome; 

" that he knew that the increase 

" of popery by such frequent 

" revolts would be imputed 

" unto him and his brethren 

" the bishops, who were all 

" least guilty of the same ; 

" that for his part he had done 

" his utmost, so far forth as it 

might consist with the rules 

of prudence and the preser- 

" vation of the church, to sup- 

" press that party, and to bring 

" the chief sticklers in it to 

" condign punishment. To the 

" truth whereof, lifting up his 

" wet eyes to heaven, he took 

" God to witness ; conjuring 

" me, as I would answer it to 

" God at the day of judgment, 

•• that if ever I came to any of 

" those places which he and 

" his brethren, by reason of 

" their great age, were not like 

" to hold long, I would employ 

*' all such abilities as God had 

" given me in suppressing that 

" party, who by their open un- 

" dertakings and secret prac- 

" tices were like to be the ruin 

" of this flourishing church. 

" After some words of mine 

" upon that occasion, I found 

" some argument to divert him 

" from those sad remembrances, 



898 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1645. 74. However most apparent it is by several pas- 
sages in his life, that he endeavoured to take up 

vounnga" many controversies betwixt us and the church of 

••• 

JSJnl^xt Rome, so to compromise the difference and to bring us 
eJJJE^ t° a vicinity, if not contiguity therewith, an impos- 
sible design (if granted lawfully), as some every way 
his equals did adjudge. For composition is impos- 
sible with such who will not agree except all they 
sue for, and all the charges of their suit, be to the 
utmost farthing awarded unto them. Our reconci- 
liation with Rome is clogged with the same impossi- 
bilities ; she may be gone to, but will never be met 
with, such her pride or as peevishness, not to stir 
a step to obviate any of a different religion. Rome 
will never so far unpope itself as to part with her 
pretended supremacy and infallibility, which cuts off 
all possibility of protestants' treaty with her, if pos- 
sibly without prejudice to God's glory and the truth, 
other controversies might be composed ; which done, 
England would have been an island, as well in reli- 
gion as situation, cut off from the continent of foreign 
protestant churches, in a singular posture by itself, 
hard to be imagined, but harder to be effected. 
75. Amongst his human frailties, choler and pas- 



Overievere 
inhUcen- 



" and having brought him to 
" some reasonable composed- 
" ness, I took leave for the 
" present ; and some two or 
€ * three days after waiting on 
" him again, he then told me 
" the reason of his sending for 
" me the time before. And 
** this I deliver for a truth on 
" the faith of a Christian, 
" which I hope will overbalance 
" any evidence which hath 
41 been brought to prove such 



" ' popish inclinations ' as he 
" stands generally charged with 
" in our author s history." — 
To this Fuller answers, " I 
" verily believe all and every 
** one of these passages to be 
'• true, and therefore may pro- 
ceed." His recovery of Hales 
and Chilli ngworth is familiar 
to all readers of ecclesiastical 
history, and needs not to be 
here detailed.] 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



299 



sion most discovered itself. In the Star Chamber a. d. 1645. 

21 Chat. 1. 



(where, if the crime not extraordinary, it was fine 
enough for one to be sued in so chargeable a court) 
he was observed always to concur with the severest 
side r , and to infuse more vinegar than oil into all 
his censures, and also was much blamed for his 



r [This is certainly not true ; 
the proceedings in the Star- 
chamber, whenever they as- 
sumed a character of severity, 
were attributed to the arch- 
bishop, although he was but 
one ecclesiastic among several 
laymen, and by no means the 
most forward in passing a harsh 
and hasty sentence upon those 
who were brought before him. 
There is a pamphlet entitled 
"An exact copy of a Letter 
41 sent to William Laud, late 
" Archbishop of Canterbury, 
" now Prisoner in the Tower, 
" Nov. 5, 164 1 ; at which his 
" lordship taking exceptions, 
41 the author visited him in his 
" own person, and having ad- 
" mittance to him had some 
" private discourse with him 
" concerning the cruelty in 
" which he formerly reigned 
M in his power ; the substance 
" whereof is truly composed 
" by the author himself, &c." 
410.1641. In this pamphlet, 
the writer, who was no friend 
to the archbishop, thus ad- 
dresses him : '• My lord," quoth 
he, '* I have been both an eye 
" and an ear- witness at the 

high commission court, when 
" men truly fearing God" have 
" been called to the bar, and 
" your lordship hath com. 






" manded to give them the 
" bath, which when they have 
" refused you have committed 
•« them to" prison." •• No," 
quoth my lord ; " it is well 
" known I have shewn great 
•' favour and clemency to those 
" obstinate men, in that I have 
" sometime forborne them a 
" twelvemonth together, and 
" have in the meantime refer- 
" red them to godly and learn- 
" ed doctors and ministers for 
" satisfaction in that point ; 
" and when they out of wil- 
" fulness and obstinacy would 
*' not be satisfied, I could 
" do no less by the order 
" of the court than commit 
" them to prison." The jus- 
tice and correctness of this 
statement, the writer of the 
pamphlet, and the archbishop's 
accuser, does not deny. And 
again, the author of the pam- 
phlet called " The True Cha- 
racter of an Untrue Bi- 
shop," says, "He observ- 
eth the scripture in the spirit 
of it, useth his greatest ad- 
versaries with most meek, 
ness ; I mean of the separa- 
" tion of the nonconformists ; 
'• concluding that diversity of 
•• opinion will beget their ruin 
" and establish him in his sta- 
" tion." p. 5.] 



«< 



<« 



<« 



<< 



<< 



« 



* That is, the Puritans, the name they arrogated to themselves. 



300 The Church History book xl 

a.d. 1645. severity to his predecessor, easing him, against his 

1 will and before his time, of his jurisdiction •. 

Orermed- 76. But he is most accused for over meddlinir 

dlnigiii 

ttMte mat. in state matters ; more than was fitting, say many ; 



than needful, say most, for one of his profession. 
But he never more overshot himself than when he 
did impose the Scotch Liturgy, and was aWorpto- 
apxicTTio-KOTros over a free and foreign church and 
nation. At home many grumbled at him for oft 
making the shallowest pretence of the crown deep 
enough (by his powerfiil digging therein) to drown 
the undoubted right of any private patron to a 
church living. But courtiers most complained that 
be persecuted them, not in their proper places, but 
what in an ordinary way he should have taken from 
the hands of inferior officers, that he with a long 
and strong arm reached to himself over all their 
heads. Yet others plead for him that he abridged 
their bribes, not fees, and it vexed them that he 
struck their fingers with the dead palsy, so that they 
could not, as formerly, have a feeling for church 
preferments. 
Sp*****- 77. He was conscientious according to the prin- 
keepinga ciples of his devotion ; witness his care in keeping a 
a<7, constant diary of the passages in his life. Now he 
can hardly be an ill husband who casteth up his 
receipts and expenses every night ; and such a soul 
is, or would be good, which enters into a daily scru- 
tiny of its own actions. But such who commend 
him in making, condemn him in keeping such a 
diary about him in so dangerous days: especially 
he ought to untongue it from talking to his preju- 

8 [Both these statements may be disproved by the clearest 

evidence.] 



ckht. xvii. of Britain. 801 

dice, and should have garbled some light, trivial, a. d. 1645. 

and joculary passages out of the same; whereas, ' 

sure the omission hereof argued not his carelessness 
but confidence, that such his privacies should meet 
with that favour of course which in equity is due to 
writings of that nature. 

78. He was temperate in his diet, and (which may Temperate 
be presumed the effect thereof) chaste in his conver- 
sation; indeed, in his diary, he confessed himself 
lapsed into some special sin with £. B. for which 

he kept an anniversary humiliation. Indeed, his 
adversary* makes this note thereon, " perchance he 
u was unclean with E. B.," which is but an uncharit- 
able suspicion 12 . Now an exact diary is a window 
in his heart who maketh it, and therefore pity it 
is any should look therein, but either the friends 
of the party, or such ingenuous foes as will not (espe- 
cially in things doubtful) make conjectural com- 
ments to his disgrace. But be £. B. male or female, 
and the sin committed, of what kind soever, his fault 
whispers not so much to his shame as his solemn re- 
pentance sounds to his commendation. 

79. He was very plain in apparel, and sharply An enemy 

to giilutfitry 

checked such clergymen whom he saw go in rich or in clergy. 
gaudy clothes, commonly calling them of the church clothe*. 
triumphant. Thus, as cardinal Wolsey is reported 
the first prelate who made silks and satins fashionable 
amongst clergymen, so this archbishop first retrench- 
ed the usual wearing thereof. Once at a visitation 

* Mr. Prynne in the breviate the diary. See Laud's Diary, 

of the archbishop's life, p. 30. p. 12, May 28, and elsewhere. 

u [Not only a most uncha- Our author had shewn him- 

ritabie but execrable falsehood, self much wiser had he omitted 

as Prynne might have known the record of such diabolical 

by reference to other parts of malevolence.] 



80S 



Tlie Church History 



BOOK XL 



A. u. 1645. in Essex, one in orders (of good estate and extrac- 

-tion) appeared before him very gallant in habit, 

whom Dr. Laud (then bishop of London) publicly 
reproved, shewing to him the plainness of his own 
apparel : " My lord," said the minister, " you have 
" better clothes at home, and I have worse ; " whereat 
the bishop rested very well contented x . 
Not partial 80. He was not partial in preferring his kindred, 
dud" m except some merit met in them with his alliance. 
I knew a near kinsman of his in the university, 
scholar enough, but somewhat wild and lazy, on 
whom it was late before he reflected with favour, 
and that not before his amendment. And generally 
persons promoted by him were men of learning and 
abilities, though many of them Arminians in their 
judgments, and I believe they will not be offended 
with my reporting it> seeing most of them will 
endeavour to justify and avouch their opinions 
herein. 
?rta? itad " ***' Covetousness he perfectly hated; being a 
vetousneu. single man, and having no project to raise a name 
or family, he was the better enabled for public per- 
formances, having both a price in his hand, and an 
heart also to dispose thereof for the general good. 
St. John's in Oxford, wherein he was bred, was so 
beautified, enlarged, and enriched by him, that 



x [Laud's plainness of appa- 
rel exposed him to the railing 
of the Puritans: thus one of 
that class says of him : " He 
" is half a precisian in the out- 
" ward man: he loveth little 
" bands, short hair, grave looks; 
but had rather be slain at 
Tyburn than preach in a 
" cloak, (the badge of the Puri- 



*i 



€t 



" tans, see §. 3, above,) though 
" Paul sent for his on some 
" such occasion from Troas." 
" True Character of an Untrue 
" Bishop." Lond. 1641, p. 6. 
Though often on other occa- 
sions they brought the very 
opposite charge against the bi- 
shops : but wisdom is justified 
of her children.^ 



cent. xvn. of Britain. 808 

strangers at the first sight knew it not, yea, it A *5j^ 4 5* 

scarce knoweth itself, so altered to the better from 

its former condition; insomuch that almost it de- 
serveth the name of Canterbury College, as well 
as that which Simon Islip founded, and since hath 
lost its name, united to Christ Church. More build 
ings he intended, (had not the stroke of one axe 
hindered the working of many hammers,) chiefly 
on churches, whereof the following passage may not 
impertinently be inserted. 

82. It happened that a visitation was kept at The gnn& 

causer of 

St. Peter's in Cornhill, for the clergy of London, the repair- 
The preacher discoursing of the painfulness of the lurches, 
ministerial function, proved it from the Greek de- 
duction of Siclkovos, or deacon, so called from kovis, 
dust, because he must laborare in arena in pulvere, 
" work in the dust," do hard service in hot wea- 
ther. Sermon ended, bishop Laud proceeded to 
his charge to the clergy, and observing the church 
ill repaired without, and slovenly kept within, "I 
" am sorry," said he, " to meet here with so true an 
etymology of diaconm, for here is both dust and 
dirt too for a deacon (or priest either) to work in ; 
yea, it is dust of the worst kind, caused from the 
" ruins of this ancient house of God, so that it 
" pitieth His servants to see her in the dusty." 
Hence he took occasion to press the repairing of 
that and other decayed places of divine worship, 
so that from this day we may date the general 
mending, beautifying, and adorning of all English 
churches ; some to decency, some to magnificence, 
and some (if all complaints were true) to super- 
stition. 

y Psalm cii. 1 4. 






304 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1645. 83. But the church of St. Paul's (the only cathe- 

91 Chat. I. 

— — — Idral in Christendom dedicated to that apostle) was 
of attars, the masterpiece of his performances. We know 
what one* satirically said of him, " that he plucked 
" down Puritans and property to build up Paul's 
" and prerogative." But let unpartial judges be- 
hold how he left and remember how he found that 
ruinous fabric, and they must conclude that (though 
intending more) he effected much in that great 
design. He communicated his project to some pri- 
vate persons, of taking down the great tower in the 
middle to the spurs, and rebuild it in the same 
fashion (but some yards higher) as before. He 
meant to hang as great and tuneable a ring of bells 
as any in the world, whose sound, advantaged with 
their height and vicinity of the Thames, must needs 
be loud and melodious. But now he is turned to 
his dust* and all his thoughts have perished ; yea, 
that church, formerly approached with due reve- 
rence, is now entered with just fear of falling on 
those under it, and is so far from having its old 
decays repaired, that it is daily decayed in its new 
reparations. 
Hii penon- g4. He was low of stature, little in bulk, cheerful 

al charac- 
ter, in countenance, (wherein gravity and quickness were 

well compounded,) of a sharp and piercing eye, clear 

judgment, and (abating the influence of age) firm 

memory. He wore his hair very close, and though 

in the beginning of his greatness many measured 

the length of men's strictness by the shortness of 

their hair, yet some will say, that since, out of 

antipathy to conform to his example, his opposites 

have therein indulged more liberty to themselves. 

* Lord F. [Ficnnes?] 



C1KT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



305 



And thus we take our leave of him, whose estate A P: ,6 \ 5 ' 

2 1 Chas. I. 

(neither so great as to be envied at, nor so small 

as to be complained of,) he left to his heir and 
aster's son, Mr. John Robinson, merchant, of Lon- 
don, though fain first to compound with the par- 
liament before he could peaceably enjoy the same*. 
85. The same year with this archbishop died The birth 

* * and breed- 

auother divine, (though of a different judgment,) no \ng of Mr. 
less esteemed amongst men of his own persuasion, 
viz. Mr. John Dod, who (in the midst of troublous 
times) quietly withdrew himself to heaven. He was 
born at Shotledge in Cheshire, the youngest of 



* [See the last will and 
testament of the archbishop, in 
Wharton's History &c. p. 457. 
To this person Heylin dedi- 
cated his Life of Archbishop 
Land; but there he is styled 
ah* John Robinson, knt. and 
bait., lieutenant of the Tower 
of London. Laud's relation- 
ship, which was only by half 
blood, with the Robinsons, will 
be more clearly seen in Heylin's 
Life of Laud, p. 46. 

The archbishop's personal 
appearance is thus described by 
Dr. Heylin, who knew him well. 
" Of stature he was low, but 
" of strong composition : so 
" short a trunk never contained 
" so much excellent treasure ; 
" which therefore was to be 
K the stronger by reason of the 
" wealth which was hid within 
" it. His countenance, cheer- 
" nil and well bloodied, more 
" fleshy, as I have often heard 
" him say, than any other part 
" of his body ; which cheer- 
" fulness and vivacity he car- 
" ried with him to the very 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



" block, notwithstanding the 
" afflictions of four years' im- 
" prisonment and the infelicity 
" of the times. For at his first 
" commitment he besought God 
" (as is observed in the Bre- 
" viate) to give him full pa- 
" tience, proportionable com- 
" fort, and contentment with 
•' whatsoever he should send ; 
" and he was heard in what he 
€€ prayed for: for notwithstand- 
" ing that he had fed long on 
•• the bread of carefulness, and 
" drank the water of afflic- 
" tion, yet, as the scripture 
" telleth us of the four Hebrew 
" children, his countenance ap- 
" peared fairer and fatter in 
" flesh than any of those who 
" eat their portion of the king's 
" meat and drank of his wine. 
" A gallant spirit being for the 
" most part like the sun, which 
" shews the greater at his set- 
" ting." p. 542. The arch- 
bishop's face, it was remarked 
at his execution, was so ruddy 
as to give rise to a suspicion of 
his having painted it.] 



806 The Church History book xi. 

a. p. 1645. seventeen children; bred in Jesus College in Cam- 
— ' ** bridge. At a disputation at one commencement 
he was so facetiously solid, (wild, yet sweet fruits, 
which the stock brought forth before grafted with 
grace,) that Oxford men, there present, courted 
him home with them, and would have planted him 
in their university, save that he declined it. 
One peace. 86. He was a passive Nonconformist, not loving 
Und. ° ur any one the worse for difference in judgment about 
ceremonies, but all the better for their unity of 
affections in grace and goodness. He used to re- 
trench some hot spirits when inveighing against 
bishops, telling them how God under that govern- 
ment had given a marvellous increase to the gospel, 
and that godly men might comfortably comport 
therewith, under which learning and religion had 
so manifest an improvement : he was a good deca- 
logist, and is conceived to his dying day (how roughly 
soever used by the opposite party) to stick to his 
own judgment of what he had written on the fifth 
commandment, of obedience to lawful authority, 
improveth 87- Some riotous gentlemen casually coming to 
10 pi y the table of sir Antony Cope in Han well, were half 
starved in the midst of a feast, because refraining 
from swearing (meat and drink to them) in the 
presence of Mr. Dod ; of these one after dinner in- 
geniously professed, that he thought it had been 
impossible for himself to forbear oaths so long a 
time ; hereat Mr. Dod (the flame of whose zeal 
turned all accidents into fuel) fell into a pertinent 
and seasonable discourse, (as more better at occa- 
sional,) of what power men have more than they 
know of themselves to refrain from sin, and how 
active God's restraining grace would be in us to 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 307 

bridle us from wickedness, were we not wanting in A -*>- ,6 45- 
ourselves. 

88. Being stricken in years, he used to compare Ym *k will 
himself to Samson when his hair was cut off* •* I 

" rise,'* saith he, " in a morning, as Samson did, 
"and think, / will go out as at other times b 9 go, 
" watch, walk, work, study, ride, as when a young 
tt man ; but alas ! he quickly found an alteration, 
" and so do I, who must stoop to age, which hath 

* dipt my hair and taken my strength away." 

89. Being at Holdenby, and invited by an ho- God seen at 
nourable person to see that stately house built by hand in na- 
sir Christopher Hatton, (the masterpiece of English thrJecond 
architecture in that age,) he desired to be excused, ln Brt ' 
and to sit still looking on a flower which he had 

m his hand. " In this flower," saith he, " I can see 

* more of God than in all the beautiful buildings in 
" the world." And at this day, as his flower is long 
since withered, that magnificent pile, that fair flower 
of art, is altogether blasted and destroyed. 

90. It is reported he was but coarsely used ofAninno- 
the cavaliers, who they say plundered him of hisceiver. 
linen c and household stuff, though as some tell me, 

if so disposed, he might have redeemed all for a 
very small matter. However, the good man still 
remembered his old maxim, " sanctified afflictions 
"are good promotions;" and I have been credibly 
informed, that when the soldiers brought down his 
sheets out of the chamber into the room where 
Mr. Dod sat by the fire-side, he (in their absence to 
search after more) took one pair and clapt them under 
his cushion whereon he sat, much pleasing himself, 
after their departure, that he had, as he said, " plun- 

b Judges xvi. ao. c In a list written by Mr. Clark. 

x 2 



808 



The Church History of Britain. book xi. 



Excellent 
Hebrician. 



a.d. 1645." dered the plunderers, and by a lawful felony saved 
1 «• so much of his own to himself.** 

91. He was an excellent scholar, and was as 
causelessly accused, as another John of his name, 
(Mr. John Fox I mean,) for lacking of Latin. He 
was also an exquisite Hebrician, and with his society 
and directions in one vacation taught that tongue 
unto Mr. John Gregory, that rare linguist, and chap- 
lain of Christ Church, who survived him but one 
year d , and now they both together praise God in 
that language which glorified saints and angels use 
in heaven 6 . 

92. He was buried at Fauseley, in Northampton- 
shire, with whom the old Puritan may seem to 
expire, and in his grave to be interred. Humble* 
meek, patient, hospitable, charitable as in his censures 
of, so in his alms to others. Would I could truly 
say but half so much of the next generation ! 



Farewell 
oWPuri- 
tan. 



d Dying at Kidlington, Mar. 
13, 1646, and was buried in 
Christ Church, Oxford. [See 
Wood' 8 Athen. ii. p. 100.] 

c [See a Life of him in 
Clark's " Lives of Thirty-two 
" Eminent Divines," p. 168, 



and in " Lloyd's Memoirs/' p. 
129. The puritan leaven of 
the former caused him to sup- 
press, on this as on other occa- 
sions, passages which he thought 
unfavourable to the Noncon- 
formists.] 



1 



TO THE EIGHT WORSHIPFUL 

ROGER PRICE, Esq. 

HIGH SHERIFF OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE*. 

Seamen observe that the water is the more troubled the nearer 
they draw on to the land, became broken by repercussion from 
the shore. I am sensible of the same danger the nearer I 
approach our times and the end of this history. 

Yet fear not, Sir, that the least wrong may redound to you 
by my indiscretion in the writing hereof, desiring you only to 
patronise what is acceptable therein, and what shall appear 
e is left on my account to answer for the same. 

SOU may know, that amongst the mostA.D. 164s- 
remarkables effected by the Assembly ■ ' 
of divines, the compiling of the Di-toryd™^" 
rectory was one, which although com-^2i U _ 
poped in the former year, yet because 
not as yet meeting with universal obedience, it will 
be seasonable enough now to enter on the consider- 
ation thereof. The parliament, intending to abolish 
the liturgy, and loath to leave the land altogether at ' 
a loss, or deformity in public service, employed the 

• (Arms. Three Comish ingrnim shire, of the Littletons 

choughs sable, beaked and in 1650. — Lyson's Bucks, p. 

legged, gules. He purchased 660, and was succeeded in it 

the manor of Weatbury, Buck- by his son of the same name.] 

18 




J 



310 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d, 1645. Assembly in drawing up a model of divine worship 5 . 
.. Herein no direct form of prayer verbis concepHs was 

prescribed, no outward or bodily worship enjoined, 
nor people required in the responsals (more than in 
Amen) to bear a part in the service, but all was left 
to the discretion of the minister, not enjoined what, 
but directed to what purpose he ought to order his 
devotions, in public prayer and administering sacra- 
ments. 
To which g. The dissenting brethren (commonly called in- 
ingbre. dependents) were hardly persuaded to consent to 
Ust anent. a Directory. Even libera custodia, though it be the 
best of restraints, is but a restraint ; and they sus- 
pected such a Directory would, if enforced, be an 
infringing of the Christian liberty; however, they 
consented at last, the rather because a preface was 
prefixed before it, which did much moderate the 
matter, and mitigate the rigorous imposition thereof. 

wid^charit- ^' ^ n ^ 8 preface respectful terms are, no less 
able pre- discreetly than charitably, afforded to the first com- 
pilers of the Liturgy, allowing them wise and pious 
in redressing many things which were vain, erro- 
neous, superstitious, and idolatrous ; affirming also, 
that many godly and learned men of that age re- 



b [All public use of the Li- 
turgy seems to have been aban- 
doned some time before the 
Directory was drawn up. For 
in a letter dated Feb. 18, 1644, 
Baillie informs his correspond- 
ent, " that they had so con- 
" trived it with my lord Whar- 
" ton, that the lords that day 
" did petition the Assembly 
" that they might have one of 
" the divines to attend their 
" house for a week, as it came 



' about, to pray to God with 
' them. Some days thereafter 
' the lower house petitioned for 
' the same. Both their desires 
' were gladly granted ; for by 
' this means the relics of the 
' service-book, which till then 
' was every day used in both 
f houses, are at last banished. 
' Paul's and Westminster are 
' purged of their images, or- 
' gans, and all which gave of- 
• fence." Lett. 43.] 



cent, xvii. of Britain. 811 

joiced much in the Liturgy at that time set forth ; a. D.1645. 

but adding withal, that they would rejoice more had ^J_ 

it been their happiness to behold this present refor- 
mation ; they themselves were persuaded that these 
first reformers, were they now alive, would join with 
them in this work of advancing the Directory. 

4. The Assembly-work of the Directory thus end- Tha Wre- 

tory enfor- 

ed, the lords and commons began therewith prefixing ced by or- 
an ordinance thereunto, made much up of forms or parliament. 
repeal, laying down the motives inclining them to 
think the abolishing of the Common Prayer and 
establishment of this Directory necessary for this 
nation. First, the consideration of the many incon- 
veniences risen by that book in this kingdom. Se- 
condly, their covenant resolution to reform religion 
according to God's word and the best reformed 
churches. Thirdly, their consulting with the learned, 
pious, and reverend divines for that purpose. 

5. The benefit of printing the Directory was be- A g°«* 

price if well 

stowed on Mr. Rowborough and Mr. Byfield, scribes paid. 
to the Assembly, who are said to have sold the same 
for some hundreds of pounds. Surely the stationer 
who bought it did not, with the dishonest chapman, 
first decry the worth thereof and then boast of his 
pennyworth . If since he hath proved a loser there- 
by, I am confident that they who sold it him carried 
such a chancery in their bosoms as to make him fair 
satisfaction. 

6. Now because it was hard to turn people out of a second 
their old track, and put them from a beaten path, to back the 
(such was, call it constancy or obstinacy, love or former ' 
doting, of the generality of the nation on the Com- 
mon Prayer,) the parliament found it fit, yea, neces- 

c Proverbs xx. 14. 

x4 



318 The Church History book w. 

a. d. 16.15. sary, to back their former ordinance with a second, 

1 dated twenty-third of August, 1645, and entitled, 

" An ordinance of the lords and commons for the 

" more effectual putting in execution the Directory, 

" &c," wherein directions were not only given for 

the dispersing and publishing of the " Directory in all 

" parishes, chapelries, and donatives, but also for the 

" calling in and suppressing of all books of Common 

" Prayer, and several forfeitures and penalties to be 

" levied and imposed upon conviction before justices 

" of assize, or of oyer and terminer, &c." 

The king's 7. But in opposition hereunto, the king at Oxford 

tion contra, set forth a proclamation, bearing date the thirteenth 

JLiia- of November, 1645, enjoining the use of "Common 

djnanoT" " Prayer according to law, notwithstanding the pre* 

" tended ordinances for the new Directory.* Thus 

as the waves, commanded one way by the tide and 

countermanded another with the wind, know not 

which to obey ; so people stood amused betwixt these 

two forms of service, line upon line, precept upon pre- 

cept d 9 being the easiest way to edify; whilst line against 

line, precept against precept, did much disturb and 

distract. 

Arguments 8. The king and parliament being thus at differ- 

pro and con ox o 

totheDi- ence, no wonder if the pens of the chaplains fol- 
T9Ctory ' lowed their patrons, and engaged violently pro and 
con in the controversy. I presume it will be lawful 
and safe for me to give in a breviate of the argu- 
ments on both sides, reserving my private opinion 
to myself, as not worthy the reader's taking notice 
thereof ; for as it hath been permitted in the height 
and heat of our civil war for trumpeters and mes- 
sengers to have fair and free passage on both sides, 

d Isaiah xxviii. 10. 



ENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



818 



pleading the privilege of the' public faith, provided a. d. 1645- 

they do not interest themselves like parties, and as — 

spies forfeit the protection, so subjecting themselves 
justly to the severest punishment : so historians in 
like manner in all ages have been permitted to 
transmit to posterity an unpartial account of actions, 
preserving themselves neuters in their indifferent 
relations. 



Against the Liturgy. 

1. Sad experience hath 
made it manifest that the 
Liturgy used in England 
(notwithstanding the reli- 
gious intentions of the com- 
pilers thereof) hath proved 
an offence to many godly 
people. 

%. Offence thereby hath 
also been given to the re- 
formed churches abroad. 



3. Mr. Calvin himself dis- 
liked the Liturgy in his let- 
ter to the lord protector, cha- 
ritably calling many things 
therein tolerabtles ineptias. 



4. The Liturgy is no bet- 
ter than confining of the Spi- 
rit, tying it to such and such 



For the Liturgy. 

i. Such offence (if any) 
was taken, not given, and 
they must be irreligious mis- 
takes which stand in oppo- 
sition to such religious in- 
tentions. 



2. No foreign church ever 
in print expressed any such 
offence, and if some particu- 
lar man have disliked it, as 
many and as eminent have 
manifested their approbation 
thereof. 

3. Mr. Calvin is but one 
man : besides, he spake a- 
gainst the first draught of 
the Liturgy, anno 1 . of king 
Edward the Sixth, which 
afterwards was reviewed in 
that king's reign, and again 
in the first of queen Eliza- 
beth. 

4. The same charge lieth 
against the Directory, ap- 
pointing though not the words 



814 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



A. D. 1645. words, which is to be left 
ai ChM.1. a | one to j te own liberty ; use 

praying and have praying; 
the extemporary gift is im- 
proved by the practice thereof. 



5. It being a compliant 
with the papists, in a great 
part of their service, doth 
not a little confirm them in 
their superstition and idola- 
try. 



6. It is found by experi- 
ence that the Liturgy hath 
been a great means to make 
an idle and an unedifying 
ministry. 



7. It is tedious to the 
people, with the unnecessary 
length taking up an hour at 
least in the large and distinct 
reading thereof. 



to be prayed with, the mat- 
ter to be prayed for. Poor 
liberty to leave the Spirit 
only to supply the place of a 
vocabulary or a copia verba- 
rum. And seeing sense is 
more considerable than lan- 
guage, she prescribing there- 
of restraineth the Spirit as 
much as appointing the words 
of a prayer. 

5. It complieth with the 
papists in what they have re- 
tained of antiquity, and not 
what they have superadded 
of idolatry, and therefore 
more probably may be a 
means of converting them to 
our religion, when they per- 
ceive us not possessed with a 
spirit of opposition unto them 
in such things wherein they 
close with the primitive times. 

6. The users of the Litur- 
gy have also laboured in 
preaching, catechising, and 
study of divine learning. 
Nor doth the Directory se- 
cure any from laziness, see- 
ing nothing but lungs and 
sides may be used in the de- 
livery of any extempore 
prayer. 

7. Some observers of the 
Directory, to procure to their 
parts and persons the repute 
of ability and piety, have 
spent as much time in their 
extemporary devotions. 



CSNT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



815 



8. Many ceremonies, not 
only unprofitable but bur- 
thensouie, are therein im- 
posed on people's consciences. 



9. Divers able and faith- 
ful ministers have, by the 
means of the Liturgy, been 
debarred the exercise of their 
ministry, and spoiled of their 
livelihood, to the undoing of 
them and their family. 



8. This is disproved by A. D. 1645. 

uChas.1. 



such who have written vo- 
lumes in the vindication 
thereof. But grant it true, 
not a total absolution, but a 
reformation thereof may 
hence be inferred. 

9. The Directory, if en- 
forced to subject the refusers 
to penalties, may spoil as 
many and as well-deserving 
of their ministry and liveli- 
hood. 



conscience 



Such as desire to read deeper in this controversy 
may have their recourse to the manifold tractates 
written on this subject. 

9. But leaving these disquiets the Common Prayer a query for 
daily decreased, and Directory by the power of par- sake. 
liament was advanced. Here some would fain be 
satisfied, whether the abolishing of the main body 
of the Common Prayer extendeth to the prohibition 
of every expression therein, (I mean not such which 
are the numerical words of scripture, whereof no 
question,) but other ancient passages, which in the 
primitive times were laudably (not to say necessarily) 
put in practice. 

10. I know a minister who was accused for using a word in 
the gloria Patri, (conforming his practice to the 
Directory in all things else,) and threatened to be 
brought before the committee. He pleaded the 
words of Mr. Cartwright in his defence 6 , confessing 
the gloria Patri founded on just cause, that men 



dne 



e His Reply against Whitgift, p. 107, sect. iv. 



316 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1645. might make their open profession in the church of 
the divinity of the Son of God, against the detest- 
able opinion of Arms and his disciples. " But now," 
saith he, " that it hath pleased the Lord to quench 
that fire, there is no such cause why those things 
should be used." " But seeing" (said the minister) 
" it hath pleased God for our sins to condemn us to 
live in so licentious an age, wherein the divinity 
both of Christ and the Holy Ghost is called fre- 
quently and publicly into question, the same now 
(by Mr. Cartwright's judgment) may lawfully be 
used, not to say can [not] well be omitted." I re- 
member not that he heard any more of the matter. 
A farewell \\ 9 it i s now high time to take our farewell of 

to the sub- ° 

ject. this tedious subject, and leave the issue thereof to 

the observation of posterity. The best demonstra- 
tion to prove whether Daniel and his fellows (the 
children of the captivity) should thrive better by 
plain pulse, (to which formerly they had been used,) 
or the new diet of diverse and dainty dishes, was 
even to put it to the trial of some days f experiment, 
and then a survey taken of their complexions whe- 
ther they be impaired or not ; so when the Directory 
hath been practised in England ninety years, (the 
world lasting so long,) as the Liturgy hath been, 
then posterity will be the competent judge, whether 
the face of religion had the more lively healthful 
and cheerful looks under the one or under the other. 
Arehbithop 12. The next news engrossing the talk of all 
strangely tongues was about Dr. Williams, archbishop of York, 
no less suddenly than strangely metamorphosed from 
a zealous royalist into an active parliamentarian: 
being to relate the occasion thereof, we will enter 

f Dan. i. 13. 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



817 



on the brief history of his life, from the cradle to ad. 1645. 

the grave, repeating nothing formerly written, but 1 

only adding thereunto. 

13. None can question the gentility of his extrac- Bom in 
tion, finding him born at Aberconway, in Carnarvon- good pa- 
shire, in Wales, of a family rather ancient than rich. rentage# 
His grandfather had a good estate, but aliened, it 
seems, by his heirs, so that this doctor, when lord 
keeper, was fain to repurchase it. Surely it was of 

a considerable value, because he complaineth in his 
letter* to the duke, (who encouraged him to the 
purchase,) that he was forced to borrow money, and 
stood indebted for the same. 

14. He was bred in St. John's college, in Cam- Bred in 

St TnHnV. 

bridge, to hold the scales even with St. John's in and proctor 
Oxford, wherein archbishop Laud had his education ; ^idge. " 
Dr. Gwin was his tutor, his chiefest, if not his only, 
eminency, and afterwards the occasion of his prefer- 
ment 11 ; for as his tutor made his pupil fellow, this 
pupil made the tutor master of the college. Next 
was Mr. Williams made proctor of the university, 
excellently performing his acts for the place in so 
stately a posture, as rather but of duty, thereby to 
honour his mother university than desire to credit 
himself, as taking it only in his passage to an higher 
employment. 

15. He was chaplain (or counsellor shall I say) to 



% Cabala, p. 267. 

h [Dr. Gwin was of the same 
country as Williams ; his com- 
petitors for the headship were 
Morton, afterwards bishop of 
Durham, an able writer against 
the Romanists ; Merriton, and 
Valentine Carey ; the follow- 
ing ridiculous hexameters were 



composed on this occasion — 

Twice two brave worthies of St* 
John's stood to be masters ; 

Morton came with a pen and Merriton 
he with his action ; 

Val. Carey came with a cringe, but 
Gwin hur came with faction. 

Hey lin's Advertisements of the 
Reign of K. James, p. 23.] 



318 The Church History book xt. 

a.d. 1645. Thomas Egerton, lord chancellor, who imparted many 

*1 " mysteries of that place unto him. Here an able 

Egerton hi* teacher of state met with as apt a scholar, the one 
JjJdJj^not more free in pouring forth, than the other cap*- 
Uin - ble to receive, firm to retain, and active to improte 
what was infused into him. So dear was this doctor 
to his patron, that this lord dying, on his death-bed 
desired him to choose what most acceptable legacy 
he should bequeath unto him; Dr. Williams, waving 
and slighting all money, requested four books, being 
the collections of the lord his industry, learning, and 
experience, concerning 1. The Prerogative Royal. 
2. Privileges of Parliament. 3. The Proceedings 
in Chancery. 4. The Power of the Star-chamber. 
These were no sooner asked than granted ; and the 
doctor afterwards copied out these four books into 
his own brains ; books which were the four elements 
of our English state, and he made an absolute 
master of all the materials, that is, of all the pas- 
sages therein, seeing nothing superfluous was therein 
recorded. 
Themeana 16. By the duke of Buckingham (whom he had 
dyandgreat married to the daughter of the earl of Rutland) he 
p crment - ppg^Q^ these books to king James. Then did 
his majesty first take notice of his extraordinary 
abilities, soon after preferring him, by the duke's 
mediation, to the deanery of Westminster, bishop of 
Lincoln, and keeper's place of the great seal, till he 
lost the last in the first of king Charles, as hath for- 
merly been related. 
Theongi- 17. I dare confidently avouch what I knowingly 
betwixt the speak, that the following passage was the motns 
i^YewT.V T * mo P r i mus of the breach betwixt him and the 
duke. There was one Dr. Theodore Price, a Welch- 



CBKT. XVIV 



of Britain* 



819 



man, highly beloved hoth hy bishop Williams andA- 1 *- 1 ^ 

bishop Laud, so that therein the rule did not hold, — 

those that agree in one third agree among them- 
selves ; these two prelates mutually mortal enemies 
meeting in the love of this doctor. Now the arch- 
bishopric of Armagh in Ireland falling vacant, bi- 
shop Williams moved the duke for Dr. Price his 
countryman ; to whom the duke answered, that king 
James had by promise foredisposed the place on the 
bishop of Meath, Dr. James Usher, one whose de- 
serts were sufficiently known. Not satisfied here- 
with, bishop Williams by his own interest endea- 
voured to bring Dr. Price into the place. The duke 
understanding that he, who formerly professed a 
subordination to, at the least a concurrence with, 
his desires, should now offer to contest with him, 
resolved, that seeing the lord keeper would not own 
himself to stand by his love, the world should see 
he should fall by his anger ; and this ministered the 
first occasion to his ruin. And when once the 
alarum was sounded of the duke's displeasure, no 
courtiers so deaf and drowsy but did take the same ; 
and all things concurred to his disadvantage. This 
is that Dr. Theodore Price who afterwards died a pro- 
fessed catholic, reconciled to the church of Rome 2 . 



> [Upon this passage bishop 
Hacket makes the following 
observations. After alluding 
to the exertions of bishop Wil- 
liams in getting some worthy 
person promoted to the deanery 
of York, and his opposition to 
the duke of Buckingham, who 
would have thrust in Dr. Scot, 
he observes : " certainly with 
" others this might work to his 
" esteem but nothing to his 



" prejudice. And I dare con- 
" ndently avouch, what I know- 
" ingly speak, (that I may use 
" the words of my industrious 
"friend, Mr. T. F., in his 
•« Church History,) that the 
" solicitation for Dr. Theo- 
" dore Price, about two months 
" after, was not the first mo. 
" tive of a breach between 
" the keeper and the duke, 
" (the daylight clears that with- 



820 



The Church History 



tfOOK XI. 



a. d. 1645. 18. Yet after his resigning the seal, fair prefer- 
' '- ment was left unto him, could he have confined his 



Not con- 
tented with 
his own 
with. 



u 



•< 



" out dusky conjectures,) no, 
" nor any process to more un- 
" kindness than was before, 
" which was indeed grown too 
" high. The case is quickly 
•• unfolded. Dr. Price was 
countryman, kinsman, and 
great acquaintance of the 
" lord keeper's ; by whose pro- 
" curement he was sent a com- 
" missioner into Ireland, two 
u years before, with Mr. jus- 
" tice Jones, sir T. Crew, sir 
" James Perrot, and others, to 
" rectify grievances in church 
" and civil state that were com- 
" plained of. In executing 
" which commission he came 
" off with praise and with en- 
" couragement from his ma- 
" jesty, that he should not fail 
" of recompense for his well- 
" doing. Much about the time 
" that the prince returned out 
•' of Spain the bishopric of 
" Asaph fell void ; the county 
'• of Merioneth, where Dr. 
" Price was born, being in the 
" diocese, the lord keeper at- 
" tempted to get that bishopric 
•' for Dr. Price; but the prince, 
since the time that by his pa- 
tent he was styled prince of 
" Wales, had claimed the bi- 
shoprics of that principality 
for his own chaplains; so 
M Dr. Melbourne and Dr. Carle- 
" ton were preferred to St. 
" David's and Landaff, and 
Asaph was now conferred 
upon Dr. Hanmer, his high- 
'• ness' chaplain, that well de- 
" served it. A little before 
•• K. James' death, Dr. Hamp- 
" ton, primate of Armagh, as 



ti 



»« 



«• 



a 



*t 



it 



" stout a prelate and as good a 
" governor as the see had ever 
" enjoyed, died in a good old 
" age ; whereupon the keeper 
" interposed for Dr. Price to 
" succeed him. But the emi. 
" nent learning of Dr. Usher 
" (for who could match him, all 
" in all, in Europe ?) carried it 
94 from his rival. Dr. Price was 
" very rational, and a divine 
" among those of the first rate, 
" according to the small skill 
" of my perceivance ; and his 
" hearers did testify as much 
" that were present at his Latin 
" sermon and his lectures pro 
" gradu in Oxford. But be- 
" cause he had never preached 
" so much as one sermon be- 
" fore the king, and had left to 
" do his calling in the pulpit 
u for many years, it would not 
" be admitted that he should 
" ascend to the primacy of 
" Armagh ; no, nor so much 
• r as succeed Dr. Usher in the 
" bishopric of Meath. To 
" which objection his kinsman 
" that stickled for his prefer- 
ment could give no good an- 
swer ; and drew off with so 
much ease upon it, that the 
" reverend Dr. Usher had no 
" cause to regret at the lord 
" keeper for an adversary ; 
" neither did Dr. Price ever 
" shew him love after that day; 
" and the church of England 
" then or sooner lost the doc- 
" tor's heart."— Life of Wil- 
liams, p. 207. 

As for Dr. Price's change to 
popery, this seems to be denied 
both by Heylin and Wood. 



ti 



it 



a 



CENT* XVII. 



of Britain. 



321 



large heart thereunto. I meet with a passage in a. d. 1645. 
a letter k from this lord keeper to the duke, wherein 2 ' chM * l \ 
he professeth, calling God to witness, that the lord 
keeper (troubled with many miseries wherewith sud- 
den greatness is accompanied) envied the fortunes 
of one Dr. Williams, late dean of Westminster : be 
this a truth or a compliment, what he formerly 
envied now he enjoyed, returned to a plentiful pri- 
vacy, not only of the deanery of Westminster, but 
bishopric of Lincoln, which he held with the same. 
But alas, when our desires are forced on us by our 
foes, they do not delight but afflict. The same step 
is not the same step when we take it ascendendo 
in hopes to higher preferment, and when we light 
upon it descendendo, or are remitted unto it as fall- 
ing from higher advancement. The bishop is im- 
patient for being less than he had been, and there 
wanted not those secret enemies to improve his 
discontents to his disgrace, almost destruction, as 
fining in the Star-chamber, and long imprisoning 
in the Tower. 

19. Now came that parliament so much wished Enlaced 

out of the 

for, that many feared it would never begin, and Tower and 
afterwards (oh the mutability of desires, or change w 8 hop of 
of things desired,) the same feared it would never 
have an end. Then is bishop Williams sent for out 
of the Tower, brought to parliament, advanced to 



The former accuses Williams 
of being the author of this re- 
port, which, according to him, 
had no other foundation than 
Williams' hostility to Price, 
their former friendship having 
been converted into mutual 
dislike. See Exam. Hist. p. 74. 
In this he is followed by Wood. 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



See Fast. i. p. 198. Prynne 
also accuses Price of being a 
papist, and asserts that at his 
death he received extreme unc- 
tion from a popish priest. Trial 
of Laud, P. 355.] 

k Cabala, or Scrinia Sacra, 
parti, p. 59. [260. ed. 1691.] 



u 
u 

u 



322 The Church History book zi. 

a.d. 1645. the archbishopric of York, and is the antesignanus of 

" the episcopal party, to defend it in the house of 

lords (as best armed with his power and experience) 
against a volley of affronts and oppositions. 
HiipW- 20. Once when his majesty saw him earnest in 

sant answer ,.„ i.. 1 11 1. 

to the king, the defence of episcopacy then opposed by parlia- 
ment ; " My lord," saith the king, " I commend you 
" that you are no whit daunted with all disasters, 
" but are zealous in defending your order." " Please 
it your majesty," returned the archbishop, " I am 
a true Welshman ; and they are observed never 
to run away till their general do first forsake them; 
no fear of my flinching, whilst your highness doth 
" countenance our cause." But soon after he was 
imprisoned about the bishops' protestation to the 
parliament, and with great difficulty obtained his 
liberty, as was afore observed. 
Retires into 21. Retiring himself into North Wales, (where 
Wales, and his birth, estate, alliance, but chiefly hospitality, did 
JJreei into* ™ a k e him popular,) he had a great, but endeavoured 
dii&rour. a greater, influence on those parts. It gave some 
distaste, that in all consultations he would have his 
advice pass for an oracle, not to be contested with, 
much less controlled by any. But vast the differ- 
ence betwixt his orders in chancery, armed with 
power to enforce obedience, and his counsel here, 
which many military men (as in their own element) 
took the boldness to contradict: buff-coats often 
rubbed and grated against this prelate's silk cassock, 
which, because of the softer nature, was the sooner 
fretted therewith 1 . Indeed, he endeavoured as much 

1 [His advice, however, buff-coats who jostled against 
though unpalatable, was fur him. He seems to have been 
sounder than any given by the the only person who thoroughly 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



823 



as might be to preserve his country from taxes, (an a. d. 1645. 
acceptable and ingratiating design with the people,) — ■ — — 
but sometimes inconsistent with the king's present 
and pressing necessities. All his words and deeds 
are represented at Oxford (where his court interest 
did daily decline) to his disadvantage, and some 
jealousies are raised of his cordialness to the royal 
cause. 

22. At last some great affronts were put upon Jj]^ na ^ t 
him, (increased with his tender resenting of them,) affronts. 
being himself, as I have been informed, put out 

of commission, and another placed in his room; a 
disgrace so much the more insupportable to his high 
spirit, because he conceived himself much meriting 
of his majesty, by his loyalty, industry, ability, and 
expense in his cause, who hitherto had spared nei- 
ther care nor cost in advancing the same, even to 
the impairing of his own estate. 

23. But now he entereth on a design, which, had Take8 . a . 

commission 

I line and plummet, I want skill to manage them in from the 
measuring the depth thereof. He sueth to the par- 
liament for favour, and obtained it, whose general in 
a manner he becomes in laying siege to the town 



understood the real temper of 
the times; as thoroughly un- 
derstanding the weakness and 
vacillation of the king's coun- 
sel, the excessive selfishness and 
dishonesty of the courtiers, as 
he perceived the true strength 
and power of the enemy. To 
the time of his disgrace he was 
the only sound adviser, almost 
the only sincere one, which the 
king possessed. But if he had 
one fault greater than another it 
consisted in this, that he was 
too much of a politician ; more 



fitted for the council-table than 
for the bishop's chair ; and this 
alone was sufficient to prejudice 
him with the king. Some few 
of his letters are preserved in 
Carte's collection of original 
papers, the best in the whole 
volume, and as far distinguished 
by sound good sense and dis- 
cretion from the mass of corre- 
spondence with which they are 
surrounded, of nobles and ca- 
valiers, as the experience of 
manhood surpasses the levity 
of childhood.] 

Y 2 



8£4 The Church History book m. 

a.d. 1645. and castle of Aberconway, till he had reduced it 

— to their service, and much of the town to his own 

possession. 
Condemned 24. And now Meruit sub parliamento in Wattia 
ists. roya is the wonder of all men™. I confess he told his 
kinsman, who related it to me, that if he might have 
the convenience to speak with his majesty but one 
half hour, (a small time for so great a task,) he 
doubted not but to give him full satisfaction for his 
behaviour. Sure it is, those of the royal party, and 
his own order, which could not mine into his in- 
visible motives, but surveyed only the sad surface of 
his actions, condemn the same as irreconcilable 
with the principles he professed. And though here- 
by he escaped a composition for his estate in Gold- 
smiths' Hall, yet his memory is still to compound 
(and at what rate I know not) with many mouths, 
before a good word can be afforded unto it ; but 
these, perchance, have never read the well Latined 
apology in his behalf. And although some will say 
that they that need an apology come too near to 
fault, the word, as commonly taken, sounding more 
of excuse than defence, yet surely in its genuine 
notation, it speaks not guilt but always greatness of 
enemies and opposers. 
Human in- 2 5. Of all English divines since the reformation, 

constancy. ° ' 

he might make the most experimental sermon on 
the Apostle's words, by honour and dishonour 9 by ill 
report and good report, though the method not so 
appliable as the matter unto him, who did not close 
and conclude with the general good esteem, losing 



m [Yet Hacket has, I think, Life of Williams, ii. p. a iS.] 
cleared him of this imputation. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. SftB 

by his last compliance his old friends at Oxford, and A ^ 'H 5 ' 

m J r a i Chug. L 

in lieu of them finding few new ones at London. 

26. Envy itself cannot deny but that whithersoever Hi» act* of 
he went he might be traced by the footsteps of his c "" y " 
benefaction. Much he expended on the repair of 
Westminster abbey church, and his answer is gene- 
rally known, when pressed by bishop Laud to a 
larger contribution to St. Paul's, " that he would not 

" rob Peter to pay Paul." The library of Westmin- 
ster was the effect of his bounty, and so was a chapel 
in Lincoln College in Oxford, having no relation 
thereunto, than as the namesake of his bishopric ; 
so small an invitation will serve to call a coming 
charity. At St. John's, in Cambridge, he founded 
two fellowships, built a fair library, and furnished 
it with books, intending more, had his bounty then 
met with proportionable entertainment. But bene- 
factors may give money, but not grateful minds to 
such as receive it. 

27. He was very chaste in his conversation, what- Purged 

■ 111. , fromuojuit 

soever a nameless author hath written on the con- aspersion. 
trary; whom his confuter hath styled aulicus e 
coguinaria, or, "the courtier out of the kitchen," 
and that deservedly for his unworthy writings, out 
of what drippingpan soever he licked this his sluttish 
intelligence. For most true it is, (as I am certainly 
informed from such who knew the privacies and 
casualties of his infancy,) this archbishop was but 
one degree removed from a mysogynist, yet, to pal- 
liate his infirmity, to noble females he was most 
complete in his courtly addresses. 

28. He hated popery with a perfect hatred ; and A perfect 
though oft declaring freedom and favour to im-* 11 p " pi 

11 I believe he also was visitor thereof. 

Y 8 



896 The Church History book u. 

a.d. 1645- prisoned papists, as a minister of state, in obedience 
1 to his office ; yet he never procured them any cour- 
tesies out of his proper inclinations. Yea, when 
Dr. [Bishop,] the new bishop of Chalcedon, at the 
end of king James his reign, first arrived in England, 
he gave the duke of Buckingham advice , (in case 
other circumstances conveniently concurred,) that 
the judges should presently proceed against him and 
hang him out of the way, and the king cast the 
blame on archbishop Abbot or himself, prepared it 
seemeth, to undergo his royal displeasure therein. 
Favour of gg # ^ot out f sympathy to nonconformists, but 

tome non- J r j 

conform- antipathy to bishop Laud, he was favourable to some 
select persons of that opinion. Most sure it is, that 
in his greatness he procured for Mr. Cotton, of Bos- 
ton, a toleration under the broad seal for the free 
exercise of his ministry, notwithstanding his dissent- 
ing in ceremonies, so long as done without disturb- 
ance to the church. But as for this bishop himself, 
he was so great an honourer of the English Liturgy, 
that of his own cost he caused the same to be trans- 
lated into Spanish and fairly printed, to confute their 
false conceit of our church p, who would not believe 
that we used any book of common prayer amongst 
us*. 
Th *?hk C ' 80. He was of a proper person, comely counte- 
penon. nance, and amiable complexion, having a stately 
garb and gait by nature, which (suppose him 
prouder than he should be) made him mistaken 
prouder than he was. His head was a well filled 
treasury, and his tongue the fair key to unlock it. 

Cabala, part i. 8 1[= 373. q [See Hacket's Life of 
Hacket, i. 95.] Williams, i. 126.] 

P Cabala, parti. 79[=a84.] 



4« 



cent, xvii. of Britain. 82? 

He bad as great a memory as could be reconciled *•*>. '645. 

, ** 21 Cha§. I. 

with so good a judgment ; so quick his parts, that 

his extempore performances equalized the premedi- 
tations of others of his profession. He was very 
open, and too free in discourse, disdaining to lie at a 
close guard, so confident of the length and strength 
of his weapon. 

81. Thus take we our farewell of his memory, mssavoury 
concluding it with one of his speeches, (as savoury I Rpeec 
believe as ever any he uttered,) wherein he expressed 
himself to a grave minister coming to him for insti- 
tution in a living, " I have," saith he, " passed 
" thorough many places of honour and trust, both 
" in church and state, more than any of my order in 
England this seventy years before; but were I 
but assured that by my preaching I had converted 
u but one soul unto God, I should take therein 
" more spiritual joy and comfort than in all the 
" honours and offices which have been bestowed 
44 upon me." 

32. He died, as I take it, anno 1649% sure I am n our lady- 
day. 

r [He died the 25th of " as this blow was given, many 

March, 1650; see the account ** conceived despairs and are 

of his death in Hacket's Life " big with it yet, that the 

of WiUiams, part ii. p. 227: 4< slavery under which the three 

where, speaking of the effects " nations are fallen is irreco- 

produced by the king's mur- " verable, till the last and ter- 

der, strange to say, (though in " rible day of the Lord. In 

this he is fully borne out by " which doleful sadness, lord 

various testimonies,) the writer " primate Usher, I am witness 

tells us, " that phrensies seized " of it, continued to his end. 

•• on some, and sudden death " Dr. Floyd, a religious divine, 

" on many. It pierced the u preaching a sermon at his fu- 

•' archbishop's heart with so •' neral, (that is, of archbishop 

" sharp a point, that sorrow " Williams,) extolled the most 

" sent him down the hill with " reverend father s devotion ; 

'* that violence, that he never " that from the heavy time of 

•• stayed till he came to the " the king's death he rose every 

" bottom and died. As soon •• midnight out of his bed, 

Y 4 



328 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a. d. 1645.011 the 25th of March, leaving a leading case, (not 

— as yet decided in our law,) whether his half-year's 

rents (due after sunrise) should go with his goods 
and chattels unto his executor, or fall to his heir: 
the best was, such the providence of the parties con- 
cerned therein, that before it came to a suit, they 
seasonably compounded it amongst themselves. 



tt 
it 
• « 
ti 
It 
ft 
H 
tt 
tt 
«< 
tt 
It 
It 
ti 
i( 
ti 
it 
it 
«< 
tt 
ti 
ti 

it 
a 
it 
tt 
i€ 
it 
ti 
tt 
it 
tt 
tt 
a 
tt 
tt 



and having nothing but his 
shirt and waistcoat upon him, 
kneeled on his bare knees 
and prayed earnestly and 
strongly one quarter of an 
hour before lie went to rest 
again. I will inform Dr. 
Floyd in two things, which 
he knew not. First, he ob- 
served the season of midnight, 
because the scriptures speak 
of Christ's coming to judge 
the quick and the dead at 
midnight. Secondly, the 
matter of his prayer was prin- 
cipally this ; Come, Lord 
Jesus, come quickly; and put 
an end to these days of sin 
and misery. So much I 
learnt from himself, and so 
report it. His days were 
consumed in heaviness, as 
his nights in mourning ; fa- 
cetiousness, in which he 
was singular, came no more 
out of his lips; he ceased 
from discourse, from com. 
pany, as he could, and no- 
thing could hale him out of 
this obscurity. Two years 
and almost two months he 
consumed in a sequestered 
and forlorn condition, scarce 
any witness could tell what 
he did all the while, but that 
he prayed and sat at his book 
all day, and much of the 



tt 



tt 



" night. His death came from 
a sudden catarrh, which caus- 
ed a squinancy by the inflam- 
" mat ion of the interior mus- 
" cles, and a shortness of breath 
' ' followed, wh ich dissolved him 
" in the space of twelve hours. 
" In which term the virtuous 
" lady Mostyn, where he so- 
" journed, spake to him of his 
" preparation for heaven ; says 
" he. Cousin, I am already 
"prepared, and will be better 
u prepared. So he called for 
" the minister that was the 
" nearest to read the Visitation 
" of the sick, and twice over, to 
" him, the greatest part where- 
" of, especially the Psalms, he 
" rehearsed distinctly himself, 
" and received absolution. — 
" When the pangs of death 
" approached many other pray- 
" ers were read, and short sen- 
" tences of devotion repeated 
" aloud in his ears ; and those 
" words being often said : The 
" Lord be merciful to thee; the 
*' Lord receive thy soul : at 
" that instant, first he closed 
" his eyes with one hand, and 
" then lifting up the other, his 
" lips moved, and recommend? 
" ing his spirit to his Redeem- 
" er, he expired." He died on 
his birthday.] 



crniT. xvii. of Britain. 829 

88. Come we now to present the reader with a a. d. 1645. 

21 Oh an \» 

list of the principal ordinances of the lords and — : — '— 
commons which respected church matters. I say parliament 
principal, otherwise to recite all (which wear the^JJ^ 8 * 
countenance of an ecclesiastical tendency, some of re]i « iaa - 
them being mingled with civil affairs) would be 
over voluminous. Yea, I have heard that a great 
antiquary 8 should say, that the orders and ordinances 
of this parliament in bulk and number did not only 
equal but exceed all the laws and statutes made 
since the Conquest ; it will be sufficient, therefore, 
to recite titles of those most material, going a little 
backward in time, to make our history the more 
entire. 

Die Martis, August 19, 1645. — " Directions of 
" the lords and commons (after advice had with the 
" Assembly of divines) for the election and choosing 
" of ruling elders in all the congregations, and in 
" the classical assemblies for the city of London 
a and Westminster, and the several counties of the 
" kingdom ; for the speedy settling of the presby- 
" terial government" 

Die Lunae, Oct. 20, 1645. — " An ordinance of the 
" lords and commons, together with rules and direc- 
" tions, concerning suspension from the sacrament 
u of the Lord's supper in cases of ignorance and 
" scandal. Also the names of such ministers and 
" others that are appointed triers and judges of the 

* ability of elders in the twelve classes, with the 

* province of London." 

Die Sabbathi, March 14, 1645. — " An ordinance 
" of the lords and commons for keeping of scandal- 

8 Sir Symonds D'Ewes. 



u 



880 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1645. « ou8 persons from the sacrament of the Lord's 

" supper, the enabling of the congregation for the 

" choice of elders, and supplying of defects in 
" former ordinances and directions of parliament 
" concerning church government. 

Die Veneris, June 5, 1646. — " An ordinance of 
" the lords and commons for the present settling 
" (without further delay) of the presbyterial govern- 
" ment in the Church of England.'' 

Die Veneris, August 28, 1646. — " An ordinance 

" of the lords and commons for the ordination of 

** ministers by the classical presbyters within their 

respective bounds, for the several congregations 

in the kingdom of England." 

Die Sabbathi, Jan. 29, 1647. — " An ordinance of 

" the lords and commons for the speedy dividing 

M and settling of the several counties of this king- 

" dom into distinct classical presbyteries and congre- 

" gational elderships." 

An orda 34. Great now was the clamorous importunity of 

part for mi- the wives and children of ministers sequestered, 

^Hesand ready to starve for want of maintenance. I had 

children. a | mos j. ca ii e d them the widows and orphans of those 

ministers, because, though their fathers were living 
to them, their means were not living to their fathers, 
and they left destitute of a livelihood. Indeed, there 
was an ordinance of parliament made 1644, em- 
powering their commissioners in the country to ap- 
point means (not exceeding a fifth part) to the wives 
and children of all sequestered persons ; but seeing 
clergymen were not therein expressed by name, such 
as enjoyed their sequestrations refused to contribute 
any thing unto them. Whereupon the house of com- 
mons, compassionately reflecting on the distresses of 



«( 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 381 

the foresaid complainers, made an order in more a. d. 1645. 

particular manner for the clergy, and (seeing it is — '• 1 

hard to come by) I conceive it a charitable work 
here to insert a copy thereof. 

Die Jovis, Nov. 11, 1647. — " That the wives and Th °°°py 
•* children of all such persons as are, or have been, 
u or shall be, sequestered by order of either houses 
" of parliament, shall be comprehended within the 
ordinance that alloweth a fifth part for wives and 
children, and shall have their fifth part allowed 
*• unto them ; and the committee of lords and com- 
u mons for sequestration, and the committee of 
44 plundered ministers, and all other committees, are 
u required to take notice hereof, and yield obedi- 
" ence hereunto accordingly. 

" H. Elsing, 
" Clericus parliamenti domus communis." 

35. But covetousness will wriggle itself out at Several 
a small hole. Many were the evasions whereby soured to 
such clergymen possessed of their livings do frus- thUoSer. 
trate and defeat the effectual payment of the fifth 

part to the aforesaid wives and children : some of 
which starting-holes we will here present, not to 
the intent that any should unjustly hide themselves 
herein, but that for the future they may be stopped 
up, as obstructing the true performance of the par- 
liament's intended courtesy. 

36. First, they plead that taxes being first de- Fim eva- 
ducted, tithes are so badly paid, they cannot live 
and maintain themselves if they must still pay a 
fifth part out of the remainder. Such consider not, 
if themselves cannot live on the whole grist, how 
shall the families of such sequestered ministers sub- 
sist on the tole. 



sion. 



332 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1645. 37. Secondly, if the foresaid minister hath a wife 

— without children, or children without a wife, or but 

■ion. one child, they deny payment, as not within the 
letter, though the equity, of the order ; though one 
child is as unable to live on nothing as if there were 
many more. 

Third e*a- 38. Thirdly, if the sequestered minister hath any 
temporal means of his own, or since his sequestra- 
tion hath acquired any place wherein he officiateth, 
though short of a comfortable subsistence, they deny 
payment of a fifth part unto him. 

Fourth eva- 89. Fourthly, they affright the said sequestered 
minister, threatening to new article against him for 
his former faults ; whereas, had he not been reputed 
a malignant, not a fifth part, but all the five parts 
were due unto him. 

Fifth era. 40. Fifthly, many who have livings in great 
towns, especially vicarages, disclaim the receiving of 
any benefits in the nature of tithes, and accept 
them only in the notion of benevolence. Then they 
plead nothing due to the sequestered minister out 
of the free gratuities which only are bestowed upon 
them. 

s«th eva- 4j # Sixthly, they plead that nothing can be de- 
manded by virtue of the said ordinance, longer 
than the sitting of the said parliament which made 
it, which long since is dissolved : now though this 
be but a dilatory plea, (themselves enjoying the 
four parts by virtue of the same order,) yet though 
it doth not finally blast, it doth much set back the 
fifth part 9 and whilst the same groweth the ministers' 
wives and children starve. 

Seventh 4g # Lastly, of late, since the setting forth of 

the proclamation, " that all who disquiet their peace- 






cent. xvii. of Britain. 888 

"able possession, who are put into livings by th^'Sj'H 5, 

parliament's order, should be beheld as enemies of 

the state;" such sequestered ministers, who only 
sue the refusers to pay the fifth part, unblamable in 
all things else, are threatened (though they humbly 
conceived contrary to the true intent of the procla- 
mation) with the foresaid penalty if they desist not 
in their suit. Many more are their subterfuges, 
besides vexing their wives with the tedious attend- 
ance to get orders on orders; so that as one truly 
and sadly said, the fifths are even paid at sixes and 
sevens, 

43. I am sorry to see the pitiful and pious inten- Remember 

* toe poor. 

tions of the parliament so abused and deluded by 
the indirect dealings of others, so that they cannot 
attain their intended ends for the relief of so many 
poor people, seeing no doubt therein they desired to 
be like the Best of Beings, who as closely applieth His 
lenitive as corrosive plasters, and that His mercy may 
take as true effect as His justice. Sure if the present 
authority (when at leisure from higher employment) 
shall be pleased to take the groans of these poor 
souls into its consideration, the voice of their hungry 
bowels will quickly be turned to a more pleasant tune; 
from barking for food to the blessing of those who 
procured it. Nor let any censure this [as] a digress 
from my history, for though my estate will not suffer 
me, with Job, to be eyes to the blind and feet to the 
lame 1 , I will endeavour what I can to be a tongue 
for the dumb. 

t Job xxix. 15. 



SECT. XT 



TO THE NOBLE 



LADY ELEANOR ROE, 



RELICT TO THE HONOURABLE SIR THOMAS ROE». 

Madam, 

I find that my namesake* <, Thomas Fuller, teas pilot in the 
ship called the Desire, wherein captain Cavendish surrounded 
the world. 

Far be it from me to compare these my weak undertakings 
to his great adventures. Yet I may term this my look the 
Desire, as wherein I desire to please and profit all, justly 
to displease none. Many rocks and storms have I passed, 
by God's blessing, and now am glad of so firm an anchorage 
as a dedication to your ladyship. 

I believe, Madam, none of your sex in our nation hath tra- 
velled farther than yourself; yet this section of our history 



a [Daughter of sir Thomas 
Cave, bart. of Stamford, North- 
amptonshire ; first married to 
sir George Beeston, of Cheshire. 
Collins, ii. 176. Sir Thomas 
Roe, son of Robert Roe, esq. of 
Low Lay ton, Wan stead, Essex, 
her second husband, was the 
celebrated ambassador employ- 
ed by king James and king 
Charles in various negotiations 
in Turkey, Denmark, Sweden, 
and Germany. At his death 
in 1 644, he bequeathed several 
books to the Bodleian library ; 
and his widow, lady Eleanor, 
enriched it with a collection of 
silver coins. See Wood's Ath. 
"• 5 a. These are the armsof the 



lady's family, (azure, fretty, ar- 
gent,) for the arms of Rowe, 
or Roe, as^given^in the scarce 
portrait prefixed to his Nego- 
tiations, are the same as those 
given by Morant; a chevron 
with /three plates, or bezants, 
between three trefoils, two and 
one. Hist, of Essex, i. p. 35. 
Of his lady, (who was related 
to the loyal Mrs. Cave, so well 
known for her services to 
Charles I.) sir Thomas says, in 
one of his letters to secretary 
Calvert, " that shee was yet 
•' never sick, dismayed, nor 
" afraid at sea," p. 39.] 

b Hackluit's voyages, partiii. 
p. 825. 




test. xvii. The Church History of Britain. 885 

may afford you a rarity not teen before. I know you liaveA.D. 1648. 
mowed the tomb of S. Polycarptu, but here the hearts it pre- > * Cbm - L 
nented unto you of one ichote death cannot be paralleled in ail 
particulars. 

ATELY certain delegates from theO^"«J»'. 
university of Oxford pleaded their pri-the™ion 
vileges before the committee of parlia- 
ment, that they were only visitable by 
the king, and such who should be de- 
puted by him. But their allegations were not of 
proof against the paramount power of parliament, 
the rather because a passage in an article at the 
rendition of Oxford was urged against them, where- 
in they were subjected to such a visitation. Where- 
upon many masters were ejected their places, new 
heads of houses made, and soon after new houses to 
those heads, which produced great alteration. 

2. Come we now to the church part of the treaty der^men 
in the Isle of Wight, as the sole ecclesiastical matter the ui» or 
remaining : here appeared of the divines chosen by 

the king, James Usher, archbishop of Armagh ; 
Brian Duppa, bishop of Salisbury ; doctor Sander- 
son, doctor Sheldon, doctor Henry Feme: as for 
doctor Brownrigg, bishop of Exeter, (when on the 
way) be was remanded by the parliament because 
under restraint, and it was reported that Dr. Pri- 
deaux, bishop of Worcester, wanted (the more the 
pity.) wherewith to accommodate himself for the 
journey. Mr. Stephen Marshall, Mr. Joseph Caryl), 
Mr. Richard Vines, and Mr. Lazarus Seaman, were 
present there by appointment from the parliament . 

3. It was not permitted for either side personally*''" 
to speak, but partly to prevent the impertinenciesw 

e An account of this conference was published separately. 



336 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1648. of oral debates, partly that a more steady aim 
-- — ^-^ might be taken of their mutual arguments, all 
things were transacted in scriptis : his majesty con- 
sulted with his chaplains when he pleased. The 
king's writings were publicly read before all by 
Mr. Philip Warwick, and Mr. Vines read the papers 
of his fellow divines, the substance whereof we come 
here to present. 
rfhi. 6 ^ *• His majesty began, the effect of whose first 
joty'i fint p a p er was to prove that the apostles, in their own 
persons, by authority d derived from Christ, exer- 
cised their power in ordinations, giving rules and 
censures. 

ii. That Timothy and Titus 6 , by authority derived 
from the apostles, did or might actually exercise the 
same power in the three branches specified. 

iii. That the angels of the seven churches, Rev. 
ii. 3, were so many persona singulares of such as had 
a prelacy, as well over pastors as people. 

From the premises, his majesty inferred that 
our bishops succeed to the function of the persons 
afore named. The rather because the same plainly 
appeareth out of the history of the primitive 
Church, the writings of Ignatius and other ancient 
authors. In conclusion his majesty desired to be 
satisfied from them ; what were the substantiate of 
church government appointed by Christ and His 
apostles, and in whose hands they are left, and 
whether they bind to a perpetual observation there- 
of ; or may upon occasion be altered in whole or in 
part, 
mentdi- 5. The next day the parliament divines put in 
«w there- Aeir answer to the king's paper, wherein they con- 
"**• <* Job. xx. 2i. e Tit. i. 5. 



cent. xvii. of Britain. 337 

fessed, that the places of scripture cited by him a. d. 1648. 
proved, in those persons by him named, a power — — — 
respectively to do the three things specified ; but 
they utterly denied that the foresaid persons were 
bishops as distinct from presbyters, or exercised the 
government in that sense. 

i. To the instance of the apostles, they answered, 
that they had an extraordinary calling, and so nothing 
thence can be inferred to prove modern bishops. 

ii. That Timothy and Titus were evangelists, and 
the first is expressly so termed f ; nor could they be 
bishops, who resided not in one diocess, but often 
removed from place to place. 

iii. That the denomination of the angels of the 
churches being allegorical, no firm argument can be 
taken thence, nor weight laid thereon. Besides, 
those epistles of St. John, though directed to one, 
were intended to the whole body of the church. 

They denied that the apostles were to have any 
successors in their office, affirming but two standing 
officers in the church ; presbyterians and deacons* 
They cited Philippians i. 1, 1 Tim* iii. 8, for the 
proof thereof; where there is no mention of bishops 
as distinct from presbyters, but of the two orders 
only, of bishops or presbyters and deacons. 

6. As for the succeeding ages to the apostles, 
seeing scripture reacheth not unto them, they can 
but beget a human faith, which is uncertain and 
fallible ; besides, such the darkness of those times 
in respect of church history, that little certainty 
can be thence extracted, yet it appeareth in Clement 
himself, that he useth the same word for bishop and 

* 2 Tim. iv. 5. 

FULLER, VOL. VI. Z 



388 The Church History book xt. 

a.d. i6 4 8. presbyter ; and as for Ignatius his Epistles, little 
U credit is to be given unto them. 

7. Lastly, there is a great difference between pri- 
mitive episcopacy and the present hierarchy, as much 
enlarged in their power and privileges by many tem- 
poral accessions, whereof no shadow or pretence in 
scripture. In conclusion, they humbly besought his 
majesty to look rather to the original of bishops in 
holy writ, than to their succession in human history. 

8. As to the point of substantiate in church go- 
vernment appointed by Christ, wherein his majesty 
desired satisfaction, the return was short and general, 
that such substantial were in the scripture, not 
descending to any particulars. Whether out of 
policy, foreseeing it would minister matter of more 
debate, or obedience to the parliament, as alien 
from the work they were designed for, who were 
only to oppose episcopacy as qualified in the bill 
presented to his majesty. 

The king's g # Three days after the king gave in his answer 

rejoinder to J ° ° 

the pariia- to this first paper of the divines, wherein he acknow- 
yines. 1 edged that the word episcopus (denoting an overseer 
in the general sense) agreeth as well to presbyters as 
ministers, in which respect they are sometimes in 
scripture confounded, both meeting in the joint func- 
tion of overseeing God's flock. But soon after, com- 
mon usage, the best master of words, appropriated 
episcopus to the ecclesiastical governor, leaving pres- 
byter to signify the ordinary minister, or priest, as in 
the ancient fathers and councils doth plainly appear. 
10. As to the extraordinary calling of the apostles, 
he confessed their unction extraordinary, consisting in 
their miraculous gifts, which soon after ceased when 
churches were planted, but he urged their mission to 



cent. xvn. of Britain. 389 

govern and teach, to be ordinary, necessary, and per- a.d. 1648. 

petual in the church, the bishops succeeding them in - 

the former, the presbyters in latter function. 

11. Their evasion that Timothy and Titus were 
evangelists, and not bishops, is clearly refuted by 
Scultetus, Gerard, and others, yea, (as his majesty is 
informed,) is rejected by some rigid presbyters, as 
Gillespie, Rutherford, &c. Besides, that Timothy 
and Titus were bishops is confirmed by the consen- 
tient testimony of antiquity, (St. Hierome himself 
recording them made by St. Paul's ordination,) as 
also by a catalogue of twenty-seven bishops of Ephe- 
sus, lineally succeeding from Timothy, as is avouched 
by Dr. Reynolds against Hart. 

12. If the angels mentioned in the Revelations 
were not singular persons who had a prelacy over 
the church, whether were they the whole church, or 
so many individual pastors therein, or the whole 
college of presbyters, or singular presidents of those 
colleges? For into so many opinions these few are 
divided amongst themselves, who herein divide them- 
selves from the ancient interpretation of the church 
government. 

13. Concerning ages succeeding the apostles, his 
majesty confesseth it but a human faith, which is 
begotten on human testimonies, yet so that in 
matter of fact it may be infallible, as by the credit 
of history we infallibly know that Aristotle was a 
Greek philosopher. 

14. The objected obscurity of church history in 
primitive times is a strong argument for episcopacy, 
which, notwithstanding the darkness of those times, 
is so clearly extant by their unquestionable catalogues. 

15. It is plain out of Clement, elsewhere, even by 

z2 



840 The Church History book xi. 

a.d. 1648. the confession of ones, (not suspected to favour the 
!! 1 hierarchy,) that he was accounted a bishop as dis- 
tinct from a presbyter. As for Ignatius his Epistles, 
though some out of partial disaffection to bishops 
have endeavoured to discredit the whole volume of 
them, without regard of ingenuity or truth ; yet 
sundry of them, attested by antiquity, cannot with 
any forehead be denied to be his, giving testimony 
of the prelacy of a bishop above a presbyter. 

16. As for the difference between primitive epi- 
scopacy and present hierarchy, his majesty did not 
conceive that the additions granted by the favour of 
his royal progenitors for the enlarging of the power 
and privileges of bishops, did make the government 
substantially to differ from what it was, no more 
than arms and ornaments make a body really dif- 
ferent from itself, when it was naked and divested 
of the same. 

17. Whereas they besought his majesty to look 
rather to the original than succession of bishops, he 
thought it needful to look at both, the latter being the 
best clue in such intrinsic cases to find out the former. 

18. Lastly, he professed himself unsatisfied in 
their answer, concerning the perpetual and unalter- 
able substantial of church government, as expecting 
from them a more particular resolution therein than 
what he had received. 

The return 19. Eleven days after the parliament divines put 

liament di- in their answer to his majesty's last paper ; herein 

king. e they affirmed, they saw not by what warrant this 

writ of partition of the apostles' office was taken 

forth : that the governing part should be in the 

hands of the bishops; the teaching and sacrament- 

8 Vedelius Exerc. 8. in Ignat. cap. 3. 



cxnt. xvii. of Britain. 841 

izing in the presbyters, scripture making no such a. d. i6 4 8. 

enclosure or partition wall. Besides, the challenge - 

of episcopacy is grown to more than it pretended 
to in ancient times; some fathers 11 acknowledging 
that bishops differed from presbyters only in matter 
of ordination. 

20. The abettors, say they, of this challenge, that 
they might resolve it at last into scripture, ascend by 
the scale of succession, going up the river to find 
the head, which, like the head of Nile, cannot be 
found. Such who would carry it higher endeavour 
to impe it into an apostolical office, and at last call 
it a divine institution, not by force of any express 
precept, but implicit practice of the apostles. 

21. They also returned that his majesty's defini- 
tion of episcopal government is extracted out of the 
bishops of later date than scripture times. 

22. Concerning the ages succeeding the apostles. 
However episcopal government was generally cur- 
rent, yet the superscription thereof was not judged 
divine by some of those which were themselves 
bishops, or lived under that government. 

23. As they firmly believed, as to matter of fact, 
that Chry80stom and Augustine were bishops, as 
that Aristotle was a philosopher, so they would 
rather call such a belief, grounded upon human 
testimonies uncontrolled, certain than infallible. 

24. The darkness of the history of the church in 
the times succeeding the apostles, had an influence 
on the catalogue makers, who derived the series 
of the succession of bishops, taken much from tra- 
dition and reports; and it is a great blemish of 
their evidence, that the nearer they come to the 

h St. Chrysost. St. Hierom, and of moderns, bishop Bilson. 

z 3 



342 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. 1648. apostles' times, (wherein this should be most clear 

— to establish the succession firm at the first,) they are 

most doubtful and contradictory one to the other. 

25. They granted that a succession of men to 
feed and govern those churches, which by ecclesias- 
tical writers, in compliance with the language of 
their own times, were called bishops, but not distinct 
from presbyters ; so that if such a succession from 
the primitive times seriatim were proved, they would 
either be found more than bishops, as apostles and 
extraordinary persons, or less, as merely first presby. 
ters, not having the three essentials to episcopal 
government insisted on by his majesty. 

26. As for Ignatius, he cannot distinctly be known 
in Ignatius his Epistles, such their insincerity, adul- 
terate mixture, and interpolations; and take him 
gross, he is the patron of such rites as the church in 
that age never owned. 

27. They professed, that in their last answer, they 
related not to a school nicety, utrum episcopatus sit 
ordo vel grains, the question being stated by popish 
authors, to whom they had no eye or reference. 

28. They humbly moved his majesty, that the 
regiments of human testimonies on both sides might 
be discharged the field, and the point of dispute 
tried alone by dint of holy scripture. 

29. They honoured the pious intentions and mag- 
nificence of his royal progenitors, acknowledging the 
ornamental accessions to the persons made no sub- 
stantial change in the office; but still, it remained 
to be proved that primitive episcopacy and present 
hierarchy are the same. 

30. They affirmed also that the power of episco- 
pacy under Christian and pagan princes is one and 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



343 



the same, though the exercise be not; but acknow-Ap- 1 ^- 

ledging the subordination thereof to the sovereign 

power, with their accountableness to the laws of 
the land. 

81. They conclude with thanks to his majesty's 
condescension in vouchsafing them the liberty and 
honour in examining his learned reply, praying God 
that a pen in the hand of such abilities might ever 
be employed in a subject worthy thereof. 

32. Some days after, his majesty returned his last 
paper, wherein he not only acknowledgeth the great 
pains of these divines to inform his judgment accord- 
ing to their persuasions, but also took especial notice 
of their civilities of the application, both in the be- 
ginning and body of their reply. 

33. However he told them they mistook his 

meaning when they of a writ of partition, as if 

his majesty had cantoned out the episcopal govern- 
ment, one part to the bishops, another to the pres- 
byterians alone ; whereas his meaning was, that the 
office of teaching is common to both alike, but the 
other of governing peculiar to bishops alone ! . 



1 [On account of the abrupt 
termination of this passage, our 
author was thus attacked by 
his indefatigable censurer, Dr. 
Heylin : " The man who reads 
" this passage cannot choose but 
" think that his majesty, being 
" vanquished by the arguments 
" of the presbyterians, had 
" given over the cause ; and 
" therefore, as convicted in his 
" conscience, rendereth them 
" thanks for the instruction 
which he had received, and 
the civilities they used to- 
" wards him in the way there* 



it 



u 



" of. But he that looks upon 
" his majesty's last paper, will 
" find that he had learnedly 
" and divinely refelled all their 
"arguments; and having so 
" done, puts them in *mind of 
" three questions which are 
" proposed in his former pa- 
'• per, acknowledged by thera- 
'• selves to be of great import- 
" ance in the present contro- 
" versy ; without an answer 
" whereunto, his majesty de- 
" clared that he would put 
" an end to that conference. 
" * // not being probable,' as he 

Z 4 



844 The Church History book xi. 

a. d. i6 4 8. 34. I know not what truth there was in (and by 

-consequence what belief is to be given to) their 

quantusau- intelligence, who have reported and printed that in 
order of a pacification his majesty condescended, 

i. That the office of ordination for the space of 
three years should not be exercised by the bishops 
without the assent of the presbytery, and if this did 
not please, 

ii. That it should be suspended until twenty of 
his own nomination, consulting with the synod, (as- 
sembled by the appointment of the houses,) should 
determine some certainty touching some ecclesias- 
tical government. 

iii. That in the meantime the presbytery should 
be settled for experiment sake. 

iv. That though he would not suffer bishops' 
lands to be sold and alienated from the church, yet 
he permitted them to be let out for ninety-nine 
years, paying a small price yearly in testimony of 
their hereditary right for the maintenance of bishops. 

v. That after that time expired they should return 
to the crown, to be employed for the use of the 
church. 

Here some presumed to know his majesty's in* 
tention; that he determined with himself in the 
interim to redeem them by their own revenues, and 



« 



told them, ' that they should " those questions, his majesty 

work much upon his judg- " remained sole master of the 

" ment, whilst they are fearful u field, &c." To this Fuller 

•• to declare their own, norpos- replies; " The posting press— 

" sible to relieve his conscience " — mistaking my copy com- 

but by a free declaring of " plete, and not attending my 

theirs J But they not able " coming from London that 

or not daring, for fear of " morning from Waltham,clapt 

" displeasing their great mas- " it up imperfect." Appeal, 6rc, 

" tere, to return an answer to p. 48.] 



€4 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



845 



to refund them to ecclesiastical uses, which is pro- a. d. 1648. 

portionable to his large heart k in matters of that !i " 

nature. 

35. Many now did hope for a happy agreement The king 
betwixt the king and parliament, when divine Pro-f ro mthe 

• Tiff 

vidence (whose ways are often above reason but ^ht and 
never against right) had otherwise ordered it; an d^£^j£ 
seeing it was God's will, it shall be ours to submit 
thereunto 1 . Oh, what can a day bring forth I m 
especially some pregnant day in the crisis of matters, 
producing more than what many barren years before 
beheld. The king's person is seized on and brought 
up to London, arraigned before a select committee 
for that purpose, indicted, and upon his refusal to 
own their authority, finally condemned. But these 



k For he gave the duke of 
Richmond the entire revenues 
of the archbishopric of Glasgow. 
in Scotland, to hold them until 
he should furnish him with 
lands of the same value, ex- 
pressing then his resolution to 
restore them to the church. 

1 [There seems to have been 
a hope entertained at this time 
by some of the more moderate, 
that an amicable arrangement 
might have been made between 
the king and the parliament. 
Mr. Evelyn in this year has 
made the following entry in 
his diary : " 4 May. Came 
" up the Essex petitioners for 
" an agreement 'twixt his ma- 
" jesty and the rebels. The 
•• 1 6th, the Surrey men ad- 
" dressed the parliament for 
" the same ; of which some of 
" them were slain and murder- 



" ed by Cromwell's guards in 
•• the New Palace Yard." Pro- 
bably, their desires would have 
been frustrated, had it not been 
for the army, at this time quar- 
tered at Whitehall. Indeed 
so general was the expectation 
that the city would be plun- 
dered by the soldiers, that a 
proclamation was issued " for 
" all to stand on their guard." 
At the 13th Dec. there is 
the following entry in Mr. 
Evelyn's diary: "The parlia- 
" ment now sat up the whole 
" night and endeavoured to 
" have concluded the Isle of 
" Wight treaty, but were sur- 
" prised by the rebel army ; the 
" members dispersed, and great 
" confusion everywhere in ex- 
" pectation of what would be 
" next."] 

m Prov. xxvii. 1. 



846 The Church History book xi. 



a 

n 



. d. 1648. things belong to the historian of the state, and this 
4 — - subject in itself is not so amiable and tempting as to 
invite us to trespass in the property of others in 
courting the prosecution thereof. 
3**™**** 86. My cue of entrance is to come in where the 
de mihu s tate writer doth go out, whose pen hath always fol- 
lowed the confessors into the chambers of dying 
people ; and now must do its last devoir to my 
gracious master, in describing his pious death and 
solemn burial. 
He haareth yj m n Having received in himself the sentence of 

the last aer- ° • 

mon. death, Dr. Juxon, bishop of London, preached pri- 
vately before him, at St. James', on the Sunday 
following; his text, Rom. ii. 16, In the day when 
God shall judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ, 
according to my gospel. 

Receives 88. Next Tuesday being the day of his dissolu- 

theoominu- . 

nion. tion, in the morning, alone, he received the com- 
munion from the hands of the said bishop ; at which 
time he read for the second lesson the 27th chapter 
of St. Matthew, containing the history of the death 
and passion of our Saviour. Communion ended, the 
king heartily thanked the bishop for selecting so 
seasonable and comfortable a portion of scripture, 
seeing all human hope and happiness is founded on 
the sufferings of our Saviour. The bishop modestly 
disavowed any thanks due to himself, it being done 

n [For the most complete " of Commons, and attested 

and authentic information of " under the hand of Phelps, 

the trial of Charles I., see " A " clerk to that infamous court. 

" true copy of the Journal of " Taken by J. Nalson, &c. 

" the High Court of Justice " 1 684."] 
" for the Trial of Charles I., ° [Nalson, p. 112.] 
" as it was read in the House 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



847 



# 

merely by the direction of the Church of England, a. d. 1648. 

whose rubric appointeth that chapter the second — ' 

morning lesson for the thirtieth of January. 

39. His hour drawing nigh, he passed thorough ,8 P* tl «? t 
the Park to Whitehall : as he always was observed fronted. 
to walk very fast, so now he abated not any whit of 
his wonted pace. In his passage, a sorry fellow 
(seemingly some mean citizen) went abreast along 
with him, and in an affront often stared his majesty 
in the face, which caused him to turn it another way. 
The bishop of London, though not easily angered, 
was much offended hereat, as done out of despite- 
ful design, to discompose him before his death, and 
moved the captain of the guard he might be taken 
away, which was done accordingly?. 



P [The proceedings against 
the king to the very last mo- 
ment were marked with signal 
barbarity. He was fetched 
from St. James's to Whitehall 
at ten in the morning; when he 
arrived at the place of execution 
the scaffold was not fully pre- 
pared, and he was consequently 
compelled to wait in this painful 
suspense for two hours. Dur- 
ing his trial the brutal Brad, 
shaw had interrupted him in 
all attempts to justify his con. 
duct, and now, at the last mo- 
ment, the tyrants artfully con- 
trived to prevent his being 
heard by posting soldiers at 
inch distances as checked the 
approach of the spectators, and 
frustrated the king's design of 
addressing them. The follow- 
ing remarks, which are found 
in Nalson'8 History of the 
Trial, supply some particulars 
omitted by Fuller, and are too 



interesting to be neglected : — 
" About two of the clock," says 
that writer, •• his majesty was 
" brought from St. James' to 
" Whitehall by a regiment of 
" foot, with colours flying and 
" drums beating, part marching 
" before and part behind, with 
*' a private guard of partisans 
" about him, the bishop on the 
" one hand and colonel Tom- 
" linson (who had the charge of 
" him) on the other, both bare- 
" headed ; his majesty walking 
" very fast, and bidding them 
" go faster, added : ' That he 
" now went before them to 
" strive for a heavenly crown, 
" with less solicitude than he 
" had often encouraged his sol- 
" diers to fight for an earthly 
'• diadem.' 

" Being come to the end of 
" the Park, he went up the 
" stairs leading to the long gal- 
" lery in Whitehall, and so in. 



348 The Church History book xi. 

a. 0.1648. 40. Entering on the floor of death, he asked of 
colonel Tomhn8on, who attended there, whether he 

His last 

question, might have the liberty to dispose of his own body, 
as to the place and manner of the burial thereof? 
The colonel answered that he could give his majesty 
no account at all therein. 

and speech 41. His majesty held in his hand a small piece of 

printed, paper, some four inches square, containing heads 
whereon in his speech he intended to dilate ; and a 
tall soldier, looking over the king's shoulders, read it 
as the king held it in his hand. As for the speech 
which passeth in print for the king's, though taken 
in short-hand by one eminent therein, it is done so 
defectively it deserveth not to be accounted his 
speech, by the testimony of such as heard it. His 
speech ended, he gave that small paper to the bishop 
of London 1. 

well pre. 42. After his death, the officers demanded the 



▼en ted. 



" to the cabinet chamber, where " side of the street, which hin- 

" he used formerly to lodge. " dered the approach of the 

" There, finding an unexpect- " very numerous spectators, 

" ed delay in being brought " and the king from speaking 

" upon the scaffold, which they " what he had premeditated." 

"had not as then fitted, he Nalson, Trial, p. 113. The 

" passed the time at convenient fatal stroke was given within a 

" distances in prayer. About minute of two o'clock in the 

" twelve of the clock, his ma- afternoon, Sanderson, 1 138, by 

" jesty, refusing to dine, only the executioner, who wore a 

" ate a bit of bread and drank vizard.] 

" a glass of claret, and about an Q [He spoke very little, di- 

u hour after, colonel Hacker, reeling himself chiefly to colonel 

" with other officers and sol- Tomlinson ; the rebels having 

" diers, brought him, with the taken the precaution of posting 

" bishop and colonel Tomlin- numerous companies of horse 

" son, through the banqueting and foot on each side of the 

" house to the scaffold, to street to prevent the approach 

" which the passage was made of the populace. Nalson, ib. 

"through a window. Divers p. 113, who has preserved the 

" companies of foot and troops king's speech on this occasion.] 
" of horse were placed on each 



CENT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



849 



paper of the bishop; who, because of the depth ofA.D. 1648. 

his pocket, smallness of that paper, and the mixture - 

of others therewith, could not so soon produce it as 
was required. At last he brought it forth, but 
therewith the others were unsatisfied, (jealousy is 
quick of growth,) as not the same which his majesty 
delivered unto him ; when presently the soldier, 
whose rudeness (the bad cause of a good effect) had 
formerly over inspected it in the king's hand, attested 
this the very same paper, and prevented farther sus- 
picions, which might have terminated to the bishop's 
trouble r . 

43. On the Wednesday sennight after 8 , his corpse, hu oorpw 
embalmed and coffined in lead, was delivered to the Windsor. 
care of two of his servants to be buried at Windsor ; 
the one Anthony Mildmay, who formerly had been 
his sewer, as I take it ; the other, John Joyner, bred 
first in his majesty's kitchen, afterwards a parliament 
captain, since by them deputed (when the Scots 
surrendered his person) cook to his majesty. This 
night they brought the corpse to Windsor, and 



•« 



<• 



* [" From the bishop of 
London, long time kept pri- 
soner," says Sanderson, "they 
take away all the king's pa- 
" pers, ransack his coffers and 
" clothes for scripts and scrolls; 
" but Almighty God in his pro- 
" vidence hath preserved a vo- 
" lame of the king's own apost- 
" hume work." Reign of King 
Charles, p. 1139.] 

» [A 8 soon as the head was 
severed from the body, it was 
placed in a coffin, and covered 
with a black velvet pall. On 
its removal to the king's house 
at St. James's, a great mul- 



titude of people pressed for- 
ward to see the king in the 
place where he lay, but few 
had leave to enter and behold 
it. Here his enemies, with a 
malice and villany almost un- 
paralleled in history, " direct. 
" ed their empirics to search 
" for such symptoms as might 
" disgrace his person or his pos- 
" teritv ; but herein thev were 
" prevented by an honest in- 
" trader, who gave a true ac- 
" count of his sound and ex- 
" cellent temperament." Nal- 
son, ibid. p. 118. Sanderson, 
p. 1 138] 



850 



The Church History 



BOOK XI. 



a.d. 1648. digged a grave for it in St. George bis chapel, on 

A Lithe south side of the communion-table*. 

The lords 44. But next day the duke of Richmond", the 

follow after ~ 

it. marquis of Hertford x , and earls of Southampton* 

and Lindsey* (others, though sent to, declining the 
service, so far was their fear above their gratitude to 
their dead master) came to Windsor and brought 
with them two votes passed that morning in parlia- 
ment ; wherein the ordering of the king's burial, for 
the form and manner thereof, was wholly committed 
to the duke of Richmond, provided that the expense 
thereof exceeded not five hundred pounds. Coming 
into the castle, they shewed their commission to the 
governor, colonel Whichcot, desiring to inter the 
corpse according to the Common Prayer-Book of 
the Church of England ; the rather because the par- 
liament's total remitting the manner of the burial to 
the duke's discretion implied a permission thereof. 
This the governor refused, alleging it was improbable 
that the parliament would permit the use of what so 
solemnly they had abolished, and therein destroy 
their own act. 
Thegover- 45. The lords returned, that there was a differ- 
lution. ence betwixt destroying their own act, and dispens- 



t [Their wish, in the first 
instance, was to have buried 
the body in king Henry the 
Seventh's chapel, in Westmin- 
ster Abbey, but this was de- 
nied them ; his enemies con- 
ceiving that the sympathies of 
the people would be too vio- 
lently moved by so public a 
funeral, and a disturbance be 
created, which " was judged 
" unsafe and inconvenient."] 

u [James Stewart.] 



* [William Seymour.] 

T [Thomas Wriothealey.] 

* [Montague* Bertie. To 
these names should be added 
that of Juxon, bishop of Lon- 
don. Whatever praise, how- 
ever, is due to this service, be- 
longs to Mr. Herbert and bi- 
shop Juxon ; and let them have 
it ; these lords came in when 
the others were already con- 
siderably advanced in their 
work.] 



ckkt. xvii. of Britain. 861 

wg with it, or suspending the exercise thereof. A. D. 1648. 

That no power so bindeth up its own hands as to - 

disable itself in some cases to recede from the rigour 
of their own acts, if they should see just occasion. 
All would not prevail, the governor persisting in the 
negative, and the lords betook themselves to their 
sad employment. 

46. They resolved not to inter the corpse in the T ^f ,opdi » 

with much 

grave which was provided for it a , but in a vault, Marching, 
if the chapel afforded any. Then fall they a search- 
ing, and in vain seek for one in king Henry the 
Eighth his chapel, (where the tomb intended for 
him by cardinal Wolsey lately stood,) because all 
there was solid earth ; besides, this place, at the pre- 
sent used for a magazine, was unsuiting with a 
solemn sepulture. Then with their feet they tried 
the quire, to see if a sound would confess any hol- 
lowness therein, and at last (directed by one of the 
aged poor knights) did light on a vault in the middle 
thereof. 

47. It was altogether dark, as made in the midst Thede- 
of the quire, and an ordinary man could not stand thereof. 
therein without stooping, as not past five foot high. 

In the midst thereof lay a large leaden coffin, with 
the feet towards the east, and a far less on the 
left side thereof. On the other side was room, 
neither to spare nor to want, for any other coffin 
of a moderate proportion. 

48. That one of the order was buried there, One of the 
plainly appeared by perfect pieces of purple velvet therein, 
(their proper habit) remaining therein; though some 
pieces of the same velvet were fox-tawney, and 

* [That is, an ordinary grave provided by the governor.] 



862 The Church History book %l 

a. d. 1648. some coal-black, (all eye of purple being put out 
— — therein,) though all originally of the same cloth! 

varying the colour, as it met with more or less 

moisture as it lay in the ground. 
Piwumed 49, Now a concurrence of presumptions concluded 

to be king r . TT 

Henry the this great coffin to contain the corpse of king Henry 
the Eighth, though there was neither arms nor any 
inscription to evidence the same. 

8eeitinthe j # The place exactly corresponds to the designa- 

end of king 

Henry his tion of his burial, mentioned in his last will and 
I * lgn * testament. 

ii. The small coffin in all probability was his 
queen's, Jane Seymour's, (by whom in his will he 
desired to be buried,) and the room on the other 
side seems reserved for his surviving wife, queen 
Katherine Parr. 

iii. It was never remembered nor recorded that 
any subject of that order was interred in the body 
of that quire, but in by chapels. 

iv. An hearse stood over this vault in the days of 
queen Elizabeth, which (because cumbering the pas- 
sage) was removed in the reign of king James. 

I know a tradition is whispered from mouth to 
mouth, that king Henry his body was taken up and 
burned in the reign of queen Mary, and could name 
the knight (her privy councillor, and then dwelling 
not far off) muttered to be employed in this in- 
humau action. This prevailed so far on the lord 
Herbert's belief, that he closeth his History of King 
Henry the Eighth with these suspicious words, " To 
" conclude, I wish I could leave him in his grave." 
But there is no certainty hereof, and more probable 
that here he quietly was reposed. The lead coffin 
being very thin was at this time casually broken, 



tMBNT. XVII. 



of Britain. 



858 



and some yellow stuff, altogether scentless, Hke ^- DjjiJM. 

powder of gold, taken out of it, (conceived some 

ezsiccative gums wherewith he was embalmed,) 
which the duke caused to be put in again and the 
coffin closed up b . 

50. The vault thus prepared, a scarf of lead was The leaden 

* * inscription 

provided some two foot long and five inches broad, onhiscoffin. 
therein to make an inscription. The letters the duke 
himself did delineate, and then a workman was called 
to cut them out with a chisel. It bare some debate 
whether the letters should be made in those con- 
cavities to be cut out, or in the solid lead betwixt 
them. The latter was concluded on, because such 
vacuities are subject to be soon filled up with dust 
and render the inscription less legible, which was 

KING CHARLES, 1648. 

The plumber soldered it to the coffin about the 
breast of the corpse within the same c . 

51. All things thus in readiness, the corpse wasThecorpw 
brought to the vault, being borne by the soldiers 

of the garrison ; over it a black velvet hearse-cloth, 



* [See a very interesting pa- 
per by sir Henry Halford, with 
the following title : " An Ac- 
" count of what Appeared on 
" Opening the Coffin of King 
" Charles the First, in the 
" Vault of King Henry the 
" Eighth in St. George's Cha- 
M pel at Windsor, on the First 
" of April, 1 813." Reprinted 
at the end of the second vo- 
lume of the Life of James the 
Second, edited by Dr. Clarke.] 

* [Herbert mentions a very 
touching circumstance in his 

FULLER, VOL. VI. 



affecting narrative : " This is 
" memorable," he says, " that 
" at such time as the king's 
" body was brought out of St. 
" George's Hall, the sky was 
" serene and clear, but pre- 
" sently it began to snow, and 
" fell so fast, as by that time 
" they came to the west end of 
" the royal chapel the black 
" velvet pall was all white, 
" (the colour of innocency,) be- 
" ing thick covered over with 
" snow." Memoirs, p. 206.] 

A a 



864 27*e Church History of Britain. book xi. 

a. d. 1648. the four labels whereof the four lords did support: 

44 Chas. I. rr 

the bishop of London stood weeping by, to tender 

that his service which might not be accepted. Then 
was it deposited in silence and sorrow in the vacant 
place in the vault (the hearse-cloth being cast in 
after it) about three of the clock in the afternoon, 
and the lords that night (though late) returned to 
London. 



APPENDIX A. 

[As Fuller has passed over the last two years of this king's reign 
in a very rapid and cursory manner, it has been thought advisable 
to reprint, by way of supplement, the Memoirs of Sir Thomas 
Herbert, who attended the king in his bedchamber during that 
period, and was a loyal adherent to his royal master in the time 
of his greatest troubles.] 



SIR THOMAS HERBERT'S 
MEMOIRS, &c. 



Sir, 

BY yours of the 22nd of August last, 1679, I find you 
have received my former letters of the first and thir- 
teenth of May, 1678. And seeing it is your further desire I 
should recollect what I can well remember upon that sad sub- 
ject, more at large, I am willing to satisfy you therein, so far 
forth as my memory will assist. 

Some short notes of occurrences I then took, which, in this 
long interval of time, and several removes with my family, are 
either lost or mislaid, so as at present I cannot find them ; 

* This Memoir took its rise from heard the king express a wish in re- 

the following circumstance : — About gard to the bestowing of his body 

the year 1677 or 1678, the parlia- after death. Sir Thomas in his answer 

ment having voted a large sum of enlarged upon various particulars, 

money towards a solemn funeral of then little known, which induced 

the late king, sir William Dugdale, sir William Dugdale to request of 

who had the superintendence of the him the following short treatise here 

ceremonies, as Garter King of Arms, reprinted. See Wood's Ath. ii. 692. 

tent to sir Thomas Herbert to in- Sir Thomas died at York in 1682, 

quire of him whether he had ever aged 76. 

Aa2 



356 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

which renders this narrative not so methodical, nor so largo, 
as otherwise I should, and probably by you may be expected. 
Nor would I trouble you with what any other has written, 
but, in a summary way, give you some court passages, which 
I observed, during the last two years of his late majesty*! 
life and reign, being the time of his solitude and sufferings. 
Neither will I retrospect to times of hostility, which (as I 
imagine) ceased in or about the month of August, 1646 b , nor 
speak of the grounds of that unhappy and destructive war, 
occasioned either by a contest for the militia in this kingdom, 
or from some uproars in Scotland, arising (as pretended) by 
our introducing the Book of Common Prayer, in conformity 
to the liturgy; which they retaliated by endeavouring to 
impose upon us their discipline and forms of a Presbytery. 

These, with some other apprehensions, made the first dif- 
ference betwixt the king and parliament. But referring you 
to the histories which fully mention those things, you may 
there observe, that about the middle of April, 1646, the king 
being then at Oxford, had certain intelligence that sir Thomai 
Fairfax was returned out of the western countries, and upon 
the 27th of that month arrived at Newbury with his army, in 
order to his besieging the city of Oxford, which accordingly 
was, within four days after, invested : so as his majesty thought 
fit to leave that important garrison to the care of sir Thomas 
Glenham, the governor, a valiant and expert warrior, and in 
the night season, disguised and attended only by his servant 
Ashburnham c and Dr. Hudson, hastened to the Leager before 
Newark, which at that time was on the one side straitened by 
major-general Poyntz, who commanded there the parliament 
forces; and on the other by general Leven d and the Scots 
army, into whose hands his majesty was pleased to intrust 
himself, having (it seems) a solemn engagement from them to 
defend his royal person with their lives and fortunes ; and not 
a little rejoicing was expressed in their camp at his majesty's 
reception. For at his command, the 10th of May, the garrison 
was forthwith surrendered by the lord Bellasis, the governor; 

b Sir Thomas was admitted to his c See Ashburnham's Memoir* 
place as groom of the bedchamber p. 57, 80. 
m 1647. • That is, Alexander Lesley. 



last two Years of Charles the First. 357 

the English forces were put into possession of the town 
id castle, which was well provided for defence ; and the Scots 
mug got the king into their hands, marched with great haste 
to the north, till they attained Newcastle, where they rested, 
airing that place their head quarters ; which being known 
» sir Thomas Glenhara, he entered into a treaty with sir 
homas Fairfax about the middle of May, and upon honour- 
ble terms Oxford was yielded upon Midsummer-day, which 
as the 24th of June following. The governor (at the treaty 
reposing that he might have the liberty to know his majesty's 
leaaure, whether he should yield up the garrison or not) had 
be king's approbation with the lords of his majesty's privy 
(rancil, then in Oxford, for his surrender. 

Mean time the lords and commons in parliament assembled 
n Westminster, disliking that the king should so long and so 
ruitlessly continue amongst the Scots within this kingdom ; 
he house of commons upon the 17th of April, 1646, published 
■ declaration for maintaining a right understanding between 
ihe two kingdoms of England and Scotland, asserting thereby, 
that in as much as a safe and good peace is the right end of 
i just war, it was by them the more passionately desired; 
md to that end and purpose they had framed several propo- 
rtions to be sent to the king, (some of which were primarily 
transmitted from both houses to their brethren of Scotland, 
for their consent, that those proposals might in the name of 
both kingdoms be tendered to the king.) Which being agreed, 
fche lords and commons about the middle of July following, 
Bent their desires (entituled " Propositions for a Safe and 
Well-grounded Peace to be presented his Majesty, 1 ") by the 
Mrls of Pembroke and Suffolk e , members of the house of 
peers, with four of the house of commons, namely, sir Walter 
Earle, and sir John Hippesly, knights, Robert Goodwin, and 
Luke Robinson, esquires; who being come to Newcastle 
(which they attained in few days, the summer-season fa- 
vouring) the day after their arrival, they presented their 
propositions to the king. Who having heard them read, and 
deliberated upon them, disapproved of them, in regard they 
insisted upon confirmation of the national league and 

' Philip Herbert the notorious and selfish poltroon, and James Howard. 

a aS 



858 Herberts Memoirs of ike [appendix a. 

covenant, the abolishing of episcopacy, investing the subject 
with the militia, exempting from pardon several lords and 
other considerable persons, that, during the war, adhered to 
him ; so as his majesty would in no wise give his royal assent. 
Nevertheless was graciously pleased to give the commissioners 
his hand to kiss, and to dismiss them with a friendly aspect 
Who being returned to Westminster, made their report, and 
had the thanks of both houses for their pains. 

The parliament soon after came to an agreement with the 
Scots, to entrust the king with them ; hoping that his drawing 
nearer London might conduce to a more speedy composure 
of the present unhappy differences between them. And like* 
wise, that upon payment of two hundred thousand pounds 
(sterling) the Scots army should depart this kingdom, as 
upon the 15th of November, 1646, which was by the house of 
commons publicly declared. The one moiety of that sum to 
be paid at Newcastle, upon their march back into Scotland ; 
the other half within twelve months after. Both which were 
punctually performed. 

Things being thus prepared in order thereto, the parliament 
nominated and appointed the earls of Pembroke and Denbigh f , 
the lord Montague of Boughton, and double their number of 
some members of the house of commons ; namely, sir James 
Harrington, sir John Holland, sir John Cooke s, baronets, sir 
Walter Earle, knight, John Crew, esquire, and major-general 
Browne, with some private gentlemen, viz. sir Fulk Grevil, 
knight, Mr. James Harrington 11 , Mr. Thomas Herbert, Mr. 

Anthony Mildman, Mr. Ansty, Mr. Babington, Mr. 

Muschamp, Mr. Clement Kinnersly, Mr. Beading, with some 
others, who accompanied those lords and gentlemen of the 
house of commons, to attend his majesty with his other 
servants, if he should think fit to approve of them. Mr. 
Stephen Marshal and Mr. Joseph Caryl (two ministers of the* 
assembly of divines) also went along as chaplains to those 
lords and members of the house of commons, commissioners of 
parliament. 

f Basil Fielding. h Afterwards groom of the bed- 

* Notorious for the part which he chamber with Herbert, 
took in the king's trial. 



last two Years of Chart* the First. 859 

The 12th of January, 1646', those noblemen and gentlemen, 
(members of both houses,) with the other gentlemen afore- 
named, set forth from London, (the lords in their coaches,) 
and went the first night to Dunstable, the second to North- 
ampton, the third to Leicester, the fourth to Nottingham, the 
fifth to Doncaster, the sixth to Wetherby, the seventh to 
North-AUerton, the eighth to Durham, the ninth to New- 
castle ; in all two hundred miles, which with bad ways and 
short days made the travel less pleasant. 

The commissioners, after a very short repose, went to the 
house where the king then lodged in Newcastle ; and being 
conducted to the presence-chamber, his majesty, soon after 
his being acquainted with their coming, came into the pre- 
sence, and with affability received and gave them his hand to 
kiss; and being by the commissioners told the occasion of 
their repair thither to attend his majesty, the king seemed 
very well pleased therewith, and said they were welcome, for 
he knew most of them, none of them were strangers to him, 
and no less welcome was their business ; well hoping, that his 
drawing nearer his parliament would be a means to remove 
jealousies and distrusts, and establish a right understanding 
betwixt him and his two houses of parliament. 

The king, both by his alacrity and cheerfulness of his coun- 
tenance, made it appear to all that were there (and the pre- 
sence-chamber was then full thronged) that he was no less 
willing to part from the Scots than they with him ; and that 
his going south was very satisfactory to him : and after some 
mirthful passages with the earl of Pembroke, who (let others 
say what they will) loved the king in his heart, and certainly 
had never separated from him, had he not (by the procure- 
ment of some ill-willers) been committed to the Tower, and 
his white staff taken from him, only by reason of a sudden 
and unhappy falling out at a committee in the painted-cham- 
ber, with his kinsman the lord Mowbray, father to the duke 
of Norfolk ; and the lord chamberlain's office conferred upon 
the earl of Essex, in which place the earl of Pembroke had 
served his majesty many years, with much honour, honesty, 
and splendor. The king told him he was glad to see he could 

* N. S. 1647. 
Aa4 



860 Herberts Memoir* of the [appendix a. 

ao well in his old age perform 00 long a winterly journey with 
the rest of the commissioners who were youthful. He then 
advised them to go and refresh themselves, and attend him 
the next morning, which the commissioners accordingly ob- 
served. 

Next morning being come, the commissioners attended his 
majesty, and after dinner humbly prayed his majesty to de- 
clare his pleasure as to his remove from Newcastle. The 
king then told them, he would not go thence till they had 
rested themselves some time, as was convenient ; being that 
they were to enter upon a further travel. After about four 
days longer stay, they repeated their desire, that his majesty 
would be pleased to appoint both the time and place he would 
remove unto, that orders might be given to make ready ac- 
cordingly ; both which he did, so that all things were speedily 
prepared by his majesty's old servants for his journey to his 
house at Holdenby in Northamptonshire, commonly called 
Holmby, a very stately house, built by the lord chancellor 
Hatton, as the last and greatest monument of his youth, as 
he expressed ; and, in king James's reign, purchased by queen 
Anne, for her second son the duke of York, who, by the 
death of prince Henry, became prince of Wales, and after- 
wards to the present duke, second son to king Charles the 
-First, of whom we are now speaking. 

And as my memory will serve, give me leave to name the 
several places his majesty lodged at between Newcastle and 
Holmby, the distance betwixt those two being about eight 
score miles. 

The first night the king (being attended by his commis- 
sioners) came to Durham, the second to Richmond, the third 
to Rippon, the fourth to Leeds, the fifth to Rotheram, the 
sixth to Nottingham, the seventh to Leicester, the eighth to 
Holmby ; at some of which towns he staid some few days. 

And it is note- worthy, that through most parts where his 
majesty passed, some out of curiosity, but most (it may be 
presumed) for love, flocked to behold him, and accompanied 
him with acclamations of joy, and with their prayers for 
his preservation ; and, that not any of the troopers, who 
guarded the king, gave those country-people any check or 



last two Tears of Charles the First. 361 

disturbance, as the king passed, that could be observed, a 
civility his majesty was well pleased with. 

Being arrived at Holmby, very many country gentlemen, 
gentlewomen, and others of ordinary rank, stood ready there 
to welcome the king with joyful countenances and prayers. 

The house was prepared with all things requisite by Mr. 
Clement Einnersly, his majesty's servant in the wardrobe; 
others also performing their duties in their respective offices 
and places : so as the court was accommodated with all things 
needful, both in reference to the king, and likewise to the 
commissioners, their chaplains, gentlemen, attendants, and 
others, and all within the king's house, without straitening ; 
and all the tables were as well furnished as they used to be 
when his majesty was in a peaceful and flourishing state. 
• At mealtimes, the commissioners never failed to wait upon 
the king with all due observance, and there being none of his 
majesty^s chaplains in ordinary to wait, whom by his letter, 
dated the sixth of March, he desired, but denied by both 
houses, in regard they had not taken the covenant, the two 
divines, Mr. Marshall and Mr. Caryl, (who came along with 
the commissioners,) were most times present, when his majesty 
dined and supped, and willing to crave a blessing, but the 
king always said grace himself, standing under the state, his 
voice sometimes audible. His majesty, nevertheless, was civil 
to those ministers, seeming to have a good esteem of them, in 
reference to what he had heard, both as to their learning and 
conversation. Nor did he express a dislike towards any of 
his servants then attending him, as were free to repair to the 
chapel, where those ministers by turns preached forenoon and 
afternoon, every Lord's day, before the commissioners, and 
others of the household ; albeit, as some of them would say, 
they had rather have heard such as the king better approved 
of. The king every Sunday sequestered himself to his private 
devotion, and all other days in the week spent two or three 
hours in reading, and other pious exercises ; at other times, 
for recreation, would after meals play a game at chess, and, 
for health sake, walk oft in the garden at Holmby with one 
or other of the commissioners ; and in regard there was no 
bowling-green then well kept at Holmby, the king would 



863 Herbert* Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

sometimes ride to Harrowden, a house of the lord Vaux's 
about nine miles off, where there was a good bowling-green 
with gardens, groves, and walks, that afforded much pleasure. 
And other whiles to Althorpe, a fair house about two or three 
miles from Holmby, belonging to the lord Spencer, now earl 
of Sunderland, where also there was a green well kept. The 
king in his going to Harrowden passed over a bridge where 
major Bosvile k , disguised like a labouring man, stood and gave 
his majesty a packet from the queen. The king told the com- 
missioners, it was to obtain his leave for the prince to* accom- 
pany Monsieur that campaign, in the French army, so as the 
disguised person was excused. 

In this interim jealousies increased, which begot fears, 
against which there is no fence. The commissioners pursuant 
to their instructions one time addressed themselves all toge- 
ther unto the king, and acquainted him therewith, and humbly 
prayed his majesty to dismiss such of his servants as were 
there, and had waited upon him at Oxford. 

This application of theirs was in no wise well pleasing to 
the king (having had long experience of the loyalty and good 
affection of those his servants) as appeared by his counte- 
nance, and the pause he made ere he gave the commissioners 
any answer. Howbeit after some expostulation and deliber- 
ation, he condescended to that they proposed, they not op- 
posing the continuance of Mr. James Maxwell and Mr. 
Patrick Maulo 1 their attendance upon his royal person, as 
grooms of his majesty's bedchamber, in which place they 
had many years faithfully served the king. 

Next day his majesty's servants came, as at other times, 
into the presence-chamber; where, at dinner-time, they 
waited : but after his majesty arose from dinner, and ac- 
quainted them with what had passed betwixt him and the 
commissioners, they kissed his majesty's hand, and with great 
expressions of grief for their dismiss, poured forth their 
prayers for his majesty's freedom and preservation, and so 
departed. All that afternoon the king withdrew into his 

k Probably sir Thomas Bosvile of l Afterwards earl of Penmaure in 
Eynsford in Kent Scotland. 



last two Years of Charles ike First. 368 

bedchamber, having given orders, that none should interrupt 
him in his privacy. 

Soon after this, his majesty purposing to send a message to 
the parliament, after dinner he called the earl of Pembroke to 
him, and told him he would have Mr. Herbert come into his 
chamber, which the earl acquainting the commissioners with, 
Mr. Herbert was brought into the bedchamber by Mr. 
Maxwell, and, upon his knee, desired to know his majesty's 
pleasure ; who told him, he would send a message to the par- 
liament : and having none there that he usually employed, and 
unwilling it should go under his own hand, called him in for 
that purpose. Mr. Herbert having written as his majesty 
did dictate, was by him enjoined secresy, and not to commu- 
nicate it to any till made public by both houses™, if by them 
held meet ; which he carefully observed. 

About a week after, the king was pleased to tell the com- 
missioners, that seeing Mr. James Levington, Mr. Henry 
Murray, Mr. Ashburnham, and Mr. Legge, were for the pre- 
sent dismissed, he had taken notice of Mr. Harrington and 
Mr. Thomas Herbert, who had followed the court since his 
coming from Newcastle; and being well satisfied with the 
report he had concerning them, as to their sobriety and good 
education, he was willing to receive them as grooms into his 
bedchamber, to wait upon his person with Mr. Maxwell and 
Mr. Maule ; which the commissioners approving, they were 
that night admitted, and by his majesty instructed as to the 
duty and service he expected from them. 

They thenceforth attended his royal person, and agreeable 
to that great trust, with due observance and loyalty, as be- 
came servants ; and by Mr. Maxwell and Mr. Maule were 
affectionately treated. Mr. Harrington was a gentleman 
well accomplished, had waited upon the prince elector pala- 
tine in his chamber, had travelled Germany, Italy, and 
France, and spake their languages. Mr. Herbert in like sort 
had travelled through most parts of the Greater Asia, as also 
several parts of Afric and Europe". 

m Wood thinks that this had refer- May 12,1 647. Athen. ii. 69 1 . 
ence to " His Majesty's message n And published an account of 
for Peace/' dated from Holmby, his travels. 



364 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

His majesty, during his stay at Holmby, such times as he 
did not ride abroad for refreshment, would walk in the long 
gravel walk in the garden ; where the earl of Pembroke was 
ofttimes with the king, and not without some difficulty held 
pace with him, his majesty being quick and lively in his mo- 
tion. And other times with others of the commissioners, but 
most with major-general Browne, with whom the king was 
pleased to discourse often. And whensoever the king thus 
recreated himself, he never had above one in company, the 
rest keeping at a becoming distance, in some other part of 
the privy-garden. For indeed as the commissioners always 
expressed a high respect to the king, so the king was very 
affable to the commissioners all the time they attended his 
majesty. 

During his majesty's being at Holmby, the earl of Pem- 
broke fell sick by cold he had taken, and for three weeks 
kept his chamber, and turning to a fever he kept his bed ; 
and was so ill that Mr. Bathurst his physician had for some 
days (in regard he was ancient) small hopes of his life. The 
lord Herbert, his son, (having notice) hastened to him, ac- 
cording to his duty, which was some comfort to the earl ; and 
his majesty sent Mr. Herbert every day to inquire of his 
condition, and in person was graciously pleased to visit him 
twice, which kindness helped (as the doctor said) much to his 
recovery. 

It is well worth our observation, that in all the time of his 
majesty's restraint and solitude he was never sick, nor took 
any thing to prevent sickness, or had need of a physician : 
which (under Ood) is attributed to his quiet disposition and 
unparalleled patience ; to his exercise, when at home walking 
in the gallery and privy-garden, and other recreations when 
abroad; to his abstemiousness at meat, eating but of few dishes, 
(and as he used to say) agreeable to his exercise, drinking 
but twice every dinner and supper, once of beer, and once of 
wine and water mixed, only after fish a glass of French wine, 
the beverage he himself mixed at the cupboard, so he would 
have it; he very seldom eat and drank before dinner, nor 
between meals. 

His majesty being one afternoon at bowls in the green at 



last two Years of Charles the First. 865 

Althorpe, it was whispered amongst the commissioners, who 
were then at bowls with the king, that a party of horse, ob- 
scurely headed, was marching towards Holmby ; and for no 
good it was presumed, in regard neither the commissioners, 
nor colonel Graves, who kept the guard at Holmby and was 
an officer in the army, nor the commissioners* servants, had 
the least notice of it from any officer or other correspondent 
in the army. 

Whereupon the king, so soon as he was acquainted with it, 
immediately left the green, and returned to Holmby ; where 
the commissioners, after consultation with colonel Graves, re- 
solved to stand upon their guard, and accordingly they forth- 
jvith doubled the guards for defence of his majesty's person ; 
and major-general Browne, calling all the soldiers together, 
acquainted them with the occasion, who promised to stand by 
him, and not to suffer any attempt upon the king's person, or 
affront to the commissioners: but the difference is great be- 
twixt saying and doing, as soon appeared; for about mid- 
night came that party of horse, which in good order drew up 
before the house at Holmby, and at all avenues placed guards; 
which done, the officer that commanded the party alighted 
and demanded entrance. Colonel Graves and major-general 
Browne asked him his name and business. He replied his 
name was Joyce, a cornet in colonel Whaley's regiment, and 
his business was to speak with the king. u From whom f 
said they. " From myself/' said he : at which they laughed. 
" It is no laughing matter," said Joyce. They then advised 
him to draw off his men, and in the morning he should speak 
with the commissioners. " I came not hither to be advised 
" by you/ 9 said he, " nor have I any business with the com- 
" missioners, my errand is to the king, and speak with him I 
" must and will presently." They then bid the soldiers within 
stand to their arms, and be ready to fire when ordered. But 
during this short treaty betwixt the cornet and the colonel, 
the soldiers had conference together, and so soon as they un- 
derstood they were fellow-soldiers of one and the same army, 
they quickly forgot what they had promised ; for they opened 
the gates and doors, shook one another Vy the hand, and bade 
them welcome. So little regard had they to their promise, 



866 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

either in reference to the king's safety, or the commissioners 
that attended him. 

Entrance being thus given, strict search was made after 
the colonel, who (though he was faultless, yet was it suggested 
he would have privately conveyed the king to London,) got 
happily out of their reach. Gentinels were ordered by Joyce 
to be set at the commissioners' chamber-doors, that he might 
with less noise carry on his design, and find way to the back- 
stairs, where the grooms of his majesty's bedchamber at- 
tended. The cornet being come to the door, in rude manner 
knocked ; those within asking who it was that in such uncivil 
manner and so unseasonable a time came to disquiet the 
long's rest . The cornet replied, his name was Joyce, an offi- 
cer of the army, sorry he should disquiet the king, but could 
not help it, for speak with him he would, and that presently. 

This strange confidence of his, and the posture he was in 
(having a cocked pistol in his hand) amazed these four gen- 
tlemen, Mr. Maxwell, Mr. Maule, Mr. Harrington, and Mr. 
Herbert, whose duty it was and care to preserve his majesty's 
person, and were resolved to sacrifice their lives rather than 
give him admittance; they in the first place asked Joyce if 
he had the commissioners' approbation for his intrusion. He 
answered, No ; for he had ordered a guard to be set at their 
chamber-doors, and that he had his orders from those that 
feared them not. He still pressed for entrance, and engaged 
his word to do the king no harm : they on the other side per- 
suaded him to lay aside his arms, and to forbear giving dis- 
turbance, the king being then asleep, assuring him that the 
next morning he should have his majesty's answer to his 
errand. The cornet refused to part with either sword or 
pistol, and yet insisted to have the chamber-door opened. 
But these gentlemen keeping firm to their resolution, that he 
should not enter, the noise was so loud (which in this contest 
could not be avoided) as it seems awakened his majesty, for 
he rung his silver bell, at which Mr. Maxwell went into the 
bedchamber to know the king's pleasure, the other three 
gentlemen meantime securing the door. The king, being ac- 
quainted with the business and uncivil carriage of the cornet, 
lent word, he would not rise nor speak with him until morn- 



lent two Y*ar$ o/CharUs ike Fir$t. 867 

ing : which being told the cornet, he huffed ; but seeing his 
design oould not be effected in the night, he retired : so as 
for a few hours there was silence. 

Morning being come, the king arose a little sooner than 
ordinary, and, having performed his morning exercise, he sent 
for Joyce, who with no less confidence than if he had been a 
supreme officer, approached the king, and acquainted him 
with the commands he had concerning his removal. The 
king desired the commissioners might be sent for, and his 
orders communicated to them. The cornet replied, " They 
" were to return back unto the parliament.'" " By whose 
" appointment P said the king. As to that, the cornet had 
no answer. The king then said, " By your favour, sir, let 
" them have their liberty, and give me a sight of your instruc- 
44 tions." " That/* said Joyce, "you shall see presently ;** and 
forthwith drawing up his troop into the inner court, as near 
as he oould unto the king. " These, sir," said he, u are my 
" instructions." The king took a good view of them, and 
finding them proper men and well mounted and armed, smil- 
ingly told the cornet, his instructions were in fair characters, 
legible without spelling . The cornet then pressing the king 
to go along with him, no prejudice being intended, but rather 
satisfaction : the king told him he would not stir, unless the 
commissioners went along with him. The cornet replied, for 
his part he was indifferent. However the commissioners in 
this interim had, by an express, acquainted the parliament 
with this violence ; and so soon as they perceived his majesty 
was inclinable to go with Joyce, and that it was the king's 
pleasure they should follow him they knew not whither, they 
immediately made themselves ready. Nevertheless several 
questions they asked the cornet, whose answers were insigni- 
ficant. The commissioners then seeing reason was of no force 
to dissuade, nor menaces to affright, they were willing to at- 
tend the king at all adventures. 

This audacious attempt exceedingly troubled the commis- 
sioners ; and the more, for that they knew not how to help it, 
as well appeared by their countenances. And indeed it sad- 
dened the hearts of many ; the king was the merriest of the 

° According to nr John Berkeley, he had a guard of four hundred horse. 



868 Herberts Memoirs of ike [appendix a. 

company, having (it seems) a confidence in the army, espe^ 
cially from some of the greatest there, as was imagined. 

The king (then being in his coach) called the earls of Pem- 
broke and Denbigh, as also the lord Montague, into it ; the 
other commissioners (members of the house of commons) 
being well mounted, followed ; leaving Holmby languishing : 
for about two years after, that beautiful and famous structure 
was, amongst other his majesty's royal houses, pulled down 
by order of the two houses of parliament, to satisfy the sol- 
diers' arrears : whereby the splendor of the kingdom was not 
a little eclipsed, as by their ruins is now sadly manifested P. 

His majesty following his guide, the confident cornet, came 
that night to Hinchingbrook, heretofore a nunnery, now a 
fair mansion-house of colonel Edward Mountague, created 
earl of Sandwich, in the twelfth year of the reign of king 
Charles II.; which colonel married Jemima daughter to Mr. 
Crew, who was created a baron of England the year after. 
Here his majesty was treated with honour and hearty wel- 
come, as were also the commissioners and the king's servants. ' 
From Hinchingbrook the king went next night to Childersly, 
a house of sir John Cutts, about four miles from Cambridge ; 
where, during his majesty's three days stay, many masters, 
fellows, graduates, and scholars of that university repaired, to 
most of which the king was graciously pleased to give his hand 
to kiss, for which honour they returned their humble and gra- 
tulatory thanks with a Vivat rex. 

Thither also came sir Thomas Fairfax, general of the par* 
liament army, lieutenant-general Cromwell, commissary-general 
Ireton, serjeant-major-general Skippon, lieutenant-general 
Hammond, colonel Lambert, colonel Whalley, colonel Rich, 
colonel Dean, and several other field and commission officers 
of the army, as also Mr. Hugh Peters, Mr. Dell, Mr. Sedg- 
wick, and others ; some of which, so soon as they came into 
the presence, kissed his majesty's hand; the general sir 
Thomas Fairfax in the first place, whom the king took aside; 

P According to Mr. Baker, the parliament, and the palace levelled 

Northamptonshire historian, this is to the ground by the purchaser, 

not quite correct. The house was who preserved only some few of the 

sold with the timber, when the offices, 
crown lands were alienated by the 



last two Years of Charles the First. 869 

and for about half an hour discoursing with him, the general 
(unasked) disavowed his majesty's seizure by Joyce at Holmby, 
as done without his order or approbation, but probably by 
some other powerful officer of the army, seeing that the cornet 
was neither at a council of war, nor otherwhere called to 
question for it. 

His majesty being now in the custody of the army, was highly 
caressed by all the great officers, who seldom failed to wait 
and discourse with him as opportunity offered. But the king 
had most conference with the general, the lieutenant-general, 
and commissary-general Ireton, (who indeed had the greatest 
influence in the army,) and then behaved themselves with civi- 
lity and due respect to his royal person, which made the king 
sometimes very pleasant in his discourse with them ; nor were 
the private soldiers wanting, in their way, to oblige all that 
followed the king with civility. 

From Childerley the king removed to his house at New- 
market, which was fitted for his reception, as well as that 
little edifice would admit, and where for some weeks he con- 
tinued ; and thence by messages, repeating to his two houses 
of parliament his desires of a further treaty for peace, that 
at Uxbridge concluding without any good success. 

Whilst the king was there, he would be often upon New- 
market heath to recreate himself, sometimes in his coach, but 
most part riding. That heath, for good air and pleasure, 
gives place to no other in this great island, insomuch that 
king James took exceeding delight there in hunting, hawking, 
and races, both horse and foot, and much frequented by for- 
mer princes. 

The army officers, during his majesty's residence at New- 
market, were constantly attending. The commissioners like- 
wise continued their waiting on the king ; who, in this condi- 
tion appeared very cheerful, having, as it was presumed, fair 
hopes as well as promises, that some of the grandees of the 
army would be instrumental, and, by their undoubted interest 
with the two houses and the army, endeavour a happy under- 
standing and accommodation between him and his parliament, 
being in the mean time sub Dei numine tutus. 

It may not be forgotten, that during his majesty's stay at 

FULLER, VOL. VI. B b 



870 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

Newmarket, very many of the gentry and others, men, women, 
and children, repaired thither from most parts of Cambridge- 
shire, Suffolk, Essex, and other neighbouring counties, to 
see the king: so that the presence-chamber was constantly 
thronged with people, especially when his majesty was at 
dinner or supper, and he seldom or never failed to dine in 
public; and when the people saw his majesty withdraw, their 
prayers in loud acclamations ever followed him. The king still 
observed his usual hours for private devotion ; and being ac- 
quainted that ho was in a few days to remove thence to Hampton- 
court, he seemed much satisfied therewith, both that he might 
draw nearer his two houses of parliament, and for that the 
restraint upon him was there to be taken off, and he to have 
the exercise of public worship as heretofore, by his chaplains 1 
attendance ; and likewise that those his servants, who were 
dismissed at Holmby, should have liberty to return and wait 
in their respective places ; willing nevertheless that the earl 
of Pembroke, and the other lords and gentlemen, members of 
the house of commons, (their commissioners,) should abide 
with him, as also the other gentlemen that had attended his 
majesty, after his former servants were discharged by the 
commissioners. 

The king leaving Newmarket, took not the ready way to 
Hampton-court, his progress being according to the motion 
of the army ; so that for the most part he lodged at noble- 
men's houses, save that at Royston, in his own little house, 
seldom used but when he hunted in those large open fields, 
where king James took much recreation ; here his majesty 
stayed two days, though the house was capable but of few at- 
tendants, and meanly furnished ; the town nevertheless, being 
large, made amends by that good accommodation it afforded 
the commissioners and the general officers of the army, as 
also his majesty's followers and servants, which then were 
numerous. 

Here it was, (if my memory serve right,) that a gentleman, 
who was envoy from some German prince, whose dead father 
had been a companion to the knights of the most noble order 
of the Garter, inado an address to his majesty, with a letter 
and return of the George and Garter, which was richly set with 



last two Years of Charles the First. 871 

diamonds ; and, according to the usual custom, humbly prayed 
to have his majesty's directions with whom they should be 
deposited. The jewels formerly were sent to the master of 
the king's jewel-house, and the robes deposited with the dean 
of Windsor. A military officer, being in the room, was so 
malapert as to interpose, to the end that he might be privy to 
this affair, and hear what the envoy had to communicate to 
the king, who by his frown expressed his displeasure for so 
great a rudeness towards him, and incivility to the stranger ; 
but Mr. Babington, the king^ barber, standing by, and better 
understanding good manners, instructed the army officer by 
removing him further off; with which the king was well 
pleased, and the officer (no less than a colonel) had a sound 
reproof soon after from sir Thomas Fairfax, the general. 

From Royston the king removed, June 26, to Hatfield in 
Hertfordshire, about thirteen miles north of London ; a very 
noble house belonging to the lord Cecil, earl of Salisbury, 
having a vineyard, gardens and walks full of pleasure, where 
his majesty was treated with high civility and observance. 
Here the king stayed till the first of July ; then removing to 
Windsor, and two days after to Caversham, a fair house of the 
lord Craven's, almost opposite to Reading, the river of Thames 
interposing ; to which place repaired his highness the prince 
elector palatine, with several of the English nobility, as also 
sir Thomas Fairfax, and many officers of the army. On the 
15th of July the king went to Maidenhead ; and on the 20th 
to Woburn, heretofore a religious house for the Cistercians or 
White Monks, as we call them ; now a large and fair house 
of the lord Russel, earl of Bedford, where his majesty was 
honourably and affectionately welcomed, the commissioners 
and attendants entertained with high civility, as were also the 
army officers ; the earl of Cleveland with some other noble- 
men were here, and some late commander of the king's army 
attending to kiss his majesty's hand, had the freedom to wait 
and discourse, which was novel, as times then stood, and an 
omen of future harmony, as well-wishers to unity and peace 
conjectured. 

From Woburn his majesty removed to Latimers in Bucking- 
hamshire, a little but neat mansion-house of the lord Caven- 

Bb£ 



S7£ Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix l. 

dish earl of Devonshire, the earl being then there to entertain 
the king. His majesty leaving Latimers, it was thought he 
would have removed thence to Berkhanipstead, a house once 
belonging to the king, now to the Carys ; but being unfur* 
nished, and unfitted to lodge at, others imagined he would go 
to Ashridge, (not above two miles thence,) where the earl of 
Bridgewater hath a very noble house and park : but the head 
quarters being then at St. Alban's his majesty declined that 
northern progress, and rode by Cheneys and Rickmansworth 
to Moore Park, a place of much pleasure, (not above two 
miles from Watford,) heretofore a park and house of retire^ 
nient to that most noble lord William Herbert earl of Pem- 
broke, lord steward of his majesty's house, but since pur- 
chased by the lord Cary earl of Monmouth, with the curious 
gardens, water-works, &c. Where having dined, the king re- 
moved that night to Stoke, being about eight miles from 
Moore Park, a fair house, built by Henry lord Hastings earl 
of Huntingdon and lord president of the north ; but since 
purchased by the lord chief justice Coke, whose daughter by 
the lady Elizabeth Cecil (the earl of Exeter's daughter and 
widow to the lord chancellor Hatton) being married to sir 
John Villiers, the duke of Buckingham's brother, it came to 
him, who in the year 1619 was created baron of this place 
and viscount Purbeck. The fourteenth day of August the 
king removed from Stoke to Oatlands, a large and beautiful 
house of the queen's upon the river of Thames ; where, upon 
the plaistered wall in the stone gallery respecting the gardens, 
were very curiously pourtrayed that royal edifice (with Ponte- 
fract castle, Havering, Eltham, Nonsuch, and some other 
palaces assigned to her majesty) in like manner as you see at 
Fontainbleau, of several stately houses of the French kings. 
But, alas ! this at Oatlands, with Richmond, Theobalds, 
Holmby, and other magnifioent houses in this kingdom, were 
unhappily soon after pulled down, to raise money to satisfy 
the arrears of some regiments of the army : all which, it is 
believed, did not raise half so much as any of those princely 
houses cost when they were built ; such are the miserable 
effects of civil war. During this progress eleven eminent 
members of the house of commons (desirous of peace) were 



tost two Years of Charles the First. 378 

Accused of treason by the army ; moving, that in the interim 
they might be expelled the house, and accordingly were se- 
cluded for six months, insomuch that some of them leaving 
this kingdom died beyond sea. 

About the middle of August the king removed to Hampton- 
court, a most large and imperial house, built by that pompous 
prelate cardinal Wolsey, in ostentation of his great wealth, 
and enlarged by king Henry the Eighth, so as it became a 
royal palace ; which, for beauty and grandeur, is exceeded 
by no structure in Europe ; unless it be the Escurial in Spain, 
which appears so magnificent by having the addition of a fair 
monastery, dedicated to St. Lawrence, wherein live a hun- 
dred and fifty monks of the order of St. Jerome, and hath 
also a college, schools, and outhouses built by king Philip II. 
who married our queen Mary. 

Hampton-court was then made ready for the court, and by 
Mr. Kinnersley, yeoman of the wardrobe, and others, prepared 
with what was needful for the court. And a court it now ap- 
peared to be : for there was a revival of what lustre it had 
formerly, his majesty then having the nobility about him, his 
chaplains to perform their duty, the house amply furnished, 
and his services in the accustomed form and state ; every one 
of his servants permitted to attend in their respective places ; 
nothing then appeared of discrimination ; intercourse was 
free between king and parliament, and the army seemed to 
endeavour a right understanding amongst different parties : 
also some treaties passed upon proposals presented his ma- 
jesty from the parliament, which gave hopes of an acconimo* 
dation : the commissioners also continued their attendance 
about the king, and those gentlemen that waited at Holmby, 
were, by his majesty's appointment, kept in their offices and 
places ; the general likewise, and other military commanders, 
were much at court, and had frequent conference with the 
king in the park, and other where attending him ; no offence 
at any time passed amongst the soldiers of either party; there 
was an amnesty by consent, pleasing, as was thought, to all 
parties. 

His majesty, during these halcyon days, intimated to the 
earl of Northumberland that he desired to see his children, who, 

Bb3 



874 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix, a. 

at that time, were under the government of that nobleman* 
and then in his house at Sion, which is about seven miles from 
Hampton-court, in the way to London. The relator, amongst 
other the king's servants, followed his majesty to Sion, which 
is denominated from the holy mount, so named, near Jeru- 
salem. This was first a monastery for monks, but they being 
by king Henry V. removed, in their rooms he placed nuns of 
St. Bridget's order; and under the same roof (but separated by 
several walls) put so many priests and friars as were in num- 
ber equal to Christ with his apostles and disciples. All which 
votaries were ejected by king Henry VIII., the church pulled 
down, and a fair house raised for a retiring place of the lord 
Seymour, duke of Somerset, (as was his other great mansion- 
house in the Strand,) but at present belonging to the lord 
Piercy, earl of Northumberland. Here the king met the 
young duke of Gloucester, and princess Elizabeth, who, so 
soon as they saw their royal father, upon their knees they 
begged his blessing, who heartily gave it, and was overjoyed 
to see them so well in health and so honourably regarded. 

The earl welcomed the king with a very noble treat, and 
his followers had their tables richly furnished, by his behaviour 
expressing extraordinary contentment, to see the king and 
his children together after such various chances, and so long 
a separation. Night drawing on, his majesty returned to 
Hampton-court. 

The fairest day is seldom without a cloud ; for at this time 
some activo and malevolent persons of the army, disguised 
under the specious name of " Agitators," being two selected 
out of every regiment, to meet and debate the concerns of the 
army, mot frequently at Putney, and places thereabouts; who 
of their own accord, without either authority (as some aver) 
or countenance of the general, upon fair pretences had fre- 
quent consultations; but intermeddling with affairs of state, 
were not unlike those that love to fish in troubled waters, and 
being men very popular in the army, had thence their impulse 
and approbation. What the result of councils amongst them 
was, who knows, or by what spirits agitated : yet about this 
time the house was rent, and the speaker went unto the army, 
which soon after marched through London to the Tower, to 



cc 



last two Years of Charles the First. 375 

which was committed the lord mayor, and other dissenting 
citizens, in which confusion the king proposed a treaty, the 
Agitators, in opposition, published a book, intituled, "An 

Agreement of the People, which concerned his Majesty's Per- 

son and Safety." But thence (as was well known) several 
things in design were rumoured, which fomented parties, and 
created jealousies and fears, and by some artifice insinuated, 
and a representation by letter gave his majesty an occasion of 
going from Hampton-court in the night, and in disguise with 
two grooms of his majesty's bed-chamber, Mr. Ashburnham 
and Mr. Legg, as also sir John Berkeley; and about the middle 
of November, anno 1647, passed through a private door into the 
park, where no centinel was, and at Thames-Ditton crossed 
the river, to the amazement of the commissioners, who had 
not the least foreknowledge or apprehension of the king's fear 
or intentions, and no less to the astonishment of the lords, 
and other his majesty's servants, the commissioners especially, 
who in this ignorance expressed great trouble of mind, until 
the lord Mountague opened a letter his majesty left upon his 
table, directed to him, giving a hint of what induced him to 
hasten thence in such a manner, being for self-preservation, yet 
kindly acknowledging their civility to his person all along, with 
his good acceptance of their loyalty and service. 

His majesty being thus gone from Hampton-court, the 
king's servants went with sad hearts to their several homes, 
and the earls of Pembroke and Denbigh, the lord Mountague, 
sir John Holland, sir James Harrington, sir John Cooke, with 
the rest of the commissioners, having acquainted the parlia- 
ment with the king's departure and the letter he was pleased 
to leave behind him, they immediately received an invitation 
from both houses to return to Westminster, which accord- 
ingly they observed, and for their long and faithful service 
had thanks from the parliament. 

After few days it was known that the king was gone to 
Tichfield, a fair house of the earl of Southampton, and that 
upon the 13th November, 1647, he had crossed the sea, and 
was safe landed at Cowes in the Isle of Wight, where colonel 
Hammond the governor was attending, and passing through 
Newport (the principal town in that island) the governor, 

Bb4 



876 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

with alacrity and confidence, conducted his majesty to Caris- 
brook castle, attended only by sir John Berkeley <), and those 
two gentlemen, his servants, lately mentioned. Sure I am, 
many that cordially loved the king did very much dislike his 
going to this place, it being so remote, and designed neither 
for his honour nor safety; as the consequence proved. A 
gentlewoman, as his majesty passed through Newport, pre- 
sented him with a damask rose which grew in her garden at 
that cold season of the year, and prayed for him, which his 
majesty heartily thanked her for. 

Carisbrook castle is the only place of defence within that 
island, albeit, upon the marine, the isle hath many forts, or 
block-houses. Its name is derived from Whitgare, a Saxon, 
corruptly contracted to Garisbrook. The isle being subdued 
at the Conquest by William Fitz Osborne, earl of Hereford, 
he built this castle, which in king Henry III. his time was 
enlarged by Isabel de Fortibus, sister and heir to Baldwyn, 
earl of Devon and Albemarle, who founded there a priory, 
dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen, for Benedictines or Black 
Monks, as we call them. The castle was new built (or en- 
larged rather) by order of king Henry VIII., and by queen 
Elizabeth regularly fortified ; so as the outworks are large, 
and planted with great ordnance, and has served as a place of 
retreat for the islanders against the French and Spaniard, 
when the English were in war with them. 

Thither (so soon as the king's being there was rumoured) 
repaired several of his old servants, and some new, such as his 
majesty at that time thought fit to nominate, (for some weeks 
there was no prohibition, any that were desirous to see his 
majesty might without opposal,) or that, according to the 
duty of their place, were to give their attendance. His ma- 
jesty had free liberty to ride and recreate himself any where 
within the isle, when and where he pleased ; the only want 
was, that his chaplains, Dr. Sheldon and Dr. Hammond, were 
not long tolerated to perform their office, which was no little 
grief to him, in regard he had no disposition to hear those 

*i See sir John Berkley's own ac- tive, p. 101. That the king was in- 
count of this affair in his Memoirs, veigled into this place is scarcely 
p. 163, and Ashburnham's Narra- doubtful. See Ludlow, p. 83. 



last two Years of Charles the First. 377 

that exercised according to the Directory which was then 
practised; but hindered not his private devotion, which every 
day he carefully attended, and the Lord's-day he observed by 
reading the Bible, and other books fitting him for prayer and 
meditation in his oratory. 

Howbeit this liberty of refreshing in the isle abroad was of 
no long duration ; for about the middle of February, colonel 
Hammond, the governor, (soon after the king arose from 
dinner,) came into the presence, which was under his majesty's 
bedchamber, and in solemn manner addressed himself to the 
king ; and after a short preamble, said, he was sorry to ac- 
quaint his majesty with the orders he received the night be- 
fore from his superiors, and then pausing a while, the king 
bid him speak out. The governor replied, his orders were to 
forbid Mr. Ashburnham, Mr. Legg, and the rest of his ser- 
vants that were with him at Oxford, any further waiting on 
his person in that castle and garrison, the jealousies and appre- 
hensions of those times judging it inconvenient to continue 
such in their attendance about his person. 

The king, by his short silence, seemed surprised, and, by 
his countenance, appeared to be troubled. Such as were at 
that time in the presence noted it ; but not knowing the oc- 
casion of his majesty's sadness, they seemed full of grief, as 
by their dejected looks was visible. But the king beckoning 
with his hand to Mr. Ashburnham and some others, he told 
them what the governor had communicated, and what he ex- 
pected not, nor was agreeable to what some considerable per- 
sons had promised. But no remedy but patience, which in 
these straits he commonly had recourse unto, and is the noble 
way of overcoming. 

His majesty's servants were much perplexed, and to expos- 
tulate with colonel Hammond, knew it would be to no pur- 
pose; the only comfort remaining was, that they were not 
excluded their royal master's affection, which supported them. 
Next day, after the king had dined, those gentlemen came 
all together, and prostrating themselves at his majesty's 
feet, prayed God for his preservation, and kissing his hand, 
departed. 

This done, the day following a restraint began of the king's 



878 Herberfs Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

going any more abroad into the Isle of Wight, his majesty 
being then confined to Carisbrook castle and line without, 
albeit within the works, a place sufficiently large and conve- 
nient for the king's walking and having good air, and a de- 
lightful prospect both to the sea and land: and for his 
majesty's solace and recreation, the governor converted the 
barbacan (a spacious parading ground within the line, 
though without the castle) into a bowling-green, scarce to be 
equalled, and at one side built a pretty summer-house for 
retirement. At vacant hours these afforded the king most 
recreation, for the building within the castle walls had no 
gallery, nor rooms of state, nor garden, so as his majesty, 
constantly in the forenoons, exercised himself in the walks 
without, and in the afternoons there also, and in the bowling- 
green or barbacan. Nevertheless both times he carefully ob- 
served his usual times set apart for his devotion and for writ- 
ing. Mr. Harrington and Mr. Herbert continued waiting on 
his majesty in the bedchamber: he gave Mr. Herbert the 
charge of his books, of which the king had a catalogue, and 
from time to time had brought unto him such as he was 
pleased to call for. The sacred Scripture was the book he 
most delighted in, read often in Bishop Andrews' Sermons, 
Hooker's Ecclesiastical Policy, Dr. Hammond's Works, Vil- 
lalpandus upon Ezekiel, &c, Sandys's Paraphrase upon King 
David's Psalms, Herbert's Divine Poems; and also Godfrey 
of Bulloigne, writ in Italian by Torquato Tasso, and done into 
English heroic verse by Mr. Fairfax, a poem his majesty 
much commended, as he did also Ariosto, by sir John Har- 
rington, a facetious poet, much esteemod of by prince Henry 
his master, Spencer's Fairy Queen, and the like, for alleviat- 
ing his spirits after serious studies. And at this time it was 
(as is presumed) ho composed his book called " Suspiria 
" Regalia" published soon after his death, and entitled " The 
" King's Pouriraiture, in his Solitudes and Sufferings" which 
manuscript Mr. Herbert found amongst those books his ma- 
jesty was pleased to give him, (those excepted which he be- 
queathed to his children, hereafter mentioned,) in regard Mr. 
Herbert, though he did not see the king write that book, his 
majesty being always private when he writ, and those his ser- 



last two Years of Charles the First. 379 

vants never coming into the bedchamber, when the king was 
private, until he called; yet comparing it with his hand- 
writing in other things, found it so very like, as induces his 
belief that it was his own handwriting, having seen much of 
the king's writing before ; and to instance particulars in that 
his majesty's translation of Dr. Saunderson the late bishop of 
Lincoln's book " De Juramentis" or like title, concerning 
oaths, all of it translated into English, and writ with his own 
hand ; and which, in his bedchamber, he was pleased to shew 
his servants, Mr. Harrington and Mr. Herbert, and com- 
manding them to examine it with the original, they found it 
accurately translated ; which his majesty not long after shewed 
the bishop of London Dr. Juxon, and also Dr. Hammond, 
and Dr. Sheldon, his majesty's chaplains in ordinary, (which 
first and last were afterwards archbishops of Canterbury,) such 
time as they waited upon him at Newport in the Isle of Wight 
during the treaty. In many of his books, he delighted him- 
self with the motto, u Dum spiro spero ;" which he wrote 
frequently as the emblem of his hopes as well as endeavours 
for a happy agreement with his parliament. A harmony and 
good accommodation he heartily desired, and a fair end to all 
matters that made this unhappy separation : mean time alle- 
viating his mind by an honourable and cheerful submission to 
the Almighty, who in his wisdom orders and disposes all 
things according to his good pleasure, and who, in all his 
trials during his disconsolate condition, marvellously supported 
him with an unparalleled patience. In one of his books he 
writ this distich : — 

" Rebus in adversis facile est contemnere vitam : 
Fortiter ille facit qui miser esse potest." 

And out of another poet, against the levelling and anti- 
monarchic spirits which predominated at that time: — 

" Fallitur egregio quisquis sub principe credit 
Servitium ; nunquam libertas gratior extat, 
Quam sub rege pio, ." Claudian. 

with many others which are memorable, and express his de- 
light in learning. For he understood authors in the originals, 
whether Greek, Latin, French, Spanish, or Italian, which 



380 Herbert' 8 Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

three last he spoke perfectly ; and none better read in histo- 
ries of all sorts, which rendered him accomplished, and also 
would discourse well in arts and sciences, and indeed not un- 
fitted for any subject. 

Notwithstanding this restraint, which the governor was 
strict in, (probably in pursuance of his instructions,) neverthe- 
less several diseased persons, troubled with the evil, resorted 
thither from remote parts to be touched; and, after some 
stay in Newport or other villages about, made means to get 
within the line, and when the king went out of the castle to- 
wards his usual walk about the barbacan, they had their 
wished opportunity to present themselves afore him, and he 
touched them. 

About this time one Mr. Sedgwick (sometime preacher in 
the parliament army) came to Carisbrook castle, and desired 
colonel Hammond the governor's leave to address himself to 
the king. Mr. Harrington being acquainted with the occa- 
sion, told his majesty, that a minister was purposely come 
from London to discourse with him about his spiritual con- 
cerns, and was desirous to present his majesty with a book he 
had lately writ for his majesty's perusal, which (as the gentle- 
man said) if his majesty would please to read, he supposed 
might be of much advantage to him, and comfort in that his 
uncomfortable condition. The king thereupon came forth, 
and Mr. Sedgwick, in decent manner, gave his majesty the 
book, the title whereof was, " Leaves of the Tree of Life? 
being an explication of the second verse of the twenty-second 
chapter of the Revelation of St. John. His majesty, after he 
read some part thereof, returned it with this short admonition 
and judgment, that, by what he had read in that book, he be- 
lieved the composer stood in some need of sleep. The king's 
advice being taken in the best sense, the minister departed 
with seeming satisfaction. 

Next day one Mr. Harrington, a gentleman of a fair estate 
near Bath in Somersetshire, (son to sir John Harrington 
afore -mentioned,) came in like sort to Carisbrook castle, upon 
the same charitable account. But his majesty, having heard 
something concerning him, thanked him likewise for his good 
intentions, having no mind to enter into discourse with him 



last two Years of Charles the First. 881 

upon controversial points ; so as that gentleman also returned 
next homewards, having first wished the king much happiness. 

His majesty having thought fit to send a gracious message 
to his two houses of parliament, in the evening he gave it, 
sealed up, (and directed to the speaker of the house of lords 
pro tempore ,) to his servant Mr. Herbert, with a letter to his 
daughter the princess Elizabeth, who was then at St. James's 
bouse near Whitehall with her governess. The wind was not 
favourable, so as Mr. Herbert had much ado to cross the sea 
from Cowes to Southampton ; but in regard the king had or- 
dered to make haste, so as the letter might be delivered next 
day before the house rose, no delay was suffered. Being 
landed he immediately took post for London. It may not be 
forgotten, that at one stage, the post-master, (a malevolent 
person,) having notice that the packet cante from the king, 
and required extraordinary speed; mounted Mr. Herbert 
upon a horse that had neither good eyes nor feet, so as he 
usually stumbled very much, which, with the deep ways 
(being winter) and dark night, in all probability might have 
abated his speed, but (through God's goodness) the horse 
(though at his full gallop most part of that twelve miles 
riding) neither stumbled nor fell, which at the next stage was 
admired. The king's packet was delivered to the lord Grey 
of Warwick r , (at that time speaker to the lords' house,) 
within the time limited; which done, he waited upon the 
princess Elizabeth, then at St. James's, who gave him her 
hand to kiss, being overjoyed with her royal father's kind 
letter ; to which she returned another by Mr. Herbert, who 
had the king's approbation at his coming to Garisbrook for 
bis diligence. 

It was upon the 15th of April, the princess Henrietta (wife 
to the duke of Orleans afterwards) left Exeter (the place of 
her birth) and took ship for France to the queen; and upon 
the 15th of April, two years after that, the duke of York 
escaped from St. James's, and went to the prince, then in 
Holland. 

Whilst these things were acting, the Scots, to regain their 
credit for delivering the king into the hands of the English, 

r One of the judges. He signed the warrant. 



982 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

(contrary to their promise when he left Oxford, and intrusted 
himself with them, when they besieged Newark, as formerly 
hinted) upon a pretence to reinthrone the king. In or about 
May 1648, a Committee of Danger (as they termed it) was 
by an assembly of the States, in order thereto, constituted at 
Edinburgh, consisting of eight earls, eight barons, and eight 
burgesses, who being assembled, voted the raising an army of 
forty thousand men, to be commanded by duke Hamilton, 
with whom sir Marmaduke Langdale, and some other colonels, 
gave the duke an assurance to assist with three thousand 
horse and foot. All expedition was used to raise this army, 
that they might make their invasion with least opposition ; 
having notice also from London and other parts, that upon 
the votes of making no further address, or receiving any mes- 
sage from the king, and that a closer restraint was by colonel 
Hammond thereupon put upon his majesty at Carisbrook 
castle, great discontents and murmurs arose amongst the 
people, in sundry parts of the nation, that broke out into in- 
surrections ; which, and with the intelligence duke Hamilton 
had, that sir Thomas Fairfax was engaged by the king's party 
in Kent, Surrey, and other counties about London, and that 
lieutenant-general Cromwell at the same time was busied 
about the reducement of Pembroke castle, and other fortified 
places in the remotest parts of South Wales, animated the 
Scots the more to quicken their march into England, notwith- 
standing the number of their forces were with such difficulty 
raised, as they lost their opportunity, as being unable to raise 
above one-third of the number they intended ; nor did they 
enter England until the 13th of July 1648. 

A little before this the Londoners, in great multitudes, 
petitioned both houses of parliament that the secluded mem- 
bers might be recalled, and those other released who were 
then under restraint, and be permitted to sit as formerly; 
part of their request was granted, upon their willingness to 
let major-general Skippon command the city militia ; which 
being granted, several regiments were quartered in London, 
as also in Somerset house in the Strand, the Mews, and 
Whitehall, the rest of the army having quarters assigned 
more remote from London. The Essex and Surrey men like- 



last two Years of Charles the First. 888 

wise petitioned the two houses that the army might be satis- 
fied their arrears, and then disbanded, and that the late vote 
for making no further address to the king might be nulled, 
and that they would comply with his majesty's proposal for a 
personal treaty. 

That word, " disbanding," 1 sounded harshly in the soldiers' 
ears, insomuch as some of them affronted the petitioners, so 
that from words they fell to blows, which was taken in ill part 
by many ; but especially by such of their Kentish neighbours 
as inclined to the regal party, who, resenting the bad usage 
the Surrey petitioners had received, made that and the king's 
restraint the pretence of their sudden rising in arms, insomuch 
as upwards of ten thousand men, headed by Mr. Hales, and 
some other persons of note living there, publicly declared for 
king and parliament. 

This was soon known to that part of sir Thomas Fairfax's 
army that quartered thereabout; for colonel Rich, with his 
horse regiment, and colonel Hewson with his of foot, fell upon 
a party near Gravesend, so as in disorder they made towards 
Maidstone, which place they fortified as well as few hands and 
little time gave leave, though to small purpose, those regi- 
ments marching after them with speed ; nevertheless the dis- 
pute was very sharp, the Kentish men stood so well to their 
arms, and made such opposition, so that the fight was for 
some hours maintained with great resolution on both sides, 
and many were killed in the conflict ; howbeit, in conclusion, 
the parliament soldiers had the better of the day, and took 
many prisoners, the rest that escaped marched towards the 
Thames, and with others rendezvoused upon Blackheath, 
where several officers and soldiers that had served in the 
king's army repaired to them, which so increased their num- 
ber, as induced the lord Goring earl of Norwich to command 
that little army, who having intelligence that sir Thomas 
Fairfax was with several regiments of horse and foot advanc- 
ing against him, he thought fit to decline the engagement till 
he had a reinforcement, and in order thereto he crossed the 
Thames near Greenwich into Essex, where sir Charles Lucas 
joined him with two thousand horse and foot ; amongst which 



884 Herberts Memoirs of ike [appendix a. 

were many principal commanders, namely, the lord Capell, the 
lord Loughborough, and other officers of note; and being 
near four thousand men, they marched to Colchester, where 
expecting a siege in short space, with the help of many hands, 
they regularly fortified it. 

Sir Thomas Fairfax had quick intelligence of their proceed- 
ings, so as he ordered colonel Hewson and colonel Rich with 
their regiments to quiet the Kentish commotion, and with the 
rest of the army he drew towards Colchester, which he closely 
besieged, about the middle of June 1648. 

At this time was lieutenant-general Cromwell hurried about 
the reducement of the strong castle of Pembroke (the utmost 
part of South Wales,) which was defended by major-general 
Langhorn, colonel Powell, and colonel Poyer, men of signal 
courage and interest in those parts. 

The Scots also, under duke Hamilton's command, about 
this time (which was the first week in July 1648) entered 
this kingdom near to Carlisle, (sir Philip Musgrave governor,) 
sir Marmaduke Langdale, with his brigade, joining with them. 
Much about this time also a great part of the navy, by 
procurement of vice-admiral Batten (in whose place the two 
houses of parliament had put colonel Ranesborough) de- 
clared for the king, and put themselves under the command 
of the prince of Wales, the duke of York going abroad, hav- 
ing in a disguise left St. James's, and the earl of Northum- 
berland, his governor, and with one servant escaped, and got 
into Holland, (there being also aboard prince Rupert, and 
sundry other noblemen and gentlemen of quality, with two 
thousand soldiers, who being under sail quickly,) the wind fa- 
vouring, landed at Yarmouth, in expectation of increasing 
their numbers in Norfolk, and the neighbouring counties, who 
had, during the late war, appeared for the king; but failing 
to come to his assistance, and hearing that colonel Scroop 
was with a considerable force upon a speedy march thither- 
ward, the prince by advice of a council of war was persuaded 
to ship his men, and to direct his course toward Sandwich or 
Deal in Kent, to countenance those that had declared for the 
king: but his coming was too late, the parliament forces there 



last two Tears of Charles the First. 385 

having wonted the king's party. So as the prince finding the 
opportunity lost, and his fleet in want of provisions, weighing 
anchor, he returned into the Netherlands. 

Nevertheless, about the beginning of July, the earl of Hol- 
land, seconded by the duke of Buckingham, the lord Francis 
Villiers, his brother, the earl of Peterborough 8 , and several 
others of note, made a second attempt in Kent, upon his ma- 
jesty's behalf, appearing with a considerable party of horse 
and foot, and marching in good order into Surrey, drew up 
near Kingston upon Thames, in hopes that several officers and 
private soldiers, who had served the king, would have come 
into their rendezvous ; but few appearing to reinforce them, 
they marched towards Reygate, about a dozen miles from 
Kingston, which ere they could reach, they were engaged by 
colonel Rich his regiment of horse, and after a sharp skirmish 
forced to retreat back towards Kingston, and endeavouring 
to make good a pass between Ewell and Nonsuch-park, the 
fight was on either side maintained with extraordinary fierce- 
ness and valour, in which there were many gentlemen slain on 
both sides, amongst which was the lord Francis Villiers, who 
that day expressed much courage, and, as report goes, was 
offered but refused quarter 1 . 

The king's party being thus overcome, such as were not 
prisoners of war, (of which were several of the better sort,) the 
rest shifted for themselves the best they could. Nevertheless, 
the earl of Holland with a small party got to Kingston upon 
Thames, which place, though favouring the king's friends, and 
so near neighbouring Hampton-court, durst not in that con- 
dition warrant the earl's stay, the parliament forces being in 
pursuit ; so as leaving that place, he hastened towards Hunt- 
ingdon, thinking to find security there, at least for some time; 
but by the way, colonel Scroop interposing with two regiments 
of horse and foot from Norfolk, the earl after some resistance 
near St. Neotfs, seven miles from Huntingdon, was taken pri- 
soner, and thence, under a guard of horse, sent to Warwick 
castle, where he remained till he was brought to London. 
The duke of Buckingham, in this interim, passed through the 

• Henry Mordaunt. t So Ludlow, p. 99. 

FULLER, VOL. VJ. C C 



886 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

county of Lincoln, to the sea-coast, where happily finding a 
small vessel, he adventured the sea, and having a favourable 
gale of wind, in few hours arrived safely in Holland, where 
he found the prince. 

Whilst these things were in agitation, duke Hamilton, upon 
the 13th of July (as hath been hinted) invaded England with 
his Scots, who were far short of the number the Committee of 
Danger voted at Edinburgh, as formerly mentioned ; but was 
supplied by the splendor of his own equipage, his army (as 
some report) was not fifteen thousand horse and foot ; yet by 
that addition from sir Marmaduke Langdale, and which sir 
Philip Musgrave and other English officers brought, he was 
twenty thousand men, or thereabouts. The Scots army 
marched as far as Appleby, in Westmoreland, without oppo- 
sition, where major-general Lambert was quartered; near 
which, after a short dispute, the Scots made the English party 
to retire, first to Kirkby Steven, and then to Bowes, so as the 
Scots (to refresh themselves) stayed a few days in Kendal, 
expecting more force out of Scotland ; which failed them. 

Nevertheless, with the army he had, and animated with 
his late success, he marched into Lancashire, thinking there 
to be reinforced by many, that during the late war had ap- 
peared opposite to the parliament forces ; but the report of 
lieutenant-general Cromweirs approach disanimated several 
persons of note in those parts ; so that duke^Hamilton failed 
much of his expectations. The sequestration of men's estates 
was so great a terror to many. Nor did major-general Monro, 
with his forces, follow the duke, as was intended ; he and the 
marquis of Montrosse having enough to do at home by op- 
posing the marquis of Argyle, who, with general Lesly, were 
against duke Hamilton's invading England. 

Nor was the rumour of lieutenant-general Cromwell's march 
towards the Scots false. For so soon as he had intelligence 
of the duke's coming to Perth, he quickly dispatched his 
leaguer at Pembroke, which was surrendered ; and, as with a 
flying army, made all haste possible to join with major-general 
Lambert and colonel Harrison to fight the Scots u . The duke 

u See Ludlow, p. ioo. 



last two Years of Charles the First. 887 

therefore thought it his best course to adventure a speedy en- 
gagement : in order whereto he marched to Preston in Lan- 
cashire, and upon the 17th day of August (having notice by 
his scouts that the parliament forces observed his motion 
and were drawing up towards him) he drew up in battalia, 
upon a moor about three miles from Preston, where both ar- 
mies faced each other ; major Smithson commanded the for- 
lorn, and worsted a part of the van of the Scots army, so as 
the armies immediately engaged. 

For two hours space the fight was equally maintained, and 
fought with marvellous fierceness and desperate courage, so 
as many were slain ; but at length the Scots gave ground, and 
the greatest part of their army marched back towards Lancas- 
ter, the lesser part towards Preston. The parliament forces 
marched close after the Scots, who at Ribble-bridge (which is 
not far from Haughton-tower) made a stand, as resolving to 
make good that passage, which accordingly they for some 
hours maintained with great courage, but being overpowered 
by the English cavalry, who pressed upon the Scots with great 
resolution, and gained the pass, the duke (contrary to com- 
mon sense) declined his retreat northwards towards Lancaster, 
whither the other part of his army was gone, and marched 
southwards to Wigan, (a small distance from Lathom, the earl 
of Derby's noble house,) and the next day to Warrington, 
watered by the river Mersey, over which there is a bridge, 
and where the Scots disputed that pass with signal courage. 
But the duke's army being much weakened through want of 
that part which went to Lancaster, and interposed by some 
regiments of the English army, and lieutenant-general Crom- 
well being some time before come up to reinforce major- 
general Lambert and colonel Harrison with a numerous 
party, finding his army much discouraged, and much inferior in 
strength to his adversaries, in despair, he left the foot to shift 
for themselves ; who being thus deserted, about four thousand 
of them threw down their arms, having quarter ; the duke, 
with three thousand horse, escaping to Nantwich in Cheshire; 
where, and by their disordered march, the greatest part were 
snapped by the country people and some soldiers that followed 
the chase. Duke Hamilton, hastening into Staffordshire, at 

cc2 



388 Herbert* Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

Uttoxeter yielded himself prisoner to the lord Grey of Grohy, 
who with a convoy sent him to Ashby-de-la-Zouch, (of which 
the earl of Huntingdon is lord,) and shortly, with many other 
of the Scots, prisoners to London. 

The Scots army being thus overcome, lieutenant-general 
Cromwell with his forces advanced into Scotland without op- 
position, hearing that Monro was with eight thousand horse 
and foot ready to follow duke Hamilton's army ; but having 
notice of his defeat, he thought good to hearken to the earl 
of Argyle's advice, which was to forbear his march, insomuch 
as lieutenant-general Cromwell entered Scotland with his 
forces unopposed, and at Edinburgh was amicably received, 
and treated with all demonstrations of affection. Such are 
the strange effects and vicissitudes of war. 

All this time Colchester held out, though straitly besieged by 
sir Thomas Fairfax with his army, where much gallantry and 
valour appeared on both sides*. Yet at length the besieged, 
being in want of powder and other provisions, and having cer- 
tain intelligence of duke Hamilton's overthrow, as also hope- 
less of help from abroad, or a supply of what the town and 
garrison extremely wanted, and how unsuccessful the king's 
parties had been in several places, having called a council of 
war, it was resolved that commissioners should be named to 
treat with sir Thomas Fairfax upon certain articles ; which 
being agreed, Colchester was delivered up to the parliament's 
general the 27th day of August 1648; sir Thomas Fairfax 
forthwith removing to St. Alban's, which for some time he 
made his head quarter. 

These military proceedings happening during his majesty's 
confinement at Carisbrook castle, I thought pertinent to in- 
termix with other occurrences, which otherwise should have 
been omitted. 

Now in regard it hath been suggested by some, that the 
king was not ignorant of duke Hamilton's preparations, and 
intentions by force of arms to set his majesty at liberty and 
settle him in his throne ; and that the king, by a letter from 
the queen, was acquainted therewith ; which letter was inter- 

z See a detailed account of the siege in " Mercurius Rustic us." 



last two years of Charles the First. 889 

cepted, the seal violated, and the letter read by some great 
officers of the army, members of the commons house ; who, 
during his majesty's being with the array (after his remove 
from Holmby), had upon valuable considerations of wealth 
and honour, undertaken, by their interest in both places, to 
restore the king, upon condition that he would wholly confide 
in them, without having recourse to other means ; which his 
majesty consenting to, they carried on their design until they 
met with the queen's letter, which startled them ; so as clos- 
ing it very artificially, and conveying it into the king's hands, 
he could not perceive the letter had been intercepted or the 
seal broken, whereby the intelligence the queen gave might be 
known to any but himself; upon their discourse soon after 
with the king, asking him if he knew, that duke Hamilton 
was with a powerful army of Scots preparing to do that by 
force, which they had undertaken to effect by their interest 
with both houses of parliament and army, in no wise doubting 
to compass it for his happy restoration; the king not ac- 
quainting them with the contents of her majesty's letter con- 
cerning the duke's invasion, they were thenceforth distrustful 
of him, which totally altered their former resolution in order 
to his reestablishment and freedom : 

This, as I said before, hath been suggested ; but assuredly 
little credit is given to this report, especially by unbiassed 
persons. 

For albeit some great commanders in the army, by the 
influence they had also in both houses, might probably upon 
a right prospect of peace and expectation of preferment, (a 
powerful magnet,) confirm the king in his belief, (credulity 
being rather a fault than an offence, seeing it hurts none but 
itself,) that they both could and would use their best endea- 
vours to accommodate him by a speedy composure of all those 
differences that secluded him from exercising his regal power, 
(the thing aimed at, and by sober persons cordially desired ;) 
yet it is not to be presumed that his majesty would dissemble 
or falsify his word and promise to depend upon them ; the busi- 
ness being so much to his satisfaction. And it may be sup- 
posed, that his majesty might at Hampton-court (where it is 

cc3 



390 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

pretended the letter was intercepted) have the opportunity to 
acquaint the queen with the fair hopes and intentions of the 
army, to incline the two houses to agree the differences, and 
remove the jealousies that occasioned this late war, and re- 
store peace to a distracted kingdom, (which it is probable her 
majesty would be glad to hear, and acquiesce in the king's 
prudence;) so as it is unlikely the queen would hazard his 
restoration any other way; especially by the Scots, who, if suc- 
cess should smile upon them in that attempt, would in all pro- 
bability have insisted upon his majesty's taking and confirming 
the league and covenant, which the king was averse to. 

Nor had his majesty confidence in duke Hamilton, as 
appeared by that his presage, that if the duke would in a 
hostile way enter this kingdom, he was a lost person ; and if 
such a thing should happen, he charged all such as had been 
of his party in the war to forbear joining with the Scots. 
Nor can it rationally be granted, that the queen could, at the 
king's residence at Hampton-court, have such quick intelli- 
gence of duke Hamilton's design ; the time of this intercepted 
letter being near eleven months before the Committee of 
Danger was formed, which was previous to the duke's pre- 
parations, or any thing in order to it. 

Moreover, granting there was such a letter, yet that it should 
be intercepted seems strange, being presumed it would be sent 
by a trusty person ; and the court at that time being without 
any restraint, (none forbidden access unto the king ;) also no 
less incredible, that her majesty's seal being broken could be 
so artificially closed, as the king (who was accurate in observing 
seals and curiosities of all sorts) should not discern the fraud. 
And as to the discontent those army-officers expressed by ab- 
senting themselves from court ; this relater observed no such 
thing, but that, (as at other times,) they frequented it; so as 
until the king in disguise went thence, the military men did 
not withdraw, nor till the commissioners departed ; as did all 
the king's servants; who, as men amazed, stood for some time 
gazing one upon another. For being then without a master, 
the diet ceased, and with sad hearts they went thence to their 
several homes. So that upon the whole matter it may be be- 



last two Years of Charles the First. 891 

lieved that the report concerning the letter of intelligence from 
the queen is fictitious ; only designed to asperse the king and 
to blemish his integrity; which (as ho himself hath declared) 
he highly prized. And indeed a saying of his is worthy to be 
writ in letters of gold: " That he could more willingly lose his 
" crowns than his credit ; his kingdoms being less valuable to 
44 him than his honour and reputation." 

44 Faith, assuredly, is the foundation upon which justice 
44 and truth are built," saith Cicero the orator and great 
statesman, who (albeit the Romans of all men got most by war) 
hath this assertion, " That an unjust peace is preferable to 
44 a just war.*" And it was a generous saying of king Henry IV. 
of France, our king's father-in-law : 4t That it was a barbarous 
44 thing, yea, contrary to Christianity and nature, to make war 
* 4 for the love of war ; a Christian king never refusing peace, 
" if not wholly disadvantageous. For a king's honour and 
44 justice are and ought to be like a rock of diamonds, that 
44 remains impenetrable." It was an excellent and memorable 
expression of the king, such time as he signed the Petition of 
Bight, that he did it with a good heart. 44 For," saith he, " pre- 
4 * rogative is to defend the subject's liberty and freedom, see- 
44 ing their freedom strengthens the king's prerogative.' 11 Thus 
much I have thought fit to say, to wipe off that aspersion of 
double-dealing, and to vindicate injured innocence. 

Return we now to the Isle of Wight. 

I formerly hinted, that during the time that Dr. Sheldon 
(afterwards archbishop of Canterbury) and Dr. Hammond, 
his majesty's chaplains in ordinary, were permitted to wait at 
Carisbrook castle, they performed the service afore the king; 
howbeit their stay was but short, the governor giving then? 
unexpectedly a dismiss ; so as the king thenceforth was chap- 
lain to himself, not thinking fit to accept any minister of the 
presbytery, albeit he returned them thanks and was civil to 
them. 

Amongst others of that judgment, conforming to the Direc- 
tory, was one Mr. Trough ton, a young man, and I think a 
graduate in one of our universities ; who during his majesty's 
confinement in Carisbrook castle, was chaplain to the gover- 

c c 4 



892 Herberts Memoirs of ike [appendix a. 

nor, and preacher to the officers and soldiers in that garrison T. 
He seldom failed to be in the presence-chamber when the king 
dined, delighting to see the king, and though he was but young, 
yet was he a student, and could argue pretty well in defence of 
some tenets he held, in opposition to some ceremonies he had 
seen practised in churches, and discipline in the episcopacy. 
The king usually after meals would walk for near an hour 
and take many turns in the presence-chamber, and pleasur- 
ably enter into disputation with Mr. Troughton, who was 
very earnest in maintaining his arguments; and the king never 
discouraged him, but being the better logician, had the advan- 
tage, and being better read in history and controversial 
points, gained ground of his opponent The king always 
parted merrily, and was very pleasant ; but one time, during 
their discourse, this young disputant standing at one end of 
the room, between a lieutenant of foot (who had his sword in 
his hand, and was earnestly hearkening to their debate) and 
a gentleman that was not known to many there ; the king in 
the heat of his discourse, took the officer's sword out of his 
hand so unexpectedly, as made the officer look strangely; and 
then drawing it, affrighted the disputant, (he not imagining 
the reason,) until the gentleman better understanding the 
meaning, fell presently upon his knee, and his majesty laying 
the sword upon his shoulder, conferred upon him the honour 
of knighthood, telling him, it was to perform a promise to his 
relations. That young gentleman' is since advanced to greater 
honour and office under our sovereign. 



x "As for this chaplain Troughton, " wards at Bristol, and now is living 

though Thomas Herbert, then one "in or near London." Wood'8 

" ofthegroom8 of his majesty's bed- Athen. ii. 688. He is mentioned 

" chamber, from whom I had this also in Ludlow's Memoirs. 

" story [i. e. the story in the text,] i Sir John Duncomb, of Bettles- 

" could not tell me his Christian don in Buckinghamshire, after- 

" name, yet I take it to be William, wards servant to king Charles II., 

" and the same William Troughton, sworn of the privy council, May 

" who afterwards was beneficed in 22, 1667, being at that time one 

Salisbury, in the time of Oliver; of the commissioners of the trea- 

silenced for Nonconformity after sury, and in 1672 chancellor of 

his majesty's restoration; lived the exchequer, on the resignation 

" there several years after keeping of sir Anthony Ashley Cooper. 

" his conventicles, as he did after- Wood's Athen. h. 688. 



« 



€( 
« 



last two Yean of Charles the First. 898 

From Carisbrook castle his majesty sent some proposals to 
the parliament, who returned four preliminary articles, which 
the Scotch commissioners disrelished, and the king disliked 
as improper to precede a treaty ; which occasioned a stricter 
guard, and that vote of making no further address; which 
nevertheless was soon after repealed. And about the middle 
of August 1648, the earl of Middlesex" was sent by the house 
of lords, and sir John Hippesley and Mr. John Bulkeley from 
the house of commons, to present the king with the votes of 
both houses of parliament, for a personal treaty with his ma- 
jesty, upon the propositions tendered at Hampton-court, and 
a committee of lords and commons, at such time as his ma- 
jesty should think fit to appoint, and to be with honour and 
safety to his royal person. 

The king, in the first place, gave them his hand to kiss, 
and then told them, that their address being in order to peace 
doubled their welcome, peace being the thing he earnestly 
desired ; assuring them withal, that if upon the treaty peace 
did not ensue, it should be no fault of his, he would not be 
blamed. 

In order thereto, his majesty was pleased to write back 
unto his parliament, signifying the receipt of their late votes ; 
declaring withal that he would treat with such of their mem- 
bers as they should think fit to nominate and appoint to meet 
at Newport in the Isle of Wight ; engaging withal his royal 
word, that he would not depart out of the island during the 
treaty, which was limited to six weeks time, nor in three 
weeks after. 

Pursuant whereto, several lords and members of the house 
of commons, namely, the earls of Northumberland, Pembroke, 
Salisbury, and Middlesex, viscount Say and Seal, the lord 
Wainman, Mr. Pierpoint, Mr. Hollis, Mr. Crew, sir Henry 
Vane, jun., sir Harbottle Grimstone, sir John Potts, serjeant 
Glynne. serjeant Browne, Mr. Bulkeley, with some others, 
were appointed by the two houses of parliament to repair 
forthwith to Newport, and treat with his majesty upon cer- 
tain propositions. 

■ Lionel Cranfield. See Col. Hammond's Letter to him, in Clary's 
Memorials, ii. p. i. 



394 Herbert* $ Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

His majesty, as soon as he was advertised that the com- 
missioners were on their way, removed from Carisbrook (which 
was to him a place of cares ) to a gentleman's house in New- 
port, which was accommodated to his business so well as that 
small place would afford, albeit disproportionate and of small 
receipt for a court. The king's old servants having then 
liberty to attend, several lords and gentlemen of the bed- 
chamber, namely, the duke of Richmond, the marquis of 
Hertford, the earls of Southampton and Lindsey, lord high 
chamberlain, with others of the nobility, likewise repaired 
thither, as also the grooms of the bedchamber, pages of the 
backstairs, and other servants that had offices; all which 
were permitted their attendance. Several of the king^s chap- 
lains came thither also ; viz. Dr. Hammond, Dr. Sheldon, 
Dr. Juxon, Dr. Holds worth, Dr. Sanderson, Dr. Turner, as also 
sir Thomas Gardiner, sir Orlando Bridgman, Mr. Holboro, Mr. 
Palmer and Vaughan, &c, and with the commissioners came 
Mr. Marshall, Mr. John Caryl, Mr. Richard Vines, and Mr. 
Seaman. Mr. Nye was there also, and some others, who as 
occasion required preached before the commissioners; and 
albeit the king would not accept of them amongst his chaplains 
either praying or preaching,his majesty was nevertheless affable 
to them, and said they were welcome, always desiring (as he 
has published) those pious assistances, which holy and good 
ministers, either prelates or presbyters, could afford him ; 
especially in those extremities which God had pleased to 
permit some of his subjects to reduce him to. 

Great rejoicing there was on all hands for this convention, 
and fair hopes appeared that God would vouchsafe to give 
his blessing to it. 

The court being thus settled, and the most convenient house 
Newport could afford prepared; (the town indeed is large, and 
of many streets, but the building none of the best, yet gave 
sufficient accommodation to that great concourse of men, as 
also to some foot-companies that were quartered there) ; the 
king, so soon as the lords and gentlemen that came from the 
two houses of parliament had kissed his majesty's hand, and 
reposed a little while after their land and sea travel, met them 
at the appointed place; where being set, the king under a state 



last two Years of Charles the First 395 

at the end of the room, and the parliament commissioners at 
some distance on either side the board (several lords and 
the king's chaplains, viz. Dr. Sheldon, Dr. Holdsworth, Dr. 
Hammond, Dr. Sanderson, Dr. Turner, and the bishop of 
London, as also Dr. Morley 2 , standing behind the king's chair) ; 
he forthwith entered to treat with them upon their proposals, 
and a fair progress was made therein by his majesty's ready 
condescension, especially in what related to civil affairs; 
wherein the commissioners were, pursuant to their instructions, 
principally concerned. His majesty had also some conferences 
with the Assembly divines, Mr. Marshall, and the other three 
lately named ; in which was controverted some different judg. 
ments referring to the ingenuous and true sense the primitive 
fathers had of bishop and presbyter, how understood as to 
their administrations ; for as to the office of deacons, that was 
agreed by both, but in the other their opinions differed. 
However, in these debates there were no heats on either side, 
but managed with great sobriety and moderation 3 . And in 
all this treaty his majesty was observed in the whole transac- 
tion, both with the commissioners and divines, to keep a con- 
stant decorum, with great prudence, cautiousness, and good 
order. And albeit he was single, and obliged to answer what 
the commissioners (who were many) had in proposition or ob- 
jection, his majesty's answers were pertinent, and delivered 
without any perturbation or show of discomposure ; albeit he 
had to do with persons, as of high civility and observance to 
the king, so of great parts and understanding in the law and 
affairs of state; and both for their ingenuity and fair carriage 
much commended by the king, as occasion afterwards offered. 

The propositions sent from the two houses of parliament to 
treat upon with the king, were eleven in number. 

The first was : That the king should forthwith call in all 
such proclamations and declarations as his majesty had at 
any time, during the late war, issued against the proceedings 
of the two houses of parliament ; to which the king agreed, 
provided, that neither this concession, nor any other of his 

z The friend of Isaac Walton ; to a An account of this conference 
whom, being? bishop of Winchester, was afterwards published. 
Walton dedicated his " Lives." 



996 Herbert's Memoirs of ike [appendix a. 

upon this treaty, should be of any force, unless the whole 
were agreed. 

The second was concerning the settlement of the church. 
As to his confirming the Assembly of Divines sitting in the 
abbey of Westminster, and to a settling of the Directory, and 
establishing of the presbyterian government for three years, 
(reserving, nevertheless, to himself and his party a liberty to 
use the old form,) his majesty agreed. But as to the abolish- 
ing episcopacy and that hierarchy, or to the alienating the 
church lands, or any part thereof, his majesty would by no 
means give his assent. 

To the third proposal ; his majesty was willing to permit 
the parliament to have the militia in their hands for twenty 
years. 

To the fourth ; for nulling the cessation in Ireland, and 
leaving for some time the government both civil and military in 
the hands of his two houses of parliament ; the king agreed. 

To the fifth and sixth proposals; for vacating titles of honour 
conferred since his majesty's great seal was carried from Lon- 
don to Oxford, and for payment of public debts; the king 
gave his assent. 

To the seventh ; that delinquents (that is, that those of his 
party) should submit unto a fine, and be prohibited access 
unto the court, as also unto the council without the parlia- 
ment's consent ; and likewise, that for three years they should 
be disabled and debarred from sitting in either house of 
parliament without their consent ; and also undergo a legal 
trial, if the two houses of parliament thought fit, and to suffer 
according to merit, if convicted by due course of law — thus 
far his majesty was willing to agree. But as to the charging 
them, or any of them, with treason ; or as to the taking away 
their or any of their lives or estates, for acting things by his 
commission during the late war, in a military way, or any other 
(save such as after a legal proceeding should be found guilty of 
breaking the established laws of the land) ; the king positively 
refused to give his assent. 

To the eighth proposal his majesty agreed : That the par- 
liament should have power to confer all offices in his kingdom, 
and likewise constitute magistrates for twenty years. 



last (too Years of Charles the First. 397 

To the ninth ; for his confirming their new broad seal with 
all grants and commissions passed under the same; the king 
agreed. 

To the tenth proposal ; that all charters, grants, privileges, 
and immunities, with power to dispose of the Tower of Lon- 
don, be ratified ; the militia there confirmed ; and the citizens 
of London exempted from military duty and service out of 
their liberties, unless ordered by the two houses of parliament; 
the king agreed. 

To the eleventh; that the court of wards should be abolished, 
his majesty having yearly one hundred thousand pounds paid him 
in composition or compensation thereof; his majesty agreed. 

This is a breviate of them. 

The treaty having this fair aspect, it was the judgment as 
well as wishes of all such as were lovers of peace, that king 
and parliament would now unite ; and the rather, for that the 
lords, upon the report made unto them by their commissioners 
in this negociation, voted that what the king had condescended 
to seemed to them satisfactory ; and in the commons 7 house 
after a long and sharp debate, it was carried by a majority of 
voices, that his majesty's answers and concessions were a 
ground sufficient and satisfactory for the parliament to pro- 
ceed upon, in order to a settlement of the kingdom's peace. 

These resolves made most men likewise verily believe there 
would be a happy union and agreement between his majesty 
and the parliament ; and that these long and sharp contests in 
civil war (if it may properly be so called, where families are 
sadly divided, and estates unnaturally destroyed) would now 
be wound up in a peaceful conclusion. 

But, as his majesty well observed, jealousies are not so 
easily allayed as raised. For albeit his heart (he said) in- 
clined sincerely to whatsoever might advance piety and peace 
amongst his people ; yet the crying sins of this nation, as the 
sequel manifested, had so heightened God's indignation, as 
those good hopes and expectations were suddenly blasted. 
Peace, upon that score, being by some unquiet spirits, then in 
power, judged unsafe and inconvenient ; so as the object, be 
it never so beautiful, if it do but thwart their design, shall be 
looked upon as deformed. And his majesty has this expres- 



398 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

sion upon record : " God knows, and time will certainly dis- 
'* cover, who are most to blame for the unsuccessfulness of 
" that treaty, the product of many succeeding calamities." 

His majesty was vehemently persuaded by some to leave 
the island for his more safety, the times having an ill aspect 
towards him; but no arguments could prevail with him to 
violate his parole, as formerly hinted. 

Now, in regard there are sundry relations published of the 
matters that ensued ; as also of the force that was soon after 
put upon the house of commons by some officers of the army, 
and whence influenced ; as also of their garrisoning Whitehall 
with two foot regiments, and upon what design ; [all this] is 
needless to be repeated here ; the scope of this relation being 
only to give the occurrents of such court passages as this re- 
later was an eyewitness to, and in reference to his observation 
of the sad and direful effects following. 

While matters hung thus in suspense, the king nevertheless 
seemed confident, that for as much as his concessions were 
voted satisfactory to the majority of both houses of parlia- 
ment, the conclusion would be answerable, as to a firm and 
lasting peace. But, alas ! in opposition thereto, lieutenant- 
colonel Cobbet, an officer in colonel Fortescue's regiment, 
(Joyce like) came unexpectedly to Newport, with a com- 
manded party of horse, and in the first place made inquiry for 
colonel Hammond's quarters in the town ; having order to se- 
cure him, the reason unknown, unless from an apprehension 
the despotic agitators had, that he was too much a courtier, 
which they approved not of. Howbeit, being premonished, 
he evaded him, though very narrowly. But in this conjec- 
ture they were mistaken; for albeit his constant walking 
and discoursing with the king, whensoever his majesty for 
refreshment walked about the works at Carisbrook, (there 
being none so fit nor forward as he, being governor,) gave 
him the opportunity to ingratiate himself into his ma- 
jesty's favour, and made the array officers jealous of him, 
(being solely intrusted with the person of the king) ; never- 
theless he forfeited the king's good opinion, by that uncomely 
act of looking into his scrutoire to search for some supposed 
papers of intelligence from the queen, and correspondency 



last two Years of Charles the First. 899 

with others; wherein he missed his aim. Mr. Harrington and 
Mr. Herbert were then in the green waiting on the king, who 
finding the weather somewhat cold, the king bid Mr. Herbert go 
for his cloak ; and he entering the bedchamber, found the gover- 
nor ready to come forth, with one other officer in company, 
and Mr. Beading, who then waited as page of the backstairs, 
and by insinuation had let him in. Mr. Herbert, as he was 
returning to the green with his majesty's cloak, gave the page 
a sharp rebuke; which the governor being acquainted with 
threatened Mr. Herbert to give him a dismiss for censuring 
that act of his; and without doubt had had him expelled the 
castle, if his majesty, of his goodness, had not passed it by, 
without either reproaching the governor or taking notice 
thereof. These, with some other aggravations, made the king 
design an escape; horses being provided and laid near the 
castle, and a vessel made ready for his transportation ; but 
by a corrupted corporal in the garrison, this took not effect. 
And a Providence was therein, his person being hazarded if he 
had made the attempt; and for which an officer had his trial 
afterwards by due course of law, upon a charge of high treason, 
as the history of those times mentions. 

But to return. Lieutenant-colonel Gobbet, failing of his 
first design of apprehending colonel Hammond, made a higher 
flight in the next place, making an abrupt address unto the 
king, letting him know that he had orders to remove him forth- 
with from Newport. The king beheld the lieutenant-colonel 
with astonishment, and interrogated him whether his order was 
to remand him back to his prison at Carisbrook. The lieu- 
tenant said, " No.' 1 " Whither then P said the king. " Out 
" of the Isle of Wight," replied the colonel ; but the place he 
was to remove the king unto, he was not to communicate. " I 
" pray sir, by your favour," said the king, " let me see your 
M orders." As to that, the lieutenant-colonel desired to be ex- 
cused. " This business,'* said he, " is of no ordinary concern- 
" ment, so as I may not satisfy any man's inquiry until a fitter 
M season." Now was verified his majesty^ maxim, " that such 
" as will assume the boldness to adventure upon a king must 
u not be thought over modest or timorous to carry on his 
" design." His majesty, being thus denied a sight, demanded, 



400 Herberts Memoirs of ike [appendix a. 

if his orders or instructions were from parliament, or the general 
of their army. His answer was; " he had them from neither, 
" neither from any else."" u It may be so,*" said the king, 
" seeing you are afraid to shew theni." But that he had or- 
ders, or secret instructions for this bold act, is not to be 
doubted ; for though there was but one general, yet things 
were at that time so much out of frame, both in the commons' 
house and army, as there were many commanders b . 

The duke of Richmond, the lord high chamberlain, the lord 
marquis of Hertford, with others of the nobility, several vener- 
able persons, and many of the king's household servants at 
that time attending, were in a manner confounded at this 
surprise and unexpected accident ; yea, not a little affrighted 
with ideas and apprehensions of danger to his majesty's per- 
son ; and the more, for that the lieutenant-colonel refused to 
satisfy any, to what place he would go, or what he intended 
to do with the king, other than that no harm or violence 
should be offered him. 

The lieutenant-colonel pressed the king to take coach ; the 
coach accordingly was made ready, and brought to the door 
where the king lodged. 

Never, at one time, it is thought, was beheld more grief in 
men's faces, or greater fears in their hearts ; the king being 
at such a time, and in such a manner hurried away they knew 
not whither. But no remedy appearing, the noblemen, the 
venerable persons, and other his majesty's servants, approached 
to kiss the king's hand, and to pour forth their supplica- 
tions to Almighty God to safeguard and comfort his majesty 
in that his disconsolate condition. 

His majesty, who at other times was cheerful, at his part- 
ing from his friends shewed sorrow in his heart by the sad- 
ness of his countenance ; a real sympathy. 

The king now ready to take coach, asked the lieutenant- 
colonel, whether he was to have any servants with him? 
" Only such," said he, " as are most useful." The king then 
nominated Mr. Harrington and Mr. Herbert to attend in his 

b Sanderson says that this seizure the general's hand and seal, dated, 
of the king's person was in con- Nov. 30. Reign of King Charles, 
formity with a special order under 11 03. 



last two Years of Charles the First. 401 

bedchamber, and scarce a dozen moru for other service. The 
king taking notice that Mr. Herbert had for three days ab- 
sented himself, Mr. Harrington told his majesty he was sick 
of an ague. He then desired the duke of Richmond to send 
one of his servants to see in what condition he then was, and 
if any thing well, to come along with him. The gentleman 
the duke sent found him sweating ; but so soon as he received 
the message, he arose, and came speedily to his majesty, who 
soon took coach, and commanded Mr. Harrington, Mr. Her- 
bert, and Mr. Mildmay, his carver, to come into his coach ; 
and the lieutenant-colonel offering to enter the coach unin- 
vited, his majesty, by opposing his foot, made him sensible 
of his rudeness, so as with some shame he mounted his horse, 
and followed with a guard of horse, the coachman driving as 
he directed. 

The king in this passage shewed no discomposure at all, 
but would be asking the gentlemen in the coach with him, 
whither they thought he was travelling. They made some 
simple replies, such as served to make his majesty smile at 
their innocent conjectures. Otherwhile he would comfort him- 
self with what he had granted at his late treaty with the com- 
missioners, whom he highly praised for their ingenuity and 
fair deportment at Newport, as formerly mentioned. 

The coach by the lieutenant- colonel's directions went 
westwards towards Worsley tower in Freshwater Isle, a little 
beyond Yarmouth haven ; thereabout his majesty rested, until 
the vessel was ready to take him aboard, with those few his 
attendants. The king, after an hour's stay, went aboard ; a 
sorrowful spectacle, and great example of fortuned incon- 
stancy. Tho wind and tide favouring, they crossed that nar- 
row sea in three hours, and landed at Hurst castle, or block- 
house rather, erected by order of king Henry VIII., upon a 
spot of earth a good way into the sea, and joined to the firm 
land by a narrow neck of sand which is covered over with 
small loose stones and pebbles, and upon both sides the sea 
beats, so as at spring tides and stormy weather the land-pas- 
sage is formidable and hazardous. The castle has very thick 
stone walls, and the platforms are regular, and both have se- 
veral culverins and sakers mounted, which if their shot doth 

FULLER, VOL. VJ. D d 



402 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

not reach such ships as pass that narrow strait that is much 
frequented, they threaten them. Nevertheless a dismal recep- 
tacle or place for so great a monarch, the greatest part of 
whose life and reign had been prosperous and full of earthly 
glory. But by his example we are taught, that greatest per- 
sons many times meet with adverse changes, and are forced to 
bow under the strokes of misfortune ; yea, in their highest ex- 
altation are the usual marks at which the instruments of envy 
and malice are levelled : so as we see plainly, there is no state 
of man's life so happy as hath not some cross, evidencing the 
uncertainty of worldly enjoyments, and that real comforts are 
elsewhere to be expected. 

The captain of this wretched place was not unsuitable ; for 
at the king's going ashore, he stood ready to receive him, with 
small observance. His look was stern, his hair and large beard 
were black and bushy ; he held a partisan in his hand, and 
Switz-like had a great basket-hilt sword by his side. Hardly 
could one see a man of a more grim aspect, and no less robust 
and rude was his behaviour. Some of his majesty's servants 
were not a little fearful of him, and that he was designed for 
mischief; especially when ho vapoured, being elevated with his 
command, and puffed up by having so royal a prisoner. So as 
probably he conceived he was nothing inferior to the governor 
of the castle at Milan ; but being complained of to his supe- 
rior officer ho appeared a bubble. For being pretty sharply 
admonished, he quickly became mild and calm, a posture ill- 
becoming such a rhodomont, and made it visible that this 
humour, or tumour rather, was acted to curry favour. Wherein 
also he was mistaken: for to give the lieutenant- colonel his 
due, after his majesty came under his custody, he was very 
civil to the king, both in his language and behaviour, aud 
courteous to those that attended upon all occasions. Nor was 
his disposition rugged toward such as in loyalty and love came 
to see the king, and to pray for him ; as sundry out of Hamp- 
shire did, and the neighbouring counties. 

His majesty (as it may well be granted) was very slenderly 
accommodated at this place. The room he usually eat in 
was neither large nor lightsome ; at noonday, in that winter 
season, requiring candles ; and at night he had his wax lamp 



last two Years of Charles the First. 403 

set as formerly in a silver boson, which illuminated his bed- 
chamber. This 8ad condition makes mo call to mind a rela- 
tion you once imparted to me well worth the remembrance; 
that the late earl of Lindsey, being one of the gentlemen of his 
majesty's bedchamber, one night lying on a pallet by the 
king's bedside (not long before his leaving Oxford, and going 
thence to the Scots) ; at the foot thereof (as was usual every 
night) was placed a lamp, or round cake of wax in a silver 
bason set upon a stool. The earl awaking in the night, ob- 
served the room to be perfectly dark, and thereupon raising 
himself up, looked towards the lamp, and concluded that it 
might be extinguished by some water got into the bason by 
some creek ; but not hearing the king stir, he forbore rising 
or to call upon those that lay in the next chamber to bring 
in another light, fearing to disturb the king's rest ; and about 
an hour after he fell asleep again, and awakened not till morn- 
ing. But when he did awake, he discerned the lamp bright 
burning, which so astonished him, that taking the boldness to 
call to the king (whom he heard by his stirring to be awake) he 
told him what he had observed. Whereupon the king replied, 
that he himself awaking also in the night, took notice that all 
was dark ; and to be fully satisfied, he put by the curtain to 
look at the lamp ; but some time after he found it light, and 
concluded the earl was risen, and had set it upon the bason 
lighted again. The earl assured his majesty he did not. The 
king then said, he did consider it as a prognostic of God's 
future favour and mercy towards him or his ; that although 
he was at that time so eclipsed, yet either ho or they might 
shine out bright again. To return. 

In this ecliptic condition was the king (the place and mili- 
tary persons duly considered) sequestered, in a manner, from 
the comfort earth and air affords ; and in some sort from the 
society of men ; the earth confining his majesty to that pro- 
montory or gravel-walk overspread with loose stones a good 
depth, which rendered it very uneasy and offensive to his feet. 
But he endured it with his accustomed patience and serenity 
of spirit, and with more alacrity than they that followed him. 

The air was equally noxious, by reason of the marish grounds 
that were about, and the unwholesome vapours arising from the 

Dd2 



404 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

sargassos and weeds [which] the salt water constantly at tides 
and storms casts upon the shore, and by the fogs that those 
marine places are most subject to ; so as the dwellers there- 
abouts find by experience how that the air is insalubrious, 
and disposing to diseases, especially aguish distempers. 
Nevertheless, in this dolorous place the king was content to 
walk above two milos in length, but a few paces in breadth ; 
the governor one time, captain Reynolds at another, discours- 
ing, and Mr. Harrington or Mr. Herbert, by his majesty^s 
order, and their duty, ever attending him. That which made 
some amends, was a fair and uninterrupted prospect a good 
way into the sea, a view into the [sle of Wight one way, and 
main land the other, with the sight of ships of all sizes daily 
under sail, with which his majesty was much delighted. 

During his majesty's confinement at Hurst castle, it so hap- 
pened, that Mr. Harrington, being one morning in company 
with the governor and some other officers of the army, he fell 
into some discourse with them concerning the late treaty at 
Newport; wherein he magnified the king's wisdom in his argu- 
ments with the commissioners upon the propositions, and satis- 
faction the parliament had in his concessions, and probability 
of a happy event, if this force in removing him had not inter- 
vened and made an unhappy fracture, which created parties ; 
enlarging upon his majesty's learned disputes with Mr. Vines, 
and the other prcsbyterian divines; with such moderation as 
gained applause from all those that heard them argue. Which 
discourse, how inoffensive soever, and without exception at 
any other time and place, it appears that truth is not at all 
times seasonable nor safe to be spoken, as by Mr. Harring- 
ton's example was evidenced. For those captious persons 
with whom he held discourse, being full of jealousies, and 
apt to wrest his words to the worst sense, withdrew a little, 
and at their return told him plainly, they were dissatisfied 
with what he had said. He prayed them to instance wherein. 
They replied, in all particulars ; which, when he began to re- 
peat for his own justification and their better understanding, 
they interrupted him, and told him in plain terms, they could 
not suffer his attendance any longer about the king. 
Which proceeding and dismiss, without acquainting him with 



last two Years of Charles the First. 406 

the occasion, was ill resented by the king, who had Mr. Har- 
rington in his good esteem, being a gentleman qualified with 
special parts, and having found him trusty, his service was 
the more acceptable ; but blamed him nevertheless for not 
being more wary amongst men, that at such a time were full 
of jealousies, and very little obliging to his majesty. 

There was none now left to wait upon the king in his bed- 
chamber but Mr. Herbert, and he in motu trepidationis, who, 
nevertheless held out, by his careful observing his majesty's 
instructions, without which (as tho times then were) it had 
been impossible for him to have kept his station. 

His majesty being thus reduced to this deplorable condition, 
he could not choose but have some melancholy apprehensions, 
and accordingly about midnight there was an unusual noise, 
that awakened the king out of his sleep, and he was in some 
marvel to hear the drawbridge let down at that unseasonable 
hour, and some horsemen enter, who being alighted, tho rest 
of that night was in deep silence. The king being desirous to 
know the matter, he before break of day rung his silver bell, 
which, with both his watches, were usually laid upon a stool 
near the wax lamp, that was set near them in a large silver 
bason ; upon which call, Mr. Herbert opened the bedchamber 
door, to know his majesty's pleasure. The king told him, he 
would rise ; and as he was making ready, he asked him, if he 
heard the noise that was about midnight ; Mr. Herbert an- 
swered, he did, as also the falling of the drawbridge ; but being 
shut up in the back-stair room, next the bedchamber, and tho 
door by the governor's order being bolted without, he neither 
could nor would, without his majesty's order, adventure out 
at such a time of night. The king then bade him go and 
learn what the matter was. And accordingly Mr. Herbert 
went, and knocking at the back-stair door, the soldiers un- 
bolted it without, and he within, and entering into the next 
room he happily found captain Reynolds there alone by a fire ; 
and after some discourse, he inquired of the captain, who they 
were that came so very late into the castle, and thoir errand. 
The captain, in a joking way, bade hiin be wary in carrying 
news to the king, he was amongst suspicious superintendants, 
and his comrado served for his example. Mr. Herbert thankod 



406 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

him for his friendly caution, and at length got out of him who 
the commander was that came bo late into the castle, but 
would not discover what his business was. 

Mr. Herbert, speedily returning to his majesty, told him it 
was major Harrison that came so late into the castle. " Are 
44 you sure it was major Harrison!" said the king. " May it 
" please your majesty," said Mr. Herbert, u captain Reynolds 
" told me so." " Then I believe it," said the king ; < 4 but did 
"you see major Harrison V " No, sir," said Mr. Herbert. 
" Would not captain Reynolds," saith the king, " tell you 
44 what the major's business isT Mr. Herbert replied, he 
did what he could to be informed, but all he could then learn 
from the captain was, " the occasion of Harrison's coming 
" would be known speedily." The king said no more, but 
bade him attend in the next room, and went to prayer. In 
less than an hour the king opened the bedchamber door, and 
beckoned to Mr. Herbert to come in and make him ready. 
Mr. Herbert was in some consternation to see his majesty so 
much discomposed, and wept; which the king observing, 
asked him the meaning of it. Mr. Herbert replied, " Because 
44 I perceive your majesty so much troubled and concerned at 
the news I brought." " I am not afraid," said the king, 
but do not you know that this is the man who intended 
" to assassinate me, as by letter I was informed, during the 
" late treaty. To my knowledge I never saw the major, 
" though I have heard oft of him, nor ever did him injury. 
44 The commissioners, indeed, hearing of it, represented it 
44 from Newport to tho house of lords ; what satisfaction he 
44 gave them I cannot tell ; this I can, that I trust in God, 
• 4 who is my helper; I would not be surprised ; this is a place 
" fit for such a purpose. Herbert, I trust to your care ; go 
44 again, and make further inquiry into his business." Mr. 
Herbert immediately went out, and finding an opportunity to 
speak in private with captain Reynolds, (who being a gentle- 
man well educated, and at all essays expressed civility towards 
the king, with whom he most times walked on the stony 
ground, formerly mentioned, and was courteous to his ser- 
vants,) he told him, that tho major's business was to remove 
tho king thence to Windsor castle within three days at 



61 



last two Years of Charles the First. 407 

farthest. Mr. Herbert believing that the king would be well 
pleased with the exchange, by leaving the worst to enjoy the 
best castle in England, returned to his majesty with a mirth- 
ful countenance, little imagining (God knows) the sad conse- 
quence. And so soon as the king heard Windsor named, he 
seemed to rejoice at it. 

Major Harrison stayed two nights at Hurst ; and when it 
was dark, having given orders for the king's removal, he re- 
turned from whence he came, without seeing the king, or 
speaking with any that attended his majesty. 

Two days after, lieutenant-colonel Cobbit came and ac- 
quainted his majesty with the orders he had received for his 
remove thence to Windsor castle forthwith. The king told 
him, he was more kind now than he was at Newport, when 
he would not gratify him or any other with the knowledge of 
tho place he was to go to. Windsor was a place he ever de- 
lighted in, and would make amends for what at Hurst he had 
suffered. 

All things being in short time made ready, he bade solitary 
Hurst adieu ; and having passed the narrow passage (which 
reaches well nigh from Hurst to Milford, three long miles), 
there appeared a party of horse belonging to that army, and 
had then their winter-quarter at Lyndhurst, and were or- 
dered to convoy the king to Winchester. But going first to 
Bingwood, then through the New Forest to Romsey, (where 
is a fair church, being the remains of a dissolved nunnery, 
founded by great king Edgar, about the year of our Lord 970,) 
they went from thence to the city of Winchester, which was 
heretofore the royal seat of the West Saxon kings; the bones 
of many of them being shrined in little gilded coffers by 
bishop Fox, and placed upon the top of some walls within tho 
choir of tho cathedral, first built by Coinwalch a West Saxon 
king, upon the subversion of a monastery of monks, which 
during the Roman empire flourished; but that decaying, it 
was with greater magnificence reedified by succeeding bishops* 
since the conquest, and all the west part, by bishop Wickham, 
from the choir. And amongst other famous prelates here 
born, were St. S within, bishop of this see, anno Domini 840; 



408 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

and William (the son of Herbert, who was lord chamberlain 
to king Henry I.) made archbishop of York by king Stephen, 
anno Domini 1145, and canonized in the year of our Lord 
1226 by Honorius the pope. 

At the king's entrance into Winchester, the mayor and al- 
dermen of the city (notwithstanding the times) received the 
king with dutiful respect, and the clergy did the like ; yea, 
during his short stay there, the gentry, and others of inferior 
rank, flocked thither in great numbers to welcome his majesty; 
some out of curiosity to see, others out of zeal to pray for his 
enlargement and happiness ; with which the king was much 
satisfied, and was pleased to many of them to give his hand 
to kiss. Thence his majesty rode to Alton, and then to 
Alresford ; the inhabitants round about making haste to see 
his majesty pass by, and with joyful acclamations accompany- 
ing him, likewise with prayers for his preservation, a sure evi- 
dence of affection. From Alresford the king passed to Farn- 
ham, betwixt which two towns (being about seven miles 
asunder) another troop of horse was in good order drawn up, 
by which his majesty passed. It was to bring up the rear. 
In the head of it was the captain gallantly mounted and 
armed ; a velvet monteir was on his head, a new buff coat 
upon his back, and a crimson silk scarf about his waist richly 
fringed ; who as the king passed by with an easy pace (as de- 
lighted to see men well horsed and armed) the captain gave 
the king a bow with his head all asoldade, which his majesty 
requited. This was the first time the king saw that captain. 

Mr. Herbert riding a little behind, the king, who made no 
use of his coach since he came from Hurst castle, called 
him to come near, and asked him who the captain was ; and 
being told it was major Harrison, the king viewed him more 
narrowly, and fixed his eyes so steadily upon him as made the 
major abashed, and fall back to his troop sooner than proba- 
bly he intended. The king said, he looked like a soldier, and 
that his aspect was good, and found him not such a one as 
was represented ; and that having some judgment in faces, 
if he had observed him so well before, he should not have 
harboured that ill opinion of him ; for ofttitnes the spirit and 



last two Years of Charles the First. 409 

disposition may be discerned by the countenance. Yet in that 
one may bo deceived. 

That night the king got to Farnham, where he lodged in a 
private gentleman's house in the town. The castle is upon 
the ascent, and belongs to the bishop of Winchester; but 
being then a garrison, was no fit place for the king^s accom- 
modation ; nor was the bishop there, or at that time in a con- 
dition to pay his observance (as in duty he otherwise would) 
unto his majesty. 

A little before supper his majesty standing by the fire in a 
large parlour wainscoted, and in discourse with the mistress 
of the house ; the king (albeit the room was pretty full of army 
officers, and country people that crowded in to havo a sight of 
the king) nevertheless discovered major Harrison at the far 
end of the room talking with another officer. The king beck- 
oned to him with his hand to come nearer him, which he did 
with due reverence. The king then taking him by his arm, 
drew him aside towards the window, where for half an hour or 
more they discoursed together ; and amongst other things, the 
king minded him of the information concerning him, which, if 
true, rendered him an enemy in the worst sense to his person. 
To which the major in his vindication assured his majesty, that 
what was so reported of him was not true ; what he had said, 
he might repeat, " that the law was equally obliging to great 
" and small, and that justice had no respect to persons,"" or 
words to that purpose ; which his majesty finding affectedly 
spoken, and to no good end, he left off* further communication 
with him, and went to supper ; being all the time very plea- 
sant, which was no small rejoicing to many there ; to see him 
so cheerful in that company, and 6uch a condition. 

Next day the king rode from Farnham to Bagshot, where* 
at the lord Newburgh's house, he dined ; and so through part 
of the forest to Windsor castle ; his usual bedchamber in the 
palace, towards the far end of the castle ward being prepared 
for him. 

Colonel Whitchcot was at that time governor of the castle, 
which was then garrisoned with some foot companies. Here 

c He professed the same principles when he came to the scaffold. 



410 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

the king soemed to take more delight than at any place he 
had been since his leaving Hampton-court. Here he had the 
liberty to walk where and when he pleased within the castle, 
and in the long terrace without, that looks towards the fair 
college of Eton. This terrace is of great length, upon the north 
side of that most magnificent structure. It was begun by queen 
Elizabeth, and enlarged by succeeding princes; and albeit you 
have a larger prospect from the keep, yet from the terrace 
you have also a delightful view of the river of Thames, of 
many pleasant hills and valleys, villages and fair houses, far 
and near ; so as no place in this kingdom may compare with 
it, save the little castle or lodge in Greenwich -park, which 
has tho sight of the great and noble city of London, river of 
Thames, and ships of great burthen daily under sail passing 
to and fro ; with other things enumerated by Barclay in his 
" Argenis" The greatest part of the forenoon the king spent 
in prayer and other exercises of piety ; part of the afternoon 
he set apart for health, by recreating himself in walking, and 
usually in the long terrace. The governor here, as in other 
places (after the commissioners were gone) being for the most 
part in his company, for want of others to discourse with. 
None of the nobility, and few of the gentry, were suffered to 
come into the castle to see the king ; save upon the Sundays 
to sermon in St. George's chapel, where the chaplain to the 
governor and garrison preached. Colonel Whitchcot be- 
haved himself nevertheless very civilly towards the king, and 
his observance was taken notice of by his majesty; as also the 
soldiers there, who, in their places, gave no offence either in 
language or behaviour to the king, or any that served him. 

Whilst his majesty stayed at Windsor, little passed worth 
the taking notice of; notwithstanding, something may be re- 
membered. One night, as the king was preparing to go to bed, 
as his custom was, he wound up both his watches, one being 
gold, the other silver, he missed his diamond seal, a table that 
had the king's arms cut with groat curiosity, and fixed to the 
watch ; matter and work were both of considerable value. 
Tho seal was set in a collet of gold, fastened to a gold chain. 
His majesty could not imagine either when or where it dropt 
out; but thought he had it the day before when he looked 



last two Tears of Charles the First. 411 

upon his watch, as he walked in the long terrace; which being 
the most probable place to find it in, he bade Mr. Herbert 
look there the next morning ; which, so soon as the king was 
ready, and had given him his George and Garter, (which his 
majesty never failed to wear,) the king went to his devotion, 
and his servant to search for the diamond, and for near an 
hour's space walked upon the terrace, casting his eye every 
where, but could not find it. Some officers of the garrison 
were then upon the ten-ace, who observed how intent he was; 
so as they imagined he had lost something, and were inquisi- 
tive to know what it was ; but he. apprehending the danger 
in telling them, and hazard it would run if they should find it, 
let them know nothing concerning it. He in like manner 
sought in the presence, privy-chamber, galleries, St. George's 
hall, and every room the king had been in, but all to no pur- 
pose. So as with an anxious look he returned with this 
account, that he had diligently searched every where in likely 
places, and could not find it, and to acquaint any other he 
durst not (in regard his majesty's arms were engraven in it) 
unless his majesty had so directed. The king perceiving Mr. 
Herbert troubled at this accident, bid him not vex himself 
about it. 

Next night, a little before his majesty went to bed, a good 
charcoal fire being in the chamber, and wax-lights burning, 
the king cast his eye to one end of the room, and saw some- 
thing sparkle, and pointing with his finger, bade Mr. Herbert 
take a candle and see what it was ; by good providence it was 
the diamond, which he took up, and found his majesty's arms 
in it, and with joy brought it to the king. Another night his 
majesty appointed Mr. Herbert to come to his bedchamber an 
hour sooner than usual in the morning ; but it so happened 
that he overslept his time, and awakened not until the king's 
silver bell hastened him in. " Herbert," said the king, " you 
" have not observed the command I gave last night." He 
acknowledged his fault. " Well,'" said the king, " I will or- 
" der you for the future; you shall have a gold alarm-watch, 
" which, as there may be cause, shall awake you ; write to 
'* the earl of Pembroke to send me such a one presently.''' 
The earl immediately sent to Mr. East, his watchmaker in 



418 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

Fleet stroet, about it ; of which more will be said at his ma- 
jesty's coming to St. James's. 

Another accident happened about this time, which might 
have proved of ill consequence, if God in mercy had not pre- 
vented it. Mr. Herbert lodged in a little back room near the 
bedchamber, towards Eton -College ; it had a back -stair, but 
was at this time rammed up with earth, to prevent any pas- 
sage that way. In this room he had a pallat, which (for the 
weather was very sharp) he laid somewhat too near the chim- 
ney, and there were two baskets filled with charcoal, for the 
use of his majesty's bedchamber. And being asleep in bed, a 
basket took fire, either from some spark of the charcoal on 
the hearth, or some other way he knew not of; but the room 
was soon hot, and the fire got to the pallat -bed, which quickly 
roused Mr. Herbert out of sleep, who in amazement ran to 
the king's chamber-door, and in a frightful manner, with that 
noise, awakened the king. Those in the anti-chamber with- 
out, being soldiers, hearing the king's chamber was on fire, 
desired entrance, (for the door was bolted within, as the king 
ordered,) pretending that they might help to quench it ; but 
through the goodness of God, without other assistance, those 
within suppressed it by stifling it with clothes, and confining 
it to the chimney, which was spacious. Mr. Herbert humbly 
begged his majesty's pardon for the disturbance he gave, not 
knowing how to help it. The king said, ho did but his duty. 

Soon after this, the governor acquainted his majesty, he 
understood how that within a few days he was to be removed 
thence to Whitehall. To this his majesty made little reply; 
seeming nothing so delighted with this his remove, as he was 
with the former ; but turning him about, said, " God is every 
" where alike in wisdom, power, and goodness.'' 1 

Some information he had, how preposterously things went 
in both houses of parliament, wherein he was concerned ; and 
how that the army-officers had then published a remonstrance, 
designing thereby an alteration of the government, and trial 
of his person by some way that was extraordinary and unpre- 
cedented ; so that immediately ho retired into his bedchamber, 
and was a good while private in his addresses to God, over 
having recourse to him by prayer and meditation, in what 



last two Years of Charles the First. 418 

condition soever he was, as boing the surest way to find 
comfort 

The day prefixed being come, he took coach near the keep, 
(a high mount, on which is a tower built in the middle ward 
betwixt the two great courts within the castle,) a guard being 
made all along of muskets and pikes; both officers and soldiers 
expressing civility as ho passed by. And at the great gate a 
party of horse, commanded by major Harrison, were drawn 
up in the market-place and Peasecod-street end, who followed 
the coach, which passed through Brentford, Hammersmith, 
and the direct way to his majesty's house at St. James's, 
where his chamber was furnished by Mr. Kinnersly, his ser- 
vant, strict guards placed, and none suffered to attend in his 
majesty's bedchamber save Mr. Herbert. Nevertheless, his 
usual diet was kept up, and the gentlemen that formerly 
waited were permitted to perform their respective services in 
the presence, where a state was placed, and for a few days all 
things with decency and honour observed. Sir Fulke Grovile 
being cupbearer, gave it upon his knee; Mr. Mildmay was 
carver ; captain Preston sometimes sewer, and kept the robes; 
Mr. Ansty gentleman usher; captain Burroughs, Mr. Fire- 
brace, Mr. Muschamp had their places : captain Joyner was 
cook ; Mr. Babington barber ; Mr. Reading page of the back- 
stairs ; and some others also waited. The king's dishes were 
brought up covered, the say was given, and all things per- 
formed with satisfaction in that point. But to return a little. 
It is well worth observation, that so soon as the king came to 
his bedchamber, before he either eat or drank, or discoursed 
with any, he went to prayer and reading in his Bible. 

Whilst he was in this sorrowful condition, none of the no- 
bility, no chaplains, no councillors, nor any of his old attend- 
ants having the liberty to repair unto him, about the latter 
end of December his majesty had private notice, how that the 
house of commons, in a resolve, had declared, " That by the 

laws of England, it was treason in the king to levy war 

against the parliament and kingdom ;" which resolve they 
sent up unto the lords for their concurrence. The lords, so soon 
as they had heard it read, rejected it ; and after some debate, 
passed two votes : first, that they could not concur with the 



<4 



414 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

house of commons in their declaratory resolve ; and secondly, 
as to that vote of the commons, or order for trial of the king, 
they could by no means consent unto it. Whereupon the 
house of commons passed another vote, viz. " That the com- 
" mons of England, in parliament assembled, have the su- 
" preme power." And pursuant thereto, passed an act for 
trial of the king. 

His majesty also had information from private hands of the 
late proceedings in the house of commons, both as to a vio- 
lent secluding and seizure of several members by force, being 
some of those, that upon the 6th of December, 1648, voted, 
that his majesty's concessions were satisfactory for a settle- 
ment of the kingdom's peace; acted by colonel Pride, and 
some other eminent army-officers, under a notion of purging 
the house ; as also of their votes passed concerning him ; by 
which his majesty was apprehensive of their ill intentions 
towards his person and government, and did believe his ene- 
mies aimed at his deposing and confinement in the Tower, or 
some such like place ; and that they would seat his son the 
prince of Wales in his throne, if he would accept of it. But 
as to their taking away his life by trial in any court of justice, 
or (subdiu) in the face of his people, that he could not believe, 
there being no such precedent, or mention in any of our 
histories. It is true, his grandmother, the queen of Scots, 
suffered under queen Elizabeth ; but in England she was no 
sovereign, but a subject to law. Indeed, that some kings of 
England have been lamentably murdered by ruffians in a clan- 
destine way, our chronicles inform us; but the facts were 
neither owned nor approved of by any king. Such were his 
majesty's imaginations, until he came to his trial in West- 
minster-hall ; for then ho altered his opinion. Nevertheless, 
his faith overcoming his fear, he continued his accustomed 
prudence and patience, so as no outward perturbation could 
be discerned ; with Christian fortitude submitting to the good 
pleasure of the Almighty, sometimes sighing, but never break- 
ing out into a passion, or uttering a reproachful or revengeful 
word against any that were his adversaries; saying only, 
*' God forgivo their impiety.*" 

For about a fortnight after his majesty's coming to St. 



last two Years of Charles the First. 415 

James's, he constantly dined publicly in the presence-cham- 
ber, and at meals was served after the usual state, the carver, 
sewer, cupbearer, and gentleman usher attending and doing 
their offices respectfully ; his cup was given upon the knee, as 
were his covered dishes; the say was given, and other accus- 
tomed ceremonies of state observed, notwithstanding this his 
dolorous condition ; and the king was well pleased with the 
observance afforded him. But then the case altered ; for the 
officers of the army being predominant gave order at a court 
of war, " that thenceforth all state ceremony, or accustomed 
** respect to his majesty at meals, should be forborne, and his 
** menial servants, though few in number, be lessened." And 
accordingly the king's meat was brought up by soldiers, the 
dishes uncovered, no say, no cup upon the knee, nor other 
accustomed court state was then observed ; which was an un- 
couth sight unto the king, saying, that the respect and honour 
denied him, no sovereign prince ever wanted ; nor yet subjects 
of high degree, according to ancient practice ; further express- 
ing : Is there any thing more contemptible, than a despised 
prince ? But seeing it was come to such a pass, the best ex- 
pedient he had to reconcile it, was to contract his diet to a 
few dishes out of the bill of fare, and to eat in private. And 
his eating being usually agreeable to his exercise, this abste- 
miousness was in no wise displeasing, his temperance preserv- 
ing his health, as in these two last years of his life and reign 
he kept in perfect health, without any indisposition, or re- 
course to physic ; so as in all probability, had not his thread 
of life been immaturely cut, he might have surpassed the age 
of any of his royal ancestors. 

Upon Friday the 19th of January 1648, his majesty was re- 
moved from St. James's to Whitehall, and lodged in his usual 
bedchamber; after which a guard of musqueteers were placed, 
and centinels at the door of his chamber ; thenceforth Mr. 
Herbert (who constantly lay in the next room to the king, ac- 
cording to the duty of his place) by his majesty's order, 
brought his pallat into his majesty's bedchamber, to be nearer 
his royal person, where overy night he rested. 

The next day the king was in a sedan, or close chair, re- 
moved from Whitehall to sir Robert Cotton's house, near the 



416 Herbert 8 Memoirs of the [appendix jl. 

west-end of Westminster-hall ; guards were made on both 
sides King-street, all along the Palace-yard and Westminster- 
hall, as his majesty was from the garden-door at Whitehall 
carried to Cotton-house, none but Mr. Herbert going bare by 
the king; no other of his majesty's servants going along 
King-street or Westminster-hall, the soldiers hindering them. 
At Cotton-house there was a guard of partisans, colonel 
Hacker sometimes, and colonel Hunks other sometimes com- 
manding them. His majesty being summoned by colonel 
Hacker to go to the court that was then in Westminster-hall, 
where Serjeant liradshaw was president, and seated in a chair; 
also about threescore and twelve other persons, members of 
the house of commons, officers of the army, and citizens of 
London, sat upon benches some degrees over one another, as 
judges ; Hacker, by order of the court, (which was erected in 
tho same place where tho judges of the king's bench every term 
used to hear causes,) brought his majesty to a velvet chair, 
opposite to the president; Mr. Cook tho solicitor being placed 
on the king's right hand. I shall pretermit the judges' names, 
the formalities of the court, and the proceedings there, by 
way of charge, as also his majesty's replies, in regard all those 
particulars have been published at large by sundry writers ; 
nor indeed was much to be observed, seeing his majesty, hav- 
ing heard their allegations, would sometimes smile ; and not 
having his learned counsel to advise with, nor other help, he 
would not acknowledge their jurisdiction, or that by any 
known law they had any authority to proceed in that manner 
against their king ; it being without example also. Where- 
upon the court made no further proceedings that day. 

His majesty being returned to Cotton-house, where by sir 
Thomas Cotton, the master of the house, and Mr. Kinnersly 
of the wardrobe, the king^s chamber had the best accommoda- 
tion could so suddenly be made ; the soldiers that were upon 
the guard were in the next chamber to the king's. His ma- 
jesty commanded Mr. Herbert to bring a pallat, and being 
laid on tho matted floor at one side of the king's bed, there 
slept. 

Sunday the 21st of January, [1G49] Dr. Juxon, that good 
bishop of London, had (as his majesty desired) tho liberty to 



last two Years of Charles the First. 417 

attend the king, which was much to his comfort, and (as he 
said) no small refreshing to his spirit, especially in that his 
uncomfortable condition. The most part of the day was spent 
in prayer, and preaching to the king. 

Monday the 22nd of January, colonel Hacker brought his 
majesty the second time before the court, then sitting, as for- 
merly in Westminster-hall. Now the more noble the person 
is, the more heavy is the spectacle, and inclines generous 
hearts to a sympathy in his sufferings. Here it was otherwise; 
for so soon as his majesty came into Westminster-hall, some 
soldiers made a hideous cry for " Justice, Justice;" some of the 
officers joining with them. At which uncouth noise the king 
seemed somewhat abashed, but overcame it with patience. 
" Sure, to persecute a distressed soul, and to vex him that is 
" already wounded at the heart, is the very pitch of wicked- 
w ness ; yea, the utmost extremity malice can do, or affliction 
u suffer," saith Dr. Andrews, the learned bishop of Winches- 
ter, in one of his sermons upon the Passion, preached before 
queen Elizabeth upon Good-Friday, and here applicable d . 

As his majesty returned from the hall to Cotton-house, a 
soldier that was upon the guard said aloud, as the king 
passed by, " God bless you, sir.*' The king thanked him ; 
but an uncivil officer struck him with his cane upon the head; 
which his majesty observing, said, " the punishment exceeded 
44 the offence." Being come to his apartment in Cotton-house, 
he immediately, upon his knees, went to prayer. Afterwards 
he asked Mr. Herbert, if he heard that cry of the soldiers for 
justice. Who answered, he did, and marvelled thereat. " So 
" did not I, n said the king; " for I am well assured the 
" soldiers bear no malice to me ; the cry was no doubt given 
" by their officers, for whom the soldiers would do the like, 
" were there occasion." 

His majesty likewise demanded of him, how many there 
were that sat in the court, and who they were. He replied, 
they were upwards of threescore, some of them members of 
the house of commons, others were commanders in the army, 
and other some citizens of London ; some of them he knew, 

d Ninety-six Sermons, p. 337. ed. 1635. 

FULLER, VOL. VI. K6 



I 



418 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

but not all. The king then said, he viewed all of them, but 
knew not the faces of above eight, and those he named. 

Tuesday the 23rd of January, the king was the third time 
summoned, and, as formerly, guarded to the court ; where (as 
at other times) he persisted in his judgment, that they had 
no legal jurisdiction or authority to proceed after that manner 
against him. Upon which the solicitor began to offer some- 
thing to the president of the court, but was interrupted by 
the king, gently laying his staff upon the solicitor's arm, the 
head of which being silver happened to fall off, which Mr. 
Herbert (who, as his majesty appointed, waited near his 
chair) stooped to take up ; but falling on the contrary side, 
to which he could not reach, the king took it up himself. 
This by some was looked upon as a bad omen. 

The court sat but a little while that day; the king not 
varying from his principle. At his going back to Cotton- 
house, there were many men and women, (who, not without 
some hazard, crowded into the passage behind the soldiers,) 
that as his majesty passed, said aloud, " God Almighty pre- 
fc4 serve your majesty !" The king returned them thanks for 
their prayers. 

The 27th day of January, the president came to the hall in 
his scarlet gown. The king had quickly notice the court was 
set ; and being called, he forthwith went ; and observing him 
in his red gown, by that sign he imagined it would be the 
last day of their sitting, and therefore earnestly pressed the 
court, that although he could not acknowledge their jurisdic- 
tion, for those reasons he had given, nevertheless he desired 
that he might have a conference in the painted-chamber with a 
committee of lords and commons, before the court proceeded 
any farther. Whereupon the president arose, and the court 
withdrew ; in which interval the king likewise retired to Cot- 
ton-house, where he and Dr. Juxon were private for about an 
hour, and then colonel Hunks gave notice that the court was 
set. 

The king being seated in the chair, the president told his 
majesty, that his motion for a conference with a committee of 
lords and commons had been taken into consideration, but 
would not be granted by the court, in regard he would not 
own their jurisdiction, nor acknowledge them for a lawful as- 



last two Years of Charles the First. 419 

sembly. Whereupon the king with vehemency insisted, that 
his reasonable request might be granted ; that what he had 
to offer to a committee of either house might be considered 
before they proceeded to sentence. 

His majesty had the former day moved the president, that 
the grounds and reasons he had put in writing for his disown- 
ing their authority might be publicly read by their clerk ; but 
neither would that desire of his be granted. 

The president then gave judgment against the king, who at 
the president's pronouncing it was observed to smile, and lift 
up his eyes to heaven ; as appealing to the Divine Majesty, 
the most supreme Judge. 

The king at the rising of the court was with a guard of 
halberdiers returned to Whitehall in a close chair, through 
King-street, both sides whereof had a guard of foot-soldiers, 
who were silent as his majesty passed. But shop-stalls and 
windows were full of people, many of which shed tears, and 
some of them with audible voices prayed for the king, who 
through the privy-garden was carried to his bedchamber; 
whence, after two hours' space, he was removed to St. James's. 
Nothing of the fear of death, or indignities offered, seemed a 
terror, or provoked him to impatience, nor uttered he a re- 
proachful word reflecting upon any of his judges, (albeit he 
well knew that some of them had been his domestic servants ;) 
or against any member of the house, or officer of the army ; 
so wonderful was his patience, though his spirit was great, 
and might otherwise have expressed his resentments upon se- 
veral occasions. It was a true Christian fortitude to have the 
mastery of his passion, and submission to the will of God 
under such temptations. 

The king now bidding farewell to the world, his whole bu- 
siness was a serious preparation for death, which opens the 
door unto eternity. In order thereunto, he laid aside all other 
thoughts, and spent the remainder of his time in prayer and 
other pious exercises of devotion, and in conference with that 
meek and learned bishop Dr. Juxon, who, under God, was a 
great support to him in that his afflicted condition. And re- 
solving to sequester himself so, as he might have no disturb- 
ance to his mind, nor interruption to his meditations; he 

e e 2 






420 Herbert $ Memoirs of the [appendix a 

ordered Mr. Herbert to excuse it to any that might have the 
desire to visit him. " I know, M said the king, " my nephew, 
" the prince- elector, will endeavour it, and some other lords 
" that love me, which I would take in good part, but my time 
" is short and precious, and I am desirous to improve it the 
" best I may in preparation ; I hope they will not take it ill, 

that none have access unto me but my children. The best 

office they can do now is to pray for me.*" And it fell out 
accordingly : for his electoral highness, accompanied by the 
duke of Richmond, the lord marquis of Hartford, the earls of 
Southampton and Lindsey, with some more, having got leave, 
came to the bedchamber- door, where Mr. Herbert, pursuant 
to the king's command, acquainted the prince- elector, and 
those noblemen, with what the king gave him in charge; 
wherein they acquiesced, and presenting their humble duty to 
his majesty, with their prayers, they returned with hearts full 
of sorrow, as appeared by their faces. The prince also (then 
in Holland) by the States ambassadors interceded with the 
parliament, and used all possible means with the army to pre- 
vent, or at least for deferring of execution. 

At this time also came to St. Jameses Mr. Calamy, Mr. 
Vines, Mr. Caryll, Mr. Dell, and some other London ministers, 
who presented their duty to the king, with their humble desires 
to pray with him, and perform other offices of services, if his 
majesty pleased to accept of them. The king returned them 
thanks for their love to his soul, hoping that they, and all 
other his good subjects, would, in their addresses to God, be 
mindful of him. But in regard he had made choice of Dr. 
Juxon, whom for many years he had known to be a pious and 
learned divine, and able to administer ghostly comfort to his 
soul, suitable to his present condition, he would have none 
other. These ministers were no sooner gone, but Mr. John 
Goodwyn, minister in Coleman-street, came likewise upon the 
same account, to tender his service, which the king also 
thanked him for, and dismissed him with the like friendly 
answer. 

Mr. Herbert about this time going to the Cockpit near 
Whitehall, where the earl of Pembroke's lodgings were, he 
then, as at sundry other times, inquired how his majesty did, 
and gave his humble duty to him, and withal asked him, if 



last two Years of Charles the First. 421 

his majesty had the gold watch he sent for, and how he liked 
it. Mr. Herbert assured his lordship, the king had not yet 
received it. The earl fell presently into a passion, marvelling 
thereat; being the more troubled, lest his majesty should 
think him careless in observing his commands ; and told Mr. 
Herbert, at the king's coming to St James's, as he was sitting 
under the great elm-tree near sir Benjamin Rudyer's lodge 
in the park, seeing a considerable military officer of the army 
pass towards St. James's, he went to meet him, and demand- 
ing of him if he knew his cousin Tom Herbert, that waited 
on the king. The officer said, he did, and was going to St. 
James's. The earl then delivered to him the gold watch that 
had the alarm, desiring him to give it Mr. Herbert to pre- 
sent it to the king. The officer promised tho earl he would 
immediately do it. " My lord," said Mr. Herbert, " I have 
44 sundry times seen and passed by that officer since, and do 
" assure your lordship he hath not delivered it me according 
" to your order and his promise, nor said any thing to me 
tf concerning it, nor has the king it I am certain." The earl 
was very angry ; and gave the officer his due character, and 
threatened to question him. But such was the severity of the 
times, that it was then judged dangerous to reflect upon such 
a person, being a favourite of the time, so as no notice was 
taken of it. Nevertheless, Mr. Herbert (at tho earPs desire) 
acquainted his majesty therewith, who gave the earl his 
thanks, and said, " Ah ! had he not told the officer it was for 
44 me, it would probably have been delivered ; he well knew 
44 how short a time I could enjoy it." This relation is in pro- 
secution of what is formerly mentioned, concerning the clock 
or alarm-watch his majesty intended to dispose of, as is de- 
clared. 

That evening, Mr. Seymour, (a gentleman then attending 
the prince of Wales in his bedchamber,) by colonel Hacker's 
permission, came to his majesty's bedchamber-door, desiring 
to speak with the king from the prince of Wales. Being ad- 
mitted, he presented his majesty with a letter from his high- 
ness the prince of Wales, bearing date from the Hague the 
2Sd day January 1648 (old style). Mr. Seymour, at his en- 
trance, fell into a passion, having formerly seen his inajesty in 

ec3 



42£ Herbert $ Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

a glorious state, and now in a dolorous ; and having kissed 
the king's hand, clasped about his legs, lamentably mourning. 
Hacker came in with the gentleman and was abashed. But 
so soon as his majesty had read his eon's sorrowing letter, and 
heard what his servant had to say, and imparted to him what 
his majesty thought fit in return, the prince's servant took his 
leave, and was no sooner gone but the king went to his de- 
votion, Dr. Juxon praying with him, and reading some select 
chapters out of sacred Scripture. 

That evening the king took a ring from his finger, and 
gave it Mr. Herbert ; it had an emerald set between two 
diamonds ; and commanded him as late as it was to go with it 
from St. James's to a lady d living then in Channel -row, on 
the backside of King-street in Westminster, and give it her, 
without saying any thing. The night was exceeding dark, and 
guards set in several places, as the house, garden, park, gates 
near Whitehall, King-street, and other where. 

Nevertheless, getting the word from colonel Tomlinson, 
(then there, and in all places wherever he was about the king 
so civil both towards his majesty and such as attended him, 
as gained him the king's good opinion; and who as an evidence 
thereof, gave him his gold pick-tooth case, as he was one time 
walking in the presence-chamber,) Mr. Herbert passed currently; 
though in all places where centinels were he was bid stand, 
till the corporals had the word from him. Being arrived at 
the lady's house, he delivered her the ring. " Sir," said she, 
" give me leave to shew you the way into the parlour;" where 
she desired him to stay till she returned, which in a little time 
she did, and gave him a little cabinet which was closed with 
three seals, two of them being the king's arms, the third was 
the figure of a Roman ; praying him to deliver it to the same 
hand that sent the ring which was left with her. 

The word secured Mr. Herbert's return unto the king. 
When the bishop being but newly gone to his lodging in sir 
Henry Hen's house near St. James's gate, his majesty said to 
Mr. Herbert, he should see it opened in the morning. 

Morning being come, the bishop was early with the king, 

d She was the king's laundress, and wife to sir W. Wheeler. — Herbert. 



last two Years of Charles the First. 423 

and after prayers his majesty broke the seals open, and 
shewed them what was contained in it ; there were diamonds 
and jewels, most part broken Georges and Garters. " You see," 
said he, " all the wealth now in my power to give my two 
" children." Next day the princess Elizabeth, and the duke 
of Gloucester, her brother, came to take their sad farewell of 
the king their father, and to ask his blessing. This was the 
29th of January. The princess being the elder, was the most 
sensible of her royal father's condition, as appeared by her 
sorrowful look and excessive weeping ; and her little brother 
seeing his sister weep, he took the like impression, though by 
reason of his tender age he could not have the like apprehen- 
sion. The king raised them both from off their knees ; he 
kissed them, gave them his blessing, and setting them on his 
knees, admonished them concerning their duty and loyal ob- 
servance to the queen their mother, the prince that was his 
successor, love to the duke of York, and his other relations. 
The king then gave them all his jewels, save the George he 
wore, which was cut in an onyx with great curiosity, and set 
about with twenty-one fair diamonds, and the reverse set with 
the like number; and again kissing his children, had such 
pretty and pertinent answers from them both as drew tears 
of joy and love from his eyes; and then praying God Almighty 
to bless them, he turned about, expressing a tender and 
fatherly affection. Most sorrowful was this parting, the 
young princess shedding tears and crying lamentably, so as 
moved others to pity, that formerly were hardhearted ; and 
at opening the bedchamber-door, the king returned hastily 
from the window and kissed them and blessed them; so 
parted. 

This demonstration of a pious affection exceedingly com- 
forted the king in this his affliction ; so that in a grateful return 
he went immediately to prayer, the good bishop and Mr. 
Herbert being only present. 

It may not be forgotten, that sir Henry Herbert, knight, 
master of the revels, and gentleman in ordinary of his ma- 
jesty's honourable privy-chamber, (one that cordially loved and 
honoured the king his master, and during the war, suffered 
considerably in his estate by sequestration and otherwise,) 

£ e 4 



! 



424 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

meeting Mr. Herbert his kinsman in St. James's park, firetin- 
quired how his majesty did; he then presented his humble duty 
to the king, with an assurance that himself and many others of 
his majesty's servants fervently prayed for him, and requested 
that his majesty would please to read the second chapter of 
Ecclesiasticus ; for he would find comfort in it, aptly suiting 
his present condition. Accordingly Mr. Herbert soon after 
acquainted the king therewith, who thanked sir Henry, and 
commended him for his excellent parts, being a good scholar, 
soldier, and an accomplished courtier ; and for his many years' 
faithful service much valued by the king, who presently turned 
to the chapter, and read it with much satisfaction. 

That day the bishop of London, after prayers, preached be- 
fore the king. His text was the second chapter of the Romans 
and sixteenth verse ; the words are, " At that day when 
" God shall judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ, &c. :" 
inferring from thence, that although God's judgments be 
for some time deferred, he will nevertheless proceed to a 
strict examination of what is both said and done by every 
man ; yea, the most hidden things and imaginations of men 
will most certainly be made to appear at the day of judgment, 
when the Lord Jesus Christ shall be upon his high tribunal. 
All designs, though concealed in this life, shall then be plainly 
discovered. He then proceeded to the present sad occasion, 
and after that administered the sacrament. That day the 
king eat and drank very sparingly, most part of the day being 
spent in prayer and meditation; it was some hours after 
night ere Dr. Juxon took leave of the king, who willed him 
to be early with him the next morning. 

That night, after which sentence was pronounced in West- 
minster-hall, colonel Hacker (who then commanded the guards 
about the king) would have placed two musqueteers in the 
king's bedchamber, which his majesty being acquainted with, 
he made no reply, only gave a sigh. Howbeit the good, bishop 
and Mr. Herbert, apprehending the horror of it, and disturb- 
ance it would give the king in his meditations and preparation 
for his departure out of this uncomfortable world, also repre- 
senting the barbarousness of such an act, they never left the 
colonel till he reversed his order by withdrawing these men. 



\ 



last two. Years of Charles the First. 425 

After the bishop was gone to his lodging, the king con- 
tinued reading and praying more than two hours after. The 
king commanded Mr. Herbert to lie by his bedside upon a 
palkit, where he took small rest, that being tho last night his 
gracious sovereign and master enjoyed. Hut nevertheless the 
king for four hours or thereabouts slept soundly, and awak- 
ing about two hours afore day, he opened his curtain to call 
Mr. Herbert; there being a great cake of wax set in a silver 
bason, that then, so at all other times, burned all night ; so 
that he perceived him somewhat disturbed in sleep ; but call- 
ing him, bade him rise ; u for,' 1 said his majesty, " I will get 
" up, having a great work to do this day ;" however he would 
know why he was so troubled in his sleep. He replied, u May 
" it please your majesty I was dreaming." u I would know 
M your dream," said the king ; which being told, his majesty 
said, u it was remarkable. Herbert, this is my second mar- 
41 riage-day ; I would be as trim to day as may bo ; for before 
" night I hope to be espoused to my blessed Jesus/" He 
then appointed what clothes he would wear ; " let me have a 

shirt on more than ordinary," said the king, " by reason 

the season is so sharp as probably may make me shake, 
" which some observers will imagine proceeds from fear. I 
" would have no such imputation. I fear not death ! Death 
" is not terrible to me. I bless my God I am prepared." 

These, or words to this effect, his majesty spoke to Mr. 
Herbert, as he was making ready. Soon after came Dr. 
Juxon bishop of London precisely at the time his majesty the 
night before had appointed him. Mr. Herbert then falling 
upon his knees, humbly begged his majesty's pardon, if he 
had at any time been negligent in his duty, whilst he had the 
honour to serve him. The king thereupon gave his hand to 
kiss, having the day before been graciously pleased, under his 
royal hand, to give him a certificate, expressing, that the said 
Mr. Herbert was not imposed upon him, but by his majesty 
made choice of to attend him in his bedchamber, and had 
eerved him with faithfulness and loyal affection. At the same 
time his majesty also delivered him his Bible, in the margin 
whereof he had with his own hand writ many annotations and 
quotations, and charged him to give it the prince so soon as 






426 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

he returned ; repeating what he had enjoined the princess 
Elizabeth his daughter ; that he would be dutiful and indul- 
gent to the queen his mother, (to whom his majesty writ two 
days before by Mr. Seymour,) affectionate to his brothers and 
sisters, who also were to be observant and dutiful to him their 
sovereign ; and for as much as from his heart he had forgiven 
his enemies, and in perfect charity with all men would leave 
the world, he had advised the prince his son to exceed in 
mercy, not in rigour ; and, as to episcopacy, it was still his 
opinion, " that it is of apostolic institution, and in this king- 
" dom exercised from the primitive times ;** and therein, as in 
all other his affairs, prayed God to vouchsafe him, both in re- 
ference to church and state, a pious and a discerning spirit ; 
and that it was his last and earnest request, that he would 
frequently read the Bible, which in all the time of his afflic- 
tion had been his best instructor and delight ; and to meditate 
upon what he read ; as also such other books as might im- 
prove his knowledge. He likewise commanded Mr. Herbert 
to give his son, the duke of York, his large ring sun-dial of 
silver, a jewel his majesty much valued. It was invented and 
made by Mr. Delamaine, an able mathematician, who pro- 
jected it, and in a little printed book shewed its excellent use 
in resolving many questions in arithmetic, and other rare 
operations to be wrought by it in the mathematics. To the 
princess Elizabeth, Dr. Andrews's Sermons, (he was prelate 
of the most noble Order of the Garter, as he was bishop of 
Winchester,) Archbishop Laud against Fisher the Jesuit, 
which book, the king said, would ground her against popery, 
and Mr. Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity. To the duke of 
Gloucester, King James's Works, and Dr. Hammond's Prac- 
tical Catechism. Cassandra, to the earl of Lindsey, the lord 
high chamberlain; and his gold watch to the duchess of 
Richmond. All which, as opportunity served, Mr. Herbert 
delivered. 

His majesty then bade him withdraw ; for he was about an 
hour in private with the bishop; and being called in, the 
bishop went to prayer ; and reading also the twenty-seventh 
chapter of the gospel of St. Matthew, which relateth the pas- 
sion of our blessed Saviour. The king, after the service was 



last two Years of Charles the First. 4527 

done, asked the bishop, if he had made choice of that chapter, 
being so applicable to his present condition. The bishop re- 
plied, " May it please your gracious majesty, it is the proper 
" lesson for the day, as appears by the calendar ;" which the 
king was much affected with, so aptly serving as a seasonable 
preparation for his death that day. 

So as his majesty, abandoning all thoughts of earthly con- 
cerns, continued in prayer and meditation, and concluded with 
a cheerful submission to the will and pleasure of the Almighty, 
saying, he was ready to resign himself into the hands of Christ 
Jesus, being, with the kingly prophet, shut up in the hands of 
his enemies ; as is expressed in the thirty-first Psalm, and the 
eighth verse. 

Colonel Hacker then knocked easily at the king's chamber- 
door. Mr. Herbert being within, would not stir to ask who 
it was ; but knocking the second time a little louder, the king 
bade him go to the door. He guessed his business. So Mr. 
Herbert demanding, wherefore he knocked, the colonel said, 
he would speak with the king. The king said, " Let him 
" come in." The colonel in trembling manner came near, and 
told his majesty, it was time to go to Whitehall, where he 
might have some further time to rest. The king bade him go 
forth, he would come presently. Some time his majesty was 
private, and afterwards taking the good bishop by the hand, 
looking upon him with a cheerful countenance, he said, 
44 Come, let us go ;" and bidding Mr. Herbert take with him 
the silver clock that hung by the bedside, said, u Open the 
44 door, Hacker has given us a second warning." Through 
the garden the king passed into the park, where making a 
stand, he asked Mr. Herbert the hour of the day ; and taking 
the clock into his hand, gave it him, and bade him keep it in 
memory of him. Which Mr. Herbert keeps accordingly. 

The park had several companies of foot drawn up, who 
made a guard on either side as the king passed, and a guard 
of halberdiers in company went some before, and other some 
followed ; the drums beat, and the noise was so great as one 
could hardly hear what another spoke. 

Upon the king's right-hand went the bishop, and colonel 
Tomlinson on his left, with whom his majesty had some d s- 
course by the way; Mr. Herbert was next the k\t\^\ %£tot 



428 Herbert* Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

him the guards. In this manner went the king through the 
park ; and coming to the stair, the king passed along the 
galleries unto his bedchamber, where, after a little repose, the 
bishop went to prayer ; which being done, his majesty bid Mr. 
Herbert bring him some bread and wine, which being brought, 
the king broke the nianchet, and eat a mouthful of it, and 
drank a small glassfull of claret wine, and then was some time 
in private with the bishop, expecting when Hacker would the 
third and last time give warning. Mean time his majesty 
told Mr. Herbert which satin nightcap he would use, which 
being provided, and the king at private prayer, Mr. Herbert 
addressed himself to the bishop, and told him the king had or- 
dered him to have a white satin nightcap ready, but was not 
able to endure the sight of that violenco they upon the scaf- 
fold would offer the king. The good bishop bid him then give 
him the cap, and wait at the end of the banqucting-house, 
near the scaffold, to take care of the king's body ; " for," said 
ho, " that and his interment will be our last office.'" 

Colonel Hacker came soon after to the bedchamber-door, 
and gave his last signal ; the bishop and Mr. Herbert, weep- 
ing, fell upon their knees, and the king gave them his hand to 
kiss, and helped the bishop up, for he was aged. 

Colonel Hacker attending still at the chamber-door, the 
king took notice of it, and said, " Open the door,'*' and bade 
Hacker go, he would follow. A guard was made all along 
the galleries and the banqueting-house ; but behind the 
soldiers abundance of men and women crowded in, though 
with some peril to their persons, to behold the saddest sight 
England ever saw. And as his majesty passed by, with a 
cheerful look, heard them pray for him, the soldiers not re- 
buking any of them ; by their silence and dejected faces seem- 
ing afflicted rather than insulting. There was a passage 
broken through the wall, by which the king passed unto the 
scaffold; where, after his majesty had spoken a little, the 
fatal stroke was given by a disguised person. 

Mr. Herbert, during this, was at the door lamenting ; and 
the bishop coming thence with the royal corpse, which was im- 
mediately coffined, and covered with a black velvet pall ; he 
and Mr. Herbert went with it to tho backstairs to be em- 
balmed. Meantime they went \t\io the long gallery, where 



last two Years of Charles the First. 429 

chancing to meet the general c , he asked Mr. Herbert how 
the king did. Which he thought strange. It seems thereby 
that the general knew not what had passed, being all that 
morning, as indeed at other times, using his power and in- 
terest to have the execution deferred for some days; for- 
bearing his coming among the officers, and fully resolved, 
with his own regiment, to prevent the execution, or have it 
deferred till he could make a party in the army to second bis 
design ; but being with the officers of the army then at prayer, 
or discourse in colonel Harrisons apartment, being a room at 
the hither end of that gallery looking towards the privy-gar- 
den. His question being answered, the general seemed much 
surprised ; and walking further in the gallery, they were met 
by another great commander, Cromwell, who knew what had 
so lately passed ; for he told them, they should have orders 
for the king's burial speedily. 

The royal corpse being embalmed and coffined, and those 
wrapt in lead, and covered with a new velvet pall, was re- 
moved to the king's house at St. James's, where was great 
pressing by all sorts of people to see the king, or where he 
was. A doleful spectacle ! but few had leave to enter and 
behold it. 

Where to bury the king was the last duty remaining. By 
some historians it is said, that the king spoke something to 
the bishop concerning his burial. 

Mr. Herbert, both before and after the king's death, was 
frequently in company with the bishop, and affirms, that the 
bishop never mentioned any thing to him of the king's naming 
any place where he would be buried ; nor did Mr. Herbert 
(who constantly attended his majesty, and after his coming 
from Hurst castle, alone in his bedchamber) hear him at any 
time declare his mind concerning it ; nor was it in his life- 
time a proper question for either of them to ask, albeit they 
had -oftentimes^ the opportunity, especially when his majesty 
was bequeathing to his royal children and friends what is for- 
merly related. Nor did the bishop declare any thing concern- 
ing the place to Mr. Herbert, which doubtless he would, upon 
Mr. Herbert's pious care about it, which being duly consi- 

c That is, Fairfax. 



\ 



430 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a- 

dered, thoy thought no place more fit to inter the corpse than 
in king Henry the Sevenths Chapel, at the east end of West- 
minster abbey, out of which king's loins king Charles was 
lineally extracted, and where several kings and queens de- 
scended from Henry VII. are interred; namely, king Edward 
VI., queen Mary, queen Elizabeth, Mary queen of Scots, 
king James, prince Henry, and other princes of the royal 
stem. 

Whereupon Mr. Herbert made his application to such as 
were then in power, for leave to bury the king's body in king 
Henry the Seventh's Chapel, among his ancestors. But his 
request was denied, this reason being given, that probably it 
would attract infinite numbers of people of all sorts thither, 
to see where the king was buried, which (as the times then 
were) was judged unsafe and inconvenient. Mr. Herbert ac- 
quainting the bishop therewith, they then resolved to bury 
the king's body in the royal chapel of St. Georgo within the 
castle of Windsor, both in regard his majesty was sovereign 
of the most noble Order of the Garter ; and that several kings 
his ancestors are there interred ; namely, king Henry VI., 
king Edward IV., and king Henry VIII. It was also a castle 
and place his majesty took great delight in, as in discourse he 
ofttimes expressed as occasion offered ; and withal, for that 
the royal chapel of St. George was, though founded by king 
Edward III., rebuilt by king Edward IV. with much more 
magnificence. 

Upon which considerations Mr. Herbert made his second 
address to the committee of parliament, who, after some deli- 
beration, gave him an order bearing date the 6th of February 
1648*, authorizing him and Mr. Mildmay to bury the king's 
body there, which the governor was to observe. 

Accordingly the corpse was thither carried from St. James's 
in a hearse covered with black velvet, drawn by six horses 
also covered with black ; after which, four coaches followed, 
two of them covered likewise with black cloth, in which were 
about a dozen gentlemen and others, most of them being such 
as had waited on his majesty at Carisbrook castle and other 
places, since his majesty's going from Newcastle ; all of them 
being in black. 

1 TViai S», \6^. 



last two Years of Charles the First. 481 

Being come to Windsor castle, Mr. Herbert shewed the 
governor, colonel Whitchcot, the committee's order for per- 
mitting Mr. Herbert and Mr. Mildmay to bury the late king 
in any place within Windsor castle they should think meet. 

In the first place in order thereto, they carried the king's 
body into the dean's house, which all was hung with black by 
Richard Harrison, and then to his usual bedchamber, which 
is within the palace. After which they went into St. George's 
chapel to take a view thereof, and of the most fit and honour- 
able place for the royal corpse to rest in. Having taken a 
view, they at first thought that the tomb-house would be a 
fit place. It was erected by the magnificent prelate cardinal 
Wolsey , (much about the same time he built bis stately house 
at Hampton-court,) in which tomb-house he begun a glorious 
monument for his great master king Henry VIII., but this place, 
though adjoining, yet not being within the royal chapel, they 
waived it. For if king Henry VIII. were buried there (albeit 
to that day the place of his burial was unknown to any) yet 
in regard his majesty (who was a real defender of the faith, 
and as far from censuring any as might be) would upon occa- 
sional discourse express some dislike of king Harry's proceed- 
ings, in misemploying those vast revenues, the suppressed ab- 
beys, monasteries, and other religious houses were endowed 
with, and by demolishing those many stately structures (which 
both expressed the greatness of the founders, and preserved the 
splendour of the kingdom) as might at the reformation have in 
some measure been kept up and been converted to sundry pious 
uses. Upon consideration thereof, those gentlemen declined 
it, and pitched upon the vault where king Edward IV. is in- 
terred, being in the north side of the choir, near the altar, as 
formerly remembered; that king being one his late majesty 
would many times make mention of, and from whom his ma- 
jesty was lineally propagated ; which induced Mr. Herbert to 
give order to have that vault opened, to bury the king's body 
near his ancestor king Edward IV., who is interred under a 
fair large stone of Tuke, raised within the opposite arch, hav- 
ing a range of iron bars gilt, curiously cut according to church 
work. There is no sculpture or inscription, only the royal 
badge painted on the inside of the arch in several places. 
But as they were about this work, some noblemen 



432 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a. 

thither, namely, the duke of Richmond, the marquis of Hart- 
ford, (since duke of Somerset,) the earl of Southampton, the 
earl of Lindsey, lord high chamberlain, with Dr. Juxon lord 
bishop of London (archbishop of Canterbury afterwards) who 
had leave to attend the king's body to his grave. And being 
fit to submit and leave the choice of the place of burial to 
those great persons, they in like manner viewing the tomb- 
house, and the choir, one of those lords beating gently upon 
the pavement with his staff, perceived a hollow sound, and order- 
ing the stones and earth thereunder to be removed, discovered 
a descent into a vault, where two coffins were laid near one 
another ; the one very large of antique form, the other little, 
supposed to contain the bodies of king Henry VIII. and queen 
Jane Seymour, his third wife, and mother of king Edward VI. 
of whom in the year 1537 she died in childbed. And this may 
be credited ; for as Mr. Brook, York-herald, (in his Catalogue 
of the Nobility, p. 40,) observes, no other of king Harry's six 
wives was buried at Windsor. The velvet palls that were over 
them seemed fresh, albeit laid there an hundred and thirty 
years and upwards. The lords agreeing that the king^ body 
should there be interred, (being about the middle of the choir, 
over against the eleventh stall upon the sovereigns'' side,) they 
gave order to have the king^s name and year he died cut in 
lead ; which whilst the workman was about, the lords went 
out, and gave the sexton order to lock the chapel-door, 
not suffering any to stay till further notice. The sexton did 
his best to clear the chapel; nevertheless (he said) a foot 
soldier had hid himself so as he was not discerned, and being 
greedy of prey, got into the vault, and cut so much of the 
velvet pall, as he judged would hardly be missed, and wimbled 
a hole into the coffin that was largest, probably fancying 
there was something well worth his adventure. The sexton, 
at opening the door, espied the sacrilegious person, who 
being searched, a bone was also found about him, which, he 
said, he would haft a knife with. The governor gave him 
his reward. But this manifests that a real body was there, 
which some that have hard thoughts of king Harry have 
scrupled s. 

* I suppose Mr. Herbert refers to ists respecting this king when he 
the tales propagated by the Roman- was dying. 



last two Years of Charles the First. 488 

The girdle or circumscription of capital letters in lead put 
about the coffin, had only these words, 

KING CHARLES, 
1648. 

The king's body was then brought from his bedchamber 
down into St. George's hall, whence, after a little stay, it was 
with a slow and solemn pace (much sorrow in most faces dis- 
cernible) carried by gentlemen that were of some quality, and 
in mourning. The lords in like habits followed the royal 
corpse. The governor and several gentlemen and officers and 
attendants came after. 

This is memorable, that at such time as the king's body 
was brought out of St. George's hall, the sky was serene and 
clear, but presently it began to snow, and fell so fast, as by 
that time they came to the west end of the royal chapel, the 
black velvet pall was all white (the colour of innocency) being 
thick covered over with snow. So went the White king h to 
his grave, in the forty-eighth year of his age, and the twenty- 
second year and tenth month of his reign. Letting pass 
Merlin s prophecies, some make it allude to the white satin 
his majesty wore, when he was crowned at Westminster abbey 
in the year 1625, former kings having on purple robes at their 
coronation. The king's body being by the bearers set down 
near the place of burial, the bishop of London stood ready 
with the Service Book in his hands to have performed his 
last duty to the king his master, according to the order or 
form for the burial of the dead, set forth in the Hook of Com- 
mon Prayer, which the lords likewise desired, but would not 
be suffered by colonel Whichcot the governor, by reason of 
the Directory ; " to which (said he) he and others were to 
" be conformable." 

This brief narrative shall conclude with the king's own ex- 
cellent expression. " Crowns and kingdoms are not so valuable 

- h This term, frequently applied to " To a sick person to have or wear 

king Charles, probably conveyed to " white garments doth promise 

our forefathers a far more distinct " death, lor that dead bodies be 

idea than it does to us. White was " carried forth in white clothes." 

reckoned an ominous colour, as fit- Thomas Hill, quoted by Brand, ii. 

test for the dead. Hence a writer 173. ed. Ellis on Dreams, 184 1. 
in the time of queen Elisabeth says, 

FULLER, VOL. VI. F f 



484 Herbert's Letter to [appendix a. 

" as my honour and reputation ; those must have a period 
" with my life, but these survive to a glorious kind of immor- 
" tality, when I am dead and gone ; a good name being the 
" embalming of princes, and a sweet consecrating of them to 
" an eternity of love and gratitude amongst posterity." 



Copy of a Letter from Sir Thomas Herbert to 

Sir William Dug dale. 



" York, 3 November, 1681. 
" Honoured Sir, 

" I shall now give you all the satisfaction I can, as to the 
" reality of his late majesty's burial, in his royal chapel at 
*' Windsor, of which (as I perceive by your letter) his ma- 
" je8ty is somewhat doubtful, which scruples probably arise 
" from some misinformation '. 

" That the royal corpse was embalmed and coffined in lead, 
" you find truly related in my narrative. I was also assured 
" thereof by Mr. Trapham k , the chirurgeon, who came to me 
" for linen, which I furnished him with, of what was my own, 
" both shirts and sheets, being very fine holland. He either 
" would not apply to the commissioners then appointed for 
" the king's burial, (being colonel Harrison, Cornelius Holland, 
" and others,) or was so delayed that he applied to me ; and 
" accordingly I supplied him agreeable to a pious duty. This 
" circumstance I mention, as a testimony that the corpse was 
" undoubtedly coffined, which the chirurgeon, and W. Ham- 
" mond, that made the wood, and saw the body laid in the 
" sheet of lead, then averred. 

" The body being removed from Whitehall in a chariot to 
" St. James's, there remained till the 7th of February, during 
" which it was exposed to public view ; as you find writ by 
" sir Richard Baker, in his Chronicle, page 502, printed in 
" the year 1660. 

" The chirurgeon reported, that at the body's laying into 
" the coffin, there came several to see the king, and would 

4 A vague rumour was circulated k Of whom Wood gives an unfa- 
that Cromwell's body had changed vourable account. Fasti, ii. p. 85. 
places with that of king Chaxlea. 



Sir JrtUiam Dugdah. 435 

" have given him any money for locks of his hair, which he 
" refused. 

" In my narrative I told you, that I begged heartily of the 
" committee, for leave to inter the royal corpse in king Henry 
" the Seventh's Chapel at Westminster, but it would not be 
" granted. The reasons they gave me, you have set down in 
'* that narrative. Whereupon, I petitioned them for leave to 
" bury him at Windsor ; which was granted, and an order 
" made the 7th of February 1648, by the committee ap- 
" pointed for the interring of the body of the king, thereby 
" licensing me and captain Mildmay to carry his corpse to 
" Windsor (taking along those gentlemen and servants that 
" waited upon the king,) and to inter the corpse in such place 
" as Mr. Herbert and Mr. Mildmay should see most con- 
" venient. For defray of the charge whereof 200/. was paid 
" us by captain Faloonberg the 8th of February 1648, which 
" sum falling short, we had 9QL 5s. more paid by colonel 
" Harrison the 20th day of February ; the total amounting 
" to 2291. 5s. , out of which was ISO/, paid to seventeen gen* 
" tlemen and other inferior servants for mourning ; amongst 
" which was Mr. Murray, who was coachman to the king ; and 
" then drove the chariot that had the hearse ; and for his 
" faithful service was continued in that place to our sovereign 
" that now is, and I think can testify, that the royal corpse 
" was carried from St. James's to Windsor. I know not 
" whether he be yet alive. 

" Three pounds were paid captain Joyner 1 for three dozen 
" of torches ; 15*. to some men for bearing the body from the 
" gate at Windsor castle to the bedchamber ; 71. to John 
" Harrison, for removing the body thrice ; and for hanging the 
" dean's hall with black 10*. 

" To Samuel Clarke, for opening king Edward the Fourth's 
" vault, (where we thought to have interred the king,) and 
" setting it right again — 

- " Upon the lords' coming the next day, king Henry the 
" Eighth's vault was opened by Nicholas Harrison, for which 
" he had 10*., 5s. 6d. to widow Puddifat and Isaac the sexton, 

1 Probably captain John Joyner, as being the kind's cook and waiting 
who is mentioned in the narrative on him at Windsor. 

Ff2 



486 Herberts Letter to Mr W. DugdaU. [appendix a. 

'' her man, who had charge of the chapel door ; the rest of 
" the money was disbursed for diet, and to the gentlemen and 
" servants of the 16th of February, at which time it ceased. 

" The account being examined and proved, I had a dis- 
" charge. 

" In this manuscript I now send you by Mr. Waller, I have 
" in the margin named the inferior attendants. I believe Mr. 
" Firebrace, Mr. Dowset, and Mr. Levett know most of them; 
" and if any of them be alive, I verily think they were eye- 
" witnesses of the late king's being coffined and closed in lead, 
" when he was removed from St. James's to Windsor ; and 
" then no legerdemain was or could be used to take the 
" body out of the coffin, I can assure you, I being intrusted 
" with the corpse sacred. 

" Some of these particulars you may judge superfluous or 
'* impertinent ; but I know to whom I write, a flower-gatherer, 
" one I highly honour for your entire love to, the memory of 
" that good king. 

" And those that came along with us from St. James's, and 
" had mourning given them, were persons so quicksighted and 
" inquisitive, that if the king's real body had not been there, 
" they would have discovered the fallacy. But there was no 
" whisper, no word of such a thing amongst any of them, that 
" I could hear. 

" To evidence the truth more fully, the relation which Dr. 
" Durell, the present dean of Windsor, gave you, is unques- 
" tionable, proceeding from so worthy a person, that the old 
" sexton of the royal chapel affirmed to him upon the ques- 
" tion, that the coffin being brought thither, (whilst the king's 
" name was cutting in capital letters, to be put about it,) the 
" plumber, at the desire of one of the noblemen, that had the 
" parliament's leave to attend the king's body to the grave, 
" opened it, so as they perfectly discerned his face ; the sexton 
" likewise seeing it. So as all these put together make a full 
" proof thereof. 

" I have nothing to add save that it was not Mrs. Jane 
" Whorwood, to whom I gave the ring his majesty sent by 
" me, as you find related in my short narrative of some oc- 
" currents during the two last years of the late king's reign. 
" She was wife to a knight, and if it be desired I should give 



Herbert $ Letter to Dr. Samways. 487 

" you her name, I shall satisfy you therein ; mean time wishing 
" you many happy days, and leisure to publish your collections 
" concerning our famous cathedral and collegiate churches in 
" this diocese, am till death, 

" Your truly affectionate Friend, 

" and obliged Servant, 

" Thomas Herbert." 



Copy of a Letter from Sir Thomas Herbert to 

Dr. Samways. 



" Y[ork], *8 Aug. 1680. 
" Sir, 

" After his late majesty's remove from Windsor to St. 
" James's, albeit according to the duty of my place, I lay 
" in the next room to the bedchamber, the king then com- 
" manded me to bring my pallet into his chamber, which I 
" accordingly did the night before that sorrowful day. He 
" ordered what clothes he would wear, intending that day to 
" be as neat as could be, it being (as he called it) his wedding- 
" day ; and, having a great work to do, (meaning his prepara- 
" tion to eternity,) said, he would be stirring much earlier 
" than he used. 

" For some hours his majesty slept very soundly ; for my part 
" I was so full of anguish and grief, that I took little rest. 
" The king, some hours before day, drew his bed-curtain to 
" awaken me, and could by the light of the wax-lamp perceive 
" me troubled in my sleep. The king rose forthwith ; and as 
" I was making him ready, ' Herbert, 9 said the king, ' I would 
" know why you were disquieted in your sleep V I replied, 
" • May it please your majesty, I was in a dream/ ' What 
" was your dream ?' said the king; ' I would hear it.' ' May 
" it please your majesty,' said I, ' I dreamed, that as you were 
" making ready, one knocked at the bedchamber-door, which 
" your majesty took no notice of, nor was I willing to acquaint 
" you with it, apprehending it might be colonel Hacker. But 

FfS 



40$ Herbert* Letter to Dr. Samwayi. [appendix a. 

" knocking the second time, your majesty asked me, if I heard 
" it not. I said, I did ; but did not use to go without his 
" order. Why then go, know who it is, and his business. 
" Whereupon I opened the door, and perceived that it was 
" the lord archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Laud, in his pontir 
" fical habit, as worn at court. I knew him, having seen him 
" often. The archbishop desired he might enter, having 
" something to say to the king. I acquainted your majesty 
" with his desire ; so you bade me let him in. Being in, he 
" made his obeisance to your majesty in the middle of the 
" room, doing the like also when he came near your person ; 
" and, falling on his knees, your majesty gave him your 
" hand to kiss, and took him aside to the window, where some 
" discourse passed between your majesty and him, and I kept 
" a becoming distance, not hearing any thing that was said; 
" yet could perceive your majesty pensive by your looks, an<J 
" that the archbishop gave a sigh; who, after a short stay, again 
" kissing your hand, returned, but with face all the way towards 
" your majesty, and making his usual reverences, the third 
" being so submiss, as he fell prostrate on his face on the 
" ground, and I immediately stept to him to help him up, 
" which I was then acting, when your majesty saw me troubled 
" in my sleep. The impression was so lively, that I looked 
" about, verily thinking it was no dream.' 

" The king said my dream was remarkable, ' but he is 
" dead ; yet, had we conferred together during life, it is very 
" likely (albeit I loved him well) I should have said something 
" to him might have occasioned his sigh.' 

" Soon after I had told my dream, Dr. Juxon, then bishop 
" of London, came to the king, as I relate in that narrative I 
" sent sir William Dugdale, which I have a transcript of here; 
" nor know whether it rests with his grace the archbishop of 
" Canterbury, or sir William, or be disposed of in sir John 
" Cotton's library near Westminster-hall ; but wish you had 
" the perusal of it before you return into the north. And this 
" being not communicated to any but yourself, you may shew 
" it to his grace, and none else, as you promised. 

" Sir, your very affectionate friend and servant, 

" Thomas Herbert/ 7 



A P PEN 1 1)1 X B. 



BISHOP COSINS AND HIS ACCUSERS, 



THE following papers are printed here, as they would 
have confused the course of Fuller's narrative to have 
placed them in the notes. They seem also to form a neces- 
sary part of the bishop's justification, which Fuller intended 
to have given, had he ever lived to complete a second edition 
of his Church History. 

In his " Worthies, 1 " appears the following account of Dr. 
Cosins. 

" John Cosins, D.D., was born in the city of Norwich; bred 
" in Caius college Cambridge, whereof he was fellow. Hence 
" was he removed to the mastership of Peter-house in the 
" same university. One whose abilities, quick apprehension, 
" solid judgment, variety of reading, &c, are sufficiently made 
" known to the world in his learned books, whereby he hath 
" perpetuated his name to posterity. 

" I must not pass over his constancy in his religion, which 
" rendereth him amiable in the eyes, not of good men only, but 
" of that God with whom there is no variableness nor shadow 
" of changing. It must be confessed that a sort of fond people 
" surmised as if he had once been declining to the popish per- 
" suasion. Thus the dimsighted complain of the darkness of 
" the room, when, alas, the fault is in their own eyes ; and 
" the lame of the unevenness of the floor, when indeed it 
" lieth in their unsound legs. Such were the silly folk (their 
" understandings, the eyes of their minds, being darkened, 

Ff4 



440 Bishop Casins and his Accusers. [appendix b. 

and their affections, the feet of their soul, made lame by 
prejudice,) who have thus falsely conceited of this worthy 
doctor. 

" However, if any thing that I delivered in my ' Church 
History/ (relating therein a charge drawn up against him 
for urging of some ceremonies, without inserting his purga- 
tion, which he effectually made, clearing himself from the 
least imputation of any fault,) hath any way augmented 
this opinion, I humbly crave pardon of him for the same. 
" Sure I am, were his enemies now his judges, (had they 
the least spark of ingenuity,) they must acquit him, if 
proceeding according to the evidence of his writing, living, 
disputing. Yea, whilst he remained in France, he was the 
Atlas of the protestant religion, supporting the same with 
his piety and learning, confirming the wavering therein, 
yea, daily adding proselytes (not of the meanest rank) 
thereunto. 

" Since the return of our gracious sovereign, and the re- 
viving of swooning episcopacy, he was deservedly preferred 
bishop of Durham. And here the reader must pardon me, 
if willing to make known my acquaintance with so eminent 
a prelate. When one in his presence was pleased with 
some propositions, wherein the pope condescended somewhat 
to the protestants, he most discretely returned (in my hear- 
ing) ; ' We thank him not at all for that which God hath al- 
ways allowed us in his word f adding withal, ' He would 
allow it so long as it stood with his policy, and take it away 
so soon as it stood with his power. 1 And thus we take our 
leave of this worthy prelate, praying for his long life, that 
he may be effectual in advancing the settlement of our yet 
distracted church." a 

* Worthies, L 483. ed. Lond. 1840. 



Bishop Casins and his Accusers. 441 



November 3, 1640. 

To the Honourable the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses 
of the Commons House of Parliament. 

The humble petition of Peter Smart, a poor prisoner in 

the King's Bench, 

Humbly Sheweth, 

THAT after the death of bishop James, bishop Neale com- 
ing to the see of Durham, the then dean and prebendaries of 
that cathedral church cast the communion table out of the 
same church, and erected an high altar at the east end of the 
choir, of marble stones, with a carved screen most gloriously 
painted and gilded, which cost about two hundred pound. 

2. And they bought for forty shillings one cope found in a 
search for mass priests, embroidered with the image of the 
Trinity, and other images ; and another cope which cost about 
ten groats, which had been a long time used by the youth of 
Durham, in their sports and May-games : a very fools coat, 
both which copes they used at the administration of the holy 
communion at their altar. 

8. To which altar themselves both did and forced others 
to use most unreasonable and frequent bowing. 

4. Dr. Gosins officiated thereat with his face toward the 
east, and back toward the people. 

5. They (the dean and prebendaries) did likewise take 
away the morning prayer, to which about two hundred per- 
sons did usually resort, used for the space of about sixty 
years in the cathedral church of Durham, as in all other 
cathedral and collegiate churches in England, to be read at 
six o'clock plainly and distinctly in a peculiar place appointed 
for that purpose by commissioners under the great seal of 
England, Septemb. 25, primo Eliz. 

6. And instead thereof altered the same into singing with 
instruments, without reading any chapters or psalms at the 
ordinary ten o'clock prayer. 



443 Bishop Conns and his Accusers. [appendix b. 

7. They did likewise set up fifty-three glorious images and 
pictures over the bishop's throne, and about the choir in the 
said church. 

8. And they burnt two hundred vtfax candles in one Candle- 
mas night in honour of our lady. 

9. They brought in sundry other superstitious and unwar- 
rantable observations into that church. 

10. To the observation whereof they forced divers, and 
publicly brawled in the time of divine service in the church 
with others, who would not observe the same ; calling them 
lazy sows and dirty whores, tearing some gentlewomen's ap- 
parel ; calling them pagans, and thrusting them out of the 
church, who refused to obey them therein : for which violent, 
turbulent demeanour Dr. Cosin was twice indicted at the 
quarter-sessions holden at Durham. 

11. Some of them preached in a cope, and sat to hear divine 
service in a cope, in the said cathedral church. 

12. And others of them, viz. Dr. Cosin, preaching in the 
said church upon the " Parable of the Tares," delivered this 
doctrine, " That the reformers of the church, when they took 
" away the mass, took away or marred all religion, and the 
" whole service of God;" and, " that it was a deformation in- 
" deed, though they called it a reformation." 

13. And he, the said Dr. Cosins, publicly maintained, 
" That the king's majesty is not supreme head of the church 
" in England, nor could be so called, for that he had no more 
" power to meddle in ecclesiastical matters than the fellow 
" that rubs his horse's heels." For which he was indicted 
anno 1629, at the assizes at Durham, and found guilty thereof 
by the oaths of three men of worth : which indictment re- 
mains yet untraversed. 

14. Your petitioner being a senior prebendary of that 
church, and one of his majesty's high commissioners for 
causes ecclesiastical in the province of York, and in judgment 
and practice punctually conformable to the doctrine and disci- 
pline established in the church of England, opposed the same 
innovations and doctrines, according to his place and calling. 

15. But not prevailing therein, he on July 27, 1628, ac- 
cording to the third Injunction, preached in the said church 



Bishop Conns and his Accusers. 448 

* 

against the said innovations ; for which sermon he was pre- 
sently convented before the high commission holden at Dur- 
ham, and, before any articles exhibited against him, suspended, 
and his living sequestered. And after his answer upon oath 
to the articles, and six months 1 detention in the said high com- 
mission, where he was proceeded against with all rigour and 
extremity, according to the express command (as some of the 
high commissioners in open court said) of some bishops in 
London. 

16. He wa* served with a warrant under the high commia- 
sion seal for the province of Canterbury, and hands of William 
lord bishop of London, Samuel lord bishop of Norwich, Dr. 
Caesar, and Dr. Sammes, to appear before the high commission 
holden at London, and there forced again to take his oath ex 
officio* and to attend above a quarter of a year for articles, 
which were pretended to be matters of high nature against him. 

17. And was afterward remanded without any articles to 
York, where in August, 1630, they proceeded to sentence ex 
parte, having denied your petitioner a commission to examine 
witnesses on his behalf: where he was excommunicated, de- 
graded, fined seven hundred pound, and imprisoned, for op- 
posing and preaching against the said doctrines and supersti- 
tious innovations. 

18. Notwithstanding that Dr. Cosins and one Mr. Burgoyn 
were indicted in August, 1629, at Durham assizes upon seve- 
ral bills, and found guilty thereof, which remain likewise un- 
traversed ; this legal conviction notwithstanding, the said Dr. 
Cosins since is made one of his majesty's chaplains in ordi- 
nary, admitted to his degree of doctor, master of Peter-house 
in Cambridge, and vice-chancellor of Cambridge, also dean of 
Peterborough, (beside four great livings he had before,) 
and all proceedings upon the former indictments against him 
stopped. 

19. That your petitioner was two several times imprisoned 
at York before their said sentence, for which injurious im- 
prisonment he commenced his action at law against some of 
the said high commissioners, and obtained judgment there- 
upon, and six hundred pound damages, yet cannot have any 
fruit thereof. 



444 Bishop Casins and his Accusers. [appendix b. 

20. That your petitioner petitioned and preferred articles 
into the high commission in London against the said dean 
and prebendaries for the said doctrines and innovations, prof- 
fering to give good security to prove all the said articles: 
but the said petition and articles were utterly rejected by the 
said court, who said, they would not suffer such worthy men 
to be questioned. 

21. That your petitioner hath been kept in prison upon 
the said sentence in great penury and want almost ten years, 
and lost both his dignity, and parsonage, and whole estate, 
whereby he, his wife and children, are utterly ruined in their 
persons, posterity, and fortunes. 

22. That your petitioner is now and hath been above 
twelve months close prisoner, and his majesty's most gracious 
reference in his behalf unto the now lord bishop of Durham 
revoked; upon pretence that he was lately at Glasgow in 
Scotland, preaching and instigating the Scots against episco- 
pal government ; whereas he was never at Glasgow in his life, 
nor in Scotland these twenty-four years past : nor had directly 
nor indirectly any intelligence with the Scots. 

23. In tender commiseration whereof, your petitioner most 
humbly beseecheth your serious consideration, both of his 
miserable distressed condition and great oppressions ; as also 
of the said innovations and offences of the said Dr. Cosins, and 
the other prebendaries of Durham, with their abettors, who 
persecuted and censured your petitioner : and to take such 
course, both for your poor petitioner's relief and release, as 
also for reformation of the said doctrines innovations and 
proceedings, and prevention of the like hereafter, as to your 
great wisdom shall seem meet. 

And for that your petitioner is much decayed in his health, 
by reason of his late restraint, and very poor, he humbly be- 
seecheth you presently to give order for his release from his 
close imprisonment ; and that he may have present execution 
upon the said judgment for the said six hundred pounds, 
whereby he shall be enabled to prosecute and prove this his 
most just complaint against all his adversaries. 

And your petitioner shall pray, &o. 



i 



i 



Bishop Conns and his Accusers. 445 

A Speech made before the Lords by Francis Rous, Esq., 
March 16, 1640, against Dr. Cosins and many others, 
impeached by the House of Commons in Mr. Smarfs 
cause. 

My Lords, 

" I am commanded by the house of commons to present to 
" your lordships a declaration and impeachment against Dr. 
" Cosins and others, upon the complaint of Mr. Peter Smart, 
" which Mr. Smart was a protomartyr, or first confessor of 
" note in the last days of persecution. 

" The whole matter is a tree, whereof the branches and 
" fruit are manifest in the articles of this declaration, which 
" being read, I shall (with your lordships' favour) discover 
" and lay open the root." 

The declaration was read, consisting of eighteen articles 
delivered to the lords in writing : 

The Commons' Declaration and Impeachment upon the complaint of 
Peter Smart, clerk, late prebendary of Durham, against John 
Cosins, doctor in divinity, Ferdinando Morecroft, George More- 
croft, William James, John Rob son, Gabriel Clerke, Eleazer Dun- 
comb, and Thomas Carr, prebendaries of Durham: and against 
William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, sir Charles Caesar, sir 
John Lamb, William Sammes, Edmund Pope, Dr. Aylott, high 
commissioners of the province of Canterbury : and against John 
Scott, dean of York, Phineas Hodson, Henry Wickham, George 
Stanhope, prebendaries of York, sir George Radcliffe, William 
EasdeU, John Bramhall, now bishop of Deny in Ireland, Richard 
Perrott, Edmund Kay, Richard Marsh, Timothy Thriscross, 
Robert Falcon, Henry Thriscross, John Lively, Thomas Burwell, 
high commissioners of the province of York, and Roger Blanchard, 
pursuivant to the said high commission, and against sir Francis 
Windebank, for several crimes and misdemeanors. 

The Impeachment. 
1. THAT after the death of Dr. James, late bishop of 
Durham, Dr. Neale succeeding him in that bishopric ; during 



446 Bishop Cosins and his Accusers. [appendix b. 

the time he was bishop, the said Dr. Cosins, Ferdinando More- 
croft, George Morecroft, William James, John Robson, Gabriel 
Clerke, together with Richard Hunt, late dean, and others 
late prebendaries of Durham, took away the communion table 
of that cathedral church, and erected an altar of marble stones 
set upon columns, with many cherubims thereupon, and a carved 
screen curiously painted and gilded set over the same. Which 
altar, copes, organs, images, pictures, with other furniture and 
unlawful alterations in the said church, cost the said dean and 
chapter above two thousand pound. 

To which altar thus set up were frequent bowing, which 
bowing did increase after Dr. Gosin came to be prebend there, 
few going or coming into the said church without low obei- 
sance : and Dr. Cosin did officiate at the said altar with his 
face toward the east, and back toward the people, at the time 
of the administration of the holy communion. 

2. That the said dean and prebendaries bought one cope 
found in a search for mass priests, whereupon was embroidered 
the image of the Trinity ; viz. an old man's face, a crucifix, 
and a dove : and other two copes, one having a crucifix upon 
it, which because they were short, they cut and made into 
one, whereby the crucifix fell upon the hinder part of him that 
bare it. And another cope which cost about two hundred 
pound, which copes they frequently used at the administra- 
tion of the holy communion at the said altar, some of them 
preaching in a cope, and sitting to hear service in a cope in 
the said church. 

3. That the said dean and prebendaries did also bring in 
and practise in the said church sundry innovations in divine 
service, both in time, place, and manner, changing the morn- 
ing prayer, to which about two hundred persons usually re- 
sorted, used for the space of sixty years in the cathedral 
church of Durham, to be read at six o'clock plainly and dis- 
tinctly in a peculiar place appointed for that purpose by com- 
missioners under the great seal of England, Septemb. 25, 
primo Eliz., into solemn service and singing, both instrumen- 
tal and vocal, whereby it was brought into so late an hour, 
that some who formerly frequented the old morning prayer, 
could not attend this. And judge Hutton in particular com- 



Bishop Cosins and his Accusers. 447 

plained, that the longness and lateness of it was inconsistent 
with public employments. And afterwards they took the old 
morning prayer quite away for divers years, and instead 
thereof divided the ordinary morning service, making two of 
one, whereby there were neither chapters nor psalms read at 
ten o'clock prayer. 

4. That the said dean and prebendaries set up and renewed 
many gorgeous images and pictures, three whereof were sta- 
tues of stone, one of which standing in the midst represented 
the picture of Christ, with a golden beard, a blue cap, and 
sun-rays upon his head. 

5. That the said dean and prebendaries did use an exces- 
sive number of candles ; more upon a saint's day than upon 
the Lord's day ; and caused the same candles to be lighted in 
the said church in a new, strange, and superstitious manner, 
burning two hundred wax candles in one Candlemas night, 
whereof there were about sixty upon and about the altar, where 
there was no use of light, nor service then said : whereupon a 
popish priest spake, " Let us papists resort to the said church, 
" to see how Dr. Cosins and the prebendaries of Durham do 
" play our apes." Dr. Cosins set up some of these candles 
himself, and caused others with ladders to set up more round 
about the choir, some of which the said dean sent his servant 
to take down ; but Dr. Cosins did struggle with him in time 
of prayer, to the great disturbance of the congregation : the 
manner of lighting the candles was this, they caused two 
choristers in their surplices to come from the west end of the 
choir with lighted torches in their hands, who after sundry 
bowings by the way, to and at the altar, did light the candles 
upon the same with their torches ; which done, they returned 
backward with many bowings, their faces toward the altar, 
till they came to the choir door ; which ceremony of lighting 
the excessive number of candles came into the said church 
after Dr. Cosins was prebendary. 

6. That the said dean and prebendaries did absolutely for- 
bid and prohibit the psalms in metre to be sung before and 
after sermon, and at the administration of the holy communion; 
and instead thereof turned prayers and pieces of reading 
psalms into anthems and caused them to be sung, so that the 



448 Bishop Cosins and his Accusers. [appendix b. 

people understood not whether they were prayers or no. 
Whereupon Dr. Cosins observing that they kneeled not, sent 
vergers to some to command them, and spake to others himself, 
saying, " Masters, you must kneel ; it is a prayer, you must 
kneel." And they caused an anthem to be sung which was not 
the word of God, as namely, the " Three Kings of Cologne; Jas- 
par, Melchior, and Balthazar," and caused the organs to play, 
and the whole choir to sing, at the administration of both the 
sacraments, to the great disturbance of those holy actions. 

7. That the said dean and prebendaries caused many pic- 
tures and carved images (besides those that were in the said 
church) to be set upon the font, amongst which was a dove 
carved, and the four evangelists, and John baptizing Christ in 
Jordan, painted; which did appear at the opening of the 
font : which font they caused to be removed from the ancient 
usual place in the choir, where it formerly stood, and placed 
it out of the choir, where divine service is never read. 

8. That the said dean and prebendaries did cause a knife 
to be kept in the vestry for cutting of the sacramental bread, 
being appropriated only for that use; and was commonly 
called, known, and shewed to those who came to see the gay 
ornaments of the church, by the name of the consecrated 
knife. And Dr. Cosins did consecrate the cushions and forms 
by crossing them, before the people came to the communion. 

9. That the said dean and prebendaries did employ a 
painter and glazier (professed papists) to serve the said cathe- 
dral church in their several uses ; and brought in, and prac- 
tised in the said church several other superstitious innovations 
tending to idolatry. 

10. That Dr. Cosins preaching in the said church upon the 
" Parable of the Tares," said, " That the reformers of our 
44 church, when they took away the mass, took away or 
44 marred all religion, and the whole service of God ; they call- 
44 ed it a reformation, but it was indeed a deformation :" and 
that the mass was not so taken away, but that the presence of 
Christ stilJ remaineth; and that if the reformation were other- 
wise, it were not a reformed but a deformed religion. And 
that he meant of a corporal presence was plain, for that he 
complained afterwards, in the said sermon, that some had 



Bishop Coein$ and hit Jeeuttrt. 449 

" thrust out the presence of Christ : and he likewise said, 
" that in queen Elizabeth's time when popery was put out, 
" the reformation was a deformation, and instead of bringing 
41 in order, they brought in ordure." 

11. That Dr. Cosins, persuading a papist to come to church, 
said, " that the body of Christ was substantially and really in the 
" sacrament;" and shewing him the new Service Book intended 
for Scotland, he said, it was all one with theirs of the Romish 
church, for there was in it the introit, the epistle, gospel, oflbr- 
tory, canon, consecration, communion, and post- communion. 

12. That Dr. Cosins, at a public dinner, said, " That the 
" king was not supreme head of the church in England, nor 
" could be so called ;" for which, and introducing and practis- 
ing of several the said ceremonies, he was indicted at the- 
general assizes in Durham, 1629, and billa vera returned, and 
spoke other scandalous, scornful, and malicious words against 
his majesty's supremacy. 

13. That these innovations in the communion-table, font, 
candles, pictures, images, copes, singing, vestments, gestures) 
prayers, doctrines, and speeches of the said Cosins, and the 
other alterations being unlawfully introduced, and practised 
in the said cathedral church by the said dean and prebends, 
Peter Smart, one of the prebends aforesaid, opposed the same, 
and in discharge of his duty, place, and calling, did, upon 
July 27, 1628, being the LordVday, preach in the said- 
church against the same, reproving these innovations, and in- 
novators, and exhorted the people to keep themselves from 
the infections of them, in which sermon there was nothing 
scandalous, nor disagreeable to the word of God, the doctrine 
and discipline of the church of England. 

14. That notwithstanding the said Dr. Cosins, both upon 
Mr. Smart's reading his text, and going on in his sermon suit- 
able thereunto, very turbulently demeaned himself in the said 
church ; and the sermon being ended, Mr. Smart's troubles 
began, for there was not one day set between his preaching 
and his punishment, for the said Dr. Cosins and William 
James, together with others since deceased, the same LordV 
day, did send a warrant in the nature of an attachment, un- 
der the high commission seal for that province, by two pursuit 

FULLER, VOL. VI. G g 



450 Bishop Cosins and his Accusers. [appendix b. 

vants, to convent him before them ; whereupon he personally 
appeared, and delivered to them the imperfect notes of his 
sermon, which were sealed up, and he ordered to attend the 
next day, that the same might be truly copied out as he 
preached them, and as he should deliver them upon oath, and 
be bound in a recognisance of a hundred pound to appear 
before them upon a day's warning: but the said dean and 
prebendaries contrary to their order, did break up the seals, 
and wrote out several copies of the imperfect notes, and sent 
them to London to several bishops. And the same day Dr. 
Gosins asked the advice of a counsellor, whether he might not 
break open Mr. Smart's doors to search for papers, adding 
this reason, because the lords of the council did so. And 
afterward the said dean and prebendaries, with John Lively 
and Dr. Easdell, were informers, prosecutors, and judges, for 
six months against the said Peter Smart at Durham, for the 
same, where they censured him by two acts of sequestration, 
and one of suspension, and kept him ex officio in continual 
personal attendance under great bonds, and pains of excom- 
munication about four months before there were any articles 
exhibited against him,; and five months before any proctor 
was allowed him, and after he had there answered articles 
upon oath, and six months detention before them ; they caused 
a warrant under the high commission seal for the province of 
Canterbury, and hands of William Laud, bishop of London, 
Samuel Harsnet bishop of Norwich, Dr. Caesar, and Dr. 
Sammes, to be served upon him for his appearance at Lon- 
don ; and afterward by act in court unlawfully transmitted 
him to London, to answer in the high commission there for 
the same cause. 

That the 12th of February, 1628, Mr. Smart appearing at 
London, before William, then bishop of London, now arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, sir John Lamb, Edmund Pope, William 
Sammes, and Dr. Aleif, together with others deceased, they 
forced him to take the oath ex officio again, to answer articles, 
which the said archbishop said were matters of high nature 
against him, and ordered him to be examined thereupon be- 
fore his departure out of London, ; and to be proceeded against 
ex officio, because the said dean and prebendaries had recom- 



Bishop Cosins and his Accuser* 461 

mended the cause thither: according to which order Mr. 
Smart attended several times upon the register of the said 
high commission to answer, but could never get any articles. 
And the said £8rd of April, 1629, the said archbishop, bishop 
of Ely, and others, did transmit him and the cause, with all the 
letters and complaints of the said dean and prebendaries 
against him unto York, unto the high commission there, with- 
out any allowance of charges for his unjust vexation at Lon- 
don ; because he was convented thither, and proceeded against 
upon complaint of the said dean and prebendaries, and re- 
fused to admit of Mr. Smart's articles against them, although 
he offered sufficient bond of a thousand pound to prove the 
same, saying, they would not suffer such worthy men to be 
questioned. 

15. That [on] the 20th of June, Samuel, then archbishop 
of York, Dr. Hodgson, and others, sent a warrant under the 
high commission seal for that province, to convent him before 
them at York : and upon his appearance forced him to take 
the oath ex officio to answer articles, and afterward^unlaw- 
fully fined him five hundred pound by intimation, and certi- 
fied the same into the exchequer, and in November following 
committed him unlawfully to prison, and in December, com- 
mitted him again, and forced him again to take a fourth oath 
ex officio, to answer articles additional**, and continued him in 
vexatious attendance before them under great bonds, until 
the 3rd of August, 1650, when they proceeded to sentence ex 
parte; having sundry times before denied him a commission, 
to examine witnesses on his behalf, interrupted his counsel, 
and suffered not the brief of his defence to be read ; and 
made many bitter invective speeches against him, and decreed 
that he should make a recantation, conceptis verbis, as it should 
be delivered to him in three several places in York and Dur- 
ham, to be suspended totally ab officio^ fined four hundred 
pound, condemned in costs of suit, and committed to prison. 

16. That the 2nd of September following, they excommu- 
nicated him ; November the 10th sequestered all his ecclesias- 
tical livings; and November the 18th they degraded him ab 
omni ffradu et dignitate clericaU, because he did not recant and 
pay costs: by colour of which degradation, his prebendship, 
which Dr. Carr hath most injuriously ever since enjoyed, *w\& 



G 



T 



O 



S * 



452 Bishop Cosins and his Accusers. [appendix & 

parsonage, were both taken from him, and he ever since hath 
been kept in prison, and laying under all the said several cen- 
sures, and endured divers other unconscionable and unjust 
acts and proceedings, both at Durham, London, and York; 
by which heavy and unjust oppressions, his life hath been se- 
veral times evidently endangered, and he and his children lost 
and spent above fourteen thousand pound of real estate, 
whereby they are utterly undone. 

17. That Mr. Smart, Pasch. 5 Car. Reg., brought an action 
of false imprisonment in the king^ bench, against Dr. Hodg- 
son, Dr. Easdell, and Roger Blanchard, their pursuivant, for 
their said two unjust commitments before their sentence, and 
after seven terms spent in delays, and several peremptory or- 
ders for them to plead, he obtained judgment upon a nihil 
elicit^ and six hundred pound damages upon a writ of inquiry, 
which was returned into the said court, and by the then 
judges overruled, and Mr. Smart ordered to accept a long 
and frivolous plea, contrary to the opinion of judge Crook ; to 
which plea he demurred, but could not get it argued, whereby 
he never received any benefit or profit thereof. 

18. That in July, 1638, Mr. Smart having obtained his ma- 
jesty's most gracious reference in his behalf unto the now 
bishop of Durham, secretary Windebank, did revoke the 
same, by his letter to the said bishop; who upon receipt 
thereof, sent two pursuivants with a warrant under the high 
commission seal for that province, signed by himself, Thomas 
Burwell, and others ; whereby he was apprehended, and car- 
ried prisoner unto Durham, where he remained prisoner above 
six weeks ; and from thence brought him prisoner m a cart to 
London, to the said secretary, who remanded him prisoner to 
the king's bench ; and about two days after, by the said se- 
cretary's command was taken out of his own chamber, and put 
into the common prison, where he remained about a month, 
and sixteen weeks more close prisoner in his own chamber,, 
upon pretence that he had been at Glasgow in Scotland, 
preaching and instigating the Scots against episcopal govern- 
ment ; whereas he was never in Glasgow in his life, nor had 
directly nor indirectly any intelligence with the Scots. Upon 
which his said imprisonment he several times petitioned the 
said secretary, lord bishop, archbishop and his majesty, but 



Bi*hop Cosins mid his Accusers. 453 

oould never get any release or examination thereof ; all which 
-he hath and is still ready to prove ; by which unjust, cruel, 
and illegal acts and proceedings of the said bishop, dean and 
chapter of Durham, and the said high commission of London 
and York, religion hath been mightily scandalized, the church 
polluted, justice .perverted, the laws ecclesiastical and tempo- 
ral, and the lawful liberty of the subjects of this kingdom vio- 
lated and infringed ; and the said Peter Smart, his wife, chil- 
dren and family, most unjustly and unchristianly undone and 
ruined, to the great dishonour of God, maintenance of injus- 
tice, and pernicious example to posterity. 

All which said matters and things the commons do trans- 
mit to your lordships ; and impeach all the said parties delin- 
quent, to the end that they may be called to answer their 
several crimes, and receive such condign punishment; and 
Mr. Smart such reparations jointly and severally from them 
all both for the said losses, and also for his damage hereby 
sustained, and that he be restored to his ecclesiastical dignity 
and living ; and all the said sentences and proceedings may 
be declared to be illegal and unjust. And that such further 
proceedings, examinations, trials, and judgments be upon 
every of them had, and used, as is agreeable to law and 
justice. 

As soon as this declaration was read to the lords, Mr. Rous 
proceeded thus : 

" My Lords, 

" I am now to discover the root of Mr. Smart's persecution. 
" Your lordships have heard of a great design to bring in po- 
" pery : you have heard of armies of soldiers, and particularly 
of the popish Irish army, the burden and complaint of the 
commons. But there is another army not so much spoken 
" of, and that is an army of priests ; for since altars came in, 
(so they delight to be called,) it is a saying of Gregory the 
Great, ' that when antichrist is come, prceparatus est exer- 
" citus sacerdotuni, there is an army of priests ready to re- 
" ceive him f this is fulfilled in our time, for certainly this 
" army of priests doth many ways advance the design and 
plot of popery. 

GgS 



44 



44 



44 



44 



44 



454 Bishop Cosing and his Accusers. [appewdh b. 

" A first is, by the subversion of our laws and government. 
" Our laws and popery cannot stand together; but either po- 
" pery must overthrow our laws, or our laws must overthrow 
" popery : but to overthrow our laws, they must overthrow 
" parliaments ; and to overthrow parliaments, they must over- 
r ' throw property : they must bring the subjects goods to be 
" arbitrarily disposed, that so there may be no need of parlia- 
" ments. This hath been done by Dr. Mainwaring, (whom 
" we find wanting yet not in the seats, but at the bar of the 
" lords' 1 house,) and the like by Dr. Beale ; and I think it was 
" the intent of the late canons. 

" A second way, by which this army of priests advanceth 
" this popish design, is the way of treaty ; this has been acted 
" both by writings and conference. Sancta Clara himself 
" saith, ' Doctissimi eorum quibuscunque egi ;' so it seems they 
" have had conference together : and Sancta Clara on his 
" part labours to bring the articles of our church to popery, 
" and some of our side labour to meet him in the way. We 
" have a testimony that the great arch-priest himself hath 
" said, ( It were no hard matter to make a reconciliation if a 
" wise man had the handling of it. 9 But, I verily believe, as 
" the state of papacy stands, a far wiser man than he cannot 
" reconcile us without the loss of our religion; for the pope 
" being fastened to his errors, even by his chair of inerrability, 
" he sits still unmoved, and so we cannot meet, except we come 
" wholly to him. A man standing in a boat tied to a rock, 
" when he draws the rope, doth not draw the rock to the 
" boat, but the boat to the rock. And Sancta Clara doth (in 
" this somewhat honestly) confess it, for he saith, he dealt in 
" this way of treaty, * not to draw the church to the protes- 
" tants, but the protestants to the church.*' 

" A third way is a way of violence. This violence they ex- 
" ercise, partly by secular arms, and partly by priestly arms, 
" which they call spiritual. For secular arms, we have their 
" own confession, that the late war was bellum episcopate/ and 
" we have the papists' 1 confession, that it was bellum papale; 
" for in their motives they say, that the war concerns them 
" not only as subjects, but as catholics, for so they falsely call 
" themselves ; and if it be so, then bellum episcopate is also 
" bellum papale. In the e\naao^ftl war the papal cause is ad- 



€4 



90 



44 



t« 



bukop Conns and his Aeemsn. 455 

" vanced, for the spiritual arms, thus they come to execution. 
" When a great man is coming, his sumpters, his furniture, 
" his provisions, go before : the pope's furniture, altars and 
" copes, pictures and images, are come before ; and, if wo be- 
" lieve Dr. Gosins, the very substance of the mass ; a certain 
sign that the pope was not far off. Now these forerunners 
being come, if any man resist them, fire comes out of the 
" brambles and devours the cedars of Libanus : the army of 
" priests falls upon him with their arms of suspension, se- 
" questration, excommunication, degradation, and deprivation. 
" And by these arms hath Mr. Smart been oppressed and 
undone : he falls upon their superstitions and innovations, 
and they fall upon him with their arms; they beat him 
" down, yea, they pull him up by the roots, taking away aU 
" his means of maintenance and living, yet they leave him life 
" to feel his miseries. Itaferimt ut diu se sentiat mori, there 
" is no -cruelty to priestly cruelty. These are they that did 
" pnt our very Saviour to death : the calling is reverend, but 
" the corruption is most pernicious, corruptio optimi pessima. 
" I know no reason of this change, except it be that of the 
" apostle, because when they knew God, they did not worship 
" him as God, but made a god of this world, placing the ex- 
cellency of priesthood in worldly pomp and greatness, and 
gave the glory of the invisible God to pictures, images, and 
altars ; therefore God gave them up to vile affections, to be 
" implacable, unmerciful, and without natural affection. But 
" whatsoever the cause is of their corruption, certainly their 
" arms have fallen heavy upon Mr. Smart, and priestly 
" cruelty hath cast him into a long misery, from which he 
" could get ao release by any priestly mercy. 

" And now it is prayed, that as these delinquents, by the 
" cruel oppressions of Mr. Smart, have advanced the cause of 
popery, so they may in such a degree of justice be punished, 
that in them priestly cruelty, and the very cause of popery 
" may appear to be punished and suppressed ; and that Mr. 
" Smart, suffering for the cause of protestancy, may be so re- 
" paired, that in him pious constancy and the very cause of 
protestancy may appear to be righted and repaired. 

Gg4 



f* 



€t 



ti 



it 



It 



It 



456 Bishop Cosins and his Accusers. [appendix b. 



The Articles or Cfiarge exhibited in Parliament against 
Dr. Cosins of Durham, anno 1641. 



1. THAT he was the first man that caused the oommu- 
nion table in the church of Durham to be removed and set 
altarwise, in the erecting and beautifying whereof, he (being 
then treasurer) expended two hundred pounds. 

% That he used to officiate at the west side thereof, turn- 
ing his back to the people. 

8. That he used extraordinary bowing to it. 

4. That he compelled others to do it, using violence to the 
persons of them that refused so to do; for instance, once 
some omitting it, he comes out of his seat, down to the seat 
where they sat, being gentlewomen, called them whores and 
jades, and pagans, and the like unseemly words, and rent 
some of their clothes. 

5. That he converted divers prayers in the book of Common 
Prayer into hymns, to be sung in the choir, and played with 
the organ, contrary to the ancient custom of that church. 

6. That whereas it had been formerly a custom in that 
church, at the end of every sermon to sing a psalm ; this cus- 
tom, when Dr. Cosins came thither, was abrogated, and in- 
stead thereof they sung an anthem in the choir, there being 
no psalm sung either at the minister's going up into the pulpit 
or at his coming down. 

7. That the first Candlemas-day at night that he had been 
in that church, he caused three hundred wax candles to be 
set up and lighted in the church at once, in honour of our 
lady, and placed threescore of them upon and about the altar. 

8. That in this church there were reliques of divers images, 
above which were remaining the ruins of two seraphims, with 
the picture of Christ between them, erected in queen Mary's 
lime in the time of popery, all which, when queen Elizabeth 



Bishop Conns and his Accusers. 457 

came to the crown, were demolished by virtue of a commis- 
sion by her to that intent granted, which so continued demo- 
lished from that time till Dr. Oosins came to that church, 
who, being treasurer, caused the same to be repaired and 
most gloriously painted. 

9. That all the time that he was unmarried, he wore a cope 
made of white satin, never officiating in any other, it being 
reserved solely for him, no man except himself making use 
thereof, which after marriage he cast off, and never after 
wore. 

10. That there was a knife belonging to the church, kept 
altogether in the vestry, being put to none but holy uses, as 
cutting the bread in the sacrament, and the like ; Dr. Gosins 
refusing to cut the same with any other but that, thinking 
all others that were unconsecrated polluted but that, which 
he, putting holiness in, never termed but the consecrated 
knife. 

11. That he in a sermon preached in that church, did de- 
liver certain words in disgrace of the reformers of our church; 
for instance, the words were these : " The reformers of this 
" church, when they abolished the mass, took away all good 
" order, and instead of reformation, made it a deformation." 

1&. That he seldom or never in any of his sermons styled 
the ministers of the word and sacraments by any other name 
than priests, nor the communion-table by any other name 
than altar. 

18. That by his appointment there was a cope bought, the 
seller being a convicted Jesuit, and afterwards employed in 
that church, having upon it the picture of the invisible and 
incomprehensible Trinity. 

14. That whereas it had been formerly a custom in that 
church, at five of the clock to have morning prayers read 
winter and summer, this custom, when Dr. Cosins came thi- 
ther, was abandoned, and instead thereof was used singing, 
and playing on the organs, and some few prayers read, and 
this was called first service, which being ended, the people 
departed out of the church, returning at nine a clock, and 
having then morning prayers read unto them, and this was 



458 Bishop Cosins and kit Accusers, [appendix *. 

called second service, which innovation being misliked, and 
complained of by master justice Hutton, was reformed. 

15. That he framed a superstitious ceremony in lighting 
the tapers which were placed on the altar, which for instance 
was this : a company of boys that belonged to the church 
came in at the choir door with torches in their hands lighted, 
bowing towards the altar at their first entrance, bowing thrice 
before they lighted their tapers, having done, they withdrew 
themselves, bowing so oft as before ; not once turning their 
back parts towards the altar, the organs all the time going. 

16. That he counselled some young students of the univer- 
sity to be imitators and practisers of his superstitious ceremo- 
nies, who, to ingratiate themselves in his favour, did accord- 
ingly, and being afterwards reproved for the same by some of 
their friends, confessed that Dr. Cosins first induced them to 
that practice, and encouraged them therein. 

17. That he used upon communion-days to make the sign 
of the cross with his finger both upon the seats whereon they 
were to sit, and the cushions to kneel upon, using some words 
when he so did. 

18. That one sabbath-day there was set up an unnecessary 
-company of tapers and lights in the church, which Dr. Hunt, 
being then dean, fearing they might give offence, being they 
were unnecessary, sent his man to pull them down, who did 
bo ; but Dr. Cosins being thereat aggrieved, came to the fel- 
low, and there miscalled him in most uncivil manner, and be- 
gan to beat him in the public view of the congregation, to the 
great disturbance of the same. 

19. That the dean and chapter of that church, whereof Dr. 
Cosins was one, with many others, being invited to dinner in 
the town of Durham, Dr. Cosins then and there spake words 
derogating from the king's prerogative; the words were these: 
" The king hath no more power over the church, than the boy 
" that rubs my horse's heels." 

20. That there being many of the canons of the said church 
present at that time, amongst the rest there was one took 
more notice of his words than the rest, and acquainted one of 
his fellow canons with them when he came home ; this canon, 



Bishop Cains and his Accn$&r$. 469 

being a friend to Dr. Cosins, told the doctor that such a man 
exclaimed of him, and charged him with words that he should 
speak at such a time ; the doctor presently sends for him, and 
when he came into the house, the doctor desires him to follow 
him into an inner room, who did so ; but so soon as he came 
in the doctor shuts the door, and sets both his hands upon him, 
calling him rogue and rascal, and many other names, inso- 
much that the man, fearing he would do him a mischief, cried 
out ; mistress Cosins coming in, endeavoured to appease her 
husband, and holding his hands, the other ran away. 

81. That the doctor did seek many unjust ways to ensnare 
this man, that so he might take a just occasion to put him 
oat of his place, but none of them taking effect, he put him 
out by violence, having no other reason why he did so, but 
because he had no good voice, when as he had served the 
place two years before Dr. Cosins came thither ; for instance 
of which unjust ways to ensnare this man, Dr. Cosins hired a 
man and a woman to pretend a desire of matrimony, and to 
offer a sum of money to this petty canon to contract matri- 
mony between them in a private chamber, so thereupon to 
take advantage of his revenge upon him. This plot being 
confessed by the parties to be first laid by Dr. Cosins, and 
that they were his instruments. 



460 Bishop Conns and his Accusers. [appendix ft. 



The Answer of Dr. Cosins to the Cliarge foregoing. 



"" Paris, April 6, 1658. 
"* Sir, 

" I am glad to hear from you of your safe arrival in Eng- 
" land : and I am to thank both you and other of my friend*, 
" that intend to vindicate me from the injury done no less to 
" truth than to myself, by a passage in Mr. Fuller's History, 
" which I believe he inserted there (as he doth many things 
" besides) upon the false reports and informations of other 
" men, that were loath to let an old malicious accusation die, 
" as it might well enough have done, if he had not kept it up 
" still alive, and recorded it to posterity ; whereof he is so 
" sensible already himself, that by his own letter directed to 
" me (more than a year since) he offered to make me amends 
" in the next book he writes ; but he hath not done it yet 
" Having never been acquainted with him more than by his 
" books, which have many petulant, light, and indiscrete pas- 
" sages in them, I know not how to trust him ; and therefore 
" if the authors of the intended ' Animadversions' (which you 
" mention) will be pleased to do me right, you may assure 
" them there is nothing but truth in this ensuing relation. 

" Mr. Smart, who had been schoolmaster, and after became 
" prebendary of Durham, was an old man of a most froward, 
" fierce, and unpeaceable spirit, &c. Upon a seditious ser- 
" mon which he preached in that church, (where contrary to 
" his duty he had neglected to preach for seven years toge- 
" thor before,) he was first questioned at Durham, from whence 
" he was called to the high commission court at London, and 
" afterwards at his own desire remitted to the same court at 
" York ; where being sentenced to recant, and refusing so to 
" do with great scorn, he was at last, upon his obstinacy, de- 
" graded from his ecclesiastical function ; and that sentence 
" was not long after judicially confirmed by judge Davenport at 
" the public assizes in Durham, where he was by public sentence 



Bishop Conns and his Accusers. 461 

" also at the common law put out of his prebend, and his be- 
" notices that he formerly held in that county. 

" Many years following he procured a large maintenance 
" for himself and his family, to the sum of 400/. per annum, 
" (more worth to him than his church -profits ever were,) out 
" of the peculiar contributions at London, and elsewhere ga- 
" thered up for silenced ministers. 

" But when the parliament began in the year 1640, upon 
" project and hope of getting more, he preferred a bill of 
" complaint there against thirty several persons at the least, 
" that is, against the high commissioners at London, the 
" same commissioners and prebends residentiary at York, the 
" dean and chapter of Durham, with divers others, whereof I 
" was but one, though he was pleased to set my name in the 
" front of them all. From all these together he expected to 
" recover and receive a greater sum of money (for money was 
" his project) pretending that he had lost by them no less 
" than thirty thousand pounds, though he was never known 
'f to be worth one. 

" After his bill of complaint was carried up by a gentleman 
" of the house of commons to the house of lords, among the 
" rest of those persons that were accused by him (some for 
" superstition, and some for persecution) I put in my full an- 
" swer upon oath, and declared the truth of the whole matter; 
" whereof Mr. Fuller taketh not any notice at all, and therein 
" dealeth most unfaithfully both with me and the reader of 
" his History ; for that answer of mine is upon record, among 
" the rolls of parliament, and was justified before the lords 
" both by myself, and by the very witness that Mr. Smart 
" and his son-in-law produced there against me ; whereupon 
•• his own lawyer, Mr. Glover, openly at the bar of that 
" honourable house forsook him, and told him plainly, that 
" he was ashamed of his complaint, and could not in conscience 
" plead for him any longer : Mr. Smart in the mean while 
" crying out aloud and beseeching their lordships to appoint 
" him another lawyer, and to take care of his fourteen thou- 
" sand pound damages, besides other demands that he had 
'-' to make, which arose to a greater sum. 

" But after this, which was the fifth day of pleading be- 



I 



462 Bishop Cosms and its Accm$n. [appendix * 

" tween us, the case was heard no more conoerning my parti- 
" cular, and many of the lords said openly, that Mr. Smart 
" had abused the house of ooinmons with a causeless com- 
" plaint against me, whereupon my lord the earl of Warwick 
" was pleased to bring me an order of the lords' house, where- 
" by I had liberty granted me to return unto my places of 
" charge in the university, or elsewhere, till they sent for me 
" again, which they never did. 

" The answers that I gave in upon oath, and justified before 
" their lordships, were to this effect, all contrary to Mr. 
" Fuller's groundless reports. 

" 1. That the communion-table in the church of Durham 
" (which in the bill of complaint and Mr. Fuller's History is 
" said to be the marble altar with cherubrms) was not set up 
" by me, but by the dean and chapter there (whereof Mr, 
" Smart himself was one) many years before I became pre- 
" bendary of that church, or ever saw the country. 

" 2. That by the public accounts which are there registered,. 
" it did not appear to have cost above the tenth part of what 
" is pretended, appurtenances and all. 

" 3. That likewise the copes used in that church were 
" brought in thither long before my time, and when Mr. 
" Smart the complainant was prebendary there, who also 
'• allowed his part (as I was ready to prove by the Act Book) 
" of the money that they cost, for they cost but little. 

" 4. That as I never approved the picture of the Trinity, 
" or the image of God the Father in the figure of an old 
" man, or otherwise to be made or placed any where at all, 
" so I was well assured that there were none such (nor to my 
" knowledge or hearsay ever had been) put upon any cope 
" that was used there among us ; one there was that had the 
" story of the Passion embroidered upon it, but the cope 
*' that I used to wear when I at any time attended the com- 
" munion service, was of plain white satin only without any 
*' embroidery upon it at all. 

" 5. That what the bill of complaint called the image of 
" Christ, with a blue cap and a golden beard, (Mr. Fuller's 
" History says it was red, and that it was set upon one of the 
" copes,) was nothing else but the top of bishop Hatfield's 



Cosins and his Accusers. 488 

" tomb, (set up in the church under a side arch there, two 
" hundred years before I was born,) being a little portraiture 
" not appearing to be above ten inches long, and hardly dis~ 
" cernible to the eye what figure it is, for it stands thirty 
" foot from the ground. 

" 6. That by the local statutes of that church (whereunto 
" Mr. Smart was sworn, as well as myself) the treasurer was 
" to give order, that the provision should every year be made 
" of a sufficient number of wax-lights for the service of the 
" choir during all the winter time ; which statute I observed 
" when I was sworn into that office, and had order from the 
" dean and chapter by capitular act to do it : yet upon the 
" communion-table they that used to light the candles (the 
" sacrists and the vergers) never set more than two fair can- 
" dies with a few small sizes near to them, which they put 
" there, of purpose that the people all about might have the 
" better use of them for singing the psalms and reading the 
" lessons out of the Bibles ; but two hundred was a greater 
" number than they used all the church over, either upon 
" Candlemas-night or any other, and that there were no more 
" (sometimes many less) lighted at that time than at the like 
" festivals in Christmas holidays, when the people of the city 
" came in greater company to the church, and therefore re- 
" quired a greater store of lights. 

" 7. That I never forbade (nor anybody else that I know) 
" the singing of the (metre) psalms in the church, which I 
" used to sing daily there myself with other company at 
" morning prayer. But upon Sundays and holy days in the 
" choir, before the sermon the Creed was sung (and sung 
" plainly for every one to understand) as it is appointed in. 
" the Communion-Book, and after the sermon we sung a part 
" of a psalm, or some other anthem taken out of the Scrip - 
" ture, and first signified to the people where they might 
" find it. 

" 8. That so far was I from making any anthem to be sung 
" of the * Throe Kings of Colen/ as that I made it when I 
" first saw it to be torn in pieces, and I myself cut it out of 
" the old song books belonging to the choristers' 1 school, with 
" a penknife that lay by, at my very first coming to reside in 



464 Bishop Cosim and his Accuser*. [appendix r. 






that college. But sure I was, that no such anthem had 

been sung in the choir during all my time of attendance 
" there, nor (for aught that any the eldest persons of the 
" church and town could tell, or ever heard to the contrary) 
" for fifty or threescore years, or more. 

" 9. That there was indeed an ordinary knife I confess, 
" provided and laid ready among other things belonging to 
*' the administration of the communion, for the cutting of the 
" bread, and divers other uses in the church vestry, that 
" when the under officers there had any occasion to use a 
" knife, they might not be put to go to seek one abroad. But 
" that it was ever consecrated, or so called, otherwise than 
" as Mr. Smart and some of his followers had for their plea- 
" sure put that appellation upon it, I never heard, nor I be* 
" lieve anybody else that lived here among us. 

" [There were divers other articles of this nature in the 
" bill of complaint, whereof Mr. Smart could not prove 
" any one, to which I gave the like answers, as I did 
" here to these ; but Mr. Fuller's History makes no 
'* mention of them.] 

" 10. Touching Mr. Smart's sermon, I made answer, and 
" submitted his censure to the prudent and religious consider- 
" ation of the lords, whether he was not justly condemned to 
" be scandalous and seditious by his preaching thereof; and 
" I represented many passages in it disagreeable to the laws 
" of God and his church, and repugnant to the publio statutes 
" of parliament. 

"11. For which after we had begun to question him, in 
" the high commission court at Durham, (where we endea- 
" voured to reduce him to a better mind, and to an unity with 
" the church, against which he had so injuriously and intem- 
" perately declaimed,) I had no further hand or meddling 
" with the prosecution of this matter in other courts against 
" him, more than that I wrote (at the special instance of 
" judge Yelverton) a letter in his behalf to the archbishop of 
" York, and the commissioners there, which I procured the 
" dean and most of the prebendaries of Durham to sign and 
'• subscribe with me, earnestly entreating for him, that upon 
" any due sense of his fault, he might be quietly sent back to 



Bishop Cosins and his Accusers. 465 

" us again, in hope that he would hereafter live in better 
" peace and concord with us (as he promised both judge 
" Yelverton and us to do) than he had done before. 

" 18. The cruel usage and imprisonment that he suffered 
" (whereof Mr. Fuller taketh special notice, and makes a 
" marginal mark at it) was, as I have been credibly assured, 
" nothing else but a fair and gentle treatment of him in an 
" officer's house at York, to whom he was committed for a 
" while, and paid little for it. It is the historian's mistake 
" here to say ho was carried from York to Lambeth ; for he 
" was at his own request sent from Lambeth to York. The 
" fine that was set upon him he never paid, and by his own 
" wilful loss of his church-livings he gained a larger maintc- 
" nance, living at his ease and pleasure, by the contribution 
" that he got as a suspended and silenced preacher ; though 
" the truth was, that having had a prebend and a benefice 
" many years together in the bishopric of Durham, and being 
" always in health, he neglected preaching so much at them 
" both, and elsewhere besides, that he was seldom noted to 
" preach above two sermons in a year ; who, though ho de- 
" manded many thousand pounds at the parliament, yet by 
" Mr. Fuller's leave, the parliament gave him none ; nor or- 
" dered either myself, nor aqy other that he impeached, ever 
" to pay him a groat. Only upon Dr. Carr's death (who had 
" been put into his prebend plate) he was sent by the lords 
" to his vicarage and his prebend again, which he had little 
" will to take, because he found but little profit in comparison 
" of what he hoped to be had by them; in the mean while he 
" took up divers great sums of money from some of his parti- 
" sans in London, and made them believe that the parliament 
" would pay them all with advantage. 

" 18. There is another marginal note in Mr. Fuller, refer- 
" ring, as he saith, to my due praise and commendation, 
" whereof he makes one part to be, that I joined not with the 
" French protestants at Oharenton, since I got over hither 
" into France : but I would that ho and all the world should 
*' know it, I never refused to join with the protestants either 
" there, or any where else, in all things wherein they join with 
" the church of England. Many of them have been here at 

FULLER, VOL. VI. H h 



466 Bishop Cosim and ki$ Accmtn. [appendix b. 



" our church, and we have been at theirs. I have buried 
" divers of our people at Oharenton, and they permit us to 
" make use of their peculiar and decent cemetery here in 
" Paris for that purpose, which if they did not, we should be 
" forced to bury our dead in a ditch. I have baptized many 
" of their children at the request of their own ministers, with 
" whom I have good acquaintance, and find them to be very 
" deserving and learned men, great lovers and honourers of 
" our church, notwithstanding the loss which she hath lately 
" received in external matters, wherein we are agreed that 
" the essence of true religion doth not consist. Many of 
" their people (and of the best sort and quality among them) 
" have frequented our public prayers with great reverence, 
" and I have delivered the holy communion to them, accord- 
" ing to our own order, which they observed religiously. I 
" have married divers persons of good condition among them: 
" and I have presented some of their scholars to be ordained 
" deacons and priests here by our own bishops, (whereof 
" Monsieur De Turenne's chaplain is one, and the duke De 
" la Force's chaplain another,) and the church at Gharenton 
" approved of it; and I preached here publicly at their ordi- 
" nation. Besides I have been (as often as I had spare time 
" from attending our own congregation) to pray and sing 
" psalms with them, and to hear both the weekly and the 
•' Sunday sermons at Oharenton, whither two of my children 
" also (pensioned here in a protestant family at Paris) have 
" daily repaired for that purpose with the gentlewoman that 
" governed them. 

" All which is abundantly enough to let the world know 
" and see here (as it doth) what a vain and rash man Mr. 
" Fuller is in his History : wherein he hath done injury to 
" many more besides me, some dead and some alive, who I 
" hope will represent his unfaithfulness in his own country, 
" both to himself and to others. I am only beholden to him 
" for telling the truth of me in one particular, which is, that 
" I have by God's blessing reduced some and preserved many 
" others from communicating with the papists ; defending 
" the truth of our own religion (as I have always done) wher- 



Bishop Cosins and his Accusers, 467 

" ever I am ; and therein I pray God still to bless us and 
" preserve us all n . 

" And now out of all this which I have faithfully related, I 
" trust that those who intend their ' Animadversions' upon 
" his History will have enough to say and insert in their own 
" style for the vindication of, 

" Sir, 
" Your affectionate and most humble servant, 

" J. 0."° 



■ See the Life of Bishop Cosins more tending to the exculpation of 

prefixed to his History of Transub- the bishop, than a profession from 

stantiation, p. 27. Lond. 1840. Fuller, that he would vindicate the 

Fuller's reply to this letter will bishop's innocence both in his Wor- 

be found in the Appeal, p. 668. It thies and in the next edition of his 

has not been thought expedient to Church History, 
print it here, as it contains nothing 



Hh2 



APPENDIX <\ 



BISHOP MONTAGUE AND HIS ACCUSERS. 



The Bishops of Rochester, Oxford, and St. David's to 
the Duke of Buckingham, concerning Mr. Montague. 

" May it please your Grace, 

" "WWT"E are bold to be suitors to you in the behalf of the 
TT " church of England, and a poor member of it, Mr. 
" Montague, at this time not a little distressed. We are not 
" strangers to his person, but it is the cause which we are 
" bound to be tender of. The cause we conceive (under 
" correction of better judgment) concerns the church of Eng- 
" land merely ; for that church, when it was reformed from 
" the superstitious opinions broached or maintained by the 
" church of Some, refused the apparent and dangerous errors, 
" and would not be too busy with every particular school- 
" point. The cause why she held this moderation, was be- 
" cause she could not be able to preserve any unity amongst 
" Christians, if men were forced to subscribe to curious par- 
" ticulars disputed in schools. 

" Now, may it please your Grace, the opinions which at 
" this time trouble many men in the late book of Mr. Mon- 
" tague, are some of them such as are expressly the resolved 
" doctrine of the church of England, and those he is bound to 
" maintain. Some of them such as are fit only for schools, 
" and to be left at more liberty for learned men to abound in 
" their own sense, so they keep themselves peaceable, and 



Bishop Montague and his Accusers. 469 

" distract not the church. And therefore to make any man 
" subscribe to school opinions may justly seem hard in the 
" Church of Christ, and was one great fault of the council of 
" Trent. And to affright them from those opinions in which 
" they have (as they are bound) subscribed to the church, as 
"it is worse in itself, so it may be the mother of greater 
" danger. 

" May it please your Grace further to consider, that when 
" the clergy submitted themselves in the time of Henry the 
" Eighth, the submission was so, that if any difference, doc- 
" trinal or other, fell in the church, the king and the bishops 
•• were to be judges of it in a national synod, or convoca- 
" tion, the king first giving leave under his broad seal to 
" handle the points in difference. But the church never sub- 
" mitted to any other judge, neither indeed can she, though 
" she would. And we humbly desire your Grace to consider, 
" and then to move his most gracious majesty (if you shall 
" think fit) what dangerous consequences may follow upon it, 
" For first, if any other judge be allowed in matter of doc- 
'* trine, we shall depart from the ordinance of Christ, and 
" the continual course and practice of the church. 

" Secondly, if the church be once brought down beneath 
" herself, we cannot but fear what may be next struck at. 

" Thirdly, it will some way touch the honour of his majesty's 
" dear father, and our most dread sovereign of glorious and 
" ever blessed memory, king James, who saw and approved 
" all the opinions in this book ; and he in his rare wisdom 
" and judgment would never have allowed them, if they had 
" crossed with truth and the church of England. 

" Fourthly, we must be bold to say, that we cannot con- 
" ceive what use there can be of civil government in the com- 
" mon wealth, or of preaching and external ministry in the 
" church, if such fatal opinions as some which are opposite 
" and contrary to those delivered by Mr. Montague, are and 
" shall be publicly taught and maintained. 

" Fifthly, we are certain that all or most of the contrary 
" opinions were treated of at Lambeth, and ready to be pub- 
" ashed, but then queen Elizabeth of famous memory, upon 
" notice given how little they agreed with the practice of 



470 Bishop Montagu* and his Accusers, [appendix c. 

" piety and obedience to all government, caused them to be 
" suppressed, and so they have continued ever since; till of 
" late some of them have received countenance at the synod 
" of Dort. Now this was a synod of that nation, and can be 
" of no authority in any other national church, till it be re- 
" ceived there by public authority. And our hope is, that 
" the church of England will be well advised, and more than 
" once over, before she admit a foreign synod, especially of 
" such a church as oondemneth her discipline and manner of 
" government, to say no more. 

" And further we are bold to commend to your Grace's 
" wisdom this one particular. His majesty (as we have been 
" informed) hath already taken this business into his own 
" care, and most worthily referred it in a right course to 
" church consideration. And we well hoped, that without fur- 
" ther trouble to the state, or breach of unity in the church, 
" it might so have been well and orderly composed, as we 
" still pray it may. These things considered, we have little 
" to say for Mr. Montague's person, only thus much we know: 
" he is a very good scholar, and a right honest man, a man 
" every way able to do God, his majesty, and the church of 
" England great service. We fear he may receive great dis- 
" couragement, and, which is far worse, we have some cause to 
" doubt this may breed a great backwardness in able men to 
" write in the defence of the church of England, against either 
" home or foreign adversaries, if they shall see him sink in 
" fortunes, reputation, or health, upon his book occasion. 

"And this we most humbly submit to your Grace's judg- 
" ment, and care of the church's peace and welfare. So re- 
" commending your Grace to the protection of Almighty 
" God, 

" Wo shall ever rest at your Grace's service, 

" Jo. BoFPEN8. a 

" Jo. OxoN. b 
" 2 August, 1625."* " Guil. Meneven." 



R Buckeridge. d Harl. MSS. No. 7000. f. 99. 

b Hnwson. Orig. Printed in the Cabala, p. 

c Laud. 105. ed. 1691. 



Bishop Montague and his Accusers. 471 



The Bishops of London, Durham, Winton, Rochester, 
and St. David's to the Duke of Buckingham. 

" May it please tour Grace, 

" UPON your late letters directed to the bishop of Win- 
" cheater signifying his majesty's pleasure, that taking to him 
" the bishops of London, Durham, Rochester, Oxford, and 
" St. David's, or some of them, he and they should take into 
" consideration the business concerning Mr. Montague's late 
" book, and deliver their opinions touching the same, for the 
" preservation of the truth and the peace of the church of 
" England, together with the safety of Mr. Montague's per- 
44 son ; We have met and considered, and for our particulars 
44 do think, That Mr. Montague in his book hath not affirmed 
" any thing to be the doctrine of the church of England, but 
" that which in our opinions is the doctrine of the church of 
" England, as agreeable thereunto. And for the preserva- 
4t tion of the peace of the church, we in humility do conceive, 
" That his majesty shall do most graciously to prohibit all 
44 parties, members of the church of England, any further con- 
" troversy of those questions by public preaching, or writing, 
" or any other way, to the disturbance of the peace of this 
41 church for the time to come. And for any thing that may 
" further concern Mr. Montague's person in that business, 
" we humbly commend him to his majesty's gracious favour 
" and pardon. And so we humbly recommend your Grace 
41 to the protection of the Almighty, resting 

" Your Grace's faithful and humble Servants, 

Geo. London.* " R. Dunelm. 1 * 

" La. Winton. c 

Jo. ROFFBNS. d " GUIL. MENEV."e 

" From Winchester House, 
" Janv. 16, 1635." * 

a Montague. « Buckeridge. 

b Neile. c Laud. 

' Andrews. t From the Hari. MS. 7003-f. 104. 



ti 



€4 



472 Bishop Montague and hit Jcctmrt. [appendix c. 



Dr. Montague, bishop of Chichester, to the Duke of 

Buckingham. 

" May it please your Grace, 

" YOUR highness vouchsafed, at Windsor, to let me un- 

" derstand, that his majesty, my gracious master and sove- 

" reign, had taken me off from that trouble and vexation 

" which by some men's procurement I was put unto in the 

" house of commons. They, as I understand, think not so, 

" but intend to proceed against me so far as they can, as 

" having returned his majesty no other answer, but that I 

" was freed from imprisonment. It is true, that besides £0i. 

" which the serjeant had of me by exaction of fees, they 

" bound me unto him in a bond of 20002. to appear before 

" them the first day of the next sessions. I beseech your 

" Grace, that as you have been pleased to tie me unto your 

" excellent, not only self, but also most honourable sister, in 

" that bond of obligation as never was poor scholar to such 

" worthies, so you would be pleased to let his majesty's servant 

" be left unto himself especially, for that which was authorized 

" by himself, and commanded by his father, my late master, 

" of ever blessed memory. If his majesty will be pleased to 

" call for their accusations against me, if I do not really and 

" thoroughly answer whatever is or can bo imputed to me 

" out of my books, I will no further desire favour and pro- 

" tection of his majesty and your gracious self, but be will- 

" ingly left unto my enemies. I must crave pardon for pre- 

" suming thus to trouble your Grace, the rather because, 

" through a grievous affliction of the colic and stone, I am 

" not able personally to attend your Grace, whom, according 

" unto my most bounden duty, I daily recommend unto the 

" Almighty, being more obliged unto your noble self than 

" ever to any one. 

" So remaining, 

" Most humbly at your Grace's service ever, 

" Ri. Montague." 
" Pctworth, July 29," [1628.] 



Bishop Montague and his Accuser*. 478 



Extracted from his book entitled " The Gagger Gagged? 

"1. If any, or all the papists living, can prove, that the 
" Roman church, as it now stands in opposition to the church 
" of England, is either the catholic Church of Christ, or a 
" sound member of the catholic church, 

" I will subscribe. 

" &. If any, or all the papists living, can prove unto me, 
" that the church of England, as it standeth at this day, is 
" not a true member of the catholic church, 

" I will subscribe. 

" 8. If any, or all the papists living, can prove unto me, 
" that any one point at this day maintained by the church of 
" Borne against the church of England, was the received doc- 
" trine of the catholic church, or concluded by any general 
•" council, or particular approved council, or resolved of by 
" any father of credit, to be such, for five hundred years at 
«• least after Christ, 

" I will subscribe. 



" Bi. Montague. 



* Hurl. MS. 7000. f. 106. Orig. Printed in the Cabala, p. no. 



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INDEX. 



Aaron, a citizen of Caerleon, mar- 
tyred, i. 55. 

Abbesses no baronesses, though 
holding baronies, iii. 327. 

Abbevile, i. 416. 

Abbey-church, several parts in, iii. 

307- 
Abbeys, prodigality in building and 

endowing, i. 353. multitudes of 
them causeth the Danish inva- 
sion, 353. history of in England, 
iii. 247. superstition a funda- 
mental fault in all, 252. built on 
the sand of superstition, ib. Peter- 
borough abbey founded to expiate 
murder, 253. Middleton abbey 
being on the same, ib. engrossed 
trade, impoverished parish priests, 
encouraged offenders, 295. offi- 
cers and officines of, 301. conve- 
nient to dispose youngest children 
in, 333. eminent instance of this, 

t34- presages of their ruin, 342. 
rst stroke at the root of, 347. 
objection of covetousness against, 
though not answered, evaded by 
archbishop Chichele, 348. mitred, 
to whom their sites were granted, 
and by whom they are possessed 
at this day, £04. country ones 
largest in profit, 509. 
Abbot, George, master of Univer- 
sity college, Oxford, 1507* ii. 192. 
archbishop of Canterbury, 190. 
one of the translators of the Bi- 
ble, v. 373. casually kills a keeper, 
484. severe proceedings against 
him, vi. 42. his character, 45. ac- 
counted no great friend to the 
clergy, 46. accused for the fautor 
of malecontents, ib. 



Abbot, Henry, bishop of Carlisle, 
death of, v. 444. 

Abbot, Robert, master of Balliol 
college, 1609, ii. 190. appointed 
fellow of Chelsea college, v. 390. 
bishop of Salisbury, ii. 1 90. death 
and character of, v. 447. 

Abbot, office of, iii. 301. 

Abbots, list of those who signed the 
Articles of 1536, iii. 159. farmers, 
tanners, and brewers, 297. rob 
parish vicars by appropriations, 
ib. and other priests by exemp- 
tion from tithes, 298. numerous 
abbots summoned to parliament, 
322. who afterwards decline their 
troublesome service, ib. their num- 
ber summoned to parliament con- 
tracted to twenty-six bv Edward 
the Third, 323. doubtful barons 
among, 324. seniority not observ- 
ed in the summons to parliament, 
328. nor ranked by their wealth, 
%b. excellent landlords, 337. and 

• admirable housekeepers, 338. ob- 
jection against their hospitality 
answered, 339. 

Abdy, Robert, master of Balliol 
College, 1477, ii. 190. 

Abdy, Robert, esq., of London, 
Second Century of the Church 
History dedicated to, i. 25. 
arms, ib. 

Abel, John, merchant of London, 
bountiful to the necessities of the 
exiles, iv. 229. 

Abel, Thomas, hanged for denying 
the king's supremacy, iii. 193. 

Abell, or Abel, 1. 409. 

Abiathar, priest, his case alluded to, 
iv. 281. 



476 



INDEX. 



Abingdon, abbey of, its value at the 
dissolution, lii. 329. arms of, 
402. 

Abingdon, monastery of, large pri- 
vileges conferred on, by Kenul- 
phus, i. 265, sqq. 

Abingdon, Thomas Rowland, alias 
Pentecost, abbot of, signs the Ar- 
ticles of 1536, iii. 159. 

Abingdon, Henry, warden of Mer- 
ton college, Oxford, 1422, ii. 202. 
benefactor to, 203. 

Abjuration, solemn form of, ii. 378. 
some observations on, 380. 

Absolution, king James s opinion 
respecting, v. 269. is clear from 
all abuse or superstition as used 
in the church of England, 271. 

Abyngdon, or de Habendon, Pet., 
warden of Merton college, Ox- 
ford, ii. 202. 

Accusations not to be believed in 
full latitude, v. 93. 

Achard, i. 426. 

Ackland, sir John, benefactor to 
Exeter college, Oxford, ii. 266. 

Acres, or Ptolemais, the grave- 

J general of the Christians, ii. 122. 
amnanus, writer of the life of St. 
Colman, i. 203 note ". 

Adams, John, a poor tailor of Lon- 
don, burnt, iii. 210. 

Adams, Thomas, of London, dedi- 
cation of Eighth Century of the 
Church History to, i. 241 . arms, ib. 

Adbaston, parsonage of, its annual 
value in Richard the Second's 
time, ii. 350. 

Adderbury, parsonage of, its annual 
value in 1379, ii. 351. 

Adelfius, bishop, appears at the 
council of Aries, i. 67. 

Adelwared, a monk of Glassenbury, 
i. 97. 

Admonition, a soft word in the com- 
mon, but especially in the scrip- 
ture acceptation thereof, iv. 382. 

"Admonition to the Nobility and 
People of England," this book 
gave great offence to queen Eliza- 
beth, v. 136 note. 

Adoniiah and Solomon, difference 
in their breeding, iv. 3. 

Adoration towards the altar disliked 
by many, vi. 109. 

Adrian IV., pope, (Nicholas Break- 
speare,) his election to the pope- 



dom, ii. 88 and note *. 
respecting his death, 89 and note* 

Adultery, sin of, remarks on, ii. 215. 

iEdilwalch, king of the South Sax- 
ons, christened, i. 227. 

iEgidius, a Spanish cardinal, his 
character of bishop Grouthead, 
ii. 182, 3. 

iElfjgiva, her bounty to St. Dunstan, 

iElfntn, second wife to king Edgar, 
builds the nunnery of Ambres- 
bury, iii. 254. 

Mile, King of the South Saxons, i. 93. 

iEthelbert, king of the West Saxons, 
his prayer — victory, i. 300. heart- 
broken with grief, 301. 

iEthelbyrht, king, death o£ i. 175. 

iEtheldrith, see Audrey. 

iEthelfrith, king of Northumber- 
land, i. 154, 156. dangerously 
wounded, 160. 

iEthilheah, abbot of Canterbury, i. 
281. 

iEthelheard, bishop of Canterbury, 
the bearer of a letter to pope Leo, 
i. 279. on his return home calls a 
synod at Cloves-ho, 280. 

iEtdelhelm, priest of London, i. 
281. 

iEtheling, Edgar, son to Edward the 
Outlaw, why passed by by the 
English nobility, on the death of 
Edward the Confessor, i. 395. but 
chosen king by a party after the 
death of Harold, ib. note c . 

iEthelred, king, succeeds Edward 
the Martyr, 1. 356. suspected of 
being accessory to the murder of 
his brother, xb. unreadiness of, 
advantageth the Danes, 361, but 
see note b . 

iEthelstan, king, many councils held 
in his reign, 1. 327. 

iEthelwolphus, king, his universal 
grant of tithe to the church, i. 286. 
journey to Rome, and bounty to 
the pope, 293. 

Agantez 1. 432. 

Agazzari, Alphonso, rector of the 
college of Rome, 1579, iv. 351. 

Agilon, G , i. 429. 

" Agnus Dei's," what they signify, 
iii. 96. 

Agricola, son of Severian, a bishop, 
a principal spreader of Pelagian- 
ism in Britain, i. 79. 



INDEX. 



477 



Aguleyne, I. i. 429. 

Agulis, i. 431. 

Axruloun, i. 431 . 

Animaaz, only tells David what he 
knew would please him, v. 242. 
imitated by those historians, who 
leave that unwritten which they 
suspect will be unwelcome, v. 243. 

Ahithophel, his counsel though good 
in itself, yet not at some seasons, 
iv. 325. 

Aidan, commendation of, i. 203. dis- 
sents from the Romish church in 
the celebration of Easter, ib. 

Aielard, i. 426. 

Aigle, Euguemont de 1', or Laigle, 
1. 421. 

Aincourt, i. 409. 

Airy, Henry, provost of Queen's col- 
lege, Oxford, 1599, ii. 294. 

Akeny, i. 409. 

Akine, i. 426. 

Alard, i. 426. 

Alban. the British St. Stephen, how 
a citizen of Rome, i. 48. manner 
of his conversion, ib. miraculous 
martyrdom of, 49. contention 
about his body, 86, 7. his body 
enshrined, 274. 

Alban'8, St., abbey of, foundation 
of, i. 276. Robert Cattons abbot 
of, signs the Articles of 1536, iii. 
150. takes place above all other 
abbots after the prior of Jerusa- 
lem, 327. value of at the dissolu- 
tion, 329. arms of, 404. by and 
to whom granted, in consideration 
of what tenure and value of, 507. 

Albemarle, i. 426. 

Albenv, i. 409. 

Albeuile, i. 409. 

Alcocson, Humphrey, resides at 
Strasburg, iv. 206. 

Alcuinus, or Albinus, confuteth 
image- worship, i. 277. 

Aldheun, first bishop of Sherbom, 
i. 245. and the first of our nation 
who wrote in Latin, 246. 

Aldrich, Thomas, of Mangreen-hall, 
compelled to be present at Rett's 
councils, iv. 44 note. 

Aldrydg, or Aldridge, archdeacon 
of Colchester, signs the Articles 
of 1536, iii. 159. provost of Eton 
college, 1537, afterwards bishop 
of Chichester, ii. 454. 

Alduulf, bishop of Canterbury, i. 281 . 



Aldwardbury c. Pulton, church of> 
its annual value in 1379* ii* 350. 

Alesia, fifth prioress of Clerkenwell, 
iii. 288. 

Alexander VI., pope, acquaints 
Henry VII. with the requisites of 
a canonization, ii. 503. 

Alexander, the gaoler of Newgate, 
cruel to his prisoners, iv. ig§. 

Alford, Hugh, resident at Frankfort- 
on-the-Maine, in queen Mary's 
time, iv. 207. 

Alfred, king, his exemplary charac- 
ter, i. 302. as a fiddler discovereth 
the Danish designs, 303. the 
university first founded by him at 
Oxford, 305. King's hall founded 
by, 307. scholars' maintenance out 
of his exchequer, 31 1. council kept 
by* 3*5- preface to canons made 
by him, ib. death of, 317. 

Algar, count, aChristian Saxon, i.296. 

Alnmund, bishop of Winchester, i. 
281. 

Alien Priories, original of, iii. 348. 
of two natures, 351. their disso- 
lution, 352. 

Alienation of bishops' lands, emi- 
nent instances of, v. 321. 

Aliens debarred from holding bene- 
fices, ii. 349. 

All Souls' college, Oxford, founded, 
ii. 448. 

Allen, Dr., disorder committed by 
him and Cromwell, in the sup- 
pression of monasteries, one 
great cause of Wolsey's fall, iii. 
23 note ib. slain in Ireland, 358. 
account of him, ib. note J. 

Allen, Edmund, Leo Jude's Exposi- 
tion on the Revelations translated 
by him, iv. 13 note. 

Allen, Mr., attends meetings of the 
nonconformists in London and 
Cambridge, v. 164. 

Allen, Rose, her hand first burnt, 
and then her body, iv. 196. 

Allen, William, cardinal, of Oriel 
college, Oxford, ii. 269. rector 
and principal procurer and found- 
er of Douay college, iv. 350. 
death and character of, v. 202, 
and see note?, p. 203. he with 
sir Francis Inglefield obtains of 
pope Gregory XIII. thirteen in- 
dulgences for the English nation, 
iv. 397. 



478 



INDEX. 



_ m 

Alley, William, bishop of Exeter, 

death of, iv. 379. 
Alphage, archbisnop of Canterbury, 

killed by the Danes, i. *66. 
Alphonso de Quinones, a benefactor 
. to the college of Valladolid, iv. 

353* 
Alston, Thomas, esq., commissioner 

for rating ecclesiastical prefer* 

ment8 in Cheshire, iii. 168. 

Alta Ripa, Radulphus de, archdea- 
con of Colchester, ii. 12*. 

Altar, as applied to the Lord's board, 
or communion table, controversy 
about, vi. no. 

Altar, sacrament of the, iii. 152. the 
greatest snare to Protestants, iv. 

195- 
Altars, number of in St. Paul's, iii. 

472. ordered to be pulled down, 

iv. 57. first removed was that of 

St. Paul's, ib. note. 

Alvey, Henry, third provost of Dub- 
lin university, v. 176. 

Alwerbury, church of, with chapels 
of Patten and Farld, annual value 
of in 1307, ii. 351. 

Amaline, Peter, ii. 241. 

Amay, i. 409. 

Ambresbury nunnery, built by Ml- 
frith second wife to king Edgar, 
iii. 254. 

Ambrose, St., angry with mortmain, 
ii. 206. 

Amerenge8, i. 409. 

Amersham, Bucks., the rendezvous 
of God's children in the time of 
Henry VII., iii. 8. 

Amile, i. 426. 

Amouerduile,or Amonerduile, i. 400. 

Amphibalu8, difference about his 
name, i. 51,8a. cruel manner of his 
martyrdom, 52. vain fancies con- 
cerning the stake of, 53. 

Ararie, Mr., sheriff of Chester, cruel 
to Mr. George Marsh, iv. 197. 

Amundivile, i. 426. 

Anabaptists, are but Donatists new 
dipped, iii. 175. two burnt in 
Smithfield, ib. and iv. 390. inso- 
lence of, vi. 180. 

"Anatomy of Nuns of Lisbon," a 
book published byThomas Robin- 
son, hi. 406. 

Andate, or Andraste, the goddess of 
victory among the Britons, i. 2. 

Andeuile, i. 409. 



Andrewes, Lancelot, dean of West- 
minster, employed in the confer- 
ence at Hampton-court, v. 266. 
and in the translation of the Pen- 
tateuch, and from Joshua to the 
first book of Chronicles exclu- 
sively, 370. made bishop of Win- 
chester, death and character o& 
vi. 38 and note ib, unjustly accused 
ofcovetou8ness,40. and supersti- 
tion, ib. causelessly chargea with 
affectation in his sermons, ib. 

Andrewes, Dr. Richard, warden of 
All Souk' college, Oxford, 1437, 
ii. 449. 

Andrewes, Roger, master of Jesus 
college, Cambridge, one of the 
translators of the Bible, v. 372. 

Andvile, i. 426. 

Angenoun, or Angernoun, i. 409. 

Angers, or Awgers, i. 409. 

Angilliaxn, i. 409. 

Angon, R. de, i. 439. 

Anian, Thomas, president of Corpus 
Christi college, Oxford, iii. 10. 

Annade Espinosa, donna, benefactor 
to the college of Seville, iv. 354. 

Annals of Ulster, their authority not 
to be contemned, i. 159. 

Annates, what they were, iii. 07. 

Anne of Cleves, why divorced from 
king Henry VIII., iii. 175. re- 
parations made her by the king, 
176. 

Anne, queen of James I., her an- 
swer to the corporation of Ripon, 
v. 326. 

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, 
ii. 40. refuses to send king Rums 
1000/., 41. variance between him 
and king Rums, 44. summons a 
synod at Westminster, 55. insti- 
tutions of, ib. and seqq. refuses to 
consecrate the king's bishops, 62. 
is 6ent to Rome, 63. forbids 
priests' marriage, 65. dieth re ta- 
fecta of priests divorces, 70. See 
note, p. 40. sainted through the 
means of archbishop Morton, 506. 

Anselm, or Mounslow, Richard, 
abbot of Winchcomb, signs the 
Articles of 1536, iii. 159. 

Anselm, father, of Manchester, a 
Benedictine, sent to Rome, v. 98. 

Anuay, i. 409. 

Apocrypha, certain books first so 
called by St. Jerome, v. 290. 



INDEX. 



479 



Apollo, styled Belinus the Great, by 
the Britons, i. 2. 

Apollonia, St., teeth of, said to cure 
the tooth-ache, iii. 425. command 
of Edward VI. that they should 
be brought to a public officer, ib. 
number of, ib. 

Apparel, excess in restrained, ii. 300. 

Appeals reserved to himself by pope 
Paul HI., iii. 98. 

** Appello Csesarein," a book set forth 
by Mr. Montague, vi. 16. account 
of, 18 note. 

Appetot, H. de, i. 430. 

Apprentices, London, assault the 
bishops, vi. 218. 

Aquensis, meaning of the word, ii. 
4*9 note. 

Archdeacons, list of those who signed 
the Articles of 1536, iii. 159, 160. 

Arche, Richardus, procurator for the 
clergy and chapter of Salisbury, 
signs the Articles of 1536, iii. 160. 

Archer, lady Anne, Section VIII. of 
Book IX. dedicated to her, v. 194. 

Archer, sir Simon, of Tamworth, 
Battel abbey rolls dedicated to, i. 
402. his arm