A
Churchill
Reader
(Photograph "I he Times)
SIR WINSTON CHURCHILL IN THE CABINET ROOM
ON HIS SEVENTY -NINTH BIRTHDAY
A
Churchill
Reader
The Wit and Wisdom
of Sir Winston Churchill
Constructed from his own sayings and writings
and framed with an introduction by
COLIN R. GOOTE
with the collaboration of
P. D. BUNYAN
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY BOSTON
S&toettfoe $te*g Cambridge
1 954
Copyright, 1954, by Colin K. Coote
All riglits reserved including the right to ie produce this
book or parts thereof in any foim
Library of Congress catalogue card number: 54-10086
The selections from Great Contemporaries; copyright, 1937, by
Winston Churchill; are used by permission of the publishers,
G. P. Putnam s Sons.
The selections from Amid These Storms by Winston Churchill;
copyright, 1932, by Charles Scribner s Sons; are used by permis
sion of the publishers.
The selections from The World Crisis by Winston Churchill;
copyright, 1923, 1927, 1929, 1931, by Charles Scnbner s Sons;
are used by pet mission of the publishers.
CAMBRIDGE! MASSACHUSETTS
PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
Preface
OEVEN YEARS AGO, when Sir Winston Churchill was a mere
lad of seventy-three, I compiled a short anthology of his max
ims and reflections. Since then many more such sayings have
come from his pen and his tongue; he has many more achieve
ments to his credit, including that of becoming Prime Minis
ter for the third time; and he has entered on his eightieth
year. These circumstances combined to suggest that an ex
pansion of the original quotations and a revision of the in
troductory disquisition on Sir Winston s personality might
not be untimely. It is true that he is not the sort of man
who excites differences of appraisal from year to year; and
I do not feel any urge to vary the essence of what I wrote in
1947.
The classification of quotations is no easier now than it
was then. A person s life may be divided into stages less con
troversially than his sayings into subjects. I have, however,
thought it fair to diminish the quotations relevant to dead
issues, such as Indian constitutional reform, and to increase
those which have a bearing on problems still alive today.
VI PREFACE
I am indebted to G. P. Putnam s Sons, Charles Scribner s
Sons, and Houghton Mifflin Company for permission to
quote from various works of Sir Winston Churchill, pub
lished by them.
To Sir Winston himself, I am most grateful for approving
and endorsing this revision of my earlier work,
COLIN COOTE
January 1, 1954
Contents
Preface v
Introduction by Colin R. Coote 1
1 On Himself 30
2 On His Dislikes 68
3 On Russia 84
4 On His Likes 101
5 On Parliament and Parties 120
6 On Policies and Politics 142
7 A Political Miscellany 167
8 On the English Language 183
9 On War 194
Viii CONTENTS
10 On Men in War 220
11 On Battles and Weapons 234
12 On Socialism and Socialists 260
13 On Britain and the Empire 282
14 On the Monarchy 316
15 On India 321
16 On Foreigners 332
17 On America 360
18 On Human Conduct 376
Index 407
A
Churchill
Reader
Introduction
HEN by sheer luck I was pitchforked from the trenches
into Parliament thirty-six years ago, the first statesman whom
I met personally was Sir Winston Churchill. It was a gather
ing of prospective Coalition Liberal candidates before the
election of 1918. A slightly bent figure, with a slightly echo
ing articulation, gave us a few words of greeting and of
exhortation.
This young man of forty-five had already been a highly
controversial figure for twenty years. My sympathies even
then were all with him. Before the war only Lloyd George
had outshone him in Liberal eyes. During the war, whatever
the high-ups may have thought, the soldiery and the subal
terns felt in their bones that the Gallipoli venture was right.
Yet he had already passed through some of those strange
variations in popular affection which it was his fate to en
counter throughout life. It is curious to reflect, for example,
that when he was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty in
1911, nervousness was prevalent in the "blue-water school."
The reason was that he was his father s son; and it was
2 A CHURCHILL READER
remembered, when much else was forgotten, that Lord
Randolph had resigned office on the issue of economy in the
fighting services. That was the "tattered flag* which, in his
first speech in Parliament, young Winston had spoken of
raising again. Oblivious therefore of the intermediate evolu
tion of the German menace, men rather expected that the
new First Lord would skin the Navy.
The songs of the people often reflect a popular mood better
than the most erudite histories; and one song, dating from
1911, ran somewhat as follows:
Don t let us scrap the British Navy!
Don t let us scrap our men of war!
What do we care if the income-tax is five bob in the pound,
We can owe it as we ve always done before.
Let Winston say ta-ta to the totems he adores,
But never to the gallant tars what guard our native shores.
He can scrap his bowlers, boaters, toppers, Homburgs and
velours
But he mustn t never scrap the British Navy.
The mention of "five bob" as an incredibly astronomical
rate of income tax is not the only feature which will excite
a wry grin. The song s Aunt Sally was the very man to whom
Kitchener could say five years later: "One thing they cannot
take from you the Fleet was ready/
These early stages on the long journey from enfant terrible
to elder statesman are not the least fascinating. They gave
him the label "impulsive" which he has always found it im
possible to unstick. He has not tried very hard to unstick it,
and with reason, for what was intended as a slur has proved,
by and large, to be a compliment. There can be no strong
pulse in a man without that very characteristic of impulsive
ness, which is not synonymous with unbalance.
INTRODUCTION 3
To admire trimmers is like admiring a motorcar without
an engine. The tires look lovely, but they don t turn. "Tran
quillity " is a slogan on which at least one Government in our
time has been returned to power. "Tranquillity" indeed!
There is nothing more tranquil than the grave. "I will never
stifle myself in such a moral and intellectual sepulchre/
exclaimed Sir Winston anent the " tranquillity" Government
of 1922. He certainly never has; and if some drops from his
cataract of impulses have been unproductive, the main body
of it has been like the Niagara and the Victoria Falls com
bined, generating a fertilising electricity in men s minds and
actions.
The purpose of this book is to show in and from his own
words what he is, as a man, as a statesman, as an orator, and
as a writer. It may therefore seem superfluous that I should
try in this introduction to add one more to the many assess
ments made of him by others. But it has been my duty, as a
professional journalist for thirty years, to do so continuously,
refreshed by an acquaintance extending over that period
and to me from the very first moment stimulating and
fascinating. It was never possible to approach him, as jour
nalists so often approach politicians, with some degree of
scepticism! Even when you thought him mistaken, his
sincerity and capacity blazed out at you like a lighthouse.
His light to his friends has indeed almost invariably been a
guiding beam and not a will-o -the-wisp.
It is one, and one only, of the characteristics of great men
that they arouse extremes of affection and of hostility.
Charles James Fox ploughed a lonely oflficeless furrow for
twelve years, subject to the unrivalled rancour of the majority
but sustained by the devoted affection of a few friends. No
statesman in our history seems to me to bear a closer analogy
to Sir Winston, and had he lived to Sir Winston s age, the
4 A CHURCHILL READER
analogy might have been closer still. But of course the
capacity to evoke such extremes of hostility and of adulation
is no complete criterion of true greatness. Quite inferior
types have clawed their way to eminence and had their season
of splendour, only to reveal shoddiness and squalor in defeat.
It is, perhaps, a peculiarity of the British race that it has
often indulged in affection for nonentities, but never sur
rendered its soul to third-class tyrants. Others, of course,
have. The most extraordinary case is not that of Hitler or
of Mussolini. There was a certain Francesco Lopez, Dictator of
Paraguay, who fought all his neighbours for twenty years
until the proportion of men to women among his people
was one to twenty. The story of so many "great" careers
illustrates the gullibility of followers rather than the genius
of leaders. For my part, I think the calibre of a statesman is
shown less by how he behaves in triumph than by how he
behaves in adversity.
Sir Winston s claim to greatness is that he has achieved a
towering eminence in spite of a usually preponderating and
always latent unpopularity. This hostility has always puzzled
and pained him, though he has borne its manifestations with
resilient composure. Only twice, I think, in his career has
any cry of despair escaped from him. The first was when
he was hounded from office after the Gallipoli failure; the
second was when he heard of Mr. Eden s resignation in 1937.
The first was wrung from him by blatant injustice, not so
much towards himself as towards the one fertile strategic idea
which emerged during the First World War. The second
was prompted by the knowledge that Mr. Eden was the only
prominent member of the Chamberlain Government who
shared and strove for his conception of the German danger,
His resignation meant a Second World War, which we were
more than likely to lose.
INTRODUCTION 5
Sir Winston has never thought or said that the British
people were not good enough to appreciate him when they
have turned against him. That sort of reaction belongs to
the Hitlers and Mussolinis of this world. He has, I think,
in spite of an astonishing versatility, a stark simplicity of
mind. Until the age of twenty, when he began to educate
himself, he had repulsed every attempt to give him academic
instruction. But he had learned a code of conduct, which it
is, perhaps, the main purpose of education to provide. Never
whine in defeat. Never gloat in victory. As he has put it him
self, "In war, Resolution. In defeat, Defiance. In victory,
Magnanimity. In Peace, Goodwill."
Let us take him first as a writer. The being who, in his first
written examination, could find nothing to fill the page
except his name, has just completed a book of about a million
words in eight years, in spite of the distractions of being
Leader of the Opposition, Prime Minister, and a world
figure. He has also found time during the same period for
some farming, painting, and horse-racing. Neither his work
nor his pastimes have been unsuccessful.
They have given him the one thing essential to a writer,
namely, background. You may write with the vocabulary
of men and of angels, but if you have not background, it
profits you nothing. I suppose the fictional character of the
"strong silent man" does exist in fact; but in my experience
strong men are not silent. If they are strong it is because,
like Odysseus, they have seen many cities of men and known
their minds. Faced with any given situation, they know
what to do, and the expression of it wells out of them in
words; and the best way to get ideas in order is to put them
down on paper.
Sir Winston was not born with the capacity to do so. He
could always talk, but he could not write. I have often
6 A CHURCHILL READER
noticed that the two capacities seldom go together. The
rousing orator is liable to be a flat writer. The reason may
well be that you cannot transpose into writing variations of
tone, of expression, of gesture. The orator is essentially an
actor, the writer is a playwright. It is one of Sir Winston s
titles to fame that he has succeeded in combining the two
capacities.
One misfortune of his success is that whenever a schoolboy
is caught out in a piece of peculiarly crass ignorance, he can
round on his indignant parents by quoting Sir Winston s
example. The parent can only hope that the example will
be followed beyond adolescence; but that is not very likely.
For Sir Winston had several spurs, peculiar to himself,
towards producing the change of interests which took place
when he was a cavalry subaltern at Bangalore. First and
foremost, of course, was admiration for a father, remote,
talented, unfortunate, and wronged. It is quite certain that,
viewing the golden happiness of Lord Randolph s beginnings
and the leaden misery of his end, the son formed the ambition
to vindicate and even to avenge.
In the second place, his mind had never been unfertile. It
was restless; not lazy. The catchcrops of soldiering and of
polo could not for ever be the only growths from so rich a
soil. He must be a dull dog indeed who has not tried his
youthful hand at writing and shuddered in after years at
the doggerel and cliches which such attempts produced.
Writing is, after all, one of the few methods by which man
can respond to his innate hope of being remembered. "When
I am dead, I hope it may be said: His sins were scarlet, but
his books were read/ " Belloc s epigram succinctly states
our aspirations after immortality. But writing is something
which has to be learned. It simply is not true, as many of
my correspondents seem to think, that a capacity to write
is innate and exists in those who have manifested no other
INTRODUCTI ON 7
sign of capacity. It requires a frustrating and lengthy ap
prenticeship. It requires a great sensibility to the sound and
music of words. For words even if only written can and
should ring in the auditorium of the mind, and prose has a
cadence as well as verse. Every competent journalist knows
that though a sentence may be grammatically correct, it can
sound clumsy and ugly. It can look as wrong as a misspelt
word. You have to learn to write tunefully just as you have
to learn to spell correctly.
At this point, I ask pardon for interpolating a prejudice.
I consider that to compose on a typewriter greatly increases
the difficulty of good writing. In the first place, a typewriter
is the refuge of those too slovenly to write in a legible hand
and good handwriting is a lovely thing. In the second place
(unless, of course, you copy on a typewriter what you have
written out first), the use of a machine seems to me to militate
against finding the right word, against good phrasing, and
even against grammar. "The structure of the English sen
tence is a noble thing," Sir Winston once wrote. So is the
structure of an arterial road; and both are spoiled by ribbon
development. Writers in English are lucky. They possess
an instrument in the English tongue which, though terse and
strong, is also flexible and variegated. For example, English
lyric poetry, though it borrows its forms, is supreme in its
music. There are many English lyrics, and many pieces of
English prose, which arouse in the reader the emotions felt
by Keats on dipping into Chapman s translation of Homer
a sort of ecstatic thrill compounded of awe and a desire for
emulation.
Sir Winston possessed this sensibility at an early age. The
sonorous tones of Gibbon and Macaulay found an echo in his
mind. Having begun reading, largely out of self-reproach
for the academic years which the locust had eaten, he became
fascinated and enthralled by what he read. Gibbon, as Sir
8 A CHURCHILL READER
Arthur Conan Doyle in one of his less-known books once said,
gives the impression of serenely floating upon a cloud and
watching pygmies hurrying and scurrying about below. That
alone tickles the fancy of self-confident young people. Speak
ing again from personal experience, I find that most of the
writing submitted by youthful contributors is an unconscious
parody of Gibbon, with robustness deteriorated into ro
tundity. Only occasionally does the exhilaration produced
by a great writer produce the retention of his qualities
coupled with something new and individual. That happened
in the case of Sir Winston. Whatever traces of other men s
styles appear in his writings, they have a style of their own.
Let me give one example his verdict on the Margrave of
Baden.
"His military epitaph for all time must be that the two
greatest captains of the age . . . rated, by actions more ex
pressive than words, his absence from a decisive battlefield
well worth 15,000 men/
The roll of the sentence is Gibbonian, but the humour is
infinitely more subtle and cleaner.
That does not mean that Sir Winston Churchill is in
variably original. Nobody soaked in history ever is; and since
history repeats itself, historians are liable to repeat each
other. Thus when, in the dark hours of May 1940, he was
called upon to champion an apparently collapsing cause, his
mind went back to Garibaldi, similarly about to set out on
a fearful and desperate journey. So he echoed Garibaldi s
words to his followers and offered us nothing but "blood,
toil, tears, and sweat." Or again, when he first became Prime
Minister in an hour of impending doom, he thought of old
Clemenceau, as he was being asked, "What is your
policy?"; and of Clemenceau s reply, "Je fais la guerre." And
there was a famous passage in a later speech about "fighting
on the beaches, in the hills, in the streets," which echoed
INTRODUCTION V
Clemenceau s defiance in 1918, "I shall fight in front of Paris,
within Paris, behind Paris."
I have spoken of the music of words, and of how that music
can be transmuted from the spoken to the written word.
Let me give one more example from Sir Winston s great war
speeches. They have the quite unusual quality of reading
as well as they sounded. Indeed, as Sir Norman Angell has
pointed out, they fall naturally into the vers libre of the
Psalms. Similarly his writings, if you speak them aloud,
sound as well as they read. That is as it should be, though it
rarely is. For writing was originally a transcript of sound.
The "thunder of the Odyssey" is a true description, though
I do not suppose anybody has recited Homer for centuries.
You can hear the horn of Roland sounding in the dolorous
pass when you read his Song.
In Sir Winston s case the relationship between the written
and the spoken word is easily explained. His method of pre
paring a speech is or, for a long time, was to write it
out and learn it by heart. His method of writing is to dictate,
and revise the result, not merely once but as many times as
are necessary for the writing to satisfy him. It might be
thought that this would involve late delivery of copy, which,
in a writer, is the unforgivable sin. But in my experience
he has never committed it. After delivery of the first proofs,
there is generally a massive sequence o overtakes and quite
often a substantial piece of rewriting. But all arrive in time.
He has himself castigated unpunctuality as intolerable rude
ness, and he satisfies the definition of a gentleman as one
who is never unintentionally rude. There is very great
versatility in his writing. He is not, of course, a journalist
in the day-to-day professional sense, but he started his literary
career as a war correspondent in the spacious days when sub
editors were grammarians rather than executioners, and he
regularly wrote feature articles for years. To write such
10 A CHURCHILL READER
articles requires a technique wholly different from that of a
writer of books; though they can be, and Sir Winston was one
of the first to do so, tailored into a book. To both the lesser
and the greater tasks he devotes equal care, and in both he
has achieved success. Those who work for him on the prep
aration either of articles or of books must not expect that
they will be allowed to be "ghost writers" people who
write something that somebody else signs. I still remember
rather ruefully an occasion, years and years ago, when I was
asked to help in the preparation of a certain article. Im
mensely flattered, I produced not information but an article
itself, written in a combination of the styles of Carlyle,
Chesterfield, and (as I thought) Churchill. The article ap
peared; but not a comma of it was mine. That was editorship
indeedl
There is, however, one form of writing in which he has
never indulged. Not a single poem has ever been attributed
to him; and that is strange in one with so deep a sense of
rhythm. He has, moreover, a most capacious memory for
poetry, and I have heard him repeat on the spur of the
moment verses as appropriate to the occasion as his quotations
from Clough ("Westward, look, the land is bright") in a
famous wartime speech. (Sir Winston was referring in a dark
hour to the hope and help to be expected from America.) It
is queer that one with such a fine taste in words should not
have tried his hand at serious verse. His only indulgence in
verse of any kind which I can recall is a neat little couplet,
urging that the Big Three should get down to business.
No more let us alter or falter or palter.
From Malta to Yalta, and Yalta to Malta.
He has tried it at every form of prose writing the full-
length history; the biography (at which, as he has shown
INTROD UCTION 11
both in Lord Randolph Churchill and Marlborough, he is
outstanding); the autobiography; the feature article; the
character sketch; and, last but not least, that more airy form
of writing, sometimes called a vignette, in which a picture is
drawn of a hobby or an incident outside the ordinary run of
a man s life. Such a work, for example, is Painting as a
Pastime.
There is one other lacuna in his activities which will
strike the English, at least, as curious. So far as I know, he
has never struck a golf ball, kicked a football, or bowled a
cricket ball. This may be, to some extent, due to an early
accident at polo; but no game except polo has ever greatly
appealed to him. Fencing (which hardly ranks as a game)
was an accomplishment at which, as a boy at Harrow, he
was an expert enough to carry off the foils championship.
But he did not pursue this sport into adult life. For the rest,
he has deliberately preferred such recreations as building,
riding, and in later life painting; and even in the
matter of riding, there is no trace of him in the hunting field.
Much of what has been said about him as a writer applies to
him as an orator. That must, of course, follow from a habit
of writing speeches and of speaking writings. The technique
which he employs is very much the same. There is first of all
the careful build-up of relevant information, presented with
enough embellishment of phrase to attract and to hold the
interest of the uninstructed, and enough profundity of
knowledge to impress the expert. Then there is a pause,
more evident in speech than in writing, though a reader can
sense the pen quivering just as the audience can see the eye
twinkling. Finally, out it comes a phrase or a word sum
marising what he has had in mind all through the prepara
tory period. I give one example not for the argument,
which is hotly disputed by naval opinion, but for the style.
His account of the Battle of Jutland begins with a wealth of
12 A CHURCHILL READER
soberly marshalled technical detail. The frightful clash of
the steel monsters, with their armaments so powerful as to
make the impact of their shells even on steel casing like "hit
ting an eggshell with a hammer/ is dramatically described.
He lists, at each of the three climacterics of the engagement,
the courses open to the British Commander-in-Chief. He
tells how, by some fatality, not the most fruitful course was
followed upon any of the three occasions; and sums it all up
by saying simply, "Three times are a lot/ 7 As good an
example from a speech as any other is the sentence which still
surrounds like an aureole the Battle of Britain pilots: "Never
in the field of human conflict was so much owed by so many
to so few." These two examples, by the way, support Mr,
Charles Morgan s contention that he produces his effects by
the hammer strokes of short words and not by the caresses of
polysyllables.
As a speaker, Sir Winston confesses that at the beginning
of his career he could not string two sentences together with
out preparation. His maiden speech in Parliament had to
be launched by a kindly piece of prompting from a fellow
member. (Who does not know only too well that dark blank,
black as the pit from ear to ear, so to say, which descends
upon one as the Speaker utters one s name!) But practice
made perfect. For many years now there has been no greater
master of the impromptu. I recall an occasion when that
nine stone of quicksilver, Wedgwood Benn (now Lord Stans-
gate), worked himself up into a frenzy and was told, "The
honourable gentleman should not generate more indigna
tion than he can conveniently contain"; or his comment to
another short-legged member in a similarly frequent state
of ebullition, "The honourable member should not be so
ready to hop down off his perch "; or his retort to charges of
partisanship during the General Strike, "I cannot undertake
INTRODUCTION 13
to be impartial as between the Fire Brigade and the fire."
There is, moreover, one form of speaking in which Sir
Winston excels, though it is impossible to illustrate his elo
quence by citation. This is conversation talk on those
private occasions when language is given to us to reveal and
not to conceal our thoughts. The conditions requisite for
conversation are that bodies should be relaxed but minds
active; that the company should be congenial though of varied
opinions; that nobody should be in a hurry; and that there
should be a certain moderate lubrication of the inner man.
It is easy to see how the complexity of modern existence and,
more recently, the impact of rationing have destroyed the
opportunities for this fertile and fruitful form of human
intercourse. But it survives in odd corners, and those fortu
nate enough to find Sir Winston in one of them will have a
pleasant evening. "Churchill," the late President Roosevelt
is reported to have said, "has a hundred ideas a day, of
which at least four are good ideas." Well, four are a lot.
It is therefore quite untrue that the figure which he cuts
as a master of language owes everything to the corsets of
preparation. He has a natural taste for the delicacies of the
English tongue, which is, indeed, the supreme instrument
for both delicacy and indelicacy. (A case can be made out
that it is the best language in which to write lyric poetry and
the best language in which to swear.) For myself, I think that
however good the instrument and the technical use of it, the
effect of oratory depends very largely on the orator s voice.
Not only what the orator says, but how he says it is important.
It is even true today that the most effective speaker over the
radio is not the most effective to an audience. Lord Baldwin
was much better over the air than on the ground, so to say;
and if we were to revive the classical schools of rhetoric, they
might do worse than study why some disembodied voices are
14 A CHURCHILL READER
so much better than others. It is so. As for Sir Winston, he
is pretty good at both, but, in my opinion, not quite so good
over the radio. It is not the gestures that one misses, for he
uses few gestures. I think the inability to see the facial ex
pressions as he works through and up to his points is one
reason. Another may be that an audience is necessary for
some speakers to give of their best the corporative mind
reacts on the individual mind, and vice versa. Soliloquy does
not suit Sir Winston. He is, first and foremost, a House of
Commons man. Parliament is his natural platform, or grind
stone, or touchstone. Incidentally, there is no audience
which can better silence the bore or spur the brilliant.
The calibre of an orator must be assessed relatively as well
as absolutely. It has been my fate to hear (and to understand)
orators of many nations; and I have an admiration for any
body who can make a speech, because I am wholly incapable
of making one myself. I can say, therefore, with complete
objectivity that Mussolini could be a finer actor, Briand
more persuasive, Viviani more polished, Lloyd George more
witty, Lord Birkenhead more trenchant. But none of these
gave the same impression of power and sincerity as Sir
Winston. (Incidentally, I could never understand Hitler s
undoubted successes with his audiences. Goebbels was far
better.) On great occasions he does not seem to have to find
the mot juste it seems to be given to him. The quality
of oratory consists not merely in arousing emotions, but also,
if need be, in calming them. Personally, therefore, I am not
inclined to rank even his finest war speeches as necessarily
his best. Any man with any gift of speech at all would have
caught inspiration from the grimly ecstatic courage of those
times. The best speech, qua speech, is surely that which
makes head against a current. On this view the two speeches
which I would select as Sir Winston s best are that which he
INTRODUCTION 15
made in the debate on the Amritsar shooting and that which
he made on the Munich Agreement. In the first he faced a
House vehemently hostile, bored it into calmness with a dis
quisition on military law, and then caught its interest with
exactly the same arguments as those which, in another s
mouth, had roused it to fury. In the second, he had to make
head against the almost hysterical relief that war had been
averted. He gained no new converts, but he made the hysteri
cal "think it possible that they were mistaken."
There is another speech of Sir Winston s which, in racing
parlance, is worthy of a place. It was made in the debate
on the murder of Sir Henry Wilson by an Irish gunman
a debate which found the Home Secretary of the day unable
to make head against charges of inadequate security precau
tions. The Colonial Secretary, as Sir Winston then was, came
to the rescue and saved the Parliamentary day.
My last example is taken to show that at the age of seventy-
nine this capacity to disarm opponents was undiminished.
Sir Winston spoke in the foreign affairs debate on May 11,
1953. It must be remembered that one of the few jobs he has
never held is that of Foreign Secretary; that eighteen months
earlier he had been vociferously accused of being a war
monger; and that his remarks upon Communism all his life
had been as blunt as a bludgeon. The House was therefore
expecting fireworks. Instead, they got a piece of sober and
constructive reasoning, a piercing analysis of the chances of
an accommodation with the Communist world the dia
metric opposite of sabre-rattling. The astonishment evinced
by his audience only shows how profoundly his career and
his character have been misunderstood. "Peace," he said
during the election of 1951, "is the last prize I have left to
win." It is the prize which he has sought all his life; and
would often have won, had he been heeded. How it can be
16 A CHURCHILL READER
supposed that war could appeal to one with so broad a streak
of emotion and of tenderness in his character passes my com
prehension. But I suppose that it is a principle of party
politics that one s opponents should be considered not only
wrong but damned.
It is to be observed that two out of the four speeches
selected changed, the third shook, and the fourth surprised
the prevalent opinion of the House of Commons. To have
done any of these things is an achievement of which any
statesman can be proud. In an experience of Parliament
extending over nearly thirty years I can count the occasions
on which it has been done on the fingers of two hands. So
rare it is for an orator to "get beyond the guard o the English
heart." Where Sir Winston is exceptional is that there is
always a chance of his doing it. To those who may think that
the terrible difficulty of the task is a reflection on the capacity
of M.P.s, I must point out that, if it were easy, stability of
Government would become impossible; and it is precisely
in its quality of stability that the British Parliamentary
system is superior to others of the same stamp.
The last comment to be made upon Sir Winston s speeches
and writings is that though they are both mouth and brain
filling, they are immune from the jargon in which so many
State papers and statutes are couched. Nor, happily, are they
tinted with the new horror of "basic English/ though it must
be admitted that, in an odd moment, he himself toyed with
the idea of some simplification which would help English to
become an even more widespread lingua franca. Sir Win
ston s tilt against linguistic monstrosities during the war was
certainly one of the four bright ideas which he had on that
particular day. Unfortunately, the wound inflicted by his
lance was not mortal, but the recovery of the Goliath of de-
partmentalese does not detract from the merit of Sir Win-
INTRODUCTION 17
ston s attempt to save both England and English.
How does he rank as a statesman? Well, what is a states
man? It is, as usual, much easier to define what he is not than
what he is. Aristotle defined him as a man of a great soul; but
that is an uninformative generality. He must indeed have
principles, but not necessarily fixed principles. They must,
as Sir Winston has said, be subject "to a harmonious process
which keeps them in tune with the course of events." Perhaps
he can best be defined as a man of character, with a frame of
knowledge and experience, not so clever as to be unstable,
not so dense as to be invariably stubborn. He must, as the late
Lord Morley wrote, possess "fibre." Many years ago I will
not say in whose Premiership a Frenchman remarked to
me, "How unfortunate you English are! Formerly you were
ruled by men of character. Now you are ruled by men of
brains." It is not always clever to be always clever.
To all these qualities of a statesman, Sir Winston has a
strong claim. He did what he thought right for many years,
though the consequence was living in the political wilderness.
His experience of office is quite unique and his experience
of the world hardly less. In his veins runs the civilisation of
the Old World and the colour of the New. He has "warmed
both hands before the fire of life." He has belonged to all
parties, except the extremes; and to no party. And as for
character, there is no assembly in which he would be a nonen
tity and few in which he would not be outstanding.
Are these claims to statesmanship at all impaired by foibles?
Let us see. One of these foibles is the wearing of queer-shaped
hats. As the doggerel quoted earlier shows, it was this pecu
liarity which once struck most forcibly the popular conscious
ness. But hats do not matter nearly so much as what is under
neath them. Again, he smokes cigars incessantly; but since
the time of James I that has not been considered a degrading
18 A CHURCHILL READER
habit. He likes the good things of the table and of the cellar
who, except the dyspeptics and the cranks, does not? One
of the few survivals from the age of rotten boroughs is the
rotten insinuation that men in the public eye are alcoholics
unless they are teetotallers. No time need be wasted, in this
case, upon denying such a charge. Sir Winston s own words
are enough: "I have been brought up and trained to have the
utmost contempt for people who get drunk. 11
Another foible is his partiality for military history, of which
he has read, written, and made a good deal. People have de
duced therefrom that he enjoys war. On the contrary, the
true soldier has an even greater horror of war than the civil
ian, and though interested in the technical conduct of opera
tions is no less interested in the problem of how to avoid
them. There comes a point when life must be risked to save
all that makes life worth living; and then indeed battle must
be sustained up to and beyond the edge of endurance. But
until then, the soldier is no Jingo; nor is Sir Winston. Indeed,
it is his custom, when called upon to drink the loyal toast, to
add to The Queen I" the sot to voce prayer "And no war.
It has often been said that his changes of party are in them
selves a proof of volatility. His own pronouncement on the
point begs some questions, such as how far personal ideas
should be subordinated to party policy; but it makes a strong
case in a world where parties change their views more fre
quently than politicians change their party "The only way
a man can remain constant amid changing circumstances is
to change with them, while preserving the same dominating
purpose. 1 He started as a Tory; became a Liberal; then a
Coalition Liberal; then a Constitutionalist; and finally a
Tory again. But not one of these changes was due to "gen
uinely seeking work," as was so cruelly said of another states
man who changed his party. The kind of Toryism with
which *Jbe bfflan was the Torv Democracv of hw father
INTROBU CTI ON 19
gifted and tragic figure, who captured the fervent and endur
ing admiration of his son by such slender and casual contacts.
As his father s experience showed, the Tory Party at the turn
of the century was very different from the party as it is today.
Sir Winston broke with it largely upon the khaki view of the
Boer War, which was the view responsible for winning the
election of 1902. When he changed over, it was not generally
anticipated that the Liberals would prevail at the next elec
tion. He was transferring to what many thought would be the
losing side. What he did was to move to his then spiritual
home among that section of the Liberal Party known as
"Liberal Imperialists."
The fiscal controversy which developed in 1904 was not cal
culated to make him regret the change. To one who "believed
in Free Trade as in the laws of mathematics," Mr. Joseph
Chamberlain s new tariff policy was the reverse of a lodestar.
Moreover, there was, and always has been, a streak of the
social reformer in Sir Winston. He believed in bringing "the
magic of averages to the rescue of millions" and was in good
company in scorning the Tory Party s campaign against
"stamp licking." His adherence to the Lloyd Georgian rather
than to the Asquithian wing of the Liberals at the close of
the First World War was also natural. Apart from L. G.
having been the Prime Minister who won the war, they had
been close friends long before it. What is, at first sight, aston
ishing is that the Conservative leaders who had refused only
two years earlier to enter any Government of which he was a
member should have accepted him in the postwar Coalition
as a valued colleague. The reason was, of course, that a new
political alignment had emerged. The old Radical tail of the
Liberal dog, under the new and masterly name of the Labour
Party, wagged most of the animal. This party crossed the line
dividing Reform from Revolution. There could be no ques
tion upon which side of the line Sir Winston would be found.
20 A CHURCHILL READER
He is a reformist, through and through. He has even favoured
measures with a Socialistic flavour, such as the nationalisation
of the railways, seeing or foreseeing that such a service was at
once indispensable and unremunerative. But the idea of a
Socialist State was repugnant to him.
When Socialism uprooted the undergrowth in the old
Liberal forest, a number of trees were left in an isolation far
from splendid. Sir Winston was one such. He was in quite a
different position from Conservative Ministers, such as Sir
Austen Chamberlain, who stood aloof from their party when
the Coalition broke up in 1922. He was politically derailed;
they had just shunted themselves into a siding. It was his
good fortune that Mr. Baldwin, who was the supreme po
litical manager of our time, whatever else he was not, was
quite determined, after his defeat on the tariff issue in 1924,
to give the Tory Party a wider umbrella. The spread covered
Sir Winston, who has always been essentially a Coalitionist.
He has never been at his happiest as a party man; for he is a
Parliament man a "child of the House of Commons *
and Parliament cannot thrive without both cut and thrust,
and give and take. In his very first by-election he made an
error of tactics, which caused the late Lord Balfour to ex
claim, "I thought he was a young man of promise* It appears
he is only a young man of promises/* He has often been so
far in advance of the electorate that the attempt to keep up
has led them to look back to someone else. Thus Dundee,
after serenely voting him in from 1908 to 1918, savagely voted
him out in 1922. Or again the vision of a Socialist Gestapo,
imparted in a broadcast in 1945, was viewed by the electors
as a hallucination, and an unknown incoherent polled 10,000
votes against the Prime Minister who had won the war. He
has never had a territorial base like David Lloyd George in
Wales or the Chamberlains in Birmingham. Britain is his
constituency, and not any particular part of it, nor any par-
INTRODUCTION 21
ticular party in it. At any crisis in our national affairs, his
instinct has been to search for a national Government,
broadly based upon all classes.
That was also Mr. Baldwin s instinct. That was why Sir
Winston, to his own surprise, was given the Chancellorship of
the Exchequer from 1925 to 1929. I must devote a few words
to this period, because it is sometimes considered to mark a
lapse in his standards of achievement.
This view is based upon a highly selective memory. It is
recalled that he returned to the gold standard, and thus
opened the door to the spectre of unemployment. The error
was, however, committed because for once he listened too
much to some of his advisers. The real "bankers ramp" was
then, not in 1931. Nobody could be dogmatic about the
question in advance. Thus the late Lord Keynes was origi
nally against the step, and, some time after it had been taken,
persuaded Sir Winston that it had been a mistake. Sir Win
ston made all arrangements to say so in a public speech, but
to his dismay heard Lord Keynes, who spoke first, declare
that on reflection he considered the return to the gold stand
ard to have been rightl
What is also forgotten about his tenure of the Exchequer
is the great stride forward in social reform constituted by
widows and orphans pensions. He carried through that
measure in spite of the horribly costly General Strike a
trial which helped to precipitate another and more pro
longed trial, namely, the onset of a world-wide glut. This
latter wholly unfamiliar phenomenon on so extensive a scale
posed problems even more complex than those of scarcity. No
British Government is more than partly responsible for the
course of prices, and I have often wondered what Sir Win
ston s Socialist critics would have done if such problems had
faced them during their tenure of office. When Napoleon
was asked what quality he sought in a general he replied
22 A CHURCHILL READER
"Luck!" Certainly nobody without luck can consistently be
a Napoleon. As Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Winston
had no luck at all.
So much for the famous "inconsistency" of party or of per
formance. In no party and in no performance has anybody
ever accused Sir Winston of being short of ideas. His judg
ment has indeed been questioned by Mr. Neville Cham
berlain; and the reason for these questionings may be found
in his own remark: "I have a tendency, against which I
should, perhaps, be on my guard, to swim against the stream."
Sometimes, of course, the stream is right as it was on the
question of the abdication, or (at least, so it seems to me) on
the question of Indian self-government. But sometimes also
the swimmer against it has been right. For example, he was
a thousand times right in urging the forcing of the Darda
nelles in 1915; and (as I have hinted earlier) I fancy there is
nothing in his whole career, not even the defeat of his Gov
ernment in the General Election of 1945, which has left be
hind it such a taste and tang of bitterness as the frustration
by fate and fools of the Gallipoli expedition. Again, he was
all too right about the menace of Hitler, though in that case
the current against him was not a stream, but a tide; and, like
a tide, it turned. I shall always think that this period in his
career was in many respects his "finest hour." Nobody who
has not had the experience can imagine how unpleasant it is
to face a hostile House of Commons, savagely resolved to shout
or sneer one into silence.
Forgiveness to the injured doth belong,
But he ne er pardons who has done the wrong.
When the House is determined to be wrong it cannot for
give anybody who persists in proving that it is wrong. The
INTRODUCTION 23
hostile atmosphere of Westminster spreads through the press
and the public, like the smell of cooking through a boarding-
house. The only doubtful question about the object of this
hostility is whether he is more knave or fool; and it becomes
as hard for him to stage a comeback as for a discredited pu
gilist. For some six years Sir Winston was exposed to this all-
pervasive hostility. He never winced or wilted. That alone
would establish his claim to be a statesman.
But, after all, it is the man behind all these manifestations
of the man who is the most interesting. About the man
and the boy, too there is one outstanding characteristic,
namely, a zest for living which has become all too rare in
these harassed times. "Twenty to twenty-five! Those are the
years!" says Sir Winston himself. But nobody has less reason
to sigh over the days that have fled; for the vital spark that
coruscates so splendidly in youth has, in his case, continued to
sparkle past the allotted span.
It seems hard to recapture, in days when danger is faced no
less firmly but far more as a duty, the spirit which was drawn
to face danger for its own sake, as steel is drawn to a magnet.
I would not disparage the modern generation. Indeed, theirs
may well be the truer courage, when they face unflinchingly
perils about which, at first hand or vicariously, they know all,
so that the glamour has departed and only the hard skeleton
of horror remains. Nevertheless, the panache of the pre-1914
generation of young men was attractive; and those who regret
its passing may find the gist of it in Sir Winston. The reader
may take exception to the choice of a French term to describe
the chief characteristic of an Englishman. But it is not inap
propriate to Sir Winston, whose French vocabulary is exten
sive and whose French accent is something all his own.
For the greater part of his career he displayed a certain
inclination towards France. No Englishman has expressed a
24 A CHURCHILL READER
more brilliant and generous understanding of French achieve
ments and failures; and if he has been greatly saddened by a
certain lack of resilience since the war, he has never fallen
into the kind of contemptuous snorting about French insta
bility to which some others are prone.
Indeed, he is singularly objective towards all foreigners,
and particularly towards those who put up a good show,
whether as allies or as enemies. The first strong stroke which
he made against any stream was an appreciative remark about
the Boers then in arms against us. Possibly as a result of
attending the Kaiser s army manoeuvres, he has never been
very partial towards the Germans the cloven hoof, so to say,
showed too much through the "shining armour" but even
in their case his book on the 1914-18 war ends with a sonorous
catalogue of their efforts and the appeal, "Surely, Germans,
for history it is enough," Even in respect of the Russians,
whose Communism evoked some of his most sulphurous ful-
minations, he never hesitated a moment when Hitler attacked
them in 1941. He never held the foolish theory that it was
practicable to expect the Germans and the Russians to exhaust
each other. So, in June 1941, he acted at once on the princi
ple which he once defined as "if Hitler invaded Hell, I would
make at least a favourable reference to the Devil in the House
of Commons/ 7
How does he rank as a soldier? I do not mean as the pert
and pushing subaltern, who pulled strings to get into action
and used pens to describe it both in a shockingly successful
way. I mean as a strategist, whether at the Admiralty in the
First World War or as Minister of Defence and Prime Min
ister in the second. As for 1914-18, something has already
been said about the Dardanelles; and Sir Winston s share in
the development of the tank may be added to his claims to
fame during that period. They were indeed endorsed by the
simple fact that when, in 1939, he returned to the Admiralty
INTRODUCTION 25
on the outbreak of war an exhilarated whisper ran round the
Navy: "Winnie is back."
During the last war the test was, of course, much sterner.
It will, I think, be admitted that the main strategic decisions
all through were his. At least (to echo Marshal Joffre s reply
to the question who won the Battle of the Marne), the blame
if these decisions had been wrong would have been laid upon
him; and there were occasionally whimsical or malicious
whispers that he fancied himself to be the reincarnation of
Marlborough. Moreover, war, in our country and under our
Constitution, is run by a committee composed wholly or
mainly of civilians over which the Prime Minister presides;
and the decisions of committees over which Sir Winston
presides are liable to be Sir Winston s. He was not, like Hit
ler, surrounded by mere toadies, and it is not suggested that
Cabinet meetings were occasions for burning incense before
"the greatest strategic genius of all time." I only mean that,
though the team was good, he was the undisputed captain
of it.
But there is another feature of our constitutional practice,
which has developed through subcommittees of the Commit
tee of Imperial Defence, namely, that the committee of civil
ians never acts without the advice of military experts. That
does not diminish their responsibility; and when the experts
disagree, as they sometimes do, the civilians have to decide.
I mention the experts particularly because Sir Winston was
always extremely sensitive to their advice perhaps this sen
sitiveness was a reaction from the Dardanelles experience.
He worked them hard. He worked them at queer hours,
because of his practice of taking a nap in the afternoons and
of being particularly active through a large part of the night.
But he listened to them. Unlike Hitler, he was not guided
purely by his intuition.
Such is the background to the great strategic decisions of
26 A CHURCHILL READER
the war. Let us list some of them. I do not include the deci
sion to fight on alone after the fall of France, because if ever
there was a decision of a whole nation and not of any man or
group in it, that was the one. Indeed, Sir Winston himself
has said of the first Cabinet meeting over which he presided
that if anybody had even hinted at anything like giving in,
that person would have been torn to pieces. But no similar
prejudgment governed the decision to send our first, and at
that time our only, armoured division to Africa in the autumn
of 1940 instead of keeping it at home; nor the refusal to open
a Second Front in Europe until it could be more than a for
lorn hope; nor the steady devotion of so much of our resources
(though not as much as Air-Marshal Harris wanted) to build
ing up the bomber offensive. These were crucial decisions;
and they were sound, marked alike by daring and by discern
ment. Moreover, as we now know from the last volumes of his
War Memoirs, some of his ideas which did not prevail were as
sound as those which did. For example, he wanted an attain
able, complete, and early victory in Italy rather than a proble
matically useful invasion of southern France in 1944; and he
urged vehemently in 1945 that the Allies should not sur
render Central Germany to the Soviets before a long-term
agreement had been achieved with Russia. The first idea
might have given us an earlier peace; the second might have
prevented the Cold War.
Sir Winston is more than a descendant of the Duke of
Marlborough. He is also half American; and it is perhaps
from across the Atlantic that a touch of restlessness and even
of flamboyance in him originates. But personally I consider
all talk of national characteristics to be more or less rubbish;
and if asked to place him in any special category, I should
prefer the criterion to be a period rather than a country. In
many ways he belongs to the second half of the eighteenth
century, when, at least for a considerable part of society, life
INTRODUCTION 27
was brilliant and assured and ideas fresh and blazing. There
should be nothing offensive in talking about a "governing
class" in a country where entry into it is open to all classes.
Some are qualified, others qualify for it; and it is stupid to say
that only those who qualify for it, without originally belong
ing to it, should govern. Well, Sir Winston does belong to it.
He would have qualified if he had not belonged, but belong
to it he does, not because of his birth, or even his cigars, but
because of his temperament. He was certainly born in the
political purple, but he wears it as to the manner born, and
not all sons of famous fathers can say that.
That temperament has, admittedly, the defects of its quali
ties. A man who knows what he wants and thinks it natural
that he should get it is not a good listener. It is not only fools
that he does not suffer gladly. Or to put the same point in
another way when ideas and arguments boil and bubble up
ceaselessly in a human brain its possessor is liable to sweep
aside any interruption. You can turn off a tap, but not a
spring.
It is not that he resents interruption or opposition he
just disregards them. Yet there are exceptions to this indiffer
ence. I have heard it said that Sir Winston has had few inti
mate friends, but there are certainly two who can rank as such.
To the late Lord Birkenhead and to the late Field-Marshal
Smuts he always listened, and that not merely because it
tickled his fancy to have as a friend and counsellor his fiercest
political adversary or one who was once his jailer. What he
saw in F.E. was a vivid energy in the grand manner not unlike
his own. What he saw in the Field-Marshal was the living
embodiment of the virtues of the British system a man
once in arms against the British Empire and thereafter its
most loyal supporter. As has already been mentioned, Sir
Winston is half American, but in his love for things British,
in veneration for British traditions, and in admiration for
28 A CHURCHILL READER
British achievements, he is the most English soul alive.
You can think your own people have a lot to teach others
without assuming that others have nothing to teach them.
You can love old things without loving old ways. Sir Winston
can certainly be moved by the spectacle or memory of ma
jestic events and institutions. The cynic may think that he
regards the twentieth century too much through spectacles of
the eighteenth. But he can also be moved by very humble
and modern things. For example, one of the things which
moved him most during the war was the attitude of the people
when he passed among them after, and sometimes during, bad
raids. "What an imperial race!" he exclaimed on one occa
sion when, as he himself told the House of Commons, people
emerged from the wreck of their homes to cry, "We can take
it!" and also "Give it em back!"
He is, after all, like them himself. All his life he has taken
it, and also given it back. He has sought colour in life and he
has found it, whether dark or bright. The prayer in history
which suits him best is surely the prayer of La Hire: "Sir God,
I pray you to do to La Hire as La Hire would do to you if you
were La Hire and La Hire were God."
The message in history which fits him best Js perhaps that
which Michael Collins sent on the eve of his assassination,
and which many other men in many other contexts have
echoed: "Tell Winston we could never have done anything
without him."
It would be fitting to close this account of a master of the
English tongue by singling out from the magnificent diapason
of English verse a note appropriate to his life and character.
Shelley supplies it.
To suffer ills which hope thinks infinite;
To forgive wrongs, blacker than death or might;
INTRODUCTION 29
To defy power which seems omnipotent;
To love and bear; to hope, till hope creates
Of its own self the thing it contemplates.
Never to change, nor falter, nor repent;
This, like thy glory, Titan, is to be
Great, good, and joyous; beautiful and free
This is alone Life, Joy, Empire, and Victory.
On Himself
This chapter begins with certain general principles which
have governed Sir Winston Churchill s actions, and then
gives his own comments on major events in his life, roughly
in chronological order.
I HAVE a tendency against which I should, perhaps, be on my
guard, to swim against the stream.
At all times, according to my lights and throughout the
changing scenes through which we are all hurried, I have
always faithfully served t\vo public causes which, I think,
stand supreme the maintenance of the enduring greatness
of Britain and her Empire, and the historical continuity of:
our island life.
On accepting the leadership of
the Conservative Party, Oc
tober 1940
[It must be remembered that Sir Winston had throughout his
life been unpopular among a large section of that party, and
never more so than when he was fighting appeasement.]
O N H I MSELF 31
Looking back with after-knowledge and increasing years,
I seem to have been too ready to undertake tasks which were
hazardous or even forlorn.
"The World Crisis" written
in 1923
[There were still in store a few similar tasks for him to
undertake.]
Everybody threw the blame on me. I have noticed that
they nearly always do. I suppose it is because they think I
shall be able to bear it best.
"Amid These Storms"
Because I show robust energy, it does not follow that I have
a sensitive or injured disposition.
Speech in the House, April
23, 1953
[Mr. Shinwell had asked whether Sir Winston was in a better
temper than he was earlier in the day.]
I am certainly not one of those who need to be prodded.
In fact, if anything, I am the prod.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1942
I have been brought up and trained to have the utmost
contempt for people who get drunk.
"Amid These Storms"
I neither want it nor need it, but I should think it pretty
hazardous to interfere with the ineradicable habit of a life
time.
"Time," July 6, 1953
32 A CHURCHILL READER
[Sir Winston had asked Lord Moran, his doctor, whether a
Cointreau was permitted after lunch. Lord Moran said,
"Do you want it or do you need it?"]
I always avoid prophesying beforehand, because it is much
better policy to prophesy after the event has already taken
place.
Cairo, Press Conference, Feb
ruary 1, 1943
I am by no means sure I have been right. It is no part of
my case that I am always right.
Speech in the House, May 21,
1952
My views are a harmonious process which keeps them in
relation to the current movement of events,
Speech in the House, May 5,
1952
I give my opinion. I dare say it will weigh as much as a
mocking giggle,
Speech in the House, 1944,
when jeered at for his refer
ence to Prince Umber to
I never take pleasure in human woe,
Glasgow, April 17, 1953
I will not pretend that, if I had to choose between Com
munism and Nazi-ism, I would choose Communism. I hope
not to be called upon to survive in the world under a Govern
ment of either of those dispensations.
Speech in the House, April 14,
1937
ON HIMSELF 33
Personally I am always ready to learn, although I do not
always like being taught.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 4, 1952
I can practise, in an honorary fashion, the arts of surgery
and medicine. Unless there is a very marked shortage of
capable men in both these professions, I shall not press myself
upon you. No doubt in these difficult times it will be a com
fort not only to the profession but to the nation at large that
you have me in reserve. I have not yet taken any final de
cision as to which of those beneficent branches I should give
priority (in case an emergency arises). Being tempera
mentally inclined to precision and a sharp edge, it might be
thought that I should choose the surgeon s role.
London, July 10, 1951
I was once asked to devise an inscription for a monument
in France. I wrote "In war, Resolution. In defeat, Defiance.
In victory, Magnanimity. In Peace, Goodwill." The in
scription was not accepted.
"Amid These Storms"
(published in 1932)
[It is interesting to note that Sir Winston has used this in
scription, eighteen years after he had first composed it, for
the moral of his work The Second World War the first
volume of which appeared in 1948.]
I have always urged fighting wars and other contentions
with might and main till overwhelming victory, and then
offering the hand of friendship to the vanquished. Thus I
have always been against the Pacifists during the quarrel,
and against the Jingoes at its close.
"Amid These Storms"
34 A CHURCHILL READER
I thought we ought to have conquered the Irish and then
given them Home Rule; that we ought to have starved out
the Germans and then revictualled their country; and that
after smashing the General Strike, we should have met the
grievances of the miners. I always get into trouble because
so few people take this line.
"Amid These Storms"
My hate had died with their surrender.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
[On Germany.]
If the worst came to the worst, I might have a shot at it
myself.
Reply to an Opposition re
quest to name a Minister to
speak on behalf of the Gov
ernment
I have no intention of passing my remaining years in ex
plaining or withdrawing anything I have said in the past,
still less in apologising for it.
Speech in the House > April 21,
1944
This is the first time in my political life that I have kept
quiet for so long.
Margate, October 10,
[This speech to the Conservative Party Conference was Sir
Winston s first since his illness in May 1953 a period of
five months enforced abstention from public speeches.]
ON HIMSELF 35
I was happy as a child with my toys in my nursery. I have
been happier every year since I became a man. But this
interlude of school makes a sombre grey patch upon the
chart of my journey.
"Amid These Storms"
In all the twelve years I was at school no one ever succeeded
in making me write a Latin verse or learn any Greek except
the alphabet.
"A mid These Storms"
I never had the advantage of a university education. But
it is a great privilege and the more widely extended, the
better for any country. It should not be looked upon as
something to end with youth but as a key to open many
doors of thought and knowledge. A university education
ought to be a guide to the reading of a lifetime. . . . One who
has profited from university education has a wide choice.
He need never be idle or bored. He is free from that vice
of the modern age which requires something new not only
every day but every two or three hours of the day. . . . The
first duty of a university is to teach wisdom, not a trade;
character, not technicalities. We want a lot of engineers in
the modern world, but we do not want a world of engineers.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 19, 1950
I am surprised that in my later life I should have become
so experienced in taking degrees when as a schoolboy I was
so bad at passing examinations. In fact, one might almost
say that no one ever passed so few examinations and received
so many degrees. From this a superficial thinker might argue
that the way to get the most degrees is to fail in the most
36 A CHURCHILL READER
examinations ... no boy or girl should ever be disheartened
by lack of success in their youth but should diligently and
faithfully continue to persevere and make up for lost time.
Miami, U.S.A., February 26,
1946
There is a good saying to the effect that when a new book
appears one should read an old one. As an author I would
not recommend too strict an adherence to this saying. But I
must admit that I have altered my views about the study of
classical literature as I have grown older. At school I never
liked it. I entirely failed to respond to the many pressing
and sometimes painful exhortations which I received to
understand the full charm and precision of the classic
languages. But it seems to me that should the classic studies
die out in Europe and in the modern world, a unifying
influence of importance would disappear.
Oslo, May 12, 194S
I like the song "Boy," although when I was at School I did
not advance to that position of authority which entitles one
to make that call.
Harrow School, December 8,
1940
[The reference is to the system under which upper school
boys are allowed to use lower school boys as fags,]
You have the songs of Bowen and Howson (whom I re
member well as housemasters here) with the music of John
Farmer and Eaton Fanning. They are wonderful; marvel
lous; more than could be put into brick and mortar, or
treasured in any trophies of silver or gold. They grow with
the years. I treasure them and sing them with joy.
Speech at Harrow, November
19, 1942
ON HIMSELF 37
Hitler, in one of hi$ recent discourses, declared that the
fight was between those who have been through the Adolf
Hitler schools and those who have been at Eton. Hitler has
forgotten Harrow. . . .
Speech at Harrow, December
18, 1940
May I say with great respect and with the indulgence of
the Committee, that I do not in the least mind being called
a goose? I have been called many worse things than that.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 3, 1952
It took me three tries to pass into Sandhurst.
"Amid These Storms"
I resolved to read history, philosophy, economics, and
things like that. . . . Without more ado I got out the eight
volumes of Gibbon s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
"Amid These Storms"
[Sir Winston explains how, when a subaltern at Bangalore,
he began, to realise that polo was not everything.]
I had a feeling once about Mathematics that I saw it all.
Depth beyond Depth was revealed to me the Byss and
Abyss. I saw as one might see the transit of Venus or
even the Lord Mayor s Show a quantity passing through
infinity and changing its sign from plus to minus. I saw
exactly how it happened and why the tergiversation was
inevitable but it was after dinner and I let it go.
"Amid These Storms"
Twenty to twenty-five! Those are the years!
"A mid These Storms"
38 A CHURCHILL READER
So, at any rate, I had been "under fire." That was some
thing. Nevertheless, I began to take a more thoughtful view
of our enterprise than I had hitherto done.
On first coming under fire in
Cuba, 1895
"I presume/ Lord Curzon said to me, "it will not be long
before we hear you declaim in the House of Commons!"
Though greatly hampered by inability to compose at the
rate necessary for public speaking, I was strongly of the same
opinion myself.
"Great Contemporaries" The
occasion was a visit to Cur
zon as Viceroy
The President of the Psychical Research Society extracted
rather unseasonably a promise from me after dinner to "com
municate" with him should anything unfortunate occur.
"Amid These Storms" On
leaving for Kitchener s army
in the Sudan
I, too, was proud of my prisoner until we reached the
army. Then it appeared that ... he was a most important
individual in the employ of the Intelligence Department
who had been spying in Omdurman. . . . Naturally, several
young gentlemen saw fit to be facetious on the subject. . . .
Reuter s correspondent even proposed to telegraph some
account of this noteworthy capture. But I prevailed on him
not to do so, having a detestation of publicity.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the Sou
dan 9
ON HIMSELF 39
He spoke nothing but Arabic; I knew only one word of
that language. Still, we conversed fluently. By opening and
shutting my mouth and pointing to my stomach, I excited his
curiosity, if not his wonder. Then I employed the one and
indispensable Arabic word "Backsheesh." After that, all
difficulties melted away.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the
Soudan"
There are lots of people who have been employed in
political office who have had professional military experience.
Even I myself was nearly five years a cadet and a lieutenant
in the Army and I have frequently interfered in civilian
matters.
Speech in the House, January
30, 1952
[Sir Winston was replying to questions upon appointing a
Field-Marshal (Lord Alexander) to the post of Minister of
Defence.]
Certainly I have been fully qualified so far as the writing
of books about wars is concerned; in fact, already in 1900,
which is a long time ago, I could boast to have written as
many books as Moses, and I have not stopped writing them
since, except when momentarily interrupted by war, in all
the intervening period.
Royal United Services Institu
tion, July 4, 1950
I have been a journalist and half my lifetime I have earned
my living by selling words and I hope thoughts.
Ottawa, January 12, 1952
40 A CHURCHILL READER
I have consistently urged my friends to abstain from read
ing it.
On "Savrola/ f his first novel
and his only one
For my part, I consider that it will be found much better
by all parties to leave the past to history, especially as I pro
pose to write that history myself.
Speech in the House, January
23, 1948
On the first night when I visited the wardroom the officers
were singing songs. At the end they sang the chorus of "Rule,
Britannia." I asked them what were the words. Nobody
knew them. So I recited some of Thomson s noble lines
myself.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
[On board the cruiser Enterprise on July 20, 1944, after visit
to the Mulberry Harbours in Normandy*]
The night was chilly. Colonel Byng and I shared a blanket.
When he turned over I was in the cold. When I turned over
I pulled the blanket off him and he objected. He was the
Colonel. It was not a good arrangement.
At Spion Kop with Colonel
Byng later Lord Byng of
Virny
Keep cool, menl This will be interesting for my paper.
[When the armoured train from Estcourt on which he was
travelling as a war correspondent was ambushed by the
Boers.]
ON HIMSELF 41
The best advice I got was from Mr. Henry Chaplin, who
said to me in his rotund manner: "Don t be hurried! Unfold
your case! If you have anything to say, the House will listen."
On the birth-pangs of his
maiden speech
I am a child of the House o Commons. I was brought up
in my father s house to believe in democracy. "Trust the
people" was his message. ... In my country, as in yours,
public men are proud to be servants of the State and would
be ashamed to be its masters.
Speech to the American Con
gress, December 1941
I am your servant, and you have the right to dismiss me
when you please. What you have no right to do is to ask me
to bear responsibilities without the power of effective action,
to bear the responsibilities of Prime Minister but "clamped
on each side by strong men." . . .
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ VoL IV
[Towards the middle of 1942 there was some feeling in the
House of Commons that Sir Winston was taking too much
upon himself, and a Vote of Censure was moved by a few
back-bench Conservatives. They explained that they did not
want to dismiss him, but to limit his authority. However, all
this disappeared with the Alamein victory in November.]
... It was with some pride that I reminded my two great
comrades on more than one occasion that I was the only one
of our trinity who could at any moment be dismissed from
power by the vote of a House of Commons freely elected on
universal franchise, or could be controlled from day to day by
42 A CHURCHILL READER
the opinion of a War Cabinet representing all parties in the
State. The President s term of office was fixed, and his
powers not only as President but as Commander-in-Chief
were almost absolute under the American Constitution.
Stalin appeared to be, and at this moment certainly was, all-
powerful in Russia. They could order; I had to convince and
persuade. I was glad that this should be so. The process was
laborious, but I had no reason to complain of the way it
worked.
Closing the Ring, " The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. V
I cannot help reflecting that if my father had been an
American and my mother British, instead of the other way
round, I might have got here on my own.
Speech to the U.S. Congress,
December 16, 1941
I feel on both sides of the Atlantic. ... In my mother s
birth city of Rochester, I hold a latch-key to American hearts.
Speech in Rochester, U.S.A.,
June 1942
My mother was American and my ancestors were officers in
Washington s army. So I am myself an English-speaking
union.
[Quoted by Mr. Adlai Stevenson the Democratic Presidential
Candidate at a reception of the English Speaking Union in
London, July 29, 1953. Mr. Stevenson had had lunch earlier
with Sir Winston at Chequers, and Mr. Stevenson told Sir
Winston that he had to attend the reception later that day.
Sir Winston then made the remark above.]
ON HIMSELF 43
I am very glad the House has allowed me after an interval
of fifteen years to lift again the tattered flag I found lying on
a stricken field.
Speech in the House, 1901
[Sir Winston is referring to his father s fight for economy in
the Services, which ended in defeat and resignation. Economy
was the text of this, one of the earliest speeches, of his son.]
It is easy for an individual to move through those in
sensible gradations from left to right, but the act of crossing
the floor [i.e., changing one s political party] is one that
requires serious consideration. I am well informed on the
matter, for I have accomplished that difficult process not only
once, but twice.
All the years that I have been in the House of Commons
I have always said to myself one thing: "Do not interrupt,"
and I have never been able to keep to that resolution.
Speech in the House, July 10,
1935
I now (as Home Secretary in 1911) signed general warrants
authorising the examination of all the correspondence of
particular people upon a list, to which additions were con
tinually being made. This soon disclosed a regular and
extensive system of German-paid British agents. [The field
of preparation], once I got drawn in, dominated all other
interests in my mind. For seven years I could think of little
else ... all the war cries of our election struggles began to
seem unreal. . . . Only Ireland held her place among the grim
realities. No doubt other Ministers had similar mental ex
periences. I am telling my own tale.
"The World Crisis 9
44 A CHURCHILL READER
When I think of the fate of poor old women, so many of
whom have no one to look after them and nothing to live
on at the end of their lives, I am glad to have had a hand in
all that structure of pensions and insurance which no other
country can rival and which is especially a help to them.
"Amid These Storms"
[The reference is to Sir Winston s championship of social
insurance almost from his entry into politics to his Widows,
Orphans, and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, 1928.]
Don t get torpedoed; for if I am left alone your colleagues
will eat me.
Letter to Mr. Lloyd George in
1916, when latter was pro
posing to go on a visit to
Russia
[Sir Winston was, at the time, still in bad odour with the
Conservatives.]
I am finished,
To Lord Riddell, in losing his
position at the Admiralty in
1915
Political dramas are very exciting at the time to those
engaged in the clatter and whirlpool of politics, but I can
truthfully affirm that I never felt resentment, still less pain,
at being so decisively discarded in a moment of national
stress.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
ONHIMSELF 45
[Upon his not being asked to take part in the National Coali
tion Government, 1931-35.]
I have myself some ties with Scotland which are to me of
great significance ties precious and lasting. First of all, I
decided to be born on St. Andrew s Day and it was to
Scotland I went to find my wife. ... I commanded a Scottish
battalion of the famous 21st Regiment for five months in the
line in France in the last war. I sat for fifteen years as the
representative of "Bonnie Dundee," and I might be sitting
for it still if the matter had rested entirely with me.
Edinburgh, October 12, 1942
[Lady Churchill was Miss Clementine Hozier. Sir Winston
was defeated in Dundee at the General Election of 1922.]
I will never stifle myself in such a moral and intellectual
sepulchre.
[On the Bonar Law Government of 1922, with its policy
allegedly reactionary.]
I am without an office, without a seat, without a party, and
without an appendix.
After his defeat at Dundee in
1922
[Mr. Churchill had been operated upon for appendicitis just
before the contest, and had quarrelled with both the Liberal
and Conservative parties over their refusal to continue the
Coalition.]
I was surprised, and the Conservative Party dumbfounded,
when he invited me to become Chancellor of the Exchequer,
the office which my father had once held.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
46 A CHURCHILL READER
[Sir Winston was appointed Chancellor by Mr. Baldwin in
his 1924-29 Government]
The years from 1931 to 1935, apart from my anxiety on
public affairs, were personally very pleasant to me. I earned
my livelihood by dictating articles which had a wide circula
tion not only in Great Britain and the United States, but also,
before Hitler s shadow fell upon them, in the most famous
newspapers of sixteen European countries. I lived, in fact,
from mouth to hand. I produced in succession the various
volumes of the Life of Marlborough. I meditated constantly
upon the European situation and the rearming of Germany.
I lived mainly at Chartwell, where I had much to amuse me.
I built with my own hands a large part of two cottages and
extensive kitchen-garden walls, and made all kinds of rock
eries and waterworks and a large swimming-pool which was
filtered to limpidity and could be heated to supplement our
fickle sunshine. Thus I never had a dull or idle moment
from morning till midnight, and with my happy family
around me dwelt at peace within my habitation.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
In 1930, when I was out of office, I accepted for the first
and only time in my life a directorship. It was in one of the
subsidiary companies of Lord Inchcape s far-spreading or
ganisation of the Peninsular and Oriental shipping lines.
For eight years I regularly attended the monthly board meet
ings, and discharged my duties with care.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
ON HIMSELF 47
There was a moment . . . o a world aglare, of a man aghast.
... I do not understand why I was not broken like an egg
shell or squashed like a gooseberry.
On being run down by a taxi
in New York, 1931
I was eleven years a fairly solitary figure in this House and
pursued my way in patience; and so there may be hope for
the hon. Member.
Retort to Mr. Gallacher, the
solitary Communist M.P.,
December 8, 1944
[Sir Winston was teasing Mr. Gallacher on his failure to gain
support in the House.]
I suppose they asked me to show him that, if they couldn t
bark themselves, they kept a dog who could bark and might
bite.
Remark upon being invited by
the Chamberlain Cabinet to
meet von Ribbentrop, when
the latter was German Am
bassador
It was my duty as Home Secretary more than a quarter of
a century ago to stand beside His Majesty and proclaim his
style and titles at his investiture as Prince of Wales. ... I
should have been ashamed if, in my independent and un
official position, I had not cast about for every lawful means,
even the most forlorn, to keep him on the Throne of his
fathers.
Speech in the House of Com
mons on the abdication of
Edward VIII
48 A CHURCHILL READER
[The point is that Sir Winston had been accused, not openly,
but in the miasmic coulisses of politics, of wanting to form a
King s Party with himself at its head, and to climb back into
power on the shoulders of a crisis. This was a loathsome
slander. Sir Winston was animated by personal and senti
mental memories, and by them alone.]
To be so entirely convinced and vindicated in a matter
of life and death to one s country, and not to be able to make
Parliament and the nation heed the warning, or bow to the
proof by taking action, was an experience most painful.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
No one had ever been over the same terrible course twice
with such an interval between. No one had felt its dangers
and responsibilities from the summit as I had or, to descend
to a small point, understood how First Lords of the Ad
miralty are treated when great ships are sunk and things go
wrong. If we were in fact going over the same cycle a second
time, should I have once again to endure the pangs of dis
missal? ... I could feel that I had effectively taken over the
great Department which I knew so well and loved with a
discriminating eye. I now knew what there was in hand and
on the way. I knew where everything was. I had visited all
the principal naval ports and met all the Commanders-in-
Chief. By the Letters Patent constituting the Board, the
First Lord is "responsible to Crown and Parliament for all
the business of the Admiralty/* and I certainly felt prepared
to discharge that duty in fact as well as in form.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
ONHIMSELF 49
[Reflections upon taking over the duties of First Lord of the
Admiralty for the second time in 1939.]
When in 1940 the chief responsibility fell upon me and
our national survival depended upon victory in the air, I
had the advantage of a layman s insight into the problems of
air warfare resulting from four long years of study and
thought based upon the fullest official and technical informa
tion. Although I have never tried to be learned in technical
matters, this mental field was well lit for me. I knew the
various pieces and the moves on the board, and could under
stand anything I was told about the game.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
[Sir Winston became a member of the Air Ministry and Air
Defence Committee in July 1935 at the request of the then
Prime Minister, Mr. Baldwin.]
In my long political experience I had held most of the
great offices of State, but I readily admit that the post which
had now fallen to me was the one I liked the best. Power, for
the sake of lording it over fellow-creatures or adding to per
sonal pomp, is rightly judged base. But power in a national
crisis, when a man believes he knows what orders should be
given, is a blessing. In any sphere of action there can be no
comparison between the positions of number one and num
bers two, three, or four. The duties and problems of all
persons other than number one are quite different and in
many ways more difficult. It is always a misfortune when
number two or three has to initiate a dominant plan or policy.
He has to consider not only the merits of the policy, but the
mind of his chief; not only what to advise, but what it is
50 A CHURCHILL READER
proper for him in his station to advise; not only what to do,
but how to get it agreed, how to get it done. Moreover,
number two or three will have to reckon with numbers four,
five and six, or maybe some bright outsider, number twenty.
Ambition, not so much for vulgar ends, but for fame, glints
in every mind. There are always several points of view
which may be right, and many which are plausible. I was
ruined for the time being in 1915 over the Dardanelles, and
a supreme enterprise was cast away, through my trying to
carry out a major and cardinal operation of war from a sub
ordinate position. Men are ill-advised to try such ventures.
This lesson had sunk into my nature.
At the top there are great simplifications. An accepted
leader has only to be sure of what it is best to do, or at least
to have made up his mind about it. The loyalties which
centre upon number one are enormous. If he trips he must
be sustained. If he makes mistakes they must be covered. If
he sleeps he must not be wantonly disturbed. If he is no
good he must be pole-axed. But this last extreme process
cannot be carried out every day; and certainly not in the days
just after he has been chosen.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War; VoL II
[Upon becoming Prime Minister for first time in May 1940.]
When I xvas called upon to be Prime Minister, now nearly
two years ago, there were not many applicants for the job.
Since then perhaps the market has improved.
Speech in the House, January
1942
It had many defects and teething troubles, and when these
became apparent the tank was appropriately rechristened
ONHIMSELF 51
the "Churchill/* These defects have now been largely over
come.
Speech in the House, July 2,
1942
I am invited under the threats of unpopularity to vic
timise the Chancellor of the Duchy (Mr. Duff Cooper) and
throw him to the wolves. I say to those who make this
amiable suggestion ... "I much regret that I am unable to
gratify your wishes," or words to that effect.
Speech in the House, January
1942
[It had been sought to make Mr. Duff Cooper (the late Lord
Norwich), sent on a special mission to Singapore, responsi
ble for the early disasters in the Japanese war. Sir Winston
has always refused to hear a word against either Mr. Duff
Cooper or Mr. Eden, chiefly, I think, because of their revolt
against the Chamberlain appeasement policy.]
I was the most miserable Englishman in America since
Burgoyne.
On receiving the news of the
fall of Tobruk, June 1942,
when on a visit to Washing
ton
... on the night of the tenth of May (1940) ... I acquired
the chief power in the State I was conscious of a profound
sense of relief. At last I had the authority to give directions
over the whole scene. I felt as if I were walking with destiny,
and that all my past life had been but a preparation for this
hour and for this trial. Eleven years in the political wilder
ness had freed me from ordinary Party antagonisms. ... I
52 A CHURCHILL READER
thought I knew a good deal about it all, and I was sure I
should not fail. Therefore, although impatient for the
morning, I slept soundly and had no need for cheering
dreams. Facts are better than dreams.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
A man who has to play an effective part in taking, with the
highest responsibility, grave and terrible decisions of war may
need the refreshment of adventure. He may need also the
comfort that when sending so many others to their death he
may share in a small way their risks. His field of personal
interest, and consequently his forces of action, are stimulated
by direct contact with the event. As a result of what I saw
and learned in the First World War, I was convinced that
generals and other high commanders should try from time
to time to see the conditions and aspect of the battle scene
themselves. I had seen many grievous errors made through
the silly theory that valuable lives should not be endangered.
No one was more careful of his personal safety than I was, but
I thought my view and theme of the war were sufficiently
important and authoritative to entitle me to full freedom
of judgment as to how I discharged my task in such a per
sonal matter.
Closing the Ring, " The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. V
I had to ask myself the question [taking the leadership of
the Conservative Party in 1940] about which there may
still be various opinions whether the Leadership of one
great party was compatible with the position I held from
King and Parliament as Prime Minister of an Administration
composed of, and officially supported by, all parties. I had
ON HIMSELF 53
no doubt about the answer. The Conservative Party possessed
a very large majority in the House of Commons over all other
parties combined. Owing to the war conditions no election
appeal to the nation was available in case of disagreement or
deadlock. I should have found it impossible to conduct the
war if I had had to procure the agreement in the compulsive
days of crisis and during long years of adverse and baffling
struggle not only of the Leaders of the two minority parties
but of the Leader of the Conservative majority. Whoever had
been chosen and whatever his self-denying virtues, he would
have had the real political power. For me there would have
been only the executive responsibility.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. II
I knew nothing about science, but I knew something of
scientists, and had had much practice as a Minister in
handling things I did not understand. I had, at any rate, an
acute military perception of what would help and what
would hurt, or what would cure and of what would kill.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. II
[Sir Winston was the first to associate scientists with the con
struction of national policy. He had consulted from about
1935 onwards with an old friend, Professor Lindemann,
holder of the Chair of Experimental Philosophy at Oxford.
Throughout the war, Professor Lindemann was his personal
scientific adviser. After the election of 1951, the Professor
(now Lord Cherwell) became a member of the Cabinet.]
I saw therefore that I should have to strive my utmost to
keep pace with the generation now in power and with fresh
54 A CHURCHILL READER
young giants who might at any time appear. In this I relied
upon knowledge as well as upon all possible zeal and mental
energy.
For this purpose I had recourse to a method of life which
had been forced upon me at the Admiralty in 1 9 14 and 1915,
and which I found greatly extended my daily capacity for
work. I always went to bed at least for one hour as early as
possible in the afternoon and exploited to the full my happy
gift of falling almost immediately into deep sleep. By this
means I was able to press a day and a half s work into one.
Nature had not intended mankind to work from eight in the
morning until midnight without that refreshment of blessed
oblivion which, even if it only lasts twenty minutes, is suffi
cient to renew all the vital forces. I regretted having to send
myself to bed like a child every afternoon, but I was re
warded by being able to work through the night until two
or even later sometimes much later in the morning, and
begin the new day between eight and nine o clock. This
routine I observed throughout the war, and I commend it
to others if and when they find it necessary for a long spell to
get the last scrap out of the human structure.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War; Vol. I
I do not think any expression of scorn or severity which I
have heard used by our critics has come anywhere near the
language which I have been myself accustomed to use, not
only orally, but in a stream of written minutes. In fact, I
wonder that a great many of my colleagues arc on speaking
terms with me.
Speech in the Home, June 25,
1941
If I am accused of this mistake, I can only say with M.
ON HIMSELF 55
Clemenceau on a celebrated occasion: "Perhaps I have made
a number of other mistakes of which you have not heard."
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 12, 1944
More difficulty and toil are often incurred in overcoming
opposition and adjusting divergent and conflicting views
than by having the right to give decisions oneself. It is most
important that at the summit there should be one mind
playing over the whole field, faithfully aided and corrected,
but not divided in its integrity. I should not of course have
remained Prime Minister for an hour if I had been deprived
of the office of Minister of Defence.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
All my work had come to me hour by hour at the Annexe,
and I had maintained my usual output though feeling far
from well. But now I became aware of a marked reduction in
the number of papers which reached me. When I protested,
the doctors, supported by my wife, argued that I ought to
quit my work entirely. I would not agree to this. What
should I have done all day? They then said I had pneu
monia, to which I replied, "Well, surely you can deal with
that. Don t you believe in your new drug?" Doctor Marshall
said he called pneumonia "the old man s friend." "Why?" I
asked. "Because it takes them off so quietly." I made a suit
able reply, but we reached an agreement on the following
lines. I was only to have the most important and interesting
papers sent me, and to read a novel. I chose Moll Flanders,
about which I had heard excellent accounts, but had not
found time to test them. On this basis I passed the next week
in fever and discomfort, and I sometimes felt very ill.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
56 A CHURCHILL READER
A gentleman, Mr. Thomson, kindly presented me with a
lion . . . "Rota" was the lion s name. . . . He was a male lion
of fine quality and in eight years became the father of many
children. The assistant secretary who had been with me in
the airplane came with some papers. He was a charming man,
highly competent, but physically on the small side. Indulg
ing in chaff, I now showed him a magnificent photograph of
"Rota* with his mouth open, saying, "If there are any short
comings in your work I shall send you to him. Meat is very
short now/ He took a serious view of this remark. He re
ported to the office that I was in a delirium.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[This was when Sir Winston had pneumonia in February,
1943.]
It is indeed remarkable that I was not in this bleak lull
dismissed from power, or confronted with demands for
changes in my methods, which it was known I should never
accept. I should then have vanished from the scene with a
load of calamity on my shoulders, and the harvest, at last to
be reaped, would have been ascribed to my belated disap
pearance. For indeed the whole aspect of the war was about
to be transformed. Henceforward increasing success, marred
hardly by a mishap, was to be our lot. I was not denied the
right to share in this new phase of the war. ... All this shows
how much luck there is in human affairs, and how little we
should worry about anything else except doing our best.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec-
ond World War," Vol IV
[Sir Winston was reflecting upon die fact that for twenty-
eight months while he was at head of affairs we had sustained
ON HIMSELF 57
unbroken military defeats. We were, he said, alive and at
bay; but that was all.]
I did not suffer from any desire to be relieved of my re
sponsibilities. All I wanted was compliance with my wishes
after reasonable discussion.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
[On suggestions in February 1942 that the Prime Minister
had too much to do and that he should have been relieved
of some of the burdens that fell upon him.]
Now for a short spell I became "the man on the spot."
Instead of sitting at home waiting for the news from the front
I could send it myself. This was exhilarating.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
[On visit to Cairo and Middle East, July 1942.]
This was a memorable occasion in my life. On my right
sat the President of the United States, on my left the master
of Russia. Together we controlled a large preponderance
of the naval and three-quarters of all the air forces in the
world, and could direct armies of nearly twenty millions of
men, engaged in the most terrible of wars that had yet oc
curred in human history.
Closing the Ring, " The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
[On Teheran Conference.]
I ... insist . . . that I be host at dinner tomorrow evening.
I think I have one or two claims to precedence. To begin
58 A CHURCHILL READER
with, I come first in seniority and alphabetically. In the
second place, I represent the longest established of the three
governments. And, in the third place, tomorrow happens
to be my birthday.
Quoted by Robert E. Sher
wood in the White House
Papers of Harry Hopkins
[At the Teheran Conference in November-December 1943
Sir Winston suggested that he and President Roosevelt have
lunch together before the second Plenary session. Roosevelt
declined as he did not want the report spread that he and
Sir Winston were hatching their own schemes without Russia.
Sir Winston made the above remark to Mr. Averell Harri-
man, who brought the President s message.]
On the way out from the dining-room I did a very foolish
thing. I saw before me five yards away the two formidable
guardians (of Marshal Tito) who had once again been ex
cluded. I have a very large oblong gold cigar case which
belonged to Lord Birkenhead and was given to me by his
family after his death. This was in my right-hand pocket. I
grasped it firmly and marched towards them. Arrived within
two yards I drew it from my pocket as if it were a pistol.
Luckily they grinned with delight and we made friends. But
I do not recommend such procedure in similar cases.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol. VI
[Sir Winston was entertaining Marshal Tito at dinner at
Naples on August 13, 1944. The Marshal was accompanied
by two "ferocious-looking" bodyguards, who were excluded
from all meetings which the Marshal attended.]
ONHIMSELF 59
Be on your guard! I am going to speak in French a for
midable undertaking and one which will put great demands
upon your friendship for Great Britain.
Speech in Paris after the Lib
eration of France
The United States stood on the scene of victory, master of
world fortunes, but without a true and coherent design.
Britain, though still very powerful, could not act decisively
alone. I could at this stage only warn and plead. Thus this
climax of apparently measureless success was to me a most
unhappy time. I moved amid cheering crowds, or sat at a
table adorned with congratulations and blessings from every
part of the Grand Alliance, with an aching heart and a mind
oppressed by forebodings.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol. VI
Apprehension for the future and many perplexities had
filled my mind as I moved about among the cheering crowds
of Londoners in their hour of well-won rejoicing after all
they had gone through. ... I could not rid my mind of the
fear that the victorious armies of democracy would soon
disperse, and that the real and hardest test still lay before us.
I had seen it all before. I remembered that other joy-day
nearly thirty years before, when I had driven with my wife
from the Ministry of Munitions through similar multitudes
convulsed with enthusiasm to Downing Street to congratulate
the Prime Minister.
Then, as at this time, I understood the world situation as
a whole. But then at least there was no mighty army that we
need fear.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
60 A CHURCHILL READER
This struck a knell in my breast. But I had no choice but
to submit.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War; Vol. VI
[President Truman s order that the American forces should
withdraw to the agreed lines of occupation on June 21, 1945.
Sir Winston had made vigorous pleas for this to be done only
after a meeting of the Big Three to settle the important Euro
pean problems which loomed large with the ending of the
war.]
All the while I felt that much we had fought for in our
long struggle in Europe was slipping away and that the hopes
of an early and lasting peace were receding. The days were
passed amid the clamour of multitudes, and when at night,
tired out, I got back to my headquarters train ... I had to
toil for many hours. The incongruity of party excitement
and clatter with the sombre background which filled my
mind was in itself an affront to reality and proportion.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War; r VoL VI
I was myself deeply distressed at the prospect of sinking
from a national to a party leader. Naturally I hoped that
power would be accorded to me to try to make the settle
ment in Europe, to end the Japanese war, and to bring the
soldiers home. This was not because it seemed less pleasant
to live a private life than to conduct great affairs. ... I had
the world position as a whole in my mind, and I deemed
myself to possess knowledge, influence, and even authority,
which might be of service. I therefore saw it as my duty to
try, and at the same time as my right. I could not believe
this would be denied me.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," VoL VI
ON HIMSELF 61
[On preparation for the General Election, 1945.]
It fell to me in those days to express the sentiments and
resolves of the British nation in that supreme crisis of its life.
That was to me an honour far beyond any dreams or ambi
tions I had ever nursed; and it is one that cannot be taken
away.
Verdict on his war Premiership
I regret that I have not been permitted to finish the work
against Japan.
From the message after the
General Election of 1945
It would be easy for me to retire gracefully in an odour of
civic freedom.
Speech to the Conservative
Conference., 1946
[After the defeat of the Conservatives in 1945, Sir Winston
was tempted to retire. He was certainly full of years and
honours his "civic freedoms" are no fewer than thirty-two.
But his combative spirit had been aroused by the defeat,
and he decided to carry on.]
On the whole, I accepted the view of the party managers,
and went to bed in the belief that the British people would
wish me to continue my work.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
Just before dawn, I awoke suddenly with a sharp stab of
almost physical pain. A hitherto subconscious conviction
that we were beaten broke forth and dominated my mind.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War; 9 Vol. VI
62 A CHURCHILL READER
[On the 1945 General Election. The Socialist victory was
generally unexpected even by the Socialists themselves. It
is agreed that the result was not a reflection upon Sir Win
ston but on the inter-war Conservative Governments.]
The decision of the British people has been recorded in
the votes counted today. I have therefore laid down the
charge which was placed upon me in darker times. ... It
only remains for me to express to the British people, for
whom I have acted in these perilous years, my profound
gratitude for the unflinching, unswerving support which
they have given me during my task, and for the many ex
pressions of kindness which they have shown towards their
servant.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War; 9 Vol. VI
As to being booed this was an experience which in ...
fifty years of the House of Commons I had never previously
endured, and indeed it was an exhibition which I had never
witnessed employed against anyone in all the Parliamentary
storms through which I have lived.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 7, 1951
I have today to deal with a Motion of censure and therefore
I hope I shall be pardoned if I do not confine myself entirely
to the uncontroversial methods which I usually practise.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 4, 1952
I have not for quite a long time imported any cigars from
hard currency areas. I have nevertheless received some from
time to time.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 19, 1951
ON HIMSELF 63
[Sir Winston was answering questions about the importation
of cigars from hard currency areas.]
You remember Fulton. I got into great trouble being a bit
in front of the weather that time. But it s all come out since
I won t say right, but it s all come out.
Press Conference on board the
"Queen Mary/ January
1953
[The speech at Fulton in America was that in which Sir
Winston first stated in public his apprehensions of the post
war Soviet attitude. His warnings were jeered at by his
opponents, but swiftly proved justified.]
Mr. James Glanville: "The electors did not accept the
Right Hon. Gentleman s advice."
Mr. Churchill: "I am afraid that that is a shaft too deadly
for me to reply to."
Speech in the House, March 8,
1948
[Speaking on the Navy Estimates, Sir Winston said that if
the Government had done what he advised in 1945 there
would have been a stronger Navy.]
I can only hope that the raw material is as good as the
method of distribution.
New York, January 5, 1953
[Sir Winston was commenting at a Press Conference on the
marvels of television and the fact that every expression on
his face could be seen on screens in millions of homes.]
64 A CHURCHILL READER
If I stay on for the time being, bearing the burden at my
age [78], it is not because of love for power or office. I have
had an ample feast of both. If I stay it is because I have the
feeling that I may, through things that have happened, have
an influence on what I care about above all else the build
ing of a sure and lasting peace.
Margate, October 10, 1953
[Sir Winston was answering the speculation on whether he
would retire, especially after his illness which necessitated a
month s complete rest.]
If I remain in public life at this juncture it is because,
rightly or wrongly, but sincerely, I believe that I may be able
to make an important contribution to the prevention of a
third world war, and to bringing nearer the lasting peace
settlement which the masses of the people of every race and
in every land fervently desire. I pray indeed that I may have
this opportunity. It is the last prixe I seek to win.
Plymouth, October 21, 1951
[Sir Winston was dealing with the Socialist allegation that he
was a warmonger and possibly with the suggestion that he
should have retired. He was then a month off his seventy-
seventh birthday.]
I will get on the plane and take my pill and I will wake
up either in Bermuda or in heaven. Unless one of you
gentlemen has another fate in mind for me.
Reported in New York "ffcr-
ald Tribune" October 6,
1953
ON HIMSELF 65
[Sir Winston had announced his determination to fly to
Bermuda, where he was to meet President Eisenhower and
the French Premier Laniel. Some members of the Cabinet,
mindful of his increasing frailty at the age of seventy-eight,
sought to persuade him to give up this plan and go by sea.]
I am perhaps the only man who has passed through both
the two supreme cataclysms of recorded history in high
executive office. . . . These thirty years of action and advocacy
comprise and express my life-effort, and I am content to be
judged upon them. I have adhered to my rule of never criti
cising any measure of war or policy after the event unless I
had before expressed publicly or formally my opinion or
warning about it.
Preface from The Hinge of
Fate, "The Second World
War; 9 Vol. IV
Not until I am a great deal worse and the Empire a great
deal better.
Quoted in the "Sunday
Times," February 8, 1953
[When Sir Winston was visiting the United States in Jan
uary 1953, he was asked how soon would he retire. He made
this retort.]
I am ready to meet my Maker. Whether my Maker is pre
pared for the great ordeal of meeting me is another matter.
[On his seventy-fifth anniversary, Sir Winston was asked if he
had any fear of death. He made the above reply.]
66 A CHURCHILL READER
This is the first occasion when I have addressed this as
sembly here as Prime Minister. The explanation is con
vincing. When I should have come here as Prime Minister
the Guildhall was blown up and before it was repaired I
was blown out.
Lord Mayor s Banquet, Lon
don, November 9, 1951
I notice that the first Englishman to receive the Nobel
Prize was Rudyard Kipling and that another equally re
warded was Mr. Bernard Shaw. I certainly cannot attempt
to compete with either of those. I knew them both quite well
and my thought was much more in accord with Mr. Rudyard
Kipling than with Mr. Bernard Shaw. On the other hand,
Mr. Rudyard Kipling never thought much of me, whereas
Mr. Bernard Shaw often expressed himself in most flattering
terms.
At No. 10 Downing Street, Oc
tober 15, 1953
[On receiving notification that he had been awarded the
Nobel Prize for Literature. Sir Winston was the first states
man and the seventh Briton to receive the world s highest
literary award.]
We shape our dwellings, and afterwards our dwellings
shape us.
Speech on rebuilding the
House, October 28, 1944
I have no more ambitions, but a last task I still see in front
of me, which possibly nobody can take from me, is to ease
world tension, to pave the way for peace and freedom. Power-
ONHIMSELF 67
ful political manoeuvres are no longer practicable. One must
negotiate.
Report of a conversation by
Von Tirpitz, son of the fa-
mous Admiral Von Tirpitz,
with Sir Winston, given in
the "Evening News" Decem
ber 16, 1953
I am proud, but also I must admit, awestruck at your de
cision to include me. I do hope you are right. I feel we are
both running a considerable risk and that I do not deserve
it. But I shall have no misgivings if you have none.
Speech on receiving the Nobel
Prize for literature. The
speech was read by Lady
Churchill in Oslo on De
cember 10, 1953
On His Dislikes
The slimness of this chapter shows the narrow limitations of
Sir Winston s capacity to dislike many individuals or to dis
like any for very long. There was a very typical incident in
the debate on November 3, 1953, when Mr. Herbert
Morrison recalled that Sir Winston had once expressed the
wish ee never to see him again." To this Sir Winston retorted
with a beaming smile, "I have got over that."
ON LORD MACAULAY
It is beyond our hopes to overtake Lord Macaulay. . . . We
can only hope that Truth will follow swiftly enough to fasten
the label "Liar" to his genteel coat-tails.
(< Marlborough y His Life and
Times"
ON THE LATE LORD ESHER
It is remarkable that Lord Esher should be so much astray.
, . . We must conclude that an uncontrollable fondness for
fiction forbade him to forsake it for fact. Such constancy is
a defect in an historian.
ON HIS DISLIKES 69
[Note on Lord Fisher s description of Sir Winston s part in
the Antwerp operation.]
ON THE MARGRAVE OF BADEN
His military epitaph for all time must be that the two
greatest captains of the age, pre-eminent and renowned in all
the annals of war, rated, by actions more expressive than
words, his absence from a decisive battlefield well worth
fifteen thousand men.
"Marlborough, His Life and
Times"
ON LORD CURZON
His facility carried him with a bound into prolixity; his
ceremonious diction wore the aspect of pomposity; his wide
knowledge was accused of superficiality; his national pre
eminence was accompanied by airs of superiority. . . . He
aroused both envy and admiration, but neither much love
nor much hatred.
"Great Contemporaries"
The morning had been golden; the noontide was bronze;
and the evening lead. But all were solid and each was pol
ished till it shone after its fashion.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON MR. DALTON
The hon. Gentleman is trying to win distinction by rude
ness.
[On Mr. Dalton s reference to the non-publication of an
appeal for a peaceful settlement of the General Strike by the
Christian Churches, May 10, 1926.]
ON THE LATE LORD STRABOLGI
(THEN LIEUTENANT-COMMANDER KENWORTHY, M.P.)
70 A CHURCHILL READER
His doctrine and his policy is to support and palliate every
form of terrorism so long as it is the terrorism of revolution
aries against the forces of law and order.
Speech on the Punjab disturb
ances, July 8, 1920
ON RAMSAY MACDONALD
The Government are defeated by thirty votes and then the
Prime Minister rises in his place, utterly unabashed, the
greatest living master of falling without hurting himself, and
airily assures us that nothing has happened.
Speech in the House, January
21, 1921
\ remember, when I was a child, being taken to the cele
brated Barnum s Circus, which contained an exhibition of
freaks and monstrosities, but the exhibit on the programme
which I most desired to see was the one described as "The
Boneless Wonder/ My parents judged that that spectacle
would be too revolting and demoralising for my youthful
eyes, and I have waited fifty years to see the Boneless Wonder
sitting on the Treasury Bench,
Speech in the House, January
28, 1933
We know that he has, more than any other man, the gift of
compressing the largest amount of words into the smallest
amount of thought.
Speech in the House, March
23, 1933
ON LORD CHARLES BERESFORD
He can best be described as one of those orators who, before
ON HIS DISLIKES 71
they get up, do not know what they are going to say; when
they are speaking, do not know what they are saying; and,
when they have sat down, do not know what they have said.
Speech after his appointment
to the Admiralty in 1911
[Lord Charles Beresford was a bitter critic of the new
broom.]
ON COUNT BERCHTOLD
He meant at all costs, by hook or by crook, to declare war
on Serbia. In the whole world that was the only thing that
counted with him. That was what Germany had urged. That
he must have; and that he got. But he got much more, too.
"The World Crisis"
ON THE EX-KAISER
The defence which can be made will not be flattering to
his self-esteem. . . . "Look at him; he is only a blunderer."
"Great Contemporaries"
It is shocking to reflect that upon the word or nod of a
being so limited there stood obedient and attentive for thirty
years the forces which, whenever released, could devastate the
world. It was not "his fault"; it was his fate.
"Great Contemporaries 9
ON BERNARD SHAW
He was one of my earliest antipathies. . . . This bright,
nimble, fierce, and comprehending being Jack Frost danc
ing bespangled in the sunshine.
He is at once an acquisitive Capitalist and a sincere Com-
72 A CHURCHILL READER
munist. He makes his characters talk blithely about killing
men for the sake of an idea; but would take great trouble not
to hurt a fly.
"Great Contemporaries 9
If the truth must be told, our British island has not had
much help in its troubles from Mr. Bernard Shaw. When
nations are fighting for life, when the palace in which the
jester dwells not uncomfortably is itself assailed, and every
one from prince to groom is fighting on the battlements, the
jester s jokes echo only through deserted halls, and his witti
cisms and condemnations, distributed evenly between friend
and foe, jar the ear of hurrying messengers, of mourning
women and wounded men. The titter ill accords with the
tocsin, or the motley with the bandages.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON LADY ASTOR
She enjoys the best of all worlds. . . . She denounces the vice
of gambling in unmeasured terms, and is closely associated
with an almost unrivalled racing stable. She accepts Commu
nist hospitality and flattery, and remains the Conservative
Member for Plymouth.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON TROTSKY
He sits disconsolate a skin of malice stranded for a time
on the shores of the Black Sea and now washed up in the Gulf
of Mexico.
He possessed in his nature all the qualities requisite for the
art of civic destruction the organising command of a Car-
not, the cold detached intelligence of a Machiavelli, the mob
oratory of a Cleon, the ferocity of a Jack the Ripper, the
toughness of Titus Gates.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON HIS DISLIKES 73
I must confess that I never liked Trotsky.
Speech in the House, August
2, 1944
ON LENIN
He alone could have found the way back to the causeway.
The Russian people were left floundering in the bog. Their
worst misfortune was his birth, the next worst his death.
"The World Crisis"
[Sir Winston had a certain admiration for Lenin s talents,
and is pointing out that his early death took place at a mo
ment when he seemed anxious to curb the worst practical
and theoretical excesses of the Revolution.]
It was with a sense of awe that they [the Germans] turned
upon Russia the most grisly of all weapons. They transported
Lenin in a sealed truck like a plague bacillus from Switzer
land into Russia.
"The World Crisis"
ON PRESIDENT WILSON
The inscrutable and undecided judge upon whose lips the
lives of millions hung.
He did not truly divine the instinct of the American peo
ple. First and foremost, all through and last, he was a party
man. The spacious philanthropy which he exhaled upon
Europe stopped quite sharply at the coasts of his own country.
"The World Crisis"
ON LORD NORTHCLIFFE
... at all time animated by an ardent patriotism and an in
tense desire to win the war. But he wielded power without
official responsibility, enjoyed secret knowledge without the
general view, and disturbed the fortunes of national leaders
without being willing to bear their burdens.
"The World Crisis?
74 A CHURCHILL READER
ON LORD OXFORD AND ASQUITH
When Lord Fisher resigned in May and the Opposition
threatened controversial debate, Asquith did not hesitate to
break his Cabinet up, demand the resignation of all Ministers,
and the political lives of half his colleagues, throw Haldane
to the wolves, leave me to bear the burden of the Dardanelles,
and sail victoriously on at the head of a Coalition Govern
ment. Not "all done by kindness 1 ! Not all by rose-water!
These were the convulsive struggles of a man of action and
of ambition at death-grips with events.
The phrase "Wait and see" which he had used in peace,
not indeed in a dilatory but in a minatory sense, reflected
with injustice, but with just enough truth to be dangerous,
upon his name and policy.
Great Contemporaries 9
He fashioned with deep thought impeccable verses in com
plicated metre, and recast in terser form classical inscriptions
which displeased him. I could not help much in this!
"Great Contemporaries"
[Sir Winston and Lord Asquith went together for a holiday
in the Mediterranean on the Admiralty yacht. The scion of
Balliol proved to have a mind which "opened and shut
smoothly and exactly like the breech of a gun/ and Sir
Winston rather found that the bigger the gun the greater
the bore.]
ON SIR WILLIAM ROBERTSON
The reader may pass lightly over such incidents as that of
General Robertson, who never himself at any time led even a
troop in action . . . speaking of the Cabinet as "poltroons."
"The World Crisis"
ON HIS DISLIKES 75
ON THE HOUSE OF LORDS
. . . this Second Chamber as it is one-sided, hereditary, un-
purged, unrepresentative, irresponsible, absentee.
Speech in the House, June 29,
1907
I will retort the question of the Leader of the Opposition
by another question. Has the House of Lords ever been right?
Speech in the House, June 29,
1907
[In later life, Sir Winston s views on the House of Lords
mellowed see chapter on Politics.]
ON THE LATE SOCIALIST GOVERNMENT (1931)
After listening to his [Mr. William Graham s] capacious
harangue and its immaculate delivery, one would never have
thought that the speaker was the representative of an admin
istration which, having reduced this country almost to beg
gary, had fled from their posts in terror of the consequences
which were approaching them.
Speech in the House on the
Revised Budget Proposals,
September 15, 1931
ON THE 1931-35 GOVERNMENT
We must regard as deeply blameworthy before history the
conduct not only of the British National and mainly Con
servative Government, but of the Labour-Socialist and Lib
eral Parties, both in and out of office, during this fatal period
[1931-35]. Delight in smooth-sounding platitudes, refusal to
face unpleasant facts, desire for popularity and electoral suc
cess irrespective of the vital interests of the State, genuine
76 A CHURCHILL READER
love of peace and pathetic belief that love can be its sole foun
dation, obvious lack of intellectual vigour in both leaders of
the British Coalition Government, marked ignorance of Eu
rope and aversion from its problems in Mr, Baldwin, the
strong and violent pacifism which at this time dominated the
Labour-Socialist Party, the utter devotion of the Liberals to
sentiment apart from reality, the failure and worse than fail
ure of Mr. Lloyd George, the erstwhile great war-time leader,
to address himself to the continuity of his work, the whole
supported by overwhelming majorities in both Houses of
Parliament; all these constituted a picture of British fatuity
and fecklessness which, though devoid of guile, was not de
void of guilt, and, though free from wickedness or evil design,
played a definite part in the unleashing upon the world of
horrors and miseries which, even so far as they have unfolded,
are already beyond comparison in human experience.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
ON THE GERMAN ARMY
The deadly, drilled, docile, brutish masses of the Hun sol
diery plodding on like a swarm of crawling locusts.
Broadcast on Hitler s invasion
of Russia, July 1941
ON PRINCE PAUL OF YUGOSLAVIA
"Prince Palsy."
[Nickname reputed to have been invented when Prince Paul,
as Regent of Yugoslavia, was coquetting with the Axis.]
ON SIR STAFFORD CRIPPS
Neither of his colleagues can compare with him in that
acuteness and energy of mind with which he devotes himself
ON HIS DISLIKES 77
to so many topics injurious to the strength and welfare of
the State.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 12, 1946
ON MUSSOLINI
This whipped jackal, who to save his own skin, has made of
Italy a vassal State of Hitler s Empire, is frisking up by the
side of the German tiger with yelps not only of appetite
that could be understood but even of triumph.
Broadcast, April 27, 1941
I must pay my tribute to Signor Mussolini, whose prestige
and authority by the mere terror of his name quelled
the wicked depredations of these marauders.
Speech in the House on the
Nyon Conference, Decem
ber 21, 1937
[This Conference had agreed to attack submarines which
were sinking merchant ships on the way to Spain. The point
of the observation is that these submarines were well known
to be Italian, though diplomacy was supposed to dictate
ignorance of the fact.]
The hyena in his nature broke all bounds of decency and
even common sense.
Broadcast, November 29, 1942
ON HITLER
This bloodthirsty guttersnipe.
Broadcast, June 1941
78 A CHURCHILL READER
In North Africa, we builded better than we knew. For this
we have to thank the military intuition of Corporal Hitler.
We may notice the touch of the master hand. The same
insensate obstinacy. . . .
Speech to the American Con
gress, May 1943
I always hate to compare Napoleon with Hitler, as it seems
an insult to the great Emperor and warrior to compare him in
any way with a squalid caucus boss and butcher.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 1944
When Herr Hitler escaped the bomb on July 21 he de
scribed his survival as providential. I think from a purely
military point of view we can all agree with him. Certainly
it would be most unfortunate if the Allies were to be deprived
in the closing phases of the struggle of that form of warlike
genius by which Corporal Schicklgruber has so notably con
tributed to our victory.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 1944
There must not be lacking in our leadership something of
the spirit of that Austrian corporal who, when all had fallen
into ruins about him and when Germany seemed to have sunk
for ever into chaos, did not hesitate to march forth against
the vast array of victorious nations, and has already turned
the tables so decisively upon them.
Speech in the House, October
4, 1938
[This is not merely a case of giving the devil his due. Sir
Winston was speaking to an audience many of whom could
ON HIS DISLIKES 79
objectively admire Hitler s resuscitation of German might
against great odds, and was tempering the wind to these
gambolling and still unshorn lambs.]
If Hitler invaded Hell, I would make at least a favourable
reference to the Devil in the House of Commons.
Reply to a question how he,
who was the arch anti-Corn-
munist; could advocate sup
port for Russia when Hitler
attacked her in June 1941
ON MR. GANDHI
It is alarming and also nauseating to see Mr. Gandhi, a
seditious Middle Temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir, strid
ing half naked up the steps of the Viceregal palace to parley
on equal terms with the representative of the King-Emperor.
ON MR. ANEURIN BEVAN
There is, however, a poetic justice in the fact that the most
mischievous mouth in war-time has also become in peace the
most remarkable administrative failure.
Speech at Blackpool, October
5 9 1946
Unless he changes his policy and methods ... he will be as
great a curse to this country in peace as he was a squalid
nuisance in time of war.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, December 6, 1945
There is no one more free with interruptions, taunts and
jibes than he is. I saw him I heard him, not saw him
almost assailing some of the venerable figures on the bench
80 A CHURCHILL READER
immediately below him. He need not get so angry because
the House laughs at him: he ought to be pleased when they
only laugh at him.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, December 8, 1944
If you recognise anyone, it does not mean that you like
him. We all, for instance, recognise the Right Hon. Gentle
man, the Member for Ebbw Vale.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, July 1, 1952
[Sir Winston was speaking on the recognition of Communist
China.]
I should think it hardly possible to state the opposite of
the truth with more precision.
Retort in the House, Decem
ber 8, 1944
Mr. Lloyd George s Cabinet stood in about the same rela
tion in brain-power and goodwill compared with the present
administration as does Mr. Lloyd George himself in history
stand to the latest Welsh product.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, November 16, 1948
ON MR. DE VALERA
Mr. De Valera, oblivious to the claims of conquered peo
ples, has also given his croak in this sense. No sooner had he
clambered from the arena into the Imperial box than he
hastened to turn his thumb down upon the first prostrate
gladiator he saw.
ON HIS DISLIKES 81
[De Valera urges recognition of the Italian conquest of
Abyssinia, February 4, 1938.]
ON THE ITALIAN NAVY
There is a general curiosity in the British Fleet to find out
whether the Italians are up to the level they were at in the
last war or whether they have fallen off at all.
Speech in the House, June 18,
1940
ON M. LAVAL
I am afraid I have rather exhausted the possibilities of the
English language.
Reply in the House to a request
for a categorical denuncia
tion" of the French Quisling,
September 29, 1942
ON STATE SOCIALISTS
Collective ideologists those professional intellectuals
who revel in decimals and polysyllables.
Speech at Margate, October
10, 1953
ON EARL BALDWIN OF BEWDLEY
Stanley Baldwin was the wiser, more comprehending per
sonality [compared with Neville Chamberlain] but without
detailed executive capacity. He was largely detached from
foreign and military affairs. He knew little of Europe and
disliked what he knew. He had a deep knowledge of British
party politics and represented in a broad way some of the
strength and many of the infirmities of our island race. He
had fought five General Elections and won three of them. He
82 A CHURCHILL READER
had a genius for waiting upon events and an imperturbability
under adverse criticism. . . . He seemed to me to revive the
impression history gives us of Sir Robert Walpole, without, of
course, the eighteenth-century corruption, and he was master
of British politics for nearly as long.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
[I am never quite sure whether Sir Winston s innate con
tempt for Lord Baldwin outweighed his appreciation of
Lord Baldwin s political astuteness, so I have included him
both among his likes and among his dislikes.]
ON MR. NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN
He was alert, business-like, opinionated, and self-confident
in a very high degree. Unlike Baldwin, he conceived himself
able to comprehend the whole field of Europe and indeed of
the world. Instead of vague but none the less deep-seated
intuition he had a narrow, sharp-edged efficiency within the
limits of the policy in which he believed. . . . His all-pervad
ing hope was to go down to history as the Great Peacemaker;
and for this he was prepared to strive continually in the face
of facts, and face great risks for himself and his country.
Unhappily he ran into tides the force of which he could not
measure, and met hurricanes from which he did not flinch
but with which he could not cope. In these closing years
before the war, I should have found it easier to work with
Baldwin as I knew him than with Chamberlain; but neither
of them had any wish to work with me except in the last
resort.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
ONHISDISLIKES 83
[It is a tragedy that only the last and least of the three great
Chamberlains should have been Prime Minister. He was
utterly uncongenial to Sir Winston.]
ON THE BALDWIN-CHAMBERLAIN GOVERNMENTS
They neither prevented Germany from rearming, nor did
they rearm ourselves in time. They quarrelled with Italy
without saving Ethiopia. They exploited and discredited the
vast institution of the League of Nations. They neglected to
make alliances and combinations which might have repaired
previous errors; and thus they left us in the hour of trial
without adequate national defence or effective international
security.
Speech on the Munich Agree
ment, House of Commons,
October 5, 1938
They are decided only to be undecided, resolved to be ir
resolute, adamant for drift, solid for fluidity, all-powerful for
impotence.
Comment in 1936
On Russia
This chapter records the variations in Sir Winston s atti
tude towards Russia, and also the common thread running
through all his attitudes. He started with a sentimental affec
tion for Russia of the Romanovs, based chiefly on the fact that
Nicholas II was a sincere and well-meaning character, and a
loyal ally in the First World War.
He felt a profound repulsion towards the barbarities of the
early Bolsheviks, and the macabre hypocrisy of the Marxist
faith. He foresaw a world danger in its purely materialistic and
opportunist creed. That is why he carried to great and un
popular lengths his opposition to the Reds and his support of
the Whites. This was his first crusade against appeasement.
From about 1936 onwards, he estimated that Hitler was
the greatest danger, and would not have been halfhearted in
seeking a defensive alliance with Russia within the League
of Nations.
Between May 1940 and June 1942 he warned Russia that
Hitler would go for her. When he did, Sir Winston at once
declared his unqualified support for Russia, and for the rest
of the war zealously furnished her with supplies and gave her
ONRUSSIA 85
efforts lavish praise. He certainly established mutual respect
between himself and Stalin.
From April 1945 onwards he strongly urged that a general
settlement should be reached with Russia before the West
disarmed; and foresaw that Russia fighting for her life would
be very different from Russia plotting for her creed.
From the Fulton speech (March 1946) onwards he devoted
himself to exposure of the Communist menace and to the
building up of Western strength. From 1951 onwards he has
urged the need of trying to get a settlement with Russia by
"high-level" talks.
It will be seen that if Sir Winston had been the "Tory
Imperialist" of Socialist imaginings he would have found
something congenial both in Fascist and in Communist dic
tatorships which in fact have never found it difficult to
make a deal with each other. Both have always been repug
nant to him, though he would use either against the one
which was the more dangerous to democracy at the moment.
JtvussiA is a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma.
Broadcast, October 1, 1939
Everybody has always underrated the Russians. They keep
their own secrets alike from foe and friends.
Speech in the House, April 23,
1942
The giant mortally stricken had just time, with dying
strength, to pass the torch eastward across the ocean to a new
Titan long sunk in doubt who now arose and began ponder
ously to arm. The Russian Empire fell on March 16; on
April 6 the United States entered the war.
The World Crisis"
86 A CHURCHILL READER
Lastly, the now inevitable prolongation of the struggle was
destined to prove fatal to Russia. In the war of exhaustion
to which we were finally condemned, which was indeed ex
tolled as the last revelation of military wisdom, Russia was
to be the first to fall, and in her fall to open upon herself a
tide of ruin in which perhaps a score of millions of human
beings have been engulfed. The consequences of these events
abide with us today. They will darken the world for our
children s children. . . . Russia fell to the earth, devoured
alive, like Herod of old, by worms.
"The World Crisis"
All sorts of Russians made the revolution. No sort of Rus
sian reaped its profit. Among the crowds who thronged the
turbulent streets and ante-rooms of Petrograd in these March
days, with the resolve "Change at all costs" in their hearts,
were found Grand Dukes, fine ladies, the bitterest die-hards
and absolutists; resolute, patriotic politicians; experienced
Generals; diplomats and financiers of the old regime; Liberals
and Democrats; Socialists; sturdy citizens and tradesfolk;
faithful soldiers seeking to free their Prince from bad ad
visers; ardent nationalists resolved to purge Russia from
secret German influence; multitudes of loyal peasants and
workmen; and behind all, cold, calculating, ruthless, patient,
stirring all, demanding all, awaiting all, the world-wide or
ganisation of International Communism.
"The World Crisis"
In the deepest depth he sought desperate energy for a
deeper. But poor wretch he had reached rock bottom.
Nothing lower than the Communist criminal class could be
found.
On Trotsky, from "Great Con
temporaries"
ONRUSSIA 87
Of "Peter the Painter" not a trace was ever found. He van
ished completely. Rumour has repeatedly claimed him as one
of the Bolshevik liberators and saviours of Russia. Certainly
his qualities and record would well have fitted him to take
an honoured place in that noble band.
On the Battle of Sydney Street,
from "Thoughts and Adven
ture"
[After so long, it may be necessary to recall that Sir Winston,
as Home Secretary, personally directed, in top hat and frock
coat, the siege of the terrorists in Sydney Street. When re
proved by a colleague for exhibitionism, he urged that the
experience had been irresistible.]
A war of few casualties and unnumbered executions!
Russian Civil War, 1917-19
They [the Russian villagers] did not yet understand that
under Communism they would have a new landlord, the
Soviet State a landlord who would demand a higher rent
to feed his hungry cities, a collective landlord who could not
be killed, but who could and would without compunction
kill them.
"The World Crisis 9
There is among us a small but highly intellectual school of
thought which reaches its fullest expression in Russia, but
also flourishes among some of our smaller neighbours, and
which proclaims openly that it is much better for a nation to
go through the bankruptcy court and start business again . . .
and either to repudiate its debts and start again or pay as
much in the as it finds convenient by writing its currency
down to the necessary figure.
Budget Speech, April 15, 1929
88 A CHURCHILL READER
. . . the old Russia had been dragged down, and in her place
there ruled "the nameless beast" so long foretold in Russian
legend.
"The World Crisis 9
Bela Kun, an offshoot of the Moscow fungus.
"The World Crisis 9
[Bela Kun established a Communist regime in Hungary
after the First World War. It lasted only a few months and
was overthrown by a counterrevolution.]
Here we have a State whose subjects are so happy that they
have to be forbidden to quit its bounds under the direst
penalties; whose diplomatists and agents sent on foreign mis
sions have often to leave their wives and children at home as
hostages to ensure their eventual return.
These weak small States, this long thin line, this cordon
sanitaire as it was called in France, was four or five months
ago a subject of the deepest anxiety to all who were concerned
with the general problems of European policy, because when
you see how weak they were, how short of food, how short of
money, how deprived of permanent and well-established in
stitutions or disciplined armies, or organised finances it
seemed almost impossible that, subverted as they were them
selves to no inconsiderable extent by the general progress of
Bolshevism going on just over their borders, they should
withstand any fierce, general organised attack coming from
Russia.
Speech in the House, July 29,
1919
The day will come when it will be recognised without
doubt . . . throughout the civilised world that the strangling
ONRUSSIA 89
of Bolshevism at birth would have been an untold blessing
to the human race.
Mr. Seymour Cocks: If that had happened we should have
lost the 1939-45 war.
Sir Winston Churchill: No. It would have prevented that
war.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, May 11, 1953
Since the Armistice my policy would have been "Peace with
the German people, war on the Bolshevik tyranny." Will
ingly or unavoidably, you have followed something very near
the reverse. . . . We are now face to face with the results. . . .
Russia has gone into ruin. What is left of her is in the power
of these deadly snakes.
Memorandum to Mr. Lloyd
George, the Prime Minister,
in March 1920
[As Secretary of State for War, Sir Winston had supplied the
White Russian forces with voluminous munitions, and had
supported the Archangel expedition to the last possible
moment. Mr. Lloyd George, on the other hand, did his best
to come to terms with the Bolsheviks.]
Trotsky still survives to embarrass the well-meaning Nor
wegians, and Lenin s widow waves him signals of despair
faintly distinguishable in the Russian twilight. Gone are the
heroes of the British Socialist Party. Kameneff, the maker of
the first Anglo-Soviet trade agreement, Zinoviev, of the famous
election letter, shot to rags by Soviet rifles. Tomsky, with his
gold watch from our Trade Union Congress, blows out his
brains to escape his sentence*
From a letter, September 4,
1936
90 ACHURCHILLREADER
[In this year the world was astonished to learn that a vast
series of State trials were taking place in Russia in which
many politicians and thousands of Army officers were in
volved. It has since appeared likely that this purge marked
the defeat and liquidation of pro-Germans.]
Russia has pursued a cold policy of self-interest. We could
have wished that the Russian armies should be standing on
their present line as the friends and allies of Poland instead
of as invaders. But that the Russian armies should stand on
this line was clearly necessary for the safety of Russia against
the Nazi menace.
Speech in the House, October
1, 1939
[Sir Winston refers to the Russian invasion of Poland in
September 1939. This partition of Poland was one of the
secret provisions in the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact of August
1939 which precipitated the Second World War.]
Any man or State who fights on against Nazidom will have
our aid. Any man or State who marches with Hitler is our foe.
Broadcast, June 22, 1941
At four o clock this morning Hitler attacked and invaded
Russia. All his usual formalities of perfidy were observed
with scrupulous technique.
Broadcast, June 22, 1941
Then Hitler made his second blunder. He forgot about
the winter. There is a winter, you know, in Russia. For a
good many months the temperature is apt to fall very low.
There is snow, there is frost, and all that. Hitler forgot about
this Russian winter. He must have been very loosely edu-
ON RUSSIA 91
cated. We all heard about it at school; but he forgot it. I
have never made such a bad mistake as that.
Broadcast, May 10, 1942
What can we do to help Russia. There is nothing that we
would not do. If the sacrifice of thousands of British lives
would turn the scale, our countrymen would not flinch.
Speech in the House, April 26,
1942
[All through 1942 the Russians and many in other lands
were pressing for the opening of a second front in Europe.
In this speech Sir Winston was explaining that he had not
promised to do so, and that the failure to do so was not due
to selfishness, but to sound strategy.]
We are sea animals, and the United States are to a large
extent ocean animals. The Russians are land animals. Hap
pily, we are all three air animals.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 8, 1942
I know of no Government which stands to its obligations,
even in its own despite, more solidly than the Russian Gov
ernment. Sombre indeed would be the fortunes of mankind
if some awful situation arose between the Western democra
cies and the Soviet Union if the future world organisation
were rent asunder and a new cataclysm of inconceivable vio
lence destroyed all that is left of the treasures and liberties
of mankind.
Speech in the House on the
Yalta Conference
[Sir Winston was rebuffing charges of bad faith brought
against the Soviet Government s assurances to Poland.]
92 ACHURCHILLREADER
The Russian armies now stand before the gates of Warsaw.
They bring the liberation of Poland in their hands. They
offer freedom, sovereignty, and independence to the Poles.
Speech in the House, August
2,1944
[As the final volume of the War Memoirs showed, the Rus
sians turned out to be offering nothing of the sort. In fact,
they deliberately, against and despite Sir Winston s frantic
protests, allowed the Germans to suppress the Warsaw
rising.]
War is mainly a catalogue of blunders, but it may be
doubted whether any mistake in history has equalled that of
which Stalin and the Communist chiefs were guilty when they
cast away all possibilities in the Balkans and supinely awaited,
or were incapable of realising, the fearful onslaught which
impended upon Russia. We have hitherto rated them as
selfish calculators. In this period [1941] they were proved
simpletons as well. The force, the mass, the bravery and en
durance of Mother Russia had still to be thrown into the
scales. But so far as strategy, policy, foresight, competence are
arbiters Stalin and his commissars showed themselves at this
moment the most completely outwitted bunglers of the Sec
ond World War.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War/ Vol. Ill
The Soviet machine is quite convinced it can get every
thing by bullying, and I am sure it is a matter of some impor
tance to show that this is not necessarily always true.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
I tell you it s no use arguing with a Communist. It s no
ONRUSSIA 93
good trying to convert a Communist, or persuade him. You
can only deal with them on the following basis . . . you can
only do it by having superior force on your side on the matter
in question and they must also be convinced that you will
use you will not hesitate to use these forces if necessary,
in the most ruthless manner. You have not only to convince
the Soviet Government that you have superior force that
they are confronted by superior force but that you are not
restrained by any moral consideration if the case arose from
using that force with complete material ruthlessness. And
that is the greatest chance of peace, the surest road to peace.
New York, March 25, 1949
Vyacheslav Molotov was a man of outstanding ability and
cold-blooded ruthlessness. He had survived the fearful haz
ards and ordeals to which all the Bolshevik leaders had been
subjected in the years of triumphant revolution. He had lived
and thrived in a society where ever-varying intrigue was ac
companied by the constant menace of personal liquidation.
His cannon-ball head, black moustache, and comprehending
eyes, his slab face, his verbal adroitness and imperturbable
demeanour, were appropriate manifestations of his qualities
and skill. He was above all men fitted to be the agent and
instrument of the policy of an incalculable machine. I have
only met him on equal terms, in parleys where sometimes a
strain of humour appeared, or at banquets where he genially
proposed a long succession of conventional and meaningless
toasts. I have never seen a human being who more perfectly
represented the modern conception of a robot. ... In the
conduct of foreign affairs, Mazarin, Talleyrand, Mettemich
would welcome him to their company, if there be another
world to which Bolsheviks allow themselves to go.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
94 A CHURCHILL READER
I had always thought it was a wrong thing, capable of
breeding disastrous quarrels, that a mighty land-mass like the
Russian Empire, with its population of nearly two hundred
millions, should be denied during the winter months all
effective access to the broad waters.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. V
I have had this pen a long time. When Lady Churchill
went to Russia during the war ... I got a similar one for her
to give to Stalin. But he said he always used blue pencils.
However, it all passed off very well.
Remark on receiving the Free-
dom of Leeds, October 27,
1953
These dinners were lengthy, and from the beginning many
toasts were proposed and responded to in very short speeches.
Silly tales have been told of how these Soviet dinners became
drinking-bouts. There is no truth whatever in this. The
Marshal and his colleagues invariably drank their toasts from
tiny glasses, taking only a sip on each occasion. I had been
well brought up.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
It would be a measureless disaster if Russian barbarism
overlaid the culture and independence of the ancient States
of Europe.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Minute to the Foreign Secretary, October 21, 1942.]
ONRUSSIA 95
Great numbers of people who for twenty years had lived in
freedom in their native land and had represented the domi
nant majority of its people disappeared. A large proportion
of these were transported to Siberia. The rest went farther.
This process was described as "Mutual Assistance Pacts."
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
[Annexation of the three Baltic States Estonia, Lithuania,
Latvia by Soviet Russia in 1939.]
While going through the streets of Moscow, which seemed
very empty, I lowered the window for a little air, and to my
surprise felt that the glass was over two inches thick. This
surpassed all records in my experience.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
Russia is a land animal . . . the British are sea animals.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
I record as they come back to me these memories, and the
strong impression I sustained at the moment of millions of
men and women being blotted out or displaced for ever. A
generation would no doubt come to whom their miseries were
unknown, but it would be sure of having more to eat and
bless Stalin s name. 1 did not repeat Burke s dictum, "If I
cannot have reform without injustice, I will not have reform."
With the World War going on all around us it seemed vain
to moralise aloud.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
96 ACHURCHILLREADER
[Sir Winston was referring here to the conversations with
Stalin in Moscow, August 1942, when the subject of the mil
lions of Russians who suffered from the ruthless enforcing
of Stalin s collective-farming policy cropped up.]
The inveterate suspicion with which the Russians regarded
foreigners was shown by some remarkable incidents during
Molotov s stay at Chequers. On arrival they had asked at
once for keys to all the bedrooms. These were provided with
some difficulty, and thereafter our guests always kept their
doors locked. When the staff at Chequers succeeded in get
ting in to make the beds they were disturbed to find pistols
under the pillows. The three chief members of the mission
were attended not only by their own police officers, but by
two women who looked after their clothes and tidied their
rooms. When the Soviet envoys were absent in London these
women kept constant guard over their masters rooms, only
coming down one at a time for their meals.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
Extraordinary precautions were taken for Molotov s per
sonal safety. His room had been thoroughly searched by his
police officers, every cupboard and piece of furniture and the
walls and floors being meticulously examined by practised
eyes. The bed was the object of particular attention; the
mattresses were all prodded in case of infernal machines, and
the sheets and blankets were re-arranged by the Russians so
as to leave an opening in the middle of the bed out of which
the occupant could spring at a moment s notice, instead of
being tucked in. At night a revolver was laid out beside his
dressing-gown and his dispatch case. It is always right, espe
cially in time of war, to take precautions against danger, but
ONRUSSIA 97
every effort should be made to measure its reality. The sim
plest test is to ask oneself whether the other side have any
interest in killing the person concerned. For myself, when I
visited Moscow I put complete trust in Russian hospitality.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
From Stettin, in the Baltic, to Trieste, in the Adriatic, an
iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that
line lie all the capitals of the ancient States of Central and
Eastern Europe Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Buda
pest, Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia. All these famous cities
and the populations around them lie in the Soviet sphere,
and all are subject in one form or another not only to Soviet
influence, but to a very high and increasing measure of con
trol from Moscow. Athens alone, with its immortal glories, is
free to decide its future at an election under British, Ameri
can, and French observation.
Fulton, Missouri, U.S.A.,
March 5, 1946
[This is the first public use of the phrase the "Iron Cur
tain." Sir Winston had, however, used it earlier on, June 4,
1945, in a private cable to President Truman, wherein he
wrote: "I view with profound misgivings the retreat of the
American Army to our line of occupation in the central
sector [of Germany] thus bringing Soviet power into the
heart of Western Europe and the descent of an iron curtain
between us and everything to the eastward/*
As the following quotations show, Sir Winston tried hard
to dissipate the American obsession, which was the one un
fortunate legacy left by President Roosevelt, that it would
be easy after the war to persuade the Russians to be reason
able and co-operative. His record in this matter is another
example of his remarkable political foresight.]
98 ACHURCHILLREADER
I deem it highly important that we should shake hands
with the Russians as far to the east as possible.
Message to General Eisen
hower, April 2, 1945
In Washington especially longer and wider views should
have prevailed. It is true that American thought is at least
disinterested in matters which seem to relate to territorial
acquisitions, but when wolves are about the shepherd must
guard his flock, even if he does not care for mutton.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol. VI
We can now see the deadly hiatus which existed between
the fading of President Roosevelt s strength and the growth
of President Truman s grip of the vast world problem. In
this melancholy void, one President could not act and the
other could not know.
Triumph and Tragedy, <( The
Second World War," Vol. VI
It would, I think, be a mistake to assume that nothing can
be settled with Soviet Russia unless or until everything is
settled.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, May 11, 1953
Let there be sunshine on both sides of the iron curtain;
and if ever the sunshine should be equal on both sides, the
curtain will be no more.
Speech at Blenheim, August 4,
1947
ONRUSSIA 99
The topic that bulked the largest at this audience, as it had
done with his predecessor eighteen years before, was the
danger of Communism. I have always had the greatest dis
like of it; and should I ever have the honour of another
audience with the Supreme Pontiff, I should not hesitate to
recur to the subject.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol. VI
[The reference is to Sir Winston s audience with the Pope,
August 23, 1944, when on a visit to the Italian front. Sir
Winston has always been interested in the relations between
the Vatican and Moscow. He recounts how he once tried
to persuade Stalin to show a greater tolerance of religion,
because the Pope was greatly disturbed by Communist athe
ism. "So," said Stalin, "the Pope! How many divisions has
he got?" The question, with its disregard of the imponder
ables, is, of course, typical of Communist materialism.]
There is not much comfort in looking into a future where
you and the countries you dominate, plus the Communist
parties in many other States, are all drawn up on one side,
and those who rally to the English-speaking nations and
their associates or Dominions are on the other. It is quite
obvious that their quarrel would tear the world to pieces, and
that all of us leading men on either side, who had anything to
do with that, would be shamed before history. Even embark
ing on a long period of suspicions, of abuse and counter-
abuse, and of opposing policies would be a disaster hamper
ing the great developments of world prosperity for the masses
which are attainable only by our trinity. I hope there is no
word or phrase in this outpouring of my heart to you which
unwittingly gives offence. If so, let me know. But do not, I
beg of you, my friend Stalin, underrate the divergencies which
are opening about matters which you may think are small to
100 A CHURCHILL READER
us, but which are symbolic of the way the English-speaking
democracies look at life.
Message to Stalin, April 29,
1945
[This prophetic warning fell on a cold heart.]
Sombre indeed would be the fortunes of mankind if some
awful schism arose between the Western Democracies and the
Russian Soviet Union, if the future world organisation were
rent asunder, and if new cataclysms of inconceivable violence
destroyed all that is left of the treasures and liberties of man
kind.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, February 27, 1945
4
On His Likes
This chapter shows the wide range of those who have attracted
Sir Winston s affection or respect or both. It would perhaps
be right to add to the list some on whom he had made no
public pronouncement Lord Bracken, gay and witty, a
remarkable combination of common sense and uncommon
originality; or Mr. "Bernie" Baruch, his frequent host in
America, whose New York flat is crammed with Churchilliana.
ON HIS MOTHER
My mother made a brilliant impression upon my child
hood s life. She shone for me like the evening star I loved
her dearly, but at a distance.
"Amid These Storms"
ON HIS FATHER
In his speeches he revealed a range of thought, an authority
of manner, and a wealth of knowledge, which neither friends
nor foes attempted to dispute.
(( Lord Randolph Churchiir
102 A CHURCHILL READER
Lord Randolph s popularity was enhanced by his promo
tion. Those commanding qualities which the House of Com
mons had so frankly accepted were now recognised by persons
and classes who had hitherto schooled themselves to regard
him merely as an unedifying example of irresponsible au
dacity.
"Lord Randolph Churchill"
Would he, under the many riddles the future had reserved
for such as he, have snapped the tie of sentiment that bound
him to his party, resolved at last to "shake the yoke of inaus
picious stars"; or would he by combining its Protectionist
appetites with the gathering forces of labour have endeav
oured to repeat as a Tory-Socialist in the new century the
triumphs of the Tory-Democrat in the old?
On Lord Randolph, the Tory-
Democrat
That frail body, driven forward by its nervous energies,
had all these last five years been at the utmost strain. Good
fortune had sustained it; but disaster, obloquy, and inaction
now suddenly descended with crushing force, and the hurt
was mortal.
"Lord Randolph Churchill"
[The description is of the consequences of his resignation in
1887, when psychological depression found a dread ally in
a lingering mortal illness.]
All my dreams of comradeship with him, of entering Par
liament at his side and in his support, were ended. There
remained for me only to pursue his aims and vindicate his
memory.
"A mid These Storms"
ON HIS LIKES 103
ON HIS NURSE, MRS. EVEREST
My nurse was my confidante ... [at her death she was] my
dearest and most intimate friend during the whole of the
twenty years I had lived.
Death came very easily to her. She had lived such an
innocent and loving life of service to others, and held such
a simple faith, that she had no fears and did not seem to
mind very much.
"Amid These Storms"
ON MR. WELDON, HEADMASTER OF HARROW
I wrote my name at the top of the page. I wrote down the
number of the question "1." After much reflection, I put a
bracket round it thus "(I)-" But thereafter I could not think
of anything connected with it that was either relevant or
true. ... It was from these slender indications of scholarship
that Mr. Weldon drew the conclusion that I was worthy to
pass into Harrow. It was very much to his credit.
"Amid These Storms"
ON THE LATE LORD ROSEBERY
He flourished in an age of great men and small events.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON THE LATE JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN
At a time when I looked out of my regimental cradle and
was thrilled by politics he was incomparably the most lively,
sparkling, insurgent, compulsive figure in British affairs.
"Great Contemporaries
ON GENERAL GORDON
A man careless alike of the frowns of men or the smiles of
women, of life or comfort, wealth or fame.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the
Soudan"
104 A CHURCHILL READER
ON THE LATE LORD MORLEY
Such men are not found today. Certainly they are not
found in British politics. The tidal wave of democracy and
the volcanic explosion of the war have swept the shores bare.
. . . The old world of culture and quality . . . was doomed;
but it did not lack its standard-bearer.
"Great Contemporaries"
[John Morley made the greatest impression on Sir Winston
of all the members of the Liberal Cabinet of 1906. His
(Sir Winston s) admiration survived even Morley s pacifism.]
ON LORD ROBERTS
I have never seen a man before with such extraordinary
eyes. . . . The face remains perfectly motionless, but the eyes
convey the strongest emotions. Sometimes they blaze with
anger, and you see hot yellow fire behind them. Then it is
best to speak up straight and clear and make an end quickly.
"Ian Hamilton s March"
ON A. J. BALFOUR
His aversion from the Roman Catholic faith was dour and
inveterate. Otherwise he seemed to have the personal qualifi
cations of a great Pope. . . . He was quite fearless. . . . Poverty
never entered his thoughts. Disgrace was impossible because
of his character and behaviour.
"Great Contemporaries"
He was never excited, and in the House of Commons very
hard indeed to provoke. I tried often and often, and only
on a few occasions, which I prefer to forget, succeeded in
seriously annoying him in public debate.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON HIS LIKES 105
ON THE BRITISH PEOPLE
Ask what you please; look where you will, you cannot get
to the bottom of the resources of Britain. No demand is too
novel or too sudden to be met. No need is too unexpected to
be supplied. No strain is too prolonged for the patience of
our people. No suffering or peril daunts their hearts.
Speech on the Ministry of Mu
nitions, April 1918
We have not journeyed across the centuries, across the
oceans, across the mountains, across the prairies, because we
are made of sugar-candy.
Speech to the Canadian Parlia
ment at Ottawa, December
30, 1941
In all my life I have never been treated with so much kind
ness as by the people who have suffered most. One would
think one had brought some great benefit to them, instead of
the blood and tears, the toil and sweat which are all I have
ever promised.
Speech in the House, October
1940
[Sir Winston frequently insisted upon visiting the scenes of
the worst bombing damage. He was greatly moved by the
courage of the victims.]
It only remains for me to express to the British peoples,
for whom I have acted in these perilous years, my profound
gratitude for the unflinching, unswerving support which they
have given me during my task, and for the many expressions
of kindness which they have shown towards their servant.
Message after defeat at the
General Election, July 1945
106 A CHURCHILL READER
ON G. W. STEVENS
The most brilliant man in journalism I have ever met.
"Amid These Storms"
ON THE BOERS
They were the most good-hearted enemy I have ever fought
against in the four continents in which it has been my fortune
to see Active Service.
"Amid These Storms"
ON LORD KITCHENER
I cannot forget that when I left the Admiralty in May 1915
the first and, with one exception, only one of my colleagues
who paid me a visit of ceremony was the overburdened Titan
whose disapprobation had been one of the disconcerting
experiences of my youth.
"The World Crisis"
[This was the visit on which Lord Kitchener said to the
fallen Minister: "One thing they cannot take from you
the Fleet was ready!" The "disapprobation" was in evidence
when the young lieutenant of Hussars tried to get attached
to the army which Kitchener was leading against the Mahdi.
Kitchener disapproved of strings being pulled. As Sir Win
ston says: "It was a case of dislike before first sight." The
"disapprobation" had originally been returned, with inter
est, as witness the following from The River War. After
accusing the Sirdar (as Lord Kitchener, was in 1898) of
neglecting his sick and injured and hotly criticising his
"desecration of the Mahdi s tomb," Sir Winston remarks that
he is "free to devote to the further service of the State his
remarkable talents talents that will never be fettered by
fear and not very often by sympathy."]
ON LORD FISHER
He left me with the impression of a terrific engine of
ON HIS LIKES 107
mental and physical power, burning and throbbing in that
aged frame.
"The World Crisis"
But he was seventy-four years of age. As in a great castle
which has long contended with time, the mighty central
mass of the donjon towered up intact and seemingly ever
lasting. But the outworks and the battlements had fallen
away, and its imperious ruler dwelt only in the special
apartment and corridors with which he had a lifelong famil
iarity*
"The World Crisis"
ON THE LATE LORD LUCAS
His open, gay, responsive nature; his witty, ironical, but
never unchivalrous tongue; his pleasing presence; his com
pulsive smile, made him much courted by his friends, of
whom he had many, and of whom I was one. Young for the
Cabinet, heir to splendid possessions, happy in all that sur
rounded him, he seemed to have captivated Fortune with
the rest.
"The World Crisis"
[This is a fine example of Sir Winston s talent for writing
musical English. Note how the adjective "responsive" is
echoed later by the unusual adjective "compulsive."]
ON LORD JELLJCOE
He was the only man on either side who could lose the war
in an afternoon.
"The World Crisis"
[The reference is to the huge weight of responsibility falling
on the C.-in-C. of the British Battle Fleet in the First World
108 A CHURCHILL READER
War. I am not sure, however, that Lord Jellicoe is rightly
included among Sir Winston s likes. The tone of references
to him is always explanatory rather than admiring.]
ON ADMIRAL EARL BEATTY
His mind had been rendered quick and supple by the sit
uations of polo and the hunting-field, and enriched by varied
experiences against the enemy. ... I was increasingly struck
with the shrewd and profound sagacity of his comments,
expressed in language singularly free from technical jargon.
"The World Crisis"
[Sir Winston rescued Rear-Admiral Beatty, as he then was,
from unemployment and the menace of retirement in 1914.]
ON IAN HAMILTON
His mind is built upon a big scale, being broad and strong,
capable of thinking in army corps, and, if necessary, in con
tinents, and working always with serene smoothness undis
turbed alike by responsibility or danger.
"Ian Hamilton s March 9
ON RAYMOND ASQUITH
The war which found the measure of so many never got
to the bottom of him, and when the Grenadiers strode into
the crash and thunder of the Somme he went to his fate cool,
poised, resolute, matter-of-fact, debonair.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON MARSHAL FOCH
He began his career a little cub, brushed aside by the
triumphant march of the German armies to Paris and vic
tory; he lived to see all the might of valiant Germany pros
trate and suppliant at his pencil tip.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON HIS LIKES 109
ON LORD HAIG
Right or wrong, victorious or stultified, he remained,
within the limits he had marked out for himself, cool and
undaunted, ready to meet all emergencies and to accept
death or obscurity should either come his way The Furies
indeed contended in his soul, and that arena was large
enough to contain their strife.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON GENERAL TUDOR
The impression I had of Tudor was of an iron peg ham
mered into the frozen ground, immovable.
"The World Crisis"
[General Tudor commanded a division of the Fifth Army
at the moment of the great German assault on March 21,
1918.]
ON M. CLEMENCEAU
He embodied and expressed France. As much as any
simple human being, miraculously magnified, can be a na
tion, he was France. Fancy paints nations in symbolic ani
mals the British lion, the American eagle . . . the Gallic
cock. But the old Tiger, with his quaint stylish cap, his
white moustache and burning eyes, would make a truer
mascot for France than any barn-yard fowl.
"Great Contemporaries"
[Clemenceau was called "the Tiger" from his habit in
younger days of savaging successive Governments in his
newspaper or in the Chamber. The sympathy he enter
tained for Sir Winston was exceptional, and extended to
few of his own countrymen. Even his sympathy was ex
pressed in the understatement "M. Churchill est loin d etre
110 A CHURCHILL READER
un ennemi de la France." It was returned, and Sir Winston
found in Clemenceau s attitude and speeches in the critical
days of 1918, when the Germans were seventy miles from
Paris, a model and even a text for his own when the Ger
mans were practically as near London in 1940.]
ON GENERAL MANGIN
Bronzed and sombre, thick black hair bristling, an aquiline
profile with gleaming eyes and teeth; alive and active, furi
ous, luxurious, privileged, acquisitive . . . reckless of all lives
and of none more than his own . . . thundering down the
telephone implacable orders to his subordinates and, when
necessary, defiance to his superiors. Mangin beaten or tri
umphant, Mangin the Hero or Mangin the Butcher became
on the anvil of Verdun the fiercest warrior-figure of France.
"The World Crisis 9
ON LORD RAWLINSON
During these vicissitudes he was always the same. In the
best of fortunes or the worst, in the most dangerous and
hopeless position or on the crest of the wave, he was always
the same tough cheery gentleman and sportsman.
"The World Crisis"
ON CZAR NICHOLAS II
To the supreme responsible authority belongs the blame or
credit for the result. Why should this stern test be denied to
Nicholas II? ... He was neither a great captain, nor a great
prince. He was only a true, simple man of average ability,
of merciful disposition, upheld in all his daily life by his
faith in God. But the brunt of supreme decisions rested upon
him. At the summit, where all problems are reduced to Yea
ON HIS LIKES 111
or Nay, where events transcend the faculties of men, and
where all is inscrutable, he had to give the answers. His was
the function of the compass needle. War or no war? Advance
or retreat? Right or left? Democratise or hold firm? Quit
or persevere? These were the battlefields of Nicholas II.
Why should he reap honour from them? The devoted onset
of the Russian armies which saved Paris in 1914; the mastered
agony of the munitionless retreat; the slowly regathered
forces; the victories of Brusiloff has he no share in those?
"The World Crisis"
ON MICHAEL COLLINS
"You hunted me night and day!" he exclaimed. "You put
a price on my head!"
"Wait a minute," I said. "You are not the only one!" And
I took from my wall the framed copy of the reward offered
for my recapture from the Boers. "At any rate, yours was a
good price 5,000. Look at me 25 dead or alive. How
would you like that?" He read the paper, and as he took it
in he broke into a hearty laugh. All his irritation vanished.
[This was at the critical phase of the negotiations between
the British Government and the Sinn Fein leaders in 1921,
which ultimately led to the Irish Treaty; and records the
trivial incident which proved to be the turning-point to
wards success.]
ON PHILIP SNOWDEN
He was really a tender-hearted man who would not have
hurt a gnat unless his party and the Treasury told him to do
so, and then only with compunction. ... He was a preaching
friar with no Superior to obey but his own intellect.
"Great Contemporaries"
112 A CHURCHILL READER
[Mr. Snowden succeeded Sir Winston as Chancellor of the
Exchequer in 1929. Their exchanges in Parliament were
consistently caustic, but behind them was reciprocal respect.
I remember well Sir Winston s expression at once dis
concerted and touched when, after one particular duel,
Snowden suddenly finished by saying: "I am really very fond
of the right honourable Gentleman, and wish him a Merry
Christmas."]
ON THE LATE LORD BIRKENHEAD
He had all the canine virtues in a remarkable degree
courage, fidelity, vigilance, love of the chase.
Some men when they die, after busy, toilsome, successful
lives, leave a great stock of scrip and securities, of acres, or
factories, or the goodwill of great undertakings. . . . F.E.
banked his treasure in the hearts of his friends, and they
will cherish his memory till their time is come.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON BORIS SAVINKOV
He was that extraordinary product a terrorist for mod
erate aims.
"Great Contemporaries"
He seemed to be the appointed agent of Russian salvation.
A little more time, a little more help, a little more confidence,
a few more honest men, the blessing of Providence, and a
rather better telephone service all would have been well!
"Great Contemporaries"
ON LLOYD GEORGE
He possessed ... a power of living in the present without
taking short views. Every day for him was filled with the
ON HIS LIKES 113
hope and the impulse of a fresh beginning. He surveyed the
problems o each morning with an eye unobstructed by pre
conceived opinions, past utterances, or previous disappoint
ments and defeats. . . . This inexhaustible mental agility,
guided by the main purpose of Victory, was a rare advantage.
His intuition fitted the crisis better than the logical reason
ing of more rigid minds.
"The World Crisis"
How could he [Count Metternich] know what Mr.
Lloyd George was going to do? Until a few hours before, his
colleagues did not know. Working with him in close asso
ciation, I did not know. No one knew. Until his mind was
definitely made up, he did not know himself.
"The World Crisis"
[In 1911 the German Government sent a gunboat to Agadir,
a small Moroccan port, "to maintain and protect German
interests." It was generally supposed, and has never been
disproved, that they wanted to pick a quarrel with France,
on the supposition that a British Liberal Government would
stand aside. This suppostion was rudely dispelled by a
speech delivered by Mr. Lloyd George, supposed to be the
most pacifist Minister in the Cabinet. The German Ambas
sador in London was sacked for having misled his Govern
ment.]
The right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs [Mr.
Lloyd George] has distinguished himself upon this subject
in a manner which deserves the widest public notice. He said
on Saturday: "You are blessed, for you will not receive, you
will give. Every time the lamp illuminates your cottage, and
perfumes it, as it used to do in my own days, you will have
114 A CHURCHILL READER
the feeling that the wick is oozing wealth for Sir Alfred
Mond and Mr. Samuel Courtauld." That is the contribution
to an important public controversy of a man who has been
nine years Chancellor of the Exchequer and five years Prime
Minister, who, after having held the greatest situation in
Europe, looks forward with the utmost gusto to another
series of "Limehouse Nights."
Budget Debate, May 1, 1928
ON GENERAL SMUTS
In every way he seemed to be one of the most enlightened,
courageous, and noble-minded men that we have known in
these first fifty years of the twentieth century.
Speech in the House, June 7,
1951 on the death of Gen
eral Smuts
He and I are old comrades. I cannot say there has never
been a kick in our gallop. I was examined by him when I
was a prisoner of war; and I escaped. But we made an hon
ourable and a generous peace on both sides, and for the last
forty years we have been comrades working together.
ON GENERAL BOTHA
His death followed speedily upon his return to his own
country, of which in Peace and War, in Sorrow and in
Triumph, in Rebellion and in Reconciliation, he had been
a veritable saviour. . . .
There was only one [of many distinguished visitors] whom
I myself conducted down the great staircase [of the War
Office] and put with my own hands into his waiting car.
"Amid These Storms"
ON HIS LIKES
115
ON MR. EDEN
He is the one fresh figure of the first magnitude arising
out of a generation which was ravaged by the war.
Speech in the House, February
1938
ON FIELD-MARSHAL ALEXANDER
He is no glory-hopper.
[Saying attributed to Sir Winston with reference to the
Field-Marshal s self-effacing part in the North African cam
paigns. The description seems to have been coined at
least, I can find no trace of it in English or American slang
but its meaning is self-evident. It calls up a picture of
some bird avidly hopping towards a delicacy.]
ON FIELD-MARSHAL MONTGOMERY
This vehement and formidable General a Cromwellian
figure austere, severe, accomplished, tireless his life
given to the study of war, who has attracted to himself in an
extraordinary degree the confidence and devotion of the
Army.
Speech in the House, February
1943
[The above is an admirable example of Sir Winston s talent
for finding the right adjectives. There are generally four,
forming, so to say, the four quarters of a canvas. CL his
description of the Wahabis: "Austere, intolerant, well
armed, and bloodthirsty." It may be added that he has his
favourite adjectives, e.g., "austere/ "sombre," "sordid,"
"squalid."]
ON LORD LOUIS MOUNTBATTEN
A complete triphibian.
116 A CHURCHILL READER
[When Lord Louis was appointed to the head of the South
east Asia Command he was given high rank in the Army
and Air Force in addition to his rank in the Navy.]
ON PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
That great man whom destiny has marked for this climax
of human fortune.
Speech to Canadian Parlia
ment at Ottawa, December
30, 1941
His love of his own country, his respect for its constitution,
his power of gauging the tides and currents of its mobile pub
lic opinion all this was evident. But added to this were
the beatings of his generous heart always stirred to anger
and to action by spectacles of aggression by the strong against
the weak.
ON MARSHAL STALIN
This great rugged war chief. . . . He is a man of massive
outstanding personality, suited to the sombre and stormy
times in which his life has been cast; a man of inexhaustible
courage and will-power, and a man direct and even blunt in
speech, which, having been brought up in the House of Com
mons, I do not mind at all, especially when I have something
to say of my own. Above all, he is a man with that saving
sense of humour which is of high importance to all men and
all nations, but particularly to great men and great nations.
Stalin left upon me the impression of a deep cool wisdom and
a complete absence of illusions of any kind.
Speech in the House, after a
visit to Moscow, September
1942
ON HIS LIKES 117
ON MR. ATTLEE
He is a sheep in wolfs clothing.
[Remark attributed to Mr. Churchill in 1945. The point is
that Mr. Attlee, though leader of the Socialist Party, and
therefore thought by some to be a vehicle for revolutionary
ideas, is considered by others to be a mild and colourless
personality.]
ON GENERAL DE GAULLE
I could not regard him as representing captive and pros
trate France, nor indeed the France that had a right to decide
freely the future for herself. I knew he was no friend of Eng
land. But I always recognised in him the spirit and concep
tion which, across the pages of history, the word "France"
would ever proclaim. I understood and admired, while I re
sented his arrogant demeanour. Here he was a refugee, an
exile from his country under sentence of death, in a position
entirely dependent upon the goodwill of the British Govern
ment, and also now of the United States. The Germans had
conquered his country. He had no real foothold anywhere.
Never mind; he defied all. Always, even when he was behav
ing worst, he seemed to express the personality of France a
great nation, with all its pride, authority, and ambition. It
was said in mockery that he thought himself the living repre
sentative of Joan of Arc, whom one of his ancestors is sup
posed to have served as a faithful adherent. This did not seem
to me as absurd as it looked. Clemenceau, with whom it was
said he also compared himself, was a far wiser and more expe
rienced statesman. But they both gave the same impression
of being unconquerable Frenchmen.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. IV
ug A CHURCHILL READER
ON LORD BEAVERBROOK.
People who did not know the services he had rendered dur
ing his tenure of office or his force, driving power, and judg
ment as I did often wondered why his influence with me stood
so high They overlooked our long association m the events
of the First World War and its aftermath. Apart from Lord
Simon, the Lord Chancellor, with whom, though I greatly
respected him, I had never been intimate, Beaverbrook was
the only colleague I had who had lived through the shocks
and strains of the previous struggle with me. We belonged
to an older political generation. Often we had been on differ
ent sides in the crises and quarrels of those former days;
sometimes we had even been fiercely opposed; yet on the
whole a relationship had been maintained which was a warm
personal friendship, which had subsisted through all the
vicissitudes of the past. It was often a comfort to me in these
new years of storm to talk over their troubles and problems,
and to compare them with what we had surmounted or un
dergone already, with one who had been throughout in a
station, if not of official, often of commanding power. All my
other colleagues had been unknown figures, and most of
them young lieutenants of the battlefields of those bygone
but still living days.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
ON PRESIDENT BENES"
In all his thought and aims he consistently sustained the
main principles on which Western civilisation is founded,
and was ever true to the cause of his native land, over which
he presided for more than twenty years. He was a master of
administration and diplomacy. He knew how to endure with
patience and fortitude long periods of adverse fortune. Where
ON HIS LIKES 119
he failed and it cost him and his country much was in
not taking violent decisions at the supreme moment. He was
too experienced a diplomatist, too astute a year-to-year poli
tician, to realise the moment and to stake all on victory or
death. Had he told his cannons to fire at Munich time the
Second World War would have begun under conditions far
less favourable to Hitler. . . .
Closing the Ring, "The Second
World War," Vol. V
ON GENERAL DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
Let me tell you what General Eisenhower has meant to us.
In him we have had a man who set the unity of the Allied
Armies above all nationalistic thoughts. In his headquarters
unity and strategy were the only reigning spirits. The unity
reached such a point that British and American troops could
be mixed in the line of battle and large masses could be trans
ferred from one command to the other without the slightest
difficulty. At no time has the principle of alliance between
noble races been carried and maintained at so high a pitch.
In the name of the British Empire and Commonwealth I
express to you our admiration of the firm, far-sighted, and
illuminating character and qualities of General of the Army
Eisenhower.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War; 9 Vol. VI
ON MR. ERNEST BEVIN
I feel bound to put on record that he takes his place among
the great Foreign Secretaries of our country.
Broadcast, March 17, 1951
On Parliament and Parties
Sir Winston s comments on Parliament and policies are nat
urally voluminous, since, with one short interval, he has been
in the House of Commons for over half a century. His com
ments have therefore been divided into three sections, on
Parliament and the party system; on policies and political
tactics; and on political principles and personalities.
I HERE is no situation to which it cannot address itself with
vigour and ingenuity. It is the citadel of British liberty. It
is the foundation of our laws.
Speech on the House of Com
mons in the House of Com
mons, October 28, 1942
Many forms of Government have been tried, and will be
tried in this world of sin and woe. . . . No one pretends that
democracy is perfect or all-wise. Indeed it has been said that
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 121
democracy is the worst form of Government except all those
other forms that have been tried from time to time.
Speech in the House on the
Parliament Bill, November
11, 1947
In both our lands [Norway and Britain], it is the people
who control the Government, not the Government the peo
ple. That is the great dividing line between the States of the
present day and it is just this point that is the cause of so
much trouble in the world today.
Oslo, May 13, 1948
Elections exist for the sake of the House of Commons and
not the House of Commons for the sake of elections.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 3, 1953
[Sir Winston was explaining that even a Parliament with
a small majority ought, if possible, to run most of its course.
Annual elections might turn the House into a "vote-catching
machine looking for a springboard." Sir Winston, without
shirking Parliamentary battle, has always conceived of the
House as a national Council over a wide field.]
The essence and foundation of House of Commons debat
ing is formal conversation. The set speech, the harangues
addressed to constituents, or to the wider public out of doors,
has never succeeded much in our small^ wisely built chamber.
"Great Contemporaries"
[The old House of Commons, destroyed in the blitz, held
only about two-thirds of the elected members. It was, and
its new edition is, rectangular, in contrast to other legisla-
122 A CHURCHILL READER
tive chambers, which are semicircular. The advantages of
opponents facing each other instead of being adjacent are
very great.]
It is not Parliament that should rule; it is the people who
should rule through Parliament.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1947
It seems to me and I have a lengthening experience in
the House that false arguments very rarely pay in debate:
[An hon. Member: You are using them now.] I always try to
economise the use of false arguments as much as possible,
because a false argument is so often detected, and it always
repels any listener who is not already a convinced and enthu
siastic partisan.
Speech in the House, April 28,
1926
I consider that a Government which has not got a majority
behind its Parliamentary representation should feel itself con
siderably limited and restricted in its right to make far-reach
ing changes of policy.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 19, 1950
[The Socialist majority in this Parliament was only seven.
Sir Winston was protesting against the Government s deci
sion to nationalise iron and steel.]
The great question ... is whether Parliamentary rights can
be enjoyed by a minority which is almost as big as the Gov
ernment majority in the House and much bigger in the
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 123
country when the party opposite at the cost of all reputation
and character and dignity are resolved to cling to office and
drain the last dregs of that ill-gotten cup.
Speech in the House, June 13,
1951
Both Governments and Oppositions have responsibilities
to discharge, but they are of a different order. The Govern
ment, with their whole control over our executive power,
have the burden and the duty ... to make sure that the safety
of the country is provided for; the shape, formation, and di
rection of policy is in their hands alone. The responsibilities
of the Opposition are limited to aiding the Government in
the measures which we agree are for national safety and also
to criticising and correcting . . . any errors and shortcomings
which may be apparent, but the Opposition are not responsi
ble for proposing integrated and complicated measures of
policy. Sometimes [they] do but it is not [their] obligation.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 12, 1950
Is this Coalition to be above party government or below
party government?
Speech in the House on the
formation of a National
Government in 1931
Party conflict and party government should not be dis
paraged. It is in time of peace, and when national safety is
not threatened, one of those conditions of a free Parliamen
tary democracy for which no permanent substitute is known.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol. VI
124 A CHURCHILL READER
In several Continental countries, when it was known that
the ballot-boxes would be in charge of the British Govern
ment for three weeks, astonishment was expressed that there
could be any doubt about the result. However, in our country
these matters are treated exactly as if they were a cricket
match, or other sporting event. Long may it so continue.
Triumph and Tragedy, "Thz
Second World War," Vol. VI
It is quite true that I expressed a view many years ago,
which I have not seen any reason to dismiss from the region of
theoretical principle, in favour of proportional representa
tion in great cities. I have not expressed any views in favour
of proportional representation as a whole, on account of the
proved ill effects it has had on so many Parliaments.
Speech in the House, February
17, 1953
In regard to the representation of the House of Commons,
there are two principles which have come into general accep
tance. The first is: "One man, one vote" there was an old
joke about "man embracing woman except where the con
trary appears in the text" . . . and the second is "one vote, one
value." The first has been almost entirely achieved . . . with
regard to "one vote, one value," nothing like so much prog
ress has been made.
Speech in the House, February
16, 1948
I have the strong view that voting should be compulsory as
it is in Austria and in Holland and that there should be a
small fine for people who do not choose to exercise their civic
duty.
Speech in the House, June 23,
1948
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 125
The foundation of all democracy is that the people have the
right to vote. To deprive them of that right is to make a
mockery of all the high-sounding phrases which are so often
used. At the bottom of all the tributes paid to democracy is
the little man, walking into the little booth, with a little
pencil, making a little cross on a little bit of paper no
amount of rhetoric or voluminous discussion can possibly
diminish the overwhelming importance of that point.
Speech in the House, October
31, 1944
We must not forget what votes are. Votes are the means by
which the poorest people in the country and all people in the
country can make sure that they get their vital needs attended
to,
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 6, 1950
I do not admit as a democratic constitutional doctrine that
anything that is tucked into a party manifesto thereupon
becomes a mandated right if the electors vote for the party
who draw up the manifesto. Why not add the word "etc."
in the list of planks in the party platform? We could then be
told: "Do you not see these letters, etc/ . . . Does that not
give us the right and impose upon us the obligation to do
anything we please?"
Speech in the House, February
7, 1951
The object of Parliament is to substitute argument for
fisticuffs.
Speech in the House, June 6 9
1951
126 A CHURCHILL READER
This House is not only a machine for legislation; perhaps
it is not even mainly a machine for legislation, it is a great
forum of Debate. ... If the House is not able to discuss mat
ters which the country is discussing, which fill the newspapers,
which everyone is anxious and preoccupied about, it loses its
contact; it is no longer marching step by step with all the
thought that is in progress in the country.
Speech in the House, August
24, 1945
I hope the day will not come when there are no Liberals in
the House of Commons.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 10, 1948
[Sir Winston is a natural Coalitionist and has always felt
natural affinities between Conservatives and Liberals. In his
war government he appointed Sir Archibald Sinclair (now
Lord Thurso) to the Air Ministry, and in his present gov
ernment there are several ex-Liberals, such as Major Lloyd
George.]
The rule I have made, which was followed in the last war
and must be followed in this, was that service in the House
of Commons ranks with the highest service in the State. Any
Member of Parliament or Peer of Parliament has a right to
decide at his discretion whether he will fulfil that service or
give some other form. Members of either House are free, if
at any time they consider their political duties require it, and
reasonable notice is given, to withdraw from the Armed
Forces or any other form of service in order to attend Parlia
ment. I could not possibly agree to any smirching of this
principle.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 127
In these hard party fights under democratic conditions, as
in football matches and the like, there are moments when the
umpire gets a very rough time.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 15, 1951
[Sir Winston was defending the Speaker.]
The Speaker represents and embodies the spirit of the
House of Commons and that spirit, which has transported
itself to so many lands and climates and to countries far out
side our sphere, is one of the gleaming and enduring glories
of the British and in a special way ... of the English message
to the world.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 15, 1951
It excites world wonder in the Parliamentary countries that
we should build a Chamber, starting afresh, which can only
seat two-thirds of its Members. It is difficult to explain this
to those who do not know our ways. They cannot easily be
made to understand why we consider that the intensity, pas
sion, intimacy, informality and spontaneity of our Debates
constitute the personality of the House of Commons and
endow it at once with its focus and its strength. ... It is the
champion of the people against executive oppression . . . the
House of Commons has ever been the controller and, if need
be, the changer of the rulers of the day and of the Ministers
appointed by the Crown. It stands forever against oligarchy
and one-man power. . . . The House of Commons stands for
freedom and law, and this is the message which the Mother of
Parliaments has proved herself capable of proclaiming to the
world at large,
Speech in the House, October
24, 1950
128 A CHURCHILL READER
Logic is a poor guide compared with custom. Logic which
has created in so many countries semicircular assemblies with
buildings that give to every member, not only a seat to sit in
but often a desk to write at, with a lid to bang, has proved
fatal to parliamentary government as we know it here in its
home and in the land of its birth.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1943
I am a convinced supporter of the Party system in prefer
ence to the Group system. I have seen many earnest and
ardent Parliaments destroyed by the Group system. The
Party system is much favoured by the oblong form of cham
ber, ... It is easy for an individual to move through those
insensible gradations from Left to Right, but the act of cross
ing the Floor is one which requires serious consideration. I
am well informed on this matter, for I have accomplished
that difficult process, not only once but twice.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1943
Parliament does not rest on unanimity. Democratic assem
blies do not act on unanimity. They act by majorities.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 21, 1943
[Mr. Attlee, then Prime Minister] the other day accused me
of being party minded. Everyone would naturally be shocked
if a party leader were party minded 1 But we are all party
minded in the baffling and unhappy period between election
decisions.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 19, 1950
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 129
Party government is not obnoxious to democracy. Indeed
Parliamentary democracy has flourished under party govern
ment.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 13, 1943
Question time is one of the most lively and vital features of
Parliamentary life.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
Do not . . . ever suppose that you can strengthen Parliament
by wearying it, and by keeping it in almost continuous ses
sion. If you want to reduce the power of Parliament, let it
sit every day in the year, one-fifth part filled, and then you
will find it will be the laughing-stock of the nation, instead of
being, as it continues to be, in spite of all the strains of
modern life, the citadel as well as the cradle of parliamentary
institutions throughout the world; almost the only successful
instance of a legislative body with plenary powers, elected on
universal suffrage, which is capable of discharging, with re
straint and with resolution, all the functions of peace and of
war.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 29, 1944
It is the interest and privilege of the House to receive full
statements on public affairs from the Executive. No band of
Members has any right to stand between the House and this
great advantage. In time of war it is more important than in
time of peace.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
130 A CHURCHILL READER
A natural and healthy emulation between the two Cham
bers [the Commons and the Lords] may be conducive to their
efficiency and improvement.
Speech in the House, July 15,
1948
The House of Commons is a living and deathless entity
which survived unflinchingly the tests and hazards of war. It
preserved our constitutional liberties under our ancient mon
archy in a manner which has given a sense of stability, not
only in this island but as an example to nations in many
lands. From the stone that is now laid may there rise a new
House of Commons which, however events and our fortunes
may go, will still preserve the rights and privileges of free
debate and permit the free development of our national life
under the guidance of an institution which all the world
recognises as one of the great features of the modern civilised
world.
Westminster, May 26, 1948
[Sir Winston was speaking at the laying of the foundation-
stone of the new House of Commons.]
The attitude and function of a Second Chamber in any
land is essentially one of safeguarding and delaying violent
or subversive measures which may endanger the long-gathered
heritage of the whole people, without the gravity and signifi
cance of the issues involved being fairly and intelligibly
placed before them.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1948
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 131
If you have a motor-car . . . you have to have a brake. There
ought to be a brake. A brake, in its essence, is one-sided; it
prevents an accident through going too fast. It was not in
tended to prevent accidents through going too slow. For that
you must look elsewhere. . . . You must look to the engine
and of course to the petrol supply. For that there is the re
newed impulse of the people s will; but it is by the force of
the engine, occasionally regulated by the brake, that the steady
progress of the nation and of society is maintained.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1947
[Sir Winston was dealing with the complaint against the
House of Lords that it had an undue bias in favour of
stability.]
I have been a leader of an Opposition. In a free country
one is always allowed to have an Opposition. ... In England
we even pay the Leader of the Opposition a salary of 2,000
a year to make sure that the Government is kept up to the
mark. I have no doubt that Mr. Attlee . . . will devote himself
to his constitutional task with the zeal which under totali
tarian systems might well lead him to Siberia or worse.
Ottawa, January 14, 1952
It [The Parliamentary Press] has a most important function
to discharge, which is to give a fair and truthful report of what
passes in the House ^of Commons. . . . That does not mean
that everyone has to write the same truth; as Mr. Baldwin
said, it may be approached from so many angles.
In my lifetime I have seen the reporting of the debates in
Parliament shrink a great deal as a factor in our public life.
Far less space is now given in the newspapers. I know there is
132 A CHURCHILL READER
a shortage of newsprint but apart from that, I do not think
people give to Parliament the same attention as they used
to do.
Parliamentary Press Gallery,
House of Commons, Octo
ber 28, 1952
There is, of course, a difference between what a private
Member of Parliament may say, even if his words carry far,
and what a Minister can do.
Speech in the House, May 12,
1949
People who are not prepared to do unpopular things and
to defy clamour are not fit to be Ministers in times of stress.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
The Conservative position towards trade unions is well
known. We support the principle of collective bargaining
between recognised and responsible trade unions and em
ployers, and we include in collective bargaining the right to
strike. They have a great part to play in the life of the coun
try and we think they should keep clear of Party politics. We
hope that Conservative wage-earners in industry will join the
trade unions and will take an effective part in their work not
as Party men, but as good trade unionists.
London, October 13, 1949
Let them [Socialists] dismiss from their minds these mali
cious tales that a Conservative Government would be hostile
to the mining community. I have always affirmed that those
who work in these hard and dangerous conditions, far from
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 133
the light of the sun, have the right to receive exceptional
benefits from the nation which they serve.
Wanstead, July 21, 1951
In asking for wage restraint, I want to emphasize that we
do not in any way wish to limit the earnings of any section of
the working population. Our aim is to encourage the highest
possible level of earning in every industry, provided these
swim upon increased output and efficiency.
Woodford, September 6, 1952
We must not forget that afternoon in May 1940 . . . when
the enormous Tory majorities in both Houses of Parliament
voted into the hands of the Government, for the sake of our
country s survival, practically all the rights of property and,
more precious still, of liberty on which what we have called
civilisation is built. That ought not to be forgotten when
hon. Members opposite mock at us as exploiters, rack renters
and profiteers. It ought not to be forgotten . . . that Conserva
tive majorities in both Houses of Parliament, in one single
afternoon, offered all they had and all that they were worth
. , . Britain saved herself at that time.
Speech in the House, March
12, 1947
Personally I think that private property has a right to be
defended. Our civilisation is built up in private property,
and can only be defended by private property.
Speech in the House, August
11, 1947
What we mean is a personal property-owning democracy.
Households which have possessions which they prize and
134 A CHURCHILL READER
cherish because they are their own, or even a house and gar
den of their own, the Savings Certificates that their thrift has
bought, a little money put by for a rainy day, or an insurance
policy, the result of forethought and self-denial which will be
a help in old age or infirmity, or after their death for those
they love and leave behind that is what the Conservatives
mean by a property-owning democracy. And the more widely
it is distributed and the more millions there are to share in it,
the more will the British democracy continue to have the
spirit of individual independence, and the more they will
turn their backs on the Socialist delusion that one ought to be
proud of being totally dependent on the State.
Edinburgh, February 14, 1950
Houses are built of bricks, mortar and goodwill, not of
politics, prejudices and spite.
Cardiff, February 8, 1950
The commercial and industrial greatness of this island at
the beginning of my lifetime was unrivalled in the world. All
its businesses and firms and small employers and careful
obliging shopkeepers were the result of much wisdom and
many virtues. All this was not built up as Socialist speakers
would have you believe by sharks and rogues exploiting the
masses. There was more in it than that. We should never
have got our great population here but for these intense in
satiable energies, or without the long patience of self-denial,
for thrift and savings. We can never keep our population
even at its present standards without foreign help, unless all
these forces are working at their utmost compass underneath
well-known laws, vigilantly strengthened wherever necessary
to correct abuses.
Leeds, February 4, 1950
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 135
Our Conservative principles are well known. We stand for
the free and flexible working of the laws of supply and de
mand. We stand for compassion and aid for those who,
whether through age, illness or misfortune, cannot keep pace
with the march of society.
Margate, October 10, 1953
I remember in Victorian days anxious talks about "the
submerged tenth" (that part of our people who had not shared
in the progress of the age) and then later on in the old Liberal
period (the grand old Liberal period) we spoke of going back
to bring the rear-guard in. The main army we said had
reached the camping-ground in all its strength and victory,
and we should now, in duty and compassion, go back to pick
up the stragglers and those who had fallen by the way and
bring them in.
Cardiff, February 8, 1950
We are for private enterprise with all its ingenuity, thrift
and contrivance, and we believe it can flourish best within a
strict and well-understood system of prevention and correc
tion of abuses. In a complex community like our own no
absolute rigid uniformity of practice is possible.
Margate, October 10, 1953
We [the Conservative Party] are a party met together on
a party occasion and we have to fight as a party against those
who oppose and assail us. But faction is not our aim. Party
triumphs are not our goal. We think it a high honour to
serve the British people and the world-wide Commonwealth
and Empire, of which they are the centre.
Margate, October 10, 1953
136 A CHURCHILL READER
Under the educational reforms which were devised in the
National Coalition Government, of which I was the head,
very great extension has been made of access to the universi
ties. They are no longer, as they were in bygone generations,
the close preserve of wealth and rank. They are no longer a
later stage in a career of public school education. On the
contrary, three-quarters of the universities are now filled by
young men from the public elementary schools and I rejoice
that this is so.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 16, 1948
[Sir Winston was speaking on the Socialist Government s
Representation of the People Bill which abolished the Par
liamentary seats of the Universities.]
Establish a basic standard of life and labour and provide
the necessary basic foods for all. Once that is done, set the
people free get out of the way, and let them all make the
best of themselves, and win whatever prizes they can for their
families and for their country. Only in this way will Britain
be able to keep alive and feed its disproportionate population,
who were all brought into existence here upon the tides of
freedom, and will all be left stranded and gasping on the
Socialist ebb. Only in this way will an active, independent,
property-owning democracy be established.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1947
[Sir Winston has elsewhere summed up his policy as the
provision of "Food, Homes, and Work."]
It is absolutely contrary to logic and good sense that a per
son may not give away or exchange his rations with someone
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 137
who at the moment he feels has a greater need. It strikes at
neighbourliness and friendship.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
We fought alone against tyranny for a whole year, not
purely from national motives. It is true that our lives de
pended upon our doing so, but we fought the better because
we felt with conviction that it was not only our own cause but
a world cause for which the Union Jack was kept flying in
1940 and 1941. The soldier who laid down his life, the mother
who wept for her son, and the wife who lost her husband, got
inspiration and comfort, and felt a sense of being linked with
the universal and the eternal by the fact that we fought for
what was precious not only for ourselves but for mankind.
The Conservative and Liberal Parties declare that national
sovereignty is not inviolable, and that it may be resolutely
diminished for the sake of all men in all the lands finding
their way home together.
Speech in the House, June 27,
1950
If I was assured that abolishing the death penalty would
bring all murders to an end ... I would certainly be in favour
of that course.
Speech in the House, July 15,
1948
. . . there is another custom which has come into being in the
last sixty years, and which has been accepted by all parties as
a valuable and wholesome method of procedure in our public
and political life. It has become a well-established custom
that matters affecting the interests of rival parties should not
138 A CHURCHILL READER
be settled by the imposition of the will of one side over the
other, but by an agreement reached either between the leaders
of the main parties or by conferences under the impartial
guidance of Mr. Speaker ... in such conferences under the
Speaker of the House of Commons, as in so many reasonable
affairs, there is a great deal of give and take. Neither party
gets all that it seeks. Concessions are made on both sides.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 16, 1948
[Sir Winston was protesting against the Socialist decision to
abolish special representation for the Universities, whose
maintenance had been agreed by an inter-party Conference
under Mr. Speaker.]
I was brought up to believe that taxation was a bad thing
but the consuming power of the people was a good thing. . . .
I was brought up to believe that trade should be regulated
mainly by the laws of supply and demand and that, apart from
basic necessaries in great emergencies, the price mechanism
should adjust and correct undue spending at home as it does
control spending abroad.
Speech in the House, October
27, 1949
I was also taught it was one of the first duties of Govern
ment to promote that confidence on which credit and thrift,
and especially foreign credit, can alone extend and grow. I
was taught to believe that those processes, working freely
within the limits of well-known laws for correcting monopoly,
exploitation and other measures in restraint of trade . . . that
those principles would produce a lively and continuous im
provement in prosperity. I still hold to those general prin
ciples.
Speech in the House, October
27, 1949
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 139
Some people assume too readily that because a Government
keeps cool and has steady nerves under reverses its members
do not feel the public misfortunes as keenly as do indepen
dent critics. On the contrary, I doubt whether anyone feels
greater sorrow or pain than those who are responsible for the
general conduct of our affairs.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
There is no objection to anything being said in plain Eng
lish, or even plainer, and the Government will do their ut
most to conform to any standard which may be set in the
course of the debate. But no one need be mealy-mouthed in
debate, and no one should be chicken-hearted in voting. I
have voted against Governments I have been elected to sup
port, and, looking back, I have sometimes felt very glad that
I did so. Everyone in these rough times must do what he
thinks is his duty.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
[Sir Winston was replying to a Vote of Censure on the Cen
tral Direction of the war on July 2, 1942.]
The Public Relations Officers are becoming a scandal, and
the whole system requires searching scrutiny and drastic
pruning.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
[Having been one myself, I could not agree less!]
We live on the principle of annual finance. That is the
foundation of this House and its whole existence, which has
been fought for over centuries. What is the use of saying that
140 A CHURCHILL READER
because these Amendments [to the Finance Bill] were moved
last year they should not be moved the next year or the year
after? There is nothing in that. The circumstances of every
year are entirely different.
Speech in the House, June 21,
1951
In this country free speech has long been privileged outside
the special responsibilities of Members of Parliament . . . and
there has been for many generations very free talk about all
sorts of topics. One cannot say that the man or the woman in
the street can be brought up violently and called to account
because of expressing some opinion on something or other
which is sub judice. They are perfectly entitled to do that.
They may say things that are deplorable many deplorable
things are said under free speech but to say that these mat
ters should immediately be cast upon our overburdened Com
mittee of Privileges is, I think, most imprudent on the part
of the House.
Speech in the House, June 18,
1951
It would be a great pity if the whole of this great armoury,
which dignifies very much the position of a Private Member
in the House and emphasises his rights and dignities as
against the purely delegate conception, which is a very dan
gerous one, were to be lost.
Speech in the House, August
16, 1945
Privilege means Parliamentary privilege. It is a privilege
which protects Parliament, its Members, its Officers, its wit
nesses, counsels, people who appear before it or its commit-
ON PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES 141
tees, and also petitioners. ... It does not protect or refer to
the electors or the general public.
Speech in the House, March
21,1951
[About this point there was a spate of complaints by M.P.s
against "breaches of privilege." The custom is to refer such
complaints to an all-party Committee of Privileges, if the
Speaker rules that there is a prime, facie case. In fact the
House was becoming over-touchy.]
On Policies and Politics
OROAD, simple, liberal safeguards and conceptions which are
the breath of our nostrils in this country and which sustain
the rights and freedoms of the individual against all forms of
tyranny, no matter what liveries they wear or what slogans
they mouth. . . .
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 28, 1944
I suppose we are admirers of the party system of govern
ment; but I do not think that we should any of us carry our
admiration of that system so far as to say that the nation is
unfit to enjoy the privilege of managing its own affairs unless
it can find someone to quarrel with and plenty of things to
quarrel about.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 17, 1906
Although we often deal in Parliament with differences
between us, we must not forget the deep foundations under-
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 143
lying the whole of our British national life. Whenever dan
ger from abroad, or extraordinary stress or difficulty at home
comes to the front you will always find the united strength
and brains of the nation available for its solution and for
warding off the peril.
10 Downing Street, October
27, 1953
Chivalrous gallantry is not among the peculiar character
istics of excited democracy.
"Savrola"
Whatever one may think about democratic government, it
is just as well to have practical experience of its rough and
slatternly foundations.
"Great Contemporaries 99
Every new administration, not excluding ourselves, arrives
in power with bright and benevolent ideas of using public
money to do good. The more frequent the changes of Gov
ernment, the more numerous are the bright ideas; and the
more frequent the elections, the more benevolent they be
come.
Financial Statement, April
11, 1927 the post-General
Strike Budget
Politicians rise by toil and struggles. They expect to fall;
they hope to rise again.
"Great Contemporaries?
There is scarcely anything more important in the govern
ment of men than the exact I will even say the pedantic
144 A CHURCHILL READER
observance of the regular forms by which the guilt or inno
cence of accused persons is determined.
"My African Journey"
He seems to think that all Governments must be infallible
and all rebels must be vile. It all depends on what is Gov
ernment and what are rebels.
Speech in the House, April 14,
1937
His second maxim was as follows: "Take office only when
it suits you, but put the Government in a minority whenever
you decently can."
"Lord Randolph Churchiir
Deep down in the heart of the old-fashioned Tory, how
ever unreflecting, there lurks a wholesome respect for the
ancient forms and safeguards of the English Constitution, and
a recognition of the fact that some day they may be found of
great consequence and use.
"Lord Randolph Churchill"
They will be invited to continue in office on sufferance in
order that if they are violent they may be defeated, and if they
are moderate they may be divided.
Letter on the formation of a
minority Socialist Govern
ment in 1924
It is no use leading other nations up the garden and then
running away when the dog growls.
Speech in the House, June
1937
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 145
[Sir Winston was speaking in support of non-intervention in
Spain.]
On the one hand, the cries of a drowning man; on the
other, good advice from one who had no intention o going
into the water.
"The World Crisis"
[The particular reference is to the British failure (and in
ability) to support the Greek venture into Asia Minor when
it looked like coming (and came) to disaster in 1921-22.]
What is the point in crying out for the moon when you have
the sun, when you have the bright orb of day in whose reful
gent beams all the lesser luminaries hide their radiance?
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 1938
[The reference is to the appointment of Lord Halifax a
peer as Foreign Secretary in the place of Mr. Eden. Sir
Winston was arguing that there was no need for a Foreign
Secretary in the Commons, since the Prime Minister was
there. The quotation is part of a sustained piece of sarcasm.
The point is that the Prime Minister was insisting upon
being virtually his own Foreign Secretary in pursuit of a
policy of appeasement. Another gem from the same speech
was the reference to Mr. Ernest Brown, then Minister of
Labour. Sir Winston examined his claims to be Foreign
Secretary and exclaimed that "never since Cromwell would
such a voice have gone out." Mr. Brown is the possessor of
a particularly resonant voice.]
In dealing with nationalities, nothing is more fatal than a
dodge. Wrongs will be forgiven, sufferings and losses will be
146 A CHURCHILL READER
forgiven or forgotten, battles will be remembered only as
they recall the martial virtues of the combatants; but any
thing like chicanery, anything like a trick, will always rankle.
Speech in the House on the
conciliation of South Africa,
April 5, 1906
We cannot have our relations with our nearest neighbour
destroyed and impaired by the prejudice and ill-feeling, per
sonal ill-feeling, of a single individual, however eminent he
may be, nor has anyone a right to twist or distort the foreign
policy of a party or of a country merely because in the course
of his political activities he has been led into taking up an
utterly untenable and indefensible position.
Budget debate, April 17, 1920
[Mr. Snowden had referred to a French proposal on inter
allied debts as "grotesque."]
My friend, Mr. Boothby, in his speech jeered at the expres
sion "collective security." What is there ridiculous about
collective security? The only thing that is ridiculous about
it is that we have not got it.
Speech in the House, March
14, 1938 in the debate on
Hitler s seizure of Austria
[Sir Winston has always been against "splendid isolation."
The constructive side of his anti-appeasement campaign was
a call for effective organisation of the League of Nations.
He has always realised that a small nation in a crowded
island on Europe s doorstep cannot save itself without (a)
allies, (&) military efficiency of its own. Hence his consistent
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 147
devotion to the Empire, to Anglo-American understanding,
to the League, and most recently to the concept of the
United States of Europe.]
The disease of defeat was Bolshevism. The disease of vic
tory was different. It was an incapacity to make peace.
From a letter, November 11
(Armistice Day), 1937
A day would come when powerful nations, beginning to
recover from the war, and to gather their power together
again, would become the cause of rumours in this country.
There would be rumours that in the heart of Germany or
Russia there were great aerial developments of a very serious
character, or of a character which might easily have a military
complexion. Then you would like a war scare, and I have no
doubt you would have a leading article in The Times on that
subject. [Interruptions.]
Speech in the House, March 1,
1920
It is a mistake to look too far ahead. Only one link in the
chain of destiny can be handled at a time.
Speech in the House after the
Yalta Conference, 1945
We cannot say "the past is the past" without surrendering
the future.
Speech in the House, March
14, 1938
There was a custom in ancient China that anyone who
wished to criticise the Government had the right to memor-
148 A CHURCHILL READER
ialise the Emperor and provided he followed that up by com
mitting suicide, very great respect was paid to his words, and
no ulterior motive was assigned. That seems to me to have
been from many points of view a wise custom, but I certainly
would be the last to suggest that it should be made retro
spective.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 12, 1941
[Sir Percy Harris had said that criticism of Government in
war-time was necessary. It was the life-blood of democracy.]
It is even harder to understand the politics of other coun
tries than those of your own.
Triumph and Tragedy, ff The
Second World War/ Vol
VI
I do not see any other way of realising our hopes about a
World Organisation in five or six days. Even the Almighty
took seven.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol
VI
[Minute to President Roosevelt on January 10, 1945, who
thought that the important Yalta Conference should last
only five or six days.]
It is a mistake to try to write out on little pieces of paper
what the vast emotions of an outraged and quivering world
will be either immediately after the struggle is over or when
the inevitable cold fit follows the hot. These awe-inspiring
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 149
tides of feeling dominate most people s minds, and indepen
dent figures tend to become not only lonely but futile. Guid
ance in these mundane matters is granted to us only step by
step, or at the utmost a step or two ahead. There is therefore
wisdom in reserving one s decisions as long as possible and
until all the facts and forces that will be potent at the mo
ment are revealed.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
[Memo to the Foreign Secretary, January 4, 1945, on the
post-war treatment of Germany.]
The Romans had a maxim, "Shorten your weapons and
lengthen your frontiers." But our maxim seems to be "Di
minish your weapons and increase your obligations." Aye
and diminish the weapons of your friends.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, March 14, 1934
[Sir Winston was referring to our pressure on the French to
reduce their army.]
By this time next year we shall know whether the policy of
appeasement has appeased, or whether it has only stimulated
a more ferocious appetite.
Letter, November 17, 1938
[We actually knew within ten months.]
It is always dangerous for soldiers, sailors or airmen to play
at politics. They enter a sphere in which the values are quite
150 A CHURCHILL READER
different from those to which they have hitherto been accus
tomed*
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
The hen has been part and parcel of the country cottager s
life since history began. Townsfolk can eke out their rations
by a bought meal.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
[Minute to Minister of Food on poultry rationing, July 16
1942.]
There was nothing sensational or controversial to boast
about on the platforms, but measured by every test, economic
and financial, the mass of the people were definitely better
off, and the state of the nation and of the world was easier
and more fertile by the end of our term than at its begin
ning. Here is a modest, but a solid claim.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
[Sir Winston was commenting upon Mr. Baldwin s Govern
ment of 1924-9, in which he was Chancellor of the Ex
chequer.]
With all our shortcomings, conditions in this country were
a model to Europe and to many parts of the United States.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. VI
[Minute to Secretary of State for War, April 17, 1943, about
pre-war Britain.!
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 151
There was, however, a bill to be paid, and it took the new
House of Commons nearly ten years to pay it.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
[Sir Winston was referring to the result of the 1945 General
Election, and attributing it rightly to delayed resentment
against pre-war Conservative Governments.]
Nothing would be more dangerous than for people to feel
cheated because they had been led to expect attractive schemes
which turn out to be economically impossible.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
There is no worse mistake in public leadership than to hold
out false hopes soon to be swept away. The British people
can face peril or misfortune with fortitude and buoyancy, but
they bitterly resent being deceived or finding that those re
sponsible for their affairs are themselves dwelling in a fool s
paradise.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec-
ond World War," Vol. IV
All social reform . . . which is not founded upon a stable
medium of internal exchange becomes a swindle and a fraud.
Brighton, October 4, 1947
For four hundred years the foreign policy of England has
been to oppose the strongest, most aggressive, most dominat
ing Power on the Continent, and particularly to prevent the
Low Countries falling into the hands of such a Power. . . .
Faced by Philip II of Spain, against Louis XIV under Wil
liam III and Marlborough, against Napoleon, against Wil-
152 A CHURCHILL READER
liam II of Germany, it would have been easy and must have
been very tempting to join with the stronger and share the
fruits of his conquest. However, we always took the harder
course, joined with the less strong Powers, made a combina
tion among them, and thus defeated and frustrated the con
tinental military tyrant whoever he was, whatever nation he
led. Here is the wonderful unconscious tradition of British
Foreign Policy. . . . Observe that the policy of England takes
no account of which nation it is that seeks the overlordship
of Europe. The question is not whether it is Spain, or the
French monarchy, or the French Empire, or the German
Empire, or the Hitler regime. It has nothing to do with rulers
or nations, it is concerned solely with whoever is the strongest
or the potentially dominating tyrant. ... I am for the armed
League of all Nations, or as many as you can get, against the
potential aggressor, with England and France as the core of it.
Private Address to Conserva
tive Members of Parliament,
March 1936
There can hardly ever have been a war more easy to pre
vent than this second Armageddon [the 1939-45 World War],
I have always been ready to use force in order to defy tyranny
or ward off ruin. But had our British, American and Allied
affairs been conducted with the ordinary consistency and
common sense usual in decent households, there was no need
for Force to march unaccompanied by Law; and Strength,
moreover, could have been used in righteous causes with little
risk of bloodshed. In their loss of purpose, in their abandon
ment even of the themes they most sincerely espoused, Bri
tain, France, and most of all, because of their immense power
and impartiality, the United States, allowed conditions to be
gradually built up which led to the very climax they dreaded
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 153
most. They have only to repeat the same well-meaning, short
sighted behaviour towards the new problems which in singu
lar resemblance confront us today to bring about a third con
vulsion from which none may live to tell the tale.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
... if you will not fight for the right when you can easily win
without bloodshed; if you will not fight when your victory
will be sure and not too costly; you may come to the moment
when you will have to fight with all the odds against you and
only a precarious chance of survival. There may even be a
worse case. You may have to fight when there is no hope of
victory, because it is better to perish than live as slaves.
The Gathering Storm, f{ The
Second World War/ Vol. I
Our inheritance of well-founded, slowly conceived codes of
honour, morals and manners, the passionate convictions
which so many hundreds of millions share together of the
principles of freedom and justice, are far more precious to us
than anything which scientific discoveries could bestow.
Boston, Massachusetts, March
31, 1949
Science, which now offers us a golden age with one hand,
offers at the same time with the other the doom of all that we
have built up inch by inch since the Stone Age and the dawn
of any human annals. My faith is in the high progressive
destiny of man. I do not believe we are to be flung back into
abyssmal darkness by those fiercesome discoveries which
human genius has made. Let us make sure that they are serv
ants, but not our masters.
Plymouth, October 23, 1951
154 A CHURCHILL READER
The Dark Ages may return the Stone Age may return on
the gleaming wings of science; and what might now shower
immeasurable material blessings upon mankind may even
bring about its total destruction. Beware, I sayl Time may
be short.
Speech at Fulton, Missouri,
March 5, 1946
[The reference is to the discovery of how to release atomic
energy.]
If a Government has no moral scruples, it often seems to
gain great advantages and liberties of action, but "all comes
out even at the end of the day, and all will come out yet more
even when all the days are ended."
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
Statesmen are not called upon only to settle easy questions.
These often settle themselves. It is when the balance quivers,
and the proportions are veiled in mist, that the opportunity
for world-saving decisions presents itself.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
I entirely agree that the civil authority has supreme au
thority over the military men.
Speech in the House, October
31, 1950
There is general agreement on this side of the House with
what he [Mr. Herbert Morrison] calls the traditional view
that the constitutional and civil authorities should control
the actions of the military commanders.
Speech in the House, April 11,
1951
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 155
It does seem to me very much better to bribe a person than
to kill a person, and very much better to be bribed than to be
killed.
Speech in the House, April 30,
1953
[Sir Winston was answering criticisms on the U.N. offer of
dollar rewards for surrender of M.I.G. fighters in Korea.]
It is an error to believe that the world began when any
particular party or statesman got into office. It has all been
going on quite a long time. * . .
Guildhall, London, Novem
ber 9, 1951
A distinction should be drawn at the outset between two
kinds of political inconsistency. First, a statesman in contact
with the moving current of events and anxious to keep the
ship on an even keel and steer a steady course may lean all his
weight now on one side and now on the other. His arguments
in each case when contrasted can be shown to be not only
very different in character, but contradictory in spirit and
opposite in direction; yet his object will throughout have re
mained the same. His resolve, his wishes, his outlook may have
been unchanged; his methods may be verbally irreconcilable.
We cannot call this inconsistency. The only way a man can
remain consistent amid changing circumstances is to change
with them while preserving the same dominating purpose.
A statesman should always try to do what he believes is best
in the long view for his country, and he should not be dis
suaded from so acting by having to divorce himself from a
great body of doctrine to which he formerly sincerely ad
hered.
Extract from Consistency in
Politics, "Thoughts and Ad-
ventures"
156 A CHURCHILL READER
It [no appeasement] is a good slogan for the country . . .
however ... it requires to be more precisely defined. What
we really mean, I think, is no appeasement through weakness
or fear. Appeasement in itself may be good or bad according
to circumstances. Appeasement from weakness and fear is
alike futile and fatal. Appeasement from strength is magnani
mous and noble and might be the surest and perhaps the
only path to world peace.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, December 14, 1950
I stand by my original programme blood, toil, tears, and
sweat ... to which I added five months later "many short
comings, mistakes, and disappointments."
Speech in the House, January
27, 1942
I have never made any predictions, except things like
saying Singapore would hold out. What a fool and a knave
I should have been to say it would fall!
Speech in the House on the
motion censuring the "cen
tral direction of the war,"
July 2, 1942
[This was the only session during the war upon which the
House of Commons attempted to censure the Government.
It had been gravely alarmed by Rommel s victory in Libya,
which drove the Eighth Army back to Alamein; and on the
very day of the debate there were strong rumours that the
Alamein position had been pierced.]
When nations or individuals get strong they are often
truculent and bullying, but when they are weak they become
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 157
better mannered. But this is the reverse of what is healthy
and wise. I have always been astonished, having seen the end
of these two wars, how difficult it is to make people under
stand the Roman wisdom, "Spare the conquered and war
down the proud." . . . The modern practice has too often
been, "punish the defeated and grovel to the strong."
Speech in the House of Com-
mons, December 14, 1950
The argument is now put forward that we must never use
the atomic bomb until, or unless, it has been used against
us first. In other words, you must never fire until you have
been shot dead. That seems to me ... a silly thing to say. . . .
Speech in the House of Com
mons, December 14, 1950
Nothing can be more abhorrent to democracy than to
imprison a person or keep him in prison because he is un
popular. This is really the test of civilisation.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. V.
Try to cut out petty annoyances, whether in the hotels,
the little shops, or the private lives of ordinary people.
Nothing should be done for spite s sake. The great work
of rationing in this country, which has given so much con
fidence and absence of class feeling, should not be prejudiced
by little trumpery regulations which when enforced make
hard cases.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," VoL V.
Nothing makes departments so unpopular as these acts of
petty bureaucratic folly which come to light from time to
158 A CHURCHILL READER
time, and are, I fear, only typical of a vast amount of silly
wrongdoing by small officials or committees.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V.
To create and multiply offences which are not condemned
by public opinion, which are difficult to detect and can only
be punished in a capricious manner, is impolitic.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War; Vol.
Ill
... I for one, being an optimist, do not think peace is going
to be so bad as war, and I hope we shall not try to make it as
bad
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War, 9 Vol. V
. . . the world must be made safe for at least fifty years. If
it was only for fifteen to twenty years then we should have
betrayed our soldiers.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
There can be no assurance of lasting military strength
without a firm economic foundation, and no defence pro
gramme can stand without the economic resources to carry
it through.
Speech in the House, July 30,
1952
We must satisfy ourselves that every possible effort has
been used so to organise our [defence] forces as to procure
a true economy with its twin sister, efficiency. To say such
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 159
things is to utter platitudes. To do them is to render public
service.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 6, 1951
Solvency is valueless without security, and security is im
possible to achieve without solvency.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, March 5, 1953
We must rise above that weakness of democratic and Par
liamentary Governments, in not being able to pursue a
steady policy for a long time, so as to get results. It is surely
our plain duty to persevere steadfastly, irrespective of party
feelings or national diversities, for only in this way have we
good chances of securing that lasting world peace under a
sovereign world instrument of security on which our hearts
are set.
Speech in the House, May 12,
1949
[Sir Winston was speaking on the signing of the N.A.T.O.
Treaty and arguing for the tradition of a foreign policy
broadly common to all the main parties.]
If the idea "Rule, Britannia" was a toy, it is certainly one
for which many good men from time to time have been
ready to die.
Speech in the House, April 19,
1951
[Sir Winston was commenting upon a previous statement by
Mr. Attlee that "Britannia Rules [sic] the Waves" was one
of Britain s toys.]
160 A CHURCHILL READER
There is a gulf fixed between private conduct and that of
persons in an official and, above all, in a Ministerial position.
The abuse or misuse for personal gain of the special powers
and privileges which attach to office under the State is rightly
deemed most culpable.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 3, 1949
If you destroy a free market you create a black market.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 3, 1949
There is the law of the land the ancient common law
of England which still remains to guide the vast English-
speaking world. There is the immense force of public
opinion in free and civilised countries. There are the honest
and honourable conventions of British business life without
the observance of which, few men can obtain or maintain
any position of responsibility in the commercial world. All
these are needed to maintain a healthy democratic civilisa
tion. ... If the permission of State officials has to be sought in
innumerable cases for all kinds of trivial but necessary and
unavoidable transactions hitherto entirely untrammelled,
you will be opening the door to difficulties, stresses and
strains, to which our social system has not hitherto been
exposed ... we ... are convinced that the enforcement, or
the attempted enforcement, as a peace-time policy of thou
sands of war-time or post-war officials, whatever penalties
Parliament may decree, will result in a breaking down of
that respect for law, custom and tradition which has played
so large a part in the reputation of our peoples and was so
vital a factor in our survival during the period of mortal
peril through which we have passed.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 3, 1949
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 161
No constitutional or democratic principle with which I
am acquainted compels a Minister of the Crown to argue.
He may be tempted to do so; but he cannot be compelled.
Speech in the House, July 30,
1952
It is not his task [the Minister to study post-war problems]
to make a new world, comprising a new heaven, a new earth,
and no doubt a new hell as I am sure that would be necessary
in any balanced system.
Speech in the House, January
22, 1941, on machinery for
conducting the war
I am a strong believer in transacting official business by the
Written Word It is always better, except in the hierarchy
o military discipline, to express opinions and wishes rather
than to give orders. Still, written directives coining per
sonally from the lawfully constituted Head of the Govern
ment and Minister specially charged with defence counted
to such an extent that, though not expected as orders, they
very often found their fruition in action.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. II
One of the disadvantages of dictatorships is that the dic
tator is often dictated to by others, and what he did to others
may often be done back again to him.
Speech in the House, May 11,
1953
Democracy is not a caucus, obtaining a fixed term of office
by promises, and then doing what it likes with the people .
162 A CHURCHILL READER
Government of the people, by the people, for the people,
still remains the sovereign definition of democracy.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1947
Peace will not be preserved by pious sentiments expressed
in terms of platitudes or by official grimaces and diplomatic
correctitude.
Virginia, March 8, 1946
Governments and peoples do not always take rational de
cisions. Sometimes they take mad decisions, or one set of
people get control who compel all others to obey and aid
them in folly. . . . However sincerely we try to put ourselves
in another person s position, we cannot allow for processes
of the human mind and imagination to which reason offers
no key. Madness is however an affliction which in war carries
with it the advantage of SURPRISE.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
The world moves on and we dwell in a constantly changing
climate of opinion. But the broad principles and truths of
wise and sane political action do not necessarily alter with
the changing moods of a democratic electorate. Not every
thing changes. Two and two still make four and I could
give you many other instances which go to prove that all
wisdom is not new wisdom.
Belle Vue, December 6, 1947
Do not let spacious plans for a new world divert your
energies from saving what is left of the old.
Memo to Minister of Works,
January 6, 1942
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 163
I let the argument rip healthily between the departments.
This is a very good way of finding out the truth.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War/ Vol.
Ill
[Differences of estimate of future strength of German bomb
ing of Britain.]
When one is in office one has no idea how damnable things
can feel to the ordinary rank and file of the public.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
I really do not see that I am called upon to draw such
precise regulations for those who may be departing on week
ends. It does not follow that the week-ends are spent in idle
ness. I have often known them to become more fruitful than
the mid-week period.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, November 29, 1951
[Sir Winston was replying to a proposal to include Saturday
in the working week for production purposes.]
I have always made myself the spokesman for the greatest
possible freedom of debate even if it should lead to sharp
encounters and hard words.
Speech to Norwegian Parlia
ment, May 13, 1948
Some people s idea of [free speech] is that they are free to
164 A CHURCHILL READER
say what they like, but if anyone says anything back, that is
an outrage.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 13, 1943
I understood that we were in entire agreement before I
said what I said, and after I said what I said I also under
stood that we were in entire agreement.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, June 19, 1952
A bargain between politicians in difficulties ought not to
be the basis of our criminal law.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, July 15, 1948
[In the Socialist Government s Criminal Justice Bill, 1948,
there was a clause concerning the death penalty which was
a compromise between abolitionists and non-abolitionists.
This caused some embarrassment to the Socialist leaders.]
Interruptions which have no purpose but to continue the
argument are not a fair use of the right of interruption.
Speech in the House, July 15,
1948
No one is compelled to serve great causes unless he feels
fit for it, but nothing is more certain than that you cannot
take the lead in great causes as a half-timer.
Speech at Chingford, May 8,
1936, on the Government s
half-hearted sanctions policy
during the Italo-A byssinian
War.
ON POLICIES AND POLITICS 165
Hatred plays the same parts in government as acid in
chemistry.
"The World Crisis"
When good people get into trouble because they are at
tacked and heavily smitten by the vile and wicked, they must
be very careful not to get at loggerheads with one another.
Broadcast to France, October
21, 1940
[Sir Winston was appealing to the French not to listen to
the Vichy anti-British propaganda.]
I accept their tributes, belated though they be, for what
they are worth. I suppose a favourable verdict is always to
be valued, even if it comes from an unjust judge or a nobbled
umpire.
Speech in the House, April
20, 1931
[The occasion was Mr. Snowden s Budget, in which Sir Win
ston professed to find endorsement of the principles which
he himself had followed as Chancellor of the Exchequer.]
It would be a great reform in politics if wisdom could be
made to spread as easily and as rapidly as folly.
Broadcast, August 16, 1947
I say to the general mass of those who wish to leave this
country, "Stay here and fight it out." ... Do not desert the
old land. We cannot spare you.
Broadcast, August 16, 1947
166 A CHURCHILL READER
The reason for having diplomatic relations is not to confer
a compliment but to secure a convenience.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 17, 1949
[Sir Winston was dealing with the question of recognising
Communist China.]
It is said, reap where you have sown. That is a hard rule,
a stern rule and we accept it. But we are not now reaping
where we have sown, we are reaping where others have sown,
where they have sown weeds as well as grain.
Scarborough, October 11, 1952
[Sir Winston was reviewing the first year of the new Con
servative Government elected in October 1951 after six
and a quarter years of Socialism.]
I have fought more elections than anyone here, or indeed
anyone alive in the country Parliamentary elections
and on the whole they are great fun. But there ought to be
interludes of tolerance, hard work and study of social prob
lems between them. Having rows for the sake of having
rows between politicians might be good from time to time,
but it is not a good habit of political life.
Hansard, November 3, 1953
A Political Miscellany
1 ViARLBOROUGH was a Tory by origin, sentiment, and pro
fession. But he was quite cool about whether the Govern
ment was Tory or Whig. What he sought was a political
system that would support the war. He shared none of Anne s
strong feelings about the High Church or Low Church
bishops. Unity at home, and in Parliament to sustain, with
the combined resources of the nation, the war abroad against
the power of France was his sole and only end.
"Marlborough, His Life and
Times"
They saw that if he resigned he would put himself in the
wrong. To dismiss him was dangerous: to provoke his resig
nation comparatively safe. Then they could have filled
England with the cry that he had deserted his post on party
grounds, that he had cast away the cause of the Allies, that
he had ruined the peace which otherwise was in their hands.
Any disaster in the field which followed his withdrawal they
could lay on him. In fact, their conduct towards him during
168 A CHURCHILL READER
their first months exceeded in malice and in meanness any
thing which is known and it is a wide field in the re
lations of a British General with a British Government.
"Marlborough, His Life and
Times"
I said that if I could have foreseen the General Strike and
the coal stoppage I should not have felt justified in making
a remission in taxation.
Mr. Pethick Lawrence: I do not deny that. The right hon.
Gentleman, like a bad bridge player, blames his cards.
Sir Winston: I blame the crooked deal.
Budget Proposals, April 15,
1930
Marlborough, viewing the situation with military eye,
had no intention of being brought to battle on ground which
was so suited to the enemy. He and Godolphin therefore
presented an oblique front to Rochester s formidable ad
vance. They avoided his thrust by a practice, which even in
our own reformed days is not unknown, of affirming their
support for the principle of a Bill while taking steps to get
it killed behind the scenes.
"Marlborough, His Life and
Times"
What about mining royalties? In all this talk about the
importance of cheap coal to our industries and to the poor
consumer we have had no mention of mining royalties. No.
We never mention that.
Speech on the Hours Bill,
July 6, 1908
A POLITICAL MISCELLANY 169
[Mining royalties were bought out by the Government be
fore the war of 1939-45.]
I am the oldest living champion of Insurance in the House
of Commons. ... In 1909 I obtained the power to spread
a network of [labour] exchanges over the whole of Great
Britain and Ireland. For that purpose we [the then Liberal
Government] brought into the public service Mr.
Beveridge.
Broadcast, June 13, 1945
[The so-called "Beveridge plan" for comprehensive social
insurance had created a furore when published during the
war. Part of the Socialist case at the election of 1945 was
that the Churchill Government did not genuinely mean to
implement it. Sir Winston was here replying to this charge
and pointing out that it was he who gave Sir William (now
Lord] Beveridge his first chance.]
Labour exchanges are the gateway to industrial security.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 17, 1909
The two systems [labour exchanges and unemployment
insurance] are complementary; they are man and wife; they
mutually support and sustain each other.
Speech in the House, May 19,
1909
If I had my way I would write the word "insure" over the
door of every cottage, and upon the blotting-book of every
public man, because I am convinced that by sacrifices which
are inconceivably small, which are all within the power of
the very poorest man in regular work, families can be secured
170 A CHURCHILL READER
against catastrophes which otherwise would smash them up
for ever.
On National Insurance: speech
in Manchester, May 23,
1909.
There is a real opportunity for bringing the magic of
averages to the rescue of millions.
Broadcast, March 1943, on a
four-year plan for post-war
construction
[The allusion is to the ratio between insurance contributions
and benefit.]
And if a rise in stocks and shares confers profits on the
fortunate holders far beyond what they expected, or, indeed,
deserved, nevertheless that profit has not been reaped by
withholding from the community the land which it needs,
but, on the contrary, apart from mere gambling, it has been
reaped by supplying industry with the capital without which
it could not be carried on.
Why land should be taxed and
not stocks and shares. Speech
in Edinburgh^ July 16, 1901
[Sir Winston was in full cry for the Lloyd George Budget,
which included duties on increment values in land. The
event was to show that they were a total failure.]
To dispute the authority of a newly elected Parliament
is something very like an incitement to violence on the part
of the other House,
A POLITICAL MISCELLANY 171
[This was a speech made at the beginning of the controversy
between the Liberal Government and the House of Lords,
which resulted in the Parliament Act, limiting the power of
the Lords to reject Bills passed by the Commons.]
Lord Lansdowne has explained, to the amusement of the
nation, that he claimed no right on behalf of the House of
Lords to "mince" the Budget. All, he tells us, he has asked
for, so far as he is concerned, is the right to "wince" when
swallowing it. Well, that is a much more modest claim. It is
for the Conservative Party to judge whether it is a very
heroic claim for one of their leaders to make. If they are
satisfied with the wincing Marquis, we have no reason to
protest.
Speech on the Budget at Nor
wich, July 16, 1909
I acted with great promptitude. In the nick of time, just as
Mr. Snowden was rising with overwhelming fury, I got up
[and withdrew the tax on kerosene]. Was I humiliated? Was
I accused of running away? No! Everyone said: "How
clever! How quick! How right!" Pardon me referring to
it. It was one of my best days.
Speech in the House> June
1937
[The question at issue was the National Defence Contribu
tion proposed by Neville Chamberlain. Sir Winston was
asking for its withdrawal and quoting from his own experi
ence when Chancellor of the Exchequer to show that amour-
propre should not frustrate the dropping of an unpopular
tax.]
172 A CHURCHILL READER
I believe in Parliamentary discussion and I hold strongly
that the elected representatives of the people, and the House
of Lords, in its relation established by the Parliament Act,
should both share in the shaping of legislation. We are not
like the Czar, or the Kaiser, or Hitler, or Lenin, or Stalin,
or a lot of others of the same brand, who utter ukases or
other decrees which cowed Assemblies, elected by swindling
and intimidation, have to endorse and swallow. We are not
like that. It is not necessarily a humiliation to a Govern
ment to defer to the House of Commons feelings and genuine
sense established in debates, provided that they do not
sacrifice any moral principle or inflict injury or injustice
on the public.
Scarborough, October 11, 1952
There are two ways in which a gigantic debt may be spread
over new decades and future generations. There is the right
and healthy way; and there is the wrong and morbid way.
The wrong way is to fail to make the utmost provision for
ammortisation which prudence allows, to aggravate the
burden of the debt by fresh borrowing, to live from hand to
mouth and from year to year, and to exclaim with Louis XVI:
"After me, the delugel"
Budget Speech, April 11, 1927
[Of this Budget speech (April 1927) Mr. Snowden observed:
"The right hon. Gentleman was faced by difficulties which
would have been the despair of most men. The right hon.
Gentleman is not like most men. Those who expected that
he would come here this afternoon in a proper mood of
penitence and humility, and appropriately dressed in sack
cloth, did not know the right hon. Gentleman. He is not
that sort. Excuses he may make, but apologies never. He
A POLITICAL MISCELLANY 173
lives in a realm o imagination. He glories in big figures.
If he cannot have a big surplus, then he must have a big
deficit. He is like Charles VII of France, of whom it was
said: No man ever lost a kingdom with more gaiety/ "]
It cannot, in the opinion of His Majesty s Government,
be classified as slavery in the extreme acceptance of the word
without some risk of terminological inexactitude.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 22, 1906
[The Liberal Party had been elected at the General Election
of this year by an enormous majority. One of the issues had
been their allegation that "Chinese slaves" were being im
ported to labour in the Rand mines. This is what would be
called today an oversimplification of the question the
persons in question being indentured labourers. Sir Win
ston s way of admitting electionitis became famous.]
At any time or in any place, here on the floor of the House
of Commons or in the tumult of a popular election, we are
ready to meet you on the issue and . . . prove to the country
that you are wrong all along the line wrong in your logic,
wrong in your statecraft, wrong in your arithmetic, wrong
even in your demagogy right only in having at last the
candour and courage to avow your true opinions and, by
so doing, warn the public throughout the Empire of the
catastrophe from which they have been preserved.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 20, 1907
[This challenge was to the Conservative Party on the ques
tion of Tariff Reform.]
174 A CHURCHILL READER
The right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs [Mr.
Lloyd George] is going to borrow 200,000,000 and to spend
it ... upon paying the unemployed to make racing tracks for
well-to-do motorists to make the ordinary pedestrian skip;
and we are assured that the mere prospect of this has entirely
revivified the Liberal Party. At any rate, it has brought one
notable recruit. Lord Rothermere, chief author of the anti-
waste campaign, has enlisted under the Happy Warrior of
Squandermania.
Budget Speech, April 15, 1929
The detailed method of spending the money has not yet
been fully thought out, but we are assured on the highest
authority that if only enough resource and energy is used
there will be no difficulty in getting rid of the stuff. This is
the policy which used to be stigmatised by the late Mr.
Thomas Gibson Bowles as the policy of buying a biscuit
early in the morning and walking about all day looking for a
dog to give it to. At any rate, after this, no one will ever
accuse the right hon. Gentleman of cheap electioneering.
Budget Speech, April 15, 1929
[Mr. Lloyd George had produced elaborate proposals for
"conquering unemployment," mainly through large-scale
public works. Sir Winston was contending that most of
them would be useless and wasteful.]
If I had proposed to take 12,000,000 from the Navy, all
the Liberal Party would have been bound to rise up and say:
"Hosannal Let us, if you will, have a second or third-class
Navy, but, whatever happens, we must have first-class roads."
Debate on the Budget, April
4, 1927
A POLITICAL MISCELLANY 175
I remember many years ago Mr. Lloyd George sending for
me to receive with him a deputation of hop-growers. . . . We
could give them nothing but sympathy, but we gave them a
double dose of that.
Speech on introducing the
Budget, April 28, 1925
[Sir Winston could afford the confession, because he was im
posing a "nakedly protective" duty on hops.]
We are often told that the gold standard will shackle us to
the United States. I will deal with that in a moment. I will
tell you what it will shackle us to. It will shackle us to reality.
For good or for ill, it will shackle us to reality.
Speech on the Gold Standard
Bill, April 4, 1925
Take the case of the backer. . . Does anyone suppose that
a man or woman who now bets with a credit bookmaker, who
has only to go to the telephone and make his wager by word
of mouth under the full sanction of the law, who has every
facility of the public service at his disposal, who can make
his wager with a firm in which he has the uttermost confi
dence can you suppose that this backer is going, for the
sake of avoiding a deduction from his winnings of the odds
equal to one shilling in the pound or to avoid a deduction
from his winnings of one shilling in the pound, to wander
round a particular district in some manufacturing town
looking for a mysterious individual into whose hand he may
surreptitiously place half a dollar?
Speech in the House, April
28, 1926
176 A CHURCHILL READER
[Sir Winston, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, was defending
his proposal to tax betting, which had been attacked on the
ground that bookmakers and backers had only to transact
their business in the street in order to evade the tax. In spite
of this defence, the tax was a failure.]
I remember it was the fashion in the Army when a court
martial was being held and the prisoner was brought in that
he should be asked if he objected to being tried by the Presi
dent or to any of those officers who composed the court
martial. On one occasion a prisoner was so insurbordinate
as to answer: "I object to the whole lot of you/ That
is clearly illustrative of the kind of reception which, at this
stage, consultation of the trade unions by the Government
would meet with.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 9, 1927
When I first went into Parliament, now nearly forty years
ago . . . the most insulting charge which could be made
against a Minister . . . short of actual malfeasance, was that
he had endangered the safety of the country . . . for elec
tioneering considerations. Yet such are the surprising qual
ities of Mr. Baldwin that what all had been taught to shun
has now been elevated into a canon of political virtue.
Letter, December 11, 1936
[Mr. Baldwin had explained that if he had told the people
"Germany is rearming and we must rearm," his party would
most likely have lost the General Election of 1935, in the
then pacifist mood of the nation.]
We shall not allow any prejudice against individual per-
A POLITICAL MISCELLANY 177
sonalities engaged in this conflict to complicate our task.
But you cannot ask us to take sides against arithmetic.
Speech on the Coal Dispute,
August 31, 1926
[Sir Winston had taken a prominent part in the successful
attempt to settle this dispute after the collapse of the Gen
eral Strike. He is referring to the stormy personality of A. J.
Cook, the miners leader; and to the fact that there was a
world glut of coal which, failing arrangements such as a sub
sidy, prevented high wages in the mining industry.]
But I warn you I warn you that if ever there is another
General Strike we will let loose another British Gazette.
Speech in the House after the
collapse of the General
Strike, 1926
[During the strike the Government published a newspaper
of its own, called the British Gazette, of which Sir Winston
was in charge. It gave great offence to the Labour Party,
and Sir Winston wisely turned its failings into a joke.]
We now know with accuracy the injury which has been
done, at any rate to our finances. We meet this afternoon
under the shadow of last year. It is not the time to bewail the
past; it is the time to pay the bill. It is not for me to appor
tion the blame; my task is only to apportion the burden. I
cannot present myself before the Committee in the guise of
an important judge; I am only the public executioner.
Financial Statement, April 11,
1927 the post-General
Strike Budget
178 A CHURCHILL READER
It would be easy to give an epitome of the financial year
which has closed. The road has lain continually uphill, the
weather has been wet and cheerless, and the Lords Com
missioners of His Majesty s Treasury have been increasingly
uncheered by alcoholic stimulants. Death has been their
frequent companion and almost their only friend.
Budget Speech, April 24, 1928
[The reference is to the fact that in the previous year only
the death duties had yielded according to expectations.]
I look forward to the universal establishment of minimum
standards of life and labour, and their progressive elevation
as the increasing energies of production may permit. I do
not think that Liberalism in any circumstances can cut itself
off from this fertile field of social effort, and I would recom
mend you not to be scared in discussing any of these pro
posals, just because some old woman comes along and tells
you they are Socialistic.
Speech at Glasgow, October,
11, 1906
The war [of 1914-18] had been fought to make sure that
the smallest State should have the power to assert its lawful
rights against even the greatest; and this will probably be for
several generations an enduring fact.
"The World Crisis." Even
Homer nods!
Mr. Maurice Webb [to Sir Winston]: We are rather like
a lot of sheep, aren t we?
Sir Winston: Yes, bloody black sheep.
A POLITICAL MISCELLANY 179
[NOTE: This story is told by Mr. Webb in his speech in the
House of Commons, October 29, 1946.]
I have read this document to the House because I am
anxious that Members should realise that our affairs are not
conducted entirely by simpletons and dunderheads.
Speech in the House in secret
session, April 23, 1942
[The document was an Admiralty prediction that the two
German battleships at Brest would try to sail home through
the Channel. They did successfully and Sir Winston
was answering criticism that they had fooled us.]
I am sure the mistakes of that time will not be repeated;
we shall probably make another set of mistakes.
Speech in the House, June 8,
1944, on being asked to
avoid the mistakes made
after the war of 1914-18
For us to become divided among ourselves because of
divergencies of opinion or local interests, or to slacken our
combined efforts would be to end for ever such new hope as
may have broken upon mankind and lead instead to their
general ruin and enslavement. Unity, vigilance and fidelity
are the only foundations upon which hope can live.
Speech in the House, May 11,
1953
The formation of a modern British Administration is a
complex affair, involving nearly eighty persons and offices.
When I thought of the elaborate processes of personal cor-
180 A CHURCHILL READER
respondence, or interviews with which in Gladstonian days
Governments had been formed I felt that only extreme
emergency could excuse the use I made of the telephone.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
[On the formation of the "Caretaker" Government after the
dissolution of the famous war-time Coalition in May 1945.]
It is said about Foreign Office minutes that if you read
the odd paragraph numbers and the even paragraph numbers
in series you get both sides of the case fully stated.
Closing the Ring, "The Second
World War/ Vol. V
The natural term of an Ambassador s mission should be
six years, unless he is guilty of incompetence or divergence
from the Government s policy, when of course he cannot be
recalled too soon.
Closing the Ring, "The Second
World War," Vol. V
The zeal and efficiency of a diplomatic representative is
measured by the quality and not the quantity of the informa
tion he supplies.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
Would it not be a matter of very great convenience to
have a common copper coin which took the place of the old
Id. and which we should at any rate want available for an
enormous number of basic transactions a myriad of basic
A POLITICAL MISCELLANY 181
transactions which are of great common usage amongst
the masses of the people?
Speech in the House, June 19 3
1951
[Sir Winston was dealing with the request for a U/^d. piece.]
They are no longer, as we stood in the days of the Lloyd
George Budget, at the first frontier of a large and fertile
territory. The entire area has been swept through, harvested
and gleaned, and gleaned again and again, and we stand on
the far side of what is now a thoroughly scrubbed field.
Speech in the House 9 October
23, 1945
It is always very difficult to discount one s own viewpoint
in the changing scenes and proportions of our lives. But I
must say that the statesmen whom I saw in those days seemed
to tower above the general level in a most impressive way.
The tests were keener, the standards were higher, and those
who surmounted them were men it was a treat and honour to
know. They were the representatives of an age of ordered
but unceasing movement.
House of Commons, Decem
ber 6, 1950
[Speech on unveiling of a statue to Herbert Henry Asquith,
Earl of Oxford and Asquith. Prime Minister 1908-16.]
... the Daily Mirror, coined a phrase . . . which is being used
by the Socialist Party . . . "Whose finger," they asked, "do
you want on the trigger, Attlee s or Churchill s?" I am sure
we do not want any fingers upon any trigger. Least of all
182 A CHURCHILL READER
do we want a fumbling finger. ... I must now tell you that
in any case it will not be a British finger that will pull the
trigger of a Third World War. It may be a Russian finger,
or an American finger, or a United Nations Organisation
finger, but it cannot be a British finger. Although we should
certainly be involved in a struggle between the Soviet Empire
and the free world, the control and decision and the timing
of that horrible event would not rest with us.
Loughton, County High
School, October 6, 1951
[During the 1951 Election, Sir Winston s opponents raised
the cry that he was a "warmonger." This was widely be
lieved. Another curious instance of electoral gullibility was
the impression prevalent in 1945 that Sir Winston would be
Prime Minister even if the other party won.]
8
On the English Language
JL HE ESSENTIAL structure of the ordinary British sentence
... is a noble thing.
"Amid These Storms"
Personally, I like short words and vulgar fractions.
Speech at Margate, October
10, 1953
In the art of drafting [Income Tax Law] there seems to be
a complete disdain of the full stop, and even the humble
colon is an object to be avoided.
Speech in the House , April 19,
1927
Short words are best and the old words when short are
best of all.
London, November 2, 1949
I must point out that the expression "accidentally ignored"
is a contradiction in terms.
Speech in the House, July 1,
1952
184 A CHURCHILL READER
I hope you have all mastered the official Socialist jargon
which our masters, as they call themselves, wish us to learn.
You must not use the word "poor"; they are described as the
"lower income group/ When it comes to a question of
freezing a workman s wages the Chancellor of the Exchequer
speaks of "arresting increases in personal income/ The idea
is that formerly income taxpayers used to be the well-to-do,
and that therefore it will be popular and safe to hit at them.
Sir Stafford Cripps does not like to mention the word
"wages," but that is what he means. There is a lovely one
about houses and homes. They are in future to be called
"accommodation units." I don t know how we are to sing our
old song "Home Sweet Home." "Accommodation Unit,
Sweet Accommodation Unit, there s no place like our Accom
modation Unit." I hope to live to see the British democracy
spit all this rubbish from their lips.
Cardiff, February 8, 1950
A non-undisincentive.
Interjection in the House,
June 22, 1950
[Mr. E. H. Leather, Con. North Somerset, speaking on the
1950 Finance Bill, criticised the view that purchase tax was
a fiscal weapon. This tax came under the heading Sir Staf
ford Cripps then Chancellor of the Exchequer summarised
"in his own delightful word disincentive/ " Sir Winston
interjected as above.]
When Ministers of the Crown speak like this on behalf of
His Majesty s Government, the Prime Minister and his
friends have no need to wonder why they are getting in
creasingly into bad odour. I had even asked myself whether
ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 185
you, Mr. Speaker, would admit the word "lousy" as a Parlia
mentary expression in referring to the Administration, pro
vided, of course, it was not intended in a contemptuous sense
but purely as one of factual narration.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1947
[Mr. Gaitskell then Minister of Fuel advocated fewer baths
to save fuel. He said he did not have many baths himself.]
This grimace is a good example of how official jargon can
be used to destroy any kind of human contact, or even
thought itself.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol IV
We all remember how Queen Elizabeth I dealt with poetry
and blank verse "Marry, this is something. This is rhyme!
But this" the blank verse "is neither rhyme nor reason."
Speech in the House, July 15,
1948
[Sir Winston was dealing with a complicated clause on the
suspension of the death penalty in the Socialist Government s
Criminal Justice Bill of 1948. The original clause had been
rejected by the Lords and the second attempt was even more
confusing than the first.]
I should prefer to have an agreed definition of the meaning
of "boloney" before I attempted to deal with such a topic.
Answer in the House, February
24, 1953
186 A CHURCHILL READER
[Sir Winston had been questioned about a colleague s re
mark that economic planning was boloney-]
I must warn the House I am going to make an unusual de
parture. I am going to make a Latin quotation. It is one
which I hope will not offend the detachment of the old
school tie and will not baffle or be taken as a slight upon the
new spelling brigade. Perhaps I ought to say the "new spell
ing squad" because it is an easier word.
Speech in the House, March
5, 1953
[The Latin quotation was "Arma virumque cano" the
opening of Virgil s Aeneid.]
What does bona fide mean? I know it is Latin but there
are enough public school men opposite who ought to be able
to translate it. In my belief, it means good faith, common
honesty, decent Parliamentary behaviour.
Speech in the House, June 21,
1951
We have therefore appointed an Under-Secretary under
the Home Office who is a Welshman, and whose name is, I
believe, quite well known throughout the Principality.
Mr. George Thomas (Cardiff, West): Pronounce his name.
The Prime Minister: I will Llewellyn. "Mor o gan yw
Cymrui gyd." (All Wales is a sea of song.)
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 6, 1951
[Sir Winston is never afraid of having a shot at another
language!]
ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 187
It was after full consideration of all those points that I gave
my somewhat comprehensive, or rather exclusively compre
hensive answer, "None, sir."
Speech in the House, May 21,
1952
I hope the term "Communal Feeding Centres" is not going
to be adopted. It is an odious expression, suggestive of Com
munism and the workhouse. I suggest you call them "British
Restaurants." Everybody associates the word "restaurant"
with a good meal, and they may as well have the name if they
cannot get anything else.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
The President has chosen the title "United Nations" for
all the Powers now working together. This is much better
than "Alliance/ 1 which places him in constitutional diffi
culties, or "Associated Powers," which is flat.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
Well, one can always consult a man and ask him, "Would
you like your head cut off tomorrow?" and after he has said
"I would rather not," cut it off. "Consultation" is a vague
and elastic term.
Speech in the House, May 7,
1947
As to this new word ["infrastructure"] with which he [Mr.
Shinwell, then Minister of Defence] has dignified our Ian-
188 A CHURCHILL READER
guage, but which perhaps was imposed upon him interna
tionally, I can only say that we must have full opportunity
to consider it and to consult the dictionary.
Speech in the House, April 20,
1950
[Mr. Shinwell then Minister of Defence, reviewing the
eighth meeting of the Consultative Council of the Brussels
Treaty Western Union said that the preparation of the
Headquarters, installation of the signal communications and
the division of the airfields were now collectively known as
the "infrastructure."]
In this Debate we have had the usual jargon about "the
infrastructure of a supranational authority/ The original
authorship is obscure; but it may well be that these words
"infra" and "supra" have been introduced into our current
political parlance by the band of intellectual highbrows who
are naturally anxious to impress British labour with the fact
that they learned Latin at Winchester.
Speech in the House, June 27,
1950
[Sir Winston was speaking on the Schuman plan to pool
European coal and steel.]
Envisage an unpleasant and overworked word.
Speech in the House, March
5, 1953
Adumbrated. That is not a word I like.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 15, 1951
ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 189
I hate the word co-ordination.
In the House, November 21,
1951
Sir Hartley Shawcross, then President of the Board of Trade
in the Socialist Government, dealing with the returns of trade
to China said the returns "have not yet been broken down,
but we are breaking them down."
Sir Winston intervened: "Analysing" is the better word.
In the House May 10, 1951
Sir Hartley Shawcross, speaking on the Criminal Justice
Bill, referred to "child-killing."
Sir Winston intervened: "Infanticide" is a better word.
Speech in the House, July 15,
1948
In the Budget debate of April 19, 1950, Mr. R. A. Butler,
speaking for the then Conservative Opposition, spoke of
"commercial vehicles." Sir Winston interjected "Lorries."
In the House, April 19, 1950
The word "disinflation" has been coined in order to avoid
the unpopular term "deflation." ... I suppose that presently
when "disinflation" also wins its bad name, the Chancellor
[Sir Stafford Cripps] will call it "non-undisinflation" and will
start again.
Speech in the House, October
27, 1949
[Sir Winston was speaking in the Debate on the Economic
Situation and was having a dig at the Chancellor s jargon
"re-valuation" for "devaluation," "personal incomes" for
"wages" and the one mentioned above.]
190 A CHURCHILL READER
. . . We must have a better word than "prefabricated" [for
houses]. Why not "ready-made 1 ?
Closing the Ring, "The Second
World War; Vol. V
Neither is the expression "Stay Put" really applicable to
the districts where fighting is going on. First of all, it is
American slang; secondly, it does not express the fact. The
people have not been "put" anywhere. What is the matter
with "Stand Fast" or "Stand Firm"? Of the two I prefer the
latter. This is an English expression and it says exactly what
is meant.
The Grand Alliance, f( The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
That is a curious phrase which has crept in. "Sifted" would
have been a more natural word, and would avoid any ambig
uity with the word "concealed." "Screened" is a modern
vulgarism.
Speech in the House, May 7,
1947
. . . you distinguish in several cases between enemy aircraft
"put out of action" or "destroyed." Is there any real differ
ence between the two, or is it simply to avoid tautology? If
so, this is not in accordance with the best authorities on
English. Sense should not be sacrificed to sound.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec-
ond World War," Vol. II
[Minute to the Secretary of State for Air, 1940.]
ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 191
1. We "invade" all countries with whom we are at war.
2. We "enter" all subjugated Allied lands we wish to
"liberate."
3. With regard to a country like Italy, with whose Gov
ernment we have signed an armistice, we "invaded" in the
first instance, but, in view of the Italian co-operation, we must
consider all further advances by us in Italy to be in the nature
of "liberation."
Closing the Ring, "The Second
World War/ Vol. V
The "postulates," as you like to call them, though "fore
casts" seems more natural, are in any case only of academic
interest.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second, World War," Vol.
Ill
[Sir Winston was commenting upon the R.A.F/S forecast of
losses in pilots.]
I agree with the First Sea Lord about the needlessness of
repeating the word "vessel," and his wish to simplify all titles
to one word. I should like the word "destroyer" to cover
ships formerly described as "fast escort vessels." ... I do not
like the word "whaler," which is an entire misnomer, as they
are not going to catch whales. . . . What is, in fact, the dis
tinction between an "escorter," a "patroller" and a "whaler"
as now specified? It seems most important to arrive at simple
conclusions quickly on this subject
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol I
192 A CHURCHILL READER
[The "fast escort vessels" became known as "Hunt" destroy
ers. The "whalers" became known as "corvettes" and later
types were called "frigates." Escort vessels became "sloops."]
Books in all their variety are often the means by which
civilisation may be carried triumphantly forward.
Wartime Documentary Film,
1941
Writing a book was an adventure. To begin with it was a
toy, an amusement; then it became a mistress, and then a
master, and then a tyrant.
London, November 2, 1949
Writing a long and substantial book is like having a friend
and companion at your side, to whom you can always turn for
comfort and amusement, and whose society becomes more
attractive as a new and widening field of interest is lighted
in the mind.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
[Sir Winston is referring to his History of the English-
Speaking Peoples which he finished in 1939 and promises to
publish some day.]
The printer must put his labour and materials to the best
possible use in disseminating knowledge more widely, con
veying news more speedily, expressing information more
clearly, commemorating events more gracefully, and adorn
ing life more beautifully.
Message to the Master Printers 9
International Congress, July
23, 1951
ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 193
I do not consider that prefixing the words "I am informed
that . . . " relieves one of all responsibility.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 6, 1950
I would make boys all learn English; and then I would let
the clever ones learn Latin as an honour and Greek as a treat.
But the only thing I would whip them for is not knowing
English. I would whip them hard for that.
"Amid These Storms"
Let us have an end of such phrases as these: "It is also of
importance to bear in mind the following considerations ..."
or "Consideration should be given to the possibility of carry
ing into effect. ..." Most of these woolly phrases are mere
padding, which can be left out altogether or replaced by a
single word. Let us not shrink from using the short expres
sive phrase, even if it is conversational.
Message to Government col
leagues and Heads of De
partments in Civil Service
on Brevity in Official papers,
reported in "The Times"
August 21, 1940
On War
Sir Winston s comments on war are encyclopaedic, not be
cause he likes war, but because he was near the summit dur
ing the First World War and at the summit during the
second. This and the two following chapters give his reflec
tions on war in general; on Generals and other men in war;
and on Battles and their instruments.
1 HE STORY of the human race is War. Except for brief and
precarious interludes, there has never been peace in the
world.
"The World Crisis 9
Those who are prone by temperament and character to
seek sharp and clear-cut solutions of difficult and obscure
problems, who are ready to fight whenever some challenge
comes from a foreign power, have not always been right. On
the other hand, those whose inclination is to bow their heads,
to seek patiently and faithfully for peaceful compromise, are
ON WAR 195
not always wrong. On the contrary, in the majority of in
stances they may be right, not only morally but from a prac
tical standpoint. How many wars have been averted by pa
tience and persisting goodwill! Religion and virtue alike
lend their sanctions to meekness and humility, not only
between men but between nations. How many wars have
been precipitated by firebrands! How many misunderstand
ings which led to wars could have been removed by temporis
ing! How often have countries fought cruel wars and then
after a few years of peace found themselves not only friends
but allies!
The Sermon on the Mount is the last word in Christian
ethics. Everyone respects the Quakers. Still, it is not on these
terms that Ministers assume their responsibilities of guiding
States. Their duty is first to deal with other nations to avoid
strife and war and to eschew aggression in all its forms,
whether for nationalistic or ideological objects. But the
safety of the State, the lives and freedom of their own fellow-
countrymen, to whom they owe their position, make it right
and imperative in the last resort, or when a final and definite
conviction has been reached, that the use of force should not
be excluded. If the circumstances are such as to warrant it,
force may be used. And if this be so it should be used under
the conditions which are most favourable. There is no merit
in putting off a war if, when it comes, it is a far worse war or
one much harder to win. These are the tormenting dilem
mas upon which mankind has throughout its history been so
frequently impaled.
There is, however, one helpful guide, namely, for a nation
to keep its word and to act in accordance with its treaty obliga
tions to allies. This guide is called honour. It is baffling to
reflect that what men call honour does not correspond always
to Christian ethics. Honour is often influenced by that ele-
196 A CHURCHILL READER
ment of pride which plays so large a part in its inspiration.
An exaggerated code of honour leading to the performance of
utterly vain and unreasonable deeds could not be defended
however fine it might look . . .
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
They sound so very cautious and correct, these deadly
words. Soft, quiet, purring, courteous, grave, exactly meas
ured phrases in large peaceful rooms. But with less warning
cannons had opened fire. ... So now the Admiralty wireless
whispers through the ether to the tall masts of ships, and
captains pace their decks absorbed in thought. It is nothing.
It is less than nothing. It is too foolish, too fantastic to be
thought of in the twentieth cenury. Or is it fire and murder
leaping out of the darkness at our throats, torpedoes ripping
the bellies of half-awakened ships, a sunrise on a vanished
naval supremacy, and an island well guarded hitherto, at last
defenceless? No, it is nothing. . . .
Are you quite sure? It would be a pity to be wrong. Such
a mistake could only be made once once for all.
"The World Crisis"
[Thoughts aroused by Sir Edward Grey s reply to the Ger
man Ambassador that his complaint against Mr. Lloyd
George s speech of warning at the time of the Agadir inci
dent was of a tone which "rendered it inconsistent with the
dignity of H.M. Government to give explanations." The
reader may note that this passage may well have been in
spired by the Japanese surprise attack on the Russian Fleet
in Port Arthur in 1904. It is, in any case, grimly prophetic
of Pearl Harbour in 1941.]
ON WAR 197
The only test by which human beings can judge war re
sponsibility is Aggression; and the supreme proof of Aggres
sion is Invasion.
"The World Crisis"
Nothing is more dangerous in war-time than to live in the
temperamental atmosphere of a Gallup Poll, always feeling
one s pulse and taking one s temperature. I see [it said that]
leaders should keep their ears to the ground. All I can say
is that the British nation will find it very hard to look up to
the leaders who are detected in that somewhat ungainly
posture.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 30, 1941
The flying peril is not a peril from which one can fly. We
cannot possibly retreat. We cannot move London.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 28, 1934
It is very much better sometimes to have a panic feeling
beforehand, and then be quite calm when things happen, than
to be extremely calm beforehand and to get into a panic when
things happen.
Speech in the House, May 22,
1935
[On being asked by Mr. Baldwin not to indulge in panic]
We were so glutted with victory that in our folly we cast it
away.
Speech in the House, June
1940
198 A CHURCHILL READER
[This epitaph on the war of 1914-18 was pronounced in the
course of an oration replete with courage when all was black
after the fall of France.]
Moral force is, unhappily, no substitute for armed force,
but it is a very great reinforcement.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 21, 1937
A single glass of champagne imparts a feeling of exhilara
tion. The nerves are braced; the imagination is agreeably
stirred; the wits become more nimble. A bottle produces a
contrary effect. Excess causes a comatose insensibility. So it
is with war; and the quality of both is best discovered by
sipping.
"The Story of the Malakand
Field Force"
War is very cruel. It goes on for so long.
Speech in the House, April 14,
1937
The wars of peoples will be more terrible than those of
kings.
Speech in the House on the
Army Estimates, 1901
War is a game to be played with a smiling face.
O, horrible war! Amazing medley of the glorious and the
squalid, the pitiful and the sublime! If modern men of light
and leading saw your face closer, simple folk would see it
hardly ever!
London to Ladysmith
ON WAR 199
This is a very dangerous war.
[Reply attributed to Sir Winston when, as a battalion com
mander in France, he was reproved by his Divisional Gen
eral for allowing a part of his trenches to remain in a
"positively dangerous" condition.]
There is no principle in war better established than that
everything should be massed for the battle.
"The World Crisis"
[And none more often neglected, as it was in the Darda
nelles, which campaign is the context of this remark. Com
pare Foch s famous principle in 1918. "Tout le monde
la bataille," or Napoleon s famous letter to Marmont when
collecting his troops before Austerlitz: "Activit! Activitl
Vitesse! Je me recommande a vous." And also for the results
of the neglect of this principle, compare Hitler s division of
his forces after the capture of Rostov in 1942, when he sent
part on the drive for Stalingrad and part on the drive into
the Caucasus.]
The first year yields nothing; the second very little; the
third a lot; and the fourth a flood.
The Gathering Storm, Vol. I
[On a nation-wide munition production plan.]
Might not a bomb no bigger than an orange be found to
possess a secret power to destroy a whole block of buildings
nay, to concentrate the force of a thousand tons of cordite
and blast a township at a stroke? Could not explosives even
of the existing type be guided automatically in flying ma
chines by wireless or other rays, without a human pilot, in
200 A CHURCHILL READER
ceaseless procession upon a hostile city, arsenal, camp, or
dockyard?
"Thoughts and Adventures"
1925
I cannot believe that, after armaments in all countries have
reached a towering height, they will settle down and continue
at a hideous level. . . . Europe is approaching a climax. I
believe that climax will be reached in the lifetime of the
present Parliament.
Speech in the House, April 23,
1936
Pending some new discovery, the only direct measure ot
defence upon a great scale is the certainty of being able to
inflict simultaneously upon the enemy as great damage as he
can inflict upon ourselves.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 28, 1934
The War Office [should not] be regarded as a receptacle for
Ministerial failures.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 1,1948
[Sir Winston was commenting upon the fact that the So
cialist Government appointed four Secretaries of State for
War in five years.]
I have never urged gigantic figures for a permanent peace-
time Army in this country.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 1,1948
ON WAR 201
In making an army, three elements are necessary men,
weapons and money. There must also be time.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 1, 1948
Should war come which God forbid; and it does not de
pend on us whether war comes; less than ever in our history
does it depend on us; it depends on events largely beyond
our control, and on decisions and factors which are inscru
table but should it come, I say ... that a terrible account
ancy will be required from those to whom Parliament has
accorded, in time of peace, unparalleled resources and un
precedented power.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 1,1948
[On the Socialist Government s National Service Bill, which
reduced the term of conscription from two years to eighteen
months.]
War is little more than a catalogue of mistakes and misfor
tunes. It is when misfortune comes, however, that allies must
hold more firmly together than ever before. Here in Britain
and I doubt not throughout the British Empire and Common
wealth ... we always follow a very simple rule, which has
helped us in maintaining the safety of the country: "the worse
things get, the more we stand together." Let it also be seen
that the English-speaking world follows the same plan.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 20, 1950
We have always to be very careful nowadays we politi
cians, if we take an interest in military affairs, or are held to
202 A CHURCHILL READER
have accumulated some knowledge and experience about
them, lest we should be described for electioneering purposes
as warmongers ... in the main, war consists of the same tunes,
played through the ages, though sometimes only on a reed
flute or a bagpipe and sometimes through a full modern
orchestra . . . when all modern science has been exploited and
employed, and when all the worst that can be done has been
done in some terrible encounter, which pray God may never
occur, but, if that should be so, still the life of nations will
depend upon the spirit, the courage of their race and their
men and women; and the bravery of fighting men, ready to
continue whatever happens, will be the final decider of the
life of nations, whether in a civilised or a barbaric world.
Royal United Services Insti
tution, July 4, 1950
In war and policy one should always try to put oneself in
the position of what Bismarck called "the Other Man." The
more fully and sympathetically a Minister can do this the
better are his chances of being right.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War/ Vol.
Ill
An operation of war cannot be thought out like building
a bridge; certainty is not demanded, and genius, improvisa
tion, and energy of mind must have their parts.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
Surprise, violence, and speed are the essence of all amphib
ious landings.
Closing the Ring, "The Second
World War," Vol. V
ON WAR 203
When I hear people talking in an airy way of throwing
modern armies ashore here and there as if they were bales of
goods to be dumped on a beach and forgotten I really marvel
at the lack of knowledge which still prevails of the conditions
of modern war. . . .
I must say ... that this class of criticism which I read in the
newspapers when I arrived on Sunday morning reminds me
of the simple tale about the sailor who jumped into a dock,
I think it was at Plymouth, to rescue a small boy from drown
ing. About a week later this sailor was accosted by a woman,
who asked, "Are you the man who picked my son out of the
dock the other night?" The sailor replied modestly, "That is
true, ma am." "Ah," said the woman, "you are the man I am
looking for. Where is his cap?"
Closing the Ring, "The Second
World War," Vol. V
To hear some people talk, however, one would think that
the way to win the war is to make sure that every Power con
tributing armed forces and branches of these armed forces is
represented on all the councils and organisations which have
to be set up, and that everybody is fully consulted before any
thing is done. That is, in fact, the most sure way to lose a war.
Speech in the House, January
27, 1942
Two things stop the offensive movements of armies: (a)
bullets and fragments of shell which destroy the motive power
of men, and (6) the confusion of the conflict.
"The World Crisis"
War is war but not folly, and it would be folly to invite a
disaster which would help nobody.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
204 A CHURCHILL READER
[Talk to Stalin, in August 1942, explaining why there was no
Second Front at that time.]
The best method of acquiring flexibility is to have three
or four plans for all the probable contingencies all worked
out with the utmost detail. Then it is much easier to switch
from one to the other as and where the cat jumps.
Closing the Ring, "The Second
World War/ Vol. V
One of my fundamental ideas has always been the impor
tance of keeping as many options as possible open to serve the
main purpose, especially in time of war.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
Any clever person can make plans for winning a war if he
has no responsibility for carrying them out.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
Just now I am having a very rough time, but we must
remember how much better things are than a year ago, when
we were all alone. We must not lose our faculty to dare,
particularly in dark days.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Letter to General Smuts, March 24, 1942.]
You ask me how I view the future. I view it with hope,
and, I trust, with undiminished firmness of spirit. Great
operations impend which are in full accordance with your
ON WAR 205
own conceptions and on which we are all agreed. We must
have the fibre and fortitude to endure the delays and await
the outcome * . . I myself find waiting more trying than
action. . . .
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. IV
[Letter to Sir Stafford Cripps, September 22, 1942.]
Anything can be done once or for a short time, but custom,
repetition, prolongation, is always to be avoided when pos
sible in war.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
I do not admit the assumption that the enemy knows all
that is attributed to him.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
... On these vast matters on which so many lives depend there
is always a great deal of guesswork. So much is unknown and
immeasurable. Who can tell how weak the enemy may be
behind his flaming fronts and brazen mask? At what moment
will his will-power break? At what moment will he be beaten
down?
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
The final tribunal is our own conscience. We are fighting
to re-establish the reign of law and to protect the liberties of
small countries. Our defeat would mean an age of barbaric
206 A CHURCHILL READER
violence, and would be fatal not only to ourselves, but to the
independent life of every small country in Europe. Acting in
the name of the Covenant, and as virtual mandatories of the
League and all it stands for, we have a right, and indeed are
bound in duty, to abrogate for a space some of the conven
tions of the very laws we seek to consolidate and reaffirm.
Small nations must not tie our hands when we are fighting
for their rights and freedom. The letter of the law must not
in supreme emergency obstruct those who are charged with
its protection and enforcement. It would not be right or
rational that the Aggressor Power should gain one set of
advantages by tearing up all laws, and another set by shelter
ing behind the innate respect for law of its opponents. Hu
manity, rather than legality, must be our guide.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
Good, decent, civilised people, it appeared, must never
themselves strike till after they have been struck dead.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
[Comment upon the refusal of the French to agree to of
fensive action against Germany in March 1940. The French
view was that no aggressive action should be taken which
would draw reprisals upon France.]
He [Mr. Hore Belisha] has spoken of the importance in
war of full and accurate intelligence of the movements and
intentions of the enemy. That is one of the glimpses of the
obvious and of the obsolete with which his speech abounded.
Speech in the House, May 7,
1941
ON WAR 207
The question which we must ask ourselves is not whether
we like or do not like what is going on, but what we are going
to do about it. In war it is not always possible to have every
thing go exactly as one likes. In working with allies it some
times happens that they develop opinions of their own.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
In war what you don t dislike is not usually what the enemy
does.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. II
In war, as in life, it is often necessary, when some cherished
scheme has failed, to take up the best alternative open, and
if so, it is folly not to work for it with all your might.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
Advantage is gained in war and also in foreign policy and
other things by selecting from many attractive or unpleasant
alternatives the dominating point. American military
thought had coined the expression "Overall Strategic Objec
tive." When our officers first heard this they laughed; but
later on its wisdom became apparent and accepted. Evi
dently this should be the rule, and other great business be set
in subordinate relationship to it. Failure to adhere to this
simple principle produces confusion and futility of action,
and nearly always makes things much worse later on. Per
sonally I had no difficulty in conforming to the rule long
before I heard it proclaimed.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
208 A CHURCHILL READER
One has to do the best one can, but he is an unwise man
who thinks there is any certain method of winning this war,
or indeed any other war between equals in strength. The
only plan is to persevere,
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War/ Vol.
Ill
We realise that success cannot be guaranteed. There are no
safe battles.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Letter to General Auchinleck, May 20, 1942.]
Battles are won by slaughter and manoeuvre. The greater
the general, the more he contributes in manoeuvre, the less
he demands in slaughter.
"The World Crisis"
There is no place for compromise in war. That invaluable
process only means that soldiers are shot because their lead
ers in council and camp are unable to resolve. In war, the
clouds never blow over; they gather unceasingly and fall in
thunderbolts.
"The World Crisis"
The Decisive theatre is the theatre where a vital decision
may be obtained at any given time. The Main theatre is that
in which the main armies or fleets are stationed. This is not
at all times the Decisive theatre.
"The World Crisis"
ON WAR 209
[Sir Winston is arguing for attacking the Dardanelles and
against concentrating all on the Western Front.]
We often hear military experts inculcate the doctrine of
giving priority to the decisive theatre. There is a lot in this,
But in war this principle, like all others, is governed by facts
and circumstances; otherwise strategy would be too easy. It
would become a drill-book and not an art; it would depend
upon rules and not on an instructed and fortunate judgment
of the proportions of an ever-changing scene.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War/ Vol.
Ill
[In] war with any Great Power . . . three Army Corps would
scarcely serve as a vanguard. If we are hated, they will not
make us loved. If we are in danger, they will not make us
safe. They are enough to irritate; they are not enough to
overawe. Yet, while they cannot make us invulnerable, they
may very likely make us venturesome.
Speech hi the House of Com
mons on the Army Esti
mates, 1901
[This speech was part of the attack on Brodrick s Army re
forms. It was inspired mainly by the desire to pursue in
politics his father s line of economy. His argument was
"trust the Navy." Don t have "a Navy dangerously weak
and an Army dangerously strong."]
The old wars were decided by their episodes rather than
by their tendencies. In this [modern] war the tendencies are
far more important than the episodes. Without winning any
210 A CHURCHILL READER
sensational victories, we may win. . . . Germany may be de
feated more fatally in the second or third year of the war than
if the Allied Armies had entered Berlin in the first.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 1915
Nothing in human power could break the fatal chain, once
it had begun to unroll. A situation had been created in which
hundreds of officials had only to do their prescribed duty
in their respective countries to wreck the world. They did
their duty.
"The World Crisis"
[On the outbreak of war in 1914.]
Of all the grand miscalculations of the German High Com
mand none is more remarkable than the inability to compre
hend the meaning of war with the American Union. It is
perhaps the crowning example of the unwisdom of framing a
war policy upon the computation of material factors alone.
"The World Crisis 9
One day President Roosevelt told me that he was asking
publicly for suggestions about what the war should be called.
I said at once "The Unnecessary War/ There never was a
war more easy to stop than that which had just wrecked what
was left of the world from the previous struggle. . . .
Preface, The Hinge of Fate,
"The Second World War,"
Vol. IV
I have often tried to set down the strategic truths I have
comprehended in the form of simple anecdotes, and they rank
ON WAR 211
this way in my mind. One of them is the celebrated tale of
the man who gave the powder to the bear. He mixed the
powder with the greatest care, making sure that not only the
ingredients but the proportions were absolutely correct. He
rolled it up in a large paper spill, and was about to blow it
down the bear s throat. But the bear blew first.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
It takes at least two years and a very strong professional
cadre to form first-class troops.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
Terrible and even humbling submissions must at times be
made to the general aim [in war],
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
It is always right that whatever may be the doubts at the
summit of war direction the general on the spot should have
no knowledge of them and should receive instructions which
are simple and plain.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
I felt this would be a very grave decision, and was inclined
not to lower but on the contrary to raise the stakes, on the
principle of "In defeat, Defiance."
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
212 A CHURCHILL READER
[On the suspension of the Arctic Convoys to Russia.]
If we win, nobody will care. If we lose, there will be no
body to care.
House of Commons, Secret
Session, June 25, 1941
I have always laid down the doctrine that the redress of the
grievances of the vanquished should precede the disarmament
of the victors.
"Great Contemporaries"
The problems of victory are more agreeable than those of
defeat, but they are no less difficult.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 1942
. . . When you are winning a war almost everything that
happens can be claimed to be right and wise.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
Actually the issue, as is usual, was not in the realm of "Yes
or No," but in that of "More or Less."
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
[On whether attack by self-propelled weapons would be
annihilating or comparatively unimportant.]
Wars are not won by heroic militias.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. II
ON WAR 213
Strength is safety and Peace.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," VoL VI
In war-time . . . truth is so precious that she should always
be attended by a bodyguard of lies.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
We have certainly gone a long way from the days when the
maxim held, "The Infantry is the Army, and uses the other
arms as its assistants." It is a question of emphasis and pro
portion.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
Here would be, in fact, that mobile reserve, that "mass of
manoeuvre," which alone could give superior options in the
hour of need. I had learnt about this in a hard school where
lessons are often only given once.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War; Vol.
Ill
[In 1941 Sir Winston wanted to have two British Divisions
rounding the Cape (South Africa) so that something sub
stantial would be in hand for contingencies.]
When a nation is thoroughly beaten in war it does all sorts
of things which no one would imagine beforehand. The
sudden, sullen, universal, simultaneous way in which Bul
garia Government, Army, and people alike cut out in
1918 remains in my memory. Without caring to make any
214 A CHURCHILL READER
arrangements for their future or for their safety, the troops
simply marched out of the lines and dispersed to their homes,
and King Ferdinand fled.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War^ Vol. V
There are obvious dangers in trying to state armistice terms
in an attractive, popular form to the enemy nation. It is far
better that all should be cut and dried and that Governments
should know our full demands and their maximum expecta
tions.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. V
Do not let us underestimate the difficulties. Nations, com
rades in arms, have in the past drifted apart within five or ten
years of war. Thus toiling millions have followed a vicious
circle, falling into the pit, and then by their sacrifices raising
themselves up again. We now have a chance of avoiding the
errors of previous generations and of making a sure peace.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War; 9 Vol. VI
[At a dinner given by Stalin at the Yalta Conference on
February 8, 1944.]
The moral principles of modern civilisation seem to pre
scribe that the leaders of a nation defeated in war shall be put
to death by the victors. This will certainly stir them to fight
to the bitter end in any future war, and no matter how many
lives are needlessly sacrificed, it costs them no more. It is the
masses of the people who have so little to say about the start
ing or ending of wars who pay the additional cost. Julius
ON WAR 215
Caesar followed the opposite principle, and his conquests
were due almost as much to his clemency as to his prowess.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
Long before the Christian revelation, the world had found
out by practice that mercy towards a beaten enemy was well
worth while and that it was much easier to gain control over
wide areas by taking prisoners than by making everyone fight
to the death against you.
Speech in the House, July 1,
1952
There is a school of thought, both in England and America,
which argues that the phrase [unconditional surrender] pro
longed the war and played into the dictators hands by driv
ing their peoples and armies to desperation. I do not myself
agree with this. . . .
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
By "unconditional surrender" I mean that the Germans
have no rights to any particular form of treatment. For in
stance, the Atlantic Charter would not apply to them as a
matter of right. On the other hand, the victorious nations
owe it to themselves to observe the obligations of humanity
and civilisation.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War^ Vol. IV
Unconditional surrender means that the victors have a free
hand. It does not mean that they are entitled to behave in a
barbarous manner, nor that they wish to blot out Germany
216 A CHURCHILL READER
from among the nations of Europe. If we are bound, we are
bound by our own consciences to civilisation. We are not to
be bound to the Germans as the result of a bargain struck.
That is the meaning of "unconditional surrender."
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol IV
... the Atlantic Charter was not a law, but a star.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
It is not permitted to those charged with dealing with
events in times of war or crisis to confine themselves purely
to the statement of broad general principles on which good
people agree. They have to take definite decisions from day
to day. They have to adopt postures which must be solidly
maintained, otherwise how can any combinations for action
be maintained? It is easy, after the Germans are beaten, to
condemn those who did their best to hearten the Russian mili
tary effort and to keep in harmonious contact with our great
Ally, who had suffered so frightfully. What would have hap
pened if we had quarrelled with Russia while the Germans
still had 300 or 400 divisions on the fighting front? Our hope
ful assumptions were soon to be falsified. Still, they were the
only ones possible at the time.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
Sea-power, when properly understood, is a wonderful thing.
The passage of an army across salt water in the face of superior
fleets and flotillas is an almost impossible feat. Steam had
added enormously to the power of the Navy to defend Great
Britain. In Napoleon s day the same wind which would carry
ON WAR 217
his flat-bottomed boats across the Channel from Boulogne
would drive away our blockading squadrons. But everything
that had happened since then had magnified the power of the
superior navy to destroy the invaders in transit. Every com
plication which modern apparatus had added to armies made
their voyage more cumbrous and perilous, and the difficulties
of their maintenance when landed probably insuperable.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. II
It is dangerous to meddle with Admirals when they say they
can t do things.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
Consider these ships, so vast in themselves, yet so small, so
easily lost to sight on the surface of the waters. . . . Open the
sea-cocks and let them sink beneath the surface half an
hour at the most the whole outlook of the world would be
changed. The British Empire would dissolve like a dream . . .
mighty provinces, whole Empires in themselves, drifting
hopelessly out of control and falling a prey to strangers; and
Europe after one sudden convulsion passing into the iron
grip of the Teuton and of all that the Teutonic system meant.
There would only be left far off across the Atlantic unarmed,
unready, and as yet uninstructed America to maintain single-
handed law and freedom among men.
Guard them well, Admirals and Captains, hardy tars and
tall marines! Guard them well and guide them true.
( The World Crisis"
218 A CHURCHILL READER
[Thoughts inspired by the Naval Review at Portland, 1912.]
Out of intense complexities intense simplicities emerge.
"The World Crisis"
[On the problems o deploying a fleet.]
Backgammon is a better game than cards for the circum
stances of war-time afloat, because it whiles away twenty min
utes or a quarter of an hour, whereas cards are a much
longer business.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
It often happens that, when men are convinced that they
have to die, a desire to bear themselves well and to leave life s
stage with dignity conquers all other sensations.
"Savrola" 1900
Death stands at attention, obedient, expectant, ready to
serve, ready to sheer away the peoples en masse; ready ... to
pulverise, without hope of repair, what is left of civilisation.
He awaits only the word of command. He awaits it from a
frail, bewildered being, long his victim, now for one occa
sion only his Master.
"The World Crisis"
Only faith in a life after death in a brighter world where
dear ones will meet again only that and the measured
tramp of time can give consolation.
[On war casualties, with special reference to the death of the
Duke of Kent]
ON WAR 219
I doubt whether any of the Dictators had as much effective
power throughout his whole nation as the British War Cab
inet. When we expressed our desires we were sustained by
the people s representatives, and cheerfully obeyed by alL
Yet at no time was the right of criticism impaired. Nearly
always the critics respected the national interest. When on
occasions they challenged us the Houses voted them down by
overwhelming majorities, and this, in contrast with totali
tarian methods, without the slightest coercion, intervention,
or use of the police or Secret Service. It was a proud thought
that Parliamentary Democracy . . . can endure, surmount, and
survive all trials. . . .
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. II
Man is a gregarious animal, and apparently the mischievous
microbes he exales fight and neutralise each other. They go
out and devour each other, and Man walks off unharmed. If
this is not scientifically correct, it ought to be. ...
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. II
My hope is that the generous instincts of unity will not
depart from us ... [so that we] become the prey of the little
folk who exist in every country and who frolic alongside the
Juggernaut car of war to see what fun or notoriety they can
extract from the proceedings.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, February 22, 1944
[Sir Winston is suggesting a continuation of the Coalition
after the war.]
10
On Men in War
W E ARE NOW at war, fighting for our lives, and we cannot
afford to confine Army appointments to persons who have
excited no hostile comment in their career. The catalogue of
General Hobart s qualities and defects might almost exactly
have been attributed to most of the great commanders of
British history. Marlborough was very much the conven
tional soldier, carrying with him the goodwill of the Service.
Cromwell, Wolfe, Clive, Gordon, and in a different sphere
Lawrence, all had very close resemblance to the characteristics
set down as defects. They had other qualities as well and so
I am led to believe has General Hobart. This is a time to try
men of force and vision, and not to be exclusively confined to
those who are judged thoroughly safe by conventional stand
ards.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War/ 9 Vol. II
[Minute to the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, October
19, 1940.]
ON MEN IN WAR 221
I told Montgomery [General Montgomery] how his system
resembled that of Marlborough and the conduct of battles in
the eighteenth century, where the Commander-in-Chief acted
through his lieutenant-generals. Then the Commander-in-
Chief sat on his horse and directed by word of mouth a battle
on a five or six mile front, which ended in a day and settled
the fortunes of great nations, sometimes for years or genera
tions to come. In order to make his will effective he had four
or five lieutenant-generals posted at different points on the
front, who knew his whole mind and were concerned with the
execution of his plan. These officers commanded no troops
and were intended to be off-shoots and expressions of the
Supreme Commander.
In modern times the general must sit in his office conduct
ing a battle ranging over ten times the front and lasting often
for a week or ten days. In these changed conditions Mont
gomery s method of personal eyewitnesses, who were natur
ally treated with the utmost consideration by the front-line
commanders of every grade, was an interesting though partial
revival of old days.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol. VI
Renown awaits the Commander who first in this war re
stores Artillery to its prime importance upon the battlefield,
from which it has been ousted by heavily armoured tanks.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
[Sir Winston wrote this on October 7, 1941, in a paper cir
culated to various High Commanders. General Montgomery
(now Field-Marshal Viscount Montgomery) was not one of
222 A CHURCHILL READER
those to whom the paper was sent and, said Sir Winston, "it
was not till after I met him in Tripoli in 1943, after the
victory of the Eighth Army at Alamein eighteen months
later, that I chanced to show him a copy. Renown by then
had certainly attended his restoration of artillery to its posi
tion upon the battlefield."]
With all his faults, right or wrong, he was always for fight
ing: which is something.
On Goslinga, from "Marlbor-
ough, His Life and Times"
[General Montgomery] made it a rule not to accept hospi
tality from any of his subordinate commanders. So he sat
outside his car eating an austere sandwich and drinking his
lemonade with all formalities. Napoleon also might have
stood aloof in the interests of discipline. "Dur aux grands"
was one of his maxims. But he would certainly have had an
excellent roast chicken, served him from his own fourgon.
Marlborough would have entered and quaffed the good wine
with his officers Cromwell, I think too. The technique
varies, and the results seem to have been good in all these
cases.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
I must, however, express my regret . . . that the tradition
which existed in this island of voting monetary rewards to
famous victorious commanders should have been abandoned
. . . and that no special mention of those commanders should
be made in the Motion. ... I should have thought that, at
last, the two most famous soldiers whom we have produced
since the Duke of Wellington would have received, by name,
ON MEN IN WAR 223
the thanks, at least, of this House. . . . The theory that the
mass is everything, and that individuals are little or nothing,
is not one which finds its most successful application in war.
Once some equality in force has been achieved between two
sides, it is leadership that counts above all, and which, in
fact, decides.
Speech in the House, October
30, 1945
[Sir Winston was seconding a Motion of thanks to the Serv
ices for victory in the Second World War. The two famous
commanders he mentioned were Field-Marshal Viscount
Alexander of Tunis and Field-Marshal Viscount Montgom
ery of Alamein.]
Who is the general of this division, and does he run the
seven miles himself? If so, he may be more useful for football
than war. Could Napoleon have run seven miles across coun
try at Austerlitz? Perhaps it was the other fellow he made
run. In my experience, based on many years observations,
officers with high athletic qualifications are not usually suc
cessful in the higher ranks.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
HI
[Sir Winston was writing to the Secretary of State for War
on a report that a seven-mile run was enforced on all this
particular division from generals to privates.]
I could not resist paying my tribute to Rommel. "We have
a very daring and skilful opponent against us, and, if I may
say across the havoc of war, a great general. ..." My refer-
224 A CHURCHILL READER
ence to Rommel passed off quite well at the moment. Later
on I heard that some people had been offended. They could
not feel that any virtue should be recognised in an enemy
leader. This churlishness is a well-known streak in human
nature, but contrary to the spirit in which a war is won, or a
lasting peace established.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
[Sir Winston was quoting from his speech to the House of
Commons in January 1942.]
In the sombre wars of modern democracy chivalry finds
no place. Dull butcheries on gigantic scale and mass effects
overwhelm all detached sentiment. Still, I do not regret or
retract the tribute I paid to Rommel, unfashionable though
it was judged.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
I consider Wingate should command the army against
Burma. He is a man of genius and audacity, and has rightly
been discerned by all eyes as a figure quite above the ordinary
level. The expression "the Clive of Burma" has already
gained currency. There is no doubt that in the welter of
inefficiency and lassitude which has characterised our opera
tions on the Indian front this man, his force and his achieve
ments, stand out, and no mere question of seniority must
obstruct the advance of real personalities to their proper
stations in war.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War, 9 Vol. V
ON MEN IN WAR 225
[On General Orde Wingate, leader of the Chindits in the
jungle battles in Burma.]
This is a time to think of Clive and Peterborough and of
Rooke s men taking Gibraltar.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
[Minute to General Wilson, C-in-C. Middle East, on plans
to capture the island of Rhodes, September 13, 1943.]
... it would be wrong to end without paying our tribute of
respect and admiration to the officers and men who fought
and died in this fearful battle of the air, the like of which had
never before been known, or even with any precision imag
ined. The moral tests to which the crew of a bomber were
subjected reached the extreme limits of human valour and
sacrifice. Here chance was carried to its most extreme and
violent degree above all else. There was a rule that no one
should go on more than thirty raids without a break. But
many who entered on their last dozen wild adventures felt
that the odds against them were increasing. How can one be
lucky thirty times running in a world of averages and ma
chinery?
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. V
They never flinched or failed. It is to their devotion that
in no small measure we owe our victory. Let us give them
our salute.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. V
226 A CHURCHILL READER
Year after year, and stretching back to an indefinite hori
zon, we see the figures of the odd and bizarre potentates
against whom the British arms continually are turned. They
pass in a long procession: The Akund of Swat; Cetewayo,
brandishing an assegai as naked as himself; Kruger, singing
a psalm of victory; Osman Digna, the Immortal and Irre
trievable; Theebaw, with his umbrella; Lobengula, gazing
fondly at the pages of Truth; Prempeh, abasing himself in
the dust; the Mad Mullah on his white ass; and, latest of all,
the Khalifa in his coach of state. It is like a pantomime scene
at Drury Lane.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the
Soudan"
Generals are often prone, if they have the chance, to choose
a set-piece battle, when all is ready, at their own selected
moment, rather than to wear down the enemy by continued
unspectacular fighting. They naturally prefer certainty to
hazard. They forget that war never stops, but burns on from
day to day with ever-changing results not only in one theatre
but in all.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
Everyone claims his margin at every stage, and the sum of
the margins is usually "No."
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
ON MEN IN WAR 227
[Sir Winston was commenting on the margin for accident
which always enters into military planning, and that unless
all action is controlled from the top it would be impossible.]
I rate the capacity of a man to give a useful opinion on any
question connected with war in accordance with the follow
ing three conditions:
First, courage and ability. Second, real experience of the
fire. Third, peace-time Staff studies and routine promo
tion.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
Will you kindly explain to me the reason which debars
individuals in certain branches from rising by merit to com
missioned rank? If a cook may rise, or a steward, why not an
electrical artificer or an ordnance rating or a shipwright? If
a telegraphist may rise, why not a painter? Apparently there
is no difficulty about painters rising in Germany!
The Gathering Storm, f( The
Second World War/ Vol. I
[Minute to Second Sea Lord, Parliamentary Secretary and
Secretary, October 7, 1939.]
You do not rise by the regulations, but in spite of them.
Therefore in all matters of active service the subaltern must
never take "No" for an answer. He should get to the front at
all costs.
"Ian Hamilton s March"
There must be no discrimination on grounds of race or
colour [in the employment of Indians or Colonial natives in
228 A CHURCHILL READER
the Royal Navy] Each case must be judged on its merits,
from the point of view of smooth administration. I cannot
see any objection to Indians serving on H.M. ships where they
are qualified and needed, or, if their virtues so deserve, rising
to be Admirals of the Fleet. But not too many of them,
please.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
I do not mind "going behind the opinion of a board duly
constituted/ or even changing the board or its chairman if
I think injustice has been done. ... I could not help being
unfavourably struck with the aspect of the Dartmouth cadets
whom I saw marching by the other day. On the other hand
I was enormously impressed with the candidates for commis
sion from the ranks whom I saw drilling and being trained
on the parade ground at Portsmouth. They were of course
much older, but a far finer-looking type.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
[Minute to the Fourth Sea Lord regarding a candidate for
the special entry cadetships who was rejected despite his
high educational qualifications.]
At the age of eighteen, a year in His Majesty s uniform . . .
may very well fill a part of their continuous education. Also,
how good it is that there should be at that time when people s
minds are so pliant, a mingling of classes, on terms of equality.
... It seems to me that eighteen is a very valuable age from
the social point of view. From the military point of view
nineteen, perhaps, would have been better. A youth has more
physical endurance as a fighting person, a fighting creature, at
ON MEN IN WAR 229
nineteen . . . but from the social point of view and the point
of view of adaptation . . . there is no doubt to my mind that
to begin at eighteen is a less severe form of national service
than to begin at a later date.
Speech in the House, May 6,
1947
One lad of about nineteen was munching a biscuit. His
right trouser leg was soaked with blood. I asked whether he
was wounded. "No, sir; it s only blood from an officer s head/
he answered, and went on eating his biscuit.
"London to Ladysmith"
[The scene is the disaster on Spion Kop.]
I am doubtful whether the fact that a man has gained the
Victoria Cross for bravery as a young officer fits him to com
mand an army twenty or thirty years later. I have noticed
more than one serious misfortune which arose from such
assumptions. . . . Lord Roberts was an exception.
"Amid These Storms"
[On Sir Redvers Buller.]
. . . When young men begged to be allowed to take part in
actual fighting, and when the curmudgeons of red tape inter
posed their veto, I used to brush their objections aside, say
ing: "After all they are only asking to stop a bullet. Let them
have their way."
"Amid These Storms"
[Sir Winston is saying that he is not willing to blame young
officers for trying to do what he did himself.]
230 A CHURCHILL READER
... if an officer, having devoted his life to the military art,
does not know about war at forty-three he is not likely to
learn much more about it later on.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
Why do we not form a Home Guard of half a million men
over forty (if they like to volunteer)?
The Gathering Storm, f( The
Second World War," Vol. I
[Minute to the Home Secretary on October 7, 1939, before
the name was officially adopted. It illustrates Sir Winston s
knack of choosing the right words. "Home Guard" was
much better than "Local Defence Volunteers" as they were
called at first.]
A certain amount of leave, although not in any contract
of service, is a recognised part of a soldier s life.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Minute to Minister of Pensions, April 23, 1943, dealing with
pensions for widows of soldiers killed while on leave.]
The Army is a very different business now from what it
was in the days when a red coat was not allowed inside a
public-house, and was treated as the scum of the population,
until a war broke out, and he had to go and fight, and then
he was a hero. It is very different now. A national army is
quite different from an army of volunteers, who were pro
duced largely by the pressure in the economic market. I am
all for volunteers who come from some uplifting of the
human soul, some spirit arising in the human breast.
Speech in the House, May 6,
1947
ON MEN IN WAR 231
How fashions change! When I marched to Omdurman
forty-four years before, the theory was that the African sun
must at all costs be kept away from the skin. The rules were
strict. Special spine-pads were buttoned on to the back of
all our khaki coats. It was a military offence to appear with
out a pith helmet. We were advised to wear thick under
clothing, following Arab custom enjoined by a thousand
years of experience. Yet now half-way through the twentieth
century many of the white soldiers went about their daily
toil hatless and naked except for the equal of a loin cloth.
Apparently it did them no harm. Though the process of
changing from white to bronze took several weeks and grad
ual application, sunstroke and heatstroke were rare. I wonder
how the doctors explain this.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol IV
Why should we regard as madness in the savage what would
be sublime in civilised man? For I hope that if evil days
should come upon our own country, and the last Army which
a collapsing Empire could interpose between London and
the invaders were dissolving in rout and ruin, that there
would be some even in these modern days who would
not care to accustom themselves to a new order of things and
tamely survive the disaster.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the
Soudan"
[The thought is inspired by the courage of the Dervishes in
their assaults at Omdurman.]
The High Commands of the Army are not a club. It is my
duty and that of His Majesty s Government to make sure that
exceptionally able men, even though not popular with their
232 A CHURCHILL READER
military contemporaries, should not be prevented from giving
their services to the Crown.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec-
ond World War," Vol. IV
I like commanders on land and sea and in the air to feel
that between them and all forms of public criticism the
Government stands like a strong bulkhead. They ought to
have a fair chance, and more than one chance.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
It must be remembered that the Air Force that won the
Battle of Britain and saved our lives was one which was
entirely set on foot, and the squadrons and the machines
and everything organised before 1940.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 1, 1951
I always followed, so far as I could see, the principle that
military commanders should not be judged by results, but
by the quality of their efforts.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
. . . Senior Commanders should not "urge" but "order."
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War, 3 Vol. V
As in the shades of a November evening I, for the first
time, led a platoon of Grenadiers across the sopping fields
. . . the conviction came into my mind rath absolute assurance
that the simple soldiers and their regimental officers, armed
ON MEN IN WAR 233
with their cause, would by their virtues in the end retrieve
the mistakes and ignorances of Staffs and Cabinets, of Ad
mirals, Generals, and politicians including, no doubt,
many of my own. But, alas, at what a needless cost!
"The World Crisis"
The road across these five years was long, hard and perilous.
Those who perished upon it did not give their lives in vain.
Those who marched forward to the end will always be proud
to have trodden it with honour.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. II
11
On Battles and Weapons
/XFTER the First World War, when I went to the War Office,
I put away all the medium and heavy artillery that had been
made and everybody completely forgot about it. It cost
hardly anything to keep, and then it came out and was of
great use and value when we had to make provision for the
defence of this country against the possibilities of invasion
in 1940 and 1941.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 1, 1948
The Services should always be encouraged to explain what
it is that hurts or hinders them in any particular branch of
their work. For instance, a soldier advancing across no-
man s-land is hit by a bullet which prevents his locomotion
functioning further. It is no use telling him or his successor
to be brave, because that condition has already been satisfied.
It is clear, however, that if a steel plate or other obstacle
had stood between the bullet and the soldier, the latter s
powers of locomotion would not have been deranged. The
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 235
problem, therefore, becomes how to place a shield in front
of the soldier. It then emerges that the shield is too heavy
for him to carry, thus locomotion must be imparted to the
shield; and how? Hence the tanks. This is, of course, a
simple example.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
[Minute to the Director of Scientific Research, October 16,
1939.]
There never was a moment when it was possible to say that
a tank had been "invented." There never was a person about
whom it could be said "this man invented the tank." But
there was a moment when the actual manufacture of the first
tanks was definitely ordered, and there was a moment when
an effective machine was designed as the direct outcome of
this authorisation.
"The World Crisis 9
[It was Sir Winston who, as First Lord of the Admiralty,
gave the first order for eighteen tanks, or "landships" as they
were called, on March 26, 1915. He did not inform either
the War Office or the Treasury an almost unprecedented
and certainly unconstitutional reticence, dictated by fear
that conventional minds might stifle a great idea.]
None should be used until all can be used at once. They
should be disposed secretly along the whole attacking front
two or three hundred yards apart. Ten or fifteen minutes
before the assault these engines should move forward. . . .
Nothing but a direct hit from a field-gun will stop them.
If artillery is used to cut wire, the directions and immi
nence of the attack is proclaimed days beforehand. But by
236 A CHURCHILL READER
this method the assault follows up the wire-cutting almost
immediately, i.e. before any reinforcements can be brought
up by the enemy or any special defensive measures taken.
Memo on the use of tanks to
Sir John French, C.-in-C.,
B.E.F.,, November 1915
[The reader should note the date. It is one year before
tanks were used at all, and two years before they were used,
with real success, for the first time at Cambrai. It is over
twenty years before General de Gaulle wrote his famous
book on the proper use of tanks, which expounded exactly
the same views, and twenty-five years before the Germans put
de Gaulle s views into practice in the "blitzkrieg" a term,
by the way, properly connoting a tank and not an air
attack.]
The tank was originally invented to clear a way for the
infantry in the teeth of machine-gun fire. Now it is the in
fantry who will have to clear a way for the tanks. . . .
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec-
ond World War/ Vol. IV
There is another reason why it will survive. It marked in
fact the turning of "the Hinge of Fate." It may also be said,
"Before Alamein we never had a victory. After Alamein
we never had a defeat."
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec-
ond World War," Vol. IV
If you want a true picture in your mind of a battle between
great modern ironclad ships, you must not think of it as if
it were two men in armour striking at each other with heavy
swords. It is more like a battle between two eggshells strik
ing each other with hammers.
Speech on the Navy Estimates,
1914
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 237
There is an age-long argument about ships versus forts.
Nelson said that a six-gun battery could fight a 100-gun ship-
of-the-line. Mr. Balfour, in the Dardanelles inquiry, said in
1916: "If the ship has guns which can hit the fort at ranges
where the fort cannot reply, the duel is not necessarily so
unequal."
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War, Vol. II
I deeply regretted that I was never able to achieve my con
ception of a squadron of very heavily deck-armoured ships of
no more than fifteen knots, bristling with anti-aircraft guns
and capable of withstanding to a degree not enjoyed by any
other vessel afloat both air and underwater attack. When
in 1941 and 1942 the defence and succouring of Malta be
came so vital, when we had every need to bombard Italian
ports and, above all, Tripoli, others felt the need as much
as I. It was then too late.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War" Vol. I
They must float up and down with the tide. The anchor
problem must be mastered. The ships must have a side-flap
cut in them, and a drawbridge long enough to overreach the
moorings of the piers. Let me have the best solution worked
out.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. V
[This was the famous Mulberry harbour directive to Chief of
Combined Operations on May 30, 1942 over two years
before the Invasion of Europe in June 1944.]
238 A CHURCHILL READER
Two [aircraft-carriers] together are much more than twice
one, and three together more than twice two.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
Who said a wasp couldn t sting twice?
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Sir Winston s signal to the aircraft carrier Wasp twice lent
by America to carry Spitfires to struggling Malta.]
In all previous wars control of the sea had given the Power
possessing it the great advantage of being able to land at will
on the enemy s coast, since it was impossible for the enemy
to be prepared at every point to meet seaborne invasion.
The advent of air-power had altered the whole situation.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
Although there are movements ever being made in aerial
locomotion, it would be premature to suppose that they
came from the moon.
Speech in the House, May 28,
1952
[Upon being asked the source of the mass of material in
cluding jet planes and self-propelled guns on the Commu
nist side in Korea.]
The only thing that ever really frightened me during the
war was the U-boat peril. ... I was even more anxious about
this battle than I had been about the glorious air fight called
the Battle of Britain.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. II
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 239
The U-boat attack was our worst evil. It would have been
wise for the Germans to stake all upon it. I remember hear
ing my father say, "In politics when you have got hold of a
good thing, stick to it," This is also a strategic principle of
importance.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
... if this twenty years study had not been pursued with large
annual expenditure and thousands of highly skilled officers
and men employed and trained with nothing to show for it
all quite unmentionable our problem in dealing with the
U-boat, grievous though it proved, might well have found
no answer but defeat. . . . The Asdics did not conquer the
U-boat; but without the Asdics the U-boat would not have
been conquered.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War; 9 Vol. I
[Sir Winston was referring to a test of the Asdic submarine
detector in 1938 at Portland at which he was an interested
spectator.]
The final decision now lay in the main with President
Truman, who had the weapon; but I never doubted what it
would be, nor have I ever doubted since that he was right.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
[On the use of the first atom bomb on Hiroshima on August
9, 1945.]
240 A CHURCHILL READER
It would be a mistake to suppose that the fate of Japan
was settled by the atomic bomb. Her defeat was certain be
fore the first bomb fell, and was brought about by over
whelming maritime power. This alone had made it possible
to seize ocean bases from which to launch the final attack
and force her metropolitan Army to capitulate without
striking a blow. Her shipping had been destroyed. She had
entered the war with five and a half million tons, but her
m convoy system and escorts were inadequate. We, an island
power, equally dependent on the sea, can read the lesson and
understand our own fate had we failed to master the U-boats.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
I was certain therefore that at that date Stalin had no
special knowledge of the vast process of research upon which
the United States and Britain had been engaged for so long,
and of the production for which the United States had spent
over four hundred million pounds in an heroic gamble.
Triumph and Tragedy, f( The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
[When President Truman told Stalin about the atomic
bomb at the Potsdam Conference, Stalin did not seem to
grasp the significance of the news.]
In the afterlight, the policy of the Maginot Line has often
been condemned. It certainly engendered a defensive men
tality. . . . Properly used in the French scheme of war, the
Maginot Line would have been of immense service to France.
It could have been viewed as presenting a long succession of
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 241
invaluable sally-ports, and above all as blocking off large
sections of the front as a means of accumulating the general
reserves or "mass of manoeuvre." Having regard to the dis
parity of the population of France to that of Germany, the
Maginot Line must be regarded as a wise and prudent meas
ure. Indeed, it was extraordinary that it should not have
been carried forward at least along the River Meuse. It
could then have served as a trusty shield, freeing a heavy,
sharp, offensive French sword.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
In retrospect a brighter view may perhaps be taken of
these events [the Allied expedition to capture Dakar in
1940]. Students of naval history may be struck by the re
semblance of this affair to one which occurred nearly three
centuries ago. In 1655 Cromwell dispatched a joint naval
and military expedition to seize San Domingo in the West
Indies. The attack did not succeed, but the commanders,
instead of returning empty-handed, turned failure into suc
cess by going on to capture Jamaica. Although we failed at
Dakar, we succeeded in arresting the onward progress of the
French cruisers and frustrating their determined efforts to
suborn the garrisons in French Equatorial Africa.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. II
Antwerp presented a case, till the Great War unknown, of
an attacking force marching methodically without regular
siege operations through a permanent fortress line behind
advancing curtains of artillery fire. Fort after fort was
wrecked by the two or three monster howitzers; and line
after line of shallow trenches was cleared up by the fire of
242 A CHURCHILL READER
field-guns. And following gingerly upon these iron foot
prints, German infantry, weak in numbers, raw in training,
inferior in quality, wormed and waddled their way forward
into "the second strongest fortress in Europe."
"The World Crisis"
Dieppe occupies a place of its own in the story of the war,
and the grim casualty figures must not class it as a failure. It
was a costly but not unfruitful reconnaissance in force.
Tacitly it was a mine of experience. It shed revealing light
on many shortcomings in our outlook.
The Hinge of Fate, (< The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
[On the Commando Raid on Dieppe in which over 3000
Allied soldiers, mostly Canadians, were lost.]
Another time I visited Margate. An air raid came upon
us, and I was conducted into their big tunnel, where quite
large numbers of people lived permanently. When we came
out ... we looked at the still smoking damage. A small res
taurant had been hit. Nobody had been hurt, but the place
had been reduced to a litter of crockery, utensils, and splin
tered furniture. The proprietor, his wife, and the cooks and
waitresses were in tears. Where was their home? Where was
their livelihood? Here is the privilege of power. I formed
an immediate resolve. On the way back in the train I dic
tated a letter to the Chancellor of the Exchequer laying
down the principle that all damage from the fire of the
enemy must be a charge upon the State and compensation
be paid in full and at once. . . . [the Chancellor] was naturally
a little worried by the indefinite character of this obligation.
But I pressed hard and an insurance scheme was devised in
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 243
a fortnight which afterwards played a substantial part in our
affairs.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. II
[This was the origin of the War Damage Insurance Scheme.]
Before the war [of 1914-18] it had seemed incredible that
such terrors and slaughters, even if they began, could last
more than a few months. After the first two years it was
difficult to believe that they would ever end.
"The World Crisis"
[An example of the sardonic humour for which the British
soldier is famous "The first seven years are the worst."]
I was absolutely convinced we had only to carry on the fight
to conquer. Even if one of us [England or France] should
be struck down, the other must not abandon the struggle.
The British Government were prepared to wage war from
the New World, if through some disaster England herself
were laid waste. If Germany defeated either ally or both,
she would give no mercy; we should be reduced to the status
of vassals and slaves for ever. It would be better far that the
civilisation of Western Europe with all its achievements
should come to a tragic but splendid end than that the two
great democracies should linger on, stripped of all that made
life worth living.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. II
[At a Supreme War Council meeting in Paris on May 31,
1940 just before the fall of France.]
244 A CHURCHILL READER
A battle is a veil through which it is not wise to peer.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
. . . one anxiety reigned supreme. Battles might be won or
lost, enterprises might succeed or miscarry, territories might
be gained or quitted, but dominating all our power to carry
on the war, or even keep ourselves alive, lay our mastery
of the ocean routes and the free approach and entry to our
ports.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
The first victory we have to win is to avoid a battle; the
second, if we cannot avoid it, to win it.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Letter to President Roosevelt saying that the Allied North
African landings were primarily political. Sir Winston was
arguing that every effort should be made to avoid clashing
with the Vichy French. In the west, there was a few days
desultory fighting, which was ended when Admiral Darlan
came over to, and was accepted by the Allies.]
But between survival and victory there are many stages.
Over two years of intense and bloody fighting lay before us
all. Henceforward however the danger was not Destruction,
but Stalemate.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 245
Because armoured warfare allows a design to be unfolded
step by step it seems to favour the offensive, whereas the de
fensive, which was so powerful in the last war, has to yield
itself continually to the plans of the attacker.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ 9 Vol. IV
This desert warfare has to be seen to be believed.
Large armies, with their innumerable transport and tiny
habitations, are dispersed and scattered as if from a pepper-
pot over the vast indeterminate slopes and plains of the
desert, broken here and there only by a sandy crease or tuck
in the ground or an outcrop of rock.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 8, 1942
Descriptions of modern battles are apt to lose the sense of
drama because they are spread over wide spaces and often
take weeks to decide, whereas on the famous fields of history
the fate of nations and empires was decided on a few square
miles of ground in a few hours. The conflicts of fast-moving
armoured and motorised forces in the Desert present this
contrast with the past in an extreme form.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
1. Your prime and main duty will be to take or destroy
at the earliest opportunity the German-Italian Army com
manded by Field-Marshal Rommel, together with all its sup
plies and establishments in Egypt and Libya.
2. You will discharge or cause to be discharged such other
duties as pertain to your Command, without prejudice to the
246 A CHURCHILL READER
task described in paragraph 1, which must be considered
paramount in His Majesty s interests.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Sir Winston s directive to General Alexander, then C.-in-C.
Middle East Forces, August 10, 1942. It was a model of
brevity.]
Everybody in uniform must fight exactly as they would if
Kent or Sussex were invaded. Tank hunting parties with
sticky bombs and bombards, defence to the death of every
fortified area or strong building, making every post a win
ning-post and every ditch a last ditch. This is the spirit you
have got to inculcate. No general evacuation, no playing for
safety. Egypt must be held at all costs.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
[Letter to Mr. R. G. Casey, then Minister of State, when in
Cairo, June 30, 1942.]
The Battle of Alamein differed from all previous fighting
in the Desert. The front was limited, heavily fortified, and
held in strength. There was no flank to turn. A break
through must be made by whoever was the stronger and
wished to take the offensive. In this way we are led back to
the battles of the First World War on the Western Front.
We see repeated here in Egypt the same kind of trial of
strength as was presented at Cambrai at the end of 1917, and
in many of the battles of 1918, namely, short and good com
munications for the assailants, the use of artillery in its
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 247
heaviest concentration, the "drumfire barrage/ and the for
ward inrush of tanks.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
But I had my tables of facts and figures and remained dis
satisfied. The scale was far too small. The original fault lay
with the Pharaohs for not having built more and larger Pyra
mids. Other responsibilities were more difficult to assign.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
[On his complaints on bad servicing and slowness of repairs
to tanks and aircraft in the Tura Caves near Cairo.]
I never meant the Anglo-American Army to be stuck in
North Africa. It is a springboard and not a sofa. . . .
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
No one could doubt the magnitude of the victory of Tunis.
It held its own with Stalingrad.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Over 300,000 Axis prisoners were taken in May 1943.]
It [the week when possibility of invasion was greatest]
ranks with the days when the Spanish Armada was approach
ing the Channel, and Drake was finishing his game of bowls;
or when Nelson stood between us and Napoleon s Grand
Army at Boulogne. We have read all about this in the his
tory books; but what is happening now is on a far greater
248 A CHURCHILL READER
scale and of far more consequence to the life and future of
the world and its civilisation than those brave old days.
Broadcast, September 11, 1940
Their Finest Hour, "The
Second World War," VoL
II
Although many famous victories have been won by the
repulse of an assailant followed by a counter-stroke, I cannot
help thinking at this time of Napoleon s preconceived rup
turing counter-stroke at Austerlitz. We have often been in
clined to think that Germans are particularly vexed when
some well-thought-out plan on which they are working is
upset by the unexpected. This would seem to apply all the
more in these days when the unimpeded initiative is of spe
cial value to armoured forces. In short, the picture of two
separate battle plans, theirs and ours, clashing upon each
other makes a powerful appeal to the mind. We may be
given good opportunities for timing a blow upon the enemy
at his most vulnerable moment.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
Compared with Cannae, Blenheim or Austerlitz, the vast
world battle of 1918 is a slow-motion picture. We sit in calm,
airy, silent rooms opening upon sunlit and embowered lawns.
Not a sound except of summer and of husbandry disturbs the
peace; but seven million men, any ten thousand of whom
could have annihilated the ancient armies, are in ceaseless
battle from the Alps to the ocean.
The awful question of choosing between the Channel
ports and keeping union of the British and French armies
did not arise, and Foch s boast "I will give up neither" was,
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 249
in fact, made good by British blood. He rode a gallant horse
nearly to death; nearly, but not quite,
"Great Contemporaries"
[The reference is to the refusal of Foch to relieve troops in
action. This principle caused great heartburnings among
the British High Command during the interval between
Foch s appointment as Generalissimo on March 26 and his
launching of Mangin s counter-offensive on July 18. Foch
was extremely reluctant to reinforce the British front in
French Flanders, severely strained by the German offensive
of April 9. His "impression that British troops would stand
any test if resolutely called upon was indelible", as Sir Win
ston says elsewhere. In consequence, the British were left
wholly to their own resources until April 18, and mainly
even after that.]
A colossal military disaster.
Wars are not won by evacuations.
Speech in the House> June 4,
1940
[These descriptions of Dunkirk are reproduced because
they show that Sir Winston did not share the hysterical
exultation which the evacuation of all but some 30,000 of
the B.E.F. from Dunkirk produced. This "deliverance" had
been loudly acclaimed as a victory, simply because it had not
been expected that more than a few thousand men could
escape.]
Your Commission may condemn the men who tried to
force the Dardanelles, but your children will keep their con
demnation for all who did not rally to their aid.
Speech on the Report of the
Dardanelles Commission,
March 20, 1917
250 A CHURCHILL READER
[Sir Winston had lost his office through this affair eighteen
months earlier. The view which he here expresses is now
universally accepted.]
A splendid moment in our great history and in our small
lives.
[On the unconditional surrender of Germany in 1945.]
. . . the worst disaster and largest capitulation in British
history.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[On fall of Singapore, February 15, 1942.]
I ought to have known. My advisers ought to have known
and I ought to have been told, and I ought to have asked.
The reason I had not asked about this matter, amid the
thousands of questions I put, was that the possibility of Sing
apore having no landward defences no more entered into my
mind than that of a battleship being launched without a
bottom.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
[Upon learning Singapore had no permanent fortifications
covering the landward side of the naval base and of the city.]
What is the use of having an island for a fortress if it is
not to be made into a citadel?
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 251
[On the defense of Singapore.]
After all they are defending a fortress and not conducting
a Buchmanite revival.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
[Sir Winston was criticising the giving of full information
about the siege of Singapore and asking for a stricter censor
ship.]
Going into swampy jungles to fight the Japanese is like
going into the water to fight a shark. It is better to entice
him into a trap or catch him on a hook and then demolish
him with axes after hauling him out on to dry land.
The Hinge of Fate, f( The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
The annals of war at sea present no more intense, heart-
shaking shock than these two battles [of the Coral Sea and
Midway Island] in which the qualities of the United States
Navy and Air Force and of the American race shone forth in
splendour. The novel and hitherto utterly unmeasured con
ditions which air warfare had created made the speed of ac
tion and the twists of fortune more intense than ever has
been witnessed before. But the bravery and self-devotion of
the American airmen and sailors and the nerve and skill of
their leaders was the foundation of all.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
This encounter [the Battle of the Coral Sea] had an effect
out of proportion to its tactical importance. Strategically it
252 A CHURCHILL READER
was a welcome American victory, the first against Japan.
Nothing like it had ever been seen before. It was the first
battle at sea in which surface ships never exchanged a shot.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
It was a method of imparting to our armies a means of ad
vance up to and through the hostile lines without undue or
prohibitive casualties. I believed that a machine could be
made which would cut a groove in the earth sufficiently deep
and broad through which assaulting infantry and presently
assaulting tanks could advance in comparative safety across
no-man s-land and wire entanglements, and come to grips
with the enemy in his defences on equal terms and in su
perior strength. It was necessary that the machine cutting
this trench should advance at sufficient speed to cross the
distance between the two front lines during the hours of
darkness. I hoped for a speed of three or four m.p.h., but
even half a mile would be enough. If this method could be
applied upon a front of perhaps twenty or twenty-five miles
. . . dawn would find an overwhelming force of determined
infantry established on and in the German defences, with
hundreds of lines-of -communication trenches stretching back
behind them, along which reinforcements and supplies could
flow. Thus we should establish ourselves in the enemy s front
line by surprise and with little loss. This process could be
repeated indefinitely. . . . But all this labour, requiring at
every stage so many people to be convinced or persuaded, led
to nothing. A very different form of warfare was soon to
descend upon us like an avalanche, sweeping all before it. ...
... I am responsible but impenitent.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 253
This would be an event which if it occurred would be one
of the most melancholy in history. After it was over, and the
territory occupied by the Russians, Poland would be com
pletely engulfed and buried deep in Russian-occupied lands.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War" Vol.
VI
[Minute to Mr. Eden at the San Francisco Conference set
ting up the United Nations. Sir Winston was referring to
the pre-arranged withdrawal of American troops which
meant the Russians swept forward 120 miles on a front of
300 or 400 miles. The withdrawal of the American troops
to occupational lines was arranged between America and
Russia at the Quebec Conference.]
I never suggested going back on our word over the agreed
zones, provided agreements were also respected. I became
convinced, however, that before we halted, or still more with
drew, our troops we ought to seek a meeting with Stalin face
to face and make sure that an agreement was reached about
the whole front. It would indeed be a disaster if we kept all
our agreements in strict good faith while the Soviets laid
their hands upon all they could get without the slightest re
gard for the obligations into which they had entered.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
Great Britain had no material interest of any kind in
Poland. Honour was the sole reason why we had drawn the
sword to help Poland against Hitler s brutal onslaught, and
we could never accept any settlement which did not leave her
254 A CHURCHILL READER
free, independent and sovereign. Poland must be mistress
in her own house, and captain of her own soul.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
[At the Yalta Conference, February 6, 1944.]
I have often wondered, however, what would have hap
pened if two hundred thousand German storm troops had
actually established themselves ashore. The massacre would
have been on both sides grim and great. There would have
been neither mercy nor quarter. They would have used
Terror, and we were prepared to go all lengths. I intended
to use the slogan, "You can always take one with you." I
even calculated that the horrors of such a scene would in the
last resort turn the scale in the United States. But none of
these emotions was put to the proof. Far out on the grey
waters of the North Sea and the Channel coursed and pa
trolled the faithful, eager flotillas peering through the night.
High in the air soared the fighter pilots, or waited serene at
a moment s notice around their excellent machines. This
was a time when it was equally good to live or die.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. II
Two facts stood out in my mind. The first was that the
Grand Alliance was bound to win the war in the long run.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[This was in 1942 and illustrates Sir Winston s confidence
at that time.]
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 255
Of course, when you win everything looks all right, but at
this time many long and terrible struggles lay ahead, and I
am sure that had I been allowed to carry out my theme . . .
I could have had Turkey in the war on our side before the
end of 1943, without damage to our main plans, and with all
kinds of advantages to the Allies, and especially for Turkey.
Now in these years after the war, when we see the United
States sustaining Turkey with her whole power, all has been
put right, except that we did not have the considerable ad
vantages of Turkish aid and all that this implied in the Bal
kan situation in the early months of 1944.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. IV
[Sir Winston s strategy in the latter half of 1944 was to pro
vide the "soft underbelly of the Axis" in the Aegean, the
Balkans, and Austria, instead of Southern France.]
But now from the direction of the enemy there came a
succession of grisly apparitions; horses spouting blood, strug
gling on three legs, men staggering on foot, men bleeding
from terrible wounds, fish-hook spears stuck right through
them, arms and faces cut to pieces, bowels protruding, men
gasping, crying, collapsing, expiring . . . the blood of our
leaders cooled. . . . They remembered for the first time that
we had carbines.
[The description of the scene after the charge of the 21st
Lancers at Omdurman. Sir Winston, who took part, declared
that the charge ought never to have been delivered, since the
enemy could have been dispersed, as they subsequently were,
by carbine fire. The charge was magnificent, but it was not
war as was said of Balaklava.]
256 A CHURCHILL READER
We also were too late thirteen years too late; and the
lonely man who had looked for help had long since moul
dered in a nameless grave. Is this always to be our method of
war . . . blunders, follies, bloodshed, an ill-timed or ill-
conceived expedition, useless heroism and withdrawal, and
then years afterwards a great army striking an overwhelming
blow?
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the
Soudan"
[General Gordon, "the lonely man," perished when Khar
toum fell to the Mahdi in 1885. Kitchener s reconquest of
the Sudan was in 1898. The answer to the questions posed
in die latter years was, up to 1939, "Yes."]
There has been criticism of slowness on the British front
in Normandy, and the splendid American advances of the
later stages seemed to indicate greater success on their part
than on ours. It is therefore necessary to emphasise again
that the whole plan of campaign was to pivot on the British
front and draw the enemy s reserves in that direction in
order to help the American turning movement.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
As to the allegations of a breach of faith about the Second
Front in 1942, our aide-memoire was a solid defence. I did
not, however, think it worth while to argue out all this [the
suspension of Arctic convoys to Russia] with the Soviet Gov
ernment, who had been willing until they were themselves
attacked to see us totally destroyed and share out the booty
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 257
with Hitler, and who even in our common struggle could
hardly spare a word of sympathy for the heavy British and
American losses incurred in trying to send them aid.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
Hardly anyone now disputes the wisdom of the decision to
wait till 1944 [for the invasion of Europe], My conscience is
clear that I did not deceive or mislead Stalin. I tried my best.
On the other hand, provided we invaded the mainland of
Europe from the Mediterranean in the coming campaign
and that the Anglo-American armies were in full contact
with the enemy, I was not ill-content with the decision which
Fate and facts were to impose.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Se,<^
ond World War," Vol. IV
All can be retrieved in 1943 and 1944, but meanwhile Jiere
are very hard forfeits to pay.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War, 9 Vol. IV
[Letter to President Roosevelt, March 5, 1942.]
During the course of the Conference I allowed differences
that could not be adjusted either round the table or by the
Foreign Ministers at their daily meetings to stand over. A
formidable body of questions on which there was disagree
ment was in consequence piled upon the shelves. I intended,
if I were returned by the electorate, as was generally expected,
258 A CHURCHILL READER
to come to grips with the Soviet Government on this cata
logue of decisions.
On the Potsdam Conference,
July 1945, Triumph and
Tragedy, "The Second
World War/ Vol. VI
The American view was that we were committed to a def
inite line of occupation, and I held strongly that this line of
occupation could only be taken up when we were satisfied
that the whole front, from north to south, was being settled
in accordance with the desires and spirit in which our en
gagements had been made. However, it was impossible to
gather American support for this, and the Russians, pushing
the Poles in front of them, wended on, driving the Germans
- before them and depopulating large areas of Germany, whose
food supplies they had seized, while chasing a multitude of
mouths into the overcrowded British and American zones.
Even at Potsdam the matter might perhaps have been re
covered, but the destruction of the British National Govern
ment and my removal from the scene at the time when I
still had much influence and power rendered it impossible
for satisfactory solutions to be reached.
Triumph and Tragedy, t( The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
There was no more to be done about it. It is worth noting
that we had now passed the day in July [1944] when for the
first time in the war [the American armies in action were]
greater than our own. Influence on Allied operations is usu
ally increased by large reinforcements.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol. VI
ON BATTLES AND WEAPONS 259
[Sir Winston was commenting on the refusal of President
Roosevelt and General Eisenhower, Supreme Commander,
Allied Forces, to agree to his constant pleas to stop the pro
posed invasion of Southern France.]
Everything I had seen or studied in war, or read, made me
doubt that a river could be a good barrier of defence against
superior force. In Hamley s Operations of War, which I had
pondered over since Sandhurst days, he argues the truth that
a river running parallel to the line of advance is a much more
dangerous feature than one which lies squarely athwart it;
and he illustrates this theory by Napoleon s marvellous cam
paign of 1814. I was therefore in good hopes of the battle
even before the Field-Marshal [Montgomery] explained his
plans to me.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol.
VI
[On the plans for the assault of the Lower Rhine on March
29, 1945.]
When I was a schoolboy, I was not good at arithmetic, but
I have since heard it said that certain mathematical quanti
ties when they pass through infinity, change their signs from
plus to minus or the other way round. . . . This rule [the
asymptotes of hyperbolae] may have a novel application, and
that when the advance of destructive weapons enables every
one to kill everybody else, nobody will want to kill anyone
at all.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 3, 1953
[Sir Winston was arguing that the invention of atomic
weapons might make war less, not more, probable.]
12
On Socialism and Socialists
In this chapter, it will be seen that Sir Winston s favourite
weapon against Socialism and Socialists is sardonic humour.
In private, and once or twice in public, he has paid tribute
to his Socialist colleagues in the war, particularly to Mr.
Attlee and Mr. Bevin. He does not find Mr. Sevan con
genial, and has a general and not always genial contempt for
the Socialist "intellectuals," and for Socialist dogmatism.
From most Socialists he receives respect not unmixed with
affection; and it is worth noting that they were ready to serve
under him in the war, but not under Mr. Neville Chamber
lain.
L HEY are not fit to manage a whelk stall.
[Remark attributed to Sir Winston in his early days.]
A ghoul descending from a pile of skulls.
[Sir Winston s earliest definition of Communism.]
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 261
In six months* time it will not be the Socialist Government
that will be in the dock; but the Government of the day; and
those whom I shall never cease to declare have very largely
brought these misfortunes upon us will once again be boast
ing of all they could do if only they came back into power.
Debate on Financial Situation,
September 8, 1931
The long battle that I have waged over this 6d. off the
Income Tax is over. For four years I successfully defended
that remission. I defended it against the assaults of the Gen
eral Strike I beg pardon, the assaults of the difficult events
of 1926. But at last I am beaten. Mr. Snowden and his party
have had their way. . . . The popularity of the measure is
assured by reducing the number of taxpayers involved to
limits where the voting powers of those who are left may be
considered negligible*
Speech in the House, April 15 f
1930
I was not invited to the conference that took place last
week in Downing Street between the Prime Minister and the
leader of the Liberal Party, but "my hon. friend the Mem
ber for Treorchy" gave me a very shrewd account of the in
terview between the two party leaders. After the usual com
pliments, the Prime Minister said: "We have never been col
leagues, we have never been friends at least, not what you
would call holiday friends but we have both been Prime
Minister, and dog don t eat dog. Just look at this monstrous
Bill the trade unions and our wild fellows have foisted on
262 A CHURCHILL READER
me. Do me a service, and I will never forget it. Take it up
stairs and cut its dirty throat."
Speech on the Trade Disputes
and Trade Unions (Amend
ment) Bill, January 28, 1931
[The "Member for Treorchy" was the nom de plume of a
political journalist. The Prime Minister was Ramsay Mac-
donald.]
But when the right hon. Gentleman tells us that we are
going to take away the workers only bargaining power I
must ask him one or two questions. Is a general strike
which, whether intentionally or not, is inevitably against the
Constitution a necessary part of the workers 1 bargaining
power in trade methods? (An hon. Member: Certainly!) I
do not seem to get a very decided answer to that. Is mass
intimidation at a works or at a man s home an essential part
of the reasonable collective bargaining power of the trade
unionists of the country? ... Is collecting money for Socialist
candidates from Liberal and Conservative trade unionists an
essential part of the workers collective bargaining power?
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 9, 1927
[The references are to practices proposed to be banned by
the Trade Disputes Bill, which was the legislative aftermath
of the General Strike.]
The Trade Union Congress have only to cancel the Gen
eral Strike and withdraw the challenge they have issued and
we shall immediately begin, with the utmost care and pa
tience with them again, the long, laborious task which has
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 263
been pursued over these many weeks of endeavouring to re
build on economic foundations the prosperity of the coal
trade. That is our position. No door is closed.
Debate on Industrial Crisis^
May 3, 1926
Socialism is inseparably interwoven with totalitarianism
and the abject worship of the State. Look how even today they
[the Socialists] hunger for controls of every kind as if these
were delectable foods instead of war-time inflictions. . . .
This State is to be the arch-employer, the arch-planner, the
arch-administrator and ruler, and the arch-caucus-boss.
Broadcast, June 4, 1945
No Socialist system can be established without a political
police. . . . They would have to fall back on some form of
Gestapo no doubt very humanely directed in the first
instance.
Broadcast, June 4, 1945
[This is the statement which, some critics thought, lost the
election of 1945. The public did not recognize the umbra
of a Gestapo in Socialist personalities and policy.]
Between us and the orthodox Socialists there is a great doc
trinal gulf which yawns and gapes. . . . There is no such
gulf between the Conservative and National Government I
have formed and the Liberals. There is scarcely a Liberal
sentiment which animated the great Liberal leaders of the
past which we do not inherit and defend.
Broadcast, June 4 y 1945
264 A CHURCHILL READER
[During the election campaign which followed victory over
Germany some of the Liberal Party insisted on running
candidates of their own. Sir Winston felt their defection
keenly. He has always been a natural Coalitionist, and on
this occasion had not expected the Liberal leaders to leave
him.]
Let us look at food. The German U-boats in their worst
endeavour never made bread rationing necessary in war. It
took a Socialist Government and Socialist planners to fasten
it on us in time of peace when the seas are open and the
harvests good.
Speech to the Conservative
Conference, Blackpool, Oc
tober 5, 1946
When this new Parliament first met all the Socialist Mem
bers stood up and sang "The Red Flag" in their triumph.
Peering ahead through the mists and mysteries of the future
... I see the division at the next election will be between
those who whole-heartedly sing "The Red Flag" and those
who rejoice to sing "Land of Hope and Glory."
Speech at Blackpool, October
5, 1946
If you strike at savings you at once propagate the idea of
"Let us eat, drink and be merry, for tomorrow we die." That
is at once the inspiration and the mortal disease by which the
Socialist philosophy is affected.
Speech in the House, May 19,
1927
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 265
And now the British housewife, as she stands in the queues
to buy her bread ration, will fumble in her pocket in vain
for a silver sixpence. Under the Socialist Government nickel
will have to be good enough for her. In future we shall still
be able to say: "Every cloud has a nickel lining.*
Speech at Blackpool, October
5, 1946
[The reference is to the Socialist Government s decision to
substitute a cupro-nickel for silver coinage.]
They want to reduce us to one vast Wormwood Scrubbery.
Speech in the House, March
12, 1947
[The reference is to the alleged determination of the Labour
Government to control our daily lives through bureaucrats,
just as the prison authorities control the inmates of Worm
wood Scrubs through gaolers.]
Before they [the Socialists] nationalised our industries they
should have nationalised themselves. They should have set
country before party, and shown that they were Britons first,
and Socialists only second.
Speech in the House, March
12, 1947
They [the Socialists] have neither the efficiency of collect
ivism nor the enterprise and energy of individual initiative.
Speech in the House, August
11, 1947
266 A CHURCHILL READER
We must beware of trying to build a society in which no
body counts for anything except a politician or an official, a
society where enterprise gains no reward and thrift no
privileges.
Broadcast, March 22, 1943
The vote-catching election cry "Fair shares for all" should
not deceive keen-minded men and women. It is meaningless
unless it is also stated who is to be the judge of what is fair.
. . . But what the average Socialist really means when he
speaks of "Fair shares for all" is equal shares for all. Equal
shares for those who toil and those who shirk. Equal shares
for those who save and those who squander. No reward of
fered to the skilled craftsman. No incentive to the industri
ous and experienced piece-worker. . . . No reward for en
terprise, ingenuity, thrift and good housekeeping. "Equal
shares for all," that is what the Socialist Government really
mean.
Edinburgh, February 14, 1950
The British nation now has to make one of the most mo
mentous choices in its history. That choice is between two
ways of life; between individual liberty and State domina
tion; between concentration of ownership in the hands of
the State and the extension of a property-owning democracy;
between a policy of increasing restraint and a policy of lib
erating energy and ingenuity; between a policy of levelling
down and a policy of finding opportunity for all to rise up
wards from a basic standard.
Woodford, January 28, 1950
I never had any doubts about it, for I saw quite plainly
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 267
that Communism would be the peril civilisation would have
to face after the defeat of Nazism and Fascism.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
Socialism is contrary to human nature.
Devonport, February 9, 1950
Socialism is the philosophy of failure, the creed of igno
rance and the gospel of envy.
Perth, May 28, 1948
Sir Winston Churchill: Mr. Herbert Morrison is a "mas
ter craftsman."
Mr. Morrison: The Right Hon. Gentleman has promoted
me.
Sir Winston Churchill: Craft is common both to skill and
deceit.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1947
The precedent has been established that a Socialist Party
may break all previous engagements if they obtain a majority
in the new Parliament. The continuity and decorum of our
national life as far as the representation of the people goes,
has been broken, and it may take a generation to build it up
again.
Speech in the House, June 23,
1948
[Sir Winston was criticising the Socialist Government s Rep
resentation of the People Bill which, he said, violated the
268 A CHURCHILL READER
all-party agreement on electoral reform reached at the
Speaker s Conference in 1944.]
This problem of "Too much money chasing too few goods"
or the question of killing money wherever possible and de
stroying spending power, sounds all very strange to those
who remember the days when we heard so much about in
creasing the consuming power and allowing money to fruc
tify in the pockets of the people. All that has apparently
passed away and there is a school of economists who believe
that restriction, frustration, regulation and taxation of every
kind are the prime reagents by which the wealth of nations
may be created.
Speech in the House, April 6,
1948
Why should queues become a permanent, continuous fea
ture of our life? Here you see clearly what is in their minds.
The Socialist dream is no longer Utopia but Queuetopia.
And if they have the power this part of their dream will cer
tainly come true.
Woodford, January 28, 1950
... it has usually been thought . . . that between the be
ginning of fighting and the end of fighting, between the
beginning of a war or a military operation and peace, there
is an intervening stage called victory. It seems that Mr.
Grossman [Socialist M.P. for Coventry], in trying curiously
and characteristically to have it both ways, has really excelled
himself in this particular statement, which has only to be
followed by any Government carrying on military operations
to lead to certain military disaster.
Speech in the House, July 5,
1950
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 269
[Mr. Grossman laid down the principle in an article in the
Sunday Pictorial at the outbreak of the Korean war "there
is one lesson we can and must learn from recent history
the time to start thinking about peace is the beginning and
not the end of the fighting/ ]
I am not going to pretend I see anything immoral in the
nationalisation of the railways provided fair compensation is
paid to the present owners. I professed myself, as the hon.
.Gentleman has reminded the House, in favour of this policy
in 1919, but what happened?
Sir Eric Geddes was placed in complete charge of the rail
ways with all the facilities and power which would have ac
crued to a State-aided nationalised system. What happened?
All that he produced in four years was a very bad service for
the public, heavy loss to the shareholders, and the worst rail
way strike ever known except the one preceding the General
Strike.
I must admit that this practical experience of nationalisa
tion and we do learn by trial and error provided we profit
by our experience damped I cannot say my youthful
my early enthusiasm for this project.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 12, 1946
The plea, so often advanced [by the Socialist and Liberal
Parties in explaining their vote against Military Conscription
in April 1939 only five months before the outbreak of war],
that this was because they did not like the foreign policy,
was feeble; for no foreign policy can have validity, if there
is no adequate force behind it and no national readiness to
make the necessary sacrifices to produce that force.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
270 A CHURCHILL READER
I always notice that the [Socialist] Party opposite indulge
in laughter which resembles the crackling of thorns under a
pot whenever they are confronted with any mental proposi
tion which their intelligence forces them to resent or to
reject
Speech in the House, February
16, 1947
. . . this is not a Bill [the Socialist Government s Bill to na
tionalise the steel industry], it is a plot; not a plan to increase
production, but rather, in effect, at any rate, an operation in
restraint of trade. It is not a plan to help our patient strug
gling people, but a burglar s jemmy to crack the capitalist
crib.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 16, 1948
I am asked, "Are you for or against controls?" But what
a crude and absurd way to state the issue. Government
speakers talk as if there was no middle course between the
universal regulation of a Socialist State administering all the
means of production, distribution and exchange, and what
they call the anarchy of the jungle. But the vast majority of
the human race dwell in the temperate zones which lie be
tween the burning heat of the Equator and the freezing cold
of the Polar regions. . . . Our belief is that the fewer con
trols the better; that the more freedom and enterprise can
play their part, the more chance there is of a fertile, pros
perous and progressive community.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 6, 1950
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 271
I welcome the Socialist Party s conversion to Parliamen
tary Government, instead of the direct action which was their
mood 20 years ago when there was a very strong feeling that
Parliament was nothing but an impediment to the progress
of democracy. . . . Now there is a great reconciliation, and
the House of Commons is accepted as a thoroughly demo
cratic institution. The Mother of Parliaments has a tough
digestion, and very great improvements have, no doubt, been
effected upon the character, substance and structure of the
[Socialist] Party by contact with Parliamentary institutions.
Speech in the House, October
31, 1950
The difference between the two sides of the House is that
the Socialists aim at the maximum of controls and the Con
servatives aim at the minimum.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 6, 1950
As the Socialist Government now stand, they maintain the
hereditary principle. The hereditary Chamber is to have
one year s suspensory veto but not two. One year s suspen
sory veto by a hereditary Assembly is the true blue of Social
ist democracy; two years is class tyranny.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1947
[Sir Winston was speaking on the Socialist Government s
Parliament Bill which cut the delaying power of the House
of Lords from two years to one.]
It is, no doubt, true that the State can always present large
projects to the public gaze; large projects can be unfolded.
272 A CHURCHILL READER
The difference between what is seen and what is not seen
was often noticed by the old economists. What is not seen is
the infinite variety of individual transactions and decisions
which, in a civilised society, within the framework of just and
well-known laws, inure to the advantage not only of the indi
vidual concerned, but of the community, and provide that
general body of well-being constituting the wealth of nations.
All this is blotted out by an overriding State control, how
ever imposing some of its manifestations may be. It is this
vital creative impulse that I deeply fear the doctrines and
policy of the Socialist Government have destroyed, or are
rapidly destroying, in our national life. Nothing that they
can plan and order and rush around enforcing will take its
place. They have broken the mainspring, and until we get a
new one the watch will not go.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1947
The greatest fault the Conservative Party committed be
tween the wars was in being too much influenced by the
pacifist views which prevailed on that [the Socialist] side of
the House.
Speech in the House, January
23, 1948
I do not believe in the capacity of the State to plan and
enforce an active high-grade economic productivity upon its
members or subjects. No matter how numerous are the com
mittees they set up, or the ever-growing hordes of officials
they employ, or the severity of the punishments they inflict
or threaten, they cannot approach the high level of internal
economic production which, under free enterprise, personal
initiative, competitive selection, the profit motive corrected
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 273
by failure, and the infinite processes of good housekeeping
and personal ingenuity, constitutes the life of a free society.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1947
I do not wonder that British youth is in revolt against the
morbid doctrine that nothing matters but the equal sharing
of miseries; that what used to be called the submerged tenth
can only be rescued by bringing the other nine-tenths down
to their level; against the folly that it is better that everyone
should have half rations rather than that any by their exer
tions, or ability, should earn a second helping.
London, June 12, 1948
The floor which separates the two sides of the House . . .
is not a gulf of class; nor does it mark a breach in fundamen
tal brotherhood. It is one of theme and doctrine. The Con
servative and Liberal Parties stand for a way of life which at
every stage multiplies the choices open to the individual.
The Socialist devotees . . stand for the multiplication of
rules. There is planning on both sides, but the aim and
emphasis are different. We plan for choices, they plan for
rules. . . .
Speech in the House, April
24, 1950
The two sides of the House face each other deeply divided
by ideological differences. I have lived through many fierce
quarrels of the past, about Irish Home Rule, about Church
or Chapel, about Free Trade and Protection, which all
seemed to be very important at the time. They were, how
ever, none of them, fundamental to our whole system of life
and society. Those who believe in the creation of a Socialist
274 A CHURCHILL READER
State controlling all the means of production, distribution
and exchange, and are working towards such a goal, are sep
arated from those who seek to exalt the individual and allow
freedom of enterprise under well-known laws and safeguards
they are separated by a wider and deeper gulf than I have
ever seen before in our island.
Speech in the House, March
7, 1950
Rich men, although valuable to the Revenue, are not vital
to a healthy state of society, but a society in which rich men
are got rid of, from motives of jealousy, is not in a healthy
state.
Speech in the House, April
24, 1950
I always find these financial matters better explained by
simple illustrations. I will take that which occurred to me
the other day when I was looking at a cow. Late in life I
have begun to keep a herd of cows, and I find that quite a
different principle prevails in dealing with cows from that
which is so applauded below the Gangway opposite in deal
ing with rich men. It is a great advantage in a dairy to have
cows with large udders because one gets more milk out of
them than from the others. These exceptionally fertile
milch cows are greatly valued in any well-conducted dairy
and anyone would be thought very foolish who boasted he
had got rid of all the best milkers, just as he would be
thought very foolish if he did not milk them to the utmost
limit of capacity, compatible with the maintenance of their
numbers. ... I must say the cows do not feel the same way
about it as do the Socialists. The cows have not got the same
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 275
equalitarian notions and dairy farmers are so unimaginative
that they think mainly of getting as much milk as possible.
Speech in the House, April
24, 1950
[Sir Stafford Cripps, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, had
boasted that the number of people who had net incomes of
5,000 a year or over had been reduced from 11,000 pre
war to about 250 in 1950.]
The idea of a bombardment was repugnant to the fat bur
gesses who had joined the party of revolt as soon as it had
become obvious that it was the winning side. It was also dis
tasteful to the Socialists, who, however much they might ap
prove of the application of dynamite to others, did not them
selves relish the idea of a personal acquaintance with high
explosives.
"Savrola"
. . . the American Constitution declares "All men are born
equal." The British Socialist Party add: "All men must be
kept equal. *
London, October 14, 1950
We have the unique spectacle of two Socialist millionaires
and it is a record a brace of these rare birds on the same
job.
Speech in the House, February
7, 1951
[Sir Winston was referring to Mr. G. R. Strauss, then Social
ist Minister of Supply and Mr. Stephen Hardie, Chairman
of the Nationalised Steel Corporation.]
276 A CHURCHILL READER
There are layers of committees and super committees, and
the business is passed upwards stage by stage to a decision.
When all the process has been gone through, the machine
speaks, but what one gets at the end is not truth or wisdom
or common sense; it is a White Paper. All that comes out
of the machine is unreal and meaningless formulae expressed
in official jargon and accompanied by fatuous grimaces.
Speech in the House, April
19, 1951
[Sir Winston was pointing out the serious mistakes of plan
ning from the bottom instead of from the top.]
The old Radical campaign against exploitation, monopo
lies, unfair rake-offs and the like, in which I took a part in my
young days, was a healthy and necessary corrective to the sys
tem of free enterprise. But this grotesque idea of managing
vast enterprises by centralised direction from London can
only lead to bankruptcy and ruin.
Perth, May 28, 1948
We are told that the management by officials is disinter
ested management. . . . The bureaucrats suffer no penalties
for wrong judgments; so long as they attend their offices
punctually and do their work honestly and behave in a polite
manner towards their political masters they are sure of their
jobs and pensions. . . . Those key industries now national
ised are to be ruled by people who have no interest in being
right and suffer no consequence for being wrong.
Perth, May 28, 1948
I am sure I may offer him my congratulations on his being
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 277
able to address us from those benches as stroke, and not, to
quote the term he has just used, from the towpath.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 4, 1952
[Mr. Attlee, dealing with European unity, said that it had
looked as though Sir Winston was going to be stroke of the
European boat, but now was only offering helpful sug
gestions from the towpath. Sir Winston neatly turned this
in his reference above to the Bevanite split in the Labour
Party.]
We all understand his position. "I am their leader, I must
follow them."
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 6, 1951
[Reference to Mr. Attlee, Leader of the Opposition and the
Bevan group who are endangering the unity of the Labour
Party.]
The inherent vice of Capitalism is the unequal sharing of
blessings; the inherent virtue of Socialism is the equal shar
ing of miseries.
Speech in the House, October
22, 1945
The production of new wealth is far more beneficial, and
on an incomparably larger scale, than class or party fights
about the liquidation of old wealth. We must try to share
blessings and not miseries. The production of new wealth
278 A CHURCHILL READER
must precede commonwealth, otherwise there will only be
common poverty.
Speech in the House , August
16, 1945, and, repeated, in
his 1951 General Election
address
Nationalisation of industry is the doom of trade unionism.
Conservative Annual Confer
ence, October 14, 1950
If I were a craftsman or manual labourer (and I still hold
my trade union certificate as a bricklayer) , I would far rather
work for a private employer who would go broke if he could
not get on with his workmen over any long period of time,
and in dealing with whom I should have the help of trusted
trade union leaders, than deal with an all-powerful State. In
all nationalised industries the worker loses the protection of
his own chosen representatives. He is confronted with the
mighty State of whom those representatives are already the
agents, as in Russia they are the tools. And if there is a strike
from which the State-owned industry loses money, they do
not go to the bankruptcy court, they only send another bill
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer and everybody has to
take their share in paying it.
Glasgow, October 1951
[Sir Winston is a trade unionist. When building with his
own hands certain cottages at Chartwell, he applied for and
received a card of membership, and paid his fee of five shil
lings.]
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 279
In announcing one of his minor concessions Dr. Dalton
said, "This is an experiment in freedom. I hope it will not
be abused." Could you have anything more characteristic of
the Socialist rulers outlook towards the public? Freedom is
a favour; it is an experiment which the governing class of
Socialist politicians will immediately curtail if they are dis
pleased with our behaviour. This is language which the head
of a Borstal Institution might suitably use to the inmates
when announcing some modification of the disciplinary sys
tem. . . . What a way to talk to the British people! As a
race we have been experimenting in freedom, not entirely
without success, for several centuries, and have spread the
ideas of freedom throughout the world. And yet, here is this
Minister, who speaks to us as if it lay with him to dole out
our liberties like giving biscuits to a dog who will sit up and
beg prettily.
Edinburgh, May 18, 1950
Nationalisation. . . . What an awful flop!
Woodford, July 21, 1951
The difference between our outlook and the Socialist out
look on life is the difference between the ladder and queue.
We are for the ladder. Let all try their best to climb. They
are for the queue. Let each wait in his place till his turn
comes. But, we ask: "What happens if anyone slips out of
his place in the queue?* "Ah/* say the Socialists, "our offi
cials and we have plenty of them come and put him
back in it, or perhaps put him lower down to teach the
others/ And when they come back to us and say: "We have
told you what happens if anyone slips out of the queue, but
280 A CHURCHILL READER
what is your answer to what happens if anyone slips off the
ladder?" Our reply is: "We shall have a good net and the
finest social ambulance service in the world."
Party Political Broadcast, Oc
tober 8, 1951
Mr. Attlee, speaking of the achievements of his Govern
ment, said he was not satisfied with what had been done.
Here are his words: "How can we clear up in six years the
mess of centuries?" "The mess of centuries!" This is what
the Prime Minister considers Britain and her Empire repre
sented when in 1945 she emerged honoured and respected
from one end of the world to the other by friend and foe
alike after her most glorious victory for freedom. "The mess
of centuries" that is all we were.
The remark is instructive because it reveals with painful
clarity the Socialist point of view and sense of proportion.
Nothing happened that was any good until they came into
office. We may leave out the great struggles and achieve
ments of the past Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, Parlia
mentary institutions, Constitutional Monarchy, the building
of our Empire all these were part of "the mess of cen
turies." Coming to more modern times, Gladstone and Dis
raeli must have been pygmies. Adam Smith, John Stuart
Mill, Bright and Shaftesbury, and in our lifetime, Balfour,
Asquith and Morley, all these no doubt were "small fry."
But at last a giant and a Titan appeared to clear up the mess
of centuries. Alas, he cries, he has only six years to do it in.
. . . Now the Titan wants another term of office.
Woodford, October 12, 1951
We may be at the parting of the ways. The wisdom of our
ancestors for more than 300 years has sought the division of
ON SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISTS 281
power in the Constitution. Crown, Lords and Commons
have been checks and restraints upon one another. The lim
itation of the power of the Monarchy was the cause for which,
as Liberals used to say, "Hampden died in the field and
Sidney on the scaffold." The concentration of all power over
the daily lives of ordinary men and women in what is called
"the State," exercised by what is virtually single-chamber
government, is a reactionary step contrary to the whole trend
of British history and to the message we have given the world.
The British race have always abhorred arbitrary and absolute
government in every form. The great men who founded the
American Constitution embodied this separation of author
ity in the strongest and most durable form. Not only did
they divide executive, legislative and judicial functions, but
also by instituting a federal system they preserved immense
and sovereign rights to local communities and by all these
means they have preserved often at some inconvenience
a system of law and liberty under which they have thrived
and reached the leadership of the world. The Socialist con
ception of the all-powerful State entering into the smallest
detail of the life and conduct of the individual and claiming
to plan and shape his work and his rewards is odious and re-
pellant to every friend of freedom. These absolute powers
would make the group of politicians who obtained a major
ity of seats in Parliament the masters and not the servants of
the people.
Huddersfield, October 15,
1951
13
On Britain and the, Empire
This chapter covers the central themes of Sir Winston s
career a paternalist Empire developing into a co-operative
Commonwealth; belief in the quality and the mission of the
British race; Anglo-American partnership; and utter refusal
to indulge in weakness or to bow to defeat.
VV HAT kind of people do they think we are?
Speech to the US. Congress,
December 24, 1941
[Sir Winston was referring to the apparent Japanese calcu
lation that Britain would be frightened into surrender.]
It is known, alike by peoples and rulers that, upon the
whole and it is upon the whole that we must judge these
things British influence is a kindly and healthy influence
and makes for the general happiness and welfare of mankind.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, 1901
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 283
Many things in this island are not pushed to extremes in
every walk of life and in every relationship. That is one of
the peculiar characteristics of our way of doing things, of our
British way of life. It may well be said that the British . . .
never draw a line without blurring it.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 16, 1948
The British people are good all through. You can test
them as you would put a bucket into the sea and always
find it salt.
Broadcast, June 13, 1945
It is a curious fact about the British Islanders, who hate
drill and have not been invaded for nearly a thousand years,
that as danger comes nearer and grows, they become pro
gressively less nervous; when it is imminent, they are fierce;
when it is mortal, they are fearless. These habits have led
them into some very narrow escapes.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
It is a great characteristic of the people of our race to
throw away with one hand the thing they have gathered so
painfully with the other.
Dover, August 15, 1951
My faith is unbroken in the strength, genius, and inex
haustible resourcefulness of the British race.
Walthamstow, February 4,
1952
The British race have always abhorred arbitrary and abso
lute government in every form. The great men who founded
284 A CHURCHILL READER
the American Constitution expressed this same separation
of authority in the strongest and most durable form. Not
only did they divide executive, legislative and judicial func
tions, but also by instituting a federal system they preserved
immense and sovereign rights to local communities and by
all these means they have maintained often at some incon
venience a system of law and liberty under which they
thrived and reached the physical and, at this moment, the
moral leadership of the world.
Woodford, January 28, 1950
As a free-born Englishman, what I hate is the sense of
being at everybody s mercy or in anybody s power.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1947
The whole history of this country shows a British instinct
and I think I may say, a genius for the division of power.
The American Constitution with its checks and counter
checks, combined with its frequent appeals to the people,
embodied much of the ancient wisdom of this island.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1947
I am all for "British," but it is a pity that "English" should
be a word never mentioned or hardly ever.
London, October 11, 1949
Frightfulness is not a remedy known to the British phar
macopoeia.
Speech in the House, July 8,
1920
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 285
. . . the British nation from time to time gives way to waves
of crusading sentiment. More than any other country in the
world, it is at rare intervals ready to fight for a cause or a
theme, just because it is convinced in its heart and soul that
it will not get any material advantage out of the conflict.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
The British people do not, as is sometimes thought, go to
war for calculation, but for sentiment.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War; Vol.
VI
Nothing can save England if she will not save herself. If
we lose faith in ourselves, in our capacity to guide and gov
ern, if we lose our will to live, then indeed our story is ended.
Armoury House, London,
April 23, 1953
They [the British] are the only people who like to be told
how bad things are who like to" be told the worst.
Speech in the House, June 10,
1921
The British working man, especially the radical element,
has a deep-seated and natural love of fair play.
Speech at Ayr, May 16, 1947
This was the British Antonine Age. Those who were its
children could not understand why it had not begun earlier
or why it should ever stop.
"Great Contemporaries"
286 A CHURCHILL READER
[The reference is to the Victorian Age. The Antonine Age
was the Roman Empire under the Emperors Antoninus
Pius and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (A.D. 117-160) which
Gibbon eulogised as the Golden Age of mankind.]
We then refused to embark upon a policy of casting up
balances as between the Colonies and the Mother Country,
and, speaking on behalf of the Colonial Office, I said that the
British Empire existed on the principles of a family and not
on those of a syndicate.
On Imperial Preference, May
7, 1907
[Sir Winston was a leading opponent of Mr. Joseph Cham
berlain s fiscal policy, which included, of course, Imperial
Preference.]
Cologne Cathedral took six hundred years to build . . .
sometimes a generation built wrongly, and the next genera
tion had to unbuild, and the next to build again. Still the
work went on through the centuries, till at last there stood
forth to the world a mighty monument of beauty and of
truth to commend the admiration and inspire the revere-
ment of mankind. So let it be with the British Common
wealth.
Speech at Dundee, May 14,
1908
[As things have turned out, the analogy might have been
more happily chosen. Ely Cathedral would have served.]
The world "Empire" is permitted to be used, which may be
a great shock to certain strains of intellectual opinion.
Report to Parliament on the
meeting of Dominion Pre
miers, May 24, 1944
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 287
[Sir Winston is having a hit at those who shy away from the
conception of Empire, by pointing out that Empire states
men glory in the appellation.]
For some years the tendency of Socialist and left-wing
forces has been to gird at the word "Empire" and to espouse
the word "Commonwealth" because Oliver Cromwell cut
off King Charles s head . . . and also, I suppose, because the
word "Commonwealth" seems to have in it some association
with, or suggestion of, the abolition of private property and
the communal ownership of all forms of wealth. This mood
is encouraged by the race of degenerate intellectuals of whom
our island has produced during several generations an un
failing succession these very high intellectual persons who,
when they wake up every morning have looked around upon
the British inheritance, whatever it was, to see what they
could find to demolish, to undermine, or cast away.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1948
One must notice in the Gracious Speech . . . the calculated
omission of three words which have hitherto claimed many
loyalties and much agreement. The first word ... is ... "Em
pire," the second "Dominion," and third, of course, is
"British." . . . Indeed, I wonder myself that the word "Com
monwealth" should satisfy the requirements of Socialist
statesmanship. If all these exclusions and inhibitions are to
be enforced it would seem only logical to adopt some com
pletely loose and meaningless term such as was suggested
some years ago, ironically, by an amusing journalist, Mr.
Nathaniel Gubbins, when he pictured the world after the
war being divided into groups "Population Group No. 6"
or "Population Group No. 7." That, at any rate, would
288 A CHURCHILL READER
achieve what appears to be the ideal of the Socialist Govern
ment in respect of the British Empire, of committing nobody
to anything at any time in any way.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1948
I was very glad indeed to hear . . . the word "Empire." I
am quite prepared to use the "Commonwealth/ although
if we look into the historical foundations of the word "Com
monwealth," we will find a good many things which jar with
the conception of a constitutional monarchy or a free House
of Commons. But words alter their meaning as the years
pass by, and there always was that sense attaching to "Com
monwealth" that everything you have is owned in common,
which is, at any rate, a point of view deserving to be con
sidered.
Speech in the House, October
31, 1950
I hope you don t mind my using the word [British Empire],
It is quite a good word in its proper place.
Ottawa, January 14, 1952
The British and Americans do not war with races or gov
ernments as such. Tyranny, external or internal, is our foe
whatever trappings or disguises it wears, whatever language
it speaks, or perverts.
Speech at the Independence
Day Dinner at the Dorches
ter Hotel, London, July 4,
1950
Neither the sure prevention of war nor the continuous use
of world organisation will be gained without . , . the fraternal
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 289
association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a
special relationship between the British Commonwealth and
Empire and the United States Eventually there may come
principles of common citizenship, but that we may be content
to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm so many of us
can clearly see. I feel eventually this will come.
Speech at Fulton, Missouri,
March 3, 1946
Undoubtedly this process means that these two great or
ganisations of the English-speaking democracies the
British Empire and the United States will have to be some
what mixed up together in some of their affairs for mutual
and general advantage. For my own part, looking out upon
the future, I do not view the process with any misgivings. I
could not stop it if I wished no one can stop it. Like the
Mississippi, it just keeps rolling along. Let it roll! Let it
roll on in full flood, inexorable, irresistible, benignant, to
broader lands and better days.
Speech in the House, August
20, 1940
[The reference is to the American agreement to hand over
fifty destroyers in return for long leases of certain bases in
British Colonial territory.]
I care above all for the brotherhood of the English-speaking
world, but there could be no true brotherhood without in
dependence founded on solvency. We do not want to live
upon others and be kept by them, but faithfully and reso
lutely to earn our own living, without fear or favour, by the
sweat of our brow, by the skill of our craftsmanship and the
use of our brains.
Margate, October 10, 1953
290 A CHURCHILL READER
It must be remembered that Britain and the United States
are united at this time upon the same ideologies, namely,
freedom, and the principles set out in the American Con
stitution and humbly reproduced with modern variations in
the Atlantic Charter. The Soviet Government have a differ
ent philosophy, namely, Communism, and use to the full the
methods of police government, which they are applying in
every State which has fallen a victim to their liberating arms.
The Prime Minister cannot readily bring himself to accept
the idea that the position of the United States is that Britain
and Soviet Russia are just two foreign Powers, six of one and
half a dozen of the other, with whom the troubles of the late
war have to be adjusted. Except in so far as force is concerned,
there is no equality between right and wrong. The great
causes and principles for which Britain and the United States
have suffered and triumphed are not mere matters of the
balance of power. They in fact involve the salvation of the
world.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol.
VI
[Note to President Truman, handed to his representative
Mr. Joseph E. Davies, former U.S. Ambassador to Russia,
who had a meeting with Sir Winston at Chequers on May
26, 1945. Sir Winston was concerned with the President s
suggestion that he should meet Stalin somewhere in Europe
before he saw Sir Winston.]
Canada is the linchpin of the English-speaking world.
Speech at Mansion House,
September 4, 1941, in the
presence of Mr. Mackenzie
King, Prime Minister of
Canada
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 291
[Sir Winston refers, of course, to Canada s special ties both
with the U.S.A. and with Britain.]
The nose of the bulldog has been slanted backwards so that
he can breathe without letting go.
Description of naval strategy
in 1914
[The phrase reflects the policy which afterwards developed
into keeping the Grand Fleet at Scapa, where it could deal
with any German incursion into the North Sea without
having to maintain a close blockade of German ports.]
Once more now in the march of the centuries Old England
was to stand forth in battle against the mightiest thrones and
dominations. Once more, in the defence of the liberties of
Europe and the common right, must she enter upon a voyage
of great toil and hazard across waters uncharted, towards
coasts unknown, guided only by the stars. Once more "the
far-off line of storm-beaten ships 1 was to stand between a
Continental tyrant and the dominion of the world.
"The World Crisis"
[Thoughts as the ultimatum to Germany expired, August
4, 1914. The reference is to the blockade of Europe during
the Napoleonic Wars.]
What o the naked Channel ports Dunkirk, Calais,
Boulogne? "Fortify Havre," said Sir John French! One day s
general battle, and the sanguine advance and hoped-for
counter-stroke had been convened into "Fortify Havre"!
"It will be difficult to withdraw the troops if the enemy re
mains in contact" a disquieting observation. I forget
much of what passed between us. But the apparition of
292 A CHURCHILL READER
Kitchener Agonistes in my doorway will remain with me as
long as I live. It was like seeing old John Bull on the rack.
"The World Crisis"
[On August 24, 1914, a dispatch was received from the
C.-in-G. B.E.F. recounting the course and consequences of
the Battle of Mons. It came as a great shock to Kitchener,
the Secretary of State for War, and he went round at once to
see Sir Winston in the latter s room at the Admiralty. Sir
Winston describes how he saw at once from his appearance
that a disaster had occurred.]
Shall we by decisive action, in hopes of shortening the con
flict, marshal and draw in the small nations in the north and
in the south who now stand outside it? Or shall we plod
steadily forward at what is immediately in our front? Should
our armies toil only in the mud of Flanders, or shall we break
new ground? Shall our fleets remain contented with the
grand and solid results they have won, or shall they ward off
future perils by a new inexhaustible audacity?
"The World Crisis 9
[Sir Winston is arguing for the project of attacking the Dar
danelles.]
It cannot be said that the "soldiers," that is to say the Staff,
did not have their way. They tried their sombre experiment
to its conclusion. They took all they required from Britain.
They wore down alike the manhood and the guns of the
British Army almost to destruction. They did it in the face
of the plainest warnings and of arguments which they could
not answer.
t( The World Crisis"
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 293
[The reference is to the Battle of Passchendaele.]
Remember we have a missing generation, we must never
forget that the flower of the past, lost in the great battles
of the last war. There ought to be another generation in
between these young men and us older figures who are soon,
haply, to pass from the scene. There ought to be another
generation of men, with their flashing lights and leading
figures. We must do all we can to try to fill the gap, and, as
I say, there is no safer thing to do than to run risks in youth.
It is very difficult to live your life in this world and not to
get set in old ways, rather looking back with pleasure to the
days of your youth. That is quite right, and tradition is quite
right. A love of tradition has never weakened a nation, in
deed it has strengthened nations in their hour of peril; but
the new view must come, the world must roll forward.
"Let the great world spin for ever down the ringing grooves
of change/* as Tennyson said many years ago. Let us have
no fear of the future. We are a decent lot, all of us, the whole
nation. Wherever you go you need have no fear. I was
brought up never to fear the English democracy, to trust the
people.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 29, 1944
[Sir Winston was commenting upon the fact that the note
struck by the mover and seconder of the Loyal address to
H.M. King George VI was that of Youth.]
His [Sir Douglas Haig s] armies bore the lion s share in
the victorious advance, as they had already borne the brunt
of the German assault And ever his shot-pierced divisions,
five times decimated within the year, strode forward with
discipline, with devotion and with gathering momentum.
"The World Crisis 9
294 A CHURCHILL READER
[On the campaign of 1918.]
Our aristocracy has largely passed from life into history;
but our millionaires the financiers, the successful pugilists
and the film stars who constitute our modern galaxy and
enjoy the same kind of privileges as did the outstanding
figures of the seventeeth and eighteenth centuries are all
expected to lead model lives.
"Marlborough, His Life and
Times"
[Sir Winston is defending the morals of his ancestor.]
We see our race doubtful of its mission and no longer con
fident about its principles, infirm of purpose, drifting to and
fro and with the tides and currents of a deeply disturbed
ocean. The compass has been damaged. The charts are out
of date. The crew have to take it in turns to be captain;
and every captain before every movement of the helm has to
take a ballot not only of the crew, but of an ever-increasing
number of passengers.
"Thoughts and Adventures/
1932
[Probably written during the Socialist Government s tenure
of office 1929-31, but nevertheless the first shot in the anti-
appeasement campaign.]
Stripped of her Empire in the Orient, deprived of the
sovereignty of the seas, loaded with debt and taxation, her
commerce and carrying trade shut out by foreign tariffs and
quotas, England would sink to the level of a fifth-rate Power
and nothing would remain of all her glories except a popula
tion much larger than this island can support.
Speech to the Royal Society of
St. George, April 24, 1933
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 295
[Two months after Hitler came to power, on the dangers of
drifting into unilateral disarmament.]
I dread the day when the means of threatening the heart
of the British Empire should pass into the hands of the
present rulers of Germany.
Speech in the House, March
8, 1934
No one can doubt that a week or ten days intensive bomb
ing attack upon London would be a very serious matter
indeed. One could hardly expect that less than thirty or
forty thousand people would be killed or maimed. The most
dangerous form of air attack is the attack by incendiary
bombs.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 28, 1934
What a disastrous instrument it [the Treaty of London,
1931] has been, fettering the unique naval knowledge which
we possess, and forcing us to spend our scant money on
building wrong or undesirable types of ships; and con
demning us to send out into deep waters and sink vessels . . .
like the four "Iron Dukes," which would have been inval
uable for convoying fleets of merchant ships to and from
Australia and New Zealand in the teeth of hostile cruisers.
Speech in the House, May 22,
1935
A friend of mine the other day saw a number of persons
engaged in peculiar evolutions, genuflections and gestures.
. . . He wondered whether it was some novel form of gym
nastics, or a new religion ... or whether they were a party of
lunatics out for an airing. They were a Searchlight Company
296 A CHURCHILL READER
of London Territorials, who were doing their exercises as well
as they could without having the searchlight.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 12, 1936
[Sir Winston was arguing for the need for a Ministry of
Supply.]
We should lay aside every hindrance; and endeavour, by
uniting the whole force and spirit of our people, to raise
again a great British nation standing up before all the world.
For such a nation, rising in its ancient vigour, can even at
this hour save civilisation.
Speech in the House, March
4, 1938
If you had given the contract to Selfridge s or to the Army
and Navy Stores, I believe that you would have had the stuff
today.
Speech in the House, May 25,
1938
[On the disappointing results of three years of rearmament.]
They [the British people] should know that there has been
gross neglect and deficiency in our defences; they should
know that we have sustained a defeat without a war [Munich],
the effects of which will travel far with us along our road;
they should know that we have passed an awful milestone in
our history . . . and that the terrible words have for the
time being pronounced against the Western democracies
[Britain and France]: "Thou art weighed in the balance, and
found wanting/ And do not suppose that this is the end.
This is only the beginning of the reckoning.
Speech in the House, October
5, 1938
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 297
We have never been likely to get into trouble by having an
extra thousand or two of up-to-date aeroplanes at our dis
posal. ... As the man whose mother-in-law had died in Brazil
replied, when asked how the remains should be disposed of:
"Embalm, cremate, and bury. Take no risks!"
From an article on world af
fairs, April 28, 1938
The Royal Navy, especially after the toning-up which it has
received, is unsurpassed in the world and is still the main
bulwark of our security; and even at this eleventh hour, if the
right measures are taken and if the right spirit prevails in the
British nation and the British Empire, we may surround
ourselves with other bulwarks equally sure, which will pro
tect us against whatever storms may blow.
Speech in the House, March
19, 1936
For five years I have talked to the House of these matters
not with very great success. I have watched this famous island
descending incontinently, recklessly, the stairway which leads
to a dark gulf. It is a fine broad stairway at the beginning,
but, after a bit, the carpet ends. A little further on there are
only flagstones, and, a little further on still, these break
beneath your feet.
Speech in the House, March
24, 1938
It would be wrong in judging the policy of the British
Government not to remember the passionate desire for peace
which animated the uninformed, misinformed, majority of the
British people, and seemed to threaten with political extinc
tion any party or politician who dared to take any other line.
This is no excuse for political leaders who fall short of their
298 A CHURCHILL READER
duty. It is much better for parties or politicians to be turned
out of office than to imperil the life of the nation. . . . Those
who scared the timid MacDonald-Baldwin Government from
their path should at least keep silent.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
[Sir Winston is referring to the Fulham by-election where a
Socialist pacifist won the seat from a Conservative. Mr.
Baldwin took this as a barometer of public opinion and there
after deliberately pitched all references to rearmament on a
muted and apologetic note.]
We cannot doubt the sincerity of the Leaders of the So
cialist and Liberal parties. They were completely wrong and
mistaken, and they bear their share of the burden before his
tory. It is indeed astonishing that the Socialist Party should
have endeavoured in after years to claim superior foresight.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
[Sir Winston was often asked to apply some mark of ostra
cism or disfavour to the Munichites. He replied: "There
were too many in it." Socialists were "in it" practically to a
man, Liberals much less so.]
The British habit of the week-end and the great regard
which the British pay to holidays which coincide with the
festivals of the Church is studied abroad.
Speech in the House, April
13, 1939
[Mussolini had just invaded Albania on Good Friday, and
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 299
Sir Winston was arguing that the day had been chosen to
ensure British reaction being slow.]
I see that Herr Goebbels and his Italian counterpart Signor
Gayda have been jeering at us because we have not gone to
war with Japan on account of the insults to which English
men and New Zealanders have been subjected at Tientsin.
They say this shows we are effete. . . . But perhaps, thinking
men . . . will feel that we may be keeping what strength we
have for someone else.
Speech at the Carlton Club,
June 28, 1939
There never has been a moment, there never could have
been a moment, when Great Britain or the British Empire,
single-handed could fight Germany and Italy, could wage the
Battle of Britain, the Battle of the Atlantic, and the Battle
of the Middle East, and at the same time stand thoroughly
prepared in Burma, the Malay peninsula, and generally in the
Far East, against the impact of a vast military empire like
Japan, with more than seventy mobile divisions, the third
Navy in the world, a great Air Force, and the thrust of eighty
or ninety millions of hardy, warlike Asiatics.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. IV
When I warned them [the French Government] that Brit
ain would fight on alone whatever they did, their Generals
told their Prime Minister and his divided Cabinet: In three
weeks England will have her neck wrung like a chicken."
Some chicken! Some neck!
Speech to the Canadian Par
liament, December 30, 1941
300 A CHURCHILL READER
Poor England! Leading her free, careless life from day to
day, amid endless good-tempered Parliamentary babble, she
followed, wondering, along the downward path which led to
all she wanted to avoid. She was continually reassured by the
leading articles of the most influential newspapers, with some
honourable exceptions, and behaved [in 1938] as if all the
world were as easy, uncalculating and well-meaning as herself.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
History, which we are told is mainly the record of the
crimes, follies and miseries of mankind, may be scoured and
ransacked to find a parallel to this sudden and complete
reversal of five or six years policy of easy-going placatory
appeasement, and its transformation almost overnight into
a readiness to accept an obviously imminent war on far worse
conditions and on the greatest scale.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
[Sir Winston was commenting on the guaranteeing of the
integrity of Poland by Britain and France in far worse con
ditions than if they had guaranteed Czechoslovakia in 1938.]
Look at the mistake that Hitler made in not trying invasion
in 1940. We had not, at that time, fifty tanks; we had a couple
of hundred field-guns, some of them brought out of museums.
Speech, October 31, 1942
We have the means, and we have the opportunity, of mar
shalling the whole vast strength of the British Empire and of
the Mother Country, and directing these [sic] steadfastly and
unswervingly to the fulfilment of our purpose. . . . For each
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 301
and for all, as for the Royal Navy, the watchword should be
"Carry on and dread nought."
Speech in the House as First
Lord of the Admiralty, De
cember 3, 1939
The Navy has a dual function. In War it is our means of
safety; in Peace it sustains the prestige, repute, and influence
of this small island; and it is a major factor in the cohesion of
the British Empire and Commonwealth. The tasks which
the Navy has performed in peace-time are hardly less magnifi
cent than those it has achieved in War. From Trafalgar on
wards, for more than 100 years Britannia ruled the waves.
There was a great measure of peace, the freedom of the seas
was maintained, the slave trade was extirpated, the Monroe
doctrine of the United States found its sanction in British
naval power.
Speech in the House, March
8, 1948
A set of short-term half-wits in time of peace may brush
away old vessels with all kinds of penny wise, pound foolish
arguments and, if they have the political power, I have no
doubt that they will find many experts to testify that the
vessels are useless, especially if the experts have a hope that
they are going to get new ones built in their place. . . . But
when war comes, that is not what you feel. Before the second
Great War, I think I prevented by speeches in this House the
destruction of several ships which a year or two later we found
most useful. I remember that very old vessel the Centurion
battered by target practice for many years, playing an impor
tant part in our plans for resisting cross-Channel invasion,
and she was moved to Plymouth for that very purpose.
Speech in the House, March
8, 1948
302 A CHURCHILL READER
I am sure that no one knows so much about dealing with
U-boats ... as the British Admiralty, not because we are
cleverer or braver than others, but because, in two wars, our
existence has depended upon overcoming these perils. When
you live for years on end with mortal danger at your throat,
you learn in a hard school*
Speech in the House, April
19, 1951
[Sir Winston was arguing against the appointment of an
American Admiral as Supreme Commander in the North
Atlantic.]
Our country should suggest to the mind of a potential para
trooper the back of a hedgehog rather than the paunch of a
rabbit.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 6, 1951
Thoughtless, dilettante or purblind worldlings sometimes
ask us: "What is it that Britain and France are fighting for?"
To this I answer: "If we left off fighting you would soon find
out."
Broadcast, March 30, 1940
I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined
this Government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil,
tears, and sweat." We have before us an ordeal of the most
grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months
of struggle and suffering. You ask: "What is our policy?" I
will say: "It is to wage war by sea, land, and air with all our
might, and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage
war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 303
lamentable catalogue of human crime/ That is our policy.
You ask: "What is our aim? * I can answer in one word:
"Victory!* Victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror,
victory however long and hard the road may be; for without
victory there is no survival.
First speech as Prime Minister
in the House, May 13, 1940
I am confident that we shall succeed in defeating and
largely destroying this most tremendous onslaught by which
we are now threatened, and anyhow, whatever happens, we
will all go down fighting to the end.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 17, 1940
The gratitude of the British nation is due to the noble
President [Roosevelt] and his great officers and high advisers
for never, even in the advent of the Third Term Presidential
Election, losing their confidence in our fortunes or our will.
The buoyant and imperturbable temper of Britain . . . may
well have turned the scale. Here was this people, who in the
years before the war had gone to the extreme bounds of
pacifism and improvidence, who had indulged in the sport of
party politics, and who, though so weakly armed, had ad
vanced light-heartedly into the centre of European affairs,
now confronted with the reckoning alike of their virtuous
impulses and neglectful arrangements. They were not even
dismayed. They defied the conquerors of Europe. They
seemed willing to have their Island reduced to a shambles
rather than give in. This would make a fine page in history.
But there were other tales of this kind. Athens had been
conquered by Sparta. The Carthaginians made a forlorn
resistance to Rome. Not seldom in the annals of the past
304 A CHURCHILL READER
and how much more often in tragedies never recorded or
long-forgotten had brave, proud, easy-going states, and
even entire races, been wiped out, so that only their name or
even no mention of them remains.
Few British and very few foreigners understood the peculiar
technical advantages of our insular position; nor was it gen
erally known how even in the irresolute years before the war
the essentials of sea and latterly air defence had been main
tained. It was nearly a thousand years since Britain had seen
the fires of a foreign camp on English soil.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. II
If we can stand up to him [Hitler], all Europe may be free
and the life of the world may move forward into broad, sun
lit uplands. But if we fail, then the whole world, including
the United States, including all that we have known and cared
for, will sink into the abyss of a new Dark Age made more
sinister, and perhaps more protracted, by the lights of per
verted science. Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties,
and so bear ourselves that, if the British Empire and its Com
monwealth last for a thousand years, men will say: "This was
their finest hour."
Speech in the House, June 18,
1940 the day of the
French capitulation
We shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end. We
shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we
shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in
the air. We shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be.
We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing-
grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 305
fight in the hills. We shall never surrender; and even if, xvhich
I do not for a moment believe, this island or a large part of it
were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the
seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on
the struggle, until, in God s good time, the New World, with
all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and libera
tion of the Old.
Speech in the House, June 4,
1940
[Nobody who heard it can ever forget this passage. It set the
House of Commons in a roar. There is a story, told in
Odette Kahn s And Hell Followed After, that when Sir Win
ston was compelled to pause by the cheers, he added, under
cover of the noise: "And beat the asterisks over the head
with bottles! That s all we ve got." Se non e vero, e ben
trovato.]
We are told that Herr Hitler has a plan for invading the
British Isles. This has often been thought of before. When
Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed
boats and his Grand Army, he was told by someone: "There
are bitter weeds in England/* There are certainly a great
many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force
returned.
Speech in the House, after
Dunkirk, June 4, 1940
We shall not fail or falter; we shall not weaken or tire.
Neither the sudden shock of battle nor the long-drawn trials
of vigilance and exertion will wear us down. Give us the
tools, and we will finish the job.
Broadcast address, February 9,
1941
306 A CHURCHILL READER
[Sir Winston was answering certain American critics who
thought Britain s continuance of the war was hopeless.]
We may . . . rate this tremendous year as the most splendid,
as it was the most deadly, year in our long English and British
story. It was a great, quaintly organised England that had
destroyed the Spanish Armada. A strong flame of conviction
and resolve carried us through the twenty-five years conflict
which William III and Marlborough waged against Louis
XIV. There was a famous period with Chatham. There was
the long struggle against Napoleon, in which our survival was
secured through the domination of the seas by the British
Navy under the classic leadership of Nelson and his asso
ciates. A million Britons died in the First World War. But
nothing surpasses 1940. By the end of that year this small and
ancient island, with its devoted Commonwealth, Dominions,
and attachments under every sky, had proved itself capable
of bearing the whole impact and weight of world destiny.
We had not flinched or wavered. We had not failed. The
soul of the British people and race had proved invincible.
The citadel of the Commonwealth and Empire could not be
stormed. Alone, but upborne by every generous heart-beat of
mankind, we had defied the tyrant in the height of his tri
umph.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War/ 9 Vol. II
Singapore has fallen . . . other dangers gather about us. ...
This, therefore, is one of those moments when the British
race and nation can show the sheer quality of their genius.
This is one of those moments when they can draw from the
heart of misfortunes the vital impulses of victory.
Broadcast, February 15, 1942
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 307
We are no longer alone. We are in the midst of a great
company. Three-quarters of the human race are now moving
with us. The whole future of mankind may depend upon our
action and upon our conduct. So far we have not failed. We
shall not fail now.
Broadcast, February 15, 1942
We shall go forward together. The road upward is long.
There are upon our journey dark and dangerous valleys
through which we have to make and fight our way. But it is
sure and certain that if we persevere, and we shall persevere,
we shall come through these dark and dangerous valleys into
a sunlight broader and more genial and more lasting than
mankind has ever known.
Speech at Leeds, May 16, 1942
Here in this strong City of Refuge, which enshrines the
title-deeds of human progress and is of deep consequence to
Christian civilisation . . . we await undismayed the impending
assault. Perhaps it will come tonight. Perhaps it will come
next week. Perhaps it will never come. We must show our
selves equally capable of meeting a sudden violent shock or
(what is perhaps a harder test) a protracted vigil. But be the
ordeal sharp, or long, or both, we shall seek no terms, we shall
tolerate no parley. We may show mercy we shall ask for
none.
Broadcast, July 14, 1940
If the lull is to end, if the storm is to renew itself, London
will be ready, London will not flinch! . . . You [Hitler] do
your worst, and we will do our best.
Speech at L.C.C. Luncheon,
July 14, 1941
308 A CHURCHILL READER
London will never be conquered, and will never fail, and
her renown, triumphing over every ordeal, will long shine
among men.
Speech in the House, July 6,
1944. Repeated in Triumph
and Tragedy, "The Second
World War/ Vol. VI
Look at the Londoners, the Cockneys, look at what they
have stood up to! Grim and gay with their cry, "We can take
it!" and their wartime mood of "What is good enough for
anybody is good enough for us."
Speech to Canadian Parlia
ment, December 30, 1941
We stand here still the champions. If we fail, all fails, and
if we fall, all will fall together.
Speech in the House, July 29,
1941
Never in the field of human conflict was so much owed by
so many to so few.
Speech in the House, August
20, 1940
[This is the famous tribute to the fighter pilots in the Battle
of Britain. Lord Dowding, then C.-in-C. Fighter Command,
had assured the Government that his men could bring down
four to one over enemy territory and six or seven to one
over Britain* Figures now available from the German side
show that this prophecy was optimistic; but it was near
enough to win the battle.]
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 309
We shall not fail; and then, some day, when children ask:
"What did you do to win this inheritance for us and to make
our name so respected among men?" one will say: "I was a
fighter pilot/ another will say: "I was in the submarine
service/ another: "I marched with the Eighth Army/ a
fourth will say: "None of you could have lived without the
convoys and the merchant seamen/ and you in your turn will
say, with equal pride and with equal right: "We cut the coal."
Speech to coalowners and
miners, October 31, 1942
The bright gleam has caught the helmets of our soldiers,
and warmed and cheered all our hearts.
Speech at the Mansion House,
November 10,1942
[This was made just after the Anglo-American landings in
French North Africa and when victory at Alamein was just
declaring itself. As Sir Winston said later in the same
speech: "This is not even the beginning of the end; but it is,
perhaps, the end of the beginning/ ]
Historians may explain Tobruk. The Eighth Army has
done better; it has avenged it.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1942
[The fall of Tobruk during the retreat to Alamein after
defeat at Gazala in 1942 was a terrible shock the greater
because the place had held out for nine months in 1941.
The "avenging" was the victory at Alamein, just before this
speech.]
The dawn of 1943 will soon loom red before us, and we
must brace ourselves to cope with the trials and problems of
310 A CHURCHILL READER
what must be a stern and terrible year. We do so with the
assurance of ever-growing strength and we do so as a nation
with a strong will, a bold heart, and a good conscience.
Broadcast, November 29, 1942
Although the British Empire had now entered the sixth
year of the war it was still keeping its position, with a total
population, including the Dominions and Colonies, of only
seventy million white people. Our effort in Europe, meas
ured by divisions in the field, was about equal to that of the
United States.
Triumph and Tragedy^ "The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
A quarter of a century ago . . . the House, when it heard . . .
the armistice terms, did not feel inclined for debate or busi
ness, but desired to offer thanks to Almighty God, to the
Great Power which seems to shape and design the fortunes of
nations and the destiny of man; and I therefore . . . move
"That the House do now attend at the Church of St. Mar
garet, Westminster, to give humble and reverent thanks to
Almighty God for our deliverance from the threat of German
domination." This is the identical motion which was moved
in former times.
Speech in the House on the
German surrender, May 8,
1945
For us in Britain and the British Empire, who had alone
been in the struggle from the first day to the last and staked
our existence on the result, there was a meaning beyond what
even our most powerful and most valiant Allies could feel.
Weary and worn, impoverished but undaunted and now tri-
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 311
umphant, we had a moment that was sublime. We gave
thanks to God for the noblest of all His blessings, the sense
that we had done our duty.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War; 9 Vol.
VI
[On the end of the Second World War.]
God bless you all! This is your victory! . . . Everyone, man
or woman, has done their best. Neither the long years nor
the dangers, nor the fierce attacks of the enemy, have in any
way weakened the independent resolve of the British nation.
God bless you all!
From a balcony in Whitehall^
May 8, 1945
Once again the British Commonwealth and Empire emerges
safe, undiminished, and united from a mortal struggle. Mon
strous tyrannies which menaced our life have been beaten to
the ground in ruin, and a brighter radiance illumines the
Imperial Crown than any which our annals record. The light
is brighter because it comes not only from the fierce but fad
ing glow of military achievements . . . but because there
mingle with it in mellow splendour the hopes, joys, and bless
ings of almost all mankind. This is the true glory, and long
will it gleam upon our forward path.
Speech in the House after
news of the Japanese col
lapse, August 15, 1945
We are the trustees for the peace of the world. If we fail
there will be perhaps a hundred years of chaos. If we are
strong we can carry out our trusteeship. ... I do not want to
312 A CHURCHILL READER
enforce any system on other nations. I ask for freedom, and
for the right of all nations to develop as they like. We three
must remain friends in order to ensure happy homes in all
countries.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War/ 9 Vol. V
["We three" are the U.S.A., Russia and Britain.]
We mean to hold our own. I have not become the King s
First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the
British Empire.
Speech at the Mansion House,
November 10, 1942
[Sir Winston was speaking of war aims which had been,
curiously enough, a favourite topic of conversation when we
looked like losing the war, as part of the same mentality
which thought the enemy would be persuaded into surren
der by pamphlet raids. Sir Winston always refused to en
courage this irrelevance, but he pointed out in this speech
that we coveted nothing of anybody else s, though we meant
"to hold our own/ It is startling to remember that this
modest warning was made the text for bitter charges of
Imperialism.]
Let us not forget that our ancient kingdom strained though
it has been by war and sometimes by unwisdom is still a force
to be reckoned with which all men and all nations must count.
New Year Message to Prim
rose League, 1953
It does seem indeed hard that the traditions and triumphs
of a thousand years should be challenged by the ebb and flow
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 313
of markets and commercial and financial transactions in the
vast swaying world which is ... growing ever larger around
us. But 50,000,000 islanders, 50,000,000 inhabitants of a small
island growing our food for only 30,000,000 and dependent
for the rest upon the exercise of their skill and genius, present
a problem which has not been seen or at least recorded before.
In all history there has never been a community so large, so
complex, so sure of its way of life, poised at such a dizzy
eminence and on so precarious a foundation.
London, June 11, 1952
My faith in the free people of the British Isles and in
Northern Ireland is strong. I do not believe that we are at the
end of all our glories.
Glasgow, May 18, 1951
We have won all our wars. In this most terrible war of all
we not only saved ourselves, but kept the flag of freedom flying
in the world alone for more than a year. We gave all we had
to the common cause. We gave it freely; we coveted no terri
tory; we had no racial hatreds to gratify; we had no vengeance
to slake. We were always, being a peaceful nation, backward
in preparation. But we always won. In all the long wars I
have seen in my life, we have always won; and in the last of
them our glory and our virtue have been admired by friend
and foe.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, October 28, 1947
France is a self-supporting country. If the French woke up
tomorrow morning and found that all the rest of the world
had sunk under the sea, and that they were alone, they could
make a pretty good living for themselves from their fertile
314 A CHURCHILL READER
soil. But if Britain woke up tomorrow morning and found
nothing else but salt water on the rest of the globe, about one-
third of our people would disappear.
Leeds, February 4, 1950
The decline of our influence and power throughout the
Middle East is due to several causes. First the loss of our
Oriental Empire and of the well-placed and formidable re
sources of the Imperial Armies in India. Second, it is due to
the impression which has become widespread throughout the
Middle East that Great Britain has only to be pressed suffi
ciently by one method or another to abandon her rights or
interests in that, or indeed any other part of the world. A
third cause is the mistakes and miscalculations in policy
which led to the winding up of our affairs in Palestine in such
a way as to earn almost in equal degree the hatred of the
Arabs and the Jews.
Speech in the House, July 30,
1951
We have no assurance that anyone else is going to keep the
British Lion as a pet.
Broadcast, December 22, 1951
[The reference is to the generous aid we had from America
and the Commonwealth, and to the need of becoming able
to stand on our own economic feet.]
Our cause is sacred: Peace and Freedom. The way for us in
Britain to serve this cause is plain. There are linked together
the three circles I have often described. First, the British
Empire, and Commonwealth of Nations growing in moral
and physical strength. Secondly, the irrevocable association
ON BRITAIN AND THE EMPIRE 315
of the English-speaking world, around the great republic of
the United States. Thirdly, the safety and revival of Europe
in her ancient fame and long-sought unity. In all these circles
we in this hard-pressed but unvanquished island have a vital
part to play and if we can bear the weight we may win the
crown of honour.
Broadcast, May 3, 1952
The strength and character of a national civilisation is not
built up like a scaffolding or fitted together like a machine.
Its growth is more like that of a plant or a tree. The British
oak grows slowly and noiselessly without headlines or sensa
tion and no one should ever cut one down without planting
another. It is very much easier to cut down trees than to grow
them.
Woodford, September 6, 1952
How many political Flibbertigibbets are there not running
up and down the land calling themselves the people of Great
Britain, and the social democracy, and the masses of the
nation!
Speech in Glasgow, October
11, 1906
Let us stick to our heroes John Bull and Uncle Sam.
Mansion House, November 9,
1955
[Sir Winston was dealing with Anglo-American relations.
He said he did not, as many people, have any anxiety about
them.]
14
On the Monarchy
This is a short chapter, but it seemed desirable to group sep
arately Sir Winston s main sayings about an institution to
which he is closely bound by the traditionalist and sentimen
tal sides of his character.
V^ UEEN ELIZABETH II comes to the Throne at a time when
a tormented mankind stands uncertainly poised between
world catastrophe and a golden age. That it should be a
golden age of art and letters we can only hope science and
machinery have their tales to tell but it is certain that if a
true and lasting peace can be achieved and if the nations will
only let each other alone an immense and undreamed of
prosperity with culture and leisure ever more widely spread
can come, perhaps even easily and swiftly, to the masses of the
people in every land.
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 11, 1952
The House will observe in the Royal Proclamation the
importance and significance assigned to the word "Realm."
ON THE MONARCHY 317
There was a time and not so long ago when the word
"Dominion" was greatly esteemed. But now, almost instinc
tively and certainly spontaneously, the many States, nations
and races included in the British Commonwealth and Em
pire, have found in the word "Realm" the expression of their
sense of unity, combined in most cases with a positive alle
giance to the Crown or a proud and respectful association
with it,
Speech in the House, Febru
ary 11, 1952
The prerogatives of the Crown have become the privileges
of the people.
Harrow^ December 1, 1944
During the four and a half years that this continued I
became aware of the extraordinary diligence with which the
King read all the telegrams and public documents submitted
to him. Under the British constitutional system the Sovereign
has a right to be made acquainted with everything for which
his Ministers are responsible and has an unlimited right of
giving counsel to his Government. I was most careful that
everything should be laid before the King, and at our weekly
meetings he frequently showed that he had mastered papers
which I had not yet dealt with. It was a great help to Britain
to have so good a King and Queen in those fateful years, and
as a convinced upholder of constitutional monarchy I valued
as a signal honour the gracious intimacy with which I, as first
Minister, was treated, for which I suppose there has been no
precedent since the days of Queen Anne and Marlborough
during his years of power.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec-
and World War; Vol. II
318 A CHURCHILL READER
I have seen the King, gay, buoyant, and confident when the
stones and rubble of Buckingham Palace lay newly scattered
in heaps upon its lawns.
Speech at Edinburgh, October
12, 1942
No absolute rules can be laid down [about the Crown].
But on the whole it is wise in human affairs and in the govern
ment of men, to separate pomp from power. . . .
While the ordinary struggles, turmoils, and inevitable
errors of healthy democratic government proceed, there is
established upon an unchallenged pedestal the title deeds and
achievements of all the realms, and every generation can
make its contribution to the enduring treasure of our race
and fame.
Ottawa, January 14, 1952
The chasm which scientific invention and social change
have wrought between 1867 and 1953 is so wide that it re
quires not only courage but mental resilience for those whose
youth lay in calmer and more slowly moving times in order
that they may adjust themselves to the giant outlines and
harsh structure of the twentieth century.
Broadcast, March 25, 1953
[Broadcast tribute to Queen Mary who died on March 24,
1953, at the age of eighty-five.]
Being a strong monarchist, I am in principle in favour of
constitutional monarchies as a barrier against dictatorships,
and for many other reasons. It would be a mistake for Great
Britain to try to force her systems on other countries, and this
would only create prejudice and opposition.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
ON THE MONARCHY 319
Our ancient Monarchy renders inestimable services to our
country and to all the British Empire and Commonwealth of
Nations. Above the ebb and flow of party strife, the rise and
fall of Ministries and individuals, the changes of public opin
ion or public fortune, the British Monarchy presides, ancient,
calm and supreme within its functions, over all the treasures
that have been saved from the past and all the glories we write
in the annals of our country.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 16, 1948
There is no doubt that of all the institutions which have
grown up among us over the centuries, or sprung into being
in our lifetime, the constitutional monarchy is the most
deeply founded and dearly cherished by the whole association
of our peoples. In the present generation it has acquired a
meaning incomparably more powerful than anyone had
dreamed possible in former times. The Crown has become
the mysterious link indeed, I may say, the magic link
which unites our loosely bound but strongly interwoven Com
monwealth of nations, states and races. Peoples who would
never tolerate the assertions of a written constitution which
implied any diminution of their independence, are the fore
most to be proud of their loyalty to the Crown.
Broadcast on King George
VI s death, February 7,
1952
In our island, by trial and error and by perseverance across
the centuries, we have found out a very good plan. Here it is.
The Queen can do no wrong. Bad advisers can be changed as
often as the people like to use their rights for that purpose.
A great battle is lost; Parliament turns out the Government.
A great battle is won; crowds cheer the Queen. What goes
320 A CHURCHILL READER
wrong is carted away with the politicians responsible. What
goes right is laid on the altar of our united Commonwealth
and Empire.
Westminster Hall, May 27,
1953
To the astonishment of foreign countries and of our Ameri
can kinsmen, the spectacle was seen of the King and Emperor
working in the utmost ease and unaffected cordiality with
politicians whose theories, at any rate, seemed to menace all
existing institutions, and with leaders fresh from organising
a General Strike.
"Great Contemporaries"
[The reference is to King George V and the Socialist Gov
ernment of 1929-31. It is only fair to add that most of the
leaders in question viewed the General Strike three years
earlier with a mixture of fear and dislike.]
This . . . will be the first time in history that a British
sovereign has circumnavigated the globe . . . Her Majesty s
ship Gothic is more spacious and travels faster than the
Golden Hind, but it may well be that the journey which the
Queen is about to take will be no less auspicious and the
treasure which she brings back no less bright, than when
Drake first sailed an English ship round the world.
Hansard, November 19, 1953
[Sir Winston was moving a motion "that an humble Address
be presented to Her Majesty (Queen Elizabeth II)" for a safe
journey and happy return on her Commonwealth tour.]
15
On India
Sir Winston s campaign in the early 30 s against more than a
gradual grant of self-government to India must remain re
corded in any anthology of his sayings. Part of his attitude
was, no doubt, due to his own experience in soldiering in
India, part also to his sense of the gap which would be left in
Imperial defence by the disappearance of the old Indian
Army.
He has not been proved right; nor has he yet been proved
wrong.
IF THE Viceroys and Governments of India in the past had
given half as much attention to dealing with the social condi
tions of the masses of the Indian people as they have to busy
ing themselves with negotiating with unrepresentative leaders
of the political classes for constitutional changes if they
had addressed themselves to the moral and material problems
which are at the root of Indian life, I think it would have been
322 A CHURCHILL READER
much better for the working folk of Burnley and Bombay, of
Oldham and Ahmadabad.
Speech in the House, July 9,
1931
The author of the Indian Policy asserts that the day will
come when British and native officers will serve together in
ordinary seniority and on the same footing. I do not myself
believe that this is possible, but if it should ever come to pass,
the way will have been prepared on the polo grounds.
"The Story of the Malakand
Field Force"
[The above two quotations epitomise Sir Winston s attitude
towards India. He conceives of the British position as that
of a permanent trusteeship; but the trustees must behave in
a most gentlemanly fashion towards their wards.]
... I do not think it is in the interests of the British Empire
or of the British Army for us to take a load of that sort for all
time upon our backs. We have to make it absolutely clear,
some way or other, that this is not the British way of doing
business.
Speech in the House, July 8,
1920, on the Amritsar shoot
ings ,
Above all, it must be made plain that the British nation has
no intention of relinquishing its mission in India or of failing
in its duty to the Indian masses, or of parting with its supreme
control in any of the essentials of peace, order, and good
government.
Speech to the Indian Empire
Society, February 12, 1930
ON INDIA 323
It makes me sick when I hear the Secretary of State saying
of India "she will do this and she will do that." India is an
abstraction. . . . India is no more a political personality than
Europe. India is a geographical term. It is no more a united
nation than the Equator.
Speech at the Albert Hall,
March 18, 1931
What spectacle could be more sorrowful than that of this
powerful country casting away with both hands . . . the great
inheritance which centuries have gathered? ... It is a hideous
act of self-mutilation, astounding to every nation of the world.
Speech at the Albert Hall,
March 18, 1931
What are the facts in India? We are told that the opinion
of India has changed. But the facts of India have not changed.
They are immemorial. The political classes of India are a
mere handful compared to the population. The Western
ideas they have gathered and reproduced have no relation
whatever to the life and thought of India. The vast majority
can neither read nor write. There are at least seventy differ
ent races and even more numerous religions and sects in
India, many of them in a state of antagonism:
"Our rule in India/ said Lord Randolph Churchill, "is,
as it were, a sheet of oil spread out over and keeping free
from storms a vast and profound ocean of humanity."
Speech to the Indian Empire
Society, February 12, 1930
The Sikh is the guardian of the marches. He was originally
invented to combat the Pathan.
"The Story of the Malakand
Field Force"
324 A CHURCHILL READER
Except at harvest-time, when self-preservation enjoins a
temporary truce, the Pathan tribes are always engaged in
private or public war. The life of the Pathan is thus full of
interest.
"The Story of the Malakand
Field Force"
The far-reaching extensions of self-government with which
Mr. Montagu s name is associated were a bold experiment.
They have not succeeded. The ten years which have passed
have been years of failure. Every service which has been
handed over to Indian administration has deteriorated.
Speech to the Indian Empire
Society, February 12, 1930
[The reference is to the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms de
vised in 1919 by Mr. Edwin Montagu, Secretary of State for
India, and Lord Chelmsford, the then Viceroy. Broadly
speaking, they effected a certain measure of provincial au
tonomy, with certain services administered by Indian Min
isters.]
The reason why, in my judgment, Lord Irwin, for all his
virtue and courage, has not succeeded in India as he deserved
to, is that he has been proceeding upon a wrong mental
theme. His attitude towards India has throughout been an
apology. He has not shown sufficient confidence in the indis
pensable work which our country has done, and is doing, for
India, or in British resolution that it shall not be interrupted
or destroyed. That is the sole foundation upon which the
peaceful and successful administration of India can be based.
Speech at Manchester, Janu
ary 30, 1931
ON INDIA 325
[Lord Irwin (afterwards Lord Halifax) was Viceroy of India
during the period when the revision of the Government of
India Act, 1920, was under consideration and the next step
towards self-government was to be taken. His prolonged
negotiations with Mr. Gandhi and the Congress Party were
marked by an infinite patience on his part which Sir Winston
thought excessive.]
I am against this surrender to Gandhi. I am against these
conversations and agreements between Lord Irwin and Mr.
Gandhi. Gandhi stands for the expulsion of Britain from
India. Gandhi stands for the permanent exclusion of British
trade from India. Gandhi stands for the substitution of
Brahmin domination for British rule in India. You will never
be able to come to terms with Gandhi.
Speech at the Albert Hall,
March 18, 1931
If in the sacrifice of every British interest and of all the
necessary safeguards and means of preserving peace and prog
ress in India you came to terms with Gandhi, Gandhi would
at that selfsame moment cease to count any more in the Indian
situation. Already Nehru, his young rival in the Indian Con
gress, is preparing to supersede him the moment that he has
squeezed his last drop from the British lemon.
Speech at the Albert Hall,
March 18, 1931
Our right and our power to restrict Indian constitutional
liberties are unchallengeable. Our obligation to persevere in
associating the peoples of India with their own government is
undoubted. We are free to call a halt. We are free, for the
326 A CHURCHILL READER
time being, to retrace our steps, to retire in order to advance
again.
Speech at the Indian Empire
Society, February 12, 1930
[A Commission under Sir John Simon (the late Lord Simon)
was sent to India to report on the constitutional changes
shown to be desirable by the working of the Act o 1920.
Sir Winston was pointing out that the Commission was not
bound to recommend advances. In fact, it did recommend
advances mainly in the direction of greater provincial au
tonomy. Its proposals were rejected by the Congress Party,
and the British Government called a Round Table Confer
ence to discuss the Report. These discussions resulted in
large extensions of the proposals of the Report, but not in
agreement. The Government thereupon framed a new Act,
going beyond the Report. Sir Winston took the view that
the proposals in the Report were an absolute maximum.]
We believe that the next forward step is the development
of Indian responsibility in the provincial government of
India. Efforts should be made to make them more truly rep
resentative of the real needs of the people. Indians should be
given ample opportunities to try their hand at giving capable
government in the provinces; and meanwhile the central Im
perial executive, which is the sole guarantee of impartiality
between races, creeds, and classes, should preserve its sover
eign power intact, and allow no derogation from its responsi
bility to Parliament.
Speech at the Albert Hall,
March 18, 1931
How will the British nation feel about all this? I am told
that they do not care. I am told that from one quarter or
ON INDIA 327
another they are worried by unemployment or taxation or
absorbed in sport and crime news. The great liner is sinking
in a calm sea. One bulkhead after another gives away; one
compartment after another is bilged; the list increases; she is
sinking; but the captain and the officers and the crew are all
in the saloon dancing to the jazz band. But wait till the
passengers find out what is their position.
Speech in the House, January
26, 1931
[Sir Winston was arguing that the proposals of the Round
Table Conference would lead to a complete severance be
tween Britain and India.]
Where there have been differences between Indians and
Great Britain, some adjustment has been made by Great
Britain giving way; but as to differences between Indians
themselves, there has not been one concession, not one diffi
culty has been solved or surmounted. Nevertheless, on we
go, moving slowly, in a leisurely manner, jerkily onwards,
towards an unworkable conclusion, crawling methodically
towards the abyss which we shall reach in due course.
Speech in the House, July 9,
1931
You will ask me what, then, are we to make of our promises
of Dominion status and responsible government. Surely we
cannot break our word! There I agree. The formal, plighted
word of the King-Emperor is inviolable. It does not follow,
however, that every Socialist jack-in-office can commit this
great country by his perorations. . . . Except as an ultimate
visionary goal, Dominion status like that of Canada or Aus-
328 A CHURCHILL READER
tralia is not going to happen in India in any period which we
can even remotely foresee.
Speech at Manchester, January
30, 1931
Meanwhile, as if to strike a note of realism to Pandits,
Mahatmas, and those who now claim to speak for the helpless
Indian masses, the Frontier is astir; and British officers and
soldiers are giving their lives to hold back from the cities and
peace-time wealth of India the storm of Pathan inroad and
foray.
Letter, April 16, 1937
These principles stand in their full scope and integrity. No
one can add anything to them, and no one can take anything
away. The good offices of Sir Stafford Cripps were rejected by
the Indian Congress Party. This, however, does not end the
matter. The Indian Congress Party . . . does not represent
the majority of the people of India It is a political organi
sation built around a party machine and sustained by certain
manufacturing and financial interests. Outside that party
and fundamentally opposed to it are the 90,000,000 Moslems
in British India; the 50,000,000 Depressed Classes . . . and the
95,000,000 subjects of the princes of India Upwards of a
million Indians have volunteered to serve the cause of the
United Nations In these last two months, when Congress
has been measuring its strength against the Government of
India, more than 140,000 new volunteers for the Army have
come forward in loyal allegiance to the King-Emperor, thus
surpassing all records, in order to defend their native land.
Statement in the House, Sep
tember 10, 1942
ON INDIA 329
[The situation in India on the outbreak of war in 1939 was
that Provincial Governments were functioning, but no prog
ress had been made towards the formation of a Federal
Government of All India. When the Japanese joined in
the war and advanced to the gates of India the attitude of
the Congress Party, dominated by Mr. Gandhi, was that the
British should quit India and only passive resistance be
offered to the Japanese. This attitude and particularly its
practical interpretation as the immediate production of
chaos behind the front, received little active support from
Indians. Nevertheless Sir Winston s Government resolved
to try to come to terms with Congress and dispatched
Sir Stafford Cripps to India in March 1942. He offered a
self-governing Dominion status, to become effective im
mediately after the war. At Mr. Gandhi s instigation, Con
gress after much hesitation rejected this offer. Mr. Gandhi
and other Congress leaders, having continued their efforts
to frustrate the successful conduct of the war, were interned.
Sir Winston thereupon made a statement that the Cripps
offer was still open and constituted settled British policy.]
All sorts of greedy appetites have been excited, and many
itching fingers are stretching and scratching at the vast pillage
of a derelict Empire.
Speech at the Albert Hall,
March 18, 1931
We wonder whether the traveller shall some day inspect,
with unconcerned composure, the few scraps of stone and
iron which may indicate the British occupation of India. . . .
Yet perhaps, if that unborn critic of remote posterity would
remember that "in the days of the old British" the rice crop
had been more abundant, the number of acres under cultiva
tion greater, the population larger, and the death-rate lower,
330 A CHURCHILL READER
than at any time in the history of India we should not be
without a monument more glorious than the pyramids.
"The Story of the Malakand
Field Force"
It is the duty of us all ... to try our best to make this new
expression of the unity of the world-wide association of States
and nations a practical and lasting success, and that is the
course which we on this side of the House intend to steer.
I feel that the tides of the world are favourable to our voyage.
. . . The pressure of dangers and duties that are shared in
common by all of us in these days may well make new harmo
nies with India ... we may also see coming into view an ever
larger and wider synthesis of States and nations comprising
both the United States of America and United Europe which
may one day, and perhaps not a distant day, bring to harassed
and struggling humanity real security for peace and freedom
and for hearth and home.
Speech in the House, April 28,
1949
[Result of Commonwealth Prime Ministers Conference in
London at which India declared that she was to become a
sovereign independent republic but would still continue
her full membership of the Commonwealth of Nations.]
The loyalty of the Indian Army to the King-Emperor, the
proud fidelity to their treaties of the Indian Princes, the un
surpassed bravery of Indian soldiers and officers, both Moslem
and Hindu, shine for ever in the annals of war.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
ON INDIA
331
Our Imperial mission in India is at an end we must
recognise that. Some day justice will be done by world opin
ion to our record there, but the chapter is closed ... we must
look forward. It is our duty, whatever part we have taken in
the past, to hope and pray for the well-being and happiness of
all the peoples of India ... we must wish them all well and
do what we can to help them on their road. Sorrow may lie
in our hearts but bitterness and malice must be purged from
them, and in our future more remote relations with India we
must rise above all prejudice and partiality and not allow our
vision to be clouded by memories of glories that are gone
for ever.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1948
16
On Foreigners
This chapter records Sir Winston s comments on foreigners,
except Russians, Indians, and Americans, who are treated
separately.
INo PEOPLE in the world has received so much verbal sym
pathy and so little practical support as the Boers. If I were a
Boer fighting in the field and if I were a Boer I hope I
should be fighting in the field I would not allow myself to
be taken in by any message of sympathy.
Maiden speech in the House
of Commons, February 18,
1901
[This sentiment was viewed with horror by the Conservative
Government and was the first step towards a change of
party. Sir Winston, like many natural soldiers, is constitu
tionally unable to refrain from acknowledging good quali
ties in his enemies. Later in the speech he urged that "the
small independence [of the Boers] must be merged in the
larger liberties of the British Empire/ and spoke of them as
ON FOREIGNERS 333
"a brave and enduring foe/ He was able to translate this
advocacy into action as a member of the Liberal Govern
ment which passed the Union of South Africa Act.]
"What can you expect," was the answer characteristic of
the Boer the privileged of God "from fighting on a
Sunday?"
"Ian Hamilton s March"
[The scene is the disaster at Majuba, when Ian Hamilton
remarked to a Boer: "This is a bad day for us."]
One thought to find the President [Kruger] stolid old
Dutchman seated on his stoep, reading his Bible and smok
ing a sullen pipe. But ... on the Friday preceding the British
occupation he left the capital . . . taking with him a million
pounds in gold, and leaving behind him a crowd of officials
clamouring for pay, and far from satisfied with the worthless
cheques they had received.
"Ian Hamilton s March"
[The scene is the fall of Pretoria, capital of the Transvaal.]
An immense responsibility rests upon the German people
for this subservience to the barbaric idea of autocracy. This
is the gravamen [of the charge] against them in history
that, in spite of all their brains and courage, they worship
Power, and let themselves be led by the nose.
"Great Contemporaries"
Ah! foolish diligent Germans, working so hard, think
ing so deeply . . . poring over long calculations, fuming in
newly-found prosperity, discontented amid the splendour of
334 A CHURCHILL READER
mundane success, how many bulwarks to your peace and glory
did you not, with your own hands, successively tear down!
"The World Crisis 9
He said people were trying to ring Germany round and put
her in a net I said, how could she be netted when she had
an alliance with two other first-class Powers, Austria-Hungary
and Italy? We had often stood quite alone for years at a time
without getting flustered.
"The World Crisis"
[Plus ga change, plus c est la meme chose. These words by
Count Metternich, German Ambassador in 1911, were often
echoed by Hitler.]
There was a man who fired the shots that killed the Arch
duke and his wife at Sarejevo [Princip]. There was the man
who, deliberately accepting the risk of a world war, told the
Austrian Emperor that Germany would give him a free hand
against Serbia and urged him to use it [the ex-Kaiser]. There
was the man who framed and launched the ultimatum to
Serbia [Berchtold].
"The World Crisis"
[On responsibility for the war of 1914-18.]
Alone upon his rocky pinnacle from which the tide of time
had sunk, this venerable, conscientious functionary contin
ued in harness, pulling faithfully at the collar, mostly in the
right direction, until the last gasp.
"The World Crisis"
[On the Emperor Francis Joseph.]
ON FOREIGNERS 335
There are a few points on which I am not convinced. Of
these, the greatest is the question of the use of submarines to
sink merchant vessels. I do not believe this would ever be
done by a civilised Power.
Memo to Lord Fisher, January
1, 1914
[It seems difficult to believe that this was the overwhelm
ing naval opinion before 1914.]
To steam at full speed or at a high speed for any length of
time on any quest was to use up his life rapidly. He was a cut
flower in a vase, fair to see, yet bound to die, and to die very
soon if the water was not constantly renewed.
"The World Crisis"
[On Admiral Von Spee between the battles of Coronel and
the Falkland Islands.]
Of course, there never was a German submarine in Scapa.
... At the very end of the war, in November 1918, after the
mutiny of the German Fleet, a German submarine manned
entirely by officers seeking to save their honour, perished in
a final desperate effort.
"The World Crisis"
It was the fateful weakness of the German Empire that its
military leaders, who knew every detail of their profession
and nothing outside it, considered themselves and became
arbiters of the whole policy of the State. In France, through
out the war, even in its darkest and most convulsive hours,
the civil Government, quivering to its foundations, was
nevertheless supreme. . . .
336 A CHURCHILL READER
In England Parliament was largely in abeyance. . . . But
there existed a strong political caste and hierarchy which, if
it chose to risk its official existence, could grapple with the
"brass hats/ In the United States, the civil element was so
overwhelmingly strong that its main need was to nurture and
magnify the unfledged military champions.
"Thoughts and Adventures"
The Battle of Tannenberg inaugurated the memorable
partnership of Hindenberg and Ludendorff. ... It stands
among the renowned associations of Great Captains in
history.
"The World Crisis"
[Sir Winston epitomised the association by inventing for it
a joint monogram thus K. He clearly had in mind the
association of Marlborough and Eugene.]
During the whole war the Germans never lost in any phase
of the fighting more than the French whom they fought and
frequently inflicted double casualties upon them. ... In all
the British offensives, the British casualties were never less
than three to two and often nearly double the corresponding
German losses.
"The World Crisis"
[Sir Winston completely disproved the claims made for a
"war of attrition" by giving the relative casualties. It is,
however, not irrelevant that the Germans could stand their
lesser casualties less than the Allies could stand greater.]
From the moment when he received the news of the total
evacuation of the Gallipoli Peninsula, the opportunity of
General von Falkenhayn, Chief of the German General Staff,
ON FOREIGNERS 337
was to pronounce the word "Roumania." He pronounced
instead the word "Verdun."
"The World Crisis"
[This is not the only passage in which Sir Winston disputes
the infallibility of the German General Staff. Falkenhayn,
in his memoirs, however, gives the reasons which induced
him to attack Verdun. He hoped to bleed the French Army
to death. So he did, in fact, but the army did not die until
twenty-five years later.]
The total defeat of Germany was due to three cardinal mis
takes: the decision to march through Belgium, regardless of
bringing Britain into the war; the decision to begin the un
restricted U-boat war, regardless of bringing the United States
into the war; and thirdly, the decision to use the forces lib
erated from Russia in 1918 for a final onslaught on France.
"The World Crisis"
The faithful armies were beaten at the front and de
moralised from the rear. The proud, efficient Navy mutinied.
Revolution exploded in the most disciplined and docile of
States. The Supreme War Lord fled.
"The World Crisis"
[On the German collapse in 1918.]
In the sphere of force, human records contain no mani
festation like the eruption of the German volcano. For four
years Germany fought and defied the five continents of the
world by land, sea, and air. . . . Surely, Germans, for history
it is enough! Is this the end? Is it merely to be a chapter in
a cruel and senseless story? . . . Will our children bleed and
338 A CHURCHILL READER
gasp again in devastated lands? Or will there spring from
the very fires of conflict that reconciliation of the three giant
combatants which would unite their genius and secure to
each in safety and freedom a share in rebuilding the glory
of Europe?
"The World Crisis 9
Here is the forward path [European Unity] upon which we
must march if the thousand-year feud between Gaul and
Teuton is to pass from its fierce destructive life into the fading
romance of history.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, March 28, 1950
Upon the brow from which the diadem of empire had been
smitten he [Mr. Lloyd George] would have set a crown of
martyrdom; and Death, with an all-effacing gesture, would
have re-founded the dynasty of the Hohenzollern upon a
victim s tomb.
"Great Contemporaries"
[On the ex-Kaiser. One of the slogans at the General Elec
tion of 1918 was "Hang the Kaiser." It fortunately proved
impossible to induce the Dutch to give up the posturing
refugee, and he was allowed to stagnate in growing oblivion
and obscurity.]
The draft treaty presented to the Germans prescribed the
absolute cession of Upper Silesia, after the Ruhr the richest
iron and coal district in the German Empire, to the Poles.
This was the greatest blot upon the draft treaty with
Germany. . . .
The moulds into which Central and Southern Europe has
ON FOREIGNERS 339
been cast were hastily and in part roughly shaped, but they
conformed for all practical purposes with much exactness to
the general design; and according to the lights of the twen
tieth century that design sees true.
"The World Crisis 9
The great objective of the Prime Minister s [Mr. Lloyd
George s] policy has been ... to be their [the Bolsheviks ]
protectors and sponsors before Europe. I have been unable
to discern any British interest, however slight, in this.
Letter to Lord Curzon, April
26, 1922
The Treaty of Locarno may be regarded as the Old World
counterpart of the Treaty of Washington. . . . These two
august instruments give assurance to civilisation. They are
the twin pyramids of peace rising solid and unshakable on
either side of the Atlantic.
"The World Crisis"
[Internal evidence suggests that this passage was written
about 1928.]
Hindenberg had nothing to learn from modern science and
civilisation except its weapons; no rule of life but duty. . . .
In the last phase we see the aged President, having betrayed
all the Germans who had re-elected him to power, joining
reluctant and indeed contemptuous hands with the Nazi
leader. There is a defence for all this ... he had become
senile.
"Great Contemporaries"
340 A CHURCHILL READER
When Hitler began, Germany lay prostrate at the feet of
the Allies. He may yet see the day when what is left of
Europe will be prostrate at the feet of Germany.
"Great Contemporaries"
There can never be friendship between the British democ
racy and the Nazi power that power which spurns Chris
tian ethics, which cheers its dupes onward by a barbarous
paganism which vaunts the spirit of aggression and conquest,
which derives strength and perverted pleasure from persecu
tion, and uses, as we have seen, with pitiless brutality the
threat of murderous force.
Speech on the Munich Agree
ment, October 5, 1938
Is he [Hitler] going to try to blow up the world or not?
The world is a very heavy thing to blow up! An extraordi
nary man at a pinnacle of power may create a great explosion,
and yet the civilised world may remain unshaken. The
enormous fragments and splinters of the explosion may
clatter down upon his own head and destroy him . . . but
the world will go on.
Speech at the City Carlton
Club, June 28, 1939
Thus by every device, from the stick to the carrot, the
emaciated Austrian donkey is made to pull the Nazi barrow
up an ever-steepening hill.
Letter, July 6, 1938
[Sir Winston is referring to the consequences of Hitler s rape
of Austria in 1938.]
ON FOREIGNERS 341
Two years ago it was safe [to stand up to the dictators],
three years ago it was easy, and four years ago a mere dispatch
might have rectified the position. But where shall we be a
year hence? Where shall we be in 1940?
Speech in the House of Com
mons, March 24, 1938
Mr. Lansbury said just now that he and the Socialist Party
would never consent to the rearming of Germany. But is he
quite sure that the Germans will come and ask him for his
consent before they rearm? Does he not think they might
omit that formality and go ahead without even taking a card
vote of the T.U.C.?
Speech in the House of Com
mons, November 7, 1933
Sir John Simon said it was the first time Herr Hitler had
been made to retract in any degree. [ The course of events]
can be very simply epitomised. ... 1 was demanded at the
pistol s point [at Berchtesgaden]. When it was given, 2
were demanded at the pistol s point [at Godesberg]. Finally
[at Munich] the dictator consented to take 1 Vis. 6d. and
the rest in promises of good will for the future.
We have sustained a total and unmitigated defeat.
The German Dictator, instead of snatching the fruits of
victory from the table has been content to have them served
to him, course by course.
Silent, mournful, abandoned, broken, Czechoslovakia re
ceded into the darkness. ... I think you will find that in a
period of time which . . . may be measured only by months,
she will be engulfed in the Nazi regime.
Speech in the House of Com
mons on the Munich Agree
ment, October 5, 1938
342 A CHURCHILL READER
The proud German Army by its sudden collapse, sudden
crumbling and breaking up, has once again proved the truth
of the saying, "The Hun is always either at your throat or at
your feet."
Speech in U.S. Congress, May
19, 1943
I repeat the prayer around the louis d or: "Dieu prot&ge
la France/
Broadcast to France, October
21, 1940
[The legend in question ran around the rim of the French
twenty-franc Royal gold piece, where English coins are
milled. The same legend is also found on coins of Napoleon
as First Consul, both the five-franc and the twenty-franc
coins.]
For good or for ill the French people have been effective
masters in their own house, and have built as they chose upon
the ruins of the old regime. They have done what they like.
Their difficulty is to like what they have done.
Letter, September 18, 1936
Frenchmen! For more than thirty years in peace and war
I have marched with you, and I am marching still along the
same road.
Broadcast to France, October
21, 1940
All my life I have been grateful for the contribution France
has made to the glory and culture of Europe above all for
ON FOREIGNERS 343
the sense of personal liberty and the rights of man that has
radiated from the soul of France.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, August 2, 1944
The Almighty in His infinite wisdom did not see fit to
create Frenchmen in the image of Englishmen. In a State
like France, which has experienced so many convulsions
Monarchy, Convention, Directory, Consulate, Empire, Mon
archy, Empire, and finally Republic there has grown up
a principle founded on the droit administratif which un
doubtedly governs the action of many French officers and
officials in times of revolution and change. It is a highly
legalistic habit of mind, and it arises from a subconscious
sense of national self-preservation against the dangers of sheer
anarchy. For instance, any officer who obeys the command
of his lawful superior or of one whom he believes to be his
lawful superior is absolutely immune from subsequent pun
ishment.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
By all kinds of sly and savage means he [Hitler] is plotting
and working to quench for ever the fountain of characteristic
French culture and of French inspiration to the world. . . .
Never will I believe that the soul of France is dead.
Broadcast to France, October
21, 1940
The reasons why France does not present herself in her full
strength at the present time are not to be found among the
working masses, who are also the soldiers of France, but in
344 A CHURCHILL READER
certain strata of the middle-class and the well-to-do. Some
thing of this kind can also be seen in Great Britain.
Letter, December 1, 1938
France, though armed to the teeth, is pacifist to the core.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, November 23, 1932
There was at this time in Britain a tendency to believe that
France was needlessly militarist and obstructing disarma
ment. Hitler s flying start in the following year was not a
little due to this obsession.
Anglo-French relations were at their worst. . . . But, after
all, these had been only superficial difficulties, like bad man
ners between good friends.
"The World Crisis"
We can see more clearly across the mists of time how
Hannibal conquered at Cannae than why Joffre won at the
Maine.
"The World Crisis"
Fortune lighted his [Foch s] crest In 1914 he had saved
the day by refusing to recognise defeat. In 1915 and 1916 he
broke his teeth upon the Impossible. But 1918 was created
for him.
"Great Contemporaries"
[This is at once too flattering and too censorious. In 1914
Foch nearly lost the war by his conduct of the battle of Mor-
hange. In the two subsequent years his attacks in Picardy
and on the Somme were relatively successful. The verdict
on 1918 is correct.]
ON FOREIGNERS 345
P^tain was of all others fitted to the healing task ... he
thus restored by the end of the year [1917] that sorely tried,
glorious army upon whose sacrifices the liberties of Europe
had through three fearful campaigns mainly depended.
"The World Crisis"
[General (afterwards Marshal) Ptain had to deal with the
mutineers in the French Army after the failure of Nivelle s
offensive in 1917. Though he was known as the "victor of
Verdun," his success in quelling this mutiny is by far his
truest title to fame.]
In the last four years I have had many differences with
General de Gaulle, but I have never forgotten, and can never
forget, that he stood forth as the first eminent Frenchman to
face the common foe in what seemed to be the hour of ruin
of his country, and possibly of ours.
Speech in the House, August
2, 1944
I have never lost faith in the French Army never!
Speech in Paris after libera
tion, November 12, 1944
I hold no brief for Admiral Darlan. Like myself, he is the
object of the animosities of Herr Hitler and of Monsieur
Laval. Otherwise I have nothing in common with him.
We all thought General Giraud was the man for the job
and that his arrival would be electrical. In this opinion,
General Giraud emphatically agreed.
Speech in the House of Com
mons in secret session, De
cember 10, 1942
346 A CHURCHILL READER
[Darlan, the Vichy second-in-command, who was on a visit
to Algiers, threw in his lot with the Allies. His services were
accepted and used by General Eisenhower. The condona
tion of his former co-operation with the enemy was hotly
criticised. As part of the invasion, General Giraud had
been helped by submarine to escape from France. He fought
bravely in 1940, had escaped from the Germans into "un
occupied" France early in 1942, and it was thought that he
would dissuade the French in Algeria from resisting our
landing.]
I declare to you . . . even now, when misguided or subnor
mal French are firing upon their rescuers . . . my faith that
France will rise again.
Speech at the Mansion House,
November 10, 1942
[At that moment French resistance to the Allied landings in
North Africa had not ceased.]
Skeletons with gleaming eyes and poisoned javelins glare
at each other across the ashes and rubble heaps of what was
once the august Roman Empire.
Europe, the Mother Continent and fountain source not
only of the woes, but of most of the glories of modern civili
sation.
From an article in Collier s
Magazine on the need for a
United States of Europe^
December 1946
I am now going to say something that will astonish you.
The first step in the re-creation of the European family must
be a partnership between France and Germany. In this way
ON FOREIGNERS 347
only can France recover the moral and cultural leadership
of Europe. There can be no revival of Europe without a
spiritually great France and a spiritually great Germany.
Speech at Zurich, September
19, 1946
To me the aim of ending the thousand-year strife between
France and Germany seemed a supreme object. If we could
only weave Gaul and Teuton so closely together economically,
socially and morally as to prevent the occasion of new
quarrels, and make old antagonisms die in the realisation of
mutual prosperity and interdependence, Europe would rise
again. It seemed to me [in 1925] that the supreme interest
of the British people in Europe lay in the assuagement of the
Franco-German feud, and that they had no other interests
comparable or contrary to that. This is still my view today.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
It may be that the father, or son, or a friend ... is called
out and taken off into the dark, and no one knows whether
he will ever come back again, or what his fate has been:
There are millions of humble homes in Europe . . . where
this fear is the main preoccupation of family life.
Elections have been proposed in some of these Balkan
countries where only one set of candidates is allowed to
appear and where . . . the governing party ... is the only one
which has the slightest chance. Chance, did I say? It is a
certainty.
Speech in the House, August
16, 1945
[Sir Winston was referring to conditions behind the "iron
curtain" in Soviet-controlled Europe.]
348 A CHURCHILL READER
Even an isolationist would, I think, go so far as to say: "If
we have to mix ourselves up with the Continent, let us, at
any rate, get the maximum of safety from our commitments/*
Speech in the House, March
24, 1938
[Sir Winston was arguing for a defensive alliance with
France as a deterrent to Hitler. There was, at the time, an
idea that we should not again have to send an army to the
Continent, but could limit ourselves to naval and air action
and to munition-making.]
Quite apart from the good sense and moderation for which
the Japanese Government have become renowned. . . .
Speech on the Navy Estimates,
March 17, 1914
[Sir Winston was endorsing the renewal of the Anglo-
Japanese Alliance.]
Japan, with all her treachery and greed, remains unsub
dued. The injury she has inflicted . . . and her detestable
cruelties call for justice and retribution.
Broadcast, May 8, 1945
[Sir Winston was recalling that, even though Germany had
capitulated, another enemy remained. He was particularly
insistent because the Americans, to whom Japan was the
nearest and longest enemy of the two, had agreed to con
tribute so much to the defeat of Germany before the defeat
of Japan.]
Should Germany at any time make war in Europe, we may
ON FOREIGNERS 349
be sure that Japan will immediately light a second conflagra
tion in the Far East.
From a letter, November 27,
1936
China, as the years pass, is being eaten by Japan like an
artichoke, leaf by leaf.
Letter, September 3, 1937
I must admit that, having voted for the Japanese alliance
nearly forty years ago and having always done my very best
to promote good relations with the Island Empire of Japan;
and always having been a sentimental well-wisher to the
Japanese and an admirer of their many gifts and qualities,
I should view [war with them] with keen sorrow.
Speech at the Mansion House,
November 10, 1941, just a
month before Pearl Har
bour
These [secret] societies [in Japan], dazzled and dizzy with
their own schemes of aggression and the prospect of early
victories, have forced their country against its better judg
ment into war.
Speech to the American Con-
gress, December 26, 1941
The Japanese, whose game is what I may call to make hell
while the sun shines. . . .
Speech in the House, January
27, 1942
Tonight the Japanese are triumphant. They shout their
exultation round the world. We suffer. We are taken aback.
350 A CHURCHILL READER
We are hard pressed. But I am sure even in this dark hour
that "criminal madness" will be the verdict which history
will pronounce upon the authors of Japanese aggression.
Broadcast, February 15, 1942,
after the -fall of Singapore
There are few virtues which the Poles do not possess and
there are few errors they have ever avoided.
Speech in the House, after the
Potsdam Conference
[An embarrassing situation arose after victory in 1945 out
of Russian claims on former Polish territory and the pre
dominance of Russian influence in Warsaw. Sir Winston
was torn between recognition of the outstanding Polish
valour in the Allied cause and the complete intransigence
of some of the exiled Poles.]
The soul of Poland is indestructible . . . she will rise again
like a rock, which may for a spell be submerged by a tida]
wave, but which remains a rock.
Speech in the House, October
1, 1949
But it must be vividly impressed upon the Government of
Poland that the accession of Soviet Russia in good earnest to
the peace bloc of nations may be decisive in preventing war,
and will in any case be necessary for ultimate success. One
understands readily the Polish policy of balancing between
the German and the Russian neighbour, but from the mo
ment when the Nazi malignity is plain, a definite association
between Poland and Russia becomes indispensable.
Letter, May 4, 1939
ON FOREIGNERS 351
Every week his [Hitler s] firing-parties are busy in a dozen
lands. Monday he shoots Dutchmen; Tuesday, Norwegians;
Wednesday, French or Belgians stand against the wall; Thurs
day it is the Czechs who must suffer; and now there are the
Serbs and the Greeks to fill his repulsive bill of executions.
But always, all the days, there are the Poles.
Message to the Polish people.
May 3, 1941
I have no hostility for the Arabs. I think I made [as
Colonial Secretary] most of the settlements over fourteen
years ago governing the Palestine situation. The Emir
Abdullah is in Transjordania, where I put him one Sunday
afternoon in Jerusalem. But I cannot conceive that you will
be able to reconcile the development of the policy of the
Balfour Declaration with an Arab majority on the Legisla
tive Council.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 24, 1936
[Sir Winston has always been an upholder of the Balfour
Declaration, which promised a National Home in Palestine
to the Jews.]
It has been well said that wherever there are three Jews
it will be found that there are two Prime Ministers and one
leader of the Opposition. The same is true of this other
famous ancient race, whose stormy and endless struggle for
life stretched back to the fountain springs of human thought.
No two races have set such a mark upon the world. Both
have shown external oppressors, matched only by their own
ceaseless feuds, quarrels, and convulsions. The passage of
several thousand years sees no change in their characteristics
352 A CHURCHILL READER
and no diminution of their trials or their vitality. They have
survived in spite of all that the world could do against them,
and all they could do against themselves, and each of them
from angles so different have left us the inheritance of their
genius and wisdom. No two cities have counted more with
mankind than Athens and Jerusalem. Their messages in re
ligion, philosophy, and art have been the main guiding lights
of modern faith and culture. Centuries of foreign rule and
indescribable, endless oppression leave them still living, ac
tive communities and forces in the modern world, quarrelling
among themselves with insatiable vivacity. Personally I have
always been on the side of both, and believed in their in
vincible power to survive internal strife and the world tides
threatening their extinction.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
Whether we like it or not, the coming into being of a
Jewish State in Palestine is an event in world history to be
viewed in die perspective, not of a generation or a century,
but in the perspective of a thousand, two thousand, or even
three thousand years.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, January 26, 1949
The whole question of the Middle East might have been
settled on the morrow of victory, and an Arab Confederation
. . . and one Jewish State might have been set up which would
have given peace and unity throughout the whole vast scene.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, December 10, 1948
The Arab was an African reproduction of the Englishman;
ON FOREIGNERS 353
the Englishman a superior and civilised development of the
Arab.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the
Soudan"
To compare the life and lot of the African aboriginal
secure in the abyss of contented degradation, rich in that he
lacks everything and wants nothing with the long night
mare of worry and privation, of dirt, and gloom, and squalor,
lit only by gleams of torturing knowledge and tantalising
hope, which constitutes the lives of so many poor people in
England and Scotland, is to feel the ground tremble under
foot.
"My African Journey"
A palace intrigue secured the throne to Prince Theebaw,
and the new reign was inaugurated by an indiscriminate
massacre of the king s other sons, with their mothers, wives,
and children. Eight cartloads of butchered princes of the
blood were cast, according to custom, into the river. The
less honourable sepulchre of a capacious pit within the gaol
was accorded to their dependants.
"Lord Randolph Churchill"
[On conditions in Burma before the British annexation,
carried out when Lord Randolph was Secretary of State for
India.]
All the vigorous nations of the earth have sought and
are seeking to conquer. Even the feeblest cling to their pos
sessions with desperation. The Spaniards fought for the last
remains of their Empire with the last remains of their
strength. Few features strike the reader of modern Egyptian
history so strongly as the desire of educated classes to hold or
354 A CHURCHILL READER
regain the Soudan. In a nation where public spirit is almost
unknown, Cherif Pasha resigned rather than consent to the
abandonment of the southern provinces. Even cataleptic
China protests against dismemberment.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the
Soudan"
As soldiers, they lack both vices and virtues.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the
Soudan"
[On the Egyptian cavalry.]
Whatever is set to the Mahdi s account, it should not be
forgotten that he put life and soul into the hearts of his
countrymen and freed his native land from foreigners.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the
Soudan"
[On this principle of giving the devil his due, Sir Winston
sometimes said much the same about Hitler in the latter s
early days; but he never mistook the devil for an angel.]
I do not reproach the Dutch, our valiant allies of by-gone
centuries, dwelling as they do in the cage with the tiger, and
when we are asked to take as a matter of course interpreta
tions of neutrality which . . . inflict all the disadvantages
upon the defenders of freedom, I recall a saying of the late
Lord Balfour: "This is a singularly ill-contrived world, but
not so ill-contrived as that/
Broadcast , March 30, 1940
[Sir Winston was addressing all the neutrals in an attempt
to show that neutrality was impossible.]
ON FOREIGNERS 355
The recognition of their language is precious to a small
people.
Speech in the House, July 31,
1906, on the Transvaal Con
stitution
If the Chinese now suffer the cruel malice and oppression
of their enemies, it is the fault of the base and perverted
conception of pacifism their rulers have ingrained for two or
three thousand years in their people.
Letter, September 3, 1937
I am by no means sure that China will remain for genera
tions in the Communist grip. The Chinese said of them
selves several thousand years ago: "China is a sea that salts
all the waters that flow into it." There is another Chinese
saying about their country which dates only from the fourth
century. . . . "The tail of China is large, and will not be
wagged." I like that one. The British democracy approves
the principle of movable heads and unwaggable national
tails.
Speech to Congress, Washing
ton, January 17, 1952
Venizelos is entitled to plead that in going to Smyrna he
acted as mandatory for the four greatest Powers, but he went
as readily as a duck will swim.
"The World Crisis"
[The reference is to the Greek expedition in Ionia in 1920.
It was encouraged, particularly by Mr. Lloyd George, who
had inherited Gladstone s antipathy to the Turks. Two
years later it led to the rout of the Greek Army by Mustapha
356 A CHURCHILL READER
Kemal and the complete collapse of the Peace Treaty with
Turkey and of all M. Venizelos s lifelong dreams of a
Greater Greece.]
Whether Greece is a monarchy or a republic is a matter
for Greeks and Greeks alone to decide. All we wish you is
good, and good for all.
Speech in Athens, December
26, 1944
[After the liberation of Greece an attempt was made by the
Left-wing organisation known as E.LA.S. to seize power.
The British forces checked the attempt. Sir Winston paid a
visit to Athens to see what was happening, principally be
cause he had been accused of suppressing democracy in
Greece.]
Where clusters of petty parties have each their own set of
appetites, misdeeds, or revenges. . . .
Speech in the House, January
1945
[On the difficulty of forming and keeping a Coalition in
Greece.]
A boa constrictor, who had already covered his prey with
his foul saliva and then had it suddenly wrested from his coils,
would be in an amicable mood compared with Hitler . . .
and the rest of the Nazi gang when they experienced this
bitter disappointment.
Speech in the House, April 9,
1941
ON FOREIGNERS 357
[On March 27 a revolution took place in Yugoslavia which
overthrew the pro-Axis Government. Unhappily, that Gov
ernment had so disposed the Yugoslav Army that it proved
impossible to concentrate forces in time to make any sort of
a fight against the German invasion.]
"Love of Ireland" are the words which Sir John Lavery
has inscribed on his picture of the dead Irish leader. They
are deserved; but with them there might at the end be written
also "To England Honour and Good Will." A great Act of
Faith had been performed on both sides of the Channel, and
by that Act we dearly hoped that the curse of the centuries
would at last be laid.
"Thoughts and Adventures"
[On Michael Collins.]
This great act of faith on the part of the stronger Power
will not, I believe, be brought to mockery by the Irish people.
If it were, the strength of the Empire will survive the dis
appointment, but the Irish name will not soon recover from
the disgrace.
Speech on the Irish Treaty,
May 31, 1922
[Sir Winston had taken a leading part in the negotiations
with the Sinn Fein leaders which led to the setting up of the
Irish Free State.]
Let us now see what is the interest of Southern Ireland in
this matter. What is their heart s desire more than anything
else? [Hon. Members: A Republic.] Not at all; that is a
delusion, and my hon. Friends are absolutely at sea when
358 A CHURCHILL READER
they say so. A Republic is an idea most foreign to the Irish
mind, associated with the butcheries of Cromwell in their
minds and foreign to all the native genius of the Irish race,
which is essentially monarchical.
[Major C. Lowther: Why have they an Irish Republican
Army if it is so foreign to them?]
Irish Free State Bill-Second
Reading, February 16, 1922
There is a deal of substance in Mr. de Valera s declaration
that the Irish would resent the landing of any foreign Power
upon their shores. . . . But it seems to me that the danger is
. . . that Ireland might be neutral.
Speech in the House, May 5,
1938
[Sir Winston was protesting against the Chamberlain Gov
ernment s agreement to hand over to Eire the ports reserved
for British naval use under the Irish Treaty of 1920.]
The Spaniards have long memories; and I was not sur
prised when, in the Great War, they showed themselves ex
tremely frigid towards a combination which included the
descendants of the Napoleonic invaders, the United States
who had stripped them of the last vestiges of their Colonial
Empire, and Great Britain . . . who still held Gibraltar.
"Great Contemporaries"
The Spaniards, to whom democratic institutions carry
with them the hope of some great new advance and ameliora
tion, regarded Alfonso [XIII] as an obstacle to their progress.
The British and French democracies . . . regarded the king
as a sportsman; the Spaniards knew him as a ruler.
"Great Contemporaries"
ON FOREIGNERS 359
Some people think that our foreign policy towards Spain
is best expressed by drawing comical or even rude caricatures
of General Franco; but I think there is more in it than that.
Speech in the House, May 24,
1944
Malta is the first instance of an air force being maintained
against odds often of ten to one from a few airfields, all
under constant bombardment. ... It may be that presently
the German air forces attacking Malta will have to move
eastward to sustain the impending offensives against Southern
Russia. If so, we shall have topped the ridge.
Speech in the House in secret
session, April 23, 1942
We shall continue to operate on the Italian donkey at both
ends with a carrot and with a stick.
Reply at Press Conference in
America, May 1943, when
asked how a wobbling Italy
would be treated.
I wholeheartedly agree [with] the declaration against
Europe becoming a Third Force between America and
Russia and creating a "neutral geographical bloc." I should
myself regard the neutralisation of Germany, still more of
France and the rest of the six [Western European Powers]
as a disaster second only to actual war. It would simply mean
that not only Western Germany but the European States in
the neutral zone would be undermined and overcome one
by one and bit by bit exactly as we have seen Czechoslo
vakia devoured before our eyes.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, June 27, 1950
17
On America
Some of these quotations might almost equally well appear
in Chapter XIII, since a section of that chapter covers also
the ground of Anglo-American relations. They have been
included here because they seemed to possess a particularly
American slant.
J? OR AT LEAST two generations we were, as the American
writer Walter Lippman has reminded us, a guardian, and
almost a guarantor of the Monroe Doctrine upon which, as
Canning s eye foresaw, the free development of South
America was founded. We and the civilised world owe many
blessings to the United States, but have also in later genera
tions made our contribution to their security and splendour.
Westminster, May 7, 1946
If we are together nothing is impossible, and if we are
divided all will fail.
Speech at Harvard on Anglo-
American co-operation , Au
gust 1943
ON AMERICA 361
They [the United States in July 1918] also proposed to send
a detachment of the Young Men s Christian Association to
offer moral guidance to the Russian people.
"The World Crisis"
[In spite of his American affinities, Sir Winston has never
hesitated to criticise the substitution of gestures for policy.]
On the one hand, one hundred million strong, stood the
young American democracy. On the other cowered furtively,
but at the same time obstinately, and even truculently, the
old European diplomacy. Here young, healthy, hearty,
ardent millions, advancing so hopefully to reform mankind.
There, shrinking from the limelights, cameras and cinemas,
huddled the crafty, cunning, intriguing, high-collared, gold-
laced diplomatists. Tableau! Curtain! Slow music! Sobs;
and afterwards chocolates!
"The World Crisis"
[This is another instance of Sir Winston s exasperation with
the jejune ideas about Europe entertained in some quarters
in America, and notably by President Wilson.]
Should the United States become involved in war with
Japan, the British declaration will follow within the hour.
Speech at the Mansion House,
November 10, 1941, made
in vain to deter the Japa
nese from entering the war.
It would have been better for us to have said to the United
States: "Build whatever you will; your Navy is absolutely
ruled out of our calculations, except as a potential friend/
Speech in the House, May 13,
1932
362 A CHURCHILL READER
[Sir Winston was attacking the Treaty of London, embody
ing a measure of naval disarmament, on the ground that it
forbade us to meet our special naval problems.]
We must be very careful nowadays I perhaps all the
more because of my American forebears in what we say
about the American Constitution. I will therefore content
myself with the observation that no Constitution was ever
written in better English ... we have much more than that
in common with the great Republic. The key-thought alike
of the British Constitutional Monarchy and the Republic
of the United States of America is a hatred of dictatorship.
Both here and across the ocean over the generations and the
centuries, the idea of the division of power has lain deep at
the root of our development. We do not want to live under
a system dominated either by one man or one theme. Like
nature, we follow in freedom the paths of variety and
change. . .
Westminster Hall, May 27,
1953
You [America] may be larger and we [Britain] may be the
older. You may be the stronger, sometimes we may be the
wiser.
New York, March 25, 1949
I can only hope that the American people will not suppose
that the House of Commons is unfriendly to them or that
we are simply naggers and fault finders.
Speech in the House, July 1,
1952
ON AMERICA 363
The American eagle sits on his perch, a large strong bird
with formidable beak and claws. There he sits motionless
and M. Gromyko [Russian delegate to the U.N.] is sent day
after day to prod him with a sharp-pointed stick now his
neck, now under his wings, now his tail feathers. All the
time the eagle keeps quite still. But it would be a great
mistake to suppose that nothing is going on inside the breast
of the eagle.
Speech in the House, June 5,
1946
I read the other day that an English nobleman . . . has
stated that England would have to become the 49th State
of the American Union. I read yesterday that an able Ameri
can editor had written that the United States ought not to be
asked to re-enter the British Empire. It seems to me . . . that
the path of wisdom lies somewhere between these scarecrow
extremes.
Virginia, U.S.A., March 8,
1946
I was driving the other day not far from the field of
Gettysburg, which I know well, like most of your battlefields.
It was the decisive battle of the American Civil War. No one
after Gettysburg doubted which way the dread balance of war
would incline, yet far more blood was shed after the Union
victory at Gettysburg than in all the fighting which went
before.
Speech to the American Con
gress, 1943
It excited my admiration. Hitherto I had thought of
Marshall as a rugged soldier and a magnificent organiser and
364 A CHURCHILL READER
builder of armies the American Carnot. But now I saw
that he was a statesman with a penetrating and commanding
view of the whole scene.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ 9 Vol. IV
[On General George Marshall, American war-time Chief of
Staff, later American Secretary of State and author of the
famous Marshall Plan for economic aid to the rest of the
free world.]
Among Englishmen I have a special qualification for such
an occasion, I am directly descended through my mother
from an officer who served in Washington s Army. And as
such I have been made a member of your strictly selected
Society of the Cincinnati. I have my pedigree supported by
affidavits at every stage if it is challenged. . . . The drawing
together in fraternal association of the British and American
people, and of all the people of the English-speaking world
may well be regarded as the best of the few good things that
have happened to us and to the world in this century of
tragedy and storm.
Speech at the Independence
Day Dinner at the Dorches
ter Hotel, London, July 4,
1950
Britain and the United States are working together, and
working for the same high cause. Bismarck once said that the
supreme fact of the nineteenth century was that Britain and
the United States spoke the same language. Let us make sure
that the supreme fact of the twentieth century is that they
tread the same path.
Speech to United States Con
gress, January 17, 1952
ON AMERICA 365
At the end I said to Ismay [to whom I am indebted for this
account], "What do you think of it?" He replied, "To put
these troops against German troops would be murder."
Whereupon I said, "You re wrong. They are wonderful
material and will learn very quickly." To my American
hosts, however, I consistently pressed my view that it takes
two years or more to make a soldier. Certainly two years
later the troops we saw in Carolina bore themselves like
veterans.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. IV
[Upon reviewing American troops training in Carolina on
June 24, 1942.]
To create great Armies is one thing; to lead them and to
handle them is another. It remains to me a mystery as yet
unexplained how the very small staffs which the United
States kept during the years of peace were able to not only
build up the armies and Air Force units, but also to find
the leaders and vast staffs capable of handling enormous
masses and of moving them faster and farther than masses
have ever been moved in war before.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
It would seem, as I wrote, that the sum of all American
fears is to be multiplied by the sum of all British fears, faith
fully contributed by each Service.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," VoL IV
[On differences of opinion between the American and Brit
ish Staffs on plans to exploit the Allied victory in North
Africa in 1942.]
366 A CHURCHILL READER
Two years later General Marshall told me at Malta how
astonished he was that we British had not suggested any
transfer of the command from Eisenhower to a British com
mander, although we had such an enormous superiority of
divisions engaged in the fighting for Tunis. This idea never
crossed my mind. It was contrary to the whole basis on
which the President and I had worked.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ 9 Vol. IV
I have never accepted a position of subservience to the
United States. They have welcomed me as the champion of
the British point of view. They are a fair-minded people.
Speech at Woodford Green,
October 10, 1951
It is not a matter of whether there is a war with China or
not, but whether there is a rift between Britain and the
United States or not. That is the thought that haunts me . . .
on every ground, national, European, and international, we
should allow no minor matters even if we feel keenly
about them to stand in the way of the fullest, closest,
intimacy, accord and association with the United States.
Speech in the House, May 10,
1951
What are those major themes [in foreign policy]? The first
is an ever closer and more effective relationship or, as I like
to call it, "fraternal association" with the United States . . .
in the ever closer unity of the English-speaking world lies the
main hope of human freedom and a great part of the hope
of our own survival.
Speech in the House, Decem
ber 10, 1948
ON AMERICA 367
The only hope is the intimacy and friendship which has
been established between us and between our High Staffs.
If that were broken I should despair of the immediate future.
... I need scarcely say the British Chiefs of Staff fully share
these views. I must add that I am more anxious about the
campaign of 1944 than about any other in which I have been
involved.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
Their [Americans ] national psychology is such that the
bigger the Idea the more wholeheartedly and obstinately do
they throw themselves into making it a success. It is an ad
mirable characteristic provided the Idea is good.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War; Vol. V
The two world wars of the terrible twentieth century have
turned the economic balance of power from the Old World
to the New. It is certain that Europe could not have survived
without the moral and material help which has flowed across
the ocean from Canada and the United States.
Ottawa, January 14, 1952
The Americans took but little when they emigrated from
Europe except what they stood up in and what they had in
their souls. They came through, they tamed the wilderness,
they became what old John Bright called "A refuge for the
oppressed from every land and clime." They have become
today the greatest State and power in the world, speaking our
language, cherishing our common law, and possessing, like
our great Dominions, in broad principle, the same ideals.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1947
368 A CHURCHILL READER
No people respond more spontaneously to fair play. If you
treat Americans well they always want to treat you better.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
I am very much interested in the question of Basic English.
The widespread use of this would be a gain to us far more
durable and fruitful than the annexation of great provinces.
It would also fit in with my ideas of closer union with the
United States by making it even more worth while to belong
to the English-speaking club.
Closing the Ring, ee The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
Anything like a serious difference between you and me
would break my heart, and would surely deeply injure both
our countries at the height of this terrible struggle.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec-
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Letter to President Roosevelt, April 12, 1942.]
I have frequently expressed, both publicly and privately,
the gratitude of the British nation for the generous help we
. . . have received [from America].
Speech in the House, June 9,
1953
For Mark Clark and Bedell Smith, the latter of whom
arrived early in September as Chief of Staff to Eisenhower,
I coined the titles "the American Eagle" and "the American
Bulldog/ You have to look at their photographs to see why.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec-
ond World War," Vol. IV
ON AMERICA 369
This service was felt by us all to be a deeply moving ex
pression of the unity of faith of our two peoples, and none
who took part in it will forget the spectacle presented that
sunlit morning on the crowded quarter-deck the sym
bolism of the Union Jack and the Stars and Stripes draped
side by side on the pulpit; the American and British chap
lains sharing in the reading of the prayers; the highest naval,
military, and air officers of Britain and the United States
grouped in one body behind the President and me; the close-
packed ranks of British and American sailors, completely
intermingled, sharing the same books and joining fervently
together in the prayers and hymns familiar to both.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
[The service was on the battleship Prince of Wales in Pla-
centia Bay, Newfoundland, at the first wartime meeting of
President Roosevelt and Sir Winston, in 1941.]
. . . Harry Hopkins, that extraordinary man. . . . His soul that
flamed out of a frail and failing body. . . . He was a crumbling
lighthouse from which there shone the beams that led great
fleets to harbour . . . slim, frail, ill, but absolutely glowing
with refined comprehension of the Cause. ... In the history
of the United States few brighter flames have burned.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War/ Vol.
Ill
[The late Harry Hopkins was President Roosevelt s Ambas-
sador-at-large, and repeatedly employed in confidential con
tacts with the British Government.]
370 A CHURCHILL READER
The United States has shown itself more worthy of trust
and honour than any government of men or associations of
nations, that has ever reached pre-eminence by their action
of the morrow of the common victory won by all.
New York, March 25, 1949
We give our thanks to the United States for the splendid
part they are playing in the world. . . . The sacrifices are very
great. In addition to the enormous sums sent to Europe
under Marshall Aid, the Atlantic Pact entails further sub
sidies for military supplies ... all this has to be raised by
taxation from the annual production of the hard-working
American people, who are not all Wall Street millionaires.
... I say that nothing like this process of providing these
enormous sums, very much more . . . than the whole of the
American revenue, for defence and assistance to Europe
nothing like this has ever been seen in all history. We ac
knowledge it with gratitude, and we must continue to play
our part ... as we are doing in a worthy manner and to the
best of our abilities.
Speech in the House, May 12,
1949
[Sir Winston was speaking on a motion approving of the
North Atlantic Treaty.]
We sedulously avoid all special associations with one party
or the other in the United States. Republicans and Demo
crats are the same to us. Our sympathies are with the
American nation and with those whom it chooses by the
process of democratic election to guide its vast affairs.
London, April 12, 1948
ON AMERICA 371
He [President Roosevelt] was the greatest American friend
that Britain ever found, and the foremost champion of free
dom and justice who has ever stretched strong hands across
the oceans to rescue Europe and Asia from tyranny and
destruction. ... I will go further and place on record my
conviction that in his life and by his action he changed, he
altered, decisively and permanently the social axis, the moral
axis of mankind by involving the New World inexorably and
irrevocably in the fortunes of the Old.
London, April 12, 1948
Silly people, and there were many, not only in enemy
countries might discount the force of the United States.
Some said they were soft, others that they would never be
united. They would fool around at a distance. They would
never come to grips. They would never stand blood-letting.
Their democracy and system of recurrent elections would
paralyse their war effort. They would be just a vague blur
on the horizon to friend or foe. Now we should see the
weakness of this numerous but remote, wealthy, and talka
tive people. But I had studied the American Civil War,
fought out to the last desperate inch. American blood flowed
in my veins. I thought of a remark which Edward Grey had
made to me more than thirty years before that the United
States is like "a gigantic boiler. Once the fire is lighted
under it there is no limit to the power it can generate."
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
[Commenting upon Pearl Harbour and America s entry into
the war.]
372 A CHURCHILL READER
In the military as in the commercial or production spheres
the American mind runs naturally to broad, sweeping, logi
cal conclusions on the largest scale. It is on these that they
build their practical thought and action. They feel that
once the foundation has been planned on true and compre
hensive lines all other stages will follow naturally and al
most inevitably. The British mind does not work quite in
this way. We do not think that logic and clear-cut principles
are necessarily the sole keys to what ought to be done in
swiftly changing and indefinable situations. In war particu
larly we assign a larger importance to opportunism and im
provisation, seeking rather to live and conquer in accordance
with the unfolding event than to aspire to dominate it often
by fundamental decisions. There is room for much argu
ment about both views. The difference is one of emphasis,
but it is deep-seated.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
We are told the Locarno Treaty failed and did not pre
vent the war. There was a very good reason for that. The
United States were not in it. Had the United States taken,
before the First World War or between the wars, the same
interest and made the same exertions to preserve peace and
uphold freedom which I thank God she is doing now, there
might never have been a first war and there would certainly
never have been a second. With their mighty aid, I have a
sure hope there will not be a third.
Margate, October 10, 1953
[In his famous speech of May 11, 1953, Sir Winston advo
cated new high-level talks on the line of the Locarno Pact,
1925.]
ON AMERICA 373
I must also give expression to our British sentiments about
all the valiant and magnanimous deeds of the United States
of America under the leadership of President Roosevelt, so
steadfastly carried forward by you, Mr. President [Mr. Tru
man], since his death in action. They will for ever stir the
hearts of Britons in all quarters of the world . . , and will, I
am certain, lead to even closer affections and ties than those
that have been fanned into flame by the two World Wars
through which we have passed with harmony and elevation
of mind.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War/ Vol.
VI
[Message to President Truman, May 9, 1945.]
I am very much in favour of "trade not aid" and of our
earning our living by all our toil and effort.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, June 9, 1953
[This was a phrase coined by Mr. R. A. Butler, to summarise
British desires to be allowed freer entry into the American
market, rather than receive help in the form of gifts or
loans.]
The key to our safety and survival is ... our alliance and
friendship with the United States. I was shocked last week
in the House of Commons to see how much anti-American
feeling there was among the Left-wing Government [Social
ist] supporters.
Glasgow, May 18, 1951
374 A CHURCHILL READER
Our first aim must be to preserve peace by helping the
United States to marshal effectively the whole strength of the
free and law-respecting nations. The core and life-thrust of
the world alliance of free peoples is of course the English-
speaking world united by language, literature, history and
tradition. The Empire and Commonwealth of Nations
joined to the United States in fraternal association form a
mass so vast and powerful that none would dare molest it,
and with this central force we should have the power to sus
tain and build up a united Europe lifted for ever above the
worn-out quarrels which have laid it in ruins.
Glasgow, May 18, 1951
Finally I said I could see small hope for the world unless
the United States and the British Commonwealth worked to
gether in fraternal association. I believed that this could
take a form which would confer on each advantages without
sacrifices. I should like the citizens of each, without losing
their present nationality, to be able to come and settle and
trade with freedom and equal rights in the territories of the
other. There might be a common passport or a special form
of passport or visa. There might even be some common
form of citizenship under which citizens of the U.S. and of
the British Commonwealth might enjoy voting privileges
after residential qualifications, and be eligible for public
office in the territories of each other; subject, of course, to
the laws and institutions there prevailing.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[A major difference between the state of the world after
the First and after the Second World Wars is] that the
United States, instead of retiring into isolation, instead of
ON AMERICA 375
demanding full and prompt payment of debts and disin-
teresting herself in Europe . , . has come forward step by
step . , . and has made the great counter-poise upon which
the freedom and the future of our civilisation depends.
Speech in the House of Com-
November 30, 1950
[The other "major difference" was the existence of a vast
Russian Army as the instrument of Communist expansion
ism.]
18
On Human Conduct
IN EVER give in! Never give in! Never, Never, Never, Never
in nothing great or small, large or petty never give in
except to convictions of honour and good sense.
Speech at Harrow School, Oc
tober 29, 1941
I admire men who stand up for their country in defeat,
even though I am on the other side.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
It is a fine thing to be honest, but it is also very important
to be right.
[Sir Winston was commenting upon the late Lord Baldwin,
whose honesty was proverbial but whose vision, in foreign
affairs, was often imperfect.]
It is always wise to look ahead, but difficult to look further
than you can see.
Speech in the House, July 23,
1952
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 377
Everyone has his day, and some days last longer than
others.
Speech in the House, January
30, 1952
Imagination, without deep and full knowledge, is a snare.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
Expert knowledge, however indispensable, is no substitute
for a generous and comprehending outlook upon the human
story, with all its sadness and with all its unquenchable hope.
Speech at Miami, February 26,
1946
The human story does not always unfold like a mathe
matical calculation on the principle that two and two make
four. Sometimes in life they make five or minus three; and
sometimes the blackboard topples down in the middle of the
sum and leaves the class in disorder and the pedagogue with
a black eye.
Speech in London, May 7,
1946
Men may make mistakes and learn from their mistakes.
. . . Men may have bad luck, and their luck may change.
Speech in the House, July 2,
1942
[When a Vote of Censure had been moved. At that moment
it seemed unlikely that the Alamein line would hold, but
even as Sir Winston spoke, it did hold, and the luck
changed.]
378 A CHURCHILL READER
I draw a distinction between mistakes. There is the mis
take which comes through daring what I call a mistake to
wards the enemy in which you must sustain your com
manders. . . . There are mistakes from the safety-first princi
ple mistakes of turning away from the enemy; and they
require a far more acid consideration.
Speech in the House, May 7,
1941
There is a precipice on either side of you a precipice of
caution and a precipice of over-daring.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 21, 1943
As long as you are generous and true, and also fierce, you
cannot hurt the world or even seriously distress her. She was
made to be wooed and won by youth. She has lived and
thrived only by repeated subjugations.
"Amid These Storms"
In sport, in courage, and in the sight of Heaven, all men
meet on equal terms.
"The Story of The Malakand
Field Force"
Young people at universities study to achieve knowledge
and not to learn a trade. We must all learn how to support
ourselves, but we must also learn how to live. We need a
lot of engineers in the modern world, but we do not want a
world of modern engineers.
Speech at Oslo, May 12, 1948
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 379
A man or woman earnestly seeking a grown-up life . . .
will make the best of all pupils in this age of clatter and buzz,
of gape and gloat,
Letter to the T.U.C. on Adult
Education^ March, 195)
Science burrows its insulated head in the filth of slaughter
ous inventions.
Newspaper article, September
1936
[Sir Winston was enunciating his favorite lesson that man s
ingenuity is largely prostituted.]
Unless the intellect of a nation keeps abreast of all ma
terial improvements, the society in which that occurs is no
longer progressing.
Speech at Bristol, October 19,
1949
Don t give your son money. As far as you can afford it,
give him horses.
"A mid These Storms" ad
vice to parents
I have always considered that the substitution of the in
ternal combustion engine for the horse marked a very
gloomy milestone in the progress of mankind.
Speech in the House, June 24,
1952
[Sir Winston has never been known to drive a motorcar.
Some eight years ago, he returned to his first love and pur-
380 A CHURCHILL READER
chased a racehorse Colonist II, which was signally suc
cessful.]
We must beware of needless innovations, especially when
guided by logic*
Reply in the House, December
17, 1942
[Sir Winston had been asked to rename the Minister o De
fence and the Secretary of State for War, on the ground that
their appellations were illogical.]
In all this advance of science there is one grand, outstand
ing, exception the healing arts. All that cures or banishes
disease, all that quenches human pain, and mitigates bodily
infirmity, is welcome whatever view you may take of religion,
philosophy, or politics.
Speech in London, July 10,
1951
Man in this moment of his history has emerged in greater
supremacy over the forces of nature than has ever been
dreamed of before. . . . There lies before him, if he wishes,
a golden age of peace and progress. All is in his hand. He
has only to conquer his last and worst enemy himself.
Speech in the House, March
28, 1950
The human race cannot make progress without idealism,
but idealism at other people s expense, and without regard
to the ruin and slaughter which fall upon millions of humble
homes, cannot be regarded as its highest or noblest form.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 381
Energy of mind does not depend on energy of body.
Energy should be exercised and not exhausted. Athletics are
one thing, and strategy another.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec-
. ond World War/ Vol. V
The whole prospect and outlook of mankind grew im
measurably larger, and the multiplication of ideas also pro
ceeded at an incredible rate. This vast expansion was un
happily not accompanied by any noticeable advance in the
stature of man either in his mental faculties or his moral
character. His brain got no better; but it buzzed more.
Massachusetts, U.S. A., March
31, 1949
Laws, just or unjust, may govern men s actions. Tyrannies
may restrain or regulate their words. The machinery of
propaganda may pack their minds with falsehood. . . . But
the soul of man thus held in trance or frozen in a long night
can be awakened by a spark coming from God knows where.
. . . Peoples in bondage need never despair.
Massachusetts, US. A., March
31, 1949
Little did we guess that what has been called "The Cen
tury of the Common Man" would witness as its outstanding
feature more common men killing each other with greater
facilities than any other five centuries put together in the
history of the world.
Massachusetts, U.S. A., March
31, 1949
Nothing daunted the valiant heart of man. Son of the
Stone Age, vanquisher of Nature with all her trials and mon-
382 A CHURCHILL READER
sters, he met the awful and self-inflicted agony with new
reserves of fortitude. The vials of wrath were full; but so
were the reservoirs of power.
"The World Crisis"
This revelation of the secrets of Nature, long mercifully
withheld from man, should arouse the most solemn reflec
tions. . . . We must indeed pray that these awful agencies
will be made to conduce to peace among the nations, and
that, instead of wreaking measureless havoc upon the entire
globe, they may become a perennial fountain of world pros
perity,
Statement on the first use of
the atom bomb, August 6,
1945
Logic, like science, must be the servant and not the master
of man. Human beings and human societies are not struc
tures that are built or machines that are forged. They are
plants that grow, and must be tended as such. Life is a test,
and this world a place of trial.
Speech in America, March 31,
1949
All wisdom is not new wisdom.
Speech in the House, October
5, 1938
Today we may say aloud before an awestruck world: "We
are still masters of our fate. We are still captains of our
souls."
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 9, 1941
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 383
[The phrase is adapted from Henley s lyric "Invictus."]
Never to surrender ourselves to servitude and shame, what
ever the cost and agony may be.
Broadcast, May 19, 1940, after
becoming Prime Minister
History with its flickering lamp stumbles along the trail
of the past, trying to reconstruct its scenes, to revive its
echoes, and kindle with pale gleams the passion of former
days.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 12, 1940
If truth is many-sided, mendacity is many-tongued. His
tory cannot proceed by silences. The chronicler of ill-
recorded times has none the less to tell his tale. If facts are
lacking, rumour must serve. Failing affidavits, he must build
with gossip,
(f Mar thorough, His Life and
Times"
The only guide to a man is his conscience; the only shield
to his memory is the rectitude and sincerity of his actions. It
is very imprudent to walk through life without this shield,
because we are so often mocked by the failure of our hopes;
but with this shield, however the Fates may play, we march
always in the ranks of honour.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 12, 1940
[Sir Winston was speaking of the death of Neville Chamber
lain, whom he had fought because wrong, but never because
insincere.]
384 A CHURCHILL READER
To work from weakness and fear is ruin. To work from
wisdom and power may be salvation.
Speech at Plymouth, July 15,
1950
I do not hold that we should rearm in order to fight. I
hold that we should rearm in order to parley.
Broadcast, October 8, 1951
Surely we must have an opinion between Right and
Wrong! Surely we must have an opinion between Aggressor
and Victim!
Speech in Manchester, May 9,
1933
[Sir Winston was answering the charge that his attack on
appeasement was due to some preconceived political
ideology.]
I cannot undertake to be impartial as between the Fire
Brigade and the fire.
[Retort to the suggestion that the British Gazette, of which
he was in charge during the General Strike of 1926, was not
impartial.]
How little can we foresee the consequences either of wise
or unwise action, of virtue or of malice. Without this meas
ureless and perpetual uncertainty, the drama of human life
would be destroyed.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War," Vol. I
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 385
Luckily, Life is not so easy as all that; otherwise we should
get to the end too quickly.
"Amid These Storms"
Life is a whole, and luck is a whole, and no part of them
can be separated from the rest.
[Remark prompted by his survival of the charge of the 21st
Lancers at Omdurman, when the subaltern commanding the
troop which he had expected to lead was killed.]
If you should be thrown into a quarrel, you should bear
yourself so that an opponent may be aware of it. ... Pug
nacity and will-power cannot be dispensed with.
Speech in the House of Com
mons, January 31, 1947
There is only one answer to defeat, and that is victory.
Speech in the House, June 10,
1941
We shall draw from the heart of suffering itself the means
of inspiration and survival.
Broadcast, September 11, 1940
However tempting it might be to some, when much trou
ble lies ahead, to step aside adroitly and put someone else
up to take the blows, I do not intend to take that cowardly
course, but, on the contrary, to stand to my post and per
severe.
Speech in the House, February
25, 1942
386 A CHURCHILL READER
[This speech was made at the height of disaster in the Far
East, when there was one of the periodic outcries that Sir
Winston should take less upon himself.]
Courage is rightly esteemed the first of human qualities
. . . because it is the quality which guarantees all others.
"Great Contemporaries"
The fortunes of mankind in its tremendous journeys are
principally decided for good or ill but mainly for good,
for the path is upward by its greatest men and its greatest
episodes.
Tribute to Lord Halifax, Jan
uary 9, 1941
In the problems which the Almighty sets his humble serv
ants things hardly ever happen the same way twice over, or,
if they seem to do so, there is some variant which stultifies
undue generalisation. The human mind, except when
guided by extraordinary genius, cannot surmount the es
tablished conclusions amid which it has been reared.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ VoL I
There is always much to be said for not attempting more
than you can do, and for making a certainty of what you
try. But this principle, like others in life, has its exceptions.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War/ VoL III
It is so much easier to stop than to do.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War/ VoL III
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 387
It is one thing to see the forward path and another to be
able to take it. But it is better to have an ambitious plan
than none at all.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War; 9 Vol. Ill
Safety is not to be found in searching for the line of least
resistance.
Speech in the House, February
15, 1951
To try to be safe everywhere is to be strong nowhere.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec-
ond World War," Vol. IV
"Britannia! Rule the Waves" an invocation, not a dec
laration of fact.
Speech in the House, April 19,
1951
[Sir Winston was correcting the common misquotation
"Britannia rules the Waves/ ]
I am reminded of the professor who, in his declining
hours, was asked by his devoted pupils for his final counsel.
He replied, "Verify your quotations."
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
The maxim "Nothing avails but perfection" may be spelt:
"Paralysis."
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
388 A CHURCHILL READER
In life people have first to be taught "Concentrate on
essentials." This is, no doubt, the first step out of confusion
and fatuity, but it is only the first step.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. V
When men are fighting for their lives, they are not often
disposed to be complimentary to those who are trying to
kill them.
Preface to Closing the Ring,
"The Second World War,"
Vol. V
After all, when you have to kill a man it costs nothing to
be polite.
[Sir Winston had been reproved for writing in urbane fash
ion to the Japanese Ambassador to inform him that Britain
and Japan were at war.]
In world affairs, it is no use indulging in hate and revenge.
They are most expensive and futile and self-destroying
luxuries by which one can squander the treasure accumu
lated by the valour of your sons and daughters.
Speech at Dover, August 15,
1951
Revenge is, of all satisfactions, the most costly and long
drawn-out; retributive persecution is, of all policies, the
most pernicious.
Speech in the House, October
28, 1948
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 389
One should be just before one is generous.
Speech in the House, July 30,
1951
Hate is a bad guide. I have never considered myself at all
a good hater though I recognise that from moment to mo
ment [hate] has added stimulus to pugnacity.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 6, 1950
You don t want to knock a man down except to pick him
up in a better frame of mind . . . and you may pick him up
in a better frame of mind.
Speech in New York, March
25, 1949
There is all the difference in the world between a man
who knocks you down and a man who leaves you alone.
Speech in the House, May 24,
1944
[Sir Winston was deprecating attacks on General Franco by
recalling his impenetrable neutrality.]
I had no idea in those days of the enormous and unques
tionably helpful part that humbug plays in the social life of
great peoples.
"Amid These Storms"
[This reflection was evoked by a settlement of the contro
versy about the promenade of the Empire Theatre, Leicester
Square, in the nineties. They were said by some to be a
haunt of vice. The bars were screened off so that they were
390 A CHURCHILL READER
not technically part o the promenade, and this compromise
placated the crusaders. Sir Winston was scornful at the time,
but afterwards wondered whether this touch of hypocrisy
was not salutary.]
We cannot have a band of drones in our midst, whether
they come from the ancient aristocracy, the modern plutoc
racy, or the ordinary type of pub-crawler.
Broadcast on the Four-Year
Plan of Reconstruction,
1943
A fanatic is one who can t change his mind and won t
change the subject.
Remark attributed to Sir Win
ston in New York, 1952
Don t argue the matter. The difficulties will argue for
themselves.
Memo to the Chief of Com-
bined Operations, May 30,
1942
[This is the document in which Sir Winston asked for a de
sign for landing piers, which developed into the "Mulberry"
the artificial harbours used in the Normandy landings.]
No idea is so outlandish that it should not be considered
with a searching but at the same time with a steady eye.
Speech in the House, May 23,
1940
Where does the family start? It starts with a young man
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 391
falling in love with a girl no superior alternative has yet
been found.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 6, 1950
The same, I trust, as it has been since the days of Adam
and Eve.
Reply to an American feminist
who asked what the role of
women should be in the fu
ture. January 1952
Many things in life are settled by the two-stage method.
For instance, a man is not prevented from saying "Will you
marry me, darling?" because he has not got the marriage
contract, drawn up by the family solicitors, in his pocket.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War y 9 Vol. V
It is hard, if not impossible, to snub a beautiful woman
they [sic] remain beautiful and the rebuke recoils.
"Savrola"
There is no doubt that it is around the family and the
home that all the greatest virtues, the most dominating vir
tues of human society, are created, strengthened, and main
tained.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 16, 1948, on the occa
sion of the birth of Prince
Charles
The accomplishment of the Christian ethic in our daily
life is the final and greatest word which has ever been said.
392 A CHURCHILL READER
Only on this basis can we reconcile the rights of the indi
vidual with the demands of society in a manner which can
bring happiness and peace to humanity.
Speech at Oslo, May 12, 1948
There is a great deal of difference between a factory and
a home.
Speech in the House, January
29, 1947
Elderly people and those in authority cannot always be
relied upon to take enlightened and comprehending views
of what they call the indiscretions of youth.
"Amid These Storms 3
When by extraordinary chance one has gained some great
advantage or prize and actually had it in one s possession . . .
the idea of losing it becomes insupportable.
"Amid These Storms"
There is no real gain to British democracy when some
family leaves the home of its ancestors and hands it over to
a transatlantic millionaire or war-time profiteer.
Speech in the House, April 15,
1930, against crippling rates
of surtax and of death du
ties
Parliament can compel people to obey or to submit, but
it cannot compel them to agree.
Speech in the House, Septem
ber 27, 1926
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 393
A hopeful disposition is not the sole qualification to be a
prophet.
Speech in the House, April 30,
1927
It is not open to the cool bystander ... to set himself up
as an impartial judge of events which would never have oc
curred had he outstretched a helping hand in time.
"The World Crisis"
[Sir Winston is referring to the fact that the U.S.A. which
remained neutral from 1914 to 1917 was the sharpest critic
of post-war Europe.]
After things are over, it is easy to choose the fine mental
and moral positions which one should adopt.
The Grand Alliance, <( The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
In countries where there is only one race broad and lofty
views are taken of the colour question. Similarly, States
which have no overseas colonies or possessions are capable of
rising to moods of great elevation and detachment about the
affairs of those who have.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
[Sir Winston was hinting at the "anti-colonialism" which
influenced American policy, notably in the Far East, for
some years after the Second World War.]
United wishes and goodwill cannot overcome brute facts.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. IV
394 A CHURCHILL READER
History unfolds itself by strange and unpredictable paths.
We have little control over the future; and none at all over
the past*
Speech in Washington, Jan
uary 16, 1952
There is no doubt that people like winning very much.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
Although always prepared for martydom, I preferred that
it should be postponed.
"Amid These Storms"
Everyone should do a good day s work and be accountable
for some definite task; and then they do not make trouble
for trouble s sake or to cut a figure.
The Gathering Storm, "The
Second World War/ Vol. I
The wicked are not always clever, nor are dictators always
right.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War; 9 Vol.
Ill
I see them guarding their homes, where mothers and wives
pray ah yes! For there are times when all pray for the
safety of their loved ones.
Broadcast, June 22, 1941,
after Hitler had invaded
Russia
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 395
["Them" are the Russian soldiers. The point is that Russia
was officially atheistical.]
Down the ages, above all other calls, comes the cry that
the joint heirs of Latin and Christian civilisation must not
be ranged against one another.
Appeal to Mussolini to remain
neutral in 1940, to which "a
dusty answer" was returned
[Sir Winston often returns to this theme, e.g., in his advo
cacy of a United States of Europe.]
Things do not get better by being left alone. Unless they
are adjusted, they explode with a shattering detonation.
"The World Crisis"
Unpunctuality is a vile habit.
"Amid These Storms"
It is better that one notability should be turned away ex
postulating from the doorstep than that nine just deputa
tions should each fume for ten minutes in a stuffy ante-room.
"Amid These Storms"
[The argument is that if you fall behindhand with your ap
pointments, you should cut one or more out altogether and
so catch up with the time-table.]
The truth is incontrovertible. Panic may resent it; ignor
ance may deride it; malice may distort it, but there it is.
Speech in the House, May 17,
1915
396 A CHURCHILL READER
[At the time, owing to the activities of Count Zeppelin,
there was an idea that the airship was the aeronautical
vehicle of the future. Sir Winston was contending, rightly,
that the airplane was greatly superior.]
Physician, comb thyself.
Speech in the House, May 23 y
1916
[In retort to the War Office which was asking for the "comb
ing out" of manpower in industries and other Departments.]
The idea that only a limited number of people can live in
a country is a profound illusion. It all depends on their
co-operative and inventive power. There is no limit to the
ingenuity of man if it is properly and vigorously applied
under conditions of peace and justice.
Speech in the House, January
26, 1949
How much easier it is to join bad companions than to
shake them off.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War/ 9 Vol. V
If one has to submit, it is wasteful not to do so with the
best grace possible.
Closing the Ring, "The Sec
ond World War," Vol. V
[The theme is that Sir Winston sometimes could not make
head against American ideas and always, in that case, gave
way gracefully.]
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 397
Defeat is one thing; disgrace is another.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
[This was the comment on the fall of Tobruk on June 20,
1942, to a single assault by Rommel, though the town had
held out all through the previous year.]
Free speech carries with it the evil of all foolish, unpleas
ant, and venomous things that are said; but on the whole
we would rather lump them than do away with it.
Speech in the House, July 15,
1952
It is better to have a world united than a world divided;
but it is also better to have a world divided than a world
destroyed.
Speech in the House, June 5,
1946
When I look back on all these worries, I remember the
story of the old man who said . . . that he had had a lot of
trouble in his life, most of which had never happened. Cer
tainly this is true of my life in September 1940.
Their Finest Hour, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. II
The fact that a number of crises break out at the same
time does not necessarily add to the difficulty of coping with
them. One set of adverse circumstances may counter-balance
and even cancel out another.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War/ Vol. IV
398 A CHURCHILL READER
It is better to be making the news than taking it.
[Remark prompted by his success on becoming a corre
spondent with the Malakand Field Force.]
A medal glitters, but it also casts a shadow.
Speech in the House, March
22, 1941
[Sir Winston was arguing against too profuse an award of
war decorations. Whatever definition of entitlement is de
vised, there are always some disqualified who feel heart
burnings.]
Everybody who knew Townshend loved him. This last
must always be considered a dubious qualification.
"Marlborough, His Life and
Times"
[The argument is that the affection of the public is often mis
placed as Sir Winston considered it to be in the case of
Mr. Baldwin.]
Consideration for the lives of others and the laws of hu
manity, even when one is struggling for one s life and in the
greatest stress, does not go wholly unrewarded.
Speech in the House, February
2, 1917
Each day exactly like the one before, with the barren ashes
of wasted life behind, and all the long years of bondage
stretching out ahead.
"Amid These Storms"
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 399
[Sir Winston, having been a prisoner in the Boer War, ex
plains why, as Home Secretary, he tried to ameliorate prison
life.]
Continue to pester, nag, and bite. Demand audiences.
Don t take "no" for an answer. Cling on to them.
The Grand Alliance, "The
Second World War," Vol.
Ill
[These were instructions sent to the British Minister in Bel
grade in March 1941, when attempts were being made to
induce Yugoslavia to resist German pressure.]
By a blessed dispensation, human beings forget physical
pain much more quickly than they do their joyous emotions
and experiences. A merciful Providence passes the sponge of
oblivion across much that is suffered, and enables us to
cherish the great moments of life and honour which come to
us in our march.
Speech in the House, October
21, 1949
Learn to get used to it. Eels get used to skinning.
Note for a speech delivered in
secret session, June 20, 1940
["It" was being bombed.]
Three times are a lot.
[Sir Winston s comment on the fact that three chances of
securing an "annihilating victory" at the Battle of Jutland
were missed.]
Trying to paint a picture is like trying to fight a battle. It
is, if anything, more exciting than fighting it successfully;
400 A CHURCHILL READER
but the principle is the same. It is the same kind of problem
as unfolding a long, sustained, interlocked argument.
"Thoughts and Adventures "
[Sir Winston is a successful painter; and his monograph
Painting as a Pastime is one of his most attractive works.]
We have all heard of how Dr. Guillotine was executed by
the instrument he invented. . , .
[Sir H. Samuel: He was not.]
Well, he ought to have been.
Speech in the House, April 29,
1931
Since they were henceforth to be doomed to an enforced
and inviolable chastity, the cause of their satisfaction is as
obscure as its manifestation was unnatural.
"River War; an Account of
the Reconquest of the Sou
dan"
[The reference is to the Mahdi s wives, who were asserted by
Slatin Pasha to be secretly delighted by their husband s
death.]
It may seem strange to speak of polo as an imperial factor,
but it would not be the first time in history that national
games have played a part in high politics.
"The Story of the Malakand
Field Force"
[Sir Winston refers to the effect of polo upon relations be
tween British and Indians.]
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 401
Soberness and restraint do not necessarily prevent the joy
ous expression of the human heart.
Retort to Mr. Aneurin Bevan,
May 1,
[Mr. Bevan had urged that the war still raging against
Japan should exercise a "sobering restraint" on jubilation
over victory in Europe.]
A vocabulary of truth and simplicity which will be of
service throughout life.
Speech at Harrow, November
7, 1952
[Comment on the Harrow School songs.]
When one wakes up after daylight one should breakfast;
five hours after that, luncheon. Six hours after luncheon,
dinner. Thus one becomes independent of the sun, which
otherwise meddles too much in one s affairs and upsets the
routine of work.
The Hinge of Fate, "The Sec
ond World War; 9 Vol. IV
As the great scroll of history unfolds, many complicated
incidents occur which it is difficult to introduce effectively
into the pattern of the likes and dislikes of the epoch in
which we live.
Speech in the House,, April 15,
1953
[Sir Winston was asked why we should go back to 1066 to
determine the present style and title of the Queen.]
402 A CHURCHILL READER
You must never make a promise which you do not fulfil.
Speech in the House, Novem
ber 11, 1942
[Sir Winston was being accused of breaking a promise to
Russia to open the Second Front in 1942. He was proving
that the charge was unfounded.]
The butterfly is the Fact gleaming, fluttering, settling
for an instant with wings fully spread to the sun, then van
ishing in the shades of the forest. Whether you believe in
Free Will or Predestination all depends on the slanting
glimpses you had of the colour of his wings.
"Amid These Storms"
A bullet in the leg will make a brave man a coward. A
blow on the head will make a wise man a fool. Indeed, I
have read that a sufficiency of absinthe can make a good man
a knave. The triumph of mind over matter does not seem
to be quite complete as yet.
"The Story of the Malakand
Field Force"
The end comes often early to such men whose spirits are so
wrought that they know rest only in action, contentment
only in danger, and in confusion find their only peace.
"Savrola"
Noble spirits yield themselves willingly to the successively
falling shades which carry them to a better world or to
oblivion.
"Marlborough, His Life and
Times"
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 403
It is no use doing things like this by halves. ... It would be
a great thing for you to succeed in this without bloodshed if
possible, but also with bloodshed if necessary.
Message to General Scobie in
Athens, December 5, 1944
[Sir Winston s resolve to help the Greek Government to
resist a Communist revolution was hotly criticised as "un
democratic" by many both in Britain and in America. He
persisted with success and subsequent general endorsement.]
When one writes things on paper to decide or explain
large questions affecting action, there is mental stress. But
all bites much deeper when you see and feel it on the spot.
Triumph and Tragedy, "The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
To gain one s way is no escape from the responsibility for
an inferior solution.
Triumph and Tragedy, f( The
Second World War," Vol.
VI
[Sir Winston was commenting on American insistence on
the invasion of southern France a course he held to be
inferior to sustaining the Armies in Italy and invading
Austria from the south.]
In war-time rationing is the alternative to famine. In
peace it may well become the alternative to abundance.
Speech at Devonport, Feb
ruary 9, 1950
404 A CHURCHILL READER
The redress of the grievances of the vanquished shoulc
precede the disarmament of the victors.
Maxim coined in 1929
The world also needs patience. It needs a period of calrr
rather than vehement attempts to produce clear-cut solu
tions. There have been many periods when prompt and
violent action might have averted calamities. This is not
one of them. Even if we entered on a phase of easement foi
five or ten years that might lead to something still bettei
when it ended.
Speech at Margate, Octobei
10, 1953
We must all do our best, and we shall do it much better if
we are not hampered by a cloud of pledges and promises
which arise out of the hopeful and genial side of man s na
ture and are not brought into relation with the hard facts of
life.
Note circulated to the Cabinet
on February 14, 1942, on
the Beveridge Report
It takes too poor a view of man s mission here on earth to
suppose that he is not capable of rising to his material
betterment far above his day-to-day surroundings. . . .
The dominant forces in human history have come from the
perception of great truths and the faithful pursuance of great
causes.
Speech in the House, March
28, 1950
ON HUMAN CONDUCT 405
Since Alfred Nobel died in 1896 we have entered an age
of storm and tragedy. The power of man has grown in every
sphere except over himself. Never in the field of action have
events seemed so harshly to dwarf personalities. Rarely in
history have brutal facts so dominated thought or has such a
widespread individual virtue found so dim a collective focus.
The fearful question confronts us; Have our problems got
beyond our control? Undoubtedly we are passing through a
phase where this may be so.
Speech on receiving the Nobel
Prize for Literature. The
speech was read by Lady
Churchill in Oslo, Decem
ber 10, 1953
Ind
ex
Abdullah, King, 351
Admiralty, the, 48-49
Agadir, 113, 196
Akund of Swat, the, 226
Alamein, Battle of, 41, 156, 236, 246-
47, 309, 377
Alexander, Field-Marshal Lord, 39,
115, 223, 246
Alfonso XIII, 358
Ambassadors Missions, 180
American Civil War, 363
American Constitution, 362
Angell, Sir Norman, 9
Antonine Age, British, 285
Antoninus Pius, 286
Antwerp, 69, 241-42
Appeasement, 145-46
Arabs, 352-53
Archangel, 89
Arctic Convoys, 211-12, 256-57
Asdics, 239
Asquith, H. H. (later Lord Oxford
and Asquith), 74
Asquith, Raymond, 108
Astor, Lady, 72
Atlantic Charter, 215, 216
Atom bomb, 239^0
Attlee, C. R., 117, 128, 277, 280
Auchinleck, General, 208
Austerlitz, Battle of, 248
Australia, 295
Austria, 340, 403
Baden, Margrave of, 8, 69
Baldwin of Bewdley, Lord, 13, 81-82,
83, 176, 197, 298, 376
Balfour, Lord, 104, 237, 351, 354
Baltic States, 95
Baruch, "Bernie," 101
Beatty, Admiral Lord, 108
Beaverbrook/Lord, 118
Belgrade, 97
Benes, President, 118-19
Benn, Wedgwood, 12
Berchtold, Count, 71, 334
Beresford, Lord Charles, 70-71
Berlin, 97
Bermuda, 64-65
Betting tax, 175-76
Bevan, Aneurin, 79-80, 401
Beveridge Plan, 169
Bevin, Ernest, 119
Birkenhead, 1st Earl of, 14, 27, 112
Blenheim, Battle of, 248
410
INDEX
Boers, 106, 332
Boothby, Mr., 146
Botha, General, 114
Boulogne, 291
Bowles, I. Gibson, 174
Bracken, Lord, 101
Briand, Aristide, 14
Bright, John, 367
British Empire, 30, 217, 286-88
British Foreign Policy, 151-52
British Gazette, 384
British people, 105, 282 et seq.
Brodrick, St. John, 209
Brown, Ernest, 145
Brussels, Treaty of, 188
Bucharest, 97
Budapest, 97
Bulgaria, 213-14
Buller, General Sir Redvers, 229
Burgoyne, General, 51
Burke, 95
Burma, 224-25
Butler, R. A., 189, 373
Byng, Lord, 40
Cairo, 57, 246
Calais, 291
Canada, 290-91
Cannae, Battle of, 248, 344
"Caretaker" Government, 179-80
Carolina, 365
Casey, R. G., 246
Centurion, H.M.S., 301
Cetewayo, 226
Chamberlain, Sir Austen, 20
Chamberlain, Neville, 4, 22, 82-83,
103, 171
Chaplin, Henry, 41
Charles VII of France, 173
Chartwell, 278
Chatham, Lord, 306
Chelmsford, Lord, 324
Cherif Pasha, 354
Cherwell, Lord, 53
China, 166, 349, 354, 355
"Chinese slaves," 173
Churchill, Lady, 94
Churchill, Lord Randolph, 2, 101-2,
144, 323, 353
Churchill, Lord Randolph, biography
of, 11
Cincinnati, Society of the, 364
Clark, General Mark, 368
Clemenceau, 8, 54r-55, 109-10, 117
Cocks, Seymour, 89
Collins, Michael, 28, 111, 357
Colonist II, 380
Commons, House of, 41-42
Coral Sea, Battle of the, 251-52
Coronel, Battle of, 335
Courtauld, Samuel, 76-77, 114
Cripps, Sir Stafford, 184, 189, 275,
328-29
Grossman, Richard, 268-69
Cupro-nickel coinage, 265
Curzon, Lord, 38, 69
Daily Mirror, 181
Dakar, 241
Dalton, Hugh, 69, 279
Dardanelles, 50, 199, 208-9, 249
Darlan, Admiral, 244, 345-46
Davies, Joseph E., 290
De Valera, Eamon, 80-81
Dieppe, 242
Doyle, Sir A. Conan, 8
Dowding, Air Chief Marshal, Lord,
308
Drunkenness, Churchill s view of, 18,
31,94
Duff Cooper (Lord Norwich), 51
Dunkirk, 249, 291
Eden, Anthony, 4, 115
Edward VIII, 47
Egypt, 246
Eisenhower, General, 65, 119, 346, 366
E.L.A.S., 356
Elizabeth II, 316, 320
English language, 183-93
Enterprise, H.M.S., 40
Esher, Lord, 68
Estcourt, 40
Estonia, 95
Eugene, Prince, 336
INDEX
411
Everest, Mrs., 103
Falkenhayn, 336-37
Falkland Islands, Battle of the, 335
Fascism, 267
Ferdinand, King of Bulgaria, 214
Fisher, Lord, 69, 74, 106-7
Foch, Marshal, 108, 249, 344
Fox, Charles James, 3
France, self-supporting economy of,
313-14
Southern, invasion of, 258-59
Francis Joseph, Emperor, 334
Franco, General, 359
Franco-German relations, 346-47
French language, 59
Fulham by-election, 298
Fulton, 63
Gaitskell, Hugh, 185
Gallacher, William, 47
Gallipoli, 4, 22
Gandhi, Mahatma, 79, 325, 329
Garibaldi, 8
Gaulle, General de, 117, 345
Gayda, V., 299
Gazala, Battle of, 309
Geddes, Sir Eric, 269
General Election of 1945, 22, 60-62,
105, 151
George V, 320
Germany, occupation of, 258
Gestapo, 263
Gettysburg, Battle of, 363
Gibbon, Edward, 7, 37
Giraud, General, 345-46
Glanville, James, 63
Goebbels, 14, 299
Golden Hind, 320
Gordon, General, 103, 256
Goslinga, 222
Gothic, S.S., 320
Graham, W., 75
Greece, 355-56
Grey of Falloden, Lord, 371
Gromyko, Mr., 363
Guillotine, Dr., 400
Haig, Field-Marshal Lord, 109, 293
Halifax, Lord, 325
Hamilton, General Ian, 104, 108, 227
Hampden, John, 281
Hannibal, 344
Hardie, S., 275
Harriman, Averell, 58
Harris, Air-Marshal, 26
Harris, Sir P., 148
Harrow, 36-37
Harrow School Songs, 401
Havre, 291
Henley, W. E., 383
Hindenburg, 336, 339
Hitler, 14, 22, 37, 77-79, 84-85, 90
Hobart, General, 220
Hopkins, Harry, 369
Hozier, Clementine, 45
Inchcape, Lord, 46
India, 321-31
Inscription for Second World War, 33
Irish, the, 34
Irish Home Rule, 34
Ismay, General Lord, 365
Japan, 348-50
Jellicoe, Lord, 107-8
Joffre, Marshal, 344
Jutland, Battle of, 11, 399
Kahn, Odette, 305
Kameneff, 89
Kent, Duke of, 218
Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander, M.P.
(later Lord Strabolgi), 69-70
Keynes, Lord, 21
Khalifa, the, 226
Kipling, Rudyard, 66
Kitchener, Lord, 2, 106, 256, 291-32
Korea, 238
Kruger, President, 226, 333
Kun, Bela, 88
La Hire, 28
Laniel, Monsieur, 65
Lansbury, George, 341
Lansdowne, Lord, 171
412
INDEX
Latvia, 95
Laval, Pierre, 81, 345
Lavery, Sir John, 357
Lenin, 73
Lindemann, Professor (now Lord
Cherwell), 53
Lippmann, Walter, 360
Lithuania, 95
Lloyd George, David, 14, 19, 20, 44,
76, 80, 112-14, 174-75, 338, 339, 355
Lloyd George, Gwilym, 126
Lobengula, 226
Locarno, Treaty of, 339, 372
Lopez, Francisco, 4
Lords, House of, 75
Louis d or, 342
Louis XIV, 151, 306
Lucas, Lord, 107
Ludendorff, General, 336
Macaulay, Lord, 7, 68
Macdonald, Ramsay, 70
Maginot Line, 240-41
Mahdi, the, 106, 256, 354, 400
Majuba, Battle of, 333
Malta, 237, 238, 359
Mangin, General, 110
Marcus Aurelius, 286
Margate, 242
Marlborough, 1st Duke of, 25, 26, 151,
167-38, 220, 221, 294, 306
Marlborough, biography of, 11, 46
Marmont, Marshal, 199
Marne, Battle of, 344
Marshall, Dr., 55
Marshall, General George, 363-64,
366
Mary, Queen, 318
Mazarin, Cardinal, 93
Metternich, Count, 113, 334
Metternich, Prince, 93
Midway, Battle of the, 251
Moll Flanders, 55
Molotov, 93, 96-97
Monarchy, Constitutional, 316-20
Mond, Sir A., 114
Montagu, Edwin, 324
Montgomery, Field-Marshal, 115, 221-
22, 223
Moran, Lord, 32
Morgan, Charles, 12
Morley, Lord, 17, 104
Morrison, Herbert, 68, 154, 267
Mountbatten, Lord Louis, 115-16
"Mulberry" Harbours, 237, 390
Mullah, the Mad, 226
Mussolini, 14, 77, 298
Napoleon, 151, 247-48, 306
National Defence Contribution, 171
Nationalisation, 265
N.A.T.O., 159
Nehru, Pandit, 325
New Zealand, 295
Nicholas II, 84, 110-11
Nobel Prize, 66-67, 403
Normandy, Battle of, 256
Northcliffe, Lord, 73
Omdurrnan, Battle of, 38, 231, 255,
385
Osman Digna, 226
Painting as a Pastime, 400
Palestine, 352
Parliament and Parties, 120-40
Passchendaele, Battle of, 292-93
Pathans, the, 323-24
Paul, Prince, 76
Peninsular and Oriental S.N. Co., 46
Petain, Marshal, 345
"Peter the Painter," 87
Pethick-Lawrence, 168
Philip II, 151
Pius XII, 99
Poland, 90, 91-92, 254, 300, 350
Policies and Politics, 142-65
Port Arthur, 196
Potsdam Conference, 240, 257-58
Power, 64
Prague, 97
Prempeh, King, 226
Pretoria, 333
INDEX
413
Quebec Conference, 253
"Queuetopia," 268
Rawlinson, Lord, 110
Ribbentrop, von, 47
Rich men, 274
Riddell, Lord, 44
Roberts, Lord, 104, 229
Robertson, Sir W., 74
Rochester, U.S.A., 42
Rommel, 156, 223-24, 245, 397
Rooke, 225
Roosevelt, President, 13, 57, 97, 98,
116, 148, 187, 210, 244, 303, 371
Rosebery, Lord, 103
Rostov, 199
Rota the Lion, 56
Rothermere, Lord, 174
Round Table Conference, 326
Samuel, Lord, 400
Sarajevo, 334
Savinkov, Boris, 112
Saurola, 40, 143, 218, 275, 391
Scapa Flow, 291
Schuman, M., 188
Science, 153-54
Shaw, Bernard, 66, 71-72
Shawcross, Sir H., 189
Shelley, P. B., quoted, 28-29
Shinwell, E., 31, 187-88
Simon, Lord, 326, 341
Sinclair, Sir A., 126
Singapore, 156, 250-51, 306
Slang, American, 190
Slatin Pasha, 400
Smith, General Bedell, 368
Smuts, Field-Marshal, 27
Snowden, Philip, 111-12, 146, 165,
171-73, 261
Socialism and Socialists, 260-81
Sofia, 97
Spec, Admiral von, 335
Spion Kop, 40, 229
Stalin, 57, 92, 116, 290
Stettin, 97
Stevens, G. W., 106
Stevenson, Adlai, 42
Strabolgi, Lord, 69-70
Strauss, G. R., 275
Strike, General, 177, 262-63
Sunday Pictorial, 269
Talleyrand, 93
Tanks, 235-36
Tannenberg, Battle of, 336
Teheran Conference, 57-58
Theebaw, King, 226, 352
Tientsin, 299
Times, The, 147
Tirpitz, von, 66-67
Tito, Marshal, 58
Tobruk, 309, 397
Tomsky, 89
Trade Disputes Bill, 262
Trade Unions, 261-63
"Tranquillity" Government, 3
Treorchy, Member for, 262
Trieste, 97
Tripoli, 237
Trotsky, 72, 89
Truman, President, 60, 97, 98, 239,
290, 373
T.U.C., 341
Tudor, General, 109
Tunis, Battle of, 247
Tura Caves, 247
Turkey, 255
U-boats, 238-39, 264, 302
United States, 360-75
Venizelos, 355, 356
Verdun, Battle of, 345
Vienna, 97
Virgil, quoted, 186
Viviani, 14
Wahabis, the, 115
Walpole, Sir Robert, 82
Warmongering, 181-82
Warsaw, 97
Washington, Naval Treaty, 352
Wasp (aircraft-carrier), H.M.S., 238
Webb, Maurice, 178-79
Weldon, Mr., 103
Wellington, Duke of, 222
414 INDEX
William H, 71, 151-52, 338 Yalta, 214, 254
William III, 151, 306 Y.M.CA., 361
Wilson, Field-Marshal Sir Henry, 15 Yugoslavia, 357
Wilson, General "Jumbo," 225
Wilson, Woodrow, 73, 361 Zeppelin, Count, 396
Wingate, General Orde, 224-25 Zinoviev, 89
Wolfe, General, 220
QQ
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